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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 173
ANTHROPOLOGICAL
PAPERS
Numbers 57—62
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
WASHINGTON : 1960
LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION,
Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY,
Washington, D. C., June 25, 1958.
Sir: I have the honor to submit the accompanying manuscripts,
entitled ‘‘Preceramic and Ceramic Cultural Patterns in Northwest
Virginia,” by C. G. Holland; ‘An Introduction to Plains Apache
Archeology—the Dismal River Aspect,” by James H. Gunnerson;
“The Use of the Atlatl on Lake Patzcuaro, Michoacan,” by M. W.
Stirling; ‘“‘A Caroline Islands Script,” by Saul H. Riesenberg and
Shigeru Kaneshiro; “Dakota Winter Counts as a Source of Plains
History,” by James H. Howard; ‘Stone Tipi Rings in North-Central
Montana and the Adjacent Portion of Alberta, Canada: Their His-
torical, Ethnological, and Archeological Aspects,” by Thomas F.
Kehoe, and to recommend that they be published as a bulletin of the
Bureau of American Ethnology.
Very respectfully yours,
Frank H. H. Roserts, Jr., Director.
Dr. LEonaRD CARMICHAEL,
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution.
No. 57.
No. 58.
No. 59.
No. 60.
No. 61.
No. 62.
Index_-
CONTENTS
Preceramic and Ceramic Cultural Patterns in Northwest Virginia,
bysC: G) Hollands 522.22. 2.6. 33352 oe eee eee
An Introduction to Plains Apache Archeology—the Dismal River
‘Aspect; by-dames Ht. Gunnersons So 2222522500 oe. ees
The Use of the Atlatl on Lake Patzcuaro, Michoacan, by M. W.
PS hie Us Roe A Tn We fae OR A i ee Se eee eee
A Caroline Islands Script, by Saul H. Riesenberg and Shigeru
MATTOS ICO ue ts at ee ee oe ease meets
Dakota Winter Counts as a Source of Plains History, by James H.
Stone Tipi Rings in North-Central Montana and the Adjacent
Portion of Alberta, Canada: Their Historical, Ethnological, and
Archeological Aspects, by Thomas F. Kehoe_-.--..----------
mi
SONIAN
SMiTreyTION JUN a
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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 57
PRECERAMIC AND CERAMIC CULTURAL PATTERNS
IN NORTHWEST VIRGINIA
By C. G. HOLLAND
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CONTENTS
PAGE
EELS CO ee ae ee a ae ee ae oe ae eee ce cstae 5
PatTORNCHON Ress Se ee ne aera a Seach ose ekoeeseee ee 7
Geographical description of northwest Virginia___-..------------------ 9
DWEFOCReLINGONS 2 see eo ase eS ae een ea se oee ee sesame seo ae 12
iintrodietiontia5 5-22. eae os See oe eee ce Seek sas 12
ATIgUSpayCOUNty! 20-55-46 Cee Ses tc eee eae eee 15
Bath County 2+) 20 s2e2e se Seles foe tee eee ee ese 31
hishlard County oe eas. et ets Sel ee eee ae Se 33
Rockingham Coumy S.2. 82006 22 kee. 2 oe ee Teese eee 36
Rockbridvel Coutity anne = os see oe ie A es See ee ee Ee 40
Projectile points;and: larve blades: - 2.502.222.2528 263 seen 43
Miscellaneous artiactso. =<. 28 occ oe ee ea oo se ee ate 53
Analysis and mterpretation of the pottery...-_-_- 522222222525 sen os 58
Rock imatertal Ae) 0is 2 2U ee ok ee ees US ee eee ee be 65
Habitation patterns t=o2.). Sess oe. 82 Siew es eS Sees ee ee 74
Relationship of the sequences of northwest Virginia to archeology of Eastern
RUGEO SLALC RSA ane OR ett ke a ee ee 80
Appendix. Tables of projectile-point and blade types, rock material, chips,
and other artifacts, and pottery classifications_-._...-._---------- alec 90
METEOR SUNT E CECE Se ren te SM NE Pe ere ee EF RE OE ee cee em 128
ILLUSTRATIONS
TEXT FIGURES
PAGE
1. Geographical location of all the sites in the survey_----------------- 13
2: Werojecuile-pointatypest.2o— 2 oe Soo see be lobes ole. See 44
PeMAT PERU Ges y Pes. sae sae ee ee es ee NE sb te ee ee 45
4, Primary seriation of projectile points and large blades from sites with
HOLOTSIMONeVALUILA CUS ee oe ace te re ke ee ce (facing) 48
5. Secondary seriation of projectile points and large blades from sites
with 20 to 48 artifacts interdigitated into the primary sequence
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Ficure 1.—Geographical location of all the sites in the survey.
and was designated RM-1A. Finally a rock mound and a preceramic
site, AU-—3, were found in close apposition; the mound was designated
AU-3A.
471762—60——2
14 i BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
It was impossible to give longitude and latitude with sufficient ac-
curacy to be of use in relocating sites; therefore it was necessary to
find suitable landmarks from which to measure distances and give
directions. The nearest distances were measured on United States
Geologic and Geodetic Survey Quadrangle maps from relatively per-
manent landmarks. Wherever distances were measured from towns
the present-day nearest boundary line was the point of reference.
Directions have been given according to points of the compass, not
mere estimates of general direction. Wherever possible, local land-
marks and State highways were used to fix the position of a site.
The highway numbers have been taken from county maps prepared
by the Virginia Department of Highways, Richmond.
Owing to the limitations placed upon archeological work in heavily
cultivated areas, it 1s not possible to reconstruct exactly the original
extent of any occupational area, and the dimensions given here are
the best obtainable under such conditions. Local features such as
roads, grasslands, forest, and underbrush often have obscured and
foreshortened the limits of many sites.
The oldest preceramic sites are readily identified by the popularity
of quartzite, and for this reason preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using”’ station
has been used to designate sites in this cultural horizon. Sites of a
second, but more recent preceramic horizon, associated with high
percentages of chert, have been called preceramic “‘chert-using” sta-
tions. These should be interpreted as devices appropriate to this
report only; they may or may not have meaning outside the north-
western section of Virginia.
From time to time in the site descriptions the terms ‘‘terrace”’ or
“river terrace’’ will be used. This does not necessarily have the same
meaning a geologist would give these terms. They are used to denote
a level, elevated belt, or narrow plain, higher than the riverbank
and removed from it. A sloping bank elevates the “terrace’”’ from
the lower land and usually parallels the present-day course of the
river. In many instances the banks of these terraces may have been
the banks of old stream beds.
A few sites have exceptionally small assemblages of artifacts.
There are two reasons for this: (1) Failure to visit a site many times
over a longer period than the 2 years of the study; and (2) the ground
being unsuitable for surface collecting owing to heavy pasture, lack
of cultivation, and similar circumstances. The same sites, under
more agreeable conditions or seen over a longer period, may well pro-
vide adequate material. Other small sites may not have been oc-
cupied long enough for a greater amount of refuse to accumulate.
These sites may take on importance in future studies, but even in
this survey they lend scope to patterns set by more productive sites.
qatnry?: F2P- CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 15
All sites in this research project, regardless of the size of the collection,
are plotted on figure 1.
The artifacts from each site, classified into their various types and
rock material, as well as the sherds classified into the pottery types
for Virginia as established by Evans (1955), are listed in tabular form
in the Appendix, tables 6 and 7. It was felt that such a method of
tabulating the classified material in one section was more useful to
the interested student than scattering such information throughout
the report. Only those sites with exceedingly small collections are
eliminated from the tables and are mentioned under the site descrip-
tions only.
AUGUSTA COUNTY
AU-1 is located 8 miles south of Waynesboro on the left (west)
bank of Back Creek, between the creek and State Highway 664. It
is 200 yards north of a wrought-iron furnace of Civil War vintage.
As a result some fragments of furnace slag resembling obsidian are
intermingled accidentally with the aboriginal cultural debris. The
site is situated on a 15-foot terrace midway between the road and
Back Creek, which are 100 yards apart. The area over which the
artifacts were found is 25 to 30 yards in diameter. .
This site was discovered by Howard MacCord, and with him the
author visited it in 1947. The land had been plowed at that time,
and we were able to determine the nature of the occupation. Cores
and large percussion-made chips of quartzite were much more abun-
dant than smaller pressure-flaked chips. There was a minor quan-
tity of quartz and chert chips. This study was not in progress at
that time so no chip count was made. Since then the ground has
been so overgrown with grass that it has been impossible to form a
new collection, thus only 31 points and blades were available for
study.
AU-1 is typical of the preceramic “‘quartzite-using” stations of the
South Rivers district in which it is located.
AU-2, Buffalo Gap (see also Evans, 1955, p. 10), is a rock shelter,
200 yards inside the George Washington National Forest. It is
located 8.5 miles west of Staunton, in Buffalo Gap, and 15 yards from
the left (north) bank of Buffalo Branch, a tributary of Middle River.
United States Highway 42 is between the stream and shelter. The
shelter has been formed in a north-south quartzite stratum which pro-
trudes from the side of Little North Mountain at an angle of 45
degrees. It is approximately 30 feet long, 8 feet deep, and 6 to 10
feet high along the entrance. The floor rises at a 15-degree angle
from the road, is strewn with boulders and has a series of small, level,
rain-washed, sandy areas. All material came from the surface in the
16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
sandy areas or between the boulders; the sample consists of 52 chips,
47 potsherds, 10 projectile points, and a few unidentifiable fragments
of shell and bone.
AU-8, as well as AU-4 and AU-10, are all 1.5 miles southwest of
Deerfield, a small village in western Augusta County. The site is on
the left (east) bank of Calfpasture River, 75 yards downstream from
Daddy Run which enters the river on the same side. AU-3, 20 by
30 yards in extent, lies on a 2- to 3-acre bottomland, 8 feet above
normal water level. The area was in sod at all visits, but in eroded
patches a few chips and two points were found. No pottery was
seen, and the predominance of chert among the chips indicates the
position of the site in time as the preceramic ‘‘chert-using”’ period.
AU-3A. Fifty yards from the bank an irregular ridge parallels
the river and rises 20 to 25 feet above the bottomland. Previously
a small rock mound was on this ridge, 100 yards southeast of AU-3.
It had been dug into by owners of summer ‘“‘camps” scattered along
Calfpasture River. Dr. Richard Bell, Jr., of Staunton, who reported
the mound, says he had dug there and recovered only a few chipped-
stone artifacts.
In recent years the mound has been bulldozed from its original
position toward the east onto that side of the ridge nearest Daddy
Run. In eroded spaces where the mound had stood, 89 chips were
collected but no evidence of other artifacts or pottery.
The high percentage of chert places AU-3A as a preceramic ‘“‘chert-
using”’ station in the area of the mound.
AU-4 is 0.3 mile west of AU-3, but on the right (west) side of Calf-
pasture River. It is also 0.3 mile from the river with its eastern
extent bounded by an unnamed creek. This creek parallels Calf-
pasture River for a mile after leaving Shenandoah Mountain to the
north, and enters Calfpasture River below Corbett Branch which
enters the river from the opposite (east) side. The site covers 3 to 4
acres of wide bottomland but occupational debris is concentrated
along the unnamed creek. The bottomland has a series of low ter-
races and AU-4 is situated on the terrace farthest removed from the
river. It is about 3 feet above the next terrace toward the river.
Local collectors have observed that artifacts are not usually found near
the riverbank but on these terraces, removed from the river.
This site is typical of the preceramic ‘‘chert-using’’ period. The
majority of the rock material is blue chert, available in quantity on
mountainsides nearby. Two collections were made 5 months apart
from different portions of the site. They include 147 points or blades,
468 chips, 2 celts, and 2 drills. By coincidence, exactly the same
number of chips, i. e., 234, were collected on each visit. No pottery
Anthrop. Pap.
Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 17
was found at any time, although conditions for surface collecting were
ideal.
AU-65 is 4.5 miles north of Staunton. Two local points for closer
reference are Shutterly’s (or Frank’s) Mill on the right (south) bank
of Middle River, 100 yards west of AU-—5, and the State Highway 732
bridge crossing the river at its western limit. Occupational debris is
concentrated on the left (north) bank 75 yards downstream from the
bridge. Floods have washed away 12 to 18 inches of yellow, sandy
topsoil and exposed a reddish-brown subsoil 10 to 15 yards adjacent
to the river. River rocks, trash, and artifacts had accumulated into
small piles and the majority of the reported material was troweled
from these piles. The materials collected include 113 points and
blades, 309 chips, 86 sherds, 2 drills, 2 celts, 4 scrapers, 2 steatite
fragments, a few cores and fireburnt stones. Undoubtedly much,
if not most, of the site lies under the cultivated field too deep to be
touched by plow and too far from the river for flood erosion. Rela-
tively few artifacts have been found in the cultivated field.
AU-6 is a rock shelter 1 mile west of AU—5 on the left (north) bank
of Middle River. The floor of the shelter is 25 to 30 feet above the
river. Only 1 potsherd was found; no other artifacts occurred.
AU-7. Quick’s Mill, a very small community, is situated at the
intersection of State Highways 626 and 612. One mile north of
Quick’s Mill on a small stream, known as Spring Run, is an abandoned
marl quarry. The late Mr. Jordan, with his hired man, initially
developed the quarry with shovel and sifter, saving the Indian
“relics” caught by the sifter. Today, Mr. Jordan’s daughter, a Mrs.
Carroll, has them stored in her home, ‘‘Stone House,” adjacent to the
quarry. She made available for study the artifacts she could find at
the time of my visit to the site. There were 12 sherds, 10 projectile
points, 1 polished celt, 1 polished and grooved ax, and 1 atlatl weight.
She assured me that only artifacts discovered in the quarry were
present. If this be true it is the only site in the survey to produce a
grooved, polished ax and an atlatl weight.
AU-8 is 3.5 miles southwest of Waynesboro on the left (south)
bank of South River (into South Fork of the Shenandoah). The
river is crossed by State Highway 632, a few yards north of the site.
Although the area is an extensive plain, only 4 or 5 acres were under
cultivation near the river. A crude greenstone celt, 1 point, and 49
chips were collected. No pottery was found. The predominance of
quartzite chips assigns the site to the preceramic “quartzite-using”’
period.
AU-9. W.H. Plumb of Waynesboro kindly pointed out this site.
It is 5.4 miles southwest of Waynesboro and 0.2 mile southeast of a
18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Norfolk and Western Railroad trainstop called Lipscomb. State
Highway 635 has been built through the eastern limit of the site.
Other local features of advantage in locating it are South River (into
South Fork of the Shenandoah) 0.4 mile to the east at nearest ap-
proach and an unnamed creek 200 yards to the northeast. At all
visits the land was under cultivation by the Waynesboro Nurseries.
The site is on the slope of a ridge rising from the unnamed creek.
The collection was made in an area 50 by 100 yards fronting on State
Highway 635 and included 51 points and blades and 178 chips. It is
a typical preceramic ‘“‘quartzite-using” station. A series of 18- to
24-inch-deep pits dug by the Nurseries for removal of fruit trees re-
vealed large percussion-made chips, but in no instance did an examina-
tion of the walls of the pits indicate any artifacts below 8 to 10 inches
from the surface.
Unfortunately, Mr. Plumb, who had collected surface material from
this site for 15 years, could separate no more than two artifacts in his
extensive collection as having been found here.
AU-10 is located on a wide bottomland extending from the right
(west) bank of Calfpasture River along with sites AU-3 and AU-4
(p. 16). The site is 25 yards from the river and 50 yards downstream
from the mouth of Staples Run which enters the river from the oppo-
site bank.
Five projectile points and blades and 48 chips constituted the total
collection. No pottery was found. The site belongs to the pre-
ceramic ‘‘chert-using”’ period.
AU-11, from one direction, is 1.25 miles north of Waynesboro. At
this distance from Waynesboro a bend to the east in South River (into
the South Fork of the Shenandoah) brings the river, Norfolk and West-
ern Railroad, and United States Highway 12 in close proximity to one
another. From another direction, AU-11 is 0.5 mile south of Dooms.
The western limit is 10 yards from the right (east) bank of South
River. These 10 yards, at about water level, have been heavily
eroded by the river, leaving a 2- to 6-foot-high terrace on which arti-
facts arefound. The Norfolk and Western Railroad, running parallel
to the river, cuts through the entire length of the site, a distance of 100
yards. The southern limit is an unnamed creek flowing into South
River from the east. The site is 30 yards wide.
Three chip collections were made. Inspection indicated a concen-
tration of chert in the middle of the site. Since this concentration was
localized, it was believed that the other two collections, agreeing closely
when broken down into percentage distribution of rock material, were
representative of the site. In view of its uncertain significance, this
chert collection was not included in the seriational studies. Materials
Anthrop. Pap.
No.87) ) «30s CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 19
collected include 216 points and blades, 274 chips, 45 sherds, 4 drills,
16 celt fragments, and several miscellaneous artifacts.
AU-12, located 3 miles east of Dooms in Jarmen’s Gap, is within
the limits of the Shenandoah National Park. All material collected,
15 points and blades, 221 chips, and 1 sherd, was turned over to Guy
Edwards, Park Superintendent, for the National Park Service.
AU-18 is 2.75 miles southeast of Waynesboro, on the left (north)
bank of South River (into South Fork of the Shenandoah). The
western limit of the site is formed by State Highway 664. The gen-
eral area is a fertile bottomland 200 yards wide. The 10 yards nearest
the river have been flood eroded and no artifacts were found here.
Floods have created a 1- to 4-foot-high terrace which parallels the
bank for 100 yards. On this terrace and for 40 yards north of the
river, occupational material is scattered. Conditions for surface col-
lecting were ideal because the land was in corn cultivation at each
visit. There were no concentrations of cultural objects.
Jerry Brownlee, a lad of 10 who lives on part of the site, had col-
lected from it and allowed me to make use of his finds. These are re-
ported in the statistical tables as a part of the accumulated totals con-
sisting of 161 points and blades, 281 chips, 34 sherds, 3 scrapers, 1
drill, 5 celts, 9 steatite fragments, and 4 miscellaneous artifacts.
AU-14 will be found at Dooms, a small hamlet north of Waynes-
boro. More exact location is the field in the U-shaped bend in South
River (into South Fork of Shenandoah) south of State Highway 611.
At the base of the river’s U bend is a low dam. On the right (east)
bank near the dam most of the artifacts were found. However, they
were scattered over the entire field, 40 by 75 yards in size. The land
had been in wheat and was not well prepared for surface collecting.
The occupational complex was thinly scattered and difficult to find,
but the area is well known to local collectors who state that many
artifacts have been discovered. Fourteen points and blades, 134
chips, 1 ax fragment, and 3 celts were found, but no pottery. The
majority of stone artifacts are quartzite and the site belongs to the
preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using”’ period.
AU-15 is 0.75 mile north of Dooms on the right (east) bank of South
River (into South Fork of Shenandoah). This preceramic ‘‘quartzite-
using” station is 20 by 30 yards, on a 10-foot bank overlooking the
river. Undoubtedly, some of the occupational area was not observed,
for the northern end was in grass; the part available to inspection was
in corn cultivation.
The artifacts were thinly scattered and predominantly made of
quartzite. Owing to circumstances, a chip collection could not be
made. The artifact sample is quite small: 16 points and blades and
20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
1 end scraper. However, the site does add further evidence to the
profusion of preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using” stations along streams in
the South Rivers district.
AU-16 is north of the hamlet of Harriston, which, in turn, is 9.5
miles north of Waynesboro. From Harriston northward State High-
way 825 is parallel to the right (east) bank of South River (into South
Fork of Shenandoah) and is placed 15 yards from the river. East of
the highway is a wide bottomland extending to United States High-
way 12. For 35 yards east of the State Highway and 0.1 mile down-
stream from Harriston scattered artifacts may befound, all belonging to
a@ preceramic “‘quartzite-using” complex. At the northern limit of
this 0.1 mile there is a concentration, 30 by 50 yards in extent, of
artifacts belonging to this same complex. The land was excellently
prepared for surface collecting, for it had been planted with corn and
the sandy soil had been washed with rain. Large percussion-made
chips were relatively abundant. Only one potsherd was found.
Cores were not a prominent feature. The collection consists of 54
points and blades, 144 chips, and 1 scraper.
AU-17, another preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using” station, is on the
property of the Waynesboro Nurseries at Lipscomb (see AU-9), on
the left (west) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah)
with the eastern extent formed by State Highway 635. The southern
limit is 25 yards from South River, along a primitive road leading
from Highway 635 to a group of houses on the Norfolk and Western
Railroad. The site covers an area 50 by 75 yards.
A second site, AU—26, is east of Highway 635 and should not be con-
fused with AU-17. AU-26 has a well-defined ceramic complex which
AU-17 does not have. Careful search under ideal surface-collecting
conditions during a number of visits to both sites indicated there
was no overlapping or intermingling of the two different complexes.
Occupational material was thinly scattered and large percussion-
made quartzite chips were prominent, with 62 points and blades, 245
chips, 1 drill, and 1 scraper obtained for study.
AU-18 is a site originally found by Howard MacCord who con-
tributed his material to this study. It is located on the right (east)
bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah) 0.3 mile west
of Crimora, a tiny hamlet on United States Highway 12. The
northern limit of the site is set by State Highway 612 as it crosses
South River. The land was in sod whenever I visited the area and
the extent of occupation could not be determined with accuracy;
however, it is probably not more than half an acre. The land, almost
level with the river, has been subject to much erosion, and MacCord
found much of his material following a flood. The cultural complex
falls in the preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using” horizon. Thirty-seven
Anthrop. Pap.
Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 21
points and blades, 3 axes, 6 celts, and 2 miscellaneous artifacts were
available for analysis. In the overall pattern of this complex the
presence of a chlorite pipe and 2 polished and 4 crude celts is not
consistent. This combination of objects is generally found during
the ceramic horizon. Although MacCord is a careful observer, he
did not find any pottery.
AU-19 is on the property of Mrs. Gilpin Willson of Staunton. The
site lies on a high terrace above the left (south) bank of Middle River
3.5 miles east of Fort Defiance. Mrs. Willson’s small garden, on the
edge of a broad grassy plain 15 feet above water level, was carefully
searched without results, but she has found a modified steatite monitor
pipe, a grooved ax, a polished celt, and a “hoe.” It is possible more
material will come to light when a larger section of the plain is cul-
tivated.
AU-20, known as the Lewis Creek Mound, was built on a wide
bottomland 10 yards from the right (south) bank of Lewis Creek and is
10 yards east of State Highway 792. At the present time, remains of
the mound are 12 to 18 inches high and 42 feet in diameter. It is
covered with sod except for several eroded places in which fragments
of human bones are profuse. Dr. Betty J. Meggers, Dr. Clifford
Evans, and I carried out a limited excavation in the remaining portion.
The soil was black and hard packed. The portion above ground had
been entirely disturbed by previous digging and many fragments of
disarticulated skeletons were in evidence. Below the disturbed level
a child’s articulated, flexed skeleton was discovered, partially covered
with rock slabs. No artifacts accompanied the burial. Several
potsherds belonging to the Albemarle Series were found in the mound
fill.
Destruction of the mound occurred about 30 years ago. As pieced
together from stories of several individuals, the mound at one time
was 6 feet high and about the diameter of the remains now (42 feet).
One owner of the land carted off the top as a fill for part of his farm.
Boys from Staunton discovered it and began to dig, one of whom,
W. R. Brown, now associate professor of geology, University of
Kentucky, Lexington, Ky., writes (personal communication, 1952):
Several layers of bones, I’d guess 3 or 4, were uncovered. Between each layer
there must have been 8 to 12 inches of dirt. I could only make a wild guess
as to how many individuals were represented, maybe 5 to 15 in different layers,
possibly totalling 30 to 40 individuals. Of course I was impressed with the
number of bones at the time and the number may have been considerably less.
It seems to me that about a dozen pipes were found. These were mostly of
average size (3 by 5 inches) and ornamented. A lot of shell beads were found.
Several Indians had chest ornaments (whatever they are called) made of thin
tubes of bone (?). A fair number of black flint arrowheads were also found.
The pipes as I remember them were made of dark, grey-green, well polished
22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
soapstone. This could have come from numerous localities in the Piedmont,
possibly from the belt extending from Albemarle County (Schuyler vicinity)
southwestwards to Henry County or the Blue Ridge Plateau. My memory of
these things is distinctly hazy... .
The final destruction of the mound was accomplished later by two
pot hunters who sold and scattered the material so widely it has been
impossible to trace it.
A small string of marginella beads, a few beads (?) made from the
columella of conch, and several skulls are in the hands of a Reverend
Mr. Glovier who lives a mile west of Lewis Creek Mound on State
Highway 792.
AU-821 is on the right (east) bank of Middle River, 400 yards
northeast of Fort Defiance Mill (also known as Damtown). The
cultural remains are littered over an area 15 yards wide and 100 yards
parallel to the river. If material had occurred in a 10-yard zone
adjacent to the river, it has now been destroyed by floods and road
building.
Howard MacCord discovered this site December 29, 1947, and such
material as he collected was turned over to me for study: 26 points and
blades, 90 sherds, 153 chips, 1 ax, 1 scraper, and 2 celts. Several
visits to the site while under corn cultivation indicated an extremely
scattered occupation.
AU-22 was also discovered by Howard MacCord who located it
on the “eft bank of Middle River east of United States Route 11”
(MacCord, personal communication, 1951). An attempt was made
to relocate the site without success. 'The material MacCord collected
belonged to a preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using’”’ complex. An area, en-
tirely unsuitable for accumulating a satisfactory surface collection,
was found with material similar to MacCord’s, but whether this was
MacCord’s site is not known. The specimens consist of 6 points and
blades, 1 scraper, and 1 pendant.
This site extends the areal distribution of preceramic ‘‘quartzite-
using” stations slightly west of the South Rivers district concentration.
AU-23 is 1.1 miles east of Lofton on the left (southwest) bank of
Pine Creek. This creek flows between low rounded hills and the
occupational area is on a hillside 20 to 30 yards from Pine Creek. It
covers an area 25 yards in diameter but undoubtedly is more exten-
sive than this because artifacts were only found in the garden culti-
vated by Frank Seller. The remaining land had been planted in
gTass.
Howard MacCord discovered this site. His material was added to
my collection. The entire artifact complex is a typical preceramic
“quartzite-using” station: 86 points and blades, 149 chips, 1 scraper,
1 celt, and 1 steatite fragment. Quartzite cores and large percussion-
noe Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 23
made chips were abundant. A single potsherd was found but no
other evidence of a ceramic complex.
AU-24, another site near Lipscomb, is 1 mile west of the village on
the left (north) bank of South River (into the South Fork of Shenan-
doah). The small river forms a large U bend with the base to the
south. The land in the U is level but interrupted by relatively
broad, staggered terrace formations. A concentration of artifacts
is at the western extreme of the U; the northern and western side of
the concentration is formed by a curved, primitive farm road. It is
50 yards in diameter and 20 yards removed from the nearest approach
of South River. Scattered artifacts of the same complex were found
peripherally to the east.
The site was originally discovered by MacCord, and his material
acted as a guide to later collections. Specimens collected include 149
points and blades, 100 chips, 7 axes, 3 celts, 2 drills, and 1 pendant.
A total of 12 sherds indicated a limited resettlement by a small group
with the pottery-making tradition. However, after careful study of
the cultural complexes in the survey area it was felt this site belongs
overwhelmingly to a preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using’”’ tradition. Quartz-
ite cores were frequent and large percussion-made chips predominate.
AU-25 was discovered by MacCord and reported in his survey for
the Virginia Conservation Commission with the statement: “‘Quartz-
ite and flint chips, rejects, etc.,—no pottery’? (MacCord, 1947-48).
AU-25 is 2.8 miles southwest of Waynesboro on a 40-foot bluff over-
looking the right (south) bank of South River (into South Fork of
Shenandoah). The occupational complex is concentrated 200 yards
west of the entrance of Back Creek into the river. The top of the
bluff is a plateau covered with grass but heavily eroded. In the eroded
patches quartzite chips and artifacts have been uncovered; the col-
lection for analysis included 50 points and blades, 121 chips, 1 sherd,
1 ax, 2 scrapers, and 1 graver.
Since chert (flint) occurs in percentages of 1.6 percent (for chips)
and 6 percent (for artifacts) at the site, MacCord’s reference to
“flint chips’ and “rejects” was investigated thoroughly. It was
found that in the angle between South River and Back Creek, on a
wide bottomland, there is a concentration of chert. This area is
peripheral to AU-25 and is not represented in the collection.
The complex is typical of a preceramic “‘quartzite-using” station.
The single sherd was found on the fringe of the site.
AU-26, Lipscomb (Evans, 1955, p. 19), was originally discovered
by MacCord in his survey for the Virginia Conservation Commission
(MacCord, 1947-48). Dr. Clifford Evans has described the site and
material he collected in the course of his limited excavation. He
found a small quantity of sherds and 1 Small Triangular Type A and
24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
3 Triangular Type C projectile points. These have been included
with my collection. Since the sherd collection was small, I revisited
the site and extended his excavation to collect more material. A
total of 149 sherds, 3 fragments of soapstone, 219 chips, and 16 pro-
jectile points was accumulated.
AU-26 is 50 yards east of AU-17 (vide supra) at Lipscomb on the
left (west) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah).
Evans (1955, p. 20) describes the site as follows:
On the left bank of South River, opposite the community of Lipscomb, there is
a high point of land rising 9 feet above the water level where Virginia Highway
No. 635 crosses a small bridge over the river. The small habitation site was clearly
visible as the highest spot along this part of the bank. Sherds were extremely
sparse, but chips and points were scattered over an area 30 yards in diameter.
Since the land was in permanent pasture, collecting was difficult; but sand pits
permitted lateral troweling, which produced a fair quantity of archeological speci-
mens. There is no question that the area was a site of only limited occupation.
The artifacts were in a layer of light-gray soil extending from the surface downward
for 6 inches. The bright-yellow sterile sand beneath yielded no cultural refuse.
AU-27, a rock shelter high above the left (north) bank of North
River, is 0.1 mile northwest of Camp May Flather, a Girl Scout sum-
mer camp. The shelter is between a well-traveled, hard-surfaced road
leading from Mount Solon to the Staunton Reservoir and an aban-
doned dirt road, both of which parallel the river.
The shelter, 8 feet wide, 6 feet deep, and 3 feet high, is formed in
quartzite strata. Large and small natural spallings litter the level
floor. On the surface a crude ax was found and excavation produced
1 point fragment, 81 chert chips, 1 chert core, 2 white quartz chips, 8
sherds, and 3 small unidentifiable fragments of animal bones.
AU-28 is a second shelter 15 yards southeast of AU-27. The roof
is formed by a thick slab of quartzite on the upper surface of which is a
circular depression. This depression is locally famous as the mortar
in which Indians ground their corn. The shelter, 10 yards in length,
3 to 4 feet high, and 8 feet deep, has been partially blocked by a recent
cave-in. The eastern half is clear and at the entrance 3 Stony Creek
Series sherds and a few chert chips were found on the surface. Re-
mains of a recent fire, probably made by deer hunters, littered the
center of the floor.
Both shelters, AU-27 and AU-28, were discovered by Roy Roby
of Staunton.
AU-29. Collections from this site were made by Charles Ramsey
and Dr. Charles Callar. They collected independently, and neither
knew of the other’s collection. It is of interest to note the similarity
between the two collections (see table 1).
Anthrop. Pap.
Rath: Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 25
TABLE 1.—Comparison of two separate collections from AU-29 to show consistency
of artifact types in random samples
Chert Quartz Quartzite Total
Projectile-point type
Ramsey | Callar | Ramsey | Callar | Ramsey | Callar | Ramsey | Callar
NS Se
Triangular Type O---__--_--
0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
Stubby Barbed Type H___-- 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 2
Notched Stemmed Type I-_-- 4 4 1 1 0 0 5 5
Ovoid Base Type J-_---_----- 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 3
Contracting Stemmed Type
Be i eee re OM 2 0 0 0 1 1 3 1
Parallel-sided Stemmed
(EMD@ lias ssees2) assesses 11 7 0 1 3 5 14 13
Side-notched Type M_--_---- 6 0 0 0 2 0 8 0
Unclassified Type N_------- 2 4 1 0 3 3 6 uf
Waredt Type Ofs-2 see se 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1
Large Parallel-sided
Siemmed Type Q_-_-----_- 0 0 0 0 6 5 6 5
Large blades, unclassified
TVDORV 22) soe we one 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 2
WOtal sss 2 sae a aa | ome nece [rete cows te eke sence one yh owen eal Serene 43 40
Greatest relative disagreement is in Side-notched Type M, which
may be accounted for by the limited samples.
This site is on level land at the foot of Seidling Hill 150 yards from
the right (north) bank of Calfpasture River. It is about equidistant
(10 miles) from Deerfield and Goshen, on the opposite side of the river
from a rugged valley known as Ramsey’s Gap. On my visit I found
the site completely covered by grass; hence it was impossible to deter-
mine the extent of the site, and a wide search was unrewarding except
for a few chert chips.
AU-30. ‘Natural Chimneys,” tall columns of limestone perforated
at the bases by caves and tunnels, are located 1 mile north of Mount
Solon, 150 to 200 yards east of the right bank of North River. In the
process of excavating the tunnels to lay walks and steps, a series of
artifacts were found and are on exhibit at the information office.
Among the preserved specimens are rodent-gnawed deer bones, a
fragment of a “paint pot,” a shell gorget 2% inches in diameter with a
center-drilled hole, an animal incisor tooth perforated for suspension,
1 fragmentary and 1 complete conch columella ‘‘bead,” deer teeth,
and several unclassified bones. In addition to the 22 points and
blades analyzed, there are a polished celt and a crude ax; however this
small sample tends to give an unreliable picture of the artifact complex.
The owner kindly allowed inspection of the tunnels and caves, but
nothing was found but a small fragment of bone.
26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
The cultural complex to which the stone artifacts belong is that
designated as preceramic “‘chert-using.”
AU-31 is located 1.25 miles southeast of Laurel Hill. It lies on
the summit of an 80-foot cliff overlooking the broad, grassy plain of
Middle River and Lewis Creek; the confluence of these streams is 0.2
mile to the west. Occupational refuse is concentrated from the very
edge of the 25-yard bluff eastward to State Highway 612, a distance
of 50 yards. At each visit the red-brown clay soil was in corn culti-
vation, and collecting conditions were ideal.
Occupational refuse was more localized and profuse at this site
than any other encountered. There were areas 3 to 5 yards in diameter,
in which village refuse was relatively concentrated. Here chips, arti-
facts of stone and clay, and fire-cracked rocks were observed. How-
ever, no charcoal stains were seen. An unusual feature is the promi-
nence of polished celts. The collection included 96 point and blade
fragments, 343 sherds, 117 chips, 5 drills, 1 scraper, 4 crude and 16
polished celts, and 1 stone pipe.
AU-82, located 1.1 miles southwest of Stuart’s Draft, is 250 to 300
yards from the right (south) bank of South River (into South Fork
of Shenandoah). A few yards west of the site flows a small stream
known as John’s Run. The general terrain is a broad bottomland,
but 20 yards north of the site the land rises gradually until 4 or 5
feet above the river plain. Elevation of the land continues southward
to form an irregular ridge. A low moundlike formation northwest of
the site was excavated by MacCord who reported it to be a natural
feature.
The light-tan, sandy soil was in wheat cultivation at each visit.
Artifacts were extremely thinly scattered and no concentration was
found. Only 10 points and blades, 1 sherd, 1 celt, and 98 chips were
collected. However, the percentage breakdown of the chips indicates
that the site belongs to a preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using” complex; the
1 potsherd and 1 polished celt are clues to possible resettlement by
a group with pottery-making tradition.
AU-883 is 0.75 mile south of Stuart’s Draft at the intersection of
State Highways 610 and 608. The site lies on the northern slope of
a 40-foot-high ridge, 150 yards from the right (south) bank of South
River (into South Fork of Shenandoah). Occupational refuse is found
on both sides of Highway 608, but more profusely to the west. The
site undoubtedly extends south of Highway 610, but a house with a
small lawn precludes surface hunting. The observable size is approx-
imately 40 yards in diameter.
The sandy clay soil was in wheat but had been rain washed, and
reasonably good surface-collecting conditions existed. Although three
scattered potsherds were found, the stone refuse overwhelmingly
Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND ed
belongs to a preceramic “quartzite-using” complex. The collection
consists of 48 points and blades, 218 chips, 5 scrapers, 1 drill, 1 ax,
and 1 hammer-anvil stone.
AU-34 is 0.3 mile south of Stuart’s Draft, partially on the slope
and partially on the plateau of a terrace 150 yards from the left
(north) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah). The
position of the site is similar to AU-33 on the opposite bank, south
of AU-34. Large farms are under cultivation on the plateau of this
terrace east and west of State Highway 608. Examination of a mile
along the terrace indicated a scattered occupation by a preceramic
“quartzite-using” culture. The only point of concentration of arti-
facts occurred 200 yards east of Highway 608. Here 3 points and
blades and 2 scrapers were found. An insufficient quantity of chips
precluded an analysis of these but they were predominantly quartzite.
AU-85 is a complex of three sites on the left (west) bank of Middle
River 4.0 miles northwest of Staunton. The general area is a broad,
grassy bottomland more than 2 miles in length. U.S. Highway 250
crosses Middle River 0.25 mile north of AU-35-M.
AU-385-—M, a mound mentioned by Fowke (1894, p. 37) is known
locally as the “East Mound,” being on the property of John East, of
Churchville. It lies 30 yards west of Middle River, and is one of the
larger mounds still standing in Virginia, 55 feet wide, 45 feet long,
and 2 feet high above the natural plain. The site was tested with
three cuts (Holland, Evans, and Meggers, 1953). Burials were placed
in a flexed position under an irregular layer of rocks. One burial
was accompanied by a chlorite pipe and another by a pendant, a
fragment of copper, and 3 Triangular Type C points (ibid., figs. 7, 8).
A total of 35 potsherds were troweled from the black fill; 25 were
Albemarle Series and 10 Radford Series sherds. The mound had
obviously been built on an older village site, represented by the occu-
pational refuse of AU-35-V-1.
AU-35-—V-1 extends from the mound 100 yards south, parallel to
Middle River. Undoubtedly it extends north of themound but this could
not be confirmed owing to coverage with pasture. Most of the gray-
tan, sandy soil south of the mound was cultivated, and artifacts were
thinly scattered from the riverbank over the bottomland, 50 yards
to the west. It required several visits to build up a sherd collection.
The limestone-tempered (Radford Series) sherds were leached, leav-
ing small angular holes. Artifacts for analysis included 129 sherds,
172 chips, 44 points and blades, 2 drills, and 1 celt.
AU-35-V-2 is located 400 yards south of AU-35-V-1. An area
25 yards in diameter, 10 yards from the river, on a low terrace, con-
tained occupational debris. The character of the complex was very
similar to AU-35-V-1, but it was felt that seriating the material from
28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
the two sites separately might show time differences. (See figs. 5
and 8, and p. 61). Thirty-nine points and blades, 62 sherds, and
132 chips were collected for analysis.
AU-36 is 16.5 miles northwest of Staunton in the small community
of Lebanon. For more precise local reference, it is in the northwest
angle formed by the intersection of U. S. Highway 250 and State
Highway 272. The western limit of the site is 10 to 15 yards from
Broad Draft and the southern limit is 150 yards from the right (north)
bank of Calfpasture River. The cultivated field containing occupa-
tional refuse is 1.0 to 1.5 feet higher than Broad Draft and 3 to 4
feet higher than the bottomland adjacent to Calfpasture River. The
site is 10 to 15 yards wide in an east-west direction and 25 to 30 yards
long in a north-south direction.
No pottery was found after careful search, but 110 points and blades,
168 chips, and 3 scrapers were collected, with the site representing a
preceramic ‘‘chert-using”’ station.
AU-87 is a small site in Deerfield Valley, 200 yards north of the
right bank of Calfpasture River and 10 yards west of Halloway Draft.
Tisdale Branch is 50 yards west of the site. The land, which slopes
gently and evenly to Calfpasture River, was under corn cultivation by
the Polka-Dot Farms, owners of the land.
The occupational refuse consisted of 6 points and blades and 36
chips, mostly chert. This quantity of material represents a very
limited occupation. Since no pottery was found, the site was occupied
undoubtedly by a group with a preceramic ‘‘chert-using”’ complex.
AU-88, located 1.1 miles east of Lofton, hes on a ridge north of
AU-23, 25 yards from the right (north) bank of Pine Creek. The site,
covering 20 by 40 yards on the summit of the ridge, is 25 feet higher
than Pine Creek. The yellow sandy loam was planted with corn and
had been washed by rain, making conditions for surface collecting
excellent. No trace of pottery was found. The material was thinly
scattered and large percussion-made chips of quartzite were in the
majority; the collection included 48 points and blades, 132 chips, and
1 drill. A family named Langhorne owns the land and has made a
limited collection. Three artifacts, definitely known to have been
found on the site, were incorporated in the analysis.
The cultural complex indicates a preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using”
station. The material is similar in all respects to that found at AU-23.
AU-89. Howard MacCord informed me he had found large percus-
sion-made quartzite chips and a few artifacts 1.75 miles south of
Lofton in front of Mount Joy church. The land was not cultivated
but overgrown with weeds and grass. A single brief visit located 2
unclassified quartzite blades and 43 quartzite chips, the majority of
which were large and made by percussion. This meager evidence
Nob «CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 29
points to a continuous geographical occupation in the South Rivers
district by groups having a preceramic “‘quartzite-using” complex.
AU-40. The boundary between Augusta and Rockbridge Counties
crosses this site 1 mile northeast of Vesuvius and 1.5 miles southeast
of Steeles Tavern. It lies on a gentle slope from Groah’s Ridge 0.2
mile from the left (southeast) bank of South River (into James). The
western limit, a steep bank, is crowned by the Norfolk and Western
Railroad and a primitive dirt road. It is 100 by 35 yards in size.
The slope is a tan, sandy-clay soil permeated with rounded river
pebbles. The occupational refuse contained no pottery, but large
angular cores of quartzite were frequent and large percussion-made
chips were prominent. ‘The collection includes 76 points and blades,
126 chips, 2 axes, 2 scrapers, 1 celt, and 1 graver. The cultural
complex is typically preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using.”’
AU-41 is on the left (northeast) bank of McKittrick Creek, a
tributary to Middle River through Jenning’s Branch, 1.5 miles west of
Lone Fountain. State Highway 720 crosses McKittrick Creek at the
eastern edge of the site. A deeply rutted plain from overflow of the
creek lies to the northeast. The soil is sandy and was planted with
wheat during several visits. Artifacts, found on the low, level,
cultivated land, were thinly scattered over an area 20 yards in diameter.
Undoubtedly much of the site has been eroded away by floods. The
material collected for analysis includes 51 points and blades, 99 chips,
and 4 scrapers. This cultural complex belongs to that of a preceramic
“chert-using”’ station. Four potsherds indicate a very limited resettle-
ment by a small group with a ceramic complex.
AU-42, 0.5 mile northeast of the intersection of State Highway 272
and U.S. Highway 250 where AU-36 is found, lies on a wide bottom-
land 50 yards from the right (west) bank of Calfpasture River. North-
west of the site are ridges from the Pinnacle of Bald Knob. The east-
west length is 100 yards and the width does not exceed 10 yards.
The occupational material is so thinly scattered that very close
observation of the plowed, sandy field was necessary to find it. The
collection consists of 20 points and blades, 120 chips, and 4 sherds.
The stone artifact complex falls predominantly into a preceramic
“chert-using” period; the 4 potsherds suggest a possible resettlement
by a group with a pottery tradition.
AU-43, 0.5 mile northeast of Verona, where U. S. Highway 11
crosses Middle River, is 100 yards west of the bridge and 20 yards
from the right (south) bank of the river. It is 10 by 20 yards in
extent and lies on a 4- to 5-foot terrace formed by erosion of a small
unnamed creek and Middle River. The tan, sandy-clay soil was in
corn cultivation. The collection consists of 63 points and blades, 211
chips, 6 sherds, and 2 miscellaneous items.
471762—60-——3
30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
A preceramic “‘chert-using”’ complex is mainly represented by the
refuse, but the 6 potsherds and 1 Small Triangular Type A point
indicate a possible later resettlement, which was probably brief.
AU-44, on the same side of Middle River as AU-43, is 400 yards
east of U.S. Highway 11 bridge and 0.5 mile northeast of Verona. The
general area is an extensive bottomland of sandy soil, usually under
wheat cultivation. Occupational refuse was littered for 50 yards
along Middle River and 20 yards inland. It was discovered after a
flood had eroded two channels, 3 to 4 feet deep and 30 yards inland.
On the gray clay hardpan base of the channels and in the sandy soil
of the channel banks a relatively large sample of pottery and chert
chips was collected; stone artifacts, other than chips, were scarce.
It was evident that material in the base of the channels had been
washed from a more superficial zone. To test this observation a pit 2
feet square and 2 feet deep was dug 25 yards west of the channels and
5 yards from the river. All dirt was sifted through a quarter-inch-
mesh screen. Potsherds were encountered in the upper 8 inches but
none below this level. The ceramic assemblage was better preserved
and in larger fragments than from any other site. The total collection
for study consisted of 15 points and blades, 111 chips, 1 pendant, 1
crude limestone ax, and 260 potsherds.
AU-45 was discovered by Roy Roby of Staunton, 4.75 miles north
of Staunton on the left (west) bank of Middle River. |
eT
2
PROJECTILE POINTS LARGE BLADES
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Ficure 5.—Secondary seriation of projectile points and large blades from sites with 20 to 48 artifacts interdigitated into the primary sequence of figure 4.
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Anthrop. Pap. Ths
No. BT) CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—-HOLLAND 53
geographical area. The strong emphasis on large blade types in the
“quartzite-using”’ complex of the preceramic horizon, the lowest part
of the sequence, with the absence of trianguloid forms is of definite
importance in helping to define the cultural complex of this period
and proves an important time marker in the sequence. Throughout
time the popularity of blades declines in favor of the smaller projectile
points of various shapes, each with minor fluctuations of its own.
In the later part of the sequence, the increased popularity of triangular
points, Types B and C, with their related category of probable rejects,
Type D, is a point which is of some significance and can be further
expanded after those sites with pottery have been seriated independ-
ently of this sequence. In short, it appears as if another demonstra-
tion has been made in Virginia (cf. Holland, 1955, pp. 174-175) that
chipped-stone objects are sensitive to cultural change through time,
and the seriation of these changes into a sequence can be useful in
establishing a type of time scale where no other artifacts or techniques
are available.
MISCELLANEOUS ARTIFACTS
Artifacts other than pottery, projectile points, and large blades
and chips were found in small quantities and with irregular occurrence
from site to site. The exact numbers and classification are listed in
horizontal columns for each site in table 6 of the Appendix. The type
of rock material of which they are made is given in vertical columns.
Since there are so few no attempt has been made to reduce them to
percentage occurrences by site. The various categories of artifacts
are listed below:
Crude axes (fig. 6, a). These were generally cobbles of greenstone that had been
shaped by percussion and notched on either edge. The scars of flaking were
still present and only occasionally a pecked channel connected the notched
edges. The notches were placed to one side of the center of the length. The
bit was not modified by grinding. Occasionally a cobble was only notched on
either edge and otherwise unmodified. They were generally 8 cm. wide, 10 to
16 cm. long, and 2 to 3 cm. thick. |
Crude celts (fig. 6, b). Cobbles of greenstone had been flaked in such a fashion as
to form a flat rectanguloid artifact 13 to 16 cm. long, 6 cm. wide across the
bit, and 1.5 to 3.0 em. thick. Scars of percussion flaking made the faces
irregular. The bit expanded slightly and the poll was narrowed and either
straight or oval. There was no evidence of grinding to smooth either the
edges or faces.
Pecked or polished celts (fig. 6,c). These were modified cobbles of greenstone that
had been fashioned into a sharp cutting implement. The bit was straight and
sharp and usually wider than the rest of the artifact. The poll was oval or
pointed. The faces had been worked smooth and either exhibited the small
pits of pecking or were slick from polishing. The majority were 11 to 13 cm.
long, 4 to 6 cm. wide, and 2 to 3 em. thick.
54
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
meee)
Or Weil) B704SeCM
Ficure 6.—Artifact types: a, Crude ax; , crude celt; ¢, polished celt.
AnthraP. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 55
Ficure 7.—Artifact types: a, Hafted scraper; b, end scraper; c, side scraper; d, graver;
e, drill; f, hammer-anvil stone; g, chlorite pipe; /, clay pipe.
56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
End scrapers, modified for hafting (fig. 7, a). These objects have rectangular blades
and one straight or oval end and the other end has either been side notched
or stemmed. They appear frequently to have been broken projectile points
that have been reworked on the fractured end.
End scrapers (or snubnosed scrapers) (fig. 7, b). These are oval or rectanguloid
fragments 3.0 to 3.5 cm. wide, 3.0 to 4.0 cm. long, and 1.0 cm. thick. One side
of these artifacts has been modified by secondary flaking to produce a sloping
edge. The longer edge is usually sharply angular while the other is rounded.
This modified edge may be \% to % the perimeter of the artifact.
Side scrapers (fig. 7, ¢). These are medium-sized elongated chips that have been
modified by secondary flaking on one or both lengthwise edges. There were only
three of these found in the entire survey.
Graver (fig. 7, d). These are small, flat, rectanguloid chipped-stone artifacts that
have had one edge modified to form a short, sharp, triangular point. Only
4 were found.
Drills (fig. 7, e). This class was defined on the basis of an elongated narrow blade,
usually diamond shaped or oval in cross section, with an expanding base, or,
as occasionally seen, no modified base but a continuation of the narrow blade
from one end to the other. The blade varied between 0.5 and 1.0 em. wide and
the overall length was 4.0 to 5.0em. The expanding base was roughly rectangu-
lar or triangular in outline. T- or Y-shaped specimens were not encountered.
Mano. Only one specimen, found on a preceramice “‘quartzite-using”’ station that
had been resettled during the ceramic horizon (RM-—4A). This roughly oval
specimen had a flat surface for grinding and the opposite side was rounded,
measuring 10 cm, long, 8 cm. wide, and 4 cm. thick.
Hammer-anvil stones (fig. 7, f). These were oval quartzite river cobbles, usually
10 cm. long, 8 cm. wide, and 4 cm. thick, that had been battered along one edge
and were pitted on one or both faces. The pits varied from shallow, circular
pecked areas in the center of a face to 1.5 em. deep. The pits indicate that they
may have been used also as anvil stones.
Pipes, chlorite (fig. 7, g). A number of pipes were observed during the survey in
local collections and at the Valentine Museum. Those in local collections were
not accompanied by provenience or else the data was so meager (AU-19) that
the pipe could not be assigned to a horizon. At AU-11 a large fragment was
from an obtuse angle pipe with a round bowl and flat stem. Fragments were
discovered at two sites (AU-31 and AU-18) but reconstruction of the entire
artifact was not possible. Pipes found in mounds (AU-35-M, and literature)
either lack data of provenience or occur during the Late or Middle Woodland
periods which are not well represented by the survey.
Pipes, clay (fig. 7, h). The only complete specimen seen during the survey was from
the Hayes’ Creek Mound (RB-2). This was an obtuse angle pipe in imitation
of a similar chlorite specimen from the same mound and also similar to the
chlorite pipe found in the excavation of AU-35-M. One fragment from AU-13
is a right-angle type made for insertion of a stem. The other fragment from the
same site in the collection of Jerry Brownlee had a tapered stem. The frag-
ments from HD-2 were so incomplete they could not be reconstructed.
Soapstone vessels. This category refers to fragments of soapstone vessels that have
been broken. No complete vessel was found.
Quartz crystal. Both Fowke (1894) and the Valentine Museum (1903) mention
the occurrence of quartz crystals during their excavations. The ones collected
during the survey were small. None had been modified.
Anthrop. Pap.
Nos7?» . CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 57
Pendants. Only one complete pendant was discovered with a burial at AU-35-M.
The others were fragmentary and reconstruction was not possible. In general
they appeared to be elongated, drilled from both faces to the center.
Table 3 was organized to bring these artifacts into proper time
relationships. Sites were arranged in a vertical column with the most
recent at the top of the table to the oldest at the bottom according to
the adjusted seriated sequences of pottery, points, and blades. The
number of specimens found on each site is listed under its appropriate
category.
TaBLE 3.— Distribution of miscellaneous artifacts at various sites, arranged according
to the temporal sequence based on ceramic and projectile-point and blade seriations
t=] ne =
o |s 5 5 3 5 = Fa] s
i) si ds sew &. 4. Fo So > of ‘a
= Soslad| a 3 ea] a S |ae| &
Si 3 = Qalnao ie ra ao/ & = 58& ° =
ite G ° aq/ or oS [S) & s+ ° ° re 2) N
rs) Gl saret) |) Sates a na £ ° n Py is aa} 2 &
BISSlus(/ gi el/e}/s]8/8 @1gio3/ 41/3
BI oS /oala | & MS) u a mE A= &1Sa) 5 a
< Oo |O <3) <3) n 10) A | |G a A 1m Co} a
Ceramic:
D- 2 3
The number of artifacts for each category is too small to be useful
for any other purpose than absence or presence in certain periods
of the time sequence. Reliable trends are not observable for such
small collections. Examination of table 3 presents some interesting
groupings of artifacts as a result of plotting them in a temporally
58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
ordered sequence. In the ceramic horizon, drills, polished and pecked
celts, chloritic schist and clay pipes, fragments from soapstone
vessels, and natural quartz crystals are most common. In the pre-
ceramic sites, crude axes, end scrapers, and the hafted variety of end
scrapers are found in greater numbers. What this means is that if
these artifacts are found in sufficient numbers at a site they may be
useful in establishing the general position of the site in the ceramic
or preceramic time sequence for the area. From another point of
view these artifacts of infrequent occurrence can serve as an excellent
check on the other data from a site. For example, if a site seems to
conform to one part of the time sequence but has a series of celts,
pipes, drills, etc., which seem to fit more closely to the opposite part
of the sequence, the data suggest that possibly the site had been
occupied by two groups at widely different times and some method
must be derived to separate the artifacts into two distinct groups.
For this purpose of serving as a double check, the less abundant
miscellaneous artifacts were always considered in this study.
ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF THE POTTERY
Since the aboriginal pottery from Virginia has been analyzed and
interpreted in the survey made by Evans in 1950 and published under
the title ‘‘A Ceramic Study of Virginia Archeology” (1955), it is essen-
tial here to classify the pottery from northwest Virginia into Evans’
types and seriated sequences. In order to assure the comparability
of pottery classification of the earlier study and the materials from
the current survey, Evans classified al] the pottery in this study.
One major aboriginal ceramic area, the Allegheny (op. cit., pp. 103-
108) of Virginia applies to the present survey. Evans has divided
the Allegheny Ceramic Area into a Southern Division and a Northern
Division with the whole region covering the area west of the Blue
Ridge Mountains. Although the pottery types most typical of this
area predominate in some sites, an interesting situation occurs in
those sites bordering the boundary line of the Central and North
Central Ceramic Area, which suggests direction of the aboriginal
movement or diffusion into northwest Virginia.
A study of the sherd collections from the survey area reveals five
of the eight major Virginia pottery series present in various degrees
of popularity. They include the Albemarle, Marcey Creek, New
River, Radford, and Stony Creek Pottery Series. A thumbnail
summarized description of these follows, but the reader is referred
to Evans’ (1955) report for the complete descriptions, photographs,
and line drawings of rims and vessel shapes.
Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 59
Albemarle Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pls. 4, 5, 6, fig. 3):
A group of pottery types on a ware typically light red to orange, sometimes
gray-red, sandy textured with a crushed-quartz temper (rarely with crushed
granite or greenstone) which are angular, medium to large particles. Manu-
factured by coiling. Decoration consists of punctures with a sharp stick or
narrow slits on the rim. In the majority of cases the rim is fairly vertical or
tapers slightly inward and only rarely slopes outward. The shapes are typically
round-bodied pots with straight sides or with a slightly constricted collar and
short vertical rim.
The above-mentioned ware has been classified into five pottery types based
on surface treatment: Albemarle Plain, Albemarle Cord Marked, Albemarle
Fabric Impressed, Albemarle Net Impressed, Albemarle Simple Stamped,
and Rivanna Scraped. Albemarle Cord Marked surfaces had been beaten
with a cord-wrapped paddle, the cord being, in most cases, a simple, double-
twisted, two-strand cord ranging from medium to coarse in size. The surface
was paddled when the clay was moderately soft. The fabric impressions had
been made with a plain plaited fabric with close, fine weft and a medium coarse
to wide, heavy warp. Albermarle Net Impressed variety had been marked
with a wide open knotted net deeply impressed in wet clay.
Albemarle Simple Stamped had been beaten with a paddle wrapped either
with smooth thongs or roots or a paddle with faint grooves. Rivanna Scraped
variety was produced by an irregular tool when the clay was very wet.
Marcey Creek Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pl. 12, fig. 6):
A group of pottery types characterized by a light-tan to red-brown to gray-
red color, soft paste, soapy texture and feel, crushed-steatite temper, very
irregular, uneven, lumpy surfaces. The majority of vessels were apparently
hand modeled, patched, or kneaded, while a few sherds suggest coiling. The
rims are fairly thin compared to the body wall and are either vertical or out-
sloping. There is an occasional nicked rim by way of decoration. The sherd
samples suggest direct copy of typical steatite vessels which are either oval or
rectanguloid bowls with flat bases, irregular surfaces, curved to straight sides
with an occasional handle at the ends.
Two types are recognized: Marcey Creek Plain and Selden Island Cord
Marked. The plain type is smoothed by hand only, rough to the feel, very un-
even and irregular with lumps of temper protruding through the paste. Selden
Island Cord Marked, impressed with a cord-wrapped paddle, has a haphazard,
overlapping, crisscrossing or diagonal pattern.
New River Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pl. 18, fig. 7):
A group of pottery types on a ware characterized by a gray-tan surface, with
crushed-shell temper, incompletely fired in an oxido-reducing atmosphere pro-
ducing a gray-cored paste. The majority of the sherds suggest modeling or
patching as the method of manufacture. Decorations, which are frequent on
the rim sherds, are gashes, finger pinchings along the lip, lower edge of the
folded-over rim or along the collar. There are rounded loop handles and gen-
erally the shapes are round jars with globular bodies, short to medium-sized
necks, the orifice smaller than the greatest body diameter and with a recurved
or vertical rim.
Four types have been defined. New River Knot Roughened and Net Im-
pressed has been paddled or rubbed on the exteriors with a knotted net, leaving
@ coarse, rough surface with impressions of knots and a few of the mesh lines.
Usually the mesh of the net is obliterated, suggesting roughening with a crum-
pled net. New River Cord marked type has been haphazardly beaten with a
60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
cord-wrapped paddle forming parallel or crisscrossing patterns. Nonoverlap-
ping, parallel impressions are most common. New River Fabric Impressed
type was treated with a fabric of plain-plaited or twisted varieties. Often the
fabric has been applied several times in one area as if wrapped on a paddle or
around the hand. New River Plain has both interior and exterior surfaces
smoothed over, but is still fairly uneven and irregular; sometimes the interior
is scraped.
Radford Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pls. 16, 17, fig. 9):
A group of pottery types on a ware characterized by gray to gray-tan color,
a gray to black core resulting from incomplete firing in an oxido-reducing fire,
crushed-limestone temper, and with distinctive rim and vessel shapes. The
rims are either incurving, straight, or incurving with a thickened or folded-over
lip, decorated with finger pinching, small gashes, lightly incised lines and, rarely,
araised rib. There are infrequent strap handles. They were generally made by
hand modeling or patching, although some sherds show coiling. The vessels
are rounded jars with globular bodies, the orifices of which are smaller than the
bodies.
This series has four pottery types. The surfaces of Radford Knot Roughened
and Net Impressed had been beaten with either a net-covered hand or paddle,
creating a haphazard, overlapping, rough surface with knot and cord impres-
sions. It was apparently treated when the clay was leather dry. Radford
Cord Marked type had been beaten with a cord-wrapped paddle without too
much overlapping or crisscrossing. Radford Fabric Impressed sherds are im-
pressed with a plain-plaited or twined fabric. The majority suggest that this
fabric was wrapped around a paddle or the hand and the exterior surface beaten
orrubbed. Radford Plain Type is smooth but uneven.
Stony Creek Poitery Series (Evans, 1955, pls. 18, 19, 20, fig. 10):
A group of pottery types characterized by fine quartz sand temper, gritty and
sandy texture, light tan to light orange or light red-tan surfaces, fired in an
oxidizing atmosphere. Coiling as the method of manufacture is evident on the
majority of the sherds. Typically, there is no decoration. A variety of shapes
were reconstructed from the sherds. There were deep open bowls with sub-
conoidal to conoidal bases; globular-bodied jars with conoidal bases and with
insloping straight sides forming an orifice smaller than the body diameter, and
tall pot forms with conoidal or subconoidal bases.
Seven types are recognized. Stony Creek Cord Marked has been treated
with fine to medium-fine cords, typically in a crisscrossing, well-executed, over-
lapping pattern, usually diagonal to the rim. Stony Creek Fabric Impressed
type is difficult to analyze because the sandy nature of the paste caused the
sherd surfaces to erode easily. A characteristic of the type is the faintness of
the fabric impressions even on uneroded surfaces, suggesting application when
the clay was leather dry. Stony Creek Simple Stamped sherds have been
beaten with a paddle wrapped with smooth thongs or thin, smooth roots or grass.
The decorated type, Nottoway Incised, has the exterior treated as the fabric-
impressed type, then the incisions were made with a flat, blunt stick, applied
crudely and unevenly to the rim and body. Motifs are diagonal lines extending
from the lip, haphazard crosshatching, double chevrons, paired lines, and tri-
angles. Stony Creek Plain has smoothed, fairly even and regular interior and
exterior surfaces. Rivanna Scraped is scraped or combed with a tool, leaving
small irregular serrations.
The basic differences‘in temper, paste, firing, manufacture, and
decoration of each pottery type are fairly easy to distinguish once one
Anthrop. Pap.
No.57)) 0) )6 CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 61
has had a little experience with pottery typology and classification.
The numerical and percentage breakdown by series for each sherd col-
lection arranged by site is found in the Appendix, table 7. The per-
centages were plotted as bars on strips of graph paper with a scale of
1 cm. equal to 10 percent'arranged in columns wide enough to accom-
modate the greatest percentage in any one series. A collection of 50
or more sherds was considered usable with a fair degree of accuracy
(Ford and Willey, 1949, pp. 35-37); these were plotted as solid bars.
The four collections with sherd samples between 22 and 47 were
plotted with diagonal lines to suggest uncertainty of the results due
to a small sample.
The bottom of the seriation (fig. 8) was fixed, in part, by reference to
Evans’ ceramic study (1955, fig. 18). He had noted pottery types
characteristic of the Central and North Central Ceramic Area spilling
over into the northern district of the Allezheny Ceramic Area (ibid.,
pp. 103, 108). Therefore, reference to his seriation in the former area
indicated that sites with a high percentage of Stony Creek Pottery
Series, relatively smaller percentages of Albemarle Series, and the
presence of Marcey Creek Series are in the lowest part of the sequence.
The bar graphs of two sites, AU-26 and AU-11, having the three
requirements mentioned above were placed at the bottom of the seria-
tion (fig. 8). According to Evans’ study the Stony Creek Series would
fade as the Albemarle Series blossomed (ibid., p. 100, fig. 18); the next
four sites (AU-13, RM-4, AU-31, and AU-21) were arranged accord-
ingly. Good trends, though foreshortened by the limited number
of sites, appeared. The Stony Creek Series decreased from 60 percent
to 10 percent, while Albemarle increased from 32.2 percent to 89
percent.
Following on the six-site sequence developed above, six more sites
(AU-45, RB-3, AU-5, AU-35-V—1, AU-44, and AU-35-V-2) with
Albemarle and Stony Creek Series were seriated to continue and de-
velop the best trends of the first six sites (fig. 8). It became immedi-
ately apparent that a new ceramic influence had reached the area.
The Stony Creek Pottery Series, as expected, continued to decline to
3.2 percent and 2.7 percent, but the Albemarle Series, instead of con-
tinuing to increase as it had in the Central and North Central Ceramic
Area, began to fade as the Radford Pottery Series blossomed. This
new influence, although present in low percentages (up to 5.8 percent)
at the bottom of the seriation increased to 40.3 percent at the top of
the 12-site sequence.
The five remaining sites with ceramic samples presented a problem.
Four had high percentages of Radford Pottery Series, only one had a
trace of Albemarle, and only one had any Stony Creek Series. Were
the samples (HD-9 and RB-7) found in the two museum collections so
471762—60-—_5
[Bull. 173
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
62
saqoiuad
Swi
L
G3!ZiSSVIOND
aA
Sa!¥3S) W35uD
ASONVA
‘Aroq10d uo paseq sajis Jo | ik eee
ee’? conpunay, PATER
aMIT INOTEUIBRO * 'STISTRAUO oer STRALG
yuence thatoimamot seem to Ut
the reason?
Looking bebk to the final sqrt ny
(fies 5) itil be noted that A
a sample of oniy 16 aviifactsa t
seamence with pottery befars
fit at this’ pln In the sequence 7
sumed that pdttory sites were -
two sites rouln have actually fi
ibe goguence:| Looking at the. $i
originally peripted ene ly
i ”
Ee
site AU-35 w
Mf thane ig o:
ee ORD '
tie sor sak e. 9 i 7 ee '
poltery saquehce owing fo t
there ig. obvipusly some gap
Either more ales with this ty;e
> not found in
With, thes ait:
(fig. 0).
The bites
|
HL
De® survey OT sopr
iene
: ‘ ‘ J AQ / .
ation in mind, i¢t eer Se a |
ar on this wea “o-¥ |
poblery ty pesjand the points o}
ee : | SE RON EAE
» to be badly opt of position od: in .
PAU-31 and AU-26.. Toprode. Phere: enetnt
RRR TON
5. A
) to be moved fo the upper |i}!
Fidoent td AU-i7. However,| t
Pwites in the midat of waemer o
iihet these sitpa had a pottery
nondédrantic.
Haat ie
é
¢
8 abn (Ge 10) ad crosses, t
Haba were plotted as cirelos,
Becta e peramic ;
or en ied has on i
TIME
PERIODS
‘ENSTONE
me
471762 O -60 (Face p. 69)
o
Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 69
quence that do not seem to fit the rock material trends. What is
the reason?
Looking back to the final seriation of projectile points and blades
(fig. 5) it will be noted that AU-11 and AU-13 (AU-26 had too small
a sample of only 16 artifacts to plot) are the earliest sites in the
sequence with pottery before the transition to preceramic sites. The
fit at this place in the sequence is not bad, but if it had not been as-
sumed that pottery sites were always later than preceramic sites, these
two sites could have actually fit just as well a few steps further down
the sequence. Looking at the sequence of sites with pottery (fig. 8)
originally seriated independently from the point and blade seriation,
the same three sites are at the bottom of the sequence. In fact,
site AU—26 with a fairly reliable pottery sample stands out as if out
of place in comparison to the popularity of other pottery types owing
to 60 percent occurrence of Stony Creek Pottery Series. Although
the site, along with AU-13 and AU-11, fits at the bottom of the
pottery sequence owing to the high percentage of Stony Creek pottery,
there is obviously some gap between these sites and the others.
Hither more sites with this type of pottery exist in the area and were
not found in the survey or some other explanation must be sought.
With this situation in mind, let us return to the rock-material chart
(fig. 9).
The site order on this chart is that derived by the seriation of the
pottery types and the points and blades. The only sites that appear
to be badly out of position in the rock-material sequence are AU-13,
AU-11, and AU-26. To produce a smooth trend, these would have
to be moved to the upper limit of the quartzite-producing sites, ad-
jacent to AU-17. However, this would put these three ceramic
sites in the midst of a series of nonceramic sites, with the implication
that these sites had a pottery-making culture while the rest of those
in the area were nonceramic.
To evaluate further the position of AU-13, AU-11, and AU-26 in
the rock-material sequence, the problem of areal distribution must be
considered. ‘To investigate this factor, sites used in the seriation of
rock material in the ‘‘quartzite-using’’ preceramic horizon were plotted
on a map (fig. 10) as crosses, the sites in the preceramic ‘‘chert-using”’
horizon were plotted as circles, the three sites with a high percentage of
quartzite in the ceramic period (AU-13, AU-11, and AU-26) were
plotted as triangles, and the other ceramic horizon sites were plotted
as squares.
This arrangement demonstrated definitely that an areal factor is
involved. All preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using’’ sites are located in the
valleys of the two South Rivers and extend up the South Fork of the
Shenandoah River. The ceramic sites with high percentages of
SITE
AU-41
AU-36
RB-6
AU-43
HD-4
HD-7
HD-6
AU-48
Ho-3
AU-I7
RM-12
RM-I
AU-23
AU-16
Au-24
AU-9
AU-40
RM-6
RM-7
AU- 33
AU-25
AU-38
RM- 11
RM-8
RM- 4B (COLL. A)
RM-5
Au-12
RM-2
Au-14
AU- 32
CHERT
QUARTZ QUARTZITE
“Tyr TT egme apes [bec
mM
Ficure 9.—A temporal sequence based on rock types.
GREENSTONE
TIME
PERIODS
(69 *d a0eq) 09- O 29LTLF
70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
ieee
iS TT epi meneanteas ew
\ \
\ \
a
KEY C \
\
PREGERAMIC SITES: I
@ QUARTZITE-USING \
© GHERT-USING \
CERAMIC SITES: aS
& QUARTZITE-USING ») ROCKINGHAM
@ CHERT-USING \ (RM)
\
——— DISTRIBUTION OF ERWIN- \
2 — ANTIETAM QUARTZITE .
\
7 WESTERN EXTENT OF SITES 1
. WITH HIGH PERCENTAGES \
a OF QUARTZITE \ NORTH
\
\ acta
aI aR ee eeMeT Tas age «Veet Pa al Aner er ee
° 4 8 12 K (
MILES \ ;
N /
\
7
Bee reat SS Lek as
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\ », 35-ve
NX ( 4ie 8
; | 426 382-2
\ HIGHLAND : a
Nod (HD) | « i=
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\ 2063 =
z=
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2 3
Ai 3
oO
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i
L
lh —-———- - ——
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u
4
|
j6@ 3a
|
!
|
« |
|
rs q
= \
5 \
a \ aN
= Kail ROCKBRIDGE
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oi ‘
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: rn SS \
is i"
pe) XM
N
~
ee . : Be aie :
Ficure 10.—Distribution of “quartzite-using” and “chert-using” sites of the preceramic
and ceramic horizon.
Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND (al
quartzite are found only along the South River (into South Fork of
the Shenandoah). As has been stated in the description of the survey
area, quartzite is readily available locally.’ All the ceramic or pre-
ceramic sites, except one, with a high percentage of chert are found
west of this South Rivers District. In this western area chert is
readily available as inclusions or strata in the limestone.
Further evidence of the influence exerted by availability of raw
material is brought out by an examination of the distribution of the
ceramic complexes. As shown by figures 11 and 12, pottery of the
Stony Creek Series and of the Radford Series moved into this part of
Virginia from opposite directions. The diffusion of ceramic types,
however, was not accompanied by a diffusion of the rock preference
associated with these pottery types in the place of immediate origin.
This is most clearly shown in the case of the Stony Creek Series,
which moved in from the east, a predominantly quartzite-using area.
When this pottery diffused westward beyond the South Rivers Dis-
trict, the preference for quartzite for blades and projectile points did
not move with it. Instead, the people in this western region continued
to make their projectile points of chert.
The conclusion that availability of the raw material was the primary
factor in explaining the geographical distribution of two preceramic
cultures distinguished in this part of Virginia does not mean that no
cultural distinction exists. The fact that there are two cultures rather
than one is shown by the seriation. If there was a single culture,
one would expect the seriated sequence in the two areas to be com-
parable, so that interdigitation would be possible. However, the
lack of overlap makes it clear that two separate cultures are
represented.
In concluding this discussion of the analysis of chip materials it is
mainly pertinent to point out that certain conclusions, discrepancies,
and interpretations (explained fully in the section on relationship of
sequences of the report, pp. 80-88) are added or strengthened as a result
of this approach. Chip studies permitted more sites to be utilized in
the survey than would otherwise have been possible because many
sites produced only a few artifacts but a large amount of chips, thus
extending the area and accuracy of the study. As a result of the
fact that choice of rock materials shows temporal, areal, and cultural
differences, several discrepancies in the sequences derived from seria-
tion of points and blades were revealed. As previously pointed out
1 From the geologic map of the Appalachian Valley in Virginia (Butts, 1933) the outline of the natural
occurrence of quartzite was transferred to the map (fig. 10) showing the sites according to their preferences for
rock materials. This area is shown by stippling and extends along the South Fork of the Shenandoah
River and the two South Rivers. For purposes of this report this area has always been referred to as the
“South Rivers District.’ A heavy dot-and-dash line shows the western extent of all sites known to have
high percentages of quartzite.
72
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 173
Weyee=-—SS 0S
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MARCEY CREEK SERIES: \ f
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(Eee i
Ficure 11.—Direction of movement of the Stony Creek Pottery Series from the Central
and North Central Ceramic Area into northwest Virginia.
Anthrop. Pap.
No. 57] CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—-HOLLAND
Gita —
arte eid anon
} \
i \
4 \
KEY ‘ \
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RADFORD SERIES: Me (
a 1-10% \ \
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Ficure 12.—Direction of movement of the Radford Pottery Series into northwest Virginia.
74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
in detail, the interpretation of the position and cultural meaning of
sites AU-11, AU-13, and AU-26 would never have been demonstrated
without this study. However, it must be understood that rock mate-
rials alone are not sufficient; these collections must be accompanied
by adequate observation of the site and consideration of all the data.
But they are unusually valuable in assessing the preceramic horizon
to which a site with an inadequate collection of artifacts may be
assigned. In the survey area, two preceramic horizons, exclusive of
a possible Folsomlike horizon, are definable, each characterized by a
marked preference for rock materials, one quartzite and the other
chert. The “quartzite-using’’ preceramic horizon is confined to a
set of sites in a narrow band of land at the western foot of the Blue
Ridge Mountains described in this study as the “South Rivers Dis-
trict.” The other preceramic horizon shows a preference for chert
and is distributed widely west of the South Rivers District in Augusta,
Highland, Bath, and Rockbridge Counties. In addition, the two
ceramic horizons, one with a preference for quartzite and a high per-
centage of Stony Creek Series pottery and the other preferring chert
and having a majority of Radford Series pottery, have a similar dis-
tribution as the two preceramic cultures mentioned above.
These distinctions in rock preference, when combined with the
pottery-type analysis, permit a reconstruction of cultural movements
into this part of Virginia and their degree of penetration to be dis-
cussed in more detailed and more complete terms than would have
been possible using pottery or arrowpoint types alone (pp. 43, 58).
This makes it seem likely that if comparable information were avail-
able from the surrounding area, more specific statements about the
movements and settlement of aboriginal groups in the entire region
could be made. It is hoped that this attempt to demonstrate their
usefulness will stimulate others to undertake the collecting and
analysis of chips when they visit archeological sites.
HABITATION PATTERNS
The absolute time span represented by the total number of sites in
this study is not known with any certainty. However, some of the
changes in the courses of the swift streams near sites give a clue to a
considerable lapse of years and should correlate with the habitation
patterns of each cultural group. These changes will be immediately
apparent to a trained geologist, and even to an untrained observer the
formation of terraces between a site and the nearby present-day river
bed has considerable suggestive value of change through time. When
a site of the ceramic period, such as RM-4, is located on the bank of a
river, and 35 yards inland and 8 to 10 feet higher there is a preceramic
quthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 75
“quartzite-using’’ station, RM-—4B, with gross evidence of erosion be-
tween the two, the impression of change and age is unavoidable.
For years, local collectors have made several observations which,
though impressionistic, are indicative of these geographical and cul-
tural differences. In the valley of the Calfpasture River it had been
noted that artifacts were not generally found on the banks of the river
but on terraces at some distance from it. In the valley of the South
River (into James) the general impression was that ‘flint’? (chert)
artifacts were found near the river and those of quartzite were found
farther away. Indeed, during the survey, the pattern of site loca-
tions began to develop and it was of considerable interest to predict,
with a certain amount of accuracy, the cultural horizon expected if
given the geographical position of an occupational area. For exam-
ple, while at AU-44, a site with a pottery tradition on Middle River,
a local resident reported the presence of ‘‘arrowheads”’ on a hill south
of the site. Conscious note was made of the prediction that it would
probably be a site of the preceramic horizon. On investigation the
area was in sod, but 23 quartzite, 5 quartz and 8 chert chips, 1 green-
stone Unclassified Blade, and 1 quartzite Unclassified Point were dis-
covered. There was no pottery. The material unquestionably be-
longs to a group who occupied the site during the preceramic
“quartzite-using” horizon. At AU-21, an early ceramic site on
Middle River, a 10-foot-high terrace parallels the river 50 yards from
the riverbank where the site is confined. The bank and plateau of
this terrace had been eroded. Before investigating the area it was
predicted that, if any artifacts were found, they would belong to a
preceramic horizon. In the eroded gullies quartzite chips, which are
most common to one of the preceramic horizons, were found, but no
artifacts.
These observations opened the problem of habitation patterns.
Would it be possible to determine anything regarding cultural pat-
terns, or age of sites, by the data which had been assembled? Un-
doubtedly many variable factors are present, and it is believed that
no single site can be used as evidence for any particular hypothesis.
However, it might be possible to use groups of sites and their temporal
placement to minimize or accentuate these variables so they would
form meaningful patterns.
For this discussion the sites will be used with the temporal designa-
tions that developed as a result of seriations. These six arbitrary
divisions are briefly summarized: ‘‘A,” the historic period; ‘‘B—C,”’ the
period in which the New River Pottery Series blossomed in popularity
and the Radford Pottery Series declined; ‘‘C—D,”’ the increase in popu-
larity of the Radford Pottery Series; ‘“D-E,’’ the beginning of the
76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
ceramic horizon in this part of Virginia with the occurrence of the
Albemarle Pottery Series; ‘““E-F,’’ the ‘“‘chert-using”’ horizon of the
preceramic period; ‘“F-G,” the ‘“‘quartzite-using”’ horizon of the pre-
ceramic period.
With these time divisions as a guide, 61 sites, for which the data
were available on distance and height from a stream, and from which
an artifact, pottery, or chip sample had been classified, were plotted in
table 5 with two vectors: horizontal—distance from the banks of
present-day streams; and vertical—height above water level. The
temporal placement of each site has been given according to the alpha-
betical time periods mentioned above. The distances from the stream
bank are given in blocks of 30 feet with all sites beyond 90 feet plotted
without further breakdown. The height of each site above water level
is given in 10-foot units with sites above 30 feet plotted without further
breakdown. For easy reference the blocks of table 5 were lettered
horizontally and numbered vertically. To illustrate, AU-1, between
60 and 90 feet from Back Creek and between 10 and 20 feet above it,
will be found in block C-2. Reference to table 5 throughout the
following discussion is essential.
From the plotting of the sites, it is immediately apparent that the
once-thought absolute correlation of preceramic sites on higher land
some distance from the present-day streams, with all the ceramic sites
on the terraces and bottom lands adjoining the stream banks, does not
exist. In other words, if this impression had proved a fact, all the
preceramic sites (i. e., sites with E—F or F—G time periods) would have
plotted in the blocks most distant from the stream and in the greatest
height above the stream, with all the ceramic-period sites falling in
nearest block (i. e., block A-1). Inspection of table 5 indicates that
such is by no means the case. However, there are some generaliza-
tions from the table that may shed light on either the age or cultural
traits of certain groups of sites.
Since in the Eastern United States generally it has been agreed that
pottery-using cultures are correlated with the introduction of seden-
tary village life and the development of extensive agriculture, let us
first examine the location of all sites falling into any of the ceramic
horizons. These sites are designated by the time periods A~B, B-C,
C-D, D-E. By inspection of table 5 it is noted that sites with the
designations of B—C seem to be scattered from blocks A-1 to D-4,
that is, from the area closest to the stream in both distance and height,
to the areas most distant in both dimensions. But looxing up the
descriptions of these particular sites gives us a better clue than the
first inspection of table 5 would indicate. Height and distance from
the stream unfortunately were not available for all the sites, so the
absence of many late sites on the chart is noticeable.
77
CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—-HOLLAND
Anthrop. Pap.
No. 57]
06
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UIGII4S PAOGE O4}Js JO 400} UL IYSIOH
471762—60—_6
78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Those with B-C time periods, plotting with great distances from
the streams, fall into two major categories—rock shelters and burial
mounds. The location of a rock shelter has nothing to do with
streams but rather the availability of the shelter; and burial mounds
have no direct correlation with the presence or absence of satisfactory
conditions for the agricultural fields or the habitation sites. Thus
the locations of sites BA-1, AU-27, RB-7, and HD-9 in table 5
cannot be of any significance to the problem at hand.
Turning to the sites of time period D-H, or those at the beginning
of the ceramic sequence in this part of Virginia, they all appear in
block A-1, or less than 30 feet from a stream and on a bank not over
10 feet above the stream bed with the exception of two sites, AU-31
and AU-46. With reference to the exceptions, AU-31 and AU-—46
are on bluffs overlooking the river. Since these groupings are the
sites with the earliest history of agriculture in this part of Virginia, it
is not unusual to find them coming close to the river’s edge and seeking
out the good bottomlands and low terraces for their crops. In other
words, the position of the sites definitely correlates with what one
would expect of an agricultural group, and this type of plotting helps
substantiate the general validity of the seriation and site groupings
into ceramic and preceramic time periods based upon other data.
The cultural pattern of agriculture caused these peoples to seek a geo-
graphic situation most commensurate with their needs. Therefore, one
would expect the majority of the sites of this cultural horizon to fall
into a specific geographical distribution most beneficial to successful
aboriginal agriculture; i. e., in the low bottomlands where the soil is
richer and where the land holds the moisture longer.
Turning to the “chert-using”’ preceramic sites or those found in
time period E-F and the ‘‘quartzite-using”’ preceramic sites restricted
to time period F-G, we note a more scattered arrangement over table
5. Hither this means these peoples were not forced by their pattern
of life to live in a specific geographic situation as were the agricul-
turists, or the terrain has changed so much since their occupation
that one can postulate a considerable age for some of the sites by a
study of terraces and stream erosion. Unfortunately such geo-
morphological studies have not been made in Virginia although
recently certain members of the United States Geological Survey
were examining the possibility of dating some Middle River terraces
from archeological information.
Further examination of table 5 indicates that four sites (25.0 per-
cent) in the ‘‘chert-using’’ preceramic horizon (time period E-F) are
located in block A-1 as opposed to 12 (75.0 percent) sites of the same
period located more remotely from the stream banks either in distance
OA Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 79
or height. Similar circumstances occur in the ‘‘quartzite-using”’ pre-
ceramic horizon (time period F—G) with seven (25.7 percent) in block
A-1 and 19 (74.3 percent) more removed, either in height above water
level or at greater distances. Checking the site numbers of each one
occurring outside block A-1 of table 5 and referring to the site descrip-
tions and notes, it is extremely significant that in each case there is
some comment about the extensive erosion, the fact that the stream
has changed its course or cut more deeply into the terraces. However,
erosion alone is by no means the explanation. [If this were the case,
then all the sites seriating in the bottom of the time sequence, i. e.,
in the lowest part of time period F—G, should be the farthest removed
in distance and/or altitude from the present-day streams. This is
not the case. In fact just as many “‘chert-using”’ sites as “‘quartzite-
using” sites of the preceramic horizon are found on high terraces even
though the seriated sequences suggest that the “quartzite-using”’
stations are the earliest in the sequence. The weight of evidence,
therefore, suggests that, although erosion might be a factor which
will some day prove significant in working out relative time of an occu-
pation of certain aboriginal sites in Virginia, the geomorphology of
the region must be more thoroughly analyzed by competent geologists
than it has been up to the present time. Under these circumstances
the location of various preceramic sites suggests that their type of
subsistence pattern did not regulate the location of their habitations
as strongly as when the Indians became agriculturists; hence the early
habitation sites merely needed to be near a good hunting ground, or a
point offering some satisfactory camping conditions and an available
water supply.
The results of this experimental study on aboriginal habitation
patterns in northwestern Virginia have not been overwhelmingly
successful, yet they have not been so unfruitful as to suggest total
abandonment of such an approach for future students of Virginia
archeology. Perhaps if the data were always carefully observed for
each site in the State, more fundamental conclusions could be drawn
than is now possible with the limited data at hand.
In summary, sites of the agricultural period tend to be restricted
to bottomlands and lowest terraces nearest present-day courses of
streams. Preceramic sites tend to be farther away and higher from
streams, suggesting a possible time factor, with their present positions
resulting from erosion, but also apparently suggesting the lack of any
controlling factor in their cultural pattern which would restrict their
villages to any particular location, except from the standpoint of a
good water supply, defense, hunting and fishing grounds, and water
routes.
SO BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEQUENCES OF NORTHWEST
VIRGINIA TO ARCHEOLOGY OF EASTERN UNITED
STATES
In summarizing the total results of the individual and combined
sequences obtained by this study, it is necessary to compare them with
other scientific studies in Virginia and surrounding areas. Although
the literature is quite extensive for eastern archeology as a whole, the
number of reports dealing with archeological materials in Virginia or
adjacent regions which seemed pertinent to this detailed study is
actually very limited. It must be emphasized that conclusions drawn
from the various approaches herein attempted are not necessarily
applicable to other regions although it is felt that the methodology
might offer fruitful approaches to research problems of similar situa-
tions in eastern North America. Indeed, it seems almost outside of
the scope of this paper to do anything more than to show how this
intense study of one small area fits into Virginia archeology. Certainly
the particular position of one type of point, sherd, or rock material
here does not argue for an identical position in any other part of the
Eastern United States. Until further work along similar lines is carried
out in Virginia and the surrounding States it will be impossible to
check the validity of some of the conclusions.
In the preceding section and on various charts the sequences have
been arbitrarily broken and marked with letters of the alphabet for
convenience in designating time periods. Up to this section the var-
ious reasons for the particular points of demarcation have not been
clearly delineated. This will be accomplished in subsequent para-
graphs but it should be understood that when time periods D—E or
B-C, or any other period set off by arbitrary time markers A through
G is used, these markers are not to be considered the main point of
the discussion. One should, instead, view these designations as mere
tools to show various aspects in the development of aboriginal cultures
in northwest Virginia.
The following discussion is arranged by the various divisions or
markers of time periods, beginning with the earliest determined in the
survey area and coming upward in time toward the historic.
Time Marker G (beginning of Early Archaic).—This marker has been
ordered at the earliest occupation of the area by preceramic cultures
as found by this study. It is definitely not to be construed as mean-
ing that this is the point of earliest evidence of man in northwest
Virginia. It is firmly believed that one more subdivision remains to
be made and that will depend upon how much evidence of Paleo-
Indian materials turns up in the future. To date, two eastern-type
Folsom points have been reported from the vicinity of RM-1 (Mc-
qnthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 81
Cary, 1949, points No. 156, 157). Other such points have been re-
ported northward in the drainage of the South Fork of the Shenandoah
River. Therefore, there is reasonable expectation that someday an
eastern version of the Paleo-Indian horizon will be clearly defined for
‘this area.
Time Marker F (Early Archaic) —This point on the time scale has
been chosen to mark the transition between two clearly defined pre-
ceramic horizons. The earlier, called “‘quartzite-using,”’ extends over
the period located between Time Markers G—F and was so designated
because of the decided preference for quartzite (over 63 percent) as
the rock material for chipped-stone artifacts. In northwest Virginia
this horizon is uniquely limited to a narrow band of land at the
western foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains along two South Rivers
and the South Fork of the Shenandoah River.
Inspection of the projectile-point and blade-seriated sequence (figs.
4 and 5) indicates a preference for large blades in this period. There
is a gradual decline in their popularity from the lowest part of this
section of the sequence to Time Marker F, and, at the same time, a
slight increase in popularity of projectile points occurs. Triangular
points of any type are not typical of this horizon. Two projectile
point forms, Notched Stemmed Type I and Side-notched Type M,
show an increase in percentage occurrence from Time Markers G to
F. At the same time these two forms increase (but never appear in
large percentages, usually only 4 to 14 percent), large blade Type Q
(Large Parallel-sided Stemmed) is increasing from 1 to 13 percent
and blade Type U (Large Rounded Base) is decreasing from 28.7 to
5.9 percent.
From the study of the miscellaneous stone artifacts, the crude ax,
the hafted end scraper, and the end scraper are more common in this
part of the sequence than at later times.
Three-quarters of the sites of this time period were found either at
remote distances or on high elevations from present courses of streams.
This might be the result of their earlier age, with the stream chang-
ing its course or eroding more deeply, but the controlling factor could
also be the lack of a need for settlement in the bottomlands since
these people were not practicing agriculture.
A study of the literature suggests that sites that fall between Time
Markers G—F in this study are manifestations of the Early Archaic
as defined by Griffin (1952, pp. 354-355) even though it is realized
that many of the cultural traits in Griffin’s classification are not
available for comparison.
Time Marker E (transition point between Late Archaic and Early
Woodland).—It is traditional in the literature on North American
archeology to designate the point between the preceramic and ceramic
82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
horizons, thus Time Marker E has been so positioned. Throughout
the study it has been noted, however, that the complete preceramic
horizon has two distinct traditions. The seriational studies indicated
that sites showing a high popularity of chert belonged in the more
recent (upper) part of the preceramic zone. These sites fall between
Time Markers E and F in the seriated sequences (fig. 9). In this
period there are distinct changes in the projectile-point types and per-
centages of occurrence. Notched Stemmed Type I, Side-notched
Type M, and Large Parallel-sided Stemmed Type Q decrease from
14.8 to 5.6 percent, 13.8 to 5.6 percent, and 13.0 to 3.7 percent, re-
spectively. At the same time Triangular Type C increases in popu-
larity from 2 to 11 percent (fig. 5).
The geographic distribution of sites falling between Time Markers
F and E is west of the so-called ‘“‘SSouth Rivers District,’’ and there-
fore west of the Early Archaic sites.
Since Triangular Point Type C appears for the first time in any
consistent large percentages, the sites with this type of point were
plotted on a map. The distribution is interesting for, in general,
those sites with the lowest percentages are distributed more south-
westerly than sites with higher percentages. Unfortunately for this
type of plotting, the number of sites was not sufficiently large to make
definite trends on the map, but it was suggestive that Triangular
Type C first came from outside the survey area into northwestern
Virginia from the southwest.
It is extremely difficult to relate this horizon to another in Virginia,
or nearby regions for that matter, owing to the scant amount of data
from areas immediately outside the limits of the survey area. In
Albemarle County where a single preceramic horizon has been recog-
nized (Holland, 1949), quartz is the preferred rock material, and
triangular forms never have a greater popularity than 5 percent; also
other forms, such as projectile-point Types J and K, are more popular
than they are in this time period of the survey area. Little purpose is
served by comparisons with the published accounts of preceramic
horizons of the Savannah River Focus in North Carolina (Coe, 1952,
p. 305), the Red Valley Component in New Jersey (Cross, 1941, p.
168), or the Poplar Island Component in Pennsylvania (Witthoft,
1947, pp. 123-124), since they are not described in the same manner as
this study and, unfortunately, the data is not convertible for such
comparison. However, it is the writer’s impression after careful
study of these reports that little direct relationship exists between the
preceramic ‘‘chert-using”’ horizon of Time Period F—E and the pre-
ceramic horizon in the aforementioned reports.
Time Marker D (beginning of Middle Woodland).-—Sites of the
survey area within the pottery period start the pottery sequence at
qathrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 83
Time Marker E. From this point upward in time to the place
designated as Time Marker D the pottery is more typical of the
ceramic traditions of the Central and North Central Ceramic Area of
Virginia than those types which later typify the Allegheny Ceramic
Area (cf. Evans, 1955, p. 103). These trends, in both the survey area
and in the Central and North Central Ceramic Area, may be sum-
marized as follows: The earliest sites have a high percentage of the
Stony Creek Pottery Series, moderate percentages of the Albemarle
Pottery Series, and traces of the Marcey Creek Pottery Series;
throughout the passage of time (upward in the sequence) the Stony
Creek Pottery Series declines in frequency while the Albemarle
Pottery Series increases and there is an early loss of the Marcey
Creek Pottery Series (fig. 8).
All the sites in the survey area with sherds of Stony Creek or
Marcey Creek Pottery Series were plotted on a map (fig. 11) ac-
cording to their percentage occurrence in four categories: Sites with
3-10 percent, 13-22 percent, and 35-60 percent pottery of the
Stony Creek Series, and the presence or absence of sherds of the
Marcey Creek Pottery Series, regardless of amount. The various
points of breakdown in the percentage occurrences are purely arbi-
trary but represent the most distinct breaks, e. g., no sites existed with
a percentage frequency of sherds of the Stony Creek Pottery Series
from 22-35 percent, hence this point was considered as a breaking
point of two categories. Although a very small number of sites are
involved, the results are nevertheless significant. Sites with sherds
of the Marcey Creek Pottery Series are found only along the western
foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains, and in the same locale are sites
with the highest percentages (35-50 percent) of sherds of the Stony
Creek Pottery Series. As one moves westward, away from the Blue
Ridge Mountains, Marcey Creek Pottery disappears entirely and the
frequency of Stony Creek Pottery falls so that the most distant sites
have only 3-10 percent (fig. 11). This distribution suggests that
these pottery types, which are most typical of the Central and North
Central Ceramic Area of Virginia, enter the survey area as far as the
central part of the Middle River valley with direction of movement
decidedly from the southeast and east. No influence can be demon-
strated to have come from the north or west in Time Period E-D.
At the same time that the pottery has shown such distinct trends
and directions of movement, the chipped-stone artifacts also show
marked trends. With the passage of time triangular points become
more popular while various stemmed varieties continue to decline in
frequency, i. e., Medium Triangular Type B increases from 0.6 percent
(AU-13) to 7.1 percent (AU-5) and Triangular Type C from 8.7
percent (AU-13) to 19.5 percent (AU-5). Of a total of five sites in
84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
the entire study with Pentagonal Point Type E, four of them are
above Time Marker E. The same relative position of Type E, as
well as the trends of popularity of the various point and blade types
for the survey area, also occurred in the study of sites in Virginia as a
whole (see Holland, 1955, p. 175 and fig. 23).
With the introduction of pottery, other artifact types changed:
Drills, celt forms, and pipes became more frequent; steatite bowls
were popular on the earliest sites in the ceramic sequence; scrapers and
crude axes declined in frequency.
The majority of the sites were near the streams in the bottomlands
instead of more distant from the water, a point undoubtedly associated
with the need for location of habitations in areas more favorable to
agriculture.
Although it is suggested that sites AU-11, AU-13, and AU-26 have
characteristics of the Early Woodland Period and are found at the
earlier part of the Time Period E—D, the real problem is the point of
demarcation between the Early Woodland and Middle Woodland
Periods. Evans (1955, chart 1) delineates the Middle Woodland as
the period in the Central and North Central Ceramic Area in which
there is an increase in the Albemarle Pottery Series and a decline in
the Stony Creek Pottery Series. Although this process is taking
place at the three aforementioned sites, it seems more likely that
Middle Woodland in the survey area begins with the steadily increas-
ing popularity of the Radford Pottery Series, and either Evans’
designation is too generalized a statement and slightly in error, or
there is a local factor to be considered which would make the period
designations slightly different for each area. It is felt that the
ceramic sites in the sequence for the survey area nearest the Time
Marker E would be Early Woodland and that Time Marker D is
about the beginning of the Middle Woodland Period.
Time Marker C (Middle-Late Woodland).—The point in the seriated
sequences of sites where the Radford Pottery Series reached its
maximum popularity was arbitrarily designated as Time Marker
C, and means that the Time Period D-C probably represents
Middle-Late Woodland Period development. As the sites with pot-
tery of the Stony Creek and Albemarle Pottery Series gave way to
sites with the increasing popularity of the limestone-tempered Rad-
ford Pottery Series, it was obvious that this reflects a new cultural
movement into northwestern Virginia. To see if it might be possible
to discover the direction of influence carrying the Radford Pottery
Series tradition of limestone-tempered wares, all those sites with such
pottery were plotted on a map (fig. 12) and given a symbol according
Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—-HOLLAND 85
to whether they had 1-10 percent, 27-40 percent, or 95-100 percent
Radford Pottery Series as derived from the percentage calculations
found in the Appendix, table 7. Inspection of figure 12 indicates
clearly that the movement is from the southwest to the northeast
with those sites having the lowest percentage in the most extreme
northeast position, whereas those sites with the highest percentage
are to the southwest. This immediately suggests that the cultural
influence, whether by diffusion or from the actual movements of a
group, came from this direction. These data rather interestingly
confirm Evans’ (1955, pp. 127-129) comments and propositions that
the Radford Pottery Series in high percentage occurrences antedates
the New River Series and the movement of both these pottery tradi-
tions into the Allegheny region of Virginia is probably from the
southwest, in West Virginia or adjacent regions.
Only mounds RB-7 (Battle or Bell Mound No. 1) and HD-9 (Clover
Creek Mound) can be related to this time horizon on the basis of
pottery content. The burial pattern of a flexed position with the
bodies covered by stones, the occurrence of similar grave goods, the
presence of a mound built on a broad, level bottomland near a stream,
are quite similar in the various mounds of AU-35-M, HD-9, RB-7,
and RB-2, suggesting that they all must belong to the same cultural
complex. The published data or museum collections do not permit
accurate comparison, but all the mounds excavated by Fowke (1894)
in Virginia do not fall necessarily into this time period of the mounds
in northwest Virginia. |
Time Marker B (Protohistoric) —This point marks the period in the
sequence where the New River Pottery Series reaches its maximum
popularity. Although this is not clearly defined by the sites in the
area, Evans’ study for the whole of Virginia defines the pottery
development for the Allegheny Area in such a way there is little
doubt that the change from Radford Pottery to the New River
Pottery, with its subsequent increase in popularity, occurs at a time
somewhere around the extreme Late Woodland or Protohistoric.
The single site, AU-2, having 64 percent New River Series and 2
percent Radford Series with 34 percent unclassified sand-tempered
pottery of a type definitely not of the Stony Creek Pottery Series,
draws attention to the Southern Division of the Allegheny Ceramic
Area where the transition through time from the limestone-tempered
Radford Pottery Series to the shell-tempered New River Pottery
Series has been fully worked out (Evans, 1955, pp. 108-108). The
pottery of AU-2 may also be compared to the Keyser Farm material
where, of the body sherds classified according to temper, 78 percent
86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
of the sherds were shell tempered (Keyser Cord Marked; considered
a subtype of the New River Pottery Series by Evans), 3.9 percent
limestone tempered (Page Cord Marked; considered to be a subtype of
the Radford Pottery Series by Evans) and 18.1 percent were “grit’’
tempered (Potomac Creek). A detailed discussion of this subject
can be found in the original sources (Manson, MacCord, and Griffin,
1944, pp. 402-407; Evans, 1955, pp. 60,67). The relative percentages
of temper in the three wares from each site are sufficiently close to
make it believable that AU-—2 and the Keyser Farm Site are closely
related in time. Further, Schmitt (1952, p. 62) relates the Keyser
Farm Site with various foci, such as Gala, Potomac Creek, etc., to the
Late Woodland Period. Griffin (op. cit., p. 413) dates the site be-
tween 1550 and 1650, and Evans (op. cit., p. 145) sees a high per-
centage of New River Series Pottery belonging to a Woodland-Fort
Ancient mixture in the Late Woodland Period in Virginia. On the
basis of these conclusions without contradictory evidence from the
current study, it is felt that Time Marker B designates the Proto-
historic horizon.
Time Marker A (Historic).—The historic era begins in Virginia with
the English colonists in the tidewater area in 1607 even though some
sources report a Spanish Mission was thought to have been estab-
lished earlier on the Rappahannock River. To date, there has been
no proof of this non-English settlement in Virginia. In the Shenan-
doah Valley the exact date of the introduction of European trade
goods has not as yet been established archeologically. In nearby
West Virginia, recently, MacCord (1952) has given convincing
evidence of Susquehannock occupation between A. D. 1630 and 1677
at the Herriot Site on the south branch of the Potomac in Hampshire
County, W. Va. The major pottery types from this site have been
related to the Susquehannock during the Historic period by Witthoft
(1947, pp. 249-253) and the minority pottery type resembles Keyser
Cord Marked from the Keyser Farm Site (Manson, MacCord, and
Griffin, 1944, pp. 402-405).
Unfortunately, no sites in the survey area had any sort of trade
goods that could be dated historically, so the upper part of the se-
quence must be left partially suspended and without a specific date of
any sort. Based upon the data of this study we must assume that
either the Indians were not living in the area covered by this survey
during historic times, or for some reason the survey techniques
failed to uncover late sites. With reference to the general picture
of aboriginal Virginia, the first postulate does not seem likely even
though the region might have been so sparsely settled that no large
Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 87
deposits were left. This part of the sequence is therefore left for
future study to verify.
An examination of this chronological sequence in geographical
terms reveals a peculiar situation: the ‘‘quartzite-using”’ and “‘chert-
using”? preceramic sites have nonoverlapping distributions both in
time and in space. The number of sites representing each area is
sufficiently large that sampling error does not seem a likely explana-
tion, which leads to the implication that the area producing ‘‘quartz-
ite-using’”’ sites was uninhabited in “chert-using’”’ times, and vice
versa. Since there are no natural barriers or other geographical rea-
sons for believing this to be true, it is reasonable to assume that both
areas were occupied at the same time and that the two cultures are in
large part contemporary in the area. If this is the case, it would seem
to invalidate seriation as a method of determining relative age of
sites and cultures. Seriation has been shown to give reliable results
so often, however, that some particular situation existing in the area
under study must be sought to reconcile these discrepancies.
One explanation that presents itself is that the archaic projectile-
point forms that place the ‘‘quartzite-using”’ cultures early in the se-
quence may represent a cultural lag which allowed these types to
be retained after they had been superseded in other parts of the
Eastern United States. The evidence concerning the origin of the
two preceramic cultures suggests that this is a reasonable interpreta-
tion. Since the “‘chert-using”’ ceramic culture can be shown to have
moved in from the west, it is probable that the ‘‘chert-using’”’ pre-
ceramic groups came from the same direction. Likewise, the fact that
the ‘‘quartzite-using’”’ ceramic culture has affiliations with the east
suggests that the same may be true of the ‘‘quartzite-using”’ prece-
ramic horizon. Evans (1955, pp. 128-129) has shown that whereas a
number of relationships between the Allegheny Area of Virginia and
West Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, and Pennsylvania can be discerned,
there were fewer influences on the part of the State lying east of the
Alleghenies, and these were primarily from the north and south.
The relative isolation of eastern Virginia might have allowed the
retention of older projectile-point forms while the Allegheny Area was
being kept up to date by contacts with more active centers of cultural
innovation to the west.
Further evidence in support of general contemporaneity of these
two preceramic cultures comes from the analysis of geographical loca-
tion. When the sites were tabulated according to distance from the
river, it was found that about the same number of ‘“‘chert-using”’ as
“quartzite-using’”’ preceramic sites were distant from the present water
88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
channels and about the same number of both were close. This
suggested that there was no appreciable difference in the antiquity of
the two cultures (pp. 78-79).
If this is a correct analysis of the problem, it provides additional
justification for the approach outlined in this paper. If the projectile-
point seriation had not been combined with rock-material analysis and
geographical distribution, the interesting suggestion that two typo-
logically different groups were contemporaneous in this part of Vir-
ginia would have been overlooked. The possibility that this may be so
provides leads for further research in the adjacent regions, in addition
to showing with reasonable certainty an example of cultural lag on the
archeological level.
This study of 82 sites in a restricted area of northwest Virginia
shows a continuous typological sequence of the region from Early
Archaic to Protohistoric times. If the analysis had been undertaken
with only one group of artifact types, such as pottery or projectile
points or blades, or axes, etc., the broad scope of interpretation
achieved for northwest Virginia could not have been made. It was
discovered in the early days of the survey that varying conditions for
collecting limited the types and amounts of artifact materials that
could be obtained from many of the sites. Therefore, the use of chip
materials was attempted. This heretofore untried technique in
Eastern archeology proved extremely profitable and not only made it
possible to utilize many sites otherwise unusable because of a lack of
sufficient specimens, but permitted the correlation of rock materials
from chips with those of the projectile points and large blades. Cer-
tain interesting conclusions relating to both the materials available
and the importance of culture as a determining factor in the choice of
rock material resulted from this analysis. If future work in Virginia,
as well as nearby areas, would incorporate a similar analysis of rock
materials and chip collections, undoubtedly results of greater signifi-
cance could be obtained than is now possible with only a single such
study of this type.
Another experimental approach was the analysis of the physical
position of the sites as related to local geographical features. This
problem needs much further exploration in other areas in Virginia or
nearby States before conclusions can be stated positively. The corre-
lation of the sites of ceramic-using cultures with bottomlands and
those of nonceramic-using cultures with terraces more distant from
the stream may be explained by cultural determinants, or by a possible
Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 89
factor of geological age and stream erosion. This approach em-
phasizes the need for cooperation between the geologist and arche-
ologist in the study of aboriginal occupation of the Appalachian Valley
of Virginia.
[Bull. 173
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
90
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CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—-HOLLAND
Anthrop. Pap.
No. 57]:
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CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
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AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BUREAU OF
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p. Pap.
No. 57])
Anthro
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CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND
Anthrop. Pap.
No. 57]
ot ap ral Fp sae Be Fa Kat a) lotsa alee fasta S| lhc | 5 Pe lai eile aie apg meng o> (Vig) Joy TO)
5 Far aes (lee S| a! a ee eS ee [Too [ee ee cies ul colar U1 aera eo cles [Oe ie Sa onan asbens 2 one eens aaa DODOUMDO Np PUB RIO LEAD AT “70 49
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128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
LITERATURE CITED
Butts, CHARLES.
1933. Geological map of the Appalachian Valley in Virginia with explanatory
text. Virginia Geol. Surv., Bull. 42.
1940. Geology of the Appalachian Valley in Virginia, Virginia Geol. Surv.,
Bull. 52, pt. 1.
Con, JOFFRE.
1952. The cultural sequence of the Caroline Piedmont. Jn Archeology of the
eastern United States, ed. by James B. Griffin. Chicago.
Cross, Dorotuy.
1941. Archeology of New Jersey. Vol. 1. Trenton, N. J.
Evans, CLIFFORD.
1955. A ceramic study of Virginia archeology. With appendix: An analysis
of projectile points and blades, by C. G. Holland. Bur. Amer.
Ethnol. Bull. 160.
Forp, James A., and WiLitEyY, Gorpon A.
1949. Surface survey of the Vird Valley, Peru. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist.,
Anthrop. Pap., vol. 43, pt. 1.
FowkK®&, GERARD.
1894. Archeological investigations in the James and Potomac Valleys.
Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 23.
GRIFFIN, JAMES B.
1952. Culture periods in eastern United States archeology. In Archeology
of the eastern United States, ed. by James B. Griffin. Chicago.
Houuanp C. G.
1949. Contributions to the archeology of Albemarle County, Virginia,
Number Four—Preliminary definition of two foci. Archeol. Soc.
Virginia, Quart. Bull., vol. 4, No. 2.
1953. The Madison Run Rockshelter in the Shenandoah Natoinal Park.
Archeol. Soc. Virginia, Quart. Bull., vol. 7, No. 4.
1955. An analysis of projectile points and large blades. Appendix im A ceramic
study of Virginia archeology, by Clifford Evans. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.
Bull. 160.
Houuanp, C. G.; Evans, Cuirrorp; and Mrccrrs, Berry J.
1953. The East Mound. Archeol. Soc. Virginia, Quart. Bull., vol. 7, No. 3.
See also Evans, Clifford.
MacCorp, Howarp A.
1947. A method of standardizing site numbering. Archeol. Soc. Virginia,
Quart. Bull., vol. 2, No. 2.
[MS., Archeological survey in Virginia during 1947-48 for the Division of
1947— History and Archeology, Virginia Conservation Commission, Com-
48.] monwealth of Virginia. On file with the Archeological Society of
: Virginia.
