Ry \ AQAA ANS \ RSV Vyy RX CCG oe ais =} SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION i. s- BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY iv BULLETIN 143 HANDBOOK OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS JuuLian H. Stewarp, Editor Volume 1 THE MARGINAL TRIBES Prepared in Cooperation With the United States Department of State as a Project of the Interdepartmental Committee on Cultural and Scientific Cooperation mm Se w! SAARC UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1946 ~ For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Price $2.75 eS mwas . gp CP GEr G LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INsTITUTION, Bureau oF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D.C., April 1, 1944. Str: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled “Handbook of South American Indians. Volume 1. The Marginal Tribes,” edited by Julian H. Steward, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, Frank H. H. Ropserts, Jr., Acting Chief. Dr. C. G. Anpor, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution. Mena y | 4 BUEN ne dane te . vs ‘uy ven wi) en) i 5 A ot } wee :) : i a) } ih 4 : ifi» pNH 7 ; ay Me 17) ii, a ah ye ‘ : ie Ms) | A eS et nt Oa AY [one . . i al if i ! E uf Bi opiate Naar peer, \earscre” eee pecan DD. oes sit CONTENTS PAGE J ORE EE 1 (ee = oats FN Se ag 5 a ae aia te xIxX Imtroduction; by Julians Steward) Widitor=—- 2-2 22" Ser 1 PresentationJommaterialssnanener - es os ee ee 5 Acknowledomentsmeetneene ts see arn tat se ters one soaeS: 8 Contributors wor Volumes seer 6 = set ttt 8 ee Ee sek eee 11 Pant 1. Indians of southerm*south Americal — 0 °° 208 13 The Southern Hunters: An introduction, by John M. Cooper__-_-_-__- 13 The archeology of Patagonia, by Junius Bird______-______________- 17 Introduchoneaee ssnremees Se 2m ere = 9a eee a ee ee l7¢ Estory offimvestivapionsis ==" 022 kn Te ee ee See 18 Culture sequence at the Strait of Magellan-.__________________ 19 Culture sequence at Beagle Channel_________________________ 20 RIL TC] ay ae = ee ae ae & 2 ee ee a eee eee 21 Pata POniaireul Mm Tes oe =~ tenes Ce See ene ee er ts 22 Chilosvigihacaseee = + =e SS 8 8 A ee eae ee ee ee 23 esearchproplemseasanee = st ses = 8 eee ee ee ee 23 Psion pareays th yee oS A SS Se Oe eee 24 The archeology of the Greater Pampa, by Gordon R. Willey_.-__-_- 25 Geopraphyrandtenvironments* ==" <~ 22 *< 920" Se 25 SOlITCcs aeamnman ¢ at Bihee ss sone hm oe me we ers ne EI ae 26 The basic) eulturejofthe;Greater Pampa! 9 ee 26 Limits of the Greater Pampa archeological area______________- 30 SubdivisionsyofttiesGreater Pampa’ - 2 31 Conclusiqnstandsproblems 2" 2732" se2= seer nee 45 1 By fof uLoy ces {OLD i 2 os 2, pet aye ae eg payed fi tell pe a 46 The: Chono, by Johny MinCooper:s 2.2257 et Se ee 47 Natural ‘environment * 2" toot reno esos ns Re 47 WerntoryAasetee ster stotastocer tafser OT eee 47 NSCS AHO n Me nvasIOn SS 2 = so S258 = Se soe eee See oe ee ie 48 Pistory otmnyvestipation =" "72S. + sce s= snares as ee 48 en Ste pee ee See ee eo SS = PE Se PS ie ee a 48 ‘Populationse2n4-pasnt ce rots S97 nests sen ae heen es. 49 ean puree She 8 bs Fe ee AN ROSES Ser ee rere hee es 50 Subsistenceractivitiess: Sant tc ee eee ee 50 HiguRestes shes Sete ae >= 2 treme er tee 9 NEUEN oe 51 Dresstandornaments=*27 = ese sers Moen Oana ek bil Dransporiationcs sears * =~ * <= oS ene ee a 51 NATE UCCR ae SoS B= et eemels Venera eee sever. eee eer 52 peciopoliticaltcmliume:.4 5° * == == "<= 9 Ae ee ea aoe 52 ihitetey .clemeeenmaie = S25 8s 4 Oe 8 tae BEER ee eS 53 Esthetic and recreational activities._._...._.._......____-_-- 53 RetpIOuEr A Sar en hehe nem netn meme = PFIE Ee oo aa 53 ane alacahit poy uniusr Did oe Set mabe eles re Tet OE 55 Flabita rn nmeMiistory Sewer nee: ee ee we eee een fe meri so 2 55 IG LILET 2) arenes nets attest eS aa a ied lela eh dn pen ic adatom 58 Caliimc Saneae Seen no nk Se Chee a se ee bh NS Ee ey ys) 58 DUDRISteNnCeAChiVviliCs= |= 92h Se =r eee eee ee a ae 58 VI CONTENTS Part 1. Indians of southern South America—Continued. The Alacaluf, by Junius Bird—Continued. Culture—Continued. PAGE Domesticated animals= >= Os seas ae see See es 63 TET US eee rae ee Se ee ee en 64 Dress: and’ ormaments2478te ee. 3 = Sea eee ase oe ee 66 Transportation and communieation—_-------=-=--2-.--__= 66 IVD TN TER CHUN CS iS Se ee ae ee a pr 68 Exchange and distribution of goods__---_-__-_----------- 70 Social and political organization_--..-=.-.-.-.. -----_._._.~ 71 Wrartare: © 2. oo Se BS ee ee ee eee ene ea al Whifeseyelec wiz 2h 2 Sobek cee ee oe ee oe 71 Esthetic and recreational activities_.._.._._.._._._._.____-__- 77 Shamanismiandicuning 22 222 ee 2 ee 78 Religion.2- 2235 see eee oe ee 78 Bibliography -2.22=5---2---s2--5s-ssees-05 6p ee eee 79 The Yahgan, by John M: Coopers] = 22385 eee 2a eee 81 Introduction==. = =5.25 593s a ee eee $1 G@ultur@: 222 5-262 22222 Se et 83 Subsistence\activities=2s-2- 22-6 25 ae 2 eee ee 83 Campsiand sheltersa 22-5 See Aa ee 84 ‘Dressanadormaments tae ats ae a ee ee 86 TANS pPOLtaviON==a.)> sae e ne ee a eS 88 Manufactures: ococo ssf. oslo neee eee eee ee = = 89 Socialyand politicallifes)== = se" ss eo a a eee 91 Economicvlites 2-2 2522s See ee ee ee 95 Btiquettelss=! senate se oes eee ae ee eee ae ee 97 Warfare and cannibalism = es. yee pee eee 97 Life cyclesy2 2225 cee oS te a Se oe we 97 Esthetic and recreational activities=2=— p22) sae ee 100 Religionev = S232 22325 Sei ae ee ee a 103 Mythology =< 2-2 525225 oe ena ee eee 105 Lore ‘and learning 2. <3 2 jo et ee ee 105 Bibliography. ===. 2-32 252-66 5226 See 106 The Ona, by John M. ‘Cooper. -.22.. .-2-2 ==- 5 - ee eeee 107 Naturalvenvironment=22 5. sees oe oe eee eee 107 RETVMItOLY..$ 252 Se Se ose een eee ee eee ee 107 Pribaliaivislons — c= = SS ee ee ee ee 108 Ioanouage. 22.292 ce bs aoe eee ea eee es ee eee eee 108 Population. 2.2. Sees non Sete nen ae ee anaes 108 History ob investigation’ 22 8a - ese sae ee ee ee eee 109 Culitres] Se soho SO ee ae See ee ee 109 Subsistence svc tiwlGie ses ee ae ee 109 Shelterse ie Sse Se ony gL ee oe 110 Dress and omaments =. 32s ee ee ee ee Halal Transportation... = 22262 552 ee eee ee 112 Manufactures: 2 302. o2ccce 2 oc aoe eee eee aa 112 Social: and political life. ._.5. teen ee ee eee 115 Heonomie life: =. 32 oe ee er 118 Whifevevcle: 2. =. -22c25s.ke 5500 See ee ee ae 119 Esthetic and recreational activities.__..-_.-2-—.=---4 2=--- 122 Religion... - 2 2.-.-s<-s2c0 oes see ee eee 122 Mythology. 2.2 --.3- 2025 5o 25355055 ee ee ee 124 Eore ‘and learning... 2 2.22.2 55 eee ee ee 125 Bibliography — 22-22-25 3555 so aeeee ee ee eee 125 CONTENTS VII Parti. Indians of southern South America—Continued. PAGE The Patagonian and Pampean Hunters, by John M. Cooper-------- 127 Naturalkenvironments. << -eeeeeee eee ee eeeee eeeeeeaee es eee 127 The Patagonian and Pampean tribes...--------------=------- 128 History. of-investigation..-=-.---2--=<=-<<-<]-e SSI 855_ SL - 138 @ulturemehe. oe =e ee ee tock ecco a LES = = 140 Tohwelchetculturess2 eee ee A ee = = 141 Subsistenceractivities=-_- 5a eee ee a eS 142 Camps and shelters_-_-....-------- MAMIIONRATE: 1438 Dressrandsonrnaments= ee eee eee ee 144 MransportatioNacew-e-— cece cee eee eS ee - = = 146 Manuactinese -<-2-ee- cece esse eee == Se. 146 SOCialglife nie ties SE ee eee cee eee Sa ee Sees 149 Polittcalalitetet as se. 2 een eee ee ee A ee 150 Wrartarcesse ts dete s Se ethene cee Oe 152 Heonomicccultunetass=-5.. Soe Y ae eas == 153 Ubihes cy. Cle ae See le pyc es react OEE A 153 Warfare, anducannibalism—- =a ae eee 156 Esthetic and recreational activities___.__-__----------- 156 Religions 3+—-beeetede feet eet I = 157 Shamanisnises) tio tee oe 52 eS 159 Mythologytsssuede teats = SOUDOL) TO TAU aE, Oo. 159 iLoreiandtlearming ta ae. eee Sse ee eee STR? 8 oe | 159 Roya Cultun@sie eta e eect Spann oreo mre <2 ct ee 160 Ruelcheycul turestete. ee Serr cer eee eS SE 161 Subsistenceractivitiess..- a ee a eee 162 Sheltersel palin oe eee eee eee = 162 Dressyangxonnaments eee ee ee ee See ee 162 PransponbawObee joc oe oe otc e oe cio et OO 163 IMamuUPACtlines ees eeewe Ss eee eee eae eee See 163 SO Gi allie eee ee ge ee et SO SS 163 Politicaldlifes jess cece eee SE aE AS. E 164 Hconomicicultunex=ate se SE SE 164 Wuideney. Cle eee et ee eee eee BES 165 Esthetic and recreational activities_______.-_--------- 167 Reli@ione jee eee cece eee eee Se Se eee ee ames 167 Sham am Sree py ey Ee bee 168 Nia DO ORY, == See ee ee ea eee es 168 ILoresand learning sooo ee J Oe. = #68 Bibliography=<.....2.2-- 42 seu) Die Awe ek) eee Sh. 168 The Muarpesbyssalvador Canals. Fran... 3 Eee - 169 Tribalidivisions and history Jess. ene Sue A ee Seen 169 @ulturnes cere eee ete, ee ees Lae. 170 Subsistence activities... = 2... SS e eee ae lene et 170 FIG UISCS ee nthe nn ete ee eo E - 171 IDTEessvan GUORNAM CNS S22. a ee ee ee = 171 PUANSPONt AION sep SIO I eS 171 INiamUfactlnes Sentero ee ee ae EE Cee 172 Social and political organization_-__-_--------------- = dvs Esthetic and recreational activities.___.____------------ 175 Me PION gence etre ee ee SR 175 Bibliogsaphys ooo oso TU _ La Seg Jute se oee 175 Indians of the Paran4 Delta and La Plata Littoral, by S. K. Lothrop. 177 TG RO CLUE © Tene ee ge ote A eee Wid VIII CONTENTS Parr 1. Indians of southern South America—Continued. Indians of the Parana Delta and La Plata Littoral, by S. K. Lothrop—Con, PAGE Sources2_-2 25 ee eo ere ee Eee 178 Cultural summary .-_ .* . - setae seen 9 eee eel aye)" P = 178 The (Guarants: 2222252502 2.522 52.): eae eee at ed 179 Subsistence activities-2. =. 2-2 ub 5 = eee sas Ss be eh pea etort y= 179 Housesiand' villages= 2222022 See aeey epee 2 on 2 179 Dresssandornaments-=- 2 =~ Sass ee eee ea ES 180 Transportation: - ——.——- == 5— ye e e e e e 180 Weapons): 22. 28 ok ee ee ee ees 2s oe te 180 Socialtculturés: <2: 20255555 22 eee hee oe eS 180 The-Querandic os: 225 52.22 22522. ele ees Fe ee 180 HIStory oe on pee eee eee eee ee re eee ae 180 Physical type- 2 - sa. os2o2220 220522 eee eee 181 Wangtagel.ss2 2200s So es Set Sees yee eae eee 181 Subsistence activities. --=- =2 — = Seal Bie eee 182 THOUSCS? = = see eo ee eee tee Ee Ee eee 182 IDressvand ornament sha ees ae ae ee eee 182 Weapons. 2 =.. S222 a tenet ees fan eae ee =e 182 WiSThSTO™ ee cee ee SRS Oe ek eee re Se 183 Socialtculture: oases sss 5 eed er ere 183 The Manuanélor Gitenode- sen. nee eee eee ee ee 183 History. se ee eo ee ee eee st a = © 183 Cultures 2 ss Se ae Se es Se eee Speen es Ae 184 The WarGe. 2 foe ee eee he eee eee Se 2 184 History... 3225502252505 eee en eaters eee 184 Cultures 22 ee te ee pees Se Se eee sees 184 The: Bohané: 2 oc eee ee ee Be eee eee 185 The ‘Change o> 22250555522 22" 3 32 ee a erp eee es 185 History. 22 oe ce peas eee ee ee Se re eee 185 Cultures 4 f2" = 223 Sees Be eee es eee ee 186 The Chang=Mberué..- 25220-2225 s Se ee eee eS 186 The, Chané-Timbt. S222. 3b. 2s = ee eee ee ee 186 ‘Phe Mberian 2 a2 SA es ee ee ere 187 The Timbt.. =. - ae eed ye a ed ERE SS ES 187 WIStONY score eee ee eee ae ee 187 Physical appearance. 2° .- >> So oe eae 2 ot est a Se @ulture. =e | bts Sane beet ss eee eeneren ere sss 187 The: @arcarana- 2-2-0002 eee Se Bee es BEE eee 190 The Corondé, Quiloaz4, and Colastiné_______..__._-.-.-..--.--- 190 Bibliography. _._. 2 ae a eA ee eta el anes 190 The Charrua, by Antonio Serrano. --- sestent bas eeeeete ieee se 191 Tribal divisionsand history.20= "2" 2> "=" = 9 ee eee nee 191 Physical characteristics. _' .. = eatseten «eee eee DSS 192 Language: ne A Se See oe ere Se 192 Cultures 2 ee ey epee eae ne ee > 192 Subsistence activitiess..= >> 5 ee ee eee ee 192 HMOuUses- eae eee ee eee ae et 192 Dress and! ornaments tse ya) el a ie ps Seb ee 193 Transportatione:!2 b-(446 taint tees Fig al eee eee ee 193 Manufactures. 2.5. - oo ee eee eee 194 Social and political organization. = =~ =<= "22 = Sabena 194 Warfare: 2-1 Jssefticl 2ta/9 woh Saeed ete See ead 194 CONTENTS Part 1. Indians of southern South America—Continued. The Charrua, by Antonio Serrano—Continued. Culture—Continued. Esthetic and recreational activities__._..__._...___..__--_- iene aes wee eee A ee eee Serene Tee Se eee Bibliopraphy2e2* ele reson ee ste es os Sete re ss Stee tee ee- Rae?) indianstotsthe Gran’ Chaco22 222 = 22 oe. eat ee eee Ethnography of the Chaco, by Alfred Métraux_____-_------------- Geopraiiyeee sen a eee eee foe Post-Contactenistoryt.-- 8-2-6 eke ee oo pea eee eee 2 SOUTCESRE ae weet ne ts ee ARE ee ee PA cent eon ee Archeology or tne Chaco. 8 68 koe ce Loe eee So Cultural influences’on the’ Chaco areas _ = __2- 2 >= 2422-422 2-2. hinguisticvandhtribalidivisionsh 3 foes a eee oe ee ee LherGuaicuruan linguistic family 22 = Sees ta eee aT iherMascolanilinowistic family == ees s "sor eee eee eile Dremiule-Valelanslinewisticwamily, 2 eec8 See! ee ee Tribes of the Bermejo Basin of uncertain linguistic affiliation _ The Matacoaningnisticvamily, = 435 er eS The Dupi-Guaranian linguistic family 22-222) 2265252229" LherArawakan lino wistic family 22 5325 Seay er ee ‘Dhe’Zamucoan linguistic family +2 2222 2" 222" Sis eee * Unidentified Indian tribes on the Upper Paraguay--_------- CGM TT eye tol ac ry Rap genre vt, Wheeled Hal. Housestand villages... 222 "Se crn terrors sos ees EITC UTe eee mes eee sens fy oe EY ae ne See ae tee S ransporcanion® 298 san PA& te ha Rees ee VESTA CURE Se eee ete eee eee ene ee ee ae eee cre Social/and! politieal-organtzation! 222-023 25.. - e - tiquet tesa = sae n Seen Tne arn inte eee awe Visint ane yee both 9 One yee ee Sey Ree IGIFENCY.Cle Re eet ee Deel eee Te ee Esthetic and recreational activities__.........._._------._- EDU RV OPC Ue MO a ea le gpl ee nag yi aeging aMpinted: ghelctetinls | TY BM REGENT Sas ape orn 2d i a ee a BVA UENO LO poy Pt ee LR Oe Reg eg on Tae eg UBT OU SCSY eae OS ip yeng a yy ii ly yt app ep ei alg UT UaTY AL. The present-day Indians of the Gran Chaco, by Juan Belaieff_____-_- Introductions see eS ee ne ee ee Culture Social-and’ politicalorganization_— PACE C OC Ht ee treat nie pres a oe ee UDG SEE A ate el oa ee padeareat peat iy yew ani Jak eae oml ts pe), RE ORC CLC ee ee ee ew ERE EAT Oe 8 ee ee ee oo Religion and folklores---. een e ee ee IX x CONTENTS PAGE Pant 3., Che indians of eastern prac. os anne see ee eee ees 381 Eastern Brazil: An introduction, by Robert H. Lowie_._._________- 381 introduction= =~ + -++-=-- 2902 The ENO er We ae Wier | SS: 381 Culture-s===>2222ss222-2=2222225422822 22252 ss - st: 382 Subsistence activities === 2==<22==252=22+-2- ues 382 Houses:and-villages. > 2=-2<=- 222 Ms ee ae FO ah = 383 Dressrand-ornaments22 24 _ Ye VES Ser 1? MBs 384 APransporta tion. ~~~ ee ee 385 Manufactures =+2-2-24222:2 229-50 eee Oey ® 385 Social-and political organization. --2-222=2====22.— 220222 - 387 Wrarlarés==ss2ee2 420225183235 5-> eee ee ee eee 391 fnite-ey clé- ++ =4<- 2. == S828 Se ee ee 391 Esthetic and recreational activities!22-2_- 22 202 PPT eee eee 392 DUpernacuralism=<4= = CMs See eee See ee 394 Miythologys:22s>==2>s See eee See See eens See eae 397 Lagoa Santa Man, by Anibal-Mattos] Saag! Bites sreths Ok 225: 399 BIDNOOTa DT ye ee oe tee ee sat ee eee Oe ee ae een ae 400 The sambaqufs of the Brazilian coast, by Antonio Serrano_-_-_-______- 401 Introductions 42 2% = 5 21S s" See eee ee eee 401 Origin. of the-saniaquiss == \ARees Pee See eee eee ete 401 Morphologyse2=222222 522 Sees ee eee eee 403 ANtiGUityaOlsbhe sal Aq Ulises sae ee eee ee eee ee 404 Culturés-and Taces+)-5s--5 P5552 2s es see Shes eee rere eee 404 ‘Bibligpraphy=2 532222 242+ 24 44ss 2 eee eee oe 407 ‘heiGuato- by -Alfred’Métraux=22=2 22 22a ae ee eee eee 409 Archeology s2 52S 2A' sane sae 352 es Ce ee ene 409 History and geographical*position 2) = ss2>=s22 5 seen = 409 Cultvites- 2 SS kS- ss ss4 055553 8200s eR eee 410 Subsistence activities’ = ee eee 410 Houses*=2 £22828 eek Soak eas Heese eee eee 411 Dress and ornaments = ee ee eee ee re ee een ee 412 Pransportation= === += se eee eres lee ee aa ce 412 Manutactires® 23222 S22 2s! s824s <= S8se ener eee a 413 Secial-and-political organizations 223555" =s==2e aes > 2 417 Wiarfares 2242+ 522 usu cae de de ae eetat ea ete Se eee oe 418 Esthetie-and-recreational ‘activities. == 22 2_ 222s ee ss 418 Bibliography: === 204-+ == =< 28eeese se ones eese see: 418 ELH eMBOLOKO aDy=hLO bers OWiles= \ === aan === Ss seen neren nr Sone 419 Dibaltdivisions’and history =—— = 20 oes ee ee eee 419 Gulgure sa Awe ss 4 = + + NA eee eae doa eee eS eee 420 SUbsIstencevactivitiess: |. ee ee oe eae ee ee eee ee 420 Mousestand‘villages=====<=22eS's2s 52225 sess a 420 Dressand ornaments==-22 ee = 2s 2 eee eee 421 ‘Pransportation=-=-+ =~ =2e 24 4< sore yee eee eee a oe 422 Manuftactires*<-s< A> sa2 45ers OR ee eee eS 422 Sociasandspoticallorgzanizavion= === === eee 426 Warlaress8 i242 -< +5245 25 554 ss Obs ee eee Ae avew ses oe 428 Bite-ey cle: <= == 2 ===. - Oe Ram See ee ee SS 428 Hsthetievand recreational activities:==2=2" "222-2245 22-—_—— 431 Relicionsand shamanisme==== ===" === == === =ae eee eee 432 My thology 2-8 Ea ee Se RRR OEE See ew er 433 Bibliggraphy#s224 <2 244+ -4+ Su 203 2 See ee eee oe 434 CONTENTS XI Part 8. The Indians of eastern Brazil—Continued. PAGB The Guayaki, by Alfred Métraux and Herbert Baldus____--_-------- 435 History and geographical situation....-...-..-...... 430283 435 Cilia eae Bit See Pe et eects ES. 436 Subsistencerictivities= so. oo sec eee eo IE 436 Camps fand houses... YOU Pets vel soetats. 3 438 Dresstand Ornaments. 2 ee eee eee ee oS. 438 Dransgortabioneletwe 222220. as occ c owen EA. 439 Manufacturess)4 karti s. och sien? atau) arynoyrey jb 439 Socialyand. political organizationsavaht jure sanieeth Jager’ . 441 icifereyi Clem we oreetinnn gable Whee 2 oes eae 442 Esthetic and recreational activities__......_._..----------- 443 Religion. 2... Mies cee an en e-beam! 443 Mythology zee tenis... -.ceecel eden cc eee sees 444 Medicines Pas. eee cece ence cS Siar: an nod ss 444 Bibliography 2). lewis = eet 444 The Caingange byeAlired Métraux.._..-....-....2egesteneM... 445 Mribalidivisions and! historyesis4sie amen fentrlaey Ren leis 445 Present situation of the Caingang groups._...-_-_-_----------- 448 Culture te . veer pt. jie. . wiptletinp ye here epee Eo 450 Subsistence, activities. ooo ee ee OT 5 450 Houses. eos). Bebieling been jeanne hae obted ted _ _. .. 453 Dress and ornaments... =... eater hae omineteds_ = 456 PErANSDOrLAtION. 2. Scececc ene ooece cece een eee Teele 457 Manufactures... 2s... -8zente bowls. et. iene 3 457 Socialiorganizations2s__... ead Jee panielih dated 461 Political Orpanizagion = ccc eas ccce ne mseea se cse Sane 463 hifeteyclewt 1 i sve... 2 5. sable apoetgiedee os. 463 WYER RTO oo ree is Ee ee pe A 467 Ptiquetiess: Mitirans |. staneenany bye apeyl To 467 Esthetic and recreational activities..__.c...-._..-....----- 468 Communication=) Si sees 8 = ee epee k= 470 RCH PIONS ee a pean lng 3 oo 470 IMivthOlo Gyo eo ee oe ese ee eee) 473 APSR mre 0S eS ee re i RR 475 The Northwestern and Central Ge, by Robert H. Lowie__---------- 477 Tribal divisions... _.... s2H4iebies_lesoiieewat has wtbelee 2 477 PEC O NO Diy pee cea Se ee eg, Sea 479 History of the Geq 025 oes) eee 2 see MS. 479 DOUINCEG te Shee 5 9 te Nee 480 Coltured. .9fi-re} sltglenaqil tipiat! ben Adaste dongle he 4 480 Subsistence. activities... 2ytebwaceeh~ py) Pee pero SM _ _ _ 480 Houses, and, villages. ....-....-eroteid hee sapiviolh jadiv'l - 482 Dress.and ornaments. 2 6 222 222 ek ee ce one seebe 484 Transportation: - 25 eden orem thie... 486 Manuiscturesss 22 oe oe ee ee cc 487 Politiealorganization _.—..--.. aeaeepuers Supe weet 8 488 Social organization 2. 22s eee oe . eeeetioee Mock. 490 Warfare). =... 5-2 -eebbostiaeow: Innitiien baw leianZ 498 Utevevelecs = sero oo Aes So Se Ss eee oe 499 Esthetic and recreational activities___......_...----------- 501 Supermatiralisme sic foe eet ee pee. 28. 509 Mythology and literature. ..- - 2222. .=-2-22-222es=nelds - 515 MOnCMmNGUICA TMCS. setae ee Be ee tn oe eee 516 Paap phe ee eee bee ee eee e es eoeee 517 XII CONTENTS Part 3. The Indians of eastern Brazil—Continued. PAGE The Southern Cayapé, by Robert H. Lowie___________.__________- 519 Bighory <2 5 ae ee ee ae eee et 519 Ui): i a a emi Se epi PP |! + 519 Bibhopraphy—_.. -_. -_.-- ._._-_- . Se 520 The Guaitacs, by. Alfred Métraux___-._... 20st) bee wee 521 @uilbure se sco on ce be ee ce 522 Bibliography. - = = 522 The Purf-Coroado linguistic family, by Alfred Métraux_____________ 523 Tribalidivisions and. history2esss ee Sa ee pe 523 Qoittunes = es oe ae eee en ee Bee es 524 Subsistence activities:2:2 0) Uae tavine? Bee apres 524 Domesticated animals... .— ~~... ccccnee RM. = 525 IQUSeS Heo 222 Oe ee Bee ee coe ie 525 Dress and jormmaments. 2 ee ee 525 ‘Pransportation. <2 =< Wesco ce ee ee 526 Mannfacturnes: =.=. = Pe a eh ee) s 526 ocial._ and political organization=--5) 2.45 Saale ie PeeE ye = 527 Courtesy xites.... Seuere Nee) Ab Olas: Jieere ss 527 Warfare and cannibalism... 2-22 cee cece ceca] Se 528 Tifercycle. 228. oe ee ee Oe 528 Esthetic and recreational activities__.___.._....__.__-____- 528 Shamanism and religion__________ SS ACLO Dik wares 529 Bibliopraphy.. —- 2 = ooo ace es oe 530 The Batocudo, by Alfred Métraux...._..-...-.... Sees 531 Tribal/divisions‘and. history... . -.... 84) Ae ae 531 Cultures23 2.2 oo os eS 532 Subsistence /activities=—.c aoe ee ee 532 Houses. and. villages... -oe ce ckeeet e 534 ‘Dress .and (ornaments... 2 oe Gc 534 ‘Transportation. ...2 262 298 enol ee bie Oe ee 535 Manufactures= 2 oe ee 535 Social organization 2c. _ . 2-5. -s-eseeceas-s-cosce-b eS eee = mQuerandfsherds2- 2. 2u..- Sh sn24-2- 3 sks en ono eee MOQ uerandicsherds= 22.226. 22224.....-...22Se See ee moQuerand! bonevartifacts..-.....---- = =2-5-5-=22=-- eee eePottery., Mendoza ‘and Angol, Chile___._ste ele weep Ec nn iis Gea ee ne ee~-- - 656 -->-* ee Ss a + a ie ey ~ Can Madeeee site esas > --+= eS ald i a Siw Saiiieeit.-.--5--- ++ 9-0 eee 51 lal a2-aurrn e e! neers uf Rtas A . ---- gon jaca a quite | Coty ue b Wasa tiatee Piaarw tri dA, yilarertd Xo wpa Se ee ee . wapadaae » th ab 7 ee a ee eee ned oF ee ee ale eee van en <» « eeiplttion) eee = paw aenaeee sna siiaoge baa yw Ai \ Polen beeces oes! 32 --as bi tea ahi toting tara Besnsinbers J yrs a+ # ; ymitog bie esliiza) cote ? aye _ ee eee _enuloelugent oiot0l Sa oy eee eetlitiog wor o1gtoll 2a 2 swone ororoll to gabediast 28 nats aruay slw eeeortind 28 ~ oor 68 i, ea wee: pa gps Bele waagetyo avidienie'T 08 RE 3 2 cael 496 Salen usaacie) awhoM 50 : So ious geagoia 37 a a AA elie bow nieqaew gama) 08 = GRE 8 ere teri gaogaley 20 : pe Pl eB Sed yrolaioad alowed to mergeitt AD uy os ytiier Eihue WhO haodotyloo eintteroaaty aligaa) 20 a =~ nigel on be tide Broa Sd) 401 erik fener, rT dang-r bout sditenol Bit) ms gel yiiswe stoped A a Oe _ td lanianrt of) SD .=2 7abhy A ety mort bio, 16 Teach guiogrt wdeiT £ get ay ay Sata Pigoy Seong’ Pan 7 7 eyusatiitann obsovad-tat q im. " —— raivatt tone bon pent eorgel ; Bik vty: Y er { a ‘ er hee sa cde danaild 3 uy ih In Loalo leaden Rea eodist 1 ont al abiok ). Visteatdns. natiqewe 4s: ult te ,soiroms (wok, aadtiuos td sede ode Sh Ceicapen. o's ~. ee wes deal 1 DiveSewes 4s ine teriloc bad bots ‘ibe igolooilain acon Dowp tan BO. «casshowinco aeoqow)l fetit adh te ecorinro,t dead) hare add : Sa ee ‘gas _. Au) tasot sha iyanwrh Soom Nee one Bo poe wt an Ss as onedy Ssvutiuoe aad irrrs y0T ae WAS) Pe Guus cctaety(o 1? Sooke aodall gitoliay te ieee riaes to eset IAs e e825 52 FOREWORD The present monumental work is ideally suited to carrying out the purpose of the Smithsonian Institution, “the increase and diffusion of knowledge,” as well as that of the Bureau of American Ethnology, the promotion of “ethnological studies among the American Indians.” Furthermore, it exemplifies the Institution’s century-old policy of co- operating with others in the advancement of science, for it is in two senses a cooperative work. In this country the Department of State the National Research Council, and the Smithsonian Institution have joined forces to make the Handbook a reality; on a hemisphere scale, anthropologists of the two American continents have shared in the preparation of the manuscript. The scope of the work is outlined in the introduction by Dr. Julian H. Steward, editor and guiding force of the project. ‘These volumes provide for the first time a comprehensive summary of existing knowl- edge of the Indians of South America, which it is to be hoped will stimulate increased interest and further research in this fascinating field. ALEXANDER WETMORE, Acting Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. Ocroser 20, 1944. xIx ane i - } no ina i r le OL, ous } i : ait | Ce an eA Yate bat ma! Hi i eh , i ) A) cat a, | . } beaks 5 a Lh 9 A re a mi: ‘ ii 7 « « ened : z aes : ir Maa ARCS OPE, A) Labicnyivesta Ma) aioe die ae obacds an (low oe Pa Levis lose) io’ les MP tapiiqucuzs a VLG 277 aves Vy cia) neg Tene é44 of ay j94 a yu Ain : oh ar ry ; y ihe ie ee - ¥ Y ootes TG ia eesti o2i2 . vt ns rf, jist “th ' ne taal fant 4 lov esrt pe hh cn : Cao) 0 ae rR Ahn po ventdeind tS ‘ Wits ria “ri me ma fesapugl aif ot-el oid iy ie Bitisar? 2thy af does ee hs : f tae : suntaera WT ntovienie, Pl ox Serato i , ae Avtar Vb hs Suse \ vey atave al ae soln a, ; 4 ay ry Uy nix ; nie HANDBOOK OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS INTRODUCTION By Jouxian H. Srewarp, Eprror A developing sense of internationalism in the Western Hemisphere has brought increased recognition of the importance of the indigenous American civilizations and their survival among millions of present- day peoples. It has simultaneously emphasized the need for a more complete understanding of how these civilizations developed during prehistoric eras and how, after the Conquest, they blended with Euro- pean culture to produce modern societies which are neither wholly Indian nor wholly European. The task of revealing these long chap- ters of American history is truly a pan-American one, requiring the assembly of thousands of local fragments from throughout the Hemi- sphere. Scientists of the American Republics have consequently long urged that more effective means be found of pooling and exchanging their information, while teachers and students have pleaded that the materials be published in convenient form. It has particularly been felt that information on the great South American civilizations, which left so deep an imprint on modern life, should be made generally available to scholars and laymen alike, for present sources on South American Indians are published in so many languages and places and frequently have such limited availability that no one could have access to more than a fraction of the literature. No comprehensive general work on the subject exists, and none has even been attempted, because the task has such magnitude that it could only be accomplished by the joint effort of a large number of specialists. As the need for a comprehensive Handbook of South American Indians became more acute, the National Research Council, stimulated by the late Baron Erland Nordenskiold, in 1932 appointed a committee consisting of Dr. Robert H. Lowie, Dr. John M. Cooper, and Dr. Leslie Spier to explore the possibilities of preparing one. This committee, subsequently expanded to include other anthropologists with a special interest in South America, prepared a statement of the kind of work that was needed. The Smithsonian Institution through its Bureau of American Eth- nology accepted responsibility for the preparation of the Handbook 1 2 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BuLy. 1438 and began work in 1940, when the project became part of the program of the Interdepartmental Committee on Cultural and Scientific Co- operation, a program carried out by special appropriation of the Con- gress of the United States through the Department of State. The task became cooperatively inter-American in the broadest sense, for more than 100 scientists from throughout the Americas generously con- tributed their time and knowledge to preparation of the manuscripts. In fact, their enthusiastic participation in the task has, despite the in- numerable delays and difficulties brought about by the war, put the project well ahead of schedule, so that the material has been written and prepared for the printer in 4 years instead of the 5 originally planned. It would be difficult to find more unselfish dedication of indi- vidual effort to an international undertaking. The general objective of the Handbook is that laid down by the com- mittee of the National Research Council: To provide a concise sum- mary of existing data that will serve as a standard reference work for the scholar, a textbook for the student, and a guide to the general reader. At the same time, it is intended to take stock of the present state of knowledge, revealing its deficiencies and suggesting problems that will stimulate future research in both the field and library. Only by enlisting the collaboration of many specialists, each summarizing the data of a limited field, could the objective be realized. It is not supposed that the Handbook has exhausted existing sources in a manner to render their future consultation unnecessary. To the contrary, the articles simply orient the reader to the salient facts and to the literature; future research on the many problems of current interest, such as post-Contact acculturation, and on problems that un- fold in the future will require repeated re-use of the sources on which the present summaries are based. Although there was unanimity concerning the general need for a Handbook, the concrete terms for presenting its material were inevitably fraught with difficulties. The greatest difficulty was that of satisfying diversified modern interests with data that had been collected largely at random. Existing information comes primarily from missionaries and travelers, whose accounts are overloaded with descriptions of Indian dress, weapons, dances, and other readily observable items, but are almost wholly silent on social structure, religious patterns, land tenure, and other less conspicuous but ex- tremely important aspects of native cultures. Even the great ma- jority of the more recent anthropological monographs on South American tribes are composed in the 18th- and 19th-century traditions and aim to collect facts for their own sake rather than with reference to anthropological problems. 1Some of the research needs and possibilities revealed during the preparation of the Handbook have already been summarized (Steward, 1948 a, 1948 b). Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 3 It was obvious that the necessity of presenting culture elements atomistically must dissatisfy those who look mainly for function, pattern, and configuration, or who seek psychological characterization of primitive peoples. It was clear that emphasis on primitive cul- tures would not greatly interest persons concerned with modern, ac- culturated Indians. It was apparent that the very division of sub- ject matter was fraught with controversial points. An adherent of the kulturkreis, or “culture historical” school, would organize this material differently than a member of the American historical school. There was expectable difference of opinion as to whether a linguistic, geographic, or some other basis should be chosen. Fully aware of the impossibility of satisfying everyone, the editor formulated a detailed plan that adhered as far as circumstances per- mitted to the original proposition that the Handbook should sum- marize the facts of aboriginal ethnology. At the same time, he urged that modern problems be kept in mind, and that the literature be ap- praised in a manner to acquaint research workers with its value to diversified interests. The Handbook centers attention on the culture of each tribe at the time of its first contact with Europeans. Where the prehistoric past of the Contact period culture has been revealed, as in the Andean area, a substantial amount of archeology is included by way of back- ground. Post-Contact acculturation is brought up to date when information is available. Although little research has been done on acculturation, so that it remains a vast field for library and field work, any ethnographic description necessarily is acculturational in some degree. As accounts of Indian tribes at the moment of the Conquest are nonexistent or are sketchy in the extreme, reconstruc- tions of aboriginal ethnology must rely on documents ranging over the 400 years of the historic period, during which profound Spanish, Portuguese, and even Negro influence reached the most isolated jungle tribes. To avoid compressing these four centuries of post-Contact data into two-dimensional ethnographic pictures, as if they faith- fully portrayed pre-Columbian cultures, authors were urged to present their data chronologically. The articles consequently reveal much post-Contact change, and show that new economic, social, and reli- gious patterns followed the introduction of European crops, steel tools, new trade relations, Christianity, and many other factors con- tingent on the arrival of the White man. The final absorption of the tribes of the Tropical Forests and marginal areas into European civili- zation has never been studied, for until recently anthropological in- terest has ceased when tribal custom has been lost. But in the Andean area, a strong native civilization reintegrated with Spanish elements and patterns survives among millions of Indians, and gives accul- turation practical as well as scientific importance. More complete 4 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BuLL. 143 information on this area makes it possible to sketch broad trends from the earliest archeological beginnings of Andean civilization through the /nca Empire, the Spanish Conquest, and the post- Conquest period to the present day. A volume will be devoted to each of Cooper’s fourfold culture divisions of South America (1940, 1941): (1) Marginal hunting and gathering tribes of Eastern Brazil, the Gran Chaco, the Pampa, Patagonia, and Tierra del Fuego; (2) the Andean civilizations; (3) the tribes of the Tropical Forests and Savannas; and (4) the Circum- Caribbean cultures, including that portion of Central America which was strongly influenced by South America. The fifth volume will con- tain a description of the impact of Old World civilization on the Indians, the geographical background, the physical anthropology, a summary of linguistic relationships, Indian demography, and articles describing various aspects of the cultures comparatively and distri- butionally. The Handbook subdivisions and their length have been governed by expediency. Tribes with great cultural similarity are treated as a unit when possible. In many cases, however, it seemed more important to place on record the specialized knowledge of a certain contributor than to group or divide according to uncertain cultural frontiers. In other cases, difficulties facing all contributors during the present world situation required last-minute reassignment of subjects. The result has been to split the Handbook into an increasing number of separate articles as specialists were found with knowledge of particular subjects. The lack of uniformity in treatment and proportion of detail in articles is explained by several considerations. First, there are in- evitably individual differences among 100 contributors. Second, it was a policy to include more detail in articles based on early documents and on obscure, scattered, and inaccessible sources, which are published in many languages, than in articles treating subjects that are well covered in generally available recent monographs. Third, there is unevenness in the original source materials. The only sources, espe- cially for tribes which have long been extinct, are often early missionary and travelers’ accounts, which generally afford only extremely spotty and tantalizingly incomplete information. It was hoped at first, when the Handbook was planned as a closely unified, one-volume work, that all contradictory statements could be reconciled and eliminated. As the Handbook has increased in size, however, and as the material has been divided into five volumes, each of which is to be published as soon as it is completed and therefore before all articles for subsequent volumes are received, it is impossible to avoid including conflicting views. Differences of opinion, however, are quite expectable in the present stage of knowledge of South American Indians; and to present the material as if all authors were VoL. 1] INTRODUCTION—STEW ARD 5 in agreement would give a fictitious certainty to many interpretations which are no more than tentative opinions. In a vigorous science, moreover, there will be diverse points of view, especially among the scientists working on the same problems. These, however, are of a purely intellectual order. Dedication of effort to a common problem, often through the closest personal and professional cooperation, con- stitutes a fundamental bond between individuals, regardless of their failure to agree on particular points. To make the Handbook as widely useful as possible, it includes articles of varying breadth. The introductory sections are intended for persons seeking a brief, comprehensive view of the major areas and subjects. Necessarily synthetic in nature, these naturally tend to be more interpretative and theoretical than the more specialized articles which are essentially factual. But it is frankly recognized that the very selection and organization of fact unavoidably imply some theoretical presuppositions. It is unfortunate that the war has made it impossible to take ad- vantage of the knowledge of our many European colleagues who have spent years in South American research. At the same time, the very necessity of finding personnel from the Americas to write all the articles has made the work as truly pan-American in execution as in scope. The awakened interest in mutual problems as well as the contacts created between scientists foreshadows a new era of research, most of it necessarily cooperative, directed toward fundamental human problems of the Americas. The appropriateness of inter-American collaboration on these problems can hardly be questioned. PRESENTATION OF MATERIALS Article outlines.—The material in each article is arranged according to a standard sequence. When an examination of a large number of standard ethnographic monographs revealed wide variation in sub- ject arrangement, the authors agreed to follow an arbitrary outline, so far as their materials permitted. The articles start with an Introduction, which often includes a geographical sketch. Tribal Divisions and History then follow. The history traces the major post-Contact events which have affected the tribe. When local archeology can definitely be linked with the historic tribe, it is included as a background to the history. Otherwise it is treated in a separate article. The next section evaluates the principal anthropological sources. The cultural summaries com- mence with Subsistence Activities (Farming, Collecting Wild Foods, Hunting, Fishing, and Food Preparation and Storage). Then come Villages and Houses, Dress and Ornaments, and Transportation. Manufactures, which follows, is essentially technological; the func- tional aspects of material culture are described under other headings 6 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bune. 148 appropriate to the use of the objects. This section includes Basketry, Weaving, Ceramics, Bark Cloth, Metallurgy, Weapons, and other types of manufactures. The following section is usually Trade or Economic Organization. Social and Political Organization, which follows, describes the general patterns and structure of the groups. If necessary, special accounts of Warfare and Cannibalism come next. Life Cycle then sketches Birth, Childhood, Puberty rites and initiations, Marriage, and Death observances. Esthetic and Recre- ational Activities includes Games, Music, Musical instruments, Dancing, Narcotics, and Intoxicants. Religion describes beliefs about supernatural powers and beings, and magical and religious rites, functionaries, and structures. It also includes concepts and prac- tices concerning the medicine man or shaman, unless shamanism is sufficiently developed to warrant a separate section. Mythology and Folklore follow. Finally comes Lore and Learning, which includes cosmogony, measurements of weight, time, and space, and other special beliefs or concepts of an essentially nonreligious nature. Tribal names and synonyms.—Each chapter of Volumes 1 to 4 carries a heading, Tribal Divisions, which lists tribes, subtribes, and synonyms, the last usually in parentheses. An effort is made to account for all the significant names appearing in the literature, a prodigious task complicated by conflicting usage and innumerable synonyms. The inclusiveness of tribal designations varies tremendously. At one extreme are terms like Arawak, Carib, and Tupi or Guarani, designating widespread peoples, each with great linguistic similarity and some cultural homogeneity, but lacking any political unity. Some terms are more restricted. Z’uwpinamba, for example, embraces a large number of Z’wpi peoples, who, though culturally homogeneous, are split into independent and locally named groups scattered along 2,000 miles of Brazilian coast. At the other extreme is the practice, commonly employed for large portions of the Amazonian and Mar- ginal culture areas, which lists every independent village, band, or horde as a separate tribe even though it consisted of but a single family. Thus, there is a name for each of the many localized, patrilineal bands which compose the Ona of Tierra del Fuego, for the innumerable independent hordes of the Ge, for the many migratory families of the Alacaluf, and for the independent family villages of the Z’ucano. As it would exceed the physical limits of the Handbook, as well as the bounds of usefulness, to list all these names, we have attempted to group them into what may, in a cultural and linguistic sense, be considered tribes. Efforts to systematize tribal classifications and to clarify tribal names have been only partially successful. Many names appear in the early lists without explanation. Others are so inadequately ex- Vow. 1] INTRODUCTION—STEW ARD 7 plained that the nature or the magnitude of the groups in question is obscure. Some are doubtlessly synonyms of well-known tribes, whereas others probably designate minor and unimportant groups. But until new data from the field or the literature clarify their significance, the tribal lists and the tribal map of South America will have an enormous number of small tribes—more, perhaps, than other comparable areas of the world. The standard name chosen for each tribe is that best established by usage, except in a few cases where a secondary name is selected to avoid confusion between similarly named tribes. Coronado (crowned) and Orején (large ear), for example, have become the established designations of so many unrelated tribes that we have substituted synonyms for these names to distinguish them from one another. All synonyms are included in parentheses following the first listing of the standard tribal name. Important differences in nomenclature are also explained in the text, but many synonyms are mere variants of spelling. Spelling follows a simple orthography, which aims to be intelligible in English, Spanish, and Portuguese. Vowels have their Spanish values, and accents fall on the antepenult unless otherwise indicated. As & does not occur in Spanish and Portuguese, ¢ has been substituted before uw, 0, and a, except in spelling which is too well established to permit change. No attempt is made at phonetic spelling, for it would serve only academic interest even if it were possible to know the native rendition of those names originating in Indian languages. Following North American usage, the singular form of the tribal name serves as the collective noun, and linguistic families bear the ending an. All tribal names and synonyms will be listed in the general index in the last volume. The more important tribes will be shown on the general map, the locations being those at the time of the first contact with Europeans. Bibliography.—Citations of sources are usually placed in paren- theses in the text, the author’s name, the date of his publication, and frequently the volume and page or pages being indicated. When only the date and pages are cited, the latter are indicated by p. or pp., for example, Jones, 1915, p. 10. When the volume is included, it is indi- cated by the number following the date and the pages are indicated by a colon, for example, Jones, 1915, 2:10-15, which means Jones, 1915, volume 2, pages 10 to 15. The full titles and place of publication of each reference will be found in the general bibliography at the end of each volume, where all the publications cited throughout the volume are given under the authors’ names, which are listed alphabetically. 8 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buu. 143 Handbook contributors have compiled complete bibliographies on their subjects, briefly and critically commenting upon each article, monograph, and book. It was the original plan to publish these in a single large bibliography which would form a part of the Handbook. As the complete annotated bibliography will, however, probably in- clude nearly 10,000 items, publication of this material in full is deferred in the hope that special bibliographic volumes may some day be prepared. Maps.