{ «! put tt iit \, BN ET OG 9 Fes ltgak! Up ee titan ad eas a at oy i iy AANA a otal “ \\ ’ esa SAse ieee st act ee a aoe yates ete 5. lane ee of W) Hy host i ee us st ayn 3 spi AAs Minette! Peay Le ‘ Wath visa a m Wego atan Aa daryso arctan aR A ay HS is au HAY : mn Rk Mi ay ate ch ay *y it ane é Sonu No A i icaehe is NAST . iy “ py th >, ¥ Tagan, r ast (OAS O AR AEE CR aa : ODES AHA A at ine ta ; 4h) Ni? ween hie via i: iu REE ‘| ays } a eis oe ah tin aguante hia au et Ae n iat i ihe My ST aT: te 7 ung? HIME IPAW MPa) iste n Hay Mase Na eR ARON CAC) ien(ih hs Rea ke . im it} td Vet RA ts Pet CNH eh enn res his an i HA i Ses TRAG UALS ey ’ SS ae tas Ss Socrates HAS ea ges hi shatst geal dit uy ,) D! a ui = a SSS .. eee sae ke + A}. ata thot! Bn ed nine , hy yay wmiona hal yp 7 CY ie Sh ae v Ye er ao > ‘ rat é 3 “3 fk i J ‘ ute ty a : ¥ p P i eae ‘ sy e ry ‘ 4 _. | SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION. __ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY _ Ga ene bi BULLETIN 151 i = -* ANTHROPOLOGICAL _ " Numbers 33-42 SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS Numbers 33-42 UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1953 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office Washington 25, D. C. LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., September 15, 1950. Sir: I have the honor to submit the accompanying manuscripts, entitled ‘Of the Crow Nation,” by Edwin Thompson Denig, edited by John C. Ewers; ‘‘The Water Lily in Maya Art: A Complex of Alleged Asiatic Origin,’ by Robert L. Rands; ‘‘The Medicine Bun- dles of the Florida Seminole and the Green Corn Dance,” by Louis Capron; “Technique in the Music of the American'Indian,’’,by,Frances Densmore; “The Belief of the Indian in a Connection between Song and the Supernatural,” by Frances Densmore; “Aboriginal Fish Poi- sons,’ by Robert F. Heizer; ‘Aboriginal Navigation off the Coasts of Upper and Baja California,’ by Robert F. Heizer and William C. Massey; ‘Exploration of an Adena Mound at Natrium, West Virginia,” by Ralph S. Solecki; ‘The Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance,” by D. B. Shimkin; and “Current Trends in the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance,” |by Fred W. Voget; and to recommend that they be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, M. W. Stirurne, Director. Dr. ALEXANDER WETMORE, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. 1 PUBLISHER’S NOTE A separate edition is published of each paper in the series entitled ‘‘Anthro- pological Papers.’’ Copies of Papers 1-42 are available at the Bureau of American Ethnology, Smithsonian Institution, and can be had free upon request. List or ANTHROPOLOGICAL ParPEeRS PUBLISHED PREVIOUSLY No. 1. A Preliminary Report on Archeological Explorations at Macon, Ga., by A. R. Kelly. Bull. 119, pp. v-ix, 1-68, pls. 1-12, figs. 1-7. 1938. No. 2. The Northern Arapaho Flat Pipe and the Ceremony of Covering the Pipe, by John G. Carter. Bull. 119, pp. 69-102, figs. 8-10. 1938. No. 3. The Caribs of Dominica, by Douglas Taylor. Bull. 119, pp. 103-159, pls. 13-18, figs. 11-37. 1938. No. 4. What Happened to Green Bear Who Was Blessed with a Sacred Pack, by Truman Michelson. Bull. 119, pp. 161-176. 1938. No. 5. Lemhi Shoshoni Physical Therapy, by Julian H. Steward. Bull. 119, pp. 177-181. 1938. No. 6. Panatiibiji’, an Owens Valley Paiute, by Julian H. Steward. Bull. 119, pp. 183-195. 1938. No. 7. Archeological Investigations in the Corozal District of British Honduras, by Thomas and Mary Gann. Bull. 123, pp. vii—viii, 1-57, 61-66, pls. 1-10, figs. 1-11. 1939. Report on Two Skulls from British Honduras, by A. J. E. Cave. Bull. 123, pp. 59-60. 1939. No. 8. Linguistic Classification of Cree and Montagnais-Naskapi Dialects, by Truman Michelson. Bull. 123, pp. 67-95, fig. 12. 1939. No. 9. Sedelmayr’s Relacién of 1746. Translated and edited by Ronald L. Ives. Bull. 123, pp. 97-117. 1939. No. 10. Notes on the Creek Indians, by John R. Swanton. Bull. 123, pp. 119- 159, figs. 138, 14. 1939. No. 11. The Yaruros of the Capanaparo River, Venezuela, by Vincenzo Petrullo. Bull. 123, pp. 161-290, pls. 11-25, figs. 15-27. 1939. No. 12. Archeology of Arauquin, by Vincenzo Petrullo. Bull. 123, pp. 291-295, pls. 26-32. 1939. No. 13. The Mining of Gems and Ornamental Stones by American Indians, by Sydney H. Ball. Bull. 128, pp. ix-xii, 1-78, pls. 1-5. 1941. No. 14. Iroquois Suicide: A Study in the Stability of a Culture Pattern, by William N. Fenten. Bull. 128, pp. 79-138, pls. 6-8. 1941. No. 15. Tonawanda Longhouse Ceremonies: Ninety Years after Lewis Henry Morgan, by William N. Fenton. Bull. 128, pp. 1389-166, pls. 9-18. 1941. No. 16. The Quichua-speaking Indians of the Province of Imbabura (Ecuador) and Their Anthropometric Relations with the Living Populations of the Andean Area, by John Gillin. Bull. 128, pp. 167-228, pls. 19-29, figs. 1-2. 1941. Im elt. As: 2 A9: . 20. pea Le . 22. 20. . 24. . 25. . 26. Pate . 28. - 29. . 30. . 3i. =o. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty 151] Art Processes in Birchbark of the River Desert Algonquin, a Circum- boreal Trait, by Frank G. Speck. Bull. 128, pp. 229-274, pls. 30-42, figs. 3-25. 1941. Archeological Reconnaissance of Southern Utah, by Julian H. Steward. Bull. 128, pp. 275-356, pls. 43-52, figs. 26-77. 1941. A Search for Songs among the Chitimacha Indians in Louisiana, by Frances Densmore. Bull. 133, pp. 1-15, pls. 1-4. 1942. Archeological Survey on the Northern Northwest Coast, by Philip Drucker; with Appendix, Early Vertebrate Fauna of the British Columbia Coast, by Edna M. Fisher. Bull. 133, pp. 17-142, pls. 5-9, figs. 1-33. 1943. Some Notes on a Few Sites in Beaufort County, South Carolina, by Regina Flannery. Bull. 133, pp. 143-153, figs. 34-35. 1943. An Analysis and Interpretation of the Ceramic Remains from Two Sites near Beaufort, South Carolina, by James B. Griffin. Bull. 133, pp. 155-168, pls. 10-12. 1943. The Eastern Cherokees, by William Harlen Gilbert, Jr. Bull. 133, pp. 169-413, pls. 13-17, figs. 36-55. 1943. Aconite Poison Whaling in Asia and America: An Aleutian Transfer to the New World, by Robert F. Heizer. Bull. 133, pp. 415-468, pls. 18-23a, figs. 56-60. 1943. The Carrier Indians of the Bulkley River: Their Social and Religious Life, by Diamond Jenness. Bull. 133, pp. 469-586, pls. 24-34, figs. 61-62. 1943. The Quipu and Peruvian Civilization, by John R. Swanton. Bull. 133, pp. 587-596. 1943. Music of the Indians of British Columbia, by Frances Densmore. Bull. 136, pp. 1-100, pls. 1-9, figs. 1-2. 1943. Choctaw Music, by Frances Densmore. Bull. 136, pp. 101-188, pls. 10-21, figs. 3-4. 1943. Some Ethnological Data Concerning One Hundred Yucatan Plants, by Morris Steggerda. Bull. 136, pp. 189-226, pls. 22-24. 1943. A Description of Thirty Towns in Yucatan, Mexico, by Morris Steggerda, Bull. 136, pp. 227-248, pls. 25-28. 1943. Some Western Shoshoni Myths, by Julian H. Steward. Bull. 136, pp. 249-300, 1943. New Material from Acoma, by Leslie A. White. Bull. 136, pp. 301-360, pls. 29-32, fig. 5. 1943. No. 33. No. 34. CONTENTS “Of the Crow Nation,” by Edwin Thompson Denig, edited with biographical sketch and footnotes by John C. Ewers________-_- The Water Lily in Maya Art: A Complex of Alleged Asiatic Origin, yaitouert: lie hans << 28208 a= Be eo ee ek . The Medicine Bundles of the Florida Seminole and the Green Corn Dance, by. Louis: Capronsu 2... 52-35 ec en eeu . Technique in the Music of the American Indian, by Frances IDENSINORG Se ee ee nae ete a ee ee ee . The Belief of the Indian in a Connection between Song and the Supernatural, by Frances Densmore;..-.=.......=.5..-2s<- . Aboriginal Fish Poisons, by Robert F. Heizer_.._.._..__.----_-- . Aboriginal Navigation off the Coasts of Upper and Baja Cali- fornia, by Robert F. Heizer and William C. Massey_________- . Exploration of an Adena Mound at Natrium, West Virginia, by ECHO ASOLO IS eat eo es a SIND ee . The Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance, by D. B. Shimkin______- . Current Trends in the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance, by Fred PAGE 5 ny ad ions : eee ai whet, ni «3 ay Athi ye Ride e2 ma in| ‘ i x ieee! = i Pe waccy 38 97,5, ‘ Pivtab Naety HAHA ap eR ietOd eo babs t 48 tesa LS gt EO ol a eee Dita ithte ae “ ie amma myuies t ‘i Sylar Ys if went ii: Aids © Abe SE Youd) 5 eto Atel cate Va, eli tatly 4 ix te Das 5 Ne) cal a ve eA rors Aas) Roi ily Saeed ih ae iv P 2 ‘ *: " pate atu id welt Paveiqel SOL WentGl ey ean Calg it 1B ai ib ; Oni ipiall = ritie yo! asf pets - | ez. te te eed a a ass ct Lee Tae Tai; 2c bas yk dns ot E PP oleae } Yaa OA id je | oe rif 245 HT STUER ii Cresta Reron a nh hi ing “das Say es eee _ ideale: A telat ; 3 A ee eta OS tie on onille re TS shi i u I a: nial vow bal ae Sioet H conte é x ‘ 1 ie Ne ma! " oh Ws * - Sa Pane 1 ce OM EOR ROR crs)... m ON ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES (Ewers) pe Porrait of ndwin: Thompson, Denip 22.4... een exterior view of Fort Union,,Jsoe-—.-=.2-5-2-. 1 s- aoe cans ) Fwo, Crows The-Younger,.a Crow Indian__._- --- gs . ‘The woman who lives in the Bear’s Den, her hair cut off, she being in PRUE PIs 8 ot ee oh it ee ge a ee ee ee . Crow Indian encampment, Little Big Horn River___-_-------------- . The voice of the Great Spirit. A scaffold burial on the Crow Reserva- MMI CRIOOMAROIG VINAUG= Soo. 2 en re ee a ee . Two Seminole Medicine Men. Left: Ingraham Billy, Medicine Man of the Tamiami Trail Seminole. Right: Sam Jones, long-time Medicine Man of the Cow Creek Seminole_____----------------- . Two Seminole Medicine Men. Left: John Osceola, Big Cypress Medi- cine Man at the 1949 Green Corn Dance. Right: Josie Billy, former Medicine Man of the Tamiami Trail Seminole_______------------ . Clan camp at the Green Corn Dance. Upper: Occupied clan camp. Lower: Clan camp between Corn Dances_-_---------------------- . Setting for the Green Corn Dance. Upper: The dance circle. Lower: Sweat-pathestones and! frameworks 22) 92s on ee ne eee . Views of the Green Corn Dance structure. Upper: The tchoc-ko thloc-ko, or “Big House.” Lower: Reserved seats for the Green Gorm Manca) 5. 10) swat enece Ale bole sea eTeoneormmmancentems (2° 2S eaiticc ) stl sedeli do 2 eee . Plants used in preparation of the Black Drink. Left: Herbs from the Black Drink. Right: Black Drink herbs and prayer reed_-------- . Items used in the Green Corn Dance. a, Scratcher. 6, Forked Medicine:stick.\ ¢} Score beard... sce). sysdediel.o.--t4 Lee (Heizer) Jivaronindians, poisoning fishes! secsil.» ee OE soseted) oo. . Jivaro Indians collecting stupefied fish.___._____------------------ . South American Indians poisoning fish, Fortaleza, near Yurimongas- - . Plantation of fish-poison plants, Fortaleza, near Yurimongas- -_------- (Heizer and Massey) Pea pavilion Tare OF bain Calnferniae 2222055. 22/2226 chee oe— oan ee . Balsa and double-bladed paddle in San Francisco Bay_-_------------ 312 VIII BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLt, 151 (Solecki) PAGE 24. Stages in the exploration of Natrium Mound and representative Mound features with associated artifacts._....-4---------------- 396 25: Natrium Mound artifacts 22 -.2.. 2.222542 oe ee ee 396 26: Natrium Mound ‘artifacts: 420 2 ee ee ee ee eee 396 27--Natrium Mound artifacts)... 202222222 3262 eee 396 28: Natrium Mound:artifacts. 2.22252 22 as ee eee 396 29. Microstructure of cross sections of bead-_-.-.--..-----==2-==----22 396 (Shimkin) 30. Upper: Tom Compton, May 1937. Lower: The Sun Dance field, July 1 W087 eee ee ee 484 31. Upper: Measuring radii to locate side-post holes from the center pole. July 3, 1937. Lower: Compton fixing the buffalo head on the center pole, and Tassitsie’painting it2-2 === 2222-22 eae eee 484 82. Upper: How the rafters are raised. Lower: Getting ready to lift the center pole 02 ao) oe cee ce eee a ee 484 33. Upper: Men putting up the side roof poles. Lower: The brush wall being finished 2.22 1052. 2h ee cork ee ee 484 34. Upper: Before dawn. Orchestra and resting dancers. Lower: The daneers greet. the rising sun_—< - 2. 5... so 25-2 ee 484 35. Upper: Another view of the dancers greeting the rising sun. Lower: AY third view ol the sunrise ceremony. = ae as ee 484 36. Upper: The prayer songs around the fire. Lower: Details of the orchestra and spectators... .-._ oe .2-<6 o--.225-5=5- 52>) =e 484 3%. Upper: Dancing. Lower: Tired. dancers_-2.-25---- 5-5 = ee 484 TEXT FIGURES (Rands) 1. a, Amaravati, India. 6, c, Palenque (Entries 78, 77). d, Chichen Itza (Entries 2526): 245. -2euds.. 2 see. ee eee 85 2. a, Quirigua (Entry 104). 6, Copan (Entry 50). c¢, Chama (Entry 204). d, e, Chichen Itza (Entries 22, 28). f, Yaxchilan (Entry 152)st af atl ol. ert leet. ars eee eee 86 3. a, Santa Rita (Entry 121). b,c, Tulum (Entries 129, 131). d, Yucatan (Entry 221). e, Chichen Itza (Entry 23). f, Quirigua (Entry 118). g, Palenque (Entry 76). h, Dresden Codex (Entry 301). 2; Likal (nutty l2a)se2-- cece cee Secaudvendeosaeon see 87 4. a, b, Palenque (Entries 69, 91). c, Copan (Entry 44). d, Yucatan (Entries 219, 220). e, Chichen Itza (Monjas). f, Rio Hondo (Entry 214)... g, Kaminaljuyu (Entry 21) 22222 See 88 . a, 1, Chichen Itza (Entries 35, 29). b, Rio Hondo (Entry 215). c, h, Palenque (Entries 71, 73). d, Quirigua (Entry 117). e, Chajcar (Entry 208). jf, g, Chama (Entries 203, 201)..-...-.------=5 89 . a, Quirigua (Entry 111). 6, Copan (Entry 58). .c, Dresden Codex (Entry 310). d, La Amelia (Entry 68). e, Vase (Entry 222). f, Palenque (Entry 70). g, h, Chichen Itza (Entries 27, 24)-_---_-- 90 ILLUSTRATIONS IX (Capron) PAGE peGreen Corn ance Prone Ye = ee ea ke oe acne coco eke 176 SeGeound pian of Green Comm Dance: 2.222. cos Sac cose stesso e ss 179 CeATTancementiOn ClanuCaMpss semanas ~ == = ee eee oa ea eon oe ne S 180 OeArransement oisclan camps! =- 2. — 52 =e oo So oes Soe sees cee s 181 (Heizer and Massey) 11. Upper: Chumash paddle collected by Vancouver Expedition, 1793. Lower: Colnett’s sketch of a Coast Miwok balsa and paddle seen at ederar Baye W/O... 5 1) 5 lees SE eo nines eee 292 Peaene Chumash. plank canoes =. 22 2iusc2s-see.c-ce tbs. -eceeeceee 301 (Soleckz) fia. Map showing location of Natrium Mound -2.-[3" 235_..--.-.-=-- = 320 14. Horizontal and vertical plans of Natrium Mound-_----------------- 321 (seclxsvagesvim the moundlexcavatlone = 22.25.26 0 a2 4552 ea eee eee 323 16. Cross section of the western profile of Natrium Mound on line W-1_--. 325 17. Cross section of the eastern quadrant of Natrium Mound online N-9__ 328 ie herdistrib ution of the mound features] 2525s —2 5 s-=—es— > eee eee 333 19. The gray-soil and yellow-soil distribution in Natrium Mound-_--_----- 384 (Shimkin) 20. The lineage of Ohamagwaya or Yellow Hand__-.------------------ 412 Pim Sum Dance layvoutwand: paraphernalian s 2! S55. Stes a 2 eee eae 452 22nd aiver Shoshone Reservation... 2------.-_2-2..5----ss2ssse5 465 PowehiconomiciGifferenceS=- ~ = s25-— 2s S25 aoe ee ee See cea ee 466 24. Local differences on the Wind River Reservation___-..-._-.---------- 467 Zoe ©ormelations betweeneinstitubiOns= 5-222 22-4 2-2-5 5—- 5) ose aaa 468 MAPS (Ewers) MEHeHerow COumiry: [S00 s. u aoa one see sooo oats eee eee 21 (Heizer) 2 Nvorld cistribution.of fish poisoning... ....2.-.2.s2.--c22—---4eeenee= 244 3. Distribution of fish poisoning in western North America__- ._-------- 251 4. Distribution of fish-poison plants in western North America____------ 252 (Hetzer and Massey) 5. Distribution of boat and paddle types along the coasts of Upper and aime nnitornine fa. oo es eee ee eee oe 290 . Distribution of boat types in the Santa Barbara Channel and adjoining NOTES Ng ore ee es nd ae Nee ed Ba eee eee 294 . Distribution of the double-bladed paddle in the New World_--------- 305 ry f i> s la MOH: ie ¥ iste ; io velog ‘i 7a find K& xovill Git et ae weTit> of ys . es SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 151 Anthropological Papers, No. 33 “Of the Crow Nation”’ By EDWIN THOMPSON DENIG Edited With biographical sketch and footnotes By Joun C. Ewers al i ha ae oa - j é car I s Tyo) v7 »~ Kae | s ? é ition — JR ry CONTENTS Introduction: The life and works of Edwin Thompson Denig----__------ “Of the Crow Nation,” by Edwin Thompson Denig__..._..._..__-___-- iraw Trelationsoip to the ENdatsa,. 222-25 ca.- neo eke ewes cee Wescriptron of the Crow ecountty. |. 222+. - 22 ssace-cces secce Population and major divisions. .5 22 225_-2- 8 2 te niiprenrienlerebiOns = 2-0 Ges) es LY ea ee ee ee eaicimen On WOTSes 48 jer Sees 9 es a I eh ee Ee Some characteristics of the Crow Indians_..........-....-..--+-<- Inograpny on Cuiel Rotten belly so = os) eee Se Oletrecdesamcdewar sa. cs 2 ko cee eee eo hee ek ey een ere ee Factors limiting increase of Crow population..__.____________------ Crowehermaphroditess: #202 Le tiet De Ae ee re Se ee ee ee ihesCrow tobacco-planting ceremony: .223.<. 22 2 22s 28 222 W@hiefalone wait ae so oe a ee Sl 2 ee (hieipBioeROb bere see ress Ser an ee Cte hey pa oes IRrospecesttonintertmbalypeacen-. =2 = se eae ne ae ee ee ee Pete vhvvorm Woman biel 120-2 220 SN Swe Sod Wee ee eee eee Dangers encountered in the fur trade with the Crows____________-- Huture prospects of: the: Crow Indians. ..2s-. 22.22.2222 28. 8 io2 TA SUIG SOD) b is ee ee I a aa eee Oe mR Ee © Reere a are ere a ers APO Boh ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES Pehorait of Hdwin Lhompson Wenige =. 028) see eee ee eee MmSXtenoraviewAon Hong, Union, IS520ss2e. © 2 ee 2 ee eee Eadwo Crows: Lhe: Younger, = Crow, Indian. 22.2. .Le_i os. 2 2b Ss0eSE 4S “The woman who lives in the Bear’s Den, her hair cut off, she being PRRMIGUEOIN Gs tieey 2 SS a re ee i ae ee . Crow Indian encampment, Little Big Horn River___.._-_----------- . The voice of the Great Spirit. A scaffold burial on the Crow Reserva- 74 74 74 74 74 74 21 INTRODUCTION THE LIFE AND WORKS OF EDWIN THOMPSON DENIG In North America the white man’s application of knowledge of Indian cultures to the solution of practical problems long antedated the development of ethnology as a profession. The first white men to seek knowledge of the Indian tribes of the Northern Great Plains were the fur traders. In order to gain a precarious foothold in that region, ‘to establish and expand their business, it was imperative that they obtain not only a working knowledge of the Indian languages but also a fund of reliable, useful information on the locations and num- bers of the several tribes and of their major subdivisions, their seasonal movements, their basic economies, forms of government, intertribal relations, methods of making war, and social customs. A few of the more intelligent traders recognized that the information they had gathered on these subjects would be of interest to others, even to people far removed from the Indian country. Much of our present knowledge of the cultures of the Northern Plains Indians prior to 1850 has been derived from the writings of these men. The names of several trader-writers readily come to mind—Pierre La Verendrye, Jean-Baptiste Trudeau, Pierre-Antoine Tabeau, Francois Larocque, Alexander Mackenzie, David Thompson, and the two Alexander Henrys. Each of these French or Canadian writers has made a substantial contribution to ethnology. The United States has pro- duced a single trader whose contributions to the ethnology of the Indian tribes of the Northern Plains are deserving of rank with those of the individuals mentioned. He was Edwin Thompson Denig. Edwin Thompson Denig was born in McConnellstown, Huntingdon County, Pa., March 10, 1812. He was the son of Dr. George Denig, a physician. The Denig family traced its descent from Herald Ericksen, a chieftain of the Danish island of Manoe in the North Sea. Although Denig’s writings show clearly that he was a man of better than average education for his time, nothing is known of his activities prior to his entrance into the fur trade at the age of 21. It is most probable that Alexander Culbertson, a native of nearby Chambers- burg, encouraged Denig to seek a career in the fur trade. Culbertson, 3 years Denig’s senior, had gained some experience in the trade on St. Peter’s River prior to visiting his family in Pennsylvania in the 5 MAR 1° 1953 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burn 151 summer of 1832. Denig joined Culbertson in the service of the American Fur Co. the following year. Records of that company, in the Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis, dated April 10, 1833, credit Edwin T. Denig with $400 for ‘Services ending 1 year from date.”’ It is noteworthy that Denig first traveled up the Missouri River in the same year, and possibly on the same steamboat, as did the noted German scientist-explorer, Maximilian, Prince of Wied-Neuwied, and Karl Bodmer, author and illustrator respectively of Travels in the Interior of North America, a work which for more than a century has been regarded as a basic source on the Indians of the Upper Missouri. For the German prince and his talented artist companion the trip offered an opportunity for a year’s adventure and observation in a strange and exciting environment. For Denig it marked the begin- ning of 23 years’ residence among the Indians of the Upper Missouri as a fur trader. Denig became one of many subordinates in the em- ploy of the American Fur Co. (which became Pratte, Chouteau & Co. in 1834, and continued under the firm name of Pierre Chouteau, Jr., & Co. after 1838). This was the principal firm engaged in the fur trade of the Upper Missouri. Its network of posts ranged upriver to the country of the Blackfoot near the Rockies and that of the Crow on the Yellowstone. Denig’s early years in the fur trade were spent in the country of the powerful Teton Dakota. On June 3, 1833, he wrote from Fort Pierre, the principal trading post in Teton country, ‘I will remain here this year’? (Denig-Sarpy letter, Missouri Hist. Soc.). Four letters from William Laidlaw, bourgeois of Fort Pierre, to Denig (in the same collections) indicate that Denig was in charge of a small winter trading house subordinate to Fort Pierre during the winter of 1834-35. This house seems to have been located on Cherry River, a tributary of the Cheyenne, some sixty or more miles northwest of Fort Pierre. In the spring of 1837, Denig held the position of post bookkeeper at Fort Union on the Missouri near the mouth of the Yellowstone (Larpenteur, 1898, vol. 1, p. 122). In a letter to Jacob Halsey at Fort Pierre, dated March 25, 1837 (in Missouri Hist. Soc.), Denig stated that he was well satisfied with his position and much preferred Union to Pierre. This letter also revealed that he had followed the custom of many white traders in that region in taking an Indian wife, and that he was the father of a boy. When smallpox reached Fort Union that summer Denig became infected but recovered ‘‘favorably”’ (Larpenteur, 1898, vol. 1, p. 132). Years later he wrote two accounts of the terrible ravages of that plague among the Assiniboin, based upon his first-hand knowledge of the circumstances (Denig, 1930, pp. 399-400; Denig Mss., Missouri Hist. Soc., pp. 99-100). peers noe: PAP: OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 7 When John James Audubon, the noted artist-naturalist, visited Fort Union in the summer of 1843, Denig cheerfully assisted him in collecting bird and mammal specimens and helped him to obtain the head of an Indian chief from a tree burial near the fort. Denig enlivened Audubon’s stay with stories of Indians and animals of the region. At the naturalist’s request he wrote a description of Fort Union which has been published in Audubon and His Journals, volume 2, pages 180-188. Dated July 30, 1843, this is the earliest known example of Denig’s descriptive writing. It is also the most detailed description of the construction and use of that most important Indian trading post on the Upper Missouri to be found in the litera- ture. Denig stated that he was then in charge of the office of the fur company at Fort Union, a position comparable to that of chief clerk. His old friend Alexander Culbertson was Fort Union’s bourgeois at that time. Charles Larpenteur, a fellow subordinate in the service of the com- pany, criticized Denig severely for his love of liquor, mentioning an occasion in January 1844, when Denig was unable to make a trip to Woody Mountain to trade for robes with the Cree and Chippewa because he had imbibed too freely (Larpenteur, 1898, vol. 1, pp. 162, 184-186). Drinking was common among field employees of the com- pany, forced to spend long, monotonous winters at isolated posts in the cold north country. Denig was no teetotaler. In a letter to Alexander Culbertson, dated December 1, 1849, he wrote, “I would also request as a great favor if you will bring me up a keg say 5 galls of good old Rye, to have the pleasure of drinking your health occa- sionally. I can hardly look upon myself as the infernal drunkard represented and presume as no accident happened to the 2 g'. keg of last spring, the 5 g'. keg will be equally safe.’ In the same letter Denig reported, ‘“‘Next year after the post has been thoroughly purged of all superfluities In a trade of 400 packs, I shall clear 6000$ if 500 packs are traded 9000$ will be the profit . . . you can assure yourself of my showing a neat Balance to our credit” (Letter in Missouri Hist. Soc.). This was the kind of report on Denig’s activities that the company preferred to take seriously. In the spring of 1847, Larpenteur (1898, vol. 1, p. 250) had referred to Denig as ‘the clerk at Fort Union.” Denig’s letter to Culbertson, quoted above, indicates that he was promoted to the position of bourgeois in charge of Fort Union before the winter of 1849-50. Fort Union not only was ‘‘the principal and handsomest trading post on the Missouri River,” as Denig himself termed it; it was also the company’s key point in its control of the Indian trade of the Upper Missouri. ‘There the Assiniboin, Plains Cree, some Crow, and Chip- 909871—53——2 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 151 pewa Indians traded. From Fort Union employees, trade goods and supplies were dispatched to the upriver Blackfoot and Crow posts, and to it came their returns of furs and skins in the spring for reship- ment downriver to St. Louis. No field employee of the company then held a more responsible position than did Denig, except for his friend Alexander Culbertson, who had been promoted to general supervisor of all the company’s posts on the Upper Missouri. Denig again rendered valuable services to naturalists during the winter of 1849-50. At the request of Alexander Culbertson, and with the assistance of Ferdinand Culbertson, Denig prepared skins and skulls of birds and mammals of the Upper Missouri for use in scientific study. On December 1, 1849, he wrote A. Culbertson: ‘I am pro- gressing with my specimens of animals for you as I have said I would & have already prepared the White Wolf, the Beavers, the War Eagle, the Caputi Argali or Antelopes head, and sundry other smaller mat- ters which will be in order to put into every museum you think propper” (Letter in Missouri Hist. Soc.). The following June Thad- deus Culbertson, Alexander’s brother, visited Fort Union. His Journal, under date of June 17, comments: ‘‘We were received very kindly by the gentlemen of the post, Mr. E. T. Denig and Ferdinand Culbertson. They showed me quite a good collection of stuffed skins made by them for Professor Baird, at the request of my brother. This must have cost them a great deal of labor and considerable expense, and they deserve many thanks from the students of natural history for whose benefit this collection was made”’ (Culbertson, 1851, p. 121). Thaddeus Culbertson brought back many, if not all, of these specimens for the collections of the Smithsonian Institution, which was then only in the fourth year of its existence. The earliest accession book of the division of mammals of the United States National Museum records specimens from Fort Union received from “RH. T. Denig and A. Culbertson.” A few of them are specifically indicated as ‘‘Prepared by Denig.’’ Several other specimens, listed as collected by Thaddeus Culbertson at Fort Union, may have been prepared by Denig also. In toto these specimens include skins of the wolverine, plains wolf, lynx, beaver, mountain sheep, antelope, white- tailed jack rabbit, and grizzly bear; the head of a bison; and skulls of elk, mule deer, and bison. Thus in 1850 the Smithsonian Institution acquired an extensive representation of the mammals of the Upper Missouri as a direct result of the interest and labors of Denig and the Culbertsons. Father Pierre Jean De Smet, noted missionary to the Indians of the Northwest, spent more than 2 weeks at Fort Union in the summer of 1851. He found in Denig a man who knew the Upper Missouri tribes well and who was sympathetic toward them. Between the famous ANTHRO. Par. «OF ‘THE CROW NATION—DENIG 9 Catholic priest and Denig, who was Swedenborgian in his beliefs, a firm friendship developed that endured for the remainder of Denig’s life. It is likely that during this visit to Fort Union De Smet en- couraged Denig to write for him a number of sketches of the manners and customs of the Assiniboin and neighboring tribes. Apparently Denig lost little time in initiating the project, for in September of the same year Kurz observed that Denig was recording “stories” of “Indian legends and usages” for ““Pére De Smet”’ (Kurz, 1937, p. 133). We may never know the full extent of Denig’s writings for Father DeSmet. However, it is possible to trace some of them with precision through the published correspondence of the priest. De Smet ex- pressed his “gratitude for the manuscript you have had the kindness to prepare for me, and which [ shall be most glad to receive and peruse,” in a letter to Denig written in May 1852. By the next fall the priest had received the manuscript. On September 30 he wrote thanking Denig profusely for “your very interesting series of narra- tives . . . I have read the present series with absorbing attention and growing interest. My imagination has often carried me back to scenes long familiar to my experience and to others of a general and kindred nature which your pen has so well portrayed, in your valuable descriptions of their religious opinion, of their great buffalo hunt, their war expeditions, and in the histories of old Gauche and of the family of Gros Frangois’”’ (Chittenden and Richardson, 1905, vol. 4, pp. 1215-1216, 1482). Father De Smet incorporated much of Denig’s information in a series of letters to Father Terwecoren, editor of the Précis Historiques, Brussels, Belgium. These letters were reprinted in English in the book ‘‘Western Missions and Missionaries: A Series of Letters by Rev. P. J. De Smet,” published in New York City in 1863. Letters X through XIII, comprising pages 134-205 of that volume, deal in turn with ‘Religious Opinions of the Assiniboins,” ‘‘Indian Hunts,”’ “Indian Warfare,” and ‘‘Tchatka”’ (a biographical sketch of old Gauche). In the thirteenth letter, Father De Smet acknowledged his debt to Denig. “I cite the authority of Mr. Denig, an intimate friend, and a man of high probity, from whom I have received all the information that I have offered you concerning the Assiniboins, and who resided among them during twenty-two years.” Denig’s account of the family of Le Gros Frangois (acknowledged in the priest’s letter of September 30, 1852, quoted above) was not published in De Smet’s lifetime. Father De Smet recorded the story in longhand in the Linton Album, from which source it was obtained for publica- tion in Chittenden and Richardson’s Life, Letters, and Travels of Father Pierre Jean De Smet (1905, vol. 3, pp. 118-124). Rudolph Kurz, a young Swiss artist, possessed of a burning desire 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 to sketch and paint wild Indians in their home environment, spent 7 months at Fort Union, from September 4, 1851, to April 11, 1852. The Journal of Rudolph Friederich Kurz, published by the Bureau of American Ethnology in 1937, contains a vivid account of life at Fort Union during that period. Frequent references to Denig in this journal provide an insight into his character that cannot be found in Denig’s own, very impersonal writings. Before his arrival at Fort Union, Denig had been represented to Kurz by a former, dissatisfied employee as a “hard man, liked by no- body . . . keeps two Indian wives . . . squanders all he has on them; begrudges anything paid the employees, oppresses the engagees with too much work, is never satisfied, etc.”” (Kurz, 1937, p. 101). On first meeting Denig, Kurz described him as— a small, hard featured man wearing a straw hat, the brim of which was turned back . . . He impressed me as a very prosy fellow. He stopped Bellange [Kurz’ traveling companion from Fort Berthold to Union] short, just as the latter was beginning a long story he wished to tell; on the other hand, he ordered supper delayed on our account that we might have a better and more plentiful meal. A bell summoned me to the first table with Mr. Denig and the clerks. My eyes almost ran over with tears! There was chocolate, milk, butter, omelet, fresh meat, hot bread—what a magnificent spread! I changed my opinion at once concerning this new chief; a hard, niggardly person could not have reconciled him- self to such a hospitable reception in behalf of a subordinate who was a total stranger to him. [Kurz, 1937, p. 120.] It is apparent, however, from Kurz’ later observations, that Denig exercised an authority over his men that would have been the admira- tion of his seafaring Danish ancestors. Denig’s crew of some 50 men included workmen of a score of nationalities, many of whom were neither skilled nor ambitious. He kept them “strictly under his thumb.” When they worked satisfactorily he offered some diversion for all of them. If they shirked, he limited their victuals. He ex- pected his clerks, as good petty officers, to give him moral and, if need be, physical support in handling his men. He insisted on econ- omy and efficiency on the part of his clerks to keep the overhead at a minimum. Kurz observed that Denig had risen to his position of command as a result of “his commercial knowledge, his shrewdness, and his courage at the posts where he was earlier employed” (Kurz, 1937, p. 123). As a successful trader he also had to gain and hold the friendship of the Indians. Kurz learned that Denig had ‘“‘made a thorough study of Indian life—a distinct advantage to him in trade” (Kurz, 1937, p. 126). But it was not enough for him to know the Indian languages, their manners, and customs. He must conduct himself in such a way as to win their respect. Denig believed most Indians esteemed white men for those talents they did not possess themselves; that though he Se is OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 11 had a keen eye and was a sure shot, the Indians would never admire him for his hunting ability. He thought white men who adopted Indian dress and tried to follow Indian customs only succeeded in degrading themselves in the eyes of the Indians. Although Denig had two Indian wives, he encouraged them to live as much like white women as was possible in the Indian country. Records of Denig’s purchases from the company (in the Missouri Hist. Soc.) tell of his importation of fine clothes for his wives and children, fancy foods for his table, candy and toys for his children. He kept up with the news and thought of the day by reading newspapers and books on philos- ophy and religion brought upriver from St. Louis. Edwin T. Denig was far removed from the crude hunter-trapper-trader stereotype of fiction. His way of life undoubtedly helped him to maintain the high degree of objectivity toward Indian cultures evidenced in his writings. In his long conversations with Kurz, recorded in the latter’s Journal, Denig revealed a very limited appreciation of art, but a lively interest in religion and morals, about which he expressed very definite opinions. One evening Denig came round to the subject of love. ‘‘Love—damn the word !—is a madness in the brain; a contagious disease, like small- pox or measles. I would rather have a dose of epsom salts than to recall the folly of first love—pure love. If it is not stopped, that lunacy makes one ridiculous, childish, ashamed of himself.” Kurz, a confirmed romanticist, probably swallowed hard before adding the following sentence to his diary. ‘“There is always something true and worth while in what he says, only he expresses himself in strong language” (Kurz, 1937, p. 180). Much of their conversation concerned the Indians in whom both men were interested. Denig enjoyed telling the young artist stories of his experiences among the Indians, of Indian customs and personal- ities. Denig also read to Kurz from the manuscript he was preparing for Father De Smet and told him of his concern for the future of the Indians. Denig went out of his way to give Kurz opportunities to meet Indian chiefs and outstanding warriors who visited the fort, to attend councils he held with these Indian leaders, to obtain Indian artifacts and animal specimens for his collections, and to study the wildlife of the plains in the field. Denig seemed to have been as eager to help this unknown Swiss artist.as he had been to aid the famous Audubon and Father De Smet. In the middle of the century Henry R. Schoolcraft, of the Office of Indian Affairs in Washington, was busy collecting information on the Indians of the United States for historical, anthropological, and administrative purposes. To students of the Indians and to indi- viduals who had traveled extensively or lived in the Indian country 12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buin 151 he sent copies of a printed circular of ‘Inquiries Respecting the His- tory, Present Condition, and Future Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States.’”? One of these circulars reached Denig at Fort Union. Cooperative, as he had always been in furnishing information about Indians to earnest inquirers, Denig systematically set about assembling data for Schoolcraft. He submitted an Assiniboin vocab- ulary of more than 400 words which Schoolcraft published (1854) in the fourth volume (pp. 416-422) of his imposing six-volume compila- tion, ‘‘Historical and Statistical Information Respecting the History, Condition and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States.” Eight years later F. V. Hayden referrcd to this as “the most important vocabulary of the language’”’ of the Assiniboin “‘prepared by Mr. E. T. Denig, an intelligent trader’? (Hayden, 1862, p. 381). Denig also painstakingly prepared answers to the 348 questions regarding Indian cultures asked in Schoolcraft’s circular. His reply was made in the form of a ‘“‘Report to Hon. Isaac I. Stevens, Governor of Washington Territory, on the Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri, by Edwin Thompson Denig.” This was a manuscript of 451 pages. In his letter of transmittal Denig gave an indication of his research methods. He had not been content merely to draw upon his knowl- edge of the Indians obtained through long association with and obser- vation of them. He had pursued ‘the different subjects . . .in company with the Indians for an entire year, until satisfactory answers had been obtained and their motives of speech or action well understood before placing the same as a guide and instruction to others.’”’ Internal evidence in the manuscript itself and a statement in the letter of transmittal to Governor Stevens referring to the author’s ‘constant residence of 21 years among the prairie tribes” attest that the manuscript was completed in 1854. This report remained in manuscript form for 76 years. It was published in the Forty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology in 1930. Although, as its published title (Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri) implies, the work was intended to cover all the tribes of the region from the Dakota to the Crow and Blackfoot, the wealth of detailed information presented refers primarily to the Assiniboin. Much of the material on the other tribes takes the form of brief comparative statements. As it stands, Denig’s Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri certainly is the most detailed and important descrip- tion of Assiniboin Indian culture in midnineteenth-century buffalo days known to ethnology. By 1854, Denig had resided continuously in the Indian country for 21 years, except for one brief visit to his relatives in the States in the summer of 1845. His diligence and ability had brought him success as a fur trader. He held partnership in the company, receiving one ee tea OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 13 twenty-fourth of its profits from the trade. Yet in a letter to Bishop Miege, written September 1, 1854, he revealed his intention ‘‘to leave this country in a year or two” (Letter in Archives of Missouri Province Educational Institute, St. Louis). This decision was based primarily on his consideration for the welfare of his children. There were no schools in the Upper Missouri country. Denig had sent his eldest son, Robert, to Chicago to be educated (Kurz, 1937, p. 136). But he now had three other children to be considered—Sarah (born August 10, 1844), Alexander (born May 17, 1852), and Ida (born August 22, 1854). In the summer of 1855, Denig took his Assiniboin wife, Deer Little Woman, and his mixed-blood children to visit his brother, Augustus, in Columbus, Ohio. In St. Louis en route Denig and Deer Little Woman were formally married by Father Daemen. Their children were baptized while in that city. Denig’s daughter Sarah recalled that the family found the climate in Columbus too warm for them. Otherwise they might have settled there. Instead they returned to Fort Union by a roundabout route, traveling from St. Louis to St. Paul and the Red River Settlement of present Manitoba by horse and wagon. Throughout this journey Denig was searching for a suitable future home for his family. The party reached Fort Union on November 28, 1855, after a wagon trip of nearly 3 months’ duration. Much of the route passed through unsettled Indian country (Montana Hist. Soc. Contr., vol. 10, p. 151, 1940). The Denigs spent the winter at Fort Union. In the middle of the following summer the family moved to the Red River Settlement in Canada. Denig received a payment from P. Chouteau, Jr., & Co. at Fort Union on July 13, 1856 (Company Records in Missouri Hist. Soc.). His will, dated September 12, 1856, at Red River Settlement, Red River of the North, must have been drawn up shortly after the family’s arrival there. Very little is known of Denig’s life in Canada during the next 4 years. He placed Sarah and Alexander in Catholic schools. He is said to have ‘‘established himself as a private trader on the White Horse Plains west of the present city of Winnipeg” (Vickers, 1948, p. 136). His friend De Smet wrote him January 13, 1858, “I rejoice greatly at your success and in the welfare of your children” (Chittenden and Richardson, 1905, vol. 4, p. 1499). Late in the summer of 1858, Edwin T. Denig was stricken with an inflammation. His daughter Sarah believed it was appendicitis. He died on the White Horse Plains, September 4, 1858, and was buried in the Anglican cemetery near the present village of Headingly, Manitoba (Vickers, 1948, p. 136). He was only 46 years of age at the time of his death. Edwin T. Denig’s close friend and long-time colleague in the fur 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 151 trade of the Upper Missouri, Alexander Culbertson, survived Denig by 21 years. Prior to 1936, the Missouri Historical Society of St. Louis purchased from A. C. Roberts, of Spokane, Wash., a collection of manuscript materials dealing with several Indian tribes of the Upper Missouri. Mr. Roberts stated that this collection had been in the possession of his recently deceased mother, Julia Culbertson Roberts, who in turn received it from her father, Alexander Culbertson. The writings bore internal evidence of composition in 1855 and 1856, but their authorship was not known. In the archives of the Missouri Historical Society this material became known as the Culbertson manuscript. Early in February 1949, this editor saw and read parts of the Cul- bertson manuscript in the Missouri Historical Society. He was impressed with its historical and ethnological significance. It appeared to him that the author’s style, as well as some of the specific informa- tion in the manuscript, resembled closely that of Edwin T. Denig’s published work, Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri. Upon request, the Bureau of American Ethnology kindly furnished this editor an example of Denig’s known handwriting in the form of photographs of his handwritten will, executed September 12, 1856, which he was able to compare with the writing in the Missouri Historical Society manuscript early in March of the same year. Similarities between the handwriting of the two documents appeared so marked as to justify obtaining the opinion of handwriting experts. Accordingly, photostats of pages of the manuscript together with photographs of the will were submitted to the Federal Bureau of Investigation. On April 15, 1949, handwriting experts of the FBI Laboratory, Washington, D. C., reported their conclusion that the handwriting of the two documents was by the same individual. Thus, nearly a century after it was written, an important Denig manuscript was discovered. This Denig manuscript comprises a portion of the text for a book of extensive proportions. The manuscript is in two parts. Although the pages of one part are numbered 1 to 153 in pencil, pages 61 to 92 are missing. Present are chapter 1 (pp. 1-10), comprising the author’s introduction; chapters 2 and 3 (pp. 11-44) entitled ‘‘Of the Sioux’’; chapter 4 (pp. 45-59) entitled ‘“‘Of the Arickaras’’; the latter and undoubtedly the greater part of chapter 6 (pp. 93-120), comprising a description of the Assiniboin; and chapters 7 and 8 (pp. 121-153) entitled ‘Of the Crees or Knisteneau.’’ It is probable that the missing chapter 5 described the Mandan and/or Hidatsa. The second part entitled “Of the Crow Nation” is separately paged (pp. 1-75). How- ever, there can be little doubt that this was intended as a later chapter in the same book. coe ee OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 15 In his opening chapter Denig clearly states the purpose of his book: It would be well for the public if everyone who undertook to write a book was thoroughly acquainted with the subject of which he treats, but unfortunately this is not the case—authors spring up everywhere, and the community is saddled with an immense effusion of literature, the greater part of which when divested of the writer’s own fancies and feelings, and submitted to the test of truth and experi- ence, amounts to nothing. This is particularly the case in most of the works pur- porting to describe the actual life and intellectual capacity of the Indians of North America; much evil has been the consequence of error thus introduced, bad feelings engendered, and unwise legislation enforced, which will continue until our rulers are enlightened as to the real state of their Government, character, organization, manners and customs, and social position. Most information extant on these heads has been published by transient visitors amongst the tribes, travelers through a portion of their country, or collected from rude and half-civilized inter- preters whose knowledge is but a degree in advance of their savage parents, and also impose upon their credulous hearers tales of fiction mingled with some cere- monies; which with a hastily collected and ill-digested mass of information form the basis of works by which the public are deceived as to the real state of the Indians. Even foreigners who have possibly passed a winter at some of the trading posts in the country, seen an Indian dance or two or a buffalo chase, return home, enlighten Europe if not America with regard to Indian character; which is only the product of their own brains and takes its color from the peculiar nature of that organ. Hence we find two sets of writers both equally wrong, one setting forth the Indians as a noble, generous, and chivalrous race far above the standard of Europeans, the other representing them below the level of the brute creation. People cannot form an opinion in this way—a correct knowledge of any nation, and more particularly of a savage one, must be and only is attained by being as it were raised in their camps, entering into their feelings and occupations, understanding their language, studying their minds and motives, and being thoroughly acquainted with their government, customs, and capacities. Of the few traders who reside in the Upper Missouri territory, but a small portion have had the advantage of education, and these are so variously and con- stantly occupied as not to be disposed to apply their talents to writing histories, indeed it has been their policy to keep people in ignorance as to the trade and real disposition of the Indians, thereby preventing competition and discouraging visitors, both of which greatly militate against their interests. Neither do the gentlemen at the head of the Indian trade desire on all occasions to advance their opinions to persons who cannot, or will not, appreciate them.—Truth, though mighty, will not at all times prevail, although stranger than fiction, cannot be realized. The strange sights and occurrences incident to the country, be they ever so truthfully described, are rejected by previously formed opinion, and the narrator stigmatized, even in the mildest language he could expect, as a teller of strange stories. The author of these pages feels this in the commencement but cares little about it, having set out with the determination to present facts in as true a light as his powers admit, and with the experience of 22 years amongst the Indians, speaking their language, and having been placed in every possible position that men can be amongst them, presumes his opinions are entitled to respect. Denig’s first concern seems to have been with setting the record straight regarding the ethnology of the Upper Missouri tribes. He does not name those individuals who were the objects of his caustic jibes in the first paragraph quoted above. There can be little doubt, 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 however, that they were aimed primarily at George Catlin and Prince Maximilian, whose books, published a decade earlier, had gained wide circulation. Doubtless Denig was familiar with them. Indian-loving Catlin had spent 86 days on the Upper Missouri from Fort Pierre northward in the summer of 1832. Maximilian passed the greater part of a year on the Upper Missouri in 1833-34, wintering among the Mandan. In his criticism of those writers Denig revealed the com- mon disdain of the old hand for the greenhorn. In the case of Maxi- milian, certainly, this strong criticism does not appear to be justified. In the letter of transmittal accompanying his Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri, Denig had expressed his dissatisfaction with his organization of that report, due to the limitations imposed upon it by the nature of the questions asked by Schoolcraft and which he attempted to answer (Denig, 1930, p. 393). In his book he sought to remedy that defect by adopting a new, carefully planned organization of his data. He explained this plan in his introductory chapter as follows: The plan intended to be pursued in these pages, that the reader may under- stand the different traits of Indian character without difficulty or confusion, is, first, to give a short history of each tribe, its geographical position and other peculiarities; after which an inquiry will be instituted into their government, condition, manners, and customs as a body. Most customs and opinions are com- mon to all the tribes, but wherever any great difference is observable, or marked traits to be noticed, they will be found in the compendiums of their separate histories. This is necessary to avoid the constant repetition that would follow if detailed accounts of each tribe were presented. The Indians of the Upper Missouri territory may be divided into two classes, the roving and the stationary tribes—the former comprising the Sioux, Crows, Assiniboines, Crees, and Blackfeet, the latter, the Grosventres, Mandans, and Arikaras. My object is to show the state of these Indians in former times, what their present condition and what circumstances have tended toward their general advancement or decline; and after a general and minute research into all their motives, acts, religion, government, and ceremonies, conclude with a history of the American fur trade embodying many statements of various matters incident to the lives of trappers and traders. This was an ambitious program of research and writing. Doubtless Denig was unable to complete it before his death. Certainly the manuscript in the Missouri Historical Society contains no descriptions of the Blackfoot, Grosventres (Hidatsa), or Mandan; no general description of the common factors in the cultures of the Upper Missouri tribes; and no history of the fur trade such as he promised in his introductory chapter. If Denig wrote chapters dealing with all or any of these topics those portions of his manuscript either have been destroyed or their present locations are not known. Charles van Ravenswaay, director of the Missouri Historical Society, has kindly permitted this editor to make a typed copy of wale OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 17 the entire manuscript in the collections of that Society. Selected chapters have been and are being edited for publication by the Missouri Historical Society. Mr. van Ravenswaay has granted per- mission to the Smithsonian Institution to publish Denig’s description of the Crow Indians. “Of the Crow Nation,” from internal evidence, was written in the winter of 1856. It is the last known writing by Edwin T. Denig in the field of ethnology. In accordance with the plan for his volume, Denig did not intend this as a detailed description of Crow culture. Rather it stresses those aspects of the history and culture of that tribe that were unique or more highly specialized among the Crow than among neighboring tribes. The sources of Denig’s information on the Crow are not revealed in his writings. We do not know the extent to which Denig traveled in Crow country. It is certain, however, that he met fractions of that tribe repeatedly over a period of two decades when they came to trade at Fort Union. Undoubtedly he also received considerable information on the Crow from Robert Meldrum and other employees of Pierre Chouteau, Jr., & Co., who had lived many years with the Crow as traders. Denig’s frequent errors in dating events suggest that he wrote from memory rather than from a journal or diary maintained over the years, and that he had a poor memory for dates. Some of the events he described may have become somewhat distorted through years of verbal retelling prior to the time he first recorded them in writing. Denig was not an infallible authority. However, he was an objective observer of the Indian tribes of his acquaintance. His long experience among the Indians enabled him to distinguish significant differences as well as basic similarities among neighboring tribes of the same culture area. He knew Indians well enough to view them as human beings rather than noble redskins or inhuman brutes. In “Of the Crow Nation” Denig has written one of the most valuable descriptions of Crow Indian culture in nineteenth-century buffalo days known to ethnology. In many respects this account substantiates and elaborates previously published descriptions of that tribe. It also contains significant data on Crow history, biography, and culture that cannot be found in any other source. To experienced students of the Indians of the Northern Plains the opening pages of “Of the Crow Nation” should have a familiar ring. They have been published, but not under Denig’s name. In 1862, the noted geologist, F. V. Hayden, published “On the Ethnography and Philology of the Indian Tribes of the Upper Missouri.’”’ In the introduction to that work Hayden stated: In all my researches in the Northwest, most important aid has been rendered to me by different members of the American Fur Company. All their stores of 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {BULL 151 knowledge of Indian life, language, and character, which they had acquired by years of intercourse with the different tribes, were freely imparted to me, only a small portion of which is given in the following pages. I am especially indebted to Mr. Alexander Culbertson, the well-known agent of the American Fur Com- pany, who has spent thirty years of his life among the wild tribes of the North- west, and speaks several of their languages with great ease. To Mr. Andrew Dawson, Superintendent of Fort Union, Mr. Charles E. Galpin, of Fort Pierre, and E. T. Denig, of Fort Union, Iam under great obligations for assistance freely granted at all times. [Hayden, 1862, p. 234.] Inclusion of Denig’s name in this list is no true measure of Hayden’s obligation to him. Page after page of Hayden’s descriptions of the Sioux, Arikara, Assiniboin, Plains Cree, and Crow tribes are nearly verbatim renderings of portions of the Denig manuscript in the Missouri Historical Society. It seems most probable that Alexander Culbertson either lent Hayden this manuscript or provided him with an exact copy of it after Denig’s death. This may account for Hayden’s emphasis on his debt to Culbertson. In justice to Denig we should now recognize that he was the author of a very large portion of the descriptive material in Hayden’s publication. Hayden’s entire description of the Crow, comprising pages 391-394 of his 1862 work, is but an edited version of the early pages of Denig’s ‘‘Of the Crow Nation.” At the conclusion of that description Hayden wrote: I have before me the materials for an extended sketch of the manners and customs, together with biographical sketches of the principal chiefs of this tribe, but, as they will doubtless appear in a future work now in course of preparation, I shall close with a brief notice of the different vocabularies of the Crow language which have been published from time to time. [Hayden, 1862, p. 394.] There can be little doubt that the ‘‘materials’’ Hayden referred to was Denig’s mauscript, ‘“‘Of the Crow Nation.” It is here published in full for the first time.* The sectional subtitles have been supplied by the editor for the convenience of the reader. Joun C. Ewers. *The editor is grateful to Mrs. Frances R. Biese, Archivist, Missouri Historical Society, for her kind assistance in locating pertinent data on Denig’s life on the Upper Missouri, 1833-56, in the correspondence and records of the American Fur Co. and its successors in the library of that Society. He is indebted to Robert L. Denig, Brigadier General United States Marine Corps (Retired), of Virginia Beach, Va., for the opportunity to read letters from Denig’s daughters regarding events of the last 3 years of his life; and to Father Louis J. Hanlon, S. J., Missouri Province Educational Institute, St. Louis, for furnishing a photo- static copy of Denig’s letter to Bishop Miege in the archives of that institute. It was Chris Vickers, of Baldur, Manitoba, who furnished the Bureau of American Ethnology a photostatic copy of Denig’s original will which aided the identification of the authorship of the Denig manuscript. “OF THE CROW NATION” By Epwin THompson Denia CROW RELATIONSHIP TO THE HIDATSA These people were once a part of the Minnetarees or Gros Ventres, with whose history the reader has already been made acquainted.! They resided with them, they say, at different places along the banks of the Missouri, where the remains of dirt villages are still to be found. But about 80 years since a quarrel arose which divided them. The cause of the division was this. The nation was governed by two factions each headed by a separate chief, both of whom were desperate men, and nearly equal in the number of their followers. Jealous of each other and striving after supreme command, many difficulties and differences arose from time to time, ’tho they never had proceeded to extremes on these occasions, there being always a sufficient number of wise heads and good hearts to quell such disturbances. But this course of things could not possibly last. Therefore, at a hunt where both chiefs were present with their followers, and a great many buffalo had been killed, the wives of the two leaders quarreled about the manifolds or upper stomach of one of the cows. From words they came to blows, from blows to knives, in which scuffle one of the women killed the other. The relations on both sides took part. The nation armed, each headed by one of the above-named chiefs, anda sharp skirmish ensued in which several were killed on both sides. The re- sult was that about one-half left those on the Missouri and migrated to the Rocky Mountains, through which wild and extensive region ® 1 There is no chapter on the Hidatsa in the Denig manuscript in the Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis. Denig’s description of the Hidatsa may have appeared on some of the pages missing from the man- uscript. 19 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 151 they continue to rove.? Why they are called Crows we cannot say. The word Ap sar roo kai, which is the name they give themselves in their own language, does not mean a crow more than any other kind of bird, the interpretation being simply anything that flies? The language of the Crows has undergone some change since their separa- tion from the Gros Ventres, though enough resemblance remains to identify them as the same people. They have little or no difficulty in conversing with each other. This difference of dialect may arise from association with surrounding nations and incorporating some of their words into their own language.* DESCRIPTION OF THE CROW COUNTRY The country usually inhabited by them is through the Rocky Mountains, along the heads of Powder River, Wind River, and Big Horn, on the south side of the Yellowstone, as far as Laramie’s Fork on the River Platte. They also are frequently found on the west and north side of that river as far as the head of Muscleshell River, and as 2 Lowie has pointed out that ‘the alleged reason for the secession occurs among the traditions of other tribes and cannot be uncritically accepted as historical’ (Lowie, 1912, p. 183). Denig’s dating of this sep- aration, as published by Hayden (1862, p. 391), has been credited to the latter by more recent writers. Now we know this dating originated in the writing of a man who had far greater knowledge of the ethnohistory of the Northern Plains Indians than did Hayden. Mere separation from the Hidatsa does not explain Crow abandonment of the semisedentary life typical of the Missouri River horticulturalists in favor of the nomadic-hunting existence characteristic of this tribe when first described in some detail by the fur trader Francois Larocque in 1805. It seems most probable that this Crow cultural transition was part of a more widespread movement that witnessed a similar change in the culture of the Arapaho and Cheyenne, and that it followed the introduction of horses into the area northeast of the Black Hills in the first half, and probably during the second quarter of the eighteenth century. If Crow separation from the Hidatsa took place after horses were introduced, Denig’s dating may not be much too late. Lt. Bradley, in an in- dependent study of the Crow in 1876, concluded that this separation ‘‘occurred not later than 1775, and possibly a few years earlier” (Bradley, 1896, vol. 2, p. 179). However, Washington Mathews, on the basis of Hidatsa tradition, estimated in 1877 that the separation occurred ‘‘doubtlessly, more than one hundred, and probably not less than two hundred years ago” (Mathews, 1877, p. 39). As one of several possible interpretations of the Hagen site, near Glendive, Mont., where scapula digging tools, pottery, and a single earth-lodge site were found, Mulloy has suggested its occupation by the Crow in process of transition from a horticultural to a hunting economy (Mulloy, 1942, pp. 99-102). 8 The earliest mention of the Crow by that name appears in the journal of the fur trader, Jean Baptiste Trudeau, among the Arikara Indians in 1795. ‘‘A war party of the Ricaras arrived on the fifth of June with the scalp of a man of the Crow Nation, a people who live near the Rocky Mountains” (Trudeau, 1912, p. 22). Trudeau also learned that ‘‘a Canadian, named Menard, who, for sixteen years has made his home with the Mandan . . . has been several times among the nation of the Crows in company with the Gros Ventres [Hidatsa]’’ (Trudeau, 1921, p. 175). 4 The affinity of the Crow and Hidatsa languages was recognized by fur traders in the first decade of the nineteenth century. In 1805 Larocque noted close resemblances between these languages and listed a comparative Hidatsa-Crow vocabulary of 21 words to illustrate the point (Larocque, 1910, pp. 68-69). In the next year Alexander Henry wrote, ‘“‘Thelanguageof the Crowsis nearly the same as the Big Bellies” (Henry and Thompson, 1897, vol. 2, p. 399). Mathes (1877, p. 39) suggested that even in the period when the Crows lived in close proximity to the Hidatsa they may have spoken a slightly different dialect from the latter. fa OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 21 low down as the mouth of the Yellowstone.2 That portion of their country lying east of the mountains is perhaps the best game country in the world. From the base of the mountains to the mouth of the Yellowstone buffalo are always to be found in immense herds. Along that river elk may be seen in droves of several hundred at a time, also large bands of deer both of black-tailed and white-tailed species.? An- telope cover the prairies, and in the badlands near the mountains are found in great plenty bighorn sheep and grizzly bear. Every creek and river teems with beaver, and good fish and fowl can be had at any stream in the proper season. “s ‘, CANADA a i. te On anew e Pae! a. rial» O g 7 eh A satiate. er tice * “FT. M° KENZIE® = 1 Lane ' (1832-1844) ae A i oe’ © 2 i < oo vv bay * + vv v ae a @ at pote i : zl Ane mNee CROW COUNTRY 1855 O SOUTH PASS N & 00 SCALE IN MILES CHEYENNE, Map 1.