1952. The Susquehannock Indians in West Virginia, 1630-1677. West
Virginia Hist., vol. 13, No. 4.
Manson, Caru; MacCorp, Howarp A.; and GrirFrin, JAmzs B.
1944. The culture of the Keyser Farm Site. Michigan Acad. Sci., Arts and
Letters. Papers, vol. 29.
McCary, BEN C.
1949. Survey of Virginia-Folsom points No. 142-161. Archeol. Soc. Virginia,
Quart. Bull., vol. 4, No. 1.
Nathrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 129
Scumitt, Karu.
1952. Archeological chronology of the Middle Atlantic States. Jn Archeol.
of the eastern United States, ed. by James B. Griffin. Chicago.
VALENTINE Museum, THE.
1898. Opening address of the president, act of incorporation, constitution,
by-laws and catalogue of collections. Richmond, Va.
1903. Report of the exploration of the Hayes’ Creek Mound, Rockbridge
County, Va. Explored Sept. 1901 by Edward P. Valentine for the
Valentine Museum, Richmond, Virginia. Richmond, Va.
WITTHOFT, JOHN.
1947. Smooth-base projectile points from eastern Pennsylvania. Pennsyl-
vania Archeologist, vol. 16, No. 4, pp. 123-130, Milton, Pa.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 58
AN INTRODUCTION TO PLAINS APACHE
ARCHEOLOGY—THE DISMAL RIVER ASPECT
By JAMES H. GUNNERSON
131
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CONTENTS
PAGE
1 EER S11 a ee ee a ee ae oh ier 139
IntroguctiOneamee se he See aoe aa re eee see eee co ee 141
ReVICWLOL DEOVIOUS WOU... <20—sasocce ee once eee 141
Environinentalsetping! o2-eo6. one ooo ot oe ee ee 143
Desompbion of Wisma River Sites. ooo soc en ce ate eee ee 145
Excavations in Harlan County Reservoir__________..___.___-.-__- 145
STURGI 7a) G CIO 57/5: a te 2 ea emp ec el a at Mi a Es Pe vente are ee 145
Ttroduchione wert secrete ete eee ey: eats cena 145
PinivarGnmental sectloe oe oe ee sk eee ete 145
[IQ USCS Bee tes Oe ee cme ew one i sh a er SOR 146
FRGABUINE SOLE ae = tat nae nk See SS oe ee 158
SUN eE LRE = Ses oe a Sea SO ey eee tee 159
[POLECLY Eres Sasa ahs ae 2 ele he ea a See tee ee 160
RCTS SUITE] HOY GTS) Se A a Oe a Pa RCT fk OU ae Na By MEMS TIES OS | 165
ING cpt V1 10) 15) a a em me pi dete ae a hapa peerage 172
UCT ETC 01 (ay 2 AR Se A IE i Rp Pee RS A 174
Wiorkomeanells «2.62 oe 5 Seon, Ee SS Se Gaeta eee Ree 175
Buropeamtrade material. 2025 2 oo oe oo oe el 175
Pa Un alere Mamas net ack Seen ee Se ern ene a Ree eee 176
NGPA PEN SS D102 1) 2s A EN Se a i IanO he Ee 177
Mendrochronology. (Nees. eo a ee ee ee Se Wit
BUrlalsee Se Sa neo ee oes eee ete Ae nye ae ah 178
SOUTER 8 wees Lo ae ee ee Re Ai Ra te as 178
Sibepo nea Oat | olan oh See en ee ee ee ee 179
Sanciatisinitenem sat ae sees oe hae anda ce Nae peeks pee 180
Int ROGUCHONAM ase ee eee Ln Cee et Ker Ee 180
Pnvironmental sectimm@s 2 eae es aoe 180
Siter2o EO leans Ae be se ee ee een ogee oa 181
RYLUGN: SETAE ae a eee ee Sen ee ee ee a ein i ee 181
pope ti) GO Re, A Bie Veer al 7 ar Oe WR ae AO SR APU ES eae 181
Sty er HTT G0 1). ate et ep a ae chet ea rae ee ana a ES De WC eee 182
Sitey2 Su @ (eee ede ee Nowe ee ee eh tha eae 183
MN TROCUC HOMES Se tet ey ety ee ee 2a oe © ed ley 183
1 ECON TET Sat i a RU i 9 A a INS 184
WOT kere S UO Meters a hares ts ot anon Lie Re a eee dake ae 185
Wiorksingbone meats ose 2 ese ea cn ete mn! ler eee 186
\Wecapel keer ate oH ov) U aricept a a oy as sha NS ae Sa Ps ORS 187
fivsaecmeateriilee oo 8 5. he eT eee ee 187
Siteq2 5il@ Qua Renee ee riya ele Jan leey yes on atee Oe eerie 187
SIbEe2 FL @) 2 eer Reena tren fie nee he ee en ny ae eee ae 187
HDR WOIGUD KCB Te 1s CO et © es ie a a a AG ee Ee mae 187
FTL LACIE 2 RR ero Ba fc ee mC RC PE APN va PO Re Ye 188
LESH Sze Uw Me Hh sa mn ty el Sap al el ai RRP COO ATS E ApY I Ee 188
POGOe eee ae Cg take ag bee ee acs 189
Worn i sLOne ars cee meetin an ye e 2 ae Aec ae oe 193
134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Description of Dismal River sites—Continued
Sandhills sites—Continued
Site 25HO21—Continued PAGE
Workin bone sapien ceils 0 Nae Fe Ya eRe ape pane ae 198
MTradesmaterialeeies eco 2) Ate ee cee ee ee 204
Vegetal remains: 22. eis Ley uo ey ee ee ee 204
Summary, and iconclusions:. 2.0 Pee ete eee eee 204
Site! 25 O24 ewer a oh ee eee ee ee 205
Brae Chr CGT ra ee ea ara a ey ee ee 205
1 EO. i 296 emi er a ea ei RN ONL AR gS NS Dee he 1 205
Wiorkolnistoness 2 ope Cl eS Panne ekg sl aR et eae ase ooo ee 206
NWOT KE in TW OMe cee em teere sr ty ee sine, ae ROR EC hee payee eae 206
SSL Sra XG) lg lg Wr yal ag ar pide a RS Wi NUS hg orga! 207
SST eee & UO 4 UReiag ap mteh elnetR pr GIN A ben, gai sy eh S alll iecr ta hylan 207
Siten 2 OS 29 on eRe ns ore Bie Ce ay meee) teh a 207
See DAY eee a ee on NOE a ek Re ye inten ah ena rk coe era 207
Ny HS 3a7 0) 7-1 a eau Ee eM UO Sr OU SE RA as Le a am ahs a ho 208
POD UE S105 O17 amen aa Dh Wied TYP GTS CRORE CE 2 i i IY eel Re | 208
FOr] EVP A G7 Sm PR iA CA TN RS A TMG oh ad ar 208
Sy eig’-15 | (o/.4! acetal pe Al A ee Aen) ea DLP be RTS Ny 208
Site‘ 2b DT Maan eee eo Ras DES eee Se ny see Steir on nnn eee 208
Sites, im Lincoln County, Nebraska: 22050. Galen 2 ne eee eee 209
POU eng} 0 U7 pm lah mln a A SE PN a yy Rr oh a eke NOE MPT OF LAN 209
Site o WING Selo Aas See OR Ce he ee Aline See rere as eee 210
Site ZolmNAC Se Me Oe SOE De Dee ete hie a eu cele a a 210
Site Zot Sess oe PE A Ee ae eae erie ne ee ae 210
Site Zo INGS2 Sse e Lr ween ee SR ye relies Pee eee 211
STHe NZ TING ort oe ek et es SN ns we ie ah es le ap Palit
Sitet2 FIGING Se Sey Ret cee ie ee ih ee ra dos lpeeece nate Se eed, 1g PAL
Sitet2 HUNG Sea ae ee Se ee ae es Tee eed Oe neh eae 212
Nites ‘in’southweéstern’ Nebraska. 00.50 [il 2 05 SUT e ee ee 212
SICe IZ OC PSS tte eee SS ON CN ee re hte nel Re ee 212
Tit rOGUCtiOM see a so ete ate he eel a a arene eees oe He 212
Siruichureses= 22 2 oo SNe es tee ea ee eee pe eas eee 212
POttenyas a ae See ne Bee aad ee eT CU EN ce eee nen Serta ee 213
Wier Simnist om etter es ED tia eee ea an 214
Work in“bone-and antlers oo es er 215
Mrade materials cso See el ete aces ea ceed ieee a 215
Banal remainseo se fee ka eels en en eer cole 216
Wecetal rename iets en eS ical oe Re a ele ee 216
Dendrochronology.o "23075 Teer ee Se sere heen oe 216
WS Tat See Se mR ci tera poe tn oe nV EN eae ee ne 216
OHI S}ay'4a | Op & AY (aaa Ra aie Ae tae meter aston d terme rede til Shey eee ee I 216
MiteyZoOM eG. ee Loe” te SST SS eee Bee aa ee ee 216
SIGE 25 ates te eis oe Tae Serie a een oe ae eee ale 217
Sites2bUNGS Ls OS. None e se eee e Cee eee ae be em et a ete ae PALS
Ta GO GUT CGI NS ae a ea elec epee eo 217
ECO RTM PUGS eae ade ot tae hes eo TR Oe ee ge 217
Pottery see ees EOS PEE OE ht ee cee ap eee ees eee eee ce 218
Work in tstone: 225.00 Peta Mee Eee eee eas 219
Work intbonerseatn ht tt tet te Ch ee ese ERO rahe 220
"TraAds AE Al oe te ach aie eee ae ee Ge 221
Notagg? Pap. PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON
Description of Dismal River sites—Continued
Sites in southwestern Nebraska—Continued
ie Ste ce ea eg a ala
Bien Colonia 2epeeses 6 fe No a 4 ey es cee bP oe
BLOM OO boli memwrar ot. ee co ah oR Nh lg ope A a
Bites Golesi a ame ge oe Le ye le) ee a
DLUCHOOlOS Hs elias 22 a a 2k eet Gites 9 LT pe iy Ta
Site Colo.H:14:11
Poni 2s OFC) [ca 5 ie nee oI Te crate EM MOET Sept meieeey Bren pre apr UEP ys
Bite Wolode Agen fost be ys tte a Ns eh ee
ibe Colo SEG Ges ew ete a sy
LUC COHOS xr iG ore cesta i eee ns ae ee
ter COLOR Hee RR Rl am Bape le ae en care +h a ne
Srbe | Colo S24 eee Pyet bh AAT EY Po 8 no ee ee es ee
SPITS MO. 0)(Opg)\ TEL 1 ui Mell Ms deltas ee eg Pepe ee ee es ae
Bite Colon MeO, 2 seas 28h SE nt Fol: Ee ep a fee ee ape a
GEC COLON IN le en Sy Be Nels RE oh sek arly Ene Ble etn Mem elt ee
TCR VEt ES LUC em Se eee Rech Sense Shem ees eee See nae ee
BRS SIRS GIS ES phone! async area any ty re ay ene, em
] Bape 10 |e) aerey i parent turk mma pl ede Peles faye NE ote lp Reel sn Seto. Se Seer dat
Weld County, peneral Sitese see ce nee eee & Soa
SS Uey LU UOY elt Isle he aha 9b acl eel th a afi oS nba mea eager te
Sites un soutuess tern” ColoradG t= "=e Be ees oe tn ee
PSE Sad 201 10 jars I Ey Es SS Rit ae AN ae et nil de Rng a RN, Mee hehe AAR,
IRCA GOs cura cere eae ete Seine epee Re meena a. aw, Aye ee eee
re Spal.) 03 fol Osta yo nate teen tambo ene betel are hte get ahs te lace nario ias tt Brarerdn ta. ube
DUCE AO OLOm Yoel aici ees meee went os aR fea ae ee nD eee ms ee
Site Colom cal 4 len ere welts een Be aa ome ne ee enone, eee
SLE OOM i ate eee eke sy asses ere e Sasa ene ee See ene
Siler Colosaco nL Sees aaa ie 5 ae aL eis Lt SO eee
ives Coloe Zio 1422 Memes press tie es tate ed ayer wy eon etl Jo ae A ENE en ee ee
Sitesi southeastern= Wyomling==*<0 22202 eo a Pe eee
SET end 101) Sei bd ol ae posed taba edn ak bth en thal an Mie pel ec ane hay Sf any fe
roi sy Ney SG Jal Op ha Lek aN chealne e Mi ns Miah Sg GiGi: nmeallardin ples Mibyctccge: nade
Since a OH WAG tes toner ered earn t <4 Heo in heel eres ee
136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Description of Dismal River sites—Continued PAGE
Sites:in southwestern South Dakota 2 Ve_ 72 2s Ea ee A 237
Site-3OP AAD ois uate aes 4 2 os Srna Se oe Fe ATS SOB 237
Site-3OF ASS onda wis ws oe Son ee ee Hahn ol of Ee EEA 237
Site-in: western Mandas (14561): = 2-22 = es Se ee 237
Migmasa) Riverrelationship ses wa. oe ee ee Ee De 238
Plains-Dismal-River relationships; = ==2s==222s22ss2215>.2 85 9S. __ 238
Pecos-DismaliRiver-relationships 2=222222==22=s25=2-= 2 See 241
Promontory-Dismal River relationships_-_______-___-_------------ 244
Pescription ofethesDismalohiver-Aspect=—==4525= = —= 95s ae eee 245
Subsist eee ice: pee mv be oA oe te Es Lee > + een eR 245
Technolocy ints stag a + & 5 ~ ois 0 5 aie IRIS IIT SER o_o 245
Toolsyandsimplementss == 5 25.24 sh > Sou pale a eB ees 248
SS GIA C GUL me Sees hdr ae 8 a bck 9 se Nee eo ie ch ns 248
A dOrnIMeriti aah a= 4s © a= sn on = Mie nie ico alte Leones enn OES eae 250
IESG Wisk Tn GG i Rie San dh 2 ee om 2 lim ene in alee oo sd iar ee OE eA ae ne 251
RNeliotonvandsmorbuUaryeC St O Nis yess eee ee ee rene ee eee 251
Summarnryaandconclusion === === sss wu lk meee = eek ebenan ie sLreyabe nen ee 251
Appendix 1. Classification of the sites of the Dismal River Aspect--_____ 253
Appendix 2. Sources of information concerning Dismal River sites____-__ 255
St oli ori i yeh 2 we aw de eee te me be hie a eS ace ton oe eC eee 258
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES FOLLOWING
PAGE
J. View lookineeast-across' 25EUNS( 2 2i see. 22 eee oe eee 260
2. View across excavations for Houses I, II, and III, 25HN37________-- 260
3. a, House I, 25H N37, with postholes reopened. 6, House III, 25HN37,
with’ postholes:reopened #22 eee eee eee ee eee eee 260
4. a, House IV, 25H N37, with postholes reopened. 6, House V, 25H N37,
with postholes"in) Cross Sectlon= a= — == Soe oe ee ee eee 260
5. a, House VI, 25HN37, with charred poles left on floor. 6, After
charred! poles*were- removed) ies. 6 be ee i ee ae 260
6. a, Charred poles on floor of House VI, 25H.N37. 6, Iron ax embedded
in, fireplace/of louse Vil 25 RUNG (eee ere eee ee ee ee 260
é- Cross’ section ofia) rosstine pitrat; 25 RUNS (a2 he ee ee 260
8. Restored pottery vessels trom’ 25CH ln eee 260
9; Unusual Dismal River ot tery cra Oe pean eae 260
10: Decorated Dismal River potteryess-2 2-5 eee ee 260
11. a—c, Pottery pipe fragments from 25HO21. d-—f, Gravers from
25HN37. g-z, Smoothed pieces of caliche from 25HN37_______-- 260
2) Projectilespoints from 25 ENG 22222 —. eee 260
3. sProjectile points droms2 5 O20 aa aeee eee eG lege eee epee 260
14. Drillstrom 25TUNS7ec2 ooo tee ee ee 260
Ee DEB igci cots 4st 500). A a eet ee eee Sewell eee ee 260
1.6;: Konives from! 25 HUNG (2 oc er na ee ek ee 260
Ag. KNIVES POM: SOO 2 ace oe Saye De alge ea a eee 260
Ug: ‘Choppers TrOMIN2 DEIN Geo ee eee Siegen eee le 260
10: End) scrapers tromse oEING (2 eat oe ee ee ee a ge ee eee 260
20. Scrapers with tangs or projections (a—f and h) and gravers (g and 17)
from 25HO2U. (ate endl ee eee Se ck ache a ore a 260
Anthrop. Pap. PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON
22. End scrapers with projections or tangs from 25HN37_____-_--------
23. a-c, Sandstone abraders from 25HN37. d, Metate from 25HN37-_-_-.-
Qa Sandstone: bradersmromec ot) ail ee eee
25) Ground stone artitacts tram 25O2)) 2. ee ee
DGMAWOLKeEGsbOne frOmMnc oO HUNG ipsam ee ee eee a ee eg
27. Triangular bone awls (a—c) and awl butts (d-e) from 25HO21________
28. Splinter bone awls (a—c) and flat bone awls (d—e) from 25HO21_-_-___-_
29RAVWorkedsbone trom) collO2i ese eee. eee Soa jo ee
305) Bonesandiantier artifacts trom) 2oO21 e285 22 2 see ee eee
31. Bone spatulas (a, b) and worked rib sections (c, d) from 25HO21____-
SY MNMorad eel oronaey an roreny PADIS OPN SS se ee es Se
ZowaAWVOrkedsponetrom co ODN pee 22) Sees ee ee ere eee
S4esBonersools trom eo lOZ es we iee sD eye 2 Te Ti ee aie See
SHAMS Ole wil Os lt eTs mtr OTM ia a ey ELON fest mee nea a ne oe
36. Scapula digging tools: a and c from 25HO21; 6 from 25HN37_-___--
37. Iron ax found in the fireplace of House VI, 25HN37___----_---------
aoe uropean erage items Irom 2OuING (ot oe ee ee eee
TEXT FIGURES
PSD IsIAMIVel/ Sites oe Soa oes Mle tk Sa ee a eR
if. Ground plan of House i 2bH NS? 2. 2.20425 42--2 2-2 eee oe Sse Se
15: ‘Ground plan. ofiexcavation 2.ate25H NST. 2) sae oe de pete be SEL
6 Groundsplaniot Mouse TL, 2OHINS 7 226-262 2 ee le aS eS =
dive Ground: pliner House LU) 2bEING/. 220. 92 so oe ec ce eee
je Groundsplan of HouselV, 2obU Nad. 2 =o eek os cee coe aces
1G: «Ground; plan of House V5; 25EINS7 2.22022. ste le eee
20-5Ground plan.of House Vi, 25EUN37 oesee ices: cS el eet 2k Jb ate se ee
Die Classificationschart forschipped points e ee eee a ee ae
2oovbap-forms,OL Dismal Riverypottery = 2022 22.0 Seo s8 seo eee
25. lip Gecoration of Dismal: River potiery.- ------2=~.-.--+--s2-=-5-
22 Rim pronics of Dismal River pottery =- = 25. -.222.-.=.-222 22224024
were ete
a pene
SII
PREFACE
Much of the data presented in this paper was obtained by agencies
cooperating in the Missouri River Basin archeological salvage pro-
gram. The main body of information comes from site 25HN37, in
the Harlan County Reservoir, south-central Nebraska, and from sites
25HO7, 25HO21, and 25HO24 in the potential Mullen Reservoir area
in Hooker County, north-central Nebraska. The River Basin Sur-
veys conducted its initial reconnaissance in these areas in 1946 and
1947, respectively. Excavations at 25HN37 were carried out by the
University of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology, under the direc-
tion of John L. Champe. Excavation at the Mullen Reservoir
sites was conducted by the Nebraska State Historical Society Mu-
seum, briefly under A. T. Hill and subsequently under the direction
of Marvin F. Kivett.
Data obtained from the potential Platte Reservoir area in Wyoming
and the Angostura Reservoir area in South Dakota by initial survey
parties of the River Basin Surveys have also been considered.
In the summer of 1949 the University of Nebraska, Laboratory of
Anthropology, sponsored a reconnaissance, carried out by J. H. and
D. A. Gunnerson, to augment data bearing on the geographical dis-
tribution of the Dismal River Aspect. The results of that survey
have been included here.
A number of institutions made previously collected material avail-
able for study. The following should receive special thanks: the Uni-
versity of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology; the Nebraska State
Historical Society Museum; Smithsonian Institution, Missouri River
Basin Survey; the University of Denver; the University of Colorado
Museum; the Robert S. Peabody Foundation Museum at Phillips
Andover Academy; and the University of Utah.
Most of the material presented here was included in a thesis sub-
mitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the master of arts
degree at the University of Nebraska. Research leading to the thesis
was supervised by John L. Champe. His guidance in the field
and laboratory and his advice and encouragement during the prep-
aration of the manuscript are largely responsible for whatever contri-
bution this paper may represent. Marvin F. Kivett has been most
generous with time and information; particularly, he read the manu-
script in thesis form and offered valuable suggestions for revision. I
139
140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
am indebted to George Metcalf for the stimulation provided by numer-
ous discussions of the problems involved.
Harry E. Weakly’s dendrochronological analysis of the charcoal
from 25HN37, resulting in the establishment of a date for the site,
was a contribution of major importance. Anna O. Shepard kindly
provided technical advice on pottery analysis and examined some of
the pottery personally. Much of the faunal material from Hooker
County sites was identified by Theodore White. Weldon Frank-
forter identified faunal material from 25HN37 and some of the bone
artifacts from Hooker County. Other individuals who have assisted
in various ways include Frank H. H. Roberts, Jr., Waldo R.
Wedel, Jesse D. Jennings, E. Mott Davis, Arnold Withers, Herbert
Dick, Paul Cooper, and Robert Cumming.
Among the local people throughout the Dismal River area whose
assistance and hospitality are warmly remembered are Robert D.
Stephenson, Carl Humphrey, Howard Dodd, R. W. Haines, H. H.
McConnell, and Robert Halsey.
Dolores Gunnerson assisted in all stages of the endeavor from the
reconnaissance of the Dismal River area through preparation of the
final manuscript.
J. H. G.
AN INTRODUCTION TO PLAINS APACHE
ARCHEOLOGY—THE DISMAL RIVER ASPECT
By James H. GuNNERSON
INTRODUCTION
The Dismal River Aspect is an archeological complex occurring in
western Nebraska, western Kansas, eastern Colorado, and southeast-
ern Wyoming. The complex, which received its name from the dis-
covery sites on the Dismal River in north-central Nebraska, has been
dated at circa 1700 and is now generally attributed to Plains Apache.
Dismal River material culture is simple and indicates that the sub-
sistence pattern emphasized hunting, but that agriculture was prac-
ticed. The sites are semipermanent villages or temporary camps ap-
parently chosen with little concern for defensibility. The complex
might be described as an abbreviated version of some of the better
known and more ‘‘typical’’ Plains complexes, with several distinctive
additions, but it could probably be even better characterized as having
an alien base with an overlay of Central Plains traits. There is evi-
dence linking the Dismal River people to the Southwest, but thus far
their relationship to the Plains seems closer.
REVIEW OF PREVIOUS WORK
Components of the Dismal River Aspect were first identified by
A. T. Hill, W. D. Strong, and W. R. Wedel through reconnaissance
in western Nebraska in the early 1930’s. Strong reported the dis-
covery sites on the Dismal River (Strong, 1932, pp. 152-155; 1935,
pp. 212-217). Wedel (1935, pp. 180-182) described the brief investi-
gations at 25FT9 in southwestern Nebraska. He has also presented
a preliminary report of the excavations at 14SC1 in west-central
Kansas (Wedel, 1940 a, pp. 83-86).
At Signal Butte, Strong (1935, pp. 225-239) found Dismal River
pottery occurring in the most recent occupation level along with
Upper Republican pottery. At Ash Hollow Cave it was possible to
distinguish the Dismal River and Upper Republican manifestations
stratigraphically, and Dismal River was found to be the more recent
of the two (Champe, 1946, pp. 19, 46, 62, 111).
471762—60-——10 141
142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
The collections made by E. B. Renaud during his surface recon-
naissance of eastern Colorado in the early 1930’s contain Dismal
River pottery. However, Renaud did not relate his finds specifi-
cally to complexes being described in Nebraska, and his terminology
is such that one cannot always determine when he is referring to
Dismal River pottery in his reports (Renaud, 1931, 1932, 1933, 1935).
There are indications in certain of his reports that he may also have
collected Dismal River pottery from northeastern New Mexico
(Renaud, 1937, 1946).
The chronological position of the Dismal River Aspect in the
culture sequence established for the Central Great Plains has been
discussed by Wedel (1940b, p. 323; 1947, pp. 151-152; 1949 b, p. 329).
Datable southwestern sherds and pottery pipes, as well as Great
Bend sherds, were found with Dismal River material at the Scott
County Pueblo site in west-central Kansas. This trade material
suggests a date of circa 1700 for the Dismal River Aspect, supporting
the more exact dendrochronological datings obtained by Harry E.
Weakly for the sites in Nebraska (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, p. 205;
Weakly, 1946, pp. 105-110).
The first detailed Dismal River site report was that of excavations
by the Nebraska State Historical Society at the Lovitt Site, 25CH1,
in southwestern Nebraska (Hill and Metcalf, 1942). This work set
up an artifact inventory for the Dismal River Aspect and demon-
strated the existence of one focus, the Stinking Water Focus, to which
25CH1, 25DN1, and 25FT9 were assigned. Champe (1949), in the
preliminary report of the archeology of White Cat Village, presented
important new evidence on Dismal River houses and assigned the
site to the Stinking Water Focus.
Recently, Metcalf (1949) has suggested three pottery types for the
Aspect; Lovitt Plain, Lovitt Simple Stamped, and Lovitt Mica
Tempered. Smith (1949) was able to secure an identification of
micaceous sherds (Lovitt Mica Tempered) occurring with Dismal
River sand-tempered ware at the Scott County, Kansas, Pueblo Site.
These sherds were classified by Tichy as “late Rio Grande micaceous
culinary ware.”
The relationship of the Dismal River Aspect to other archeological
complexes has been considered by various archeologists. Keur
(1941, p. 74) has suggested that Dismal River might be ancestral
Navaho, but its chronological position precludes such a relationship.
Huscher and Huscher (1943) have intimated that stone enclosures in
Colorado may have some connection with Dismal River, but they
have reached no definite conclusions in the matter.
Anthrop. Pap. pLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 143
Speculations concerning the identity of the Dismal River people
have appeared in print since 1935 (Strong, 1935, pp. 212-217; Wedel,
1935, p. 181), with more recent works favoring some Apache tribes
as the most probable candidates (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, pp. 164-165,
212-213; Wedel, 1940 b, p. 323; 1947, pp. 151-152). Champe (1949,
p. 292), in his preliminary report of White Cat Village, supplemented
the scanty ethnohistorical data with new cartographic evidence and
presented a systematic discussion of the problem, together with a
tentative identification of the Dismal River people “with the Cuarte-
lejo and Paloma Apache and other Lipanan peoples of Apacheria of
1700.” In the opinion of Wedel the new evidence presented by
Champe ‘virtually clinches” the identity of the Dismal River people
(Wedel, 1949 b, p. 329). Secoy (1951) criticized Champe’s method
but arrived at essentially the same conclusions.
This report presents new archeological data, much of which was
obtained in connection with the Missouri River Basin Survey archeo-
logical salvage program, and utilizes both published and unpublished
data toward a comprehensive description of the Dismal River Aspect.
ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING
The Dismal River people inhabited three somewhat varied portions
of the Central Plains area,! the High Plains, the Sandhills, and the
Colorado Piedmont (fig 13). The High Plains form a broad, monoto-
nously flat belt from 100 to 200 miles wide. They reach from Texas al-
most to the Black Hills of South Dakota and include the western parts
of Nebraska and Kansas as well as eastern Colorado. In this ‘‘short-
grass country’? west of the hundredth meridian, the yearly rainfall
averages less than 15 inches. Trees, mainly willow and cottonwood,
were restricted for the most part to stream valleys, as were such
edible wild fruits as chokecherries, plums, and elderberries (?). The
uplands were covered with short grass of several varieties, and yucca,
cactus, and sagebrush were to be found. With normal rainfall the
grass could support an abundance of game, including bison, antelope,
mule deer, prairie dogs, coyotes, and prairie chickens. Only the
stream valleys were suited to primitive agriculture, however, and even
there the success of crops was closely related to the amount of rainfall.
To the northeast, in Nebraska, the High Plains merge with the
sparsely grassed dunes of the Sandhills, where the Loup, Calamus, and
Dismal Rivers have cut deep valleys. Again, trees are confined to
narrow strips along the watercourses. Small lakes and marshes
formed by sand-blocked streams are common.
1 Wedel’s discussions of the Plains as the environmental setting for aboriginal existence render summary
descriptions of the area necessarily repetitious (Wedel, 1940 b, 1941, 1953).
144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Ficure 13.—Dismal River sites.
Erosion of the western edge of the High Plains loess mantle has
resulted in the rugged zone known as the Colorado Piedmont. Near
the foot of the Rocky Mountains it is better watered and supports
more vegetation than either the High Plains proper or the Sandhills.
The rivers of the Plains flow east, providing east-west travel routes.
Their tributaries, though often small, would have assured north- and
south-bound travelers a source of water between the major streams.
In general, the area to which the Dismal River people were
restricted, by choice or by other factors, favored a subsistence economy
based on hunting, but it did not preclude agriculture on a limited
scale, and there is evidence to indicate that the Dismal River people
took advantage of horticulture opportunities.
Nogay Fae PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 145
DESCRIPTION OF DISMAL RIVER SITES
EXCAVATIONS IN HARLAN COUNTY RESERVOIR
SITE 25HN37
INTRODUCTION
Site 25HN37 (White Cat Village) is located at the eastern edge of
the region inhabited by the Dismal River people. It is in an area
more favorable to a hunting-farming economy than any other in which
Dismal River sites have yet been found. The preliminary survey of
25H.N37 was made in the summer of 1946 by a party representing the
Missouri River Basin Survey of the Smithsonian Institution. Mem-
bers of the party, Marvin F. Kivett and J. M. Shippee, were able to
locate the fireplaces of three houses, as well as several concentrations
of refuse, by means of small test excavations.
In 1948, a summer field school conducted by the Laboratory of
Anthropology, University of Nebraska, under the direction of
John L. Champe, made more extensive excavations at the site. A
preliminary report of this work has been published (Champe, 1949).
In 1949, the Laboratory’s second summer field school continued
excavations at the site. Part of the additional information obtained
in 1949 was reported briefly at the Seventh Plains Conference for
Archeology (Gunnerson and Gunnerson, MS.). Further work has
been done at the site subsequent to 1949 but the results were not
available for inclusion.
ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING
Harlan County (Moran, Covell, and Abashkin, 1930) is part of a
broad, loess-mantled plain which slopes gently eastward and which
has been modified by the valleys of the Republican River, Sappa
Creek, and Prairie Dog Creek, whose intermittent tributaries have cut
it into a series of divides, seldom over a mile wide. Several terraces
occur along the larger streams, including Prairie Dog Creek. The
native deciduous trees, chiefly willow, ash, elm, boxelder, hackberry,
and cottonwood, are confined to the watercourses.
The climate of Harlan County is characterized by wide seasonal
variations, with rather long and cold winters. The springs are usually
cool with considerable precipitation. The fall season is long with
moderate temperatures and only occasional rainy periods. The
average growing season is 151 days, between May 4th and October 2d.
The mean annual rainfall is about 20 inches, 80 percent of which occurs
between April 1st and October Ist. Precipitation in July and August,
however, is frequently rather low, and this factor, together with strong,
hot winds which accelerate evaporation, sometimes causes short
droughts. Crop failures, however, are rare.
146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Much of the bottom land in the county is Hall Silt Loam, a fertile
soil with high powers of moisture retention, which has produced large
yields of corn under modern cultivation methods. The land was
covered with an abundant growth of prairie grass before 1870, the
year when the first white settlers arrived. Such grass, along with
water and a broken terrain, would have assured the presence of game.
Site 25HN37 is located about 6 miles southeast of Alma, Nebr., in
Harlan County, just south and southwest of the center of sec. 24,
T. 1 N., R. 18 W. The village extends approximately 1,000 feet
along a terrace which forms the north bank of Prairie Dog Creek at
that point, and surface material is fairly abundant over an area 250
feet wide. The village itself is nearly level, with a slight rise to the
north. On the south there is an abrupt drop to the creek 30 feet
below. On the west and southwest, the terrace slopes gradually
down to bottom land which is flooded occasionally by the Prairie
Dog. This stream follows a meandering course, but is swift flowing
and contains water throughout the year. It is spring fed and has
a shale bottom in places. About 3 miles below the site it empties
into the Republican River. The country around 25HN37 is rough,
for drainage has resulted in the carving of steep-sided canyons, leaving
only tongues of the original plain.
The people living at 25HN37, then, enjoyed the advantages of a
level, well-drained site close to water, timber, and land tillable by
primitive methods, surrounded by country which offered prospects
of good hunting in all directions.
Completion of the Harlan County Dam in 1951 and the subsequent
impounding of water has profoundly altered the environs of 25HN37.
One branch of the reservoir, reaching up the Prairie Dog well beyond
the site, covers the bottom lands at normal pool, and at maximum
pool the village itself will be submerged.
HOUSES
A comparison of the first six house patterns excavated at White
Cat Village indicates that structures with five main posts were most
common. Five of the six houses were represented by five postholes,
nearly evenly spaced around a fireplace. The other house (House
TI), had six postholes, symmetrically spaced. The six house patterns
had an average radius of 6.8 feet considering the fireplace as the
center and the circle of post molds as the circumference. All were
nearly the same size, ranging from 5.9 to 7.5 feet in radius.
There were several smaller postholes scattered around most of the
house areas, but they formed no particular pattern. In the case of
four houses, however, there was a pair of posts opposite the east side
of the pentagon and about twice as far from the fireplace as the main
Ratha. Pap. pLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 147
@
B
a6
= @
ve
&
Postholes 6 Q 5. 10
Fireplace © eet
Figure 14.—Ground plan of House I, 25HN37.
Posthole data
Eostholese = sears ae ee a ee mes 52 ee A B (& D E M N
Mepthi(feet) mao s-n 2 cess a 1.4 1S 0.9 1.0 il eal 0.9
Diameter (feet) oa 2-22 oe at/ 8 .7 7 SU) 4 4
postholes. These pairs of postholes were spaced on an average of
5.3 feet apart. The position of these paired posts in relation to the
houses suggests that they represent part of an entrance structure.
House I.—House I (fig. 14 and pl. 3, a) at White Cat Village was
represented by five main postholes arranged symmetrically around
a fireplace, with two additional postholes to the east which probably
represent part of an entrance. The main postholes formed a circle
about 15 feet in diameter. House I and House II overlapped (fig.
15) so that the fireplaces were some 6 feet apart. The floors of the
two lodges could not be distinguished, hence no stratigraphy could
be established. The artifacts from these two houses are listed
together in table 1.
House IT.—House II (fig. 16 and pl. 2) is represented by six post-
holes arranged symmetrically around a fireplace, but no evidence of
possible entrance postholes was observed. Five of the six postholes
were easily located at the floor level, but the arrangement suggested
the presence of a sixth posthole near the fireplace of House I. This
sixth post was found but only after cutting through part of the floor
at the edge of the hearth of the House I fireplace. Posthole A (fig. 16)
was interpreted as representing an auxiliary post set beside posthole
148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
; Feet
Postholés of House I e
Postholes of House II 0
Other postholes e
Fireplace of HouuseI @
Fireplace of House II ©
Ficure 15.—Ground plan of excavation 2, 25HN37.
A’, perhaps to strengthen a weak portion of the structure. The
main postholes formed a circle about 14 feet in diameter.
The only clue to the relative age of Houses I and II was the oblitera-
tion of one of the postholes of House II near the fireplace of House
I. It would appear that activity around the fireplace (of House I)
probably obliterated the posthole of the earlier house (House II).
The floors were just beneath the lowest level of cultivation, which
makes it seem unlikely that the houses had been much more than 8
inches deep. In some places the floors had been furrowed by the
plow. A small trash-filled pit was found within the area excavated
for Houses I and II. It does not seem to represent an integral part
of either of the houses and will be discussed as a separate feature.
qnthrop. Pap. PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 149
@
ea! :
@
A
®
© C
&
F
& ®
E D
Postholes @ V4.4 __10
Fireplace (© eet
Ficure 16.—Ground plan of House II, 25HN37.
Posthole data
Posthole sane so nee san ae ee sea ceeeaas=e A NG _=&B Cc D E ly
Depth (fect) a_ ea. 2===-~ 5.2. h-ee Fess 1.0 15) 1.4 15 5 1.0 1.4
Diameterg (tect) see = ee eee ean .8 5S Sif 8 7 7 otf
TaBLE 1.—Artifacts from Houses I and II
Description Number Comment
Pottery:
153 Ui Ss ae ee ee 4
Ody Beek Pet ee ee Bs 270
Stone, worked:
Seraperss=<= =<. 2-<-<-s525- @
Qe ee ee
Feet
Postholes e@
Fireplace ©)
Ficure 18.—Ground plan of House IV, 25HN37.
Posthole data
Pant hole iss eee ee te Es WR A B ic D E M N
Depth (feet) i= == ae eee oo ee eee aes 1.3 12 1.2 1.3 0.8 Not recorded
Diameters(feet) sas eo ee ee ese eee ees .8 .8 AY) nt At 0.5 0.5
fireplace at about floor level. The significance of this area is unknown.
The artifacts from this house are listed in table 3.
TABLE 3.—Artifacts from House IV
Description Number Comments
Pottery:
iBonestmworked ore. - sate a tee ads s8 eee 8 oe siete
Shell san workedssa2 - sce se5 eae een eae co ceneccee ne aaecssessseene=e=
House V.—House V (fig. 19 and pl. 4, 6) was represented by five
postholes symmetrically arranged around a fireplace, and two addi-
tional postholes that probably represent an entrance. The main
postholes formed a circle about 14 feet in diameter. An excavation
approximately 19 feet in diameter was made around the fireplace
and was extended an additional 7 feet to the east in order to locate
the entrance postholes. The house was unusual in that no extra
postholes and no artifacts were found within the area excavated.
152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
8
F
®
EB
6
D
e@
O G
8
)
CG A
i)
B
Postholes @ 0 5 A 10
Fireplace © fest) vane
Ficure 19.—Ground plan of House V, 25HN37.
Posthole data
Rostholes.22 ee bat ton UNO Ri wen pene eee A B Cc D E F G
Depth (feet) eee = ae eo ares 0.9 1.0 ul 1.0 1.0 0.8 0.6
Diameteri(feet) aaa setae ee ens 9 -8 as -8 BTA 55 Al
House VI.—House VI (fig. 20 and pl. 5) had been burned and
consequently it provided much information concerning house struc-
ture which was not available from the other houses. Again, in this
house there were five main postholes arranged symmetrically around
a fireplace. No evidence of entrance postholes could be found, how-
ever. The main postholes formed a circle about 14 feet in diameter.
Seven additional postholes were found within or very near House VI.
All but one of these were small and none of them seemed to represent
a part of the structure.
Just outside of the circle of main postholes was a band of earth
burned red and orange and containing a great deal of charcoal.
This band, although not burned to a solid color, could be followed
about three-fourths of the way around the house. The gap was at
the east. Part of the burned earth and charcoal had been removed
by cultivation, but much of the charcoal had not been disturbed and
the orientation of the fallen poles could be determined. The charcoal
appeared to be both on top of and surrounded by the burned earth.
The outer edge of the burned band was especially sharp to the
southwest and the inner edge tended everywhere to thin out gradually.
Within the circle of main postholes, charcoal and burned earth were
————
No pay? F#P- PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 153
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ee C) eS
Postholes ®
Leaner stains ° Feet
Charred poles a
Ficure 20.—Ground plan of House VI, 25HN37.
Posthole data
Postholet= sss 22s tie) es SA ee eres
A
Depeny (reat) eee ae ee es oe eee ae eS 1.3 lp
ID TORS (WEN) Res aeeetee ees Leet cepa pes eb pe a ee EO are 5
relatively scarce, but much of the floor was covered with a sooty black
stain.
On the south side and about a foot beyond the burned area was an
arc of eight small round stains rather evenly spaced. These stains,
which were interpreted as the impressions of the butts of leaner
poles, were brown and black, with charcoal or decayed wood present
in four of the eight. Nine other similar stains were found at intervals
along the west side of the house. These 17 stains approximate an
arc about 25 feet in diameter and concentric with the circle formed
by the main postholes.
154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
The interpretation of the stains as the remains of leaner poles is
substantiated by the orientation of the pieces of charcoal, many of
which lay nearly radially from the center of the house. The sticks
in one group, however, lay nearly parallel to one another but almost
at right angles to the radius of the house circle (pl. 6, a). A few
of these pieces lay over posthole B. Since nearly all of the charred
poles lay outside of the circle of main postholes, it seems more logical
to interpret these remains as part of the wall structure rather than
part of the roof.
The charred poles mentioned above which were not lying radially,
were in line with some of the small round stains at the south edge of
the lodge. Between these poles and stains were some other smaller
pieces of charcoal, also lying approximately in line. If it could be
assumed that these all represent the same leaners, the leaners would
have been at least 9 feet long, the distance from the ends of the
charred poles to the stains with which they were in line. The hori-
zontal distance from the leaner stains to the circle of main posts is
about 41 feet, hence the center posts would have been 7 to 8 feet high
if the leaners had terminated at stringers joining the tops of the main
posts.
The fireplace of this house was not recognized until the main
postholes were found, after which it was easily located in the center
of the pentagon. It first appeared as a black circle containing a
piece of iron, burned bone, hematite, charcoal, burned earth, stone,
and ash, all of which suggested a trash-filled pit. Later, when this
area was cross sectioned, it was found to be a basin-shaped fireplace
containing some refuse and covered with a black sooty material which
suggested that the fire had been smothered. The black sooty material
contained a considerable amount of hard, shiny, porous substance,
some of which appeared fibrous in nature.
A small sample of this material was heated in an open crucible over
a gas flame. At first a very strong stench like that of burning animal
matter was given off. Continued heating resulted in the material’s
changing from black to gray and eventually to buff.
The iron object in the fireplace proved to be a trade ax (pl. 37)
which had been forcibly driven into the fireplace (pl. 6,6). The ax was
embedded in the west edge of the fireplace in such a position that the
handle would have been pointing east and upward at about 45 degrees,
indicating that whoever struck it into the fireplace would have been
standing on the east side.
Speculation has led to at least two possible explanations for this
unusual occurrence. It has been suggested that the ax had been inten-
tionally placed in the fire in order to burn out an old handle prior to
inserting a new one. In such a case, it might well have been driven
NathEgP: Pap. PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 155
deep into the ground to protect the blade from excess heat. If this
explanation were correct, it seems unlikely that the ax would have been
abandoned even if the house had burned down before it could be re-
moved from the fire. The scarcity of trade material at this site and
at other Dismal River sites suggests that such an ax would have been
an object of considerable value.
Another possible explanation for the presence of the ax is that it was
left by an enemy who may have fired the house and struck his ax into
the fireplace as a sort of coup.
Two additional metal objects were found in House VI. A copper
jingle (pl. 38, c) was found in the loose dirt in the house while the floor
was being leveled. There is little doubt that the jingle came from
the floor of the house, but the exact provenience is not known. The
other metal object (pl. 38, d) was a piece of sheet brass, about 1.5 cm.
wide and 3.4 cm. long. It had been doubled along its short axis but
it had not been completely flattened together. It was found below
the cultivated soil about 7 feet southeast of the fireplace.
A few other artifacts from House VI deserve special mention.
iS
aA
XXXXxX
APPENDIX 2
SOURCES OF INFORMATION CONCERNING DISMAL RIVER SITES
Given below is a list of the sites mentioned in this paper which are
either definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect.
The agency or agencies which have material and/or information
concerning the site are also listed and are given in the approximate
order of the amount of the material in their respective collections.
The abbreviations for the agencies follow:
WING ALA. 2. ce ope University of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology,
Lincoln.
INSH S222 22 2eee ae sees Nebraska State Historical Society.
SIME BSucs 2 eh ee eS Smithsonian Institution, Missouri River Basin Surveys,
Lincoln, Nebr.
Of D eae eet? yee University of Denver, Department of Anthropology,
Denver.
MOR Ce pepe iopnee aay epee eet University of Colorado Museum, Boulder.
|G) SE ee ele a ee University ot Kansas Museum of Natural History,
Lawrence.
5 5 Ue Ae ee ee een Ce Collection of H. H. McConnell, Boulder, Colo.
i 51h (ae A eer OD Collection of R. W. Haynes, Fort Lupton, Colo.
‘SL Cees ee. LA Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C.
Sites definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect and the agency
having information concerning them
SITES IN NEBRASKA
Site Other name of site Agency
ORIN es a I Tele Se) cake Adie ah ied Sra! mal ete | UNLA
DSK CAG ss ee SUNN tne | [oh ep eg he Rael Ea Me En ane Pee ae NSHS
FS Cees So ole MI EU Se hm A aie 2 se ty 8 Ad ba Seep a NSHS
DES OF tes A Ui eC NA a ee i 0 enced et eh e Ace end Se NSHS
Ey ODO re eS ee 0 as ra le Sy A eld lle, olin ll NSHS.
2.5 OM ea Re ints SS AS hovitt: Sitewssi ee aes Se NSHS, UNLA
PASS GiB E7 (mean aa dere McCallum-Hofer Site___...____-_ }
PAR OILS Ua mS PR Reet iad SkeltontSitemes 2252s see ass NSHS.
AAS Gl 6 O17. a regain Pathe BakerSites esos aaa ne = ay ba NSHS.
ING eee eat rhe Nichols! Sitett 225533245 sss35— NSHS, UNLA
EER oS hl AEN All ce ee hoot ese mtg Ah de My a SS a UN LA
TED ee ea dee Dick#Sites-se-4=2 5 $= 555509255 NSHS
AS Ch DP a ee A Ash Hollows @avete == sesso 2ss22 UNLA.
PEN Oia ne White Cat Villsgesn) 22222 2242 UNLA, SIMRBS
TW ESOIN A Aero ih or | eS i Oe oh rt wants Br 8! 0 Se mo UNLA.
OTE (OES aR Ab AIR Volt od che al ae Pe rae Roe eRe Pere NSHS
PES Oy medal au. 82, See Le Sen [liv at SS A ote me Se Voc mel hm Slee te te rhe ke NSHS
ADELE UCR Be aR as Soh LUN ed ete aD ancipe nate be ee poet I ee NSHS
STEN OVE. Sei Bee ies shod 2 Rl IR ae reall ee eteotgicg a pete e eae nee rage NSHS.
Eres bcd CG) ype ak ar pooh 0 Ieee ee hr ae ah gat Dee hy = NSHS, SIMRBS.
ELSIE 1 GF et a i owe Sitereee cee l Baril oa 2s 2 on eee SIMRBS.
SAR TEU OS) eT ES) 0th Le lnalad eedoad tea as pakende ae et Paes
75) a) 4 CS ole Humphrey Site; Matthews Site_- NSH SIMRBS
25HO24
255
256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Sites definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect and the agency
having information concerning them—Continued
SITES IN NEBRASKA—Continued
Site Other name of site Agency
7450 5 1 0 J (0 ee Rem Ber [hi A i nea ay CRIT NSHS
QEETOSUGL LUT OED CANE NE TOOLS RSI, OT Ee be NSHS
ZOOS AS sei Oe eae Ry ce el ws NSHS
PAB ING: URE ae a) Sia at Form Site a2 wee ma mene.) sete na NSHS
QoTIN Zest SL. DONE LPO eS _ yu anaes,” penis UNLA
DN tiesey eM a ee UNLA
A] UDA eS Ne a ye NA tg tay hi ota ite Yo UNLA
QBTIN SEI SEE aE ON Ue yet Re UNLA
CIN Geely sie ey ae ee aie Pe a) eg UNLA
DING es te eh aS Ee nt ee cc oe Ferepen UNLA
PSS EAS lal A RR ASRS ea TN SR AG SHR Uh sy Aa el spon | hoe UNLA
A OGINA OR ee te ALDI et Soe teee) Var eta i es Lore ape Nn ee UNLA
PEI IG 7a em Wap aR a, ATOM igh aR ERNE Eterna UNLA
75) S31 Rete sategee gees ae ICU OME bee eee te ere, SI.
75) SP 0 aaa aa ey Bi os Round Top Site. 7 oo oe ae UNLA.
ABS DOM? Po ee Glenn ssite (2 aie ce iienen eee a UNLA.
7a Nah) Ut 1S, nape tah ha Atl Be se, igs A Nae Ea lina tell NSHS
COLO ND 24222 NOUGAT 8: BONA. Ne Oe eu ed Ge UD
COTO VR Te ah hy 20 PUES of 2 ARDEP diets I Ra a Coa pkey UD
© OT ORE Z A ra ren eee) eS Pn eae pwn i a UD
(OXON OLN 27/2 aa MINE Pal er PY ye OPM Ue ea aS AUR ge re pce deat he ad UD
COV OME VAST ICR aie n, eran AO a ain att Sa gt eer eee TO a UD.
COTW OA Nea Me AR I ts et a eA St PT ea ae es ee UD.
COLO IGA emits ce Rabie hate aie Le ee ee Oe UD.
COTO!S VSG Be i ea CAPM RRL oN ite ned ed UD.
COT ORG UG RO ee rs a RE Ores ee dite, eta ete reer at UD
COLORKE Fe ee ESS Oma CL GD Eley. cde bone Nie, Worle 26 UD
(GC OTE ORG Ss mer wre cm tne tor eee ocr) LAINIE, Yet Was BAC CN Ace en Can HP UD
COT OAM: O's Gime te BCE ic Ue Ee RL rey CI RI UD.
COLO IME OED cee ran ta hs CL rai ae weg eae: Wea deah i Meee WIDy.
COTE ON Ae Hao ee ada rt Os ee Mana aha NORCO EN pee UD.
COOLS AD bk ces teens ee aay Aoki sean nec ue tt ly UD.
COM OM iO ea onaae ye sas [ie Tate cyan Ua tailing) AA ltt UD»
COLMOW Waecene rier Ny ie ee hol ies eae ee UD.
COLON Bs yy eNO a at ape ae ec UD.
COTO MVE ar i egiay gh sae NO AU Ne ce a eo ae UD.
GLO) Gy Oy Aetasely faaie me hott PAI | Cady reo hadi iapade ann cayin yt tanger yale btn UD
CORO ZrO re! meee iy ANE See et NES ae gs ea UD |
COLO DS ORY Apa We NO AMRRS 218 Ne a a na aa te chy wat alpul UD
Np ee EE EL ES VRE SARI, ee en wh en ore ein pee ha ame UC |
10 VaAVOMERLIENG ante gta A, ST Rca aly glare Me ie“ veulin. folly upped ete) UC: |
PB te HAMA CA OPE GL fe) oR MYL ae | pea OTT TA Mien SNP LAG uy Saher ues Ay WCE |
dO) ARIES pa aca NT |S i aed Coat Ik sl eel eras, UC. |
11,0: SU aL ae i! ele ue se er Wc:
I BEST OO MMR IRN aad 2 7 a a ey allie es pened Aptos a ol RWH
Berg 2 Vis ey mae an eee) STW Ly oe far se ee ORI Tine ae HHM
IBY Opi Ro Vey eae ced 2 Al ey ACN al aaa cone Reo eter bln Badcee' op, HHM
Watayette hime ley e enanug e|(P eine 2h crn eee ey ei Man ieee tee tee HHM
Stern giana an ypmean iyi ok ho en Rage. eee NSHS
2) CU Ke a RE ah eR | te aera ay Ney and, ne Dado uy RWH
Wielcliten ees digas eitre veg- yl” CUR ga OE Si a glee chum Mee at nraee RWH
Noes} t 2?) PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 257
Sites definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect and the agency
having information concerning them—Continued
SITES IN WYOMING
Site Other name of site Agency
ASG eee Seen Sey tee 2 a Dee ee Pe ee oo SIMRBS.
WHY SUFI eM ao a Retina pa ta ape er Es a id oly UD.
WAY OWACARG cI ene aa Poe el eh a ee ba ss es UD:
SITES IN SOUTH DAKOTA
SEE AAG esr ed Ben Pe tet a i ae ip SY age eT eS ye SIMRBS.
SOWA SS | Ri ety oS Rte: TaD eile a, A ey 8 ecm SIMRBS.
SITE IN KANSAS
PASO R Str) Scott County Pueblo Site______- UK Sir UNDA.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
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1946. Ash Hollow Cave. Univ. Nebraska Stud., n.s., No. 1. Lincoln.
1949. White Cat Village. Amer. Antiq., vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 285-292.
FLETCHER, ALICE C., and LAFLEscHE, FRANCIs.
1911. The Omaha tribe. 27th Ann. Rep., Bur. Amer. Ethnol.
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1956. The Southern Athabascans: Their arrival in the Southwest. El
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GUNNERSON, JAMEs H.
1956. Plains-Promontory relationships. Amer. Antiq., vol.22, pp. 69-72.
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MS. Further notes on the Dismal River Aspect. Paper presented at
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Hiu, A. T., and Mercatr, GrorGE.
1942. A site of the Dismal River Aspect in Chase County, Nebraska. Ne-
braska Hist. Mag., vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 158-226.
HuscueEr, Betry H., and HuscuEr, Haroun A.
1943. The hogan builders of Colorado. Southwestern Lore, vol. 9, No. 2.
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JEANCON, J. A.
1929. Archeological investigations in the Taos Valley, New Mexico, during
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1941. Big Bead Mesa. Soc. Amer. Archeol., Mem. No. 1.
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1932. The artifacts of Pecos. Pap. Southwestern Expedition, No. 6,
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Kivett, Marvin F,
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Martin, H. T.
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Merca.r, GEORGE.