—Each volume will carry a guide map to the articles con- tained in it. In addition, certain articles are accompanied by special tribal maps. A general tribal and linguistic map will accompany Volume 5, but will also be made available separately. Except where special dates are indicated, maps give the location of tribes at the time of their first contact with White men. On the coastal regions and in Highland Peri, this was early in the 16th century. Along the main waterways and other routes of exploration and travel, many tribes were encountered later in the same century. In other regions, especially around the periphery of the Amazon Basin, the Indians were first discovered much later, many of them only in the present century. There are even regions so imperfectly ex- plored today that the identification and location of tribes is based on the merest hearsay. Special mention must be made of the three maps which cover, respectively, the area north of the Amazon River, the portion of Brazil lying east of 56° W. long., and the area extending south- ward from the Amazon River to include the lower Jurué, Puris, and Madeira Rivers, and a portion of Matto Grosso. These, which are unusual in detail and in the location of tribes at different dates, were traced directly from a large map especially prepared by Dr. Curt Nimuendaji for the Handbook. It is regretted that Dr. Nimuendaji’s original map could not be published, but its size, 6 feet by 8 feet, and the large number of colors indicating the linguistic affiliation of all tribes, made this impossible. In addition to being traced directly for the three maps just mentioned, other parts of Dr. Nimuendaji’s map served, along with special maps prepared by other contributors, as a source of information for the general tribal map, which was prepared by the editor. Index.—A complete index to the entire Handbook will be issued under separate covers. It will include all the synonyms of each tribe in order to facilitate the identification of tribes. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Individual acknowledgments in a cooperative work are scarcely necessary. All persons involved had a part in urging the necessity of the Handbook, in planning it, and in carrying it to completion. Vou. 1] INTRODUCTION—STEW ARD 9 All have given unselfishly of their time. Those who found their normal work redoubled after the war involved the Western Hemi- sphere, even those who eventually left their countries to fight with the armed forces, somehow found time to complete their promised con- tributions. A special word of gratitude, however, is due Dr. Alfred Métraux. The extent of his contribution is by no means indicated by the large number of articles appearing under his name. With an unsurpassed knowledge of South American ethnology and ever generous with his time, his advice and help to the editor and contributors alike have been a major factor in the successful completion of the work. Dr. Robert H. Lowie also merits particular thanks for his help in arranging and editing the materials of Volume 3 and for writing the general article on the Tropical Forests. Similarly, to Dr. Wendell C. Bennett the Handbook is indebted for constant advice in planning Volume 2, in integrating its articles, and for preparing the general article on the Andean civilization. The Handbook acknowledges with gratitude the gracious coopera- tion of the Hispanic Foundation of the Library of Congress, and es- pecially the Foundation’s Director, Dr. Lewis Hanke. The wealth of readily available materials in the Foundation’s collections and the conveniences and courtesies accorded Handbook contributors in con- sulting them have added immeasurably to the completeness of the work, Gratitude is due the innumerable persons and institutions which generously made photographs available for reproduction without cost or restrictions. These are individually acknowledged in credit lines. For translation of several manuscripts in Spanish, Portuguese, and French, the Handbook is indebted to the kindness of the Central Translating Division of the Department of State, to the Strategic Index of the Americas, and to several members of its own oflice staff. Finally, special praise must be given the untiring office staff for carrying out the vast routine tasks of preparing the manuscripts and materials. The editor is particularly indebted to Miss Ethelwyn Carter who, almost since the beginning of the project, has helped with the innumerable details necessary to its smooth functioning, and to Dr. Gordon R. Willey who assumed responsibility for the final as- sembling and preparation of illustrations and manuscripts. Epitor’s NoTE.—While this volume was in press, word was received of the death of Dr. Curt NimuendajG during a field trip late in 1945 to the T’ucuna Indians of the upper Amazon. Scientists everywhere will deeply feel the loss of this emi- nent Brazilian scholar, whose extensive researches made him the foremost of all ethnologists working in the South American field. iit iat otes 7, . id ine nygtationy i ns ddl bib et “tee? pilates 2 aid ibn nivale eve ba! seni B to vgbsivon, | resi oaila eorndiiinos bab nadie isd inn) aoirbin raidyocntis | WO) “Show dj ta wetoleee lodaasoous eifenbagiont Ropeneygmeed aah at Ot ett datosihien atisin vale oteol— FL inedodl: ad ed givin ro? bentaniole te aleiresind achh paitibe ‘Baalgstguanes uy — Bebre W 2G of pyindl chi Gtaow A lasigoY? ailbigo slotiia tinal ci viv ba timalbyolhetlehai a doodbnskt alia i pete silt gabe tet bite walniies ati pat engetet AhyQ bento sd trave', veny Erithe Wee ese Onnidatilacle deobhAoteoeinags Lirraupannes andi stiehitiqarg dite eyhelroodlon aloddimeHiedtBon | the heen 2ess goo) tonyr dedi D endt to ab techie piconets ortho sant dtliee od? Loketvbbratwidl.« sedoweil> sltoitsband: od silt fin aioriaidlos Bnotiebute’e® alin? abemapaan aldulinraaghibeok Ae “eo wi eidindiaiaos adoodhazH belrrosse ewiesitves bite eonsiaevites out te aererrsane=non ob: berwrannes neti bohfen ound otetht, gases 4 | 1 iver, GHe-F ort Hoiitt-¢ wrtgerdiinal baw envied aie: rousshs tisk ane oathy vinaharienh..« hem idodiiw sotsaberqd rot sldpliogd ange tgatostg, haa ideeh tibet> ar hey bblwonslon ql bivihai Ganeed Dy eapieeiiemag feter end urgudto8d dakianiai bagitoay nace lings en oot 6p | leties oi: to menbuideads ob batdabai si doodthaphladinuloae hiyodiexit: off! ot) el dit) 2. totemrreeGl og, boy monatei(h, yid els actio wine 2ii Yo, eted gent) Lirtevas. od bam, emai ieccds tm tot Mate soil warttancedt ping ocd dant acien lode dite edqirvotss Hm edt gatsaqeiguto aiieg? onilwor deny it i myrledact x “iM o) botdalwn Wiaalooitsed, al wadube ehh: sora dite howled anil ux Hing ads te. Ruistarg wud sil) opie, demeuha odveany . Oh hon gyanoiocel sdoeate aL obit, eigioh( aldgemgeagh sal bia haul) rot ilidianoqeet banueen ody yl W JL m0 “i on Lyi eu, 299 Tied a ete ero eriten liz: 29 oni amnqerd, bra vgcl ld apap Sekt OO Ie be isow cave brow agony tee eet ean eee | Se srditen LewwowS Bil) of TOL aig pied egeben SlaboesmlY joo Cl to siny #1012 Yo gaol off! low vid Mie oredwewye allineise cosaeiaé uma oily” ie do Mwoursi0) suit ould son adleonenee~ oviagepepeamiy yiatlores salliees Jape ion cmiemA dive ad) ol goltiow alaigoloadig Mmoireraiive. WHT er eenale . Pare ix ary ee Cit oneal Gy 1}, CRIP IOE Wy Se Vole ae CONTRIBUTORS TO VOLUME 1 OF THE HANDBOOK OF SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS Hersert Baupus, Séo Paulo, Brazil. JUAN Beuaterr, Asuncion, Paraguay. Junius B. Brrp, American Museum of Natural History, New York, New York. Sanvapor Canats Frau, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo, Mendoza, Argentina. JoHN M. Cooper, Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C. SamueEt K. Lorurop, Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Rosert H. Lown, University of California, Berkeley, California. Awntpat Marros, Instituto Historicgd e Geografico de Minas Gerais, Minas Gerais, Brazil. Aurrep Métravux, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. Curt Nimvuenpasu, Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Belém do Para, Brazil. (See Editor’s note, page 9.) AnTONIo Serrano, Universidad Nacional de Cordoba, Cordoba, Ar- gentina. Gorpon R. WitiEy, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. 11 ee=pueeG Ge a Map 1.—Guide map of the tribes and subjects of Volume 1 of the Handbook. (Parallel-hatched, the Andean Civilizations, Volume 2; stippled, the Tropical Forests and Savannas, Volume 3; cross-hatched, the Circum-Caribbean cul- tures, Volume 4.) 1, Southern Hunters; 1A, Fuegians; 1B, Alacaluf; 1C, Chono; 1D, Tehuelche and Patagonian archeology; 1E, Puelche and Pampa archeology; 1F, Querandit and Pampa archeology. 2, Huarpe and Mendoza archeology. 3, Parand Delta. 4, Charrua. 5, Gran Chaco. 6, Lagoa Santa. 7, Guaté. 8, Bororo. 9, Guayakt. 10, Caingang. 11, Southern Cayapdé. 12, Northwest and Central Ge. 13, Purt-Coroado. 14, Guaitacd. 15, Botocudo. 16, Mashacali. 17, Camacan. 18, “Tapuya.” 19, Pimenteira. 20, Cariri. 21, Teremembé Tarairiu. 22, Teremembé. 12 VOLUME 1. THE MARGINAL TRIBES Part I. INDIANS OF SOUTHERN SOUTH AMERICA THE SOUTHERN HUNTERS: AN INTRODUCTION By Joun M. Cooper Under “Southern Hunters” are here included the Yahgan, Alacaluf, Chono, and Ona of the Magellanic Archipelago, and the 7’ehuelche, Poya, and Puelche of Patagonia and the Argentine Pampa (map 1, No.1; map 2). Inasmuch as extensive bibliographies and fully docu- mented studies of the culture of the Yahgan, Alacaluf, Chono, and Ona are readily accessible in the works of Cooper (1917), Lothrop (1928), and Gusinde (1931, 1937), source lists and page references in the present papers on these four tribes are kept to the minimum con- sistent with the objectives of the Handbook. Since, however, we lack similar over-all documented studies of the Zehwelche and Puelche, much more copious sources and page references are included in the sections dealing with them. All these Southern Hunters belong to the South American marginal peoples, as distinct from the silval and sierral ones. These marginals may be divided into: The Southern Coastal, of the Magellanic shores and channels; the Campestral, of Tierra del Fuego, Patagonia, the Argentine Pampa, the Uruguayan plains, and the Chaco; the Savan- nal, of the Brazilian highlands and adjacent regions; and the Intra- silval, scattered here and there within or near the broad expanse of the tropical rain forest (Cooper, 1942 b). The Southern Coastal marginals are the Yahgan, Alacaluf, and Chono. The Ona, Tehuelche, Poya, and Puelche are the more south- ern of the Campestral marginals. The Yahgan, Alacaluf, Ona-Tehuelche, and Puelche represent dis- tinct linguistic families. The Chono may have spoken an Alacalufan dialect, the Poya an Ona-Tehuelche one. Physically the Yahgan, Ala- caluf, and Chono may be classed together, at least loosely and pro- visionally, as may also the Ona and Tehwelche. Classification of the Poya and Puelche is much more problematic. Culturally, these seven peoples had much in common, although man- ifesting many marked divergences. The Yahgan, Alacaluf, and Chono 13 14 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buin. 143 should best be bracketed together; likewise the Ona, Tehuelche, Poya, and Puelche. In either case much of common culture is conditioned by the natural environment—archipelagic for the first group, insular and continental for the second. All seven shared in common the following cultural elements: A col- lecting economy, with gardening lacking, except for traces among the Poya and Chono in touch with the Araucanians; absence of tobacco and alcoholic beverages, except among the Poya and perhaps the pre- Columbian Puelche,; simple movable shelters, of lean-to, domed, con- ical, or toldo construction; sleeping on the bare ground or on brush or skins, with the hammock and raised bed absent; weapons and utensils of stone, bone, or wood, with metals quite lacking; absence of gastronomic and ritual cannibalism; well-organized family system, with prevalent (not strict) monogamy; the band as the more common economico-political unit, usually made up largely of relatives by kin or marriage; chiefs either absent or, where present, of most limited authority ; societies, sibs, and moieties quite absent, and social strati- fication almost entirely so; land-tenure systems, where our informa- tion is at all clear, approximating the family hunting ground system ; again, where information is clear, well-marked theistic as well as shamanistic beliefs and practices (Cooper, 1942 a, pp. 10-11; 1942 b, pp. 149-150). Between, however, the Southern Coastal peoples and the Campestral, and, for that matter, between the several tribes within these two divi- sions, there were numerous and often marked divergences (Cooper, 1925). The Southern Coastal tribes were predominantly canoe people, fishermen, and gatherers of sea food, with well-developed types of watercraft. Little clothing was worn. The chief weapons of chase and war were the spear, harpoon, sling, and club. Basketry was of coiled or looped techniques. The Campestral Ona, Tehuelche, and Puelche were predominantly land people, hunters of the guanaco in particular. Clothing covered most of the body. Their chief hunting and fighting weapon was the bow and arrow, although the Puelche when first known to the Whites had the bolas and the 7'ehuelche later acquired it. Bags and contain- ers were mostly of skin. The principal post-Columbian changes in culture among the South- ern Hunters of the mainland north of the Strait of Magellan, apart from such direct European importations as steel tools and weapons, firearms, and Christian religious concepts, came as a result of or a sequence to the introduction of the horse. The Puelche must have acquired the horse well before 1700, but our information on the point is slight. The Zehuelche acquired it, from either the Araucanians or the Puelche, some time between 1670 and 1741, more likely around Vou. 1] THE SOUTHERN HUNTERS—COOPER 15 U D UCH, ye (Map, az a az 0 Map 2.—The tribes of southern South America, at the first European contact period. 1725. At the time of or subsequent to the adoption of the horse by the Tehuelche, a great many new developments occurred in their culture, all or most of them being accretions from without: the bolas, lasso, and lance ; hide helmets, coats, and shields; pipe smoking and the use of in- toxicants; earrings and the tupu; gambling; the musical bow (Cooper, 1925, pp. 408-409). Both the ethnological and the archeological evidence suggests, with- out, of course, rigidly demonstrating, that the Southern Coastal and Campestral marginals included in the Southern Hunters are not cul- tural reverts (Bird, 1938), but instead are cultural tarriants who have retained in an appreciable measure a very archaic pattern of culture. (Nordenskidld, 1931; Krickeberg, 1934; Cooper, 1925, 1941, pp. 9-13, 1942 b.) But in the descriptive treatment which is called for in the present volume of the Handbook, fuller discussion of this large prob- lem of historical interpretation is not in order. JRISE Wk tilos HR yd. ney | BARGE iod all be aol TEENS Seis — t Five whey p bese Oe ie geisil “tf . s P td » ¥ nin a BR ¢ 4h. LOT ROS ‘; fy on Pe ' sid La : é Nin 14 : BA EN Lf! : eid", O Fion Urars rn ’ i Pow DET FS a | « Tee) - : % eas CTEAVE)-E I i T f ' 1 4 i? Seareese 7 Et : ; ¢ 5 ran Te! ’ , x aris es Se rey | pPa'eas p Sle 7 es iT ° . 4 By ri t : ; : 2 ' ivy au Weir oat 1 dtd ot dane inc pagpaat topo hus okt od. sever pee a sd wood wianddalareaR yan, slate ny oti saerdh atone gis ‘Houma tebloide haa rion 5 Jniiivietad, 7 wep adh? bina im iagt or) be tH sr bger feta ff hat : aTiuenoies ip be ts emery nloitaLg j HEE! oe mit Wh nk ay h fo ily ‘ ‘4 Pa ~ bel 4 ry vale ont ae i a mm te ; Gah atu '4 Inotgoh a4 | no Bi gt = Toutho shale fue ditsteocia) teil) sen fn) rom att hetrcindas © wh) y rite teoBoby: Sahn! tse es a @ a iwodhatelh alto, prulor daepang A mobant fair leaite M sicktounal rm dase ‘Lu J ‘SoUISITA OGBO IBvoU sUTRId AsseIS UO SuIpoe voyYy ‘sdeospuexy uvuo0sejeg u1svyINoOG—'| ALVIg PLATE 2.—Southern Patagonian landscapes. Top: Typical grassland country, north side of Strait of Magellan. Bottom: Volcanic crater and core in g nd aréa, north side of Strait of Magellan. (Cour- tesy Junius Bird.) (o10UIQO AA JapuBXeTy AseqINoD) “Kooy [B1oUds) JBI OIdIN OTY 94 ) ule[d p 1 (Yybis) wojOog “dsdUIAOIg Sally sousng (fa) Wwoyog ‘dsULAOIg Selly soueng UL seysTeyy *(7Y624) doy ‘ejedez iwou odevospurl ugnbnon :(j/a7) doy “edureg 10}8915) 94} JO sodeospuey—'e ALVIdg (piemays “FT uelpne Asaqa ) “SedUIAOIg O1BON O1Y puB UoNbNON JO 19piog IBAaN ‘sopuy outyUNsIW | (74624) ulojjog (a10W140\\ JopuRxe[y ASojInoD) “BzZOpudsy, UT SO{[IIo1jI0g 4e AoT[BA UBepuy -(7/27) wWoyo_ (‘o10UI4o A JopUuBXeTy ‘OIUOJUY UBg OGeD IBON ° Old Sally soueng jo sounp pues :(7Y621) do (9100140, JopuBxXeTy ASsaqIn0,)) OY [Blouse wOU ATJUNOD BIBIN O1Y : ‘edwueg 1938015 94) JO sodvosp THE ARCHEOLOGY OF PATAGONIA By Junius Birp INTRODUCTION The geographical limits of Patagonia have never been fixed by law or even by common usage. In the present instance, Patagonia is used broadly to include the southern Chilean archipelago and the Argentine territory south of the Rio Negro. The island of Chiloé, though not properly within its limits, may for cultural reasons also be included. We deal then with a roughly triangular area, about 1,200 miles (1,920 km.) by 600 miles (960 km.) at its widest (map 1, Vos. 1A,1B,1C, 1D). The archeology of this region is of more than local interest. Some of America’s most primitive cultures survived here almost unaltered until recently. If, as supposed, they stem from ancient prototypes, the sites offer possibilities for revealing the changes they have undergone, the succession of cultures, and the time which has elapsed since they first reached the tip of the continent. Some information is now available, and the prospect for a complete recovery of the archeological record is unusually good here for sev- eral reasons. Most of the grasslands are unglaciated, and the moraines, marking different stages of the ice advance, he far from the east coast, except at the Strait, so that sites have not been destroyed. Furthermore, the land has gradually risen since before human occu- pation became possible so that sites close to the shore are preserved and their antiquity may be correlated with the elevation of the land. Finally, the many rock shelters and caves, especially in lava, served as sites where cultural remains have been excellently preserved for a long time (pls. 5, 6). The archeological problems of our area are somewhat simplified by the environmental influence on the cultures. The remains are al- most exclusively those of nomadic hunters and fishermen. Pre-Co- lumbian agriculture never extended south of Chiloé, and to this day the excessive rainfall and rugged topography of the southern archi- 1 All evidence indicates that the native populations of Fuegia at the southern end of this region ultimately came from the north. Nothing supports hypotheses of trans-Pacifie mi- grations, either direct or via Antarctica. 17 583486—46——_2 18 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bune. 143 pelago discourage cultivation. On the Argentine side, the land is even now used primarily for grazing, although Europeans have suc- cessfully farmed the limited quantities of arable land in the northern valleys. Our region, however, has two cultural areas: that now occupied by the canoe Indians—Chono, Alacaluf, and Yahgan—in the archipelago west of the Cordillera, and that of the foot Indians—Tehuelche and Ona—in the broad, open country of Patagonia. There was little cul- tural exchange between these areas, except in the region of the Strait of Magellan, where the canoe and foot tribes had ready access to one another. On the densely forested and overgrown archipelago south of Chiloé, the food supply was principally shellfish, sea lions, and sea birds; land game was limited. Travel is possible only by boat or canoe, so that the preferred camps are, and always have been, protected moorings or landings which are close to sources of food. Contrary to what one might suppose, the most desirable part of the archipelago is in the extreme south, along the southern side of Tierra del Fuego, where a better climate induced people to remain. There is, in fact, a much greater concentration of middens there (pls. 6, 7, 8) than anywhere else south of Chiloé. The Atlantic coast is by contrast desolate. Vegetation from the sea back to the foothills is limited to grass or low bushes, and in places suffers from scanty rainfall. Beaches are open and unprotected, harbors are infrequent and poor, and shellfish, fish, and sea lions are not as plentiful, or at least as accessible, as on the Pacific side. Mate- rial for the construction of watercraft is absent, though a people with the skill and ingenuity of the Eskimo could, with any real inducement to develop a strictly coastal culture, have managed. Actually, land game provided the staple food, with the products of the beaches secondary. At the beginning of historic times, guanaco and rhea and probably Patagonian cavy were the important game in the grasslands, and the native economy centered on their pursuit and capture. Permanent camps could not be maintained, but sites that were sheltered from the wind, accessible to water, and in a good hunting district were used repeatedly. If not damaged by erosion, such sites are likely to yield data on a long period of human occupation. HISTORY OF INVESTIGATIONS The first recorded archeological discovery in this area was in 1578, when members of Drake’s crew, while digging a grave, found “a great grinding stone, broken in two parts” (Fletcher, 1652, p. 33). Interest lagged, however, until the latter part of the last century when settlers began to collect surface material. As this filtered into museums, espe- VoL. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF PATAGONIA—BIRD 19 cially in Buenos Aires, it aroused interest, and led to Dr. Félix F. Outes’ detailed report on existing collections (1904 a), long the stand- ard reference on Patagonian artifacts. This was supplemented by later papers (Outes, 1905, 1916) and the reports of other Argentine scien- tists, Ambrosetti (1903), Aparicio (1935), Vignati (1923 a, 1923 b, 1933) treating mainly surface finds, graves, and rock paintings. The first archeological report on the far south was Lovisato’s account (1885) of his examination of a midden on Elizabeth Island in the Strait of Magellan. The discovery of a Mylodon skin in a huge cave near Ultima Esperanza in 1895 stimulated excavation in search of additional remains of this animal. (For bibliography, see Gusinde, 1921.) In- vestigation exposed a small amount of late camp refuse, a burial, and 18 artifacts, 2 of which may have been as old as the sloth remains. The remains were variously explained, some persons even concluding that the Indians had stabled giant sloths in the cave, an explanation which has persisted even though one of the most reliable excavators (Nor- denskidld, 1900) doubted that the Mylodon remains and artifacts were really associated. On Tierra del Fuego, the first archeological study and examination of shell mounds on the east coast was made by Vignati (1927). In that year, Lothrop (1928) visited the area for ethnological and archeo- logical reconnaissance. His survey of portions of the south side of Tierra del Fuego revealed abundant evidence of human occupation. In the same season, Guifiazti (1936) mapped additional middens on the east coast. A few years later Sir Baldwin Spencer came from Aus- tralia to work in the same section, but died shortly after his arrival. From 1932 to 1937, the American Museum of Natural History spon- sored two field trips with the kind cooperation of the Museo Nacional de Historia Natural of Chile. These included a general survey of various sites south from Puerto Montt to the Strait of Magellan and intensive excavations on Navarino Island and in Chilean territory east of Punta Arenas (Bird, 1938). These sources, supplemented by valuable information from private collectors in Argentina, afford a reasonably reliable basis for a sketch of the prehistory of Patagonia and the Archipelago. CULTURE SEQUENCE AT THE STRAIT OF MAGELLAN The longest cultural sequence was found in several caves and shelters in the grasslands along the north shore of the Strait of Magellan in a section beyond the limits of the last ice advance. There were five prehistoric periods of the inland culture. The oldest consists of re- mains of people who hunted the ground sloth and the native American horse; the latest is indentifiable with the culture of the Ona of Tierra del Fuego. The periods are distinguished by the types of projectile 20 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BULL. 143 points and by the presence or absence of certain other artifacts. All lack pottery, which is found only rarely in this region on historic Tehuelche camps (pl. 5), associated with modern horse bones and trade beads. All have in common simple stone scrapers for working wood and bone. Blades for scraping skin, however, show an abrupt change in pattern and are an important diagnostic trait. The first three periods used large blades, which varied in size and proportions, while the fourth had the small “thumbnail” type which, because of the manner of hafting, is much more uniform in size. The last is used to the present day. First period.—The oldest culture can be most readily recognized by the projectile points—barbless blades with tapering stems expanded at the base. The few associated artifacts are: Bone flaking tools, bone awls, scrapers, rough chopping tools, and flat lava disks of unknown use (pl. 9). At this time cremation burial was practiced. Second period.—The second cultural level yields bone projectile points of varying form and size, two types of awls which seem to be confined to this level, and numerous scraping tools (pl. 9). Third period.—The third period produces stemless stone points, the majority of which are triangular in outline with rounded bases; awls; scrapers; and bolas stones. These stones are mainly small ones for taking birds, a significant fact in view of the use of bird bolas else- where in America (pl. 10). Contemporary human skeletons are flexed and smeared with red clay. Fourth period.—In the fourth period, stemmed knife and projectile points replace the stemless types and are accompanied by the small hafted scraper already mentioned. There are also simple beads and ornaments, awls, and large bolas stones of various forms (pl. 10). Burials thought to be of this period are found in stone cairns, the body extended. Fifth period.—Although artifacts of the fourth period may have been in use until the historic period, the presence of a fifth cultural group is evident. Small arrow points of a type characteristic of the Ona (pl. 11) associated with other typical Ona artifacts such as combs, beads, and rough bone tools show the relatively late presence of this tribe on the mainland. Historic period.—The only evidence of White contact at the Strait is the material on Tehwelche camp sites. The abundance of modern horse bones probably dates them at about the middle of the 18th century. Plain undecorated sherds, pipes, hammered copper orna- ments, and sometimes glass trade beads are found. CULTURE SEQUENCE AT BEAGLE CHANNEL On the shores of Beagle Channel, south of Tierra del Fuego, are innumerable shell middens, some quite large, with compact refuse VOL. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF PATAGONIA—BIRD 21 over 10 feet (3 m.) deep. They contain evidence of two distinct cultures. Early period.—The older is characterized, as in Alacaluf territory, by the use of mussel-shell knives, single-barbed harpoon points, bird- bone awls, whetstones, sinkers, rough choppers, simple ornaments, and the complete absence of the pressure flaking technique of stoneworking (pl. 11). In the Fuegian middens these items are accompanied by large bolas stones and small hafted scrapers, both of which must have been acquired from the foot tribes who, according to mainland chronol- ogy, first had them in the fourth period. Similarity of ornaments is further evidence that Tierra del Fuego borrowed from the mainland during this period. This simple culture evolved with slight change into the modern Alacaluf in the territory between the Strait and the Gulf of Penas. Its extension into Tierra del Fuego may indicate that the Alacaluf were then in what at the beginning of historic times was Yahgan territory. Recent period.—The late material, which forms the upper portions of the Beagle Channel middens, is identifiable as Yahgan (pl. 12). The use of pressure-flaked arrow, lance, and knife blades of distinctive forms, pit huts, drinking tubes, wedges, bark removers, and many scrapers distinguishes the Yahgan from their predecessors, while the use of single-barbed harpoons (though slightly modified) , bark canoes, sinkers, bird-bone awls and beads, and the same food habits were common to both. This seeming blend of two cultures does not appear to have occurred along Beagle Channel, where the transition is abrupt. There are no later changes, except for the introduction of the saw-toothed spear, possibly in historic times. ANTIQUITY The structure of the Beagle Channel middens and the beach deposit on which they rest shows that the land has risen about 15 feet (4.5 m.) since the first occupation of the sites, and 214 feet (0.75 m.) since the introduction of the Yahgan culture. As stone-tipped arrows, indicating the Yahgan culture, were reported in this district in 1624, the 214-foot change must represent over 300 years, so, if the uplift was constant—and there is some reason to believe it was—in this case the total age of the deposits cannot be less than 1,800 years. Lothrop (1928, p. 197), by estimating the population of a district, the volume of the middens, and the consequent rate of deposit, cal- culated the age of the middens to be between 1,300 and 2,600 years, and gave 2,000 as an approximation. Along the north shore of the Strait, 190 miles to the north, there is evidence that the land has risen 4214 feet (13 m.) above sea level 22 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buu. 143 since human occupation of the section began. If the land rose at the same rate as at Beagle Channel, 5,100 years is the minimum an- tiquity of the oldest cultures, Estimates of 5,400 and 3,000 years were secured by calculating the rate at which the cave deposits had accumulated since the first occupants disappeared and the sloth and native horse became extinct. Other geologic evidence of antiquity is that since the sloth hunters occupied Fell’s Cave on the Rio Chico that stream has dropped 16 to 1914 feet (5 to 6m.). Furthermore, it has been shown that during the first culture period, shortly before the sloth and native horse dis- appeared from the grasslands, there was a violent volcanic eruption along the present Chilean-Argentine boundary, apparently the last such activity in that area. Finally, and perhaps most important, human occupation has been correlated with the recession of a glacial lake, Laguna Blanca. This lake, which lies in a basin between the third and fourth (final) moraine systems, was studied, mapped, and described by Caldenius (1932). Within this basin, well below the terraces marking the old lake levels, is a shelter which was occupied by Indians almost immediately after the recession of the lake. The artifacts on the cave bottom, beneath 8 to 9 feet (2.4 to 2.7 m.) of soil, are of the third culture period, which was, however, almost im- mediately succeeded by the fourth period, showing that the lake had receded only shortly before the arrival of that culture at this site. The antiquity indicated by the glacial evidence is not clear. De Geer believed he had correlated the Patagonian varve series with the Scandinavian series and that Caldenius’ fourth or finiglacial moraines were contemporaneous with the Scandinavian finiglacial. Regard- less of the validity of such claims, it is worth noting that, in com- menting on the territory that has been freed from ice since the fall in the lake level, Caldenius states (1932, p. 147) : Within the two youngest [moraines] the original glacial topography is many times so well preserved that one is astonished not to find the glacier still in activity. PATAGONIAN CULTURES Argentine Patagonia has no stratigraphic studies for comparison with those made in the south. The large collections of surface mate- rial, published and unpublished, show marked uniformity north to the Rio Negro. Most of the projectile and knife points are identical or similar to those of the fourth period at the Strait, except for slight differences due, perhaps, to the better quality of stone available. Small Ona type arrow points also occur to the Rio Negro, but around and north of Deseado are other small arrow points differing from the Ona type. The latter are unknown farther south. Points belonging to the third period at the Strait have been found at scattered localities Vou. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF PATAGONIA—BIRD 23 up to Comodoro Rivadavia, and similar points occur in the Chubut Valley. In northern collections they occur in about the same very small proportion as in surface collections gathered near the Strait. Points of the first period have not yet appeared in the collections. Various types of scrapers and bolas stones give additional evidence of the general archeological uniformity. 1t seems probable that north- ern Patagonia will produce a sequence similar to that found at the Strait. The distinctive features of the north—the greater number of pot- sherds (some of them decorated with simple incised or punctate mark- ings), the drills (abundant in the north and almost unknown at the Strait), and rare pieces such as polished celts (Vignati, 1923 b), per- forated club heads (Outes, 1905, p. 437), curiously shaped objects (re- ferred to by Outes (1916) and Vignati (1923 a) as ceremonial axes), and engraved stone tablets (Outes, 1905, p. 469)—may all represent elaborations of the late periods. How the numerous cave paintings and petroglyphs relate to the chronology remains to be seen (Aparicio, 1935). CHILOE ISLAND Brief comments may be included on Chiloé Island and the adjacent area. Along the shores of the Gulf of Reloncavi and Corcovado and down the eastern side of Chiloé are many large shell middens. As yet we know all too little about their contents. The absence of pressure- flaked stonework in the lower portions of the deposits and the pres- ence of a few artifacts duplicating those found farther south show that the culture was identical to that in Alacaluf territory. Later ref- use, yielding pressure-flaked points of a type absent farther south and on the Argentine side, drills and polished celts (pl. 12), suggests influ- ence from the Chilean mainland. Pottery is rare, and may antedate the arrival of the Spaniards by only a short time. RESEARCH PROBLEMS Perhaps the most important task of the future is to learn more of the oldest cultures, the first two periods discovered at the Strait. This will have to be done in Argentine territory, where a further check on the correlation of the cultural and glacial periods can be made. One of the most puzzling problems is the origin of the Yahgan culture. Its distinctive stonework has not yet been found anywhere north of the Strait. Its pit house, impractical in the western archi- pelago but suited to the drier, windy country east of the mountains, has never been noted north of Elizabeth Island in the Strait. To un- derstand this culture, perhaps the first task should be a careful study of the house pits on northern Tierra del Fuego. 24 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 A third great need is to investigate fully the Chilotan middens. This is bound to be a tedious task, which will yield little in material specimens, yet the information gained may clarify the relationship between the oldest coastal cultures of northern and southern Chile. (See Bird, 1948, p. 309.) BIBLIOGRAPHY Ambrosetti, 1903; Aparicio, 1935; Bird, 1938, 1943; Caldenius, 1932; Fletcher, 1652 ; Guifilaz, 1986; Gusinde, 1921; Lothrop, 1928; Lovisato, 1885; Nordenskidéld, 1900 ; Outes, 1904 a, 1905, 1916; Spencer, 1931; Vignati, 1923 a, 1923 b, 1927, 1933. PLATE 5.—Southern Patagonian landscapes. Top: Rio Chico Valley, Chile, near Argentine border. Bone fragments of Period 4 camp refuse in foreground. Bottom: East side Laguna Blanca, Chile. Rock shelters are common in these canyons. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) PLATE 6.—Archeological sites, southern Chile. Top: Midden site, north side of Navarino Island. Canoe runways and markings on beach below midden. Bottom: Cave in volcanic outcrop, Chile-Argentine boundary, containing extinct horse bones and a few artifacts. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) PLATE 7.—Archeological sites, Beagle Channel, Tierra del Fuego. Top: Midden (center of picture), Na- | varino Island. Bottom: Navarino Island midden. Depressions mark pit house locations. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) ews page % tons PLATE 8.—Archeological sites, Beagle Channel, Tierra del Fuego. Top: Midden, Puerto Pescado, Naya rino Island. Bottom: Cross section of above midden. (Courtesy Junius Bird.) aS ae as sim PLATE 9.—Stratigraphy, Straitof Magellan. Top: Period 1 artifacts. a, End scrapers; 6, side scrapers; c, chopping stones; d, rubbing stones; e, early type chipping tools (?); f, bird awls; g, early type stemmed projectile points. Bottom: Period 2 artifacts. a, Side scrapers; b, end scrapers c, bird awls; d, bone awls; e, bone points. (After Bird, 1938, figs. 27, 26.) PLATE 10.—Stratigraphy, Strait of Magellan. Top: Period 3artifacts. a, Bolas; b, bone scraper; c, straight- stemmed projectile points (very rare); d, hafted scrapers (very rare); é, end scrapers; /, side scrapers; g, stemless projectile and knife points. Bottom: Period 4 artifacts. a, Chipping tools; b, incised bone; c, beads and ornaments; d, bone awls; é, side scrapers; f, end scrapers; g. hafted scrapers; h, Patagonian projectile points and hafted knives; 7, bolas. (After Bird, 1988, figs. 25, 24.) PLATE 11.—Stratigraphy, Strait of Magellan. Top: Period 5 (Ona) artifacts. a, Chipping tools; b, Ona projectile points; c, beads and ornaments; d, bird awls; e, bone awls; /, bark remover (?), early; g, combs. Bottom: Beagle Channel, shell-knife culture artifacts. a, Bolas; 6, fishline sinkers; c, bark remover (?), early; d, bone awls; e, bird awls; f, round-shank harpoons; g, hafted scrapers; h, comb; i, beads and orna- ments; j, Shell knives; k chopping stones; /, side scrapers; m, whetstones. (After Bird, 1938, figs. 23, 21. 3 in. 4 uk om PLATE 12.—Stratigraphy, Strait of Magellan. Top: Beagle Channel, recent period. a. Whalebone wedges; 6, drinking tube; c, shell knives; d, fish spear; e, bolas; f, fishline sinkers; g, whetstones; h, flat-shank har- poons; i, bone awls; j, side scrapers; k, end scrapers; /, bark remover, late; m, bird awls; n, beads and orna- ments; 0, chipping tools; p, projectile and knife points. Bottom: Early and late Chiloé artifacts. a, Potsherds; 6, projectile points; c, polished celts; d, whalebone wedges; €, pointed shell tools; f, beads and ornaments; g, hafted drill; h, flaked sinkers; i, whetstones; j, chopping stones; k, flaked tool (?). (After Bird, 1938, figs. 20, 22.) THE ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA By Gorpon R. WiLtey GEOGRAPHY AND ENVIRONMENT The country lying north of the Rio Negro, east of the high Andes which separate Chile from Argentina, west of the Parana River, and, roughly, south of parallel 32°50’ S., is considered in this paper as the Greater Pampa (map 1, Vos. 1, 1F, 2). It embraces, geograph- ically, the central one-third of the Argentine Republic. Beginning at the south, it includes a portion of the Territory of Rio Negro, the Territories of Neuquén and La Pampa, the Province of Buenos Aires, rather vaguely defined lowland portions of the Provinces of Cordoba, San Luis, and southern Santa Fé, and most of the Province of Mendoza (map 3). The natural environment is varied. On the extreme west are the Cordilleras and eastern piedmont of the Andes. The latter slope down gradually to the Dry Pampa of western La Pampa and San Luis and the lowlands of Cérdoba. Continuing east, the Dry Pampa gives way to the Humid Pampa of eastern La Pampa and Buenos Aires. These plains were originally covered with clusters of scrubby trees and grasses, a vegetation type known as “monte.” Toward the southeast, in the Province of Buenos Aires, the rainfall is heavier and the summers are cooler. Tall prairie grasses were prob- ably once the most important cover in this section (James, 1942, pp. 284 ff.). These Pampa lands with their heavy soils were not adapted to cul- tivation with Indian techniques, and the region offered a barrier to both the Andean and Tropical Forest types of horticulture which, in aboriginal times, bordered the Pampa on the north. Exceptions to this are the settlements at the Parana Delta, where the land is wet, marshy, and favorable to cultivation, and the inter-Andean valley settlements of Mendoza, where a highland type of agriculture was practiced. For peoples living in either the mountains or Pampa, on a nonhorticultural level, the country offered resources sufficient to sus- tain numerous small nomadic or semisedentary groups. The rhea and the guanaco were the most important food animals. These were supplemented by deer and otter, and various small birds. Roots, 25 2°26 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bune. 143 wild fruits, and berries were gathered; and fish and shellfish formed a large part of the diet of the river and coastal groups (Joyce, 1912, p. 246). SOURCES With but a few exceptions, the present knowledge of Pampa arche- ology is due to the persistent efforts of Argentine scientists over a period of a great many years. Beginning with F. Ameghino (1911 and many other titles before and after this date) there have been a suc- cession of investigators. The present paper is based largely upon their writings. In the earlier decades Ambrosetti (1902, 1909) and Outes (1897, 1904 b, 1905, 1906 a, 1907, 1909, 1911, 1926 a) were outstanding contributors. Oliveira Cézar (1895) and Lehmann-Nitsche (1916 a) were other important authors. These were followed by L. M. Torres (1922, 1923) and more recently by an outstanding leader in the field, Vignati (1931 a, 1931 b, 1931 c, 1931 d, 1937 a, 1937 b, 1937 c, 1939 b, 1940, 1940-41, 1942). Other able and well-known archeologists and anthropologists of the contemporary scene are Serrano (1930, 1936, 1940 a, 1940 b, 1940 c, 1940 d, 1940 e), Marquez Miranda (1934), Fren- guelli (1941), Frenguelli and Aparicio (1932), Aparicio (1935, 1940, 1942), Greslebin (1928 a, 1928 b), Basavilbaso (1937 a, 1937 b), Bruz- zone (1931), and Salas (1942). Métraux (1929) conducted important studies in Mendoza, and has been followed in this region by the Argentine scientist Rusconi (1940 a, 1940 b, 1940 c, 1940 d, 1941 a, 1941 b,1941c). The Swedish investigator Boman (1908, 1920) and the North Americans, Hrdlicka (1912), Holmes (1912), and Lothrop (1932 b), must be added to this list. This by no means exhausts the references to the literature on Pampean archeology. However, from the sources cited the reader may orient himself in the subject. THE BASIC CULTURE OF THE GREATER PAMPA The basic culture throughout most of the Greater Pampa area is founded on a hunting and gathering economy. The artifactual re- mains and the nature and disposition of archeological sites imply a simple, conservative culture. In spite of subareal variations, the basic culture traits are similar or identical for the entire area. That this widespread Pampean culture once existed in a pure state is an hypothesis. Documentation, which ranges from the middle 16th to the early 19th century, reveals alien influence at different periods. Most early observers recorded a culture which had been influenced by important European innovations. They also reveal late Araucanian influences which modified the simpler culture of the Pampa. Begin- ning in late pre-Conquest times, traits such as metal ornaments, from Vou, 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY Di. the northwest, and, possibly, some knowledge of maize cultivation, from both the northwest and the northeast, were filtering into the Pampa. Because archeological sequences are imperfectly known for the southern Andean and the Parana River areas, as well as the Pampa, it is not easy to factor out foreign elements from the old culture of the Pampa (Cooper, 1941, 1942 a, 1942 b). Stonework.—Because of the importance of hunting throughout the Pampa, chipped-stone weapons and implements were universal. Stone-tipped projectiles were used to kill game, and scrapers of all types to clean and treat hides. Authorities agree that the lithic in- dustry is an old Pampean trait complex but disagree as to its antiquity (Hrdlitka, 1912). An Argentine paleolithic, correlated with pre- Pleistocene geological periods, is still seriously considered by Argen- tine scientists (Frenguelli, Handbook of South American Indians, vol. 5). Various sites along the Atlantic coast, and elsewhere, have been classed as paleolithic and equated with the geologic Tertiary. A crude hand-ax or chipped pebble is the principal artifact type for this paleolithic (Ameghino, F., 1911). Holmes (1912), who studied a number of these hand-axes gathered by Hrdlitka from beach sites between the mouth of La Plata and Bahia Blanca, considered them to be cores, from which flakes had been struck for the manufacture of scrapers and projectile points, and not utilitarian objects. Outes (1909) considered them to be artifacts but of a relatively recent age. Hrdlicka (1912) also denied that the geological associations at the sites indicated the great antiquity claimed. Lack of demonstrable vertical series makes it necessary to discuss Pampa archeology in typological and distributional terms. This does not mean that all archeological material gathered to date can be subsumed in a brief, recent period. Leaving aside paleolithic claims, it is probable that there is considerable time depth to the basic culture of the Pampa. ; Considered as a single, undifferentiated horizon, the chipped-stone industry presents a number of weapon and utensil types, most of which occur throughout the Greater Pampa, although with some dif- ferentials in distribution. The forms include small and _ large, stemmed and unstemmed projectile points, knives, a variety of scrap- ers, drills and punches, crude grooved axes, gravers, and flake knives. They were made by percussion and percussion combined with pressure flaking. In competent workmanship and their moderate abundance, these artifacts are, as Holmes (1912) pointed out, comparable to the stonework of the Middle Atlantic States of North America. 