—The Crow country, 1855. The once almost fabulous country of the Rocky Mountains is now so well known as scarcely to need description. The scenery of the dis- trict now under consideration does not materially differ from that in other parts of their range. The same high, stony peaks and eternal 5 While at the Crow camp on an island in the Yellowstone River a few miles east of present Billings, Mont., September 14, 1805, Larocque recorded the earliest known definition of Crow territory. “They told me that in winter they were always to be found at a Park by the foot of the Mountain a few miles from this or thereabouts. In the spring and fall they are upon this River and in summer upon the Tongue and Horses River” (Larocque, 1910, p. 45). ‘Horses River’? is present Pryor Creek. Today the Crow Reservation lies within the area occupied by the Crow a century and a half ago. Figure 1 of this publica- tion shows the Crow country at the time of Denig’s writing, as defined by the Fort Laramie Treaty of 1851, and confirmed in its northern limits by the Blackfoot Treaty of 1855. 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buin. 151 snows are seen, intersected with fertile valleys and rich land. Most -of the rivers whose sources are in these mountains are clear, rapid streams formed from springs which widen into lakes of different sizes according to the nature of the obstruction the water meets with in its descent. In their course through the valleys some of them assume a muddy appearance caused by the falling in of alluvial soil. The spaces between the spurs of the mountains are well covered with rich, grassy field flowers, shrubs, and trees, presenting many beautiful landscapes well worth the painter’s pencil. The high ranges of mountains appear to consist of three different portions. From the base, one-third the distance up is well covered with tall pines, pop- lars, and other trees of large growth. This part of the ascent is also varied by occasional level places well clothed with verdure. The middle or second third is composed of gigantic rocks piled one on the other, often overhanging in such a manner as to present a frightful appearance to the travelers below. Through these rocks stunted cedars and pines, with other shrubs and vines, push their way, taking root where apparently there is no earth. At the end of this part vegetation ceases, and snow commences which continues to the sum- mit. This snow is perpetual, ’tho part of it melts annually, which loss is supplied the ensuing winter. Yet it is presumed no thaw takes place on the summit, but on the sides some distance down. When the snow accumulates on the projections so as to lose its balance it is precipitated below in the form of avalanches something like those of the Alps, taking on its way large rocks and increasing in size as it goes along. ‘Trees give way before it until it finds rest in the lower places where it aids to form the sources of rivers. Snow slides are also com- mon by which piles of snow miles in extent are detached and force their way into the valleys or at least as far as the thickly timbered section. Many parts of these mountains along Powder River and the Big Horn appear to have undergone volcanic action. Pummice stone and different rocks in a state of fusion can be picked up. There are also large towers of melted sand 20 or 30 feet high, some of which can be met with in the valleys isolated from any rock, and surrounded by green prairie for miles every way. Other ridges of hills seem to have been entirely calcined, convulsed by some eruption, after which the rain has washed them into that grotesque appearance known as Mauvaise Terre [sic], which has already been referred to in treating of the Sioux district. Some of the springs near the head of the Yellow- stone are bituminous, sending forth a substance like tar, which is in- flammable. Others are sulfurous, and one or two boiling. The water in the last is hot enough to cook meat well enough to fit it to be eaten. The Indians describe others to be of a poisonous nature to animals, ’tho the same water is said not to affect the human species. Many Rees OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 23 beautiful specimens of petrified marine shells, fish, snakes, and wood are to be found along the banks of the Yellowstone and its tributaries, even some distance in the interior. Some of these do not belong to any known living animals of the kind in this country, which would seem to prove that these mountains have at a former period been submarine. Most of the tributaries of the Yellowstone are well wooded; ’tho that river is only well timbered about one-third the distance from its conflux to the base of the mountains, where the pine growth com- mences, the lower part being altogether cottonwood and the points getting larger from the mouth of Powder River to its junction with the Missouri. The soil is good along the valley of the Yellowstone from the mouth to the Big Horn. Indeed most of the valleys near the mountains through which streams run are fit for tilling purposes, ’tho the want of timber in the interior would always prove a bar to the country’s ever being thickly settled by an agricultural population. The Yellowstone, like the Missouri, rises to its full every spring, owing to the melting of the snow on the lower parts of the mountains. This rise usually comes on about the middle of May and continues till the middle of June, when it commences falling unless kept up by heavy rains. During this high stage of water steamers of light draft might navigate it to the first rapids which are about 150 miles from the mouth. The ice commonly gives way about the first of April, and when broken up suddenly by pressure of water from the mountains, it forms dams quite across the valley raising the water 50 or 60 feet and inundating the neighboring country. ‘The Crow Indians are greatly in fear of the water on these occasions, and suffer severely when taken unaware. The writer was eyewitness to one of these breakings up early in the month of February. About 130 lodges of Crows were encamped on the bank of the Yellowstone where the valley is 3 miles wide to the nearest hills. The water came down upon them in the night so suddenly that they barely escaped with their lives by running to the hills. But the land near the bluffs is lower than that on the bank of the stream, consequently in running that way they encountered water, wading and swimming through it carrying their children. They lost their whole winter’s hunt, besides nearly all their arms, ammuni- tion, and other property. When the water fell it left immense quanti- ties of ice piled up around their lodges, which were dug out with great difficulty. Their entire loss on this occasion could not be much less than 10 or 12 thousand dollars’ worth of merchandise. A few years ago the American Fur Co.’s fort at the mouth of the Big Horn was inundated in the same way, and a great deal of merchandise and peltries destroyed. This river is, when high, very rapid and dangerous to navigate on account of the rocks, snags, and other obstructions. 909871—_52——_3 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {BULL 151 Mackinaw boats descend it, but every year furs are lost and men are drowned. POPULATIONZAND_ MAJOR: DIVISIONS The Crow Indians live in skin lodges like the rest of the migratory tribes. They were formerly about 800 lodges or families, but from the usual causes of diminution, sickness, and war, are now reduced to 460 lodges. These are separated into several bands each governed by a chief, and occupying different parts of their territory.6 Their present range and divisions are nearly as follows. That band headed by ‘“The Big Robber” usually make their winter hunt on the head of Powder River, and of late years take their furs and buffalo robes to the trading houses along the River Platte in the spring; from which they obtain supplies to continue their operations, and move back to winter quarters early in the fall.?/ Another portion, led by “Two Face,” is the largest band of the Crows, consisting of about 200 lodges.2 These generally move about through Wind River Mountains and deal with the American Fur Co.’s traders located up the Yellowstone. The next part of any consideration is that which acknowledges ‘‘The Bear’s Head”’ as its leader and which travels along the Yellowstone from the mouth to its head, sometimes passing the winter with the Assiniboines and trading at Fort Union, but more frequently selling the proceeds of their hunt to the traders in the upper part of their country.’ 6 Larocque estimated Crow population at some 300 lodges in 1805, having been reduced from 2,000 lodges by a succession of destructive smallpox epidemics. ‘‘Since the great decrease of their numbers they generally dwell all together and flit at the same time and as long as it is possible for them to live when together they seldom part . . . though at such seasons as they are not liable to be attacked they part for a short time’’ (Larocque, 1910, pp. 55-56). Prior to Chief Rotten Belly’s death in 1834, his rivalry with Long Hair resulted in a split of the tribe into two divisions, the River and the Mountain Crow (Bradley, 1923, vol. 9, pp. 312- 313; Curtis, 1909, vol. 4, p. 49). Zenas Leonard, the fur trader, found the Crow in ‘‘two divisions of an equal number in each”’ in the fall of 1834 (Leonard, 1904, p. 255). In the period 1833-50, Crow population was estimated at about 400 lodges (Maximilian, 1906, vol. 22, p. 351; Larpenteur, 1898, vol. 1, p. 45; Culbertson, 1851, p. 144). Curtis was told of an incipient third division of the Crow, the Whistle Water clan, who, about the year 1850, hunted apart from the other Mountain Crow on the headwaters of the Big Horn and Powder Rivers (Curtis, 1909, vol. 4, p. 43). Presumably this was Denig’s ‘‘Big Robber’s Band.’’ In 1856 Indian Agent Vaughan estimated Crow population at 450 lodges (Ann. Rep. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1856, p. 80). 7 Kurz called this chief ‘‘Big Robert.’’ He considered him the head chief of the Mountain Crow, and Rottentail head chief of the River Crow in 1851. Rottentail did not attend the Fort Laramie Treaty Council that summer, so that Big Robber was selected by the Government as head chief of the tribe. Kurz indicated that as a result Big Robber “will gain considerable influence through the distribution of gifts provided by the United States; many of Rottentail’s adherents will move over to Big Robert’s settlement. Besides, Rottentail has not more than 80 tents’’ (Kurz, 1937, pp. 212, 240). 8 Two Face’s camp traded at Fort Sarpy in April 1855. The next spring a trader named Scott convinced Two Face that the Government annuities at Fort Union contained smallpox, and that he should take his trade to the Platte. Two Face’s camp was en route to the Platte when Indian Agent Vaughan reached the Crow country that summer. Vaughan sent runners to turn him back. Two Face returned and agreed to receive annuities for his division of the Crow at Fort Union (McDonnell, 1940, pp. 120, 122, 176, 186-187). ® Bear’s Head traded at Fort Union in the fall and winter of 1851-52. Kurz referred to him as “‘the chief in command of the soldiers . . . a warrior of great ability and renown” (Kurz, 1937, pp. 213, 251, 260). The Fort Sarpy journal makes frequent references to Bear’s Head’s trade at that post in the early months of 1855, and of his trade at Fort Union in March 1856. The journalist termed Bear’s Head ‘‘a good easy man & lets his people do as they please” about the fort. In 1858 the Lutheran missionaries Braueninger and Schmidt stayed in Bear’s Head’s camp (McDonnell, 1940, pp. 106, 107, 109, 110, 113, 115, 158-159, 176, 183, 186, 286). Ee teal OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 25 INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS The whole nation have a rendezvous every summer, when after performing several national solemnities which will be mentioned, they move across the mountains to exchange the greater part of the merchandise traded for horses. This traffic is carried on with the Flat Heads in St. Mary’s Valley, or with the Snake and Nez Percé Indians on the headwaters of the Yellowstone.” With the natives named, the Crows have been at peace for a long time. Also for the last few years, since 1850, they have been on meeting terms with the Assiniboines. But their natural and eternal enemies are the Blackfeet on the west and the Sioux on the east, with both of whom war has continued from time immemorial without being varied by even a transient peace." RAIDING FOR HORSES The Crows are perhaps the richest nation in horses of any residing east of the Rocky Mountains. It is not uncommon for a single family to be the owner of 100 of these animals. Most middle-aged men have from 30 to 60. An individual is said to be poor when he does not possess at least 20. The Blackfeet also have plenty, and this is cause of continual war. Scarcely a week passes but large numbers are swept off by the war parties on both sides. In these depredations men are killed, which calls for revenge by the losing tribe. During a single summer or winter several hundred animals in this way change owners. A great portion of the time of each nation is occupied either in guarding their own horses or in attempts to take those of their enemies. The Crow Indians take good care of their horses, as much at least as is practicable in their roving manner of life, and more than any other tribe in the North West territory except the Gros Ventres. They 10 The pattern of Crow horse trading was well developed as early as the first decade of the nineteenth century. They obtained horses, Spanish riding gear and blankets, and horn bows from the Flathead, Shoshone, and Nez Percé in the west in exchange for objects of European manufacture (metal knives, awls, spear and arrow heads, kettles, ornaments, and a few guns). At the Hidatsa villages they traded some of the horses and other articles obtained from the western tribes, together with dried meat, skin lodges, and clothing prepared by the Crow themselves, for corn, pumpkins, tobacco, and European trade articles. Larocque witnessed this trade in 1805, and Alexander Henry observed it in 1806 (Larocque, 1910, pp. 22, 64, 66, 71-72; Henry and Thompson, 1897, vol. 1, pp. 398-399). 11 Kighteenth-century writers on the Blackfoot do not mention that tribe’s warfare with the Crow. This suggests also that Crow movement westward may have been relatively late. Yet in 1811, Alexander Henry stated “the Crows are the only nation that sometimes venture northward in search of the Slaves” (Black- foot). He told of both Piegan and Atsina expeditions against the Crow in that year (Henry and Thompson, 1897, vol. 2, pp. 720, 726, 732). The Blackfoot defeated a combined force of Crow and Atsina in their last large-scale battle with the Crow near the Cypress Hills in 1866. However, Crow and Blackfoot continued horse-raiding expeditions against each other until 1884 or 1885. Hayden’s use of Denig’s “Of the Crow Nation” ends at this point. (See Hayden, 1862, pp. 391-394.) 12 In 1805 Larocque observed, ‘He is reckoned a pocr man who has not 10 horses in spring before the trade at the Missouri takes place and many have 30 or 40, everybody rides, men, women, & children” (Larocque, 1910, p. 64). In 1833 the Crow were “‘said to possess more horses than any other tribe on the Missouri” (Maximilian, 1906, vol. 22, p. 351). Indian Agent Vaughan estimated the Crow owned an average of 20 horses per lodge in 1853 (Ann. Rep. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1853, p. 355). 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun 151 drive them often 10 or 12 miles from the camp, where young men are stationed to guard and water them. These horse guards are the younger portion of the families who own them, from the ages of 15 to 25 years, each family taking charge of its own horses and no more. When on the borders of an enemy’s country or at any time when war parties are thought to be in the neighborhood, the best horses are brought home and tied to the doors of their lodges in readiness to follow any persons who might steal the rest in the night. These people live in the hourly expectation of losing all their horses, which is their only wealth, to the warriors of the surrounding nations, particularly the Sioux and Blackfeet. While writing this, February 1856, a party of Blackfeet took off 70 horses from the camp of Crow Indians at the mouth of the Yellow- stone. This they did early in the night so that they were not known to be stolen until about 10 o’clock the next day, when the guard went to look after them. As soon as the discovery was made about 100 Crows started in pursuit, each riding one fast horse and leading another. The Blackfeet had a whole night’s start, but the horses had to break a road through deep snow, by which they lost time, while the pursuers had the advantage of a tolerable road made by their trail. For 3 days and 2 nights they kept up the chase, leaving the horses as they became tired and mounting their led animals. At the close of the second day their reserve horses gave out and they continued on foot. Both parties during all this time had neither eaten, drunk, nor slept, and were exposed to intense cold, but the chase being one of life or death, there was no time to be lost in any way. At dark on the evening of the third day the Crows came in the vicinity of the enemies, who also being worn out with fatigue and hunger, had camped, killed a buffalo, and were cooking. They had taken the precaution to drive the horses some miles farther, and being unaware of the proximity of their pursuers, were making fine preparations to pass an agreeable night around their fire. The Crows approached the camp under cover of the darkness and woods of the Yellowstone, but were obliged to make a circuit of a few miles where they found their horses, quietly grazing, which they recaptured and drove some distance below the fires of their enemies. After accom- plishing this, some of them wished to charge upon them in the night. But their leader waited the breaking of day, when, as he expected, they would separate in different directions to hunt the horses, and they could kill one without danger to themselves. The result was what he anticipated. Early in the morning two men followed the tracks of the horses to near where the Crows lay in wait for them. [hese they charged upon. One escaped but the other did not or could notrun. He endeavored to fire his gun, but was stabbed and scalped ae ie OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 27 alive, and afterwards cut up. No further attempt was made on the rest hard by. They had accomplished what they came to do—got back their horses and killed a man without losing any of their party, which is a better coup than killing several enemies with the loss of a man on their side. Such skirmishes and chases are of daily occurrence summer and winter around both the Crow and Blackfeet camps. During a year more than 100 are killed on each side. When the parties are strong, severe battles take place and 50 to 100 are killed on each side if they are pursued and overtaken. But they often get away with the horses free of loss; particularly in the summer season when the trail cannot be followed fast, or when large war parties make a descent on small camps. Whatever losses in horses the Crows sustain, they are sup- plied by yearly peregrinations to the Flat Heads and Nez Percés with whom they exchange guns, blankets, etc., the produce of their robes and furs, for these animals. On their return the same scenes are enacted over again. The Blackfeet, being four times more numerous than the Crows, gain by these expeditions.* The latter are gradually becoming weaker in men from this and other causes. The Assini- boines supply themselves with horses by stealing from the Blackfeet, and the Sioux in their turn take them from the Assiniboines. Thus the poor animals are run from one nation to another, frequently in this way returning to their original owner several times. This, with the chase of buffalo and travel of the camp, packing meat, etc., soon wears the beasts out. The Crows value their horses from $60 to $100 each, and those of the Blackfeet can be obtained for from $20 to $60 in merchandise. It is thought best to be somewhat lengthy and particular about these animals in this history, as it will go far to explain one of the principal causes of perpetual warfare existing among the tribes, which is destined to lead to their entire extinction. Without horses Indians cannot support their families by a hunter’s life. They must have them or starve. Tribes who have few must furnish themselves from those who have many, and smaller nations become so reduced in number by the frequency of these expeditions as to fall an easy prey to the larger ones. This is now the case with the Crows who, ’tho brave enough, can scarcely protect what animals they have, much less go in quest of others from their enemies. They do it, however, and consequently are becoming gradually thinned. 13 Denig probably classed the Atsina with the three Blackfoot tribes in his comparative computation of Crow-Blackfoot populations. Still his proportion seems exaggerated. Vaughan, who considered the Atsina part of the ‘Blackfeet Nation” estimated its total population at 1,175 lodges in 1858, roughly 234 times Denig’s Crow estimate of 1856 (Ann, Rep. Comm, Ind. Aff., 1858, p. 432). 28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Buin 151 SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF THE CROW INDIANS This tribe has strongly marked national features, differing in some respects greatly from any other. Their general character is peaceable toward Whites. They are not ever very bloodthirsty toward their enemies, except in case of immediate revenge for the loss of some of their people. One excellent trait in their character is that, if possible, in battle they take the women and children prisoners, instead of dashing their brains out as the rest of the tribes do. They and their friends and brethren (the Gros Ventres) are the only nations we know who exhibit this mark of humanity. About 12 years ago in a great battle with the Blackfeet in which the Crows killed all the men of 45 lodges of the former, they also took 150 women and children prisoners. These they did not even use harshly. The women were made to work like their own wives— perhaps a little more—’tho not abused. The children were adopted into their own families, have grown up, and are now as much Crow as those of their own producing." It is also worthy of remark that the women, after a year’s residence, and understanding some of the language, will not return to their people when given their liberty. This speaks volumes in favor of the Crows, proving how much better they are with strangers than with their own friends. The male children become Crow warriors, and carry the tomahawk and scalping knife against their relations, often murdering their own fathers or brothers without knowledge or remorse. The loss of a male child or a warrior is always a great misfortune with Indians. It is one less to defend the camp or to hunt. Therefore, in thus raising the children of their enemies, they in a manner supply the loss of a portion killed in war. These children are not always adopted as sons or daughters of those who capture them. This only happens when those who have taken them have recently lost by sickness some of their own children, to which the prisoner child is supposed to bear a resemblance. Whether or not this step is taken, they always become attached to them, who as they grow up show much affection and are instructed in the customs of war and the chase the same as others. The children knowing no other parentage except from the descriptions received from their protectors, which are always unfavorable, their feelings, of course, toward their masters are the same as though they were their own parents. “ Denig (1930, pp. 551-552) referred to this action, stating that some 200 women and children were cap” tured, but the Fur Co.’s agent among the Crow was able to return about 50 women to their own people. This doubtless was the battle between the Crow and the Small Robes band of the Piegan in 1845. That ores aa reduced the Small Robes from a prominent Piegan band to one of minor importance. (See 4} Gray-bull, one of Lowie’s Crow informants, stated that he had “raised a boy because he looked like one of his own sons, who had died”’ (Lowie, 1912, p. 219). wae OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 29 The Crows are cunning, active, and very intelligent in everything appertaining to the chase, war, or their own individual bargaining. In all other respects they are in a primitive state of ignorance. They are the most superstitious of all the tribes, and can be made to believe almost any story however improbable if the same is of a superhuman nature. Thus they ascribe powers to Whites, and to their own con- jurors, far beyond those admitted by any other nation. Residing as they have and still do in the isolated regions of the Rocky Mountains, they have not had the opportunity to improve themselves in any branch of knowledge, even in the most simple things, that those who reside on the Missouri have. They seldom see any white persons in their own country except the fur traders, who are with them part of the winter and who only attract their attention to matters relating to the trade. Surrounded by hostile and powerful tribes, they have not until late years had the advantage of associating with other nations, and from that source gleaning some information concerning the world around them. They may be said to be yet in a state of nature, and but little elevated above the brute creation. Some of their habits are of so filthy and disgusting a nature as not to admit of being published. In other respects they may be reckoned good. For instance, scarcely an incident has happened during the last 40 years in which they have killed a white man. Even the Rocky Mountain trappers, that desperate set of men who imposed upon and ill-treated them on all occasions, were suffered to trap their country of beaver without molestation. Not that they feared them, for these trappers were scattered through their district in small parties, which could at any time be cut off without loss, but by some natural forma- tion of their disposition, they would not kill them and seldom robbed them. This is the more singular when we reflect that inveterate war was kept up between these trappers and all other nations, in which many were killed on all sides, and which resulted in the Whites abandoning that dangerous business. While the Assiniboines, Sioux, Blackfeet, Crees, and all have murdered Whites at different times, the Crow Nation can step forward and declare themselves unpolluted by their blood. Another thing equally strange is that such a savage nation, living without any law and but little domestic regulation of any kind, should be able to settle all their individual quarrels with each other without bloodshed, while yearly brawls and murders take place among the rest of the tribes. In the space of 12 years but one Crow Indian has been killed by his own people. The cause of this was: An Indian struck another’s wife across the face with his whip, upon which the husband stabbed him on the spot. The relations of the deceased armed to kill the other. But his friends protected him till dark, 30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 151 when he fled to the Snake Indians, with whom he resided 12 years. Then, thinking the affair blown over, he returned to his own people. But the old grudge was renewed, and he was obliged to leave the second time, with the intimation that should he again return he would be killed. Since that time he has not been heard from. Though this is the case, and they do not kill or strike each other, yet we must not infer therefrom that no quarrels take place. On the contrary, differences arise more frequently among them than among others who carry quarrels to extremes, because, where the penalty of offense is death, persons are more circumspect in their behavior. But the Crows settle all disputes by abuse and taking each other’s horses. Thus, if an Indian elopes with another’s wife, the unfortunate husband will seize upon the whole of the offender’s horses. Should he have none, then he takes those of his relations. In this he has the support not only of his own relations, but of the greater part of the camp. Now an action of this kind would be death to the offender with all other nations, besides taking a good deal of his property. When retaliation is made by taking horses, the person who has committed the offense keeps the woman, and in the course of time his relations buy back his horses from the other. Any crime or misde- meanor can be paid for among the Crows except murder. Even should this happen, we feel convinced that their fondness for horses would overrule their disposition to revenge, and that a reasonable number of these animals given to the friends of the deceased would settle the affair. Any large thefts, and all disputes concerning women, are arranged on this system.'® Smaller pilferings and discord are decided by heartily abusing each other. At this game both men and women are equally adept, and their language affords a fine variety of beautiful epithets, which they bestow upon each other in great profusion. Most of these expressions consist of comparing the visage and person thus abused to the most disgusting objects in nature, even to things not known in the natural world. Or they likewise cast in each other’s teeth the poverty of themselves or their relatives.” The men are as bad as the women on these occasions, though men when angry usually commence relating their brave actions, count each coup distinctly on their fingers, calling on their antagonist to do the same and show which is the bravest man. In the course of a dispute of this kind the lie is given many times, 16 A half-century earlier Larocque noted that quarrels among the Crow generally were settled through gifts of horses or guns to the offended persons, ‘‘but there happen few quarrels, and they are generally occa- sioned by their wives and jealousy’’ (Larocque, 1910, pp. 58, 61). 17 Lowie found that songs ‘‘composed in derision of someone that had transgressed the rules of propriety, or in revenge for some personal or group affront, seem to have figured prominently in Crow society. . . Similar punishment was meted out by jilted lovers, and by one of the three local groups, when affronted by one of the others’? (Lowie, 1912, p. 245). ars OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG aL which attracts no further notice than sending the like back with the addition of coward, thief, etc. In this way also whole bands abuse each other. The band of the Platte sometimes takes offense at the band along the Yellowstone. Every traveler that comes from one to the other during 1, or sometimes 2 years, brings threats, abuse, and defiance. One who did not know them would think that in case the bands met a desperate struggle would take place. Nevertheless when they meet, after all this parade of threats, they are the most peaceable people in existence. They will remain together for months on good terms. But when they separate, and have a river between them, so that no harm can be done, their war commences and terrible is the abuse shouted across the stream, accompanied by throwing stones that do not reach halfway, or shooting in the air with powder. This kind of conflict is often kept up for a day or two. Then they go different directions, swearing vengeance at their next meeting. These people also are remarkable for never being the first to break a peace between them and other nations. They have at several periods been on friendly terms with the Assiniboines, Flatheads, Arikaras, Arappahoes, Cheyennes, Snakes, and other tribes. When- ever these transient peaces were interrupted, it was done by the others. Having now enumerated some of their good qualities it is time we should refer to other traits not so amiable. In the first place they are beggarly and troublesome, particularly the young men, women, and children. When camped around a fort or wintering houses they fill up every place, torment all the domestic animals, and steal everything they can lay their hands on. The men are bold and impudent, par- ticularly the warrior class. The women are noisy, thievish. Neither have the least idea of decency or decorum. The bucks make it their whole business night and day to run after the women, who, whether married or not, appear to be perfectly unaware that virtue or chastity has any existence even in the imagination. Their conduct in these matters is carried on in broad daylight without any regard to bystand- ers or lookers on. Indeed it would appear that they are as destitute of the ideas of decency or modesty as any part of the brute creation, for they prefer to be seen rather than to conceal any and all transac- tions between the sexes. No disgrace or penalty being attached to deceiving young women, contrary to the customs of other tribes, the ruining of a woman’s character appears to be lightly if at all considered; it must follow that virtue is at a very low ebb among them. The consequence of this promiscuous and illicit intercourse is that disease more or less runs through the whole nation. Another effect is that a superfluous number of unmarried women are to be found, and those who are married are neglected by their husbands who run after the rest. The married women are not a whit better than the others 32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 151 as they usually have had more or less connection before they were taken as wives by any one man. Before marriage a woman is not thought imprudent if she has but one lover; more, however, stamps her character as a courtesan. Consequently if such a thing as an honest woman can be found in this tribe it is one who has been raised under the husband’s own care from a child, and taken for a wife at the age of 10 to 13 years.® The old men, chiefs, and councilors are more decorous in their behavior as regards certain matters in which women are concerned. Neither are they so impudent and forward as the young men. But they make it up in begging any and everything they think likely to be had. In their camp this system of begging is changed to borrow- ing articles which they invariably forget to return. The stealing of property is mostly confined to the old women who are capital hands at it. Sometimes small things such as knives, ornaments, and utensils are abstracted. But in a large camp where all are compelled to leave their buffalo hides outside their lodges for want of room, several hun- dred of these and other skins are stolen from each other during a winter. About a fort they find good picking—tin cups, knives, spoons, articles of clothing, tools, etc., disappear with remarkable rapidity. ‘They are so adroitly taken even before the eyes of the owner as always to escape detection. Larger items such as guns and horses they do not steal, either from the Whites or from each other. Frauds of this kind could not be concealed and the owner would take his property. Among kindred, however, these Indians show some liberality. Ifa man has all his horses stolen or killed, he can generally find friends to give him others, ’tho the giver expects payment when the receiver shall have retrieved his losses, or to be paid in some other way. Situated as they are in the constant fear of enemies, and liable at any time to lose their whole stock of animals, custom has pointed out the above plan to secure to them as far as may be the means to obtain a living. However much they may like their horses, or dis- like to part with them, yet each man feels he depends on his neighbor for support when they are taken off. This happens so often as to render an understanding of this kind not only desirable, but absolutely necessary to their national existence; so that what appears at first sight to be a liberal and kind action is only one of interested principle. The men and women are troublesome enough in many things, but the greatest nuisance in creation is Crow children, boys from the ages of 9 to 14 years. These are left to do just as they please. They torment their parents and everyone else, do all kinds of mischief 18 In 1833 Maximilian noted, “‘Of the female sex, it is said of the Crows, that they, with the women of the Arikkaras, are the most dissolute of all the tribes of the Missouri” (Maximilian, 1806, vol. 22, p. 354). Lowie found Crow ‘‘mythology, the reminiscences of informants, and ancient songs are all surcharged with evi- dence of the tendency to apparently unlimited philandering” (Lowie, 1917, p. 78). ee egnors FAP OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 33 without either correction or reprimand. Jn other nations these small fry are kept out of sight where men are, but the parents of this nation place them before themselves in every crowd or assembly, or in their own families. Thus they become intolerable, and a few years after ripen into the bold, forward, impudent young men before mentioned. The male grown portion of the Crows are decidedly prepossessing in their appearance. The warrior class is perhaps the handsomest body of Indians in North America.” They are all tall, straight, well formed, with bold, fierce eyes, and as usual good teeth. These also dress elegantly and expensively. A single dress often brings the value of two, three, or four horses. The men of this age are neat and clean in their persons, fond of dress and decoration, wear a profusion of ornaments and have different dresses suitable for different occasions. They wear their hair long, that is, it is separated into plaits to which other hair is attached with gum, and hangs down their backs to several feet in length in a broad flat mass which is tied at the end and spotted over with white clay. A small portion in front is cut short and made to stand upright. On each side of the head hang frontlets made of beads or shells, and alongside each ear is suspended several inches of wampum. Their faces on ordinary occasions are painted red, varied with a tinge of yellow on the eyelids. In large slits through the ears are tied sea shells cut into angular shapes, which are of a changeable blue and green color. These shells find their way from the coast of California through the different nations until handed to the Crows in exchange for other property. As we do not wish to lose sight of the order of our history and are obliged in this place to confine ourselves to general description, the different dresses worn by these people on the occasions of their various ceremonies will be described when we come to treat of their manners and customs. It is sufficient here to state that the Crow men, as far as outward appearance goes, are much the finest looking of all the tribes. It would seem that nature on this occasion has done so much in favor of the Crow men that she entirely neglected the women. Of all the horrid looking objects in the shape of human beings these women are the most so. Bad features and worse shapes, filthy habits, dresses and persons smeared with dirt and grease, hair cut short and full of vermin, faces daubed over with their own blood in mourning for dead relations, and fingers cut off so that scarcely a whole hand is to be found among them, are the principal things that 19 George Catlin, the artist, considered Crow men “‘really a handsome and well formed set of men as can be seen in any part of the world.” He described the faces of ‘‘the greater part of the men” as “strongly marked with a bold and prominent antiangular nose, with a clear and rounded arch, and a low receding forehead” (Catlin, 1841, vol. 1, pp. 49, 193). Catlin’s portrait of the Crow chief, Two Crows, painted at Fort Union in 1832, illustrates this facial profile. (See pl. 3.) 34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 attract the attention of the observer. The young women are hard, coarse-featured, sneaky looking, with sharp, small noses, thick lips, red eyelids caused by the venereal disease, and bare arms clothed with a coat of black dirt so ground in as to form a portion of the skin. The old hags can be compared to nothing but witches or demons. Some of them are of monstrous size, weighing 250 to 300 pounds, with naked breasts hanging halfway down to their knees. Being always in mourning for some dead relations, they are usually seen in old skin dresses, barelegged, hair cut short, and their faces smeared over with white clay and blood. Notwithstanding all this, some of them have very handsome dresses which they wear on several occasions and which will be referred to, though they pay but little attention to dress of any kind in their ordinary everyday life. It would appear singular that such handsome men would be satisfied with such ugly women, but they do not seem to have the same idea of female beauty as we have. If a woman be young and not absolutely deformed, one appears to be as desirable for them as another.” About one-half the nation have a plurality of wives, the rest only one each.”" The property of husband and wife is separate. Each has a share of horses, merchandise, and ornaments. Not being accustomed to depend much on each other’s fidelity they wisely prepare for immediate separation in the event of any great domestic quarrel. When from certain causes they decide on parting, the husband takes charge of all male children unless they are too small to leave the mother ;thefemale part gowith thewife. Guns, bows, ammunition, and all implements of war and the chase belong to the man; while kettles, pans, hides, and other baggage of the like nature fall to the woman’s share. The lodge is hers, and the horses and other property having been divided perhaps years before in anticipation of this event, each has no difficulty in selecting their own. From this state of things it must follow that differences often arise as to what kind of merchandise shall be bought with the proceeds of their winter’s hunt. She maneuvers to get such articles as would finally become hers, and he works for his advantage. In these differences, where considerable affection exists between the parties, the woman usually gains the point. At other times the skins are divided previous to selling and either trades what they like best. They exhibit great fondness for their children. Whatever they cry for they must have. * The artists Catlin and Kurz shared Denig’s opinion of the appearance of Crow women. Catlin (1841, vol. 1, p. 50) wrote, ‘The Crow women ... are not handsome.’”’ Kurz (1937, p. 184) stated, ““women of the Crow tribe are known rather more for their industry and skilled work than for beauty of face and form.” Catlin’s painting, reproduced as plate 4, is the earliest known portrait of a Crow Indian woman. 8t Of Crow polygamy Larocque observed, ‘‘some of them [men] have 8 or 11 and 12 [wives], but in such cases they do not all live with him,some are young girls that are only betrusted. But by far the greatest Part have only 2 or 3 wives; some have only one, and those reason upon the folly of those that take many wives ’’ (Larocque, 1910, p. 57). ; pee searay OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 30 When sick, no expense is spared for the services of the medicine men, and in death they evince every feeling of deep-felt grief. When anyone dies the immediate relatives each cut off a joint of a finger. This is done by placing an ax or butcher knife on the joint, and striking the same with a good-sized stick. Occasionally, in a high state of excitement, they lay their finger on a block and chop it off with a knife held in the other hand. The blow often misses the joint and the finger is divided between joints, which takes a long time to heal and leaves a portion of the bone protruding which presents a very disagreeable appearance. Both men and women mutilate their hands in this manner, so that at the present day there is scarcely an entire hand among them. The men, however, reserve entire the thumb and forefinger of the left hand, and thumb and two fingers of the right, so that they can hold a gun or draw a bow. But even these fingers often want a joint or so when all the others are cut off to the stump. They never tie up these sores, but after daubing over their faces with the blood, hold a bunch of wild sage on the stump until it stops bleeding. The blood is never washed off their faces, but let dry there and wear off, and when it is no more to be seen they cut their legs to obtain it and renew the application.” The hair is also sacrificed on these occasions, either cut short or torn away by handfuls. In this state the mourner goes about on the hills howling dismally every day or so for a year or more, clothed with an old skin, bare feet and legs, wading through snow or mud, and crying until they are so hoarse as not to be heard. When the camp is on the move in the summer, this tribe presents a gay and lively appearance, more so perhaps than any other. On these occasions both men and women dress in their best clothes. Their numerous horses are decked out with highly ornamented saddles and bridles of their own making, scarlet collars and housings with feathers on their horse’s heads and tails. The warriors wear their richly garnished shirts, fringed with human hair and ermine, leggings of the same, and headdresses of various kinds, strange, gay, and costly. Any and all kinds of bright-colored blankets, loaded with beads worked curiously and elegantly across them, with scarlet leggings, form the principal portion of the dresses of the young men or those whose feats at war have not yet entitled them to the dis- tinguished privilege of wearing hair. These bucks are fancifully painted on the face, their hair arranged as has been described, with heavy and costly appendages of shells, beads, and wampum, to the 22 Zenas Leonard (1904, pp. 271-272) witnessed self-mutilation by scarification and amputation of portions of fingers by relatives of Crow Indians killed in a battle with the Blackfoot, November 21, 1834. He saw that males preserved ‘‘the first two fingers of the right hand . . . for the purpose of bending the bow and many of the aged females may be seen with the end off each of their fingers, and some have even taken off the second crop.” Denig (1930, pp. 427-428) has another description of Crow self-mutilation. 36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bury. 151 ears and around the neck. The women have scarlet or blue cloth dresses, others white cotillions made of the dressed skins of the big- horn sheep, which are covered across the breast and back with rows of elk teeth and sea shells. These frocks are fringed along the side and round the bottom. The fringes are wrought with porcupine quills and feathers of many colors. The price of the elk teeth alone is 100 for a good horse or in money the value of $50. A frock is not complete unless it has 300 elk teeth, which, with the other shells, skin, etc., could not be bought for less than $200. When traveling, the women carry to the horn of the saddle the warrior’s medicine bag, and shield. His sword, if he has one, is tied along the side and hangs down. The man takes charge of his gun and accoutrements in readiness for any attack however sudden. The baggage is all packed on the horses, at which they are very expert. Kettles, pots, pans, etc., have each their sack with cords attached. These are on the sides of the animal, and on top of the saddle is either one large child fit to guide the horse, or two or three small children so enveloped and well tied as to be in no danger of falling.* Often the heads of children are seen popping up alongside of pup dogs or cub bears on the same horse. The lodge occupies one horse and the poles another. The meat and other provisions are put up in bales well secured. They are so expeditious in packing that after their horses are caught they are saddled, the tents struck, everything put on the horses and on the march in less than 20 minutes. -'The great number and good quality of their horses make a showy appearance. Both men and women are capital riders. The young men take this occasion to show off their persons and horsemanship to the women. A good deal in the way of courting is also done when traveling. The train is several miles in length, wives are separated from their husbands, daughters at some distance from their mothers, which opportunities are not lost by these young and enterprising courtiers. They ride up alongside, make love, false promises, in short use any and all means to obtain their end. When on the march they move rapidly and when pressed for meat to eat, still more so. On these occasions they go on a fast trot, some- times at a gallop, making from 20 to 40 miles a day. Generally, 23 Larocque (1910, p. 64) noticed that Crow children too young to ride alone were tied in the saddle when camp was moved. About two decades later Gordon wrote of Crow children, ‘At four or five years of age they will ride alone and guide the horse” (Gordon in Chardon, 1932, appendix E). a idl OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 37 however, their encampments are from 10 to 15 miles.* It is often a strange and barbarous sight to see small children but a few days old tied to a piece of bark or wood and hung to the saddle bow which flies up at each jump of the horse when on the gallop, their heads exposed to hot sun or cold. This does not appear to hurt them in the least. At sunset the cavalcade stops. The spot for each lodge is cleaned away and in the space of a few minutes the lodges are set up, the horses turned out to graze, and each family has a kettle of meat on the fire. Owing to their having good animals and plenty of them the Crows seldom suffer for want of meat as is the case with some tribes who are not so well furnished with horses. They can move camp at any time and go in quest of buffalo, should there be none in the neighborhood. They have little else to eat but meat. Their country produces a few wild cherries, plums, and service berries, together with some esculent roots. But none of these are collected in sufficient quantities to form a resource in time of need, and as they do not cultivate, they depend entirely on the chase for subsistence. They are good buffalo hunters on horseback with the bow and arrow, seldom using the gun for hunting except on foot when the snow is too deep for horses to catch the buffalo. They are not so good on foot as the Crees and Assiniboines, who, having few horses, have more practice in this manner of hunting.* They can kill elk and bighorn with their shot guns but are far behind the other nations named in this respect. They do not manage their hunts as the other tribes do. They have no soldiers’ lodge to regulate the hunts. Each man goes out with whoever chooses to follow. Sometimes nearly the 2% Probably the best description of daily movements of any nomadic tribe of the Northern Plains in buffalo days appears in Larocque’s journal of his trip with the Crow from the Hidatsa villages on the Mis- souri to the Yellowstone River near present Billings, Mont., via the eastern base of the Big Horn Moun- tains, from June to September 1805. Analysis of his data (Larocque, 1910) shows that camp was moved on 47 of 76 days en route. Daily movements ranged from 3 to 24 miles. The median distance traveled on the days camp was moved was 944 miles. Generally they followed stream courses. There was no mention of any dry overnight camp. On several days rain caused a late start or early stop. Delays of a day or more were caused by inclement weather (rain), serious illness in camp, halts to hunt (although hunting parties generally were out while camp moved), to dry meat and dress hides following a concentrated hunt and to dry bison tongues for the forthcoming late summer ceremonial, to cut ash whips, to hold a council to determine the route to be followed following a disagreement among the leaders, to wait in readiness while scouts reconnoitered for signs of enemies feared to be in the vicinity. They also stopped for a day when good pasture was reached to permit their horses to feed and rest after 2 days of long marches across barren country. 28 In 1805 Laroeque found the Crow to be “excellent marks men with the bows & arrows but poor shots withthegun.” Healsorenorted “They say that no equal number of other Indians can beat them on horse- back. but that on foot they are not capable to cope with those nations who have no horses” (Larocque, 1910, Pp. 65. 66). 26 This statement is contrary to the observations of Larocque, “The hunting matches are regulated by a band of Young men who have much authority causing them to encamp or flit at their pleasure tell them where there are Buffaloes & to go hunting. They prevent them from setting out after one another and make those that are first ready wait for the others so that they may all go together and have an equal chance. Those that behave refractory to their orders are punished by a beating or their arms are broken or their tents cut to pieces’’ (Larocque, 1910, p. 60). Leonard also witnessed strict regulation of the hunt by Crow police in 1834 (Leonard, 1904, p. 257). 38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 151 whole camp turns out to one surround, and again but few. When many hunt together several hundred buffalo are killed, the meat and hides divided, and all return packing the same on their horses. There are no poor people among this nation. That is, there are none so destitute of means that they cannot go or sena to the hunt and get a supply of meat. In this respect they are much better off than some of the neighboring tribes. Another remarkably good trait in their character is, they do not suffer the aged and infirm to be left behind and perish as is the custom with some other nations, but this can be accounted for from the fact of their having the means to transport them while the others have not.” Neither is meat ever so rare with the Crows as with the Assiniboines. BIOGRAPHY OF CHIEF ROTTEN BELLY Some warriors have arisen among the Crows who displayed much generalship in conducting different expeditions against their enemies. Among the foremost of these can be classed Rotten Belly, who flour- ished about 20 years since, ‘tho he isnow dead. Had this man had the same opportunities of action he would undoubtedly have ranked with Tecumseh or Pontiac, but as his operations were confined to petty attacks on the hostile nations on their borders, and as he had but a small number to command, his friends must be contented with this small tribute to his memory. When a very young man he commenced his career of war in going out at the head of small parties and bringing home horses from the Cheyennes, Arapahoes, Panacks, Sioux, and Blackfeet. In these ex- peditions he was generally successful, taking large herds of horses and bringing his own party safe to camp. This is the principal aim of a leader, for if in stealing the horses he had had some of his people killed no credit would follow the feat. On many occasions, however, he was followed and overtaken by his enemies. These were the times in which he proved himself able to command. He had taken all precautionary measures, picked his men, had them well armed, the weapons in good order, and always retreated with his booty in a direction where timber was near in which to take shelter in case of attack. When escape was impossible he forted with wood and stones and gave battle. Frequent were the skirmishes he had with his foes in this way. But fortune favored him. At every sally he either brought home their scalps or 37 “T saw more cripples and decrepid old men among them than among any other nation except the Big Bellys and the Mandans. It is said the Sauteurs and Kinistenaux tribes send their enfirms and old to Kingdome Come to ease themselves of the trouble of attending the care of them. These Nations, however, do it not, their old and infirm are of very little trouble to them. The Mandansand Big Bellies are sedentary and the Rocky Mountain Indians (Crows) have so many horses, that they can transport their sick without trouble. Whether they did it not before they had horses I do not know’’ (Larocque, 1910, p. 57). a eel OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 39 horses and always without losing any of his party. At the age of 30 he was chief of the Crow Nation. Other things aided this man on his road to the chieftainship. He had large and rich connections, was considered a prophet or medicine man, one who could obtain supernatural aid in his operations. He made no show of his medicine, no parade of sacrifices, or smokings, no songs or ceremonies, but silently and alone he prayed to the thunder for assistance. In his general conduct he was not an agreeable man, but rather of a quiet, surly disposition. He spoke but little, but that in a tone of command. His great superiority over others consisted in decision, action, and an utter disregard for the safety of his own person. When acknowledged as the only chief of the whole nation he enacted many good laws and rules for their preservation, led the camp with judgment, choosing places where game was plentiful, and the country suitable for their animals and defense. He caused them to trade more guns and ammunition, established regular camp sentinels night and day, and used such vigilance that during his life the hostile neighbors could make no headway either against his people or their animals. Whoever approached the camp was killed. Warriors were on the alert and well prepared. When arrived at the sole command he left off heading small parties and carried war into their enemies’ country on a large scale. The first grand battle was with about 80 lodges of the Blackfeet on Muscleshell River. Rotten Belly had his spies out watching movements of this camp for months beforehand, and having collected the whole Crow Nation maneuvered them in such a way as not to raise the suspicion of their enemies. He appeared to be marching out of their country when in reality he was encircling them. His wish was to come upon them on some plain, and take them unprepared. When by his runners he knew that the time and situation were favor- able to his views, he, by forced marches, placed his camp near them without being discovered. Under cover of the night about 400 war- riors placed themselves still closer. Early in the day when their enemy’s camp was on the move, scattered over a level plain of some miles in extent, he gave the word to charge. Terrible was the storm that swept over the Blackfeet. The Crows were well armed, mounted, and prepared, the others embarrassed with their women, children, and baggage. Their long and weak line of march was literally, “rubbed out” by their savage foes. Whoever endeavored to defend was killed, the women and children taken prisoners. Most of the men of the Blackfeet were in front of the traveling van. They soon rallied and returned the charge but were outnumbered. Although they fought bravely for some time they soon were obliged to leave their families 909871—52—4 40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 and seek safety in flight. Others died defending their children. In the end, after a severe battle of a few hours, 100 and upwards of the Blackfeet lay dead on the field. Two hundred and thirty women and children were taken prisoners and more than 500 head of horses fell to the share of the Crows, besides all the lodges, camp equipment, pro- visions, etc. The Crows lost 22 men in this battle, besides others badly wounded. But upon the whole it was a great victory for these wild tribes who seldom have an opportunity to do half that much. They did not scalp half their enemies, there were too many and they tired of the employment. But few men of this small camp of Black- feet escaped. The male children taken were brought up to be Crow warriors, and the females to be the wives of their captors with the view of repairing the former losses of these people in their constant wars with neighboring tribes. Although others besides Rotten Belly distinguished themselves on this occasion, yet he being the leader received the greater share of applause. Others counted individual coups. he the aggregate. His name was sung through all the camps for months. His lodge was painted with rude drawings of the fight, he being the principal figure. The scalps, after having been danced, were suspended from his lodge poles. His shirt, leggings, even his buffalo robe were fringed with the hair of his enemies—the last being the most distinguished mark that can be borne on the dress of a warrior, and one never used but by him who has killed as many enemies as to make a robe with their scalps. It seldom happens in human affairs but that when the height of prosperity is reached some reverse follows. Too confident in their own powers and elated with their victory, contrary to the advice of their leader, the nation divided into several camps. They again, having once lost sight of their general and acknowledged head, divided into smaller parties, each moving in a different direction for hunting purposes. It had also been the custom of these Indians every year or two to visit other nations in and across the mountains for the purposes of trade and barter as has been mentioned. Sometimes they pushed their way as far as the Kiowas and Comanches and occasion- ally near the Spanish settlements of Taos and Santa Fe. In these travels they encountered some tribes with whom they were at peace but always rendered themselves liable to be cut off by larger nations considered enemies. At all events the profit ensuing from these adventures in horses, ornaments, etc., either bought of the one or stolen from the other, was sufficient inducement to make the attempt. They are a bold and active people and do not calculate much the danger when the expedition is likely to prove advantageous. At the time above mentioned, when the Crows had separated into No 33) OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG Al small parties for the purposes mentioned, a portion consisting of 30 lodges or upward placed their camp on the headwaters of the river Cheyenne beyond the first spurs of the Rocky Mountains called the Black Hills. ‘The Cheyennes, a hostile nation from whom the river takes its name, had in a great measure abandoned that part of the country for several years before and moved on the South Fork of Platte River. Here, after remaining some time they suffered con- siderably from war parties of Comanches and were obliged to move back to their old district a little before the time the small body of Crows undertook their journey through it. The Cheyennes num- bered at that time about 300 lodges, were rich in horses, good warriors, and perhaps the best horsemen in the world. Perceiving the approach of their enemies they lay in ambush for them, attacked them in the night, and massacred nearly the whole. Some few men escaped in the darkness to carry the sad intelligence to their people, but the rest, men, women, and children, were indiscriminately put to death. The few captives taken, whether male or female, young or old, were re- reserved for torture which was inflicted upon them in every possible way their savage natures could suggest. In the course of a week or two those who fled reached some of the camps of their own people, who sent others in quest of the different portions of the nation scattered far and wide. Their principal aim now was to hunt up their chief, Rotten Belly, and request him once more to be their leader to revenge. He was then with the Flatheads, but these people travel fast and such was their haste to collect their forces that in a month’s time they had all rendezvoused in their own country with their chief at their head ready to start on the war path. The Crow camp on this occasion presented a grand and imposing appearance. They were all ordered to parade with their arms and accoutrements ready for the inspection of their chief. As at these times distinctions of rank are observed, each warrior wore those deco- rations which indicated his standing among his people. The general command of the whole devolved upon Rotten Belly, but other chiefs also are deserving of notice, such as Long Hair, the Little White Bear, Yellow Belly, Two Face, etc., each of whom had under his immediate command a large band of followers. These minor chiefs composed the Council of Rotten Belly, all being well versed in the art of Indian warfare besides having given proofs of their skill and bravery on many occasions under the eye of their head chief. The whole number of warriors thus assembled was about 600, or about one-fourth of the whole nation able to bear arms. They were also picked men, not young beginners but persons who had struck enemies, headed war parties, and given other evidences of their willingness and ability in the hour of danger. All these were mounted on fast-running horses 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 151 with splendid trappings. Their dresses were of the most gay and costly description, their arms in the very best order, and their faces painted in the usual manner when starting on hazardous excursions. Clan after clan passed in review before the chief, whose keen eyes were directed to their arms and animals, occasionally finding some fault with one or detecting some defect in another which was directed to be remedied. ‘The chief on parades of this description, or indeed on all public ceremonies, wore his whole insignia on different parts of his person and his horse. His war eagle bonnet reached from his head to the ground even when he was mounted on his tall and powerful war horse. His robe and dress were everywhere fringed with the scalp hair of his enemies. Where this was wanting the beholder was reminded of his rank by rude drawings explanatory of some of his bravest achievements at war. Very little noise accompanied this display of his troops. The cry of mourners for their lately killed rela- tives rang strange and wildly through the valley, and a gloomy, stern resolve was depicted on the faces of all the warriors. One sole idea, one mind, and one intent reigned, which was that of speedy and terrible revenge. After all had been thoroughly examined, approved, and enlisted, the chief called the head men in council, where, in a few words, he explained to them his decison and plan of action. This was to leave the camp where it then was, take the force he had aroused and pursue the Cheyennes until he found them, even into the heart of New Mexico. He took a solemn oath, in which he was joined by the whole council, never to return until they had taken full revenge for the loss of their friends. The substance of this decision was harangued through the camp, 2 days given for preparation, and on the third the whole party above described were moving rapidly toward the country of the Cheyennes. It is not our design to follow this party by describing each day’s march. It will be sufficient to state that they proceeded with great caution, which, with a correct knowledge of the country, enabled them to proceed without discovery. When near the place where their enemies were supposed to be, most traveling was done during the night, the party resting themselves and their animals in the day- time. Scouts were thrown several miles who inspected the foreground and conveyed intelligence to the main body behind to move forward. Not a foot of land was traveled over that had not undergone the scrutiny of the discoverers for hours from the neighboring hills. Much time was wasted in this way in order to take their enemies unprepared, for after arriving at the place where the battle had been fought they found the Cheyennes had fled with their camp some days previous. The trail made by a tolerably large camp is not nae OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 43 difficult to follow. The chief therefore could calculate with some de- gree of certainty how far they might be in advance and the time required to overtake them. Having with this view examined their late encampment and pointed out to his followers the different signs indicating the above intelligence, they proceeded to collect the human skulls and bones, which they judged very correctly to have once belonged to living persons of their own nation, being those that had been massacred. After crying over them, cutting themselves, and making promises to their spirits to take ample revenge, they dug large holes and interred them. This is contrary to their usual custom. Dead bodies are usually enveloped and placed in trees. But as these were but the bones and no other way of disposing of them presented itself, they used this method to secure even these poor remains from further insult by passing enemies. A grand speech was made over these ceremonies in which the chief artfully stirred up the spirit of his followers to a pitch of revenge bordering on desperation. Their vows were renewed, arms examined and at once the march was resumed more rapidly. In about 10 days after this occurrence they found themselves in the valley watered by the Arkansas where they saw such fresh indica- tions of the Cheyennes being at hand as induced Rotten Belly to proceed with great caution, having his best spies out in all directions. These soon brought certain information of their enemies’ camp, having approached it in the night and made a correct examination of its locality. The next night they were stationed along two creeks be- tween which the Cheyennes had placed their lodges. The Crows were concealed in the valley of the creeks among the wood and timber and at the distance of a mile from the camp, presenting an extended line on each side of men ranged from 10 to 20 paces apart. One detachment was headed by Rotten Belly and the other by the Little White Bear. Early in the morning, or as soon as day broke, seven Crows were sent down each creek who, running between the Cheyennes’ horses and their lodges, drove all the animals slowly in the direction of the main body of their people who lay in ambush. The Cheyennes perceiving but few persons taking away all their horses gave chase on foot at different distances as they could arm and run. Thus some 60 to 80 persons, the principal warrors of the camp, were led between the files who simultaneously raised the war whoop and encircled them. Of these not one escaped. There was but one rush, one discharge of arms and arrows, and the whole lay dead. Others now sallied out from the camp and were likewise cut off in detail. But few remained in the lodges. These were charged upon—some absconded but all males met with were put to death. The result of the whole was a complete victory on the part of the Crows. Upward 44. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 151 of 200 enemies were killed, 270 women and children were taken prisoners. More than 1,000 horses, besides all the camp baggage, merchandise, and ornaments, were divided among the Crows. Their loss on this occasion was but 5 men killed and some 10 or 15 wounded. The object of the expedition having been accomplished, the party traveled back to their own people elated with victory and satisfied with revenge.”$ The above circumstance brings up the life of the Crow chief to the year 1833, at which time the whole Crow Nation might number 800 lodges, which, averaging 8 persons to each tent would make about 6,400 souls. At this period emigration was fast flowing toward Arkansas and each year the trains of movers became more numerous over the fertile plains watered by that river. It so happened that this Crow party on their way home rejoicing came suddenly upon a caravan of emigrants, or rather the advanced guards of the Indians met with some stragglers belonging to the expedition. By the sign of waving their arms imitating the flying of a crow the Whites judged they belonged to that nation and, being aware of their friendly disposition, gave them warning not to approach the wagons as some of the Whites were then lying sick with smallpox. It was with great difficulty they were made to understand the nature of the danger attending their visit to the wagons, and either not believing the tale or not realizing the consequences they soon gathered round the emi- grants bargaining for horses and trafficking for other articles. It is but justice to these people to say that on this occasion they used their utmost endeavors to prevent the Indians from receiving the infec- tion. They tried to deal with them at a distance from the sick, but all to no purpose. Before they parted numbers had caught the pestilence. Before they reached their homes the disease commenced making its appearance and when they arrived in camp more than half the party were taken down by it. It is needless to dwell upon the misery, distress, and death that followed. The well-known fatality of the smallpox among savages has been often described. In this case it was the same as with other tribes—about one in six or seven recovered. As soon as possible after the arrival of the warriors the camp broke up into small bands each taking different directions. They scattered through the mountains in the hope of running away #8 We have found no contemporary account of this battle. However, nearly a century after the event? Lowie collected what he termed a ‘‘quasi-historical text” that certainly referred to it. This text told of a small Crow party under Dangling-foot wiped out by the Cheyenne; of Rotten Belly’s leadership of the revenge party; of their ambush of the enemy at the junction of a river and killing of more than 100 Cheyenne, with the loss of but 1 Crow Indian. The Crow casualty, it was claimed, was the younger brother of a Crow woman who had disobeyed Rotten Belly’s warning not to kill birds and had destroyed a meadow lark en route to the battleground (Lowie, 1935, pp. 230-236). Little Face told Bradley in 1876 of a great Crow victory on the Arkansas under Rotten Belly’s leadership, emphasizing also the episode of the killing of 8 bird by a Crow woman whose relative was killed in the battle (Bradley, 1923, vol. 9, pp. 304-305). a ea OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 45 from the pestilence. All order was lost. No one pretended to lead or advise. The sick and dead were alike left for the wolves and each family tried to save itself. They certainly gained something by this course. At least the infection was not quite so fatal as among stationary tribes. For the rest of the fall and winter the disease continued its ravages but in the ensuing spring it had ceased. Runners were sent through their country from camp to camp and the remnant of the nation was once more assembled near the head of Big Horn River. Terrible was the mourning on this occasion. More than a thousand fingers are said to have been cut off by the relatives of the dead. Out of the 800 lodges counted the previous summer but 360 remained, even these but thinly peopled. From this time they have been slowly on the increase so as to raise about 460 lodges at the present date, 1856. Rotten Belly had escaped the infection altogether. The Little White Bear had recov- ered, but the ranks of his once proud force of warriors were terribly thinned.” The then-existing state of the nation called aloud for someone to restore them into some order so that they might not fall an easy prey to their old and powerful enemies, the Sioux and Blackfeet. It was at this time that this chief exhibited talents and wisdom seldom met with among savages and deserving the highest praise. He first took a census of all men, women, and children, then counted those able to bear arms, and lastly noted how many adults, both male and female, remained unmarried. These last he counciled to select wives and husbands without loss of time, but to avoid as much as possible con- nection with kindred. Here the women prisoners of the Cheyennes aided considerably to reorganize families. Some of them escaped during the general confusion consequent to the prevalent disease, and that nation having previously been visited by the smallpox, but few of the prisoners had died. By unremitting exertions, forced marriages, and equal distribution of arms, horses, and other property, this chief succeeded in restoring the nation to something like order. But much remained to be accomplished before they could successfully defend themselves against their powerful and warlike neighbors. He saw that something more was to be done to retrieve their hopes. Some grand attempt must be made to acquire property, arms, ammunition, and other things necessary to their national existence. 20 We have found no other reference to a smallpox epidemic among the Crow in the early 1830’s. Neither Maximilian, who was on the Upper Missouri in 1833-34, nor Leonard, who was among the Crow in 1834-35, mention such an epidemic. Certainly there was smallpox on the Central Plains among the Pawnee, south- east of the Crow, in 1832 (Catlin, 1841, vol. 2, p. 24). If the Crow contracted the disease at that period they must have been infected by traders or other Indians, rather than by emigrants as Denig claimed. It is known that the Crow suffered little loss during the severe smallpox epidemic on the Upper Missouri in 1837 (Halsey in Chardon, 1932, p. 395). 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 151 It has always been the custom of these ignorant savages to consider white people the cause of all diseases, even of other evils in which they have no agency or object. They evince a great disposition to lay all blame on Whites, although they deny they are the cause of any good. The difference of habits and occupations, together with the supersti- tious awe with which all writing, pictures, and books are viewed, sug- gests to their disordered minds the idea of sorcery and supernatural powers, which they suppose are made subservient to bad ends. This they know would be the case with themselves had they the power to work unseen evil. Now if this be the case in ordinary events, that white people bring on distress, how much more so it must have been in the instance of the smallpox which they could distinctly trace to its origin when they encountered the emigrant train? Indians seldom reason. They act on impulse. Although the Whites referred to had used all means to prevent the pestilence from being communicated to them, yet they only recollected the cause of their present calamity and swore to take revenge on the authors of their misery. This was the prevalent idea stored up by Rotten Belly. But, as has been stated, these Indians are not murderous in their disposition, had heretofore been on the most friendly terms with Whites, and a good many of the head men and councilors were averse to doing any damage to the traders and trappers in the upper country for suffering brought upon them by strangers. All questions agitated in Indian councils must have unanimous approval to expect a successful result. This the Crow chief well knew. He also was aware that the aforesaid idea of the cause of their misery would fail to produce the desired effect if not supported by some other. It was a long-cherished wish of this leader, and one which his whole life tended to bring about, to rob the American Fur Co.’s fort at the Blackfeet situated near the mouth of Maria River. For this he could give many cogent arguments likely to obtain universal con- sent. The Blackfeet were their enemies, and that fort supplied them in guns, ammunition, knives, and other implements of war. That nation also had killed many white people, and those who dealt with them as friends after losing so many of their own color deserved no better fate than the Blackfeet. It was also urged that all war parties passing by the fort to the Crows were furnished with ammunition and that most of the Crow horses stolen by their enemies were pur- chased at the fort on their return. Another thing was that in their present reduced state they were unable to cope with the Blackfeet. Their arms had mostly been buried with their dead owners. They had but little ammunition. Numbers of their horses had been killed, lost, strayed, and stolen during their prostration by disease. They had in fact but little property of any kind. They were scarcely able Ae pol OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 47 to support themselves, much less to defend against a powerful nation. All these views were advanced by the chief in full council and many other arguments added showing that a stroke of this kind, if success- ful, would retrieve their losses, ruin their enemies, and revenge them- selves on the Whites—the primary cause of their present feeble con- dition. It was a popular measure and received the approval of the entire nation. But it was also firmly put forward by the other chiefs that, although they would help themselves to the property in the fort, yet they would not consent to killing the people therein. The result of their deliberations was that they would lay siege to the fort and compel the traders to evacuate, afterwards share the plunder, which at that time amounted to 15 or 20 thousand dollars of arms and other articles suitable for the purposes of hunting and war, besides large quantities of provisions, clothing, etc. This being decided upon, the Little White Bear was ordered to go forward with a party of 30 men and examine the country while the rest of the nation prepared to move the whole camp to the fort. So certain were they of success that they made about 1,000 packsaddles on which to carry the great booty that was to become theirs. The discovering party had left about 10 days when the main body was put in motion, which moved slowly with their tents and families through a district well stocked with buffalo, stopping a day or two occasionally to dry meat to enable them to sustain the siege. The whole amount of men able to bear arms in these 360 lodges was about 1,100 or 1,200 but as has been observed they had but few arms and were otherwise badly furnished for war. The detachment under the Little White Bear traveled nearly the whole country of the Blackfeet without meeting any signs of their enemies who at that season were on a visit to some of the Hudson’s Bay Co.’s posts on the tributaries of the Saskatchewan, but who usually returned in the latter part of the summer to the Missouri. The party also approached near the fort in the night and made observations during the day, noting the number of persons in the establishment who pursued their usual outdoor occupations. From the neighboring woods and hills they could see unperceived, what num- ber of horses the Whites had, how they were guarded, and exam- ine that part of the ground most favorable to place their camp out- side the reach of the fort cannon. After having satisfied themselves in every particular without being discovered they started homeward to give a most favorable report to their leader. Everything seemed to encourage the expedition so far. Buffalo were numerous near the fort, therefore meat could be had to sustain the siege, and the absence of all enemies relieved their minds as to any difficulty in marching the camp thither. 48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 151 The return party went on their way in high spirits. So anxious were they to reach their people and urge the expedition forward that they neglected the usual caution observed by savages when traveling through a strange and hostile country. In place of inspecting the district, as they had done in their advance, they scattered over the hills shooting at everything in the way of game and raising the buffalo in every direction. This course soon attracted the notice of a large party of Blackfeet then on their way to war against the Crows. The former had all the advantage. Knowing from the signs men- tioned that strangers were near, they hid the main band and sent out scouts to reconnoiter, who in the course of the day brought intel- ligence of a small body of people whom they had seen. In the night the whole body of Blackfeet moved forward within sight of the campfires of their enemies. Here they halted and sent a few expert scouts to crawl near enough to hear them talk. In this they also succeeded, and returned stating their number together with the pleasant news that they were their old and inveterate enemies the Crows. The party of Blackfeet numbered about 160 and were headed by Spotted Elk, a tried and experienced warrior. About the break of day, while most of the Crows were yet asleep and their arms scattered carelessly around, they made the attack and in a short time most of the Crows were killed or disabled. Some fought like men but several saved themselves by flight. The Little White Bear was killed together with all but four who made out to escape and reach their own camp. Great was the mourning for their loss, and terrible vows taken for revenge. The Little White Bear was a great favorite with his people. He was a pleasant, liberal Indian, and being closely related to Rotten Belly, was his great support. Besides, his popularity in no way interfered with that of the head chief but rather reflected credit upon it by his submission to his orders and aid on all expeditions. On this occasion, the leader harangued through the camp his firm determination either to leave his body in the Blackfoot Country or to take ample revenge. The capture of the fort now became an object of more interest than ever. With the stores and ammunition that would thus be furnished they would be better able to contend with the powerful enemy whose country they were then invading. As soon as the first burst of mourning was over he again put the camp in motion and by rapid marches soon came near the trading establishment, though they used every possible precaution to conceal their approach. About the first of August 1835, they encamped in the pine mountain situated 20 miles east of the fort. Here they all assembled to deliberate for the last time and make arrangements for their proceedings before entering upon a course of action so different from their former operations. ae el OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 49 It was at this place also they fell in with a white trapper named James Coats, whom they well knew. He had made his spring hunt in the Rocky Mountains and was now on his way to the Blackfeet fort to dispose of his beaver. This man had been several years living and trapping with the Crow Indians, spoke their language tolerably well, and had some friends among them. Fearing, however, that if left to proceed he would disclose their intentions to the gentleman in charge of the fort, they forced him to remain. It has been said that Coats was in league with them for the purpose of pillaging the estab- lishment, and as his usual character was of that description of rene- gades it may have been so, ’tho as will appear his conduct does not merit this reproach. The American Fur Co., after considerable difficulty, had succeeded in opening a trade with the Blackfoot Indians in the year 1829. This large and fierce nation, previous to that period, visited the upper part of the Missouri along Maria and Belly Rivers only in the winter season in quest of beaver skins and buffalo robes, which they carried to the Hudson’s Bay Co.’s post on the Saskatchewan and traded for arms, etc., to continue their hunts. Owing to their constant encounters with the white trappers in the Rocky Mountains near the heads of the Missouri, they conceived a deadly hatred to all white men, which continues in a measure to this day. In these battles the trappers invariably came off victors when taken in a body, but were cut off in detail when separated into small parties for the purpose of hunting beaver. Upon the whole the amount of loss was on the side of the trappers, though on many occasions they had fought desperately and killed numbers of the Indians. In the year above mentioned, however, a few venturous persons with an interpreter were sent by the company with the pipe of peace, and a request to obtain permission to build a fort for their trade, promising to sell everything necessary for Indians at a lower rate than the British traders, and save the Indians the trouble of taking their skins to a distant market. After a good deal of parley this was agreed to. The post was built and well furnished with everything the Indians needed.® Still, however, suspicion existed on both sides. The fort was built of logs enclosed with high and strong pickets forming a square with the houses ranging along the sides and bastions on two corners built so as to command the four sides of the picketing. These % James Berger (or Bergier), a Canadian, who had become acquainted with the Blackfoot people and their language through earlier employment by the Hudson’s Bay Co., was the agent through whom the American Fur Co. was able to establish trade with these Indians, Kenneth McKenzie sent Berger at the head of a small party to the Blackfoot in the winter of 1830-31. In the spring he returned to Fort Union with a party of 70 or more Piegan. These Indians agreed to the construction of a trading post in their country. Fort Piegan was built at the mouth of the Marias that fall (Maximilian, 1906, vol. 23, pp. 90-91; Larpenteur, 1898, vol. 1, pp. 109-115; Bradley, vol. 3, pp. 202-203). 50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Buty. 151 bastions were furnished with cannon of small caliber, which, with a a good number of muskets, were always kept loaded in readiness for any attack from savages. From 30 to 50 men were usually stationed here during the fall and winter; most of them, however, were sent down the Missouri with the boats containing the robes and skins early in the spring leaving some 10 to 15 persons to pass the few summer months in the fort. In the month of August or September the annual supplies were received by a keel boat sent from Fort Union, hauling the same with a cordelle manned with 30 or 40 boatmen. Thus the fort received its reinforcement of men and stores before the Blackfeet returned from the English posts in the north, whither they always went in the summer,*! It was during this interim the Crows (who knew all these things) expected to take the fort by surprise or reduce the small garrison to surrender by siege. The gentleman in charge of the post at the time they arrived in its vicinity was Mr. Alexander Culbertson, an experienced and determined man, who has since risen to be Chief Agent of the company for the whole Upper Missouri.” He had been a trader years before among different Indian tribes, spoke several languages fluently, and was well versed in all things regarding the business and the character and customs of the Indians. This gentleman, ’tho unaware of the hostile intent of the Crows, or even of their approach, did not neglect the usual precautions to be observed in a country surrounded by fierce and warlike tribes. He kept up a guard in the bastions both day and night and has his people mostly employed within the fort, except the few who were detailed on horse guard. They kept the animals but a few paces from the fort gates. From the hills on the opposite side of the Missouri the advance scouts of the Crows could see and note undiscovered all that was going forward. ‘They were not long in perceiving that the fort was well guarded and a surprise impracticable. They therefore reverted to their alternative, to lay siege. With this view some 25 or 30 active men concealed themselves during the night under the bank of the river about 100 yards from the front gate and as soon as the horses of the fort were turned out to graze rushed between them and the guards and drove them off. The men fired but missed their aim. So this source of subsistence was taken away. Very shortly after, 41 Fort McKenzie, built as successor to Fort Piegan in 1832, was located ‘‘on the north side of the Missouri, about six miles above the mouth of the Maria, and about forty miles below the Great Falls of the Missouri, on a beautiful prairie . . . about 225 feet from the river” (A. Culbertson in Audubon, 1897, vol. 2, pp. 188-195). Maximilian spent a month at this fort in the late summer of 1833, and described the fort and the trade there in detail (Maximilian, 1906, vol. 23). #1 Biographical sketches of Alexander Culbertson and his Blood Indian wife, Medicine Snake Woman, appear in McDonnell, 1940, pp. 240-246. eo OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 5l the whole camp made their appearance and pitched their lodges in three divisions commanding the three sides of the fort but at such a distance as to be out of reach of cannon. The front of the fort was left unguarded as the inhabitants, having neither boats nor horses, could not escape with any property, ’tho it gave them an opportunity of evacuating the place without danger by fording the river. As soon as this disposition of his people was made, Rotten Belly came to the fort with a few followers and requested permission to enter, stating if that was granted he would willingly bring back the stolen horses. He spoke very friendly, said they intended no harm to the place or people, that they were on their way to find the Black- feet, etc. The drift of this was he wished to see what force the place contained and to learn from some woman in the fort who spoke the Crow language what quantity of provisions were on hand. To all these requests and fine promises Mr. Culbertson turned a deaf ear and bade him go about his business. On the second or third day of the siege the trapper, Coats, came to the fort and told Mr. Culbertson for the first time the real purpose of the Crows, advising him by no means to admit any of them. This cer- tainly showed well on the part of Coats, but he also was particular in his enquiries regarding the amount of provisions on hand. It is thought he was sent by the Indians to ascertain this point. If so, he failed either in getting admission or information. It happened most unfortunately that the siege commenced at a time when the fort was actually in want of everything to eat. Buffalo had been scarce the previous winter. Very little dried meat had been made by the Black- feet and still less traded by the fort. All flour, bread, pork, etc., had been expended 2 months before, ’tho the garrison would have had no difficulty in supporting themselves were they not prevented from hunt- ing, as buffalo were numerous within sight of the fort. As the case then stood, but a few bales of dried meat formed their only resource. However, to produce an impression on the Indians that they had an abundance, nearly half was thrown over the pickets to them at dif- ferent times when they came around asking for meat. It may appear singular that the besieged would allow their enemies to come close to the pickets and parley every day without firing upon them, but those who are acquainted with the nature of the fur trade and the habits of the Indians will not be surprised. The company intended to locate trading establishments with all the tribes and to use conciliatory measures everywhere with the object of securing the friendship of all the nations. It was not their policy to use force except on occasions of self-defense and extreme emergencies. Had Mr. Culbertson killed any of these Indians it would have proved a great obstacle to the establishing of a trading post in their country, 52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buny. 151 and likewise would have cut off all hope of escape in the event of being obliged to evacuate. Matters being brought to this issue, the Indians generally remained quiet in their camp or hunting buffalo in the vicinity, at the same time keeping up a strict watch both night and day upon the fort, having come to the conclusion that ere long it would surrender for want of provisions. The garrison on the other hand, apprehending a long siege, reduced their rations to less than one-quarter of their customary allowance. Occasionally the Crows would come alongside and a parley would take place, though nothing important was thus elicited. At the end of 2 weeks the same state of thing existed, with the excep- tion that the people in the fort had exhausted everything in the way of provisions. Even the few favorite dogs remaining were served up and dished out with a sparing hand to all. They had next to resort to the rawhides which had been used as coverings to the dried meat. These, although covered with dirt, grease, and paint, were cut up and boiled to something like the consistency of glue, and this mixture of all that was disgusting was used to sustain life for a few days longer. The hides being consumed, there remained only the cords made of skin which also were cooked and eaten, and absolute famine presented itself. Things now assumed a serious aspect. Most of the engagees were Canadians who, however hardy when well fed, are always the first to complain or revolt in trying times, notwithstanding their bragging. These urged Mr. Culbertson to abandon the place before they all starved to death. Loud were their murmurs and deep their curses upon his head for what they termed his desire to see them all die. But this gentleman, having determined on his course of action, was not a man to be deterred in carrying it out, neither by the mur- murs of his own people nor the persevering siege of the Indians. He knew if they could preserve their lives for a short time, the whole Blackfeet Nation would soon arrive... The season for their appearance had already passed, as also that of the arrival of their annual keel boat up. Assistance might be expected from either or both these quarters. It appeared to him wrong and cowardly to surrender at the commencement of difficulty. However, day after day passed by bringing forth nothing but increasing hunger—old skins, shoes, and all offals were greedily de- voured. Still nothing turned up to encourage them. Men began to look at each other fiercely and that pitch of distress had been reached beyond which all would become too debilitated to act in any way. At this juncture Mr. Culbertson called up all hands and gave orders to prepare to give battle to the Crows as it was his intention to sally out in the morning with all his force and cannon, proceed near them ore OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 53 and fight as long as any remained of his now feeble command. He was led to think, and experience had taught him, that a few well-directed discharges of artillery would drive them away. It is true that by evacuating the place they would all have been gladly allowed to pass unharmed, as their lives were not what the savages sought, but their property. But Mr. Culbertson knew that by leaving the establish- ment his act would be misinterpreted and lead to the stigmatizing of his character. All who are acquainted with the persons in the employ of the fur companies are aware that no allowances are made for circumstances, and that there is a prevailing disposition to traduce the name of anyone, more especially if he stands in a high position. He therefore decided either to force his enemies to leave the place or to die at the head of his people. It is somewhat remarkable that this plan met with but little opposition. Hunger had made his men desperate. Even those who some time before feared death in the distance now stood boldly forward to face the reality. The siege had now occupied nearly a month. The camp was well supplied with meat and everything betokened a determination on the part of the Indians to hold out much longer. All hands then were armed and supplied with ammunition, having been informed that the sally would be made about midday following. This was about the time most of the young and efficient warriors were either out guarding their horses at a distance or hunting in different directions. It was a sorrowful night in the fort. All felt that their chance of success was doubtful, their death little short of certainty, but their wretched famished condition threw over the whole a gloom of sullen, silent resolve. The eventful morning arrived; steadily and quietly this determined man proceeded to carry out his views, but it wanted yet a few hours to the time. When nearly ready the sentinels from the bastions ob- served some unusual commotion in the camp. Horses were being caught, warriors running about half armed, others riding off in various directions. Old men harangued, the council was called, and every- thing denoted some new and important event. The cause of all this was explained when on looking to the northwest small blue wreaths of smoke rose up in several places which were hailed with a shout of joy by all the fort. ‘The Blackfoot camp, our friends, our friends,’’ was the cry of all. Arms were put away and once more smiles were seen on the lank and haggard countenances of these poor people. The Crows sent on discovery soon returned, the whole camp began taking down their lodges, packing their horses in great haste, and before the afternoon the whole camp had moved across the river and were out of sight. That same evening some Blackfeet runners arrived 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 151 and the next day 800 lodges of these people encamped at the fort bringing plenty of meat.* It is not our intention to give lengthy descriptions of circumstances of this kind or much more might be added that would interest the general reader. Strange things occur in this wild country. Singular emergencies arise which could be wrought up into romantic narrative. But we must not lose sight of the great Chief Rotten Belly, a sketch of whose life is here attempted. The Blackfeet, as soon as they had been made aware of the conduct and number of the Crows, called a council but could not agree as to the expediency of pursuit. It was argued that although the Crows were inferior in numbers yet they were in a desperate state, greatly disappointed, and a bloody battle would be the result without much advantage to be gained. Indians usually reason in this way. They seldom risk much to gain little. They do not fight grand battles merely from a thirst for blood. Great disparity of force must exist before slaughter commences. Equality of numbers mostly prevents attack, in fact always does when not counterbalanced by the pros- pects of plunder or national revenge. These considerations had weight enough with chiefs and warriors of the Blackfeet to defer their operations against their enemies until a more favorable oppor- tunity presented, when they could take them by surprise or cut them off in detail according to the usual custom of savage warfare. The Crows, on the other hand, were glad to escape from their well- armed and numerous enemies. But having got beyond immediate danger they were halted by their chief. Rotten Belly was far from being satisfied. He had so far failed in every point he undertook to perform. His vows remained unfulfilled with the exception that should he fail he would leave his body in the country of the Blackfeet. This was yet in his power and was what he secretly resolved upon; for he knew this defeat and disgrace would lead to his downfall among his people. While deliberating how to act so as in some way to regain his position and recover in a manner the ground he had lost, chance threw in his way what perhaps he would have most desired. It happened that a war party of 20 Blackfeet had been in the country of the Crows, and not finding them was on its return to its own 33 This siege actually occurred in June 1834. J. Archdale Hamilton, in a letter to Kenneth McKenzie, written from Fort Union September 17, 1834, stated that the Crow compelled the defenders ‘‘to live on Cords Parfieche for 15 days’’ (letter in Missouri Hist. Soc., St. Louis). Yet the detailed account of the siege in ‘Extracts from Mr. Culbertson’s Journal Kept at Fort McKenzie, Blackfeet Indian Country in 1834,’’ copied by Audubon at Fort Union in 1843, states that it lasted only 2 days, June 25-26, and that a party of Blood Indians brought meat to the defenders on June 30 (Audubon, 1897, vol. 2, pp. 178-180). Bradley’s two accounts of this siege, presumably based upon information furnished him by Culbertson four decades after the action, also differ in detail from the Denig version on some points (Bradley, vol. 2, pp. 181-182; vol. 3, pp. 210-215). Probably the bare facts of this dramatic siege had become somewhat embroidered through two decades of verbal retelling before Denig wrote his version of the action in 1856. Noss) OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 55 nation. These proceeding in a careless way were discovered by the Crows while traveling. The chief and a few warriors in advance of the camp charged upon them, killed two, and the rest took refuge in one of the small wooden forts made by war parties, everywhere to be met with in the Blackfeet district. It was urged by most of the Crows that they should leave them alone, as they had already killed two without any harm to themselves, and by attacking the fortress they would undoubtedly lose some people. All agreed to this except Rotten Belly, who would have charged alone into the fort, but was detained by his people who held the bridle of his horse. It had not escaped the notice of the Crows that, since turning their backs on the trader’s fort, this chief was dressed in his most gay and costly war suit. He wore his shirt and leggings fringed with human hair, his war eagle feather bonnet, and his robe of state covered with the scalp locks of his enemies hung over his shoulders. All this display on the occasion of defeat betokened some deadly determination which his friends, both by entreaty and gentle force, attempted to prevent. After disputing with them for a short time he promised to go away along with the rest and leave their enemies for some other time when they could destroy them with less risk to themselves. His horse being set free of the grasp of his followers, he made him prance around as though in sport, then shouting aloud, ‘‘One last stroke for the Crow Nation; two Blackfeet cannot pay for the loss of The Little White Bear,’ he rushed at full speed upon his foes. Making his charger leap the small stockade into the midst of his enemies, he pinned one to the ground with his lance, but received a dozen arrows in his body and fell to rise no more. His people followed close behind, fell upon the Blackfeet, and cut them off to a man without further loss than that of their leader. But this was to them the greatest that could happen. In conformity with his request on several occasions, his body was wrapped in its warrior shroud and deposited on a tree in the country of the Blackfeet to be, as he said, a terror to them even after death. The lives of most Indian chiefs bear a strong resemblance. The history of one is that of all—the same battles, victories, defeats, and deaths proceed from their unvarying wars with their enemies, and are likely to continue as long as any tribes remain. Among all these nations, where daily struggles take place for each others’ lives and property, instances of individual daring arise which, among civilized men in what is called honorable warfare, would immortalize their names but which, for want of record, must soon be forgotten. The fame of any Indian chief is but short-lived. A few days of mourning is all that can be devoted to his memory. Their existence demands action, their force a leader. Their disposition is ambitious, and long before the death of their favorite chief takes place, some other candi- 909871—53——_5 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 151 date for his office is spoken of and approved. This often happens before the decease of a leader. Any great defeat or mismanagement on his part would transfer the power to another who had given proof of his bravery and abilities. The loss of Rotten Belly was deeply felt and regretted by the Crows, perhaps more than that of any other man either before or since his time. Even to this day he is spoken of as the Chief, or the Great Chief.* Other men now took charge of different portions of the Crows who separated into several bands and resumed their old habits and hunting grounds. OF TRADE AND WAR The year after the above event, a fort was built at the mouth of Rose Bud River on the Yellowstone for the trade with this nation. It furnished them with arms and other necessaries, and they slowly recovered from the disastrous effects of the smallpox. Before a trading post had been permanently placed in their country the Crows carried their furs to the Arikara and Mandan forts on the Missouri and disposed of them there. At that time they hunted nothing but beaver, the skins of which were then valuable and easy of transportation. They had not as yet turned their attention to pre- paring buffalo robes for sale, making only a sufficiency for the use of themselves and families. When the company paid them good prices for their robes it gave them an opportunity to equip themselves better for hunting and war then heretofore and tended considerably to re- strict their wandering habits. The camps remained stationary during the fall and winter months near the fort, where they employed their time in killing buffalo, dressing their hides, and purchasing such articles as they most wanted either for defense, convenience, or barter for horses with the tribes farther in the mountains. Still war was kept up, mostly in the spring and summer, with the different nations mentioned who were considered enemies. In these conflicts the Crows generally lost. At least, they being the smaller tribe, the fall of every warrior or hunter was more severely felt. All winter parties of Blackfeet, Sioux, Assiniboines, and other hostile nations hovered round their encampments, killed stragglers, and drove 34 Denig’s biography of this important Crow chief is the most detailed story of his life that is known. It is corroborated in part and expanded in the works of other writers. Curtis was told that Rotten Belly was second chief of the tribe at the time of the first Crow treaty with the United States, at the Mandan Villages, August 4, 1825, although he refused to sign that treaty. Maximilian witnessed the presentation of a medal to Rotten Belly by John A. Sanford, Indian Subagent, at the Mandan Villages in June 1833. He described Rotten Belly as ‘‘a fine tall man, with a pleasing countenance” who “‘had much infiuence over his people.”” This chief was well known to such prominent fur traders as Robert Campbell, N. C. Wyeth, and Captain Bonneville. News of Rotten Belly’s death in battle with the Blackfeet was entered in Fort Pierre Journal, August 8, 1834. In 1876, the Crow Indian, Little Face, furnished Bradley a number of stories illustrating Rotten Belly’s war record and the potent supernatural powers attributed to him by his tribesmen (Bradley, vol. 9, pp. 299-307; Curtis, 1909, pp. 47-48; Chardon, 1932, pp. 4, 253; Irving, 1851, pp. 189-191, 194-196, 352, 415-416; Maximilian, 1906, vol. 22, p. 351). ae OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 57 off numbers of their horses. On the return of the summer months the Crows went in large numbers to revenge these coups and often bloody battles ensued with considerable loss on both sides. FACTORS LIMITING THE INCREASE OF CROW POPULATION No great national calamity overtook them until the year 1848, when the smallpox again made its appearance, they having received the infection from the Snake Indians with whom they were at peace; the Snakes having contracted the pestilence in their dealings with emigrants passing along the Platte Trail. It does not appear to have been nearly so destructive as the same disease at the former period mentioned, ’tho numbers of children died. In 1849 the greater part of the Crow Nation was visited by an influenza of so destructive a nature as to take off about 600 persons, among whom were some of the best warriors and wise councilors.*® Since the last date no great havoc has been wrought by epidemics, ’tho they cannot be said to be much on the increase. Several things tend to prevent their augmentation. Setting aside the loss by war and deaths by different maladies incident to human life, the propagation of the venereal disease among them appears to be the greatest bar to their prosperity, both by its fatal nature and the inability of the tainted persons to procure wives or husbands. Infanticide is also publicly practiced by two-thirds of the married women. Unwilling to be troubled by raising their children, they either kill them in utero, or as soon as brought forth, ’tho the former manner is the most common. Abortions are produced by administering blows on the abdomen or by pressing upon it with a stick, leaning their whole weight thereon and swinging to and fro. The foetus is thus ejected at different periods of its growth, varying from 3 to 7 months. As they are not aware of the danger attending the practice many women die in attempting it. It has been computed by those well acquainted with this tribe that three-fourths of all the women who die are lost in this manner. Usually the husband consents to it, or at least does not punish his wife for so doing, but of late years the voices of all or most of the men are against the crime and it is becom- ing more rare. The act now reflects disgrace on both the father and 35 Indian Agent Vaughan claimed that the Crow on the headwaters of Powder River caught the smallpox from the Shoshone, who had contracted it from California emigrants, in the fall and winter of 1851. This epidemic, he said, reduced Crow numbers by 30 lodges, killing some 400 members of the tribe in a short time (Ann. Rep. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1853, p. 354). % Kurz (1937, pp. 215-216), on October 28, 1851, wrote that influenza jhad been “‘ dangerously tne Snes , among the Crow the previous winter, killing some 150 members of the tribe “‘among them some of their most prominent tribesmen.” Some of the Crow believed Denig had inflicted the disease upon them in retaliation for their theft of 10 horses from Fort Union. ‘To prevent further spread of the disease .. . the Indians brought back nine of the stolen horses.’’ 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 mother of the child and, if not done so frequently, it is at least con- cealed from the public.” This disgusting and unnatural custom is not peculiar to the Crows. It exists to a more or less extent among all nations of the Upper Missouri but not in such a degree as to effect much their natural increase. CROW HERMAPHRODITES Another thing worthy of note with these Crows is the number of Berdéches or hermaphrodites among them. Most civilized commu- nities recognize but two genders, the masculine and feminine. But strange to say, these people have a neuter. This does not proceed from any natural deformity, but from the habits of the child. Occa- sionally a male child, when arrived at the age of 10 or 12 years or less, cannot be brought to join in any of the work or play of the boys, but on the contrary associates entirely with the girls. Now all the amusements of boys and girls are marked and distinct. The former, at a very early age, are instructed in the use of the bow, shooting at birds, guarding horses, trapping rabbits and other small game, while the latter are taught to cook, dress skins, make moccasins, work with beads and porcupine quills all articles of clothing, and other servile and feminine acquirements. Children of different sexes seldom asso- ciate either in their work or play, ’tho as has been observed, instances do occur in which a boy acquires all the habits of a girl, notwith- standing every effort on the part of his parents to prevent it. The disposition appears to be natural and cannot be controlled. When arrived at the age of 12 or 14, and his habits are formed, the parents clothe him in a girl’s dress and his whole life is devoted to the labors assigned to the females. He is not to be distinguished in any way from the women, ’tho is seldom much respected by either sex. The parents regret it very much but to no purpose. There used to be some five or six of these hermaphrodites among the Crows, ’tho at the present time there are but two or three. One of these has been married and presents the anomaly of husband and wife in the same dress attending to the same domestic duties.* 37 Denig (1930, p. 521) stated, ‘‘It is not far from the correct number if we state that one-eighth of the chil- dren are destroyed in utero or after birth by the Crow women.” 3% Sexual abnormalities among the Crow were mentioned by both earlier and later writers. In 1806 Alexander Henry wrote, ‘“‘I am informed they are much addicted to unnatural lusts, and have no scruple in satisfying their desires with their mares and wild animals fresh killed’? (Henry and Thompson, 1897, vol. 1, p. 399). Maximilian (in 1833) stated, ‘‘They have many bardaches, or hermaphrodites, among them, and exceed all other tribes in unnatural practices’’ (Maximilian, 1906, vol. 22, p. 354). Father De Smet described a Crow warrior who “‘in consequence of a dream had put on women’s clothing and sub- jected himself to all the labors and duties of that condition, so humiliating to an Indian’”’ (Chittenden and Richardson, 1905, vol. 3, p. 1017). While on the Crow Reservation.in 1902, Simms was informed that there were three hermaphrodites in the tribe and that ‘‘a few years ago an Indian agent endeavoured to compel these people, under threat of punishment, to wear men’s clothing, but his efforts were unsuccessful’’ (Simms, 1903, pp. 580-581). Lowie reported but one surviving berdache on that reservation in 1912 (Lowie, 1912, p. 226). aera OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 59 THE CROW TOBACCO-PLANTING CEREMONY Before closing our remarks on these people, some account of their superstitions appears to be demanded. The power ascribed to their priests and medicine men differ in many respects from those of other tribes. Wherever this is the case, separate descriptions and explana- tions have been promised in former parts of this work. Hereafter the religion of all the tribes will be minutely considered, its elements disclosed and its effects commented on; but in this place it will only meet with notice so far as to inform of some rites and ceremonies which have a great influence on their national character and government. The term ‘‘medicine men,” as now used, has no reference to those who use drugs to cure diseases, but to such as are thought by the entire population to possess superhuman powers to bring about events. Sometimes these persons are supposed to be gifted with the spirit of prophecy, or to work evil ends. This is a prevalent idea with the majority of the roving tribes and will meet with further explanation. But the Crows center ali power in the Tobacco Planters. These are their own people and exhibit no outward difference either in dress or manners from their neighbors, ’tho they are believed to have control over events, seasons, the elements, animals, and all things usually attributed to the works of an overruling Providence. In fact they have no idea of a Supreme Being, a first cause, or of a future state. Neither do the great lumenaries the sun and moon appear to them objects of much veneration, ’tho they are somewhat afraid of thunder. This nation has from time immemorial planted tobacco. They have carefully preserved the original seed discovered with the conti- nent, which produces leaves similar to the cultivated plant in the Western States and has something of its taste and flavor. They believe that as long as they continue to preserve the seed and have in their homes some of the blossom they will preserve their national existence. They say as soon as none is found they must pass away from the face of the earth. Several other traditions also tend to the continuation of the custom of tobacco planting. Among the first is that those who fulfill the orders of their ancestors in this respect shall be endowed with supernatural powers, to bring rain, avert pestilence, control the wind, conquer disease, make the buffalo come near their camp, and increase the number of all kinds of game; that they can in fact bring about any event not dependent upon ordinary human possibility. This is confined to the few who plant the tobacco, and who, knowing the power and standing thus to be gained, are very anxious to keep up the superstition with the ceremonies attending it. Sometimes, with a view to acquiring property, one of them will sell his right or powers to some aspiring individual. In this case the 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 candidate gives everything he has in the world—all his horses, dresses, arms, even his lodge and household utensils—to pay for the great medicine and honor to become a Tobacco Planter. On an occasion of this kind the applicant is adopted with great ceremonies into the band of Planters. His flesh is cut and burned in large and deep furrows around the breast and along his arms, leaving for a long time dangerous and disgusting wounds difficult to heal. He is also obliged to go several days without food or water. After passing through this ordeal, he is furnished with some tobacco seed, in exchange for every- thing that he possesses. In this way the rite is perpetuated, and never has received the least check or interruption. On the contrary, it appears to become more honorable from being more ancient and from the difficulties attendant on becoming a conductor of the ceremony. The customary place for the planting of the tobacco is on Wind River at the base of the mountain having that name, ’tho it is not confined to this spot alone. Other places are sometimes sought more convenient for the camp when the season arrives. At an appointed spot then the whole nation are invited to meet in a certain moon, which corresponds with about the middle to the last of April. When encamped in the vicinity the women of the camp are detailed to clear off all bushes and rubbish from a space of ground about half an acre square. Even the cleaning of this place is accompanied with the beating of drums, singing, and smoking at intervals. This usually occupies the first day. On the next the spot is hoed, either with iron instruments or with the shoulder blades of buffalo. The latter is the primitive utensil. This operation consumes the greater part of the second day. The third is ushered in by loud haranguing, feasting, singing by the Planters, and all married men and women, mounted on horseback, proceed in file to the neighboring trees and cut each a faggot of wood which is tied together and carried before them on the horse. The women take precedence, and it is distinctly understood that the female who brings in the first bundle of wood must be one who has had no illicit connection with any man but her husband. If she attempts to deceive, the person who is aware of, and a partici- pator in, her guilt steps forward and cries aloud, “she is lame,” or unfit for the post of honor; in which case she is forever disgraced. This has happened more than once. Indeed so rare is a virtuous woman in this nation that the above requisition has several times been nearly the cause of an entire suspension of the custom; for they would rather relinquish the whole than alter the manner in which the cere- mony has been transmitted to them by their forefathers. Hereto- fore, however, they have succeeded in finding one virtuous female, or one said to be so, ’tho, as has been observed, the search has been attended with difficulty. The next important step taken in this great es OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 61 national solemnity is to select a man who will solemnly swear he has never slept with any of his relatives’ wives more nearly akin than a brother-in-law, that tie included. This individual is found previ- ously to their going after the wood and he brings in the second faggot. Singular as it may appear, the moral character of the males is not superior to the female part of the community, and several weeks have often been employed in the seeking and approving of a man free from the crime of incest. At one time so great was their anxiety to proceed with their custom, and so rare was the proper person that they were obliged to employ one of the gentlemen of the Fur Company to fill the office. Therefore, it may safely be conjectured that if no improve- ment takes place in their moral condition the rite of tobacco planting will soon be at an end. To proceed. When the two loads of wood are thus cast upon the cleared spot, all the rest follow after, one at a time laying down his burden with great solemnity, encouraged by the Planters, who are stationed round singing and drumming. Beside each of the medicine men are placed pans and bowls of cooked meat, tongues, pemmican, dried berries, and other eatables considered by them as delicacies. ‘Those who lay down a bundle of wood go and seat themselves around these dishes and eat as much as they can. Great quantities are consumed, which have been laid up for months beforehand in anticipation of the above ceremony. When the wood is all collected, it is separated into four large piles, one of which is placed on each corner of the square patch intended for cultivation. Then these piles are all separately smoked to and invoked. Indeed, any and every movement they make during the whole performance partakes of a sacred character. The wood is then strewn equally over the surface of the place, fire put to it and burned to ashes. The whole is rehoed and threshed with willows, which serves the purpose of harrowing. Much time is employed in invocation and other ceremony over the tobacco seed, which in the end is mixed with fine earth and ashes and scattered over the garden. The place is then threshed with brush a second time for the purpose of burying the seed. Having arrived at this point of the ceremony a grand medicine lodge next claims their attention. This is made by forming a large tent with 8 or 10 lodges connected by poles, sufficiently commodious to contain 200 or 300 persons. The interior is decked out with cloths of brilliant colors, beads, and various other ornaments. Large feasts are cooked and placed therein, and a full band of drums, rattles, bells, and whistles keeps up a deafening and continual noise. Danc- ing goes forward after the eatables have been dispatched. These dances are conducted with strict decorum, as they, with all the rest of the ceremony, are supposed to bring about a state of happy and prosperous national affairs. Several persons on these occasions cut 62 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy. 151 and scar their arms and bodies, and exert themselves in dancing without food or water for such a length of time that they are carried away in an unconscious condition from which some are with difficulty revived. This amusement, or rather devotion, usually occupies three more days, at the end of which time they move camp and march about half a mile, the next day about a mile, the third and fourth about as much more. The idea is that they do not wish the tobacco to think they are running away from it, but are so fond of it as scarcely to have the wish to depart. As soon as possible after the seed is sown it is desirable to have rain that the same may be washed into the earth and take root. One of the Planters then undertakes to produce rain, and by his desire merchandise and other property is collected from the band often to the amount of 2 or 3 thousand dollars. These articles are freely given to the medicine man by the rest, considering them as sacrifices to the clouds. The Tobacco Planter, after hanging up the different articles on the bushes around, commences a series of smokings and prayers to the heavens forrain. If he succeeds, the whole of the sacrifices belong to him and he acquires increase of fame. But if no rain falls, the goods are suffered to lie there, ’tho no blame is cast on the Planter, for he cunningly asserts that the time is not propitious and that some of the nation have not fulfilled their promises, etc. Occasionally he takes advantage of clouds gathering to predict rain, which would most likely fall without his aid. But they are so blind and bigoted that they actually believe in his power to produce it. One of these Planters can do anything (so they think), can make the grass grow, make buffalo plenty, and foretell any great calamity arising from disease or attacks from enemies. When all this parade is over the camp resumes its ordinary occupa- tions and traveling, until, about the latter end of August, it marches again to the tobacco field, when they pull the plant up and pack it into sacks. The seed is separated from the blossom and preserved; the stock and leaves are carefully stored away, only to be used on great occasions such as peacemaking with other nations, and religious rites of a national character. It is also used in extreme cases of sickness, not as a drug, but in their usual superstitious manner of smoking, believing its efficacy to consist in the article itself, rendered sacred and powerful by ceremony, and the smoke emitted through the nostrils of a Tobacco Planter.® 3* Curtis obtained a tradition to the effect that No Vitals, who quarreled with the Hidatsa over the buffalo and led the Crow Indians westward to become their first chief, originated the tobacco ceremony. Lowie found the Crow regarded the tobacco as their distinctive medicine, equivalent to the medicine pipe of the Hidatsa. Denig’s early description of the tobacco-planting ceremony contains many details lacking in accounts of this ceremony based upon field investigations a half century later, and after the Crow had settled down to sedentary reservation life. (Compare Curtis, 1909, pp. 61-67; Simms, 1904, and Lowie, 1919, entire.) Aarener PAP. OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 63 The foregoing is a rapid sketch of this principal national religious rite. There are many others of smaller note, resembling in every respect those of other tribes, which will be more minutely discussed in another place. CHIEF LONG HAIR Since the time of Rotten Belly no great man has ruled the nation. It is at present separated into smaller communities, each governed by a chief. The principal man after the chief above named was Long Hair, so called from having hair on his head 36 feet in length. Although it may appear singular that any human being should be in possession of this length of hair, yet it is nevertheless true. Encour- aged by a dream, when a young man, that he would become great in proportion to the growth of his hair, he tied weight to it, which aided its growth, and every few months separated the locks into small parcels which were stuck together with the gum of the pine tree. In this way none of his hair could be lost. If any fell out the gum pre- vented it from dropping. At the age of 50 his hair was the length mentioned, ’tho no single stalk was longer than usual among females of our own color. This cumbersome bunch of hair he rolled up into two large balls and carried them in front of his saddle while riding. When on foot, the rolls were attached to his girdle. On great festivals he mounted on horseback, unrolled his hair, and rode slowly round the camp with his scalplocks trailing some distance behind him on the ground. Whether or not it was this peculiarity that brought him into notice we cannot say. No doubt it aided considerably, ’tho he also is spoken of asa brave man. He rose to high power, was well liked, and died a few years since.” At this date, 1856, the Crows have peace with the Assiniboines and some bands of Sioux with whom they occasion- ally reside and exchange presents. CHIEF BIG ROBBER At the treaty of Laramie in 1851, The Big Robber was made chief of the nation by the United States Commissioners, but since that 40 “The Long Hair’”’ was the first signer of the Crow’s first treaty with the United States at the Mandan Villages, August 4, 1825. Bradley stated that Long Hair was head chief of the numerically superior Moun- tain Crow, Rotten Belly head chief of the River Crow, after the division of the tribe due to jealousy between these leaders. Little Face, Bradley’s principal Crow informant, considered Long Hair the greater of the two leaders. Leonard met Long Hair in the fall of 1834, shortly after Rotten Belly’s death. He termed Long Hair “‘the principal chief or Sachem of the nation and is quite a worthy and venerable old man of 75 or 80 years of age,’”’ who ‘“‘worships nothing but his hair, which is regularly combed and carefully folded up every morning into a roll about three feet long by the principal warriors of his tribe.”” Leonard said that Long Hair’s tresses were ‘‘no less than nine feet eleven inches long.” Maximilian claimed they were ‘‘ten feet long,”’ and Catlin said Messrs. Sublette and Campbell assured him ‘“‘they had measured his hair by correct means, and found it to be ten feet and seven inches in length; closely inspecting every part of it at the same time, and satisfying themselves that it was the natural growth” (Bradley, vol. 9, pp. 312-313; Catlin, 1841, vol. 1, pp. 49-50; Leonard, 1904, pp. 255-257; Maximilian, 1906, vol. 22, p. 353). 