1949. Three pottery types from the Dismal River Aspect. Proc. Fifth Plains
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Anthro? Pap. PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 259
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 1
View looking east across 25HN37. House IV is in the immediate foreground. Houses I,
II, and III are in the middle of the picture. Houses V and VI were located just beyond
the fence near the top of the picture. The trees at the right of the picture are along
Prairie Dog Creek.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 2
View across excavations for Houses I, II, and III, 25HN37. The five postholes in the
foreground represent House II. The sixth posthole was later found near the fireplace
of House I.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 3
a, House I, 25HN37, with postholes reopened.
Steel chaining pins indicate locations of
other postholes in the excavation. b, House III, 25HN37, with postholes reopened. The
extra postholes in the excavation are also evident.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 4
a, House 1V, 25HN37, with postholes reopened. 6, House V, 25HN37, with postholes cross
sectioned.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 173 PLATE 5
a, House VI, 25HN37, with charred poles left on floor.
poles were removed.
b, House VI, 25HN37, after charred
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 6
F 25HN3T
| 5a
The arrow points north. 0, Iron ax
a Charred poles on floor of House VI, 25HN37.
embedded in fireplace of House VI, 25HN3
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE7
Cross-sectioned ia ne at 25HN37
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE8
Restored pottery vessels from 25CH1. a, Height, 9 inches. b, Height, 10 inches. e,
Height 44 inches. d, Height, 744 inches. e, Height, 8% inches. (a, University of
Nebraska Laboratory of Anthropology Collection; b-e, Nebraska State Historical Society
Collection.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE9
e f
Unusual Dismal River pottery. a, Coiled pottery from 25CH1. 6, From 25C27. cc, d,
Show surface decorated with punctates; c, from 25N3; d, from COLO:S:12:5.
From 25SX301. (b is 3.7 cm. long.)
ovis
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 10
f |
Decorated Dismal River pottery. Incised decoration on sherds a-d and f. e, Has a cord-
impressed line. a, c, From 25HO21. b, e, From 25DN1. d, From 25HO7. f, From
25LN2. (b is 2.6 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 11
a-c, Pottery pipe fragments from 25HO21. d-f, Gravers from 25HN37. g-1, Smooth
pieces of caliche from 25HN37. (b 3.1 cm. long; f, 3.3 cm. long; g, 3.4 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 12
vy
a
d
¥
ete
bed
< ope
m n eo p q
oO
Projectile points from 25HN37. (a is 2.4 cm. long.)
BUREAUJOF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 13
Projectile points from 25HO21. (Upper left is 2.7 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 14
f g h
ote
Drills from 25HN37. (a is 4.6 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 15
¥
a
aa
:
V
g i i
Drills from 25HO21. (Lower left is 2.9 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 16
d
Knives from 25HN37. (a is 5.5 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 17
‘ i
Knives from 25HO21. (g is 11 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 18
Choppers from 25HN37. (Upper left is 15 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 19
——
End scrapers from 25HN37. (Upper left is 4 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 73 PLATE 20
i
g h
Scrapers with tangs or projections (af and h) and gravers (g and 7) from 25HO21. (6
is 4.5 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 21
Side scrapers from 25HN37. (Upper right is 5.4 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BULLETIN 173° PEATE 22
End scrapers with projections or tangs from 25HN37.
|
(Upper left is 2.7 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 23
d
a-c, Sandstone abraders from 25HN37. d, Metate from 25HN37. (c, 7.7 cm. long; d, 20
cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 24
Seca hoaNT*
a gh ht
Sandstone abraders from 25HO21. (b is 4 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 25
Ground stone artifacts from 25HO2!l. a, Hammer stone. b, Grinding or rubbing stone.
(a, 19 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 26
Worked bone from 25HN37. 4, J, Beads. c, Shaft wrench. d, Butt of an awl or punch.
e, Awl. (b is 4.2 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUBEERINGs™ PEATE 27
Triangular bone awls (a-c), awl butts (d-e), and bone “punch” (f). (a is 8.8 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 28
Splinter bone awls (a-c) and flat bone awls (d-e) from 25HO21. (a is 8.4 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 29
Worked bone from 25HO21: a, c, Scraps left from making bone projectile points(?). b, d
Scraps left from making triangular awl. e¢, Blank for triangular awl. (cis 4.9 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 30
Bone and antler artifacts from 25HO21. a,b, Bone projectile points. c, Bone projectile
’
point(?). d, Cut antler tine. ¢, Shaft wrench. (0 is 9.6 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 31
. -
Bone spatulas (a and b) and worked rib sections (c and d) from 25HO21. (a is 7.9 cm.
long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 32
Worked bone from 25HO21. ai, Beads. j, Whistle. (a 1s 4.7 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 33
H2SWORI- FARGO
Worked bone from 25HO21. a, Broken-eyed needle(?). b, Needle fragment(?).
Bracelet(?) or head band(?). (b is 4.4 cm. long.)
ri
=
BULLETIN 173 PLATE 34
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Bone tools from 25HO21. a, Metapodial flesher. 0}, Possible flesher. c, Ulna pick(?).
(a is 7.1 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLERIN G73: PLATE 35
Bone fleshers from 25HN37. a is only partially finished.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 36
Scapula digging tools. a,c, From 25HO21. 6, From 25HN37. (a is 19 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEFPEDTINGG73 PEATE 37
Tron ax found in the fireplace of House VI, 25HN37. (16 cm. long.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 38
d
European trade items from 25HN37. a,b, Gun flints. c-e, Copper or brass jingles. (¢ is
2.5 cm. long.)
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 59
THE USE OF THE ATLATL ON LAKE PATZCUARO,
MICHOACAN
By M. W. STIRLING
261
471762—60—_-18
aod Wit ey: ie hy Pi is ' inh N
hi ee
WN, hy
abd Unit rae Wii
4
Meili, ph tape Ree eloae Panera = aetna meee
Saat 1 seeder eenapem ens F pala wae sores 7 ree . ;
eS
» Vig: Seto, neice omni) Bh Coury Pili:
i
CONTENTS
PAGE
introductions aos s2 noe ee ioe Bis eeteeee Meee ae te ee eee 265
Wsctof thevatlatiz=s.s: 3.2502) 3. eee Sete Sh eens Soo paeseeeee 265
Deseripton, Of the atiatl-scs20 2 252. ose et eo aces sla ae esos 267
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES
FOLLOWING
PAGE
39. Preparing to throw spear. a, First position. 6b, Method of engaging
GTR STG cg ses il ed ee he ee ae he 268
40. Preparing to throw spear. a, Second position. 6, Final position__---_--- 268
At Four atlatis from Janitzio, ‘Pront/and profiles:22 2S ses. 55s282_ 02 See 268
j asters nes { eae ey ‘ 1
i ki, wh
Roast ra
a
Pilea an) met thy td ming mo mes
Witt Dey gi
sleep, 4 Slates a* ol singh ne dig wh
i‘
pen rah eobali
ifs
gag. nk db pees
oe A a
~
a at m ie ‘3 beck & otiace at a0 Leon wont ‘phy a
7
’
gue Rem ew ty wn seme Ali doy pt a wi AI om a eh
Ses, ae SG ON Mone taneees «Hoi roe Hcp oe tanga words
Ah BOR ae ein Ae lone td en MRD DR bia Na rath ine we
THE USE OF THE ATLATL ON LAKE PATZCUARO,
MICHOACAN
By M. W. SrirLine
INTRODUCTION
In 1944, while engaged in archeological work for the National
Geographic Society and the Smithsonian Institution, I visited Lake
Patzcuaro in the State of Michoacan with Richard Stewart of the
National Geographic Society. We took the opportunity of accom-
panying a small group of Tarascan Indians from the village of Ja-
nitzio, on a coot-hunting trip on the lake. The pictures that illustrate
this article were taken by Stewart, who also made a kodachrome
motion-picture record of the hunt.
USE OF THE ATLATL
As is well known to ethnologists, the use of the atlatl, or spear
thrower, still persists on Lake Patzcuaro. The term “atlatl’’ is, of
course, an Aztec word. The Tarascans call it ‘“phatamu.’” Once
employed throughout the Americas as the principal weapon of
the aborigines, it was used many centuries before the bow and
arrow. Curiously enough at the beginning of the 16th century when
Europeans reached the New World, with the exception of a few scat-
tered areas the spear thrower was extensively used only in the two
most civilized regions, Middle America and Peru. This seems para-
doxical at first glance, but the reason may be that in these regions of
intensive agriculture, hunting had become unimportant, while to the
wild tribes the superiority of the bow and arrow as a hunting weapon
was more apparent.
That the atlatl was an effective weapon in warfare, as used by the
Peruvians and Mexicans, is amply attested in the early Spanish chron-
icles. It is even possible that in close combat it was superior to the
bow and arrow. Very elaborate carved spear throwers, embellished
with gold and semiprecious stones, were used by military leaders in
both Mexico and Peru.
It was not long after the Conquest that the atlatl went out of use
as a weapon of war, but it persisted until recent years as a hunting
265
266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
implement among the Aztecs in the region of Xochimilco in the Valley
of Mexico, and among the Tarascans on Lake Patzcuaro. Probably
the only other region in the New World where the spear thrower has
not entirely gone out of use is among the Nunivak Eskimo of western
Alaska. Interestingly enough, here, too, it is used only for aquatic
hunting, principally of birds but sometimes of sea otter and small
seals. For land hunting the Nunivak use the bow and arrow. The
hunting techniques in these two widely separated regions are very
similar. The Eskimo approach a flock of “‘sitting’”’ birds as closely
as possible. As the flock rises from the water they launch the multi-
pronged spear into its midst. ‘The Tarascans do the same.
On Lake Patzcuaro, coots or mudhens are quite numerous and are
hunted at almost any time. In the fall, migrating ducks of many
species come to the lake in quantities, and this is the time most of the
hunting is done.
On October 31, according to George Foster,! a large communal
hunt is conducted. On this date as many as a thousand canoes, each
containing several men, gather near Janitzio, the island village.
The hunters form two large concentric rings with the canoes around
the largest concentration of ducks. Those in the inner group approach
and launch their spears simultaneously as the flock rises. The
remaining ducks fly a short distance and usually alight in the space
between the two rings. The outer ring then converges and repeats
the attack. On this particular hunt thousands of ducks are killed.
Except for this one day, duck hunting is an individual affair, from one
to four canoes in a line stalking the birds.
On the occasion that Stewart and I went out as observers, there
were two hunting canoes, each with a single occupant. The target
was a large flock of coots. We approached very slowly, the canoes
close together, stopping to drift from time to time. When we were
within about 30 yards of the flock, the birds became uneasy and took
flight. As they left the water, the two hunters rose to their feet and
launched their spears into the mass of birds. On the first approach,
one coot was hit, the other throw was a miss. Each hunter has two
spears, and if the approach is close enough, he quickly throws the
second.
The birds alighted about 300 yards away and we made a second
approach. This time each man got a bird. We tried two more
approaches, but by now the birds had grown wary and we could not
get within range, so the hunters gave up.
The approach is made with the canoe pointed toward the flock.
When the hunter is ready to throw, he quickly stands erect, with his
1 Empire’s children: The people of Tzintzuntzan, by George M. Foster, Inst. Social Anthrop., Publ. No. 6,
Washington, 1948.
Nooo}? = USE OF ATLATL, MICHOACAN—STIRLING 267
left foot forward. The shaft of the spear is grasped near the middle
and lifted by the left hand. At the same time the atlatl is grasped
in the right hand, the index and middle fingers are inserted through
the two holes, and the remaining fingers and the thumb grasp the
handle. The spur is instantly engaged in the hollow at the butt of
the spear shaft, the spear is lifted by the left hand to shoulder height
and parallel to the water. In this position the shaft is released by the
left hand and launched by the right with a sweeping overhand motion.
The shaft is steadied in position, parallel to the long axis of the canoe
until the instant the throw is started, the thumb and fingers grasping
the atlatl handle.
DESCRIPTION OF THE ATLATL
The shaft of the spear is made from the giant reed (Arundo donaz),
an introduced species from Asia Minor that is now widespread in the
Western Hemisphere.”
In aboriginal times it is probable that the native cane, Gynerium
saguttatum called cafia brava, was used. However, this is much
heavier than the introduced species and its use was probably aban-
doned when the lighter cane became available. This is not only easier
to throw, but it floats. It is cut at the butt of the shaft just below
one of the joints, so as to leave a hollow receptacle for the spur of the
atlatl. The forepart is cut about 6 inches from the joint. Into the
opening thus formed are inserted the three wires, whose wide-spread-
ing poir ts form the leister. The entire shaft is about 9 feet long.
The atlatl itself is carved from “palo azul” wood and is about 24
inches in length. It is concave on the under side and convex on the
upper so that in cross section it is more or less U-shaped. Just before
the handle it becomes broad and flat so as to admit the two finger
holes. The handle itself is rectanguloid to cylindrical in cross section.
The upper end of the grooved under surface ends in the spur which
engages the butt of the spear. Above this on the upper surface is a
larger spur, or hook, which is used to retrieve the floating spears from
the water.
The manufacture of atlatls is carried on by a few specialists in
Janitzio who sell them to the hunters for about a peso to a peso,and
a half. The spears are sold for about the same amount.
Atlatls are frequently depicted in the native codices and at still
earlier periods in carvings on stone monuments, both by the Aztecs
and the Maya.’
Invariably these are represented as very much shorter than the
Tarascan specimens, but I believe that this is the result of artistic
conventionalization. More than a dozen elaborately carved and
* Botanical identifications by Dr. F. A. McClure, of the Department of Botany, U.S. National Museum.
3 The atlatl or spear-thrower of the ancient Mexicans, by Zelia Nuttall, Archeol.and Ethnol. Pap., Pea-
body Museum, Harvard University, vol. I, No. 3, 1891.
268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
decorated Mexican atlatls have been preserved from the time of the
Conquest.‘
These vary in length from a little over 20 inches to 24% inches,
which makes them approximately of the same proportions as the
Tarascan examples. It is probable that the efficiency of the imple-
ment would be impaired if it varied too much from the 20- to 24-inch
range.
In addition to these actual examples of early atlatls, there are a
good many descriptions written by 16th-century chroniclers, which,
together with the native illustrations, show that at least three types
of atlatl were utilized.
The spears, too, are described with some frequency by the early
writers. Torquemada records a tradition in which Huitzilopochth,
god of war, gave the Aztecs the weapons with which they fought,
‘long spears made of cane stalks and tipped with obsidian, which
they threw with a certain implement called ‘atlatl.’ ”
The anonymous conqueror, who was one of the recorders of the
Cortez Conquest, speaks of ‘‘spears thrown by a crossbow made of
another piece of wood. These spears were tipped with obsidian, or
with very sharp strong fish bones. Some had three points and inflicted
three wounds at once.”
Zelia Nuttall makes an interesting observation as to the possible
derivation of the term ‘‘atlatl’’: “Considering that the original use
of the atlatl was in aquatic chase by the atlacatl, or fishermen, whose
name is a synthesis of atl, water, and tlacatl men, I venture the sug-
gestion that the word “‘atlatl’’ may primarily have been a synthesis
formed with the verbal noun élatlacani, thrower, and atl, water. This
would give the word atlatlacani meaning ‘water thrower.’ ”’
It seems clear that the atlatl and spear, as used on Lake Patzcuaro
today, is in almost every respect the same implement that was used
in pre-Columbian times. The iron prongs now used in place of fish
bones, or fire-hardened wood, are about the only concession to modern
times. It can be assumed that the methods of using this interesting
device are also the same as those employed five centuries ago.
4 The wood carver’s art in ancient Mexico, by Marshall H. Saville, Mus. Amer. Indians, Heye Founda-
tion, Contr., vol. 9, 1925.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 39
Preparing to throw spear. a, First position. 6, Method of engaging the spear.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 40
Preparing to throw spear. a, Second position. , Final position.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 41
ey
Four atlatls from Janitzio. Front and profile.
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 60
A CAROLINE ISLANDS SCRIPT
By SAUL H. RIESENBERG and SHIGERU KANESHIRO
471762—60——_19
269
’ r
‘ lah)
A
ie
J r
\
é
i
L
'
yo
li
l f
i
i fr
VOLTUTITEA VAIMORMTIMe ~
Eales
09.0% vorsqutl Ie
esIog ectviAder a ms
CONTENTS
PAGE
AmiGrOee ate So ae ie ae ee Ne te ee ee ee 273
ype sermpt Sie Bia Ae eee ee see Ge a el BRS, Oo 273
Wpe: 2 SCTIDb = aa as oe a = een eet To abrir tion 6h We 2 277
Present-day knowledge and distribution of the writing_________________ 279
Number and sequenee of charaetersa./ f2s2 2 BNO eee 282
AOeieuman fee -WihhbiNer e530) ea ek ee eS ae 282
IDmineiness OF UNE wWWO types. U------s 2a. ee eee eee 282
Similarity of Type 2 script to the alphabet________________________ 283
Dyligvic:waluenms ss Sea wet kk Fee A, Wi De Eel eS 283
Type, history reconstructed 2 ie. a es pgs eee, ee 284
IP OSSIDIONSOURCER = 26a 2 2s Be See ae ae id he es 284
TGiIg GIS bie -AMIUIATIONS i. ooo ot ot ae 287
flie al ynapeb Ob PT Kee hae ee See nh ee ee eee ge oe 287
Alfred Snelling and the Trukese castaways__________._._____-- 288
Adoptioniof the) Trukese:characters2us 250 220. Loose ess 290
Spredd@iok ype 2 Wwhthe= 2025225. 2.2 ete eee 293
Pye. WIStORV S22. =~ 2S sapanre se a sy ee A Ee a 294
Invention at: Faraulep. 2.72" 222 2222 2 ey eg Fmd pean os i oD 295
Horete mein sen Ce: 2. sea. 4 ces 8 OE ea 296
DD RUCNCEAIT WE WLIO cir ee 2S eee 8 2 ae fac ae ae ee a ee 297
Werivahion, Of CHAaTACters= =". 2.2.8 Mae oe ee one ae eee 297
TIALY SIS Ol une Wrivia pe. Salen ce Vadel saree Ie My TA ee 299
Phonemes, phonemic combinations, and characters________________- 299
Leneth:.of. vowel not. distinguished) 2. 22 se - seve, Wh ee 300
Wome Lchargctorscs 2. oul S200 2s es aS on Pee ae 302
Lack of exact correspondence of characters and syllables____________ 303
RC URIOL OIMIC CLS epee tere Se ee ee ee ee EL Ce eee oe 304
Representation of final*consonants. 2. "+= 2282 Ae Le eee 305
Comparisoniof native texts 23.52 U5 ¥. SHIN. SaveOtn ree Eee 307
SIRIEEIEL 37s a eS TL Na OI Le eter OCS Sa 309
SU ELSE IIT Eg SET 7 AI AE YR es see Na CI eS IS 311
SNES eee Mee ae Sec hc RS es ple a Eda en ge es 313
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES FOLLOWING
PAGE
42. Tattooing in native script on arm of Maralatuy, a woman of Faraulep
Island, Faraulep atoll. (Photographed by E. Quackenbush.) ___-__- 334
43. Tattooing in native scrip on leg of Letaweribul, a woman of Falalap
Island, Woleai atoll. (Photographed by E. Quackenbush.) - - -_-___ 334
44, Native script and Japanese katakana on canoe-house beams, Faraulep
Island, Faraulep atoll. (a, 6b, Photographed by S. Kaneshiro;
€; photographed by’ H. Quackenbush.) .. 22 222-2. ne 334
271
Zhe BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
TEXT FIGURES
PAGE
25: Type 1 symbols. and walwess oe. h 33 ee ae ee eee ne (facing) 274
26: “Bype 2'symbolt andivalucs 2200 02 1 ee ee eee (facing) 278
27. Paragraph from Smith’s roman text (1951, pp. 3-4) as written in native
script, by R..of Haluk: 22 G3 (USE MCh oe es Sl eee eee 308
28. A page of text from a song written by R., a man of Ifaluk_______--_-- 310
MAP
TPystArea ofitheoccurrence, of the script. 522-5555 — 2 oo eee 281
A CAROLINE ISLANDS SCRIPT
By Saut H. Rresenspere and Saiceru Kanesurro !
INTRODUCTION
The existence of a peculiar system of writing in the Woleai Islands ?
has received almost no attention from ethnologists or paleographers,
and none at all from linguists. It is a script which, the present writers
are convinced, has developed in consequence of stimulus diffusion, to
use Kroeber’s term, and as such is to be reckoned among the small
number of scripts so originating, such as the Bamun ideographic
script and the Vai and Cherokee syllabaries. It is the purpose of this
paper to explain its origin and development and to analyze its form,
content, and use.
TYPE 1 SCRIPT
The first published notice of a Caroline writing was made by J.
Macmillan Brown (1914, pp. 89-91; 1927, pp. 117-120). In 1913 he
paid a brief visit to Woleai atoll, where a chief, Egilimar by name,
wrote for him a sentence in the native script; later he received a list of
51 characters and their phonetic values. Brown did not inquire
into or was not told anything of the origin of the writing. The list
is reproduced here in column B of figure 25. It is the type of writing
which we will refer to hereafter as Type 1. As Brown points out, the
symbols do not resemble those of any system known from elsewhere.
The script is now known only to five men on the islet and to some in Faraulep,
an islet a hundred miles distant. But it is probably a relic of a wide usage in the
archipelago. There is no possibility of any one of the five having invented
it. . .. This Oleai script is manifestly the product of long ages for the use of the
1 The authors are indebted to Drs. A. L. Kroeber and William Sturtevant for advice and criticism, to Dr.
Y. Uyehara for assistance with Japanese characters, to Dr. Ward Goodenough for advice on Trukese lin-
guistiecs, to Dr. S. H. Elbert for critical reading of the text and for assistance with tape recordings, and to
Mr. Frank Mahony who obtained considerable information incorporated in the text from Truk and sur-
rounding islands. Several students from Micronesia at the University of Hawaii were also of much help,
among them Tosiwo Nakayama of Truk, Bethwel Henry and Bailey Olter from Ponape, Nicholas Leon y
Guerrero from Saipan, Edmund Gilmar from Yap, and David Ramarui from Palau.
2 The term ‘‘Woleai” as generally used has two meanings: Woleai atoll itself; and the whole Woleai group
in the Central Carolines, consisting of Woleai atoll, Eauripik, Ifaluk, Faraulep, Gaferut, Olimarao, Elato,
Lamotrek, West Fayu, Satawal, and Pikelot. Ofthese islands, Gaferut, Olimarao, West Fayu, and Pikelot
are uninhabited. The group is often referred to also as simply ‘‘the Woleai.” Just to the east of the group
lie Puluwat, Pulusuk, and Pulap, known today at Truk as “‘the Western islands;” we will be concerned in
this paper with Puluwat.
273
Explanatory notes for figure 25
Column
A. Numbers assigned to characters and used in text. Numbering after Brown’s
sequence, 1 to 51, and arbitrarily thereafter.
Brown (1927, p. 118). Brown’s sequence, characters, and attributed values.
Woleai, 1913.
Damm (1938, fig. 279). Sequence and characters from wooden board.
Faraulep, 1909.
Damm (1938, fig. 280). Characters from beams of men’s house. Faraulep,
1909.
Kramer (1937, pl. 15 and fig. 109). Characters from canoe and bamboo
box. Woleai, 1909.
Damm and Sarfert (1935, figs. 128, 272). Characters from tinderbox and
flute. Satawal and Puluwat, 1909.
Someki (1936, fig. 5, p. 178; 1945, figs. 189, 230). Characters and attributed
values. Presumably Faraulep, Ifaluk, and Elato, 1934.
H. M. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1954. Sequence, characters, and attributed values
in Smith’s orthography.
& C. of Pigue, Faraulep: 1955A, 1955B, and 1956. Sequence, characters,
K. and attributed values; attributed values of column J in Smith’s orthography.
L. L. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values.
M. N. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values.
N vig of Ifaluk; 1955 and 1957A. Sequence, characters, and attributed values
O.} in Smith’s orthography.
aa of Lamotrek; 1955 and 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributed
Q.} values in Smith’s orthography.
R. B. of Falalap, Woleai, 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributed values.
S. A. of Falalap, Woleai, 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributed values.
T. S. of Ifaluk, 1955. Characters.
Oy as te). Ore
REMARKS
1. Positions in sequence of column A assigned to characters in columns D, E, F,
G, L, M, and T by comparison of form of character, and of value if given,
with form and value of characters of the other columns.
2. Bracketed characters are those not given in informants’ lists but occurring in
word samples; or are variant forms from word samples.
3. Values in columns B and G are as given by Brown and Someki respectively.
Attributed values in columns H, J, N, O, P, and Q are based on hearing of
tape recordings and are in Smith’s orthography, except those in parentheses,
which were heard under hurried field conditions. Attributed values in
columns I, R, and §, in parentheses, not taped; are given as roughly recorded
in field. Attributed values in columns K, L, and M, in parentheses, not
taped; values were written by these informants in Japanese katakana, and are
here shown in the orthography used by Prof. Y. Uyehara of the University
of Hawaii, who has transcribed the katakana characters for us.*
4. Underlining of numbers in various columns indicates the place up to which
informants’ sequences match the sequence of Brown (column B).
*The katakana used by Woleai natives is a quite unorthodox one, and some of the combinations used are
apparently intended to form sounds impossible in Japanese. Thus, the device known as nigori or chon-
- chon, used in Japanese writing to transform a character representing a surd consonant into a sonant con-
sonant, is used by C. and N. (columns K and M) for various other purposes; e. g., it is used by both C. and
N. as part of values of characters 21, 22, and 34, and seems to be intended in these instances to convert m
to mw or r to rw; in other cases it is apparently meant to achieve vowel values intermediate between two
Japanese ones (e. g., characters 9, 10, 31, 57). Various combinations of katakana characters are transliterated
by us with hyphenated values, and seem also to be intended to form vowels absent in Japanese.
| ay [ven
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Figure 25.—Type 1 symbols and values.
(For explanation, see opposite. page.)
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436 ri
440 ngo
LX (nad
2. T (ko)
3 T (ta)
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(f]
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13.£ (we)
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20.X (ka)
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22. (nga)
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21. (ma)
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ch)
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31. Eirre)
32°F (ni)
33 Loa)
34.7 (ti)
35.4 (we)
36. (se)
37 ki)
38.8(s8)
39 P(paa)
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46,(Dingo)
51. (ko)
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afer
3
»
xoOo~oOrMFZ eA
o
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MBS
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dC
158
BC MPnAn kt WN
37.
| ODN eO}E 2
OJ a 4
aces h etka =~
z By
os oe
oyu? B® gi
“1 mi ee, | ae
“ ; stl n
AULA (ONY
oe ek
oe) ct
Ne go) |? ~=CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 275
?
organisers of a highly-organised community of considerable size. In other words
it must have belonged to the ruling class of an empire of some extent, that needed
constant record of the facts of intercourse and organisation.
There are some scattered references to Brown’s discovery, but few
writers have commented on it even briefly. Mason (1920, p. 152)
accepts Brown’s opinion, quoted above, uncritically. Diringer (1948,
p. 448), agreeing in part with Brown, states that
the origin of the Woleai script is perhaps in some way connected with the Further
Indian branch of scripts, although this connection does not appear evident, either
from the graphic or from the phonetic points of view. There is, however, the
possibility of the mixed process of invention and borrowing, called ‘‘idea diffusion.”’
And Imbelloni (1951, p. 164 and fig. 25), in an attempt to link the
script to Easter Island writing and other scripts of his ‘‘Indo-Pacific”’
graphic system, refers to it as being based on Semitic syllabaries and
having diffused to the Carolines via India and Malaya; he too regards
it as the remains of a formerly more developed system. A more
sober judgment is that of Métraux (1957, p. 199), who says that the
script may very well have been ‘‘invented on the spot under the in-
fluence of Malay, Indian, or even European writing.”
These theories derive entirely from Brown’s report. Earlier than
Brown, in 1909, the Hamburg Stidsee Expedition had visited Woleai
and neighboring atolls, but the reports of ethnographic work on these
islands were not published until 1935 and later. These publications
do not discuss or even refer to the Type 1 writing, but they contain
illustrations of objects which bear the same characters. One of the
authors, Damm (1938, fig. 279), copied from a wooden board which
he found at Faraulep a series of 29 symbols.* This series is reproduced
here as column C of figure 25. As will be seen by comparing these
Faraulep symbols with those from Woleai in column B, there is virtual
identity in graphic form and in sequence, as far as they go. Brown’s
characters Nos. 24, 25, and 28 do not appear, and his character 31
does not seem very like the one in corresponding position in the
Faraulep series, but otherwise they are alike. Apparently the board
represents the effort of someone to set down in proper order an already
defined set of symbols, perhaps for instructional purposes.
There is also a line of characters copied by Damm from a beam in a
men’s house at Faraulep (1938, fig. 280). These are not a series, but
3 Brown, 1927, p. 119. This is perhaps not so fantastic an idea as might at first appear, for the Yap
“empire,” a religio-political hegemony which once may have stretched beyond Truk to the east, still includes
in its domain all of the Woleais. But the Yapese themselves, who control the ‘empire,’ do not possess any
native script.
4 This is the only instance of writing in which the symbols run from right to left, as reproduced by Demm.
But it is very likely that the board from which the figure was taken was held upside down by the copier.
It is impossible to tell from the characters themselves if this was so, since, as will be seen from examination of
figures 25 and 26, orientation of the characters is of no significance; but one informant who was shown 4 copy
of Damm’s figure inverted the paper in order to read it.
276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
constitute a sentence of actual writing.’ Occurring in these lines are
11 of the above 29 characters, 8 more characters which are not among
the 29 but appear on Brown’s list, including the missing No. 28, and
two others which are only on lists furnished us by our present-day
informants (fig. 25, col. D). In addition, the Siidsee Expedition
volumes contain illustrations of a bamboo tinderbox and two canoes
from Woleai, a Puluwat nose flute, and a tinderbox labeled “Satowal
bzw. Polowat,”’ all of them incised or painted with characters of the
same type (fig. 25, cols. E and F).
It is evident, therefore, that the characters found by Brown in 1913
at Woleai were known there and elsewhere in the Central Carolines
in 1909; and further, that Brown did not collect the complete set.®
In the Japanese literature on Micronesia available to us we have
found only one reference to the writing, in spite of the long period of
Japanese occupation, 1914 to 1945. This is by Someki (1936, p.
178, fig. 5; 1945, pp. 405, 476-477, and figs. 189, 230) who illustrates
38 characters of the same type (27 of them occurring among Brown’s
51, 7 others which appear on lists furnished by our informants, and 4
which only Someki gives). They are not presented in any formal
sequence; we have located them in various positions in column G of
figure 25 by means of comparison of their graphic forms with characters
in the other columns and by means of their attributed phonetic values,
which, however, often deviate considerably from the values in the
other columns. Someki states that the characters, which he ap-
parently collected at Faraulep in 1934, occur only at Ifaluk, Elato,
and Faraulep, and he illustrates a wooden bowl from Elato which
bears a few of the characters. He derives some of the symbols, which
he identifies as of Roman alphabetical origin, from an early European
influence, and, like Imbelloni, speculates that the others are linked
to Easter Island writing.
§ Two informants have read this line for us, as follows (the numbers are those of the characters in figs. 25
and 26):
39/X/4/1T1/46/30/28/111/23/25/LV/I1I/ 11 /53/16/11/1/17
Wolipwe/ masturbate / he /and/ Foimeyat
It will be noted that, as in the samples of writing collected by ourselves, there is no separation of words
or phrases and no punctuation. One of our informants, C., occasionally uses a tiny triangle or diamond
between words at the level of the uppermost portion of the characters; its use is inconsistent, but it seems
to be intended to terminate phrases and sentences.
6 There is also to be noted the existence in 1909 of a set of numeral signs at Faraulep (Damm, 1938, pp. 213-
216). Damm attributes their invention to a chief Saueru; he states that the symbols originated from tattoo
designs and from signs taken from Japanese newspapers, and that their recency of invention was evident
from their limitation to use in copra transactions. Since no other authority mentions them, and since no
native of whom we inquired during 1954-57 knew anything of them, we will not discuss them further.
No60]” 2 CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 277
TYE 2. SCRIPT
The Stidsee Expedition volumes, while they fail to refer directly
to the type of writing we have called Type 1, present a second set of
characters of a very different type. From Ifaluk, Damm (1938,
fig. 180) gives a list of 18 characters belonging to this second type and
shows their phonetic values. Damm and Sarfert (1935, fig. 278)
give almost the identical script from Satawal; it contains 19 characters
of the same graphic form with nearly the same values as the Ifaluk
characters, in slightly different sequence. These two lists are pre-
sented by the German anthropologists without comment or analysis,
except that Damm attributes the introduction of this writing at
Ifaluk to a castaway missionary from Truk. The symbols are
reproduced here in columns B and C of figure 26, and are of the type
of writing which the present authors will call Type 2. Not only are
the symbols and their values different from Type 1 writing; they are
clearly derived, as is evident upon simple inspection, from Roman
characters, while the symbols of Type 1 in nearly all cases show no
resemblence to Roman alphabetical characters.
These are the only two series of Type 2 that we have found in the
published materials. But in the lines of writing from the Faraulep
men’s house, previously mentioned, there are also some symbols of
Type 2. And in the three words which Brown appends to his Woleai
list there are three characters which mystify him, since they do not
occur in his list of 51 Type 1 characters, but which can be identified
from the Ifaluk and Satawal series as belonging to Type 2. Besides
this, all of the illustrated objects previously mentioned bear char-
acters of this type in addition to the ones of Type 1, and there are
additional illustrations of a Lamotrek house and a Puluwat canoe
decorated in Type 2 characters only (fig. 26, cols. D-H). And in
Someki’s list there are 11 characters of this type (fig. 26, col. I).
We have, then, evidence that in 1909 both types of symbols were
known at Woleai, Faraulep, Puluwat, and probably Satawal, if not
elsewhere, and that at least Type 2 characters were known at Ifaluk
and Lamotrek. In 1934, the date of Someki’s visit, both systems
were known at Ifaluk and Elato.
Explanatory notes for figure 26
Column
A. Numbers assigned to characters. Numbering after M.’s sequence (col. J).
B. Damm (1988, fig. 180). Sequence, characters, and attributed values.
Ifaluk, 1909.
C., Damm and Sarfert (1935, fig. 278). Sequence, characters, and attributed
values. Satawal, 1909.
D. Damm (1988, fig. 280). Characters from beams of men’s house. Faraulep,
1909.
E. Damm and Sarfert (1935, fig. 128). Characters from tinderbox. Satawal
or Puluwat, 1909.
F. Damm and Sarfert (1935, figs. 212, 272). Characters from canoe and flute.
Puluwat, 1909.
G. Kramer (1937, pl. 9c). Characters from beams of men’s house. Lamotrek,
1909.
H. Kramer (1937, pl. 15 and fig. 109). Characters from canoes and bamboo
box. Woleai, 1909.
I. Someki (1936, fig. 5, p. 178; 1945, figs. 189, 230). Characters and attributed
values. Presumably Faraulep, Ifaluk, and Elato, 1934.
J. M. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1954. Sequence, characters, and attributed values
Sa
SGHPRAONOAZEMA
—— <
in Smith’s orthography.
C. of Pigue, Faraulep: 1955A, 1955B, and 1956. Sequence, characters
and attributed values; attributed values of column L in Smith’s orthog-
raphy.
R. of Ifaluk: 1955, 1957A, and 1957B. Sequence, characters and attributed
values; attributed values of columns N and O in Smith’s orthography.
A. of Falalap, Woleai, 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributed values.
L. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values.
N. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values.
O. of Falalus, Woleai, 1957. Characters and attributed values.
P. of Eauripik, 1957. Sequence and characters.
S. of Ifaluk, 1955. Characters.
REMARKS
1. Positions in sequence of column A assigned to characters in columns D-I, R,
S, T, and V by comparison of form of character, and of value if given, with
form and value of characters of the other columns.
2. Bracketed characters are those not given in informants’ lists but occurring in
word samples; or are variant forms from word samples.
3. Values in columns B, C, and I are as given by Damm, Damm and Sarfert,
and Someki respectively. Attributed values in columns J, L, N, and O
are based on hearing of tape recordings and are in Smith’s orthography,
except those in parentheses, which were heard under hurried field conditions.
Those in column N were obtained from informant R. reading not his own
list of characters but the list by informant M. (given in column J). At-
tributed values in columns K, P, Q, and T, in parentheses, not taped; are
given as roughly recorded in the field. Attributed values in columns M,
R, and S§S, in parentheses, not taped; values were written by these inform-
ants in Japanese katakana, and are here shown in the orthography used
by Prof. Y. Uyehara of the University of Hawaii, who has transcribed the
katakana characters for us.*
4. Numbers preceding characters in columns B, C, J, P, and U, form separate
series, independent of any series of numbers in figure 25. Numbers preced-
ing characters in columns K-—O are in the same series as those preceding
corresponding lists of characters in figure 25 by the same informants, since
these informants gave lists containing characters of both types.
*See footnote following notes to figure 25.
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27. ngi
26. ni
31.W mi
28. Pp wi
50.B chi
23.) pi
32.2 si
43.E yo
38. T ti
440 u
Ficure 26.—Type 2 symbols and values.
M N
56.Vya) ya
63. Y(yo-ya) yoa
49. G yae
82.H (i) i
83.0(0) 52.0 wo
84.0) (o-wa) yoa
73.P(fu-i) 50F Fi
58.K (ki) ki
89. W (ngi) ngi
59. W(ni) nii
71.W (mi) mwii
72.) (i) wi
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74. P (pi) pii
62.2 (shi) sii
8I.E(yo) 48.E yo
77. T(tei) ti
60. R (ri) ri
87. W(u) u
(For explanation, see opposite page.)
58.O woa
50.0 ngii
52.V nii
60. D pi
55. U shii
p
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HERR RRB E RHR ERA ea
Anthrop. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 279
PRESENT-DAY KNOWLEDGE AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE
WRITING
We were able, in 1954 to 1957, to obtain lists of symbols of one or
both types from various living informants of Woleai, Faraulep,
Lamotrek, Ifaluk, and Eauripik. These symbols are included in
figures 25 and 26 under informants’ names. In addition we have
samples of the writing, though not lists of characters, from several
other persons of all these atolls; and additional persons were able to
read or at least to identify many of the characters. We also have
samples from tattooing and from canoe-house beams (pls. 42-44).
The number of people who today know the writing is not certain.
At Faraulep two men and two women provided us with lists which
included both types of characters (fig. 25, cols. H—M, and fig. 26,
cols. J-M, R, S), and the two men wrote sample words and texts;
another two men and two women (two of them of Woleai origin) were
able to recognize from 14 to 38 Type 1 characters and 15 to 17 of
those of Type 2; still another woman is said to know the writing; in
this list of Faraulepese familiar with the system we should also reckon
a tenth person, a man who died in 1955, but who the previous year
had recognized 17 symbols of Type 2 and is said to have known the
other type. As for the other atolls in the Woleais:
Woleai atoll: Two women of Falalap Island gave us Type 1 lists
and wrote Type 2 characters in sample words (fig. 25, cols. R, S;
fig. 26, col. Q); a Falalus man wrote a Type 2 list (fig. 26, col. T); a
Wottagai woman and a Siliap man wrote some Type 2 characters
and words; two Wottagai men could read symbols of Type 2; and we
copied examples of writing in tattoo and on house beams and tinder-
boxes at Falalus and Wottagai (as we did also at Faraulep). Hauripik:
One man wrote a Type 2 list (fig. 26, col. U), and another man recog-
nized 16 of the Type 2 characters and wrote sample words; a third
man, the last at this atoll who knew Type 1 writing, died recently.
Tfaluk: One man wrote three lists containing both types (fig. 25,
cols. N, O; fig. 26, cols. N—P) and a long text in characters of both
types, as well as sample words; another man wrote a similar text
(his characters are shown in fig. 25, col. T, and fig. 26, col. V); and a
third man, who claimed to have once known the whole system,
could read a large number of the characters. Lamotrek: A man of
Ifaluk origin who learned the writing at Ifaluk by means of letters
from Faraulep, gave us two Type 1 lists (fig. 25, cols. P, Q) and was
able to read additional characters of both types; he also wrote sample
words; a second man recited the lists orally; and a third could read
many of the characters; and again there was writing on house beams.
Elato: No one knew the system, although several persons bore
280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
tattooing in Type 2 characters done by a woman now dead, and we
copied characters from house beams. Satawal: One man who died
in 1955 had the previous year recognized some Type 2 characters;
no one else literate in the writing could be found, although a Satawal
woman who did tattooing in both types is still living at Palau, and
at least four women (one of them from Woleai) were tattooed with
the symbols; and writing on house beams, most of it dating from
Japanese times, was once more recorded. As for Puluwat, east of
the Woleais, though three informants knew the writing for what it
was, they could read none of it and stated that the few people who
had known it were dead. Altogether we have samples of writing
and/or lists of characters from 27 living or recently deceased persons,
as well as characters copied from tattooing and from beams and other
objects. No doubt some of the people whom we tested only for
reading ability can also write in the script.
It would appear, then, that the writing has or once had a geo-
graphical distribution from Eauripik in the west to Puluwat, 300
miles to the east, and was known on all the inhabited islands between.
(See map 1.) Specific inquiry elsewhere in the Carolines established
that it had not existed beyond these limits,’ but it was often recog-
nized for what it was; people on Pulusuk, for example, have heard of
it as “writing of Faraulep.”” Within the area where it exists, not
many persons seem ever to have known it, and knowledge of it is
declining. While formerly there was some interest among younger
people in learning the writing, many today use an adaptation of
Japanese katakana writing instead, and the children are being taught
to write in the English alphabet in Government schools. All of our
informants were past their youth. Previously, when more people
knew the system, it was used for writing letters to one another, often
to request supplies of native and European commodities, but nowa-
days, with travel made easier and with stores available, this function
of writing has lapsed. The few people who know the script today
use it primarily to record chants and magical and medicinal formulae.
One man says he learned the writing specifically in order to be able to
record songs, medicines, and magic, which he keeps in a notebook.
A recent convert to Catholicism keeps a notebook of catechism lessons
in the writing. An Ifaluk man who, in late Japanese times, became
lost at sea, states that during his misadventure he kept an account in
the native writing which included the birds he saw ‘“‘and their mean-
ing.’ Lt. Kevin Carroll (tragically killed in Iran in 1957), who was
an administrator in the military government at Yap in 1946, told us
that he sometimes transmitted orders to the Central Carolines,
through an Ifaluk amanuensis, in the native script.
7 We have no information for Pulap, just east of the Woleais.
281
CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO
Anthrop. Pap.
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282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
NUMBER AND SEQUENCE OF CHARACTERS
From all the sources previously mentioned and from the lists of
characters and samples of writing we ourselves have collected, we have
a total of at least 78 characters of Type 1, to most of which we can
assign phonetic values, and 19 of Type 2. We also know that there is
a definite sequence. For Type 1, M.’ of Faraulep gives a list of 42
characters identical in sequence with the first 42 of Brown’s list from
Woleai. Of the three lists obtained from C., one is identical in
sequence as far as Brown’s No. 21, one as far as No. 22, and the third
to No. 50 (except for character 35, which is given as the 80th in C.’s
list). Similarly, of R.’s two lists containing Type 1 characters, one
coincides with Brown’s as far as character 43 (with some omissions)
and the other up to character 20 (with one omission) and again from
29 to 43. From T., one list (with two omissions) runs in the same
order up to No. 18, and another list (with some omissions) to 47.
B. gives a list which duplicates Brown’s from 1 to 12, omits 13 to 38,
but resumes at 39 and runs to Brown’s 49. And the list by A. runs
in Brown’s sequence to No. 44 (with four omissions and with No. 28
out of order). The list from the Faraulep wooden board of 1909,
with three omissions, also runs in the same sequence up to No. 32.
As for Type 2, only five lists are given in sequence separate from
Type 1 (fig. 26, cols. B, C, J, P, U). It will be seen that four of them
agree as far as No. VI. The Ifaluk list of 1909 and the Faraulep list
of 1955 agree completely in sequence except for the omission of one
character in the former. The Satawal list of 1909 and the Eauripik
list of 1957 likewise are in agreement (not considering omissions) as
far as No. XI, and both have No. XIX in seventh position.
It is evident, then, that we have here a system of writing which was
well-defined some time before 1909.
ORIGIN OF THE WRITING
DISTINCTNESS OF THE TWO TYPES
What is the origin of the Carolinian writing? We may disregard
the speculations of Brown, Diringer, Imbelloni, and Someki, since
there is no evidence to support them and they border on the fantastic.
In answering this question, it is important to note that of the five lists
of characters we have obtained from published sources, two (Brown’s
Woleai list and the list from the wooden board found at Faraulep by
Damm) contain only one type, the non-alphabetical type which we
8 Designations of informants referred to in this paper are as follows: A.: Marutang of Falalap, Woleai.
B.: Nachomai of Falalap, Woleai. C.: Chiyemal of Pigue, Faraulep. L.: Laichib of Pigue, Faraulep.
M.: Magilo of Pigue, Faraulep. N.: Nesawen of Pigue, Faraulep. O.: Maluchorang of Falalus, Woleai.
P.: Fagolifek of Eauripik. R.: Maroligar of Ifaluk. S.: TarofofIfaluk. T.: Tachep of Lamotrek.
Quinta. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 283
have called Type 1; two (the Ifaluk and Satawal lists published by
Damm and by Damm and Sarfert) contain symbols which are all of
Type 2; only one (Someki’s), which appears to be in no formal se-
quence, has both types. In other words, the natives from whom the
lists were obtained themselves consider the symbols to be of two
types; we have not sorted them out on any logical grounds. Also,
some of our informants gave us the two types in two separate sets.
Other informants gave us mixed lists, but nevertheless distinguish
the characters as belonging to two types of writing.
SIMILARITY OF TYPE 2 SCRIPT TO THE ALPHABET
When we first examined the symbols it was immediately apparent
that those of Type 2 were taken without great alteration from Roman
alphabetical symbols; they all appear to be modified forms of our own
upper-case letters; whereas most of those of Type 1 bore little resem-
blance to the alphabet or, it seems evident from examination of the
exhaustive compilation of other forms of writing illustrated by Dirin-
ger, to any other known system of writing. It therefore suggested
itself to us that Type 2 was first introduced into these islands from
some European source, and that, perhaps because it fitted poorly
into the native phonetic patterns, another system, Type 1, was then
devised in order to fill a need for more adequate representation.
SYLLABIC VALUES
It was apparent also that neither type of symbol was used alpha-
betically, except for symbols representing vowel sounds alone. The
three words that Brown gives us indicate that both types were being
used in 1913 to represent syllables, not single phones. The words
and phrases we later obtained from our own informants verified our
guess that this was in fact a syllabary, and suggested what the process
of development had been. All the symbols, of both types, have names
which are also their attributed phonetic values (although, as we
shall see, in actual writing values are often only approximate). Ex-
cept for characters representing vowels alone, nearly all of which
belong to Type 2, they represent open syllables composed of an
initial consonant or semivowel followed by a vowel. Further, every
symbol of Type 2, excluding those representing vowels alone, has
an attributed value whose vowel portion is a long 7, while all symbols
of Type 1, with two exceptions (Nos. 7 and 67) have as their vowel
portions attributed values other than 7. Writing is accomplished
by a mixed alphabet-syllabary system; when a syllable consists of
a vowel alone, the character for that vowel is used, as in alphabetical
writing; when it is formed by a consonant-plus-vowel or semivowel-
plus-vowel combination, the appropriate syllabic character, of either
type, is used. (See table 2.)
284 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
TYPE 2 HISTORY RECONSTRUCTED
This evidence caused us to guess that a European alphabet or a
modified form thereof had been introduced to these islands, but with
names attached to the letters different from those we know them by;
that the names for the consonantal letters consisted of the phonetic
value of the consonant followed by an 7 suffix; that the natives did
not understand the acrophonic principle upon which the names were
based, hence did not attempt to write alphabetically but took these
names as having syllabic value and tried to write their language with
them;* and that they devised the other system of writing, Type 1,
when they found the first system of syllabic representation, Type 2,
inadequate to reproduce all the sounds of their language. This
reconstruction of history seemed consistent with the consistently
open form of the syllable in this language, syllable-final consonants
commonly occurring only at the ends of words. Binary geminate
sequences occur, but dissimilar consonants are almost always sepa-
rated by at least an excrescent vowel. Among the 301 Woleai words
that we have assembled from the text material in Smith (1951),
written in his orthography, only three combinations seem to be excep-
tions, those italicized in the place names So/w/g, Ya/u/rw/pii/g, and Ya/
nga/lh/ge/ra/i/th. Thus, since the spoken language in large part is
composed of open monosyllables, such a system of writing serves it
well. When a spoken word has a terminal consonant, only the con-
sonantal portion of the final character used in writing the word re-
tains phonetic value, and the vowel portion which follows it becomes
valueless.
POSSIBLE SOURCES
Where could the natives of these islands have obtained the
Roman characters? Dates of discovery by Europeans range from
1686 for Faraulep to 1828 for Eauripik, but the natives were in inti-
mate contact with other islands which had earlier contact with the
West; Yap, for example, was discovered in 1526, and Fais in 1548.
In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, visits by explorers and trad-
ers became fairly frequent, and a number of ship’s deserters and
castaways have left accounts of their stay in various of the Carolines.
But missionaries failed to establish permanent stations in these islands
until the end of the 19th century, and the natives remained in virtually
aboriginal condition. The natives themselves were probably more
active agents in culture dispersal in those days than were explorers,
traders, or missionaries. They are skilled mariners and navigators,
and possess a remarkable geographical knowledge. Much has been
written of the navigational skill and exploratory zeal of the Polyne-
® For examples of writing in 1909 with exclusively Type 2 characters, see Damm and Sarfert (1935, p. 277).
Autnrap. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 285
sians, but the similar qualities of the Micronesians have remained in
obscurity. According to Hornell (1936, p. 438), ‘In all the Microne-
sian groups of islands the design of the outrigger canoe reached a
higher level of development than in any part of Polynesia, as did also
the knowledge of the science of navigation possessed by certain of
the islanders.” Meinicke (1876, p. 374) likewise refers to the natives
of the Carolines and Marshalls as the foremost mariners of the Pacific,
far surpassing the Polynesians in this respect, and Kramer compares
Micronesian and Polynesian geographical knowledge with similar
advantage to the former. In earlier days a flotilla of canoes from the
Central Carolines assembled each April at Gaferut® and made the
300-mile trip thence to Guam in the Marianas in 8 days; canoes from
Woleai, Faraulep, Lamotrek, Elato, Satawal, Puluwat, and possibly
Pulusuk and Namonuito participated in this expedition; they traded
shells, mats, cordage, and canoes for iron knives, beads, and cloth,
and made the return voyage in May or June. Guam, be it noted,
had been missionized by the Spanish beginning in 1668. This com-
merce, apparently interrupted by the Spanish conquest of the Mari-
anas, was resumed in 1788 and persisted until 1873. Kittlitz (1858)
encountered Caroline natives in 1827, e. g., at Faraulep, who already
spoke fluent Spanish, an ability no doubt acquired on visits to Guam.
Objects of Marianas origin were traded farther east than the islands
directly involved in the commerce, e. g., to Truk and Namoluk (Finsch,
1900, p. 48; Girschner, 1912-13, p. 180), which got their iron tools
and tobacco from Puluwat. Liitke (1835, p. 295) found cats on Luku-
nor (in the Nomoi group), known by the Spanish name ‘“‘gato,”’ which,
no doubt, were obtained from the Marianas via such native traders.
A permanent colony of Carolinians grew up in the Marianas after
1815, with settlements at Guam and Saipan, and later at Tinian.
These colonists, who numbered many hundreds, came, and continued
until recent years to come, from the very islands we are here concerned
with, as well as from others which lack the writing; visits back and
forth to their home islands were frequent; much trading involving
European manufactures occurred.
There was also contact with the Spanish in the Philippines. The
Spaniards at Guam employed Caroline crews to take them as far as
the Philippines. The journal of the Salem ship Clay, Capt. W. R.
Driver, reports finding in the Fijis in 1827 two natives of the Carolines
left there by a Manila brig 5 years before; these men signed on the
Clay as crew members and returned to Manila. Traditions of sea-
farers cast away in the Philippines and successfully returned home
are known as far east as Puluwat. The first knowledge of the Woleais
comes from Spanish accounts of 30 canoeloads of people from these
10 Not West Fayu, as is often stated in the older literature on the subject.
471762—60 20
286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
islands driven ashore at Mindanao and elsewhere in 1664, and the
literature contains many more such reports in later years, including
the most recent case in 1954. Many of these castaways made their
way home, either by themselves or aboard foreign vessels.
Another point of contact with the outside world was by way of
Yap, whose dominion over all the Central Carolines has been described
by several writers," and continues in diminished degree until today;
formerly it extended farther east than the islands we are concerned
with here, and contacts with Europeans would have been possible at
both ends of the area involved. Mission activities at Yap, to be sure,
did not commence until 1886, but traders were active there earlier
in the century.
Finally, maps drawn by natives of these islands and sailing directions
which they are capable of giving reveal knowledge of places in the
Philippines, parts of Indonesia, the northern fringe of Melanesia,
and some of the islands of the Gilberts and Polynesia.
Nevertheless, none of the foregoing gives us any clear indication
that some early contact with the West or with literate natives from
other regions resulted in familiarity with writing among Central
Carolinians. We have only one report of writing from this area
before the German expedition’s visit in 1909: Arago (1822, p. 35)
reproduces a letter from a Satawal chief written in response to the
order of a trader at Rota in the Marianas; the writing used in this
letter is purely pictographic, the chief having made drawings of the
objects he desired in return for the shells which he had for barter, and
there is not the slightest resemblance to the system of writing we are
here concerned with. Nor is this system reported by Chamisso,
Choris, Dumont d’Urville, Freycinet, Kittlitz, Kotzebue, Lesson,
or Liitke, all astute observers, in the early 19th century, and it is not
likely that it would have escaped the attention of Christian, Finsch,
or Kubary in the latter part of that century if it had existed then.
It seemed to us therefore that the writing must be of more recent
origin. Also it appeared that the most likely place to look for its
source was in the islands to the east of the area concerned. To the
west and north are Palau and the Marianas, whose inhabitants speak
Indonesian languages, and Yap, whose language, although it is
usually classified as Micronesian, is very different from the languages
of the Central Carolines. The borrowing of Roman characters from
these islands, even though some of the natives of the Woleais speak
Yapese, would for these reasons have been difficult. But more
important, alphabetical writing was introducted to the Marianas,
Palau, and Yap by the Spanish, and the letters of the alphabet, as
11 See Lessa, 1950.
Nogoy? ¢°P* CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 287
given orally by the natives of those islands today, all have modified
Spanish names, very different from the names in the Central Carolines
of the Type 2 characters which we have considered to be of alphabetical
derivation.