1In fact, for the present, a horizontal segregation of sites in Buenos Aires Province sug- gests a pre-ceramic to ceramic sequence to Outes (1897). His differentiation between tal- leres (workshops for flint tools), without pottery, and paraderos (sites), with pottery, could be interpreted sequentially instead of functionally. 28 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BuLn. 143 Chipped stone is better developed in the southern Pampa than the northern region around Buenos Aires. Large, carefully chipped leaf- blade artifacts, especially stemmed projectile points, are characteris- tic of the Rio Colorado and Rio Negro country, but the common points of the north Pampa are small, stemless, and triangular. The hand-ax, of paleolithic mention, is a feature of the north but is lacking in the south. Plano-convex scrapers are present in the southern Pampa, but a notable northern form, the small hafted duck-bill scraper (fig. 1, top row), is only occasionally found there.? There is less areal differentiation of ground stonework than of pro- jectile types. The bolas is universal in the Greater Pampa. Bolas stones vary in size, and are spherical, biconical, or ovoid. They were attached to the thong by a medial or end groove, or were tied in a small hide bag. The wide archeological distribution of the bolas in southern South America suggests antiquity.2. Numerous grinding and pounding tools in all parts of the area attest to the importance of food gathering as well as hunting in the native economy. Mortars, pestles, mullers or manos, grooved hammers, pitted hammer stones, and anvil stones are, technologically, much like those from the early hori- zons of the eastern United States. Polished stone lip plugs and ear- plugs are scattered allover the Pampa. Their original sources, or cen- ters of distribution, were probably northern. Pipes, the origins and antiquity of which are puzzling, have a modified monitor form. They are widely distributed. Rather elaborate polished and sometimes en- graved stone axes and plaques (placas grabadas) are found in the southern and southwestern portions of the Greater Pampa (Holmes, 1912; Outes, 1905). Ceramics.—The pottery of the Greater Pampa is uniform as com- pared with the technologically more advanced ceramics of the Andean or Tropical Forest areas. It is medium-well to poorly made and fired, and is thicker and coarser than the Andean or Tropical Forest ware. Forms are simple bowls and subglobular bowls or jars. With very few exceptions, it is unpainted. A large percentage is undecorated. Decorative techniques include incising, punctating, “drag-and-jab” or stippled-line punctating, and textile impressing. The first three techniques in special combinations characterize subareas or cultural divisions of the Pampa. Pottery is most abundant, and is best made and most elaborately decorated in the northern part of Buenos Aires Province. Its antiquity in the Pampa cannot be known, but it is 2 The small hafted scraper is not common in extreme southern Patagonia until the fourth archeological period in that region. This is only shortly subsequent to the beginning of historic times. (See Bird, 1938.) 8 Bird (1938) shows bolas first appearing in his third period in southern Patagonia. They became much more numerous and varied in form in his fourth period. (See also Bird, this volume.) Vou. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 29 \ oN) NG FicurE 1.—Chipped-stone work from the Buenos Aires coast. Top row: Duck-bill scrapers from Campo Peralta and Necochea. Center row and bottom (left): Plano-convex blades from Campo Peralta (14 natural size). Bottom (right): Nucleus of quartzite from which flakes have been removed (14 natural size). (After Holmes, 1912, figs. 29, 31, 27.) 30 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buy. 143 definitely pre-Conquest. Its manufacture seems to have been discon- tinued by 1767 (Cooper, this volume). Miscellaneous.—Ornaments of shell and projectiles, awls, and punches of bone are found in many of the sites. More rarely, silver pins and ear ornaments and ornaments of rolled sheet copper are found. Metal objects, when not post-Conquest, are undoubtedly the result of contact with the Andean cultures to the northwest, and the objects themselves are probably trade pieces. Dwellings and burials.—Dwellings are not known from arche- ology, but early accounts describe them as temporary, pole-supported structures of a kind that leaves little archeological evidence except post molds. Burials were in, or near, the midden sites or sometimes in caves. They are both secondary and flexed primary. The bones often were painted before interment. LIMITS OF THE GREATER PAMPA ARCHEOLOGICAL AREA The basic culture of the Greater Pampa contrasts with the cultures of adjacent areas. Its geographical limits, however, are not sharply marked; it has blended with adjoining cultures to form archeological subareas along the northwestern, northeastern, and western peripheries of the Pampa, which are included as parts of the Greater Pampa area (map 8). s Urucuay Fi) Buenos Aires ATLANTIC OCEAN — Pampa % I PAMPAS PROPER I QUERANDI SUB-AREA II MENDOZA-NEUQUEN SUB-AREA IZ SAN LUIS-CORDOBA LOWLAND SUB-AREA Map 3.—The Greater Pampa archeological area and subareas. VoL. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 31 In northwestern Argentina, the Atacamefan cultures of Jujuy and Salta and the Diaguita or Diagwita-derived cultures of Tucumin, La Rioja, Catamarca, San Juan, and Santiago del Estero are Andean intype. There is no revealed archeological evidence in these provinces of simpler cultures similar or comparable to those of the Pampa. Farther south, the highlands of Cérdoba and San Luis were the seat of the historic groups, the Comechingon and Sanaviron, who repre- sent the southeastern extension of the Andean agricultural pattern into the country of the southern hunting tribes. There are a number of resemblances between the archeology of the Comechingon-Sanaviron region and that of the Pampa. The intervening lowlands of southern San Luis and eastern Cordoba appear as a cultural borderland and are treated as an archeological subarea. On the northeast, the Pampa culture merges into that of the Parana Delta and into the archeological area of the Parand River in eastern Santa Fé and Entre Rios. Influences of the Tropical Forest are dom- inant in the archeology of the Parana and of the Delta, but the region of the historic Querandi, lying in northern Buenos Aires Province and southern Santa Fé, while Guarani influenced, is essentially Pampean and forms another archeological subarea of the Greater Pampa. Along the western border of the Pampa, in the mountains of Men- doza and Neuquén, is another cultural borderland or third archeolo- gical subarea. In this case the bordering sedentary culture which influenced the old Pampean pattern was probably the Araucanian of Chile. The Pampa proper, the habitat of the historic Puelche, is the great, low-lying plains of the east and south, extending down to the Rio Negro, where, theoretically, occur the archeological remains of the old, unadulterated culture of the Southern Hunters. The Rio Negro is a convenient southern boundary for the Pampa, but the archeology of Patagonia, to the south, is closely related. SUBDIVISIONS OF THE GREATER PAMPA Pampa proper.—The archeology of the Pampa proper is well represented by the sites on the San Blas Peninsula‘ (Outes, 1907; Torres, 1922). Stonework.—The lithic component from sites in the semiarid, desolate San Blas country consists of: Plano-convex scrapers made from flint flakes (fig. 1, top and center rows) ; both the narrow blade and the ovate leaf-form knife; expanded-base, T-form, and slender spike-form drills; and projectile points, the number of types of which ‘The Hucal site in La Pampa (Outes, 1904) is culturally very similar to the sites on the San Blas Peninsula. ae SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buty. 143 intimate that the San Blas sites cover a considerable time range.® Un- stemmed points of medium and small size are triangular or ovate, equilateral or elongated, and have straight or concave bases (pl. 13, three top rows). Stemmed points are similar in shape and propor- tions (pl. 13, bottom row). There are also some very small stemmed and unstemmed points of the delicately chipped type, called bird points in North America (pl.13,¢op). A number of exceptionally large, long points are classed as spear points. Bone tools, probably employed as flint-chipping implements, were associated with the flint artifacts. Lip plugs and earplugs, made of local stone, and polished and en- graved stone plaques, are present in the San Blas region. The plaques bear decorative figures very similar to those on some of the pottery; rectilinear zones and chevron figures, either plain or filled with fine cross-hachure, are characteristic. ‘The engraved plaques occur south in Patagonia to the Rio Deseado (Serrano, 1940 a). Bolas stones, mortars (fig. 2, top), mullers (fig. 2, bottom), and pestles were found in considerable numbers on the San Blas Peninsula. Ceramics.—The pottery of San Blas (pl. 14) is fairly well fired and constructed, and is either tempered with crushed quartz or appears to be temperless. Forms are subspherical. Teat-shaped pot sup- ports, used in threes (?) or fours (?%), occur. Decoration is on the vessel exterior, arranged in a band just below the rim. The following variations are noted: Simple fine-line incisions; simple incisions com- bined with rows of small punctations; simple incisions with puncta- tions used as filler for various designs; deep groovelike incisions sometimes combined with deep punctations; and semilunar puncta- tions, made with an instrument or, possibly, the fingernail. Designs are either geometric or crudely drawn forms which cannot be inter- preted with certainty as naturalistic elements. L. M. Torres (1922) has postulated two ceramic periods of the San Blas Peninsula upon the basis of design evolution and relationships to other areas. He connects the fine-line incised designs with the ceramic and stone decorations of Patagonia, and believes them to represent the earlier period. He relates the grooved incising to the Buenos Aires coast and makes it a second period. The geographic connec- tions are indisputable, but the proposed sequence awaits stratigraphic demonstration. Burial—Simple interment was practiced in the Pampa. When burials were secondary, the skeletons must have been cleaned of flesh 5 Bird, this volume, notes that projectile point types of his third and fourth southern Patagonian prehistoric periods are found in northern Patagonia. The unstemmed points of medium size of the Pampa proper are like those of Bird’s third period. The stemmed triangular points match with those of his fourth period, and the small, stemmed bird points resemble the Ona type. The small triangular stemless point with a concave base, common in the Pampa, is apparently not a part of the southern Patagonian series. PLATE 13.—Projectile points of the Pampa proper. Vicinity of SanjBlas,f{Buenos Aires. Two top rows: Small stemless and stemmed triangular form (commonin north Pampa). Third row: Large stemless form (similar to Bird’s, 1938, third Magellanic period). Bottom row: Medium-sized stemmed triangular form (similar to Bird’s, 1938, fourth Magellanic period). (4/5 natural size.) (After Holmes, 1912, pl. 13.) PLATE 14.—Sherds from San Blas Peninsula, Buenos Aires Province. a, Grooved-incised decoration; b, semilunar punctations; c, d, fine-line incisions with zoned punctations; e, /, fine-line incisions combined with cross-hachure and rows of punctations. (After Torres, 1922, figs. 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 45.) — PLATE 15.—Querandi sherds. Punta Piedras, Buenos Aires Province. a, 6, c, d, Semilunar or elongated punctations within grooved-incised zones; e, punctations in incised zones; f, incisions. (After Vignati, 1931 a, pls. 5, 6, 8.) ‘ee ee ~e : Sie sae rer bs Swe + %& %, PLATE 16.— Querandt sherds. Punta Piedras. a, Decoration combination of serried punctations and “drag-and-jab”’ punctation-incision; }, ‘‘drag-and-jab’’; c, Semilunar punctations; d, incisions or connected Semilunar punctations. (After Vignati, 1931 a, pls. 5, 6, 8.) PLATE 17.—Querandi sherds. Punta Lara, Buenos Aires Province. a, b, c, ‘‘Tubulares’’; d, e, fine-line incision; f, g, grooved-incisions; h, fingernail imbricated sherd. (1/2 natural size.) (After Bruzzone, 1931 pls. 3, 5.) PLATE 18.—Querandi bone artifacts. Arroyo Sarandi, Buenos Aires Province. a, Shaft straightener; b-d, socketed lance point (0 is 3 in., or 7.5 em.); e, antler punch or tapping tool (105¢ in., or 27 em.); f-j, bone awls of various shapes and sizes (h is 444 in. or 11.5em.). (After Lothrop, 1932, figs. 71, 72.) seen EERIE ER RS d e PLATE 19.—Pottery, Mendoza and Angol, Chile. a, b, d, e, Viluco style; c, Araucanian style. (a, b, d, e, after Métraux, 1929, pls. 5, 7; c, courtesy D. S. Bullock.) PLATE 20.—Polished stone artifacts. Top: Ax with engraved designs from Aguada del Chanar, Rio Negro. (Length 4 in. or 9.1 em.; width 245 in. or 6.1 cm.; thickness 44 in.,or8em.) (After Vignati, 1931 b, plate opposite page 174.) Bottom: Offertory basins from Mendoza. (Length 8}4in., or 22cm.; width 5 in, ,or 12.3 em.; depth of basin 1 in., or 2.4em.) (After Rusconi, 1941 a, figs. 6, 7.) PLATE 21.—Stone artifacts from Neuquén. a, Bola (15 natural size); b, celt (45 natural size); c, sobador one size); d, hafted celt from Chos Malal salt mine (14 natural size). (After Aparicio, 1935, pls. g A i SS PLATE 22.—Sherds from Cérdoba._ a, |), ‘‘ Drag-and-jab;”’ c, d, f, zoned punctations; e, so-called net-marked; g, net-marked or cord-marked (?). From Los Porongos, Mar Chiquita area. (After Aparicio, 1942, pls. 1, 2, 3.) h, i, Incised sherds. From Villa Maria. (After Outes, 1911, figs. 102, 103.) VoL. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 33 x \\\ Nt ‘\ Stl Oe \\ SA SN 2 t wea GU ca taagitnhy i: af 7 i ee any ii Hitt, ut it! \ i Ni Wie s cared oa ip \ “al a if tf Hpi Wi, Wu ic ‘i Pp ‘\ Mii iN en FINN Hays Ae \\ AN \ Clad Wid] (ond i: Ni ale Peet i Meeill ‘Nh lk NS: “vel fike wei Figure 2.—Ground-stone work from the Buenos Aires coast. Top: Mortars of sandstone from Blas and Viedma (% natural size.) Bottom: Mullers or manos of granite and sandstone from Viedma and San Blas (1% natural size). (After Holmes, 1912, fig. 35.) before inhumation. A few rather elaborately painted skulls, with red, black, yellow, and green on a single skull, have been recorded (Vignati, 1937 a). Querandi.—The archeology of the Querandi subarea is concerned with those sites south and west of the Parana and La Plata Rivers, in the historic habitat of the Querandi tribe. Arroyo Sarandi (Loth- rop, 19382 b), a delta site near Buenos Aires, and sites in the Lake Chascomus and Lake Lobos (Outes, 1897) region of northern Buenos Aires Province are representative. Additional sites containing very similar archeological finds are those of Rio de las Conchas (Oliveira Cézar, 1895), Punta Piedras (Vignati, 1931 a), Punta Lara (Bruz- zone, 1931), and Rio Matanzas (Basavilbaso, 1937 a). The southern limits of the Querandi archeological subarea are not clearly defined. Sites—The village sites attributed to the Querandi are shallow refuse mounds representing at least semipermanent living places. Arroyo Sarandi, located on the intermediate ground between the flood plain of the river and the higher ground of the Pampas, is a thin rubbish site, apparently several acres in extent. Outes (1897) describes some of the midden sites, or paraderos, in the Chascomus- 583486—46——3 34 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 1438 Lobos region as 45 to 165 yards (40 to 150 m.) square, and others as much larger, although these latter may not be deposits of continuous refuse. Sherds, flint artifacts, and other objects are scattered over the surface of the sites and distributed through the midden. Ceramics.—Certain pottery is very similar to that found else- where in the Pampa, but some types are uniquely Querandi, so that the total pottery complex differs from that of the Pampa proper. The Querandt ware is generally the hardest and best made. The temper is sand, grit, or tiny smooth pebbles, although Punta Piedras (Vignati, 1931 a) is exceptional in that both ground-sherd and vegetal- fiber temper were reported. Thickness of vessel walls ranges from 2 mm. to 2.5 cm. There are no composite or other unusual vessel forms. Hemispherical bowls and shallow bowls with plain and re- curved rims, and sometimes with small tubular spouts set just below the rim, are typical. Most Querandi pottery is plain or is decorated with punctations or incisions (fig. 3). Red and white pigments are used sparingly, sometimes being applied as a slip of the entire vessel, but more often as bands forming rim borders (fig. 4, bottom). Sometimes red zones or bands are enclosed with incised lines (fig. 4, top). Lothrop (1932 b) mentions Arroyo Sarandi as the southernmost occurrence of painted pottery on the Atlantic coast, but it has since been reported farther south but still within the La Plata district (Vignati, 1931 a). The Querandi painted decoration was undoubtedly an idea received from their Guarant neighbors. A horizontal stratification at Punta Lara suggests that Guarané influences were added to the Querandi complex, presumably at a later time. Bruzzone (1931) found grooved- incised and “drag-and-jab” incised pottery together on one area of the site; and found the same types associated with red-zoned and finger- nail-imbricated (pl. 17, 2) were segregated on a contiguous but sep- arate part of the site. The incised and punctate Querandi decoration is arranged in a band encircling the vessel exterior just below the rim. Incision is usually of the deep-grooved rather than the fine-line variety. Other techniques include deep rectangular or triangular punctations (pl. 16, a), stippled line or “drag-and-jab” incision-punctation (pl. 16, a, 6; fig. 3), and semilunar punctations that do not appear to be fingernail impressions. These techniques are combined into the fol- lowing designs: Borders consisting of a series of parallel grooved, straight or wavy lines; similar borders done with “drag-and-jab” lines; rectilinear or undulating zones outlined with grooved lines and filled with semilunar punctations (pl. 15, a, 6, c, d); stepped, triangular, and connected diamond designs which may be filled with punctations 35 ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY VoL. 1] Le lemialvle cles senecamqesc.es'g mo rae 1 suc eons ! ‘ 1 1 wom CEI 1 . ' | i! ‘ 1 WOSmnO erie, I ' ‘ SSeS S TSR 5) Ay F 4é U ! I, Lhe EF ’ 7, LA 1 ‘ Ws 4/ ’ ' 4 4/ ' eg eg 1 ‘ (44 ' ' ( “ ' A NY ' y NK \ i) ' NS NS ’ \N ’ } aRe Dy ' ' ' “w“w Ny 1 1 \\ u 4 1 al ' et wwe we KH 4) 1 ' ' yore V ' 1 ’ oe ' 1 un Cole Sa ae ' ' ) { ’ ' i! i! ‘ ! be---555) ' 7 \\ ' 1 4 vA) ' ] Y sf ' sf 44 ' | 7 ha 1 | s/f 4 J ie. ne MAL 1 os Ae 1 NS KC MEAS i] \N \ NY “. i] cw NSN NSN i] X\ 1 ' | ' ‘ ‘ ’ ' ’ ' ' | ' 1 ' ' ! ' ' ‘ ' ' y ! ' ' ' ' s ' ' ) ’ ‘ ' ‘ { as Ns ‘ cece wees ob du a fe a ue ae er i i ri. Ge OW SRS) | ; giver ep) ieee root | : 1 oy eS ‘ : ui 1! WW ' ‘ " lbenea Cee i I I HT Hon F HT ' ‘ i gasses f= =k i ‘ Hi Hy i! ; Nee TB Ce ‘ " ly HH t ve tit I ts = ‘ ’ W ’ | i] 1 4t Lely " fl ' ea [eens “oy 1 ‘ " Vv i ' it f=es> | ' ' ' ' ib ' a 1 ' ' i] ' et 1 y i i\ ' u Hie FT it te i) haa! ' ‘ ' >>> |! : i ', il i! ! ' HW 1 mee ' nak a : 4 h “CSS ' Pte Meets t 5 Wes Use at 4 ite lero oer ees were aa ath SES eg no ial re TS .N ~O eet tw er mm me me Ke ee ew ee ee em ew ee ee eee Ke ee ee ee ee “drag-and- (After Lothrop, All are examples of Querandé incised sherds from Arroyo Sarandi. b” or stippled 1 1932, pl. 23.) FIGURE 3. or 10 cm.). in., (length of bottom sherd 4 i . ine incision ja 36 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buin. 148 a V2. i —— ind “4 ape Ficure 4.—Painted sherds from Arroyo Sarandi. Jop: Sherds with incised zones filled with red. Bottom: Use of red bands, no incisions. (After Lothrop, 19382, figs. 56, 54.) (pl. 15, e) ; and stepped and other rectilinear designs executed by rows of deep punctations. Occasionally fine-line cross-hachure is noted on vessel interiors. Both the “drag-and-jab” technique and the designs composed only of rectilinear arrangements of rows of deep puncta- tions are Querandi features, or, at least, are more common in northern Buenos Aires around the Parana River than in the southern Pampa. (See Lothrop, 1932 b, pp. 155-56, for a discussion of decoration variations and their distributions. ) Ceramic objects other than pottery from Querandi sites include per- forated pottery disks, possibly spindle whorls (found south to Pata- gonia), and “tubulares,” or “pot-rests” (pl. 17, a, 6, ce; fig. 5, left) (from delta Querandi and Guarani sites). The latter are hollow, more or less tubular objects. Quite possibly they are also a diffused Vou. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 37 Guarani trait. Lothrop (1932 b) lists a single pottery pipe from Arroyo Sarandi. Stonework.—Chipped-stone projectile points are mainly un- stemmed, small, and triangular. Plano-convex round and elliptical scrapers, including the duck-bill type, are common in the Lake Chas- comus region. Stone mortars and grinders are found in Querandi sites, and accord with the historical accounts of their use for grinding fish. Bolas, both spherical and oval, are common. FicurRE 5.—Querandi artifacts from Arroyo Sarandi. Left: ‘Tubular,’ or pot-rest (restored height 7 in., or 18 cm.). Right: Bone arrow point (length 2% in., or 6 cm.). (After Lothrop, 1932, figs. 62, 70.) Miscellaneous.—Socketed bone points with a long narrow tang and a single flat barbed and stemmed bone blade (fig. 5, right) were re- covered at Arroyo Sarandi. Querandti sites of the Delta abound in bone tools (pl. 18), including sharpened fish spines, pierced horn implements probably used to string fish, awls of all types, and bone pegs which appear to have been used on spear throwers. The scarcity of large, stemmed stone points in Querandi sites suggests that bone or wooden points must have often been used to tip the spears. Objects of personal adornment were made of shell or hammered metal. 38 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buty. 143 Burials —Burials occur in the shallow refuse at Arroyo Sarandi. They are about numerically divided, half secondary and half primary interments. Secondary burials sometimes comprise masses of bone with the remains of several individuals. The primary burials are extended. Burial offerings do not accompany the dead. Lothrop (1932 b) suggests that, as the secondary burial was the widespread aboriginal Pampean custom, primary burial may be a European in- novation. European objects found in the midden at Arroyo Sarandi clearly indicate that occupation of the site extended into the post- Contact period. Mendoza-Neuquén.—This archeological subarea diverges from the Pampa proper more than the Querandi, perhaps because the unique traits found in the mountains of Mendoza and Neuquén came relatively late from the Andean cultures, and therefore stand out in stark relief against the old Pampean culture pattern. G'warani traits, which are the exotic elements in Querandi, are, on the other hand, probably much older importations that were more thoroughly integrated into the local picture. A good many of the non-Pampean archeological elements of the re- gion occur at Viluco, a site in northern Mendoza. There is disagree- ment as to the origin and relationships of the Viluco culture. Boman (1920) sees Viluco as a 16th-century Puelche or Huarpe site. Métraux (1929 a), in a later analysis, argues that it is a post-Contact site of Araucanian origin. L. M. Torres (1923) concurs in Métraux’s view, while Canals Frau (this volume, p. 170) inclines to attribute the Viluco type archeological complex to the Huarpe. Boman concluded that Viluco was an agricultural community, which practiced irrigation to sustain crops in a rather inhospitable en- vironment. He opened a number of graves in a cemetery area at the site. These graves were 3 to 5 feet (1 to 1.5 m.), or less, in depth and each contained a flexed burial or burials. The accompanying grave artifacts were of both aboriginal and European manufacture. The latter, which include iron lances, iron nails, glass beads, and Christian religious medals, place the burials and probably the entire site as post-Conquest. Some of the grave pottery is painted, and there are a number of unusual forms, especially a small, single-handled pitcher or jar and a single-handled kero or beaker (pl. 19, a, b, d, e). The painted pottery has a dull red or buff background with black, red, white, or red and black designs. The designs are geometric stepped figures, zigzags, nested triangles, bands or zones segmented into compart- ments, fields of checks, parallel straight or wavy lines, dots, and stars. Except for the painted ware, the majority of vessels, including the pitcher with single handle, and the sherds are a plain black. No simple incised or punctated pottery of a Pampean type was found Vow. 1] ARCHEOLOGY OF THE GREATER PAMPA—WILLEY 39 at Viluco, although a few basketry-impressed sherds, resembling those from Cérdoba, were obtained. There is agreement that the Viluco pottery is generically Andean, but its more exact relationships have not been determined. In the writer’s opinion, there is little specific similarity to the classic Andean Tiahuanaco-Epigonal and Nazca styles. The Diaguita style of North- west Argentina has only a slightly greater resemblance to Viluco. Comparisons to what is probably Araucanian pottery, across the Andes, are more rewarding (pl. 19, ¢). The single-handled pitcher or jar is a characteristic Araucanian form (Latcham, 1928), and Araucanian pottery utilizes dark-red designs on a neutral buff ground and has similar designs. Additional features in the Viluco graves which relate that site to Chilean Arvaucanian are pottery whistles (fig. 6), pyramidal dice, ecereeccoss: Peter cece mt cceese y Be re: \ i ANN ‘ZZ Z 2) aig Ha wy Se 7) as eS rs. ey Gis ss - oS is Me tae » = ain © hie sae .w ik Fs: en Z, ~ i] si oS -& <7 = = JF rg RS TE S epee tn: =2sq a > =_B ~~: SN =A WS -2F SS Eg \\ FIcurRE 6.—Silbato, or whistle of pottery. Cemetery of Viluco, Mendoza. Rusted iron nail adhering to whistle (14 natural size). (After Boman, 1920, fig. 9.) 40 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 and brass ear ornaments. Métraux (1929) considers the pictographs of the immediate region of Viluco to be Araucanian, although he re- gards the pictographs in extreme northern Mendoza as Diaguita. The projectile points found at Viluco (Torres, L. M., 1923; Boman, 1920) are all of the small, unstemmed variety, very similar to those of the Pampa proper.® Other sites in Mendoza yield microlithic points, quite different from any in the Pampa region. Other Pampa traits at Viluco are spherical and pyriform bolas, a bone lip plug, and shell necklaces and perforated shell disks. These last are, interestingly, made of Pacific as well as Atlantic shells. Square-bodied copper punches and wooden beads found in some of the graves may or may not be of aboriginal origin. Whether or not Viluco was an Araucanian or Huarpe site is, of course, not conclusively proved by its archeology. A very strong case can be made to demonstrate that its material remains are closely related to Chilean Araucanian. It is, of course, possible that the Avau- canian features, including agriculture, were borrowed and rapidly assimilated by a simple, nonhorticultural people, such as the Huarpe. Such an assumption supposes a very quick and complete change in the underlying mode of life of a peripheral Pampa people. Archeological evidence indicates a relatively brief and late period to be involved. Presumably, Pampean peoples had been living in close proximity to Andean agriculturists for several hundred years previous to the Euro- pean Conquest without basically changing the Pampean mode of life. It seems doubtful that such a swift acculturation of non-European ele- ments took place after the Conquest. Although the Viluco site is representative of many of the distinctive features of the Mendoza-Neuquén subarea, other non-Pampean finds have been made in the mountain valleys of the two provinces. The subterranean granaries, lined with tied sticks and clay-capped, and the above-ground rock structures of the Uspallata Valley are clearly non- Pampean features (Rusconi, 1940 b).7. Basketry, to judge from bas- ketry-impressed sherds, must have been a prehistoric as well as an historic and modern native industry. There are deep, man-made holes in large stationary rocks, presumably mortars for grinding food (Rusconi, 1940 c). Stone lip plugs both of the flat Pampean variety and of an elongated spike form (Rusconi, 1940 d) obtain in Mendoza. More unusual artifacts are the Fuentes de Ofrendas, or offertory basins, made of steatite or pottery. These are somewhat like the snuff tablets from Northwest Argentina, although the former are ovoid rather than quadrangular. The Mataco collect wild roots and tubers during the lean winter months. Among the roots are those of the olax (Cissus palmata), which grow in marshy grounds and have to be boiled in three different waters; of the newik creeper, which look like manioc but are unsavory; and those of the na’pét cactus, which are boiled in ashes. Tubers include katsi’w6k (Hchinodorus grandiflorus), an aquatic plant which needs only slight boiling; si’nyax, which are very bitter and therefore are roasted, dried, and then boiled for a whole day; moLmoLt (Solanum meloncillo) ; atsixw6, which are first roasted and then boiled; and nekwitaix (Merremia aegyptica). The Mataco also eat iste-Loi berries (Physalis viscosa), and the fruits of san’y4 (Araujia plumosa) ; katsunLi (Philibertia gracilis) ; kitsawk (Cissus sicyoides), which are boiled and roasted; tsotna-katos (‘‘deer-teats’”), which are baked in ashes; and axwatax-Loi, which resemble the tasi fruits and the fruits of the newGk creeper. 248 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buby. 143 The economic value of palm trees for the M/bayd can be well illus- trated by the various advantages which these Indians derived from the mbocayd palm (Acrocomia sp., probably totaz) : the fruits, seeds, shoots, and pith were eaten; the sap was made into an alcoholic bever- age; grubs, which grew in the decayed trunks, were greatly relished as a food; and ropes and halters were made from the leaves and needles from the thorns. The terminal shoot (palmito) of the caranday palm is also an important food for the Pilcomayo tribes. Modern Indians in that region, however, do not seem to consume the starch of the palm to the same extent that their ancestors did. The Aocové broiled the palmito and pounded it into a flour, which they ate as a mush. They were also fond of the fruit kernels, which they consumed raw or roasted (Kobler, 1870, p. 235). The main vegetable foods of the Chamacoco are algarroba pods, shoots of the caranday palm (Copernicia cerifera), the pith of the carandaipé palm, the bases of the caraguata leaves, the tubers of an aquatic plant, and a wild “manioc” (Baldus, 1931 b, p. 26). The Guaranoca collect paquio, chuchio, pifas silvestres, pitajaya, algar- roba pods, and the fruits of the totai palm (Oefner, 1942, p. 103). Rice (Oryza perennis), which grows wild in the marshy tracts of the upper Paraguay River, was consumed on a large scale by the river Indians, the Payagué and Guachi, and even by the Mbayd, who ob- tained it from these tribes by barter. The Payagudé and Guachi harvested the rice by shaking the grains into their canoes, in a way similar to that of the Menoméini of Wisconsin in harvesting wild rice. They ate it without removing the hull (Sanchez Labrador, 1910-17, 12185). When hard-pressed by hunger, the Mocovi ate the boiled roots of the umbi tree (Kobler, 1870, p. 223). Throughout the Chaco, wild fruits and tubers are collected by women who search the bush, equipped with a digging stick, a wooden hook fastened to a long pole to pull down high branches, and large caraguata bags to carry home the harvest. The digging stick is made of hard wood (often of palo mataco, Achatocarpus praecow) and as a rule, has a spatulated or beveled distalend. The digging stick of the Zoba and Mataco is about 6 feet (1.8 m.) long and of considerable weight. The same tribes also use shorter, thinner sticks with a spatulated head, which can be carried easily when they wander in the forest and which serve to open palm trunks and uproot caraguataé plants. The Abipdén and Mocovi digging stick was about 4 feet (1.3 m.) long, broad at each end but slender in the middle (Dobrizhoffer, 1784, 2: 122). Chamacoco women have digging sticks shaped like paddles or clubs with sharp edges, a form appropriate for extracting the caranday terminal shoots Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 249 (palmitos). To uproot caraguata leaves, Chaco women used forked sticks. Before eating the tunas (Barbary figs), which are covered with infinitesimal thorns, the women shake the fruit together in elongated nets (pl. 60, 0) to rub off the dangerous fuzz. Chaco Indians are eager honey-gatherers. Bees and honey-pro- ducing wasps are numerous in the Chaco. The Mataco know of 16 different kinds of honey. Some species of bees or wasps make spher- ical hives hanging from trees; others live in trees or in underground holes. When wandering in the bush, the men attentively follow the flight of each bee, hoping to discover its nest. The Abipdn explained their habit of plucking their eyelashes as a measure to improve their sight when looking for bees. To reach honey in tree cavities, the Indians enlarge the hole with their axes, a lengthly operation when they had only stone axes. Unless the cavity is large enough to receive a vessel, the Indians dip a coarse fabric of caraguata, fibers into the liquid honey and wring it in a skin bag. The Chaco Indians despoil a hive entirely and, unlike some Brazilian tribes, leave no combs for the bees’ return. The larvae in the combs are eaten with the honey or, preferably, are roasted. Honey is always stored in a small bag made of the entire skin of a small rodent with the hair inside. The Guandé are said to stupefy the bees with the smoke of a Datura plant, which they blow into the cavity before removing the combs. The clouds of locusts that cross the Chaco sometimes are an impor- tant food resource. The Mocovi drove the insects toward a large straw fire which scorched them, or collected them by the hundreds and roasted them over a fire. Roasted or dried locusts are often pounded in a mortar and boiled in water or fried in fish oil (Mocov%, Lengua, and others). The Mocovi stored locusts which they could not eat on the spot; they also made a mush of locust eggs. Water supply.—Water is scarce throughout large regions of the Chaco. In the dry season its lack may become one of the most serious problems of survival. The ancient Zule and Vilela who lived south of the Bermejo River, bored deep pits in which they stored jars full of water for the dry season, or dug large cisterns.27 The modern Lengua have wells 15 to 20 feet (4.5 to 6.1 m.) deep and 21% feet (0.75 m.) in diameter. These are so made that a man can go down by footholds on either side. 71 Camano y Bazan (1931, p. 331) says: “Suplfan la falta de rios y manantiales perenes con el agua llovedisa que se recoge en ciertos bajios de tierra, los cuales cavaban y profundaban mas, para que el agua recogida en las lluvias durase por mas tiempo. Mas como aun esta diligencia no bastaba para que tuviesen agua por todo el aflo, por ser grandes los ardores del sol, y muy seca y sedienta la tierra, guardaban en hoyos profundos multitud de tinajas grandes llenas de agua para el verano. Guardaban tambien sandias. Serviales asimismo de bebidas el jugo de unas raices grandes manera de botijas, que llama uagali, tanto mas jugosas 0 aguosas que las sandias.”’ 250 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 When in extreme need, the Chaco Indians drink the water that collects in the hollow axils of caraguata leaves or dig up the bulky tuber of the cipoy (Jacaratia hassleriana; in Mataco, iletsax). Farming.—Agriculture is known to nearly all Chaco tribes. The few exceptions are explained by an unfavorable environment rather than by cultural reasons, though in some cases the adoption of the horse brought the temporary abandonment of farming. The ancient Zamuco were farmers and so are their descendants, the Moro and Guaranoca, who cultivate maize, beans, gourds, manioc, and cotton (?).22. On the other hand, the closely related Chamacoco are almost exclusively collectors and hunters, though even they are not entirely ignorant of the principles of agriculture, for they plant and carefully tend the gourds necessary for making rattles (Baldus, 1931 a, p. 82). Here the absence of systematic agriculture must be attributed to the nature of the land, for the Twmerehd, a subgroup of the same tribe who occupy a more favorable environment, raise a few crops and cultivate an imported reed, the cana de Castilla (Arundo donax), for arrow shafts. The Payagud, who formerly lived on the water, became agriculturists many years after they had settled in Asuncién. The first attempt at agriculture was the sowing of a few beans in 1824, After the Abipén, Mocovi, and Mbayd received the horse they found themselves in a better position to live from hand to mouth and gave up whatever little farming they might have practiced in the past. However, the Abipon and Mocovi obtained crop foods through loot and the A/bayd through tribute from their farming vassals, the Arawakan-speaking Guand. At the end of the 18th century, what- ever agriculture was practiced by the A/bayd was in the hands of the Guana slaves who lived among them. In the following century, the Mbaya themselves became true farmers, when the Whites forced them to lead a more sedentary life. It is quite likely that agriculture played the same part in the pre-European economy of these tribes that it did among other Chaco Indians who did not adopt the horse. The best farmers of the Chaco were the Arawakan-speaking Guand of the north, who depended mainly on the yield of their large planta- tions. Every year after they had tilled their fields and planted their crops, the Guand moved to the banks of the Paraguay River to hunt and fish until harvest time. The Zengua, who can find only small and scattered patches suitable for cultivation, raise few crops, but their neighbors, the Ashluslay (Chulup?) are better off, thanks to a more favorable habitat. To the Pilagd, whose lands are flooded every year, agriculture is more a sport than a profitable pursuit. They merely grow a few pumpkins, and some maize and tobacco. 2 The ancient Zamuco also planted peanuts, Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 251 Compared to the bush Mataco (Matacos montaraces) and the Toba, the river Afataco may be considered proficient gardeners. The ancient Gauchi of the Miranda River planted their crops on the flooded terrains along the river. As soon as the river receded, they set fire to the grass and started to till the soil to grow maize, gourds, tobacco, and sweet potatoes. (See Aguirre, 1911, p. 322.) Dryness of the soil, lack of chemicals, and excessive floods are not the only factors handicapping farming in large parts of the Chaco; crops are also threatened by blights, locusts, tordo birds, parakeets, peccaries, and by cattle and other domesticated animals. The build- ing of a thorn hedge around his field is the heaviest task which befalls the Mataco farmer. These fences, heaped up with great effort, do not last long and must be replenished twice a year. When thorn trees or brush can no longer be obtained within convenient distance, the In- dians prefer to abandon the old clearing and to open a new one in some other site. In the Spanish jargon of the Chaco, “field” is synonymous with “enclosure” (cerco). Some fields of the M/ataco in the upper Pilcomayo River region measure about 10 acres (4 hectares) ; this is also the size of the average Kaskiha field. On the other hand, the Pilagad have patches covering only a few square yards (meters). Sanapand plantations rarely exceed 5 or 8 acres (2 or 3 hectares). They are generally located within a thick forest and are reached by a winding path. The owner first destroys the low brush and then fells all trees except those which are too tall to shade the crops. Even after they have moved to a new site, the Lengua, and probably most of the Chaco Indians, return from time to time to their old gardens to carry off the produce. Most Chaco Indians are careless about the condition of their fields and plant the different crops haphazardly in scattered patches. Among the Haskihd, however, old people are said to weed the gardens. The main crops raised in the Chaco are: Maize, sweet manioc, beans (Phaseolus sp.), pumpkins (Cucurbita maxima), anco (Cucurbita moschata), watermelons, gourds (Angaité, Sanapand), sweet potatoes, tobacco, cotton, sorghum, and sugarcane. There are local variations, especially in the northern Chaco where the Indians are in contact with tropical agriculturists. The modern Guand cultivate, in addition to the plants listed above, bitter manioc, cara, several of the Cucurbi- taceae, rice, papayas, a species of Cassia, an aroid, the tubers of which are boiled in several waters, and uruct. Pumpkins are the preferred crop of the Mataco, and maize of the Ashluslay; sweet potatoes are the staple of the Kaskiha. The Lengua raise pumpkins, sweet potatoes, sweet manioc, tobacco, and a little maize. Clearing the brush, fence construction, and occasional weeding are everywhere men’s activities. There is some doubt as to which sex tills and sows. Mataco and Pilagé men till the fields and plant the crops; 252 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bunn. 143 women harvest. According to Nordenskiéld (1912, p. 94), among the Choroti and Ashluslay both men and women cooperate in all agricul- tural work. The care of the plantation is in the men’s hands among the Lengua, Kaskiha, and Guand. The main agricultural implement is either a digging stick (fig. 37, ¢) or a wooden paddle-shaped spade (Mataco, Choroti, Ashluslay, Guarafioca) carved from a single piece of wood and, occasionally, provided with a crotch at the proximal end (fig. 35,a). The shovel of the Guand, like that of the Chiriguano and of the Andean Indians of southern Bolivia and Atacama, consisted of a wooden blade (also a scapula) lashed to a handle 5 feet (1.5 m.) long. When shoveling, a Guana sat on the ground and turned up the soil within reach, then moved to another spot 7? (Sanchez Labrador, 1910-17, 2: 292). The Mataco maintain guards in their fields to scare off the swarms of parrots and other birds which plunder the ripe crops, or lay snares to catch them. When a crop has been destroyed by blight, the Lengua consult a shaman who himself brings, or who sends by someone else, charms to drive away the evil and to restore fertility to the soil. Unfruitful plants are spat upon to make them bear again (Grubb, 1904, p. 81). Fishing.—During 2 or 3 months each year, fishing is the principal economic activity and fish the staple food of those tribes that have access to large rivers, such as the Pilcomayo and the Bermejo. Even the equestrian Mbayd spent several weeks along the Paraguay River living exclusively on fish. For this period, they built flimsy shelters along the water so situated that, in case of danger, fire or smoke sig- nals could be seen by everyone. Even inland bush groups try to settle on the river banks during the fishing season notwithstanding the peril of poaching on the territory of other tribes. To avoid open warfare, agreements are sometimes reached between the river and bush people. Thus, the Ashluslay, when at peace with the Péilagd, lend them their fishweirs. Many inland tribes trade maize or other foods for dried or smoked fish. Collective fishing is common among the Pdlagd, Ashluslay, and Mataco of the Pilcomayo River, but on the Bermejo River it is more often an individual activity. There is scant discipline in these com- raunal drives, and everyone stops fishing at his own will. In the swampy regions near the mouth of the Pileomayo River, fish are often so thick in the stagnant pools that they can be dipped out by hand. The Zengua catch fish in the same manner in small streams 2H) modo que tienen en labrar la tierra es singular. Con las palas arriba dichas mueven la tierra y desherban, no al modo que lo hacen los Espanioles, sino sentados. Enhastan las palas en unos cabos largos de vara y media: siéntase el Chana, y trabaja cuanto alcanza la pala; asi, mudando sitios, limpia y compone el terreno de su sementera”’ (Sanchez Labrador, 1910-17, 1: 291-292). vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 253 which they dam when the annual flood recedes. Both the Ashluslay and the Lengua fish in low waters with conical wicker baskets, about 2 feet (0.6 m.) high and open at the base and apex. They drop them over the fish, which they seize with their hands through the hole at the top. The same Indians set wickerwork fish traps in larger streams. There is no record of native hooks other than those of the Zengua and Kaskiha (Hassler, 1894, p. 333), which are said to have been made of bone or wood. The Lengua angle with very short lines from their canoes or as they stand in the water. The Mataco, it is said, employ large wooden hooks for catching caimans. Angling with iron hooks is especially rewarding when the rivers are high and fish come to the banks to eat ant larvae and other insects which fall into the water near the crumbling banks. The Indians, however, often lose their catch to the palometa fish, which tears it or cuts the line. Net fishing, by far the most profitable method, is practiced during the dry season when rivers can be forded and dams built, and when shoals of fish migrate upstream. Nets are of two types: (1) Those with a frame of two long poles which open and close like scissors; and (2) those mounted on two bent flexible rods attached to each other at both ends (pl. 48). When word comes that fish are ascending the river, the Indians start to construct a fence of branches in the water parallel or diagonal to the shore.