64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 time he has not governed his people. In place of remaining with the greater portion, he is generally found near the emigrant trail along the Platte with a few lodges who do nothing but beg and steal, and contract diseases from passing emigrants which sweep off numbers of his people. He is now despised by the other bands. He has no command, is not respected, as much for seeking other districts as for not remaining and assisting in defending his own country. PROSPECTS FOR INTERTRIBAL PEACE A portion of the nation now passes the winter with the Assiniboines, with whom they make out to agree, ’tho the latter steal their horses to some extent. But the Crows are solicitous for peace with all tribes except the Blackfeet, with whom they wish to be at war as long as one of them remains. The late treaty with the Blackfeet may have the effect of annexing the Piegans and Gros Ventres of the Prairie to their list of friends, but the Blood Indians and Blackfeet will never be brought to live at peace with any of the surrounding nations.* BIOGRAPHY OF WOMAN CHIEF Perhaps the only instance known of a woman attaining the rank of chief among any of the tribes whose histories we attempt has happened among the Crows. It has ever been the custom with these wandering people to regard females in an inferior light in every way. They have no voice in council, or anything to say at assemblies formed by men for camp regulations. Even the privilege of intimate conversation with their husbands is denied them when men are present. They have their own sphere of action in their domestic department, from which they are never allowed to depart, being considered by their husbands more as a part of their property than as companions. This being the case, they seldom accompany parties to war. Those who do are of the lowest possible description of character, belong to the public generally, have no home or protection. Sometimes females of this stamp are taken along to make and mend shoes, dry meat, cook, etc., but they are never allowed to take part in battle. Even if they were, their inexperience in the use of weapons would soon cause their death. For such as these there is no opportunity to distinguish them- selves. They must be content with the station of servant and that of the very lowest kind of drudgery. The case we are about to relate is that of a Gros Ventre of the Prairie woman taken prisoner by the Crows when about 10 years of age. 41 Denig’s hope for peace between the Crow and Piegan following the first Blackfoot treaty with the United States, at the mouth of the Judith River, October 17, 1855, was not realized. For four decades after that treaty was signed the Piegan continued to make raids upon the Crow camps. eo apie OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 65 From a personal acquaintance of 12 years with this woman we can lay her true history before the reader. Shortly after her capture the warrior to whom she belonged per- ceived a disposition in her to assume masculine habits and employ- ments. As in the case of the Berdéche who, being male inclines to female pursuits, so this child, reversing the position, desired to acquire manly accomplishments. Partly to humor her, and partly for his own convenience, her foster father encouraged the inclination. She was in time placed to guard horses, furnished with bow and arrows, em- ploying her idle time in shooting at the birds around and learning to ride fearlessly. When further advanced in years she carried a gun, learned to shoot, and when yet a young woman was equal if not superior to any of the men in hunting both on horseback and on foot. During her whole life no change took place in her dress, being clad like the rest of the females with the exception of hunting arms and accoutrements. It also happened that she was taller and stronger than most women—her pursuits no doubt tending to develop strength of nerve and muscle. Long before she had ventured on the warpath she could rival any of the young men in all their amusements and occupations, was a capital shot with the rifle, and would spend most of her time in killing deer and bighorn, which she butchered and carried home on her back when hunting on foot. At other times she joined in the surround on horse, could kill four or five buffalo at a race, cut up the animals without assistance, and bring the meat and hides home. Although tolerably good looking she did not, it seems, strike the fancy of the young men, and her protector having been killed in battle, she assumed the charge of his lodge and family, performing the double duty of father and mother to his children. In the course of time it happened that the Blackfeet made a charge on a few lodges of Crows encamped near the trading fort in their country—our heroine being with the lodges. The attack was sudden. Several men were killed and the rest took refuge within the fort saving most of their horses. The enemies made a stand beyond the reach of guns and by signs exhibited a desire to speak to someone in the fort. Neither Whites nor Crows could be found to venture out. But this woman, understanding their language, saddled her horse and set forth to meet them. Everyone sought to detain her, but she would not be persuaded. The fort gates were opened and she went on her dangerous errand. When arrived within hailing distance, and about half rifle shot, several Blackfeet came to meet her, rejoicing in the occasion of securing an easy prize. When within pistol shot, she called on them to stop, but they paid no attention to her words. One of the enemies then fired at her and the rest charged. She immedi- 66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty. 151 ately shot down one with her gun, and shot arrows into two more without receiving a wound. The remaining two then rode back to the main body, who came at full speed to murder the woman. They fired showers of balls and pursued her as near to the fort as they could with safety approach. But she escaped unharmed and entered the gates amid the shouts and praises of the Whites and her own people. This daring act stamped her character as a brave. It was sung by the rest of the camp, and in time was made known to the whole nation. About a year after, she collected a number of young men and headed her first war excursion against the Blackfeet. Fortune again favored her. She approached their camp in the night, stole 70 horses and drove them with great speed toward her home. But the enemies followed, overtook them, and a sharp skirmish ensued, which resulted in the Crows getting off with most of the animals and two Blackfeet scalps. One of the two Blackfeet the woman chieftain killed and scalped with her own hand. The other, although shot down by one of her followers, she was the first to strike and taken from him his gun while he was yet alive ’tho severely wounded. It may reasonably be supposed that coups such as these aided to raise her fame as a warrior, and according to their own usages, from the fact of striking first the bodies of two enemies, she could no more be prevented from having a voice in their deliberations. Other expeditions of a still more hazardous nature were undertaken and successfully carried through by this singular and resolute woman. In every battle around their own camp or those of their enemies some gallant act distinguished her. Old men began to believe she bore a charmed life which, with her daring feats, elevated her to a point of honor and respect not often reached by male warriors, certainly never before conferred upon a female of the Crow Nation. The Indians seemed to be proud of her, sung forth her praise in songs composed by them after each of her brave deeds. When council was held and all the chiefs and warriors assembled, she took her place among the former, ranking third person in the band of 160 lodges. On stated occasions, when the ceremony of striking a post and publicly repeating daring acts was performed, she took precedence of many a brave man whose career had not been so fortunate. In the meantime she continued her masculine course of life, hunting and war. Heretofore her attention had been but little attracted to personal gain in the way of barter. Whatever hides she brought home from the hunt were given to her friends, ‘tho the meat was cured and dried by herself and the children under her charge. When horses were wanting she drew upon her enemies for a supply and had been heretofore uniformly successful. She had numbers of animals oc OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 67 in her possession, with which she could at any time command other necessaries. But with Indians it is the same as with civilized persons. The richer they become the more desirous they are of acquiring more. As yet no offer of marriage had been made her by anyone. Her habits did not suit their taste. Perhaps they thought she would be rather difficult to manage as a wife. Whatever the reason was, they certainly rather feared than loved her as a conjugal companion, and she continued to lead a single life. With the view of turning her hides to some account by dressing them and fitting them for trading pur- poses, she took to herself a wife. Ranking as a warrior and hunter, she could not be brought to think of female work. It was derogatory to her standing, unsuited to her taste. She therefore went through the usual formula of Indian marriage to obtain an authority over the woman thus bought. Strange country this, where males assume the dress and perform the duties of females, while women turn men and mate with their own sex! Finding that employing hands advanced her affairs in the lodge, in a few years her establishment was further increased by taking three more wives. This plurality of women added also to her standing and dignity as a chief; for after success at war, riches either in horses or women mark the distinction of rank with all the Prairie tribes. Nothing more was now in her power to gain. She had fame, standing, honor, riches, and as much influence over the band as anyone except two or three leading chiefs. To either of their offices she could in no wise expect to succeed; for to be a leader requires having strong family connection, extensive kindredship, and a popularity of a different description from that allotted to partizans. This being the case, she wisely concluded to maintain her present great name instead of inter- fering with the claims of others to public notice. For 20 years she conducted herself well in all things appertaining to war and a hunter’s life. In the summer of 1854 she determined to visit in a friendly way the Gros Ventres of the Prairie to which nation, it has been observed, she owed her parentage. The treaty with the Upper Missouri tribes held at Laramie in 1851 had been followed up by overtures of peace to the Blackfeet and the Gros Ventres of the Prairie. The entire body of the latter, with a portion of the former, evinced a willingness to abstain from war excursions, and sent friendly messages to the Crows and Assiniboines containing invitations to visit them. The Assiniboines did so, were well received, hospitably entertained by the Gros Ventres, and dismissed with horses as presents. This intercourse was kept up for 3 or 4 years, with entire satisfaction to both parties, although the Crows had not as yet presented themselves at the camps of their 68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 former enemies. With the view of ascertaining how far their hostile spirit had been quelled, and perhaps of gaining a goodly number of horses, this Woman Chief undertook a visit there, presuming that, as she was in fact one of their nation, could speak their language, and a general peace was desired, she could associate with them without being harmed. Many old and experienced fur traders endeavored to dissuade her from this journey, as her feats against them were too notorious to be easily overlooked. But contrary to the advice of her friends she proceeded. When near the camp, however, she encountered a large party of the Gros Ventres of the Prairie who had been to Fort Union and were re- turning home. These she boldly met, spoke to, and smoked with. But on their discovering who she was, they took the advantage while traveling with her to their camp to shoot her down together with the four Crows who had so far borne her company. This closed the earthly career of this smgular woman and effectually placed a bar to any hopes of peace between the Crows and her murder- ers. Neither has there since appeared another of her sex who preferred the warrior’s life to that of domestic duties.” DANGERS ENCOUNTERED IN THE FUR TRADE WITH THE CROWS Before closing our remarks on this people, something regarding the trade with them might not be amiss, for the fort built in their country has been the theater of more war and bloodshed both of Whites and Indians than any other spot occupied by the fur traders. From the year before named until 1855, forts have been built in dif- ferent places along the Yellowstone at distances varying from 150 to 300 miles from its conflux. The mouths of the Tongue River, Rose Bud River, Powder River, Big Horn, O’Fallon’s Creek, and the Little Horn have all at times been occupied by trading posts, to which annual supplies were sent up in a mackinaw boat towed with a cordelle by 15 to 20 men, some of whom remained to bring down the peltries the ensuing spring, the others returned to the starting point, Fort Union, 42 Kurz met “the famous Absaroka amazon” at Fort Union, October 27, 1851. He said she “looked neither savage nor warlike. . . . She is about 45 years old; appears modest in manner and good natured rather than quick to quarrel.” She gave Denig a Blackfoot scalp, which she had taken herself, which Denig presented to Kurz for his collection (Kurz, 1937, pp. 213-214), In hisreport to Governor Stevens, Denig included a briefer account of this woman’s career (Denig, 1930, pp. 433-434). In that source he mentioned an Assiniboin woman had attempted to imitate the Crow woman warrior, only to be killed on her first war excursion. J. Willard Schultz has written a fictionalized biography of Running Eagle, the noted Piegan woman warrior (Schultz, 1919). Running Eagle, who was killed by the Flathead following a series of successful war exploits, was remembered by elderly men on the Blackfeet Reservation, Mont., in the early 1940’s. Presumably her war career was initiated after Denig’s description of the Crow woman was written. However, she may haye been inspired by the example of the Crow’s Woman Chief. SRTEROE EAP OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 69 at the mouth of the Yellowstone. This river is very difficult to navi- gate at any season. During the summer flood the banks fallin. The current is very swift and the whole surface of the river is covered with floating trees and driftwood. After this stage the river falls too low and the danger then is confined to the sandbars, snags, and ledges of rock reaching nearly across the stream. Through these rocks the water runs with such velocity as not to admit of a loaded boat being hauled through. It is unloaded and the merchandise transported on men’s shoulders by land to where the river is less turbulent. These rapids occupy nearly 100 miles in length. For the greater part of this distance the goods are carried by the men and the empty boats dragged up the stream. The downward navigation is more dangerous still. On these rapids the boats are often broken and both men and cargoes lost. The banks of the Yellowstone, moreover, are infested by hordes of Blackfeet Indians or Sioux, both hostile to either Whites or natives. The well-timbered bottoms of the river and deep-cut coulees in the hils afford excellent lurking places for marauding parties ready to kill or rob whenever opportunity offers. But all these difficulties are of a trifling nature when compared to the situation of the traders around their own fort. Scarcely a week passes but attacks are made on those whose work obliges them to go beyond the gates of the stockade. The Sioux on the one hand, and the Blackfeet on the other, constantly in search of the Crow Indians who are supposed to be near the fort, make this place the center of their operations. When the Crows are stationed in the vicinity all attacks fall upon them, and well they retaliate. But when there are no Indians those who cut wood, guard horses, or go in quest of meat by hunting feel the murderous strokes of these ruthless warriors. Each and every year from 5 to 15 persons attached to the trading establishment have been killed, since commerce has been carried on with the Crows in their own district. The Blackfeet view the fort for the Crows in the light Rotten Belly did that for them. It sup- plies their enemies with arms and munitions of war, besides other conveniences for hunting and existing as a nation. Also the Black- feet never entirely forgot the attempt of the Crow chieftain to cut off their support by besieging their fort in the hopes of being able to pillage it. They have always been a fierce people, killing the trappers in the mountains, in which encounters they suffered loss which they revenge to this day on any and all white persons not connected with 43 For the Crow trade the American Fur Co. and its successors built four trading posts on the Middle Yellowstone in less than a quarter century. Each in turn was abandoned after a few years’ service. There were Fort Cass (1832-38), Fort Van Buren (1839-42), Fort Alexander (1842-50), and Fort Sarpy (1850-55) (Chittenden, 1902, vol. 2, pp. 964-965; Larpenteur, 1898; vol. 1, pp. 115, 170-175; McDonnell, 1940, pp. 282-283). 70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 the trading establishment in their own region. Sometimes these, too, go before their savage dispositions. The Crows never passed the summer in the vicinity of the fort. At that season they were with the Flatheads, Snakes, or Nez Percés bartering the merchandise obtained from the traders for horses, orna- ments, etc., with those nations. Late in the autumn some of them encamped near the fort but the greater portion kept in the fastnesses of the mountains, hunting in the valleys and bringing their proceeds to the trading post the following spring. About 6 months in the year the fort was left to defend itself the best way it could with its small number of men. These were further reduced when the mackinaw boats left with the annual returns. At these times those who re- mained could not with safety venture to the bank of the river to get water within a few steps of the gate. Indeed some were shot stand- ing within the entrance. Whoever went forth to procure wood or meat placed their lives in extreme jeopardy. Every hunter there has been killed, and the fort often reduced to a famished condition when buffalo were in great numbers within sight. The few horses kept for hunting were always stolen, and those who guarded them shot down. The Blackfeet never do these things openly; concealed among the bushes, grass, or in gullies they lie in wait for those who go out. The fort people seldom if ever killed any enemies. As soon as a man or two were shot the Indians absconded. At the time of attacking they were hidden from view or too numerous to be engaged by the few who were the victims to their bloodthirsty natures. After keeping up the war in this way for about 16 years neither the Crow Indians nor traders could be brought to station themselves there for any length of time and the Yellowstone has been abandoned by both.** Men could, however, be found to continue operations in the Crow district did the trade prove of sufficient profit to the ad- venture. But two-thirds of the Indians have of late years taken their robes to the traders on the Platte for disposal. In some instances a few persons have come into their country with merchandise for their trade, which they brought in wagons along the Platte road as far as 44 ndian Agent Vauchan, on his visit to the Crow country in August 1854, reported, “‘Scarcely a day passes but the Crow country is infested with more or less parties of Blackfeet, who murder indiscriminately any one that comes within their reach. At Fort Sarpy so great is the danger that no one ventures even a few yards from his own door without company and being well armed” (Ann. Rep. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1854, p. 85). By spring of 1855, hostile pressure had become so great that the traders burned Fort Sarpy (May 19) and abandoned the Crow country (McDonnell, 1940, pp. 126-127). Thus, at the time of Denig’s writing, his company had no post among the Crow. Vaughan was prevented from reaching the Crow in the sum- mer of 1855 by bodies of hostile Sioux on the Lower Yellowstone. -When he reestablished contact with the Crow in the summer of 1856, that tribe had not received Government annuities for 2 years. Their chiefs explained to him “‘they preferred to go without the goods, rather than run the risk of passing through a country beset by their deadliest enemies, the Blackfeet and Blood Indians of the north.”” Vaughan persuaded 350 Crows to go with him to Fort Union to obtain the annuity goods for the entire tribe (Ann. Rep. Comm. Ind. Aff., 1856, p. 81). Oe OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 71 Laramie’s Fork, thence turning off and passing the winter near Powder River Mountain. There they build houses, deal with the Crows, and take their returns of furs and skins to St. Louis by the same road they came. As the country now stands, it is destitute of traders. Some camps come to Fort Union for supplies, others go to the Platte posts, and many rove through the mountains, supply themselves with what they want either by barter with other tribes or by robbing any emi- grants on their road to the far west. The trade with the Crows never was very profitable. They buy only the very finest and highest-priced goods which are most desired for the horse trade. Their own clothing also, of European manu- facture, consists chiefly of blankets, cloths, etc., which, with English guns and brass kettles, do not bear a large advance of price when sold to them. Add to this their interminable practice of begging and stealing, and the expense and risk in taking goods up the Yellow- stone and peltries down, and but little remains to compensate the trader for his time and trouble. FUTURE PROSPECTS OF THE CROW INDIANS Situated as they now are. the Crows cannot exist long as a nation. Without adequate supplies of arms and ammunition, warred against by the Blackfeet on one side and most bands of the Sioux on the other, straving along the Platte trail where they contract rapid and deadly diseases, together with the unnatural customs of destroying their offspring, will soon lead to their entire extinction. Or if a few remain they will become robbers and freebooters on any and all persons passing through the solitary regions of the Rocky Mountains.“ BIBLIOGRAPHY ABEL, ANNIE HELoIsE. See CHARDON, Francis A.; TRUDEAU, JEAN BAPTISTE, 1921. AUDUBON, JOHN JAMES. 1897. Audubon and his journals. 2 vols. Edited by Maria R. Audubon and Elliott Coues. New York. AupuBon, Maria R. See AuDUBON, JOHN JAMES. 4> At the time of Denig’s writing the chances for the survival of the Crow Indians seemed sJim, attacked on two sides as they were by the two strongest military powers of the Northern Plains, the Blackfoot and Teton Dakota. Yet Catlin had voiced a similar concern for the fate of the Crow in 1832: ‘“‘They are a much smaller tribe than the Blackfeet, with whom they are always at war, and from whose great numbers they suffer prodigiously in battle; and probably will be,ina few years. entirely destroyed by them” (Catlin, 1841, vol. 1, pp. 42-43). Some of our aged Piegan and Blood informants, during the early 1940’s, volunteered the opinion that had the U. S. Government not put an end to intertribal warfare, the Blackfoot and Sioux would have exterminated the Crow Indians. 909871—53—_6 72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 151 BEAUREGARD, Mrs. H. T. See TRupEAv, JEAN Baptiste, 1912. Bravb ey, Lt. James H. 1896-1923. The Bradley Manuscript. Montana Hist. Soc. Contr., vols. 2,3, and 9. Helena. CaTLIN, GEORGE. 1841. Letters and notes on the manners, customs, and condition of the North American Indians. 2 vols. London. Cuarpon, Francis A. 1932. Chardon’s journal at Fort Clark, 1834-89. Edited by Annie Heloise Abel. Pierre, 8. Dak. CHITTENDEN, Hiram M. 1902. The American fur trade of the Far West. 2 vols. New York. CHITTENDEN, H. M., and Ricuarpson, A. T., Epirors. 1905. Life, letters, and travels of Father Pierre Jean De Smet. 4 vols. New York. CoMMISSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. 1853-58. Annual Reports. Covss, Extiot. See AupuBoN, JoHN JAMES; HENRY, ALEXANDER, and THOMpP- SON, Davin; LARPENTEUR, CHARLES. CULBERTSON, THADDEUS A. 1851. Journal of an expedition to the Mauvaises. Terres and the Upper Missouri in 1850. Ann. Rep. Board of Regents Smithsonian Inst. for 1850. (For new edition of the Culbertson Journal, edited by J. F. McDermott, see Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 147, 1952.) Curtis, Epwarp §. 1909. The North American Indian, vol. 4. New York. DenicG, Epwin T. 1930. Indian tribes of the Upper Missouri. Edited by J. N. B. Hewitt. 46th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1928-29, pp. 345-628. 1950. Of the Arikaras. Edited by John C. Ewers. Bull. Missouri Hist. Soc., vol. 6, No. 2. St. Louis. 1951. Of the Sioux. Edited by John C. Ewers. Bull. Missouri Hist. Soc., vol. 7, No. 2. St. Louis. 1952. Of the Assiniboines. Edited by John C. Ewers. Bull. Missouri Hist. £oc., vol. 8, No. 2. St. Louis. De Smet, Pierre JEAN. 1863. Western missions and missionaries: A series of letters by Rev. P. J. De Smet. New York. Ewers, Joun C. 1946. Identification and history of the Small Robes band of the Piegan Indians. Journ. Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 36, No. 12. See also Denig, Edwin T., 1950, 1951, and 1952. Haypen, F. V. 1862. On the ethnography and philology of the Indian tribes of the Upper Missouri. Trans. Amer. Philos. Soc., vol. 12, pt. 2. Henry, ALEXANDER, and THompson, Davip. 1897. New light on the early history of the greater Northwest. 3 vols. Edited by Elliott Coues. New York. Hewirt, J. N. B. See Denia, Epwin T., 1930; Kurz, Rupoupn F. IRVING, WASHINGTON. 1851. The adventures of Captain Bonneville, U.S. A. New York. EE an oaayae- OF THE CROW NATION—DENIG 73 Kurz, Rupourxe F. 1937. Journal of Rudolph Friederich Kurz. Edited by J. N. B. Hewitt. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 115. LarocqaueE, Francois. 1910. Journal of Larocque from the Assiniboine to the Yellowstone, 1805. Publ. Canadian Archives, No. 3. Ottawa. LARPENTEUR, CHARLES. 1898. Forty vears a fur trader on the Upper Missouri. Edited by Elliott Coues. 2 vols. New York. LEONARD, ZENAS. 1904. Adventures of Zenas Leonard, fur trader and trapper, 1831-1836. Edited by W. F. Wagner. Cleveland. Lewis, MrRIWETHER, and CLARK, Wo. 1904-1905. Original journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition. 8 vols. Edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites. New York. Lowis, Ropert H. 1912. Social life of the Crow Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 9, pt. 2. New York. 1917. Notes on the social organization and customs of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 21, pt. 1. New York. 1919. The Tobacco Society of the Crow Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 25, pt. 2. New York. 1922. The material culture of the Crow Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 21, pt. 3. New York. 1935. The Crow Indians. New York. MatHEws, WASHINGTON. 1877. Ethnography and philology of the Hidatsa Indians. U.S. Geol. and Geogr. Surv., Mise. Publ. No. 7. MaxIMILIAN, ALEXANDER PHILLIP. 1906. Travels in the interior of North America. Jn Early Western Travels, vols. 22-24. Edited by Reuben Gold Thwaites. Cleveland. McDermott, J. F. See Cutrnertson, THADDEUs A. McDonneE.ie, ANNE, EpiTor. 1940. The Fort Sarpy Journal, 1855-56. Montana Hist. Soc. Contr., vol. 10. Helena. Moutuoy, WILiiaM. 1942. The Hagen site, a prehistoric village on the Lower Yellowstone. Univ. Montana Publ. Soc. Sci., No. 1. Missoula. ScHootcrart, Henry R. 1851-57. Historical and statistical information respecting the history, condition and prospects of the Indian tribes of the United States, Parts 1-6. Philadelphia. Scuuttz, J. WILLARD. 1919. Running Eagle, the warrior girl. Boston. Simms, S. C. 1903. Crow Indian hermaphrodites. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 5, pp. 580-581. Lancaster, Pa. 1904. Cultivation of the ‘‘Medicine Tobacco” by the Crows. Amer. Anthrop., n. s., vol. 6, pp. 331-335. Lancaster, Pa. TuwaitTes, Reusen Goup. See Lewis, MrrtweTHerR, and CuiarKk, WM.; MAXIMILIAN, ALEXANDER PHILLIP. 74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 TRUDEAU, JEAN BaPTISTE. 1912. Journal of Jean Baptiste Trudeau among the Arikara Indians in 1795. Edited by Mrs. H. T. Beauregard. Missouri Hist. Soc. Coll., vol. 4. St. Louis. Edited by Annie 1921. Trudeau’s description of the Upper Missouri. Heloise Abel. Mississippi Valley Hist. Rev., vol. 8, Nos. 1-2. Vickers, Curis. 1948. Denig of Fort Union. North Dakota Hist., vol. 15, No.2. Bismarck. Waaner, W.F. See Leonarp, ZENS. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE PORTRAIT OF EDWIN THOMPSON DENIG. PLATE 2 BULLETIN 151 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY ' (zy “A Aq yoI94¥S) - | “2681 ‘NOINM LYOH AO M3AIA YOIWSLXA BUREAU*OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 3 TWo CROWS THE YOUNGER, A CROW INDIAN, (Painted by George Catlin at Fort Union, 1832.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 4 “THE WOMAN WHO LIVES IN THE BEAR’S DEN, HER HAIR CUT OFF, BEING IN MOURNING.”’ (A Crow woman painted by George Catlin at Fort Union, 1832.) SHE — (806r ‘daeyg “H “¢ Aq Suryureg) ‘YSAIN NYOH SIG SILLIT ‘LNAWdWVYONZ NVIGN[| MOYUD PLATE 5 BULLETIN 151 > ye BUREAU OF AMERICANCETHNOLOGY BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 6 4 Be Scans THE VOICE OF THE GREAT SPIRIT. A SCAFFOLD. BURIAL ON THE CROW RESERVATION. (Painting by J. H. Sharp, 1900.) SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 151 Anthropological Papers, No. 34 The Water Lily in Maya Art: A Complex of Alleged Asiatic Origin By ROBERT L. RANDS 75 Introduction Floral forms in Maya art General considerations Water-lily leaf Flower types Flower elements Stem and root General considerations Head or forehead Over-all type Mythic associations Summary and conclusions Notes on the tables Sources of entries (table 1) Sources of illustrations Literature cited 1. a, Amaravati, India. b, c, Palenque (Entries 78, 77). (Entries 25, 26) 2. a, Quirigua (Entry 104). d, e, Chichen Itza (Entries 22, 28). CONTENTS ILLUSTRATIONS FIGURES es Mythic associations of probable water lilies Hands or arms; figures amidst plant Miscellaneous associations Glyphic associations of probable water lilies Areal and chronological trends Resemblances to the lotus in Indian art d, Chichen Itza b, Copan (Entry 50). c, Chama (Entry 204). 3. a, Santa Rita (Entry 121). 6, c, Tulum (Entries 129, 131). (Entry 221). e, Chichen Itza (Entry 23). g, Palenque (Entry 76). (Entry 124) 4. a, b, Palenque (Entries 69, 91). c, Copan (Entry 44). f, Yaxchilan (Entry 152)__.-_-- d, Yucatan f, Quirigua (Entry 118). h, Dresden Codex (Entry 301). 1%, Tikal d, Yucatan (Entries 219, 220). “e, Chichen"Itza (Monjas). f, Rio Hondo (Entry 214). g, Kaminaljuyu (Entry 211) 5. a, 7, Chichen Itza (Entries 35, 29). 6b, Rio Hondo (Entry Palenque (Entries 71, (Entry 208). f, g, Chama (Entries 203, 201) 73). d, Quirigua (Entry 117). —---- ee Hee ee SAD). cbs iy e, Chajcar 6. a, Quirigua (Entry 111). 6, Copan (Entry 53). c, Dresden Codex (Entry 310). d, La Amelia (Entry 68). Palenque (Entry 70). g, h, Chichen Itza (Entries 27, 24) e, Vase (Entry 222). f, 85 86 87 88 89 90 THE WATER LILY IN MAYA ART: A COMPLEX OF ALLEGED ASIATIC ORIGIN! By Rosert L. Ranps —_ INTRODUCTION Prominent among the art forms presented by Heine-Geldern and Ekholm in their highly suggestive paper on pre-Columbian trans- Pacific contacts are the lotus motif of Southeast Asia and the water lily of the Maya.? A number of specific resemblances in the depiction of the plants are cited. Broad temporal generalizations are made about the occurrence of the plants in the art of the two areas. The transmission of the lotus motif to Middle America is held to have taken place between A. D. 100 and 600, at the latest by the middle of the Classic Period, at which time it is known to occur in Maya art. Contacts are said to have been either intensified or renewed at the close of the Classic and the beginning of the Mexican Periods. It is only on this late time level, in Mexican Period art at the site of Chichen Itza, that the authors cite resemblances to the lotus in Asiatic art. The Hindu-Buddhist depictions of the lotus to which comparisons are made are likewise largely confined to a single site, Amaravati. Although this southeastern Indian site dates from the second century A. D., the existence of similar art forms on perishable wooden objects is postulated for a later period in the Malay Peninsula, Indo-China, and Indonesia. It is not the primary purpose of the present study to continue this comparative approach. Even comparisons with floral designs else- where in Middle America will not be attempted, and any telling evaluation of the complex matter of possible Asiatic affiliations must 1The writer wishes to express his appreciation to Miss Tatiana Proskouriakoff, the Division of Archacology of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, and Dr. Gordon F. Ekholm, American Museum of Natural History, for their advice and suggestions. Most of the illustrations and much work on the tables were done by the writer’s wife, Barbara C. Rands. 2 Heino-Geldern, R., and Ekholm, G. F., 1951. These writers, although giving special emphasis to the water lily, discuss some fifteen to twenty additional traits common to Middle America and Southeastern Asia. Their paper. read at the 29th International Congress of Amcricanists, was supplemented by a special exhibit, ‘Across the Pacific,’”’ at the American Museum of Natural History. (Cf. Ekholm, 1950.) 79 80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 obviously be made against such a background. Also to be considered in a truly exhaustive investigation, but not touched on here, are the occurrences of similar floral motifs in portions of the Old World other than Southeast Asia (cf. Hamlin, 1916-23). Only Maya repre- sentations of the water lily will be analyzed in detail, in part with a view toward a better understanding of intersite relationships in the realm of religious design. Distributional and stylistic occurrences of water-lily-like plants will be noted, as well as the symbolic associa- tions which characterize these art forms. It is apparent, however, that the material has a direct bearing on the problems raised by Heine- Geldern and Ekholm. This is especially true inasmuch as several of the highly arbitrary associations taken on by the water lily in Maya art are also present in Hindu-Buddhist representations of the lotus. FLORAL FORMS IN MAYA ART GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS To understand the place of the water lily in Maya art, it is first necessary to find criteria for identifying the plant. This has been done, in part, by previous workers. Maudslay (1889-1902, vol. 4, pp. 37-38), and after him such writers as Spinden (1913, pp. 18-20) and Lothrop (1926, pp. 159-162), have gathered examples of what has been termed the ‘‘fish and water-plant motif’”’—a flower at which fish is apparently nibbling. A few designs, patently similar but lack- ing the fish, have been tacitly considered to be water plants (Mauds- lay, 1889-1902, vol. 4, pl. 93-9, h,m; Spinden, 1913, figs. 2a-c, 4). Two or three atypical designs, to which, however, the mouth of the fish is placed, have been included in the group (Spinden, 1913, fig. 3d, e, f). Maudslay, while granting the resemblance of the group to the water lily, prefers the more noncommittal designation of ‘ water- plant’? (1889-1902, vol. 4, p. 37). Spinden speaks on several occa- sions of water-lily-like plants or of apparent water lilies. In his words, ““Hixamples of the fish and water-plant design present much stronger proof of culture affinity among the cities where they occur than do the simple water-plant forms, for designs analogous to the latter are universal, whereas the association of fish and flower is very unusual” (Spinden, 1913, p. 18). Whether or not these “analogous” designs represent the water plant is a problem of no easy solution. Resemblances to the flower 3 A few words of exception must be made in the case of the frescoes of Tepantitla at Teotihuacan. Here, in repeated, standardized motifs, water-lily-like flowers and leaves emerge from the mouth of the rain god, Tlaloc. In this respect, as in others, the Tepantitla designs compare not only with Maya representations of the water lily but with Indian examples, as well. Correspondences of Teotihuacan floral art with that of the Maya are reenforced by a stela carving from the site of Copan, which shows a tripartite design, sugges- tively similar to the Tepantitla flower-and-leaf motif, placed identically at the mouth of a Tlaloc head (see Entry 49a of table 1). In view of such close relationships within Mesoamerica, the arbitrary scope of the present study, and the impossibility of basing definite conclusions on it, are apparent. on WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS 81 of Nymphaea amopla, the large, showy, white water lily of the Maya, exist to varying degrees in a large number of designs. It is possible, as Maudslay indicates, that the water lily is the only flower depicted in Maya art (Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 4,p. 37). Nevertheless, the characteristics actually shared by flowers of various kinds may have led to a little-differentiated treatment of these flowers. Either the portrayal of a generalized flower, without any intention in the mind of the artist as to the type, or the portrayal of specific types which were so modified by artistic canons that their diagnostic features were lacking, might have been the rule. The identification of art forms as flowers tends, except for highly conventionalized designs, to be a fairly simple task. Not only is the over-all impression frequently well conveyed, but a number of design elements appear to represent conventionalizations of parts of the flower. For the most part these standardizations correspond well to the anatomical parts of the water lily, although certain of them might apply equally to other types of flowers. ‘Thus, lines at the flower’s top seemingly depict petals, two or three bands enclosing the central portion of the flower are probable sepals, and stamens—hidden by the petals if viewed from the side—may well be indicated by lines or dots. A more extended discussion of this type of evidence is given below in a classification of floral forms in Maya art. Occasionally, however, rounded tufts of feathers or down may be confused with the petals of a flower. Ends of the long bones may also be conventionalized in such a way as to approach certain stylizations of the flower. These deviant occurrences are rare, however, and as a preliminary approach to the problem of the water lily it is possible to isolate a large num- ber of floral forms. This has been done in table 1. For the most part, these flowers segregate into standardized types. These categories are based on combinations of the over-all shape with certain elements of the sort just cited. Additional elements tend to unite the group. ‘Two or three of the types appear as the food of fish in the fish and water-plant motif. Their occurrence in other situ- ations suggests that the same plant is intended. Occasionally more than one category of flower appears on a single stalk or creeper. This would seem to imply that more than one way of depicting a single kind of flower existed, but it may mean instead that various sorts of flowers, water lilies and nonwater lilies, were grouped together into a composite entity. A corollary of this would be that different artistic types represent different kinds of flowers. Yet again, many of these dif- ferences may indicate different stages in the unfolding of the flower, or different portions of the plant may sometimes be shown. Apparently more diagnostic than the flower, the water-lily leaf is characteristically treated in Maya art. The notched, unevenly 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Burn. 151 surfaced leaf of Nymphaea ampla seems to be recaptured in a cross- hachured design that sometimes accompanies flowers and stalks. It occurs in connection with the fish and water-plant motif, with flowers of the type that appears in the fish and water-plant motif, and with flowers of different types. It offers strong support to the feeling that there is at least an ingredient of the water lily in a great many floral designs in Maya art. Striking features recur in the stalks of plants that are present with the fish and water-plant motif, the probable water-lily leaf, and flow- ers of the types that commonly appear in the fish and water-plant motif. The stalk takes on a scrolled, often vinelike or creeperlike quality. Panels and panel variations occur. The same character- istics appear again in connection with additional categories of flowers, suggesting that the same plant is portrayed. If these plants actually are not the same, surely they have imbibed strongly of the same artis- tic tradition! The presence of stems or vines worked into a scrolled or undulating panel is especially important insofar as the present study bears on the problem of trans-Pacific contacts. For, as pointed out by Heine- Geldern and Ekholm, the same unnatural treatment is prominent in Hindu-Buddhist depictions of the lotus. Therefore, if nonwater lily plants are given this treatment in Maya art, they may provide a prototype or artistically related form and cannot be ignored. Stalks of this sort, without accompanying flowers or leaves, are accordingly included in table 1. It is apparent, then, that while there may be no clear-cut answer to the question of the identification of the water lily, many art forms share features which suggest that they are possible water lilies. These linking features are not merely artistic but consist of the symbolic situations in which the plants occur—the mythic beings they contact and the anatomical portions of the beings from which they emerge. This being the case, the study of the water lily must be extended to include plant forms which share this complex. Conceivably, if the complex is shared by plants other than the water lily, it could have originated with the water lily or with some other plant and spread to flowering plants in general, or it could have grown up around undif- ferentiated plant life. It is the writer’s belief, however, that water- lily plants form the central core of the complex, perhaps, in some cases, in conjunction with the maize plant. Whether or not this is true may be of importance so far as the details of Maya religious symbolism are concerned but would not appear to bear too importantly on the prob- lem of intersite connections. Nor is it of fundamental importance to the problem of connections with the lotus in Indian art. The case for such connections is based largely upon the similarities in art form and Brae Fae. WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS 83 the highly arbitrary nature of the plant’s associations. The artistic resemblances are just as great and the associations as arbitrary whether the water lily or some other plant happens to be depicted in a given instance. Based on these considerations, floral and stem forms that occur in Maya sculptures and murals have been gathered together without implication that the water lily is necessarily depicted (table 1). The compilation of these representations cannot claim to be exhaustive, but, subject to the occasional error of misclassification that is inherent in working with a complex art form and with sometimes badly eroded and poorly illustrated material, it probably begins to approach that goal. Compilation of floral forms in the glyphs is incomplete. Un- published material is not included. Likewise omitted are certain forms lacking any of the associations characteristic of the “water lily” complex. Especially to be noted in this connection is the wealth of floral designs at Chichen Itza, particularly at the Temple of the Xtoloc Cenote (Proskouriakoff, 1950, fig. 108c). A middle course has been followed in the tabulation of stylized or flamboyantly treated designs which have definite floral attributes. Some leeway is given, although the more conventionalized ones have been passed by. Un- tabulated, too, are certain treelike forms and probable maize plants which share an important characteristic of the complex, viz, growth from the head of a mythic being. Comparative material from ceramic and codex art is also tabulated. These data are not to be considered as necessarily representative, how- ever, for only floral or stem forms having artistic or associational features of special interest are included. The figure painted vases are especially rich in untabulated floral designs. Thus, a vessel for which only 1 flower is tabulated also displays 16 additional flowers worn in the headdresses of the 5 pictured figures (Entry 213 of table 1)! It seems probable that some nonwater lilies are included in table 1, and ratings of A and B are given as an indication of the relative likeli- hood that a given depiction was intended as a water lily. Although these ratings are impressionistically arrived at, they take into consid- eration such factors as the resemblance to an actual water lily, the degree of stylization (which, if great, might suggest that the motif was employed without especial consideration for its original concept), the associations of the plant form (which may build into a number of crosscutting complexes, some of a highly specific order), the resem- blance to other flower representations which enter into such com- plexes, and the indistinctness of the sculpture or illustration. To some extent, then, the ratings reflect not only whether the represen- tation is a water lily but to what extent the concept of the water lily was probably present. The ratings are arbitrary in that they repre- 84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy. 151 sent no real clustering into distinct levels, and the device of minus signs has in some cases been employed to further subdivide the A category. WATER-LILY LEAF The leaf, as has been indicated, is one of the most characteristic features of the water lily in Maya art. Maudslay especially noted the water-lily-like appearance of the leaves on his so-called ‘‘water- plants” from Palenque (Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol.4, p.37). Com- parison of these forms with Nymphaea ampla reveal striking like- nesses, inspite of an impressionistic treatment (cf. Lundell, 1937, pls. 9,12). Maya treatment of the water-lily leaf typically takes the form of some combination of the following conventionalizations: ELEMENTS OF Maya TREATMENT OF THE WATER-LILY LEAF Element a. An irregular, sometimes wavy crosshachure suggests the roughened appearance of the water-lily pad (figs. 1b, 3f). Element b. Crosshachure occurs but is of a regular, even type (fig. 3c). Element c. Dots occur within the crosshachures, adding, perhaps, to the rough- ened appearance of the design (figs. 1b, 3f, g). Element d. A solid block of dots marks the surface of the leaf (Ruppert and Den- ison, 1943, fig. 51c). Element e. Crossed bands form the interior marking (fig. 2d). Element f. The outline of the leaf is notched or serrated, deeply (fig. 6d) to light- ly (fig. 1b). The occurrence of squarish protuberances is characteristic (figs. 2d, 3g, 69). Element g. Ideally, a raised band outlines the margin of the leaf. Viewed in profile, the edge of the leaf flares upward and outward, with or without a distinct band resulting (figs. 6c, d, 1c). Or raised bands only may occur (fig. 3f). Regarded as a variant of the ideal form, an unraised band separates an area of interior marking from the edge of the leaf (fig. 4a). Element h. An apparently raised band, more narrow, regular, and rounded than in g, occurs toward the interior of the leaf (figs. 4a, 5e, 6g). Element 7. A row of dots outlines the margin of the leaf (Lothrop, 1924, pl. 7). Element 7. Inner markings at the center of the leaf pass outward to the margin (or marginal band) (figs. 1b, 3f-h). Element k. The markings are restricted to an area well toward the center of the leaf. This area would seem to correspond to that of Element h (fig. 6). Element 1. Aside from bands, no interior markings appear (figs. 4a, 5e). Element m. Angular, notchlike elements, resembling a slightly curved V, pass outward, They may lead outward from a marginal band into the protuber- ances of the leaf as semi-independent entities (fig. 1c). The marginal band may assume this shape as it juts outward, following the contours of the leaf (fig. 1b). Interior markings may take on this form (fig. 3b). As a probable variant, small straight lines pass outward into the marginal band in the same way but lack the V-shape (figs. 3g, 6c). The relationship of this set of closely related forms to Element f is intimate. __ ANTHROP, PAP. No. 34] WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS 85 FieurE 1.—a, Amaravati, India. 0b, c, Palenque (Entries 78, 77). d, Chichen Itza (Entries 25, 26). 86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BULL. 151 Ficurn 2.—a, Quirigua (Entry 104). 6b, Copan (Entry 50). c, Chama (Entry 204). d, e, Chichen Itza (Entries 22, 28). f, Yaxchilan (Entry 152). ey ita WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS 87 . 24 FiagurE 3.—a, Santa Rita (Entry 121). 6, c, Tulum (Entries 129, 131). d, Yu- catan (Entry 221). e, Chichen Itza (Entry 23). f, Quirigua (Entry 118). g, Palenque (Entry 76). h, Dresden Codex (Entry 301). 7, Tikal (Entry 124), 909871—53——_7 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Buu. 151 FicurE 4.—a, b, Palenque (Entries 69, 91). c, Copan (Entry 44). d, Yucatan (Entries 219, 220). e, Chichen Itza (Monjas). f, Rio Hondo (Entry 214). g, Kaminaljuyu (Entry 211). 89 WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS ANTHROP. PAP. No, 34] "(10% ‘0% selaquq) vureyH “6 ‘f *(g0% Aqua) reoleyH ‘a "(G1g AtjUq) opuox ony “Q “(6% “GE Solsquyy) e247 UEYOIyD % “(AIT Aaquq) ensuing ‘p “(gz ‘TL senjuq) enbuayeg ‘y ‘9 ‘yv—G TUoodl 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 FicuRE 6.—a, Quirigua (Entry 111). 8, Copan (Entry 53). c, Dresden Codex (Entry 310). d, La Amelia (Entry 63). e, Vase (Entry 222). f, Palenque (Entry 70). g, h, Chichen Itza (Entries 27, 24). oe a WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS 91 Some of these elements, such as raised marginal bands and marginal dots, are stylistic traits of wide occurrence in Classic Maya art, while crossed bands also occur widely. Other elements, such as the notchlike forms, are more distinctive. The occurrence of dots in wavy cross- hachure’ is ‘an unusual combination, but recurs in representations of the turtle shell (fig. 2d, and pp. 17a, 70b, 71a, 72b of the Madrid Codex). The leaf outline tends to be squarish to rectangular and is marked, as noted, with serrations and bumpy protuberances. The over-all configuration, caused by repeated appearance of the enumer- ated elements with this distinctive outline, stands out sharply in Maya art. Its unique quality is underscored by its almost universal association with floral forms; The occurrence of the artistic elements a through m is summarized, according to site, in table 2. Numerals refer to the number of water- lily leaves having a given trait. The large number of elements present at Palenque reflects the unusual number of representations depicting leaves at that site. Furthermore, Palenque, more than any other site, seems to possess these traits in their most “ideal” form. That is, for such traits as elements m, a, and perhaps c and f, the Palenque delin- eation seems either to represent a central trend around which the other sites tend to vary in different directions, or else the variation within one of these other sites points to less standardization than at Palenque in regard to these elements. The point is a vague but suggestive one. It may mean either that Palenque seized on certain generalized artistic attributes of the water-lily leaf and elaborated them in its own dis- tinctive ways or that Palenque was actually a source of inspiration and diffusion for these particular treatments. Two types of water-lily leaves may be recognized. One comprises most of the Palenque examples (Entries 68, 76, 77, 78 in table 1,* figs. 1b, c, 3g). One of the Quirigua leaves (Entry 118, fig. 3f) compares nota- bly in interior marking but varies in shape. The other group, to be discussed below in connection with the Over-all Type IIc, occurs at Bonampak, Chajecar, Calakmul, Ixkun, La Amelia, La Mar, Palenque, Quirigua, Yaxchilan, and perhaps in the Dresden Codex. As in- dicated, transitional features are numerous and the entire body of representations quite standardized. No Early Period representations of the water-lily leaf are definitely known to occur. The leaf appears in House C, Palenque, as glyphs in the inscribed stairway, forming part of a 9.8.9.13.0 Initial Series, and recurs as a stucco decoration on the inner wall of the West Corridor (Entries 68, 69, fig. 4a). While this suggests a rather early presence of the motif, the dating of Palenque is far from securely placed, and it is probable that these representations are considerably later. The 4 Since all Entry numbers are from table 1, future references to specific Entries will omit table number. 92 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 151 chronological position of other water lily forms at Palenque is likewise unsure. One of the earlier water-lily leaves is on Stela 8, Piedras Negras (Entry 95), bearing a probable 9.14.15.0.0 inscription. FLOWER TYPES Contrasting somewhat with the standardization of the water lily leaf, a great diversity exists in the representation of the floral forms included in the tables. As suggested above, this may imply that non- water lilies have been included. However, even the flowers united by the fish and water-plant motif display marked variation. In considering the water-lily flower, 18 types, A through R, are recognized. Portions of the plant other than flowers may be included in a few instances. The types fall into five major groupings. The latter are based on whether or not the flower is shown in profile (the almost universal rule) and on the presence or absence of petals and sepals, The types are more specific and more finely calibrated than the groups. Groups AND TypEes of Maya TREATMENT OF THE FLOWER Group I. Both petals and sepals are indicated; the flower is in profile. Type A. The form of the flower’s top tends to be rounded to subtriangular in shape and occasionally takes on a slightly mammiform appearance. Zoning of the interior, which perhaps indicates stamens, is largely confined to this type (fig. 1b, d). Type B. The flower is more widely opened than in Type A. Top and base are essentially flat. The width is great, the height small (fig. 2d). Type C. Unlike the other categories in Group I, the flower flares out widely toward the top, which is gently rounded. The form is highly symmetric and standardized. Sepals tend to taper toward the end; petals may terminate just short of the top, a crescent of marginal dots resulting (fig. 5a). Type D. Asin Type B, the flower has a flattish base and top, but it is elon- gated, being jong in comparison to its width. In this it would correspond more nearly to Types A and C (fig. 5e). & Type E. Asin Type B, the flower tends to be flattish and squat, but it is prob- ably the most distinctive of the types comprising Group I. Two qualities set it apart. One is its greatly thickened sepal. The second is its asymmetry, for not only does a thick sepal pair off with a narrow one, but the stem tends to be attached at a corner of the flower, rather than being placed beneath its center (fig. 6b). Flowers showing just one of these traits are regarded as variants of the type (fig. 6d). In pure form the type often is further characterized by the occurrence of a row of marginal dots (cf. Type C) and by a serration of the edge of the thickened sepal in the way characteristic of water lily leaves. Group II. Sepals but not petals are definitely indicated; the flower is in profile. Type F. A wavy to jagged outline, enclosed by the sepals, gives a suggestion of petals. To this extent, the type seems transitional to Group I (fig. 5d). Type G. A shallow central area, probably indicating undifferentiated petals, is set between sepals (Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 2, pl. 14, No. 18). Type H. A rather wide, swollen central element rises beyond the enclosing sepals. Frequently this central element is of mammiform shape (figs. 4e, 5g). Re uatr WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS 93 Apparently the central element usually represents undifferentiated petals, but its upward-jutting tip may sometimes indicate the rise of a third sepal. This in- terpretation would not be favored by the close resemblances to the mammiform but sepalless Type M. Type H, furthermore, tends toward uniformity. Type I. A number of forms are subsumed under this catch-all heading. They have in common the feature of a central element not well differentiated from the two enclosing outer ones. In this they contrast with Type H, where the distinc- tion between inner and outer elements is well marked. The inner element of Type I flowers is characteristically narrow. The partial unfolding of a flower may be indicated. In its frequently jagged appearance, the type seems transitional to Group III flowers, especially to Type J. Sometimes a fleur-de-lis shape is ap- proached (fig. 5c). Group III. Petals and sepals are undifferentiated; the flower is in profile. Type J. The flower is outspread. Straight lines may separate the petals or sepals (fig. 2c), semi-independent bands, rounded at the end, may be shown (fig. 2e). Especially in the former case, the flaring shape and slightly rounded top compare suggestively with Type C flowers. Type K. Unlike Type J, the flower is unflaring and straight in its lines. The petal or sepal lines, which tend toward shortness, are straight. The length is usually great in comparison to the width (fig. 3b). An angular type of basal zon- ing, consisting of parallel horizontal lines, frequently occurs. Type L. The flower is partially outspread; rounded and waved petal or sepal lines occur. ‘To some extent the type is transitional to J and K; it has analogies to Type F but lacks definite sepal bands (fig. 6c). Group IV. Neither petals nor sepals are indicated, and these absences suggest that a leaf or pod rather than flower is indicated. Unopened buds may be repre- sented in some cases. Depiction is in profile. Type M. Theshape is mammiform, thereby corresponding to Type H flowers, but enclosing sepals are absent (figs. 4c, 6f). An unopened bud may be indicated, or perhaps a leaf. Type N. ‘The design is leaf-shaped (figs. 37, 4g). Together with Type M rep- resentations, it occurs on possible trees in the Maya codices (Dresden, 27ff). A — design on a vase from the Rio Hondo (Entry 215, fig. 5b) suggests, however, that the form may also depict an unopened bud. Here a Type N object is attached to a& curving stem. A second stem from the same source terminates in a similarly shaped form, but in this case a cleft tip and interior markings clearly indicate the partial unfolding of the petals or sepals (fig. 5b). Gann identifies the objects as water lily buds (Gann, 1918, p. 110). Type O. The design is elongate and paddle-shaped. An interior area, often lonzenge-shaped, is frequently set off, and small lines run out to the margins (fig. 1d). Type P. The design shows similarities to Type O but assumes a constricted shape, small circles being enclosed in the wider portions of this highly elongate form. A seed pod of some sort is suggested (fig. 3a). Group V. The designs are not shown in profile. Type Q. A composite flower seems indicated, as if viewed in part from the top and partly from the side. Undifferentiated sepals or petals jut out from a circu- lar or semicircular base (figs. 3c, 4a, f, 69, h). Type R. The flower is viewed from the top. Lines suggesting petals or sepals, or concentric rings of lines, suggestive of stamens, petals, and sepals, radiate out- ward (fig. 4e). The Group I forms not only tend to be the most realistic flowers but 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buty 151 are the ones most frequently associated with the fish in the well-known fish and water-plant motif. They offer, therefore, the best initial basis for an identification of art forms as water lilies, in terms of the treatment of the flower alone. Groups IV and V tend to be set off somewhat from the others. Spe- cific features link several of their types to those in the other groups, however. Type Q flowers with semicircular bases occur on stems in connection with Type A flowers and flower-eating fish at Chichen Itza (Entries 24, 27; fig. 6g, h). Type Q flowers with circular bases but otherwise of closely corresponding appearance also occur on Xultun stelae (Entries 139, 140) and on a Rio Hondo bow] (Entry 214, fig. 4f). In the latter case, mouths of fish are placed against the projecting petals or sepals, tending independently to support the identification of the form as a water lily. Analogous forms occur in the Tulum frescoes, in connection with probable water lily leaves as well as with Type K flowers and Type P seed pods. Type P pods are not as directly linked with Group I, II, or II designs. Forms apparently transitional to Types O and P occur, however, on a twisted stem pictured in the Madrid Codex (Entry 314). The paddle-shaped Type O designs occur on one of the more surely identified water-lily stems at Chichen Itza (Entry 25, fig. 1d) and recur on corresponding stems elsewhere at the site (Entries 28, 32,35). On one of these stems (Entry 32), the similar but constricted Type P seed pod also appears. These forms seem definitely to be associated with the same type of stem on which water lilies occur. A Type N-shaped design, tabulated also as a water lily leaf, appears on the same stalk as a Type P pod in the Santa Rita frescoes (Entry 121, fig. 3a). An unopened leaf may be indicated, for the design in question bears such characteristics of water lily leaves as dots in connection with crosshachure. Type M designs, of Group IV, bear close resemblances to the mammiform but unsepaled Type H forms of Group II. These, in turn, are linked to the petaled and sepaled Type A representations of Group I by the slightly mammiform appearance which frequently characterizes the latter and by a design on a Yucatan vessel (Entry 220, fig. 4d). Two mammiform flowers, of closely corresponding appearance, occur on a single knotted stem. One of the flowers lacks petals and is therefore to be classified as Type H; the other, with a few lines scratched in, is thereby Type A. In the same way, on the Bonampak murals, where color sometimes differentiates petals from sepals on the highly realistic water lilies, the filling in of petal lines seems to be a somewhat inconsistent, almost whimsical, matter of choice (Entries 8-12). The mammiform Type M designs, while probably portraying buds Schahhiae WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS 95 or leaves, show certain resemblances to Maya representations of serpent rattles. This is particularly true in figure 6f (Entry 70), where the designs are so attached as to form a dangling, chainlike object (cf. Maler, 1901, pl. 18, No. 2; Morley, 1937-38, vol. 5, pl. 139a). Elsewhere, however, flowers lacking this rattlelike appearance seem to be somewhat similarly attached (Entries 17, 151). The representations of Entry 70 seem, moreover, to be examples of the fish and water-plant motif, for the nibbling fish appear, their mouths placed against the Type M designs. Occurrences of the Flower Types are summarized, according to site, in table 3. Numerals refer to the number of flowers. Chichen Itza, with its vast array of flowers appearing in panels along the walls of several structures, has a wide variety of floral categories. Signifi- cantly small totals for this site appear only in connection with the asymmetrical Type E and the mammiform Types H and M. It should be noted in this connection that the slightly mammiform treatment of Type A flowers is fairly prominent at Chichen Itza, and that Type A is of extremely heavy occurrence there. Type I, which appears to be fairly closely related to Type H, is quite heavily represented at Chichen Itza. The Copan treatment is the most distinctive. Type E designs, while partially paralleled at several sites, occur in ‘‘pure” form only at Copan. The nearby sites of Quirigua and Paraiso display variant treatments, while others occur at Xultun, La Amelia, Seibal, and perhaps Chichen Itza. Other somewhat less notable trends exist according to site or region. Quirigua stands somewhat apart in its relative emphasis of the wavy- topped Type F flowers. The Usumacinta sites tend, in general, toward Group II representations, but in this they follow the emphasis of the Maya area as a whole. Copan and Palenque have a virtual monopoly of the mammiform Type M designs, except for certain untabulated forms in the Dresden Codex. The generally realistic Type A flowers are of sporadic occurrence in the Maya area outside northern Yucatan; the most noteworthy clusterings appear to be at Palenque and Bonampak. A variant of Chichen Itza’s flaring, highly distinctive Type C flower occurs at Palenque (fig. 1c); more strikingly, the form is duplicated in a single design at Chinkultic (Entry 43). The widely opened Type J flowers at Chichen Itza and Chama also display surprising resemblances, considering the virtual absence of the form elsewhere (cf. such Chichen Itza representations as Entry 40 with Entry 204 and Gordon and Mason, 1925-43, vol. 1, pl. 2). Group III flowers are almost exclusively confined to the northern Yucatan sites, the codices, and Alta Verapaz pottery, being virtually nonexistent in the Classic Maya sites of the Central Region. Chichen Itza also 96 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 151 shares with Tulum, Santa Rita, or the Madrid Codex such types of low occurrence or limited distribution as P, Q, and R. Unusual similarities in the depiction of a group of flowers from separated regions are of considerable interest. Portrayals from the northern Yucatan site of Xcalumkin compare, on the one hand, with Yaxchilan (Entries 134a, 147) and on the other with a vase from Nebaj in the Alta Verapaz (Entries 134b, 213). A variant Type A design, which may, however, represent featherwork, compares suggestively with this group (Entries 81d, 134b, 213). For most of the sites, however, representations are too few to permit much in the way of meaningful generalizations. Only those centers well known for their stone carvinys or murals offer much in the way of comparative material. Petaled and sepaled Group I flowers occur rarely if ever prior to late Classic Period times. At Copan, for example, the highly standardized Type E form appears only in 9.16.10.0.0, well along in a sequence of floral or leaf forms which dates back some ten katuns. ‘Thereafter, this type dominates flower representations at the site. Type A flowers at Palenque and Piedras Negras may be the earliest of the Group I designs. It is of interest, accordingly, that a variant Type E representation, lacking the thickened sepal but sharing its asym- metry, its over-all contours, and its row of dots along the outer edge of the petals, apparently occurs quite early on Stela 19, Xultun (Entry 136). Morley tentatively assigns the monument on stylistic grounds to the first quarter of Baktun 9 (Morley, 1937-38, vol. 1, p. 392). Type M and N designs, unsepaled and unpetaled, seem generally to have a chronological precedence. Leaflike Type N representations occur on an Esperanza Period vase from Kaminaljuyu (Entry 211, fig. 4g), on Stela 1, Tikal, dated by Morley from ‘‘very early in Baktun 9, perhaps as early as 9.1.0.0.0” (Morley, 1937-38, vol. 1, p. 297; Entry 124, fig. 32), and on the Ball Court Marker at Chinkultic, which bears a possibly contemporaneous 9.7.17.12.14 Initial Series inscription (Entry 43). It also precedes the Type E flowers at Copan, occurring there perhaps in both Katuns 11 and 12 (Entries 48, 49). The mammiform Type M designs seemingly occur somewhat earlier than the N forms at Copan, in 9.6.10.0.0 and 9.10.15.0.0 (Entries 44, 45). The type reappears at Palenque on the piers of House A, which bears an Initial Series date of 9.8.16.15.13 but that is more probably to be placed in Katun 14 (Entry 70, fig. 6f; Proskouriakoff, 1950, p. 192). Perhaps there was a tendency in later times for the sepaled Type H form to replace the unsepaled Type M. Broad chronological trends in the development of floral art in the Maya sculptures and murals may be postulated on the basis of the er WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS 97 tabulated data. Type M and N flowers of Group IV category would appear to be of initial occurrence. Lacking sepal]s as well as petals, they may actually represent leaves. Sepaled Group II flowers, especially H and I, eventually replaced them in popularity. Shortly thereafter, Group I petaled and sepaled flowers, which include the most surely identified water lilies, appeared and gained in favor. Their vogue lasted into the Mexican Period, as witnessed by numerous examples in the Ball Court complex but not in the sculpture of supposedly later buildings at Chichen Itza (Tozzer, 1930; cf. Pros- kouriakoff, 1950, p. 171). The Dresden Codex, however, retained Type H forms, many of which do not appear in the tables. Not in profile and of limited occurrence, Group V types would seem to come in during late Classic times and continue into subsequent Yucatecan art. Finally, in Mexican Period times or later, Group III flowers (petals and sepals undifferentiated), as well as such divergent Group II types as O and P, have almost their only known occurrences. FLOWER ELEMENTS Certain detailed elements marking the flower remain to be con- sidered. Some of these elements, in conjunction with the over-all shape of the flower, comprise the criteria upon which the flower types just discussed are based. Others are nondiagnostic. The elements relate primarily to markings within the flower but in some cases concern its shape or appendages. They are described in terms of the structure of the flower, for in many cases it seems certain that they are standardized conventionalizations of flower parts. ELEMENTS OF THE Maya TREATMENT OF THE WATER-LILY FLOWER Element a. Petals are indicated by lines which occasionally have the semidistinct quality of bands, causing slight to marked serrations at the flower’s top (figs. 3e, 6e). Usually, however, they merely rise to an essentially unbroken surface (figs. 1b-d). Lines may pass fully to the base of the flower or may terminate sooner. In the latter case, something akin to the “zoning” of Elements k& through o results. Element 6. Two enclosing sepals are indicated by bands which flank the corolla or inner portion of the flower (figs. 2d, 5g, h). Considerable variation exists in the relative length and straightness of the sepals and in the angle at which they pass outward from the base (figs. 1d, 6d). Element c. The general remarks made about Element b apply, but a third sepal passes up the center of the flower (figs. 1b, 3g, 5a). Element d. Bands or lines pass to the flower’s surface, but it is not clear whether petals or sepals are intended (figs. 2c, e, 3b). Element e. The sepal is heavily thickened (fig. 6b). Element f. The stem enters the flower proper (figs. 3h, 4c, d). Element g. At the flower’s base, the top of a sepal band whose lower edge is flat juts upward into the flower proper (figs. 2a, 3d, 5d). In appearance, the 98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun 151 design seems transitional on the one hand to 6 and c type sepal bands and on the other to Elements h and 7. Element h. A band or line passes along the central axis of the flower, but, differ- entiated at its base from the flanking Element b sepals and the stem, it is probably neither a third sepal nor an entering stem. A tentative identification as the ovary (the enlarged basal portion of the pistil) is suggested (figs. 2a, 3e). Variant forms, which may be sepals, occur (figs. Ic, 5e, 6e). Element 7. A row of dots or circles, or a single centrally placed dot, passes simi- larly along the central axis of the flower (figs. 3h, 4d, 5h). In position it corresponds to Element h and, like it, may have some connection with the pistil. Element 7. Marginal dots or circles appear at the outer tips of the petals. Ideally, the row of dots is unbroken and close-set (figs. 5a, e, 6b). Element k. A row of dots sets off a zone toward the base of the flower (figs. 1b, c, 3e). Stamens or carpels may be indicated. Element /. Essentially vertical lines set off a zone toward the base of the flower and, as previously suggested, may indicate the stamens (fig. 6h). Element m. Crosshachure sets off a zone toward the base of the flower (figs. 3d, e, 6e). This zoning may have conventional significance of the sort suggested for the preceding elements. The interpretation is especially favored by a probable water lily, depicted on a gold plaque from the Sacred Cenote at Chichen Itza, which displays crosshachure in the interior area where stamens would occur (Willard, 1926, p. 129). Element n. Semicircular lines or differences in coloring set off an area toward the base (figs. 1b, c). Element o. Straight, horizontal lines crosscut the flower, occurring mostly although not exclusively toward the base. This element occurs principally with Flower Type K. Element p. An enclosed inner area is marked off, sometimes paralleling the shape of the flower and sometimes differing from it (figs. 2a, 3b, 4c). Upper as well as lower portions of the flower are subject to this marking. Element q. The flower takes on a mammiform shape, this usually being the form of the top but also known to be the shape of inner Element p (figs. 4e, 2a). The mammiform quality may be subtly suggested by the contour of the individual petals (fig. 6h), developed (fig. 4c) or exaggerated (fig. 5g). Element r. The stem swells slightly, then depresses, just prior to its juncture with the flower. The more realistic treatments of this phenomenon, which occurs on water lilies, are not tabulated, but exaggerated instances of it, which presumably go back to this prototype in nature, are regarded as the element (fig. 2b; cf. Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 4, pl. 26, No. 4; Palacios, 1937a, fig. 41). Element s. Small scrolls or a roughened, knobby treatment occur at the place of juncture between stem and flower (fig. 1c). Element t. Scrolled, sepallike elements occur at or near the base of the flower. The symmetrical placing of two highly curved elements below the main sepals is regarded as the “‘pure’’ form of this element (fig. 1d, 3e, 6h). Element u. A somewhat similar effect is gained by the loose, dangling end of a knotted stem (fig. 6b). Although perhaps fortuitous, the resemblance to Element t is striking. Element v. Plumes pass outward from the flower, thus assuming somewhat the position of the fish in the fish and water-plant motif (fig. 1d). An additional artistic feature of some importance is not, unfortu- a at WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS 99 nately, made the special subject of tabulation. It consists of a long, frequently curving element which extends beyond the central part of the corolla. Sepallike, it often results in a questioned tabulation of either two or three sepals. Often an exaggeration of the mammiform Element g is suggested. Yet, notwithstanding considerable variation in treatment, the element has a quality of its own (figs. 2f, 3d, 4d, 5e). As revealed in table 4, an unusually large number of flower elements occur at Chichen Itza, Palenque, Copan, and Quirigua. Of the 22 elements, only 2 or 3 are absent from Chichen Itza. One of these, Element 72 (a row of dots along the center of the flower), is a rather striking omission, in view of its widespread occurrence in the Maya area as a whole. Chichen Itza emphasizes two- rather than three- sepaled flowers (Element 6) and, correlating with its large number of Group III flower types, has a heavy occurrence of undifferentiated petals and sepals (Element d). More than 50 percent of the tabulated flowers having petals occur at this one site (Element a). Sepal scrolls (Element ¢) are largely confined to Chichen Itza. The mammiform Element g is of unusually high occurrence at Palenque. The thick- ened sepal (Element e) and the loose end of a knotted stem (Element u) are characteristic of Copan. No single element stands out at Quirigua. Instead the site seems cosmopolitan, sampling widely and not greatly emphasizing any particular approach. Some traits are shared to a seemingly significant degree by only two or three sites. The various elements of basal zoning (k through 0) are unusually developed at Chichen Itza, Palenque, and in the Alta Verapaz. Elements k and n (basal dots, curved basal lines) provide special correspondences between Chichen Itza and Palenque (figs. 3e, 6h, 1b, c). While of low occurrence, the knobby area of juncture between stem and flower (Element s) is perhaps confined exclusively to Palenque and Chichen Itza. Dots placed at the tips of the petals (Element 7) occur in any frequency only at Chichen Itza and Copan. Sepals notably in the tradition of Chichen Itza appear at Xcocha, Chama, Quirigua, and Yaxchilan (Entry 134c, figs. 5e, 2a, f). The only occurrences on the monuments of Element v (feathers placed against the flower) may be at Chichen Itza and northern Yucatan, but the form if not the concept is duplicated at Quirigua and perhaps Palenque. Moreover, unless balls of featherwork have been misclassified as flowers, the same association takes place on pottery from Yucatan and the Middle Motagua, and it may be present in the codices. The data of the tables show a general tendency for Flower Ele- ments f, p, g, and h to have a chronological priority over the others. These traits (stem entering flower, inner area, mammiform shape, and line along center of flower) are often associated with Flower 100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 Groups II and IV. Making their appearance considerably later in Classic times if not, in some cases, subsequent to it, are Flower Ele- ments l, m, 0, and v (various types of basal zoning and feathers pend- ent from the flower). Perhaps to this late category should be added Elements g, 7, and wu (jutting of sepal into flower’s base, circles at flower’s top, and sepallike appearance of a knotted stem). Regard- less of the time of first appearance in the floral art of the sculptures, however, the traits agree in their pattern of continuation until the latest known times. STEM AND ROOT Wide variation exists in the representations of the plant stems. The treatment may be quite simple when the flower occurs as a head- dress ornament, the mere suggestion of a knot perhaps being shown. Frequently, however, the knotting is made the subject of great elab- oration. This is particularly true at Copan (fig. 66) and in Copan- like treatments at Quirigua (Entries 105, 113). Kmotting of flower stems around the wrists of a crocodilelike being also occurs at Copan, in connection with fish (Entry 58). Flower stems are bound around the arms and wrists of figures in the Santa Rita frescoes, taking on a ropelike quality (Entry 120). Flower stems are wound around the waist in the Tulum frescoes (Entry 133). The knotting of stalks into scrolled or angular panel forms may be another manifestation of the same tradition (fig. 4d). Six Panel Types are recognized for the shapes assumed by the stem (table 1). The forms are basically geometric and, notwith- standing considerable superficial modification, are rather highly standardized. Typres or Maya TREATMENT OF THE STEM AS A PANEL A. The stem rises and falls in angular undulations (fig. 1c, d). B. The stem is a basically horizontal band which passes downward at either end. In certain instances (Entries 71, 118, fig. 3f) the band is halved, the dis- connected portions balancing one another to achieve the effect. C. The stem is a basically horizontal band which, however, takes the form of an inverted, much-flattened T. It descends from its source and divides, passing horizontally on either side and then jutting slightly upward (fig. 2f). . A U-shape is taken by the stem. . The stem passes back on itself to form an enclosure. Knotting of the sort just discussed may occur. The height tends to exceed the width and the contours tend to be angular, but a circular wreathlike form is also known (fig. 4d). F. Highly scrolled and cursive aspects basically modify the angular qualities of the panel type. Ho coer ial WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS 101 Panel Type A is perhaps exclusively confined to Chichen Itza and Palenque. It appears in great strength at the former site, its occur- rences at the latter usually being subject to cursive modification. One of the Palenque Type A panels is highly angular, however (fig. 1c). Occurring along the walls of buildings at Chichen Itza, where space limitations are not so great as on the stucco piers at Palenque, the panels tend to be much longer. Dating at Palenque is in doubt, but Proskouriakoff (1950, pp. 137-192) regards the piers of House D, in which the two typical examples occur, to be the latest in the Palace complex, from about Katun 16 of Baktun 9. The Sayil example compares in part. Panel Type B occurs more widely, being known from Copan, Palenque, Quirigua, and perhaps Cancuen and Tulum, and on Alta Verapaz ceramics. Its earliest dated appearance is probably in Katun 10. Panel Type C occurs prominently at Piedras Negras, where it dates from Katuns 12 to 16, and appears also at Yaxchilan and Chichen Itza (fig. 2f,d). Many striking parallels exist in the latter representa- tions. The type is suggested at Tulum. Panel Type D occurs at Copan and Quirigua (Katuns 15, 16). Panel Type E occurs prominently on two Quirigua stelae (Katun 17) and in the Dresden, Madrid, and Perez Codices. A tuberous root, probably the water lily rhizome, is occasionally depicted. It occurs with striking realism on a vase from Yucatan (fig. 6e). Similar designs occur at Palenque (fig. le and, perhaps, 10). Stylized, the rounded objects at the ends of long stems at Sayil (Entry 121b) compare with the rhizomes of figure 6e, both in marking and in position. Analogous forms, which recapture much of the same swollen, knobby appearance, are discussed below in connection with the Over- all Type Ile. They are found at Palenque, Chichen Itza, the Alta Verapaz, and, in highly variant form, Copan. Uncertainties in the chronological record, coupled with the lack of sufficient data about representations on media other than the monu- ments, prohibit more than speculation about the development of floral forms. In analyzing the water lily forms, however, one is constantly forced to revert to the decorations in the Palace at Palenque. Here occur what seem to be the most realistic portrayals, the most convinc- ing prototypes to nature, the most characteristic conventionalizations (figs. 1b, c, 3g). Stela 8 at Piedras Negras, which displays rather close similarities in flower and leaves, is relatively early (9.14.15.0.0?). It is tempting to look toward the Usumacinta region for the major develop- ments in the elaboration of the water lily. 102 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 MYTHIC ASSOCIATIONS OF PROBABLE WATER LILIES GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS As has been indicated, the water lily has frequently been associated with mythologic figures in highly distinctive ways in Maya art. These associations are given for individual representations in table 1 and are summarized in tables 5 and 6. The mythic or symbolic associations are of different sorts: (1) The source of the water lily, i. e., the representations from which it seems to emerge; (2) the anatomical portion of a being from which the water lily emerges; and (3) the figures occurring amidst the plant. Additional features tabulated are the presence of flower-eating fish and of death symbols, the latter said by Lothrop to be a recurrent feature with water plants (Lothrop, 1926, p. 161; Thompson, 1950). The presence of the water lily in human and nonhuman headdresses is also noted, and the occurrence of these forms in glyphs is indicated. Presences of water lilies anywhere in the often very elaborate human head- dresses are recorded. Only those water lilies which appear actually to be worn are recorded for nonhuman headdresses, the growth of plants from the head being classified under a separate category. Mythic beings serving as the source of the plant are the heads of various long-nosed, serpentine, and perhaps bird forms, subsumed under the name of ‘‘Serpent Head X”’; > the Long-nosed God, complete with body; various forms with birdlike attributes, tabulated separately under the headings ‘‘Wing Panel,” ‘Serpent Bird,” and “Bird,” but perhaps to be treated as manifestations of a single entity;® and the jaguar. Mask panels, which quite frequently may be representations of “Serpent Head X” or “Serpent Bird’ forms, also occur as the source of the plant. Aside from the jaguar, which seems to stand somewhat aloof, the complex is a tightly knit one. Substitution of attributes appears to have been marked, both on an artistic and con- ceptual level. § The term ‘‘Serpent Head X” is taken from Kidder, Jennings, and Shook (1946, pp. 223--226). It has prob- ably been extended somewhat in meaning from their original usage, but the interchange of artistic attributes among beings of possibly diverse origins has been so great that some all-inclusive term is required in the summary tables. ‘Serpent Head X”’ fits admirably, for most of the forms tabulated under this heading fall well within the range so designated by these authors. They have, moreover, called attention to the association of floral and leaf forms (Flower Types Q, N, in the present paper) with the mythic being in question. 6 The term “‘Serpent Bird” is taken from Maudslay, who illustrated a number of examples of this being. According to him, its diagnostic feature was the profile conventionalization of a snake head, lacking a lower jaw, that is placed at the bony wing structure of a bird or used as an isolated element (Maudslay, 1889-1902, vol. 1, pl. 99, pp. 63-64). Spinden, however, questioned that this feature was of sufficient significance to warrant the equation of all forms showing it and employed the term ‘‘Wing Pane)” in referring to it (Spinden, 1913, pp. 60-61, 78). As “Bird’’ is used in tabulations of the present paper, the body of a bird or even the somewhat conventionalized head of a creature possessing its characteristics is acceptable. But birdlike features on a Long-nosed God type of head result in tabulation under ‘‘Serpent Head X.” a Spal WATER LILY IN MAYA ART—RANDS 103 Largely in relation to these beings, the primary anatomical sources of the plant seem to be the top of the head and the ears, eyes, mouth, and hands; perhaps the nose and the neck should be included. So far as the jaguar is concerned, the only anatomical source is apparently the head (or possibly the ear, to which the stem eventually may lead back); this seems clear-cut. The case is much more complex for the other beings. It seems possible, however, that the emergence of the water lily from the head is primarily a feature of the Long-nosed Serpent Head X forms. Less certainly, the issuance of the plant from the mouth appears to be mainly associated with the Serpent Bird and its close affiliates. Ear, nose, and eyes as anatomical sources are shuttled back and forth among the various beings in a most complex way. HANDS OR ARMS; FIGURES AMIDST PLANT Hands or arms as sources from which the plant springs, or through which it passes, fit a different pattern. Human or anthropomorphic figures tend to occur with their bodies wholly or largely depicted, thus contrasting with the emphasis on detached heads or mask panels characteristic of the other anatomical sources. At Chichen Itza, in what must surely be representations of water lilies, numerous seated human figures are holding the undulating plants (fig. 1d). Two figures at Quirigua, one shown with jaguar paws, stand under a canopylike, Panel Type E arrangement of creepers or stems, the lower portions of which are held in their hands and arms (Entries 108, 109). Else- where at Quirigua and at Copan, the bodies of human figures that hold elaborated stalks are only partially depicted (Entries 115, 50, 51). This is also true at Palenque, where the Long-nosed God and so-called “Maize God’ (Spinden, 1913, p. 89) are associated ‘with elaborate stems or vines that pass from their hands (Entries 90, 81). Although the bodies of these Palenque and Copan figures are incompletely shown, the assumption of a reclining position analogous to that at Chichen Itza is indicated. The Long-nosed Deities, Gods B and K, occur in a somewhat similar situation in the Dresden Codex (Entry 305). wake sete Derris scandens Benth_____-_-__--- Plantesas. 2258! Derris benthamii Thwaites_____---- ER OOUSASS ss4 oe St Travancore _-___.------ Diospyros montana Roxb_-_-.------ BiG) 22.439. =) Hindustanles-22! =. Crinum asiaticum L_____---------- Leaves, roots___- Biking: = P3222 8t 51000 Gynocardia odorata (Roxb.) R. Br__| Fruit____________ Bassia butyracea Roxb___._._---_-- Arlo’ Whee se INGDAL 2s ine 2 2 eet Zanthorylum alatum Roxb-_-------- Hopd gee less o242 7 ACCOM Ba a ee Myrica nagi Thunb_.____________- Bare srphe ie a} Millettia piscidia (Roxb.) Wight | Bark, flowers___- and Arn. Burma.-22-..25-2ae3 fe pecans castanea Hook f. and | Fruit__-_.__-___- Tephrosia candida DC_____._____-- eaVvesi. 2222.2" Acacia pruinescens Kurz___-______- Bark eet eS Spilanthes paniculata D Cx... eee |e nae eee Derris ellipitica (Roxb.) Benth_____ RO0tse eee Tephrosia candida DO____________- IGAVES ees ee Anamirta paniculata Colebr__-_-_-__- Berriese 2) mes puidnccarptis castanea Hook f. and | Fruit___._.-._-_- paehnocarDis castanea Hook f. and Hagerstiroemiaisp ==> 2.2 =+===--=5 2" Barringtonia asiatica (L.) Kurz____-|-----do__--_-_---- Diospyros toposioides King and | Fruit__-__-____-_- Gamble. Derris elliptica (Roxb.) Benth___-_- OOS ta a) Sa Pits Java: 2. eet soe Millettia dasyphylla (Miq.) Boerl__}.---- sau it Rea Pittosporwm javanicum Bl_______-- Brot) 22 S98 HAydnocarpus heterophylla Bl_______|------------------ Millettia sericea Wight and Arn___| Stalk, leaves___- Derris uliginosa (Roxb.) Benth____| Root_-_--------- GCoceulusindtcus 2-24 8 A ad Bet Sere Albizzia stipulata Boiv_-__--------- Barks twee eee Bumatras. 2223522. 822 Millettia sericea Wight and Arn___| Roots____-______- Polygonum erythrodes Miq---_----- Sapeaeitit Wike Symplocos racemosa Roxb----_----- parks + ese IETS Seer eee ae Barringtonia racemosa (L.) Bl_- Timor;yAlore-....-25 Derris elliptica (Roxb.) Benth References Howes, 1930:141; Hooper, Greshoff III:87. Khan, 1930:193; Raizada and Varma; 1937:205. Khan, 1930:193. Howes, 1930:133; Greshoff 1:56-57. Greshoff II:21; 1:19-20 Radlkofer, 1887:402. Greshoff III:28. Greshoff ITI:74. Stockdale, 1928: 78-79. Greshoff 1:19; 11:21. Greshoff I1:101. Greshoff I:28. Greshoff I1:146. Greshoff, 1:54. Greshoff II:21-22. Greshoff 11:48; 1930:140. Greshoff II:69; F. Mason, 1883: vol. 2, p. 543. F. Mason, 1883: vol. 2, p. 380. Skeat and Blagden, 1906: vole, 1, pp. 211, 218; Harris. Greshoff I1:48. Greshoff II:13. Greshoff II:21-22. Greshoff IT:21-22. Man, 1883:366. Kloss, 1903:246. Howes, 1930:141. Evans, 1937:219; Martin, 1905:792; G. Maxwell, 1907: 246-64; Ishikawa, 1916; Wray, 1892. ‘ Greshoff IIT:69. Greshoff IT:22. Radlkofer, 1887:402. Radlkofer, 1887:406. Radlkofer, 1887:407. Raffles, 1830:208-209. Radlkofer, 1887:408. Greshoff II:49-51. Greshoff ITI:35. Greshoff ITI:129. Marsden, 1811:186. Greshoff I1:176. Greshoff 11:174-75. Howes, @elebes= 2-228 ti Callicarpa longifolia Lam________-_- . Greshoff I1:180-81. Barringtonia asiatica (L.) Kurz____} Fruit__--____-_-- Greshoff I1:176. Millettia sericea Wight and Arn__-| Roots_---_-_-__- QGreshoft I1:173. Anamirta paniculata Colebr--__-_-- Bruitess Seer Greshoff I1:169. CT OLOT AGI ae ne oo ee ee doe ase Howes, 1930:141. nBY0i gi 0( 0) eee Me Fi A atl} oh I SU 9 Pe L Rootes Hose a McDougall, 1912: Derris elliptica (Roxb.) Benth_____|_---- doe seas H. L. Roth, 1896:458-460; Furness, 1902:185-89; Mioberg, 1930:100-102; Nieuwenhuis, 1904:192- 196. Moluccas... betes Enyphorti a enity Oi Waa ee ee eee es ee Radlkofer, 1887:413. Abrus pulchellus Wall___..-.-.----|-.---------------- Radlkofer, 1887:406. Aegiceras minus Gaertn__-____--__- Barksnaw tg 29) Radlkofer, 1887:409. Coram 2 22525 2 Phyllanthus distichus Muell___-___- OOS ane Se See Greshoff IT:182. Philippines. 2... 20 Croton tigltum: Ti 222. 1 00h ee Howes, 1930:141. DHOSPYTOS She ae eet eee ee | dose. 222802 Do. Harpullia arborea (Blanco) Radlk_|-___-_------------ Radlkofer, 1887:405. Diospyros ebenaster Retz__-.__.-_-- 10h 7h Re a eos ee Radlkofer, 1887:410. Maesa dentictinta Mezeet 1 2a ee eee Greshoff IIT:125. 262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun. 151 TABLE 1.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in southern Asia and Indonesia—Continued Area Plant Part used References Philippines__________- Entada phaseoloides (L). Merr_-___- Greshoff III:62. Derris elliptica (Roxb.) Benth____- W. H. Brown, 1921:79. Derris philippinensis Merr__.-.-.-_|---_- d Do. Derrisitrifoliata Woure 2 | eee Kalaw and Sacay, 1925. Galactidsp==2 2 Se Blair and Robertson, 1903- 09: vol. 43, p. 273. Do. Blair and Robertson, 1903- 09, vol. 48, p. 122. Greed III:61. 0. Greshoff IT:16. Anamirta cocculus Wight and Arn_ Euphorbia pilulifera L___.._--____- Albizzia saponaria (Lour.) Bl____- Albizzia\acle\ (Blanco) Merr. 222) eee Pachygone ovata Miers_-._____-__-- Dersis polyanthaieerks---. 25-2 | See ee ee Greshoff IIT:74. iDerrisielli price OROxb:) LB enth soe eee ee eee Greshoff III:78. Ganophyllum falcatum Bl____.--_- Barks Greshoff IIT:83. Barringtonia balabacensis Merr_._-|------------------ Greshoff ITI:117. Daturamctellss sae ee ee Plantuss icine ee Greshoff III:139-140. Gliricidia sepium (Jacq.) Steud-_-__|__--_---_----____- Greshoff I:67, 70; II, 51. Sineapore--2-- ‘Derrisieliplica (Roxb) Bent he. -= soe ee see ee Radlkofer, 1887:407. Cochin China________- Crinum asiaticum L_._-.--.------- Leaves, roots_._.| Greshoff IT:151. Coromandel_-_-_-______- Grewialasiaticas:. -.. 3.2 eo | ee eee Radlkofer, 1887:402. Keitslandso 2225) 22 Millettia sericea Wight and Arn___| Plant__________- Greshoff 1:57. TABLE 2.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in Oceania ! Area Plant Part used Reference Marianas Islands______| Rarringtonia asiatica (L.) Kurz____| Juice___________- Howes, 1930: 143. Caroline Islands_____- Derris elliptica (Roxb, Benth-_2"|2222)) eS Greshoff IT: 62. ING webritain ess sa Barringtonia asiatica (u.) Kurz._-.|_.-_-----.---_-.-- Howes, 1930: 143-144. Mentawai Islands____| Derris elliptica (Roxb.) Benth_____|__.-_-___-_______- Pleyte, 1901: 7. Bismarck Archipel- | Barringtonia asiatica (L.) Kurz____|_-...-._---_-_-_--- Howes, 1930: 143-144. ago. Torres Straits (Ma- | Derris uliginosa Benth_______.____- ROOts: sees Hamlyn-Harris and Smith, buiag). Tephrosia purpurea Pers_-_-------- Plante Sse 1916: 11. New Caledonia__-____ Grobusmiscitiais pr (it) =e eee Oe eee Radlkofer, 1887: 406. Calophyllum montanum Vieill_____|.-----.--_------_- Greshoff II: 24. Solomon Islands-_---__- IB OrranoLOniliS Dee a eee Kloss, 1903: 246. New Guinea_-_-_______ Harpullia thanatophora Bl\________- Radlkofer, 1887: 404. Derris elliptica (Roxb.) Benth__-__- Van der Sande, 1907: 170. Samoa--.- 2225418 Barringtonia asiatica (L.) Kurz___- Bue 0 aes Setchell, Phyllanthus simples Retze-2-2- 2-2 | ae ae a Greshoff IIT: 88. INomoeaSp..(2) 22S el Churchill, n. d.: 122. Tephrosia purpurea (L.) Pers__-__- Root, plant____-_ Buck, 1930: 443-444. Society Islands______- Lepidium bidentatum Montin______|-...--.....--_-_-_- Greshoff IT: 18. Tephrosia purpurea (L.) Pers_____- Plantes ees Ellis, 1853: 140. Wikstroemia foetida (L. f.) A. Gray_|_--..-.-----_-___- Stokes, 1921: 231. New Zealand_-_______- Lepidium oleraceum Forst. (?)_-._-|------------------ Radlkofer, 1887: 402. Hawail.2 = Ae oe eos Piper methysticwm Forst---_------- Plant 22802 52 Greshoff IT: 132. Cocculus ferrandianus Gaud--_----- Seedss=< = Greshoff II: 16. Bryan, 1915: 341-342. Tephrosia purpurea (L.) Pers__-_-- Plant =2=—---- Stokes, 1921: 226. Wiksiroemiaispp 22-2 =) ee ee dos=ss2- 4 Do. Lagenaria siceraria (Mol.) Standl__| Fruit___-.______- Do. Golubrinalasiatica Brongn: —— 22) aaa eee eee Rock, 1913: 283. Viti Islands (Fiji)__.__ Derris trifoliata Lour_-_-_-.---_-_--- Stem, leaves____| Greshoff I: 71: II: 61; Hornell, 1941: 127. Barringtonia asiatica (U.) Kurz____|_---------_-_-_-_- Greshoff I:— 712) Mls 162; Seemann, 1862:339. Marquesas Islands___| Derris malaccensis Prain__________- Root (()s--= Hornell, 1941: 127-128. Tephrosia Purpurea (lu) PCTS22e. 2s) eee Do. Pitlosporiimisp=2). =. —_ =) 22 eb eee eee Do. Derris trifoliata Lour __------------ Stem, leaves____| Seemann, 1862: 339. Rarringtonia asiatica (L.) Kurz____| Fruit_.....-_.__- Handy, 1923: 178. Rarotonga. -.---._-__- Rarringtonia asiatica (L.) Kurz_...| Kernel__--.----- Buck, 1928. Teahitie ee eee Barringtonia asiatica (L.) Kurz___.| Nuts___-_----__- Ellis, 1859: 140; H. St. John, information. Guam sea ee Rarringtonia asiatica (L.) Kurz____| Fruit_...._..___- Safford, 1917 b: 81-82. Loyalty Islands_______ Gerberaynanghas lyse == ee Fraiti(?) 2925 Sarasin, 1929: 83. Pe DnOr vig: Spies ee Sapeshssoueokt Do. Barringtonia asiatica (L.) Kurz____| Fruit (?)__.---_- Do. Desmodium: sp-62-. === 22 22-8 ee Do. 1 For general data see Stokes, 1921; Buck, 1928; C. F. Maxwell, 1912. ANTHROP. PAP, No. 38] ABORIGINAL FISH POISONS—-HEIZER 263 TABLE 3.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in Europe and northern Asta Area Southern Ireland ____-_ France (Bretagne) --_-- Siberaeese 2 Snes. snitsbe Russian Empire (Moscow). Plant Part used Reference SDI GH OES CD St lane ee | ee ee eae Radlkofer, 1887:412. Verbascum nigrum L_.-.---------- Secdssee <2 -4c222 Greshoff 1:110. Agrostemma githago L.-..----------|----- (6k eee ee Greshoff III:39. Phephorbia esl Waa =e | eee ne Howes, 1930:148:Radikofer, 1887:413. Puphorbia platyphytia Lo. ..----=-=-|-=-====2222-=====- Radlkofer, 1887:413. TAGS ORCCOLG Vanes 5 | ee Radlkofer, 1887:415. Cyclamen euronaéewne Vs: - 2.2 22 2 | Soe Se Radlkofer, 1887:409. Cyclamen oraccum Links =< 3222—| 22 ieee ee Do. Werbascumthipsueuis=s— <25- == = =e eee ee Radlkofer, 1887:411. Verbascum phlomoides L-_---------- Plantae o.4- = Anamirta cocculus Wight and Arn-}_-_--- goss. 2 ane 1904:131. Euphorbia hiberna L_-_------------ Leaves Greshoff I:127. Euphorbia coralloides L_-----------|------------------ Greshoff I1:136. Euphortia hiberna L_-------------- WeaVesss neck Greshoff 1:127; Aristotle, 1883 (1910 ed.): 602. Euphorbia coralloides L___---------|------------------ Greshoff IT:136. AEE cocculus (L.) Wight and | Berries___------- Anonymous, 1884:186. m Anamirta paniculata Colebr._----- Plantes feo Greshoff IT:14. Verbascum thapsoides Wiild--__---- Seeds =252+65 = Radlkofer, 1887:411. ACONIHUMN SDac 222252555 ~ eee Eee ee Greshoff IT:122. ISCRTODRULATIC: SD eee to. Se = oz |S ee a eee Do. Pup horbia lathy nisin. <= - 25 == (ona ee Radlkofer, 1887:413. Euphorbia amygdatoides Ly. ...-_---|-_----- ==. === === eee hates Radlkofer, 7:413. Cicer arietinwm L.---------------- Plants. Seas Greshoff III:77. Menbasciune tha psusilus--- == == >. Ss) ee eas eee Howes, 1930:147. Cyclamen europaeum L-_.____------ Tubercles_____-- Greshoff I1:126. Daphne gnidtum Ta. - -...-----=---- Roots: A=-3- 5s ee aia Greshoff Genanthe.crocata Va= <->. = ee AO. 3-e ase Howes ss Greshoft Verbascum crassifolium Lam. and |_----------------- Howes, 1930:147; Greshoft DC. TI:119. Dapine sp. =: eee se See | eae eee Howes, 1930:147. Anamirta paniculata Colebr-------|------------------ Do. Oenanthe crocata L__-------------- ROOtA =o ee Howes, 1930:148. Daphne cneorum T2--*-=------ 2 = Leaves, fruit.__.| Radlkofer, 1887:413. EMOSCYAMUS Nie Us. 22 ss wee | Se Radlkofer, 1887:411. Euphorbia hiberna L--_--__-------- Plant 43—2-ee2 ad oer, 1887:413. Daplineonidivummass 22-422 - = 2 Ne eee ee Veratrum album 2). 2.2.52. hes EA ee ees Radikoler, 1887:415. (VerOasCUum Speen ee Plant seeh eee Howes, 1930:147, Werbascwm sinaly mils j- 22 = -- 52 |se ee ee Howes, 1930:148. Verbascum phlomoides L.--__------ SeedS=.c cues er ee 1:109; Howes, Verbascum sinuatum L-_-_-.-------|----- dose <4 Howes, 1930;146. Anes Gtalicay Retz) =azureq):|2 5 eee eee Greshoff IIT:135. Euphorbia dendroides L____-------- Bark, leaves--_- Howes, 1930:148: Greshofft 295. ELDON CRONOLIAShins es Soe ae a eee ee meee Howes, 1930:148. Euphorbia sibthorpii Boiss. __------ Bark, leaves___.| Radlkofer, 1887:414. Rhododendron caucasicum Pall_____|_----------------- Greshoff I:95-96. Rhododendron dauricum L _.-.| Radlkofer, 1887:409. Werbascum phlomoides Mises 22o- S| eee eee Seas Greshoff IIT:144. Verbascum thapsiforme Schrad.____|___-.------------- Do. PRETOER ACCOR yee eae See oe eavese: nthe 22 Greshoff ITI:12. Daphneimezereum less a2 2. = =| Se eee ee Radlkofer, 1887:412. TasLE 4.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in eastern Asia Area ma For further data see Greshoff II, p. 134, footnote 1. 909871—52 Plant Part used Reference Wikstroemia chamaedaphne Meissn-|------------------ Greshoff IT:134. Euphorbia pulcherrima Willd_-___--|------------------ Greshoff I1:138. NMelinidzeaaruch Wee eee eee eee Greshoff I1:118, 138. Datura fastuosa L. var. alba (Nees) |------------------ Greshoff I1:118. C. B. Clarke. Canarium sp Greshoff II:31. Camellia a ee Greshoff 1:24. Buddleia curviflora Hook. and Arn_| Leaves_--------- Greshoff III:130. Dioscorea tokoro Makino_-__-_----- RO0tse == ee Greshoff III:28. Zanthorylum piperitum DC__-____- Weaves. --.=-s.-- Greshoff III:82; 1:26. Milletia taiwaniana Hayata---_---- OOUSS ees Kariyone et al., 1923. 18 264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 TABLE 5.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in Africa Area Plant Part used Reference South Africa_.._...-_- Tephrosia macropoda Harv_-_---_- Rootsia.: ee" Howes, 1930: 133. Natal. . 2 2h: ee ee Millettiaicafira WMeissn >. 322-5222 55| ee eee Radlkofer, 1887: 406. puereuiers Mrans= || Adenium muttijorim Kil-22"- ae Howes, 1930: 134. vaal. Mozambique----_---_- Tephrosia ichthyoneca Bertol_..-_--|_-_..-.--____-___- Radlkofer, 1887: 406. Tephrosiaivogelit Hook: fes---— = | seca Radlkofer, 1887: 405. Zambezi River__------ Derris uliginosa (Roxb.) Benth__--| Stems_________-- Greshofi I: 71. Zanzibar sss ees Cn sarcostemmatoides Ka|= = se ee Greshoff III: 133. ch. Euphorbia tirucalli L_.-.---------- Sapte 2 isn Ingrams, 1931: 300; Gres- hoff III: 96. OU Nsc\-50) (; eee Tephrosia vogelit Hook f____---_--- eaves: s..2 4 fae 49; Hambly, : 145. Cameroons, French | Tefrapleura thonningii Benth_----- Seeds_.-.------- Tessmann, 1913: 111-112. Equatorial Africa. Ophiocaulon cissampeloides Mast__| Leaves, stem_-_- Do. Adeniailobata Engle. - 2 2222 doles2254 Do. Justicia extensa T. Anders___------ IMeaVes: 2 eee Do. Piptadenia africana Hook. f___-__-- Bark2t2ihs ee Do. Rinorea dentata (Beauv.) Kuntze__}____- (oi eee eee Do. Pachyelasma tessmanii Harms-----_}|_____-_-_---_----_- Do. Belgian Congo_______- Tepnrosintoriyentssse = ene Planfeie see Weeks, 1913: 242-243. ER DhON0Ie SD S22- =a oe =e oe ee eae French Congo---_-_-_-__- Tephrosia vogelii Hook. f__-__-_---- Leadves22s. 222223 Avelot and Gritty, 1913: 6. Tetrapleura thonningii Benth_-___- Seeds. =-2---=s2 Do. Nigeria. .-- 2542-5252 Ophiocaulon cissampeloides Mast_-| Stem_-_-_---_-_- Howes, 1930: 133. Adenium honghel A. DC___--_-___- Root a Sa Howes, 1930: 134. Tephrosia voger Hook shes ea senate eee Greshoff I: 52-53. Mundulea suberosa (DC.) Benth__| Bark, seed_-____- Howes, 1930: 133. Guineas) ees enh Os @voce HOO Kaisa ss snes ee ee ee Radlkofer, 1887: 405. Wiberigs: eb sse cae Leucaena odoratissima Hassk__.-.-}_._.--._--_------- Radlkofer, 1887: 408. Gold'@oast=- 2s Elaeophorbia drupifera Stapf____-_- Leaves, fruit__._| Howes, 1930: 134. Evory ©osst es ee Strychnos aculeata Solered_________ Rruite 2a sare Greshoff III: 130. West Africa____-______ Erythrophlewm guineense G. Don__} Bark__._---__-_- Howes, 1930: 133. Cassia sieberiana DOW 2-5-2 - = 22-8 Ponds Do. Chaslictiatozicaria.G: Dons). se |) eae ee ee Radlkofer, 1887: 403. Central Africa________ Cassia'sp: ee ee ee eee Greshoff II: 67. IBALANiLes QETU DUCED Ola enon | aoe se eee ee Greshoff III: 83. Cissusiquadrangularis Sos s oes eee eee Greshoff IIT: 107. Sudane22s¢ 0222 eres Mundulea suberosa we Benth__ “Bark, seed 0 Howes, 1930: 133. Adenium honghel A. DC__________- Root 2) Labs eee Howes, 1930: 134. Adenium speciosum ena Saute salle ke ee Do. Albyssinia 2320 = 2 Millettia ferruginea Baker. -2-25.2)) eee Radlkofer, 1887: 406. Verbascum phlomoides L__________- Rootst 2s ese QGreshoff I: 110. GONChOCOL DUS SDacene. a8 once a ou ee eee Greshoff ITI: 76. Solanum marginatum L. f.__----_- Stalk: 2a Greshoff ITI: 142. Tropical East Africa__| Tephrosia periculosa Baker_______.|___.-----________- Howes, 1930: 133. Madagascar !_________ Mundulea pauciflora Baker_______. Juice ey See EE, 1928: 253; Gres- to) Tephrosia vogelii Hook. f__._______- Teavesf.t ee Grandidier, G28: 253. ee ey 1928: 253; Gres- hoff III: 96. Granaidir, 1928: 253. Euphorbia laro Drake..-__--.-__-- J Barringtonia asiatica (L.) Kurz___- Barringtonia racemosa (L.) Bl Tephrosia monantha Baker _____-_- aoe 3h Ghaysten 1925: 1621. Mundulea striata Dubard and Dop_}|_____-__.-_--___-- Greshoff III: 70. Cape Verde Islands___| Frankenia ericifolia C. Sm________- Plantatesse ee Bowe 1930: 134; Greshoff ISLOLICE DECLITEALARAN GEE eae ee On eee _| Howes, 1930: 134. Aizoon canariense L___----_----- d Do. Madoeira=-.<2 222-222 = Euphorbia piscatoria Ait__ Do. Euphorbia mellifera Ait__.....-___ Do. Canary Islands_-_____- Euphorbia piscatoria Ait_......-.__|__-___ .-| Radlkofer, 1887: 413. Mauritius, Reunion__| Taeburnaemontana mauritiana | Bark___-__--___- Greshoff II: 106. Poir. 1 See also Linton, 1933, pp. 58-59. i id ABORIGINAL FISH POISONS—HEIZER 265 TABLE 6.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in Australia! Area Plant Part used Reference Australia.<.2%-2225--2 Acacia falcata Willd_._-_.--------- Leaves_.__-_---- Howes, 1930:142. Acacia penninervis Sieber_.._.-._-_|----- Goze wars. Do. Acacia salicina Lindl____....___.--]----- do:= sess: Do. Lenhrosia DUrpuUred (ls.) POrsecss na ase a ee eee Howes, 1930:144. Diospyros hebecarpa A. Cunn__-_-_-_- Bruits ses Howes, 1930:145; Hamlyn- as and Smith, 1916: Derris trifoliata Lour_..-----------|------------------ Howes, 1930:145. Aepicerasimajus'Gaertn-20 02) | Pees Pie Radlkofer, 1887:409. Adenanthera abrosperma F. Muell_| Bark___________- Greshoff III:62. Pongamia glabra Vent___--.------- Stems, roots_____ Greshoff III:77; Hamlyn- eet and Smith, 1916: Queensland..____._--- Eucalyptus microtheca F, Muell__.| Leaves______---- Howes, 1930:143; Hamlyn- ems and Smith, 1916: Barringtonia calyptrata R. Br_-___- Parken. 2s. thay ae 1930:143. Barringtonia asiatica (.) Kurz____| Bark, fruit_____- Howes, 1930:143; Hamlyn- Harris and Smith, 1916: 15-16. Stephania hernandiaefolia Walp____| Plant__________- Shirley, 1896. Garcinia cherry? Baile =) ee do__..__.____| Walter E. Roth, 1901:19. Thespesia populnea Corr______-_-- Bralts 2s esso: Se Harr and Smith, Canarium australasicum__________- Wiood2s<22-osaea Do. Cupania pseudorhus A. Rich___-_-_- Barks coches: Do. Derris uliginosa Benth_--.________- Stalk=ss aie Pe Bes and Smith, i Tephrosia rosea F. Muell_________- Plan tee so eae eis -Harris and Smith, Albizzia procera Benth___________- Barks .e sven weer -Harris and Smith, Acacia snp et) wees -t shee ee: Bark, leaves_____ Do. Terminalia seriocarpa F, Muell____| Bark___________- eens -Harris and Smith, Sarcocephalus cordatus Miq_-___-._|----- GOMsss Aes ne ee rees -Harris and Smith, 1 Asclepias curassavica L___________- Plant= 2 ate Hamlyn. -Harris and Smith, Polygonum hydropiper L_.--___-.-_|----- G0:22t aia Hamlyn-Harris and Smith, 1916:19-20. pi hai guadriloculare F. | Fruit---._._____- Do. uell. Alocasia macrorrhiza Schott_-__-____ Plants eee eee -Harris and Smith, Planchonia careya (F. Muell.) R. | Bark, root--_-___ Howes, 1930:143; Hamlyn- Knuth, a and Smith, 1916: ae pseudorhus (A. Rich.) | Bark-__._-______ Howes, 1930:143. adlk. Tephrosia astragaloides R. Br_____- TG VOSnses2 oan Walter E. Roth, 1897:95-96, EVR OSIE TOSER IN. WNL TIOL eee aks) eee eee a ceeie Howes, 1930:144. Faradaya splendida F. Muell_____- Bark 22 ei ees Greshoff III:136; Hamlyn- Hers and Smith, 1916: Dunk Island__-_____.- Derris koolgibberah Baill.___..____- Stalks a Howes, 1930:145; Hamlyn- Heres and Smith, 1916: Newabouthvy ales! =.) Acatiaispe 2255 2 s2o0 See tes so [es Se ae Greshoff IT:69-70. 1 For full data, see Maiden, 1894; Hamlyn-Harris and Smith, 1916; Howes, 1930, pp. 142-146. TaBLE 7.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in California Tribe Plant Part used Reference Wiallaki: 2202 ets coe pomeridianum (Ker) | Root____.-----_- Powers, 1877:117. unth. IKatozes--=-_ 2a ees ANGE CO SD Soa: as eet ee Fe Plante. 2 eee Loeb, 1932:46. ph pomeridianum (Ker) | Root__.__---_--_ Do. unth Wok. . 25S :eet _wetad Echinocystis oregana (Cogn.)_-.--__|_-___--_--________ Chesnut, 1902:390-91. Aesculus californica (Sooeny Nutt. | Shoots, leaves..__| Chesnut, 1902:367. Winti 2 Sees er teen Si a pomeridianum (Ker) | Plant__-____-___ Du Bois, 1935:17. unth. Echinocystis fabacea Naud-_-_-------]| Root_____-_-____ R. K. Beardsley, MS. Eremocarpus setigerus (Hook.) | Plant_._._______- R. K. Beardsley, Field Benth. Report (MS.). 266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 TABLE 7.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in California—Continued Tribe Plant Part used Reference Wish ss eee a “Squirting cucumber’’__..________ BE) ee Pope, 1918:130. Nomlaki, Maidu_-__-_- Trichostema lanceolatum Benth.-___| Plant__._______- Chesnut, 1902:385. Maite ee ee pa Setigerus (Hook.) |__-_- (o\c eee eee Greshoff I11:89-90. enth. Aesculus californica (Spach) Nutt. | Shoots, leaves_..| Chesnut, 1902:367. Lolowatiess ses sass oe pomeridianum (Ker) | Root___-_-_----_ Drucker, 1937:294. unth IPomoat2 3 Satie Fe ak Echinocystis fabacea Naud_-___----_|____- OES sat ee ee Loeb, 1926:169. Chlorogalum pomeridianum (Ker) |___-- GOn 8 aoe te en Knifien, 1939:376; Chesnut, Kunth. 1902:320. reipocar ats setigerus (Hook.) | Plant....-.---_- Chesnut, 1902:363, 321. enth. Datisca_glomerata (Presl) Benth. |.---_-.--__-----__ Chesnut, 1902:370. and Hook. Central Miwok-____-_- Aesculus californica (Spach) Nutt. | Nuts_.-_----____ Barrett and Gifford, 1933:190. Ciorogahum pomeridianum (Ker) | Root_____---_--_- Do. unth. Southern Miwok_---_- Aesculus californica (Spach) Nutt. | Nuts__--_-_--___ R. K. Beardsley, Field Report (MS38.). Echinocystis horrida Congdon_____- Seeds, root_.____ R. K. Beardsley, MS. WiapDpos.---- ae Chorognltim pomeridianum (Ker) | Root_----------_- Driver, 1936:185. unth. Eremocarpus setigerus Benth_._.--| Plant__..-_-___- Do. INisenan Ss eee Chlorogalum pomeridianum (Ker) | Root__------__-- Beals, 1933:347; Powers, Kunth. 1872:375-376, 423. Jer emporar Dts sehigerus: (Hook) Plants 2222 s=22 Beals, 1933:347. enth. Aesculus californica (Spach) Nutt. | Nuts__._--_-___- Powers, 1873:375-376, 423. Salineriss spas 65 lk EE Be 2 Oe aes Se ee ee oe eee J. Alden Mason, 1912:124. Owens V. Paiute____- Smilacina sessilifolia Nutt____-___- Roots Steward, 1933:251. NOKUtS ts Sime rier ad Chlorogalum pomeridianum Kunth }____- Cows cate kal R. K. Beardsley, Field Report (MS.). Aesculus californica (Spach) Nutt. | Nuts_._-_-_____- Kroeber, 1925:529. Chlorogalum pomeridianum Kunth | Root___-__--_-_- R. K. Beardsley, Field Report (MS.). Polygonum lapathifolium L________ Plants R. K. Beardsley, MS. Eremocarpus setigerus (Hook.) |____- Goze =e oes Do. Benth. Trichostema lanceolatum Benth____|____- == Do. Northfork Mono-______ SA ad setigerus (Hook.) |_-_-- do-se) 2a Do. enth, Umbellularia californica Nutt_____- eagves:- =. sas Do. Aesculus californica (Spach) Nutt. |____- dos ee Do. TaBLE 8.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in the Antilles Area Plant Part used Reference ‘Antilles. qe. 2ee e053 PROUUINAGCUTAUTU Nas sees | een cc ae Raat ole 1887:403. POULIN DITTO Oh is ee ee ee ee ROMUT TAD] OMVOACEN SE SH VUS Clee es | eee Raarhoter, 1887:404. ephrosiatoxvicarigi(Siwe) seers ae jae eee Radlkofer, 1887:405. REDRTOSIGCINET EG) (las) UE CLS oe es | eee eee a CR Latifolius: \QWillds) in| iruite-= en Radikoter, 1887:406-407. Phaseolus lathyroides L_______-_-_- Jmicela 2S eee Radlkofer, 1887:406. Jacquinia barbasco (Loefl.) Mez__..|__..-------------- Leaves, fruit____| Radlkofer, 1887:410. SBD OTOL OICOLUIIAS OLS Cpe nen ea | eee ge Radlkofer, 1887:413. Serjania polyphylia (L.) Radlk____|___.---------_-__- Do. Bahamas. = see Icthyomethia piscipula (L.) Hitche_| Bark, leaves__-__ Goggin, 1939:25. Cuba ee Agnperame;ntCOng li ae eae | ee eee oe ee Greshoff I1:149. OCLOWR ICON eee Canella winterana (L.) Gaertn__...|-_...--.._----._.- Greshoff 11:20. Dominica ss euease Phylianthus brasiliensis (Aubl.) | Leaves______-_-- Taylor, 1938:145. Muell. Arg DIOS DYTOSISD Eee ee aa Nit eee eee avers tee a Greshofi Ichthyomethia piscipula (L..) Hitche.|_____ do___.__--_--} Taylor, 1938:145; Radlkofer 1887:407-408. Jams ical ae sees Sapindus saponaria L____________- Seeds, root_____- Greshoff 1:42. Euphorbia punicea Sw___________-- Leaves, fruit__._| Radlkofer, 1887:413. Tecoma teucozylon (Ga) Nears oe ee eens eee Radlkofer, 1887:412. Martinique-_-__________ Clitoria arborescens Ait.?_____- Radlkofer, 1887:406. Basanacantha armata Hook. f Greshoff II:88-89. Chbadiimibarbasco) DC eee | eee eee Greshofi IT:89. 1For further data, see Blake, 1919. ANTHROP, PAP. No. 38] ABORIGINAL FISH POISONS—-HEIZER 267 TaBLE 9.—Disiribution of fish-poison plants in Guatemala, Mexico, and the southeastern United States Area or tribe Plant Part used Reference Guatemala !_____.___- Enterolobium cyclocarpum Gris_---|------------------ Wisdom, 1940:77-78. MAC UNPUn CEM Wa. fae ee ees | eee ee eee Do. (POULIN GISp = 2 ee 5 eee Stalksssese. 28 Do. DANA AINE MOLAR AD & [ol 31h « Goan ee aman Wet SRM Se eee Fagundes, 1935:73. eae. CNionth| Av wild svine® 2-3 222s see ee eae Stalke ese Bancroft, 1886:720-721. coast). VIG XI CO ee ere Gowanigisprre es. aoe eet eas ae eee eee Greshoff I:32; Radlkofer, 1887:398, 402. Paullinia costata Schlecht. and |_----------------- Radlkofer, 1887:398, 404; Cham. Greshoff 1:40. Buddleia verticillata H.B.K__------ Plant: 22 Greshoff I1:110-111. TM EVELIONETIL OLE USS hen ono ee pe ee eee Fagundes, 1935:74. Ipomoea tuberosa L_--------------- ROOtSS24—=- eee Greshoff 11:113. Schoenocaulon officinale A. Gray___|------------------ Greshoff I[1:152-153. FETT) CHEMI OMS lane oe ee Sap 5 eae are. Rose, 1899:257. Fura polvyandrayB ails es See dol .| Howes, 1930:138. Chiapas, Mexico-_----- Jacquinea seleriana Urb and Loesn_|----- do_ s Do. Tehuantepec-_-____----- Sapindus saponaria L___---------- Plante seen Barnard, 1852:212. Popiilies,CVierachiz) Es | shee ak 82 Oe en ee Bas tet sa teened doa G. Foster (information). HaneVlantiny eal pan: 2) | estes seeker peer eS Peas ene do Sara Do. CH TTepeG VLE XICO se emo eee eee eee a sok BES Vine stalk______- Weitlaner, 1940:170. 2 bela ge popes ot So a EPS ERA SERS: Se Root_-_---------| Weitlaner, 1940:172. Otom PAZ teC > 525 ee | Oe A eer So ee a a ee ee Do. INVAP OES aes ES Merremia tuberosa (L.) Rendle___-| Root___---_-___- Greshoff IT:113. WOOT EC ce Se Ra Foie ke ee Day ee SE Os ee Sener ae Weitlaner, 1940:172. Marghumare sesso. Se Tephrosia talpa Wats_.------------ Plantes eee Bennett and Zingg, 1935: 140. Casimiroa edulis Liav. and Lex_-_-_-__|_---- OES ease se Bennett and Zingg, 1935:170. Casimiroa sapota Oerst__----------|----- doz Ses Do. Calcalia decomposita A. Gray-_-----|----- do. 2S Do. On OCCU LAL DOW ALS as eee ener eee ee Hove oe Do. Sebastiania bilocularis S. Wats____- Saps se Clavigero, 1937:55. PON GONLIMIS DE ao ae ee oe > | ae ee Lumholtz, 1903:vol. 1, p. 401. SAGGUE'SD etree = ee eS Piantes seo Do. INGANED ewan ee ote eer ee Nt ee see eee Beals, 1932:167. SGT et a4 ae tea Fa Jacquinia pungens A. Gray___----- Barkos: see seas Drucker, 1941:225; Weit- laner, 1940:171. Opatar i 2enas ees SANGO SO (QQ) eee see eee Sapeo: Jes Goss Drucker, 1941:225; Obre- gon, 1928:172. NES TITY ARES ees re ne ee ee ae ae es Sl eee dP lee Drucker, 1941:225. Baja California _-_--_- Sebastiana pavoniana Muell. Arg_- Greshodt II:144; Ten Kate, Lophocereus schotti (Engelm) Br. | Plant_.___---__- H. Aschmann (informa- and Rose. tion Machaerocereus gummosus Britt. |_---- do=sesses-——— Greshoff III:114; and Rose. Brandegee, 1890:107. | Ola Yeo) of: ane eee ee SQU2) Se ce mee cen oes ee ee oe MCAVeSse = esse Gifforo, 1933:268. Bout eastern United | =Aescul ua spe. seo eee eae IN UTSeeee eee Adair, 1930:432. tates. CHOCISWE--s= ne. = PACRCULILS SD sac po See nea s Se Sina Sent do==s22==— Swanton, 1931:55. Ilex verticillata GMiGray () a Planteceseece es Do. TEDRTOSTONSD snes or es (oh BE Do. @herokeese=--=--e = ALGLOTS So see sks et aes Se Bark! 2 ese Mooney, 1900:422. @atdwihass2222--. == UO UONUS AGN) We eo oe ae eee Nits Speck, 1934:73-74. NATO Oe pes Ae ae a Tephrosia virginiana (L.) Pers_---- Roots Speck, 1909:23. Creekee ree PAC SOULUIR SD een eae eae INGtS 2222 eee Speck, 1909:24. Dewars (ORda) eee a Wonglans Spe = ae 2 ee oo ee Green nuts__-_--- Harrington, 1913:222. Aesculus Chie WhillGeeeA ee ESTs INTIS SoS Tantaquidgeon, 1942:25. Wioridasessa- se se = Cornus amomum Mill____--------- Bak. = Glennan, 1885:10-11. Piscidia communis__.-.------------ ROOtSs see Killip, 1937:56. 1 Wisdom (1940, pp. 77-78) mentions other piscicidal plants (bejuco de pescado, camote sylvestre, mata- pescado, zopilote, siete pellejus) but without botanical identification, 268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buby 151 TaBLE 10.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in South America } Area Brazil Plant Part used Folk name Reference Patllinig thalictrifolia/ JUSS =e ee | ee eee ee eee Redikoter, 1887: Magonia pubescens St. Hil______- Leaves, | Tingui; tingui Radlkofer, 1887: bark. capeta. 404; Fagundes, 1935:72. Magonia glabrata St. Hil_________ Bark, roots._| Tingui; Timb6 | Radlkofer, 1887: asst. 405; Fagundes, 1935: 72.4 Cenirosema plumieri (Turp.) | Bark_______- Guaiana-timb6?_._| Radlkofer,~ 1887: Benth. 406. Clitoria amazonum Mart.?___--_- Branches_.__| Timb6 de cono?__- Do. Camptosema (7?) pinnatwm |-------------- Gorano-timb6-_---- Do. Benth. Camptosema\ sD == =. a2 82-2] e ee sRimbOs--sas see Lonchocarpus rariflorus Mart.?__|-----------_-- Taraira-moir&?___- Redikter, 1887: Bowdichia virgilioides Kunth_____|--------_--_-- Sopipiras.s--e ce Radiioter, 1887: Bauhinia guianensis AuDee 9 - | 222 ee |e re ee ee Do. EG UIMINOSTESD wee re oe eee eee ee Piracu-fiba____.--- Do. Gustavia brasiliana DC______---- cg eee Janiparandiba; | Radlkofer, 1887: japarandiba; 409; Fagundes, japarandi; geni- 1935:71. parana. Ichthyothere cunabi Mart__.---_-- Plants. 2 Cunabi; cunambi; Do. conamy. Thevetia peruviana (Pers.) | Leaves, | Ahoui-guacu; | Radlkofer, 1887: Schum. fruit jorro-jorro. 409; Wie Fagundes, Radlkofer, 1887: Fagundes, 1935:70. Fagundes, 1935:71; Filho, 1935:19. Taraira-moir&___-_- Odontadenia cururu K. Sch_____-|--__- (3 Lo eee Cipo cururu-_-___- Fagundes, 1935:72. Pachyrrhizus angulatus Rich_-___|-------------- Jacatupe2-=—--- == Do Paullinia alata (Ruiz and Pay.) }----------_--- Urariana: 2. See Do Vellard, 1941; 83. Fagundes, 1935:70. Fagundes, 1935:71. Fagundes, 1935:71; Vellard, 1941:83. Fagundes, 1935:72. Tingir de Perou_-_- Anaticum do Brejo. inladentaitlistria Wiel = se |e eer ee ee eee Indigofera lespedezicides H. B. K_ i iri on. Phyllanthus piscatorum H. B. K_ TANNONG SPiNescens Wiart= on sca-n| nose ana ce eee Timbo peba; tingui de Folha Grande. Paullinia meliaefolia Juss____-___]-------------- Paullinia rubiginosa Camb__-_---]-------------- Cruapé-vermelho_ Do. iBodlinigivigonig Wels ee | eee eee Pineal timb6o Do. aitica. Phytlanthus cladotrichus Muell_-_|_-..---------- Nerva de pombin- Do. A ha da serra. Fagundes, 1935:72; Vellard, 1941:83. Fagundes, 1935:72. Vellard, 1941:82. Fagundes, 1935:71. Fagundes, 1935:71; Filho, 1935:19. Conami; timbd conabi. Tingui de peixe___ Herba de bicho; cataya. Clibadium barbasco DO____-—--=-|_.-22-2-2=__2_| "ee Derris pterocarpa (DC.) Killip___}_-_-_---______ Timb6; timb6é dematta; timbé- rana; timbo cip6 timb6-asst. rg. Phyllanths SW ee eee Phyllanthus piscatorum H. B. K_|_-------_--__- POUGONALTE ACTER E nbs en ee ee eee Fagundes, 1935:71. Fagundes, 1935:73; Vellard, 1941:82. Fagundes, 1935:73. Clibadium surinamense L___--.__|-------------- PiscidigieriLanina ae) see eee Timb6é; |. timbo boticario. Quiti; maca- SDN GUS SUDO OTe ee ee acaipt; casita; jequitir-guassa. Serjania communis Camb_------]-------------- Timbo méndo-___-_- Do. Serjuniaicuspidata) Campee sone eeee see ee Timbo capelludo; Do. timbo de peixe. Serjania dentata (Vell.) Radlk-_--]------_-_____-- Timb6. de restin- Do. gas. EFIGNIC GLUbrOlartle, De Kes | ae ee Mamtujazs-= sess Do. Serjaniopaucidentata i) ©. aes Cee a ae eee Do. Serjania purpurascens Radlk_-___|--.-------_--- -Timb6 vermelho__ Do. Talisigwsesciaenca, ((St-) eis) eee Pitombeira___--__- Fagundes, 1935:74. Timbo cfa; ajaré__| Fagundes, 1935:74; Radlk. Tephrosiamizens* Benth =o) | =e Filho, 1935:19. See footnotes at end of table. ae ABORIGINAL FISH POISONS—HEIZER 269 TaBLE 10.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in South America—Continued Area Plant Part used Folk name Reference Brazil) 2220 sie Thevetia ahouai (L.) A. DO____--}-------------- AgaiTe S253 Foes Fagundes, 1935:74. Tripterodendron fittcifolium. |e 2k ee Farinha secca----- Do. (Linden) Redlk. Enterolobiuwm timbouva Mart_-__--|-.------------ Orelha de preto; | Filho, 1935:19. Timbor&; tim- boura. Cleome spinosa Jacq. (?).--------|--==---------- Tareraiya--------- ea aroler, 1887: Serjonia tethatisiSt, Hil!=22--]2--|=---=---.--.-- Cipo de timb6o; | Radlkofer, 1887: matta fomo; 408. pehko. Serjania erecta Radlk__---------- Stem, leaves_| Timbo bravo; cipo Do. de timb6; turari. Serjania ichthyoctona Radlk------|-------------- Timb6; timbé de | Radlkofer, 1887: peixe; tingui 403; Fagundes, legitimo. 1935: 73. Serjania acuminata Radlk-_-.-_.--|-------------- Timbo de peixe--- Do. Serjania piscatoria Radlk-_--- Tingi; tingui de Do. peixe. Paullinia cupona H. B. K_._.---|--.-------=-=- Guarané------.--- Badlkorr, 1887; Thevetia ahouai (L.) A. DC-_----- Leaves,fruit_| Ahoui-mirim--_--- Radlkofer, 1887: Buddleia brasiliensis Jacq_-------|-------------- Barbascol-----25—-— Radlkofer, 1887: 411; Fagundes, 1935: 70. Euphorbia cotinoides Miq--------|-------------- Gunapalu; assu- | Radlkofer, 1887: cu-i; leiteira. = Vellard, 1941; Phyllanthus conami Sw--.-------- Fruit,leaves_| Conami-_---------- Radhkoter, 1887: Piranhee trifoliata Baill_--------- Stems------- Piranha-Gba; pi- Radliofer, 1887: rand-Gba; py- pe Vellard, 1941: ranheira. Ruprechtia laurifolia C. A. Mey-| Leaves------ Ania Seuss tim- Gexhott III: 36. ubeba. Paullinia australis St. Hil--.----]-------------- Timbé6; timbé de | Greshoff III:102; Rio Grande. pennies, 1935: Paullinia pinnate Tas v2. = 22a 2 | seas ses onc eee Timb6é; matta na Ww. Bates, 1892: poreo; Cururu- apé; timb6 cipd; quae verme- 220-21; Fagundes, 1935: 72; Filho, 1935: 19. 0. Paullinia trigonia Vell__--.------ Barks:ers Tingui sipo_-_----- Greshoff II: 37. Joannesia princeps Vell_-------- Bark, juice-.| Anda, anda-assu--| Radlkofer, 1887: 414; Fagundes, 1935: 71. Manihot esculenta Crantz-_..----- Juice; roote =| Sesse ates eee eS ei 1887: TUF OU CTEDUONS Visses 22 = eee ee duice ee. =s- Arceira; oassucu; | Radlkofer, 1887: assaci; assaca. 415; Fagundes, 1935: 71. Killip and Smith, 1931: 407. Killip and Smith, 1931: 407; Filho, 1935: 18. Killip and Smith, 1931; 407. Lonchocarpus nicou (Aubl.) DC_| Le ay: es, | Timbo legitimo- -- roots Lonchocarpus urucu K. and S_-_| Leaves, ete.-| Timbéuruc6;tim- b6 macaquinho; timbo rouge; timb6o carajura. Tephrosia toxicaria (Sw.) Pers---| Leaves, etc_-| Timbo de Cayen- ne;onabouboue; anil bravo. Mephrosigiemangincra epi. sae en eae eee ana e nee Saree Killip and Smith, 1931: 407; Fagun- des, 1935: 74. Clibadium sylvestre (Aubl.) Baill_|..--------.---]-------------------- cere ene Smith, Enterolobium timbotiva Mart-_-.--|_------------- Timbouva-------- Greshoff III: 61. Derris negrensis Benth--.-.------|-------------- Timborana; tim- | Greshoff III: 74; bé guassis. Vellard, 1941: 82. Serjania novia Camb-.-_.--------}-------------- Timb6 de leite--..| Greshoff ITI: 105. Cestrum laevigatum Schlecht_.---|_-------------|-------------------- Greshoff III: 139. Guiana 2___-_-__- Manihot esculenta Crantz_-_------ Rootes 2k See ee Gillin, 1936: 13-14. VOCGTONGE Dr OCerG BPleb ee. aos |e se eae ee eee eee ee ae eeenee Radlkofer, 1887: Euphorbia cotinoides Miq--------|-------------- Gunapalu...<-.--- et i 1887: Phyllanthus conami Sw---------- Fruit,leaves_| Conami-_--------.- Radlkofer, 1887: 414 See footnotes at end of table. 270) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 TaBLE 10.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in South America—Continued Area Plant Part used Folk name Reference Giiana® —= = |pephrosia cinerea, (ia. se ers= === |e ee Sinapoue-s = Rarlcoter, 1887: Lonchocarpus densiflorus Benth_| Roots_------ Hairi; bastard Walter E. Roth, hairri. 1924; 203; Gillin’ Lonchocarpus rariflorus Mart__--|..--.--------- Fai faia noroko-..-| Lonchocarpus rufescens Benth---| Roots-----_- BIT. 2 2 aves ee Clibadium asperum DC__-_------ Leaves,fruit_| Conami_..._-____- Clibadium surinamense Iu.-._----|_---- G02. .2238 | a ase eee Tephrosia toricaria (Sw.) Pers_-.|-------------- Counami; yarro conalli. Beep ee amas Sets 2 Tree chips__| Wa’u; mora balli_- Caryocariolabratm) Pers:=0. eee ee) eee PADUNCGCULANEN SI SEA TID loses ee ee Bois de Golette_-- Lonchocarpus nicou (Aubl.) DC_| Branches__._| Nicou; Inekou; “veal _hiaree’’; heirri; haiari. Mueleras i jrutescens’ \(AubIs) 2.2222 --- = Haiariballi________ Standl. PerrisiguianensissBenth.==-——2_ 42s. 2. | ee ee Cassia venenifera Rodschied._.___| Roots____-_- Pidgin Ss 2 Bauhinia guianensis Aubl._.-____|_-----____-_-- Hikuritarifon_____- Gustaviavaugwstals.2- 82 2 Sl = | ee ee oe Clibaasumisunin cimenee tiaesee oe | "eee eee ae | ee Senjaniapaucidentata WO. 2) 222s) e See ee Abahonetsts ass Serjania pyramidata Radlk.__._|_-._-------___ Casiteeey. oo urna SeniANIGiSpD eeaas en eae Hebechiabo; kotu- Talisia squarrosa Radlk. .______.-|_------------- White moruballi.. Alera imperatricis (Schomb.) |___---_______- Heairiballiaes = Baker. Antonia ovata (Hook). Prog.__---|_-___-.__--__.| Inyfku_----_--____ OCGUINIG SDs soe eee Ls Sire ae eterumbalii Sa Clathropis brachypetala (Tul.) |__-.--__._---- Arumatta-_=.=22-= Kleinh. LEN DerSDD she a2 Ss Mees hh | ta dot} Se Warakabakoro; to- Pothomorpha peltata (L) Mig. |---_---------- Duburibanato___-- PiyllonthasiconamiS wens. 2 =| seen ee Bois 4 enivrer tue poisson. Eastern Peru ._| Tephrosia toxicaria (Sw.) Pers._.| Leaves__---- bees ete ree Lupinus mutabilis Sweet .-_----- Lonchocarpus nicou (Aubl.) DC_| Leaves Serjania glabrata Kunth________- Stalk = Viera peti as Serjania rubicaulis Benth________]_____ dorst-22 |: ay: ‘doz. :4s2 aie Serjania rufa Radlk________.____|_____ d= 2 hes dos=-- ses Clibadium strigillosum Blake---_|-------------- Quacowtl aes Clibadium vargasii DC__________- Plant»... -<=|: 5 ee eee Pera --247_ teats, ibobeliatitpa Ws stew Se S| | Tephrosia toxicaria (Sw.) Pers__._|_-_-__________ Barbascoss: 452 Apurimacia incarum Harms_____|______________ Chancanhuai_--_-__ Lonchocarpus nicow (Aubl.) DO_|______________ Kumu; koubé; co- ~ napi; pacai; bar- basco. SADINGUSSODONGTS lam |e SUCH aae a aeeee Ginchonaispee se Barkt==) = WA oe ae ee See footnotes at end of table. 1936 1l- 14; Radl- kofer, 1887: 407. Archer, 1934: 205. Walter E. Reth, 1924: 203; Gillin; 1936: 13. Quelch, 1894: 238; Walter E. Roth, 1924: 203-204. Ba noler, 1887: Walter E. Roth, 1924; 203-204. Walter E. Roth, 1924: 204, Gillin, 1936: 13. Radlkofer, 1887: Radlkotr, 1887: Radiiiofer, 1887: Es Greshoff ITI: Greshott Ill: 76; RudTioler, 1887: Radlkotr, 1887: Ratlikofer, 1887: 408; Archer, 1934: 205. Radlkofer, 1887: 409. Do. Archer, 1934: 205, Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. Vellard, 1941: 83. Killip and Smith, 1931: 408; Good- specd, 1941: 152; ee 1930: Bn PPD Killip and Smith, 1931: 403. Killip and Smith, 1931: 404. Do. Do. Do. Do. Tessmann, 1¢30: ane Radlkofer, 1887: 409. Herrera, 1940: 81. Herrera, 1940: 86. Herrera, 1940: 98; Fagundes, 1935: 71-72; Vellard, 1941:82. Herrera, 1940:118. Greshoff II: 88. ANTHROP. PAP. No. 38] ABORIGINAL FISH POISONS—-HEIZER 271 TaBLE 10.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in South America—Continued Argentina Area Paraguay - ----- 8 Plant Serjania lethalis Sr. Hil Lobelia tupa L Euphorbia caracasana Boiss_---.-|}-------------- Lonchocarpus rufescens Benth. Agave americana L___---- Gustavia augusta L Clibadium barbasco DC Jacquinia arborea Vahl Bryrsonima crassifolia H. Part used B. K_.| Branches_-_- Cusparia trifoliata (Willd.) Engl_|-------------- Polygonum glabrum Willd__-----|-------------- Piscidea guaricensis Pittier Tchthyothere terminalis (Spreng.) Blake. Tephrosis tozicaria (Sw.) Tephrosia cinerea L Hura crepitans L Phyllanthus piscatorum H. B. K__|__------------ Jacquinia aristata Jacq Jacquinia revoluta Jacq Jacquinia mucronulata B Jacquinia armillaris Jacq Indogifera suffruticosa Mill Piper riolimonense Trel_- Thevetia Schum. peruviana Serjania inebrians Radlk Piper darienense C, DC Louchocarpus densiflorus Lonchocarpus rufescens B Lonchocarpus nicow (Aubl.) DC Polygonum acre H. B. K- Polygonum acre H. B. K Cardiospermum grandiflorum Sw- Thinouia paraguayensis Radlk - _- Phyllanthus conami Sw-- Tephrosiatoxicaria (Sw.) Pers_--- Lonchocarpus violaceus H. Euphorbia cotinoides Miq Lonchocarpus densiflorus Lonchocarpus rufescens Benth. -_-- Lonchocarpus nicou (Aubl.) DC..- See footnotes at end of table. IPers----|O0ts— = —=== ice) Poe (Pers. ft Piet ae Leaves_--_-_-- Benth=|| Roots==-==== enthe.a|o dose ete: Goltesss: eres Leaves_____- Pianta BA Kece || sae Benth...| Roots__--_-- pea oho (ores ot oe a ata(0 (i) ee ee Folk name Tote; barbasco---- Pehko; sacha Barbasco amarillo; barbasco; juque. ‘Barbasco==<.----- = Chaparro de Man- teca. Barbasco; “chigui-- rera. Borracho; _jebe, barbasco amari- Nlo; barbasco jaune. Galicosa; jarilla; dictamo real. Barbasco de raiz; kouna. Sen senextranjero; barbasco blanc. Jabillo; ceibo blan- co. Barbascayo- ------ Barbasco; _olivo; chilca; chirca. Afialito; Raiz de la virgen. Raiz de muela__-_-_- Caruache; casca- bel; lechero; cru- Caa ta Wanamoe; kali; koenamie. Nekoe; Hojali---_. Koenapaloe_------ Reference Von Hagen, 1939: 38-39. Greshoff I: 36. Radlkofer, 1887: 409. Radlkofer, 1887: 413; Greshoff, I: 132. Ramirez, 1943: 504. Greshoff, II: 149-50. Readlkofer, 1887: 409. Ramirez, 1943:504; Radlkofer, 1887: 409. Ra dlkofer, 1887: 410. Greshoff, II: 27-28. Greshoff IT: 29. Vellard, 1941:82; Ramirez, 1943: 504. Vellard, 1941:82; Ramirez, 1943: 504. Vellard, 1941: 84. Vellard, 1941:82-83; Ramirez, 1943: 504. Ramirez, 1943: 504; Vellard, 1941: 83. Vellard, 1941: 83. Ramirez, 1943: 504; Vellard, 1941: 83. Ramirez, 1943: 503; Vellard, 1941: 83. Ramirez, 19438: 503. Ramirez, 1943: 504. Velland, 1941: 84. Byaikoter, 1887: Radixoter, 1887: Roth, Walter E., 1924: 202. Roth, Walter E., 1924: Roth, Walter E., 192 4: 203. Vellard, 1941:82. Do. Do. Vellard, 1941: 83. Greshoft IIT: 87. Greshatt TEE 71,76; 4, Greshofi IIT: 76. Greshoff III: 76, 94. _ Walter E., lard, 1941, 82. 