LINGUISTIC AFFILIATIONS
The language of the Central Carolines belongs to a larger linguistic
group which has a geographical range stretching from Ulithi in the
west nearly to Truk and Nomoi (or the Mortlocks) in the east, and
includes also the islands south of Palau. This area has four sub-
divisions: in the west, Ulithi, Fais, and Sorol; to the southwest,
Sonsorol, Pulo Anna, Merir, Tobi, and probably Mapia; to the east,
Pulap, Pulusuk, and Puluwat; and in the center, all the inhabited
islands of the group commonly referred to as the Woleais: Faraulep,
Eauripik, Lamotrek, Elato, Ifaluk, Satawal, as well as Woleai atoll
itself. The Woleais, together with Puluwat, constitute the area
where the writing is known. The languages of these four subdivisions
are mutually intelligible, differing only in some phonemic shifts and
in some minor vocabulary changes. Farther east, the inhabitants of
Truk and of the islands to the north and south of Truk, including the
Nomoi group, speak dialects of another language, whose relationship
to the first language group is close but not sufficiently so to permit
mutual intelligibility. However the two vocabularies offer a great
number of cognates and the phonemic patterns are not remarkably
different (Smith, 1951).
THE ALPHABET OF TRUK
In the first language area there has not been, until the time of
the American administration, beginning after World War II, any
literature in the native tongue. But in the second area there has
been, since 1878, a series of Bibles, hymn books, catechisms, arith-
metic instruction books, and so on. These are all in the Nomoi
dialect, and were all written by the missionary Logan, who was as-
signed this task by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign
Missions.” The books are used not only in the Nomoi group but in
12 Available to us are the following, all by the missionary Logan:
Makuen Mark. 1880 and 1882 editions. Honolulu.
Kapas fel, puk eu, kapas enlom kana, Mortlok. 1880. Honolulu.
Nor an lamalam kana; kapas an Mortlok (Mortlock Island Hymns). 1881. Cincinnati.
Puk an afalafal, kapas an Mortlok. 1881. Honolulu.
Testament Sefa an amam Samolo Ran amanau Jisos Kraist. 1883 (1st edition) and 1944 (7th edition).
New York.
Kapas fel, puk eu: kapas en Kot, Mortlok. 1884. New York.
Aritmatik. 1887. Honolulu.
Puk an ais fel, me ais an lamalam kana (Mortlock catechism). 1888. Honolulu.
Puk an kél, me kél an Jamalam kana, lan kapas an Ruk me Mortlok. 1888 (2d ed.), Honolulu; and
n.d. (3d ed.), San Francisco.
288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
all of the Truk area without accommodation to dialect difference.
They are printed in ordinary roman characters, some of them also
using a number of diacritical devices.”
Trukese today, who write alphabetically and who still use the Logan
Bible unaltered from its 19th century form, when asked to recite their
alphabet nearly all respond with the following sequence: AE TOUFS
KLMNNPRRT." These are the very same characters that are
used in three of Logan’s books, except that Logan also usesa J. (J
is used on Truk by the older generation, almost solely for writing
biblical names.) Also one of the Logan books (Puk an afalafal, 1881,
p. 1) contains, apparently for instructional purposes, almost the same
sequence: AEITIOUFJKLMNNPRRST. In oral recitation,
the vowels have approximately Spanish values, and the consonants
which follow are given as though suffixed by 7, thus: fi, si, ki, li, mi,
ni, ngi, pi, ri, chi, ti. That is, the names of the Trukese consonants
are the same as the names and phonetic values of the Type 2 syllabic
characters of the Woleais.° There are only five vowels as against
the eight in the Type 2 lists, and the sequence of characters is slightly
different—we will shortly attempt to explain these differences—but
the relationship would seem to be obvious. The Truk area would
seem, then, to be the source of the Type 2 writing of the Central
Carolines. Moreover, inasmuch as Logan began his work in 1878,
Type 2 writing must have come into use since that date.
ALFRED SNELLING AND THE TRUKESE CASTAWAYS
How did the Trukese alphabet get to the Woleais? No American
Board missionary was ever stationed there, but the Ifaluk informants
of Damm told him that a missionary from Truk, who was en route from
Ulul (in Namonuito atoll) to Truk in a sailing canoe, together with a
number of Trukese, was driven ashore at Eauripik at some unspecified
time; there he remained until a Woleai chief arrived and invited him
to accompany him back to Woleai; the Trukese already knew how to
13 Logan’s books all contain the following roman characters; A, E,I,O,U,F,J, K, L,M,N,P,R,S, T.
Three have in addition Nand R. Three others have N, R, A, and O. The 1888 catechism has all of these
characters, plus an umlaut E. The second edition of the hymn book published in 1888 has all of these
characters again, as well as diacritical devices—accent, two forms of circumflex, and umlaut—for A, E, I,
and O, which also have italicized forms. The 3d edition of the same hymn book (n. d., but published before
1899) converts all of these forms to italicization. After 1900 the only nonstandard orthographic devices are
italicized N, R, A, and O.
14 The Spanish, before 1900, introduced their own alphabet, which has never caught on, one reason being
that two of the consonants, as pronounced by the Spanish, form words with vulgar meaning.
16 The alphabets of Ponape and Kusaie, in the Eastern Carolines, and of the Marshall Islands are similar;
that is, they are given with the vowels, pronounced with Spanish values, first, then the consonants which
again all have names withiendings. Apparently this regularization of consonantal names was the standard
pedagogical device of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions missionaries. These
islands, however, have languages with phonemic systems different from those with which we are concerned
in this paper, a fact reflected in the local alphabets; thus the missionaries did not introduce F at Ponape,
where there is no corresponding phoneme, but did introduce both D and T. These alphabets, therefore,
could not be the source of the Type 2 writing.
oe Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 289
write and taught the art to their hosts at Eauripik and Woleai; the
account goes on to say that the Trukese went back to Truk via Ifaluk
and Lamotrek and taught writing to the inhabitants of these atolls too.
To this account is to be added that of Burrows and Spiro (1953, p.
201), who say that writing “‘came to Ifaluk from Woleai, where it was
taught by a missionary.” (Burrows gives no further information
about the writing.)
One of our informants, a man of Eauripik, confirmed the foregoing
in the following words: ‘“‘An American Protestant missionary from
Truk got lost on a boat during German times (1900-1914). He
stayed there (Kauripik) and taught the people (how to write) ....
His name was Misinining. He was there only for three or four months
and left for Falalap (in Woleai) where he soon died.’ Another
Eauripik man refers to this missionary as Misililing and remembers
that he and the Trukese all gave instruction in writing.
All of these accounts, of course, must refer to the writing we have
called Type 2, since the castaway party from Truk must have used
for instruction the alphabet known to them, and we have seen that the
alphabet is the inspiration of Type 2 writing. .
The mention of a missionary called ‘‘Misinining”’ sent us to the
records of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions,
where we found that a Rev. Alfred Snelling was missionary to Truk
beginning in 1888, and that he was lost at sea in a native boat in 1905
(Bliss, 1906, pp. 129, 162; American Board of Commissioners for
Foreign Missions, Annual Reports, 1886 to 1906). The equation of
Mr. Snelling and “Misinining” is obvious. Damm (1938, p. 133)
and Kramer (1937, p. 203), in context unrelated to anything bearing
on the script, also refer to Snelling. Damm relates only that Snelling
sailed in a native canoe for 93 days until he reached Eauripik, whence
he went to Woleai. Kramer gives the story in greater detail, telling
how Snelling, en route from Puluwat and Ulul to Truk, went astray
and drifted for 3 months until he reached Eauripik, whence a boat
crew from Woleai fetched him to their island, where he died.
None of these published accounts which mention Snelling say any-
thing about his role in the introduction of writing. However, Mr.
Frank Mahony, presently District Anthropologist at Truk, has estab-
lished the connection in the following interview with a Trukese named
Airas. The story of Snelling is well known at Truk, but Airas, who
was a student at Snelling’s school in 1900, and who made the ill-fated
voyage with him, is apparently the last survivor of that journey.
Mahony relates:
Snelling left Tétiw [Tarik] Island [in Truk atoll] intending to go to Ulul and
Piserach [both in Namonuito atoll]. He picked up the chiefs of Puluwat and Ulul
on Etten [in Truk atoll], then went to Tol [in Truk atoll] to get Sirom and Kinion
290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
[two men]. Snelling took 400 baskets of preserved breadfruit with him to give
to . .. Piserach and Ulul. They left Truk and went to Piserach, thence to
Ulul, then back to Piserach. They left Piserach around 2:00 PM to make the
return journey to Truk. . . . Ten hours later . . . they were still not out
of sight of Piserach. . . . At 3:00 AM a light breeze blew up . . . While Snelling
slept some passengers they had picked up on Ulul.. . talked the crew into
changing course. ... From then on they searched in vain for Truk. They
had a little copra and some drinking coconuts aboard. . . . At the end of seven-
teen days this was all gone. They managed to catch a few fish. They were at
sea about ninety days until finally they got to Hauripik. Meanwhile . . . four
of them had . . . died of starvation. The people of Eauripik took very good
care of them. . . . When a big chief of Woleai named Okupeniar [Kramer gives
his name as Agupelior] came they went with him to Woleai . . . [The three Jap-
anese living there] took Snelling into their house. . . . Snelling knew he was
going to die and asked to be moved . . . to the men’s house , . . and in twenty-
four hours he was dead. ... After a few months Airas and the others left
Woleai and went to Lamotrek. . . . Then they went on to Satawal and on to
Puluwat ... then after a couple of weeks . . . back to Truk.
Mahony:
Did you hold school on the islands?
Airas:
No, we !° just taught them to write. . . . They didn’t know how before. ...
We taught (the Trukese alphabet) to the people of Eauripik and Woleai...
but not to the people of Satawal, Puluwat, and Lamotrek. . . . We didn’t stay
long enough on these islands, and besides they already knew how to write. On
Lamotrek the Guamanian wife of the white trader had taught the people how to
write. . . . The people of Satawal probably learned from Lamotrek.
ADOPTION OF THE TRUKESE CHARACTERS
Airas recalls the following alphabet as used by himself and the
other Trukese instructors: AETOOUFSKLMNNPRRJT.
It differs from the modern Trukese alphabet only in having two extra
letters, O and J. Of these letters, all six vowels occur in the Type 2
writing of today, where the vowels A, E, I, and O are to be found in
positions I, III, IV, and V, and where U occurs in different positions
on different islands (see fig. 26). The fifth character in Airas’ series,
O, is no doubt the sixth in the various versions of Type 2 writing
and is to be equated with the italic O of some of the Nomoi books
of Logan. As for the other two vowels in Type 2 writing, one of them,
the second in all the series, is very likely the italic A of most of the
Nomoi books, and the E-like character, No. XVI, is possibly derived
from the italic E which we have found in three of those books (though
we later suggest a possible Japanese katakana derivation.) Airas’
failure to include these two letters in his series may very well be due
16 For the record, we should mention the names of the other Trukese teachers, who, with Airas, carried
on their instruction, using pencil and paper as well as writing in the sand. They are Kinion, Sirom, Une-
itor, and Resapechik.
No gor | 2 «CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 291
to a fault of memory; 50 years have passed since his adventure, during
which time the Trukese alphabet has become standardized in the
version given on page 288, so that Airas may be influenced by modern
writing, which tends to omit italics.
All the consonantal names in the alphabet given by Airas are pro-
nounced by him with 7 endings. Identification of most of them with
the Type 2 characters is readily apparent upon inspection and need
not be discussed. A few Type 2 characters have been altered in ori-
entation (as Nos. IV and XI) or in minor detail (as Nos. VIII, X,
XIII, and XIV).!” Only the Type 2 symbol representing the sound
wi (No. XII) is at all puzzling. Possibly it is the letter J, which oc-
curs in all the Nomoi printed books, where it is used interchangeably
with S; it occurs also in Airas’ alphabet, where, like S, it has the name
si. J is disappearing in modern Trukese writing because of this
equivalence with S, but its former position is shown by its replace-
ment by S between F and K. Nowif J was indeed among the letters
taught to the people of Eauripik and Woleai, as Airas states, its
obvious superfluity may have resulted in its being used in Type 2
writing to represent a sound for which no symbol was available but
which was felt to be required, namely wi; the position of character
XII at the very end of the Satawal list (see fig. 26), as though it was
tacked on after this transformation was effected, suggests this explana-
tion.'®
The only letter in both the Trukese alphabet and in Airas’ list which
does not appear in Type 2 writing is L. In the Nomois, where Logan
worked out the alphabet used in all the printed materials of the Truk
area, 1 and n are both phonemes, as they are also, apparently, in all of
the low islands around Truk. But at Truk itself there is no / phoneme,
only n, and L is used in writing when necessity is felt to defer to tradi-
tional spellings based on the Nomoi Bible, the Bible used at Truk.
Now at Woleai atoll there are four corresponding phonemes, which
Smith (1951) writes 1, lh, n, and nh (the h indicating a release). These
phonemic distinctions are probably made also in the speech of most of
the other Woleais. Yet in the writing no necessity is apparently felt
to make the same distinctions; we shall see that this holds true for the
characters of Type 1 also, that is, those characters whose syllabic
17 Thanks to Mr. Mahony, an old man of Murilo (an atoll north of Truk) has furnished us with examples
of the alphabetical characters used in the 'Truk area about 50 years ago, apparently as the missionaries taught
them. There are some differences in form of the characters when they are compared with the Type 2
writing of today in the Woleais, but at least his E, N, and T bear the same peculiar embellishments as
the corresponding Woleai characters (see fig. 26), so it would appear that the alteration from the graphic
form of Roman upper-case characters did not occur in the Woleais but in the Truk area.
18 Airas would seem to have transposed J and S in position in his series. However, a Nomoi man who
went to Snelling’s school at Truk from 1897 to 1901 gives the final letter of the alphabet as he learned it as
J, so possibly Snelling’s party introduced it to the Woleais in this position. Modern samples of tattooing
collected by Mr. Mahony at Puluwat contain a J-like character which is read as wi, not si.
292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
values contain these four consonants, suffixed with vowel sounds other
than 7. If L was among the letters taught by Airas and his com-
panions, it had dropped out of use as a Type 2 character between
1905, the date of Snelling’s drift voyage, and 1909, when the Siidsee
Expedition collected Type 2 lists at Satawal and Ifaluk. However, in
the various Type 1 series there is an L-like character at position 33,
whose value Brown gives as Ja and the consensus of our informants
makes to be ne or nae. We may guess that the Trukese castaways in-
troduced L and N as equivalent in name, because of the Trukese pho-
nemic pattern, and that L was therefore converted into a Type 1
symbol whose value was rather similar; one of our informants, C.,
actually states that character 33 was indeed so derived.
Airas’ account is that the Trukese castaways taught the alphabet
as they knew it only to the natives of Kauripik and Woleai; that the
Guamanian woman at Lamotrek had already taught the people of that
island to write; that Satawal probably got its writing from Lamotrek;
and that by then the people of Puluwat also knew how to write. How-
ever, it is hardly possible that the Satawal writing of Type 2, recorded
in 1909, would have had the consonant-plus~ value pattern, as it did,
if it were of Guamanian origin. Guam uses a standard Roman alpha-
bet, whose letters have Spanish names, while the Satawal characters
of Type 2 are in form, name, and value completely in the Woleai pat-
tern. Moreover, the form, name, and value of the Lamotrek char-
acters obtained in 1955, as well as the form of the Lamotrek and Pulu-
wat characters of 1909 painted and incised on the various objects, pre-
viously mentioned, are all of the same pattern. As for the Guamanian
woman, a Lamotrek informant who in 1905 would have been about 18
years old denies that she taught anyone to write. Either Airas’ mem-
ory is at fault or whatever Guamanian influences may have been pres-
ent in 1905 had disappeared by 1909. If missionaries had previously
visited Puluwat, as Snelling did the islands north of Truk in the course
of his missionary work, or if natives of Puluwat attended the mis-
sionary school at Truk, it is possible that there may have been a sepa-
rate introduction of the alphabet there; there do seem to have been
native missionaries from Truk at Puluwat from time to time. This
might explain Airas’ statement that the people of Puluwat already
knew how to write. Examples of relatively recent tattooing collected
by Mr. Mahony from islands all around Truk, including Puluwat, are
done in upper-case alphabetical characters, many of which show the
peculiarities of the Type 2 characters we have recorded from the
Woleais (e. g., the triangular embellishments on the cross strokes of
the E, T, and other letters) ; these may stem from a separate influence
from Truk.
Anthrop. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 293
In this connection, it will be noted (see fig. 26) that the two Type 2
lists of 1909 are in rather different sequence. The Ifaluk list (col. B)
of 1909, however, is identical to the Faraulep list (col. J) of 1954, ex-
cept for omission of No. XV, and R.’s partial list (col. P) of 1957 agrees
in having No. VI out of order and Nos. XIV and XV reversed. On
the other hand, the Satawal list (col. C) of 1909 is in fairly close agree-
ment with the Eauripik list (col. U) of 1957, as well as with the present-
day Trukese alphabet and with the alphabet Airas says he taught at
Eauripik and Woleai in 1905; all of them have U (No. XIX) following
italic O (No. VI), then F (VIII), S (XV), and, except for one of these
lists, K (VIII); and P (XIV) is followed by R (XVIII) and italic R
(XIII) except on the Eauripik list. This would possibly suggest that
- there were two separate introductions of the alphabet, each in a
different sequence; but then it must be assumed that in each case the
same development followed, that is, the names of the letters were both
times taken as their phonetic values and the letters converted into a
syllabary. More likely the alphabet introduced in 1905 at Eauripik
and Woleai was similar in sequence to Airas’ list as he gave it 50 years
later, and as it diffused among the Central Carolinians a second tradi-
tion developed which became fixed by 1909, as seen by the persistence
of the Ifaluk sequence of 1909 until 1954 at Faraulep.
It is also of interest at this point to note a similar development in
Type 1 writing. Characters 24, 25, and 28, occurring in identical po-
sitions in the lists of Brown (Woleai) and of M. and C. (both of Pigue,
Faraulep), are either missing entirely or are out of sequence in both of
the lists of R. (Ifaluk) and in those of T. (Lamotrek) and A. (Woleai),
as well as on the Faraulep wooden board found by Damm in 1909.
Also, T.’s list and R.’s lists place No. 52 directly after No. 47. It
would therefore seem that at least two slightly different sequences in
Type 1 writing already existed in 1913 (the date of Brown’s visit), and
that this difference has persisted until today. This is probably what
R. has in mind when he states that there are two different systems, one
which developed at Faraulep Island, the other at Pigue Island (both
in Faraulep atoll), and that further changes have occurred in the
course of teaching the writing to other people. Though we have no
specific information as to inventors of new characters, it seems obvious
that there have been many since the first invention was made; the
variability in the different lists after the first 50 characters (see fig. 25)
attests to such development.
SPREAD OF TYPE 2 WRITING
We do not have a great deal of information about the spread of
Type 2 writing after the introduction of the alphabet by Snelling and
his party, and what we have is sometimes conflicting. According to
294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Damm the Trukese castaways taught writing to the people of Eauri-
pik, Woleai, Ifaluk, and Lamotrek. A Hauripik man, Maninifek, states
that Snelling himself gave the instruction to the people of Eauripik.
P. of Eauripik, who attended some of the lessons, recalls that both
Snelling and the Trukese were the teachers. Informants at Woleai,
Ifaluk, Lamotrek, and Satawal state that the castaway party stopped
for brief periods of time at those islands on their return journey to
Truk, but gave instruction only at Woleai. Lamotrek informants also
say that they learned from one Reghipol, who returned to Lamotrek
from Woleai about 2 months after a typhoon which we date as having
occurred in March, 1907; he had learned to write at Woleai, un-
doubtedly in Type 2. But two women of Woleai, A. and B., say
Type 2 writing came to Woleai from Lamotrek; this can hardly be
correct, since we know that the alphabet, from which Type 2 writing
sprang, was taught at Woleai by Snelling. C. and Tereso of Pigue,
Faraulep, say that their atoll got its Type 2 writing from Lamotrek
also. And Burrows (1953) reports that the Ifaluk (Type 2?) writing
came from Woleai. These are the only statements we have as to the
dispersal of the Type 2 script from its presumable EKauripik-Woleai
center.
TYPE 1 HISTORY
We have already stated our conclusions that the Type 2 writing
comprises, apart from its eight vowels, a syllabary consisting of sym-
bols which are all of consonant-plus-7 phonetic value, that these values
are the same as the names of the alphabetical characters taught by a
castaway Trukese party in 1905, those characters having become
converted into a syllabary as the result of their names being taken as
having syllabic value. The Type 1 writing was developed through
stimulus diffusion after a period of trial with Type 2 alone, when the
inadequacy of the latter was recognized (a Woleai woman makes this
statement in virtually the same words); it consists, with a very few
exceptions, of characters whose values are all consonants suffixed by
vowels other than 2.
There are some examples of attempts at an early stage in the
development of the writing to set down words with the use of Type 2
characters exclusively (Damm and Sarfert, 1935, p. 277). Thus u/li/ge/t
is written with characters XIX/X/VIII/XVII, bo/da/u with XIV/
XVII/XIX, ja/li/gi/o/m with I/X/VIII/III/XI, ete. We also have
examples in tattooing and from modern informants who know only
Type 2 writing. B., who knows both types and who writes her name
as 1/20/21/16, gives as an alternative form X/XIII/XI/IV, all in
Type 2. A., writing the island name Sa/taa/wa/l, writes it as 37/25/14/
33, but gives alternatively XV/XVII/XII/X. Obviously the modern
Anthrov. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 295
method of writing, which uses characters of both types, is much more
precise than Type 2 alone.
INVENTION AT FARAULEP
Informants from all the islands agree that Type 1 writing was
invented at Faraulep, and the script is generally called ishilh Foeshavlap
(writing of Faraulep). Even people who cannot read the writing, as
far east as Puluwat, at once identify it by thisname. Three informants
(two Ifaluk, one Lamotrek) state that they learned Type 1 writing at
Ifaluk from Faraulep visitors; another Ifaluk man says he learned it
at Ifaluk from a man of Woleai origin who had long been a resident of
Faraulep. Several Woleai people also give Faraulep as the place from
which Woleai got its writing; three Woleai women learned the system
at Faraulep, two of them shortly after the 1907 typhoon. Three
Puluwat people, none of whom can read the script, say that Puluwat
obtained it from a canoeload of Ifaluk voyagers. At Satawal a Farau-
lep man is said to have taught the Type 1 writing, which no one at
this atoll now canread. There also appears to have been some instruc-
tion among various Central Carolinians when they worked together
during Japanese times at the phosphate mines at Angaur, in the
Palau group. We have several statements to the effect that the system
was learned through exchange of letters between various of the
islands.!2 We have no other clues as to dispersal of the Type 1
writing.
Several informants give the names of the inventors, all of whom were
residents of Faraulep.” Though the lists of names differ, there is
considerable agreement among them. The claim by Faraulep natives
19 These letters were originally written on wooden boards or on coconut-leaf midribs. Nowadays, letters
written on paper are exchanged.
20 Lists of inventors, as given by different informants, follow. We attempt to equate names of inventors
in the different lists by preceding them with numbers.
Hafeleliyal Malang Liigetal 4, Tairu Mathiyolong 65. Yairong
1. Sagiyelimar 1. Sagiyelimar Taiyor Gafilelimar Pierong Tarop
Hafiliyalo 2. Seghuuri Yatelagh 3. Igemor 2. Saigouwe
Marotiuw 2. Seghui Tletuobul 4. Tairuiwe
3. Igemor Soghorub
4. Tairui
Wilimar
5. Yairong
Rafiteg
Uchilimar
Ghilibwe
Wolibwe
All of these alleged inventors are now dead, except the person whose name is last on the fifth list; she is a
Woleai woman who has lived at Faraulep since before the invention, but she herself does not claim to be one
ofthe inventors. The Lamotrek man referred to above states he learned the Type 1 script from a Faraulep
man named Sagawi who came to Ifaluk when he was there; this is probably the person identified by No. 2.
One of the Ifaluk men learned the script from the two men in the second list, who came to Ifaluk from Farau-
lep. And a Woleai woman who learned to write at Faraulep had as her teachers the four men in the sixth
list.
296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
that the Type 1 writing was invented at Faraulep, the support for
this claim by natives of other islands who state that they learned the
writing at Faraulep or from Faraulep visitors, and the universal
appellation of the writing, even among people who cannot read it, as
ishilh Foeshavlap, leave us satisfied that the invention was made at
Faraulep and was largely, if not entirely, the work of a group of
Faraulep natives.
FOREIGN INFLUENCE
We are less satisfied about the possibility of alien influence. The
Stidsee Expedition reports state that at various times between 1900
and 1910 there was a copra station at Faraulep to which several
Japanese seem to have been attached. One informant from Eauripik
states that the Type 1 script was made at Faraulep by a Japanese
named Soshaki or Soshiki, and that a Filipino named Serifino or
Serbino may have helped. A Faraulep man states that the Faraulep
people themselves invented the writing but were later helped by a
Japanese and a Filipino. At Woleai a woman of that atoll, who
learned the writing at Faraulep and who gives the names of four
Faraulepese as the inventors, states that the Japanese helped by
contributing two characters, Nos. XVI of Type 2 and 61 of Type 1,
from Japanese katakana; these two characters do actually nearly
coincide with two Japanese characters in both graphic form and
phonetic value. A Woleai man living at Faraulep since shortly
after the invention insists that the Japanese Soshiki definitely did not
help, and a Woleai woman who has lived at Faraulep since before
the invention (and who is named by others as one of the inventors)
denies that the Filipino was involved. All other informants state
simply that the Faraulep people whose names they give were the
inventors. We examined the possibility of Filipino influence, remote
though it might be; but none of the symbols of any of the Filipino
scripts can be related to the Woleai symbols (see Gardner, 1943;
Diringer, 1948; Conklin, 1953). We also point out that two characters
in addition to Nos. XVI and 61 are similar in appearance to Japanese
characters; these are No. 26, which resembles the Japanese kanji
form for ‘“‘sun,”’ and No. 34, which is like the Japanese kanji form for
“wood” or “tree”; together, with the addition of one stroke to char-
acter 34, they would stand for “Nippon,” and undoubtedly Japanese
goods labeled thus were available to or seen by these islanders.
However, in neither case is the phonetic value of the symbol similar
to the Japanese value, so no more than the graphic form could have
been borrowed. Also, in the case of character 26, informants have
identified it as a representation of a canoe outrigger platform, as will
beseen. The evidence for Japanese influence goes no further, although
Anthrg Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 297
it is possible that the facts that katakana is a syllabary and that
Soshiki may have been consulted by the inventors may have reinforced
the idea of creating a syllabary, first stimulated through the names of
letters of the Trukese alphabet having been taken as being their
phonetic values.
DATE OF INVENTION
As for the date of the invention of Type 1 writing, native informants
state that it occurred “after the big typhoon,’ when the German
administration had to evacuate many distressed people to islands in
the same area less hard hit, as well as to Yap, Palau, and Saipan.
This typhoon can be no other than the one that struck these islands
March 27-30, 1907; other typhoons of which there is record are
either too early or too late. Now the Siidsee Expedition ethnologists
worked in all the islands we are concerned with during November
and December of 1909, and found the writing as far east of Faraulep
as Puluwat. The invention must therefore have occurred between
these dates, and would probably have been closer to 1907 than to 1909
to have had time to spread so far by 1909.
DERIVATION OF CHARACTERS
The form of the characters and their values suggest several pos-
sibilities concerning their derivation, apart from the four which may
be linked with Japanese characters. Some of the Type 1 symbols
appear to be modified forms of the alphabetical signs of Type 2.
Thus character 3 is apparently an altered T, with the value changed
from ti to ta. Using the same criteria of resemblance in form and
value, character 8 would be derived from R, 11 from M, 12 from N,
33 from L, 40 from S, 48 from N, and 66 from F.
Other characters, as their graphic forms show, are attempts to
represent natural or artificial objects, and the values of these char-
acters are also the same as or close to the names of such objects.
These constitute a kind of rebus writing. Among such characters
we may list the following identifications made by informants:
5. Sprouting coconut
9. Bird’s wing
13. Ulcer, boil
14. Canoe (represented under sail)
16. Forked branch used for hand net and flying-fish net
19. Portion of bonito
26. Canoe outrigger platform
28. Fish backbone
29. Trigger fish
30. Perfume bottle
31, Woman’s breast
298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
32. Midrib of coconut palm leaf (showing leaflets to either side)
35. Saw
36. Coconut palm tree
41. Porpoise
43. Lure of bonito hook
45. Leaf
53. Leaf of Hibiscus tiliaceus
56. Fishhook (modern type)
60. Canoe seat
64. A plant bearing this name
Nos. 29 and 41 have the same graphic form and the same names as
conventionalized tattooing elements, and may have been taken
directly from tattoo design rather than from the animals they repre-
sent. No. 24 also may be a tattooing design.
Some other proposed identifications, made not by informants but
by the authors, using the same criteria of similarity in form and
name, are:
2. Tattooing-rake handle
10. Composite bonito hook
15. Mast
38. Cock’s tail feather
42. Ear ornament consisting of two interlocking rings
44, Fingernail
Brown also suggests that No. 12 is “bamboo” and No. 37 is “knife,”
but the resemblances in these cases strike us as elusive.
The fact that the characters are so frequently of rebus type may
indicate that the inventors became preoccupied for a time with this
principle of representation during their development of the system,
and that some of the gaps in our identifications might be filled by
further research in the vocabulary of material culture. It is of interest
also that the phonetic value of the Type 2 character N (No. IX) is
also the native word for “tooth,” which the form of the character
resembles, especially in the variant form given by C. Perhaps it was
this coincidence which first suggested the rebus principle.
Of the other characters, some may well have been borrowed from
decorative design elements, but we have not recognized any except
those already described. Most of the others are very likely the prod-
uct of pure imagination. Indeed, this must needs be the case, for
Carolinian dialects in these islands are extremely deficient in words
consisting of open monosyllables, upon which the syllabary is based,
and even more so in such words which can be concretely represented.
We should note that Brown’s list, but none of our lists, includes
several symbols (Nos. 14, 31, and 43) whose attributed values are
shown as closed monosyllables. It is possible that he misheard the
sounds: certainly the word for canoe (No. 14) is wa, not warr as Brown
Anthrop. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 299
writes it, in the Central Carolines as far east as Truk; it becomes war
only beyond Truk, at Ponape. Similarly the name of the bonito
hook lure (No. 43) has no final consonant as Brown gives it. The
female breast (No. 31) is indeed ttt, as Brown has it (fut in Smith’s
orthography), just as the trigger fish (No. 29) is properly pup, but in
the syllabary No. 31 becomes ti (tuu) and No. 29 becomes pw, in our
lists; the words for these objects seem to be compounded forms of
older roots (Goodenough, 1953, p. 16, and personal communication),
and these compounds are apparently sufficiently transparent to the
natives to allow isolation of the open syllables for the purpose of in-
cluding them in the syllabary. Possibly this was done because of
paucity of open monosyllabic words in the language. A similar proc-
ess may have resulted in the discarding of final consonants of still
other words which may have been utilized for the syllabary, but
which we have not been able to identify in such altered form as
belonging to the rebus type.
ANALYSIS OF THE WRITING
PHONEMES, PHONEMIC COMBINATIONS, AND CHARACTERS
We wish now to examine the actual writing and its adequacy to
represent the language.
According to Smith (1951) the Woleai language has 50 phonemes.
There are 11 vowels which occur both long and short, 2 vowels oc-
curring only short, the semivowels w and y, and 24 consonants. For
these phonemes Smith has developed an orthography in roman letters
whose official adoption has been proposed to the Trust Territory
administration; we will use it in the remainder of this study, as we
have done in the figures and tables.”
21 Smith’s published work is nontechnical in language, and his phonemes were established by means of
minimal pairs. The values indicated below are, in Smith’s words, ‘‘only a meager approximation indeed.”’
For this reason we are not satisfied that our transcription in his orthography of the attributed values of the
various characters in figs. 25 and 26 is always accurate. His description of the orthography, which is adapted
for use without diacritical marks, is as follows:
a father b upward
ah fa-ther c juice
aa fat ch choose
aab fa-t d bad
ae fed f aloo
aeh fe-d g Bac
e father j (a strong ‘‘h’’)
ee safe k i
eeh sa-fe 1 bottle (Brooklynese)
sea Ih baile (French)
ib sea- m some
fi sit mw someway
oO oak n man
oh oa-k nh manikin
oa off ng sing
oab o-ff ngh singer
oe hors d’oevres p up
oen bors d’oe-vres r “British” (trill ‘‘r’’)
u boot Iw Irwin (trill ‘‘r’’)
uh boo-t 8 sOW
uu Nurnberg sh show
uuh Ndé-rnberg t pat
Vv (ike ‘‘oe’”’ but with tip of tongue th pit-e-pat
vh curved up and back) Z adze
Ww wood Hyphen (-) used for on-glides or excrescent vowels
y yes in reduplicatives.
300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
From Brown, Damm, Sarfert, and Someki, and from our various
informants we have a total of 97 characters (78 of Type 1 and 19 of
Type 2) which are used to write the Woleai language. All of these
characters, except those which represent vowels alone, have syllabic
values of the consonant-plus-vowel or semivowel-plus-vowel pattern.
Smith’s phonemic analysis would indicate that there is a theoretical
possibility of 624 such syllables (24 consonants and 2 semivowels
combined with 24 vowels); with the addition of the 24 vowels when
these form independent syllables, there might be altogether 648
symbols.
Of course, it is most unlikely that all 624 combinations actually
occur in the language. We have assembled from Smith’s text mate-
rials a list of 301 Woleai words written in his orthography, and in
table 1 the frequency of occurrence of all syllables among these
301 words is shown. There actually occur only 162 syllables of the
consonant-plus-vowel and semivowel-plus-vowel types, as well as
13 syllables composed of independent vowels, a total of 175. It is
striking that the phonemes d and ngh do not appear to occur in
syllable-initial position at all, but in these 301 words occur only ter-
minally. Some of the columns headed by other consonants (e. g.,
ch, 7, n, rw, th, z) have only one or two entries under them. More
than 175 different syllables must, of course, occur in the language.
Our informants have written for us 222 of the 301 words (see table 2),
have failed to use 21 of the symbols (VI, 7, 9, 24, 30, 44, 54, 55, 57,
61, 63, 64, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78), and use 3 of them only
as terminal consonants (5, 47, and 52). Presumably the attributed
values of these symbols are not the same as those of any other symbols,
so failure to use them would mean that the appropriate syllables do
not occur in these particular words but may very well occur in others.
Even so, it is unlikely that more than, say, 250 or 300 syllables ac-
tually occur in Woleai speech. In the first 50 words (not counting
repetitions) of Smith’s text there occur 62 different syllables; in the
next 50 words 29 more syllables occur; in the next 50, 18 others;
in the 222 words written for us by our informants, there are alto-
gether 157 different syllables; and in the total of 301 words taken
from Smith, only 18 more or a total of 175. (These 18, which we do
not have written in the native script, are: buh, fe, kit, loe, loeh, thii,
me, mwah, rah, ree, soe, shir, waah, waeh, wo, yaa, yaah, yoe, in Smith’s
orthography.) If a curve is projected on the basis of these figures,
it appears to flatten out at something under 250 syllables in 750 or
800 words.
LENGTH OF VOWEL NOT DISTINGUISHED
We may reduce still further the possible number of syllables in the
writing. The distinction between long and short vowels does not
No60}) -° CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 301
seem to be utilized. We are not certain of the phonetic values of
some of the symbols, but when we analyze words which informants
have written for us we are seldom confronted by any two characters
which seem to be distinguishable only on the basis of difference in
vowel length; rather, when a native writes the characters for two
syllables which contain the same consonant and whose vowel suffixes
are identical except for being short in the one case and long in the
other, he almost always uses the same character to represent both.
The following examples (see table 4), in Smith’s orthography, show
this to be true (in each case h following the vowel indicates length):
Syllable Character used (and number of times so used)
Poe ent o_O IV (44), III (1)
Sh sree eras! Dot sae IV (6)
in ci as Ae 5 ae Meee f XIX (11), XIX+39 (2)
CL ee ee a XL (2)
(UT TSS cphith te eSrearepiree piety Ate 16 (4), IV (4)
(TUT Pst rc pa alle Soe lt 16 (2)
VE SOR Wo ete 16 (6), IV (1)
Wi. eel ig! eh pee Sy ed 16 (1), XIX+14 (1)
BU Ah te pt hte 29 (5), 59 (3), 13 (1)
Lo eae eee eee 29 (1)
1 aS Ee Sea an 32 (40), 66 (1)
FiC231 0) ny by Bh cy age tc geil 32 (2)
pt See BARES eee genet 46 (29), 50 (4), 74 (3)
ne pleted a ayant oye 46 (2)
(Een yer sap eR ae VIII (26), VIII+III (1)
ree whee esate Ving VIII (2)
labits 22 SUT Re DEY 2 1 (24), 6 (1), 33 (1)
[gira is SAO Aeeciee W/O tS 1 (8)
BAAR OSO ahi, 40950 X (5)
Hines ergaers 2 te weg aye X (2), 36 (1)
|| OC aot apie pedro emai A 1 (3), 33 (3)
Waste? 9148. 054 Joy Rke) 1 (4)
masye Dilow sits 23 (9), 21 (1), 11 (2)
mah habren od e283 23 (7), 21 (1)
mage ft Bae. bl 23 (12), 11 (1)
TOSS pg gee ee ciieee. Se 23 (7)
LEED Tela te Raya de RA 11 (24), 19 (2), 23 (1), 34 (2)
Wee eee) | PRA 11 (2), 21 (1), 23 (1)
Passe EU i eG. 43 (29), 26 (1)
Pole etrrit. 8 ten queen 43 (1)
or hae NONE Same eee meee fe XIV (5), XIV+III (2)
ee eg a XIV (7), XIV+III (1)
TOG ae ee ge 35 (2)
TOCHE ee 8 SAA 35 (1)
Bae JO LU ee 2 208 37 (7)
ae an 37 (1)
[eS pace ee Soa, POO nee ana 40 (2), 40+-IV (8)
eR eI a EG OE 40+-IV (8)
SLAY aia ted "| popenrtar a ea XIII (15), XIJI+TII (1), XV (1)
471762—60——21
302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173
Syllable Character used (and number of times so used)
SU Cees aS i Ae ere XIII (2)
SNS ee ee ae ans 28 (1), 28+ 16 (1)
SV Hie eae cl eee 28 (1), 40 (1)
a ee en ee eee 3 (18), 18 (1), 25 (2)
Pao 00 eee 3 (13)
tonihes Jase aa 17 (22)
Goliy 244. PL Oe Bee 17 (2)
CUM! sd = Se ae ee 31 (5), 31416 (1)
GUUS Soe eee ee eee 31 (1), 31416 (1)
Vie Nee. ere en eee wee I (50), III (4), IV+III (1)
PR ak BOTRA TUTE 28 I (3)
VO Ree byl tree A S20 Ae XVI (1)
WORN See eral ees ee RVE 2), LM), tM)
It will be noted that, by and large, the frequency of occurrence of
long vowels is much lower than that of short vowels. Perhaps for
this reason the natives of the Woleais have found it unnecessary to
invent characters which make the distinction.
Instead of 648 theoretically possible combinations, we have then
only 338 (24 consonants and 2 semivowels combined with only 13
vowels), and 13 vowels which can occur not in combination.
VOWEL CHARACTERS
Of the 97 characters that we have found, a number have only vowel
values; just how many is not certain. In table 1 it will be seen that
of the 24 (both long and short) vowel phonemes in the Woleai language,
only 13 actually occur as independent syllables in the sample of 301
words. Possibly if we had more than 301 words, more of the 24
vowels would appear. The other 11 vowel phonemes occur only in
syllabic combinations. Of this 13, 4 are long vowels and in all words
that informants have written for us they are represented by the same
characters that stand for their short forms. This would leave 9
vowel phonemes for which characters would seem to be needed.
Now among our total of 97 characters there are some 13 which may
or may not be intended to stand for vowels: I, IT, III, IV, V, VI,
XII, XVI, XIX, 14, 16, 39, and 72. (Possibly No. 74 should be
included among them.) In the 222 words written by our informants
(see table 2), only 3 of these 13 characters never represent semivowel-
plus-vowel syllables (although they may have semivowel values when
used terminally). Thus character IV usually represents the phoneme
2, and also occurs as e¢, th, ih+a, ih+y, wu, v, and -y; it never appears
in a written word in the form semivowel-plus-vowel. Similarly XIX
is always u, uh, or -w; and 16 is always wu, uuh, v, vh, 1+-w, or -y.
Four others of the 13 characters may occur either as vowels alone or
with semivowel-plus-vowel values: thus character I can be a, but also
No hoje | {2 CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 303
ya, yah, yae, or yoah; IIT is ae, ee, or i, but also ya, yae, ye and -y; XVI
is oa, but also yoa, yoah, and yoeh; and 39 is o once, otherwise wa,
waa, wae, we, woe, -w. Four other characters of these 13 appear only
with semivowel-plus-vowel values: II is yoah in its lone occurrence;
V is we, woa, or yoeh; XII occurs in our examples only as wih; and 14
is wa, wae, or woa. We have no examples of words containing char-
acters VI or 72. (See tables 2 and 3.)
It is apparent that there is considerable variation in vowel value
in these characters, as there must needs be if they are to represent all
13 (or 24, if we consider length) vowel phonemes when these phonemes
do not enter into syllabic combinations with consonants and semi-
vowels. If we eliminate the 4 characters among the 13 that seem to
occur only with prefixed semivowel values and if we disregard char-
acters VI and 72, which do not occur in our 222 written words, we have
left just 7 characters which may be used to represent the 9 (or 13, if
we consider length) vowel phonemes which actually occur as inde-
pendent syllables in the 301 words taken from Smith (table 1).
It is likely that additional samples of writing from more informants
would clarify matters; it is possible that all 13 of these characters may
be read indifferently as simple vowels or with initial w- or y-. But from
the evidence at hand, if we do not consider the three characters (IV,
XTX, and 16) which do not seem ever to have the value of semivowel-
plus-vowel, and ignoring for the time being variation in vowel value
of the others among the 13 characters, there remain 94 characters
out of the total of 97 to represent all of the possible syllabic combina-
tions. It is obvious that the system is inadequate for truly phonemic
representation, and that many of the 94 characters must serve for
several combinations.
LACK OF EXACT CORRESPONDENCE OF CHARACTERS
AND SYLLABLES
This conclusion is further borne out when we examine the range in
value of the various characters as they are actually used in the writing.
We have seen how wide this range is for the 13 characters we have just
discussed. Table 3 lists all the syllables occurring among the 222
words which we have been able to obtain in the native script, ar-
ranged according to the conventional numerical sequence of figures
25 and 26. We see that character 4, for example, is used for at least
6 different syllables—ba, baah, bae, be, bee, and boe; character 33 is
used for 11—a, lae, le, lee, lit, lha, lhae, lhe, thi, nhae, nhe; character
50 serves for the syllables ga, gae, ge, ka, ke, and kee; etc.
But not only must one symbol serve for several different syllables.
It is apparent that the same syllable may be represented by different
304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
symbols. Table 4, which lists in alphabetical order all the syllables
which occur in the 222 words, illustrates this point; for example, the
syllable lh2 is written by one native with character 33 three times,
character X 25 times, X+33 once, and X+IV once, and by a second
native with X three times and 33+ X once; similarly pu is written
with characters 10, 13, or 59; sha with 18, 20, or 37; ete.
These two phenomena—the use of one symbol for several syllables,
and the representation of one syllable by several symbols—explain
in part the facts that the name or attributed value of a symbol, as
seen in the various lists in figures 25 and 26, sometimes differs, and
that in the writing of words the attributed value occurs only part of
the time as the actual phonemic shape of the syllable the symbol is
intended to represent. It would appear that when it is necessary to
represent a sound which differs from the attributed value of any
character, a choice may be made among two or more characters whose
attributed values are close phonologically. For example, we have
not recorded tv as the attributed value of any one character (it is
possible, of course, that we have misheard some of the tape-recorded
values), but in writing the word fa/tv/lh one native uses 32/31/33
and a second uses 32/XVI1/33; symbol 31 is otherwise used by the
first man for tu and tuu, and XVII by the second man for f and ti.
It would seem that each man has chosen, to represent the syllable tv,
for which neither seems to know a character which has this as its
attributed value, a character with an attributed vowel value on either
side of it in articulation.
EFFECT OF DIALECTS
Some of the differences in choice of character by different natives
may be due to dialect difference, but we have no way of assessing its
effect, since such differences as may exist have not been determined.
The only statements that Smith (1951) makes on this point are as
follows (p. 40): ‘Islanders... may have difficulty in deciding on ‘a’
or ‘aa’ depending on their island of origin. These are separate pho-
nemes on Weleeya (Woleai) and Foeshavlap (Faraulep) but perhaps
not on Yaurwpiig (Eauripik). This is of course independent of the
fact that some words are pronounced slightly differently on different
islands”; and (p. 27): “On Eauripik ‘tafeey’ is pronounced ‘tafee’ and
‘maaht’ is pronounced ‘maeht.’” (R. of Ifaluk apparently hears
ta/fee/y, not ta/fee, for he writes the word with three characters:
3/66/III; and he distinguishes maah/t, which he writes 23/25 or 23/17,
from maeh/t, 21/40.) The occasional use by various informants of two,
or even three, characters for what, in Smith’s orthography, should be
a single syllable, would also suggest dialect differences not recorded
by Smith; thus, in the following examples of syllables written by
No eo}. °» ~=CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 305
Smith as consonant-plus-ee or consonant-plus-eeh, the informants
write an extra character, namely IV, apparently for an additional
vowel:
beefyaeth ROO TOI RI eR T 5h ots R.: 44+ 7V/III
keelisga locus 2 oA ee a R.: 60+IV/III
lijsnee lo. 63 2 4 2 ee ee ety AS R.: X/11+IV/50
Pipees ee os eh) ee 20. 1 R.: 47+89+IV/50
GEE Re 92 yt MRR IR OC EP HE R., C., and M.: 40+-IV/50
SEI tee #\ ALA RAR ee ee ete ee R., C., and M.: 40+-IV/VIII
REPRESENTATION OF FINAL CONSONANTS
The choice of a character to represent a final consonant seems to
be much more capricious than the choice of a character to represent a
full syllable. We have already pointed out that the attributed value
of a character loses it vowel portion when the character is used for the
terminal consonant of a word. In table 4 it will be seen how wide a
choice of character seems to be permissible for such use. Neverthe-
less, some regularities are discernible. For example, 18 words termi-
nating in -g are listed in that table, some of them written several
times and by as many as three natives; for the -g the informants have
without exception used character VIII in four words, in four other
words they agree on character 2, in another five words they all use
character 41, and they invariably write character 50 in five more.
How are we to explain such consistencies in usage, sporadic though
they are? In some Malayo-Polynesian languages there occurs a final
vowel that is so weakly pronounced as to seem inaudible. While this
phenomenon does not appear to be a feature of Woleai speech today,
it may well have been so in the past; and if we may credit the in-
ventors of the Type 1 script with ability to reconstruct the ancient
pu from modern pup and tuw from tuut, as previously described, it is
possible that in these instances the character chosen to represent -g
is the one whose full syllabic value includes the vowel sound which
was formerly terminal.
In the use of final characters in some words there is a hint that per-
haps the informants are anticipating a vowel which would appear only
when additional syllables were suffixed to the same words. Thus we
have character 33 for -/h in the word mwae/lh, and also for /he in the
compound mwae/lhe/we; 33 is used again in mi/si//h and in the com-
pound mi/si//hae/lh; but in the word rae/lh, informants use for -lh
either 33 or X, as though this word might be compounded in different
ways, and in the one compound form which we have in native script,
rae/lhi, the syllable lhc is written with the character X.
Occasionally the vowel preceding the final consonant seems to in-
fluence the choice of character for that consonant. Thus -l is almost
always written with character 33, occasionally with X; but character
306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173
36, which is used for the syllable uu in the word Fa/la/iwu/s and for
lv in the word fae/lv/w, also represents -/ in the words vh// (as written
by one informant out of two) and uuh// (by both of two informants) ;
in other words, 36 seems to be the choice in these instances because
the vowels of the preceding syllables are similar to the vowel portion
of that character’s full syllabic value. Again, character 2, which
usually has the value go (see table 3), is used terminally as -g only in
the words yae/lo/g, So/w/g, to/g, and toh/g (but not in sho/g), that is,
in words where the preceding vowel is 0. And the only times charac-
ter 31 is used terminally are in the words tuu/t and tuuh/t, character
31 otherwise having the value tu, twu, tuuh, or tv; in practically all
other cases of -t informants agree in the use of character 25.
However, the principle which seems to develop from the foregoing
does not seem to apply to many of the other terminal consonants. In
some cases it would seem that it is the consonant, not the vowel, of
the preceding syllable that determines which character is to be used
for the final consonant of a word. Thus all informants use character
6 for the -n of bu/n and -nh of bu/nh, but use 33 or 36 for the -nh of
pu/nh. Again, both C. and R. agree on character 12 for -ngh in
tah/ngh, but 52 for -ngh in lhah/ngh; all informants use TX for -ng in
cha/ng, lah/ng, and tah/ng, and all of them use 52 for -ng in lhah/ng
and u/ng; they agree again on XIII for the -c in wih/c and on 5 for the
-c in mwoa/c-mwoa/c; and there are further cases of such unanimity
in choice of character to be used for final consonants. Perhaps there
is some component of the phoneme which determines such seemingly
arbitrary choice.
There is also some evidence, although not so strong, that sometimes
the reverse occurs; that is, that the final consonant may determine
which character is to be used for the preceding syllable. For example,
R. and C. use character 47 consistently for final or rw. In the words
sorw, raesorw, galiisorw, and josoar the syllable preceding -r and -rw is
written with character 68. The only other time 68 is used is for the
syllable sho in the word jo/sho/s; whereas for sho in the word sho/g
character 45 is used. How is this to be explained? It would seem
that R. has misunderstood the word joshos and taken the final con-
sonant, -s, as -r or -rw, since he writes 47 for it, instead of XV or 62
as he does for all other cases of -s. It therefore suggests itself that
there is some kind of relationship between these two characters, 47
and 68, and that the use of the former requires the use of the latter.
Whether such relationships are of a functional nature, whether the
system of spelling has in the course of years of use become arbitrarily
conventionalized, or whether some aesthetic judgment is applied which
prevents or encourages the juxtaposition of certain characters, is a
matter that we are unable to settle. In many cases, perhaps in most
Antura?. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 307
cases, there seems to be no clear rule; rather it may be whim which
often dictates which of several final characters is to be used. Never-
theless, examination of table 4 gives the impression that some rules
are operative.
COMPARISON OF NATIVE TEXTS
The foregoing analysis is, of course, based entirely on examination
of the 222 words in Smith’s orthography that we have been able to
get natives to write in the Caroline script. Smith’s text, which is
addressed to the natives and which consists of a guide to his proposed
system of spelling, is naturally limited by his vocabulary and mode of
expression. (See fig. 27.) But we have available to us two other
texts, of native composition, by R. and S.,” both of Ifaluk (fig. 28).
They have not been tape-recorded or put into Smith’s orthography,
but they will enable us to discuss frequency of occurrence of the
symbols. 5S. uses 68 characters out of the 97, a total of 1,178 times;
R. uses 65, a total of 483 times. Of the symbols (fig. 25, cols.
N and O; fig. 26, cols. N- P) given by R. separately from the text, 10 do
not occur in the text; and occurring in the text but not in the lists are
6 symbols. In other words, he knows 75 of the 97 characters, but in
writing he makes use of only 65, of which 3 are the epparently simple
vowels (IV, XIX, 16), so that he limits himself to 62 characters
representing syllabic combinations for the 624 possible combinations.
Of these, 11 are used only once, 8 only twice, and 10 only three times.
We have no comparable list of symbols and attributed values from
S. with which to compare his text. He does not use in the text 29 of
the symbols known to us; 22 of these 29 are also absent from R.’s
text, and 10 are among those apparently unknown to R. Of the 65
which he uses, 10 occur only once, 4 twice, and 7 three times.
Percentagewise, some comparisons between the two men are of
interest, assuming that we have adequate samples of this universe,
speaking statistically. Character 7, not used at all by R., occurs
with a frequency of 4.4 percent of the 1,178 characters written by S.
Character 46 occurs in R.’s text with a frequency of 0.2 percent, but
S. uses it 28 times as often, with a frequency of 5.6 percent. The
respective figures for R. and S. for character 35 are 2.1 percent and
6.0 percent; for 50, 6.0 percent and 3.4 percent; for 39, 3.9 percent
and 1.9 percent. There is less significance in the difference in occur-
rence of other characters.
Evidently, then, the system is flexible enough to permit of consid-
erable freedom in expression of preference through employment of
one character or another. In order of descending frequency, the
22 §. is the man described by Spiro (1950) as a psychopath. He is kept confined at Ifaluk in a coconut log
hut. Whether this fact diminishes the value of the comparison between his writing and that of R. we are
not prepared to state.
308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 178
ES aor ce aR ps oy oY GoD,
a8 Sith oiee Babine Se TD EM or oP
CE Fe hnaator 1 Romine ie at a
Sl ee eee TY, WON CR OC alee
Da 0 "a a tie ame LAME 12d SONI
oWesC YE Kk De a Sys el IW Pak eee ae
DIRE OSA Coe GAC OU aenL LTE he
Teac PAVE), AB ot ed ev
Bay on) Ee ait TS mee ae
EPP RK Re
Figure 27.—Paragraph from Smith’s roman text (1951, pp. 3-4) as written in native script
by R. of Ifaluk. (Words are shown separated by spaces for purposes of clarity; in the
original they run continuously.)