** At night a group of fishermen, holding nets of the first type, bar the downstream end of the channel between the fence and the shore (fig. 24). One or two men zigzag from the other end of the channel striking the water with a long pole, which makes an explosive noise and drives the fish toward the men with the nets, who scoop them out of the water, wrap them in their nets to immobilize them, and stun them with short round clubs. The fishermen thread each fish through the gills with a wooden needle and hang it on a cord wrapped around their waist. When this method is used in the daytime, the water beaters drive the fish by diving in the water with a net of the second type in which they scoop up any fish that pass by. In the low waters of the Pilcomayo and Bermejo Rivers, the Indians build a zigzag weir with narrow openings; in front of each opening, a platform is raised, from which they catch in large scissor nets fish descending the stream (fig. 25). On cold nights fishermen warm themselves by fires that burn on a layer of earth on the platforms. Identical platforms are placed at river bends where the eddies push the fish against the shore. The Pilcomayo River bed is full of depressions and holes, which are well known to the Indians and in which fish can always be caught, 24 One which I saw was about 100 yards (91 m.) long. 254 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 (After Rosen, 1924, fig. 113. Sketched from photo by EB. Nordenskiéld.) Vow. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 255 te ay RSS ) ar Re 1 4 A Waety { ‘ | | ag oe a | | VA we = 4) ys ’ Hag A man fishes with a dip net from a platform built in front ui \ y TTA RD tes a fake gis ee) | Neary, | aes eee VOY Cy dey ALLS 8 | ECE ea, Me 20 ' ASABE SALA |: : ead el as ol A Y 1 Ml a) B/E Bo haf i A ry / as i ar ie , E G . Pp a ‘ LY, L a A} y | iy u Fi 4 ‘ " f h y wy = ~ = . PAQAQUHI iy (After Rosen, 1924, fig. 114. Sketched from photo by EH. Nordenskidld.) Built across the Pilcomayo River with openings at intervals. of an opening. meal reas Fieure 25.—Choroté fish fence. STAT LM gt 256 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. BE. Bunn. 143 especially in cold weather when they are numb. An Indian holding the second type of dip net dives, opens his net under water, and returns to the surface with his catch. He then hurries to warm himself by a fire. In low water, a fisherman, using the same net, holds the lower stick of the frame close to the bottom, draws the net slowly along, and closes it on his prey. A group of fishermen may also corner fish along the river bank and scoop up scores in their nets and throw them on the shore.?® The Lengua catch eels and lungfish (Lepidosiren), which abound in their region, with slender spears. They also take them by hand, and wear a band of small bones across the palm of the hand to get a better hold (Grubb, 1913, p. 82). The Mataco, Toba (pl. 48), and Pilagd, especially in cold weather, spear fish with long bamboo rods tipped with wire. The J/ataco of the Bermejo River fish with a crude harpoon consisting of a 15-foot (4.5-m.) pole of light wood to which a small foreshaft is attached at the distal end; the detachable head is the sharpened tip of a cow horn with a lateral flange and a hole for the string on the edge (fig. 36, 4). The long recovery cord is not tied to the shaft, but is held by the fisherman. Similar harpoons, known to the /ocovi, have been described by Baucke (1870, p. 265; see also Baucke, 1935, pl. 16). Heads of this type have been found in the Paran4 Delta, where such harpoons were employed as a thrusting javelin. During the flood season, the Indians shoot fish with bows and arrows, the Afataco using harpoon arrows. Pélaga fishermen sometimes shoot from a flimsy platform in the trees overhanging the water, where a crude fence open at both ends brings the fish within shooting range. No Chaco tribe stupefies fish with poison. The Mataco and Choroti lure fish by throwing the leaves of a creeper or of the bobo tree or branches of chafiar into the water, and then shoot the fish when they nibble the bait. When they wade in shallow, calm waters, usually teeming with ferocious palometa fish which may tear off large pieces of their flesh, fishermen often wear protective “stockings” knitted of caraguata fibers or, in modern times, canvas gaiters. Hunting.—Hunting was an important economic pursuit for all Chaco tribes, especially for those who, like the Bush Mataco, had no access to the river. Scarcity of game is one cause for the decline of the Pilagé and a factor which compels them to serve the Whites. Pos- session of the horse facilitated the capture of game and thus increased 25 Dobrizhoffer (1784, 1: 376) describes a fishing method which has not been observed among modern Chaco Indians: “For fishing they [Vilela and Payagud] use a very small net, two ends of which they fasten before them, as you would an apron, at the same time holding the two others with their hands. Thus accoutred they jump from the shore into the water, and if they spy any fish at the bottom, swim after it, catch it in the net, which they place under its body, and carry it to shore.” Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 257 the economic value of hunting in several tribes. Except during the busy fishing season, one or the other person in an extended family is always engaged in hunting. Whenever a group travels to a new terri- tory, the men scatter in search of game, while women slowly move along under their heavy burdens. Collective hunting was more common among horsemen than among foot Indians. Parties of 20 or 30 Mbayd or Mocovi horsemen encir- cled a wide area and gradually closed in, driving the game to the center, where they killed the animals by hurling their clubs or by knocking them down at close range. Burning grasslands or the bush is a common hunting method throughout the Chaco. Even if the fire does not raise large game, it always puts to flight hundreds of small rodents at which the hunters hurl short clubs with bulging heads. The charred carcasses of animals overtaken by the fire are gathered up and eaten on the spot. Later the Indians return to the fired area to stalk the countless deer lured by the salty ashes or the thick and tender new grass. The winter hunting drives of the Bermejo River Indians also re- quire the collaboration of many people. Two parties of about 100 men set fire to the bush along parallel lines; the animals caught between two walls of fire seek to escape at the ends, where they are met by the hunters, who kill them with spears, clubs, or arrows. The Mbaya surrounded the open space between two thickets with a flimsy fence. When a herd entered the few openings in the enclosure, the Indians closed the gates with strings and killed the terrified animals. The Mocovi captured rheas in the same way, but used a fresh skin full of flies as a bait. From every point of view the most desirable game are rheas, deer, and peccaries. In order to get within range of the rheas, hunters cover their heads and shoulders with bundles of grass or palm leaves and slowly approach the unsuspecting birds until within arrow or bola range. The Pilcomayo River Indians disguise themselves with rhea feathers and, stretching one arm over their head, mimic the movements of their prey so skillfully that the birds remain indif- ferent to their presence until they are shot. When the Lengua hunters discover a flock of rheas in scrub country, they block up the open spaces between the various copses with brushwood, and other Indians lying in wait at given points drive the birds toward the fence, which, however flimsy, prevents their flight (Grubb, 1913, p. 85). The Mbayd shot white-lipped peccaries (Tayassu pecari) with arrows or clubbed them at close range, despite the danger of attacking these animals when roused. Peccaries were also driven into a river, where they were slaughtered, or into a deep ditch covered with twigs, where they fell on top of one another. 583486—46—17 258 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 The Chaco Indians assume that red head bands or red ponchos so fascinate deer that they are unable to run away, thus allowing the hunter to walk within shooting range. They also know how to decoy animals by imitating their calls. Some hunters build blinds near watering places from which they shoot game. The equestrian Indians did most of their hunting on horseback. Naked Mbaydé hunters riding bareback on specially trained horses, pursued deer until they were abreast of them and could either knock them down with clubs or transfix them with spears. The use of bows and arrows was restricted to hunting in thickets where horses could not move freely. Jaguars are surrounded by hunters armed with spears and are killed when they attempt to break through the circle of assailants. The Mbayd caught jaguars in a ring of fire and slew the animals with clubs and spears. They also caught them in a trap which con- sisted of a spring-pole noose trap. The Mocovi and Mataco combined this type of trap with a pitfall. For various traps, see figures 26, 27, and 28. Ficur® 26.—Mataco traps. a, Bird trap; b, spring-pole trap; c, trigger releasing trap. The marshes and lagoons of the Chaco teem with water birds which are easy to kill when they are surprised at night roosting on trees or sleeping in the pools. Hunters hurl a rain of sticks at them or confuse them with torches and kill them at their leisure. Concealed by clumps of weeds or by calabashes, the Indians swim toward ducks and drown them by pulling them under water by the Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 259 legs. Calabashes are thrown into the water previously, so that the birds become familiar with their appearance and do not suspect the ruse, Figure 27.—Mataco traps. a, Fox trap with sliding door. The interior mechanism is shown at right; b, fox trap with interior mechanism shown at left. The V-shaped aperture is arranged inside the doorway. By entering door to get the bait, the animal releases the spring pole and is strangled. Other animals of lesser economic value hunted by Chaco Indians are anteaters, foxes, otter, caimans, armadillos, carpinchos, iguanas, and, occasionally, tapirs. Caimans are speared along the shore or are 260 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. BE. Bunn. 143 killed with a harpoon tipped with a wooden or bone head (A/bayd and Mocovi). Otter are stalked with dogs and beaten to death with sticks. Hunters wear hunting charms sewn into belts or in small pouches. The magic bundle for catching rheas is made of this bird’s neck and contains grass, leaves, and other foods eaten by it. The Pilaga paint themselves black when hunting rheas, believing that the birds will not recognize them. The Indians rub their bodies with special plants to insure good luck. In order to establish a bond between themselves and the rheas which will facilitate their hunting luck, some Lengua bury a wooden egg in the ground and sit on it for a short while (Alarcén y Cafiedo, 1924, p. 50). The Lengua also use Waaapaaechesetcc ee abas LEA OL FicurRE 28.—Mataco jaguar trap. Schematic representation of pitfall and spring pole. Animal falling into pit releases spring pole and rings bell on tree. wax images as hunting charms, and on the night before a hunting party, they chant to the rhythm of their rattles to lure the prey to special areas. The ancient Mocovi smeared their dogs’ snouts and their horses with jaguar blood to make them scent the animal from afar. Mataco and Lengua hunters always pluck the head feathers of birds they have shot and scatter them along the path to confuse and deceive the birds’ spirits. Distribution of game.—When several Mbayd hunted together, the man who dealt the animal the death blow had the first right to the carcass and directed its division among the hunters (Sanchez Labra- dor, 1910-17, 1: 202). The Afocovi, on the contrary, gave the game to the man who hit it first, even though someone else actually killed the Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 261 animal (Furlong C., 1938 c, p. 106). The leader of a M/bayd hunting party received the heart of the slain animal. Food taboos.—Unless influenced by some magic belief, Chaco In- dians show little discrimination in the choice of their food. Those who live in harsh surroundings, like the bush Mataco, are least par- ticular; without reluctance they eat anteaters, wildcats, otter, foxes, armadillos, land turtles, water serpents, frogs, snails, lizards, and rhea (fandu) eggs in any condition. Most Chaco Indians strongly believe that the properties of an animal are easily transmissible to those who eat its flesh. To absorb the jaguar’s fierceness, the Abipdn ate even the smallest morsel of its meat or drank its fat. But, fearing to acquire “sloth, langor and cowardice,” they despised hens, sheep, and turtles. Some food taboos depend on a person’s age; old people who are no longer active have no dread of certain foods. Thus Mataco greyheads may eat armadillos, but young people avoid them lest they become lazy because this animal turns sluggish when the air is chilly. Skunk and fox flesh hkewise are tasted only by the aged. Deer marrow was greatly relished by elderly Mocovi males, but was strictly forbidden to young warriors for reasons stated ina myth. The Mataco never eat peccary lest they get tooth- aches and their teeth chatter as do those of this animal when it is roused. The liver of any game animal causes the teeth to decay. The Toba fear that the meat of the collared peccary and the domesticated pig will give them ulcers on the nose. The M/ataco shun deer meat for unexplained reasons. Though rhea eggs, fresh or half hatched, are a favorite food, chicken eggs are never eaten. Milk, easily obtained from cows, sheep, and goats, is shunned because it is thought to transmit undesirable traits of these animals. Food preparation.—Meat is roasted on a spit or is boiled. The Mataco, Choroti, Ashluslay, and probably many other tribes sometimes bake a large piece of game in an earth oven—a round pit, wider at the bottom than at the top—in which wood is burned. Some of the ashes are removed and the unskinned game is placed in the pit and covered with straw and soil. The Ashluslay and 7’sirakua earth oven is provided with a lateral funnel. No part of roast game is wasted. The intestines are simply squeezed and their half-digested contents often consumed as “vege- tables.” The Indians roast small camp rats, of which they are very fond, without even opening the carcasses. A Kaskihdé specialty is a sort of pie or sausage made of chopped rhea (fiandu) liver, blood, and grease stuffed in this bird’s oesophagus and baked under the ashes. Any grease that remains is mixed with rhea eggs and salt and put into a bladder to be cooked in the same 262 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 fashion. The Mbayd seem to have learned from the Spaniards how to prepare jerked meat. Fish are inserted between the two halves of a split stick, which is stuck by the fire. Sometimes Z'0ba coat fish with clay and bake them under ashes. Broiled fish keep for a long time and are stored on the roofs of the huts. The entrails and the fat liver of fish or game are fried and the melted grease eaten as gravy with several vegetables or with the meat itself, Most of the wild tubers collected by the Mataco are either boiled for a whole day or are roasted and then cooked in water. One of the most palatable foods of the bush is a creeper (Mataco: xwiyelax), which is first roasted and then boiled. The leaves of the edible Bromelias “ are baked in ashes. The seeds of the same Bromelias are roasted, crushed, and boiled. Tasi fruits are roasted in ashes and eaten with fish grease. Algarroba and tusca pods and mistol fruits are crushed in a mortar (pl. 49) and eaten mixed with water. Everybody sits around the vessel containing the mush, seizes a handful of it and sucks out the flesh, then puts the inedible seeds or skins back in the pot until nothing substantial is left. The Ashluslay, Lengua, Mbayd, and probably other Chaco Indians make cakes out of algarroba flour kneaded with water and baked. Chafar fruits are boiled, smashed in a mortar, and then kneaded into balls. The terminal shoots of palms are eaten raw, roasted, or boiled. To obtain the starchy pith of palm trees, the Mbayd extracted the long fibers imbedded in starch from the lower part of the trunk. They either pounded them in a mortar and sucked them or else dried them on a platform in the sun or over the fire, pounded them, sifted them through a net, and then made them into loaves or cakes. Palm fruits were eaten raw in natural form or were first crushed in a mortar; they were often boiled to make a thick mush. The fruits (cocos) of the namogologi palms (mbocayé, Acrocomia totai) were eaten raw or were first roasted in the ashes; the kernels were broken to extract the seeds, and those with flesh still adhering were boiled into a thick syrup. Modern 7Zoba@ pound the pith of the caranday palms (Copernicia cerifera) in a mortar and then boil it into a mush. The Lengua grate palm pith to make it into a flour for cakes. Young tender maize is generally roasted in ashes or boiled in water. The grains of mature maize are boiled. The Mataco, like the Chiri- guano, roast the maize grains, pound them, and make a mush with the flour. 26 One species is used only for rope making. Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 263 The seeds of the naranja del monte require lengthy treatment to soften them and remove their bitterness. They are pounded in a mortar to break the hull, which is then peeled by hand. Then they are piled in a bag and immersed in water for a whole night, after which they are cooked in several waters and sometimes mashed again in a mortar. The fruits of the sachasandia must be boiled five times in different waters to get rid of their poisonous element. At the end of summer, the Pilcomayo and Bermejo River Indians consume large quantities of pods which appear and taste like string beans and are therefore called “porotos del monte” (Capparis retusa). They must be boiled in five different waters to remove the bitter taste. Food storage.—In summer the Indians gather great quantities of algarroba or chafiar which last several months after the harvest, but seldom tide them over the actual period of scarcity in winter. The main food reserves consist of porotos del monte, dried naranja del monte (Capparis speciosa), the poisonous fruits of the sachasandia (Capparis salicifolia), and smoked or dried pumpkins. To preserve them, the porotos del monte and the naranja del monte are often baked in an earth oven before exposure to the sun. The seeds of the naranja del monte are boiled and sun dried until they are as hard as stone and will keep for more than a year. At harvest time, the Mataco, like the ancient Mbayd, make winter provisions of pumpkins. The pumpkins are cut into halves, which are sun dried or smoked on a wooden platform. The seeds are roasted. The ancient M/baya boiled pumpkin seeds, pounded them in a mortar, and then boiled them again until they turned into a thick mush. Preserved foods are heaped in some corner of the hut or in special granaries. Storehouses, quite common among the Mataco but rare in the eastern Chaco, are built like the Chiriguano pile granaries, but are far smaller (pl.51). The roof, built above a low platform, is flat and the walls are imperfectly closed with branches. These storehouses contain the fruits pooled by the women of the household and become their com- mon property. Ifsomebody in the family asks for a gift of algarroba, the headwoman of the household makes the distribution. Some Chaco Indians—especially the Mbayd—feast on the fat beetle larvae that thrive in plam trees. These are fried in their own grease. Condiments.—Chaco Indians season their food with the ashes of various plants, e. g., vidriera (Mocovi, Abipén), saladillo (Ashlus- lay), and oe bush (Z'0ba). Tribes living near the Andes obtain rock salt from the Chiriguano or Quechua of the region of Tarija, where large salt deposits have been the object of a continuous trade since pre-Hispanic times, 264 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Buty. 143 The 7'oba season their food with small oval fruits which taste like pepper and are called aja del monte. Cooking utensils——The Chaco tribes who raise manioc, such as the Ashluslay, Choroti, and certain Mataco groups, grate it on rasps made of a piece of wood with imbedded wooden splinters. This instrument is probably rare since its existence is reported only by Nordenskidld. To open and scale fish, the Indians formerly used a square, sharp- edged piece of hard wood, which today is often replaced by a wooden imitation of a steel knife. Calabashes and shells serve respectively as plates and spoons, but true wooden spoons (fig. 32, b) were carved by the Indians near the Cordillera who were subjected to Andean influence. In many tribes (Toba, Ashluslay, etc.), horn spoons have become quite popular since the introduction of cattle. The Pilagé also make long oval clay dip- pers which have replaced shells. The Mocovi had rawhide spoons which they shaped by molding the wet skin in a hole in the ground. Mortars are dug out of palm or espinillo (Acacza sp.) tree stumps and are always sufficiently small to be carried easily during the fre- quent group migrations (fig. 35, b, c). The handles of the digging sticks are used as pestles. When traveling, the Mocovi and the Ash- luslay may improvise mortars by digging pits in the ground and lining them with skins or with hard clay. DOMESTICATED ANIMALS Dogs.—Modern Chaco Indians are surrounded by packs of fam- ished dogs, which are a constant threat to food and to any object within their reach. The attitude toward dogs is peculiar. The In- dians starve and maltreat them (pl. 74), but they would be grievously offended if anyone were to kill them. The ravenous animals devour everything they can gnaw, from algarroba pods to skins and human excrement. They bark at the slightest noise and thus are useful as watchdogs, though they respond alike to the approach of animals and men. The Pilaga and Mataco train their dogs to hunt peccaries, rabbits, or iguanas, and to force armadillos out of their burrows. The Mataco are proud of the dogs that “feed themselves,” that is, those capable of catching rabbits on their own. The ancient Abipén and Mbayd were more kindly disposed toward their dogs than the Pilecomayo River Indians. Women would suckle puppies, and would always make sure that no dogs were left when they moved camp. They rewarded hunting dogs with the entrails of game. Zoologically, Chaco dogs are mongrels of varied European strains, but if Krieg (1939) is correct, some may have aboriginal Indian Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 265 canine ancestors. There is some historical evidence that the Chaco Indians did not have domesticated dogs before their contacts with the Whites. The Machicuy (a Mascot tribe) received their first dogs at the end of the 18th century, and the Mbayd must have acquired them only a little sooner. Livestock.—Most of the Chaco tribes early began to herd sheep, probably at the end of the 17th century, and owned large flocks. Next to horses, they most frequently stole sheep from the Whites. In an Ashluslay village of about 400 inhabitants, Nordenskidld (1912, p. 55) counted 500 sheep and goats. Weaving, probably of little importance in the pre-Hispanic era, developed considerably after the introduction of sheep. Mutton and the flesh of other domesticated animals were shunned by the Ashluslay. The Abipon and Mocovi stole thousands of cattle in raids on the Spanish ranches, but never became herdsmen like the Goajiro. Most of the cattle were slaughtered to provide for immediate needs and the stock replenished by further raids. Not long ago the Mbaya hunted the wild cattle roaming in their territory exactly as they did deer. Nordenskiéld’s Ashluslay village had also about 200 cows and the same number of horses. Goats are fairly common in native villages of the Pilcomayo River region. They are also kept for their flesh. Indians, as a rule, have always expressed the greatest disgust for milk. Donkeys are in great demand among the western tribes, who never have had many horses. They carry the stores of algarroba and the furniture during camp migrations, thus relieving the women from their heaviest duty. Chickens spread through the Chaco with great rapidity, but never played an important part in Indian economy. In addition to the large number of domesticated animals, the In- dians like to keep pets. Abipén women are said to have nursed baby otter. The Guand, Mbayd, and Mocovi, like many Amazonian tribes, plucked the feathers of tame green parrots and rubbed the bare spots with uruci or with other pigments. The new feathers grew in yellow, the favorite color for feather ornaments (Sanchez Labrador, 1910-17, 1: 215-216). Horses.—The Abipon and Mbayd must have had enormous herds of horses, if Dobrizhoffer does not exaggerate when he reports that from some raids a warrior would come back with at least 400 horses and that 100,000 horses were captured by the Abipdén within about 50 years. The 380 Caduveo who in 1802 settled at Albuquerque had 1,200; the Abaya of the region of Coimbra had from 6,000 to 8,000 266 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bun. 143 horses. The possession of so many horses forced these Indians to look for suitable pastures and modified their whole economy. The Mbayd took good care of their horses. They bled them when sick, picked out their worms, and when a foal was born during a journey, carried it on another horse (Sanchez Labrador, 1910-17, 2.:298). In both training and trapping, the Indians tended to follow Span- ish styles. When, for instance, they noticed the Spanish gaited horses, they did their best to train their own horses in the same way. Indian horses were remarkably well adapted to Chaco life. They ran across the bush, dodging palms and thorny trees without guidance by the rider. They were also so well trained for hunting that they responded immediately to the slightest touch when game was seen or heard. Some Abipén horses were taught to wait for their masters without stirring, and the Mbayd horses were so tame that their riders could mount by stepping up on the horses’ knees. The Mbaya broke in their horses by riding them in a marsh until they were exhausted; consequently their horses could cross swamps with great ease. When the Indians first adopted the horse, they had too few contacts with the Spaniards to be able to acquire their elaborate trappings. The bit was often a rope or a piece of leather tied around the horse’s lower jaw. Saddles were quite rare and were seldom used by men. Even in 1762, A/bayaé men rode bareback, although women used sad- dles. Gradually, however, the Indians became more interested in the complicated bits and saddles which were the pride of the Creole horse- men. The 18th-century Abépén and Mocovi made wooden or horn imi- tations of the iron curb bits of the Spaniards. In the same period, the Mbayé guided their horses either with a simple wooden bit or with a strap tied around the horse’s lower jaw, to which a head stall of leather or of woman’s hair was attached. The forehead band was trimmed with metal plates, beads, and bells. The J/ocovi bridles and halters were often braided with leather strips mixed with feather quills which stood out as an ornament. The Abipon saddle is described by Dobrizhoffer (1784, 2:120) asa “raw bull hide stuffed with reed bundles.” These two bundles (bastos), which rest on both sides of the horse’s spine and prevent saddle sores, were also part of the Mbayd, Mocovi, and Pilagaé saddles. Over the bundles, the Mbaya placed several rush mats covered by a large deer- skin or by blankets embroidered with beads. Jaguar skins were re- garded by the Abipon as the most elegant saddle covers. The Mocovi and Pilagé horsemen were the only Chaco Indians who used rudimentary stirrups and spurs. Their stirrups were either a wooden ring large enough for the insertion of one toe or a simple stick Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 267 or disk on which the rider could place two toes. The spurs, of which they never used more than one, were a simple forked branch attached to the heel with the projecting stem somewhat sharpened (fig. 32, 7). Abipon men mounted their horses from the right, leaning on their long spears; women got up from the left without any help. Mocovi women saddled and pastured their husbands’ horses. The Mocovi attached stuffed rheas (fiandus) on the back of their horses to frighten the flies away. The A/bayd caught their horses with a loop attached at the end of a long pole or with bolas, methods learned from the mission Guarani (Sanchez Labrador, 1910-17, 1: 245). HOUSES AND VILLAGES The Indians of the Pilcomayo and Bermejo Rivers live in crude and primitive houses which contrast sharply with their achievements in other arts and crafts. House construction is the women’s task. With digging sticks they make an oval or sometimes a circular set of holes into which they plant small tree trunks or stout limbs, with the thick ends down, and the lateral branches uncut to add to the solidity of the structure. The slender tips, bent inward, interlace to form a vaulted frame on which are thrown loose palm leaves or grass or both. Such roofs afford some protection against the sun but not against the rain, which drenches those who do not take shelter under skins or reed mats. These dwellings are never high enough for one to stand upright. They are entered through one or more low openings, on one side of which a rudimentary screen projects slightly so as to form in certain cases a short porch or vestibule of branches or leaves. As arule, groups of related families reside in long communal houses which are merely a series of individual huts linked together end to end, without internal partitions. Each comparment has a separate exit. The Pilagé and Ashluslay house (pl. 50) often has an ellipsoidal ground plan with one slightly concave side. Long houses sometimes face each other across a wide street or plaza. Under Mestizo in- fluence, the Pilagd (pl. 51), Zoba, Maca, and Ashluslay build long communal houses which, from the outside, look like their primitive huts, but actually have a rigid framework with a ridge pole and rafters hidden under a thick layer of leaves or grass. Houses with the modernized structure are, however, higher than the ancient ones and often one long side remains open. The Z’o0ba near the Paraguay River construct similar houses with flat roofs and walls of rush mats. The Mestizo hut, with its flat roof resting on forked tree trunks and its grass or reed walls, has been imitated wherever the Indians are in close contact with civilization. Temporary huts are cruder than 268 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. BE. Bunn. 148 the more permanent dwellings; their framework is reduced to a few sticks and the grass covering is scant and runs only halfway down. The Chamacoco, Lengua, Mbayd, Abipon, Toba, Pilagd, and Payaguaé* camp under bulrush mats laid on a flimsy framework of sticks, or stretch on the low branches of some tree (Chamacoco, Caipotorade). Dobrizhoffer (1784, 2:127) describes these “tents” as follows: To two poles in the ground, they tie a mat folded two or three times to make a wind and rain shield. A ditch dug beside the tent drains off rain water. Some temporary Lengua or Ashluslay villages are composed of one or more long lines of such mat-houses. The Mocovi and Payaguaé build identical wind screens often of skins instead of bulrushes. The Pilagd use mat wind screens or sunshades in their more permanent villages. When moving, the Indians roll up the mats, wrapping within them most of their belongings, and women carry them on their backs or load them on horses or donkeys. When camping in the open, the Mataco heap branches and grass against a row of sticks planted in the ground. The Chamacoco settled near trading stations sleep in corrals of several semicircular lean-tos joined together. Circular camps seem to have been distinctive of the ancient Zamucoans. One of their nomadic tribes, the now extinct Catpoterade, are said always to have arranged their flimsy mat cabins around a circular plaza (Muriel, 1918, p. 208). The largest and strongest houses in the Chaco are those of the northern tribes: Sanapand, Kashihd, Guand, and Mbayd-Guaicuri. They are simple gable roofs supported by three parallel rows of vertical posts. One wing of the roof slopes almost to the ground, forming the back of the house, and the other projects beyond the wall plate to form a continuous porch along the open front. The narrow ends either remain open or are shut with mats or slanting poles.** The ancient Mbayd covered their hut frames with bulrush mats which were tied together, and sometimes added a few supple- mentary rows of low vertical posts so as to extend the matting closer to the ground. According tothe weather, they lowered or raised these mats and they always had a few in storage to close the gaps through which rain might penetrate. The wet rushes expanded making the mats waterproof. When moving to new pastures, the Mbayd carried the strong bamboo house rafters and the mat walls. Kaskzhé huts The Payagué had high huts for summer, low ones for winter. “En cuanto la construcci6n siempre es igual y se reduce a plantar cinco palitos de horqueta que forman Por sus traviesas la figura de tejado. Se atraviesan algunas cafias y lo cubren con sus esteras. Queda sin mas muebles ni trabajo hecha la casa y para quitar la fuerza del viento que pasarfa por el toldo le cierran por la parte de varlovento con las mismas esteras a pique” (Aguirre, 1911, p. 332). For a description of the Kaskihé hut, see Cominges, 1892, p. 176. For the Mbayé hut, see Sanchez Labrador, 1910-17, 1: 268-274. Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 269 formerly were thatched with reeds; today they are roofed with split caranday (Copernicia cerifera) trunks. Mbaydé houses were set end to end in a horseshoe or semicircular plan around a plaza which was kept scrupulously clean, and from which horses were excluded (pl. 52). The chief’s house was always in the middle of the row; among modern J/bayd-Caduveo, it is larger and better built than the others. The space between the front and the central posts of each house was left free and formed a kind of passage around the village. The divisions between the individual huts were marked by forked poles from which hung various objects (pl. 52). In the 18th century, the long Guand huts, like Paresst communal houses, had an arched roof descending to the ground and rounded extremities. The framework consisted of flexible poles, which were bent and tied in the middle. These huts were from 50 to 65 feet (16 to 20 m.) long, 26 feet (8 m.) wide, and 16 to 20 feet (5 to 6 m.) high. They were artfully covered with a straw thatching in which were smoke holes. The doors, 1 at each end and 8 along one of the long sides, were closed with mats. Each hut housed an extended family sometimes consisting of 12 biological families. The houses were grouped around a large rectangular plaza. The Guaraioca of the northern Chaco live in conical huts about 7 feet (2 m.) high and 9 to 12 feet (2.5 to 3.5 m.) in diameter. The frame of sticks supported by a central post, is covered with leaves, mud, and twigs (Oefner, 1942, p. 103). The temporary huts of the Sanapand, Angaité, Sapuki and Kaskiha are flimsy structures identical to the beehive houses of the Pilcomayo region. When camping in the bush, the Guarafoca enclosed their shelters with a circle of thorny branches. When selecting a village site, the Indians take into consideration, first, security, and, second, proximity to water, food supply, and pastures for horses and cattle. For safety, they prefer the edge of the bush into which they can run if they are surprised by an attack. The Kaskiha are the only Indians who place their villages on hill- tops. Location is frequently changed seasonally or following a death. In the northern Chaco where water is scarce, villages are more permanent and houses are often better built. The size of the settlements varies considerably; some have about 50 inhabitants, others, especially the Ashluslay, 1,000. As a rule, the Indians stay and even sleep out of doors unless excessive heat or rain forces them to crawl into their huts. The Mataco, Choroti, Ashluslay, and Maca erect simple square sheds in front of their huts under which they cook or now and then take a nap. The Pilagd and Ashluslay are apparently the only Chaco 270 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 Indians who have a club house, that is, a shelter where men meet and sometimes spend the night. Some Pilagd and Ashluslay villages have a crude palisade before the houses, which serves as the backwall of a series of open sheds under which to sit and chat or work. FURNITURE Most Chaco huts contain no furniture other than rough skins with the hairy side underneath or rush mats, which are their beds and seats. The Mataco, Toba, and Lengua, who have been under Mestizo influence, sleep on crude bedsteads. When the Guana lived in the Chaco they slept on mats though they were already good weavers and certainly had not forgotten the use of the hammock. In the middle of the 19th century, hammocks figured among the best articles which they made to trade with the Neo-Brazilians. Ham- mocks were also used by the mission Zamuco. Among the Pilcomayo and Bermejo River tribes, fiber hammocks, though commonly used, serve only as cradles for babies. The Mocovi cradle was a skin attached to two posts. The Mbayd, Kaskihd, and Guana after their migration to Matto Grosso built low, sloping platforms, made of split palms, along the back of the dwelling (pl. 52). They covered these with mats, which, rolled up during the day, served as seats. The Chamacoco protected themselves from the moist soil with a rough palm-trunk floor. In every Chaco hut there hangs from the interlaced twigs of the roof, skin bags, carrying nets containing ornaments, seeds, spun and unspun wool, drugs, and all sorts of possessions. The bows and arrows are thrust into the thatching. On the floor, pots and cala- bashes add to the confusion and untidiness of these hovels. The Chamacoco and Morotoco defend themselves against the swarms of mosquitoes which plague them with a mosquito swatter consisting of a piece of twined fiber cloth attached like a flag to a short handle. The Guaté use similar mosquito flaps. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS The aboriginal Chaco dress, like that of ancient Patagonia and the Pampa, seems to have been a simple skin cloak worn by both men and women in cold weather. In pre-Conquest times, as today, cotton blankets were probably in use among some of the northern tribes. Very likely the Indians along the foothills of the Andes had some llama wool garments.?® As soon as the Chaco Indians obtained flocks of sheep, the skin cloak gave way to a woolen blanket, which by the 22Some 17th-century documents mention cloaks (mantas) of caraguat4 fibers among the Indians of the region of Tucuman and Salta. (See Tommasini, 1937, p. 79.) Vor. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX yal 18th century was common among the Abépén and in recent days has become the distinctive garment of the Pilcomayo tribes. Creole styles have also influenced the Indian dress. The poncho (pls. 53; 59, top), for instance, has found wide acceptance in many tribes since the 18th century. Among the 7oda and their neighbors, some men on solemn occasions donned sleeveless coats, woven on the native loom but copied from European patterns. The men’s skirt of the Pilcomayo River natives probably was not used before cotton cloth was readily acces- sible; it is reported only in recent times. Chaco women usually preserved the native costume more faithfully than men, and dressed in skins long after men had discarded them for woven fabrics. Complete nakedness is reported only for Chamacoco and Guaranoca men, though even these put on sleeveless caraguataé shirts on cold winter days; women always wear a perineal band. 7’strakua and Guaranoca women wear a small apron ora skirt of caraguata or doraha fibers and, occasionally, throw a cape of the same material over their shoulders. The caraguata apron was probably more common in the past than it is today, as it is often reported in the 18th century for the Lule-Vilela women. The feather skirts or aprons allegedly worn by men in the latter tribes were probably ceremonial garments, not daily attire. The Pilcomayo River Indians discard all clothes, except a breech- clout or a wide fringed girdle, whenever their activities require freedom of the limbs. Skin robes.—Robes were originally made of several skins of otter (coypu, Myocastor coypus), deer, or fox, sewn together and worn with the hairy side against the body. The outer surface was decorated with crude black and red geometrical patterns *° (pls. 56; 59, bottom). Both sexes wrapped the folded mantle around the waist and fastened it either by a belt or by tucking one end under the other. In bad weather they threw the upper part of the robe over their shoulders or even over their heads, and held it in front with the hand or fastened it with a thorn over one shoulder.* Skin robes have now disappeared altogether and have been replaced by blankets of wool (Zoba, Plaga, Mataco, Choroti, Maca, Lengua, etc.) or cotton (Payagua, Kaskiha, and other M/ascoz tribes). Skirts.—Knee-length skirts are worn by women in all the Pilco- mayo and Bermejo River tribes. Before cotton goods were avail- able these were made of either deer (pl. 59, bottom) or goat skins 30 A Mataco robe acquired by Nordenskiéld at the beginning of the century is made of 15 skins, each decorated with its own individual pattern painted in two distinct manners. The thin-line designs are based on a series of squares, lozenges, and zigzags “obviously suggestive of old time decorations of the Charrua and Tehuelche”’ (Lothrop, 1929). 31 Mocovt cloaks had skin straps at two corners to tie them over the left shoulder. To these straps they fastened a small tobacco box, made of the tip of a cow horn, or tubes containing needles for scarification (Baucke, 1870, p. 251). 272 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn. 143 from which the hair had been scratched or, very rarely, of wool. Skirts were held up around the waist by a caraguataé rope or, among the Mataco, by a wide leather belt. Skirts were used by women long before European contact. Cotton skirts are already mentioned by Schmidel in the 16th century (1903, p. 193) as the only garment of the Comagua women of the lower Ber- mejo River, and the Frentén women of Concepcidn are described in 1609 as wearing skin skirts. Guarafoca females in the northern Chaco wear a caraguata cloth around the waist. Men’s skirts among the Pilcomayo River tribes generally reach the ankles and lap over in front. The skirts of J/bayd men bore designs and snail-shell disk spangles. Mbayé and Guané women wore a square cloth which passed be- tween the legs and was fastened around the waist.*? Outdoors they wrapped themselves from head to foot in a large cotton blanket or tied a shorter one over their breasts when at work. Such blankets, which were fastened around the waist with a belt, were often beauti- fully striped or studded with rows of shell disks (Prado, 1889, p. 30). Shirts, jackets, and tunics.—Sleeveless shirts, netted in the same crochetlike technique as bags, are used primarily as armor and as cere- monial garments (fig. 29), but also may afford protection against ex- cessive cold (Mataco, Toba, Pilaga, Ashluslay, and others). Jaguar-skin jackets, with or without sleeves, were among the most prized possessions of Toba, Mocovi, Abipon, and Mbayd men. They were worn mainly at war or on solemn occasions. In modern times some 7'oba and Pilagd men strut in jackets that are of European cut, but are tailored of otter, jaguar, and even of stork skins. As a symbol of their profession, A/bayd shamans donned narrow tunics (camisetas) which hung to their feet.* Tipoys.—Among the Choroti and 7’oba, who live under the direct influence of the Chiriguano, some women dress in a tipoy, i. e., a cylindrical tunic held up over the shoulders with pins. Belts.—Native taste for color and elegant design is best expressed in woolen belts. Throughout the Chaco, belts of wool, and some- times of cotton, are usually woven in a compound technique, i. e., the geometrical figures appear on both sides in reverse colors. 32 SAnchez Labrador, 1910-17, 1: 280: “Es mantita como de vara en cuadro. Cinenea con dos puntas a la cintura y las otras dos puntas se levantan, quedando formados unos calzones.” 