272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 TABLE 10.—Distribution of fish-poison plants in South America—Continued Area Plant Part used Folk name Reference Surinam._______ Serjania inebrians Radlk._-._---- Vine Barbasco Baerse eee s Conzemius, 1932: 70. Colombia.--._-| Tephrosiatozicaria (Sw.) Pers. - -- Roots pate see ||- See, (eae Waseem, 1935: 103- Derris elliptica (Roxb.) Benth. ___|_____ GO. 2 | See ee Santesson, 1935: 25. Tropical Amer-| Sapindus saponaria L.___-___-__- Leaves_____- Sapo indicus; ja- | Radlkofer, 1887: 404. ica. boncillo. UNGSSOVi Ct f¥teChi COS GAC C= ae | eee ee Greshoff IT: 53. POV QOTALT CU NTA TELAT En occ | re ee es | ee ee Vellard, 1941: 182. Cassia semperjiorensiD C.2- 2 as eee eee Greshoff III: 64. 1 See Métraux, 1928; Nordenskiéld, 1920; Killip and Smith, 1930, 1931, 1935; Radlkofer, 1887; Lowie, 1940; Howes, 1930, pp. 134-38; Roark, 1936, pp. 19-27; 1938, pp. 23-24. 2 See also Archer, 1934; Martyn and Follett- Smith, 1936. 3 For further data, see "Borst Pauwels, 1903 a, 1903 b. NOTE Since the present paper was written a dozen years ago much new information on the subject has appeared. Although it is not feasible to cite all the recent additions to fact, a few references have been added to the bibliography in galley and others are cited here. Rostlund’s preliminary paper of 1948 has been followed by a recent monograph (Rostlund, 1952) which deals extensively with fresh-water fish and fishing in abo- riginal North America. Rostlund discusses the physical environment of fish poisoning as a culture trait (pp. 127-129), a subject which I have here only men- tioned. His distributional data (pp. 129, 130, 188-190, map 39) agree with mine in showing two major and disparate areas of fish drugging, California and the Southeast. Eschewing speculation on the possibility of historical connection between the two areas, Rostlund (pp. 131-133) considers the possibility of historic introduction of fish poisoning in the Southeast through Europeans or African Negroes. The idea is a good one, and I did not see it. In addition to the South- eastern tribes listed here in table 9 as employing piscicides, Rostlund cites the Chickasaw. More northerly tribes cited by him include the Penobscot, Iroquois, Delaware, Nanticoke, Powhatan tribes (?) and Sauk. Rostlund discusses and rejects the hypothetical circum-North Pacific route of introduction of fish poison- ing to North America. R. H. Lowie (1951, pp. 18-20) has discussed some generalities of fish drugging in world perspective and as illustrative of certain cultural processes. G. Hewes (1942) in a study of northern California fishing has plotted the distri- bution of fish poisoning, and a useful note by McFarland (1951) further supple- ments the data on California Indian piscicides. Et. dae May 1962. BIBLIOGRAPHY ADAIR, JAMES. 1930. History of the North American Indians. (lst ed., London, 1775.) Ed. by Samuel Cole Williams. Johnson City, Tenn. Auten, A. H. 1929. Allen’s commercial organic analysis. 5th ed., vol. 7. Philadelphia. ANONYMOUS. 1884. 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U.S. Dept. Agr., Div. Botany. (Repr. from Contr. U. 8S. Nat. Herb., vol. 5, No. 4.) RostLunp, E. 1948. Fishing among primitive peoples: A theme in cultural geography. Yearbook Pacific Coast Geographers, vol. 10, pp. 26-32. 1952. Freshwater fish and fishing in native North America. Univ. Calif. Publ. Geogr., vol. 9. Rotn, H. L. 1896. The natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo. 2 vols. London. Rory, WALTER E. 1897. Ethnological studies among the North-West-Central Queensland aborigines. 1901. Food, its search, capture, and preparation. North Queensland Eth- nography, Bull. No. 3. 1924. An introductory study of the arts, crafts, and customs of the Guiana Indians. 38th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1916-17, pp. 25-720. Rumpuivs, G. E. 1750-1755. Herbarium Amboinense het Amboinsch kruid boek. Edited by J. Burman. 7 vols. Amsterdam. Sarrorp, W. E. 1917 a. Food plants and textiles of ancient America. Proc. 19th Int. Congr. Amer., pp. 12-30. 1917 b. Useful plants of Guam. Contr. U. 8. 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The Chorti Indians of Guatemala. Chicago. Wray, LL. 1892. On the Malayan fish poison called Aker Tuba, Derris elliptica. Pharm. Journ. and Trans., vol. 52, pp. 61-62 (ser. 3, vol. 23). (Also publ. in Perak Mus. Notes, No. 1, pp. 19-23, 1893.) Woutsin, F. R. 1941. The prehistoric archaeology of Northwest Africa. Pap. Peabody Mus. Amer. Arch. Ethnol., Harvard Univ., vol. 19, No. 1. ny x? 7 ea cota 1-mii? ol aa) u; fet i & soaipel at aa ait smbiadmal rete wadeih atetawtitie < Wa aetna lah . td s Lodi hh ooh. dada, adelunol ue eh. ao? im nentinga ity d ariuideadinn ¢ 4 atl ; it 0 } OU, ad J Sno qabamepianred be ab ; eo 4 PG 7 = WH bet ry WW pik} ve ywah) a b muy ih il ee ~e nade rie ade i ie DX € 8 ie a , Pane. i b ik i 7 iy) i fibe CONTENTS PAGE TORIC DIG Ss 2 ela os SNe Val ak Sa oe See Se a ee eet eer 289 SIMIC MIN RIRGS re” 82a os Mt oe ae oe ee oe ree eee 291 is polG Can Ode. = * Saj.cu El ween, ee A oe te LP ae 296 PO RERAMS Oeee me, | = 8 te ee oe es See Mes ee a ees ee 299 Paw IGCRNOES: ==. 2 5262 25> eo sae So oe ee oe eae ee 300 The double-bladed paddle in the New World_--._.-.-.---------------- 303 Sisto creo liye tts. em 2 er a i ee oe ee Ee 2 eee ie 308 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES eof D Ls ESSE] OF SY Capa ee pee aa A ek Se eee re eget Ee 312 Zi. Tule balsa from, Santa. Barbara Channel... -.--...22.=.-.<3.225 312 2eeeAebark-lop ratt or baja, Califormia--_ 12-222... 22o=---22 2. cease He sa 312 23. Balsa and double-bladed paddle in San Francisco Bay --.----------- 312 FIGURES 11. Upper: Chumash paddle collected by Vancouver Expedition, 1793. Lower: Colnett’s sketch of a Coast Miwok balsa and paddle seen at IBoderaubBay lah oe bet So ee ee 292 jou bhe,chumuash plank Canoe... 2245-0. ses ee see ee eee 301 MAPS 5. Distribution of boat and paddle types along the coasts of Upper and ajan© alongs. ©) ee i see Le oe 2 oe ee ee eee ae 290 6. Distribution of boat types in the Santa Barbara Channel and adjoining PORIONS Fg oe St ee eee eee ee ee eee 294 7. Distribution of the double-bladed paddle in the New World-_-------- 305 ¢ cal ; _ - -— a : i aow bg Tou 7 domes tHE, f erect aN CARS fx wi} ; if . Pia i @ I { = ; ets A Soe nro wade ‘ 4 Rit ry Oy; = - ttxie . ir TE ALL Nh ) Aeron ‘ : “ re PS \ (eve Olin) f { I fier +* - AOE ; — ) { i ites! tae a ns LOr ve. Mi Noe or ay Ly | ve - ai ee - ‘ P S 1 > 7 AA vi) ae oy oe ys. eat Wr 5 <4 ‘Y a | : STAAL ” fy 5 gryt re he tabaeee 4 fr - eS i ¢ eh fh's if rites stbbeq damned Aas +s. — Jin ichalie ovis ‘\ ? >-5t? Lie re PY L a i lia nn ne i = _--4lO\! “ath ape so nee dial dil iia , +S 7 ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION OFF THE COASTS OF UPPER AND BAJA CALIFORNIA By Rosert F. Heizer and Wiii1am C. Massry INTRODUCTION There is no adequate summary of aboriginal navigation off the west-central coast of North America. Friederici’s (1907) general treatment of native navigation in the New World is still the best we have, but for the California region this work does not satisfy the requirements of intensive treatment. Kroeber’s summary of aboriginal navigation in Upper California (lat. 33° N. to 42° N.) is good, but is based mainly upon ethnographic information, and for certain critical areas can be amended or added to in detail by the early historical accounts (Kroeber, 1925, pp. 248-244, 812-814, passim). The Pacific coast, from the Oregon-California boundary! to the southern tip of Lower California is a stretch of about 1,600 miles, and embraces some nineteen degrees of latitude. Environmentally this long coastal area may be divided into separate provinces. In the north from the Oregon-California boundary to the mouth of the Russian River is a rainy coast where conifer forests come down to the water’s edge, and with turbulent rivers which meet the rocky coast. Here is an ideal habitat for the heavy log dugouts, or for log rafts. From Bodega Bay southward to Point Concepcion is a relatively treeless coast, somewhat rocky, but with several large and numerous small sandy bays. Wood is scarce, and the tule balsa is the sole means of navigation for inshore water travel. The coast dwellers occasionally used balsas to fish in the quiet waters of some bay; never to make long expeditions where walking would be quicker, safer, shorter, and on the whole easier. Between Point Concepcion and Santa Monica Bay is the sheltered Santa Barbara Channel which harbored the maritime Chumash peoples. Driftwood logs, a well-developed woodworking complex, and sheltered waters seem to have favored the development here of the multiplank boat. 1 For the coastal area north of the Oregon-California boundary, see the excellent paper on northwestern canoes by Olson (1927). 289 290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 151 Qa ank *%., ry anoe 2%, 04 ‘se \ \ l Bal 80 \ Map 5.—Distribution of boat and paddle types along the coasts of Upper and Baja California. From San Diego south along the entire west coast of Baja Cali- fornia is a low-latitude desert littoral where available softwood is absent (with two exceptions to be noted below). Wooden boats would be an impossibility, and the balsa made of easily gathered tules (Scirpus sp.) is generally employed. Great stands of cedars at Cedros Island and pines at Cape San Lucas offered variety in materials for boats, and here we find log rafts, but not dugouts. Inside the Gulf of California along the east shore of the peninsula is again a treeless coast, somewhat broken by small bays, and offshore islands. Here, as on the ocean side, the balsa was used for navigation. With the partial exceptions of the Chumash of the Santa Barbara AotuRVT PAP. ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION—HEIZER AND MASSEY 291 Channel, who were accustomed to fish in deep waters in their sea- going plank canoes, and the Pericue of Cape San Lucas, who went out of sight of land on fishing expeditions, the coastal tribes of Upper and Baja California could hardly be called maritime. Boats, whether dugouts, balsas, or rafts, seem incidental and generally nonessential cultural features of the whole area. The differences in coastal topography are not very profound, yet sufficiently so that local environments favored the use of particular types of boats. These boat types are few and may be enumerated as follows: (1) Tule balsas. (2) Log dugouts. (3) Log rafts. (4) Plank canoes. TULE BALSAS In the whole coastal area under discussion, the tule balsa has the most extensive distribution of any single type of boat. Interruptions in the distribution are due to either unfavorable environmental con- ditions or the use of other types of boats. Nonoccurrence cannot be explained by the absence of materials (Scirpus sp.). The northernmost coastal occurrence of the tule balsa is Bodega Bay (lat. 38°30’), where its presence is attested by a number of early explorers (Wagner, 1931, p. 331; Maurelle, 1781, p. 515; Corney, 1896, p. 81; Colnett, 1940, p. 175; Bolton, 1926, IV, p. 48; Khlebni- kov, 1940, p. 333). It was propelled by means of a double-bladed paddle. (The balsa and paddle are illustrated here, after Colnett (1940, pl. opp. p. 176) in fig. 11). Bodega Bay also marks the northern- most occurrence of this paddle type (Colnett, 1940, p. 175). Colnett said of the Bodega (Coast Miwok) Indians in 1791: Their rush floats are form’d in the following manner, three Bundles making the Bottom, and one on each side, Bow and Stern. Their Paddle is pointed at each end, held by the middle and used alternately, side and side, and End and End. The tule balsa and double-bladed paddle were noted at Drake’s Bay by Cermefio in 1595 (Wagner, 1924, p. 13). The balsa is known much farther north in the interior. The Thompson Indians of British Columbia used this boat as did the Klamath and some north- central California tribes. The Costanoan Indians living on the shores of San Francisco Bay used only the balsa for navigating. The double-bladed paddle was also in use on the Bay (Menzies, 1924, p. 271; Khlebnikov, 1940, p. 333; Kotzebue, 1830, vol. 2, p. 90; Chamisso in Kotzebue, 1821, vol. 3, p. 48; Choris, 1822, pt. 3, p. 6; Bolton, 1927, p. 293; Von 292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butt 151 Figure 11.—Upper: Chumash paddle collected by Vancouver Expedition, 1793. Lower: Colnett’s sketch of a Coast Miwok balsa and paddle seen at Bodega Bay, 1791. Langsdorff, 1814, pp. 187-188). Menzies describes the balsa as follows: As we were going on shore in the forenoon two of the natives came along side in their Canoe if a few bundles of bulrushes fastend together could be called by that name, for it was about fourteen feet long and consisted of three or four bunches of bulrushes fastend together with thongs and tapering at both extremi- ties; on this the two Men sat, each having a long paddle with a blade at each end which was held by the middle and used on both sides alternately... [Men- zies, 1924, p. 271.] No 39). .)6 ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION—-HEIZER AND MASSEY 293 Vancouver notes the balsa at San Francisco as follows: A message... was brought by three of the native Indians who spoke Spanish, and who came on board in a canoe of the country; which with another (though perhaps the same) seen crossing the harbour the evening we entered it, were the only Indian vessels we had met with, and were without exception the most rude and sorry contrivances for embarkation I had ever beheld. The length of them was about ten feet, the breadth about three or four; they were constructed of rushes and dried grass of a long, broad leaf, made up into rolls the length of the canoe, the thickest in the middle, and regularly tapering to a point at each end... They crossed the inlet for the purpose of catching fish... They conducted their canoe or vessel by long double-bladed paddles, like those used by the Esquimaux. [Vancouver, 1798, vol. 2, p. 90.] Southward of San Francisco the balsa made of three or more bundles of tule lashed together was employed sporadically by Cos- tanoans (Fages, 1937, p. 69; de Laperouse, 1798, vol. 2, p. 228; Van- couver, 1798, vol. 2, p. 5). This boat was used by the Indians of Monterey Bay for fishing. Here, as farther north, the double-bladed paddle was used for propulsion (Kroeber, 1925, p. 468; Costanso, 1910, p. 155; Vancouver, 1798, vol. 2, p. 5; von Langsdorff, 1814, vol. 2, pp. 187-188). South of Monterey to Point Concepcion the balsa was used in bays and protected coastal waters. In 1595 Cermefio mentioned use of balsas in San Luis Obispo (Wagner, 1924, p. 16). Shortly after the founding of Mission San Luis Obispo in 1772, the Santa Barbara Channel plank boat was imported for use by the Mis- sion Indians at San Luis Obispo (Heizer, 1941; Wagner, 1924, pp. 6-7). Vizcaino in 1602 mentioned seeing balsas on the coast occupied by the Salinan Indians (Wagner, 1929, pp. 240, 242). Although the balsa was probably known and perhaps occasionally used by the Chumash of the Santa Barbara region, it can hardly be considered the typical boat of this area. The balsa was not seen or noted by the Spanish explorers on the Santa Barbara Channel in the eighteenth century. Harrington (1942, section on ‘‘Navigation’’) implies that the balsa is an aboriginal Barbarefio Chumash feature, but on what grounds is not stated by him or known to us. A de- tailed account of a well-made, bitumen-covered balsa from the Santa Barbara Chumash was printed in 1894, and though the author is unknown it was probably Lorenzo Yates (Anonymous, 1894). The account reads as follows: Tules were firmly and closely tied with fiber taken from different plants and tarred with asphaltum into bundles about four inches in diameter in the center and tapering to a point at both ends, and of the length of the intended boat. Pliant sticks, which were intended to act as the ribs of the boat, were shoved through the bundles at intervals in the manner indicated in Figs. 1 and 2 [pl. 21 of this publication.] After a sufficient number of bundles of tules and pliant sticks were placed together, they were bent and secured in the form of the main body of the boat. The bow and stern of the boat were then made in the form and 294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 151 any UP AAT TUN nit Plank canoe xxx Dugovt canoe coo Tule balsa ONSZSINT 7 Map 6.—Distribution of boat types in the Santa Barbara Channel and adjoining regions. manner shown in Figs. 1 and 3. The tules were then quilted with tarred fiber until they were firm and watertight, BBB in Figs. 1 and 3. The bent position of the ribs was maintained by seats. Further rigidity was given to the boat, if necessary, by fastening poles lengthways of the boat to the ribs. The outside of the boat was then smeared with liquid asphalt of the consistency of heavy tar, AA, Fig. 3. This account can hardly be purely imaginative, yet there is nothing similar known concerning tarred balsas. The general method of manufacture is Californian, however, and it may be that this par- ticular form of boat is a late historic development which combined certain features of the old plank-boat complex grafted on the balsa boat. The Gabrielefio to the south also knew the balsa (Fages, 1937, p. 23), but they shared the plank boat with the Chumash. The Luisefio next to the south, used both the balsa and the dugout canoe (Kroeber, 1925, p. 654). The paddle type is not known, although the double-bladed form, in view of its occurrence to the north and NO g9)) Y)~6 ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION—HEIZER AND MASSEY 295 south, was almost certainly used. The coastal Dieguefio knew only the tule balsa and double-bladed paddle (Menzies, 1924, p. 340; Costanso, 1910, p. 123). Cabrillo’s reference to ‘‘small canoes” near Punta Banda in latitude 31°50’ (Cabrillo in Bolton, 1916, p. 21; Cabrillo in Wagner, 1929, p. 84) probably indicates the presence there of tule balsas, which may be ascribable to the coastal Dieguefio of the peninsula (Vizcaino in Bolton, 1916, p. 73). Taylor (1860) reports that in 1856 a native at San Miguel Mission described balsas of reed formerly used for fishing in northwestern Baja California. At San Quentin Bay, Vizcaino saw tule balsas, and immediately to the north, at San Martin Island, Cermefio encountered Indians in boats, probably tule balsas (Cermefio in Wagner, 1929, p. 16). Vancouver, when off Rosario Bay just south of San Quentin saw ‘“‘a native in a straw canoe like those seen at San Francisco” (Vancouver, 1798, vol. 2, p. 482). Sales’ account contains a careful description of the balsa referring to the Dominican mission region north of Rosario: The Indians make some very small canoes; among some tribes they are of wood, in others they are of that reed (bova) which grows in the swamps. Only Indians who fear nothing are able to put to sea in boats of such slight resistance. They collect the stalks and stems of this reed, they tie and bind them with long twigs, and continue giving it the shape of a small boat that is only able to carry one man, and when he has to enter the sea he puts it over his head and lets it fall, quickly putting himself aboard on his knees. [Sales, 1794, vol. 1, p. 29.] On Cedros Island log rafts were in use (Ulloa in Wagner, 1929, p. 40) but there is no mention of their occurrence on the opposite mainland. Martinez,states that from Cape San Lucas to SanIgnacio (lat. 23° to 27°) the Indians “got around in a sort of raft in the shape of a small boat, made of canes or rushes. With this rudimentary craft they will put out to sea until they are lost to sight for many hours, one man in each, with a double-paddle, which they manipulate on both sides, half kneeling, or squatting’? (Martinez, 1938, p. 15). Taraval (1931, p. 51) notes balsas at Todos Santos. Inside Magdalena Bay (lat. 24°18’) Ulloa (specifically at Almejas Bay: Ulloa in Wagner, 1929, p. 31) saw “‘very large rafts of cane,’’ probably to be under- stood as large tule balsas. As shown elsewhere, the log raft was used at Cape San Lucas. From Cape San Lucas northward to La Paz Bay inside the Gulf of California bark-log rafts were in use. Just south of La Paz at a bay, which in 1633 Francisco de Ortega called San Ignacio de Loyola, were seen Indians with small balsas (balsillos), and Taraval notes balsas in 1735 at Cerralvo Island in the same region (Ortega, 1633, p. 161; Taraval, 1931, pp. 74-75, 276). 909871—52- 20 296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn, 151 North of La Paz among the Cochimi the balsa and double-bladed paddle continued in use on the coast. Ulloa has left a careful de- scription of the Cochimi balsa at lat. 29°48’: They had a little raft which they must have used in fishing. It was made of canes tied in three bundles, each part tied separately, and then all tied together, the middle section being larger than the laterals. They rowed it with a slender oar, little more than half a fathom long, and two small paddles, badly made, one at eachend. [Ulloa in Wagner, 1929, p. 22—at Bahia de San Luis Gonzaga. ] On the coast near Loreto, Vizcaino noted in 1596, ‘‘five canoes like balsas very well made with canes and strong, came out from the shore. In each were three or four Indians” (Vizcaino in Wagner, 1930, p. 211). At Espiritu Santo Island, outside La Paz, Ortega in 1631 said that “many Indians came out to the ship in their (tule) balsas’ (Ortega, 1631, p. 75). North of the Cochimi people and inside the Gulf live the Peninsular Kiliwa and Akwa’ala whose culture is oriented toward the interior rather than seaward. It is probable that here the tule balsa was used when occasion demanded, but no definite evidence can be produced to support this possibility. The Cocopa were accustomed to use the tule balsa (Derby, 1932, p. 58), as were other tribes of the lower Colorado River. On the west coast: of Mexico south of the Colorado River delta the balsa is sporadically present. The Seri of the Sonora coast and Tiburon Island use both the tule balsa and double-bladed paddle (McGee, 1898; Kroeber, 1931, pp. 20-41; Davis and Dawson, 1945, pp. 196-197, fig. 5). The single occurrence of this paddle type on the Mexican mainland leads to the conclusion that the Seri learned of navigation, at least in part, from the peninsular tribes across the waters of the Gulf of California. DUGOUT CANOES On the northwestern California coast the dugout is the only means of navigation. It is a country of rivers, and the boats are used for both ocean and river travel. The ‘Yurok type’ canoe used by the littoral Tolowa, Yurok, and Wiyot, is essentially suited to river travel because of its blunt, rounded prow and round, gently curved belly, and not to the sea and surf where a high-ended, keeled, and sharp-prowed type would be more practicable. It is clear that the dugout here has developed on the interior rivers, and later came out to the ocean. The canoe is made of soft, straight-grained redwood. The exca- vation is done by controlled firing and shaping with a shell-bladed adz attached to a stone handle. The bow and stern rise only a foot No 39). Y)6 ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION—HEIZER AND MASSEY 297 above the level of the gunwales, which are wide and overhanging in- ward rather than flaring outside to prevent wash. The wide gun- wales serve as longitudinal strengtheners. Inside the boat is a stern seat and in front of the seat are two foot braces. The Yurok dugout has, according to Kroeber (1925, pp. 82-83) a standard length of 3 fathoms and a hand (18 feet), but varies con- siderably in breadth (3 to 4 feet) and depth (1 to 2 feet), which has the effect of increasing capacity, but not at the expense of maneuver- ability on the rocky river where the length of the boat is an important feature. The draft is shallow and the canoe rarely draws more than 6 inches in the middle when loaded. A shallow-draft canoe is suited to the rocky river rather than to the ocean, and is a further indication of the interior riverine development of this type. The Yurok of Trinidad Bay on the northern California coast were early discovered by the Spanish, and from Fr. Benito de la Sierra’s account of the Hezeta expedition of 1775 we have a description of the canoes which are said to have been at most 4 yards in length, well built, double-ended, and made of a single log. The stem and stern are stated to have been ‘‘half-decked,” but the phrase is puzzling since the later boats here do not show any feature of this sort (de la Sierra, 1930, p. 222). Peter Corney (1896) described the Trinidad Bay canoes in 1817 as from 16 to 20 feet long, square at both ends, and flat-bottomed. Inside the boat were ridges, spaced about a foot apart, which looked exactly like frames or ribs of a boat and which served to strengthen the canoe. This last feature is not reported by other observers, and may possibly represent an effort in historic times to copy the frame feature of European boats. South of the Wiyot, who use the same canoe as the Yurok and To- lowa to the north, the dugout is not employed. Kroeber (1925, p. 147) places Cape Mendocino as the southern limit of the dugout, which is a local and peripheral manifestation of the British Columbian and Alaskan coastal dugout-canoe area. (See Olson, 1927, and Bar- nett, 1937, p. 170.) The Mattole and Coast Yuki used no boats whatever on the coast. The Pomo used tule balsas on Clear Lake in the interior, but this form did not reach the coast in their territory. Occasionally the Pomo might use a makeshift log raft to visit mussel and sea lion rocks offshore (Kroeber, 1925, p. 243; Gifford and Kroe- ber, 1937, El. No. 258; Loeb, 1926, p. 182) but this temporary raft was hardly a standard feature of coastal Pomo culture. Just south of the Pomo are the Coast Miwok of Bodega and To- males Bay who, as we have already seen, used the tule balsa in their salt-water fishing. It is not until we reach the Luisefio of southern California that the aboriginal dugout canoe again is found (Sparkman, 1908, p. 200; Kroeber, 1925, p. 653). Here it exists side by side with 298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buy. 151 the tule balsa, but the plank canoe did not diffuse from their northern neighbors, the Gabrielefio. Incidentally the Luisefio called the dug- out pauhit, “yellow pine” (Kroeber, 1925, p. 654), and the Chumash call their plank canoe tomolo, ‘‘pine’”’ (Heizer, 1941, pp. 60-61). This peculiar canoe-pine linguistic parallel can hardly be fortuitous, and leads one to suspect some specific connection between the Luisefio dugout and the Chumash plank canoe. ‘This possibility is enhanced by the fact that for a long distance north of the Chumash and south of the Luisefio wooden canoes of any kind are unknown. How the de- velopment of these types occurred is impossible to say, nor is it easy to imagine what relationships the two boat forms have, since their occurrences are geographically exclusive and they are technologically distinct. J. P. Harrington (1942, section on ‘‘Navigation’’) gives the late ethnographic (i.e., historic) occurrence of boat types in the Santa Barbara region as follows: N. Cost- S. Cost- 4 Saiparie Sanatic Barbarefio | Venturefio | Gabrielefio MuUrouticanOGess eee nn sore Sa ee eters ee a| eee eee x x x Plank cangos 2288 seh e See ee oe ee ed ae ee x x x Piuletbalsas ee: = 2 vee aoe te ne x x x x x Double-bladed paddlet vise! se. 20: 5S. be 8s Gk eee Pee Xx x x We may be certain that the dugout was not used in early historic times (sixteenth to eighteenth centuries) in the Channel region, and it is not until the midnineteenth century that we find the first mention of the dugout in the Santa Barbara region in a newspaper account reproduced in Alexander Taylor’s Indianology, where it is stated, They made canoes by digging out a solid trunk to contain four or five men, which were of remarkably neat model and handsomely bevelled, rounded off in- side and out with hatchets made of stone, and scrapers and knives formed of shells. They were about thirty feet long and three or four deep and wide. The stern and bow were shaped alike, with a deep channel or groove for the anchor-rope to run through . . . these ropes were made from the fiber of the California wild maguey. [Woodward, 1934, pp. 120-121; Taylor, 1860.] Thus, the Channel Barbarefio and Venturefio seem to have used the dugout only in the past century. It was introduced either through the Spanish,” or from the Luisefio to the south. The Gabrielefio shared the plank boat with their Chumash neighbors to the north, but placed some reliance at least upon the tule balsa. There is no evidence, other than Harrington’s check list, that the Gabrielefio used the dugout and we may suspect its late introduction here as among the Chumash. 3 For which there is no direct evidence, but must be considered a possibility. Note the historic intro- duction, by U.S. Army soldiers, of the dugout to the Pomo of Clear Lake (Gifford and Kroeber, 1937, p. 185). No), |“ ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION—HEIZER AND MASSEY 299 LOG RAFTS Log rafts, although rarely used, are hardly to be considered as a typical or characteristic means of navigation on the coast of Upper California. Gifford and Kroeber (1937, p. 145) list a raft of logs lashed together with withes for the northwestern and southwestern Pomo (Loeb, 1926, p. 182; Kroeber, 1925, p. 243). It was used by the people to visit offshore mussel-bearing rocks. Farther north the Sinkyone and Tolowa, whose territories front the ocean, claim to use the log raft, but whether this was for interior river or coastal lagoon service is unknown (Driver, 1939, section on ‘‘Navigation’’). As with the dugout canoe in northwestern California, the log raft is more widely used in the interior, and its presence on the coast must be looked upon as due to spread from the hinterland. Logs were used in Baja California on Cedros Island (lat. 28°15’) where cedar trees are common in the mountainous interior, near Cape San Lucas to the north of which pines grow on the slopes of the Sierra de la Victoria, and in the Bay of La Paz inside the Gulf of California north of Cape San Lucas. Boats constructed of logs were rafts and nowhere was the dugout used. Ulloa, who visited Cedros Island in 1539, has left the following de- scription of the raft seen at Morro Redondo (lat. 28°27’): They had five or six rafts which they had used in fishing, made of pine or cedar timbers, as long as 12 or 15 feet and so big that a man could hardly reach around them. The part under water is rounded, and where the people stand on them is flat. They are not hollow in any part. On each side, to maintain the balance, there are bundles of many cedar poles, closely tied together, as long as the canoes themselves. They rowed them with paddles two or three palms long and about three fingers across, at the end of each a three-cornered triangular piece of wood of this shape [arrowhead] five or six fingers from point to point. [Ulloa in Wagner, 1925, p. 52.] This log raft appears to have been made of a single split cedar log stabilized by bundles of cedar poles lashed on each side. This is certainly a unique boat type for the Californias. Although the use of stabilizers is known in Oceania and Colombia (Hornell, 1928), we would draw no connection between these and the Baja Californian occurrence. At La Paz Bay and probably referring to the Guaicura (though possibly to the Pericu islanders of Espiritu Santo), Cardona in 1617 sald— Their vessels are of three bundles of thin canes, two at the sides and one in the middle, very well tied in such a way that two persons travel on each of them. They also have another class of vessel which is of three logs fastened together. On each an Indian goes out to fish. They row with both hands, with an oar with two blades. [Cardona, 1868, p. 35.] 300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bun 151 In the south near Cape San Lucas rafts described as “bark-logs”’ were used. ‘These were apparently made of Ceiba (cork) logs, although the local pine may have also served for this purpose. Pines grow in the interior at high elevations, and it is not known whether the Indians could carry them down to the sea (Rogers, 1928, p. 231; Baegert, 1772, pt. 2, sect.4). They were propelled with the double- bladed paddle and served the natives in fishing (Rogers, 1928, p. 231; Shelvocke, 1928, p. 226; Clavigero, 1937, p. 100). Shelvocke (1928, p. 226) describes the log raft as follows: ... they go out to sea on their bark-logs, which are only composed of five logs of a light wood, made fast to one another by wooden pegs; on these they venture out rowing with a double paddle. An earlier description by Clavigero reads— In order to fish on the high sea in this second way they use a simple raft com- posed of three, five, or seven logs fastened together with sticks and well tied; the log in the middle, which extends farther because of being longer, serves as a prow. The wood from which these rafts are made is cork (a tree already de- scribed by us), because it is lightest. On each of them, according to their size, 2 or 3 men take their places and depart 4 or 5 miles from the coast, without fear of the very high waves of the Pacific Sea, which at times, seem to lift them as far as the clouds and at times to bury them in the bottom of the sea. [Clavigero, 1937, p. 100.] Clavigero refers again (op. cit., p. 50) to the ‘“‘Corcho” from which the Indians make rafts. This is to be identified with the Ceiba acuminata. The combination of a raft and the double-bladed paddle presents such a degree of discordance as to lead to the conclusion that the raft in this region was possibly a recent introduction to a people who already knew the balsa and double paddle, or that the paddle was borrowed from natives in the Gulf where it is the common means of propulsion. PLANK CANOES In the whole coastal area from the California-Oregon boundary to the southern tip of Baja California is a single small littoral strip where multiplank canoes were used. This restricted area is the Santa Barbara Channel, which was occupied in ethnographic times by the Chumash Indians. The plank boat was in use on the main- land between Point Concepcion (lat. 34°50’N., long. 121°50’ W.) and Point Dume (lat. 34° N., long. 119°15’ W.) and on the offshore islands of Santa Barbara, Santa Rosa, and San Miguel at the time of the early Spanish explorations (1542-1770). The plank boat was not used by the Luisefio, Juanefio, or Dieguefio so far as known. The relatively sheltered waters of the channel seem to have permitted the safe employment of this boat, and to this extent environmental No 39). «~ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION—HEIZER AND MASSEY 301 determinism may be assumed to have operated. North of Point Concepcion the rocky unsheltered coast was hardly suitable for em- ployment of the fragile plank boat, and there is no evidence of its presence in early historic times. Cermefio in 1595 noted the tule balsa at San Luis Obispo Bay (lat. 35°20’) some forty-five miles north of Point Concepcion (Wagner, 1929, p. 161; 1924, p. 16). But in 1775 Pedro Fages mentioned plank canoes in this same bay (Fages, 1937, pp. 51-52; see also Wagner, 1929, p. 371), as did Van- couver in 1793 (Vancouver, 1798, vol. 2, p.445). This conflict in evi- dence would lead one to suspect a local replacement of the original tule Figure 12.—The Chumash plank canoe. balsa by the plank boatin post-Hispanictimes. Documentary evidence for such introduction and substitution is to be found in the statement of Fr. Pedro Font in 1776 that their expeditionary force escorted six Christian Indians from Mission San Luis Obispo to the Santa Barbara Channel where they bought, with glass beads, two plank canoes. The Spanish party continued on south, the Obispefio returned to their home with the boats (Bolton, 1930, p. 453). The exact date of the first transfer to San Luis Obispo Bay of the southern plank boats cannot be determined, though it could hardly have been much before 1772, since Mission San Luis Obispo was founded at that time. The boat Vancouver saw was undoubtedly one of the imported Channel Chumash canoes. The construction and form of the Chumash plank canoe has been treated fully in other papers (Woodward, 1934; Heizer, 1938, 1940 b, 1941; Robinson, 1942; Kroeber, 1925, pp. 558-559), and these points need only be summarized here. The average canoe measured about 25 feet in length (range 12 to 30 feet), 3 to 4 feet in breadth, and about 3 feet in depth. The foundation of the boat was a heavy flat-bottom plank with two end posts bound on with cords through drilled holes. Taking off from each side of the base plank at an angle of 50 to 60 degrees, were longitudinally laid planks, each about 3 feet in length, 6 inches wide, and a half inch thick. Each short plank was tied on all four edges to the adjoining planks by sewing through drilled holes. Each course of planking was calked with quantities of asphaltum applied when hot and viscous. The canoe had no internal ribs or frames, and was strengthened solely by means of a center gunwale thwart which also served as a seat. From the descriptions of the 302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu. 151 boat which have come down to us in historical accounts, one gets the impression that the canoe was a rather weak and unstable craft. This, however, was not the case—the canoe was of light weight and flexible construction, and the weight of the paddlers who kneeled in the bottom tended to draw the gunwales together and tighten the seams (Heizer, 1940 a). The liberal quantities of asphaltum used undoubtedly were helpful in making the boat seaworthy, and it is diffcult to imagine the Chumash canoe without this asphaltum which was so abundant in their territory. The plank canoe had an unusual profile. The planking at the bow and stern was elevated, leaving the center gunwales low. The reason for this feature was probably to prevent a following wave from coming into the boat when landing in the surf. Three or four people at most were all that were observed to ride in one of these boats, although early explorers repeatedly estimate that the canoes had a potential capacity of 8 or 10, or even 20. Thus size was a misleading factor to the Spanish observers, while the Indians undoubtedly knew from long experience how many could safely ride in the plank canoes. The double-bladed paddle was used to propel these ocean-going canoes, and they were well made with the blades mortised to the handle. The paddle was from 6 to 10 feet in over-all length. Some of the more detailed descriptions by early observers are given below—others may be consulted in the special papers on the Chumash plank canoe (Heizer, 1938, pp. 194-207; Robinson, 1942, pp. 203-209). Miguel Costanso, engineer of the Portola expedition of 1769-70, says: The expertness and skill of these Indians is unsurpassed in the construction of their canoes of pine boards. They are from eight to ten yards in length from stem to stern post, and one yard and a half in breadth. No iron whatever enters into their construction and they know little of its use. But they fasten the boards firmly together, making holes at equal distances apart, one inch from the edge, matching each other in the upper and lower boards, and through these holes they pass stout thongs of deer sinews. They pitch and calk the seams, and paint the whole in bright colors. They handle them with equal skill, and three or four men go out to sea to fish in them, as they will hold eight or ten men. They use long double-bladed oars, and row with indescribable agility and swift- ness... They hold intercourse and commerce with the natives of the islands. {[Costanso, 1910, pp. 136-139.] Fr. Pedro Font wrote in 1776 of the Chumash plank boat, and his description has come down to us as the best single detailed account: The Indians are great fishermen and very ingenious. .. Above all, they build launches with which they navigate. They are very carefully made of several planks which they work with no other tools than their shells and flints. They join them at the seams by sewing them with strong thread which they have, and fit the joints with pitch, by which they are made very strong and secure. Some of the launches are decorated with little shells and all are painted red with No 39), =~ ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION—HEIZER AND MASSEY 303 hematite. In shape they are like a little boat without ribs, ending in two points somewhat elevated and arched above, the two arcs not closing but remaining open at the points like a V. In the middle there is a somewhat elevated plank laid across from side to side to serve as a seat and to preserve the convexity of the frame. Each launch is composed of some twenty long and narrow pieces. I measured one and found it to be thirty-six palms long (24 to 26 feet) and some- what more than three palms high (2 to 3 feet). In each launch, when they navi- gate or go to fish, according to what I saw, ordinarily not more than two Indians ride in each end. They carry some poles about two varas long which end in blades, these being the oars with which they row alternately, putting the ends of the poles into the water, now on one side and now on the other side of the launch. In this way they guide the launch wherever they wish, sailing through rough seas with much boldness. [Bolton, 1930, pp. 252-253.] Archibald Menzies, naturalist of the Vancouver expedition, de- scribed the Santa Barbara canoes in 1795 as: ... from 14 to 18 foot long and in the middle about four feet wide and tapering to both extremities. They were made of different pieces of wood curiously sewd together, their Paddle was about half the length of the Canoe and bladed at each end so as to be held by the middle and used alternately on each side... . [Menzies, 1924, p. 315.] In another place Menzies gives further data on the canoe: The make and formation of their Canoe shewd no small degree of ingenuity as it is regularly built of different pieces of boards of various sizes and figures and neatly fastened together with Thongs and Sinews & glewed so close as to be quite water tight and preserves its shape as well as if it had been made of one piece, without any other timber to strengthen it but one small thort in the middle, from thense it rises gradualy & tapers to both extremities, where it is double pointed by a small notch at each end— These Canoes are from 12 to 18 feet in length & in the middle about 4 feet wide, they are large enough to carry about half a dozen of the Natives in smooth water and are extremely serviceable to them for the purpose of fishing in the channel as we had the pleasure to experience during our stay by the plentiful supply of Fish they daily brought us— Canoes made in this manner are to be met with no where else in California, & the induce- ment to form these of such scanty materials might probably originate in a desire of visiting & keeping up an intercourse with the adjacent Islands which as the sea is smooth and the climate is serene is frequently affected without danger.— Their paddle we have already seen is about half the length of the Canoe, bladed at both ends & used alternately on each side. [Menzies, 1924, pp. 325-326.] THE DOUBLE-BLADED PADDLE IN THE NEW WORLD At an earlier time it was felt that the isolated occurrence of the double-bladed paddle at San Francisco Bay and the Santa Barbara Channel (for long the only recognized California instances) presented a problem referable in some manner to the classic Eskimo use of this instrument (Kroeber, 1925, p. 559). In the present paper we have established the fact that the double-bladed paddle is found along the east and west coasts of Baja California, at San Diego, Santa Barbara, Monterey Bay, San Francisco Bay, Drake’s Bay, 304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLu, 151 and Bodega Bay. Here is clearly a continuous and unitary distri- bution of this instrument. The presence of this type of paddle among the Seri of the north Mexican mainland is most easily explained as having been adopted from the Peninsular tribes (Cochimi?) who, at least with reference to the Seri, form a local center of gravity. Birket-Smith (1929, p. 262, table A51) lists the double paddle among the following New World Eskimo groups: Northeast Green- landers, East Greenlanders, West Greenlanders, Polar Eskimo, Labrador, Baffin Island, Iglulik Eskimo, Southampton Island, Cari- bou Eskimo, Netsilik Eskimo, Copper Eskimo, Mackenzie Eskimo, Point Barrow, Bering Strait region, Pacific Eskimo (Koniag), and Aleut. The Chukchi and Koryak on the adjoining coast of north- eastern Asia also know this instrument.® In South America the double-bladed paddle is known by the Agaces Indians of the Rio Paraguay, the Tamoyos on the Rio de Janeiro, from northern Chile, and archeologically from Arica (Nor- denskiéld, 1931, pp. 88-89, map 22). As Birket-Smith (1929, p. 174) points out, there is some evidence that European sportsmen and African slaves may have introduced the double-bladed paddle into certain parts of South America and the southern United States. Lothrop (1932, pl. 21, fig. b; pl. 20, figs. a, 6; p. 242) shows that the double-bladed paddle was used to propel the seven-plank dalca and the sealhide float of Chile.* From these data it would appear that the double-bladed paddle has had a complicated, and in several instances, a local and inde- pendent history of development. The Eskimo block may or may not be connected with the Asiatic occurrences, and for a discussion of this problem we refer the reader to Birket-Smith (1929, pp. 79, 174-175). The great gap between the southernmost Eskimo (Koniag) and northernmost Californian occurrence (Bodega Bay) of the double- bladed paddle seems to be an area which has never known this imple- ment. The gap between the southernmost Californian (Cape San Lucas) and the nearest South American occurrence (Peru) is again so large that we are left with the only possible explanation of the California distribution block as historically independent and unrelated 3 Also in Asia it is recorded for the Yukaghir, Chuvantsi, Kolyma Russians, Kuril, Goldi, Manegir, Orochi, Daurians, Olcha, Lamut, Tungu, Manchu, Yakut, Yeneseians, Samoyed, and (?) Zyryans (Birket- Smith, 1929, pp. 340-341, table B37.) This paddle form has also been noted from the Danish peat bogs (Late Paleolithic?) and from Yemen. In Africait isknown in Cameroon (Birket-Smith, 1929, p.174). Pitt- Rivers (1906, p. 206) mentions its occurrence on the Egyptian Upper Nile and in the Sulu Archipelago. 4 In addition to the illustrations in Lothrop’s paper, we call attention to the double-log raft with lattice decking from the Chilean coast shown by Poeppig (1835, vol. 1, pp 304-305, atlas). The Peruvian coast sealhide float and double paddle at Iquique Island (latitude 19°50’ 8S.) are noted by Shelvocke. This account also contains an excellent description of the Chilotan three-plank dalea. As a further addition to Lothrop’s data, see the sixteenth-century drawing of the Peruvian sailing catamaran in Taylor (1932, pl. opp. p. 366). No 39), -’ ~=ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION—HEIZER AND MASSEY 305 a. Map 7.—Distribution of the double-bladed paddle in the New World. 1., E. Greenland Eskimo. 2, W. Greenland Eskimo. 3, Labrador Eskimo, 4, Southampton Island Eskimo. 6, Iglulik Eskimo. 6, Baffin Island Eskimo. 7, Netsilik Eskimo. 8, Caribou Eskimo. 9, Copper Eskimo. 10, Chipewyan. 11, Mackenzie Eskimo. 12, Kutchin. 13, Point Barrow Eskimo. 14, Bering Strait Eskimo. 15, Nunivak Island Eskimo. 16, Pacific Eskimo (Koniag). 16-A, Tanaina. 17, Aleut. 18, Coast Miwok (Bodega Bay). 19, Coast Miwok (Drake’s Bay). 20, Costanoan (San Francisco Bay). 21, Costanoan (Monterey Bay). 22, Chumash (Sta. Barbara Channel and Islands). 28, Gabrielefio (Sta. Catalina Island). 24, Dieguefio (San Diego Bay). 95, Baja California tribes (Kiliwa, Cochimi, Pericue, etc.). 26, Seri (Tiburon Island). 27, Peruvian Coast. 28, Arica (archeological occurrence). 29, Agaces (Rio Paraguay). 30, Tamoyos (Rio de Janiero). $1, Chilean coast. Sources for map occurrences: 1-14, 16-17, Birket-Smith, 1929; 15, Margaret Lantis, information; 16-A, Osgood, 1937; 18-26, from data enclosed in this paper; 28-80, Nordenskidld, 1931; 81, Lothrop, 1932. 306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 to other New World areas of use of this paddle form. How and where, then, did the California double-bladed paddle originate? The distribution maps of this paper indicate that the double- bladed paddle has a wider distribution than either the log raft, dugout, or plank canoe, and approximates most closely the distribution of the balsa. Apparently the double paddle is old—perhaps as old as the balsa on the coast, and almost certainly older than the log raft (of Baja California), the dugout (Luisefio), or plank canoe (Santa Barbara Channel). For all practical purposes, we can only decide that the balsa and double paddle are the oldest boat and paddle forms on the coast south of Bodega Bay, and that the other types of boats (dugout, log raft, plank canoe) are later developments which have simply adopted the preexistent paddle type. To some extent the double paddle must have had an effect upon the form of these later boats, for it is of necessity that only a narrow boat can be propelled with such a paddle. The problem of the age of the northern Cali- fornia dugout is referable to that of the antiquity and spread of dugout boats on the Northwest Coast proper. Kroeber seems to have hit upon the probable manner of origin of the double-bladed paddle, and it is to be noted that he was, at the time he wrote, unacquainted with its fuller Californian distribu- tion which has been established here. Kroeber says, in discussing the double-bladed paddle of the Seri: This type of paddle is established for the Seri, Santa Barbara islanders, the San Francisco Bay Indians, then apparently is lacking until the Eskimo-Aleutian area. Among the Chumash it is native and associated with the plank-built canoe. On San Francisco Bay it was used with the rush balsa, and may or may not be due to Aleutian sea-otter hunters introduced by the Russians.5 It seems possible that the Seri and Chumash occurrences would prove connected by occasional use in Baja California if we had fuller data, since some of the natives there went several leagues out into the open sea. We are so accustomed to think of the two-bladed paddle as an adjunct of the specialized kayak, that it too impresses as a complicated device, inappropriate with a simple raft. As a matter of fact, wherever scarcity of wood, or lack of skill and usage in working it resulted in a paddle blade being cut separately from the shaft, the inventive step from attaching one blade to attaching two blades would have been insig- nificant—in fact, would be an improvement or variation rather than an invention.® The determining factor as to its adoption would probably be the type of naviga- tion as set by water conditions. This is borne out by the distribution of the double paddle, which clings to areas of open salt-water navigation or large bays approxi- 5 The double paddle is attested for the San Francisco Bay Costanoans long before the Russians began their penetration into California. 6 This is no doubt true, but as we have shown in this paper, many of the California double paddles were made by simply flattening each end ofa pole. (See pl. 20.) The single-piece paddle with narrow blades is presumably a rude imitation of the better-finished composite form of, for example, the Chumash (pl. 21). Not all Chumash paddles were so well made. (See the illustration of a paddle blade in Robinson, 1942, fig. 21.) The Pomo, according to Gifford and Kroeber, (1937, p. 185, ftn. 526), made single-bladed paddles with a detachable blade. ANTHROP. PAP. ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION—HEIZER AND MASSEY 307 mating open water conditions. On rivers and lakes the double paddle would rarely help and often be in the way. In this way the varying association with skin boat, wooden boat, and raft boat seems accounted for. Another factor must be the size of the vessel navigated. A broad or high canoe would scarcely allow of alternate paddling on both sides. This may be the cause of the absence of the implement on the Northwest Coast. Whether the Arctic and the California- Seri occurrences are to be historically connected, must probably be left an open question for the present. An answer in favor of connection will evidently depend on the establishment of sufficient other connections to set up a favorable presump- tion. Until then, the considerations just mentioned make the possibility of independent origin equally plausible. [Kroeber, 1931, pp. 20—21.] The question of where the Californian double-bladed paddle originated is more difficult to answer. As Kroeber indicates, it is not used in the interior on rivers or lakes, and seems to have spread solely along the coast via the open coastal salt-water line of contacts. The balsa extends in the interior as far as the peripheral Thompson and Klamath (Wilkes, 1844, vol. 5, p. 253), but south of here is found in ever increasing use. On the coast it terminates in the north at Bodega Bay. There is, from these facts, presumptive evidence that the balsa has spread northward with its means of propulsion, the double paddle. Where in the south should we look for the place of origin of this paddle? Hardly to Baja California among the culturally and manually backward groups. This leaves us with the Santa Barbara Channel region among the Chumash, accomplished and dexterous woodworkers and authors of a technologically advanced civilization. Although acceptance of this theory of a Channel origin of the double-bladed paddle necessitates adherence to the additional hypothesis of a subsequent northward and southward coastal diffusion, this latter seems not improbable, since intergroup contacts along the coast have probably always existed. This suggestion begs the ques- tion of how the double paddle became associated with the balsa, and the history of both types subsequent to their adhesion. For the history of the double-bladed paddle in the New Worldwe offer the following suggestions. The Californian coastal occurrences may be considered an historical unit, with a possible locus of origin among the Chumash of the Santa Barbara Channel at a time before the development of the plank canoe. The presence in California of this paddle form is historically independent of that of the Eskimo unit far to the north, and of the South American occurrences far to the south. Thus, on the basis of the New World data alone, there is presumptive evidence that the double paddle has had at least three separate and independent developments. Offhand, the several widely separated South American occurrences may indicate plural origins there, and the Old World examples, some isolated and remote, may be considered other evidence, if such be needed, that Kroeber’s suggestions of the technological ease of the invention of this paddle 308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 151 form may be accepted. Theoretically within the Californian coast area there may have been plural origins, although the continuous geographical distribution of the form among relatively simple and uninventive groups could hardly be considered strong support for such an hypothesis. R. F. H. May 1952 NOTE Since this paper was written 10 years ago, some new information on boats of the pacific coast has become available. In particular there should be mentioned the excellent summary of Mayan and Mexican canoes and navigation by J. E. S. Thompson (1951) which effectively closes the last major gap in a series of syn- theses of aboriginal navigation from Tierra del Fuego to Bering Strait. It should now be easy to discuss Pacific coast navigation as a unit from the historical point of view. The monumental handbook of South American Indians unfortunately lacks a summary of boats, though the several regional survey volumes contain the essen- tial data. A recent work by Castillejo (1951) on Arawak and Carib boats is useful. The Baegert account of Baja California has recently been translated by M. Brandenburg and C. Baumann and published by the University of Cali- fornia Press (1952). ROB. se May 1952 BIBLIOGRAPHY ANONYMOUS. 1894. Some of the ancient uses of asphaltum by the aborigines of California. Sci. Amer. Suppl. No. 994, p. 15085. BaEGERT, J. 1772. Nachrichten von der Kalifornischen Halbinsel. Mannheim. BarRNeETT, H. G. 1937. Culture element distribution: VII, Oregon Coast. Univ. Calif. Anthrop. Records, vol. 1, No. 3. Berkeley. BirKET-SmiTH, K. 1929. The Caribou Eskimos. Report of the Fifth Thule Expedition, 1921-— 1924, vol. 5, pt. 2. Copenhagen. Botton, H. E. 1916. Spanish exploration in the Southwest. New York. 1926. Historical memoirs of New California by Fr. Francisco Paléu. Berke- ley. 1927. Fray Juan Crespi, missionary-explorer on the Pacific Coast, 1769- 1774. Berkeley. 1930. Fr. Pedro Font’s complete diary (vol. 4 of Anza’s California Expedi- tions). Berkeley. Carpona, NICHOLAS DE. 1868. Relacion del descubrimiento del reino de la California por el capitan y eabo Nicolas de Cardona. In Torres de Mendyza, Coleccion de Docu- mentos Ineditos, relativos al descubrimientos ..., vol. 9. Madrid. CasTILLEJO, R. ; 1951. Medios de transporte. Divulgaciones del Instituto de Etndélogica, vol. 2, pp. 57-125. Univ. del Atlantico, Baranquilla, Colombia. No 39), 5) ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION—HEIZER AND MASSEY 309 CiavicERO, F. J. 1937. A history of (Lower) California. Trans. by S. E. Lake and A. A. Gray. Stanford Univ. Press. Palo Alto. Cuonris, L. 1822. Voyage pittoresque autour du monde. Paris. Coinett, J. 1940. The journal of Captain James Colnett aboard the Argonaut from April 26, 1769, to November 3, 1791. Publ. Champlain Soc., No. 26. Toronto. Corney, P. 1896. Voyages in the North Pacific Ocean (in 1817). Honolulu. Costanso, M. 1910. The narrative of the Portola Expedition of 1769-1770 by Miguel Cos- tanso. Edited by A. van Hemert-Engert and F. J. Teggart. Publ. Acad. Pacific Coast Hist., vol. 1, pp. 90-159. Berkeley. Davis, E. H., and Dawson, E. N. 1945. The savage Seris of Sonora. Sci. Monthly, vol. 40, pp. 193-202, 261- 268. Derrsy, G. H. 1932. The topographical reports of Lieutenant George H. Derby. Quart. Calif. Hist. Soc., vol. 2, Nos. 2, 3, 4. Driver, H. E. 1939. Culture element distributions: X, Northwest California. Univ. Calif. Anthrop. Records, vol. 1, No. 6. Berkeley. Faces, P. 1937. A historical, political and natural description of California by Pedro Fages. Trans. by H. I. Priestly. Berkeley. FRIEDERICI, G. 1907. Die Schiffart der Indianer. Stuttgart. GirrorD, E. W., and Krorser, A. L. 1937. Culture element distributions: IV, Pomo. Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. Ethnol., vol. 37, No. 4. Berkeley. HARRINGTON, JOHN P. 1942. Culture element distributions: XIX, Central California Coast. Univ. Calif. Anthrop. Records, vol. 7, No. 1. Berkeley. Heizer, R. F. 1988. The plank canoe of the Santa Barbara region, California. Ethnol. Studies, vol. 7, pp. 193-227. Gothenburg, Sweden. 1940 a. Aboriginal use of asphaltum by the California Indians. California State Diy. of Mines, Bull. 118, pp. 73-75. Sacramento. 1940 b. The frameless plank canoe of the California Coast. Primitive Man, vol. 13, pp. 80-89. Catholic Univ. Amer. Washington, D. C. 1941. The distribution and name of the Chumash plank canoe. The Master- key, vol. 15, pp. 59-61. Southwest Mus. Los Angeles. HorneELL, J. 1928. South American balanced canoes. Man, August, No. 102. KuLeEBNIKOV, K. T. 1940. Memoirs of California by K. T. Khlebnikov. Trans. by A. G. Mazour. Pacific Hist. Rev., vol. 9, pp. 307-336. KorTzEBug, O. VON. 1821. A voyage of discovery into the South Sea and Beerings Straits . . . 1815-1818. 3 vols. London. 310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 KroeseERr, A. L. 1925. Handbook of the Indians of California. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 78. 1931. The Seri. Southwest Mus. Pap. No. 6. Los Angeles. LanesporFr, G. H. von. 1814. Voyages and travels in various parts of the world, during the years 1803-07. 2 vols. London. LAPEROUSE, J. F. G. DE. 1798. A voyage around the world, in the years 1785-1788. 2 vols. London. Loss, E. M. 1926. Pomo folkways. Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. Ethnol., vol. 19, No. 2. LotHrop, SAMUEL K. 1932. Aboriginal navigation off the west coast of South America. Journ. Roy. Anthrop. Inst., yol. 62, pp. 229-256. London. Martinez, Josh LONGINOS. 1938. California in 1792. Trans. by Leslie Simpson. San Marino. MAURELLE, F. 1781. Journal of a voyage in 1775 to explore the coast of America, northward of California . . . by Don Francisco Maurelle. Jn Daines Barring- ton’s Miscellanies, pp. 471-534. London. McGez, W. J. 1898. The Seri Indians. 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1895-96, pt. 1, pp. 1-128, 129*-344*. Menzigs, A. 1924. Archibald Menzies’ journal of the Vancouver Expedition. Intro- duction and notes by Alice Eastwood. Quart. Calif. Hist. Soc., vol. 2, pp. 265-340. NORDENSKIOLD, E. 1931. Origin of the Indian civilizations in South America. Comp. Ethnogr. Studies, vol. 9, pp. 1-94. Otson, R. L. 1927. Adze, canoe, and house types of the Northwest Coast. Univ. Wash- ington Publ. in Anthrop., vol. 2, No.1. Seattle. OrvTEGA, FRANCISCO DE. 1631. Primer demarcacién de las islas Californias, ete. Ms. in Bancroft Li- brary, Univ. Calif., Berkeley. 1633. Descripcién y demarcacién de las yslas Californias, etc. Ms. in Ban- croft Library, Univ. Calif., Berkeley. Oscoop, C. 1937. The ethnography of the Tanaina. Yale Univ. Publ. Anthrop., No. 16. New Haven. Pirt-Rivers, A. F.-L. 1906. The evolution of culture. Oxford. Porprie, E. F. 1835-1836. Reise in Chile, Peru und auf dem Amazonstrome wahrend der Jahre 1827-32. 2 vols., atlas. Leipzig. Rosinson, E. 1942-43. Plank canoes of the Chumash. The Masterkey, pt. 1, vol. 15, pp. 202-209 (1942); pt. 2, vol. 17, pp. 13-19 (1943). Southwest Mus. Los Angeles. Roacers, WoopDEs. 1928. A cruising voyage around the world, 1708-11. New York. No 39). )6C ABORIGINAL NAVIGATION—HEIZER AND MASSEY 311] Sauss, L. 1794. Noticia de la Provincia de Californias en Tres Cartas. Vol. 1. Val- encia. SHELVOCKE, GEORGE. 1928. A voyage around the world. London. Srprra, B. DE LA. 1930. Fray Benito de la Sierra’s account of the Hezeta Expedition to the Northwest Coast in 1775. Quart. Calif. Hist. Soc., vol. 9, pp. 201- 242. Trans. by A. J. Baker, notes by H. R. Wagner. SparRKMAN, P. S. 1908. The culture of the Luisefio Indians. Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. Kthnol., vol. 8, No. 4. Berkeley. TARAVAL, FR. S1GISMUNDO. 1931. The journal of the Indian uprising in Lower California. Trans. by M. BE. Wilbur. The Quivira Soc. Los Angeles. Taytor, A. S. 1860-1863. The Indianology of California. In The California Farmer and Journal of Useful Sciences, Feb. 22, 1860—-Sept. 11, 1863. (Reference here is to installments No. 11, May 18, 1860, and No. 13, June 1, 1860.) Taytor, E. G. R. 1932. Francis Drake and the Pacific: Two fragments. Pacific Hist. Rev., vol. 1, pp. 360-369. Los Angeles. TuHompson, J. E. S. 1951. Canoes and navigation of the Maya and their neighbors. Journ. Roy. Anthrop. Inst., vol. 79, pp. 69-78. Unitep States HypRoGRAPHIC OFFICE. 1880. The West Coast of Mexico. Bur. Navigation, Bull. 56. VANCOUVER, GEORGE. 1798. A voyage of discovery to the North Pacific Ocean and round the world ... 2 vols. London. Waaner, H. R. 1924. The California voyage of Sebastidn Rodriguez Cermefio in 1595. Quart. Calif. Hist. Soc., vol. 3, No. 1. 1925. California voyages, 1539-1541. San Francisco. 1929. Spanish voyages to the Northwest Coast of America. San Francisco. 1930. Pearl fishing enterprises in the Gulf of California. Hispanic Amer. Hist. Rev., vol. 10, No. 2. Durham, N. C. 1931. The last Spanish exploration of the Northwest Coast and the attempt to colonize Bodega Bay. Calif. Hist. Soc. Quart., vol. 10, pp. 313-345. San Francisco. WILKEs, C. 1844, Narrative of the U. S. Exploring Expedition during the years 1838- 42. 5 vols. Philadelphia. Woopwarp, A. 1934. An early account of the Chumash. The Masterkey, vol. 8, pp. 118- 123. Southwest Mus. Los Angeles. 909871—52——_21 m8. ay va 4 if ee , : 4 FRBLAMY yay oo “rr i of tov Ly Ge 4 + rye 0 . Can fh . } i EVTs. . ae - i iy aT} H BO ss1 ' f AL sant, et y , : ¥ rol 4 . . \ > 4 4° h . rs eS 1 1 ae au 4* cut p - if A rs : 7 ~4f eye ] ee mS wh. @ j ‘ } Th lad! A * A, ha ri arid os a so 0 if ‘] a tree iebtt 5 Drain cts sb at vr ‘oni 9) tt ad SaviiG al RAS Maas Oi oo.) En OO . Be } nis & gina: we gen’ i" morei) op YTa7H ' ahr ned civmiernet tat F TACs. 002 Pan irre va ; Beli jeogiy itroMl ddd oF ag peo: Teta bitwise ahh re tag yrisle telah S04 ft fo vate ttt : J if tities ots i igsou. oy fH PLATE 20 BULLETIN 151 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY "VO 191pV *vSivg IMsS BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 21 TULE BALSA FROM SANTA BARBARA CHANNEL. PLATE 22 BULLETIN 151 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY SS ig: ¥ Ag: She bas , * nee SON re comaggnngaperre® — g % PUA Alo OP Cals A Le We A BARK-LOG RAFT OF BAJA CALIFORNIA. Patlls O YR aN Oolh eT Lhe? € Phouthermort * * 1g [Fort Petre a Relic L t PLATE 23 BULLETIN 151 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY “AVG OOSIONVYA NVS NI 3100Vd Gsa0V1E-31sNn[g GNV VS1IVqg is OO rapt, ya et ne , te a ae SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 151 Anthropological Papers, No. 40 Exploration of an Adena Mound at Natrium, West Virginia By RALPH S. SOLECKI 313 0) vittrte wi WAS usher Peet qgohad® inmteaskk aka ft vtgeli tl? + ‘ : wah “iat pl. lp olor ata) é - en fintou? 