(For explanation, see opposite page.)
preferences of the two men for their most frequently used characters
are:
Percent Percent
ee IND ee Oe EPCS eT 7.0 Vi SEOs MOORE Tal. sie 8. 0
SO0e 2222 peter eee aU eee 6. 0 Xs ele ernest | pipes el 6. 6
1 BARE a TL EDC nak Se ells gthaghlie bill 5. 8 2 YS erie i MU aera HST Ne oe 6. 0
1 OY fcstce ie Oh tai bo Be a ee Beek Pee ae ees 5. 4 AG! 23 5 See A Es eee 5. 6
DO Sa ee Has we ., el nasveCRP Nar. SARS 4.7 Die cee os PO A Leper ye, Se 4.4
eabesaais Ciba ML Tes te ae ad 2, Oi ie 4.7 Gee ee ee ahs ee ee 4.2
In a single person’s writing, however, there is considerable con-
sistency. Part of R.’s text is written twice. The duplicated portion
contains 187 characters in both versions, which are identical except
for the following changes in spelling in the second version: substitution
of IV for 16 in one word; 37 for 40 in another word; 38 for 17 in a
third; 6 for 33; the sequence III—50 for [V-46; and the sequence 6-52
for 1—2 in still other words. We are probably dealing here again with
combinations of phonemes whose values lie within a range of overlap
between values associated with two different characters, so that one
choice is as good as the other.
No gol 2 )«6CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 309
EXPLANATION OF FIGURE 27
Characters used in figure 27 shown by numbers assigned to them (refer to figures 26
and 26). Text and translation as given by Smith (1951, pp. 3-4, 33).
IV 33 VIII 33 46 26 3 33 XV 4 32 17 VIII 45 41
i /lha/ gi/ 1 ka/pe/ta/ 1 si /bae fa/to/ gi sho/ g
4 Lik 4 39 39 46 26 3 33 VIII 20
bae yae/be wae-wae ka/pe/ta/ 1 gi /sh
39m, 39), 7, 2 42°X 39 33 I oo) ex Ie 38 3
wae-wae/lh go/zv/lhi we/lee/ya rae/lh mae/lae ta/ i
46 26 3 X 39 33 I 40 23 36 III 4 17 XIX 1 26
ka/pe/ta/ 1 we/lee/ya si /mii/lh yae/be to/ u /la/p
41 1 I 20 4 III 4 23 20 15 VIII VIII 20
gv/la ya/sh bae yae/be ma/sha/ra/ g gi /sh
51a ee.S XMeiy) WAUUL Sis) \WAOUE xe 46 263 xX LVL Sat XV
rae/lh ge/ra/ gi /roe/ gi /lhi ka/pe/ta/ 1 i /nge/lii/ s
4. XV 4 411 4 III 14 IV 35 XV
bae si /bae/gv/la bae yae/wa/ v /Tii/ s
IV Ill ila a3 IV XIII 33 46 26 3 X IV IX 33 XV
ih/ y mae/lhae esl ka/pe/ta/ 1 i /nge/lii/ s
TV 39 12 Varro iit 8 2 42 7 39 33 I 12
i /woe/ngoe ih/ y mae/lhae go/zv/lh we/lee/ya nge
III 25 20 15 VIII 35 20
yae ma/sha/ra/ g roeh/sh
Ilhagil kapetal sibae fatogi, shog bae yaebe wae-wae kapetal. Gish wae-waelh
All words written in this way are written just as they sound. We spell Woleai
gozvlhi Weleeya, raelh maelae tai kapetal Weleeya. Simiilh yaebe toulap gvla
sounds, not Woleai words. Therefore Woleai has a
yash, bae yaebe masharag gish, raelh geragiroegilhi kapetal Ingeliis bae sibaegvla.
much better and easier way of spelling than English has.
Bae yaewavriis ihy maelhae ishilh kapetal Ingeliis, iwoengoe ihy maelhae gozvlh
It is difficult to spell the words of English but it is easy to spell the sounds
Weleeya, nge yae masharag roehsh.
of Woleai.
SUMMARY
In 1905 an American missionary from Truk, Alfred Snelling, and a
party of Trukese were cast ashore at Eauripik. Here they gave
instruction in writing with the alphabet which had been developed in
the Nomoi Islands. The natives of Eauripik took the names of the
letters as being their syllabic values and converted the alphabet into
a syllabary. These letters constitute the symbols we have called
310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
TOeSRREIOR YT UD Ewe
EPID PVA AT BPLNV EY &
TRPAWUHITRAM TIRY VAI
CTLETVEAO GEVCRYWV T
ROPTrPESOUPRMVvAyYeWe Pe
ETRPVPEKVE ARIOVOOTY
WRAP PRR KPUCREK £
Cr WPM VeRrerTarow &
LY PITMVNITEPSAPTOA
WERPCPITRY TPPBWER
aN KNV FCOTB
EDARVNW8O BFF YU RUE
Ficure 28.—A page of text from a song written by R., a man of Ifaluk.
Type 2. The syllabary diffused to Faraulep where the deficiencies of
the writing became apparent, all consonant signs of the original
alphabet now having syllabic values consisting only of consonants-
plus“. The Faraulepese, between 1907 and 1909, invented a whole
new set of symbols, Type 1, taking some of the signs from their
environment and their material culture and giving them as their
values the names of these objects; other signs were made by altering
the form of Type 2 symbols; a few may be of Japanese derivation;
and some are the products of imagination. By 1909 the writing, of
both types, had spread to eight atolls of the Central Carolines and it
is still known on five of them today.
Aaterae: Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 311
Previous authors have speculated that the writing represented the
remains of a formerly more developed system, that it was related to
scripts of the Asiatic mainland, that it was linked to Easter Island
writing, etc. But it has been demonstrated that the Woleai syllabary
represents a case of recent stimulus diffusior, like the Vai and Cherokee
syllabaries.
The writing, which is still being added to by new inventors from
time to time, represents only crudely the language it is used for. A
symbol may be used for more than one syllable, and a syllable may be
represented by more than one symbol. In time, more exact corres-
pondence might develop. However, the writing will probably die
out before this occurs.
LITERATURE CITED
AMERICAN BoaRpD OF COMMISSIONERS FOR FoREIGN MIssIONs.
1886-1906. Annual reports. Boston.
ARAGO, J.
1822. Promenade autour du monde pendant les années 1817/1820 sur les
Corvettes du Roi l’Uranie et la Physicienne commandees par M.
Freycinet. Vol. 2. Paris.
Buiss, THEODORA CRosBy.
1906. Micronesia. Fifty years in the island world. Boston.
Brown, J. MacmILuan.
1914. A new Pacific Ocean script. Man, vol. 14, No. 43, pp. 89-91.
1927. Peoples and problems of the Pacific. Vol. 1. London.
Burrows, Epwin G., and Sprro, MrELrorp E.
19538. An atoll culture. New Haven.
Conkuin, H. C.
1953. Hanundéo-English vocabulary. Univ. California Publ. Ling., vol. 9,
pp. 1-290.
Damo, H.
1938. Zentralkarolinen. G. Thilenius, ed. Ergebnisse der Siidsee-Expedi-
tion, 2 B, vol. 10, pt. 2.
Damo, H., and Sarrert, E.
1935. Inseln um Truk. G. Thilenius, ed., Ergebnisse der Siidsee-Expedi-
tion, 2 B, vol. 6, pt. 2.
DiR1INGER, DAvIp.
1948. The alphabet. New York.
FinscyH, Orrto.
1900. Carolinen und Marianen. Sammlung gemeinverstindlicher wissen-
schaftlicher Vortrager, vol. 14, pp. 651-710.
GARDNER, FLETCHER.
1943. Philippine Indic studies. Indic Bull. No. 1, Ser. of 1943. San An-
tonio.
GrirscHNneR, Max.
1912-13. Die Karolineninsel und ihre Bewohner. Baessler-Archiv, vol. 2,
pp. 123-215; vol. 3, pp. 165-190.
GoopENoucH, Warp H.
1953. Native astronomy in the Central Carolines. University Museum,
Univ. Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
HORNELL, JAMES.
1936. The canoes of Polynesia, Fiji, and Micronesia. Bernice P. Bishop
Museum, Spec. Publ. 27, vol. 2.
IMBELLONI, J.
1951. Las ‘‘tabletes parlantes’’ de Pascua, monumentos de un sistema
grafico indo-ocednico. Runa, vol. 4, Nos. 1-2, pp. 89-177.
Kirriirz, F. H. von.
1858. Denkwiirdigkeiten einer Reise nach dem russischen Amerika, nach
Mikronesien und durch Kamtschatka. 2 vols. Gotha.
KRrAmer, A.
1937. Zentralkarolinen. G. Thilenius, ed. Ergebnisse der Siidsee-Expedi-
tion, 2 B. vol. 10, pt. 1.
Lessa, WILLIAM A.
1950. Ulithi and the outer native world. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 52, pp.
27-52.
Lirxe, F.
1835. Voyage autour du monde exécuté par ordre de sa Majeste |’ Empereur
Nicolas Ier. Paris.
Mason, W. A.
1920. A history of the art of writing. New York.
MEINICKE, Caru E.
1876. Die Inseln des Stillen Oceans. Leipzig.
METRAUX, ALFRED.
1957. Easter Island. New York.
SARFERT, E., see Damm, H., and Sarrert, E.
SmirH, ALFRED G.
1951. Gamwoelhaelhi ishilh Weleeya (guide to Woleai spelling). High
Commissioner, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. Honolulu.
(Mimeograph.)
Somexi, ATSUSHI.
1936. Karorin shoto no ki-sara ni tsuite (the wooden dishes used in the
Caroline Islands). Japanese Journ. Ethnol., vol. 2, No. 2, pp.
172-190.
1945. Micuronejiya no fido to mingu (topography and implements of
Micronesia). Tokyo.
Srrro, Metrorp E.
1950. - R.: 36/39/33/IV
ijmmee/e === R.: X/11+1V/50
.: 23/36; C.: cH M.: ae
cf a 23/17; C : 23/25; M : 23/25
2 23/
.: 23/62/47; C.: 23/62/47
223/25" Os: 23/25; M.: 23/25
.1 23/62/47; C : 23/62/47
iit (9); a Qc IR Fe ll
a LTO Ks c : 23.
Bp 21/40
wt 11/33 (7); C.: 11/1+11I
.1 11/33/33
.t 11/38 (2)
mao/lhae/l- -2 -22s222- ==-- 238s R.: 19/33/33 (2)
mge/taa/lhe Sasol s se I ee R.: 11/3/83 (2)
TM ANS se eee eee ee ose ee Re ea Ols 2a vie
mah) Chk es S28 eee A ie 23/20; M:: 21/28
mah/Ihoess se en eS R.: 23/36; C.: 23/36; M.: 23/36
majngijy22. 22-22-25 2ee2 R.: 23/ITX/1I
ma/sha/ia/ eas = ssn ee R.: 23/20/15/VIII (8); C.: 23/20/15/VIII
ma/tae-mae/tae/l__--.--------- R.: 23/25-23/25/X
TS) theses ee ee R.: 23/17; C.: 23/17
(Lee ee a oe eee R.: X1/33; C.: X1/33
mi/si/inee eee ee eee R.: XI/XV/33
mi/si/iiaehs 22.225 -b ese 6s R.: XI/XV/33/33
miwae/h=. 222-52 -2s-2- Ses. R.: 19/33
mwae/lhe/we....---------_---- Ie puie/80
miwalhis 22.2 =- 25-3. See ee R.: 21/X
Mwai Ph ese n aos oe ee R.: 67/33; O.: X1/33
mwoa/c-mwoa/c.-------------- R.: 34/5-34/5; C.: 49/5-49/5
TmiwOe/lae) hs 2 2s eee R.: 19/33/33
Na/mwoa/chii/g___------------ eee ia ME M.: 1/49/20/VIII
Nea nis ee eee eee R.: 48/X
cov =¢2 0) | ee ee ee eee Lie a (2)
1 ee ee ee ee il
mbe pales sss. aso e eee 13-6 39/55)33 (4), 33/43/X
[oye ay Reet ae ees eee ee R.: 43/LV; C.: 48/IV; M.: 43/IV
Mah/nga/shessso25 ee eee R.: 43/48/20
Panga nee 28 5 ee R.: 43/48/33 (3)
(Bini) pee eee eS ea C.: XIV/50; M.: eo 50
WA f0N). —- -eneassecorsesSseee Re XIV/XIV-+HI; C . XIV/XIV; M.: XIV/XIV
10) 8) eae ee ee eee cei eerie R.; XIV/XIV-+IlI; C.: XIV/XIV; M.: X1V/XIV-+III
Puflojwalth Mes 1 eae Re ae
DUN k es tee R.: 10/83; C.:; 59/36
was Siieees le Se 5 eo eee R.: 35/20
TAGs west ak eo ee R.: 35/X (5), ihe (7), 35/38+-X; O.: 35/omitted
ryzte/iliy te Ls ae se eee R.: 35/X @;C «3 30/
ABBOT Wae eee c as See ose R.: 35/68/47
rara/is= S255 5. fee Ra Re
Tbe te Oke eS ete) 2 er hg R.: 3
Pe ee eee eee ae eae ee ai 4); C.: 35/4 (4)
roe/sa/is/to/el= ~ 2.5.6 eee R.: 35/37/32/17/V III
POTO oan noe eee ek eS pe eS R.: 22-22; C.: 22-22
TO/W-TO| Waes- nosso sense acer ae Re 15/KiX ig] XTX
EW 00) Pee eae ee Bok ee eee ee R.: 47+389+IV/50 (2)
SE GHA of Uf eee Se eee R.: 37/43/33
Bil) Ceeee eee a nets eet e ee R.: 37/41
316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
TABLE 2.—Words written by Caroline Island natives in Caroline script--Continued
Saftaahwaslewsas cess ene Ges
See/a/weneece eee, ee arin Re
SOG) cee FEO ee oe eee R
sGeli/pits Wi. 20 St sy Re ee R
sec/niwoe/ys se ee R
37/25/14/33 (2); O.: 37/25/14/33; M.:; 37/25/14/33; A.: 37/25/14/33
40//39 (6)
«= 40+1V/50; C.: 404+1V/50; M.: 40+1V/50
. 40+1V/VII; C.: 40+IV/VII; M.: 40+1V/VIII
1 40/34/16 (2)
S60/0/Wa-2-2 221 noon Rie:
40//39
SC/MWOC/Vsse---ean- os eee R.: 40/34/16 (2)
Shale wn - soso secant wees R.: 18/41 (3), aie
SHIN fm ness = soa eee ee R.: XIII/19; C.: XIII/19
Sho/ge2222o 2-22 22st esose sae R.: 45/41 Oe ee Viimnitted
Shivssiece cet 2 oe ee R28; Os 28+16
Shy h/wssesseice eae Re: 40/1; C.: 28/39
Sie Sa esas R.: XV (2)
Sg tn Saas ee eee R.: XV/I (3)
Si Dae ses ess eee R.: XV/4 (8); O.: XV/4
Sine) ev/laneeneeseennaa tence R.: XV/4/41/1 (3)
Si/DOR tae ae eats eae R.: XV/4
‘si/fa/tojai ee ere R.: XV/32/17/VIILI (2)
1] 6) eee R.: XV/46/33
Sia hts eee ae Ee oe eee R.: 40/23/36; C.: XV/X1/33
Bi/tl/pac/lhi= 22 2oe 222 ae a R.: XV/XVII/26/X
Siivaleieo 2 ose ese ss R.: XV/I (3)
SOT Woes ce aaoe sb. eee R.: 68/47 (2)
So/w/G---s osc Ue ee R.: 42/X1X/2
balee 6 22 vat eee eros R.: 3/66+1II
maa” a eres eerie ea me R.: 3/66/11
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
/ R
ae eae Webs eee eee R.
yao) fa Gh oS. oe 25 ee ee Ree
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
R
yae/ea/ fi tae/ easels ee
VWaolwalliecc n= esse ues
wae wel virile ees eae
Se raimanalt ee aa lathe eae
ya/re;man/taa/le22 2 eee
VA) tOIWOsase soos ~ eee eee
ceewipills nips HEB abe pad Be
oe Hee "3/83 3/X VII; M.: 3/XVIL
as /
Pe 18/X1V omitted
«=! XVII/39/21/33
ot XVII/X/VIIT/I11/xX
. XVII/X/VIII-+IIT
.: 38/38; C.: 33/38
Me Ng/25 Oe) 17/2
2 17/2; C.: 17/2
es LPs (3); O.: 17/X1IX/1/26, 60//1/26
2 31/31;
.: 31+16/31; C.: 31/31
«2 31/31; C.: 31/31
.! 31/31; C.: 31-++16/31
. XIX/52; C.: XIX/12
. XIX/65/65/X
ap. @ D.¢ [iy Fa On. @ B.@/57}
.: 16/36; C.: 16/36
2 16/35; C.: 16/35
.: 16/47; C.: 16/35
-: IV/39 (4)
«= XIX+14/33; C.: 16/36
.: 39-39; C.: 14-omitted
-: 39-39/omitted; C.: 39-39/X
«1 39/33/I (14); C.: 39/33/1 (6); M.: V/83-+-I/IV-+11I1
. XII/XIII; C.: XII/XIII
HS) NAP24 5 C3)
. V/6+X1X/39, 14/65/39
«1 39/25/46/16//
. IIT (2)
.: IIT/4 f0), 1/4; C.: III/4 (2)
> III/4/4 es
TIT/32/1
08 T/4VI251V III
oy it1/8j2
=! ITI/19/33
wt IIT/25/3/1V
et [/17/X1X/1/26
.: ITI/14/33
a ey
rs eh SED VEL SIVice ire
os ue 0: : 1/66; M.: 1/66
ooely,
=: 1/35/23/25; C.: 1/35/23/25 (2)
wt: 1/35/23/3/X; C.: 1/35/11/3/X
3 vee (12), 1/40
1/17
1/17/39
YXIX//X1V/80, III/XIX/3/XIV/50
Fe RVIA/VIUX:; C.: I/6/omitted/X
: XVI; 0.: V
putnrop- Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 317
TaBLeE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence
of characters in figures 25 and 26
[Numbers in parentheses following a word indicate number of times, when more than once, the italicized
syllable within that word is written by each informant with the designated character. Plus signs: in the
first column plus signs indicate when two characters are used for a single syllable; in the second column
they indicate when two syllables are written with one character. Informant designations: R.=Maroligar;
C.=Chiyemal; M.=Magilo; T.=Tachep; A.= Marutang.]
Syllables
Character No. repre- Inform- Words in which character is used
sented by ant
character
Ys marae ee a SS a R. sia (3), alefahpaet (2)
ya R. yaremaataal, Weleeya (14), yash (13), siya (3), yatowe, iyang,
Galayalimang, yaremaat, Yaurwpiig, yar, yath, yaf
a Pare aey Weleeya (6), yaf, yaremaat (2)
- ya
yah R. yaht
C. yaht
M. yaht
yae R. yaebe, yaetoulap
yoah C. yoahlagiilh
Nilesat Seo Se eo yoah C. yoah
10 ee eee ae R. tiligiaelh, aetoulap, aetai, aeta, aetaifiilh, aetaei
ee ee eetae, eetaemwalh, eebae
i Re keet
ya iz Yaurwpiig
yae R. yaebe (10), yaewavriis, yaetaetaei, yaebegach, kapateeyae,
yaemwoelh, yaelog, yael, yaefath, yaewal, yaegafitaeg, yae (2),
beeyae
C. yaebe (2)
ye R. Faragiye
-y R. ihy (2), baey, mangiy, gaimangiy (2), gawaewaay (2), tafeey
Vesa 2 oes See ee R. eetal
i R. ilegihr, ishi (5), ilhagil, tai, Jngeliis (2), ishilh (8), ishilhi (2),
itaelhi, tyang, itaelh, iwoengoe, igaelha (3), yaetaetae?,
aetai, aetaifiilh, gaimangiy, itipaelhi, gaigabungv (2),
aetaei, paahi, /faelhuug
(of flegihr, ishi, ilhagil, ishilh, paahi, Zfaelhuug
M. paahi
ih R. ihy (2), ihsh, ihr, ihmw
OC. ihmw
ih+-a R. ihaj
ih+y R. ihy (3)
uu R. wuwe (4)
Vv R. yaewaorriis
-y R. lihwanhaey
(OF gawaewaay
BV} Tita soso ya M. Weleeya
-y R. kepatekay
\ ees ee ere PTT we M. Weleeya
woa R. woalow, woalh (2)
yoeh Cc. yoch
Wiles 5.53255* S22 none
0 0 ee eee fi Len fitou (2), gafitaeg (6), yaegafitaeg
C. gafitaeg
fii R. aetaifiilh
-f R. yas
CO. yaf
M. yaf .
1 2 0 eee eee gi R. ilhagil, fatog? (7), geragiroegihi, tiligiaelh, roesafatogi,
Faragiye, seehgi, gish (5), sifatogi (2)
C. ilhagil, fatogi, seehg?, gish
M. seehgi
gih R. ilegihr
C. ilegihr
gil R. yoahlagiilh
go oe gozvlhi ;
-g R. gafitaeg (6), masharag (3), yaegafitaeg, Namwoachiig
oO gafitaeg, masharag
M. Namwoachiig
VIII+II1 gi R. tirigi
| DEE See een nge Ee - Ingeliis (2)
ngi R. mangiy, gaimangiy (2)
ng R. galayalimang, chang, lahng, tahng, cang
0. chang, lahng, tahng
M. chang, lahng
-ngh R. gabungh
471762—60——22
318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
TABLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence
of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued
Syllables
Character No. repre- Inform- Words in which character is used
sented by ant
character
2. ee li R. tiligiaelb, limeeg, ngali (2), Galayalimang
lih R. lihmw
CO. lihmw
Thi R. raelhi (2), fath-fathvlhi (4), gozvlhi (5), geragiroegilhi, mwalhi,
ngalhi, ulunhvlhi, dhi (2), kapetalhi, gamwoelhaelhi (3),
sitipaedhi, maalhi, itipae/hi, itaelhi
C. raelhi, fath-fathvlhi, gamwoelhaelhi
ri R: tirigi (an error?)
-] R. yaremaataal, kapetal (3), matae-maetae/, nbepal
GC; yaremaataal, ilhagil, kapetal
-lh R. yoahlagiilh, raedh (5), tiligiaelh, falh, woalh (2), fatilh, tahlh
C. yoahlagiilh, wae-waelh, ishilh, fatilh, tahlh
M. fatilh
-n R. Ihaen
-nh R. Ihaenh (2)
PR aaa See lhi R. gamwoelhaelhi
XeEUVes eocet on cae Thi R. ishilhi
) ee ene ere ene mi Re misilhaelh, misilh, milh
C. milh
mii C. simiilh
mwi C. mwilh
PG 0 am ae eee? wih R. wihe
C. wihe
2-10 0) Robseneretev ts Sal Sk ats -c R. wihe
O. wihe
shi Re ishi (4), ishilh (7), ish#lhi (2)
C. ishi, ishilh
shih 18%, shihm
CO. shihm
-sh R. baesh
(OF baesh
M. baesh
>. 505 00 eee shi R. ishi
Dee cceee oo e ee pi ah tapilh, pipi
; pipi
M. pipi
pih R. pihpih
C. Pihg, pihpih
M. Pihg, pihpih
pii R. Yaurw/piig (2)
SDV ee pi Re pipi
M. pipi
pih R. pibpih a
SRG ee si R. sibae (8), sibaegvla (8), siboe, sigal, siya (3), misilh, misi-
lIbaelh, si (2), sia (3), sifatogi (2), sitipaclhi
C. sibae, simiilh
-S 1h, Ingeliis (2), yaewavriis, baes
(Oe aes
shi R. ishilh
sho C. shog
-sh R. ihsh
DO f a eee 0a R. babioarw
yoa 1a yoarw
yoah R. yoah, yoahlagiilh
yoeh R. yoeh
SVM ek eee te R. Teomal
ti R. tiligiaelh, tirigi, sitipaelhi, itipaelhi, fatilh
C. fafilh
M. fatilh
til Cc, fatiilh
M. fatiilh
tv Cc. fatvlh
-d R. boad, tahd
C. boad, tahd
M. boad, tahd
D-S\'4 0G eee a eer! ri 138 foari (3)
C. foari
M. foari
>.) OG os Meee u Re Yaurwpiig (2), towlap (3), wlunhvlhi, yaetowlap, aetowlap,
ung
C. ung, toulap
uh R. uhng
CO. uhng
w- R. sowg
-W R. row-row, sShvhw
DO De Oe vb R. vhl
D2 D.C est a u R. fitow (2)
Nooo}; ~=CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 319
TABLE 3.—Characters andjtheir actual’syllabic values, arranged according to sequence
of characters.in figures:25,and 26—Continued
Syllables
Character No. repre- Inform- Words in which character is used
sented by ant
character
Eee a oe la R. lagoshag, yoahlagiilh, toulap (8), sibaegvla (3), aetoulap,
yaetoulap, Falaluus, Faelalap, Foeshavlap (2), gvla
(of lagoshag, toulap (2), Foeshavlap, gvla
M. Foeshavlap
D. Foeshavlap (2)
lah ie lahng
C. lahng
M. lahng
lha Te. igaelha (3)
Thah R. lhahng, lhahngh
@ lhahng, lhahngh
Thae R. | dhaen, éhaenh (2)
-lh R. ishilh, kalh
na R. Namwoachiig
M, Namwoachiig
ct} OO bape Sem eee lae C. maelae
bles aap ee re eee eee go R. lagoshag, gosh, gomw, gozvl, gozvlh, gozvlhi (6)
CG; lagoshag, gosh, gomw
M. gosh
goa R. goamw
C. goamw
ga+i R. gaimangiy
-g R. yaelog, Sowg, tog, tohg
C. tog, tohg
jo R. josha, jo-jo (3), josoar, joshos
C. josha, jo-jo
-k 1p buhk
Suoessstesecaselieeus ta R. kapefal (9), tai, eetal, aefa, aetai, kapetalhi, tafee, tafeey
ce kapetal (2)
ta+i C. tai :
tah R. tahd, tahl, tahlh, tahng, tahngh, taht
Cc. tahd, tahl, tahlh, tahng, tahngh, taht
M. tahd
taa R. yaremaafaal, maetaalh (2)
C. yaremaataal
tae R. itaelh, itaelhi, aetaei, eetaemwalh, yaetaetaei
te Re kepatekay
Le ae eee, ba R. babioarw
baah 1, baahsh
CG: baahsh
M. baahsh
bae ies bae es nth baes, baesh (2), eebae, rebae (4), sibae (8), sibae-
gvla
C. bae, baes, baesh, rebae (4), sibae
M. baesh
be R, yaebe (12), yaebegach
C. yaebe
boe R. siboe, boegare
FiO ees oe ee ee bee R. beeyae
eee tefscernsebacsas -c R. mwoac-mwoac
Ge mwoac-mwoac
-sh RS gosh
C. gosh
M. gosh
(eae la Cc. yoahlagilh
lo ie, yaelog, Pulowath
1 R. bun
C. bun
M. bun
-nh Re bunh
Cc, bunh
OS 5-9 D. ae ae lo Re woalow
Ree Aereewowaeeset, none
Bere enone anaes rw- R. Yaurwpiig (2)
eee none
NO es esses kes 23 pu Rie punh
i |) eee ma R. gaimangiy, Galayalimang
maa C. yaremaataal
mae R. maelae (7), maelael, maclhae (2), maetaalh (2), mae (9)
C. mae, maelae
M. mae
maeh R. maeh
Cc. maeh
mwae 12). mwaelhewe
-mw Cc, lihmw
HRW ise cess mee ie limeeg
320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
TABLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence
of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued
Syllables
Character No. repre- Inform- Words in which character is used
sented by ant
character
1 Re eee es aS mrs nge R. nge (7)
ngoe R. iwoengoe
-ng R. cang
C. cang, uhng
M. eang
-ngh Re tahngh
C. tahngh
|B eee aes boa R. boad
Cc, boad
M. boad
bu R. gabungh
pu 18%, Pulowath
1 le eee wa R. yaewavriis, yaewal, Pulowath, Sataawal (2)
C. Sataawal
M. Sataawal
A. Sataawal
C. wae-wae
R. woalow
C. gawaewaay
R, masharag (3), raralh
C. masharag
ro R. row-TOW
AG see ee eee uu R. uur, WUTW
Cc. UUur, UUTW
uub Re uuhl
C. uuhi
Vv R. Foeshavlap (2)
C. Foeshavlap
M. Foeshavlap
T. Foeshavlap (2)
vh C. vhl
i+--w R. Woettegaiw
-y ie semwoey (2), seemwoey (2)
U7 meee Socotra Le to R. fatogi (7), toulap (3), aetoulap, yaetoulap, sifatogi (2), roesafato-
gi, yatowe, fitou (2), tog
C. fatogi, toulap, tog
toh R. tohg
C. tohg
-t Re maaht
thy R. fath-fathvlhi (4)
(Ge fath-fatholhi
-th R. fath-fathvlhi (4), fath-fath (2), yaefath, yath, gahth, math
C. fath-fath, gahth, math, fath-fathvlhi
1). ae eres eee tees tl ca R. cang (2)
C. cang
M. cang
cha 1 chang
(of chang
M. chang
sha R. lagoshag, shag (3), Foeshavlap
C. lagoshag, Foeshavlap, josha
M. Foeshaviap
a. Foeshavlap (2)
ta Re tapilh
pC: ene eee eee eee mae R, maelhael (2)
-m R. shihm
Cc. shihm
mwa R. eetaemwalh
mwae R. mwaelh
mwoe R. gamwoelha, mwoelaelh, gamwoelhaelhi (5), yaemwoelh
C. gamwoelhaelhi
-mw R. ihmw, lihmw, goamw
Cc. ihmw, goamw
QD scc25e donee teens chii R. Namwoachiig
M. Namwoachiig
-ch R. mahch
sha R. Foeshavlap, masharag (3)
Cc: masharag
-sh ‘Rie gish (5), yash (12), roehsh, raash, pahngash, baahsh
Cc. gish, baahsh
M. baahsh
PN oe as tea oe ma 1 Teomal
mah M. mahch
maeh R. maeht
mwa R. mwalhi
ne ee ce Se eles ro Re T0-r0
Cc, T0-ro
TW re yoarw, babioarw
A
No.
nthroP. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 321
TABLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence
Character No.
of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued
Syllables
repre- Inform- Words in which character is used
sented by ant
character
ma ia masharag (3), matae-maetael, mangiy, gaimangiy, math
(Of masharag, math
mah Ie mah, mahch, mahth
(OP mah, mahih
M. mah, mahih
maa R. maat, maasvr, maazvr, maalhi, yaremaat, yaremaataal
@} maat, maasvr, maazvr, yaremaat (2)
M. maat
maah 18h maahlh, maaht (2)
C. maahlh, maaht
M. maahlh, maaht
mae R. matae-maetael
maeh M. maeh
mii R. simiilh
none
ta R. aetaifiilh
C. kapetal
taa 18% Sataawal (2)
Cc. Sataawal
M. Sataawal
A. Sataewal
tae R, gafitaeg (6), yaetaetaei, eetae, matae-maetael, yaegafitaeg
C. gafitaeg
tte R. Wocttegaiw
tee Re kapateeyae
t R. kepat (14), alefahpaet (2), maat, maaht, gepat, taht, faat-faat,
yaremaat
C. kepat, maat, maaht, gepat, faat-faat, taht, yaremaat (2)
M. kepaz, maat, maaht, gepat
-th R. Pulowath
pa R. kepatekay
pae Re itipaelhi, sitipaelhi
pe R, kapetal (9), kapetalhi
Cc, kapetal (2)
-p R. ie ea sa aetoulap, yaetoulap, Fagosap, Faelalap, Foeshav-
ap (2
CO. toulap (2), Foeshavlap
M. Foeshavlap
rT Foeshavlap (2)
foa R. foari (3)
M. foari
-ch R. yaebegach, gach
M. mahch
shv R. sho
shvh C. shvhw
shv C, sho
bi R. babioarw
bu R. bun, bunh
C. bun, bunh
M. un
buh R. buhk
none
tu R. tutu
tuu R. tuut, tuutuu
C. tuut, tuutuy
tuuh O. tuuht
tv R. fatolh
+t R. tuuZ, tuuht
C. tuué, tuuht
tuu C. tuutuu
tuuh R. tuuht
fa R. fath-fathvihi (4), fath-fath (2), fatogi (7), sifatogi (2),
roesafatogi, falh (3), yaefath, fatilh, fatvlh, Fagosap,
Faragiye
C. fath-fathvlhi, fath-fath, fatogi, fatilh, fatiilh, fatvlh
M. fotilh, fatiilh
fah R. ale fohpaet (2)
faa R. faat-faat
C. faat-faat
fae R. foelvw
foe R. Foeshavlap
322
TaBLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence
of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
37.
Character No.
Syllables
repre-
sented by
character
SPAO POMP SO HPROnAM
OPP ORO ROA RORNH > SONOS OR ORR OOM ARNON ORAA ARBOR RAZ
Words in which character is used
Galayalimang
lae, maelae (7), maelael, mwoelaelh
ilegihr, alefahpaet (2)
iJegihr
Weleeya (14)
Weleeya (6)
Ingeliis (2), galiisorw (2)
ilhagil, kapetaz (6), nhepal (4), eetal, gozvl, sigal, maelhael
(2), maelael, yael, yaewal, Sataawal (2), tahl, vhi, Teomal
kapetal (2), Sataawal, tah/
Sataawal
Sataawal
ilhagil, gamwoelha
ilhagil
are (2), jalhae, misilhaelh, maethael (2), gamwoelhaelhi
5
gamwoelhaelbi
mwaelhewe
gozvlhi, ishilhi, gamwoelhaelhi
raelh (7), ishilh (7), raralh, falh (2), mwaelh, mwoelaelh,
eetaemwalh, misilhae/h, misilh, Saepalh, aetaifiilh, yae-
pees maetaalh (2), pangalh (3), itaedh, milh, mwilh,
‘atv
simiilh, fatiilh, milh, mwilh, fatvlh
fatiilh
lihwanhaey
nhepal (5)
punh
Weleeya
gozvlhi
raelh
mae (2)
Namwoachiig, mwoac-mwoac
semwoey (2), seemwoey (2)
gomw
geragiroegilhi, Faragiye
raash
raelh (13), raelhi (2), raesorw
roelh, raelhi
re (5), gare (2), boegare, rebae (4), yaremaat, yaremaataal
rebae (4), yaremaataal, yaremaat (2)
yaewavriis
geragiroegilhi, roesafatogi
roehsh
ilegihr, yar, ihr, uur
ilegihr, uur
uurew
linwanhaey
Falalwus
faelow (2)
uuhl
u
uuhl, vhl
Tfaelhuug
Ifaelhwug
simiilh, mahlh, maahlh
mahlh, maahlh
mahlh, maahlh
punh
cangh
roesafatogi, Fagosap, Sataawal (2)
Sataawal
Sataawal
Sataawal
sahg
Saepalh
shag, josha
toetoe
loetoe
Teomal
lihwanhaey
gawaewaay (2)
gawaewaay
wae-wae, Wae-waelh, gawaewaay (2)
wae-waelh
Weleeya (14), yatowe, uuwe (4), mwaclhewe
Weleeya (6)
iwoengoe, Woettegaiw
seeaw (6), seeow, woalow (2), faelvw (2)
shvhw
Rano} +2: CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 323
TaBLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence
of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued
Syllables
Character No. repre- Inform- Words in which character is used
sented by ant
character
C1 ee ee eee Sees se R. semwoey (2)
see R. seemwoey (2)
see+a R. seeaw (6)
see+o R. secow
si R. simiilh
shvh ieee shvhw
-sh R. baesh, yash
+t iBy maeht (an error?)
40-|-T We. 5-5. see R. seeg
C. seeg
M. seeg
seeh Ee seehgi
Cc, seehgi
M. seehgi
C9 ee eee ae et gv R. gvla, sibaegvla (3)
-2 Re shag (4), shog (5), lagoshag, sahg, Ifaelhuug
C. lagoshag, Ifaelhuug
ADEA oe ae eee so 1g sowg
ZV 13, gozol, gozvlh, gozolhi (6)
CERES eee ee pa R. kepat eeu nhepal (5), kapateeyae, Saepalh, pangalh (3),
gepa
C. kepat, gepat
M. kepat, gepat
pah R. pahngash
paah R. paahi
C. paahi
M. paahi
pe C. Kapetal
0 ee eee none
Ap tei Desc Steet sho R. shog (5) :
ce ee es ga R. gare, gafitaeg (6), gamwoelha, sigal, yaebegach, gabungh (2),
gamwoelhaelhi (5), gaimangiy, gawaewaay (2), boegaze,
gach, gaigabungv (2), Woettegaiw, Galayalimang, yaega fi-
taeg, galiisorw (2)
gah 16 gahth
C. gahth
ja R. jalhae
-j R. ihaj
ka R. kapetal (9), kapetalhi, kepatekay, ka (5)
On kapetal (2)
ke R. kepatekay
kee+i C. keei
C) Pee Tr R: maasvr, Maazvr, josoar
C. maasvr, maazvr
Iw R. sorw (2), gallisorw (2), raesorw, uurw
-S et joshos (an error?)
47+39+IV_-_------_- rwee R. rweeg (2)
AS Ue vos 225 see nga R. ngali (2), ngalhi, pangalh (3), pahngash
Cee ee mwoa C. mwoac-mwoac
M. Namwoachiig
-mw C. gomw
BOzccn2-25224225-test ga R. gare, gaigabungv (2)
C. gawaewaay
gae R. igaelha (3)
ge R. geragiroegilhi, gepat
C. gepat
M. gepat
-g 18%, limeeg, rweeg (2), Yaurwpiig (2), seeg
C. seeg, Pihg
M. seeg, Pihg
ka R. kalh, kapateeyae
C. kapetal
ke R. kepat (14)
CG: kepat
M. kepat
BOE Viens - 22.8 eke kee R. keei
eee tu C. tutu
[7 ers eee a -ng ie lhahng, ung, uhng
C. lhahng, ung
-ngh R. Thahngh, cangh
Ole Thahngh
(cs Ree eee eeeeeee ca een foa C. foari
i, eee see none
Sees none
BBL V 2o-c 522 eee go R Fagosap
[27 a eee a eee. none
BGseso-3~-eac se DEV R. gaigabungp (2)
-ngh R. gabungh
324
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
(Bull. 173
TABLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence
of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued
Syllables
Character No. repre-
sented by
character
BQ Lets. tea kn eee bu
pu
G0 ese ee ee to+u
(1) ie eee ee es none
(ce ee ets SV
-S
ZV
(oh eee eee ee preeen aee none
64222 2 eee none
65 ee ee lo
lu
nhv
GGEiate 2 he ese fa
fae
fee
foe
-f
pae
(ie 0 0 ee eee fee
67a es mwi
GS se eee so
soa
sho
OOF aa ee ree none
ZOE soe. eee Se none
(ee eee ae none
te ee ee none
(eR eee none
(aes ae aa NS EE eee ga
gv
Osean eee none
WOe oa cer aes ice See none
i egies TN ae none
arzox7 OOF
.
a9
PPAR SONS SONPOF APE D
Words in which character is used
gaigabungv (2), gabungh
punh
toulap
maaser
maasor
Falaluus
maazor
maazer
woalow
ulunhvlhi
ulunholhi
Falaluus
faelvw, Faelalap, Lfaelhuug
Tfaelhuug
tafeey
Foeshavlap
Foeshaviap
Foeshavlap
Foeshavlap (2)
yahf
alefahpaet (2) (an error?)
tafee
newilh
sorw (2), galiisorw (2), raesorw
josoar
joshos
gare, gafitaeg, gamwoelhaelhi
gola,
Anthrop. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 325
TaBLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the
phonemic sequence of table 1
(Numbers in parentheses following a character designation indicate number of times, when more than once,
that character is used, by each informant, to write the italicized syllable of the word preceding in the
second column. Plus signs: in the first column plus signs indicate when two syllables are written with
a single character; in the columns under informant designations they indicate when two characters are
used to represent a single syllable. Informant designations: R.=Maroligar; C.=Chiyemal; M.=Magilo;
T.=Tachep; A.= Marutang.]
Character used by—
Syllables Words in which
syllables occur
R. Cc M. Te A.
aS Bee sia I (8)
alefahpaet I (2)
bY pane WE RS Ss. tiligiaelh III
aetoulap Tit
aetai III
aeta III
aetaifiilh Il
aetaei III
(ihe SS ee ectae III
: eetaemwalh Til
eebae Il
eetal IV
eee as Se es ilegihr IV IV
ishi IV (5) IV
ilhagil IV IV
tai IV
Ingeliis IV (2)
ishilh IV (8) IV
ishilhi IV (2)
itaelhi IV
tyang IV
itaelh IV
iwoengoe IV
igaelha IV (3)
yaetaetaei IV
aetat IV
aetaifiilh IV
gaimangiy IV
itipaelhi IV
gaigabungv IV (2)
aetaei IV
paahi IV IV IV
Ifaelhuug IV IV
keei III
i+-w_____-__-- Woettegaiw 16
ihe et ihy IV (2)
ihsh IV
ihr IV
ihmw IV IV
Th=-at eee ihaj IV
he eo ee ihy IV (3)
Ossi: See eee Teomal 39
Opes eee eee babioarw XVI
eae aa Yaurwpiig XIX (2)
towlap XIX (3) XIX
ulunhvlhi XIX
yaetoulap XIX
aetowlap XIX
ung XIX XIX
fitow XIX-+39 (2)
lee See | uhng IX XIX
ieee eee eee uuwe IV (4)
uur 16 16
UUrw 16 16
1201 ae Serene uuhl 16 16
ee ee: yaewarriis IV
Foeshavlap 16 (2) 16 16 16 (2)
vh vhl XIX+14 16
Dae oes atces babioarw 4
Haake baahsh 4
bae rebae 4 (4) 4 (4)
sibae 4 (8)
bae 4 (21) 4
baey 4
baes 4 4
baesh 4 (2) 4 4
eebae 4
sibaegvla 4 (3)
Debeseee ose yaebe 4 (11) 4 (2)
yaebegach 4
326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
TaBLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the
phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued
Character used by—
Syllables Words in which
Syllables occur
R C M. 4 A.
a ere beeyae 4+IV
| oy Cena Mines = ed babioarw 29
[OX0T: eee eee boad 13 13 13
1 Yt, a, anal siboe 4
boegare 4
| 0) 0 ie ere un 29 29 29
bunh 29 29
gabungh 13, 59
gaigabungv 59 (2)
Dunes buhk 29
(Cer ee ibe i cang 18 (2) 18 18
cangh 7
Lae a alee pee wihc XI XIII
mwoac-mMwoac 5-5 5-5
Chaeeneee eee chang 18 18 18
Chijeeee sean Namwoachiig 20 20
sch che) ates yaebegach 28
gach 28
mahch 20 28
Qe ae oek boos boad XVII XVII XVII
tahd XVII XVII XVII
fal senha oa falb 32 (3)
fatvlh 32 32
fatilh 32 32 32
fatiilh 32 32
fath-fath 32-32 (2) 32-32
fath-fathvlhi 32-32 (4) 32-32
fatogi 32 (7) 32
roesafatogi 32
sifatogi 32 (2)
yaefath 32
Fagosap 32
Faragiye 32
Falaluus 66
halt tease alefahpaet 32 (2)
faces haseeee faat-faat 32-32 32-32
1 eae VS eee faelvw 32, 66
Faelalap 66
Tfaclhuug 66 66
feet e tafee 66++1II
tafeey 66
1 bi ha Sree a gafitaeg VII (6) VII
fitou VII (2)
yaegafitaeg VII
Aili eee aetaifiilh VII
foa®2Us= 2-4 foari 27 (3) 53 27
jay ee, es Foeshavlap 32, 66 66 66 66 (2)
3 aes Dae es yaf VII Vil VII
yahf 66 66 66
fe ee gare 46, 50 74
gatitaeg 46 (6) 74
boegare 46
yaegafitaeg 46
gach 46
galiisorw 46 (2)
yaebegach 46
gabungh 46 (2)
gaimangiy 46
gamwoelha 46
garmawoelhaelhi 46 (5) 74
Sigal 46
gawaewaay 46 (2) 50
gaigabungv 46-50 (2)
Woettegaiw 46
Galayalimang 46
odo bs ee gaimangiy 2,
gahoeta sets gahth 46 46
Paes fee se4 igaelha 50 (3)
Per LEN. Sones geragiroegilhi 50
gepat 50 50 50
[3 eee seehgi VIII VIII VIII
ilhagil VIII VIII
fatogi VIII (7) VIII
sifatog? VIII (2)
roesafatogi VIII
tiligiaelh VIIl
gish VIII (5) Vill
No.
Anthrop. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 327
TaBLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the
phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued
Character used by—
Syllables Words in which
syllables occur
R Cc M. Ae A
gi—Con geragiroegilhi VIII-VIIL
tirig? VIII+ III
Faragiye Vill
ihe cake 232 ilegihr VIII VIII
Cie wee ae yoahlagiilh VIII
(ee. Cees lagoshag 2 2
gosh 2 2 2
gomw 2 2
gozvl 2
gozvih 2
gozvlhi 2 (6) VIII
Fagosap 56+IV
0 eae eee goamw 2 2
eee sibaegvla 41 (3)
gvla 41 74
Ci fep eee SS a Raens gafitaeg VIII (6) VIII
masharag VIII (3) VIII
yaegafitaeg VIil
Namwoachiig VIil VIII
yaelog 2
Sowg 2
tog 2 2
tohg 2 2
lagoshag 41 41
shag 41 (4)
shog 41 (5)
sahg 41
Ifaelhuug 41 41
limeeg 50
rweeg 50 (2)
seeg 50 50 50
Pihg 50 50
Yaurwpiig 50 (2)
eee eee jalhae 6
joe jo-jo 2-2 (3) 2-2
josoar 2
joshos 2
josha 2 2
= eee See aj 46
Lge oe a 46 (5)
kepatekay
kapetalhi
kapetal 46 (9) 46 (2), 50
kalh 50
kapateeyae 50
1 {Ae SRO Se kepat 50 (14) 50 50
kepatekay 46
kee keei 60+1V
kee+i keei 46
cae! See buhk 2
ee Sea toulap 1 (8) 1 (2)
aetoulap 1
yaetoulap 1
lagoshag 1 1
yoahlagiilh 1 6
gvla zy 1
sibaegvla 1 (3)
Falaluus 1
Foeshavlap 1 (2) 1 1 1 (2)
Faelalap 1/1
Galayalimang 33
lah lahng 1 1 1
1: ee Sees lae 33
maelae 33 (7) 14+II1
maedael 33
mwoelaelh 33
le ilegihr 33 33
alefahpaet 33 (2)
[egss 2 ser seeY Weleeya 33 (14) 33 (6) 33-+1
i eee tiligiaelh
limeeg
ngali X (2)
Galayalimang x
ies See lihmw x x
lihwanhaey 36°
RY Ne eee oe Ingeliis 33 (2)
galiisorw 33 (2)
328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Tarte 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the
phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued
Character used by—
Syllables Words in which
syllables occur
R OC M. Ty, A.
1 OSes ene ae yaelog 6
woalow 6+XI1X, 65
Pulowath 6
1D geal eels bil ulunhylhi 65
leis be ee ae Falaluus
| \ phen a Pepesrses faelow 36 (2)
ES (Ae Se Ne: eetal
gozvl 33
sigal 33
maelhael 33 (2)
maclael 33
yael 33
yaewal 33
tahl 33 33
Teomal 33
ilhagil 33 x
nhepal 33 (4), X
Sataawal 33 (2) 33 33
kapetal 33 (6), X (3) 33 (2), X
yaremaataal x x
vhi 33 36
uuhl 36 36
matae-maetaal x
thas ee ilhagil 33 33
gamwoelha
igaelha 1 (3)
nah eae thahng 1
thahngh 1 1
Ihaen eee aen
Thaenh 1 (2)
jalhae 33
maelhae 33 (2)
maelhael 33 (2)
misilhaelh 33
gamwoelhaelhi 33 (5) 33
hess seen mwaelhewe 33
his See gozvlhi 33, X (5) 33-++-X
ishilhi 33, X-+1V
gamwoelhaelhi 33, X-+33, X (3) Di
raelhi X (2) D4
fath-fath vlhi X (4) x
geragiroegilhi x
mwalhi X
ngalhi x
ulunhvlhi x
thi X (2)
kapetalhi aXG
maalhi x
itaelhi x
itipaelhi x
sitipaelhi x
ini Ifaelhuug 36 36
a UG a a ata yoahlagiilh x x
wae-waelh x
raelh X (5), 33 (7), 383+
woalh X (2)
tahlh x x
fatilh x Xe x
falh X, 33 (2)
tiligiaelh x
ishilh 33 (7), 1 x
raralh 33
mwaelh 33
mwoelaelh 33
eetaemwalh 33
misilhaedh 33
misilh 33
Saepalh 33
aetaiftilh 33
yaemwoelh 33
maetaalh 33 (2)
pangalh 33 (3)
itaelh 33
fatiilh 33 33
milh 33 33
Anthrop. Pap.
No. 60] CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 329
TaBLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the
phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued
Character used by—
Syllables Words in which
syllables occur
-lh—Con. mwilh
fatvlh
simiilh
mahlh
maahlh
kalh
aT ee ee ES rail)
masharag
matae-maetael
mangiy
gaimangiy
Galayalimang
Teomal
mahseensese se mah 23 23 23
mahlh 23 23 23
mahech 23 21
WMaa-s--=-s2.3 maat 23 23 23
maasvr 23 23
maazvr 23 23
maathi 23
yaremaat 23 23 (2)
yaremactaal 23 ll
maahs-ce=sa8 maahlh 23 23 23
maaht 23 (2) 23 23
mae maelae 11 (7) ll
maelhae 11 (2)
maelael 11
maetaalh 11 (2)
mae 11 (9), 34 (2) 11 11
maelhael 19 (2)
matae-maetael 23
maeh maeh 11 ll 23
maeht 21
Mee; =5 265.5. limeeg 11+IV
11) (ee ee ee milh XI XI
misilh XI
misilhaelh XI
mijizos...-5 <3 simiilh 23 xI
“Mm. -52. 88-222 shihm 19 19
MWassocs-aa=2 mowalhi 21
eetaemwalh 19
mwaes.c2s-2s2 muaelh 19
mwaelhewe 11
mii: o2-2.5554 mwilb 67 XI
mwOal22-5 =. mwoac-mwoac 34-34 49-49
Namwoachiig 34 49
MWO0Cl2s22254 semwoey 34 (2)
seemwoey 34 (2)
gamwoelha 19
gamwoelhaelhi 19 (5) 19
muwoelaelh 19
yaemuwoelh 19
-mw ihmw 19 19
lihmw 19 ll
goamw 19 19
gomw 34 49
NAL Sea ose s. Namwoachiig 1 1
2 1 ee eee lhaen x
bun 6 6 6
mhaesseesesces lihwanhaey 33
mney ose ese nhepal 33 (5)
WNVs sesso eo ulunholhi 65
Sie eee Thaenh X (2)
bunh 6 6
punh 33 36
nga ngali 48 (2)
ngalbi
pangalh 48 (3)
pahngash 48
POs Saeco nge 12 (
Ingeliis IX (2)
1) mangiy IX
aimangiy-..-----. IX (2)
MOGs senses woengoe 12
YW senses sees gaigabungo 58 (2)
[Bull. 173
330
TaBLe 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the
phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Character used by—
Syllables Words in which
syllables occur
“ty UNG
ag So es ees cang
galayalimang
chang
lahng
tahng
Thahng
ung
uhng
Yd 1 ae eee tahngh
cangh
lbahngh
gabungh
) Of: Meeps eee kepat
gepat
nhepal
pangalh
Saepalh
kapateeyae
kepatekay
pah-2es ss pahngash
Dashes ae paahi
Paes ese sitipaelhi
itipaelhi
alefabpaet 66 (2) (error?)
pes2=-Bo2 kapetal 26 (9) 26 (2), 43
kapetalhi 26
Dia eee tapilh XIV
pipi XIV/XIV-+II1 XIV/XIV XIV/XIV-+II1
Piss Besse Pihg X1V XIV
pihpih XIV/XIV+III XIV/XIV XIV/XIV
Pil se ese Yaurwpiig XIV (2)
10) 6 Poeeoee Seer Pulowath 13
punh 10 59
C] 0 egeae a memes toulap 26 (3) 26 (2)
aetoulap 26
yaetoulap 26
Fagosap 26
Faelalap 26
Foeshavlap 26 (2) 26 26 26 (2)
1 een aeerege te masharag 15 (8) 15
raralh 15/15
geragiroegilhi 35
Faragiye 35
Paa: 2 2ss22i3 raash 35
Ta@sea 2-22 L a raesorw 35
raelh 35 (18) 35
raelhi 35 (2) 35
TOe: eaten re 35 (5)
rebae 35 (4) 35 (4)
gare 35 (2)
boegare 35
yaremaat 35 35 (2)
yaremaataal 35 35
Tis ace ee ee foari XVIII (8) XVIII XVIII
tirigi X (error?)
pot ees rere yaewavriis 35
TOW ose sees T0-TO 22-22 22-22
TOW-TOW 15-15
YOCe woo tas geragiroegilhi 35
roesafatogi 35
roeh. =u. = ase roehsh 35
Spee ee yar 35
ihr 35
ilegihr 35 35
uur 35 35
josoar 47
maasvr 47 47
maazvr 47 47
TWeol ob aces. 52 Yaurwpiig 8 (2)
TWeescessoe sce rweeg 47+39+IV (2)
TW aeteckacus babioarw 22
yoarw 22
uurw 47 35
sorw 47 (2)
galiisorw 47 (2)
raesorw 47
Anthrop. Pap.
No. 60]
CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 331]
TaBLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the
phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued
Syllables
Words in which
syllables occur
Character used by—
roesafatogi
Fagosap
Sataawal
sahg
Saepalh
semwoey
seemwoey
seeg
siya
sibaegvla
sigal
sifatogi
sitipaelhi
misilh
misilhaelh
simiilh
raesorw
galiisorw
josoar
maasor
Ingeliis
yaewavriis
baes
Falaluus
joshos
lagoshag
shag
Foeshavlap
masharag
josha
ishi
yaremaataal
maetaalh
Safaawal
u (error?)