33 SA{nchez Labrador, 1910-17, 1: 283: ‘“‘Redficese a una como bata 6 vestido talar, que descansando sobre los hombros, les llega hasta los tobillos. Su forma conviene con la de las camisetas 6 poncho, de los cuales se diferencia en ser la mitad mas angosta y en estar por los dos lados cosida, menos por donde sacan los brazos 6 como agujeros de mangas. Por la parte de arriba dejan abertura para sacar la cabeza; por el de abajo esta abierto del todo para poder caminar, aunque el corte es tan estrecho que les impide dar pasos largos. Vense asi obligados 4 medirlos con gravedad, segun pide su profesién embustera. El color de las lanas de que son ordinariamente, no es del todo blanco, ni negro, sino vario; en el telar sacan listas de pardo y colorado que declina en morado.” Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 273 —— ‘ TT em ii ns wth fern) enwarrnaye SPU Map, ‘Gane 2 GAfe 7 SS SSS SSS SESE "yes RON > rw oN = QS ion ELE LLL EL SS MET PT Sa ey 3 P LEE Fs x yp oo, ted < LES KEE vi) EZR MALL. aici lehded SESE es il ‘eee SESE ee ee 7H, heh Sys KS : AEs SING SEAL SANE NS KSEE oe ba Seat) S556 ie oes ss a oN coon cK es ae SONA OM eR eK Ficurn 29.—Chorott mail shirt. Top: Knitted of a flip string. Worn principally as a protection against arrows. Bottom: Enlarged detail of mail shirt (natural size). (After Rosen, 1924, figs. 36, 37.) 583486—46——_18 274 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Burn. 148 The geometric motives which enliven the Pilagd, Macd, and Ashlus- lay belts follow elaborate patterns (fig. 88), each peculiar to a tribe or even a band. Some Pilagé and Mataco belts with bright contrasting colors are finger-woven. Bead embroidery is characteristic of Wbayd- Caduveo and Chamacoco belts. The ancient Mbayé woolen belts were not only covered with embroidered blue beads, but were also studded with large brass plates; some elegant persons attached large bells to their belts (Sanchez Labrador, 1910-17, 1:281). Woolen belts are rarely worn by women, who generally are content with a leather belt (Mataco) or a simple cord. Pilcomayo River Indians, who are otherwise unclothed, may now and then be seen wearing broad fringed skin girdles, which are said formerly to have been used only during war or at dances. These are frequently studded with large real or imitation Spanish coins. Footgear.—The Chaco sandals bear a strong resemblance to those of the Andean region. The sole is held to the foot by a leather strap which encloses the heel and by a thong which runs around the instep and passes between two toes (pl. 58, ¢c). The 7strakua and Morotoco alone in South America wear rectangular wooden sandals. In general, however, the Indians only put on their sandals when they have to step on hot soil or cross a thorny tract. In similar circum- stances the Z'oba, Lengua, and Maca may cover their feet with crude moccasins made of a piece of skin tied in front and laced along the instep (pl. 58,6). To penetrate a thicket, some Indians wear leggings of raw cow or deer hide. Protection against the sun.—When traveling on horseback, upper class Mocovi, Abipén, and Mbaydé women protected their complexion from the sun with a bunch of rhea feathers, which they somehow balanced on their shoulders. Old A/bayd men wore basketry or feather visors to shade their eyes from the sun.™ Bags.—A little bag, slung across the shoulder, to carry pipes, scarification needles, and string is part of the traditional outfit of most Chaco Indians. These bags are generally made of caraguaté fibers in a netted or looped technique; woolen bags are knitted, though the best specimens are finger-woven. Men’s ornaments far exceed women’s in variety and number. Women often wear only a simple necklace or some unpretentious bracelets. Feather ornaments.—The Chamacoco are the only Chaco Indians whose featherwork compares with that of the Amazonian tribes. The scarcity of birds with bright plumage, however, reduces feathers %4 Sanchez Labrador, 1910-17, 1: 284, ‘Otros lievan esta visera de pluma o de dos alas Pequefias de algun pajaro.” Vor. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 275 (mostly rhea and heron) to a secondary role in the ornamentation of the Pilcomayo natives (fig. 32, c). Feathers used in adornments are often dyed red or pink or are artistically cut with notches and stepped edges. The ancient Guand, Mbayd, and Mocovi were familiar with tapirage (see p. 265). Cha- macoco tied or glued small feathers to larger ones. Beadwork.—Beads of shell and, in post-Columbian times, of glass are strung into necklaces or are sewn as spangles on textiles and even on solid objects—for example, on rattles. Here again, Andean in- fluences may be surmised. The Pélagd, Ashluslay, Lengua, and prob- ably others make elaborate beadwork bands by threading glass beads on a simple loom, an art which the Indians learned from the mis- sionaries, who introduced beads into the Chaco. These bands are made, according to size, into necklaces, pendants, bracelets, rings, and small pouches (pl. 57, a, ¢) to hang from the neck as ornaments. Beads of different colors are combined into simple geometrical pat- terns, such as lozenges and triangles. Head bands, hair fillets, and bags as a rule are embellished with tassels. Headdress.—Often the headdress consists of a simple rhea or egret feather or a tuft of feathers mounted on a stick, which is fixed in the queue or passed through a fillet over the forehead. The Pilco- mayo River Indians occasionally wear diadems made of a row of feathers fastened to a string or a narrow fillet. The classic Chamacoco headdress is a wide band of bright feathers combined into a mosaic of colors. Though the feathers seem to be fastened to a tight net, actually they are tied to several individual strings woven into a single fabric by transverse strings. Some of these frontlets are wide enough to be called “feather bonnets.” The distinctive headdress of men in the southern tribes (Mataco, Toba, Pilaga, Maca, Lengua, Ashluslay) is a red woolen band bedecked with shell disks or glass beads arranged into simple geometrical figures (triangles, lozenges) and fringed with natural (spoonbill or flamingo) or dyed scarlet feathers sewn along the upper edge (pl. 57,7). These frontlets are generally made of belts fitted to the head with the fringed ends falling down the back. The Mataco use frontlets of jaguar skin (pl. 57, h). Warriors, hockey players, and dancers cover their heads with a red hair net (fig. 30; pl. 57, f), knitted in a macramélike technique and studded with shell disks. Such caps are sometimes made en- tirely of beads strung on a netlike foundation. The ancient Joba, Abipén, and Mbayd covered their heads with bird skins to which they fastened open wings, like a Valkyrie helmet. They often attached a toucan beak to their woolen head bands. 276 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bun. 143 Figure 30.—Lengua and Chorott headgear. Left: Lengua Indian with head ornament and feather tuft. A whistle hangs from his neck. (After Hawtrey, 1901, fig. 2.) Right: Choroti hair net with red chin strap of woolen yarn, and snail-shell spangles (about % natural size). (After Rosen, 1924, fig. 46.) Many Indians push under their frontlets a brush of false hair or of black feathers trimmed like hair, which stands erect or droops over the forehead (figs. 30; 32, d). This is an imitation of the natural tuft of hair which is drawn from the top of the head and tied into a small brush. Before a battle, the Joba and other Pilcomayo River Indians fix in their head band a thread cross to which they ascribe some magic influence. Toba children weave simple crowns of palm leaves though their tribe is ignorant of basketry (pl. 57, 7). Mataco and Toba youths make themselves diadems with the painted backbones of fish. The large-brimmed straw hats of the Jfbayd-Caduveo are copied from European models. Ear ornaments.—The large wooden plugs or disks which both sexes insert into the distended ear lobes are among the most typical Chaco ornaments. The ear lobes, which may almost reach the shoul- ders, are progressively distended from childhood on by first inserting straws or thin pegs and later larger plugs. These earplugs, some 3 inches (7.5 cm.) in diameter, are painted, fire engraved, mounted with brass plates, or studded with shell disks. Lengua shamans glue mir- rors to the front surface of their plugs in order to see the reflection of the spirits. The ancient Abipon wore in their ear lobes small pieces VoL. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 277 of cow’s horn, wood, or bone, a woolen thread of various colors, or a little knot of horn. Formerly, Vilela, Abipén, Mocovi, Toba, and Mascot women forced into the ear lobe a narrow, tightly spiraled strip of palm leaf, which gradually distended it to large proportions. Even recently some old Choroté and Toba could be seen with their ear lobes reduced to a thin ring of flesh, but nowadays the fashion has been altogether abandoned. The Chamacoco do not practice this deformation and only pass through the lobes feathered sticks or cords with feather tassels, tri- angular shells, or deer hoofs hanging from the ends. Indians who have been exposed to European contact wear silver (Mbayd) or glass bead (Zoba, Pilagd, and others) pendants. The silver pendants of the ancient A/bayd were cut in the shape of crescents or animals. Sometimes they inserted in the ear lobe a tin tube or a reed full of uruct and decorated at the front end with a brass disk (Sanchez Lab- rador, 1910-17, 1:281). Mbaydé men attached a chain of palm-nut rings from ear to ear across the back of the neck. This rare ornament was also worn by the Huarz. Nose ornaments.—The J/ocovi were the only Chaco Indians to thrust a stick through the perforated septum of the nose. Lip ornaments.—The ancient Lengua (Tongue), ancestors of mod- ern MMacd, received their name because of a semicircular wooden ornament worn in a long cut in their lower lip which resembled a sec- ond tongue sticking out of the chin (Azara, 1809, 2:150). Wt, a wry, Cd SE Ubon deig gf 1455 rie Lnerg! Gy lerfeme ‘ey amre Uverge amtynn Cleqcpanid oe ast ‘ i i lor + sem veut Svseden So Bp < pnt Far] t) ards “a pRrrenete 4 > + A - es hat ” PLATE 55.—Chaco face and body ornaments. Top: Mocovi chin ornament (tobacco horn below). Bottom: Mocovi tattooed designs and woman tattooing a man. (After Baucke, 1935, figs. 10, 11.) PLATE 56.—Chaco costumes. Top: Mecovi hunter with Guaicurti-type tonsure. Bottom: Guaicurt warriors with tattoo and wearing painted skin robes. Note tattooing. (After Baucke, 1935, figs. 13, 14.) PLATE 57.—Chaco head ornaments and bags. a, c, Pilaga beaded bag; 6, Pilaga netted bag; d, Chulwpi or Ashluslay iguana-skin pouch; e, f, Pilagd hair nets decorated with shell disks; g, Pilaga frontlet with flamingo feathers; h, \Mataco jaguar-skin frontlet; i, Pilaga child’s frontlet of plaited palm leaves. (Cour- tesy American Museum of Natural History.) ——— a 7 (AIOISIA [BANVVN JO WuNosnyY uBolloury AsoyInoD)) ‘“spepurs ‘9 ‘sutsvoooul ‘g ‘svq ULYyS-BayY ‘D “#eq ULYS puL 1v9aZ}O00] BARIIG—'8G ALVId < ati yo x : ; Ny . > Se, 7 ‘ ve Me: . ee ; ero ite 3 Seo saa : C Z PLATE 59.—Chaco costumes. Top: Ashlus/ay poncho. Bottom: Pilaga painted deer-hide skirt. (Courtesy American Museum of Natural History.) PLATE 60.—Chaco bags. a, Mataco looped carrying bag; b, Pilagé netted bag for removing fuzz from cactus fruit; c, Pilagd finger-woven woolen pouch; d, Pilagé looped bag; e, Pilagé macramélike bag decorated with glass beads; f, Pilagd bird-skin bag. (Courtesy American Museum of Natural History.) i | ——— PE \ »* PLATE 61.—Chaco textile manufacture. Top: Toba small loom for finger weaving. ottom: Mataco knitting a bag. (Courtesy Alfred Métraux,) a * Fi A} ‘ ~ PLATE 62.—Toba spinning wool. (Courtesy Mann.) PLATE 63.—Toba woman making carrying net. (Courtesy Mann.) PLATE 64.—Chaco pottery manufacture. Top: Toba making rim strip. (Courtesy Mann.) Bottom (left): Pilaga woman forming coil. Bottom (right): Mataco woman scraping inside of pot. (Courtesy Alfred Métraux.) PLATE 65.—Chaco wood carving. Chamacoco wooden figurines and throwing club (at right). (Courtesy Museo Etnografico, Buenos Aires.) PLATE 66,—Chaco children. Top: Pilaga delousing child. Bottom (eft): Pilaga grandmother and child. Bottom (right): Mataco girl. (Courtesy Alfred Métraux.) 0 UL p[lqo pue doy.oU DOD;tgq 27Yb1y JO BUIAIIBO IOYJOUL OIDJDPY “jay “UsIp[iys oovyD Cuueypy Asaqino)) 9 ALVId US-lAg'T opne[y Asoynoy) ‘“suured [BloRy DAngpy 2(4azuaa) Moog (CXNeIYIN pedjpy Aseqyno,)) “[4Is B dUT00}}B) ULULOM DOD /(1fa]) WO}og (UUBIN Aso4In0.) ) “LOYIOW DODIief 2;yOlY CSSNBIYS-lAgT opne[y Asoo) “surjpured pervs pany :(4ajua0) doy (CxNeIVIV pospy Asowno0D) “oq vbnjigq *(/f9)) doy “SedAy uBIpuy O9ByYD—'g9 ALVId Aa) TE PLATE 69.—Chaco death customs. Top: Pilaga seclusion hut for widow. Center: Pilaga log covered grave. Bottom: Mataco widow’s se- clusion hut, with annex. (Courtesy Alfred Métraux.) > ia) a Mataco tree burial. PLATE 70. PLATE 71.—Chaco recreation. Top (left): Caduveo woman making a ‘“‘cat’s cradle.’’ (Courtesy Claude Lévi-Straus:.) Top (right): Pilaga boy playing musical bow. (Courtesy Alfred Métraux.) Bottom (left): Ashluslay drummer. Bottom (right): Pilagd girls dancing. (Courtesy Alfred Métraux.) PLATE 72.—Chaco religion and games. Top: Mataco ritual to expel evil. Center: Pilaga chief shaking shaman’s rattle and chanting. Bottom: Mataco hockey game. (Courtesy Alfred Métraux.) | ad 2 » Lévi-Strauss.) (Courtesy Claude (Courtesy Alfred Métraux.) an’s outfit. Top: Caduveo sham an blowing on sick person. am Pilaga sh LATE 73.—Chaco shamanism. Bottom: > I PLATE 74.—Chaco Indian types. Top. Toba scalp dance, with scalp on top of post. Bottom: Mataco dog suffering from starvation. (Courtesy Alfred Métraux.) PLATE 75.—Chaco Indian types. Top (left): Toba man, Top (right): Pilaga r Bottom (left); Pilaga man. Bottom (right); Pilaga woman, (Courtesy Mann.) Ri = mc ste aif PLATE 76.—Chaco Indian types. Top (letf): Toba chief. Top (right): Mataco man, tattooed chin. Bottom (left); Mataco man. Bottom (right): Maca girl, painted face. (Courtesy Mann.) Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 353 me, I have already suffered much” (Karsten, 1932, p. 172), but there is no record that other tribes prayed to spirits. On the other hand, magic treatment of diseases among the Z’oba and the Mataco always includes a mock offering to the spirit or demon which has caused the illness. All kinds of valuable objects are piled up and presented to it with the undertsanding that it will be content with the immaterial essence of them. Ritual.—The magic ritual of the Chaco Indians follows, as a rule, very simple patterns. Most of their ceremonies have a coercive char- acter and are aimed either at curbing some malignant power or at directly influencing nature or men. Such great power is attributed to chanting and to the sound of the gourd rattle which accompanies it that most of the Chaco magic rites consist of the monotonous repeti- tion of a melodious theme with meaningless words or syllables. Only rarely, the conjuration includes a short sentence, generally a request that the evil go away. The chanter usually starts with a low murmur which rises gradually and then falls into a deep tone. A Pilcomayo River Indian will chant and shake his rattle (pl. 72, center) on many occasions: To keep evil spirits at a distance, when he wakes up after a bad dream, when some danger threatens at night, to gain the favor of a girl, to bring good luck to women who collect fruits, to insure a big catch of fish or game, and to help the fermentation of algarroba beer. When a group of Pe/agad men are about to leave for a journey, old women hop around them raising both arms and singing a sort of blessing. Among the ancient Abipén, one of the main duties of female shamans was to dance and sing in any sacred circumstance. Beating a drum, although less used, has the same ritual power as the tinkling of a gourd rattle. The Mataco drum to hasten the ma- turity of algarroba pods and to help girls in the critical period of their first menstruation. Spirits are easily frightened off by the jingle of the deer hoofs or bells, which the shamans and their assistants attach to their ankles and belts when they cure a sick person by expelling the supernatural intruder. Unusual magical power is attributed to rattles made of a special kind of gourd and filled with sacred beetles. Round wooden whistles and bone whistles in the form of flutes also have magi- cal uses. Zoba shamans are said to whirl a sort of bull-roarer in order to bring rain (Rydén, 1938). Many Chaco dances have a definite ceremonial value. Thus, at the end of the dry season 7’o0ba women, directed by a shaman, dance and fling themselves to the ground as if seized by a sudden illness. Sha- mans pretend to cure them, while other dancers turn around them, stamping the ground, yelling, and shaking their rattles. This dance is to assure the health of the women during the summer. The jaguar dance of the 7’0ba is supposed to protect women from jaguar attacks. 583486—46——23 354 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. But. 143 Boys and girls dance in a circle, each boy lashing the loins of the girl in front of him with a cloth. The girls fall to the ground, when a shaman, acting the part of a jaguar, sucks and blows on them (Kar- sten, 1932, p. 150). When girls come of age (Mataco, Ashluslay, Lengua), the women and boys ritually dance to dramatize the attacks of the spirits and their final defeat. By chanting and dancing to the point of exhaustion, the Joba try to hasten the maturity of chanar fruit. The Choroti dance around a fish in the hope that the ceremony will make fish come in great quan- tities to a certain place. Dancing figures in the treatment of disease: While the Mataco or Toba shaman blows and murmurs incantations over a patient, assist- ants wearing belts with bells attached and deer-hoof anklets, perform a sort of rhythmical, half-jumping walk. Dancing, according to the Mataco, frightens the disease demon away or makes him tired, as he feels compelled to join in the dance. When rain falls without thunder—a sign that the spirits are kindly disposed—the Chamacoco dress in their best ornaments, with Jingles attached to hands and feet, and indulge in demonstrations of wild joy. They throw themselves to the ground and play tricks on one another. Collective rites—When a community is threatened, everyone may join in a ceremony to ward off the impending evil. When a Mataco band dreads an epidemic, it symbolically fights the spirits or disease demons. Both sexes wearing red head bands with feathers, necklaces, and red waistcoats line up behind a row of arrows stuck into the ground (pl. 72, top). They begin the counter-offensive with magical songs accompanied by gourd rattles. At intervals the shamans take a snuff of hatax (cebil, Piptadenia macrocarpa) powder to achieve a mild state of trance, when their liberated souls go to the sky in the form of birds to challenge the hostile spirits. ‘Then everyone threat- ens the invisible enemies with rattles and bunches of feathers, marches against them, and steps on them as if to crush them. The ceremony is concluded with a general disinfection: The performers blow on each other, tinkle their rattles all over their neighbors’ bodies, and dust them with feather bundles. The souls of the dead shamans may be invited to participate in the ceremony, and some cebil powder is dropped on the ground for them. When a strong south wind blows, the Zengua shake their blankets in hope of throwing the sickness out into the wind, a rite which was also practiced by the M/bayd and by the Patagonian tribes. Ceremonial objects, charms, and amulets.—The Zengua regard red head bands with feather fringes as a protection against evil spirits, especially water demons. When a J/ataco deals with the super- natural world, he also puts on a red head band, and possibly a red knitted wool shirt. Thread crosses inserted in head bands deter in- Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 3955 visible enemies. Everyone who takes part in a rite or who must face danger paints his face with black or red designs to insure his safety. All Chaco Indians use hunting charms. The 7oda wear around their waists an elongated bag made of a rhea’s neck containing diverse plants and animal exuviae, which they expect to bring abundant game. The Lengua use wax images to bring good hunting luck. The Mataco and the other Pilcomayo River Indians usually wear around their necks one or more pouches containing medicinal plants. Mocovi men attached deer hoofs around their wrists and ankles in order to become faster runners (Baucke, 1870, p. 120). Boys and girls employ charms and talismans to assure the success of their love affairs. (See Arnott, 1935, pp. 294-296.) In most Chaco tribes, if a man engaged in heavy work feels tired, he draws blood from his limbs by pricking the skin with an awl made of rhea or jaguar bone. The Guaieuruan-speaking Indians give much importance to these scarifications and encourage even smal] children to jab themselves. During drinking bouts, the Abipén pricked their breasts, arms, and tongues with a bundle of thorns, or with the sharp bones of a caiman’s back, with much loss of blood. On similar occa- sions, Payagud men had shamans pierce their skin with wooden skew- ers or stringray darts. Some, like the Abipdén, wounded their penises and allowed the blood to drip into a hole in the ground. Famous warriors voluntarily had their tongues perforated with a wooden awl (Aguirre, 1911, p. 367). The Adbipon and the Mocovi credited caiman’s teeth with great virtue to heal serpent’s bites when applied againsts the wound or worn around the neck. Omens and dreams.—Chaco Indians pay close attention to some natural phenomena which they interpret as presages or omens. The Mocovi attributed ominous significance to the cry of a bird, which was supposed to say, “Flee away lest you be swallowed by the earth,” and to the heron’s call. The Z'obda do not like certain black birds to sit on their huts. When a flock of these birds fly by their village, they make noises to chase them away. When a war party comes upon a wildcat or a jaguar scratching the earth, the warriors prefer to return home. If they witness a fight between two yulo birds, they observe carefully the direction in which the defeated bird flies, and believe they are sure to win if it goes toward the enemy. A comet is regarded as the harbinger of an epidemic; a meteor fore- tells the death of a witch doctor. (See Grubb, 1914, p. 124.) Dreams play a very important part in the life of an Indian, and to some extent govern many of his actions. This statement by the missionary Grubb (1918, p. 127), has been con- firmed by observations made in several Chaco tribes (7oba, Mataco, 356 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bun. 143 Ashluslay, and others). The Zengua explain that during sleep the soul leaves the body and has many adventures which often are con- strued as real. Dreams are regarded by the Indian “as warnings and guides to his conduct” (Grubb, 1913, p. 127). The actions of a person seen in a dream are often regarded as the expression of his actual in- tentions, and the dreamer subsequently acts accordingly. Religious feasts—The tribes of the Bermejo River—Paisan, Atalala, and probably Mataco—celebrated ceremonies which brought them, symbolically, in direct contact with the supernatural. Such feasts contained a dramatic element which seems absent from the re- ligious life of modern Indians in the same region, and may either have vanished or escaped the attention of modern observers. There is, in a text by the Jesuit Camafio y Bazin (1931), a detailed account of one of these “mysteries.” The Vilela planted in the ground 10 or 12 poles decorated with painted designs. The assembled shamans designated a young man to impersonate a god called Gos (in Vélela, “spirit”), and appointed « girl to be the god’s wife and a group of boys to be his servants. Near the poles, two huts were erected in which the spirit and his suite were lodged before and during the ceremonies. On the appointed day, the youth of the village, covered with feathers and smeared with paint, came to the sacred spot carrying jars of beer. They danced and addressed prayers to the spirit begging for rain and imploring his protection against epidemics, after which Gos, with his wife and ser- vants, emerged from a grove where they had hidden the day before. The boy impersonating the god wore a huge tapering headdress of straw, provided with “horns,” and concealed his whole body under skins and bundles of straw. His wife was naked but for a net apron, and his followers wore only feather belts. They all concealed their faces behind small painted sticks. 'The divine couple and their escorts danced around the poles, shouting, grimacing, and striking the poles with painted sticks. After a while, they retired to their hut. At noon and in the evening of the following days, they repeated their performance. The same ritual pattern was followed on other more festive occa- sions. Young people with feather headdresses, bracelets, belts, and anklets danced around a quebracho blanco or a guayacan tree, whistling and shouting. A naked girl accompanied the dancers. During other ceremonies young people of both sexes ran around the village carrying sticks trimmed with feathers. Father Remedi, who was well acquainted with the Mataco of the Bermejo River, was told that they celebrated a feast during which the 527~n another version of the same feast given by Father Alonso Sanchez, it is said that on the last day of the feast, just before dawn, the dancers broke the beer jars (G. Farlong. 1939, p. 57). Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX aL) “devil” came from the bush where he had been in hiding and danced with the people, amusing them with his leaps and antics. Suddenly everyone stood silent while the god-impersonator made prophecies about the next harvest, the abundance of game, and impending dis- eases, and answered the individuals who consulted him about their own future (Lafone-Quevedo, 1896 a, 17: 348) .° The appearance of the Pleiades above the horizon in April or May, which marked the new year, occasioned much rejoicing among the tribes of the Guaicuruan stock and the Guand under their direct influ- ence. The Adcpén congratulated the star cluster as if it were a man. They drank mead, and a female shaman danced to trumpets, while the spectators shouted, each striking his mouth with his hands. During the ceremony, the female shaman made the warriors swift by touching their thighs with her rattle. This feast quite often coincided with the formal initiation of male and female shamans. The feast of the Pleiades, one of the major religious events of the year, was in every Mbaya village the occasion for stripping the huts of their mat coverings, which they struck with cudgels to drive away any evil influence which lurked there. This general disinfection, strongly reminiscent of the expulsion of the Gualichu among the Avau- canians and Patagonians, was to ward off epidemics and disasters dur- ing the coming year (Sanchez Labrador, 1910-17, 2:13). The ceremonial life of the Zereno and probably of all the Guana also was particularly intense when the new year began. It is difficult to ascertain whether these Indians adopted the A/baya rites and added a few traditional elements of their own, or whether ceremonies already present in their own earlier culture corresponded to the Pleiades feast of the Mbayd. During the 3 months preceding the rising of the Pleiades, all the Tereno shamans of a village chanted and shook their rattles in front of their huts every night. A shaman, whom his colleagues designated master of ceremonies, instructed the villagers to prepare for the com- ing feast. One of the first rites of the festival was a simulated attack against the chief’s hut by an old shaman who, armed with a horn, and with his face veiled by a net, impersonated a spirit. The chief placated the spirit by presenting him and his colleagues with a bull. Then an old man with a spear turned to the four corners of the earth, and announced, “I am the Grandfather of the chiefs of the East; .. . of the West; ... of the North; and .. . of the South.” He also enu- 53 According to a letter by Collins M. Smith, a Protestant missionary among the Mataco, a similar ceremony was celebrated in 1941. “It would appear that one or two witch doctors cooperated, one of them impersonating some well known witch doctor of bygone days, known by reputation only, even to the oldest of the present generation. All kinds of gifts were brought to them, and after the usual chanting, palavering, etc. he appeared from the depths of the leading witch doctor’s hut, having come up out of the ground, and spoke to the assembly.” 358 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BuLt. 143 merated the important men who lived in each direction. He then lifted his eyes toward the Pleiades and asked of them rain for the fields, and protection against war, diseases, serpent bites, and other evils. He prayed for an hour and concluded with a cry, whereupon the whole band jumped, shouted, and made every possible noise, even with fire- arms. Amidst this tumult, the old man returned to his hut (Rhode, 1885, p. 409). These performances were followed by sportive amuse- ments, especially boxing. The climax of the celebration was the Dance of the Rhea Feather Dress. The members of the Bad Moiety, who had made a nuisance of themselves by breaking pots and destroying everything in sight, were finally challenged by those of the Good Moiety, who appeared in war array, each man grasping a painted stick. Then, for a whole day, each moiety danced in a line facing the other and alternately dealt and parried blows at their opponents with their sticks. The religion of the southern Avawakan tribes living north of the Chaco (Mojo, Paresst, Pawmari) was characterized by ceremonies in which masked men impersonating spirits terrified the women and levied from them tributes of food or drinks. Certain aspects of Tereno feasts were survivals of such ancient ceremonies, though they may have degenerated into mere amusements with little ritual significance. Hidden in some secret spot, the men painted themselves to conceal their identity and pretended to attack the village. The women, in- stead of running away, defended themselves in a mock battle. A man, painted in black and red, with feathers on his head and covered with twigs, entered the village plaza, where he amused the audience by his antics. The men also built a temporary house on the plaza which was taboo to women. There they disguised themselves with rhea feathers and with facial paintings; then for several successive days they danced for hours around the men’s house (Rhode, 1885, p. 409). The ancient A/baya had a similar feast, but the masked person was a sturdy girl who smeared her face with charcoal and covered herself with branches. A group of naked boys surrounded her and, despite the opposition of the village girls, attempted to strip her of her foliage outfit. When finally they caught her, they took her to a river to wash her face. Such games were played in honor of the chiefs, who after- ward appeared masked with boughs. The Aniposé feast of the Chamacoco—The Anapéso feast is cele- brated at the end of the initiation in which the young men are taught the lore of the band and told that the spirits which they have previ- ously greatly feared are only masked men. As soon as the date of the feast is fixed, the men open a circular clearing in the forest, some 60 feet (18 m.) in diameter, which is ap- Vou. 1] ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE CHACO—METRAUX 359 proached by a narrow, winding path. Opposite the path, an avenue, 9 to 11 feet (2.5 to 3.5 m.) wide, runs a short distance into the bush. A tall tree surrounded by underbrush stands in the center of the plaza. For 5 or 6 days the feast is heralded by the shrill and distant voice of a spirit which is heard in the village at dusk. The first night only a shaman answers the call; on the following night more and more people sing and rattle their gourds to invoke the mysterious visitor. On the 7th or 8th day, the men go to the dance ground and post a sentry on the path. The women go some distance from the village and sit under the guard of young uninitiated boys, who prevent their walking into the forest. Every woman knows that too much curiosity may be fatal. On the dance ground men stand by large fires, where they sing and shake their rattles. The fastest runner circles the central tree, fol- lowed by two men blowing whistles said to be made of a woman’s bones. 9, bow; k, wooden club f, trumpet . ’ fire tongs; e, flute bone point; d, l, wooden club covered with ; J, bolas ; : point; i, arrow with iron point (Redrawn from Koenigswald 1908 a, figs. a—-K; ’ basketry; m, spear with iron point. 1908 b, figs. 4-20.) Vou. 1] THE CAINGANG—METRAUX 461 turns very light when dry. To straighten a reed, they lash it against a horizontal piece of wood, fastening a weight at one end. Arrow- heads are wide taquara splinters, barbed rods (fig. 59, h), wooden rods tipped with a sharp point of monkey or deer bones (fig. 59, c), and massive, blunt wooden knobs used for birds (fig. 59, a,b). Some bird arrows are also tipped with four slightly diverging sticks or thorns. In recent years, the hunting and war arrows of the Santa Catarina Awezkoma-Caingang have been tipped with duck-bill iron heads (fig. 59, 2). Feathering is of the arched type (eastern Bra- zilian). Hunters always carry a ready supply of bone heads, shafts, and feathers to replace lost arrows. Spears are common among the Caingang, who tipped them with iron blades obtained from the Whites (fig. 59, m). The Aweikoma were extremely skillful in handling these weapons, which they deco- rated with fire-engraved designs and with basketry coverings. The clubs of the Parané Caingang are short cylindrical cudgels covered with basketry (fig. 59, 7); those of the so-called Botocudo are more or less tapering, with the cross section often prismatic, thus presenting sharp cutting edges (fig. 59, #). They are decorated with fire engravings and with a basketry sheath. The cudgels of the Sao Paulo Caingang have a bulging head and are from 5 to 6 feet long. Countless stone rings have been found on archeological sites of the State of Rio Grande do Sul. In the 17th century, some tribes of the upper Paraguay River used clubs with stone heads (itaiza), but there is no evidence that these Indians were Caingang, it is more likely that they were Guarani. To frustrate attack or pursuit by an enemy, the Caingang strewed the paths leading to their camps with caltrops made of sharp bone splinters bound in a bundle with cotton thread and wax. They also dug pitfalls in the bottom of which they placed sharp spears. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Moicties—The Caingang of Palmas have two exogamous, patri- lineal moieties, each split into two groups. Baldus (1935, pp. 44-47) does not give the names of the moieties, merely stating that they were called by the word for both “friend” and “two,” and that fellow mem- bers considered one another cousins. On the other hand, he lists the four subgroups according to their prestige as follows: Votoro, Kadnyerii (Kafieri), Aniky, and Kamé. The reason for this pref- erential ranking could not be ascertained. Every individual is born into a moiety, but is assigned to one of the subgroups at a mortuary feast by a man or a woman of his own moiety. Among the Caingang of Palmas, the father decided, when he painted a son or a daughter for the first time, to which of the two 462 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bunn, 143 groups of his moiety he would forever belong (Baldus, 1937 c). The alleged purpose of this assignment was to equalize the groups numer- ically, so that they could be paired for dancing; but, as each group danced separately, the explanation is probably a rationalization. In fact, the two divisions are not even approximately equal. Members of each group could be recognized by their facial painting. The Kad- nyert display round patterns, the Kamé stripes. (See Horta Barboza, 1913, p. 39.) Nimuendajt’s (1914, pp. 373-875) earlier report concerning the Caingang between the Tieté and Ijuhi Rivers, speaks of two moieties associated with the ancestral twins Kafierti and Kamé. The former was of fiery and resolute, but volatile, temperament, and of light, slim build. Kamé, on the other hand, was mentally and physically slow, but persistent. Each moity included three (formerly four) classes: Pat, Votéro, Pénye. All natural phenomena are divided between these two moieties; the sun is Kamé, the moon, Kafierti. In general, slender and spotted ob- jects belong to the Kajiert, clumsy and striped ones to the Kamé. Their use in ritual is confined to the appropriate group. The Aweikoma-Caingang lack moieties, but have five groups with distinctive sets of personal names and body-paint designs. Though re- cent genealogical inquiry failed to establish either strict inheritance of group membership or exogamy, the natives insisted that individ- uals bearing the same designs should not marry, so that a former patrilineal clan system is indicated (Henry, 1941, pp. 59, 88, 175 f.). Marriage groups.—Concerning marriage rules between sub- groups, Horta Barboza (1913, p. 26) gives the following information: Marriages obey complicated rules depending on the groups [moieties] and sub- groups into which the Kaingang families are divided. The most important of these groups are the Camens and Canherucrens; marriages can take place only between the men of one group and the women of the other. However, it must not be thought that it is licit for a Camen to marry any Canherucren for, in order to make things more complicated, there is a division into subgroups, fairly numerous. Individuals of a certain Kamé subgroup can only marry a woman of a certain Canherucren [Kadnyert] subgroup, save for a few exceptions which confuse a question which otherwise should be so simple. Kinship terms.—The relationship system is based on relative age. A man calls his father, his grandfather, and the men of their gener- ations by the same term, and his mother and grandmother by another term. He uses a single name for all male and female blood relatives, excepting real parents and grandparents and grandparents’ siblings and own children. One word (child) serves for all people much younger than ego and for the children of all people with whom he has sexual relations. There is a word for husband and another for wife. A single word applies to all relatives-in-law (Henry, 1941, pp. 177- 178). Vor. 1] THE CAINGANG—METRAUX 463 POLITICAL ORGANIZATION Chiefs wield little authority. They work in their fields and hunt like the rank and file of the group. Their position is conspicuous only when the community organizes a big feast, which is always given in the chief’s name. Chiefs also are the leaders of any collective under- taking. They maintain their hold on their people by distributing gifts and looking after their well-being (Koenigswald, 1908 b, p. 47). A chief who is overbearing or miserly is abandoned by his followers. The son of a chief succeeds to his father if he is acceptable to the group (Horta Barboza, 1913, p. 25). LIFE CYCLE Birth and childhood.—Formerly, a pregnant Caingang woman did not consort with her husband, and both observed food taboos. Women gave birth in the forest, sheltered from the supposedly malefi- cent moonbeans.* A few days after delivery the mother and child were fumigated, a rite accompanied by a drinking bout. Nowadays, a Caingang woman bears her child wherever she hap- pens to be, knowing how to take care of herself even if she is alone. Usually, she is delivered squatting while a midwife embraces her from behind, raising her now and then until travail is over. The navel cord is cut with a fingernail and tied with a caraguata string. Among the Aweikoma, the placenta and umbelical cord, wrapped in medicinal herbs, are placed in a basket and sunk in the stream. The mother winds a long cord around the ankles of the baby and removes it 15 days later during a feast given by the father to a group of relatives. The umbilical cord is disposed of by the mother’s brother or his wife or by the mother’s sister, who later become cere- monial parents. In other Caingang groups, the mother pulls open the infant’s eye- lids immediately after birth “in order that he might see,” breathes into his eyes and ears, and presses his temples and head from front to back. The father does not pay much attention to the baby until it is old enough to speak: Then he gives it 5 to 10 names. In the south, the names were bestowed without any rite after the above-men- tioned ceremony. The Caingang show the greatest tenderness to their children, seldom punishing them or using harsh words. According to Horta Barboza (1913, p. 27), when a boy reaches the age of 7, his mother rubs his body with the leaves of a certain tree and pours water over his head to make him courageous and diligent. 4It is reported that they gave birth unassisted in a special cabin (Serrano, 1939, p. 26). 464 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. EB. Buby. 143 The child then receives a new name. Later, he may adopt names that refer to notable incidents of his life. In the Santa Catarina group, the perforation of the boys’ lower lip at the age of 2 or 8 is marked by great celebrations. Women, holding gourd rattles, dance with warriors, who beat the ground with their spears. The children are intoxicated with beer, and shaken until half unconscious, when their ceremonial fathers pierce their lips with a sharp stick (Henry, 1941, pp. 195-197). Marriage.— ON f a b Cc FicurE 63.—Sherente body-paint decoration for the various ships4 age classes. a, The siteromkwa in the panisewarié class; b, the siteromkwa in the panisekrd@ class; c, the htimha in the sinaikra class. After Nimuendaji, 1942, fig. 3.) central row of white dots and series of small black isosceles triangles contrast with the red background (fig. 64). Games.—Gambling is unknown. All other sports of the North- western and Central Ge are eclipsed by their constantly recurring relay races with heavy logs. These are not, as sometimes alleged, trials of a suitor’s fitness for marriage, but purely sportive competitions en- gaged in for their own sake without thought of any reward except prestige. The competitors’ ages vary from 15 to 55 years, thus includ- ing many men already married. As noted, the Canella have special race tracks of great extent. Typically, the logs are made of the section of a buriti trung 3 feet (1 m.) or more in length and 16 to 20 inches (40 to 50 em.) thick, the weight being possibly 200 pounds (100 kg.) 5 at the ends a shallow depression provides a grip. But there are many variations; one Sherente type, e. g., has to be carried by two men at a time, and the Canella have a miniature symbolic form. the normal procedure is to start from the place of manufacture and to pass the log on to a fellow member of one’s team, who in turn is relieved as he grows tired until the last runners reach the plaza. However, the 504 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bun. 143 Canella also run around the boulevard, and Timbira men commonly race home from some joint enterprise carrying logs. Such occasional competitions create little stir, but the performances at major festi- vals rouse the populations to a pitch of excitement. & G Q} @) oy i" NN lal RET RUE A | TAAL fefhes ethic Ficure 64.—Sherente racing logs. Aldea Porteira. (Redrawn from original sketch by C. Nimuendaji.) The competitors are differently recruited in the several tribes. The Sherente arbitrarily assign every boy to either of two tribal teams for lifelong membership and on that basis organize the races almost en- tirely within any one association; the Apinayé pit men of opposite moieties against each other; the Canella compete by seasonal moieties during the rainy season, generally by age-class pairs during the cere- VoL. 1] NORTHWESTERN AND CENTRAL GE—LOWIE 505 monial part of the year, but also in various other ways, certain so- cieties being pitted against each other at particular festivals. In for- mer times outsiders would occasionally challenge the Ramcocamekra, but such contests might end in fearful brawls. Sometimes even Canella girls and women race with logs of lighter make. For the Southern and Northern Cayapoé clear-cut evidence for a competitive sport of this type is lacking, but some equivalent procedure with a log either in dancing or in transportation by successive groups of men is indicated (Pohl, 1832-87; Kissenberth, 1911). The Canelia also have a simpler relay race with a wand instead of a log, as well as ordinary races, which are much rarer among the Sherente and Apinayé. Wrestling occurs, but not as a prominent sport. Mock fights are indulged in by several groups, and a tug-of-war characterizes the Pau @’Arco. Unique in South America is the Sherente ring and pole game, in which one player with a 12-inch (380-cm.) stick catches a hoop about 12 inches (30 cm.) in diameter thrown by his opponent. Target practice is not reported, but the Canella shoot arrows for distance either along a smooth plot of ground or by making the missiles re- bound from a specially erected obstruction, say, a little mound. Stilt walking is a boys’ pastime among the Canella, but exclusively a men’s sport among the Apinayé, whose stilts are nearly 10 feet (3 m.) high, the steps being about 5 feet 7 inches to 5 feet 11 inches (1.7 m. to 1.8 m.) above the ground; the performer mounts them after climbing a tree and rests on the roofs of the houses. Hunters returning to the village sometimes surprise their tribesmen by a grotesque procession of tower- ing figures, to whom the women hastily bring offerings of cooked tubers impaled on poles. A rubber-ball game is the property of one Sherente clan, whose mem- bers propel the ball to one another with the palms of their hands. Other tribesmen may play only with balls of maize husks. The nearest Apinayé counterpart is a kind of shuttlecock, the rubber balls being batted with paddles or a special battledore. Also, while the Sherente play at any time, the Apinayé game is restricted to the second phase of initiation, though played by mature men, not by the novices. Aponayé and Sherente boys have tops and humming tops, buzzers, (fig. 65, @) bull-roarers, wax figures, and grass toys. Girls seem to lack true dolls, the Apinayé substituting elongated gourds, their Canella sisters contraptions of buriti leafstalks. Cat’s cradle is not highly developed. A single figure is known from the Sherente. Among the Canella young girls and men have about 10 figures, but very few individuals can make them. Musical instruments.