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Mec Se ae a ‘snoignatieai tay PREFACE The purposes of this study of the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance are to broaden existing knowledge of the past and present forms of the ceremony among these people, to trace its history, and to outline the social and psychological factors affecting the development of the institution or, conversely, stemming from it. Despite inevitable omissions and possible errors, these goals have, I believe, been sub- stantially achieved. The most important previous work on the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance is Lowie’s ‘‘The Sun Dance of the Wind River Shoshone and Ute” (Lowie, 1919). Previous publications on Wind River Sho- shone history are my ‘‘Shoshone-Comanche Origins and Migrations” (Shimkin, 1941) and ‘‘Dynamics of Recent Wind River Shoshone History” (Shimkin, 1942). The latter paper and two other reports, “Wind River Shoshone Literary Forms” (Shimkin, 1947a) and “Child- hood and Development among the Wind River Shoshone” (Shimkin, 1947c) present additional information on personality-culture inter- relationships among these people. My sketch of linguistic structure (Shimkin, 1949 a, b) will be of help in analyzing the texts presented. I am indebted to the Board of Research of the University of Cali- fornia for financing the necessary field work in Wyoming in 1937 and 1938; to Forrest R. Stone, superintendent, and his staff at Wind River Indian Reservation for invaluable direct assistance and free access to all needed records; to my Shoshone informants and inter- preters for aiding and guiding my field work; to Prof. H. E. Jones, of the Institute for Child Welfare of the University of California, for instruction and facilities needed for the psychological aspects of this study; to the Bureau of American Ethnology for permission to pub- lish their manuscript materials; and to Mrs. Eleanor Garcia and Arthur Ferreira for clerical assistance. Professors R. H. Lowie, A. L. Kroeber, and Egon Brunswick, of the University of California; Dr. Philip Drucker, of the Bureau of American Ethnology; and my wife, Edith M. Shimkin, have made valuable criticisms of this report. D. B. SuimxIn. Princeton, N. J., July 1947. 401 : itay' 9% : : : * aL Ly. 1 ae oq : “i ae Ngo . , af Us DH ua! ney’ C wn a eth Se at a 7 = Bs ; 5: i ; vi i iW fy ‘t . RS ‘ ti : ~ : re 4 ‘. a) ) t ij ig =, ay i ’ , = aod i ‘ t , i . “ + 1" id Pha r = ’ t : ‘ { 45 : ‘a | ie " f . ? ‘ : 4 4 ey ee SF i * r %. i a 4 F. ‘ : , , f - = te a! . eT : a8) can f 0 r “ ei 6 fhecale «4 re ? . P ’ 5 ¥ ' ) a 4 wet =_ ‘ i : s ) F ae : = . r] ise ‘7 A 4 ‘ e : i ‘ wiemdic war OF +ahi10% a babooan li Wee j f i &- ; G it i “VTL bine wath : > . ’ wr ti t ‘rt L, s 4 t ‘f jill air tot 17 saphilt J ‘ "s 5 i 7 ve : am i vil tr Aannelgitad, Tunitaly sob ectis a ys ‘ he © {,.* tt Pa ‘ ; ‘ a+E Pry nA V8 wh ; mL. Dita, i ak - way . ’ : ' f f : it faoindl igi 6 a OUTER. @ ; pan Fe ee : ie Be O Qn SiR, OV RIN SRI EEL 4s BV THE WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE By D. B. Suimx1n THE OLD SUN DANCE THE SUN DANCE COMPLEX In the middle of the nineteenth century, the Sun Dance was the greatest, most spectacular, and most sacred tribal ceremony through- out a region stretching from the Blackfoot of Alberta to the Comanche of central Texas, from the Wind River Shoshone of Wyoming to the Santee-Dakota of Minnesota (Spier, 1921 b, pp. 459, 495). But, by the end of the nineteeth century, the Sun Dance had been suppressed or had died out in most of the Great Plains. (Dorsey, 1903, pp. 1-2; Lowie, 1915 a, p. 5; Marriott, 1945, pp. 304-305.) Yet, at the same time, it acquired new vigor on its western periphery. From the cen- tral point of the Wind River Shoshone, a Christianized modification of the ceremony has spread since 1890 to the Shoshone and Ute of Idaho, Utah, and Nevada, reaching the last area in 1933 (Hoebel, 1935, pp. 578-579). In 1941, the Sun Dance began to spread eastward. The Crow Indians, assisted by a Wind River and later a Lemhi Shoshone shaman, have revived the ritual with great vigor. The Sun Dance appears also to have survived on its northwestern and northern margins, among the Kutenai, who have danced a pro- foundly modified but non-Christianized version at least as recently as the late 1930’s, and among the Plains Cree (Turney-High, 1941, p. 178; Mandelbaum, 1940, p. 269). The basic pattern of the Sun Dance is highly uniform. Although tribal differences are often noteworthy, particularly in regard to the social organization, motivations, and mythological connotations as- sociated with the dance, many elements are recurrent throughout the area of distribution. In generalized form, the dance, as performed around 1850, would consist of the following: ! It would be initiated during the winter months by some man or woman who had made a vow to do so or who had received a visionary command to initiate the dance. At a suitable moment in late spring 1 Adapted from Spier, 1921 a and 1921 b. 403 404 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 or early summer, the scattered bands of the tribe would gather; often they would approach the rendezvous in a ceremonial manner, making four stops en route. Once the bands of the tribe had assembled in a camp circle, the first phase of the rites would begin. A tipi would be pitched in the center of the camp circle. Here the pledger and his sponsor, an old man with esoteric knowledge of the ritual, who guarded the Sun Dance fetich or who otherwise had great supernatural power, would together perform the secret preliminaries, purifying themselves, uncovering the fetich, and learning sacred songs or ritual paint designs. At this time also, a distinguished warrior or group of warriors went to hunt a buffalo bull, which had to be killed by a single shot, generally so that the animal’s head fell east. The bull’s hide was removed for later placement on the center pole. To find the center pole, scouts would be sent out to locate a suitable forked tree, which would then be ‘‘killed”’ and chopped down by a distinguished man, a virtuous woman, or a captive. In the meantime, a larger number of men would erect a circle of 10 to 20 posts, possibly 20 yards in diameter, with an entrance to the east. The center pole would be brought in, and a bundle of brush, the buffalo skin, and possibly other objects such as a Sun Dance doll or offerings of cloth would be affixed. Then the pole would be raised in place with great formality. Once the center pole had been raised, rafters would be strung between the vertical posts, and brush piled up against the outer rafters to form a wall. In the lodge an altar comprising a painted buffalo skull, smudges of sweet-smelling grass, and a screen of branches would be built up on the west side, facing the center pole. The second phase of the dance would begin with the formal proces- sion of the barefooted, kilt-clad, white-painted dancers into the lodge. They would take their places on both sides of the altar. Gazing con- stantly at the center pole or the sun, they would raise and lower their heels, bending their knees, blowing their eagle-humerus whistles at every beat of the drum. They would keep on dancing, fasting, and thirsting for several days and nights, hoping in this way to get a vision or at least to arouse the pity of a supernatural being. In both phases of the dance, many associated themes would inter- work. The first phase, prior to the dance proper, was generally a time for initiation into societies and for lesser rites, as well as for general merriment. In the second phase, shamanistic performances including curing of the sick and exhibitions of supernatural power would often take place. War prestige and wealth would also gain outlets, with distinguished warriors recounting their deeds and giving away prop- erty at various moments during the ceremony. Finally, among many No diy)” WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 405 tribes, those who had vowed to do so would have themselves pierced through the pectoral muscles by skewers by means of which they would be tethered to the center pole. They would dance back and forth, attempting to tear themselves free, gaining supernatural aid through their ecstasy of pain. Generally, the gaining of visions, usually by the pledger, would be the religious climax of the Sun Dance. The rite often ended abruptly after the passage of a prescribed period of dancing. Among some groups, minor ceremonies such as hanging children’s clothing on the center pole ended the Sun Dance. The history of the Sun Dance remains obscure. Spier’s compara- tive study has been made partly obsolete by the acquisition of new data, although some of his most important conclusions still appear to be well founded (Spier, 1921 b). Clements’ (1931) and Driver and Kroeber’s (1932) statistical studies simply represent reworkings of Spier’s data. Ray has made an important contribution to the prob- lem by showing the impressive resemblances between the Sun Dance and the Spirit Dance of the Plateau (Ray, 1939, pp. 123-131). Ray’s study, coupled with new information on the Sun Dances of the Ku- tenai and Kiowa, provides a line of departure for a new attack on this historical problem. ? For it is now clear that important resemblances exist between those far-removed peripheral Sun Dances, resemblances which are found but sporadically in the intermediate areas. The striking parallels between the Kutenai and Kiowa Sun Dances are the following: (1) The Sun Dance leader is the keeper of a Sun Dance doll, which is the central source of supernatural power in the dance. (2) The leader fasts prior to the beginning of the dance. Among the Kutenai, he contemplates the doll, possibly for several months prior to the dance, during which time he eats and sleeps as little as possible. Among the Kiowa, the sponsor of the dance hangs the sa- cred doll on his back, and rides out as a messenger to the various bands. During this ride, he is obliged to fast and thirst. (3) The center pole is associated with a tabu against touching the ground. Among the Kutenai, the cut center-pole tree must not be permitted to hit the ground, lest the Sun Dance leader die. Among the Kiowa, a shaman treads four times along the length of the cut cen- ter-pole tree. Should he lose his balance and touch the ground, dis- aster would come to the tribe. (4) Once the center pole has been erected, a man climbs up it. This appears to reflect the Bird-Man concept so strikingly developed in the Crow Sun Dance. As among the Crow, the Kiowa pole-mount- 2 For the Kutenai, see Ray (1939) and Turney-High (1941); for the Kiowa, see Hunt (1934), particularly for references to center-pole ritual, and Scott (1911) and Spier (1921 a). 406 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLn. 151 er has ritual functions, for he prays from the top of the pole. Among the Kutenai, his functions appear to be mundane, yet it should be not- ed that the Bluejay dancer in the Spirit Dance of Plateau tribes closely related to the Kutenai performs rites comparable to the Crow Bird- Man. (5) Within the Sun Dance lodge, a screen of branches and a number of incense smudges form part of the ritual paraphernalia. (6) The Sun Dancers fast and thirst, but torture is avoided. (7) The climax of the Sun Dance is reached when supernatural power transmitted through a feather “‘kills’” the dancers. Among the Kiowa, the Sun Dance leader, with a road-runner fan held in his hands, chases the dancers and “kills” them. Among the Kutenai, the sha- mans stroke the center pole with a feather to brush away the concen- trated ailments of the tribe. This act causes the dancers to fall help- less to the ground, so that they must be revived by smudging. (8) In both groups, the name for the Sun Dance probably refers to the structure in which the dance is held. This fact has been specifical- ly established for the Kiowa, and is inferential for the Kutenai al- though unrecorded up to this time. (The Spirit Dance of the Flat- head, which greatly resembles the Kutenai Sun Dance, is called by a name referring to the lodge.) (Ray, 1939, p. 130.) These comparisons provide a tentative basis for reconstructing the early form of the Sun Dance. This early form may also have included a number of other elements, the antiquity of which is testified to by their wide distribution not only in the Plains but also in the Plateau Spirit Dance (as cited by Ray, 1939, pp. 128-131). Such elements are the division of the dance into a preparatory phase, usually secret, and a final, public phase, each 4 days in duration. Ceremonial sweating prior to the dance is another such association; still others are brush or uncut branches on the center pole (with “nest” symbolism), offerings to the center pole, and dancers being provided with whistles and painted with white and yellow. Ritualistic elements connected with the buffalo, such as the buffalo hide on the center pole and the buffalo skull on the altar, may also be ancient, but the evidence is by no means certain. The reconstruction developed above may now be collated with other evidence. Both Spier and Kroeber have advanced powerful arguments for the view that the original center of the Sun Dance rests with the Plains Algonquians, especially the Arapaho and Cheyenne (Spier, 1921 b, p. 498; Driver and Kroeber, 1932, p. 235). Since no contrary evidence exists, these arguments may beaccepted. Furthermore, Spier has given presumptive evidence that the Sun Dance had its origin among a nomadic people, for the village tribes built a special structure for the Sun Dance, whereas their other important ceremonies were al- NO di], ~~) WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 4(07 most always held in the permanent medicine lodges. While the history of the Arapaho is not known, the Cheyenne were village people until 1750, and became full-fledged nomads only toward the end of the eighteenth century (Strong, 1940, pp. 370-376). This fact reinforces Kroeber’s view concerning the relative recency of the Sun Dance com- plex (Kroeber, 1939, pp. 77-78). Nevertheless, by 1750 to 1765 the Kiowa appear to have borrowed the Sun Dance doll and probably other basic elements of the ceremony from the Crow (Scott, 1911, pp. 369-370; Mooney, 1898, p. 155). The deep infiltration and readjustment to Sun Dance elements on the Plateau likewise argues for a respectable antiquity in that area. Con- sequently, if the Sun Dance did originate as late as 1700, it must have been diffused with great rapidity. Subsequent to this initial rapid diffusion, great elaboration of the original ritual appears to have developed in at least three centers—the Arapaho-Cheyenne, the Blackfoot, and the Dakota. The first center, possibly affected by eastern and southern influences, may have con- tributed the concept of a vow as the basis of the Sun Dance, a complex mythology and symbolism; sand painting, lodge-pole painting, and varied series of face and body paintings; fraternity control of the cere- mony, with adoption and wife exchange; as well as other details such as the sunrise ceremony. In the second center might have grown up a great enrichment of ties with the buffalo—especially the tongue ritual; elaboration of outlets for war prestige and wealth through ostentatious property disposal; and lesser items such as plumes suspended from the dancers’ little fingers. Spier has demonstrated the likelihood of a Dakota origin for the torture elements. Beyond and above these three centers, every tribe invented refine- ments of its own, which exercised a greater or less influence on its neighbors. The Sun Dance was inherently unstable.? In the first place, the great migrations of Plains tribes, such as those of the Kiowa and the Comanche, exposed them to varied cultural influences. Fur- thermore, individual travels greatly widened the range of contacts and the possibilities of far-reaching loans. Thus, Kiowa and Coman- che visited the Mandan villages in 1802, Crow raided central Colorado in 1821, and early travelers met the Wyoming Shoshone on the Colo- rado River south of the San Juan in 1826. (Parsley in Coues, 1895, vol. 2, p. 757; Coues, 1898, pp. 51 ff.; Pattie, 1906, pp. 138-139.) Sec- ondly, the Sun Dance is at present, and appears to have been in the past, a vehicle of intertribal participation. Dorsey has noted the long- 3 Note Kroeber (1939, pp. 77-78) for the instability of the age-grade societies. 4 For a discussion of Kiowa migrations, see Kroeber (1939, p. 80), where he cites the primary sources. For the Comanche, see Shimkin (1941). 909871—52 27 408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 continued participation of Arapahoes and Cheyennes in each other’s Sun Dances (Dorsey, 1903, p. 23; also 1905, pp. 155 ff.). Thirdly, the vi- sion component in the Sun Dance among many tribes provides an un- usual opportunity for variability. Finally, this variability is increased by the fact that, among many tribes, the Sun Dance is performed at ir- regular instances, often years apart.° Thus such instability as Spier (1921 b, pp. 493-494) noted among the Dakota has unquestionably been widespread. This fact makes the tracing of the detailed relations between the Sun Dances of various tribes exceedingly difficult. It appears to be reasonably well established that the Sun Dances of the following tribes share significant resemblances: Arapaho, Northern Cheyenne, and Southern Cheyenne; Blackfoot and Sarsi; Ponea and Oglala; Assiniboine, Plains Cree, and Plains Ojibway; Canadian Da- kota and Sisseton Dakota; Wind River Shoshone, Ute, and Hekandika Shoshone; Wind River Shoshone and Kiowa. The historical signifi- cance of these resemblances is by no means clear; in each instance, it is essential to weigh known historical facts and tribal traditions as well as resemblances and differences in the forms of the Sun Dance. In brief, the Sun Dance complex extended throughout the Plains in the middle of the nineteenth century. At present, it survives on the northern and western peripheries, and has diffused recently into the Basin, as well as reviving among the Crow. The typical form of the Sun Dance in the mid-nineteenth century, as known from the Arapaho, Dakota, and other centrally located tribes, appears to be considerably changed from its earlier form as reconstructed through comparison of two far-removed peripheral Sun Dances, the Kiowa and Kutenai. The Sun Dance appears to have originated among the Algonquian Plains tribes, most probably the Arapaho and Cheyenne, possibly no earlier than the first half of the eighteenth century. It diffused very rapidly, its spread being aided by the movements of tribes away from the Northern Plains (Kiowa) and into them (Dakota, Plains Cree, etc.). Subsequent to initial crystallization and diffusion, secondary centers of elaboration and diffusion arose, especially among the Arapaho, Blackfoot, and Dakota. These secondary diffusions and the inherent instability of Plains culture, especially the Sun Dance, make detailed reconstruction of the spread of the institution extremely difficult. For instance, it has been believed that the Wind River Shoshone borrowed the Sun Dance from the Arapaho. In fact, it appears that the Shoshone derived their Sun Dance from the Kiowa via the Comanche, with subsequent strong influence from the Arapaho and lesser influences from the Blackfoot or Crow. 5 For example, among the Crow, ef. Lowie (1915 a, p. 10); and among the Comanche, ef. Linton (1935, p, 420). No ui), F{? WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 409 ORIGINS OF THE WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE Within the framework of the history of the Sun Dance complex, as reconstructed in broad terms above, the origins of the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance may be delineated to some degree, although the earliest direct reference to the ceremony among the Shoshone dates only to 1880.6 Through examination of Wind River Shoshone tra- ditions, of the known historical geography of the Plains and of com- parisons between Shoshone and other Sun Dances, it is possible to arrive at a number of tentative conclusions. Wind River Shoshone traditions concerning the origin of the Sun Dance are unusually explicit and uniform. They ascribe the first Sun Dance to a renowned chief and shaman named Yellow Hand (Ohamagwaya), the father, grandfather, and great-grandfather of two deceased and one living (1938) Sun Dance leaders. He is reputed by one informant to have been a Comanche, although another claimed that he was a Crow Indian. The first Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance supposedly took place either in the Green River country or in the Big Horn Mountains. Its inspiration was the vision of an old whiteman. Traditions regarding the Sun Dance were given by inform- ants as follows: JM’ born ca. 1872: The main Sun Dance originated here, longago. My great-grandfather Ohamag- waya said: “TI am going to look for bax [Power].’”’ He had a buffalo robe, and he painted this grey with white clay. Then, in the evening he went to a butte near Rawlins [Wyoming] and slept there overnight. There were no pictographs8 there, but a man came from heaven and told him: ‘‘You are looking for great power. I'll tell you what to do. Get a center, forked cottonwood tree and twelve poles; build them like a tipi. Get willows and lean them against the poles. The center pole will represent God; the twelve posts, God’s friends. “Get a two-year-old buffalo; face it west. Get an eagle; face it east. If anyone sick goes in, the buffalo will help him, with good power from the Sun. So will the eagle. Keep the buffalo’s hide in shape with a bundle of willows. The cross- sticks will represent the Cross. “The first time we’re going to dance, only five men will dance.” This agrees well with the account given to Lowie (1919, pp. 396- 397), although Andy Bresil’s (Bazil’s) great-grandfather would have been JM’s great-great-grandfather. He writes: According to Wawanabidi the Sun Dance is the oldest and foremost of Shoshone ceremonies. It was first performed by Andy’s great-grandfather before there were any white men in the country. He found a picture of a white man, looked at it and kept it, putting it away. He began to dream of the picture which bade him have a Sun Dance and described the ceremony to him. His son kept the picture 6 Hebard (1930, p. 295); Clark (1885, p. 363) also mentions this ceremony among the Shoshone. 7 For the identifications of informants and data concerning them, see Appendix 2. 8 The commonest way of gaining visionary power among the Wind River Shoshone was to sleep overnight by pictographs. 410 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 but since his death it is not known what happened to it ... Washakie, the old Shoshone chief, told Wawanabidi the foregoing facts. The founder omitted the dance the second summer, but the picture insisted on his celebrating it every year as a sacred ceremony. At times it changed from a darker to a lighter shade. At first the owner could not understand it but he concluded that it was supernatural and that if he obeyed it he should live well and happy while otherwise he should not live long. Whenever an Indian wanted to see it, several would sit round with Sun Dance whistles and blow them, then the owner would take it out from its wrappings. In the old days the dance was held when the high water went down. The founder himself conducted the ceremony every year, but after him they took turns. Lowie also states: Barney ascribed the origin of the ceremony to a Shoshone who dreamt about it and was ordered to arrange it so as to attain happiness and longevity. [Lowie, 1919, p. 400.] MT, born ca. 1852: Old Man Barney’s mother once said that Ohamagwaya was the first man she knew to put up a Sun Dance, around the Green River country. But she had heard that the Sun Dance came from way back, even before his time. MT’s father told him that the Sun Dance came with the Shoshone when they were created. It was their way of worship. QQ, born ca. 1861: The first man to dance the Sun Dance was Ohamagwaya. A buffalo bull told him to have it. Then an old, white-haired man came to him and told him the same. From then onit has been continued. He painted the first Sun Dance doll. Because he did that they also kept that up. PT, born ca. 1860: A gray-headed white man said that people should dance the Sun Dance. That’s why they do it now, PP, born ca. 1855: The 3a:SoSoni (‘‘Good Shoshone’’) came from the Comanches long ago. About five or six families of them, Bazil [Pa:si] (Sacajawea’s son), Witchie, Sarigant, Ohamagwaya .. . they had horses. The Shoshone first Sun Danced in the Big Horn mountains, CW, born in 1873: Ohamagwaya adopted Washakie. He was a chief and a medicine man. He was the first man ever to start the Sun Dance. Voget writes: ** [John Truhujo] also claimed that his variant [of the Sun Dance] had been originated by his great-great-grandfather, Yellow-Hand, a Crow Indian who had introduced the Sun Dance to the Shoshone. Hebard’s informant gave her rather curious, somewhat garbled, information, partially in agreement with other sources, and partially at variance. She quotes Andy Bazil (Bresil): 8a Dr. Fred Voget, personal communication. No ui), «6 WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 411] My grandmother [allegedly Sacajawea] introduced the Sun Dance among this tribe when she came back [from the Comanche], and my father Bazil [Pa:si] was made leader of that dance by my grandmother. I am today considered the leader of that dance because my grandmother originated the dance here. [Hebard, 1933, pp. 259-260.] Elsewhere, Hebard states that Sacajawea was the aunt and foster- mother of Bazil (Pa:si), the son of her eldest sister; and that Bazil was born about 1802. (Hebard, 1930, pp. 64-67, 169-170.) Furthermore she claims that Bazil officiated at the first Sun Dance given by the Shoshone Indians of the Bridger Basin, where Washakie was chief. (Op. cit., p. 291.) Hebard does not reconcile these reports with the statement which she obtained from DW: From old tradition that has been handed down about two centuries to the present time I have learned that the Sun Dance was first introduced to the tribe of Shoshone Indians about two hundred years ago, or about the year 1726. [Hebard, 1930, p. 292.] Do these traditions have a historical basis? Genealogical infor- mation received from PS, and checked with other informants, indicates that Yellow Hand was in fact the common ancestor of Pa:si or Bazil, Andrew Bresil, John McAdams (JM), and John Tru- hujo (fig. 20). Yellow Hand’s son Pa:si was first mentioned in histori- cal records in 1856, and frequently thereafter. In 1856 he was already a mature man, with several wives: Baziel [Pa:si], one of the Snakes who had lived in the fort with us during the last year, has raised about thirty bushels of wheat and some vegetables. He and his squaws have harvested it clean and neat... . [Hebard, 1930, p. 80.] Yellow Hand appears to be mentioned in two early records. Ross, in relating his travels in Idaho and northwestern Wyoming in 1818-20, states: [McKenzie] fell in with the main body of the great Snake Nation, headed by the two principal chiefs, Pee-eye-em and Ama-qui-em. . . . The whole of this assemblage of camps was governed by the voice of two great chiefs, Pee-eye-em and Ama-qui-em, who were brothers, and both fine-looking, middle-aged men; the former was six feet two inches high, the latter above six feet, and both stout in proportion. . . . Trade was no sooner over, than Ama-qui-em mounted one of his horses and rode round and round the camp—which of itself was almost the work of a day—now and then making a halt to harangue the Indians respecting the peace, and their behavior towards the whites, and telling them to prepare for raising camp. ‘Three days successively this duty was performed by the chief, and in the morning of the fourth all the Shirry-dikas decamped in a body, and returned in the direction whence they came. . . . The Shirry-dikas are the real Sho-sho-nes, and live in the plains, hunting the buffalo. They are generally slender, but tall, well-made, rich in horses, good warriors, well-dressed, clean in their camps, and in their personal appearance bold and independent. [Ross, 1855, vol. 1, pp. 248, 249, 253, 259.] ® See references cited in Hebard (1930 and 1938). [BuLL, 151 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 412 1Usa4g MaLpup (‘SolTezr Ul oIB SIOpvo] OOUB UNG) “puB]] MOT[OX 10 BABAZeUTBYGC JO esBoul] OY T—'O% B1N3IT (ZL81 W10q) suBspyoyy uyory epequis:ed § —= (e}1qM) swBpyow se wo 2 ee ere ee | defpou 6 (E481 U10q) (4881 W410q) Asoe 6 eee optinay, eof © == r1quiednp ‘ofnqniy, pus o10yeiy, 8B UAMOUY OSV ee “SPST U10g ‘Sq ULY} Jeplo pus 0} pole. + (OF8T “9 us0q) TOnMNM ee 5 3a eee | (988T Pep) 28:pd,p (¢9-09LT *89 UI0gG) DkoMbowdyo,0 o31q & No di} «WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 413 The linguistic identification of Ross’ ‘‘Ama-qui-em” and Ohamag- waya or Yellow Hand seems extremely probable, especially since the time and area coincide. The other record is Anza’s report of a conference with Comanche leaders to sign a treaty against the Apache on February 28, 1786, at Santa Fe (Thomas, 1929). Anza lists the names of all the important personages, including ‘“‘Oxamaguea,” the son of the chief of the Kuéandika, and an interpreter or go-between. The Kuéandika band of Comanche at that time frequented the country between the Arkansas and Red Rivers, and numbered 157 tents. North of them were the Yamparika, who lived between present northern Colorado and the Arkansas River, and the Yupé, who extended as far as the southern part of present Wyoming. Representatives of the two latter bands were also present at the meeting with Anza. Does Anza’s report actually refer to the Ohamagwaya of Shoshone tradition? The linguistic identification is unquestionable. The cir- cumstance of age shows no discrepancy: if Yellow Hand was born, say in 1760-65, he would have been a young man in 1786 and in late middle age by 1820, the date of Ross’ account. Yellow Hand’s son Pa:si, born presumably about 1810, would have been a child of ma- turity but not of improbable senescence. Russel’s account of 1842 lists chiefs other than Yellow Hand, so he had probably died prior to that date, having lived to his late 60’s or early 70’s (Russel, 1921, pp. 114-115.) New Mexico and Idaho are far removed, it is true, yet such travels have been made repeatedly by Shoshone and other Plains Indians. And certainly a chief’s son from among the Coman- che, fresh from Spanish contacts, would be in a position to rise to high rank among his more remote Shoshone kinsmen. In short, it appears that Wind River Shoshone traditions have a substantial historical foundation. Yellow Hand did apparently come from the Comanches, presumably about 1800, and did rise to be a great Shoshone chief by 1820. But did he actually introduce the Sun Dance? The historical geography of the Plains provides some evidence on the probability of this event. The pertinent facts are the following: The Shoshone and Comanche, a single people up to about 1800, were fully established on the Plains by the early eighteenth century. The Shoshone were fighting with the Blackfeet in Saskatchewan as early as 1730 (Shimkin, 1941). Thus opportunities for an early trans- mittal of the Sun Dance from the Algonquians to the Shoshone existed ; no proof is available, however, that such a transmittal ever took place. Deriving the Shoshone Sun Dance from the Comanche pre- sents difficulties, since the Sun Dance was never deeply embedded in Comanche culture. Moreover, as will be shown below, the Comanche 414 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 Sun Dance lacked important traits such as the Sun Dance doll, which typified the early Shoshone rite. On the other hand, both Shoshone and Comanche Sun Dances clearly resemble the Kiowa ceremony, which is the most likely origin, especially since the Kiowa were the firm allies and constant companions of the Comanche from 1790 on (Mooney, 1898, pp. 161-165). Consequently, it would have been possible for Yellow Hand to have acquainted himself with the Kiowa ritual and transmitted it to the Shoshone, especially if the latter already had some prior acquaintance with the Sun Dance. This derivation of the Shoshone Sun Dance is strengthened by the curious association of both the Shoshone and Comanche rites with a white man, a feature almost certainly of Christian and probably Spanish origin. (For the Comanche, see Linton, 1935.) These conclusions collide sharply with those of Spier, which are based only on comparisons of Sun Dance forms, and of Clements (1931), and Driver and Kroeber (1932), which are based upon statis- tical reworking of Spier’s data. Spier is torn between the Gros Ventre and the Arapaho as the originators of the Shoshone Sun Dance, finally deciding in favor of the Gros Ventre. Clements derives the Wind River ceremony from the Arapaho, but also notes a relatively high Shoshone-Kiowa correlation. Driver and Kroeber come out flatly for an Arapaho origin. But it must be recognized that Spier did not have available any data on the Kutenai or Comanche, or full data on the Wind River Shoshone, Kiowa, or Plains Cree. Furthermore, his element list did not sum up his data completely; his interpretation was qualitative in character and stressed resemblances, with insufficient attention to differences. A more balanced trait list with fuller information included is pre- sented below. The statistical results differ fundamentally from those of Clements, and Driver and Kroeber; this illustrates the extreme unreliability of the statistical analysis of small element lists (i.e., where the number of elements listed is less than 500),!! and the im- perative necessity of examining the composition of each correlation (i.e., whether based upon a large number of mutual presences or of mutual absences, etc.) and hence the inferences that may be derived therefrom. At best, the statistical presentation and quantitative analysis of small element lists simply represent the numerical ex- pressions of the historical and ethnographic judgment of the author. 10 This list is based upon Shimkin’s field work, St. Clair (Appendix 1), Lowie (1915 a, 1919, 1935), Hunt (1934), Scott (1911), Spier (1921 a and b), Linton (1935), Dorsey (1903), Kroeber (1902-1904), Walker (1917), Wissler (1918), Mandelbaum (1940), Turney-High (1941), and Ray (1939). 11 See Chretien (1945) for an outstanding critique of quantitative methods in ethnography. AD EAP. No. 41]... WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 415 This is frankly and solely the purpose of the statistical analysis in the present instance. TaBLE 1.—Comparison of the Wind River Shoshone and other Sun Dances 1 3 Tee) ° e268 2 2 = Say aq & (3) °o Q [o) oO — Elements al os q q Ko} a oom! & S g 4 = a A 8 Sao, 8 |B |ezlalelszial|3 5 ae (dt ee ce mt I melon aiNamesSacrifice'lodge 2. 2-=2=4-22—- 2. -=2.5 = x 0 x - >< 0 _ (X) 2 Stn-gazine dance-se-222=5 2. oes eee = - 0 _ x = 0 = as 3 TMhirshineidance: =a. =i) sae ks x - 0 _ — — 0 x = 4, Vision needed to give dance___------------ x x x1 CO 1C) | = = x x 5. Vow is basis for dance = = || ter] x x x< x x = 6. Medicine bundle essential x xX | Xx = x Xx _ x 7 Includes Sun Dance doll x x (—) - — x - — x 8 Bundle transfer to sponsor------------ = = (—) x = x x = — 9, Sun Dance sponsor fasts prior to dance__-_-- 0 x 0 (=) | @) x x 0 x 10. Band makes 4 ritual stops en route to Sun = x x 0 (X) x x 0 — Dance. hieePrelimimaryiti pi.) =~ 2- - 29 228s --fsse-- = x < 0 x < x x x = 12. Women assist in ritual__.-_--.------- = = 0

< = =s 13. IN Gee ee Se a et ed ee oc x 0 x oe Pal x x _ 14, Drumming on hides: _ 2222-22. 2222. = x 0 = 1) (Tes Xx — 15. Buffalo tongues accumulated______.-------- x — |/(-)] - St xi X 1OO1oOg 16. PRON PuUe Casts as eames i ee x - Sk x x ox (—) x 17. AV OWA OL Wintle@@. <2- == -a5-- 5 seaen5 = = iC) ye x — x - _ 1S eRitpalibmiialonints-2- 227s e" Pet x x x x = x x — _ 19. Wihole’skin' taken. -2--..-....2--=-=---- = = 0 x = * x _ = 20. Back strip only taken___----.--------- x Xx 0 = = _ — - - 21. WNRONES CH tes 222 nonce = ae See ee eases x x x x x x _ - = Bie Sopp an cod oll 22 2 See x - — — (X) - - _ ~ 32. Clot hee Soe ies ea ess x x 0 x x = x x x 33. Misr inShiCksa-s— te eS x x U x _ _ x - _ 34, Pai Ge eet ene eee eee cee SESE x 0 0 x xX xX x — x 35. Feints in raising center pole_______-_--____- x = x x x x = = x 36. Center pole raised by magic_____.---____- — - ©) Xx - - x < — 37. Center pole mounted __----.....---.-----.- x 0 = — x x x < 38. Center pole tabu on touching ground_______ (—) OS 0 _ 0 — _- _ pe 39. Dance dndee: roofed enclosure____..----__-- x x x — — xX x - 40. LiL V0) ee age ee ee eee aa eee = = = = = x = = x 41, Altar: Buitalo yd) EA NE Ce SR ee = x (—) x xX oe i x - Ate sae DCS aee eee eee a ill a8 a aes) Ul aa bal a heal Ni 43. ixcavationic=<—- = s2-_2 53s Boe = SST Kyi es XN CO ox x | (&X) 44, Dereemer sce eee set et ase eee een x x x x x _ x x x 45.)Preliminarydance=2- - —2-==.+ ---4s. 45..<- = x x X x x oa — - 46; Sun Daricers’ fraternity. 2222-02 = - = x x - x - =- 47. Dancers: Sage adornment___---_____-_____ x x 0 < = - x = (—) 48. NPM planes a eh ee eee x — Pea = = x x ai) 49. Wihite paints - 22. ee ee 2d x x 0 < - < _ - = 50. NUCCOSSIV.G) PAINS =e ee eee eee x x = x _ - _ — x 51. Incoming procession and blessing__-._____- x — 0 x x = x = = 52. Dancers’ footsteps brushed away--_-_-______ Kerrey) Feo "20 0 0 x bamSunpriseidances: 6 ot. se a Ee x iG) aX x = = = = Shamanistic performances: 54. Water from center pole x< it oS) Pal Gout ok - 55. Weather control_________- SAE KE ES) | (al RO COa ht — 56. Clairvoyance 2 (Sy (IS) I Kas 1 Ey |] ye 57. Supernatural power via feather “kills” SCOR XS WiC) Ila = = (ey = x | o- _ = x x Xx x x = 59. Flesh sacrifices_ 4 = - = = x x x x = pp IWismrion Sire me = cto 2 be se = Ja ee mmo x = gC) || X = x x x = Hey Marsierced 5 222s: 3. = ee ee - - (—) x x< - - - - oa. Sextialieenser <= - Ses Me oe ee = — | () x x - _ = — See footnote at end of table. 416 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 TaBLE 1.—Comparison of the Wind River Shoshone and other Sun Dances \—Continued 8s ey ey ro} eae elit No cons 2 | 8 Elements ie iter 5S a A s | 0 3 gou| £ a gq = > ad a a Sao] 6 S 3 io 5 SS aS | 2 aS ar S & tp & a} S is = MIS} Oe toe] or 4] ey ees 63. Children’s clothing offered _-__----_------- x x x xX | 1 = 1oO)}) = 64;¢Spectators: blessed 4-25. 2-3 eee x —- a ie a Ged I Ged A — 65. Dancers drink prepared drink-~------_-_-- xX x 0 ee en NGESERVATION THE SUN DANCE FIELD |e b AS * O 100200 300 400 YARDS COMPTON'S TENT ae CENTER POLE HOLE BATTLING HORSEMEN ANY Y © STEWART 'S STOVE, aa a, GAS STAT/ON AND = ae y\CAMBLING HOUSE fi (igas | tC PECTATORS OG KV: ‘© SAAN APMP [as oe LEGEND <:2-RAFTER INDICATED @ COMPTON ® OTHER DANCERS x HH SHED GUILT JUL. SF & @ CLD MAN @ WOMAN SINGER 2 MAN SINGER RATTLER SUN DANCE WHISTLE FIREPLACE AT NIGHT ees AND FOR SUNAISE CERENO @ oruM X HANGING LAMP £24. SPECTATORS C LOG MARKING OFF SACRED GROUND | PLAN OF THE SUN DANCE LOOGE SUN DANCE RATTLE Figure 21.—Sun Dance layout and paraphernalia. armed, dressed as usual but for a few strangely clean and gaudy shirts, guarded the lumber and several pairs of wagon wheels nearby. Other horsemen were everywhere. Far away, up on the hills to the south, young men galloped furiously hither and yon. On the plain to the north was a large body of riders, among whom I could recognize Tom NO ui], -{” ~=WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 453 Compton. On his head was a red kerchief; on his face were vertical streaks of white paint, and dark glasses; around his waist was a fancy beaded belt. Close by him was Quitan Quay, conspicuous in a fringed buckskin costume. To one side two middle-aged women dressed in blue-and-red imita- tion elk-tooth dresses, were quietly sitting on horses gaily decked out in beads, using old-style saddles with very high pommels and cantles. The women’s faces I could not see, but in their hands they held willow branches. Also bearing willow branches were the five boys be- side them, who were, however, plainly dressed. Suddenly, Compton’s group began to gallop toward the pile of lum- ber. I could not see what happened in the confusion of the moment at which they reached it, but, soon after, Quitan Quay left the group and started to ride back and around. He was shouting, apparently, that Compton had shot the center pole. Then all dismounted and joined together in the jobs of putting the logs on wagon wheels and harnessing the horses to haul them to the Sun Dance field. Once the group had arrived there, the timber was unloaded close to the spot at which the old man had dug a hole on the Ist of July. After this, all rested for a while, except for Quay, who rode around again, urging everyone to hurry over for the prayer that was to follow. Compton was sitting on the future center pole, nonchalantly smoking a cigarette. In a few minutes, about 11:15 a. m., when a fairly large crowd had gathered, Compton got up, faced to the east with head bowed, and started to pray in a scarcely audible, monotonous voice. The heads of the others who were lined up on both sides of the future center pole were also bowed, and their attitude seemed serious. Farther away, however, the behavior of the spectators was scarcely affected. Some kept on walking, others talking; Logan Brown, for example, was laughing most of the time. When the prayer had ended, Quitan Quay announced that all the activities were over for the time being, and would be resumed when the sun would be—he pointed—at its position of 3 or 4 o’clock. So, with most of the others, I then left. But a few men stayed on, and started work under Compton’s direc- tion. They measured the radius of the planned lodge with a rope, located the holes for the 12 outer posts, dug the holes with steel crow- bars and shovels, put in the posts, and tamped the earth around them. (See pl. 31, upper.) By 2 p. m., when I returned, one or two of the posts were up. In an hour, the men had finished erecting the side posts, and begun measuring and notching the rafters, the tips of which they placed in the forks of their proper posts with the help of paired poles tied to- 454 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 gether with rope. Only the “backbone,” or east-running rafter, was left on the ground. At the same time, Compton was preparing the center pole. He tied the willow bundle underneath the center pole, just at the fork. Then someone brought in a good buffalo bull’s head—a poor one had been rejected first—which Compton now stuffed with sagebrush and furnished with eyes of clay. Then he lashed it firmly to the pole and bundle. (See pl. 31, lower.) Meanwhile, Moses Tassitsie, who seemed to be supervising the work, painted two bands of black around the center pole. (See pl. 31, lower.) They were each about a foot wide, and a foot apart. The lower edge of the bottom band was some five feet from the butt of the pole. The pigment was charcoal, which Tom Compton took from the fireplace of his own tent in a metal pan, mixed with water, and ground. At last, after the painting had been completed, Compton tied a white rag around the fork to the right of the buffalo head, a blue one on the fork to the left. About 4 p. m., when all this had been done, a different herald shouted an announcement to get all the available men together. About 20 of them then lined up on either side of the center pole. Kight others, among them Compton and myself, were farther back, holding the sets of lifting poles, one short and one long set on each side of the center pole. When all were alined, seven or eight of the men just by the pole started singing in a low voice. The men with the lifting poles kept time by hitting their poles together. When the song had been ended, Compton said, ‘“‘me:k*!”’ (ready!), and they lifted the center pole waist- high off the ground, then let it down again. This was repeated twice more. The fourth time, they sang much more loudly. Then they placed the center pole in its hole and, with much effort (the lifting poles coming into play toward the end) raised it upright. Now they rotated it until the buffalo head faced exactly west; then they filled the hole with dirt and tamped it down. Following this, the rafters were put into place according to the regular routine mentioned pre- viously. (See pl. 32.) Among the spectators I saw Dick Washakie sitting on his horse, interested but inactive. It was now 6:50 p. m., and I left, being gone until 7:30. At that time the last of the large tree branches that formed the wall of the lodge were being placed against the rafters: the lodge was complete. Comp- ton, still in his ordinary dress, was shouldering a shovel, hurrying from his final work. (See pl. 33.) As darkness fell, activity gradually increased about the Sun Dance field. Here and there could be heard the testing of drums and occa- No diy)’ WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 455 sionally the single shrill note of a Sun Dance whistle. Several times a herald yelled for the dancers to get ready to assemble. About Comp- ton’s tent were many people and much activity, and from it, at about 9 p. m., six men and youths wrapped in blankets stepped out. Naked but for their scanty Sun Dancers’ garb, blowing their whistles in long- drawn-out blasts, they shuffled forward gingerly. They went straight to the west wall of the lodge, then to the north, circling it completely once, and in. What happened then, I could not see, because of the press of the crowd, but I caught a glimpse of Compton coming up to the center pole, and heard him praying. Then the singing started. The orchestra began singing softly, led by Logan Brown—not the rattler—who was accompanied by four or five of the others, as well as the gentle beating of the drum, about 130 beats to the minute. The melody, sung in a high-pitched, strongly nasalized voice, was com- plicated by individual trills and even whoops, but seemed to revolve around the meaningless syllables: ‘‘ya ...he’’, which rose in pitch, and then dropped to a long lower note, to be followed by a variant, “va: ...a...he’’, with the “ya” now being trilled and lengthened.® For 12 or 16 beats of the drum this continued. Then came a pause, and 5 slow, ponderous beats. Now a full dancing rhythm was taken up. All joined in a pleasing blend of men’s and women’s voices, short, shrill blasts of Sun Dance whistles, and simultaneous beats of the drum—now about 160 a min- ute. The melody was a little different, insofar as I could grasp it out of its complicated choral arrangement. It started with a descending “he: ... ha’’,*” and continued the final “a,” rippled by several trills, for a number of beats; and then did the same for ‘‘he: e: ha.’ For several minutes this continued. A sudden silence, 10 solemn drum- beats, a momentary return of the dancing melody, and the continued trilled note of the women’s song marked the finale. The dancing started slowly. At first, most of the dancers merely stood in their places and blew their whistles. One also shrugged his shoulders, flexed his knees slightly and lifted his heels a little off the ground. Others yet sat, smoking and chatting. After half an hour of this, Compton came forward from his place due west of the center pole. He shuffled his feet carefully, picking up stray rocks and weeds, which he threw toward the center pole. When he arrived within 4 or 5 feet of it, he turned his back and walked casually to his place. His example was soon followed. A little later, Compton danced forward 56 Low pitch on the first syllable; low, rising pitch on the second. 57 High, falling pitch on the first syllable; low pitch on the second. 88 High, falling pitch on the first two syllables; low pitch on the last. 909871—52 30 456 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 151 within 4 or 5 feet of the center pole, using a short running shuffle that barely took his feet off the ground; shaking his torso with every step, elbows bent, forearms horizontal, and wrists limp, he blew his whistle loudly with every step. Then he retreated to his place by a series of rhythmical, short hops with his feet together. Others followed suit, although some shuffled their feet going backward as well as forward. Some good friends danced in pairs, elbow to elbow. Never did anyone turn his eyes away from the center pole. But the number dancing thus was never great at any one time. Most kept dancing in place, or continued to sit and smoke. While this was going on, the spectators milled around in the space open to them, and children played even on the border of the dance eround without being chased away. Several times men came into the sacred area without removing their shoes. They were bringing blankets for the Sun Dancers. During the course of the night a number of latecomers joined the dance, straggling in singly, so that by the next morning there were 38 in all. This number included 4 Idaho Shoshone; 2 Bannock; 1 Sho- shone from Washakie, Utah; 1 Ute; 3 Wyoming Arapaho; and 1 Arapaho from Oklahoma. The local contingent was almost as heter- ogeneous, ranging in age, for example, from Sequiel Hurtado, Jr., who was 19, to Louis Enos in his late 70’s. I left about 11 p. m. IT returned at 3:50a.m. There was now a fire just east of the center pole, around which most of the spectators were huddled. The singers were a different group from that of the evening before. They were doing rather poorly. They were obviously tired, their timing was off, and their notes went sour quite often. Most of the dancers were sitting or lying down, wrapped tightly in their blankets against the cold. A few danced desultorily. The picture of apathy was complet- ed by a pair of Indian cowboys, much the worse for liquor, who stag- gered in across the dance floor to give one dancer a package of ciga- rettes. (See pl. 34, upper.) As it became lighter, however, the singing became stronger, and more and more dancers joined in, dancing energetically, for it was rather chilly. Then a couple of middle-aged men quite unceremo- niously cleared all the spectators out of the entranceway. At 4:40 a. m., the dancers lined up just west of the center pole, their blankets at their feet, four abreast in the first line, an irregular number in the ones behind it. The sun was just about to rise. The singers now started to sing softly and slowly a special song, while the dancers blew continued gentle blasts upon their whistles. The sun rose, and the singing became more vigorous, the whistling loud, and even more prolonged. Several dancers greeted the sun by Noun)’ WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 457 raising either the right or both arms to shoulder level. (See pls. 34, lower; pl. 35.) When the song had ended, the dancers filed forward and seated themselves, huddled in their blankets, in a circle around the fire. (See pl. 36, upper.) Compton was next to the center pole, and facing east. Softly, his voice muffled by a hand held partly over his mouth, Compton began to sing, joined only by a few of the other dancers. The rest merely bowed their heads. The last notes of the song were followed by a blast from their whistles that lasted as long as did the dancers’ breath. Three more songs were similarly sung. Then Compton got up, stripped off his blanket, and stood by the center pole, facing the rismg sun. His appearance was ghastly, his exhaustion emphasized by the white paint around his eyes. His head was bowed a little, one hand rubbed against the other from time to time; he swayed erratically from side to side. All were quiet—even the drunken cowboys; nearly all bowed their heads. In a low, barely audible voice, Compton started to pray, almost to chant. I could catch words:‘‘. . . good life—indefinitely . .. much food ...may be... I pray.” (3a:nk’ mi’agwai...so:di’kapa...na’nha... néSu’ndhengén .. . ) These 5 minutes of prayer marked the emotional climax of the Sun Dance. At the conclusion of the prayer, the dancers went back to their old places where, under cover of their blankets, they stripped off their regalia, leaving one blanket tied around the waist. Then they went in to sleep a little, and I left, at 5:55 a. m. I noticed no changes in the procedure of the dance until my visit at 9:45a.m.onJuly 5. About 25 poles some 7 feet high had been planted in the ground, about 6 feet away from the farther wall, to which they were connected by cross bars raised 3 feet off the ground, and spaced 3or4feet apart. On the cross bars were leaned branches; cloth screens hung down between the vertical poles. The sheds so formed were lined with branches and with sage. (See pl. 37.) The dancers were painted differently now, some having their bodies covered entirely with yellow. Most of them danced in pairs. Instead of eagle down-feathers, one had a long frond of sage in his hand. When I returned at 3:30 in the afternoon, only one or two were dancing, the others lying in their sheds. Then a number of women and one girl alined themselves directly south of the center pole, all facing the west. Compton, with an eagle wing in his right hand, now danced up from his stall to the center pole. From there he walked behind the nearest of the women, and brushed down her back from shoulder to foot with his eagle wing. He did this to the others also. 458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL, 151 An hour later, during a lull in the singing, one of the old men seated by the south barrier to the dance floor fanning themselves with eagle feathers, started to harangue the dancers in what I later learned was Arapaho. On the 6th it started to rain heavily, and as an unfortunate result the end of the dance came earlier than expected. So, when I arrived at noon, all was over. The dancers were in their stalls, changing to ordinary dress, and emptying rapidly the several cases of Coca Cola which were on the dance floor. Among those who brought in their clothes I saw Marshall Washakie. By the center pole was a large pile of clothes, most of which were soon taken away by old men and women. I saw one dancer pay an old man a dollar, presumably for a blessing he had received. Soon the dancers were walking out of the lodge and about, looking lean but far from exhausted, and seeming rather proud of themselves. That evening, I learned later, there was a feast, among the ingre- dients of which were coffee and cookies. I did not attend because of the heavy rain. Incidentally, I also learned that a number of Bannock had put on a Ghost Dance for an hour or so one night of the Sun Dance. Toward the end of July, I happened one morning to look into the Sun Dance lodge. Inside, a number of youths were practicing the whistling and dancing of Sun Dancers. On the center pole, about 4 feet off the ground, were tied very many old clothes. Otherwise, the lodge was untouched. The leader of the Sun Dance in 1937, Tom Compton, is an interest- ing person. He is a half-blood and was about 50 at that time. Two half-brothers and a maternal uncle on his mother’s side were shamans; the background of his white, paternal lineage is not known to me. Compton was born at Lemhi, Idaho, and came to Wind River only in 1923. He was accompanied by several relatives, among them his brother James, now (i. e., 1937) an Agency policeman. For the last 12 years Compton has been practicing shamanism actively. Eco- nomically he has not been extremely successful, and has had to eke out a living with WPA work. Although his house is poorer than the average, his wife is energetic in maintaining the household. His children are bright and leaders at school. No serious family trouble has occurred in his home. Compton’s education is clearly better than average, yet he is close enough to the old habits to abandon his house for a tent at the death of his mother. He is not antagonistic toward the hospital and physician, and has been interested in the new trachoma treatments, and willing to take advantage of them. But he holds his own Medicine as something apart, incommensurable. Noy F4* WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 459 White opinion of him is not high: he is reputed to be an alcoholic. Indian opinion varies. Thus Millie Guina, a young Sage Creek woman quite representative of people of her age, is sympathetic to him and believes he is trying to help them all. But one of the main figures in the Peyote cult told me that Compton was shiftless, neither liked nor respected by the other Indians. A half-blood, influential as a one-time leader of the Wolf Dance and Indian judge, was very uncomplimentary to Compton. He stated that the latter had had neither visions nor supernatural power, and was really giving a pseudo-Sun Dance that would help no one. “He was doing it just for the money he might get out of it.” I was strongly impressed by Compton the first time I met him. Without persuasion on my part, he started to talk of his Sun Dance experiences and visions. He talked rapidly and continuously in a soft monotonous voice. His manner was deadly serious, his facial muscles were tense, and his eyes shone noticeably. When he talked, nothing seemed more obvious, understandable, and true than his visionary experiences. He seemed permeated with great love and pity for the world, a desire to relieve its suffering. Contrasting strongly with this was the sight of his dog, tied up, allegedly for egg sucking, and nearly dead from starvation. He taunted it with food. I tossed it a few scraps, and it cringed violently when I did so. (It is noteworthy that many Shoshone, particularly Tassitsie, show remarkable gentleness with animals.) Compton’s ill mother, her eyes suppurating from trachoma, did not appear well cared for either. Compton took peculiar pride in her. ‘‘You wouldn’t be doing very well if you were as old as she. She’s 114!’ To my eyes she didn’t appear older than 75. I saw him again on July 1, when he had already moved out on the Sun Dance field. There was a marked change: house, children, even —to some degree—his mother, were spick and span. His dog was no longer tethered and looked merely very emaciated. He asked me to photograph his children in Indian dress. He was relaxed, pleasant, and smiling when he led me over to see the digging of the hole for the center pole. (However, I learned that he had just been released from jail for driving an automobile while drunk.) Following the first morning ceremony, a few minutes after his dra- matic prayer, I talked to him again. I noticed no emotional tension in him. He was jocularly commenting to me that, while the Sun Dancers were as yet chatting and walking around very spryly this morning, it would be very different two mornings later. I saw him another time just after the Sun Dance, while he was guz- zling Coca Cola. He seemed relieved and rather proud of his physical 460 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL 151 ability. ‘‘We have just passed through a great desert.’”’ He was glad that the rain had come. And, despite the fact that no one had fainted or had had visions, he seemed satisfied and thought the Sun Dance had been very successful. His own account of his visions and supernatural experiences gives particularly good insight both into the norms of such affairs and his deviations therefrom. Almost verbatim, it is as follows: The first Sun Dance I attended was at Fort Hallin 1908. I knew nothing about it then. I had just returned from school, where I had got hurt playing football. The doctors pronounced it heart disease; they did not expect me to live. Iwas sent home, very sick. The old-timers told me to try the Sun Dance . . . I was going to die anyway. It lasted 4 days; by the second, I felt very bad; better the third, and by the night of the third day, normal. After that I took notice of the dance, and went into three others, nearly every year. My heart never bothered me. I saw several other cures. On the fifth time, I fainted. I didn’t feel weak—something just batted me on the head. I did not know whether or not I had fainted. Some kind of a human—it floated about a foot and a half above the earth— drew my attention. It floated like afog. Then I tried to run it out of the dance hall. Then it made a dive at me, hitting me with its shoulder and head. It knocked me head over heels, and went on beyond, leaving me lying there. After I hit the ground I knew nothing for an hour or an hour and a half. They carried me to my stall. Then I noticed I was not in the dance hall. I found myself on a high mountain, one half of it white lava [sic]. It was a ridge running to the west. The lower half was green with grass, sprinkled with flowers. Looking the country over, I saw it was strange to me, country that I had never seen before. Even with me was a little stream, with tall weeds growing by it. It was a run- ning stream, with clear water. I knelt down to drink. I was going to drink. But, just as my mouth was nearing the water, something—inside of me?—-said, “Wait.” Again I bent down, and again it happened. The third time, just as my mouth touched the water, I looked up. It had been the Buffalo that spoke, the Buffalo of the center pole. It kind of circled around me. Then it turned into a human being. I looked at it, wonder- ing. Why was it staring at me? I knew then that it was the same man who had knocked me over. He took three or four steps toward me, then he stopped. He seemed afraid of me. He said to me, ‘The first drink you take: don’t hold it down. If you do, it will kill you. The next time the water will be purer. The first drink will be poisoned in your body. If you drink it, you won’t live long. “The second time it will bring up diseases and blood. The third time it will be pure water, with just a little blood init. The fourth time, drink all the water you want. That is why I stopped you.” He circled around me again, and left. I put my hands into the water—that far [Compton gestured to points halfway up to his elbows]. And I drank and drank. I was bioated worse than a toad when I got through finally. It was well along in the afternoon then, 3 o’clock or so. Isat down and looked around. Way out to the north-east, in a sort of desert, I saw a Sun Dance hall. It was 2 or 3 miles away, out on the flats. Noo ui}. ’ WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 461 It seemed as though I had been on a long journey from the west. It seemed as though I had been dry and thirsty, tired. I rested for an hour by the spring. When I got up, I was perfectly satisfied. And I got up. I noticed I took two or three steps. Then I knew nothing of the other steps until I was 15 or 20 feet away from the hall—I just seemed to float. Now I walked around the south side of the hall, to the door facing the east. I could see the people looking through the bushes of the walls, watching the dance. They did not see me. They were jammed together. I squeezed through and slipped to the front. I looked around and, in the north of the hall, I saw a vacant place. There was a nice shade there, where a body was lying, asleep. I made up my mind to go there and rest, and watch the dancers. I started, and walked right across the hall. I sat down right at the body’s feet. I looked at the dancers. Pretty soon, I began to lie down. It seemed as though I had begun to wake up. I didn’t know whether I had slept or not. Now I heard the drum and the singers, heard the old men urging the dancers on. I was puzzled. How had I first come in? I tried to figure out how it was: it seemed so true that I had gotten this drink. Right there I tried to figure it out. I finally thought: ‘‘I had started torun him out. He hit me.” I traced myself from there to the mountain, drinking. But I was as dry as before. I had seemed stuffed with water when I had left the spring. I seemed dry when I awoke. It seemed just like a dream. I pushed the cover off my head. Then the Dance chief and another fellow came over—somebody had told him I had awakened. He asked me, ‘‘Have you awak- ened? Have you seen anything? Have you had your drink?” “Yes,” I said, ‘but I am as dry as I was before.” “What did this to you?” “T don’t know. It was some kind of a spirit that knocked me out.” “From now on you won’t have to suffer,” they said. They asked me if I had seen anything more. I told them of the Spirit’s orders. They said, ‘‘In time you may get so that you may know something of the Dance. Some day you may handle it yourself.” After the leader asked me, he seemed to be glad that I had been helped. At that time I didn’t understand. It seemed that the leader was more pleased than I. He was Woodpecker (A’gaba), a medicine man. I didn’t realize the meaning of this. I didn’t care. I was young. I believed in the Sun Dance because I had been cured by it of heart disease. I just went on, got along the best I could until I married and started a family. Two or three years after the first vision the same spirit knocked me out again. It told me to go into another Sun Dance. Nothing happened that time, but I could see different things: spirits of the Sun Dance. Then I got a greater belief in the Sun Dance, began to study it over, took more notice of it. I got a good line-up on it and its meaning from the old-timers. I traced it back. It gave me more interest after I learned of Christ and His fast. I got some meaning from it. . . Up to now I have been in 18 Sun Dances. This will be my fourteenth, and the third one Ihave run. The others were in 1929 and 1932. I am not a medicine man or anything like that. But I began to have a strong belief in it. I began to think it over—and having this Spirit knock me over... It began to talk to me and to come to me at night. If any of my relatives was sick, the Spirit would come to me at night, tell me what to do, what kind of prayer to use for the sick person. From then on I began to believe in the Spirit. I got success on several occasions. 