18 (3), 37
18, 20
20 (3)
37
XIII (4), XTTI-+ITI
XIII (7), XV
a (12), 40
xu, 40
3 0)
or0o
bow co ee tot ONtD NWO Co to Co Co
<3
5 ®
40+1IV 40-++IV
40-+-1V 40+-IV
XV
XV
18 18 18 (2)
20 20
XIII XIII
5 5
3 (2), 25
co Oo Co Go CO GO OO
25 25
nw
on
332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
TABLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the
phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued
Character used by—
Syllables Words in which
Syllables occur
R C. M. 7 As
tae: 22t2222254 eetaemwalh a
itaelhi 3
aetaei 3
itaelh 3
yaetaetaei 25/3
matae-maetael 25-25
eetae 25
gafitaeg 25 (6) 25
yaegafitaeg 25
teal | ee a kepatekay 3
Woettegaiw 25
Teomal XVII
tee. s28s3.2-= 5 kapateeyae 25
tiene Se tiligiaelh XVII
tirigi XVII
sitipaelhi XVII
itipaelhi XVII
fatilh XVII XVII XVII
thas oe osse fatiilh XVII XVII
Cree, wee ee toulap 17 (3) 17
aetoulap 17
yaetoulap 17
fatogi 17 (7) 17
sifatogi 17 (2)
roesafatogi 17
yatowe 17
fitou 17 (2)
tog 17 17
toq-Ui bose toulap 60
tohe see es tohg 17 17
toee-2b 2s toetoe 38/38 38/38
(70 aay Os eee tutu 31/31 61/51
Gow 22 tuut 31 1
tuutuu 31/31 31+-16/31
tous = =s----— tuuht 31+16
CV eee fatuth 31 XVII
=t-.-f mee kepat 25 (14) 25
gepat 25 25 25
alefahpaet 25 (2)
yaremaat 25 25 (2)
taht 25 25
faat-faat 25-25 25-25
maat 25 25 25
maaht 25, 17 25 25
tuut 31 31
tuuht 31 31
maeht 40 (error?)
thy 222 ceee2 fath-fathvlhi 17 (4) 17
=the fath-fathvlhi 17 (4) 17
fath-fath 17-17 (2) 17-17
yaefath 17
gahth 17 17
math 17 17
yath 17
Pulowath 25
ee ee maazor 62 62
gozol 42
gozolhi 42 (6)
gozolh 42
Wesco ste occe Sowg xIxX
wa. te yaewavriis 14
yaeral 14
Pulowath 14
Sataawal 14 (2) 14 14 14
lihwanhaey 39
Wwaas2-to-=---5 gawaewaay 39 (2) 39
Wa@L20b252=2 wae-wae 39-39 14-missing
wae-waelh 39-39 39-39
gawaewaay 39 (2) 14+-IV
Wess sees nee Weleeya 39 (14) 39 (6) Vv
yatowe 39
uuwe 39 (4)
mwaelhewe 39
waheee wihe XII XII
WO8-22p 52225 2: woalh V (2)
woalow V, 14
Anthrop. Pap.
No.60} » ~«=©CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 333
TaBLe 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the
phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued
Character used by—
Syllables Words in which
syllables occur
—_— | | | | | SC.
WO@...22- iwoengoe
Woettegaiw
AW... Bene seeaw
seeow
woalow
faelvw
shvhw
TOw-row
ya... yar
yath
yaf
yaremaat
yaremaataal
yash
yatowe
iyang
siya
Galayalimang
Yaurwpiig
Weleeya I (6) IV+III
yah..-..: 223 yahf I I
yae...- ees yae
yaebe III (10), I III (2)
yaebegach It
yael III
yaelog III
yaefath III
yaewal Ill
yaewavriis Til
yaetaetael III
yaemwoelh III
yaegafitaeg III
kapateeyae III
beeyae Ill
yaetoulap I
Je... ee Faragiye III
YOS..5.22e- ee yoarw XVI
yoah...22=-2:. yoah XVI
yoahlagiilh XVI
yooh. yoeh XVI
S aie semwoey 16 (2)
seemwoey 16 (2)
baey III
ihy III (2)
mangiy III
gaimangliy IIT (2)
tafeey
gawaewaay III (2)
lihwanhaey IV
kepatekay IV+III
471762—60——23
BER once VAR Oe
Di - Oh PIED
t
j 4 :
¥ t
ose Vainciptic
~~
?
:
i. | Seolngiw
1 . = eniae
x
. 3B! td 7) ance
jot is Te oe heeaatees
Y ’ ; Pat} | hes f ba
A ‘ io | gota atietle: }
‘ Stas i
. tia} at
-
3
‘ob
|
' ae ia On ey
1} wliaw ot b
tt
\ i if '
: ae
. Aree. 1},
= { i , | 4
| } |
ai
* i) 7
see:
+4 on
| gT
ig | Hi
tg |
Ree j t a Su
a | t
hi
:
BULLETIN 173 PLATE 42
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Tattooing in native script on arm of Maralatuy, a woman of Faraulep Island, Faraulep
atoll. (Photographed by E. Quackenbush.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 43
*
*
~——
, a woman of Falalap Island, Woleai atoll.
Tattooing in native script on leg of Letaweribul
(Photographed by E. Quackenbush.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOG Y BULLETIN 173 PLATE 44
Native script and Japanese katakana on canoe-house beams, Faraulep Island, Faraulep
atoll. (a, b, Photographed by S. Kaneshiro; c, photographed by E, Quackenbush.)
e 4
an . oe ir.
Pe > a 7 oe w
ft hast ; 1 aa Tle vk
mJ
¥ ; f ait + 7
: 7
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 61
DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS AS A SOURCE OF
PLAINS HISTORY
By JAMES H. HOWARD
335
a gs Fa AA Ry pelt ean
a ar aaaaelias Ty et a ti ls og
VOUPUTITEME yumoentime it
veoloadt a rior Wo, cen ie
NS SEE. nitalfntty ro il cna
CONTENTS
PAGE
ire Greneitre GAONs = ois utlene sprees eee te oy ee Stee Fee Pe on oY 2 ee 339
se: WATER: COUNTS S21 oe Se A ort eNa tReet I et Seek ee 341
I AIICS AUC ALU NOLS Nee =e eS Sele a ah ie i ee SB 341
Counts used for comparison. 22 Le 345
Description.of thercounts== = 22 e— eee ee ee Eee 347
MhitTera turer ClbeG scree eee So a eA ee Oe kao) ey ee 415
eee (5G UAC acs eee ey Se cree ees nee oe a Re ene eta 7 416
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES FOLLOWING
PAGE
45. Blue Thunder Variant III (Yellow Lodge) winter count_____-_-___-_- 416
2G. (owite Dog's winter count (No. 674) 2 2 2e see ee Se Se Zee 416
Aiea wes: Walter COUNb. Dociss iat. ~ Se lees See UR 8 rhe vt oe ca A 416
eae”
BEG. “une Seipaseeotintiteriy F.'
hz anes ware seregt 70H NT Oty
PARE cle aa ne,
LC eee tonne On eee Nae
Bee | nmin sie se om
en - | BMOUTA arent
pkrwoutau’. ee om CXTALD fat a j
GOLD ;
BEM View ch Man ou a ta oped walter) ae uate
REE ay ah oy See aa Jap asia tab nO OK) inne ;
ope. eT ere TT ia ny aie He ee, Pa te enw ee cel aed
DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS AS A SOURCE OF
PLAINS HISTORY
By James H. Howarp
INTRODUCTION
The existence among the Dakota Indians of calendars, in the form
of charts giving a picture of a single outstanding event for each year,
was first made public by Garrick Mallery in 1877 in a paper entitled
‘“‘A Calendar of the Dakota Nation’ (Mallery, 1877). These records,
originally drawn on hides, later on pieces of cloth, are called waniyetu
wowépi or “winter records” by the Dakota. Sometimes the variant
terms wanfyetu iyiwa and hékta yawapi (Mallery 1886, p. 128) are
used, which mean ‘‘winter count” and “counting back”’ respectively.
The term wantfyetu, ‘‘winter,’”’ is employed in two ways by the
Dakota. The first, like the English word ‘‘winter,” refers to the cold
season of the year. In the other sense it refers to the year as a whole,
the Dakota having no other word for this purpose. Thus, a person
is spoken of as being so many ‘‘winters” old instead of being so many
years of age. It is not surprising, then, to find that many of the
events in a Dakota “‘winter’’ count actually took place during the
spring, summer, and fall.
Subsequent to his first publication, mentioned above, Mallery
published two further studies of Dakota winter counts (1886, pp. 89-
127; 1893, pp. 266-328). These studies are monumental, and have
become classics in the field. Curtis, in his ‘‘North American Indian”
(1908, pp. 159-328) gives an Oglala count and compares it with the
material given by Mallery. Vestal gives White Bull’s count in his
“Warpath” (1934 a, pp. 259-273) and a Hunkpapa count in “New
Sources of Indian History 1850-91” (1934 b, pp. 348-351). Cohen
(1942) in ‘Indians at Work” gives Big Missouri’s count.!
In this paper I wish to supplement these earlier works with nine
hitherto little-known winter counts from the Dakota of the Standing
Rock Reservation, N. Dak. and S. Dak. Six of these are in the
1 Cohen, 1939, pp. 16-20. Swift Bear’s count, presented by Cohen in the January (pp. 18-21), February
(pp. 30-31), and March (pp. 29-30), 1942, issues of the same magazine came to my attention too late for in-
clusion as comparative material in this paper. However, none of the data presented called for changes in
the interpretations of the events in the counts presented here.
339
340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
collections of the North Dakota State Historical Museum, Bismarck,
and three are owned by the Mandan-Bismarck Indian Shriners
organization of Mandan and Bismarck, N. Dak.’
I undertook the present study with the object of determining the
relative accuracy of the various counts by comparing them with one
another and with known historic dates. As the work progressed
several interesting additional uses suggested themselves. The counts
might be used as a means of studying intertribal intercourse in the
protohistoric and early historic periods. They might also be used to
determine tribal locations and the dates of the introduction of im-
portant features of Dakota culture, such as the earth lodge, the horse,
and the Sun dance. By emphasis, and reason for being noted by the
maker of the count, it seems that the events selected reveal much of
the ethos of Dakota culture for the period they cover.
It became apparent at once that the various counts, with the
exception of the earlier parts of the Good, High Hawk, and White
Bull counts, were quite reliable chronologically. The locations
mentioned in the counts, which are suggested by the pictographs and
were given orally to the persons who collected the counts, were also in
remarkable agreement.
Concerning warfare and intertribal relations the results were less
satisfying. It was found that the different counts, although present-
ing nearly identical pictographs for a given year, and obviously
describing the same incident, ascribed entirely different identities to
the participants. One account might mention that a Crow killed a
Dakota, another that a Dakota killed a Crow, and still another that a
Dakota was killed by an Arikara. The reason for this confusion
became apparent when the interpretations of the pictographs in the
Dakota language were translated for the two counts where the
native texts had been preserved. These interpretations, usually only
a short phrase, typically mentioned only that a certain person ‘‘was
killed,” leaving the tribal identification of the person and his assailant
to whoever was keeping the winter count at the time.
Interesting changes were noted in the insignia used to identify
persons of different tribal groups in the various counts, and in the
earlier and later years of the same count. For example, the year
1797-98 on the Blue Thunder Variant III count is designated as
‘Killed Three Omahas on the River.’”’ The Omaha are indicated by
their characteristic headdress, the deer tail and porcupine hair roach
(Mallery, 1886, pp. 131-133). Yet later in the same count tbis roach
is used merely to signify a dancer, a Dakota, for the years 1887—88 and
again for the years 1928-29.
2 The loan of these last three counts was arranged by Paul Ewald, a member of the Shriners and also of
the North Dakota State Historical Society.
A oraren Pep. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 341
The progression of the pictographs in the counts, whether from
right to left, left to right, or in a serpentine manner, was found to be
of little significance. The unimportance of this feature has been ably
discussed by Mallery (ibid., p. 95), and my own work merely tends to
confirm this.
THE WINTER COUNTS
The nine unpublished counts which were studied were found to be
variants of only three major counts. The three groups into which
the counts fell were: The Blue Thunder group, containing five counts;
the High Dog-Swift Dog group, containing two counts; and the Jaw
group, containing two counts. For this reason, plus the high cost of
reproduction, only three plates (pls. 45-47) accompany the text.
The three counts selected were considered to be the clearest of the
respective groups.
The counts were first studied individually, then compared with one
another and with each of the counts given by Mallery, Curtis, Vestal,
and Cohen. For purposes of study and reference, I have named and
numbered the counts in the following manner.
NAMES AND AUTHORSHIP
1. Buur TuunpER Count, Shriner cat. No. 136, (probably only
a copy of the original Blue Thunder count, and possibly more recent
than Blue Thunder Variants I, IJ, and III).
This count is done on heavy white canvas. It measures 264 by 74
cm. It is done in black ink and colored wax crayons and paint.
The outlines and the colors black and dark blue are done in ink.
Other coloring is done with red, yellow, blue, and green paint or
crayons. The count starts at the upper right and goes to the left,
spiraling inward. The years included in this count are 1785-86 to
1921-22.
The maker of this count is unknown. It is owned at the present
time by the Mandan Indian Shriners organization. The count was
secured by A. B. Welch in 1913, probably on the Standing Rock
reservation. The translation is by one Thomas Ashley, whom
Welch calls ‘‘a fullblood Dakota” in his notes. The interpretations
of the meanings of the various pictographs are supposedly by Welch
under the direction of Ashley and other Dakota informants. Much
of Welch’s material seems merely conjectural, however, and the very
long and seemingly purely fanciful explanations accompanying some
of the years have not been included in this paper. The count ap-
parently pertains to the Sihasapa and Hunkpapa bands of the Teton
Dakota and to the Yanktonai of the Standing Rock reservation.
342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173
2. No Two Horns, Shriner cat. No. 247 (a variant of the Blue
Thunder count).
This count is done on heavy unbleached muslin. It measures
268 by 91 cm. Outlines of the pictographs and the colors blue and
black are drawn in black ink. Other coloring is done with red,
yellow, blue, and green wax crayons. Direction of the count is
serpentine, starting at the upper right, going to the left, then back
to the right below the first row, and so on. The years included in
this count are 1785-86 to 1921-22.
This count was made by No Two Horns, a member of the Hunkpapa
band of the Teton Dakota. The authorship of the count is verified
by No Two Horns’ pictographic signature. This count is owned by
the Mandan Indian Shriners organization. The count was secured
by A. B. Welch from No Two Horns in 1922. ‘The translation is by
“Joe Jordan” whom Welch calls ‘‘a Dakota volunteer of my organi-
zation in 1917” in his notes on the count. The count apparently
pertains to the Hunkpapa and Sihasapa bands of the Teton Dakota
and to the Yanktonai.
3. Buus THunpER Variant I, Museum cat. No. 798.
This count is done on heavy canvas, once white but now a dirty
gray color. It measures 260 by 74 cm. Outlines of the pictographs
and the colors black and dark biue are done in black ink. Other
coloring is done with red, yellow, blue, and green wax crayons or
paints. Direction of the count is from upper right to the left, spiraling
inward. ‘The maker of this count had a very poor sense of proportion
and many of the pictographs interfere with one another. The count
includes the years 1785-86 to 1912-13.
Authorship of the count is unknown. It is owned by the North
Dakota State Historical Museum. The count was secured by the
late Rev. A. McGaffey Beede at Fort Yates, N. Dak., and was given
by him to the museum. A translation and interpretation of a winter
count in Beede’s handwriting seems to fit this count. Although
the Reverend Mr. Beede is said to have known Dakota well, much of
the interpretation of the count seems conjectural and has not been
included in this paper. The count apparently pertains to the same
bands and divisions of the Dakota as the preceding count.
4. Buur Tounper Variant II, Museum cat. No. 942.
This count is done on light unbleached muslin cloth. It measures
347 by 89 cm. Outlines of the pictographs and the colors dark
blue and black are done in black ink. Other coloring is done in red,
yellow, and blue paint and wax crayons. Direction of the count is
from the upper right to the left, spiraling inward. The count includes
the years 1785-86 to 1912-13.
Anthrop. Pap.
NeCLL DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 343
Authorship of this count is unknown. The count is owned by the
North Dakota State Historical Museum. It was secured by the
Reverend Mr. Beede on the Standing Rock reservation. The trans-
lation and interpretation mentioned in connection with the preceding
count fits this count equally well. The count apparently pertains,
like the preceding three, to the Hunkpapa and Sihasapa bands of the
Teton Dakota and to the Yanktonai.
5. Buuz Tounper Variant IT (Yuettow-Lopcr Count) Museum
cat. No. L495.
This count is done on heavy unbleached muslin. It measures 340
by 86.5 cm. The pictographs are done in black ink and colored with
red, yellow, blue, and green paint and crayons. The direction of the
count is from upper right to the left, spiraling inward. The count
includes the years 1785-86 to 1930-31.
The author of this count was Yellow-lodge, a Dakota of mixed
Mdewakanton-Yanktonai descent who lived at Cannonball, N. Dak.
It may be identified by the pictograph of an Indian sitting in a yellow
tipi. A copy of this count, complete through 1951-52, was kept by
Mrs. Teresa Yellow-lodge of Fort Yates, N. Dak., who showed it to
the author in 1952.
The count is owned by Eugene Burdick of Williston, N. Dak., but
was placed on indefinite loan with the North Dakota State Historical
Museum in 1932. A partial translation of a Dakota winter count
which Burdick believed belonged with this count was sent to the
museum shortly after the count had been placed there on loan. This
translation, however, does not fit the count. It apparently belongs
with either the High Dog or Swift Dog count. Since the High Dog
count was accompanied by an interpretation, and since the Swift Dog
count was not, this Burdick interpretation has been placed with the
Swift Dog count. Welch’s interpretations for counts 1 and 2 and
Beede’s for 3 or 4 fit all but the later years of this count. For the
reader’s convenience, therefore, this count has been included with
Blue Thunder Variants I and IT in the list used for comparison.
_ All of the counts given above, which comprise the Blue Thunder
group, seem to be copies of the same count or of one another. All but
the Blue Thunder Variant I count have the printed phrase ‘‘Please
pay $2.50 to see this map” preceding the first year’s pictograph, in-
dicating that financial emolument may have been an important in-
centive for a man to keep a winter count. The pictographs on the
Blue Thunder count and those on the Blue Thunder Variant III count
(Yellow-lodge count), up to the year 1912—13, were apparently drawn
by the same person.
6. High Doe Count, Museum cat. No. 791.
344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
This count is done on white muslin cloth. It measures 132 by 88
em. Outlines of the pictographs and the colors dark blue and black
are done in black ink. Other coloring is done in red, yellow, and green
paint. The direction of the count is from upper left to the right,
spiraling inward. This count includes the years 1797-98 to 1911-12.
The author of this count is given by Beede as “High Dog,” but the
count is nearly identical with that of Swift Dog. It was procured by
the Reverend Mr. Beede, who writes “High Dog copied this for me
from one which he had (about new).’”’ With the count is an interpre-
tation of the count in Dakota, apparently written by an Indian.
This text is rather garbled. It is accompanied by what purports to
be a translation and interpretation of this Dakota text and the count
pictographs by Beede. Much of Beede’s material seems to be merely
conjectural, and, where the translation of the Dakota is possible, is
often shown to be highly erroneous. Ray Schulenberg, formerly a
member of the staff of the North Dakecta State Historical Museum,
Mrs. Eva Littlechief of Bismarck, N. Dak., and Judge Frank Zahn of
Fort Yates, N. Dak., all aided the author in translating and interpret-
ing the Dakota text. The count apparently pertains to the Hunkpapa
and Sihasapa bands of the Teton Dakota and to the Yanktonai.
7. Swirt Doc Count, Museum cat. No. 674.
This count is on thin white cotton cloth. It measures 136 by 90
cm. Outlines of the figures are in black ink, as are the colors black
and dark blue. Other coloring is done with red, green, and yellow
paint. The direction of the count is from upper left to the right,
spiraling inward. The count includes the years 1797-98 to 1911-12.
This count is attributed to Swift Dog in the museum accession
record. The Swift Dog and High Dog counts are nearly identical,
and in my opinion were both made by the same man, Swift Dog.
Pictographs on both are very similar in style to those on a pictograph
by Swift Dog shown by Densmore (1918, pl. 70, opp. p. 403). The
count was secured by the Reverend Mr. Beede on the Standing Rock
Reservation. Burdick’s supposed ‘Blue Thunder’’ interpretation
fits the first 27 years of both the High Dog and Swift Dog counts.
Since Beede’s interpretation is labeled ‘“High Dog,” I have placed the
Burdick interpretation with the Swift Dog count. Swift Dog was a
member of the Hunkpapa band of the Teton Dakota (Densmore,
1918, p. 403). His count apparently pertains to the Hunkpapa and
Sihasapa bands of the Teton and to the Yanktonai.
8. Jaw Count, Shriner’s catalog No. 249.
This count is done on white muslin. It measures 125 by 87 cm.
It is done in ink and red and blue paint. Only 1 year’s pictograph
utilizes this blue paint, however. The direction of the count is from
upper left to right, spiraling inward.
Anthrop. Pap.
eh ts DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 345
This count is attributed to Jaw by Welch, and is signed ‘Mr.
Charley Jaw” in the upper right-hand corner. Jaw was of two bands,
one parent being of the Sansarc (Itazipco) band of the Teton Dakota,
the other of the Hunkpapa band (Densmore, 1918, p. 387). The
count was secured by A. B. Welch “from descendants of Jaw.’
Titles of the winters, written above the pictographs on the count, are
by “‘an educated boy” according to Welch’s notation. The count is
accompanied by a typewritten interpretation by Welch, but since
this was obviously taken directly from the titles written on the count
itself it has been disregarded. Although the typewritten copy differs
from the titles given on the count in some instances, it appears that
it was Mr. Welch who was in error in most cases. The count in-
cludes the years 1837-38 to 1881-82. After the years 1881-82 the
years are recorded by vertical marks, of which there are 35. This
brings the actual closing date of the count to 1916-17.
9. Jaw Variant, Museum cat. No. L529.
This count is done on a commercially tanned sheepskin, which is a
light tan in color. Maximum length of the hide is 91 cm., maximum
width 90 cm. The pictographs are drawn in black and green ink.
Coloring is done with red, yellow, blue, green, black, brown, and
white paint. The white paint has caused a chemical action in some
places, and the figures on which it is used are often slightly raised and
rough. The direction of the count is from the middle top (neck of
the hide) to the right, spiraling inward. Originally the count seems
to have started at the lower right hind foot of the hide and proceeded
to the left.
This count is of unknown authorship. It was secured by Usher L.
Burdick on the Standing Rock Reservation. It was placed on loan
with the North Dakota State Historical Museum in 1932. The
count seems to have been copied from Jaw’s count originally, and
then extended backward at a later date. No translation or inter-
pretation accompanies the count. Since it has been copied, in part,
from Jaw’s count, the two counts are treated together in the following
list for the years where they are concurrent. The count includes the
years 1822-23 to 1881-82.
COUNTS USED FOR COMPARISON
The counts used for comparison were:
1. The Flame count. (The Flame was a member of the Two
Kettle (Odheno"pa) band of the Teton Dakota by birth, but lived
with the Sansare (Itazipco) band most of his life.) The count includes
the years 1786-87 to 1876-77. The interpretation of the count is by
the keeper (Mallery, 1886, p. 93).
346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
2. The Swan count (Minneconjou band of the Teton Dakota).
The count includes the years 1800-01 to 1870-71. Interpretation of
the count is by ‘Jean Premeau,” interpreter at Cheyenne Agency in
1868 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 93-94).
3. Lone Dog count. (Yanktonai, probably of the Lower Yanktonai
division, now settled on the Crow Creek and Cheyenne River Res-
ervations in South Dakota.) This count includes the years 1800-01
to 1870-71. Interpretations are by one Basil Clement (Mallery, 1886,
pp. 89-93).
4. Bush count. (Dakota, band unknown). The count includes
the years 1800-01 to 1869-70. The interpreter is unknown (Mallery,
1886, p. 94).
5. Mato Sapa count (Minneconjou band of the Teton Dakota).
This count includes the years 1800-01 to 1868-69. The interpreta-
tions are by the keeper (Mallery, 1886, pp. 94-95).
6. Battiste Good count. (Brule (Siéangu) band of the Teton
Dakota). This count supposedly begins in mythological times. It
actually seems to be based on history from 1700-01 to 1879-80.
The interpretation is by Good (Mallery, 1886, p. 129; 1893, p. 268).
7. American Horse count (Oglala band of the Teton Dakota).
This count includes the years 1775-76 to 1878-79. ‘The interpreta-
tion of the count is by American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 129).
8. White-Cow-Killer count (Oglala or Brule band of the Teton
Dakota (?)). The exact years included in this count are not given
by Mallery, who uses the count only for comparison (Mallery, 1886,
pp. 129-130).
9. Cloud Shield count (Oglala band of the Teton Dakota). This
count includes the years 1777-78 to 1878-79. The interpretation of
the count is by the keeper (Mallery, 1886, p. 129).
10. High Hawk count (Oglala band of the Teton Dakota). Like
Battiste Good’s count, this count supposedly begins in mythological
times. Events which seem to be historical begin in ‘1540’ (?).
The closing date of the count is ‘1900.’ The interpretation of the
count is by High Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 159).
11. White Bull count (Minneconjou band of the Teton Dakota).
This count includes the years from ‘‘1781”’ to “1932.” The interpre-
tation of the count is by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 259).
12. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (Hunkpapa band of the Teton
Dakota). This count includes the years “1831” to 1881” (Vestal,
1934 b, p. 348). The interpretation of the count is by Judge Frank
Zahn of Fort Yates, N. Dak. (Frank Zahn, personal communi-
cation).
13. Big Missouri’s count (Brule Sitangu) band of the Teton
Dakota). This count includes the years ‘“‘1796” to 1926.” The in-
terpretation of the count is by ‘‘Kills Two, a Sioux Indian, and several
= DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 347
other Indians.” The count is owned by J. A. Anderson, of Rapid
City, S. Dak. (Cohen, 1939, p. 16).
DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTS
The counts are described in the following manner: First the
written interpretations of the pictographs are given, then the picto-
graphs are described, and then comparative material is introduced.
Elision dots (. . .) indicate the omission of comment by Beede or
Welch. Notes in brackets which are labeled “JH” indicate that the
present writer has inserted comment in a quoted passage. Unlabeled
comments in parentheses are by Welch or Beede.
In the count interpretations various colloquial tribal designations
frequently occur. ‘‘Ree’’ refers to the Arikara. ‘‘Gros Ventre’’ refers
to the Hidatsa. “Paldni’ or “Pad4ni’ refers to either the Pawnee or the
Arikara, usually to the Arikara on the counts from the Standing Rock
Reservation. ‘“Héhe” refers to the Assiniboin, or, possibly, to mixed
Plains Ojibwa-Plains Cree-Assiniboin groups. ‘Omaha’ refers to
either the Ponca or the Omaha or to both tribes. ‘‘French”’ refers
to the métis of the Red River region and Canada, usually of mixed
French and Plains Ojibwa or Plains Cree descent. ‘‘Chippewa,’’ in
these counts, probably refers to the Turtle Mountain band of Plains
Ojibwa.
The divisions of the Dakota tribe, which are referred to frequently
in the interpretations of the counts, are, to the author’s best under-
standing, as follows:
Santee group:
1. Mdéwakanton
2. Wahpéton
3. Wahpékute
4. Sisseton
Wiciyela group:
5. Yankton
6. Yanktonai
The Yanktonai are divided into two main groups, the Hunkpati
(Upper Yanktonai) and Hunkpatina (Lower Yanktonai). The term
“Wicéyela,” and variants thereof, occur frequently in the count inter-
pretations. Riggs states that this is “the name applied by the Tetons
to the Yankton and Yanktonnais Dakotas” (Riggs, 1890, p. 571).
It apparently refers to the dialect used by these bands, described as
“childish” (probably because it lacks the flowery elaborations of
Teton). Though Riggs states it was used for both Yankton and
Yanktonai, the term may be restricted to the Yanktonai only in the
counts from the Standing Rock Reservation.
7. Teton
348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
The Teton were the largest of the seven Dakota bands. Conse-
quently, though all seven bands were again divided into seven, only
the Teton subdivisions are large enough to be worth noting here.
They are:
. Hunkpapa
. Minneconjou
. Sihdsapa (Blackfoot)
. Odheno"pa (Two Kettle)
. It4zipéo (Sans Arcs or No Bows)
. Siédngu (Brules)
. Oglala
ISO FO PO Ne
1785-86
Buiur THuNpDER: (beginning date for this count and its interpreta-
tion) ‘A woman in White (Spirit woman) came among us.” No
Two Horns: (beginning date for this count and its interpretation)
“A long time ago we saw a Woman in White—a spirit woman.”
Buus Tuunper Variants J, II, and III: (beginning dates for these
counts and the interpretation used with them) ‘Saw a white woman
dressed in white. It was near the ocean or mouth of the Missouri
River.”’ All of the above counts show a woman in white (clothing
not colored) dress. Battiste Good gives this year, or a similar event,
as 1791-92 (Mallery, 1893, p. 311).
1786-87
Buve THunper: “Had a battle with the Grosventres where the
Sisseton Reservation is now.”” No Two Horns: “They killed some
Crows in the winter time. They shot at shadows.” [Perhaps the
Dakota found some of their enemies camped in tipis and shot at their
outlines on the tipi wall as they passed between it and the fire, JH.]
Buivue THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Battle with the Gros
Ventres (Sisseton Reserve).’”’ Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and
Blue Thunder Variants I and III show a manin atipi. Blue Thunder
Variant II shows a man outside a tipi. All are pictured wearing the
“enemy” hairdress, which is a bunch of hair standing up at the fore-
head and a long braid falling down the back. This is commonly used
in Dakota pictographs to designate members of enemy tribes, such
as the Crow, Arikara, and Assiniboin. Battiste Good gives this
event, or a similar one, for 1792-93 (Mallery, 1893, p. 311).
1787-88
Buivue Trunper: “Dakota who had a long nose was killed in a
battle with the Chippewas.”’ No Two Horns “ ‘Straight Face’ was
killed by the enemy.” Buus Tuunper Variants I, II, ann III:
“Sioux with long nose killed by Chippewa.’”’ All counts show a man
TEE al DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 349
with a prominent nose and face and a wound with blood flowing from
it. The representation of a wound in Dakota pictographs is a red circle
with a red triangle pendent fromit. The red circle represents the hole
made by the bullet or other projectile and the red triangle represents
blood flowing from this wound. On some of the counts this is quite
conventionalized.
1788-89
Buve Tuunper: “ ‘Long Hair’ killed in a fight with an Omaha In-
dian.”” No Two Horns “ ‘Long Hair’ killed an enemy in a great fight
that winter.” Buus Taunper Variants I, II, ano III: “Long Hair,
Sioux killed by Omaha.” All counts show a man with long hair and
a wound. The No Two Horns interpretation is probably incorrect,
as none of the counts depict the man with the ‘“‘enemy’’ hairdress.
Good (Mallery, 1893, p. 311) gives this year as 1793-94, stating that
“Long Hair’ was a Crow killed by the Dakota. White Bull (Vestal,
1934 a, p. 262) gives the year “1811” as ‘““They went out and killed
Four Enemies with Long Hair.”
1789-90
Buus Tuunper: “A Dakota woman going for water in the night
time was killed by the Omaha people.” No Two Horns: ‘Man who
owned a bell killed by the enemy.” Biur THunpser Variants I, II,
AND III: ‘“‘Woman killed in night by Omaha—going for water . . .”
In all versions a man is depicted. He is wearing only a breechclout.
The No Two Horns version plainly shows a bell in the man’s hand, but
the others all show a metal bucket or an animal’s paunch, probably for
carrying water. Representations of wounds are shown on the body of
the man in all of the counts. Good gives this event for the year 1795-
96, stating that this man was an enemy, and was betrayed by a Dakota
girl whom he met when the girl came to the edge of the village to get
water. He was ambushed by the Dakota and his corpse stood up out-
side the village with the girl’s water paunch in his hand (Mallery,
1893, p. 312). White Bull gives the event for the year ‘'1812” (Vestal,
1934 a, p. 262).
1790-91
Buus THunper: ‘Sioux Indian killed in battle; a Wopohi Sioux.”
(Wopohi should probably be wapéha, a warbonnet, JH). No Two
Horns “‘A Dakota puton a large bonnet. He went out, got killed
by enemy.” Buus THunper Variants I, II, ann III: “Sioux,
Wopoha [probahly Wapdha, warbonnet, JH.] killed in battle.” All
counts show a man wearing a warbonnet with wounds in his body.
Good gives the event for the year 1796-97 (Mallery, 1893, p. 312).
White Bull gives it for 1813” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 262).
471762—60——24
350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
1791-92
Buve Tuunper: “A one-eyed man, a Sihasapa, killed by the
French.” No Two Horns: ‘A noted Sioux named Big Head was
killed that winter.’ Biur Taunper Variants I, IJ, ann III: “One-
eyed man (Blackfoot) killed by French.”’ All counts show a man with
one eye blacked out and wounds on his body. The No Two Horns
interpretation is probably in error, as its pictograph is similar to the
others.
1792-93
Buus Tuunper: ‘A Chippewa woman killed by the Dakota.’
No Two Horns: “The woman in a red dress was killed by some
enemy.” Buuer Tuunper Variants I, II, ann III: “Chippewa
woman in red dress killed by Sioux.’’ All counts show a woman with
a red dress with wounds in her body.
1798-94
Buus Tuunper: “Dakota camping. The Gros Ventre and Ree
battle in night time and shot on leg. On Cheyenne river. Indians
jumping.” No Two Horns “Had a big fight and nearly everyone
was chopped in the leg.””, Buur Tounper Variants I, II, anp III:
“Gros Ventres, Rees, and Mandans fought in a big battle on the
Cheyenne River in night. Sioux kept jumping.” All counts show a
man shot in the leg below the knee or with the leg missing below the
knee.
1794-95
Buus Tuunver: ‘Gros Ventre a mile from Dakota camp, saw a
man with a flute and killed him. On Crow Creek.” No Two
Horns: ‘“ ‘The Man with a Flute’ made a splendid kill of an enemy.”
Biuse THunper Variants I, IJ, and III: ‘‘Gros Ventres went to a
Sioux camp and a man with a flute 1 mile out was killed (on Crow
Creek).’’ All counts show a man playing an Indian flute with wounds
on his body. This year’s event corresponds with that given by
American Horse for 1795-96, ‘‘The-Man-Who-Owns-the-Flute” was
killed by the Cheyennes (Mallery, 1886, p. 133).
1795-96
Buus Tuunper: ‘Gros Ventre and Ree in battle. Nearly all got
shot on arm. Used shells for knife. West of Crow Creek.” No
Two Horns: ‘‘Another fight and everyone was clubbed in the arm.”
Buiur THuNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘“‘Gros Ventres and Arikaras
fought with Sioux wounded in arms. Then then [sic, JH] they used
shells for knives.”’ All counts depict a man wounded in the arm.
putizeb: Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 301
1796-97
Buive TuHunpeEr: “Saw a ship coming across the ocean in winter
time. First ship they saw.’”’ No Two Horns: ‘Somebody passed
around a flag to the people.”” Buus THunpER Variants I, II, and
IIT: “‘Saw a ship come across the ocean, it was winter and were camped
by the ocean.’”’ All counts show a crude representation of the Ameri-
can flag for this year. Just how this is connected with the ship
coming across the ocean mentioned in the interpretations of the Blue
Thunder and Blue Thunder Variants I, IJ, and III counts is not
certain.
1797-98
Buus Tuunper: ‘We killed three Omaha in canoes on river.”
No Two Horns: ‘‘Three enemies in a boat were killed by Sioux
winter.’ Buiur THunprER Variants I, II, and III: “Three Omahas
in a skiff on River killed by Tetons.’”’ The Blue Thunder count and
Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show three men in a boat.
These men wear the roach headdress used to indicate Omaha or
Ponca. These men may well have been Ponca, as the same word is
used for the two tribes by the Dakota. No Two Horns shows only
one person, but representations of three wounds, one in the body of
the man, two suspended in midair. This obviously suggests the three
men pictured in the other counts. This type of ‘‘shorthand”’ device is
frequently employed by No Two Horns throughout the count.
1798-99
Buivure Tuunper: ‘Dakota going to battle camped at night time
Saw a big white horse with an arrow on it. Killed it.” No Two
Horns: “We shot a horse with a big mane winter.” Buur THUNDER
Variants I, II, and III: “Sioux on battle camping saw and killed a
horse with a big mane.” Ali counts, including that of Blue Thunder,
show a horse with an unusually long mane and a wound in its body.
Hiex Doe: (beginning date for this count and its interpretation in
Dakota and English) ‘Singing over blue feathers.”” The Dakota text
reads ‘“‘Wiyaka toto an akici lowanpi (Wiyaka této un akitilowanpi,
lit. Feathers blue using (or wearing) they-sing-for-one-another).”’
Swirt Doe: (beginning date for this count and the Burdick ‘‘Blue
Thunder” interpretation, which is used with it) ‘Singing over Blue
society feathers.”” On these two counts we see a man receiving a
highly decorated wand from another man. This suggests the Hunkaé
or Aléwanpi ceremony of the Dakota. A rather wordy discussion by
Beede tends to confirm this. Densmore (1918, p. 69) mentions the
year of the first Al6wanpi as “‘1801”’ stating that this event appears on
352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
“Black Thunder’s count.”’ Since the year 1801-02 is also designated
by a drawing of this ceremony on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts
the author believes that Densmore is incorrect in this assumption.
Since, however, she gives only this one year, comparison is not
possible.
1799-1800
Buve Tuunper: “Winter time, no water. Found beaver holes to
get water.’ No Two Horns: “So cold we got water from beaver
holes only.” BLuE Tuunper Variants I, II, and III: ““Water from
beaver holes all frozen in winter.”” The Blue Thunder and Blue
Thunder Variant ITI counts show a beaver with a tipion his back. No
Two Horns shows a beaver den, a beaver, and a metal water pail.
Blue Thunder Variants I and II show a beaver, a water pail, and a
tipi. See the High Dog and Swift Dog counts for the following year
for comparison.
Hiax Dog: ‘A White-man called Chaske [Caske, first-born son of a
previously unmarried woman, JH] came to this tribe and staid per-
manently for the purpose of trade. Previous to this time traders had
come and gone after a short stay.’”’ The Dakota text reads ‘“‘Claske
wasicu taka mako el hi (Caske (Ieska?) wasicu toké mdka el hi lit.
First-born-son (one who spoke many languages?) white-man enemy
country there came).’’ Swirr Doe: “Clark, a white man, the first to
come among the Sioux.’’ American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 134)
gives this year a similar interpretation, as does White-Cow-Killer
(Mallery, 1886, p. 184). Cloud Shield (Mallery, 1886, p. 134) gives
this event for the year 1800-01.
1800-01
Buue Tuunper: “Small pox sickness. I think. Many die.
Ota-ota [many, many, JH].”’ No Two Horns: “Everybody sick
winter. Small pox time.” Buiur THunprer Variants I, I, and
III: “Small pox, many many died.” All of the above counts show
a male figure with spots covering his body. The Flame, Lone Dog,
Swan, Good, White-Cow-Killer, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts all
mention an epidemic for the year 1801-02 (Mallery, 1886, p. 103).
White Bull gives the occurrence for the year ‘‘1818” (Vestal, 1934 a,
p. 263). High Hawk gives the year as “1802” (Curtis, 1908, p. 170).
Hiax Doa: ‘This was an exceptionally dry year. ... Water was
sometimes found by digging in beaver holes.” The Dakota text
reads ‘Capa oti miniyaweyapi (lit. Beaver house-at they-came-and-
got-water)’’. Swrrr Doc: ‘‘Beaver’s Dam where Indians and beasts
go to water.”” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a beaver
above a small green rectangle. See the Blue Thunder, No Two
ee a DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 353
Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III for the preceding
year for comparison.
1801-02
Buus Tuunver: ‘Wild horses caught on prairie. First horses
they owned.’”’”’ No Two Horns ‘Caught many wild horses winter.’’
Buve Tuunver Variants I, II, and III: “Caught lot of wild horses
on prairie.” The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts
I, II, and III show several horses’ heads. No Two Horns shows one
horse head and several hoofprints, which seem to indicate plurality.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer,
and Good counts all give the year 1802-03 for this event (Mallery,
1886, p. 104). White Bull gives the year as “1819” (Vestal, 1934 a,
p. 263). High Hawk gives it as ‘1803’ (Curtis, 1908, p. 170). Good
states that the horses were taken from the Pawnee (Mallery, 1886,
p. 104).
Hicu Doe: Beede’s interpretation, which is rather long and is
apparently not based upon the Dakota text, suggests an Aléwa®pi or
Hunk& ceremony for this year. The Dakota text reads ‘‘Tahin an
akicilo wapi (Tdhi" u” akiéilowanpi lit. Moose- (probably bison is
actually meant) hair using (or wearing). they-sing-for-one-another).”’
Swirt Doa: “Singing over people with buffalo hair ornaments, a
society.”’ The pictographs on both counts show a man receiving a
decorated wand from another, as for the year 1798-99. Densmore
gives the year 1801 as the “first year Aléwa*pi in which the cere-
mony was held by the Standing Rock Sioux” (Densmore, 1918, p.
69).
1802-03
Buus THunper: “Found a curly horse.’ No Two Horns: “We
got many curly horses winter.” Buus Taunper Variants I, II, and
III: ‘“They found a curley horse.” H1ieH Doa: “The Sioux captured
some crinkle haired horses from the Crows.” The Dakota text
reads “Sugugu lo awicakilipi (Sungugula dwiddglipt lit. Horses
curly-haired [thought to have had their hair singed ?, JH] little
they-brought-back.)” Swirr Dog: “A young man by the name of
“Wears one Feather’ brought back a curly horse he captured from his
enemy.”
All of the above counts show a representation of a horse with
curly hair. The No Two Horns count shows a number of hoofprints
in addition, indicating plurality. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan,
White-Cow-Killer, Mato Sapa, Bush and Good counts all mention
this event as well, but for the following year, 1803-04 (Mallery,
1886, p. 104). High Hawk gives the year “1804” for this event
354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
(Curtis, 1908, p.170.). White Bull has it occurring in “1820” (Vestal,
1934 a, p. 263).
The Flame states that the horses were taken from the Assiniboin
(Mallery, 1886, p. 104). Lone Dog arid White-Cow-Killer state
that they were taken from the Crow (Mallery, 1886, p. 104). The
Swan and Mato Sapa say they were taken from the Arikara (Mallery,
1886, p. 104), and Good states that they were taken from the Pawnee
(Mallery, 1886, p. 104).
1803-04
Buve Tuunper: “Saw a lot of horses with iron shoes on, way
down southway.”’ No Two Horns: ‘Many council winter.” BuLur
Tuunper Variants I, I, and III: “They saw a lot of horses w.
[with, JH] shoes on. It was at Goose Creek way south.” HicH
Doc: “The Sioux captured some shod horses from the Crows.” The
Dakota text reads “Sake maza awicakilipi (Saké-maza awitdglipi lit.
Hooves-metal they-brought-back).” Swirr Doe: “A young man
dressed in a blue coat brought an American horse with horse shoes on,
the first ones seen by the redmen of the Sioux.”” Blue Thunder, No
Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants IT and III show the hoofprints
of shod horses. Blue Thunder Variant I, High Dog, and Swift Dog
show a horse, carefully depicting his hooves as being shod.
It may be that the year given by Mallery, Curtis, and Vestal which
I have compared with the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns and Blue
Thunder Variants I, II, and III for the year 1801-02 might better
be placed here for comparison, though they precede the “curly horse”
winter in all cases.
1804-05
Buve Tuunver: ‘Winter camp at a place called ‘Many Horses
Tails’. No Two Horns: “Many Horses Tails camping Winter.
They sing with them too.” Buiur Taunprer Variants I, II, and
Ill: “‘Wintered at ‘Many Horses Tails’.”” The above counts show a
decorated feather wand, suggesting the Hunkd or Alowanpi ceremony.
The Flame, Long Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Good counts all
have the same event for this year as well (Mallery, 1886, p. 104).
High Hawk’s count gives it for 1805” (Curtis, 1908, p. 171). White
Bull gives it for the year “1821” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 263). High Dog
and Swift Dog apparently lose a year here, as they give the event
used for the following year on the counts of the Blue Thunder group.
Hicu Doe: ‘Hight Sioux were killed by the Crows in a running
battle.’ The Dakota text reads “kangi wicasa 8 wicaktepi (lt.
Crow men eight they-killed).” Swirr Doa: “Seven Crow Indians
were hid in a dugout. The Dakotas killed them by being brave
warriors.”” On both counts a circle is shown, which may represent
Anthro. Pa. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 355
an earthlodge or “dugout.’’ Around the inside of this circle are
several representations of heads. On the High Dog count, nine of
these are shown, and on the Swift Dog count, eight. The heads have
the “enemy” hairdress used by the Dakota to represent Crow, As-
siniboin, Arikara, etc. The Swift Dog count has the arabic numeral
“8” written inside the circle in addition.
1805-06
Buus Tuunper: “Hight Tetons killed by Kangi wicasa [Crow
men, JH].”” No Two Horns: “The Sioux killed many enemies too.”’
Buvue Tuunper Variants I, IJ, and III: ‘8 Tetons killed by Crows.”
On the above counts the heads and shoulders of several men are
shown, all depicted with wounds on their bodies. The Blue Thunder
count shows eight men. No Two Horns shows one man, but eight
wounds. Blue Thunder Variant I shows seven men, Blue Thunder
Variant II shows six, and Blue Thunder Variant III shows eight.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Good, White-Cow-Killer, Mato Sapa,
and Bush counts all give the same event for this year (Mallery, 1886,
p. 105). High Hawk gives the event for “1806” (Curtis, 1908, p. 171).
White Bull gives it for “1822” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 263).
Hicu Doe: “The Crows attacked the Sioux in camp. The battle
was long and well fought, but as the Crows were mounted two on a
horse while the Sioux had not this disadvantage, they won out.
Many killed.”” The Dakota text reads simply “(Nam wicako gipapi
(Num witdkagugapi lit. Two they-cracked-their-skulls).” Swirr
Doa: “A Sioux killed two Crow Indians who were riding double.
He got the name of ‘Kill Two Mounted.’”’ Both of the last two
counts show two men with the “enemy”’ hairdress hanging from a
horse. Their position probably indicates death.
1806-07
Buve Tuunper: ‘“Sihasapa Tetons went out into hills. Crow
Indian attacked and killed him.” No Two Horns: “A scout on a
hill in winter time. When we got there he was dead.” BLuE
Tuunper Variants I, II, and III: “Blackfoot [a member of the
Sihasapa or Blackfoot band of the Teton Dakota, JH.] killed by Crows
on a hill.”” The above counts all show a man, wearing the white
capote commonly used by Dakota scouts, lying on top of a hill or
bluff. On the body is the representation of a wound.
The pictograph used for this year and the man’s position on a hill
make one suspicious that the interpretation given is a late, and incor-
rect one, supplied in place of the forgotten original. The Swan,
Lone Dog, Flame, White-Cow-Killer, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Good
counts all state that the man was an eagle trapper (either Dakota or
Arikara) who was killed in his pit (Mallery, 1886, p. 105). He may
356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull, 178
well have been a Dakota, as it is now known that the Dakota formerly
practiced ritualized eagle trapping of the sort customary with the
Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara (Howard, 1954).
It seems likely that the interpretation for this year’s pictograph
may have been changed on the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and
Blue Thunder Variant counts at a time when the Dakota no longer
practiced eagle trapping to any extent, and could therefore account
for the man’s presence on the hill only by making him a scout. The
man is identified as an eagle trapper on the High Hawk count (Curtis,
1908, p. 171) as well as for the year “1807,” and by White Bull (Vestal,
1934 a, p. 263) for the year “11823.” Big Missouri gives ‘This year
a Crow Indian sneaked into a Sioux camp and was killed,’ for the
year “1807”? (Cohen, 1939, p. 17). This may be related to the Blue
Thunder event as well.
Hicu Doe: “In a war with the Crows a leader named Akile Luta
[Ogle-lita, Red-shirt, JH.] was slayn.’”’ The Dakota text reads
“Akile luta un wan ktepi (Ogle-lata un wan ktépi lit. Shirt-red wear-
ing a they-killed).’”’ Swirr Doe: ‘A Sioux killed a chief by the name
of ‘Wears Red Coat.’ He was the only one who killed an enemy.”
The last two counts show a man wearing a red coat. See the next
year for comparison with other counts having this incident.
1807-08
BuivuE TuunpeEr: ‘Crow Indian with red coat killed by the Dakota.”
No Two Horns: “ ‘A spectacles’ or ‘One Eye’ was killed that time.”
Buivue THunper Variants IJ, II, and III: “Crow, red coat, kiiled by
Sioux.”” The Blue Thunder count shows a man who is wearing a red
coat and is wounded. Blue Thunder Variants I and II show sub-
stantially the same. No Two Horns shows a man in a very similar
attitude but with an uncolored coat and one eye represented as
missing. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a wounded man with an
uncolored coat. This seems to indicate that the No Two Horns
count was copied from the Blue Thunder Variant III count.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer,
and Good counts all give similar events for this year (Mallery, 1886,
pp. 105-106). The High Hawk count gives the event for the year
“1808” (Curtis, 1908, p. 171). The Flame, Swan, Lone Dog, and
Mato Sapa counts state that the man was a Dakota killed by the
Arikara. High Hawk, Good, and White-Cow-Killer imply that he
was a Dakota, but do not mention his assailant’s identity.
Hie Dosa: “A Sioux leader was slayn by the Crows.” The
Dakota text reads ‘‘Tu we yo wan ktepi (Tonwéya wan ktépi lit.
Scout a they-killed).” Swirr Doa: “A Crow Indian killed a Sioux
Scout. Afterwards speaking of anything that happened at that time,
HS DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 357
they say ‘When the young scout was killed by a Crow Indian.’ ”
Both counts show a man wearing a green shirt or coat with a yellow
stripe over one shoulder and under the opposite arm. The High Dog
count represents the man as having been scalped.
1808-09
Bivue Tuunper: “ ‘First who got brass rings’ went out in hills and
got killed at Fort Pierre place.” No Two Horns: “First to get brass
rings for his hair ornaments.”” Buus THunpmrrR Variants I, II, and
III: ‘S. (Sioux, JH] W. [with, JH] brass rings on hair got killed
(Pierre).”” All of the above counts show a man wearing a small
feather headdress to which a long strip of leather with brass disks
(slides) is attached. This item of adornment was popular among the
Dakota during the 19th century, but is rarely seen at present (1957).
Hieu Dosa: “The Sioux sent an expert out to find where the buffalo
were as they were nearly out of meat. The Crows killed him.” The
Dakota text reads ‘‘Pahata i wan ktepi (lit. On-a-hill went a they-
killed).””. Swirr Doe: “A young man went to look for buffalo and
was killed by Crow Indians. His name was ‘Saw the Buffalo.’’”? The
last two counts show a man with bison head name symbol above him,
indicating that his name was connected with buffalo or that he was
looking for buffalo.
1809-10
Buiure Tuunper: “Blue feathers found in winter time near ocean-
Got from birds.”” No Two Horns: ‘‘We found many blue feathers
in winter.” Biuue TounperR Variants J, IJ, and III: ‘Found blue
feathers by ocean in winter time.” All the above counts show a staff
ornamented with blue feathers. This staff is distinctly not an Al6wanpi
wand, but rather resembles the staff used by the Canté T’inza (Strong-
heart) warrior society.
Hieu Doa: ‘The Sioux crossed the Missouri River, and on the
east side captured a large number of stray horses, and this gave them
a better supply of horses than they had ever had before. .. .” The
Dakota text reads “taka suki ku wochiyu wega (Téka sinkakan
wodhiytwega (?) lit. Enemy horses other-side-of-the-river (?).”
Swirt Doa: “The first horse seen and caught was a yellow horse.
From that time on the Western Sioux had horses. ‘The Man That
Saw the First Horse was his name.’”’ The last two counts show a
horse with a lariat falling over its head. The Swift Dog reference
to these being the ‘first horses’? seems rather odd considering that
three previous years on this count have depicted horses.
1810-11
Buue Tuunper: “Two Dakota Fighting each other in camp.
Row in camp winter.” No Two Horns: “A Dakota and an enemy
358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
shot through with arrows fighting.” Brus THunprr Variants I,
II, and III: ‘2 S. (Sioux, JH] killed each other.”’” The pictographs
show two men fighting, both with arrows in their bodies and repre-
sentations of wounds. The interpretation of the Blue Thunder count,
that they are both Dakota, seems false, as in all but the Blue Thunder
Variant I count, one of the men is shown wearing the ‘‘enemy” hairdress.
Hieu Doe: ‘They had smallpox or some such disease which caused
great loss of life. This was in the winter.” The Dakota text reads
“Wicagogo taka (Wiédhankan tdénka lit. Smallpox big).” Swirr
Dog: ‘A young maiden was pouting and wandered away from camp.
She was killed by Crow Indians.” The last two counts show a human
figure, the body and arms of which are spotted, the face not. Since
the face is not spotted on either count, one might believe that the
person is merely wearing a polka-dot dress or shirt. However the
Swift Dog count later uses an almost identical figure to represent
smallpox, which seems to indicate that the High Dog interpretation
is the correct one.
1811-12
Buve Tuunper: “Found white horse with horse shoes on. Montana
found it. Northwest of Black Hills that place.’ No Two Horns:
“A man got a white horse with iron shoes on.” Brun THUNDER
Variants I, II, and JII: ‘‘Found white horse w. [with, JH] shoes
(N. W. of B. [Black, JH] Hills).”” All of the above counts show a
white horse, depicted as being shod. Blue Thunder Variant I shows
a horse wearing a bridle as well.