—The lack of drums is noteworthy. There are jingles of Lagenaria tips as substitutes for tapir hoofs; of shells; and of fruit shells. The Apinayé have toré clarinets, nose flutes, stop- 506 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bun. 143 f = ey = Hy) anes a Ficure 65.—Ge musical instruments. a, Canella buzzer disk; b, Canella trumpet with bell of cowhorn; c, Canella end-blown bamboo trumpet (length 17 in., or 42.5 em.) ; d, blowhole in septum of c; e, end-blown trumpet; f, cross section of e. (After Izikowitz, 1935, figs. 94, 114, 95.) Vow. 1] NORTHWESTERN AND CENTRAL GE—LOWIE 507 less flutes with ducts (also Cayapé), and reed panpipes. They and the Canella share a unique form of resonator whistle composed of a reed attached to a nut or gourd. Both Zimbira divisions use simple end-blown bamboo trumpets (fig. 65, c-f), and complex side-blown trumpets are typical of the Northern Ge. The Timbira further use transverse, stopless flutes of gourd (fig. 66), wood, or horn, and small gourd whistles with from two to four stops. In modern times the WVorthern Ge have supplanted gourd with cowhorn resonators in their trumpets. / ANS NAN abl € ANS {7 VR " AN 7 AL ) E R i A ¥ sk vA i I, renee leg FIGURE 66.—Timbira type flute made of gourd from the Apinayé. The manner of playing tne flute shown at right (%4 natural size). After Izikowitz, 1935, fig. 143.) In this area the gourd rattle (fig. 67) is emphatically not associated with shamanistic cures. For example, it is the precentor’s instrument at the daily Canella dances. It is made from the rind of Crescentia cujete, painted red, and mounted on a wooden handle, whose tip pro- jects far beyond and enables the rattler to stick his instrument into the ground. Ina hole in the grip is inserted a tasseled wrist cord. One of the Sherente associations uses a peculiar double whistle made of two bamboo tubes tied together with twilled covering in two colors and with an arara feather pendant (pl. 99, top, left). With this instrument the leaders signal to their followers in battle. 508 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Burn, 143 ae Sa oe ie en wm — a ee I =< Z 4 Opp tes . na epi ~ yy LE Ficure 67.—Apinayé gourd rattles. (After Izikowitz, 1935, fig. 41.) Another peculiar instrument of these people is a gourd trumpet blown to frighten the women. Dances.—During the dry season the Canella have daily triple per- formances in the plaza, apart from any ceremonies. The first dance begins at about 3 or 4 a. m., terminating about 5:30 a. m.; the sec- ond, a little before sunset, is briefer and has a smaller attendance; the third begins at 7 p. m., takes at least 2 hours, often much longer, and always lures the largest audience. The participants include the older uninitiated boys and the two junior age classes, also girls from about 7 years up and young women at least until their first pregnancy. A precentor wearing a forehead band, neck band, and sash wields a rattle and leads in the singing, assisted by a precentress, who must take up the tune during any intermissions made by her colleague, since the chant must under no condition stop. This female dignitary requires a loud voice, a good memory for songs, and a gay disposi- VoL. 1] NORTHWESTERN AND CENTRAL GE—LOWIE 509 tion. She takes her position in the center of the women dancers’ line, and acts as their leader Only the women and the precentor chant; the male dancers merely join in a periodic choral shout. The women and girls form one horizontal row, never leaving their stations but bending their knees in rhythm and bringing their bent arms back and forth so that their two hands almost touch during the forward movement. The precentor dances close to this line, sings and shakes his rattle at particular girls in turn, stamps his feet, stoops, leaps up with outstretched legs, making superhuman efforts to inspire the performer to whom he addresses himself. When there are 50 or more women in line, a second precentor is obliged to aid. The young men, generally armed with some weapon or staff, start their dancing only at the second or third song. One or two blow a trumpet; all stretch their legs apart, rock their knees, and in a body dance toward the girls so long as the precentor dances before them. But when he turns from them to make a semicircle, the youths also turn away, leaping back some 100 feet (30 m.). At the morning dances they utter a prolonged choral shout at the beginning of every stanza. At least during a major festival, the Gérotire have been observed in a similar triple performance. In general outline the procedure is probably common to all the Timbira. However, the Canella often supplement the routine with some extras, such as a knee dance executed by the precentor and each girl in turn. Some dances have a partially magical aim, viz, to pro- mote the growth of the crops or the effectiveness of the hunting. Stimulants.—In contrast to the Amazon-Orinoco tribes, the Ge lacked intoxicants. Tobacco, though probably known before contact with Whites, is not grown even today and plays a negligible part in ritual. However, some tribes are passionate smokers, using for the purpose funnels of spirally rolled palm leaflets. SUPERNATURALISM Notwithstanding significant resemblances, there is very wide di- vergence as to supernaturalism. Solar-lunar beliefs, animism, and magic are common to our three tribes, but with radically different em- phasis. Notably, the Canedla are so absorbed in ceremonial for its own sake and in the organization of log races that religion in its sub- jective aspects, including shamanism, recedes into the background. Major deities—The Sun and Moon myth is essentially similar throughout the area. Both characters are male, unrelated companions, with Sun definitely superior and at times maliciously teasing his dull- witted comrade. They create mankind by jumping into a creek 510 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BULL. 143 (Canella) or by throwing into a creek gourds which turn into human beings (Apinayé); the Sherente have no anthropogenic tradition, though they call Sun “Our Creator.” The Apinayé further derive their moiety scheme from Sun. The Canella never seek a personal revelation from their celestial gods, but publicly invoke them for rain, for the protection of game animals, the promotion of crops, and the prospering of wild fruits. However, these deities do not figure at all in certain ceremonies on be- half of maize and sweet potatoes. Very infrequently there are private prayers of unfixed text to Sun and Moon, mainly on behalf of a child’s health. Eclipses arouse great concern, but only lunar ones evoke a definite procedure; viz, the shaking of rattles, the exposure of two little girls on a mat, and the discharge of burning arrows toward the Moon. Like the Hastern Timbira, the Apinayé supplicate Sun on behalf of their crops and also to cure illness. At the beginning of the harvest, a 4-day ceremony is held, in which dancers put on Sun’s distinctive red paint. In contrast to the Canella, the Apinayé may get direct revela- tions from the Sun in dreams or in visions when out hunting by them- selves. The Moon also receives prayers to prosper the crops. During a lunar eclipse, an Indian lifts a girl toward the Moon, offers her for his wife, and begs him not to die; special chants are sung and burning arrows are shot at him. This last procedure has also been reported from the Northern Capayé, who suppose that they thereby prevent the Moon from tumbling down and destroying mankind (Kis- senberth, 1912, p. 55). The Apinayé likewise celebrate every new moon with dances and special songs supposedly derived from the Moon. Doctors have no special connection with the major deities. Different again is the Sherente attitude. Sun and Moon are potent deities, but never appear to visionaries, who get instructions from astral gods either delegated by the two great deities or acting on their own responsibility. Such revelations cannot be induced by any ritual preparation. Sun’s intermediaries are Venus, Jupiter, and some other stars; Moon’s most important deputy is Mars, whose protégés wield bull-roarers during their probation. Visions of solar associates come to men of the Sun moiety, and vice versa. Sun is sometimes tempted to destroy the world because of man’s wickedness, but sends his emis- saries with instructions on how to ward off with songs and magical paraphernalia a solar eclipse and the “cold night” in its wake that would extinguish life. The Great Fast, the major festival of the Sherente, is closely con- nected with the foregoing notions. Curiously enough, it is conceived as a measure against prolonged drought, for this danger virtually never threatens, suggesting a prior habitat nearer the Sdo Francisco River, Vou. 1] NORTHWESTERN AND CENTRAL GE—LOWIE 511 whence tradition derives these people. Only adult males, undergo the ceremony, being divided into two main groups with a handful of elders as a third. The main groups alternate in fasting and in pro- viding for the needs of the assembly, and are finally relieved by the old men, who fast for 5 days. The fast limits the penitents to two daily rations of water and manioc cakes, so that at the end of the 3 weeks’ period they have lost considerable weight. They sit with their faces turned east, never wash, and sing continuously from morn- ing until well into the night, reducing sleep to a minimum. Toward the close of the period the fasters are all supposed to have a vision of wasps armed with arrows, whereupon they are specially painted and parade, returning to their festive site for further visions of wasps, whose arrows supposedly drop and are collected by the master of cere- monies. The following day superficial ablutions are in order and the celebrants are sent to their homes, but return to the festival ground, where they hold decorated staffs and once more catch arrows dropped by wasp visitants, which are stuck into bast rings put round a specially erected post. The penitents march to a wooded spot some distance from the village, camping so that members of narkwa clans are neigh- bors. Two days later there is a hunt, followed by the preparation of meat pies; these are divided among the fasters, who return to their homes. When all three groups in turn have undergone their fast, a race is organized with special logs set up with a 30-foot (9 m.) pole between them, which everyone is eager to embrace. A member of the kuzé clan climbs to the top with a wad of bast and prays to Sun for fire. A spark falling from heaven ignites the bast, which is dropped so that fires from it may be kindled round about. Others now climb up and have visions of deceased relatives, who answer their questions, telling them how long they will live. Each climber takes some small object with him, and announces, “I [i. e., my soul] will turn into a feather [or leaf, etc.].” The article is then dropped and gathered in a gourd bow] by one of the officials of the festival. A Venus, a Jupiter, and a Mars seer now approach, offering water to the people; the water of the two former is clear, that of the latter is roiled and refused as presumably likely to induce death. The last to ascend the pole is one of the masters of the ceremony, who stretches out his hand eastward, and receives Sun’s message through a star in Orion. This he proclaims the next day to the assembled throng; the Sun, he reports, is pleased with the festival and will grant rain, but wants them to avoid Christian dress and to maintain their tonsure lest the tribe perish. Finally, the celebrants once more unite in the woods, by moieties, and the collector of the transformed souls, now 512 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buty. 143 in the gourd bowl, takes out each in turn, and replaces it via the crown of its owner’s head. Then all disperse. Animism.—The Apinayé have a common term for the soul, ghost, shadow, image, and bull-roarer. Men, animals, and plants all pos- sess souls, but those not human soon dissolve into nothing after death. Soul-loss by kidnaping or straying is one recognized cause of dis- ease. The spirits of deceased relatives gather round a dying person to hasten his death and accompany his soul, which, however, continues to dwell on earth. Souls of executed sorcerers cause nightmares, but as a rule, unless offended, the spirits are well disposed toward their survivors. They are usually invisible, but not incorporeal or im- mortal : they eat like men, use will-o’-the-wisps as campfires, and after a while die, being transformed into animals, stumps of trees, or ter- mite hills. In general they have superior knowledge of magic and medicine, which they reveal to a few favored men, though most A pinayé are either unable to establish rapport or afraid to court it. The Sherente share the ideas of soul-loss and of spirit relatives surrounding the dying in order to conduct his soul to their village, which here too is situated on the earth, not in an underworld or the sky. The path thither is beset with dangers, e. g., a monster attacks the soul, and a bridge is so feeble that an unwary traveler will tumble into the water. The Canella seem to lack belief in the temporary departure of the soul from the body and do not interpret sickness in this way. But communion with the spirits is the most conspicuous part of their religion, the souls of the dead protecting their living kin so far as possible, and warning them in dreams or visions. The swarm of spirits around a dying kinsman, the flimsy bridge on the route to the here- after, the will-o’-the-wisps as spiritual campfires, recur in Canella belief. Possession seems to be unknown to all three tribes, except at one phase of the Canel/a initiation. Shamanism and sorcery.—The Canella derive curative and magi- cal lore from the souls of the dead, but most sick individuals first try out traditional remedies and in grave illness almost always di- rectly appeal to their ancestors, hence the professional medicine man is comparatively unimportant. The patient who treats himself must, however, go into seclusion and observe its customary rules as to diet, silence, and the use of a scratching stick. The medicine man applies both profane remedies and special procedures, e. g., extraction by suck- ing out the pathogenic agent. He is paid only if successful and re- ceives no fee for collective treatment against epidemics, in which he smokes tobacco from a funnel and switches the villagers, who suc- NvUlAISB,) Is) / JO JOl10jU] «“SuljjaMp vABuIdy—'/6 ALVId a pct tees Ke PLATE 99.—Ge artifacts. Top (left): Sherente akemba warriors’ double whistle. Top (right): Apinayé earplug. Bottom: Apinayé large anchor ax. (Courtesy Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Belém.) PLATE 100.—Sherente artifacts. Top: Bast sandals. Bottom: Twilled basketry bowl, 18 in. or 45cm. diam. (After Nimuendaj4, 1942, pl. 1, a.) PLATE 101.—Sherente artifacts. Top: Hair sheath, sinaikra age-grade. Insignia of bachelor’s status. (After Nimuendajui, 1942, pl. 2, a.) Center: Shipsa girdle. (After Nimuendajt, 1942, pl. 2, 6.) Bottom: Large Sherente comb. Used by men’s association attendants at feast of the dead. (Courtesy Museu Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Belém.) ‘SEE ‘UfepueNnUIIN Joy) ; | | i ; % *[BATJSo} oUIeU ‘IPHAB AM 7B VUIN|SOD WRN “7yb1y *SlopBlonbseul 10780] V WBoIy) /4ajuaa pup jfaT *siop Bionbseul 9} Uud194G—'Z70| ALVId (sopiedoe'y “H woy}O AsojnoD) “ovyuRIBAL pue ze1o4 oul] Arepunog “jodumnsy ev SuLARIA vyjauDD 3 (7YHL4) WOO “SUTJUBIOT,-Op-BISIA-BOg “BqRoRg BIOpTY ‘O[B1 panos v sUIp[OY ahnuidpy suno x <(jfa]) woyog ‘“ouog op Ory ‘sorloueg SOp BYJOA BIOP[yY ‘Sutuurds uvwio0m ajuasays -(7yhi4) doy, “BSSO1s-BIIOIGBD BIop[y “OYSeq culAIvo ULULOM ODLD /QGfa)) doy "sjavjie pue sueipuy 95—'¢0] ALVTd * (q ‘1 Id ‘Zr6l ‘DfepuonwIN Jojyy) “yorq s,teyjour uo Suls ul Ao ajuasaysy -7ybuy (‘sopareuoay “FY UOGIO AsoVINOD) “yUepol B ‘1YyNOSe YIM [IIS ajuasayy sdajuad ('Sopieuod'y *F{ U0YIO AsoWAMOD) “WAIY epuRIyH saayy [enueyy Joddn ‘essois-eslO9qeg “ply SUISNO[ep pUw SUI[YONS JoyJOUI ODIO “/fa7T “SuBIPUy ey—'FO ALVIg Vou. 1] NORTHWESTERN AND CENTRAL GE—LOWIE 513 cessively crawl between his legs. Specialists communing with snakes are able to cure snake bites, but may also send poisonous snakes against personal enemies, and hence can bully tribesmen into submission to their wishes. The Northern Cayapo and Timbira never regard the rattle as a shaman’s badge. Sorcerers are dreaded by all the tribes and put to death, at the chief’s initiative among Apinayé and Sherente. The Canella believe that some spirits give to their protegé a rosinlike disease stuff, which he furtively blows at his victim or inters by his door, causing an obscure sickness and death. Since most Apznayé avoid direct contact with the souls of the dead, their shamans enjoy greater significance. Some have the power to visit the shades instead of waiting for a revelation. Such a one smokes tobacco until he collapses in a trance, his soul going off for instructions. An assistant blows smoke on his hands, places them on the medicine man, and thus revives him. This practice, quite foreign to the Hastern Timbira and the Sherente, suggests Tupi in- fluence. The Pau d’Arco shamans are wonderworkers who commune with snakes, jaguars, and other beings and exert great influence; they do not derive their powers from the souls of the dead. Apinayé pathology, apart from epidemics due to White contacts, recognizes soul-loss, soul-intrusion, and sorcery. Soul-loss especially afflicts young children; sometimes it is the shadows of fruits that capture the soul. Complementary is the idea that the souls of cer- tain plants and animals may cause disturbances by entering their consumer’s body. The shadow of a fleet beast quickens the pulse, a turtle’s impedes it, ete. The doctor then resorts to a double pro- cedure: He kneads the body until he can suck out the disease from a particular spot; then makes his patient drink the infusion of a specific and rubs the dregs on his body, for corresponding to every edible beast or plant there is some plant antidote marked as such by an external criterion. Thus, deer medicine is derived from a species whose podlike fruits suggest antlers. Similar notions as to soul-loss and intrusive causes of disease occur among the Northern Cayapé. Finally, the Apinayé sorcerer blows disease from the palm of his hand or puts it on his trail. Such witchcraft does not presuppose a shamanistic revelation, but it takes a professional to counteract it by suction, the extract being then exhibited to spectators. Unlike the Timbira, the Sherente have shamans blessed not by spirits of the dead, but by stars. The pupils of Mars suck out the disease in the form of maize kernels or bits of wood, whereas Jupiter or Venus visionaries own a magic wand with which to take out the 583486—46——__33 514 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bui. 143 trouble-makers at the distance of 6 feet (1.8 m.). Those who have Mars as their tutelary treat snake bites. The were-beast motif seems to be restricted to the Northern Cayapo. Magic.—Magic in a broad sense is common property. To stave off rain any Apinayé layman may wave a shrub with special virtues; and any Sherente may burn cottonseeds. On all sorts of occasions the Canella touch a species of tree that symbolizes toughness in order to acquire this quality. Contagious magic of the classical form, how- ever, is lacking. When an Apinayé throws clipped hair into a creek, it is to promote the growth of hair, never for witchcraft. Similarly, the Sherente throw ceremonial articles into the water in order to pro- long the former wearer’s life. Ceremonial.—Ge ceremonialism is only in part religious, hardly at all so among the Canella, where this aspect of life is most highly elaborated. Characteristically, in the three representative tribes masquerading has no sacred connotation. On the other hand, cere- monial is persistently linked with social structure, as when the defi- nitely religious Great Fast, of the Sherente, aligns celebrants by moieties and stresses the narkwé bond. Again, the second major festival of this people, the feast of the dead, is held only for certain dignitaries and their wives, the performance being incumbent on the honored person’s survivors in his association; further, guests from other villages camp according to the usual arrangement by moieties and clans in a tribal settlement. In the Great Anteater masquerade (pl. 102), organized in turn by the four men’s associations, the cos- tume makers are chosen two from each moiety; the members of the association take up positions by moieties; and the actors belong to a particular society. As to the frequent name-giving festivities, the names of males belong to the Sherente moieties, and the two criers functioning there represent these units, which form the basis of the celebrants’ alignment. The Pau d’Arco attach no special importance to initiation, which is a simple annual ritual for only a few boys at a time, their seclusion coinciding with a maize harvest festival. These Cayapé share the Anteater performance of the Apinayé and Sherente and, further, have borrowed the bd masquerades of the Carajd. They also, like the Sherente and Mashacali, impersonate the spirits of the deceased. Canella ceremonialism is too complex for a brief outline. Every year there is held either one of the two initiation ceremonies or, ac- cording to the council’s discretion, one of several other major festivals. Both phases of initiation involve a 3-month segregation terminating in a 3-day and a fortnight’s celebration, respectively. However, the seclusion differs in severity, a novice of the first phase publicly ap- pearing for a plaza dance every afternoon, whereas one of the second Vou. 1] NORTHWESTERN AND CENTRAL GE—LOWIE 515 degree remains shut up in a cell of his matrilineal home. Only the first stage has a religious flavor: The boys gain contact with the spirits of the dead, who are lured to the site by the chanting; they enter the boys’ bodies, whence they are ultimately driven by ablution and flagellation. The second initiation ceremony is to promote the youths’ vitality as a preparation for marriage, and in the terminal rite each future mother-in-law leads her daughter’s prospective hus- band by a cord. The major festivals are highly composite. Dances and songs mingle with log races, the farcical antics of the Clown society, the dramatiza- tion of a game drive, and the attempts of the Jaguar society to catch the Agouti membership. But the lesser performances, such as those held to open and close the ceremonial season, are equally characteristic. In all these solemnities the religious factor is rarely present; magic figures more frequently, and the initiation festival harbors social mo- tives, but, preponderantly, 7%mbira ceremonialism is an end itself— the proper performance of traditional procedures in correct decora- tive outfits catering to the actors’ and the spectators’ entertainment. MYTHOLOGY AND LITERATURE A number of mythical conceptions may be noted apart from tales. Though without a true cosmogony, the Sherente have some relevant ideas. Earth, sky, the underworld, Sun, and Moon are eternal, the two celestial deities being sometimes separated from their substrata. Carrion vultures peep through openings in the sky down upon the earth. On opposite sides of one hole live Sun and Moon, the former flanked by the Belt of Orion on one side and both Jupiter and Venus on the other. These Indians greatly dread a cataclysm: They sup- posed that Halley’s comet in 1910 would usher in a world fire (a be- lief shared by the Canel/a) ; took an overflowing of the Tocantins River in 1926 for a repetition of the mythical deluge; and interpreted solar eclipses as the beginning of “the cold night” during which a can- nibalistic demon will destroy humanity, a consummation it has hither- to eluded. These catastrophes are conceived as Sun’s punishment for the Indians’ wickedness. The Canella also believe in celestial carrion vultures. They hold that the ends of the rainbow rest in the open mouths of two anacondas. The Milky Way is interpreted as a rhea by both 7'%imbira subdivisions. Thunder, the rainbow, and meteors loom prominently in Pau d@’Arco lore. Among the tales the Sun-Moon myth stands out for its complexity, in connection with religion, its intrinsic interest, its distribution over a large part of the entire region—certainly among both Timbira and Akwé, though it is not demonstrated to date for the Northern Cayapo. 516 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bunn. 148 It differs sharply from the twin hero stories of South America, for the Ge heroes are not twins, nor even brothers, but unrelated com- panions. Thus the distinctive episodes of the Tupinamba, Apapo- cuva, Carib cycles—dual paternity, Caesarean operation, testing of the boys by their father—automatically drop out. What remains is the unequivocal superiority of one hero over the other, whose stupid- ity or stubbornness precipitates difficulties, even a general conflag- ration, and makes him the target of his mate’s teasing. This contrast is, however, less marked among the Sherente. Despite his inferiority, Moon is not negligible as a transformer. While Sun creates furry game from slices of flesh, Moon similarly produces game birds (Can- ella) ; Sun creates good-looking people, Moon ugly ones. In a measure he is even able to thwart his cleverer comrade’s plans. Annoyed by one of Sun’s tricks, he makes the buriti palm shoot up so that man can no longer reach fruits from the ground, and his meddlesomeness stops axes from chopping down trees without human labor. However, there is nothing like the dualism of the Yahgan, neither of the Ge characters being concerned with the effect of his actions on future human hap- piness and immortality. An important story shared by the 7imbira, Sherente, and Northern Cayapo is that explaining the acquisition of fire from a benevolent jaguar, who has rescued the boy hero from a tree where he has been deserted by his cruel brother-in-law. Another tale reported from the Northern Cayapo, Canella, Apinayé, and Sherente relates how a man looking up at the sky wishes to marry a particular star, who comes down to him in female form. Among widespread motifs are: Sharp- ened-leg, the man who whittles his leg to attack a fellow-traveler (A pinayé, Canella, Northern Cayapo, Warrau); the dwarf parrots that assume the shape of women (Apinayé, Caraja, Rio Yamunda) ; the Amazons who kill male children (Aspinayé, Carajd, Taulipang, Tupinamba) ; the rolling skull (Apinayé, Bolivian highlands, Argen- tina, Araucanians, Chaco, etc.). A striking feature of ceremonial myths is the artificial secondary association of tales with the ceremonies they purport to explain. LORE AND LEARNING Little is to be recorded under this head. The numerical system of our Ge was formerly extremely limited, and astronomical knowledge was in its infancy. The Canella knew only a few constellations, no- tably the Seven Stars, whose appearance above the western horizon signalized the approach of the rainy season and the need for making clearings. Time is reckoned by lunar phases, which remain unac- counted for, and by the seasons, dry and rainy, the former coinciding more or less with the ceremonial period. The Canella do not know Vou. 1] NORTHWESTERN AND CENTRAL GE—LOWIE 517 the number of full moons in the year; there is no attempt to determine the solstice or to use it in time reckoning. The apparently nonshamanistic use of drawing blood from the forehead with a blocked little arrow occurred among the Southern Cayapo (Pohl, 1832-37, 1: 406). BIBLIOGRAPHY Castelnau, 1850-59 ; Coudreau, 1897 a, 1897 b; Kissenberth, 1911, 1912; Krause, 1911; Lowie, 1937; Martius, 1867; Nimuendaju, 1937, 1938, 1939, 1942, and mss.; Pohl, 1832-87 ; Pompeu Sobrinho, 1930, 1935 a; Ribeiro, 1841, 1870; Rydén, 1937; Saint-Hilaire, 1830-51; Snethlage, 1931; Spix and Martius, 1823-31; Steiner, 1894. the bays by-thait fat Ae aneynivotel . iw or proms nanan ere hres LCP Ma ca ean : at ute ekys AAP GOR ae if, ‘ frase Troan Alitee at Heal ; Micon aiaabarly proc gan didn 4s Bah aan ipoericboshling people, Movh welyoneg Ene hes dor even ik kirehiwerti late cdemerat eeeppinelety filet, cite af Sun's trivliyy he maken the turiet paleo whiner igh aa! Hodonger renal fewite trove the greouneds tind hie dedldile ante from chopping dy wi treen without hata dainty in nothing ik thud iulitan of tho Yanda; ialthonwt the Gv vivaraatiogt aterm whit the elteot wt hiwaeiiand ou Tyduiay mew ape riniiht sini fineerortality, den fukiportant wtor'y whered by thé Dindiva, hsvihibe; nit Morse Cayape ta tims oxpliming te aoypinition ot dro) ientig banewolgat | pogrrtin, Wilktr trai gered thre hery hero Bron or Grea whore he ies doperted by big orned invihur-in-lnw. Avether ial reportedoieamy Nort hore Cugepd, Canela, Apia? aca Sheventa ‘elpine. hoa looking uprat the sky wiahes to marcy a péetituler etamaehe déwn, tu Bim it Georadle forma 4) miohy widewp ron motte weet chodhdeg, the ua. Who whittle bin lee to alfack: «6 ‘iva eee (Apna, Canelle, Barthaen” Oayaprd, Warrauly tha cd tlind again the uhapd of wane LApinaye, Canela, Tios Yanan the Amasote who kill pisla clulilom, (Aevinayd, Canaid, Tanne Pughnam aba) s thy rolluag exyti (y A pay ad, Bolivian etna) tiid, Aogunmians, Checd, a0), A aly ning feadire 48 excverdenial wept i the vot wei mimorigtinn oT Dalya with: thn cetord ing thay purpurt, te, Maaco LOG ANY IL MARKIA Live je to Wh rected under thai. ‘The ner. wyqleg: af . v Ge ue Toomerty wxtocinely Taltet, acd adtrenopiolline iti ies To fated The Coretig knew only -«, few eonstellailina nig” ‘, s Minweg a yhou bp Pn ranon above Uh wrelern hawivieny, ronda tie pe wie Of (tie Palny! ety fi sd the rend farses losdixign - "Tink ty cocker bes ‘yi phyeee, ehich) Wee ties rin! ot, nof te the aeneowy, chevy well gainy, the Footer m with thé cqcenciial patior, ‘The Candle de nat knew THE SOUTHERN CAYAPO By Rosrrr H. Lowir HISTORY Southern Cayapo (Kayapo).—A Ge tribe related to, but distinct from the Northern Cayapé. The term “Cayapo,” which remains un- translated, was first applied to the Southern Cayapo in the second half of the 17th century. Its bearer (map 1, Vo. 11; map 7) was occupying the area embracing in Goyaz all right affluents of the Paranahyba River and the upper drainage area of the Araguaya River; in southeastern Matto Grosso, all right affluents of the Parana River as far as the Nhanduhy-Pardo River and the upper drainage area of the Taquary River and the Piquiry-Correntes River; in northwestern Sio Paulo and western Minas Gerais, the territory between the Paranahyba River and the Rio Grande (lat. 18° S., long. 50° W.). After end- less fighting, the Cayapé made peace in Goyaz in 1780, and, in 1910 about 30 to 40 survivors were living below the Salto Vermelho (lat. 19°50’ S., long., 50°30’ W.) on both banks of the Rio Grande. Today their tribal existence has ceased. CULTURE Pohl (1832-37, 1: 399-406) and Saint-Hilaire (1830-51, 2: 94-119) both of whom visited the tribe at the aldea Sio José de Mossamedes, report several characteristic traits. The habitations, originally ar- ranged in a circle, had a frame covered with palm leaves and grass thatching. The inmates slept on platform beds, had stone fireplaces, and cooked in earth ovens. In fire making, the hearth, which had a lateral groove, was held with the foot; both parts of the ap- paratus were of urucii. Live embers were used to singe off the hair. Black and blue varieties of maize were preferred. Cotton was neither cultivated nor spun. Textiles included mats and elliptical baskets of buriti fiber. Bows, arrows, and clubs are mentioned as weapons. The Cayapo were especially troublesome to colonists in about 1750, and the Bororo were enlisted against them. Ina fight, the women stood behind the men to hand them arrows. Uruct and genipa were the typical body paints. Polygyny was permitted. 519 520 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bunn, 143 Mourners gashed their chests with arrows or struck their heads. At the death of a prominent man they wailed and eulogized the deceased ; the chief would club a kneeling Indian on the forehead, and the re- sulting blood was smeared on the corpse. Interment was in sitting position, and food as well as the dead man’s weapons were deposited with the corpse. Saint-Hilaire (1880-51, 2:105) records a Vulture and a Jaguar dance; Pohl (1832-37, 1: 401) a dance in which a performer executes the incredible feat of leaping about with a log weighing a hundred- weight (45.36 kg.) and throwing it to other dancers. BIBLIOGRAPHY Pohl, 1882-37; Saint-Hilaire, 1830-51. THE GUAITACA By Aurrep Metravux The Guaitaca (Goaptaca, Gyataca, Goyaka, Goytakaz, Waitacazes, Oueitaca), who are so often mentioned in the early literature, dis- appeared before a single word of their language had been recorded, so that it is impossible to classify them. Without any valid reason they have been identified with the modern Puri and Coroado. They prob- ably formed part of the numerous “7’apuya” tribes whose presence on the coast long antedated the 7’wpi-Guarané invasions. History and tribal divisions.—In the 16th century, they were scattered along the coast from the Sao Matheus River (Cricaré River) to Cape Sao Thome (lat. 20° S., long. 40° W.) (pl. 107). Léry (1880, 1: 78-80 and 2: 180) places them along the seashore between the Parahyba River and Macahé, where they were in direct contact with the Tupinamba (Tamoyo) of Rio de Janeiro. Though their northern border cannot be ascertained exactly, all our sources agree that they were the undisputed masters of the fertile Campos dos Goaitacazes that extend from the vicinity of Lagoa Feia to the mouth of the Parahyba River (map 1, No. 14; map 7). The Guaitacd were divided into three subgroups. The Guaitacd-mopi and the Guaitacd-yakorito lived in the Campos dos Goaitacazes. The Guaitacd- guasu, who were hostile to the others, roamed inland. Thevet mentions a fourth group, the Guaitacd-miri. In the 15th or 16th century, the Guaitacd conquered and occupied the territory of the Papana, a Tapuya tribe. In 1553, the Portuguese settled in the country of the Guaitacd but, after a 5-year war, were driven out. Later the Guaitacd raided several times the Captaincy of Espirito Santo and, in one of their numerous battles against Portuguese troops, killed Fernaio de Sa, the son of the Governor General of Brazil. They not only fought the White invaders but also the Tupinamba, who had allied themselves to the Portuguese to exterminate their traditional enemies. In 1630, the Portuguese again undertook, and this time achieved the conquest of the Guaitacd. The Indians who escaped slaughter were gathered into aldeas where they were Christianized. In the first half of the 19th century, a few Indians remained near Campos and Cabo Frio. They were regarded as the descendants of the ancient Guaitacd. Wied-Neuwied (1820-21, 1:37) saw in the village of Sao Lourenzo, near Rio de Janeiro, the remainder of the Guaitacd who had been settled in the Jesuit missions as well as others in the village of Sio Pedro dos Indios. Today the Guaitacd have been entirely absorbed by the Neo-Brazilian population. 1 The scattered data on the Gwaitacdéd have been assembled and summarized by Métraux (1929 c). 521 522 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. BE. Buby. 143 CULTURE Ethnographic data in the early literature are few. The Guaitaca were mainly collectors and hunters, but also practiced some agricul- ture. Their crops were maize and some tubers; like several “Tapuya” tribes, they did not cultivate manioc. When hunting, they tracked down game until it was exhausted and fell an easy prey. Sharks were attacked close to the shore by groups of Indians armed with short spears. ‘Their arrows were tipped with shark teeth. According to Vasconcellos (1865, bk. 4, ch. 11, p. 142), the small, low Guaitacd houses were built “on a pile” (i. e., on piles?). This statement has been interpreted by some historians as a reference to tree dwellings, but in either case it must be accepted with reserve. They lacked hammocks and slept on the ground. The Guaitacad wore their hair long, though some men shaved their foreheads. Body hair was removed. All our sources stress the warlike character of these Indians. The Guaitacé also are said to have been cannibals, but the evidence is not altogether conclusive. The “Zapuya” as a rule, were not cannibals, though they might have adopted the practice, which was popular with their 7'’wpé neighbors. Despite their ordinarily hostile relationship, they carried on a kind of “silent trade” with their 7upé neighbors. Keeping at a distance from their trade partners, each group displayed the commodities which they wished to exchange. Generally European articles were offered by the Z’upinamba and feathers and green stones for labrets by the Guaitacad. When the exchange had been agreed upon, each party hastily deposited the goods at a certain place and departed. Hostilities were then resumed (Léry, 1880, 1: 78-80); BIBLIOGRAPHY Léry, 1880; Métraux, 1929 ce; Vasconcellos, 1865; Wied-Neuwied, 1820-21. THE PUR{-COROADO LINGUISTIC FAMILY By Aurrep MErravux TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY The Coroado, Puri, and Coropé were closely related linguistically and culturally (map 1, Mo. 73). One hundred years ago the Coroado still remembered a time when they formed a single tribe with the Puri, who later, as the result of a feud between two families, became their enemies. Coroado.—At the beginning of the 19th century, the Coroado occupied the plain bounded in the east by the Serra de Sao Geraldo (Sao Jozé) and in the west by the Serra da Onza, both ramifications of the Serra do Mar (lat. 21° §., long. 42° W.). They lived mainly along the Xipoté Novo River (Rio dos Co- roados), but were also reported on the Rio da Pomba and on the Parahyba River (map 7). According to Eschwege (1818, 1 :125), the Coroado were originally divided into three main subgroups: the Maritong, the Cobanipaque, and a third, the name of which had been forgotten. Two small bands that lived on the Rio Preto were called the Tamprun and the Sasaricon (Sazaricon) (Saint Hilaire, 1880-51, 1:125). The Portuguese named them the Coroado (the Crowned Ones), as they are known in the literature, because of their circular tonsure. This tribe, the true Coroado, should not be confused with the Caingang, who are some- times known by the same name. During the 17th century, the Coroado were raided by the Paulists and, as a result, they remained bitter enemies of the Whites until 1763, when they were induced to make peace. In 1767 they were placed under the authority of special government agents. Harshly treated by the colonists who exploited them, they were already in full decadence by 1818. There were many Coroado in the Ca- puchin mission of Sao Fidelis, founded in 1776 on the right side of the Parahyba River. In 1813, the Coroado were scattered in 150 settlements, each consisting of one or two families. The total population was about 1,900 (Eschwege, 1800, 1: 120). Saint-Hilaire (1880-51, 1: 43) said that five or six hundred lived on the Rio Bonito, near Ub4a. In recent years some Coroado still remained in the Aldea da Pedra on the upper Parahyba River under the care of Italian Capuchins. Puri.—The former habitat of the Puri extended from the Parahyba River to the Serra de Mantiqueira and the upper reaches of the Rio Doce (map 7). The Purt were divided into the following subtribes: Sabonan, Uambori, and Xamia- una. The name Puri was a derogatory designation bestowed on them by the Coroado. In the 18th century, several hundred Purt were lured to Villa Rica, where they were sold as slaves. About 500 in the region of Piranga and Santa Rita placed 523 524 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bun. 143 themselves under the protection of the Portuguese and were settled near Rio Pardo by Captain Marliére, who is responsible for most of the information avail- able on them. In 1800, a group of 87 Puri were placed in the Mission of Sio Joao de Queluz, where many others joined them." In 1815 Wied-Neuwied saw a group of Puri near Sio Fidelis. Spix and Martius encountered another group near Sao Joao Baptista. The tribe originally totaled about 4,000, but, after their contact with the Whites, dwindled rapidly. In 1885 there were still some Puri groups on the tributaries of the Manhuassu River. Their locations, given by Ehrenreich (1886), were as follows: Quartel do Principe (a border town between Minas Gerais and Espfrito Santo) ; Santa Lucia, near Carangola; Cachoeirinha, near Alegre; and Joannes on the Rio Doce, between Santa Maria de Belen and Cuieté. One hundred and twenty-two Puri were also established in the Aldeamento de Muriahé. Today some Puri remnants may exist in the region of the lower Parahyba River. Coropo.—The Corop6 lived mainly on the Rio da Pomba and on the southern side of the upper Parahyba River. Eschwege (1818, 1:76) states that in 1813 all of them were acculturated and spoke Portuguese; they resided in 29 villages and numbered 291 (97 men, 96 women, 58 boys, and 40 girls). Their language is related to Coroado, but not so closely as Puri, which is a dialect of Coroado. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES Originally the Puri were typical forest nomads, who subsisted by hunting and collecting fruits and roots, especially the fruits of the sapucaia tree (Lecythis pisonis), palm shoots, caratinga (Convolvulus sp.), cava, and many other tubers. During the dry season, the Co- roado gathered larvae of bixo da taquara, which they kept in bamboo receptacles, using the fat mainly for preparing corn cakes. Like most forest nomads, they were constantly on the lookout for honey. The Coroado established in aldeas learned to grow crops and, at the beginning of the 19th century, cultivated maize, gourds, bananas, cari (Dioscorea sp.), and beans. They were poor farmers, however, and continued to subsist, in large measure, on the produce of the bush. The Puri, who lacked agriculture, looted the fields of the colonists and of the civilized Indians, mainly for sugarcane, of which they were inordinately fond. Such inroads caused continuous war- fare between the nomadic Indians and the sedentary population of the region. The Puri and Coroado are said to have been skillful stalkers and expert trackers. They lured birds by perfectly imitated calls. Noth- ing is known of their other hunting methods except that they caught animals in pitfalls and traps. Birds were captured by means of a noose fixed to the end of a long pole. 1 According to Ayres de Cazal (1845, 2: 26), at the beginning of the 19th century some Christianized Puri lived in the village of Valenca, between the Parahyba River and the Rio Preto. With them lived Arary, Pitta, and Xumetto Indians. Vou. 1] PURI-COROADO—METRAUX 525 Fishing, which is barely mentioned in our sources and must have been of secondary importance, was practiced with bows and arrows and with long, multipointed spears. Hooks were introduced by the Portuguese. The Puré baked their food in earth ovens or boiled it in sections of green bamboo (taquara-acu). They also roasted meat on spits. The Coroado, who raised some crops, had more elaborate cooking techniques and utensils, such as basketry sifters and various earthen- ware vessels. They prepared mush with maize pounded in cylin- drical wooden mortars, boiled game, roasted it on a spit, or smoked it on a babracot. They seasoned food with malagiieta (Capsicum frutescens) fruits but used no salt. DOMESTICATED ANIMALS At the beginning of the 19th century, both the Coroado and the Puri had dogs and fowl which they had recently acquired from the Whites. They valued their dogs highly and took good care of them, but had not yet learned to train them for hunting. HOUSES The nomadic Puri built crude shelters by resting a few palm fronds against a transverse stick tied to two trees and covering them with additional leaves (pl. 110, bottom). The hut of the more sedentary Coroado, though of better construction, was obviously derived from the primitive Pu7% lean-to. It had the form of a thatched gabled roof resting directly on the ground (pl. 110, top). Larger huts with wattle- and-daub walls were imitations of the Mestizo house.’ The main piece of Coroado furniture was the cotton hammock. Some Puri used hammocks (pl. 105, a) of embauba (Cecropia sp.) fibers, but most of them slept in the ashes of their camp fires. The Coroado hut contained a platform for storing food and small articles, a wooden mortar, gourds, and various pieces of pottery. At night the Purt and Coroado kept a fire burning near their hammocks against the cold of the night and to ward off mosquitoes. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS The aboriginal Puri, Coroado, and Coropo went naked; but the men, when first described, had already adopted European clothes, while Coroado women wore home-made skirts. 2The statement by Ayres de Cazal (1845), 2:50) that from 50 to 100 people lived in a Single house is certainly an exaggeration. 