462 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 151 Since then, I have helped many sick people. I am not a doctor, I just use words and prayer, the name of God, and the Spirit of the Sun Dance. Since then, I have seen other spirits in the Sun Dance that came and gave orders, to which I paid no attention because my first Spirit was my main one. And it told me not to heed them. In the long run they would do more harm than good to me and those I tried to help. This one Spirit told me that the others are descendants of the Devil. In the long run they would kill you. Evil spirits exist as well as good ones, and they tempt you to do wrong. The main Spirit has kept me from following the others. Seeing spirits is not like a dream. They’ll come to you—you can talk to them during the night. You’ll be asleep but you’ll never forget what was told to you. In dreaming, you forget next morning what you have dreamt. When a spirit comes to you, you don’t forget nothing. And another thing in the spirit line: the spirit will direct you to the God above, and give you a certain way to call for help, to help the sick onearth. The spirit will tell you to do these things to help the sick. You read in the paper of an Indian doctor hollering and dancing. My part is not like that. My power in order to help people is a spiritual power. What help I get is from God Almighty. Whenever I call on Our Father, I see that the person I am helping gets relief. Not by dancing, nor by any medicine, but just by a few words I relieve them of their sickness, help them. I have been doing this for 12 years. I have always been successful because I knew what to do before I went in. If I did not help the first time, the Spirit comes to me the next night. It tells me whether or not I can help the sick person. If not, there’s no use. Then it is his time to go; God has him already in his power. I'll go just so far. But if a more powerful spirit than mine has him, I would just not try. I don’t know if they’ll call me an Indian doctor, or what. I’m different from the others. They will use songs. All I use are the four prayer songs of the Sun Dance. I still use them. I use no medicine, I just use this power, the Spirit of the Sun Dance. It directs me to the Great Spirit above; through that I can help people on earth. When my Spirit first knocked me over, it was just a blur, though I saw a human form in the blur. After 2 or 3 years it became more clear; I could see it more. It began to give me ideas and ways to help the sick, and how to handle things in the spirit line. Then he came out clearly: he is a Spirit, not of God, but of the Sun Dance. Still, he may be in touch with the Great Spirit above. If not, I don’t think I could help people. Other spirits—whenever you see them, you can tell them: they are altogether different. They’ll come to you as an animal, an elk, a lion, a wolf, or a bear. They’ll keep changing from one to the other, drawing your attention. That’s not a helping spirit. The Devil is sending him to do wrong, harm the sick. I’ve always been glad I learned the main Spirit and got so I could protect myself from the others. Today, I don’t have to suffer in a Sun Dance. I can go for 7 days without eating or drinking. I have the Power behind me to do it. Green hands, the be- ginners, are the ones that need help. You’ve got to help them. They’ve got no Power of any kind; there’s no spirit behind them. A person with Power is there to help them. In order to help them you’ve got to call on the Spirit to relieve them. For 5 or 10 minutes after that the boys or men find relief; they then are as fresh as when they went in. But it won’t last; it will wear off, for they’ll go too fast and wear themselves out. They’ll suffer as much as before. Usually you’ve got to help them two or three times before the dance is over. Otherwise, they’ll suffer greatly. In the old days they used to go through this suffering until they were knocked out. Nowadays, it’s not that way unless a spirit comes and lays you out. No- No ui)’ ’)«WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 463 body urges you to keep on going until you fall. The old men used to urge the young to keep on going until they saw things. It’s [the Sun Dance] the same as a church, only it’s held once a year. It’s put on in the same form as any church. The songs are just tunes, but they mean the same. They’re from way back; they’ve never been changed. In the Sun Dance there is no worship of the Sun. It is through the Sun. Compton’s account is exceptionally detailed and vivid, particularly in regard to motor sensations. Itis almost poeticinitsimagery. Yet in a highly symbolic fashion, it clings rigidly to the tribal pattern. The ceremonial number four, the butting by a visionary power, the buffalo, its transformation into a person, and the sensation of drinking water are obviously stereotyped.” Even further, the scenery he de- scribes approaches that of the land of the dead if we note with Brackett that ... ‘“‘When an old man is dying he finds himself near the top of a high hill on the Wind River Mountains [which is the locale of Comp- ton’s description], and, as the breath leaves his body, he reaches the top of it, and there, in front of him, the whole magnificent landscape of eternity is spread out, and the Sun-Father is there to receive him and to do everything in his power to make him happy” (Brackett, 1880, p. 330). This also clears up Compton’s mysterious allusion to worship through the Sun, for we may note that ‘they believe in Tamapah (damé a’p:é, Our [incl. pl.] Father, or Sun-Father, who is the Father of the Day and Father of us all, and lives in the sun” (Brackett, 1880, p. 330; Russel, 1921, p. 144). Stylistically too, a few features are patterned in his account. An example is the directions given him by his Power. The initial nega- tive, the final antithetical positive are typical of the tribal literature (Shimkin, 1947 c). It is clear that Compton is an intelligent man, introspective and highly imaginative, who sensitively elaborates new permutations—like his “Spirit of the Sun Dance’’—of a rigid pattern. I believe he is unquestionably sincere, moved by drives, fantasies, and traditions largely outside his control. But a certain amount of sophistication and an inherently good sense of humor inhibit exaggerated mysticism. At the same time, his personality is not completely adjusted. Pos- sibly his relation toward his white father and certainly his difficulties in being accepted in a strange community, in fighting the established interests of the Peyotists, have contributed to this. In any case, the transparently hysterical character of his early illnesses, the ambi- valence of his dreams with their good and evil spirits, and his occasional drunkenness and cruelty aresymptomatic of emotional strain. Never- theless, Compton is one of the most gifted and sanest Wind River 59 Compare the Crow Indians (Lowie, 1922, p. 324 ff.); in the typical Dakota vision, on the contrary, a person turnsintoananimal. (Cf. Wissler, 1916, p. 81.) 464 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun. 151 Shoshone I know. He is not inhibited to the point of dead pragma- tism. He does not alternate between jovial expansiveness and sharp suspicion. He is not a dreamer so preoccupied with his fantasies that all else is of little moment. Thus the leader of the Sun Dance in 1937 had an outstanding per- sonality, a type of personality the little-formalized, fluid character of Wind River society tends to place in positions of prominence. SOCIAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS In what ways have the changes in the culture of the Wind River Shoshone since the nomadic days of the midnineteenth century modi- fied the attitudes influencing the Sun Dance or altered the social and psychological functions of the ceremony? Shoshone attitudes appear largely to have remained constant. Egalitarianism is still strong. Individual restraint and psychological inhibition generally appear to have increased since the Shoshone have become more aware of their poverty and social isolation from their white neighbors.” On the other hand, schooling, the Episcopal and Catholic churches and the Peyote Cult seem to have reduced habits of extreme individualism, and to have increased receptivity toward a common religious dogma. It is noteworthy that many individualistic elements of old Shoshone culture, such as the vision quest, medicine bundle, personal tabus, and individual curing shamanism have van- ished or been greatly weakened since the turn of the century, while elements involving group participation have survived more success- fully. Thus, Wind River Shoshone world outlook, while basically unchanged, may have become less disinclined to formalism and stereo- typy than before. What is the relation between the Sun Dance and the social structure of the modern Wind River community? As in the old Sun Dance, formal ties are lacking, but actual informal correlations are signifi- cant. This problem is worth examination in detail, with reference to the dancers, leaders, Sun Dance committeemen, and old men and warriors, respectively. The dancers represent nearly every male group in the community; their principal difference from nonparticipants appears to be psycho- logical. Geographically, the distribution of the dancers is uniform, with only the marginal Burris and Ethete districts showing markedly low numbers of dancers (figs. 22 and 24). The degree of blood ad- mixture is but a little toward the full-blooded side of the mean of the community profile, with a mean of 0.75 Indian blood, a range of 0.25 to 1.00. Economically, there is a corresponding picture. The mean 60 Based upon 185 Rohrschach tests and other psychological data (cf. Shimkin, 1947 a and-n. d.). WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 465 ANTHROP. Pap. No, 41] ‘UOTPBAIOSOY BUOYSOY IJOAIY PUIAA—'Zs TUAOIT ONIM FILL/7 | yas HWYOS HLYON > | As of YITLD Sov we OVS g A, Ox, Noto W107, Y : OL : ew ea | $79 FLLNe LOE rag No. SI ayy 7 770 7 S, . 82064 Nomavd TA iat Se pa yee ITIVIS WP. SS SSeS) - Sl Of Se O OGVYOT0P |_ 4 a 7&, BYYT LIVS eR uN eM eae, === 1gvou | sss JOVOY Cbd |. - — SN 8 | -—-— AYVYONNNOG 1S/C ' —-— AYVONNOG $I¥ | ‘wo | SNOLSMOTISA INS x aes .) Sa SS ane eel ONIIDI7T YNVLNOW Mewes ee 466 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buun, 151 DISTRICT SOUTH FORK THETE NORTH FORK SAGE CREEK TROUT CREEK Oy; MEAN RATING OF BELOW RES- WITH UNSAFE WATER (BELOW 2 SCALE FOR RATING W/NDOWS WONE OR ) TENT OR VIN, TAR PAPER \SHINGLE, TAR PAPER ROOF 7ENT OR DIRT & A N el EB a ~ o cnowoins FEB jEiloeSdaan [pea Benson” [ware Ficure 23.—Economie differences. is 1.9, a little below that of the reservation generally; the range, 0.5 to 2.6 (cf. fig. 23). In short, the Sun Dancers represent all but the geographically most remote, most mixed-blooded, and wealthiest parts of the reservation. In contrast, age is a selective factor among the dancers. The mean age is 37 years, with a range from 16 to 80. The distribution, however, is very peculiar, consisting of a low plateau with two im- portant, nearly equal peaks in the ages of 17 to 25 and 50 to 58. Almost no men in their 30’s dance. Correlated with age is another mechanism, that of kinship. In all, in 1937 and 1938, four pairs of fathers and sons danced together, as well as six sets of brothers (two of them numbering three apiece), and one set of cross-cousins. The importance of kin ties in joming the dance—especially the father-son relationship—explains part of the peculiar age distribution. Sun Dancing is also correlated with participation in other socio- religious organizations. Out of 336 men above the age of 16, only 167 belong to any organization whatsoever; 89 belong to 1, 57 to 2, 17 to 3, and 5 to 4. The extreme limit of duplicating participation is illustrated by a 46-year-old man who belongs to five groups at once. No di)” =WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 467 NUMBER OF HOUSEHOLDS PE YOTISTS t|SUN DANCERS KL 937-38 * S Wotan 3.000 REDE. TITION WITHIN HOUSEHOLD COUNTED OMY WHEN IN DIFFERENT YEAR PERCENT OF HOUSEHOLOS Figure 24.—Local differences on the Wind River Reservation. In short, there appears to be a central participating core opposed to the major nonparticipating division of the community. Examining this core in detail, we see that the Episcopal Church, the Peyote Cult, the Wolf Dance, and the Tribal Council form a solid block. (See fig. 25.) The Sun Dance has a rather peculiar position, which is more apparent than real, inasmuch as the Tribal Council is represented on the Sun Dance committee rather than among the dancers themselves. The Catholics, on the other hand, are dissociated from all other groups except the Tribal Council. The completely negative correlations between the Ghost Dance and Peyote Cult, and the Ghost Dance and Catholicism are functionally real, not merely statistical. Multiple participation exists despite a paucity of obvious functional ties between different ceremonies. Asan explanation, there is only the historical fact that a small group of men originally experimented with all these, and integrated them slightly. This would lead one to suspect that some sort of attachment to these leaders has been the genuine uni- fying factor. Yet such attachment can hold only for a few families, among whom heredity, particularly patrilineal, has maintained participation in the same cults. For other families, whose affilia- tions have varied greatly over late generations, the problem is much more difficult. In fact, the existence of any personal ties, social or friendly, seems to be of little weight in most instances. 468 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buu 151 TRIBAL COUNCIL Veve"s'o' @ 4 0 O O.6. 02 , OOK me ; os ¢, oe t O ——_—— 06.00.08 509 a as OO0O0%0) 5 SOO eecegegene haetclgte EXPT ER RYMOOOOO! ie [ace | [ae [as Fa [SHEE | 6 foo [oe [52 earnoue fe [10 00 [ae [7 [00 UNIVERSE 336. TOTAL NO. OF PARTICIPANTS 167 J | t BE eo) SRT Vl Figure 25.—Correlations (Yule Q2) between institutions. For example, the Sun Dance in 1937 was run by an individualistic shaman, while the Sun Dance committee was composed of people with various affiliations, led by an Episcopalian who had retired from active membership in the Peyote Cult. In 1938, two Peyotists led the dance, while the committee was entirely Peyotist. Only 9 persons out of a total of 84 danced in both years. Yet the profile of participa- tion remained perfectly constant, with the Peyotists actually dropping a little in percentage the second year. TaBLeE 2.—Percentage of Sun Dancers ! Episcopal- : Wolf Tribal Ghost : Date ians Peyotists Dancers | Councilors| Dancers Catholic ni) O8Y 422 rere aaa Be eee 48 39 17 10 10 5 aad RS RS Se SE te es 52 35 18 6 6 3 1 The sum is greater than 100 percent because of duplicate participation; only Wind River Shoshone have been included in the percentages. It appears most likely, therefore, that participation in rites at the present time is generally a matter of individual preference and indi- vidual psychology rather than one of definite social compulsion. The ties are emotional rather than legal or customary. Analysis of the Rohrschach tests of a small but carefully matched series of Sun Dancers and nonparticipants permits tentative definition of the psychological differences between them. (See Appendix 3.) The former manifest considerably higher energy levels than the latter. Emotionally, they appear more sensual and sensitive, but basically no No aun Par. WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 469 more extroverted. Greater mental rigidity, with almost no inner life and little originality, but less negativism and concern with minutiae than among the nonparticipants, are other characteristics. The Sun Dance leaders represent the width and breadth of the com- munity to a lesser degree than the ordinary dancers. Data on five leaders active from 1936 to 1938 show a wide range in home locality, degree of blood admixture (half to full-blood), and extent of social participation (two were Sun Dancers only; three, Episcopalians also, of whom two were Peyotists in addition. One man participated in these three organizations and the Wolf Dance as well.) None were members of the Tribal Council. All were poor, older men, from 50 to 77 years of age, who had danced from 10 to 15 times previously. Constant participation has not, however, been enough to warrant leadership, which most dancers never achieve. The critical factor appears to be acknowledged supernatural power. For instance, Natopo White or Little White Horse had control over ightning. When his wife ran away with another to Utah, he caused the lightning to strike and kill the latter. He also had control over the weather. Poh- euritsie Taylor is reported to be a dangerous shaman who once exhib- ited his Power by stealing away Pivo Brown’s. Does this recognition of special power imply a difference of person- ality between the leaders and ordinary dancers? I believe it does, although this conclusion is impressionistic. Such men as Tom Comp- ton and Tom Wesaw share elements of ambivalence and of marked cyclicity in adaptive behavior, in overt personality, with the ordinary dancers. On the other hand, they appear to be much more intelligent, imaginative, and expressive than their followers. In these regards the leaders may be closer to the norms of the nonparticipants than to the other dancers. In contrast to the dancers and Sun Dance leaders, the Committee members show definite social rather than psychological selection. Data are available on nine members of 1937 and 1938, of whom three were participants both years. Excluding one 77-year-old man, the mean age of the Committee members in 1938 was 35, with a range of 25 to 44. (This distribution fits the gap in the Sun Dancers’ age curve, and provides an explanation additional to kinship for its pecu- liarities.) Blood admixture among the Committee members is low, with a mean of 0.83 Indian blood and a range of 1.00 to 0.37; in con- trast, their economic status is high, with a mean of 2.3 and a range of 1.6 to 2.9. They are active participants in socioreligious organiza- tions, belonging to an average of 2.5 each. While all but one are Peyotists and four are members of the Tribal Council, no Ghost Danc- ers or Catholics are represented, and only one has been a Sun Dancer. 470 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 Geographically, the selection is also marked, since six come from Trout Creek and two from South Fork, while North Fork, Sage Creek, and Burris are completely unrepresented. Evidently, the Sun Dance Committee is the instrument through which the effective social leadership of the Wind River Shoshone maintains its control over the Sun Dance. The old warriors and other persons who act as heralds, or who light the fire in the Sun Dance lodge, bless the water at the end of the cere- mony, or bless the dancers, comprise a heterogeneous group. Some have had genuine war records; Quitan Quay, for example. Others such as Tassitsie and Charley Washakie have also played a major role in the creation of modern Shoshone ceremonialism. Still others, such as Marshall Washakie, the president of the Peyotists, have current claims to prominence. And some, finally, are visitors such as Ben Buffalo, a Cheyenne who blessed Tom Wesaw at the conclusion of the 1938 Sun Dance. The only common denominators appear to be mid- dle or old age and some basis of public or personal esteem. In summary, the modern Sun Dance is fully representative of all the Wind River Shoshone—more so, probably, than was the old Sun Dance. In addition, it is closely tied in to the social leadership of the community by means of the Sun Dance Committee. Finally, the Sun Dance today acts as an agency of cohesion not only for the Wind River Shoshone, but also for neighboring tribes. In 1936, out of 46 dancers, 6 were Arapahoes and 3 were Utes; in 1937, out of 38 dancers, 4 Idaho Shoshone; 2 Bannock; 1 Shoshone from Washakie, Utah; 3 Wyoming Arapaho; and 1 Oklahoma Arapaho participated. In 1938, the 46 dancers included 1 Crow and 1 Ute. Comparably, the Wind River Shoshone today participate in Idaho Shoshone, Ute, and Crow Sun Dances. The aggregate social and psychological functions of the Sun Dance have increased greatly, although the importance of some has declined. The geographical unity of the modern Wind River Shoshone has re- duced the importance of any physical gathering in promoting cohesion. Gossip, trade, and social gatherings are no longer coterminous with the tribal assembly for the Sun Dance, the rendezvous with the trappers, and the summer buffalo hunt. The roles of women and children are even less significant than in the old Sun Dance. Anxiety about war is no longer a factor, although war-centered traits have an important sentimental role. (This is written from the standpoint of 1937-88. It is clear that World War II and the postwar period reawakened war anxieties and revived such features as war prophecies.) Friendship has retained much of its ceremonial flavor, with blood-brothers ex- changing gifts, for example. Practically, however, its significance in quarrels and war has declined, although the marital functions remain. NO ait PAP. WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 471 Finally, the ceremonial and religious life of the Shoshone has become richer with the introduction of the Episcopal and Catholic churches, the Peyote Cult, and the Wolf Dance; social foci competing with the Sun Dance appear to have been created. The Fourth of July Parade at Lander is another new disruptive element. In other ways, the functions of the Sun Dance have increased. Il- ness has become the most important theme of the ceremony, one which is reiterated in all prayers. Although relief from illness is emphasized in other Shoshone institutions, such as the Peyote Cult, Ghost Dance, and Wolf Dance, to say nothing of the Agency hospital and field nurse, it has become the most frequently cited reason, in recent years, for participating in the Sun Dance. Thus Tom Compton first joined the Sun Dance hoping to recover from an injury received in football. Tom Wesaw, in addition to his other reasons, was prompted to lead in 1938 because he had previously been suffering from trachoma and in poor health generally. Lowie cites Pivo Brown’s causes for entry: I was bloated up and had no appetite. I went into the sun dance. My fellow- dancers pressed down on my stomach and I felt as if I were to have a movement of my bowels. My excrements looked bloody and I was terrified, but I felt well thereafter and think the fasting burns out the disease. [Lowie, 1919, p. 399.] Visionary power is still prized among the Shoshone, and the Sun - Dance today is the principal mechanism for its achievement. The vision quest is no longer followed, although supernatural bequests may still come in ordinary dreams, as did Logan Brown’s new Sun Dance song. The Peyotists do not use their drug for the gaining of visions, but merely to achieve a feeling of deep tranquillity and unity with God. Participation in the Sun Dance, as leader, dancer, Committeeman or herald, is one of the few avenues to prestige open in the community today. (Other positions of honor are those of tribal councilor, Indian judge, president of the Peyotists, principal Ghost Dancer, and Wolf Dance leader.) Tribal and band chieftainship, war honors, and foppery have vanished. Economic success is extremely difficult to achieve; furthermore, the continuation of customs such as the abandonment of houses in which an adult has died tend to break down property accumulation. Finally, new values have entered the Sun Dance. Concern for food is now expressed in the dance. Emphasis upon the welfare of the entire community including the allaying of internal suspicion and hostilities has also become manifest, as has an increasing feeling of the unity of all Indians. The monetary proceeds of the ceremony are other new incentives. In 1937-38, the average breadwinner of a family of five to seven souls earned but $300 a year, between his 909871—52——31 472 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuULL. 151 farming, stock raising, WPA, and odd jobs. Under such circum- stances, honorable and easy positions paying $2 or $2.50 a day were lucrative prizes indeed. An assessment of the social and psychological functions of the modern Sun Dance shows that its integration with the social structure and the value system expressed by it have increased greatly. At the same time disruptive elements have increased. Definite jealousy exists between Sun Dance leaders; the pay devolving upon Sun Dance Committeemen is a source of envy. But these are minor tensions. The Christianized, deeply modified Sun Dance of today is a vital cultural force, an active part of the social and emotional life of the Wind River Shoshone and their neighbors. CONCLUSIONS Historical conclusions.—(1) The Sun Dance complex developed among the Algonquian Plains tribes, possibly after 1700, and diffused rapidly through the Plains and into the Plateau. Its early form can be reconstructed through comparison of the peripheral, widely sepa- rated Kiowa and Kutenai Sun Dances. Later modifications (partic- ularly by the Algonquians and Dakota), secondary diffusions, and tribal migrations make detailed tracing of the subsequent history of the ceremony extremely difficult. (2) The Wind River Shoshone may have been influenced by the initial wave of diffusion of the Sun Dance complex, but it appears almost certain that the major factor in the introduction of the Sun Dance was a Comanche, Ohamagwaya Yellow Hand, who subse- quently became a major Shoshone chief. Historical and comparative evidence indicates that he borrowed the ritual from the Kiowa and transmitted it to the Shoshone about 1800. (3) Between 1800 and 1880, the Wind River Shoshone received elaborating Sun Dance elements from the Arapaho and the Crow or Blackfoot, although the ceremony remained fundamentally stable. (4) Between 1880 and 1905, approximately, the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance went through a period of profound change, probably induced by the insecurity of early reservation life, and guided by a small number of active cultural leaders. Christian elements were deeply integrated into the rite at that time. (5) This new form of the Sun Dance spread rapidly into the Basin, being adopted by the Bannock and Ute about 1890, and the Hekandika Shoshone about 1906. Wind River Shoshone proselyting was an element in the diffusion. (6) After 1905, and certainly by 1920, the new form of the Sun Dance crystallized among the Wind River Shoshone, and they resisted a number of attempted modifications. Nevertheless, the expansive No fi) )°” =WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 473 vigor of the ceremony has remained; in 1933 it diffused to the Nevada Shoshone, and in 1941 it diffused to the Crow, among whom it had previously died out. (7) Further diffusion of the Sun Dance among the Plains tribes is likely, particularly in view of the psychological stimulus of World War II. The mechanism of intertribal participation in Sun Dances would promote such diffusion. Sociological and psychological conclusions.—(1) Probably, the intro- duction of the Sun Dance about 1800 and, certainly, its modification in 1880-1905, were associated with periods of intense cultural crisis. Introduction and modification alike seem also to have been achieved by a few strong personalities among the Wind River Shoshone. (2) The dominant Shoshone attitudes of egalitarianism, individual- ism, skepticism, and restraint may have been partly instrumental in inhibiting the early development of the Sun Dance. They provide explanations for the rejection of such features as formal hereditary control of the Sun Dance secret rites, and a priesthood, a Sun Dancers’ fraternity, and self-torture. Physical consolidation on the reservation and the effects of White schooling, Christianity, and the Peyote Cult appear to have reduced Shoshone individualism and promoted accept- ance of a common theory of the Sun Dance, as well as larger-scale and more-representative participation than formerly. Egalitarianism and individualism are still strong enough, however, to build up resentment against minority control of the Sun Dance, to lead to marked jealousy between Sun Dance leaders, and to result in appreciable variations in Sun Dance performances and interpretations. (3) The early Sun Dance was but loosely integrated with the social and psychological values of the tribes, although it had important func- tions in relation to individual prestige, war, the acquisition and exhi- bition of supernatural power, and as a general social focus. Actually, the Father Dance was more important than the Sun Dance in pro- moting general welfare and as a crisis ritual. Furthermore, dreams, individual quests, and transfers were more common means of gaining supernatural power than the Sun Dance. The number of dancers was small. Finally, although coup counting took place in many phases of the Sun Dance, neither band chiefs nor the military societies had any role in the ceremony. This loose integration with social and psychological values may have reinforced dominant Shoshone attitudes in inhibiting the elaboration of the Sun Dance. But it also appears probable that, with the advent of a major cultural crisis, the Sun Dance was sufficiently dissociated from deprived or rejected values to be a ready instrument for cultural reintegration. (4) In contrast to the loose integration of the early ceremony, the 474 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 modern Sun Dance is the decisive binding element of present-day Wind River Shoshone. It expresses the major concerns of the com- munity: cohesion, illness, food, and acquisition of supernatural power. It achieves a satisfying balance between defiant, sentimental nativism and dominant, white Christianity. All elements of the community, even those mutually hostile, participate in it. About a third of all the men above 16 have danced in a span of but 2 years; the others, the nondancers, apparently refrain from individual reasons based on psychological differences, rather than organized withdrawal. Mem- bers of other tribes dance or sing regularly in the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance. Consequently, the Sun Dance today is a vital emotional and cultural force affecting not only the Shoshone but also their neighbors. Ele- ments of disintegration do exist within the ceremony: rivalries be- tween religious leaders, jealousy of the Sun Dance Committee, and the threat of commercialization. Yet these appear minor, and it appears virtually certain that the Sun Dance will retain its vitality and exercise profound influence on Shoshone life for some time to come. Further problems.—Analysis of the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance has led to a number of conclusions concerning the cultural dynamics of that specific group and that institution. How representative in space, in time, in aspect of culture are these conclusions? (1) How rapidly can major cultural changes (not mere disintegra- tions) take place, and under what conditions? (2) To what extent can a single individual or a few dominate the introduction or modification of institutions? (3) Is a condition of crisis necessary for major changes in institu- tions deeply charged with emotion, such as religion? (4) How consistently and to what degree do the dominant attitudes of a group affect the growth of its culture? (5) How stable are such dominant attitudes or patterns of culture? (6) How does the degree of functional integration between an institution and the value systems of a society affect the survival, stability, or potential florescence of that institution in times of crisis? To my knowledge, answers to these questions, answers based on the thorough documentation and full analysis of several discrete in- stances, do not yet exist. APPENDIX 1 MANUSCRIPT NOTES ON THE WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE (1902) BY H. H. ST. CLAIR The manuscript field notes made in 1902 by H. H. St. Clair ™ contain a succinct account of the older form of the Shoshone Sun Dance which 61 Notebook IV, mss. 892, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D.C., used by permission of Dr. M. W. Stirling, Director of the Bureau. No diy. «WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 475 mentions a number of features unnoticed either by Lowie or myself. Below I quote him verbatim. I have italicized the most significant passages. Some medicine man has a dream that he has led a Sun Dance, and tells the peo- ple when it shall take place. He then composes songs which he teaches to the people during the four days preceding the dance. On the fourth day he leads the people in- to the mountains and they have a sham-battle, the trees representing the enemy, at which they shoot. Then the men pick out the straightest of the trees that were hit and the women chop them down, and the men load them up. Then they split up into two parties, the Sun-dance leader going with the trees. The wagon goes ahead and the other party drops back, and they have a sham-battle over the poles till they reach the camp. Then the sham-battle is turned into a parade around the camp. They then all procure willow branches with leaves to shade the Sun-dance lodge. Holes are dug and poles set up. The centre pole is forked; while raising it, they pray and sing. Two lodge-poles are connected at the tops with a rope, and each pole is held by one man... [unclear]... at the end of a song, raise the pole up. This is done four times; the fifth time they raise the pole as high as they can, and the two with the lodge poles run under it, catch it, raise it up, and set it solid. All the outside posts are also forked. Long ridge-poles are placed from outside posts [toward the] centre-pole. A buffalo-head painted with white clay and decorated with eagle-tail- feathers is handed up to a man who goes up the centre pole. This head he puts up on the fork of the pole. The small brush that has been collected is placed against two rails (one at the centre of the outside posts and one at the top.) The lodge is then complete. By this time it is usually dark and the dancers begin to eat and drink, fill... [unclear]... the four days’ fast. All paint up with white clay, hair as well as body. The buffalo-robes put on are also painted white. Their whistles are hung on a string around the neck. All then gather in one place outside the medicine man’s lodge. The singers and drummers are ordered to be ready. They all start out in single file from the medicine-man’s lodge, with the medicine-man in the lead, and go around the Sun-dance hall four times in single file to the right. After entering, the medicine man leads them with a praying song during which they are seated. At the end of the song they blow their whistles four times. Then the medicine man, taking his place in the centre of the hall, prays for them all to the Great Father. All shake their blankets then, to shake away their sickness. The drummers come in and the dance begins. Dancing continues till midnight, when they pick out one of the men outside who has been in some fight to go and get wood with which to build a fire. The fire built, he tells of his brave deeds in past fights. Then the dance continues till morning. The singers take turns. The dancers dance up to the pole and back. In the morning at peep of dawn they sing a certain song and the dancers form in one line, sometimes two, across the hall and all raise their hands to the sun, all the time hopping up and down in one place till the sun is up. Then the medicine man prays to the Sun. That is the end of the first night. The singers then go home for about an hour to get breakfast, and while they are gone, the dancers change paint. They paint yellow all over and leave their robes white. The singers are then notified and the dance begins again, lasting allday. The leader’s place is right opposite the entrance. In the night the fire is placed inside the door again. ‘They pray again the second morning, and while the singers are at break- fast, the dancers paint with various colors whatever may be their medicine, bear, ete., generally on the center of the breast. 476 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Butn. 151 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. ge 18. 19: APPENDIX 2 PRINCIPAL INFORMANTS . BP, Ben Perry, b. ’92, good on modern religious practices. . CW, Charles Washakie, b. ’73, highly intelligent, important social innovator, well-informed; not much used. Speaks little English. . DW, Dick Washakie, b. ca. ’59, intelligent, good on material culture, poor on religion, mythology; out of contact with his people. Speaks little English. EA, Emma Aragon, b. ca. ’69, representing Fort Bridger—Ghost Dance adherents; opinionated, valuable for gossip; irregular but authentic information. Good interpreter. GD, Gilbert Day, b. ’09, valuable Peyote and contemporary informant. . GR, Guy Robertson, b. ’75, fair biographical and general informant, good for linguistics. Conscientious but not brilliant. Good interpreter. . JM, John McAdams, b. ca. ’72, very good general informant, volunteering much, but sometimes in error: must be checked by others. Has been to New Mexico. . JQ, Jack Quin or George Guina, b. ’00, excellent mythological informant, knows old culture (non-Plains) better than any other young man, some- what impatient; not sufficiently used, as wife was poor interpreter. Speaks no English. . LB, Logan Brown, b. ’98, illuminating on “noncrystallized” aspects of culture, Peyote, etc. Fair interpreter. LS, Lynn St. Clair, b. ’03, earnest student of his own people, has both the handicaps and virtues of self-education; helps all he can, very pleasant, fairly well informed. Excellent interpreter, but usually not available. MT, (Moses) Tassitsie, b. ca. ’52, extremely well informed, historically im- portant himself, influential. Must be treated gently and considerately, as is very proud. My best informant. Speaks no English. MW, Marshal Washakie, b. ’87, knows a good deal about his culture, very much about Peyote, but is highly erratic, alternately confiding and close-mouthed, suspicious. Can be magnificent, intelligent inter- preter, but is very unreliable in arranging work, etc. PB, Pivo Brown, b. ca. ’50 (deceased). Excellent narrator of mythology, interesting life history, well informed. Spoke no English. PP, Pandora Pogue, b. ca ’55, pretty well informed, was midwife, very good on household and material culture. Not very intelligent and must be forced along a little. Speaks no English. PS, Polly Shoyo, b. ca ’45 (deceased). Excellent informant, great knowledge of culture, sensitive, detailed, accurate. Very close to Tassitsie in quality. Was among Crow. Spoke no English. PT, Pohguritsie Taylor, b. ca. ’60, a Doya or Mountain Shoshone, well informed about them, and about shamanism; not very willing, must constantly be urged on. Speaks no English. QQ, Quitan Quay, b. ca. ’61, good knowledge of culture, but overshadowed by MT, PB. Born near Lemhi. Speaks little English. TC, Tom Compton, b. ca. ’85, excellent on shamanism, used for little else, but probably knows much more. Friendly. TW, Tom Wesaw, b. ’86, intelligent, well-informed man, not always in good health. Taciturn at first, improves greatly on acquaintance, but always a little suspicious. Good interpreter. ANTHROE- PAP. WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 477 APPENDIX 3 ROHRSCHACH TEST DATA ON SUN DANCERS AND NONPARTICIPANTS In 1938, a series of 185 Rohrschach tests was taken by me among the Wind River Shoshone. Detailed discussion of the results of these and associated tests is beyond the scope of this paper (Shimkin, 1947 a and n.d.). Nevertheless, certain points must be developed in order to clarify the selection of the individuals, the scoring, and the interpretation. The samples of Sun Dancers and cf men who were almost com- pletely nonparticipants were chosen as careful matches to eliminate the effects of differing ages, economic statuses, and degrees of blood admixture. Since these variables have in effect been partialled out by this method, the residue of consistent differences between the two groups represents ‘‘individual” differences, i.e., those which cannot be ascribed to immediate environmental conditions but derive in all likelihood from differences in early development or heredity. The fundamental basis of the scoring and interpretation of these tests is Bruno Klopfer’s modification of the original Rohrschach test, as described by Klopfer and his associates in various issues of the Rohrschach Research Exchange. The peculiarities of Wind River Shoshone norms have required me to deviate in a few regards: (1) Popular responses are based upon frequency analyses of Sho- shone responses. The following have been grouped out as “P.” Frequency Response Plate Location Percent 65. 3 A V W. 24.8 A obj (hide, etc.) VI W (cut off). 75. 8 A Vill D (lateral red details). 26. 8 Ad xX D (bottom green detail). (2) I would give the following interpretations to the total number of responses (R) among the Shoshone: bess: than 20.R_- 2052.2 Mental inactivity (psychic or organic inhibi- tion). LO toy2p Ree SS fae e Normal mental activity. 2G Ot de Se ee Mental exuberance (a sign of intelligence, a “‘manic’”’ temperament, or slight persev- eration). UL oped (0) i Ree Se Se Perseveration (compulsive tendencies). 100 Rand overs. 2-222-= Severe perseveration (suspicion of compul- sive neurosis). (3) I believe that average reaction time for each response (T/R) is primarily a function of the physical energy and activeness of the indi- 478 ’ BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bub. 151 vidual, significant at all levels. This would be my estimate of the meaning of the factor among the Wind River Shoshone: Less than 0.5 minute._ Excessive energy, restlessness, ““manic’’ tenden- cles. 0.6 to 0.9 minute___-_- High energy level. 1.0 to 1.3 minutes____ Normal energy level. 1.4 to 2.6 minutes____ Low energy level—slight physiological or psycho- logical inhibition. 2.7 minutes and over--_ Minimal energy level—severe physiological or psychological inhibition. The bases for the interpretation of general differences between the Sun Dancers and nonparticipants given in the section on the Modern Sun Dance under the heading “Social and Psychological Factors” (pp. 468-469), are appreciable differences between their means in the following factors: T/R (energy levels) ; FM+m VIII, IX, XRG Laan AG sit Peer : Fete? ay paper a (extroversion/introversion indications); O/R (originalty) ; Dd+S (particularism and negativism). ’ Fe, C; 479 WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN ANTHROP. PAP. 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WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 48] BIBLIOGRAPHY Brackett, A. G. 1880. The Shoshones or Snake Indians, their religion, superstitions and manners. Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Inst. for 1879, pp. 328-333. CHAMBERLIN, R. V. 1911. Ethnobotany of the Gosiute Indians of Utah. Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc., vol. 2, pp. 329-404. CuHReETIEN, C. D. 1945. Culture element distributions: XXV. Reliability of statistical pro- cedures and results. Univ. Calif. Anthrop. Records, vol. 8, pp. 469-490. Cruark, W. P. 1885. The Indian sign language. Philadelphia. CLEMENTs, F. 1931. Plains Indian tribal correlations with Sun Dance data. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 33, pp. 216-227. CoMMiSSIONER OF INDIAN AFFAIRS. 1885-1886. Reports for 1884 and 1885. Cougs, E., Eprror. 1895. The expeditions of Z. M. Pike. New York. 1898. The journal of Jacob Fowler (1821-22). New York. DE Smet, P. J. 1906. Letters and sketches. Jn R. G. Thwaites, Early Western Travels 1748-1846, vol. 27, pp. 129-411. Cleveland. DorsEY, GEORGE. 1903. The Arapaho Sun Dance. Field Columbian Mus. Anthrop. Ser., vol. 4. Chicago. 1905. The Cheyenne, Part II. Field Columbian Mus. Anthrop. Ser., vol. 9, pt. 2. Chicago. Driver, H. E., and Krorsmr, A. L. 1932. Quantitative expression of cultural relationships. Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Archeol. Ethnol., vol. 31, pp. 211-256. DruckeEr, PHILIP. 1940. Kwakiutl dancing societies. Univ. Calif. Anthrop. Records, vol. 2, pp. 201-230. FarnuHam, T. J. 1906. Travels in the Great Western Prairies, etc., pt. 1, May 21—October 16, 1839. In R. G. Thwaites, Early Western Travels 1748-1846, vol. 28. Cleveland. Girrorp, E. W., and Lowr, R. H. 1928. Notes on the Akwa’ala Indians of Lower California. Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Archeol. Ethnol., vol. 23, pp. 339-352. HEBARD, F. R. 1930. Washakie. Cleveland. 1933. Sacajawea. Glendale, Calif. Hoerset, FE. A. 1935. The Sun Dance of the Hekandika Shoshone. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 37, pp. 570-581. 1940. The political organization and law ways of the Comanche Indians. Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc., vol. 54. Hont, G. 1934. The annual Sun-Dance of the Kiowa Indians. Chronicles of Okla- homa, vol. 12, pp. 340-358. Norman, Okla. 482 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 Irvine, W. 1848. The adventures of Captain Bonneville. New York. Kroeber, A. L. 1902-1904. The Arapaho. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Bull. 18, pp. 1-454. 1939. Cultural and natural areas of native North America. Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. Ethnol., vol. 38. 1940. Psychosis or social sanction. Character and personality, vol. 8, pp. 204-215. Durham, N. C. La Barre, WESTON. 1938. The Peyote cult. Yale Univ. Publ. Anthrop., No. 19. New Haven. Le Sieur, T. B. 1911. The Shoshone Sun Dance. The Red Man, vol. 4, pp. 107—110, pl. p. 116. U.S. Indian School, Carlisle, Pa. Linton, Raupu. 1935. The Comanche Sun Dance. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 37, pp. 420-428. Logs, E. M. 1933. The Eastern Kuksu cult. Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Archeol. Ethnol., vol. 33, pp. 189-232. Lowi8, Rospert H. 1913. Societies of the Hidatsa and Mandan Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 11, pp. 219-358. 1915 a. The Sun Dance of the Crow Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 16, pp. 1-50. 1915 b. Dances and societies of the Plains Shoshone. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 11, pp. 803-835. 1919. The Sun Dance of the Wind River Shoshone and Ute. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 16, pp. 387-410. 1922. The religion of the Crow Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 25, pp. 313-444. 1924. Primitive religion. New York. 1935. The Crow Indians. New York. MANDELBAUM, D. G. 1940. The Plains Cree. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 37, pp. 157-316. Marriott, A. 1945. The Ten Grandmothers. Norman, Okla. MEKEEL, H. S. 1936. The economy of a modern Teton Dakota community. Yale Univ, Publ. Anthrop. No. 6. New Haven. Mooney, JAMES. 1896. The Ghost-Dance religion and the Sioux outbreak of 1890. 14th Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethnol., 1892-93, pt. 2. 1898. Calendar history of the Kiowa Indians. 17th Ann, Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1895-96, pt. 1, pp. 129-445. OLDEN, S. E. 1923. Shoshone folk lore. Milwaukee, Wis. Optser, M. K. 1941, The integration of the Sun Dance in Ute religion. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 43, pp. 550-572. Parrtig, J. O. 1906. Personal narrative. Jn R. G. Thwaites, Early Western Travels 1748- 1846, vol. 18. Cleveland. NO ui} Y)6WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE—SHIMKIN 483 hay VE. 1939. Cultural relations in the plateau of Northwestern America. Publ. Hodge Anniv. Publ. Fund, vol. 8. Los Angeles. Rouurns, P. A. 1935. The discovery of the Oregon Trail, Robert Stuart’s narratives . . 1812-13. New York. Ross, ALEXANDER. 1855. The fur hunters of the Far West. 2 vols. London. RusseEu, O. 1921. Journal of a trapper, or nine years in the Rocky Mountains, 1834-43. Boise, Idaho. Scort, H. L. 1911. Notes on the Kado or Sun Dance of the Kiowa. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 13, pp. 345-379. SECRETARY OF War. 1879. Report . . . for the third session of the Forty-fifth Congress, 1878-79. Suimxin, D. B. 1938. Wind River Shoshone geography. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 40, pp. 413-415. 1941. Shoshone-Comanche origins and migrations. Proc. Sixth Pacific Sci. Congr., vol. 4, pp. 17-25. Berkeley. 1942. Dynamics of recent Wind River Shoshone history. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 44, pp. 451-462. 1947 a. Wind River Shoshone literary forms. Journ. Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 37, No. 10, pp. 829-352. 1947 b. Wind River Shoshone ethno-geography. Univ. Calif. Anthrop. Records, vol. 5, No. 4. 1947 c. Childhood and development among the Wind River Shoshone. Univ. Calif. Anthrop. Records, vol. 5, No. 5. 1949 a. Shoshone I: Linguistic sketch and text. Int. 8. Amer. Ling., vol. 15, pp. 175-188. 1949 b. Shoshone II. Morpheme list. Int. S. Amer. Ling., vol. 15, pp. 203-212. n. d. Psychological studies of Wind River Shoshone children. MS. Spier, LESLIE. 1921 a. Notes on the Kiowa Sun Dance. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 16, pp. 437-450. 1921 b. The Sun Dance of the Plains Indians: Its development and diffu- sion. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 16, pp. 453-527. Stewart, O. C. 1944. Washo-Northern Paiute Peyotism. Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Archeol. Ethnol., vol. 40, pp. 63-142. Strone, Wittiam Duncan. 1940. From history to prehistory in the Northern Great Plains. Smithsonian Mise. Coll. vol. 100, pp. 853-394. Tuomas, A. B. 1929. An eighteenth century Comanche document. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 31, pp. 289-298. TuwaitTss, R. G., Eprror. 1905. Original journals of the Lewis and Clark Expedition, 1804-1806 New York. 484 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLy. 151 TurneEy-Hiau, H. H. 1941. Ethnography of the Kutenai. Mem. Amer. Anthrop. Assoc., vol. 56. TYRRELL, J. B., Eprror. 1916. David Thompson’s narrative of his explorations in western America, 1784-1812. Publ. Champlain Soc., vol. 3. Toronto. WALKER, J. R. 1917. The Sun Dance and other ceremonies of the Oglala Division of the Teton Dakota. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 16, pp. 51-222. Witson, E. N. 1926. The White Indian Boy. Yonkers-on-Hudson, N, Y. WISSLER, CLARK. 1916. Societies and ceremonial associations in the Oglala Division of the Teton-Dakota. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 11, pp. 1-99. ; 1918. The Sun Dance of the Blackfoot Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 16, pp. 223-270. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 30 Upper: Tom Compton, May 1937. Lower: ‘The Sun Dance field, July 1, 1937. Note the two old center poles, with the side posts of one lodge still standing. Compton’s tent is in the center behind the brush screen. ‘To the lower right is the hole excavated that morning. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 31 wie Upper: Measuring radii to locate side-post holes from the center pole. July 3, 1937. Lower: Compton, stooped over, fixing the buffalo head onto the center pole. ‘Tassitsie, right, is painting it. Note the Indian Service truck used to haul branches. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 32 Upper: How the rafters are raised. Only one set of joined poles is being used here. Lower: Getting ready to lift the center pole. The tips of the rafters have been placed in the forks of the side posts; the east-running rafter is lying in the foregound. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 33 Upper: Men putting up the side roof poles, July 3, 1937, 6:50 p.m. Lower: The brush wall being finished, July 3, 1937, 7:30.p. m. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 34 Upper: Before dawn, July 4, 1937, 4:00 a. m. The orchestra at left and women singers, huddled in blankets, in center, in front of the log separating the secular from the sacred ground. Resting dancers dimly visible in the right rear. Lower: The dancers greet the rising sun. Details of the center pole are also visible here: the tying of the willow bundles, the pile of rocks, the digging stick, and the two black bands. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 35 Upper: Another view of the dancers greeting the rising sun. Their blankets are at their feet. Compton, the man with the white-painted eyes, is second from the left in front. Lower: A third view of the sunrise ceremony, showing the spatial relations between the fire at the bottom right, the singers at the left, and the dancers. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 36 Upper: The prayer songs around the fire. Compton is at the upper right, with face exposed. In prayer the dancers place their hands over their mouths, muffling their voices. The age of some of the dancers is evident from the white hair of the one at left center. Lower: Details of the orchestra and spectators. The singers are seated in a circle at the left. Just to the right of them may be seen the sagebrush branches in the hands of the women singers. Old men at right of center near the rope marking off the dancing ground. Most of the children at far right are preoccupied with things other than the Sun Dance. July 4, 1937, afternoon. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 151 PLATE 37 Upper: Dancing. Note the whistles in the dancers’ mouths, the eagle plumes suspended from their little fingers. Most of them are resting in the sheds constructed that morning. The earth around the foot of the center pole is from the previous night’s fire. July 5, early afternoon. Lower: Tired dancers. Compton at the left. Note that he is no longer painted and that he has changed his skirt. Observe the paintings on the cloth. July 5, 1937, early afternoon. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 151 Anthropological Papers, No. 42 Current Trends in the Wind River Shoshone Sun Dance By FRED W. VOGET 485 CONTENTS PAGE 1 TeTT 0 ROO YG SS nh Pees ee pre es ome peed WS, Oar i Pes ar ti OSDir A Cane ee PRL el Ue oN D 489 Besusarchip and: Organization... . “Sesreew are. oo. ee eee 489 Rene MecaiN cea TICE Re). ti oe ae we es Lote iors Soy ee eae 492 rie OTC ONSEMUCG ICME = ono Pe Ee ee ee ee ee he eB oe 492 ETI CE BP CAC ULC ES tay ete Se = pay ee ee es ee ne ny Rs an, ee 494 Let ile Re Di ye aicoctee Aer TR Bee are Me) Arse 495 Discussionrand! CONnGIUSIONS! 2 s4 ue 25 Be De ee eee ee 496 JET SLECC}23 92/0) 0 (AAS a epochal eaten ieee senmen Bare TSE E ESE ob 1 499 909871—52——_32 a ‘ te ce@ om ooh tl] és Lob - . - e-¢@2¢e8 hn va Cus: me 7 i « 42 6a choad £0), =.) =e « gu S a . . . eer ~ . by +Bomae soul ¢ i * — ! - ae i~ *. . a ~ 4 ri iy A 7 ' CURRENT TRENDS IN THE WIND RIVER SHOSHONE SUN DANCE ? By Frep W. Voczst INTRODUCTION The Wind River Shoshone, situated on a reservation near Lander, Wyo., not only have maintained a modified form of the aboriginal Sun Dance as a native worship, but also have transmitted the com- plex to neighboring tribes.2, The ceremonial, in both its aboriginal and modern expressions (1937), has been treated by Dr. Demitri B. Shimkin in the preceding paper of this volume.? The present paper is designed to supplement Dr. Shimkin’s study with a presentation of data obtained in 1948 and to analyze trends in change and stability since 1937. For purposes of description the treatment will be made under the following rubrics: Sponsorship and organization, preliminary dances, lodge construction, dance practices, and ideology. SPONSORSHIP AND ORGANIZATION The manner of publicly announcing sponsorship of a Sun Dance and its sole direction by the pledger has been maintained, but certain changes in organization are evident. These modifications in part are traceable to the recognition of functions which were emerging in 1937, and to a weakening of the informal pattern of leadership owing to the death of men of “aboriginal” status. Shoshone tradition emphasizes a single performance in any year, but since 1939 two performances have been given, one during the latter part of July and the other during the latter part of August. While the Shoshone have encouraged the attendance of tourists for some time, it was not until 1939 that a performance was scheduled for their special 1 The paper is an adaptation of a fuller treatment of the current ceremonial. The writer gratefully acknowledges financial assistance provided by the Laboratory of Anthropology, University of Nebraska, and the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research, McGill University. I also wish to thank Dr. Demitri B. Shimkin for his valuable criticisms of the manuscript and for making the necessary arrangements to include it with his own publication. 2 The ceremonials of the Ute, Fort Hall Shoshone, and Crow are traceable to the Wind River Shoshone (Opler, 1941; Hoebel, 1935; Voget, 1948 and MS.). 3 For a detailed account of the ceremonial upon which comparisons are based, the reader is referred to Dr. Shimkin’s study, No. 41, this volume, 489 490 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bunn. 151 benefit. In effect this meant that the Sun Dance had taken on a new function, one which implicated it in tribal enterprises designed to attract white patronage, such as the rodeo. As late as 1937, according to Shimkin, the Sun Dance was supervised by a ‘‘semihereditary”’ society known as the “Cree” or ‘‘Antlers.”” By 1939, however, an elective committee system was instituted which was empowered “To authorize and promote rodeo events, Indian dances, and entertain- ments among the Shoshone people and any people residing within the bounds of the reservation, who so desires to participate.” > The new organization was placed under the jurisdiction of the Shoshone Busi- ness Council, and in 1945 a constitution and bylaws were drawn up to determine the full powers and duties of the Shoshone Entertainment Committee.° The above development appears to have been related to a growing dissatisfaction with financial irregularities attributed to older informal organizations, and to the spread of a responsible com- mittee system stimulated by comprehensive Government plans to develop a measure of political responsibility and economic inde- pendence among the Shoshone.’ The pledger, instead of contacting the semihereditary society, now communicates his intention to the com- mittee, the members of which then assist with the arrangements. The pledger also selects six assistants, who thus constitute a sort of sub- committee, to facilitate the production of the Sun Dance. Not infrequently the members of the Sun Dance Committee may be asso- ciated with a society, but such membership is not the basis for their selection. Relationship, friendship, and ceremonial experience appear to be more significant. While the primary function of the Shoshone Entertainment Com- mittee revolves about the regulation of finances, it is also implicated in transportation arrangements and the provision of ceremonial equip- ment, e. g., drums, buffalo head, eagle, and cloth pennants. More- over, ceremonial acts, such as the maintenance of the fire and the bringing of water, formerly performed by special officiants may now be carried out by committee members. In addition, spectators are formally welcomed by the chairman, and he also has charge of the distribution of gifts donated for tribal visitors. Prior to the termina- tion of the performance a report of individual contributions to the ceremonial and of monies collected from tourists is made public. While the informal organization of the Shoshone allows a certain over- 4 A telegram from the Wyoming Department of Commerce and Industry, dated April 12, 1939, requested the ‘‘medicine man” to have the ‘“‘Great Spirit’’ tell him to set a definite date for the dance during the last week in July; hence, the annual scheduling of the performance for July 26. 5 The citation is from the constitution of the Shoshone Entertainment Committee as of 1945, but it accords with the intent of the committee elected September 10, 1939. 6 This information was supplied by Mrs. J. W. Schultz. As of 1948 the constitution of the committee had yet to be approved by the tribal council. 7 Dissatisfaction over the handling of funds is probably of long standing, for one informant stated that the Poke-in-Nose society had been revivified ca. 1930 to correct the misuse of funds by members of the Antlers. ae a Par. CURRENT TRENDS IN THE SUN DANCE—VOGET 49] lap of ceremonial functions between the elected and appointed com- mittees, it is evident that the committee system has supplanted con- trols formerly exercised by the semihereditary society. It is equally evident that the function of the ceremonial has been redefined in such a way that it tends to be viewed as a public possession designed to serve the public welfare. The ceremonial role of the sponsor has not diminished perceptibly in the face of the above committee development. Moreover, older men, frequently members of societies and experienced Sun Dancers, volunteer their services and cooperate fully with the pledger in the direction of the performance. It is apparent, however, that a weak- ening of the informal leadership structure has resulted from the grad- ual decline in the number of men who had grown up in the shadow of the aboriginal culture. This has allowed rival leaders to emerge, some of whom are endeavoring to change the ceremonial whereas others are seeking to maintain a status quo.2 The Shoshone tend to contrast present Sun Dance leadership unfavorably with that of the past, and informants generally were of the opinion that the powers exercised by current leaders were not so great as those of former years. It is not unlikely that dual performances are symptomatic of emergent factions, for the predominant full-blood membership and the nature of the August performance in 1948 suggest an alinement of con- servatives. Certainly dissatisfaction with a particular performance was cited as the reason for a second. Again, undue individual hard- ship was reported as a motive for sponsoring a second performance. Sponsorship of the Sun Dance and participation have remained the prerogatives of males. Fifty-six dancers performed in the July and 33 in the August ceremonials respectively. Of the latter, 26 were Wind River Shoshone, the remainder being distributed among the Ute, Idaho Shoshone, and Arapaho. Participants disclosed a range of 15 to 68 years in age, with a mean of 38 years. A break-down ac- cording to age disclosed the surprising fact that nearly half of the per- formers were under 30 years, and of these 9 were from 15 to 19 years of age’ Full-bloods (including one individual rated %) constituted nearly 72 percent of the participants, whereas in the population at large they totaled no more than 26 percent. Fifteen of the twenty- six Shoshone participants, including the sponsor, were Peyotists.” 8 For an account of John Truhujo’s sustained attempts to introduce substantial changes in the ceremo- nial, see Voget, 1950. 9 The threat of induction into the Army probably accounts for the unusual number of youths in the ceremonial. 10 From data supplied by Shimkin with respect to participation in the ceremony witnessed in 1937, certain correspondences and differences are revealed. Of 23 participants listed, nearly one-third were under 30 yearsofage. Their agesranged from 19 to77 years, the average being 38 years. Full-bloods comprised some 43 percent of the participants, a figure significantly lower than that recorded for the 1948 performance but nonetheless weighted in favor of racial purity. The number of Peyotists totaled 10. 492 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Buuy. 151 The contributions of women for the most part were routine, such as singing, the bringing of bedding, and the preparation of the feast. No women were observed to help in the construction of the lodge. PRELIMINARY DANCES While four preliminary dances usually precede a Sun Dance perform- ance, the minimum requirement is two. The increasing use of two as a ritual number in the Sun Dance was remarked by Shimkin (1942, p. 459), an innovation which he traced to Peyotism. A degree of varia- bility, however, appears to have been characteristic of this subcom- plex, for in 1912 Lowie (1919, p. 393) reported a total of three singing dances for the ceremonial. Theoretically the function of the singing is to render the area for the main performance sacred, but no effort was made to control the movements of spectators, who encroached freely on the “‘sacred”’ area west of the fire. Several informants stated that approximately 15 years before no one would have been allowed west of the fire unless he were to remove his shoes. The perfunctory character of current preliminary dances is impressive and indicates a lack of interest which probably is the prelude to disappearance, as Barnett observed, among societies in northwestern California." LODGE CONSTRUCTION Religious activity among the Shoshone, as among most nomadic Plains tribes, has been characterized by a loose ceremonialism rather than by an integrated ritualism. The primary emphasis has been upon the psychic experience of the individual in relation to the super- natural, and thus it is not surprising that the minutiae of ordered form have been neglected. This emphasis upon the end rather than the instruments thereto has allowed individual changes in content, provided they conformed to a minimum definition, and also has influenced the reaction of the group to the introduction of Euro- American artifacts. Thus, the Shoshone have not hesitated in the past to use wagons to haul the timbers to the lodge site, and currently trucks and trailers are coming into vogue (Lowie, 1919, p. 393). In the same vein we note the early introduction of the ax, crowbar, shovel, rope, wire, stuffed eagles, and mounted buffalo heads to facili- tate the construction of the lodge. Activities in relation to lodge construction were informal and with- out significant direction by the sponsor, who appeared to rely equally upon his assistant and another experienced dancer. These men pro- 1 Barnett, 1940, pp. 44-45. Shimkin (personal communication) observed that the preliminary dances which he witnessed struck him as more perfunctory than that described by the writer. No. 42]. *)« CURRENT TRENDS IN THE SUN DANCE—vOGET 493 ceeded at a leisurely pace from one task to another, and when stop- pages would occur, the group would confer and soon dispatch a younger man for the required tool or rope. 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