526 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. D. BULL, 143 Feather headdresses and feather bracelets were worn by both Puri and Coroado men. Both Puri and Coroado hung around their necks or slung across their chests necklaces composed of animal teeth and of various seeds (Canna glauca, Abrus precatorius, Ormosia coccinea, ete.) Young women of both tribes wrapped bark strips around their wrists and around their legs, under the knees and around the ankles. These bindings, which served to make the joints slender, were removed after marriage. The Coroado tonsure, which resembled that of a Franciscan monk, accounts for their name. Some Puri shaved the entire head. All body hair was removed. Both Puri and Coroado painted dots and linear motifs in red (uruct or red clay) and black (genipa) on their persons. Puri children were often decorated with black spots all over the body. Among the Coroado, both sexes were tattooed by a method not re- ported elsewhere in South America except for the 7ehuelche: The skin was pinched between the fingers, and with a needle and a thread wet with pigment it was stitched through in circular designs or in crude representations of animals and birds (Eschwege, 1818, 1: 137). TRANSPORTATION No craft of any kind seems to have been used by these tribes, a lack that may be ascribed to the absence of large rivers in their mountain- ous and forested country. Women carried their goods in large baskets. Children were sus- pended on the hip with a bark sling or carried on their mother’s back, supported by a tumpline or hanging in a net. MANUFACTURES Basketry.—Coroado basketry did not differ from that of the more advanced Z’upé tribes, judging from specimens figured by Eschwege (1818, 1: pl. 2, figs. s, g; Wied-Neuwied, 1820-21, pl. 12, fig. 7). They made rectangular fans to activate the fire, long carrying baskets with open tops, and other containers of various sizes. Weaving.—The Coroado made cotton hammocks and clothes. Ac- cording to Saint-Hilaire (1830-51, 2:46) they wove embauba fibers. Netting.—Carrying nets are mentioned. Pottery.—The Coroado were fair potters and made large bulging jars with pointed bottoms and short necks (fig. 68, a). Purt pots were more primitive. They were globular and of a shape suggesting that of the sapucaia (Lecythis ollaria) fruit. Tools.—Stone axes (fig. 68, ¢) were still used at the beginning of the last century. The stone ax blade was lashed between two sticks. Vou. 1] PURI-COROADO—METRAUX 527 Ficure 68.—Coroado manufactures. a, Pottery jar; b, side-blown trumpet made of cow horn; c, hafted ax. (Redrawn from Eschwege, 1818, opposite p. 242.) Weapons.—Bow staves were carved of ayri or brejauba (Astro- caryum ayri) wood. They had a circular cross section and were about 614 feet (2 m.) long. The string was of caraguaté or of tucum (Astrocaryum sp.) fibers. Arrow shafts were made of taquara da frecha (Saccharum sagit- tarum) with feathering of the arched (tangential) type. Arrow- heads were taquara blades, barbed wooden rods, and bulging knobs. Lances are mentioned, but there is no reference to clubs. Children used pellet bows (pl. 105, 6) as playthings and to develop their marksmanship. Fire making.—Fire was produced by a drill which was generally inserted into an arrow shaft. Hearth and drill were made of a dry creeper. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION The Coroado tribe was split into small groups or bands, each of which comprised one or two extended families totaling some 40 peo- ple. Each group lived apart, uniting with others only for defense against enemies or to wage war. Such a group was under the authority of a chief, generally the oldest man of the community. Within the group there existed a great amount of cooperation. They cultivated their fields in common, hunted together, and enjoyed “commonly the produce of their work” (Eschwege, 1818, 1: 126-127). Young people submitted willingly to the authority of older persons and of valiant hunters and warriors. Leaders were distinguished by beautiful feather diadems. COURTESY RITES When two parties of Puri met, one would make a speech and then both would burst into laments for the dead. 528 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. BULL. 143 WARFARE AND CANNIBALISM Both the Puri and Coroado have been accused of cannibalism, with- out convincing evidence. It is said that when celebrating a victory feast, the Coroado dipped the arm of a slain enemy in chicha and licked it. They kept the skulls of their victims as trophies and made flutes out of their bones. LIFE CYCLE Childbirth.—The Coroado woman when pregnant observed chas- tity. She and her husband refrained from eating the flesh of certain animals and lived chiefly on fish and fruits. Delivery took place in the forest in a spot protected from moonlight, which was considered harmful to a newborn baby. Soon after the birth, the mother washed herself and resumed her normal activities. A few days later, both she and the baby were fumigated with tobacco smoke by a shaman, an occasion which was celebrated by hearty drinking. Children were nursed until they were 4 to 5 years old. Marriage.—Men married at the age of 18, girls when they were about 12. The marriage ceremony is said to have consisted of the presentation of game and fruit to the bride’s parents. Acceptance of the gift sealed the marriage. The new couple settled with the family of either spouse. Monogamy seems to have prevailed, though chiefs or good hunters had two or more wives. Marital ties were brittle and easily dissolved. Women were often blamed for the separation because of their misconduct. Death observances.—The Coroado placed their dead in large jars, if these were available, after they had broken the limbs of the corpse, lest the ghost return to haunt the living. A person was buried in his hut, his possessions were deposited over the grave, and the house was burned or abandoned. If the deceased had been a chief, the whole settlement was deserted. Relatives cut their hair, and the women painted their bodies black. They uttered funeral laments at dawn, in the evening, and every time they happened to pass by a grave. The Puri pronounced funeral speeches in honor of their dead (pl. 108). The soul of the departed went to a pleasant wood full of sapucaia trees and game, where it was happy in the company of all the deceased. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Musical instruments.—A cow-horn trumpet with a lateral mouth- piece was one of the main musical instruments. With it the Puri sounded alarms and gathered men for attacks or for drinking bouts. In the Museum of Vienna there is a composite trumpet attributed to the Coroado, The bell consists of a spiral twisted skin, most likely Vou. 1] PURI-COROADO—METRAUX 529 that of an armadillo (Izikowitz, 1935, p. 234). The blowhole is on the side. Eschwege (1818, 1: 127) mentions also trumpets made of the long bones and even of the skulls of enemies. Dances and songs.—There are several good descriptions of Coroado and Purt dances (pl. 108). (Spix and Martius, 1823-28, 1: 373; Esch- wege, 1818, 1: 142; Saint-Hilaire, 1830-51,1:39.) These tribes danced in two straight lines, the men in front with bows and arrows, the women behind. In the first three steps they [the Puri] put the left foot forward and bent the left side; at the first and third step they stamped with the left foot, and at the second with the right; in the following three steps they advanced the right foot at the first and last, bending on the right side. In this manner they advanced a little alternately in short steps. As soon as the song was concluded, they ran back in disorder as if in flight; first the women with their daughters, and then the men with their sons. After this they placed themselves in the same order as before and the scene was repeated. [Spix and Martius, 1823-31, 1: 378.] A dance to celebrate the killing of a jaguar rested on the same prin- ciple, but the dancers stooped, holding their hands on their waists and jumping with more vivacity. Songs referred to beer or praised the looks of a person in the audience (Eschwege, 1818, 1: 142). Drinking bouts.—The Coroado acquired the habit of drinking maize beer after they had become agriculturists under White coercion. They raised maize more for beer than for food. Fermentation was accelerated by the addition of saliva. Before starting a drinking bout, a chief would chant, dance around the beer jar, and taste the greasy surface (pl. 109). Narcotics.—The Coroado smoked tobacco in clay pipes or in bamboo tubes. SHAMANISM AND RELIGION Ghosts, which often appeared in the guise of lizards, caimans, jaguars, deer, or deer-footed men, were the souls of wicked persons or of people who had not been buried according to prescribed rites. Shamans.—Shamans consulted the souls of the dead about the outcome of important events, such as a war party or an expedition to collect ipecacuanha. They also summoned spirits to inquire where abundant game could be found or to ascertain whether they were threatened by a war party. When the Coroado feared an attack by their traditional enemy, the Pur?, their shamans conjured up the soul of a dead Purvi and asked him the whereabouts of his fellow tribesmen. If the answers were alarming, the shamans advised the people to take defensive measures and to build a fence around the camp. The Coroado shaman conjured spirits at night while blowing clouds of smoke from his pipe. Spectators could hear the steps of the ap- 583486—46——34 530 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bune. 143 proaching spirits and their whistled answers to the questions of the shaman. The spirits departed crying “like macuco birds.” The Coroado lived in great fear of sorcerers. If witchcraft were suspected to be the cause of a death, some flesh or skin was cut from the victim’s head and countermagic was practiced on it. Medicine.—Sick people were treated by shamans, who sucked them, fumigated them with tobacco smoke, and rubbed them with saliva or with certain herbs. The Puri exposed sick people to a steam bath— the patient crouched on all fours over a large glowing hot stone, which women sprinkled with water from their mouths. The Coroado practiced bloodletting with a small bow and an arrow headed with a piece of crystal. This operation was also performed at intervals on healthy persons, especially women. The Coroado incised the skin around a sore spot with a sharp stone or a piece of bamboo. Some men, to improve their marksmanship, cut themselves slightly across the upper arm (Eschwege, 1818, 1: 187). Shamans used various herbs in their massages and put different leaves and grasses on wounds and infections. Most of their drugs were for external use, and it has been observed that, like the Chaco Indians, the Coroado showed a strong reluctance to taking internal medicines. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ayres de Cazal, 1845; Burmeister, C., 1853; Debret, 1940; Ehrenreich, 1886; Eschwege, 1818; Izikowitz, 1935 ; Loukotka, 1937 ; Noronha Torrezio, 1889; Ploetz and Métraux, 1930; Rugendas, 1835; Saint-Hilaire, 1880-51; Spix and Martius, 1823-31; Wied-Neuwied, 1820-21, 1822. THE BOTOCUDO By Atrrep Mérravux TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY The Botocudo (Aimboré, Amburé, Aimoré, Guerens, E'n-hérakmung, Engerékmung) were also called Borwn, the tribal designation for Indians (map 1, Vo. 15; map 7). According to Pero de Magalhaes (1922, pp. 189-141) the Azmoré were, in the 16th century, found along the coast from the Capitania dos Ilhéos to Porto Seguro. They had probably migrated from the interior of the “sertao” (lat 18° S., long. 42° W.) to pillage and kill in the coastal region. Cardim (1939, p. 174), who also places them along an 80-league strip of land near the coast, reports their raids in the region of Porto Seguro, Ihéos, and Camamu. About 1560 the Botocudo, who were harassing the Tupinaqui and the Portu- guese, were driven into the “sertio” by the governor of Bahia, Men de Sa. In the second half of the 17th century, perhaps in alliance with other tribes, they laid waste the towns of Porto Seguro, Santo Amaro, and Santa Cruz. For more than a hundred years they harassed the Mestizo and Portuguese set- tlements of the coast and remained the undisputed masters of the Serra dos Aimorés. Their raids led to bloody reprisals, and until the second half of the 19th century the colonists hunted them down. In the beginning of the 19th century there were already many families or bands settled near ranches, where they served as day laborers, or established in ‘“‘aldeas” (eight in 1817). These tame Botocudo were quick to adopt agriculture and became the auxiliaries of the Whites against their “wild” fellow tribesmen. (See Tschudi, 1866, 2: 257-265. ) At the beginning of the 19th century their boundaries were the Rio Pardo and Rio Doce (lat. 15° to 19° S.), and they wandered from one river to the other along the State of Minas Gerais. The extreme point reached on the Rio Doce was San José da Barra Longa; on the Rio Grande de Belmonte, Minas Novas. Some Botocudo groups lived north of the Rio Pardo, but the bulk of the tribe inhabited the forests of the Rio Doce and of the Rio Grande de Belmonte. On occasion they descended the Sio Mateus River as far as the coast. In 1862 Tschudi (1866, 2: 264-267) found the Botocudo divided into the following groups: (1) The Naknenuk, on the upper Mucuri and Todos os Santos Rivers, who were split into small bands or extended families, each bearing the name of their leader: (2) the Aranau, on the same river, south of the Serra Mapmap Crak: (3) the Bakué, in the region between the Rio do Pampan and Santa Clara; and (4) the Urufu, west of the last almost to the seashore. Small family groups 531 532 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bun. 143 were scattered near the headwaters of the Rio Pardo; in the southern valley of the Mucuri River, on Riberfio de Saudade, lived the Poschischa; east of Riberaio das Lages lived the Mekmek, Shiporok, and Potik; and in the region of the headwaters of the Sao Mateus River lived the Porokun, Batata, ete. The Shiporok, who were the Botocudo visited by Maximilian Wied-Neuwied, lived on the Uruct River, a large southern tributary of the Mucuri River. The bands enumerated by Ehrenreich (1887, pp. 8-11) are: (1) The Nak- nenuk between the Mucuri, Rio Doce, Sassuhy Rivers, and the Serra dos Aimorés; (2) Nak-erehé, on the upper and middle Guandu River; (3) Htwet, on the Pocran River, a tributary of the Manhuassu River; (4) Takruk-krak, between the Serra dos Aimorés and the Sassuhy Grande River; (5) Nep-nep, east of the Serra dos Aimorés to the region of the Sio Mateus River; (6) Nak-poruk, on the left side of the Rio Doce between Figueira and the Guandu River; (7) Arauan, on the Arauan River, a tributary of the Urupuca River; (8) Bakiies, north of the Mucuri River to the southern tributaries of the Jequitinhonha River; (9) Pampan, on the Pampan River, tributary of the Mucuri River; and (10) Nock-nocg. At the time of Ehrenreich’s visit, the Botocudo numbered about 5,000; 886 were settled in an ‘‘aldeamento” at N. S. dos Anjos de Itambacury and 241 in another “colony” at Immaculada Conceicio do Rio Doce. The Botocudo visited in our day are those of the Rio Doce divided into: (1) The Minhagiruns of the Pancas River, a tributary of the Rio Doce near Colatina; (2) Botocudo of Nativadade de Manhacu, near the Barra of the Manhacu River on the border line of Minas Gerais and Espirito Santo; and (3) Botocudo of Lapa, about 37 or 43 miles (60 or 70 km.) upstream from Manhacu. The natives of the two latter settlements called themselves Gutu-krak. In 1939, Nimuendajii encountered 10 survivors near Itambacury, 25 miles (40 km.) southwest of Tedfilo Otoni, and 68 at Guido Marliére on the Rio Doce. They represented a number of once independent bands, such as the Chonvign, Nakpié, and Nakrehé.t In 1862, Tschudi (1866, 2 : 267) reckoned those of the Mucuri Basin at from 2,800 to 3,000. The Botocudo, long considered typical Ge, are today recognized as an independent family. The term ‘‘Botocudo”’ has also been applied to two other groups related neither to the above groups nor to each other, viz., the “Botocudo of Santa Catarina,’ who are related to the Caingang, (p. 448), and hence are Southern Ge; and the “Botocudo” of Parana, between the Ivai and the Piquiry Rivers, who speak a Guarani dialect and correspond to Von Ihering’s ‘Noto-Botocudos,’ Telemaco Borba’s “Aré,” and V. Frié’s “Setd.” CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES Farming.—Under Brazilian influence, the Botocudo, who had hitherto stolen cultivated plants from Whites at the risk of their lives, became farmers during the last century. Already in Wied-Neuwied’s day, they had begun to practice some agriculture; and 30 years ago the Borun made clearings to raise manioc, sweet potatoes, and bananas, living there until the end of the harvest. As is often the case when 1In 1926, the east Nak-nenuk lived at the station of Pancas (Frées de Abreu, 1929, p. 3). Vor. 1] THE BOTOCUDO—METRAUX 533 agriculture is acquired from Europeans, the men tilled the soil and planted, but women harvested. Collecting.—The economy rested essentially on hunting by men and collecting by women. In the woods were found the pods of the inga (Inga sp.) and of the feijaéo do monte and the fruits of the maracujé (Passiflora sp.), the araticu (Annona montana), the guayaba (Psidium guajava), the jabuticaba (Mouririra pusa), and the imbi. (Spondias tuberosa). The dry season, when the sapucaia (Lecythis pisonis) and the cocos imburu (Cocos sp.) ripened, was the happiest time of the year. At that time, the Indians scattered through the woods and hills to harvest these fruits. After breaking the hard nuts of the cocos with a heavy stone, they extracted the white kernel with a bone chisel. They were fond of the terminal shoots of the issara and other palms. They dug out the roots of the creepers called cara do matto, and roasted creepers full of a tasty pith. In September they ate the fruit of the arborescent nettle (cansagao) ; in October, the genipa fruit; and later, the bush pineapples. The Botocudo regarded as a great delicacy the larvae of Macro- dontia? cervicornis, which they pulled out of bottle trees (Chorisia ventricosa) With a pointed stick. They also consumed other insect larvae, including those of the Rhynchophorus* palmarum. ‘They had a real passion for honey, and upon finding a tree with a beehive, they would fell it, enlarge the hole, and remove the combs and pupae. If they could not get the honey at the bottom of the cavity, they soaked it up with a brush, made of shredded fibers, and squeezed it out into water. Hunting.—Though game was not overabundant, the Botocudo were particularly skillful in following tracks and in finding their way in the thickest jungle. They lured game by perfectly imitating their cries and built small hunting blinds from which to shoot. They soon learned to hunt with dogs stolen or bought from the Whites. Fishing.— Until the Botocudo acquired European hooks they caught fish only by shooting them with special bows of coco de palmito and featherless arrows, but before discharging these they threw a crushed root into the water, probably as a bait.* Cooking.—Large animals were singed over the fire and then roasted for a short time on a stick, for the Botocudo liked meat half raw. Sur- plus meat was hung from the huts and exposed to smoke. Most foods were roasted or baked under the ashes, but some were boiled in large sections of green bamboos. They did not use any condiment. 2 Formerly Prionus. 3 Formerly Curculio. 4Ehrenreich (1887, p. 29) states that they drugged fish with the timb6 creeper (Paullinia sp). 534 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bunn. 148 HOUSES AND VILLAGES There were two types of huts: those for long use were constructed by driving stakes in a circle and covering them with leaves, grass, or branches; temporary shelters were made by sticking large palm fronds in the ground, their slender ends forming an arched or domed roof. Several families shared these dwellings. Curiously enough, in more recent times the Botocudo had only primitive wind screens made by leaning a few branches or leaves against a horizontal pole tied to two trees or a crude frame, additional branches and leaves being placed in front or on the side in rough weather. One or more families camped under the protection of such a screen, each with a separate fire. The largest villages consisted of about eight shelters. The Botocudo slept on the ground on a skin, on some boughs, or on a layer of fibers of the pao d’estopa. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Both sexes went naked (pl. 106). Men encased their penises in a sheath (pl. 105, ¢) of leaves or bound their foreskins with cotton thread. They also held their penises raised against the abdomen with a belt. Later they adopted the loincloth or an apron of fibers. The Botocudo owe their name to the large cylindrical wooden plugs worn by men and women alike in the ear lobes and lower lips. These cylinders, of light wood (Chorisia ventricosa), were 3 to 4 inches (7.6 to 10 cm.) in diameter and 1 inch (2.5 cm.) thick. The ears were per- forated at the age of 7 or 8, the lips a few years later. Men’s feather ornaments (pl. 105, %) consisted of tail feathers fixed to their heads with wax or a string of feathers attached by a cord around the arms, thighs, and legs. No feathers were worn by women. Necklaces (pl. 105, 2), bracelets, and anklets were made of seeds, animal teeth, or peccary hoofs. The Botocudo plucked all hair from the body and even from the eye- brows and eye lids. Both sexes shaved their hair in a band above the ears so that the mass of hair formed a sort of skullcap. This style has now disappeared. Tattooing was unknown. For a feast or the warpath the Botocudo painted their faces red with uruct and their bodies black with genipa, leaving only the lower limbs unpainted. On some occasions they blackened only one side of the body. The circles traced on their bodies were called “jaguar spots”; crescents, “fish scales”; and streaks, “bird steps.” They also smeared their entire bodies with uruci oil as a protection against mosquitoes. Vou. 1] THE BOTOCUDO—METRAUX 535 TRANSPORTATION Though the lack of canoes has been interpreted as a sign of primi- tiveness, it must be remembered that navigable streams are few in the Botocudo region. After European contact, the Botocudo soon learned to make dugouts and were even praised as good boatmen. Formerly, they crossed a river by balancing themselves on a creeper, sometimes using another creeper as a railing. Goods were transported in large nets suspended on the back by a a tumpline. Children were carried on the back in a large bark sling. MANUFACTURES Basketry.—Nets made basketry superfluous. Headdresses of palm leaves are the only kind of basketwork ever mentioned. String and cord making.—F or cordage the inner bast of the bottle- tree (Chorisia ventricosa) bark was thoroughly chewed by the women. The masticated fibers were dried in the sun and then immersed for 24 hours in the juice of the leaves of tinta capichaba to dye them violet, or in the juice of genipa fruit to turn them blackish. When put in contact with crushed bark of the uruci tree they took on a yellow tinge. The women twisted these fibers into two-ply strings on their thighs with the flat of the hand. ‘They also drew fibers from pieces of tucum (Astrocaryum sp.) bark or caraguaté leaves which had been left to rot in water. A net maker started with two loops fixed to her toes and from them built up other rows of simple loops (“point de tulle simple”). The finished bags (pl. 105, 7), resembling the Chaco carrying nets, were similarly decorated with stripes of different colors. Pottery. been denied by several travelers, but it seems certain that, at least in recent times, the Boto- cudo made small globular pots of a grayish clay. Tools.—Stone ax blades (pl. 105, 7) were lashed between two sticks and coated with wax. Bamboo splinters were used as knives (pl. 105, f). Weapons.—The Portuguese, describing the 16th-century Aimoré, stress the unusual length of their bows; modern specimens measured only 5 to 7 feet (1.5 to2.1m.). They were made of the blackish trunks of palm wood, generally Astrocaryum ayri, split into four sections and scraped until the shaft was rounded and tapered at both ends. The embira or caraguata strings were made taut or lax by twisting. Some bows were decorated with yellow or black wrappings of guembé strips. Often bows were trimmed with rings or bunches of feathers. | 536 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bunn. 143 Two kinds of reeds, cannachubas and uba (Gynerium parvi- florum), were used for the arrow shafts. The arrowheads were of the traditional three types: (1) Lanceolate bamboo blades; (2) cylin- drical rods of airi or pdo d’arco wood with lateral barbs; and (3) bird arrows tipped with wooden knobs. Two feathers with the barbs notched on one side were set tangentially against the shaft and fast- ened at both ends (eastern Brazilian or arched feathering). Fishing arrows had neither barbed heads nor feathering. The archer seized the butt of the arrow between the thumb and the second finger and pulled the cord with the other fingers. The range was about 100 feet. A guard protected the archer’s wrist against the impact of the bow- string. The pellet bow is still used by present-day Botocudo to shoot small birds. The heavy clubs ascribed to the ancient Aimoré have never been ob- served by modern travelers. Like many Indians of the forest, the Botocudo protect their retreat by setting sharp bamboo splinters on the paths which they follow. Fire making.—The Botocudo produced fire by the drill method. The drill was either a stick 8 to 9 feet long (about 2.8 m.) or a short stick of Ficus or Cecropia wood inserted in an arrow shaft. When drilling fire, the Botoeudo knelt and held the hearth under the left foot. Fire was produced in 30 to 40 seconds. Small torches were made of beeswax. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION There were bands of about 50 to 200 individuals grouped into extended families. The head of a band was its strong man, strength being defined in terms of “supernatural power,” a prerequisite of the chieftaincy (Nimuendajti, mss.). His main function was to pre- vent internal quarrels, distribute game among the several families, and lead war parties. Generally undistinguishable from his fol- lowers by any particular mark, he was painted somewhat differently in war, and may have worn a special basketry headdress. In camp the family groups observed a set order, the oldest man always staying at the end of a line of huts. There were constant conflicts between bands, typically settled by duels between pairs of opponents who alternately struck each other with long sticks (pl. 109). Women took part in the fights, wrestling and boxing women of the opposite group. Revenge and sexual jealousy were the chief motives for feuds; there is no evidence of fights because of suspected sorcery. Manizer’s and Nimuendaji’s imperfect data on kinship terms sug- gest a generation system without distinction of maternal and pa- ternal uncles and aunts. Vou. 1] THE BOTOCUDO—METRAUX 537 CANNIBALISM The Botocudo have repeatedly been branded as ferocious canni- bals, but the evidence is dubious, generally derived from hearsay stories. LIFE CYCLE Childbirth. Women gave birth in the bush unaided and returned to the camp after a bath. Obstreperous children were seldom beaten; instead, their mothers threatened them with ghosts, jaguars, and White people. Marriage.—Girls married at puberty, but during youth the con- jugal ties seem to have been very weak. Often a man would rear an orphan or a captive girl until she was old enough to be taken as a wife. Groups seem to have been exogamous. For a mar- riage within the band, the parents had to give their consent and expected some small gifts. Polygyny was the privilege of energetic, skillful hunters who could support several wives, and was especially common among chiefs. Some Botocudo had up to 12 mates, but one or two was the usual number. Spouses were jealous and thrashed each other if they discovered their mate “in flagranti.” Nimuendajti recorded five cases of sororal polygyny, one of non- sororal polygyny, and two of the levirate. The latter was certainly not compulsory. There is no indication of a parent-in-law taboo. Funerary rites—On this point our sources disagree. Wied- Neuwied’s Botocudo (1820-21, 2:56) tied the hands of the deceased and buried him in an extended position. After the grave had been filled, it was covered with sticks and a fire was built on both sides to keep the bad spirits at bay. For a prominent person, a small cabin was erected above the sepulcher. On the other hand, Saint-Hilaire (1830-51, 2:161) reports interment in a flexed position in a shallow hole, over which a square and flimsy shed was built. The surround- ings were cleared and feathers and animal hair attached to the shed. Again, according to Manizer (1919, p. 264), the Botocudo abandoned the corpse in the dwelling or left it in the forest with a few belongings. MEDICINE According to Ehrenreich (1887, p. 35), the Botocudo knew many medicinal plants. They used ipecacuanha, several purges, such as andaussu (Joannesia princeps), and diaphoretics, such as the jabo- randi. Wounds were covered with crushed plants or smeared with the stringent juice of the cotton tree, rich in tannin, Chest diseases 538 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. BULL. 143 were treated with infusions of a creeper or by smoking or snufling powder made from the same plant. Skin diseases, e. g., smallpox, were treated by rubbing the body with a plant, the jaborandi do matto. For itching, the skin was scratched with thorns. Feverish persons sat by a fire or took baths in the river. Sick people were also exposed to the steam produced by pouring water on glowing stones. The Botocudo, like the Puri-Coroado, practiced bloodletting with a small bow and arrow or simply with a bamboo splinter. They gen- erally cut a vein on the temples. Medicine men are not reported among the Botocudo, except as mentioned under Religion. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Musical instruments.—The nose flute is the most characteristic music instrument of the Botocuda. The blowhole is perforated through a septum at the proximal end of the reed, which has two stops, one for the forefinger and the other for the little finger. The Indians also produced shrill sounds by blowing into a funnel made of a twisted blade of grass with a transverse blade of grass across the small aper- ture. They signaled with whistles made of the giant armadillo’s tail. Dancers marked time by stamping tubes of bamboo sections. Songs.—Botocudo men manifested extreme emotion by breaking into short songs in the course of ordinary speech. Some songs con- tinued a spoken lament; others expressed joy in varying pitches. Wied-Neuwied describes male singers as putting the left hand over the head or a finger into the ear. Dance songs were improvisations on some event of the day but with traditional refrains repeated by everyone. Dances.—Men and women formed a circle, each resting his arms on his neighbors’ shoulders, then, stamping the ground with a foot, turned in a circle singing under a precentress who sat in a hut. In some dances the individual at each end of a half circle hopped on one foot, pressing the other against his neighbor’s waist. Certain ceremonial dances dramatized hunting, others represented the road to the sky by a line of individuals. RELIGION Souls and ghosts.—Every adult has a series of souls (nakandyting), some people as many as six. Of these, however, only one resides within the body, the rest remaining nearby. A child gets his first soul when about 4 years old, gradually acquiring others. In sleep the primary soul may leave the body and have experiences of its own—the sleeper’s dreams; its loss causes illness. Before a person dies this soul Vou. 1] THE BOTOCUDO—METRAUX 539 dies within him; the others accompany the corpse to the grave and soar above it, weeping unseen. These souls no longer eat and would perish unless pitying sky spirits, the marét, carried them off to their land, whence the souls never return and henceforth lose all significance for mortals. Unlike the Camacan and Mashacali, the Botocudo do not believe in the transformation of souls into man-eating jaguars. From the bones of the corpse rise ghosts (nandyong or nanitiong), which reside in an underworld where the sun shines during the ter- restrial night. Although the marét chase returning spooks away on sight, a nandyong occasionally appears to human beings, whose safety hes in bodily thrashing the apparition. Women are thus the prin- cipal sufferers from ghosts’ attacks. Sky spirits.—In the sky dwells a race of spirits known to ordinary mortals as tok6n, but to their protégés (yikégn) as marét. With these favored few the spirits communicate, and to them they grant ex- traordinary powers. The marét are of both sexes and all ages, live in abundance without having to work, suffer neither sickness nor death, and through their favorites bestow boons on mankind. The yikégn, essentially shamans, supplicate the marét for remedies against sickness and may even acquire the power of reviving the dead. When people lack anything they appeal to the yikégn, who sing to the marét and get all manner of victuals or other objects for the petitioners. The shamans further can turn themselves and others into animal shapes. All chiefs are yikégn, but not all yikégn are chiefs. Characteris- tically, a man acquires power in the woods by meeting a group of marét who begin playing shuttlecock using him as the ball, and end by conferring supernatural powers on him. Within the village a post about 10 feet (3 m.) high is sacred to the marét. It is of Myroxylon balsamum wood; its upper third is carved into a human image with the face turned east, the body being formed of the red heartwood, the head and the limb stumps of the white sapwood. When a shaman sang to the spirits, all the villagers would paint themselves with red paint and assemble in a circle round him, but the 6 to 12 marét who came would not be visible except to the yikégn. His chants could induce them to descend by the pillar, stand near it, and watch lest harm come to the village; after the cere- mony, the marét would return to the sky. The spirits are ruled by the oldest of all, whom Manizer calls Maret- khmakniam and Nimuendaji terms Yekan kren-yirugn, “Father White-Head.” He, too, lives in the sky, but somewhat apart from other marét, and never comes down to the earth. Manizer’s inform- ants described him as a giant with white hair on his head and red hair on his face, and as killing women with his huge penis. He sends rain 540 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Bunn. 143 and storms, kills enemies with invisible arrows, and causes the phases of the moon by covering it with a blanket. He instituted the use of labrets and earplugs, and certain songs belong to him. Nimuendajti was unable to corroborate most of these details. MYTHOLOGY Botocudo mythology is imperfectly known, but some details are suggestive. It was believed that the moon might fall on the earth and kill everyone. The rainbow is the shadow of the sun. Eclipses are due to quarrels between Sun and Moon, who turn black with rage and shame at each others’ vituperation. The sky was once close to the earth, but later separated. A great snake is lord of the water, signals to the rain, and makes it fall; the rainbow is called “the urine of the great snake.” Hummingbird at one time hoarded all the water in the world, but was trailed by one of his fellow beings while bath- ing, and this creature splashed the water in all directions, thus creat- ing the rivers and brooks. Similarly, Carrion Vulture alone originally possessed fire; Mutum played dead and was about to be roasted by Vulture, but seized a firebrand and, when pursued, passed it on to Heron, who hurled the fire in all directions. Unlike the Camacan and Mashacali, the Botocudo do not stand in superstitious awe of the jaguar, relevant tales being merely hunting stories. BIBLIOGRAPHY Cardim, 1939; Ehrenreich, 1887; Frées de Abreu, 1929; Hartt, 1870; Ihering, 1911; Keane, 1884; Knoche, 1913; Lacerda and Peixoto, 1876; Magalhaes de Gandavo, 1922; Manizer, 1919, 1934; Ploetz and Métraux, 1930; Rudolph, 1909; Saint-Hilaire, 1830-51; Simoens da Silva, 1924; Spix and Martius, 1823-31; Tschudi, 1866; Wied-Neuwied, 1820-21, 1822. THE MASHACALI, PATASHO, AND MALALI LINGUISTIC FAMILIES By Atrrep Mérravx anp Curt NiImMvENDAJU TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY The Mashacalt linguistic family includes the following tribes : Mash- acali, Macuni, Cumanashé (Cumanacho), Caposhé, Paname (Pan- yame), and Monoshé (Monowxd). It was formerly considered part of the Ge family, but liguistic studies have proved the relation- ship illusory (map 1, Vo. 16; map 7). Nimuendajti found his own Mashacali and Patashoé clearly related, whereas Wied-Neuwied’s Patashé and Saint-Hilaire’s Mashacali word lists raise grave doubts of a relationship. Nimuendajui explains the difference between his and Wied-Neuwied’s vocabulary as possibly due to local specialization—the groups visited being respectively 186 miles (300 km.) apart—and also to intermarriages with Patasho. The Macuni (Moaquanhi, Macuani, Makunt), who originally lived with the Monosh6 in the mountains near the borders of the States of Minas Gerais, Porto Seguro, and Bahia, were driven from their home country by the Botocudo and took refuge at Alto dos Bois, in the district of Minas Novas (State of Minas Gerais). The Mashacali (Mashakali, Mashacart, Maxacali, Machaculi) came originally from the eastern borders of the State of Minas Gerais (lat. 16° S., long. 40° W.), but were pushed by the Botocudo toward the coast. They first occupied the upper course of the Mucuri River, and later settled near Caravellas. In 1801 they returned to the Jequitinhonha River near Tocoy6s; finally, they were estab- lished on the Jequitinhonha River near Sao Miguel. Wied-Neuwied saw a few above Villa Prado on the Rio Prado (Tucurusst River). In 19389, 120 Mashacali were living in two neighboring settlements in the region of the headwaters of the Itanhaem River, State of Minas Gerais, near the Bahia border. The former habitat of the Caposh6, Paname, and Monoshé was between the Jequitinhonha, Aracuahi, and Mucuri Rivers. According to Ehrenreich (1896, p. 116), they were subgroups of the Patashd, but Martius’ word lists for those tribes disprove this relationship. Loukotka (1931 c) and Nimuendaju regard them as tribes belonging to the Mashacali linguistic family. The Cumanashé, also a Mashacali tribe, lived south of the Jequitinhonha River. According to Loukotka (1932 cy p. 22), the Patashé (Patacho, Patax6) formed by themselves an isolated linguistic family. They were found on the headwaters of the Porto Seguro and the Jucuruct Rivers, and between the Rio Prado and Rio das Contas. Some groups of this tribe lived in the vicinity of Alcobaca, Prado, Comechatyba, and Trancozo. In 1938,16 Patashé still remained in the Paraguagt Reser- 541 542 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. BE. Buun. 143 vation, between the Cachoeira and Prado Rivers, southeast of the State of Bahia. Loukotka, 1931 ¢, p. 24) classifies the Malali in the Mashacali lin- guistic family, but Nimuendajt considers their language as forming an isolated linguistic family. Formerly their territory was much larger than that in which they were found in the last century. Har- assed by the Botocudo, they placed themselves under the protection of the Portuguese, who settled them in a little village, Porto de Santa Cruz, on the Sussuhy River, a northern tributary of the Rio Doce, and in the village of San Antonio, near Passanha. Previously, they lived between the Aracuahi and Mucuri Rivers. In 1787 the Malakt num- bered about 500; in 1862 there were only 30 left. CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES Farming.—A1]I these tribes except the Patashé seem to have practiced agriculture before they established permanent contact with the Whites. When they were described for the first time in the beginning of the 19th century, they all raised maize, beans, sweet potatoes, and manioc. Not all the Mashacali groups, however, planted manioc; those who lived near Sao Miguel grew mainly sweet potatoes and paid little at- tention to their fields. Even in recent years the Mashacali planted mostly maize and sweet potatoes, but, significantly, neither manioc nor tobacco nor cotton. On the other hand, manioc and cotton are listed by Wied-Neuwied (1820-21, 1:376) among the plants cultivated by the Mashacali of the Rio Prado. Among the M/acuni, men sowed the maize, while women planted the sweet potatoes, which they dug out with a digging stick. Like many incipient farmers, the Macuwni rarely waited for the maize to ripen before harvesting it. Fishing.—The acculturated Mashacali of Sio Miguel caught fish in rectangular enclosures with sliding doors into which the fish were lured by wasp larvae or other bait. As a rule, fishing played a small part in the economy of all these tribes. Hunting and collecting, how- ever, were important. Food preparation.—The Patashé smoked the game on a rectangular babracot. The Macuni boiled meat with manioc flour. HOUSES The original hut of the Patashé, Mashacali, and Macumé consisted of a dome-shaped framework made of branches stuck in the ground and 1The Malalt planted jacatupe (Papilionaceae), the starchy tubers of which were eaten roasted or boiled (Saint-Hilaire, 1830-51, 1: 423). Vou. 1] MASHACALI, ETC.—METRAUX AND NIMUENDAJU 543 bent inward. It was thatched with palm fronds (Wied-Neuwied, 1820-21, p. 286). The Monoshé may have had large communal houses, covered with palm leaves and pieces of bark (Saint-Hilaire, 1930-51). The Macuni, Monoshé, Paiame, and Mashacali slept on bedsteads— probably a late acquisition from Brazilian Mestizos. The Mashacali, however, knew how to make hammocks. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Among the Mashacali, Patashé, and Malali, and probably among all the other groups, both sexes went naked. The men tied the fore- skin of the penis with a creeper. The Mashacali, Patasho, and Ma- cunt wore thin sticks or reeds in the perforated lower lip and in their ear lobes, but these ornaments were discarded soon after their con- tact with the Neo-Brazilians. The Macunit wore arm bands made of the tubular cocoons of a larva (Saint-Hilaire, 1830-51, 2:62). The lit- erature on these Indians makes no reference to other ornaments. Most of these Indians cropped their hair above the eyebrows and along the nape of the neck. Some Mashacali and Patasho shaved their head, leaving only one tuft of hair in front and another behind. The Macwnt combed their long hair with a stick sharpened at one end and somewhat flattened at the other (Saint-Hilaire, 1930-51, 2:55). MANUFACTURES Strings and nets.—The M/acwné made strings and threads of fibers obtained by scratching the inner bark of the embauba tree (Cecropia sp.) with a shell. They twisted the fibers on the thigh and with the threads made carrying nets. The M/ashacali and Patashoé stored most of their property in netted bags, probably of the same type as those used by the Botocudo and other tribes of the area.2 The Mashacali women seen by Saint-Hilaire (1830-51, 1:212) spun cotton to make hammocks and bags. Pottery.—The Mashacali and Macunt women made plain small globular pots using a black clay. Weapons.—The ancient A/ashacalt bow (pl. 105, c), like that of the Camacan, was characterized by a longitudinal groove along the outer side in which the archer placed a spare arrow when shooting. Both ends of the bow were notched to hold the string. Patashdé bows, made of ayri (Astrocaryum ayri) or pao d’arco (T'abebuia impetigianosa), were very long, some measuring more than 8 feet 9 inches (2.55 m.). 2 “Quand les femmes [Macunt] veulent faire le filet, elles attachment leur ouvrage sur leur cuisse par le moyen d’un cordon et la ficelle qu’elles emploient, mise en écheveau leur tient lieu de navette” (Saint-Hilaire, 1830-51, 2:53). 544 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Buby. 1438 The arrows (pl. 105, d@) of these various tribes were of the usual east- ern Brazilian type (“arched feathering”), except that on Mashacali arrows, the feathering was at some distance from the butt. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION During Nimuendaji’s brief visit to the Mashacali in 1938-39 he found no indications of moieties. At that time most families had in- dividual huts, and residence was predominantly patrilocal. Parallel cousins are classed as siblings and may not marry; whereas cross- cousin marriages are allowed and possibly preferred. There was evi- dence of the levirate, as well as of sororal polygyny—the only form of plural marriage. The Malalt had a council composed of the most prominent warriors, who met in a special house to discuss any collective undertaking (Saint-Hilaire, 1830-51, 1: 480). LIFE CYCLE Childbirth.—J/acunt women bore children in the forest attended by old women. They are said to have wound around the waist a creeper which they tied to two tree branches in the hope of facilitating de- livery. Mothers suspended the navel cord around the neck of the baby until it was entirely dry. Puberty.—Some distance from each Mashacali settlement there is a men’s house; it is strictly tabooed to women and is open to unini- tiated boys only before nightfall. Here centers the spirit cult. Souls of the dead, who reside in the sky, appear to male sleepers in their dreams. Boys undergo a lengthy graduated initiation. Every night during this period boys receive singing lessons in the men’s house. Piercing sounds on a whistle summon the dead. Sometimes the in- mates disguise their voices to make the uninitiated believe in the pres- ence of spirits. The Macuni celebrated the coming of age of girls with dances. The marriage ceremony consisted only in the formal acceptance by the bride’s father of some game presented by the bridegroom. Death observances.—The A/acuni buried children in the huts, adults in the bush. They made a fire on the grave, on which they also deposited food. Sometimes they erected a post on the grave or built a miniature hut. The Mashacali interred corpses in a squatting position. There is no evidence of secondary burial. Dead people sometimes were believed to turn into jaguars. Vor. 1] MASHACALI, ETC.—METRAUX AND NIMUENDAJU 545 ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Musical instruments.—The only musical instruments known to have been used by the Indians of this group are gourd rattles, bamboo stamping tubes, and whistles. Macunit songs recounted long enumerations of game animals or trifling incidents of daily life. Amusements.—WV/ashacalt amusements included a game with shut- tlecocks of maize-husk balls. Some boys made cat’s cradles, which were produced with the help of the teeth. Intoxicants.—The J/alali provoked an ecstatic sleep with pleasant visions by swallowing dry bixo da taquara (Cossus or Hepiale). The fat of this grub, which bores into the bamboo, is a substantial food and a delicacy, but the digestive tract has the singular property of induc- ing a trance, and the head is a deadly poison. Powdered bixo da taquara was put on wounds (Saint-Hilaire, 1830-51, 1: 482-483). RELIGION The only data on religion for the tribes of this stock are those ob- tained by Nimuendaji in 1938-39 among the last surviving Mashacali. Two types of sacred objects—masquerade costumes and _ bull- roarers—were linked with the initiation rites. The disguise consisted of a coarse bast fringe suspended from a rope on the wearer’s head, the fringe completely hiding the masquerader, who carried a 6-foot switch. All the costumes were stored in the men’s house and were taboo to the uninitiated, who were told that the dead appear in this apparel. The use of these disguises is restricted to a special season, during which bull-roarers—dubbed “men,” “women,” and “boys,” according to their size—are wielded by those privileged to do so. The sound is interpreted to outsiders as emanating from the spirits, and newly initiated boys are forbidden on pain of corporal punishment to divulge the secret. Long after the close of the mummers’ season, a sacred post * about 18 feet (5.5 m.) high is erected in front of the men’s house in the dance plaza, which is not taboo to women. Men dance around it while the souls of the dead supposedly descend from the sky via the post. Though there are some suggestions of a Sun and Moon myth, a solar or lunar cult is not evident. BIBLIOGRAPHY Douville, 1929-30; Ehrenreich, 1891 ; Loukotka, 1931 c; Martius, 1867 ; Métraux, 1929-30; Ploetz and Métraux, 1930; Pohl, 1832-37; Saint-Hilaire, 1830-51; Spix and Martius, 1823-31; Wied-Neuwied, 1820-21. ’This post is described by Pohl (1832-37, 2:447). It was decorated with figures painted with red earth. 583486—46——35 TTT ar cre ri <_-faee ti 0 ota t os is tive foal Dine Simian i's » a vis i peas sly ie Z ceniesns. Ae ‘Suiwad ne al OED li goes bidliy book! Lavaitotagum 0 ak odared vis sata on Dini Yd atetogqonyaalenadh wild, pork dons haw abi oxishbare lyr oflw tology (Daab munky hogy! vd oh cacate ,hGe0K4 I pytere nee ahnnow no cot apt gaa 2088, sume ry Ho perareats i FE, AA, iif sheen 4 ite . : ae ) b) Ne ogeii" f by ; =n is s recite 4, ol) unibiel x San a mgt is ” aastog 880 nal Ap Mdige ascitis! | Nie iy atk sete aha Pest aod Bey yi alt i ac io) aire owe atone oA ) ‘ mf pr Bi apelin, ‘Mie. Bapinit af one | | a ibagoan,” tou" bes.” Sen | hod tnd ip ie reo 4 ab Pie ee Ae ot! ng, han Sta >) ea : Dawn Lure. AUR ail moze pra Te Tou ab BI 4 gen ae farang ee ce os | iM oa ms May Hi eh % Sha wa ah MA ey ce pent (ipl ASAF i alot pret amie uA hy wen Grae: VAM ERS AEN sho pocictyepaenas zoutihd : Ta al ve ‘5 teat calod Pht Se a sin Se ylge < T-(e27 “eedtahtt ‘trina StH. oe ost beet Rus vd ves aver | : OSE bolwued-balyy 7 26-Ar —a ivan dw hatetineb auw 3f (7 h-C82I) IdeT od bediscanh of pean 5 ; Aetan SF a THE CAMACAN LINGUISTIC FAMILY By Atrrep Métraux AnD Curt NIMUENDAIU The Camacan, Cutasho (Cutaxd), Catathoy, Masacara, and Menidn spoke related dialects which belong to an isolated linguistic family. Formerly, they were included in the Ge family, but Loukotka (1932) and Nimuendajti consider them to be a new and independent family. Since the Camacan is the best-known tribe of the subgroup, statements not otherwise qualified apply to it (map 1, Vo. 17; map 7). TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY Camacan (Camaca, Mongoy6, Monshoko, Ezeshio).—The Camacan proper remained for many years hostile to the Portuguese and fought tenaciously against them until 1806. At the beginning of the last century, they lived in six or seven villages somewhat to the north of the Rio Pardo (Patipe River) (lat. 15° S., long. 41° W.) (Ayres de Cazal, 1845, 2:90). In 1817 the Camacan who were settled at Jiboya, near Arrayal da Conquista in the State of Bahia, were visited by Maximilian Wied-Neuwied (1820-21, 2: 211-214). His short description of their culture is still one of our best sources on these Indians. At that time the Camacan lived in small “‘aldeas” under the rule of “directors” appointed by the government. They were mistreated and exploited by the colonists and their native culture was breaking down. Accord- ing to Wied-Neuwied, their former territory was bounded on the west by longi- tude 40° W., on the north by the Rio das Contas, and on the northeast by the Gaviio River, on the southwest by the towns of Ciboia and F. B. da Vareda, and on the south by the Rio Pardo; that is to say, it covered the whole basin of the Rio dos Ilheos up to its headwaters and up to the mountains of Itaraca. None of their groups reached the sea. In 1819 Spix and Martius (1823-31, 2: pp. 690-699) spent a few days with a group of Camacan settled at Villa de S. Pedro de Alcantara, under the care of a Capuchin missionary. They were told the Camacan had six villages in the forests along the Gravaté River in the District of Minas Novas, but that the bulk of the tribe inhabited the region between the Rio da Cachoeira and the Grugunhy River, a tributary of the Rio das Contas. They heard of the group established near Arrayal da Conquista in the Serra do Mundo Novo, and of another near Ferradas. The French traveler Douville saw these Indians in 1833-34 on the Itahipe River and on Rio dos Ilheos. 547 548 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. BE. Bux. 143 In 19388 Nimuendaj found 11 Camacan on a reservation shared with remnants of other tribes. The area allotted to to the several groups was at about long- itude 40° W., between the Rio da Cachoeira and the Rio Pardo. Catathoy, Cutasho, Masacara, and Menian.—The Catathoy lived on the north- western borders of the State of Porto Seguro; the Cutash6 on the northern slopes of the Aimorés range, south of the Rio dos Ilheos and north of Rio Pardo. The Masacaré dwelt near the Sao Francisco River, at Joazeiro. The Menitn (Menien, Menieng) were a group of Camacan Indians who formerly lived on the upper Rio Grande de Belmonte. They were driven out of their territory by the Paulistas and sought refuge in the town of Villa de Belmonte, where they soon merged with the local population. In 1817, although they hardly remembered their native language, they still retained considerable skill in making mats, baskets, and nets. (See Wied-Neuwied, 1820-21, 1: 317-318.) CULTURE SUBSISTENCE ACTIVITIES The Camacan usually opened clearings on hilltops, where they cul- tivated sweet potatoes, beans, sweet manioc, gourds, watermelons, yams, maize, cotton, cashews, papayas, bananas, oranges, and pine- apples. They supplemented their diet by hunting, fishing, gathering considerable honey, and collecting wild fruits. A community in want would visit another village, where they helped exhaust the resources of the inhabitants. Crops belonged to the planters, but bananas, after a single harvest by the owner, could be plucked by anyone. The dog was the only domesticated animal. HOUSES There were large communal houses accommodating as many as 20 families, each having its own sleeping platform, covered with fibers. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS Originally, the men wore only a penis sheath of leaves. After European contact, women, formerly completely naked, adopted first a bark belt, later a string with fringes in front and behind (pl. 112, a), and, finally, a woven loincloth. Men wore necklaces of monkey teeth and tapir hoofs. The only described specimens of feather orna- ments were showy: a feather headdress built on a net with a crown of long tail feathers on the top. Men passed feathers through the perforated lobes of their ears. The Camacan tied a cotton string under the knees and around the ankles of babies in order to give an elegant shape to their legs. They carefully depilated the face and body. Chiefs wore a tonsure; most other men had their hair clipped around the neck or let it fall over the shoulders. Vou. 1] CAMACAN—METRAUX AND NIMUENDAJU 549 They painted themselves with uructi, genipa, and catua, a pigment extracted from the wood of Broussonetia tinctoria and combined with castor oil or grease. Men’s favorite patterns were vertical and hori- zontal stripes on the body; women preferred half circles around their eyes and on their breasts. Both sexes also smeared themselves with uructi leaving only the head, hands, and feet unpainted. A favorite Cutashé motif was a circle with diverging rays like a “sun.” MANUFACTURES Basketry.—There is no mention of basketry among the Camacan. Weaving.—Women were expert at spinning 4-ply cotton strings, which they laced (meshed without knots) or netted (meshed with knots) into beautiful nets with alternating yellow or red stripes. The loom for the nets is described as an arched branch stuck into the ground and crossed by a horizontal stick corresponding to the lower edge of the fabric. The Camacan wove on a vertical loom (pl. 112,6). The patterns on their cloth were obtained by dyeing the threads with genipa, uruct, and with a yellow wood (Chlorophora tinctoria). Pottery.—Within the tribal territory, Nimuendajii found sherds of some 20 large spherical vessels without either a standing base or a special rim. At least the lower half had been built up of a lump of clay, the top being coiled, with rows of fingernail impressions. Paint- ing and plastic decoration were lacking. The specimens depart from Arawak and Tupi norms, but approximate in technique samples from Pernambuco tribes. Weapons.—The bow, made of paraiina wood, like that of the Patashé, was characterized by a longitudinal groove along the outer side; it measured from 7 to 8 feet (2.1 to 2.4 m.), but was shorter than that of the Patasho (pl. 112, c). Arrowheads fell into three usual classes, being tipped with a bamboo knife, a sharpened brauna rod, or—for hunting birds—with a bulbous root. Feathering of the arched (eastern Brasilian) type, was placed at some distance from the butt. War arrows are said to have been poisoned with the sap of a creeper (Spix and Martius, 1823-81, 2: 694). LIFE CYCLE Birth and childhood.—At her first childbirth, a woman was helped by an old woman, who placed her in a hole in the ground. After the delivery, the husband kept to his bed and refrained from eating tapir, peccary, and monkey flesh, subsisting on bush yam and birds, while his wife carried on her usual work. Children were nursed until the age of 3 or 4. 550 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buy. 143 Parents never ordered their offspring about, but consulted their wishes. As soon as possible children made themselves independent of their families, planting crops and cooking for themselves at an early age. After killing game, they shared it with their parents as well as with the other members of the community. Marriage.—Polygyny was tolerated by the Camacan, but to avoid jealousy among the bachelors, men generally had only one wife. However, couples separated very easily. A young man wishing to marry had to ask the permission of the head of his group, who, on consenting, would “buy” the girl if she belonged to another community. A chief had to take as his wife an- other chief’s daughter. The marriage ceremony was celebrated by a banquet and a drinking bout, during which the guests made presents to the newly wedded pair. In case of divorce the man had to provide food for his children even when his former wife remarried. Death observances.—A. dead man, duly painted and with all his feather ornaments on, was put, in a flexed position, in a grave 4 to 5 feet (1.2 to 1.5 m.) deep. His weapons and a jar full of beer were placed with him. When the grave was filled with earth, a fire was built on top of it, and the site then was covered with palm leaves and branches. A pot, the size of which indicated the age and sex of the deceased, was also placed on the grave. The relatives came now and then to leave an offering of meat. They interpreted the disappear- ance of the meat as a sign that the offering had been well received by the dead and henceforth tabooed the animal whose meat had been accepted by the soul (Spix and Martius, 1823-31, 2:695). The sep- ulcher was later opened, and the bones were taken home and spread on a platform, painted, and placed in a funeral urn, which was buried in a Shallow pit. The transfer of bones was celebrated by a great festival. The bodies of sorcerers were burned. Funeral laments were uttered three time a day. A widower could remarry soon after the funeral, but a widow had to wait for a longer period. The dead were worshiped at the beginning of the rainy season during a feast in their honor. According to a second-hand account of Nimuendajii’s Camacan informant, the souls of the dead, visible only to old men, would enter the house to dance and join in a carousal at night. A dead man who had a grudge against the living, would return in the guise of a jaguar to take revenge. At a mother’s request, the souls of good people were reincarnated in newly born babies. Other- wise they went to a big hut in the sky, where they were assured of an Vou. 1] CAMACAN—-METRAUX AND NIMUENDAJU 551 abundant supply of food. The evil ones also flew to the sky, where their main pleasure was to cause storms. The Cutashé buried the dead, together with their property, in their dwellings. The relatives celebrated a funeral meal and set fire to the house. Thesouls were supposed to go into the earth. ESTHETIC AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Musical instruments.—Dancers shook strings of deer, peccary, and tapir hoofs on a cord. They also marked the rhythm of their dances with a gourd rattle. They played the musical bow and scraped a grooved piece of gourd with a stick. Dances.—Men danced in circles to the accompaniment of songs and gourd rattles. They were followed by pairs of women who held each other by the waist (pl. 111). Alcoholic beverages and intoxicants.—A drink was brewed of maize or of sweet potatoes, or, occasionally, of papayas or honey. The maize or sweet potatoes were partly chewed and then sprinkled with hot water. The mass then was poured into a large trough dug into the bulky trunk of the bottle-tree (barrigudo), which was half buried in the ground so that the liquid could be warmed with- out burning the bark. Drinking bouts and log racing.—Drinking sprees were sometimes combined with communal hunts to provide an ample supply of meat. On such occasions there might also be log races,’ run by two teams, wadyé and wan, distinguished by their decorative paint. As a child grew up, its mother would assign it to one or the other team, every Camacan individual thus acquiring membership. These “moieties” were not exogamous since Nimuendajt’s female informant’s parents were both wadyé; and membership was not fixed by heredity since she and her brother were both wand. MYTHOLOGY AND FOLKLORE One of the principal myths revolves about Sun and Moon, the latter figuring as the foolish, mischief-making brother, whom Sun several times restores to life. In one episode Sun assumes the shape of a capybara, thus getting the villagers to shoot at him, whereby he 1“Often on these solemn occasions, when the night has been spent dancing, another game takes place. In order to display their strength young people run to the forest, cut a large cylindrical limb of a barrigudo (Bombaz sp.) tree which is very heavy when full of sap. They plant a stick in each end in order to carry it more easily. The strongest of the group takes this piece of wood, places it on his shoulder and with this load races home. The others follow him and try to take the log away from him. The struggle lasts until they arrive at the place where the girls are gathered to compliment them. Sometimes the log is so heavy that one of the champions gets ill.” (Wied-Neuwied, 1820-21, 2: 221.) 552 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. Buby. 143 replenishes his depleted stock of arrows. Cataclysmological ideas include a deluge, a conflagration, and a jaguar’s attack on the moon during a lunar eclipse. The Star Wife story culminates in the hus- band’s being carried back to earth by vultures. A remarkable parallel to the North American Bloodclot myth is the story of the overpower- ing of a wrestling ogre by a hero who throws his opponent on the blade prepared for unsuspecting wayfarers; the conqueror destroys other fiends but anticlimactically dies at the hands of a brother of one of his adversaries. The folklore abounds in other fantastic ele- ments, such as tribes of strong dwarfs, and lice-eaters. Animal char- acters are frequent, among them are the jaguar, the tapir, and various birds. BIBLIOGRAPHY Ayres de Cazal, 1845; Debret, 1940; Douville, 1980; Ignace, 1912; Loukotka, 1932 ; Métraux, 1930; Ploetz and Métraux, 1930; Saint-Hilaire, 1830-51; Schuller, 1930; Spix and Martius, 1823-31; Wied-Neuwied, 1820-21, 1822. THE “TAPUYA” By Rosert H. Lowm Tapuya (Tapuyo, Tapuia, Tapija, Tapwiia, Tapoyer) (map 1, No. 18; map 7) isa Tupi term requiring close scrutiny. The earlier writers on eastern Brazil frequently applied it to any Indians obviously un- related to the 7'up2. Soares de Souza (1851) even extends it to people between the Rio Grande do Sul and the Rio de la Plata, who were probably southern 7'upi and certainly not identical with the tribes the same author describes as natives of Bahia (Schuller, 1912). Accord- ing to Magalhies de Gandavo (1922), the Zapuwya on the Maranhao River claimed affinity with the A¢moré,; and Saint-Hilaire (1830-51, 1: 149) heard the Botocudo referred to as “7’apuyo.” In his basic classification, Martius (1867, 1: 283, 345, 778) interprets the word to mean either “enemies” or “Westerners.” He wavers in his identification, virtually identifying the “Z’apuya” with the Ge family, then treating them as at least mainly Ge, and again regarding them as distinct, but mixed with Ge. Our earliest authority, Fernio Cardim (1989), writing in 1584, gives a roster of 76 “Z’apuia” tribes, but in- dicates great diversity of speech and custom among them. In 1587 Soares de Souza (1851) distinguishes among non-7'upi the Ubirajara in the sertao of Bahia beyond the Sao Francisco River; the Tapuia of the Maracd tribe (whom Pompeu Sobrinho, 1939, considers Carirz) ; and other Zapuia hostile to the Maracd. WVasconcellos (1865) recog- nizes nearly a hundred diverse 7apuya tongues; and though this need not be taken literally and, in any case, would not necessarily imply many unrelated families, the reader of the early writers gets a cumula- tive inpression of differentiation within northeastern Brazil, the area in which the overwhelming majority of Z’apwya are localized. The older sources commonly include Carirt under the head of Tapuya. Apart from the Ge, there are demonstrably six unrelated linguistic families within the area; viz, the Fulnio (Pompeu Sobrinho, 1935 b), Shucuri, Pancararu, Indians of Serra Negra, Pernambuco, Nati, Shocd, andTushd. It thus seems hopeless to assign a definite linguistic meaning to the term “7Zapuya.” It certainly can lead to nothing but confusion if ethnographic and linguistic considerations are mixed. Thus, the Z’remembé (Tere- 553 554 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. BE. Bunn, 148 membé), who lived in the country of the Acarahti River, extending as far as the Serra Grande, were excellent runners and swimmers, made anchor-axes, and deposited them on the corpse of a slain enemy. in woe itu ty te =e rie es Ficure 69.—Tapuya man and spear thrower. (Redrawn from Bahnson, 1889, pl. 13.) These features ally them with various Ge tribes, but until the Tremembé speech is proved akin to Ge, such homologues prove nothing but cultural connection. But, ethnographically, there is hardly more warrant for consider- ing all Japuya in one category. Of Cardim’s (1939) tribes, the Vou. 1] THE “TAPUYA”—LOWIE 555 Napara, were farmers, the Guamwure lacked any form of agriculture, the Camucuyara were cannibals, the Curupehe merely took heads for trophies, the Guayatin “dwell in houses,” and the Curuphe “have no houses and are like gypsies.” Specifically, there is no warrant for lumping the 7apuya together as representatives of a particularly rude stage, as has been customary. Pompeu Sobrinho (1939) has rightly pointed out that, archeologically, their habitat in northeastern Brazil is characterized by abundant pottery and polished stone implements and that a good many of them were incipient farmers. Indeed, when such authors as Soares de Souza (1851) declare that a tribe like the Maracé fails to cultivate the soil, the statement is at once qualified : they neither plant manioc nor eat vegetables except those their women plant. Still more definitely it is stated that a hostile fellow-7'apuya group plants no manioc nor tills the soil except to raise maize and other “legumes.” Nao costuma este gentio plantar mandioca, nem fazer lavouras senio de milho e outros legumes; porque nao tem ferramentas com que rocar o mato e cavar a terra, e por falta d’ella quebram o mato pequeno as maos, e 4S arvores grandes poem fogo ao pé d’onde esté lavrando até que as derruba, e cavam a terra com pdios agudos, para plantarem suas sementeiras, e o mais do tempo se mantém com frutas silvestres e com cacga, a que sio muito afeigoados. [Soares de Souza, 1851, p. 352.] . That these maize-growing 7'apuya were relatively advanced appears from the further statement that they lived in well-walled, strongly stockaded settlements and, like the Zupinamba, slept in hammocks. Their procuring salt by burning saltpeter and extracting the ashes may be taken as further evidence of sophistication. In any case, Soares de Souza (1851) is keenly aware of the differences among the 7apuya in setting off those nearer the Sao Francisco River as more rustic (agres- tes) and using caves (furnas) for houses. A plausible interpretation of early wholesale denials of Tapuya agriculture is that the writers were merely contrasting the compara- tively intensive farming of the 7upé, centering in manioc, with the cruder cultivation of other peoples who grew no manioc, but did plant other species, though remaining largely dependent on wild vegetable fare and on the chase. Only in some such way can we reconcile the evidence in Barlaeus, who in one passage describes his 7 apwya as rov- ers subsisting on wild fruits, game, fish, and honey, and subsequently states that nothing is sown without priestly consecration, and that a prophet will predict a good maize crop (Barlaeus, 1659, pp. 697, 706 ff.) That the “7apuya” of northeastern Brazil, at all events were far more stable than might be assumed from certain accounts seems further indicated by the abundant remains of pottery all over their territory (Pompeu Sobrinho, 1939, p. 233). Finally, the supposed lack of ham- mocks among the Zapuya, which was still assumed as general by 556 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bun. 143 Ehrenreich (1894, pp. 81-90) and others, is not borne out by early sources, as Schuller (1912, 21: 78-98) correctly indicates. Soares de Souza (1851, p. 352) and Herckman (im Wiitjen, 1921, pp. 254-260; in Pompeu Sobrinho, 1934, p. 22) are quite definite on this point. The inevitable conclusion is that “Tapuya” is a blanket term like “Digger Indian” or “Siwash” in North America. No good purpose is served by considering them as a linguistic or ethnic unit. Ethno- graphically, there were undoubtedly “Z’apuya” tribes with striking parallels to Ge traits, such as the sportive manipulation of heavy logs and the caplike haircut. But the Ge themselves are now known to be anything but uniform; and of the specific features found among the Tarairiu, the best known 7'apwya group, some point in quite different directions. Thus, the endocannibalistic disposal of corpses reminds us of the extinct 7apajo, and the ritual with the chief’s rock-container has a decidedly Z'upinamba flavor. Analysis thus shows features of wide tropical distribution; some apparently restricted to the Tarairiu; still others suggest influences of diverse origin. There is no “Zapuya” culture: except in quoting old writers on otherwise undefined groups so designated, the term should be eliminated from scientific usage. (See The Tarairiu, p. 563.) BIBLIOGRAPHY Bahnson, 1889; Barlaeus, 1659; Cardim, 1939; Ehrenreich, 1894; Herckman (in Wiitjen, 1921) ; Magalhies de Gandavo, 1922; Martius, 1867; Pompeu Sobrinho, 1934, 1935 b, 1939; Saint-Hilaire, 1930-51; Schuller, 1912, Soares de Souza, 1851; Studart, 1926 a, 1926 b; Vasconcelles, 1865 (orig. ed., 1663) ; Watjen, 1921; Yves d‘Evreux, 1864. THE CARIRI By Rosert H. Lowi TRIBAL DIVISIONS AND HISTORY The Cariri form a distinct linguistic family comprising the Deubukua, Kipea, Pedra Branca, and Sapuya dialects, the last being considered the most aberrant. At the time of the Portuguese occupa- tion they resided in the interior of Brazil, and their documented habitats were as follows (lat. 8° S., long. 40° W.) : (1) Serra dos Carirys Velhos (Kipea Cariri), 17th century. (2) Pilar (where Kipea were gathered and their descendants remained until the beginning of the 19th century). (3) Missio Velha, Missio Nova, Barbalha, Crato, and Milagres (Cariri Novos), 1670. The Crato Cariri were removed to the capital, Fortaleza, in 1780; in Milagres remnants persisted as late as 1876. (4) Sources of the Itahim River. These Cariri (Quiriri) were warred against prior to 1701 and are not mentioned subsequently. (5) Islands of the Sfio Francisco River (Dewzukua Cariri). Pambu Island, 1702; Oacarapa Island, 1702; Cavallo, Iraquaé, and Inhamum Islands, 1746. (6) Curral dos Bois, 1759. (7) Collegio (mixed with Wakéna and Carapoté), until the beginning of the 19th century. (8) Massacara (jointly with Catrimbi), 1759. (9) Saeco dos Morcegos, 1759. (10) Canna Braba, 1759. (11) JurG, 1759. (12) Natuba, 1759. (13) Aldea do Rio Real, 1759. (14) Aramary, 1759. (15) Pedra Branca (Camuru Cariri), 1740-1865; remnants at Paraguacu Reservation. (16) Caranguejo (Sapuya Cariri), 1740 until after 1818. Of these groups, the Camurt% and Sapuya were the only ones west of Bahia. They were not transplanted there from the north, but prior to their being placed in settlements by the Whites, occupied the mountains of the same region. The range of the family is indi- cated by the fact that these southernmost members had for their enemies the Botocudo-speaking Guerens of the 17th century, and in the 18th century the linguistically undefined Payayd, whereas con- geners lived north of the Parahyba River. 557 558 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Buun. 143 Reduced in numbers through Portuguese and Dutch contacts, Cariri Indians were settled by the Jesuits in aldeas west of Bahia. The Camuru and the Sapuya were visited in 1818 by Martius (1867, 1: 347 ff.), who still found about 600 survivors. By 1891 the Cariri were said to have become extinct. This statement now requires slight modification. The Camurri, ousted from their aldea in about 1865, were killed off or scattered, but remnants reunited at Santa Roza on an affluent of the Rio da Contas. There they joined some 7'upinaki from near Porto Seguro and a few 7upinamba from Batateira, near Areas. Once more driven out by Neo-Brazilian pressure, the mixed group gathered at the headwaters of the Gongogy River, near Sao Bento, whence they ultimately sought refuge on the Paraguacu Reser- vation, founded in 1927 between the Caxoeira and Pardo Rivers. Among the 128 natives of various extraction there in 1988 Nimuendaji (mss.) found a handful of Camuru from whom a few isolated data could be secured. One old Camurv%i woman was still making pottery for her own use. CULTURE The Carivi were on a higher level of culture than most eastern Brazilians. They grew manioc, maize, beans, and cotton; slept in hammocks; made pottery molded at the base and coiled above, corre- sponding to the Shwcurt ware of Cimbres, Pernambuco; and are even credited with having a simple loom. The houses were of the wattle- and-daub type, with roofing of palm fronds or other foliage. These Indians were not cannibals. Their weapons included bows, arrows, and spears, but not war clubs. In the last quarter of the 17th cen- tury they went nude and made only occasional use of labrets and earplugs; genipa and urucu served for decoration. According to Martin de Nantes (1706), the women generally hen- pecked their husbands. Plurality of wives was permitted and di- vorce was easy. The chief exercised real authority only in warfare, but might derive power from the number of kinsmen supporting him. Except in cases of extreme old age, death was imputed to sorcery and the relatives would kill the evildoer. The chief of Itapoa was killed and burned for sorcery by his own people. Importance was attached to bird omens. Apparently there were puberty rites for both sexes. Girls had their arms scarified in order to become good spinners, and boys correspondingly underwent mortification of the flesh in a 10-day festival. In order to make them good hunters and fishermen, their elders would burn fish and animal bones, drinking the ashes with the sap of some bitter herbs, scarifying the novices with teeth, and rub- bing ashes into the skin. The lads were obliged to rise very early to hunt and had to present their gamebag to the older people, getting Vow. 1] THE CARIRI—LOWIE 559 for their fare only a thin broth of maize or cassava. In consequence they grew very thin by the end of the period, which was further characterized by nocturnal singing and dancing. After delivery a woman ate no meat, fish, eggs, or meat broth, being restricted to a vegetable fare until teething set in, lest the child die or lack teeth. Doctors treated their patients with tobacco smoke and chants. In 1938 Nimuendajii (mss.) gleaned a few facts about the ancient Yurema cult. An old master of ceremonies, wielding a dance rattle decorated with a feather mosaic, would serve a bowlful of the infusion made from yurema roots to all celebrants, who would then see glorious visions of the spirit land, with flowers and birds. They might catch a glimpse of the clashing rocks that destroy souls of the dead journey- ing to their goal, or see the Thunderbird shooting lightning from a huge tuft on his head and producing claps of thunder by running about. Mythology.—The two myths recorded by Martin de Nantes (1706) are significant. In one of them Touppart, “God” (cf. Tupi Tupan), sends an old friend to the earth to live with the Indians, who address him as “Grandfather.” One day they go to hunt, leaving their chil- dren with Grandfather, who transforms his wards into peccaries. After sending the parents on another hunt, he takes the transformed children to the sky up a tree, which he orders the ants to cut down. The Cariri vainly try to set the tree up again so they can climb down. Finally, they make a rope of their girdles, but it proves too short; they fall down to the ground and injure their bones. Never- theless, they beg Grandfather to come back to earth, but instead he sends them Badze (tobacco), to which they thenceforth make offerings. According to the other tale, the Cariri had but a single woman among them and begged Grandfather for more. He sent them hunt- ing, made the woman delouse him, and caused her to die. He then cut her up into bits corresponding to the number of men. When they came back, he ordered them each to wrap his piece up in cotton and suspend it in his hut. He sent them hunting once more and, when they returned, the fragments had turned into women, who were already preparing food for the men.* BIBLIOGRAPHY Adam, 1897; Bernard de Nantes, 1896 (facsimile of Lisbon ed., 1709) ; Goeje, 1934; Martin de Nantes, 1706; Martius, 1867; Nimuendajt, mss.; Pompeu Sobrinho, 1928. 1The same explanation of the origin of women was recorded by Nimuendajii among the Sherente. =. THE PANCARARU By Rosert H. Lowi The Pancarari, (Pankari, Pancari) is an eastern Brazilian tribe sometimes classed as of the Cariri family, but at the present stage of knowledge it should be regarded as isolated. They have been found in recent years near the Paulo Afonso Falls on the north bank of the Sao Francisco River, at Brejo dos Padres, lat. 9°4’ S., long. 38°19’ W. Their culture, though imperfectly known, has maintained many in- teresting features, Carlos Estevao (1938) having witnessed the Yurema rite during the late 1930’s. According to Estevao, the intoxicant prepared from the yurema roots is tasted first by the chief. Only priests, warriors, and old women singers may attend; they kneel with bowed heads, then re- ceive their portions, which induce fine dreams. The ceremony was formerly performed also by the Cariri, Guegué, Acrod, and Pimen- tetra—especially before going to war (Pereira de Alencastre, 1857, p. 31). Carlos Estevao witnessed it in recent years among the isolated Tushaé somewhat above the Pancarurt, at Rodellas, on the south bank of the Sao Francisco River. Estevio records a series of dances named for animals and plants (fish, bee, great anteater, parrot, and Spondias tuberosa). When the fruit of the Spondias tuberosa (imbi) appears, it is hung up between two forked sticks, to be shot at by archers; the victor gets as a prize a big liana, which is used in a tug of war. Further, there is a formal initiation into an esoteric society: the novices, about 12 years old, have to bring water, fire, and tobacco, and are pledged to secrecy on pain of being made to sleep on a bed of nettles. Estevio photographed masqueraders carrying gourd rattles, staffs, and reed pipes. Their costume consists of a fiber headpiece and skirt, strips of cloth in the back, and feather ornamentation. In one ritual there is mutual flagellation of men and women. Noteworthy is the predominance of the coiling technique in basketry. BIBLIOGRAPHY Alencastra, 1857 ; Hstevio, 1938. 561 583486—46——36 “it _ | : ~~ Hh gs a si 1 Veil? Eee OA eG Eg TSP EY ee ee ¥. VT Dae rere te ahh ee Dele | | coat: UMATAOKAL GHT Wh bet 20g : jd el arwol . reasofl rif 4 af odixt aailixev mrodans ae al (ipa Anokeo). demash edT, Lo eyes tognory odd Ja tod ,ylinmat irom odd to ap hseenlo necnitonde | ti bavot sood ovad yodT .botalosi ea bebreyon ad biuoda stoyhelword - o&G add To diad ton oft no allel oanotA oluaT odd seen ethay teen -W ‘ar*e8 nao! 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GHRERG THE TARAIRIU By Rosert H. Lowrie The Zarairiu (Tarairyou, Tarayruck, Tararyou, Tarairyouw, Ot- shucayana), were a “Z’apuya” people in northeastern Brazil. (See The “Zapuya,” p. 558.) Linguistically, Ehrenreich (1894) suggested affinity with the Ge and, specifically, with the Patashé or Koropo, who are no longer reckoned as Ge. In any case, the evidence is too meager to carry conviction. Pending the discovery of new data, the Zarairiu may thus be conservatively treated as a distinct linguistic family, as proposed by Pompeu Sobrinho (1939, pp. 221-235). HISTORY The Zaratriu were sublitoral, living not so far inland as the Carir, but back of the coast occupied by Europeans, possibly between Natal and Ceara, centering in what is now Rio Grande do Norte (lat. 6° S., long. 36° W.). In the wars between the Dutch and the Portuguese they generally aided the former. Our best primary sources are Jacob Rabbi (see Piso and Marcggravi, 1648), Elias Herckman (1639), and Roulox Baro (1651), as well as the paintings by artists in the retinue of Prince Moritz of Nassau-Siegen, governor of the Dutch possessions from 1636 until 1644. Nieuhof (1732), Barlaeus (1659), and De Laet (1644) are secondary sources. Tribal, subtribal, or horde names abound (Pompeu Sobrinho, 1939). Of the relevant groups the Jan- doin, i. e., the horde or subtribe under the chief of that name (Janduy, Jandovi, Jandubi, Johann de Wy, Jan de Wy, Jan Duwy) was the best known. They are located by Portuguese chroniclers on the Asst, Mossor6é, Apody, and Jaguaribe Rivers. Their population was set at 1,600, usually divided into two bands, presumably for economic reasons (Laet, 1644). According to Studart (1926 b), they were al- most annihilated by the Portuguese in 1666. The last reference to the Jandoin is dated 1699, the year of a Paulista attack; and they probably became quite extinct in the war of extermination of 1721. The Payakui (Pajoke), originally on the Apody and Choré Rivers, were, ethnographically, close to the Jandoin, and sometimes joined them against the Portuguese. Their descendants lived in Jesuit mis- 563 564 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. B. Bune. 143 sions in Monte Mor o Novo, Ceara, until after 1762, and in Pérto Alegre, Rio Grande do Norte, until 1817. CULTURE Notwithstanding statements in the secondary sources that the Tarairiu were pure nomads subsisting on wild fruits, game, fish, and honey, the same authors speak of sowing, the consecration of fields, and prophecies as to the maize crop. Farming is in no way refuted by seasonal migrations, from November to January, to the seashore in search of favorite nuts not found in the interior. As a matter of fact, primary sources explicitly establish agriculture. In March and April, we learn from Rabbi (Piso and Marcggravi, 1648, p. 281 ff.), when the waters of their river had subsided, the people returned to their settlements, where they planted maize, beans, gourds, and other species (“. . . serunt autem imprimis grandius milium seu Maizium, phaseolos varios et cucurbitas lagenaeformes, aliasque”). A portion of the crop was segregated for the next sowing, the rest being con- sumed (“. . . tantum seponunt quantum ad proximam sementum suf- ficere putant, reliquum abliguriunt”). Roulox Baro (1651) refers to the planting of tobacco and maize. A root, “arrohu,” was made into bread: After crushing it with a stick, a native would catch the squeezed-out juice, crush the mass again until soft, then make it into round pellets, which were baked. The women chewed a certain root in preparing a spirituous beverage. The weapons included atlatls, spears, and wooden clubs. Special interest attaches to the atlatl, described by Herckman and drawn by Kckhout as a grooved wooden board; a museum specimen in Copen- hagen demonstrates this. Herckman expressly mentions bows and spear throwers in the same breath, but the former appear neither in Rabbi’s nor Baro’s reports nor in the illustrations drawn by Eckhout and Wagener. Both sexes went virtually naked, the men tying the prepuce with a string, the women wearing a perineal covering of foliage supported by a girdle. One of Eckhout’s paintings shows a man wearing san- dals, and Rabbi speaks of youths tying their calves for festive athletic games with a pliant withy and donning footgear of the same mate- rial (“. . . quidem primo uras vinciunt lento quodam vimine, é quo et calceos confectos induunt”). Further, Eckhout pictures male dancers with the caplike haircut of modern Zimbira. The ear lobes of boys about 7 years old were pierced for the insertion of plugs, and about the same time green, black, red, or white stone pencils were put into perforations of the lower lip. Long fingernails, as well as a crownlike haircut, were a badge of distinction, but it was the “king’s” preroga- Vou. 1] THE TARAIRIU—LOWIE 565 tive to keep them long on his thumbs. Depilation of body hair was general. Notwithstanding the alleged nomadism of the 7arairtu—Herckman declares that they would not stay over 72 hours in one spot—and the flimsiness of their leafy shelter, they are credited with sleeping in hammocks. Both sexes are said to have been expert swimmers. The men were good runners and practiced wrestling, especially to show off before women. wd ewieas to abtoo baa atsofe pital 2qei) olqmia odacnt baa ewod jslleg galinels talusiie 2 of egalliy tisdi avoat ony od) JesguA yaned ,(otisanot sudqyeiS) oot? oxteseo[ beisea 2 tsbhay giedw (Muostamo) sido tied’ Josie oF Joon ooct adt .dosorqqs Joa vem neoow dotiw tanot oft yaivuh lisverq Jami aoneq detiel 9199 seeds jadT gotiests odd ot bolenioles ain mity ytiedot odw atsoillo [nisatye to een acl) yd feteoguue ei zolqates Siew asimont ~est mise oil? to enQ. dansk edt to vegeta Jomohib edd wvo bsbinetq 1olveg [lite siniw ctabor dotilw oaeh Slo) od) eaw einove loved Yeido sd? .alisd bee etolsosnd sedieot-ned? bow aambsth wdieok mm Msg eid wvo prim an ditw doe .aoaah od oom owl ete eiemrigiieg & bos ¢gial a to smi eli of qe, boa om) yodT 4ebloode gues col Beenie. oid Jonivgs Jeed bare oidw »dos yoiqatade ane wtD jiet sient sleds nasa owls olidw yaie eiwinloaqe sil) slic ae) bavots yoatoakh ,wollot edw aisky ow? to jnost ai qote s1aomab béuig edd louteda) elamins Tolle bemoan aie eqaia avortay odT {lah adi Io gate movgiq ond Yo StF ~~ YHYARDOLIgIa 4 Gar odalidoe oequaed Gone olol4 ; ar saan THE TEREMEMBE By Atrrep Métravux HISTORY The Teremembé (7'remembé, Tremembaiz, Taramembés, T eremem- bis) have been erroneously classified in the Z’upi-Guarani linguistic family by Martius (1867, p. 197). Their language is unknown, but certainly differed from Z7upt. Judging from the few data on their culture, they seemed to have belonged to the primitive tribes which occupied the Brazilian coast before the 7upi migrations. (Lat. 4° S., long. 40° W.) In the 17th century, the Zeremembé lived on the seashore from the mouth of the Gurupy River or of the Tury River in the east to the mouth of the Paranahyba River. Claude d’Abbeville (1614, fol. 189) gives the Jaguaribe or Mossoré River as their western limit. In the State of Ceara they seemed to have lived mainly along the Acarai River and in the Serra Grande. They were bitter enemies of the Tupinamba, whom they attacked whenever they could ambush them. In 1674, because Zeremembé had killed shipwrecked Portuguese sailors, the colonists led a bloody punitive expedition against them (Betendorf, 1910, pp. 316-822). At the end of the 17th century the remnants of the tribe were settled by the Jesuits in missions. At the beginning of the 19th century the Zeremembé were almost extinct. A few of them, mixed with the local population, lived in Nossa Senhora de Conceicao d’Almofalla and in Villa de Sobral. CULTURE The ZYeremembé were nomad hunters and fishermen. They wandered in small groups along the coast carrying their bows and arrows, axes, gourds, and pots. They had spears tipped with shark teeth. Like the Canella, they used crescentic stone axes, the famous “anchor axes” which have been found archeologically along the Brazilian coast. They employed these as battle-axes, but whenever they had killed an enemy with one they left it on the corpse. Yves d’Evreux (1864, pp. 141-142) gives some interesting data on the cere- 573 574 SOUTH AMERICAN INDIANS [B. A. E. BULL. 143 monial manufacture of these axes. At the first appearance of the crescent moon, the 7'eremembé spent a whole night shaping these axes, not stopping until they were perfect, because they believed that if they carried them to war, they could never be defeated. While men made these axes, the women and girls stayed outside the huts singing and dancing, their faces turned toward the crescent moon. BIBLIOGRAPHY Betendorf, 1910; Claude d’Abbeville, 1614; Martius, 1867; Pinto, 1935; Studart, 1931; Yves a@’Evreux, 1864. Mth Pee ary» 7? {y johedede), Moa, BPP DL bay 7 3 "hy, ie I , en A ; Woy > 3 a2 i we “Oa: wr Sa, a = kED asypee” ‘ae = Figg am : s% eet then . \ \ z > % Fa ol / t= jeg aw n ue oe AAS peta by gt Ar tf er: G8 “ha ees. te, x Seca ee A / PLATE 105.—Arms, ornaments, and utensils of the Botocudo, Puri, and Mashacali. a, Puri hammock; 5, Puri pellet bow; c, Mashacali bow; d, Mashacali arrow; ¢, Botocudo penis sheath; f, Botocudo knife; g, Botocudo stone ax; h, Botocudo necklace of fruit shells; i, Botocudo trumpet; j, Botocudo bone awl; k, Boto- cudo forehead dress / , Botocudo carrying bag. (After Wied-Neuwied ,1822, Nos. 13 14.) as, 1835, pl. 1.) ¢ Rugend A fter (2 ee 106.—Botocudo fam UATE PI PLATE 107.—Eastern Brazil landscapes. Top: Guaitaca country. The coastal piedmont plain or terrace and edge of plateau, 20°27’ S.-40°29’ W. Bottom: Mountain agriculture on the eastern slopes of the Bra- zilian plateau, at about 20°34’ S.-40°36’ W. (After Rich, 1942, figs. 69, 72.) unt ttre ,.) 6, ¢ Ss. pl ore) 1 AS, end: Rug (After 1a —Puri dance and bur PLATE 108.- 55) 99 22, , 182% , 18 artius M Neuwied € , and Tied- pix yo fter S (Afte ral. festiv Mont o 2 kin rin = oS q las} u rh Oo lanl = ‘oroado d c ‘Op: cudo. life, 7 B of the idual combats oroado and Botocudo 9.—C Indiv ) TE 10 Bottom: pl. 11. PLA ists ee PLATE 110.—Coroado and Puri shelters. Top: Coroado village. (After Eschwege, 1818.) Bottom: Pur camp. (After Wied-Neuwied, 1822, No. 3.) (0% "ON ‘2281 ‘POLMNON-parA Joyy) *eouep uvseuED—T1{] ALVId ear PLATE 112.—Patash6 and Camacan weapons and artifacts. Top: Patasho. Rio del_ Prado. Bottom: Camacan. a, Woman’s apron; b, woolen bag; c, arrows and bow. (After Wied-Neuwied, 1822, Nos. 7, 21.) BIBLIOGRAPHY TO VOLUME 1 ABBREVIATIONS Acta Acad. Aboensis____---___--_--__ Acta Academiae Aboensis. Abo, Finland. IACTAIPAINGDS (55 oe ea Acta Americana. 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