Hiexw Doc: ‘A Whiteman came to live with them. He built a
small house. He was a small man and he inclined to stay in his house
a good deal so they named him Little Beaver.” The Dakota text
reads ‘‘Capa cigala ti ile (lit. Beaver little house burns).” Swirr
Doc: “A white man by the name of Little Beaver. Came among
the Sioux. He built a house and traded with the Indians.”’ The
High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man, dressed in White man’s
clothing, who has the name symbol of a beaver above him. He is
standing before a log house, the roof of which is in flames. The
Dakota text, in connection with the pictographs, is in this instance
quite revealing.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer,
and Good counts for the year 1809-10 (Mallery, 1886, p. 106), the
American Horse count for the year 1808-09 (ibid., p. 135), the Cloud
Shield count for the year 1809-10 (ibid., p. 135), and the Big Mis-
souri count for ‘1810’? (Cohen, 1939, p. 17) all refer to a man named
Little Beaver being burned in his house. Good states that this man
was an English trader (Mallery, 1886, p. 106), but the Swan (ibid.,
a anal DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—-HOWARD 359
p. 106) and Big Missouri (Cohen, 1939, p. 17) identify him as a French-
man. The author feels that he may have been a French Canadian
trader in English employ, a common situation for the period. White
Bull gives the year ‘1826’ as ‘“‘They Burn a Small Beaver Lodge’
(Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). This probably refers to the event as well.
1812-13
Buus THunper: “ ‘Little Bear,’ a Tetonwanna [Teton, JH], killed
by Gros Ventres.” No Two Horns: ‘Sioux named Little Bear got
killed by enemy people.” Biur THunper Variants I, II, and III:
“Tittle Bear, Teton, killed by Gros Vertres.”” Blue Thunder, No
Two Horns, and the Blue Thunder Variants II and III show a wounded
man with the name symbol of a bear above him. Blue Thunder
Variant I shows the upright figure of a bear with a wound in its side,
obviously to carry the same idea. White Bull gives the year ‘1829’
as the year “Little Bear’ was killed (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264).
Hicxu Doe: “The Sioux were camping easterly from and at the
Black Hills. The Crows attacked them and were beaten off with 1
man left dead.”” The Dakota text reads “8 ahi wicaktepi (lit. Eight
came they-killed).”” Swirr Doe: “Ten Crow Indians on a warpath
and the Sioux killed 8 of them. That was used as ‘The time 8 Crows
were killed.’’’ Both the High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a
circle with heads around the inside, as for the year 1804-05. The
heads are depicted with the “enemy” hairdress. High Dog shows
eight heads, Swift Dog only seven. The Swift Dog count, however,
indicates the correct number by having the arabic numeral ‘‘8”
drawn in the center of the circle. This may possibly correlate with
the Blue Thunder group for the following year, although the number
killed is different. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and
Bush counts give similar pictures, but the number killed in these
counts is much higher, varying from 20 to 27 (Mallery, 1886, pp.
107-108). Identification of those killed also varies. The Flame
calls them Mandan; Lone Dog, The Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush call
them “Gros Ventres’’ (ibid., pp. 107-108).
1813-14
Buve Tuunper: “The Tetons going to war found the Crows and
killed three on each side. Call it ‘Killed six Winter.’’”’? No Two
Horns: “Killed six winter.” Biur THunper Variants I, II, and
III: “Six Crows and Tetons killed in a fight.’”? Blue Thunder and
Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show six wounded men. The
“enemy” hairdress is not in evidence. No Two Horns, following
his customary manner of abbreviation, shows only one man, but five
additional wounds.
360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173
Battiste Good gives this year as ‘“‘Killed Six Pawnees” (Mallery,
1893, p. 316). White Bull gives the year ‘'1830” as “Six Rees were
killed” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). High Hawk gives “Six Palani
Killed” for the year ‘‘1814”’ (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). Since the words
for Pawnee and Arikara are the same in Dakota it may be that the
‘“‘Pawnees”’ mentioned by Good were actually Arikara.
Hie Doa: ‘The Sioux fought with the Crows and Little Bear,
the leader was killed... .” The Dakota text reads ‘Mato cigala
ahi ktepi kin (lit. Bear little they-came-and killed).”” Swirr Doe:
“Little Bear was killed by Crow Indian.” The last two counts
show a man with the name symbol of a bear. He is represented as
having been scalped in the High Dog count. This event probably
corresponds with the Blue Thunder group event for the year 1812-13.
1814-16
Buivur Tuunper: “Teton and Gros Ventre go to war, Gros Ventre
attached [sic, JH] and Teton got shot in the jaw.” No Two Horns:
“A man of ours got shot in the jaw.” Buiur THunpser Variants I,
II, and III: “Battle with Gros Ventres & many wounded in jaw,
below Yates.” All of the above counts show a man with a face
wound.
Hieu Doa: “A Crow Indian by the name of Little Bear (called
also Uta or Wayuta) came to camp on a pretense of friendship with a
member of the tribe, and was slayn with a buffalo bone.” The Da-
kota text reads, however, ‘‘Wita pahato an wan kogugapi (Witapaha to
un wan kagigapi lit. Kiowa blue wearing a they-clubbed-him-on-the-
skull).””. Swirr Doa: ‘A Sioux killed a Crow Indian on a high butte
on Many Island.” Both counts show a man with the “enemy”
hairdress being slain from behind by a man with a club. The two
English interpretations are quite obviously incorrect. The author
has noticed that the names for other Indian tribes are used very
loosely by present-day Dakota, if not, indeed, completely forgotten.
In the case of the Swift Dog count the Dakota informants were
unable to translate the name of the Kiowa tribe, so merely substi-
tuted words having a similar sound. It is very possible that the
“‘to’”’? which I have translated as ‘‘blue’”’ is actually only the last syllable
of the word for the tribe, as neither High Dog nor Swift Dog shows
the man wearing a blue (or a green) shirt. Riggs (1890, p. 579) gives
Witapaha as the full name of the tribe, however, and Williamson
(1908, p. 95) does the same.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts mention
this event for the year 1814-15 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 108-109). Good
(Mallery, 1893, p. 316), American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 1385), and
White-Cow-Killer (ibid., p. 135) mention it for this year as well. High
Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 172) and Big Missouri (Cohen, 1939, p. 17) both
are DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 361
give the event for the year “1815.”’ White Bull gives it for “1831” (Ves-
tal, 1934 a, p. 264). The Flame identifies the man as a Brule [Sié4ngu
band of the Teton Dakota, JH] and says that he was killed by the
Ute (Mallery, 1886, p. 108). Lone Dog says that the man was an
Arapaho (ibid., p. 109). The other counts cited by Mallery do not
specify the man’s tribe but merely spell out the native term (ibid.,
p. 109). Vestal connects the man with the ‘‘We-ta-piu” band of the
Cheyenne (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). Good (Mallery, 1893, p. 316),
American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 135), White-Cow-Killer (ibid.,
p-. 135), and High Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 172) identify him as a
Kiowa. Big Missouri does not identify the man’s tribe.
1815-16
Buus Tuunper: ‘Crow war party came to fight with the Tetons.
A Dakota warrior knocked down two Crows with a club. No Two
Horns: ‘We got attacked and one man struck two enemies with a
club.” Briur THunpsrr Variants I, II, and III: ‘Crows on horses,
battle Tetons. Knock two with clubs.” All of the above counts
show a man with a name symbol consisting of the heads of two men,
both of which are wearing the ‘‘enemy”’ hairdress.
Hicu Doe: “A Sioux stole a horse from another Sioux, and was
punished by being . . . bored with an awl in the left jaw... .”’ The
Dakota text reads ‘‘Wamanu wan cehupa wawegopi (lit. Thief a jaw
they-broke).”” Swirr Doe: ‘Brave Soldier killed a Crow Indian who
came to steal horses. Brave Soldier broke his jaw and killed him.”
The last two counts show a man with a wound in his face. Possibly
these two counts are related to the counts of the Blue Thunder group
for the year 1814-15.
1816-17
Biur THunper: “We killed a white buffalo winter. Out in
Montana. Stampede.” No Two Horns: ‘We killed a white buffalo
winter.” Buus THunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘Killed White
Buffalo (Montana) winter.”” The above counts show a white buffalo
with an arrow sticking from a wound in his back.
Hicu Doe: Beede gives a long and improbable interpretation for
this year, stating that Dakota told him that in a battle with the Crow
the Dakota used hoops ornamented with horsehair as signal flags.
The true meaning of this year’s pictograph is revealed by the Dakota
text. This reads ‘“Nampa wakte akili (Nonpa wakte agli lit. Two
kills (scalps or honors) they-brought-home).’”’ Swirr Doe: ‘The
Sioux and Crows made peace. The pipe of peace was never broken.”
The English interpretations for both counts are apparently quite false.
362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull, 173
The pictographs show a man or woman carrying sticks upon which
two scalps are fastened.
LSLC18
Buur Tuunper: “Near mouth of Missouri river we found strange
birds. Lots. They were blue feathers and red heads.” No Two
Horns: ‘Away off somewhere, we saw some strange redheaded birds.”
Buus Tuunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘Near ocean in winter saw
birds with blue feathers and red heads fly in wind (sand (?)).” The
counts given above show representations of large birds with blue bodies
and red heads. Could these have been whooping cranes?
Hiexu Doe: ‘‘A chief’s son by the name of Buffalo Bull died. . . .”
Beede’s additional description suggests that the “spirit keeping” or
Wandégi tipi ceremony is referred to. The Dakota text reads “heco
Ti taka awakicaga.”” The author has been unable to secure a good
translation of this phrase. ‘Ti taka” is apparently ti-tanka, a large
dwelling. Mrs. Eva Little-chief suggested that the phrase might mean
‘“No-horns, they danced for his house.” Frank Zahn translated
the phrase as “Heda Sun ti-tdnka awdkiéaga lit. Junk (grass, leaves,
and branches) lodge big they-put-around.” Swirr Doe: “A council
lodge where a buffalo head is painted on the wall.” Both counts
show a man with a calumet in his hand. The Dakota text indicates
that the event may be the same as that of the Flame, Lone Dog, Swan,
Mato Sapa, Bush, and Good counts for the year 1815-16, which men-
tion that the Sans Arcs built a large earth lodge, or lodges, on Peoria
bottom (Mallery, 1886, p. 109). American Horse and Cloud Shield
mention what is probably the same event for this year (ibid., p. 136).
Curtis gives this event for the year ‘1816’’ (Curtis, 1908, p. 172).
White Bull gives it for “1832” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264).
Robinson, in the Wi iyohi magazine, cites a local tradition for the
Peoria bottom area to the effect that this locality was called ‘Tee
tanka ohe (Ti tanka oe)” (Robinson, 1951, p. 3). This may be the
location of the earth lodge, or lodges, mentioned in these counts.
1518-19
Buve Tuunper: “Big small pox just for children, out where Bear
Butte is.’ No Two Horns: ‘Small pox sickness again.” BLUE
THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘Smallpox (children) Bear Butte
many die.” On all of the above counts a man whose face and body
are covered with spots is shown. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato
Sapa, Bush, Good, Cloud Shield, and White-Cow-Killer counts all give
similar events for this year (Mallery, 1886, pp. 109-110). High Hawk
mentions this for the year ‘1819” (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). Big Mis-
souri mentions it for ‘‘1819”’ as well (Cohen, 1939, p. 17).
a DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 363
It seems probable that the disease was not smallpox but rather
measles or some other less virulent disease. The Flame calls it
“cholera”’ (Mallery, 1886, p. 109). Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and
The Swan call it measles (ibid., p. 110). White-Cow-Killer indicates
a less virulent disease by calling it ‘Little Smallpox Winter” (ibid.,
p. 110). The Good and Cloud Shield counts merely mention a small-
pox epidemic (ibid., p. 110). Big Missouri calls it smallpox as well
(Cohen, 1939, p. 17). High Hawk calls it measles (Curtis, 1908,
p. 172).
Hieu Doe: ‘“There was a great windstorm in the Wintertime which
blew the winter camp to pieces.” The Dakota text reads “Maka
wablu wanitipi (lit. Earth blows wintercamp).’”’ Swirr Doe: ‘The
lodge was out of sight owing to very much snow that winter, and many
starved to death....” The last two counts show a tipi with many
stakes around the edge, indicating a severe windstorm.
1819-20
Buve TuHunper: “Saw first soldiers this winter. A white man
called ‘Choze’ (Joseph) built a house of dry logs... Lower Grand
River.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Choze’ built the first house of dry logs
along the Missouri.” Buiur THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Saw
first soldiers, They left and one stayed and built a house. Chose
(Lower Grand River) Later built a store.’ Hien Doe: ‘‘A Whiteman
by the name ol Joseph came among them and built himself a log
house.” The Dakota text reads “Josepih chan bulu tikaga (Jéseph
éan pun-pinla un tikdga lit. Joseph wood rotten using built-a-house).”’
Swirt Doe: “A trader by the name of Joseph who built a house out
of old logs so he was named ‘The Trader that built a bad house.’ ”
All the above counts show a white man standing near a log house.
The Blue Thunder Variant I count represents him as wearing a beard.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, Good, and White-
Cow-Killer counts mention this or a very similar incident for this
year (Mallery, 1886, p. 110). High Hawk gives the event for the
year ‘1820” (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). Big Missouri mentions it for
“1820” as well (Cohen, 1939, p. 17). Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, and
Bush identify the man as Louis La Conte (Mallery, 1886, p. 110).
Good identifies him only as ‘‘Choze”’ (ibid., p. 110).
1820-21
BuvE Tuunper: “Going to camp that time on Cherry Creek place
many Crow Birds flew around tipis and died, lean and starved. So
cold they fell dead out of the skies.” No Two Horns: “Cold. The
Crows tried to look into the lodges for a place to stay.” Buus Tuun-
per Variants I, II, and II: ‘“Camped on Cherry Creek. Lots of
364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Bull. 173
Crows died there.” ‘The above counts show a tipi with a black bird
above it.
Hieu Doe: “The Sioux in this summer celebrated for the first time
in their history the sun dance.””’ The Dakota text reads ‘Wi ihdblo
iyéwaci kin (lit. Sun dreamed-of while-dancing the).”” Swirr Doe:
‘‘An old man offering to the Great Spirit for lots of game and health.
He offered to a pole planted with a red cloth tied to the top.”
The pictographs en both counts are the same. They show a man
beside a pole which is apparently a sun dance pole. The Flame, Lone
Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer, and Good counts
all seem to suggest some sort of ceremony or ceremonial activity for
this year, but are vague as to details, and do not agree with one
another (Mallery, 1886, p. 110-111).
1821-22
Buiuz Txunper: “In Montana. Three Buttes going for Winter.
Big Star went along making a great noise.” No Two Horns “A big
star gave a loud voice signal from the air.” Buuz THUNDER VARIA-
ants I, IJ, and III: “In Marten (The Butte) Big Star fell while it was
thundering. Location uncertain.’”’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wicagipi
wan hatu hiyaya (Widdnhpi wan héton hiydye lit. Star a sounding
came-by)”’. All of the above counts show a representation of a star
with a trail of smoke or fire. The Swan, Lone Dog, Flame, Mato Sapa,
Bush, White-Cow-Killer, Good, and Cloud Shield counts mention this
event as well (Mallery, 1886, pp. 111, 136). White Bull gives this
event for “1833.” 3 High Dog gives it for the year “‘1822” (Curtis,
1908, p. 172).
1822-23
Biur Tuunper: “Three Gros Ventre going in canoe on river.
Tetons attack and kill all. Where Fort Yates is now.” No Two
Horns: “Killed three enemies in a boat on the Missouri.” Buus
Tuunprer Variants I, IJ, and III: ‘“Three Gros Ventres killed by
Tetons (Yates).’”’ For this year the above counts show three men,
depicted as wounded, who are paddling a boat, or, in the case of
No Two Horns, only one man but three wound symbols, two of them
apparently suspended in midair. In the Blue Thunder, No Two
Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant III counts the men are wearing the
“enemy” hairdress. In Blue Thunder Variants I and II they are
wearing the roach headdresses usually used to indicate Omaha or
Ponca.
3 Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264. With this event the other counts ‘‘catch up’’ with White Bull, a fact which seems
to indicate that a hiatus is present here, and that White Bull’s events up to this date, while in correct order,
are incorrect chronologically.
Aner Pap, DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 365
Hieu Doe: ‘A leader named Dog Ghost went out hunting and froze
to death.” The Dakota text reads ““Sunkawan a gi cuwitata (Stinka-
wandgi éuwita Va lit. Dog-ghost cold he-died).’”’ Swirr Doa: ‘‘A chief
named ‘Dog Ghost’ froze to death.’”’ The last two counts show a man
with a dog as his name symbol. According to Frank Zahn, this man
was ‘“‘Grey Earth’s” son.
1823-24
Buus Tuunper: “Found a lot of dry corn toward Omaha country.
Found it in a field. White people stole it from Sihasapa.””’ No Two
Horns “Lived on dried corn winter. . . .”’, Bhur THUNDER VARIANTS
I, II, and III: “‘Whites state, Found a lot of dry corn down towards
Omaha country, Tetons (Blackfoot) raisedit. . . .””. Higa Doa: ‘“‘The
Sioux went away to war with the Crows, and some White men stole
their corn while they were away... .” The Dakota text reads
“Wahu wapa seco ir api (Wahtiwapa sééa thépi lit. Corn dried they-
buried).”? Swirr Doa: “The year the corn crop was plenty, the Great
Spirit blessed the tribe.” Jaw Variant: (Beginning picture on this
count corresponds with this date. There is no interpretation accom-
panying this count. The count has been included with the interpreta-
tion of the Jaw count at the place where ae interpretation of the Jaw
count begins.)
The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant
counts I, II, and III show two stalks of corn for this year. The High
Dog and Swift Dog counts show one stalk of corn. The Jaw Variant
count shows an Indian man taking an ear of corn from one of two
cornstalks. He carries a third cornstalk on his shoulder.
Good (Mallery, 1886, p. 112), American Horse (ibid., p. 137), and
White-Cow-Killer (ibid., p. 112) also mention corn in connection with
this year. From the description accompanying the Lone Dog count
for this year, it appears likely that the corn was taken from the Arikara
when a joint force of United States troops and Dakota attacked the
Arikara village on November 29, 1823 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 111-112).
Big Missouri, however, gives ‘This year a certain white man raised a
fine field of corn. The winter was so severe and the Indians camped
near the field and the white man gave his corn to them for food,” for
the year “1824” (Cohen, 1939, p. 17).
1824-25
Buus Tuunper: “Corral fence. Went out north of where Bismarck
is now. Found a Chippewa fence. Attacked them. Gave them hell.
Tore fence down. Corn hills there. This fence was on creek there, this
side of Turtle Mountains.’”’” No Two Horns: ‘Threw stones and
arrows through a fence at the enemy.” Biur THunpsER Variants I,
II, and III: “Wiciyela (Dakota) attacked Chippewa at South of
471762—60——25
366 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Bull. 173
Turtle M. [Mountains, JH] at Can Hill, Chippewas were fortified.
We beat them awfully. Two tore fence down.”
The above counts all show some sort of a diagram or drawing of
the “Chippewa” (probably these people were Plains-Ojibwa rather
than Ojibwa) stockade. The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder
Variant III counts show the stockade as a rectangle, in a bird’s-eye
view. The Blue Thunder Variant counts I and II show it as a rec-
tangle inside a circle, also as it would appear from above. No Two
Horns shows the stockade as rectangular in a view from the side and
slightly above, using perspective. This is the only use of perspective
on a Dakota winter count known to the writer.
Hicu Doe: “They have a ceremony of anointing a buffalo horn
with clay and hanging it near the camp so as to make the buffalo
come... .” The Dakota text reads ‘Pte wan sayapi (Pte (he ?)
wan sdnyapi lit. Buffalo (actually “‘cow’’ but used here in a generic
sense) (horn ?) a they-paint-a-cream-color).”” Swirr Doe: ‘A chief
named ‘One Feather’ was killed by Crow Indians.” Jaw Variant:
No Interpretation.
The High Dog, Swift Dog, and Jaw Variant counts all show a
representation of a buffalo horn. This is white on the High Dog
and Swift Dog counts but black on the Jaw Variant count. The
person who made the Swift Dog interpretation apparently mistook
the bison horn for a feather.
1825-26
Buur Tuunper: ‘‘Wintering near Gayton’s place and came a
great flood. Nearly all drowned. These were Wiciyela. Dead
Horse Head Point. That’s where it was.” No Two Horns: ‘Many
people drowned when river came up fast. Missouri River at Dead
Horse Point.”” Buur THunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘‘Winter-
ing by Horse Head Hill, Most all drowned (Wicejela).”” Hie Doa:
“They were camping on the bottom by the Missouri River, and a
sudden and unprecedented rise of water in the early spring drowned
over one half of the tribe.”” The Dakota text reads “Mint wiédta
(lit. Water they-died).”’ Swirr Doc: ‘“The winter without snow, but
lots of wind and dust.” Jaw Vanrrant: No interpretation.
The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant
counts J, II, and III show several human heads above what is prob-
ably intended to represent a body of water. The High Dog and
Swift Dog counts show three human heads inside a tipi. The Jaw
Variant count shows a blue patch, probably intended to represent
water, with human heads beneath the surface.
The Flame, Swan, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, Good, American
Horse, White-Cow-Killer, and Cloud Shield counts all give the same
eer te DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 367
event for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 113). High Hawk mentions
this event for “1826” (Curtis, 1908, p. 173). Big Missouri gives it
for “1826” also (Cohen, 1939, p. 17).
1826-27
Buus Tuunver: ‘ ‘Corn Feather’ goes to war alone. Omaha
attacked and killed many. Staff is emblem of victory. Brought
back scalps.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Garden’ a Sioux brought home
the scalp of an enemy.” Buurn THunper Variants I, II, and III:
“Man called ‘Corn Father’ attacked Omahas & he killed a lot of
them.”’ Hieu Doe: “A famous chief named Corn Stalk went with
a party against the Crows and returned with scalps.” The Dakota
text reads ‘“Magala waktekili (Magdla waktegli lit. Little-goose (or
possibly mdgala, Little-garden) killed-brought-home). Swirr Doe:
‘“‘Young man, Goose Feather, killed a Crow Indian and brought the
scalp home and had a war dance where women danced with the
scalp.” Jaw VaRIAnT: No interpretation.
All of the above counts show a man with the name symbol of a
cornstalk holding a stick to which a scalp is attached. On the
Blue Thunder Variant I count the man carries a rifle in the other
hand and is wearing a powder horn. On the Blue Thunder count,
and on Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III he has his hair
tied up in a round topknot, a style which is said to have been worn
by a Dakota war leader who was also a shaman. On Blue Thunder
Variant counts I and IJ he is also painted in a special manner, having
serpentine lines down the side of his face and neck and down the sides
of his legs. The topknot shown in these counts is different from the
hairdress used to designate enemies in other year’s pictographs.
1827-28
BuiuE THunper: “Winter time and Isantees [Santee group of the
Dakota, embracing the Mdewakanton, Wahpeton, Wabpekute, and
Sisseton bands of the Dakota tribe, JH] starving. They kill each
other and eat each other that time. In Sisseton place, Nebraska.
Two men killed, boiled in kettle and eaten up.” No Two Horns:
“Starvation winter time. The Isantee ate two of their own people.”
Buus THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: “In winter Santees staying
in Nebraska, & killed and ate each other.’? The above counts show
a tipi with two people sitting around a kettle, which is suspended
from a pothook.
Hiex Dos: “For the first time they used snowshoes in hunting buf-
falo.” The Dakota text reads “Wasima Pisa ohanpi (Wdsma psa-
dhanpi lit. Deep-snow snowshoes). Swirr Doe: ‘Much snow,
where snowshoes were used.”?’ Jaw VartanT: No interpretation.
368 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
The last three counts show a representation of a snowshoe. The
High Dog and Swift Dog counts show it as seen from above, the Jaw
Variant as seen from the side. On all three counts the snowshoe is
quite stylized and resembles a snowshoe only vaguely. White-Cow-
Killer calls this ‘Snow-Shoe-Making-Winter. (Mallery, 1886,
p. 138). Good calls it, “Wore snowshoes winter” (ibid., 1893, p. 318).
High Hawk mentions the use of snowshoes for the year ‘1827”
(Curtis, 1908, p. 173).
1828-29
Buvure Tuunver: “White man, more River camping, this winter.
White man built dry log house. Called ‘Red Breast’ or ‘Red Shirt.’ ”’
No Two Horns: “ ‘Red Breast’ built a dry log house. Was a white
man.” Buus THunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘White man at
Moreau River came [cave? JH] They called him Red Breast.” All
the above counts show a man wearing a dark blue coat over a red
shirt. He stands before the door of a log cabin.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts mention
this event as well (Mallery, 1886, p. 114). The Flame, Lone Dog,
Mato Sapa, and Bush counts identify the man as Chardran or Shardran
(ibid., 1886, p. 114). The Flame locates this house near the forks of
the Cheyenne (ibid., 1886, p.114). All of the counts given by Mallery
identify the house as a “dirt lodge” rather than as a dry log house
(ibid., 1886, p. 114).
Hicu Doe: “They passed the winter by Bear Butte, near the
Black Hills.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Mato Paha el wanitipi (lit.
Bear Butte at they-camped-for-the-winter).”” Swirr Doa: “At the
Black Hills, that’s the highest butte there. The Indians called it
Bear’s Butte.” Jaw Variant: No interpretation. The High Dog
and Swift Dog counts show a very steep-sided butte, covered with
trees, with a bear standing on the summit. The Jaw Variant count
shows a hill with a cave in the side of it and a tipi on each side of it.
1829-30
Buue TuHunper: ‘Padani (Arikara) Killed by Yanktonaise, Stand-
ing Rock place. Had a hat of willows and a red shirt.” No Two
Horns: ‘‘We took a robe away from a White man that winter count.”
Buus THunpeR Variants J, II, and III: “Ree killed by Sioux at
F. Y [Fort Yates, JH].”’ The above counts show a man in White
man’s clothing. His shirt is red and he is wearing a black broad-
brimmed hat. In the Blue Thunder count he is apparently repre-
sented as wearing a breechcloth over his trousers, indicating that he
is an Indian.
Hrex Dog: “A man looking for buffalo was found on the prairie
shot and frozen. He is called Froze-on-the-Prairie ....’ The
Rr ash aia DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 369
Dakota text reads ‘‘Wata sakiyapi (lit. Froze-buffalo-meat-for-the-
winter). Swirr Doe: “Chief Paints Himself Yellow was killed by
a Crow Indian.” Jaw Variant: No interpretation. The High Dog
and Swift Dog counts show a man with a wound on his body. The
Jaw Variant count shows a man who has been scalped.
1830-31
Buve TuHunper: “ ‘Wo-na-re’ made one of the Ruling class.”
No Two Horns: ‘Many ceremonies winter.”” BLuE THUNDER
Variants I, IT, and III ‘‘ ‘Wo-na-se’ was made one of the ruling class.”’
All of the above counts show what is apparently a representation of
one of the wands used in the Hunk& or Al6wanpi ceremony. ‘‘Wo-
na-se” is probably the man who was honored by being ceremonially
‘“adopted”’ in the ceremony. His name was probably Wandase or
“Buffalo-hunter.”’
Hicu Doe: “A battle with the Crows, and many were slayn.”
The Dakota text reads ‘‘Kagi wicasa 8 wicaktepi (Kangi widdsa
sahlégan wicdktepi lit. Crow men eight they-killed).”” Swirr Doe:
“Hight Rees killed by the Sioux.”” Jaw Variant: No interpretation.
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a circle with small heads
around the inside. The heads are shown wearing the “enemy”
hairdress. The High Dog count shows eight heads, the Swift Dog
count only six. The Jaw Variant count shows one head, which is
represented as being scalped and is wearing the enemy hairdress.
For pictographic purposes, evidently, the hairdress is left to identify
the man as an enemy. Actually, the process of scalping would un-
doubtedly remove this forelock. Beneath the man’s head are 10
vertical marks, in two rows of 5 each, apparently to indicate the
number of men killed. Near the head is what appears to be a coup
stick with an eagie feather attached to one end.
1831-32
Buiurt Tuunver: “Below Fort Yates place north of Grand River.
Palani had village—a double one. Soldiers and Dakota attacked the
village. Eight Dakota killed. Soldier, French, and Dakota.”’ No Two
Horns: ‘‘Killed eight enemies winter.”” Buus THUNDER VARIANTS
I, II, and III: “Below F. Y. [Fort Yates, JH] near G. [Grand, JH]
River was a big village of G. [Gros Ventres, JH] R. [Rees, JH] and M.
(Mandan, JH] French W. [with JH] arms and Sioux attacked village
and 2 S. [Sioux, JH] killed (1831). The Blue Thunder count and Blue
Thunder Variants I, II, and III show eight men with wounds on their
bodies. They are not shown wearing the “enemy” hairdress. No
Two Horns shows one man but eight wounds. He also does not picture
the man as wearing the ‘‘enemy” hairdress.
370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
Hieu Doe: ‘Brown, a Whiteman shot and killed an Indian, being
jealous on account of his wife.’ The Dakota text reads “Istazi
kaskapi (lit. Yellow-eyes imprisoned).”’ Swirr Doa: “A white man
by the name of Yellow Eyes came to trade with the Sioux.” Jaw
Variant: No interpretation and no pictograph for this year. The next
picture on this count corresponds with that given on the High Dog
and Swift Dog counts for the following year. This is apparently an
accidental hiatus. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts for this year
show a white man who is apparently wearing handcuffs.* The Flame,
Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts all mention a murder
committed by a white man for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 115). Lone
Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and the Swan identify the man as Le Beau,
a trader (ibid., 1886, p. 115). Vestal gives the year ‘‘1831”’ as the year
of ‘‘ ‘Yellow Eyes’ accident,” on his Hunkpapa count (Vestal, 1934
b, p. 348)
1832-33
Buus Tounper: ‘Called ‘Broken Leg’ found whiskey. Drank all.
Died then.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Broken Leg’ found some whiskey
Drank it. Died.” Buus Tounpsrr Variants J, II, and III: ‘Broken
Leg’ S. [Sioux, JH] find whiskey, drink and died Below Totten.” The
above counts show a man with his leg missing below the knee drink-
ing from a bottle and apparently vomiting up what he has drunk.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer,
and Good counts all refer to a man with a broken or stiff leg, but do
not mention whiskey (Mallery, 1886, p. 115). Good’s count says
that he was killed by a Pawnee (ibid., 1886, p. 115). High Hawk
mentions a chief being killed for the year “‘1833”’ (Curtis, 1908, p. 174).
Hiau Doe: ‘A log house was built by an Indian for the first time.”’
The Dakota text reads ‘‘Titaka oblecakagapi (7i-tdnka obléta kdgap?)
lit. Lodge-big gable-roofed they-built.” Swirr Doe: ‘The first
dance house built by the Indians with logs. Jaw Variant: No
interpretation.
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a representation of a log
house with a gabled roof. The Jaw Variant count shows what appears
to be a round earth lodge. White-Bull gives the year ‘‘1832” as ‘The
Sans Arc First live in Log Houses” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). The author
has elected to place this event with the High Dog and Swift Dog
counts for the year 1817-18. However, it might better be placed here.
The White Bull count has an apparent hiatus either before or after
this year. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives the log house event for the
year “1832,” and in this case there is no question as to its proveni-
ence (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348).
4 Beede believed that the man’s hands had been cut off.
Ro are ee DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 371
1833-84
Buus Tuunper: “Camping across river for that winter. Stars
flew around like bird. Many stars with great noise. Changed places
winter.”” No Two Horns ‘The stars all changed around in the sky.”
Buve Tuunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘Camping across River and
Many stars fell w. [with, JH] noise a few on earth.” Hicu Doe:
“This year is named ‘Stars-all-moveing-Year’ the falling of the stars
in this year is said to have caused great consternation; They feared
Great Spirit had lost his control over the creation.” The Dakota
text reads ‘“Wicagipi akicamina (Wiédénhpi okeéémna lit. Stars
shower-down).” Swirt Doe “In the fall of the year when the trees
shed their leaves, the stars floated all over the heavens. ... . ” Jaw
Variant: No interpretation.
All of the above counts show a group of stars except the Jaw
Variant count, which shows only one large star. The Blue Thunder
count and Blue Thunder Variants II and III represent the stars as
four pointed, which seems to be the aboriginal manner of picturing
stars. The Blue Thunder Variant I count has both four-pointed and
five-pointed stars. No Two Horns, High Dog, Swift Dog, and the
Jaw Variant count show the stars as five pointed.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer,
American Horse, Cloud Shield, and Good counts all mention this
event (Mallery, 1886, pp. 116-138). High Hawk’s count records
the event for the year “1834” (Curtis, 1908, p. 174). Big Missouri
gives it for ‘1834’ as well (Cohen, 1939, p. 18). White Bull records
the event for the year ‘1833’ (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). Vestal’s
Hunkpapa count records it for ‘‘1833” also (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348).
All counts apparently refer to the “star shower”? which was ob-
servable throughout North America shortly before daylight, Novem-
ber 12, 1833 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 138-189). This event is noted on
the Kiowa winter count collected by Mooney (Mooney, 1898, pp.
260-261) and on several Pima counting sticks (Russell, 1908, p. 38).
Foolish Woman, a Mandan, gives the year “1835” as “Shooting Stars
fell during the summer’ on his winter count (Beckwith, 1938, p. 308).
Peter Le Claire, a Northern Ponca Indian who is much interested
in the history of his tribe, stated that this event was well known to
his people and was included in the now lost Ponca winter count.®
1834-35
Buve Tuunper: ‘‘Wintering camp on Heart River. Found bear
there too. Stayed in our lodges. Call it ‘Wintered with wild bear
place winter.’” No Two ‘Horns: ‘We camped for winter on the
Heart River. A black bear stayed with us all winter.” BLuE
8In a letter to the author,dated March 21, 1951.
372 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
THunpDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘‘Wintered on Heart River,
Bear wintered with them (not friend).”’ All of the above counts show
a bear and a tipi. In the Blue Thunder Variant I count the bear
is drawn outside of and below the tipi. In all others he is shown inside
the tent.
Hicu Doe: “The first war bonnet was made with horns on it.
...’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wapaha hetun kagapi (Wapdha
hétun kdgapi lit. Warbonnet horns-using they-made).” Swirr Doe:
“The first war bonnet was made and introduced to the tribe.” Jaw
Variant: No interpretation.
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a warbonnet with
horns. On the High Dog count this has a red trailer. On the Swift
Dog count the trailer is half black and half red. The Jaw Variant
count shows a man wearing a horned warbonnet. The pictographs
for this year on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts are very similar
to those used on the counts of the Blue Thunder group for the year
1836-37. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year
*1834”’ (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348).
1835-36
Buue Tuunpser: ‘Below Mandan on flat. Ree and Mandan
village. Sioux, Teton and Blackfeet battle them. Many got shot
on both sides. None killed.” No Two Horns: ‘Twelve Sioux
were killed by Hohe winter.”” Buun THunpER Varrants I, II, and
III: “Below Mandan S. [Sioux, JH] attacked by Rees M. S. [Many
Sioux, JH], Killed 9 Tetons and Blackfeet attacked Big Battle.”
Hiexu Doe: “A fight among the Sioux and many killed... .” The
Dakota text reads ‘“‘Wiciyela wicakasotapi (lit. Wictyela they-killed-
them-off).””. Swirr Doce: “Buffalo hunt with dogs and travoises to
carry meat home.”’ Jaw Variant: No interpretation.
The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and
III show 12 wounded men. No Two Horns shows only one man but
12 wound symbols. On the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and
Blue Thunder Variant III counts the men, or the wound symbols
representing them, are arranged in two parallel rows of six each.
On the Blue Thunder Variant IJ count they are arranged in three
rows of four each. On the Blue Thunder Variant I count the circle
device, commonly used on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts, is
employed, with the heads of the slain men shown around the inside
of a circle. On none of the counts are the men shown wearing the
“enemy” hairdress.
The pictographs for this year on the High Dog and Swift Dog
counts are quite puzzling in relation to the written interpretations.
ma toeey. Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 373
The figure of a man is shown, and nearby a dog pulling a travois.
Above the travois are a few small heads, four on the High Dog count,
three on the Swift Dog count. Although the Swift Dog explanation
would seem to be the more plausible in this case, the author feels that
the High Dog interpretation is more nearly correct, as it has been
more consistent throughout and as in this case it agrees with the
counts of the Blue Thunder group. The Jaw Variant count seems
to bear this out. It shows a man who is represented as having been
scalped, and who has a coup stick by his head. Perhaps the travois
in the High Dog and Swift Dog counts represents the litters used to
bring back the dead and wounded from the battle. Vestal’s Hunkpapa
count gives ‘““Yanktonais Sioux almost wiped out in winter,” for the
year “1835” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348).
1836-37
Buve TxHunper: “Grand River winter camp place. Nothing
special. Peaceful winter. Made many feather bonnets in winter
time.”” No Two Horns: “A man got a headdress with horns on it
winter.” Buur THuNpreR Variants I, IJ, and III: “Grand River,
Wicijela had powerful winter.” All of the above counts show a
feather warbonnet with horns and a long black and red feathered
trailer. This pictograph seems definitely related to that used on the
High Dog and Swift Dog counts for the year 1834-35.
Hieu Doe: “Six Crow chiefs were killed by the Sioux.” The
Dakota text reads ‘‘Palani 6 wicaktepi (lit. Arikara (or Pawnee) six
they-killed).”” Swirr Doe: ‘Sioux killed six Rees. The author’s
oldest brother was born. . . .” Jaw Vartant: No interpretation.
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a row of six men wearing
the “enemy” hairdress. The Jaw Variant count shows two men
fighting with bows and arrows. One is wearing the ‘‘enemy”’’ hair-
dress. A heavy blue line is drawn beneath the warriors. This
pictograph is repeated on the Jaw Variant count, apparently for clarity,
rounding the acute angle formed by the leg of the sheep hide on which
it is painted. The pictographs are nearly identical, and it seems
obvious that only one year is meant. Perhaps the heavy blue line
represents ice, in which case the year’s event would correspond with
the battle on ice given by the Good (Mallery, 1893, p. 320), American
Horse (ibid., 1886, p. 139), Cloud Shield (ibid., 1886, p. 139), and
White-Cow-Killer (ibid, 1886, p. 139) counts for this year. High
Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 174) and Big Missouri (Cohen, 1939, p. 18)
give the event for the year ‘1837. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for
the year “1836” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348) and White Bull’s count for
the year “1835” (ibid., 1934 a, p. 264) may also be related.
374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
1837-388
BuLuE THUNDER: ‘Had a big small pox sickness. Noone die much.”
No Two Horns: ‘Small pox winter.”” Bhuz THUNDER VARIANTS
I, II, and III: “Smallpox, No one died.”” H1cH Doc ‘‘Smallpox carried
off to ‘Wanagi yakonpi’ [Spirit land, JH] many of the suffering
people. . . .” The Dakota text reads simply ‘‘Wica gaga (Wiéd-
hankhan lit. Smallpox).”” Swirr Doe: ‘A woman with spots on her
face. Smallpox killed many of the tribe.” Jaw anp JAW VARIANT:
(This is the beginning year for the Jaw count and the interpretation
accompanying it. Since the Jaw Variant count has no accompanying
interpretation, the author has placed it with the Jaw count for the
years where the two counts are concurrent. Welch calls the opening
year of the Jaw count 1847-48, evidently counting back from the
event labeled “Capture of Sitting Bull.” This event is, however,
incorrectly labeled, as has been amply demonstrated by comparing
this count with the others. The opening date of the Jaw count is
actually 10 years earlier, and the author has accordingly placed the
opening event here.) ‘Big Small pox.”
All of the counts show a human figure covered with spots. Vestal’s
Hunkapapa count correlates with these counts, giving the year
1837” as ‘“Wicdhkanlian Smallpox plague (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348).
1838-39
Buve TuHunper: “Found a white buffalo. Killed by ‘Poeya.’”
No Two Horns ‘‘‘Grey Day’ killed a white buffalo.” Buiur THUNDER
Variants I, IT, andIII:“‘‘P’O’jeje killed white buffalo.”’ The above
counts show a white buffalo wounded by an arrow.
Hicu Doc: “The Sioux take many spotted horses from the Crows
in a battle.” The Dakota text reads ‘Sunkile ska awicakilipi
(Sungléska awitdglipi lit. Spotted-horses they-brought-back).” Swirr
Dog: (Burdick’s supposed ‘‘Blue Thunder” interpretation, which has
been used with this count, ends with this year.) ‘The young man
brought spotted horses to his tribe.” Jaw anp Jaw Variant: “Brings
many horses.” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts and the Jaw
and Jaw Variant counts all show a spotted horse. Vestal’s Hunkpapa
count gives the year “‘1838”’ as the year when the spotted horses were
brought home (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348). It is possible that White
Bull’s reference to spotted horses for the year ‘‘1840” refers to this
event as well (ibid., 1934 a, p. 265).
1889-40
Buve Tuunper: “Across Fort Yates place. Attacked he was
a Chief with spectacles. Man from far away. Suspicious of him.
‘He comes attacking.’ Went out in night. Got killed. Don’t
ane DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 375
know who did that.” No Two Horns: “‘Man with spectacles’
went out and was killed in the hills.” Buoz Tuunper Variants I,
II, and III: “Across from Fort Yates a chief named Waanatoka came.
He had spectacles on. Was killed in the night.”
All of the above counts show a man wearing gogglelike spectacles.
Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and the Blue Thunder Variant II
count show him with two wounds in his body. Blue Thunder Variant
III shows him with only one wound, and Blue Thunder Variant I
shows him without any wound.
Hicu Doe: “An Indian woman hanged herself ‘because her husband
was killed’... .”. The Dakota text, however, reads ‘“‘Wikite wan
icikte kin (Winkte wan réikte kin lit. Transvestite a suicided the),”
Swirt Doc: No interpretation. JAw AND JAW VARIANT: “Woman
kill herself.”
“The Jast four counts show a figure in woman’s clothing who has
hanged herself (himself) from a tree or a pole. However, in the High
Dog and Swift Dog counts a penis is drawn on the ‘‘woman”’ indicating
a transvestite. This identification is confirmed by Vestal’s Hunkpapa
count for the year ‘1839’ which identifies the person as a ‘‘hermaphro-
dite,” and states that his name was ‘Grass’ (ibid., 1934 a, p. 348).
Vestal’s translation of ‘‘Winkte” as “hermaphrodite” seems incorrect,
and the author suggests transvestite as a better translation.
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count’s identification of this person as ‘“‘Grass’’
explains the item “Grass Killed Himself’’ which is given for the year
“1838” by White Bull (ibid., 1934 a, p. 265). Vestal comments that
it was unusual for a man to commit suicide by hanging himself (ibid.,
1934 a, p. 265). If the man were a homosexual and/or a transvestite,
however, this would not be unusual], as hanging was commonly re-
sorted to by women wishing to commit suicide.
1840-41
Buus Tuunper: “Going to battle and found Ree Indian ‘His Knife
Broad’ at mouth of Cannon Ball. Killed him then.” No Two
Horns: “The knife was full of blood winter.” Buiur THuNnpER
Variants I, II, and III: “Wicijela going to battle, Found Rees at
mouth of C. B. [Cannon Ball, JH] Call him ‘His Knife broad.’”’
The above counts show a knife with a bloody blade.
Hiex Doe: “Elk Spider, a chief was killed by the Crows.” The
Dakota text reads “Ikitomi heraka ktepa (lktémi-helidka ktepi lit.
Spider-elk died).”” Swir1 Doa: No interpretation. Jaw AND JAW
VaRIANT: “Elk Spider die winter.”? The last four counts show a man
with the name symbol of a spider which has large antlers, like those
of an elk. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year
“1840” (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348).
376 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173
1841-42
Buive Tuunper: “At Grand River in winter camp. But lots snow.
Couldn’t use horses. Made snowshoes. Killed lots buffalo. Call
that ‘They make snowshoes winter.’’’ No Two Horns: “Big snow
winter. People used shoes for snow.’”” Biur THUNDER VARIANTS
I, II, and III: “At G. R. [Grand River, JH] deep snow so could not
use horses for hunting, w. [with, JH] snow-shoes Killed lot buffalo.”
Hicu Doc “Snowshoes used again.” The Dakota text reads “Psa
ohanpi (lit. snowshoes).’”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw AND
Jaw Variant: “Snow shoes.”
The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, Blue Thunder Variant counts
J, II, and III, and Jaw counts show a man wearing snowshoes. The
High Dog, Swift Dog, and Jaw Variant counts show merely a snow-
shoe. High Dog and Swift Dog show it as it would be seen from above,
the Jaw Variant count shows it in a side view. Vestal’s Hunkpapa
count gives the snowshoe event for the year ‘1841’ (Vestal, 1934 b,
p. 348).
1842-43
Buus Tuunper: “Man ‘Holy Tracks Buffalo’ die. Bury him in
striped tipi. A big man but not a chief man.”” No Two Horns:
“Buried ‘Holy Buffalo Track’ in a tipi winter.”” BLus THUNDER
Variants I, II, and III: ‘‘Buffalo-Holy-Fish died and buried in a
striped tent.’’ All of the above counts show a tipi, which is striped
horizontally in all but the No Two Horns count. From under the
edge of this tipi a bison’s foot protrudes. Wavy lines emanate from
the hoof of this foot signifying “holy” or “sacred’’; in other words
“sacred buffalo track.” ‘‘The ‘fish’ element in the interpretation
used with Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III is probably incorrect.
The drawing of the bison’s foot somewhat resembles a fish tail, and
the author believes that the person who made this interpretation
interpreted the drawing as such.
Hieu Doe: “A chief lost in a battle with the Crows, and supposed
to be dead, returned later with a.Crow Horse.” The Dakota text,
however, reads ‘‘Hohe spela wanktepi (Hohe spéla wan ktepi lit.
Assiniboin deformed a they-killed).’”? Swirr Doc: No interpretation.
JAW AND JAW Variant: “Crow Indian. Scalpned and die.’”’ The
above counts show a man who has been scalped. On the Jaw and Jaw
Variant counts he is shown wearing the “‘enemy”’ hairdress. The
High Dog and Swift Dog counts, although showing the characteristic
forehead hair of the ‘“enemy”’ hairdress to be missing, indicate, by the
remainder of the hairdo, that the man is an enemy. This seems
puzzling in that for the other years on the counts a man is often shown
to be scalped and yet the hair remains to identify him on the count.
arf ia DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 377
A possible solution is suggested by Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the
year ‘1842’; this count gives ‘‘A small Assiniboin killed,” and
explains that he had previously been scalped but not killed (Vestal,
1934 b, p. 348).
1843-44
Buve Tuunper: ‘“Camped that winter above Fort Rice place.
Almost starving. These Hunkpati [Upper Yanktonai, JH] men
have a lodge with a red door. Made a prayer. Asked for the buffalo
to come around—They came. Called ‘Manliving in a red door winter’
or ‘Buffalo came with free will winter’ First time they had red as a
cloth.” No Two Horns: ‘‘We found a man dead in a tipi with a red
door.” Buvur Tounver Variants I, II, III: “Above F. [Fort, JH]
Rice Buffalo come to Wicijela when they were most stormy because
a holy man prayed, so called him Re Tiopa Sa Oti Pte-Akw’ (Le tidpagsa
oti pte aku lit. This door scarlet lodge buffalo came (?) JH.)”’ All of
the above counts show a tipi with a round red entrance.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts all
mention this or a very similar incident for this year (Mallery, 1886,
pp. 118-119). White Bull gives the event for the year “1842” (Vestal
1934 a, p. 265). The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush
counts all differ from the counts of the Blue Thunder group in repre-
senting the tipi as having a bison head painted on it instead of having
a red door (Mallery, 1886, pp. 118-119). The Lone Dog interpretation
identifies the shaman as being a member of the Sans Are (Jtdzipéo)
band of the Teton Dakota (ibid, p. 118).
Hiexu Doe: ‘Four Horns a chief went away and never returned.”
The Dakota text reads ‘“‘hetopa kilisni (He-tépa glisni lit. Horns-four
returned-not).’”’?’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw
Variant: ‘Four Horns die.” The last four counts show a man wear-
ing four horns on his head. The same incident is given for the year
“1843” in Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348). White
Bull mentions the event as occurring in ‘‘1845”’ but does not use it
in the picture for that year in his count (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 265). He
recounts that Four-horns, after having been given up for dead, re-
turned. His relatives, however, had already staged a give-away in
his memory, and had given away all of their property (ibid., p. 265);
1844-45
Buve Tuunper: ‘All the people they got measles. No one die.”
No Two Horns: ‘Measles time.” Buur Tounper Variants I, I,
and III: ‘Indians all over has measles. None died.’”’ Hien Doe:
“Measles. No great mortality.” The Dakota text reads ‘“Nawicasli
(lit. Measles).”” Swirr Doc: No interpretation. Jaw anv JAw
Variant: ‘Chicken pox.” All of the above counts show a human
378 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
figure covered with spots. Under this figure on the Blue Thunder
Variant III count is written “‘Wicaranran [Wiédhanhan lit. Smallpox,
JH]
White-Cow-Killer gives the year 1845-46 as “‘many sick Winter”
(Mallery, 1886, p. 141). Good gives a measles epidemic for 1845-46
(ibid., 1893, p. 322). High Hawk gives a measles epidemic for the
year ‘'1846” (Curtis, 1908, p. 175). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives
“1844” as “Nawitd sli [measles, JH] Severe skin eruption” (Vestal,
1934 b, p. 348). Foolish Woman’s Mandan count gives the year
“1846” as that of a chickenpox epidemic (Beckwith, 1938, p. 312).
1845-46
Buvue Tuounpver: “North of Heart River, ‘Red Leaf,’ Padani shot
him in the knee.’”?’ No Two Horns: “Had a battle and nearly everyone
got hit on the legs.” Buus THunper Variants I, II, and III:
“‘(Wicijela) Across H. [Heart, JH] River Rees shot Red Leaf.’”’ The
above counts show a man who is wounded below the knee or has his
leg missing below the knee. In the Blue Thunder Variant III count a
small hook-nosed figure has been drawn in, apparently by a much
later artist, on the man’s back, and the words ‘‘Hunka Wayuta”’ have
been written in above the figure. The meaning of this, if there is
any, has not been determined by the author.
Hicu Doe: ‘They killed 7 ‘tigers’ in the Black Hills, and as the
Crows claimed this territory, they killed 7 Sioux as a reprisal.’”’? The
Dakota text reads merely “Ikmu 7 wicoapi ([gmu sékowin witdopt
lit. Mountain-lions (cats) seven they-shot).’”’ Swirr Doa: No
interpretation. Jaw AND JAw Variant: “The kill seven lion.”
(“‘The’”’ means “they” in this interpretation. This may be merely a
typographical error, or it may result from the fact that the letter ‘“e”
is pronounced like the English ‘‘ay”’ in Dakota.)
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show seven catlike heads in a
row. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a lateral view of a
cougar. The Jaw count hasa large arabic figure ‘‘7”’ drawn in above
this puma and the Jaw Variant count has seven vertical marks above
it. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year ‘1845”
(Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348).
1846-47
Buve TuHunper: “This winter nothing much. ‘Buffalo Head’
sleeping, died.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Buffalo Head’ got died that
time.” Buus Tuunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘ ‘Was nothing’
Buffalo Head sleeping died.” All of the above counts picture an
anthropomorphic figure with a bison’s head except No Two Horns,
who merely shows a bison’s head.
re aig DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 379
Hrex Doa: ‘One man alone defended ‘the feathers,’ the flag against
great odds in a battle with the Crows.” The Dakota text reads
“Tabubu alowanpi (lit. Hump-back’s aléwanpi ceremony).’’ Swirt ”
Doe: No interpretation. JAw AND JAW VaRriANT: ‘‘Pabobo.” The
last four counts show what is evidently an Aléwanpi or Hunké
ceremony. A man is shown with the decorated wand used in this
rite. In the High Dog and Swift Dog counts he is presenting it to a
second person but in the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts only one person
is shown. American Horse gives what may be the same event,
stating “Big Crow and Conquering Bear had a great feast and gave
many presents” (Mallery, 1886, p. 142). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count
gives ‘‘Pabébo aléwanpi Pabobo’s adoption ceremony” (Vestal, 1934b,
p. 349).
1847-48
Buiuse THunper: “West of Cedar Creek, camping. White man
camping too. Lived with him. ‘Bad after Women.’” No Two
Horns: “‘At the forks of the Cedar and the Cannon Bell a white man
had a house by the side of a Sioux tipi.” Buus THUNDER VARIANTS
I, II, and III: “(Camping by upper C. B. [Cannon Ball, JH] River
and a White lived w. [with, JH] them. Call him ‘Bad after women.’ ”
The above counts show a tipi next to a log cabin. This whole picto-
graph is shown as being situated in the fork of a river, which is drawn
as if on a map.
Hicu Dose: ‘They camped by a Creek (in South Dakota) and from
having obtained Whiteman’s blankets they called it ‘Blanket Creek.’ ”
The Dakota text reads “Sina okipata wakipa el wanitipi (Sina-
okipata wakpd el waniiipi lit. Blanket quilted creek at they-camped-
for-the-winter).’”” Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw
Variant: “Some talk discussed.”
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts both show a tipi with a
striped blanket beside it. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show
very puzzling pictographs for this year. On both, two men, evidently
both Dakota, are apparently speaking with each other. Between
them is a stick or line with four small round objects attached to it.
On the Jaw Variant count a large square of blue is above both the men
and this object. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives “Wojin ecénpi Ota
Many contests,” for the year “1847” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 349).
1848-49
Buus TuHunper: “Two attack each other, Ree and Wiceyelo.”’
No Two Horns: “Two killed each other with knives.” Buiur
THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: “A Ree and a Wicijela killed
each other.”” The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder
380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Variant II and III counts show a lively action drawing of two men
fighting with knives. Both are wounded. The ‘‘enemy” hairdress
is not shown on either.
The Blue Thunder Variant I count apparently depicts a different
event. This count shows a man in scout’s costume, consisting of a
white capote and head kerchief, firing at a group of six men who
wear the “enemy” hairdress. These men are returning his fire.
Both the scout and his opponents are armed with rifles. One of the
“enemies” is represented as wounded.
Hicu Dos: ‘The Crows took a Sioux woman and held her as a
‘slave.’’’? The Dakota text reads “Winya wayaka wicaynazpi
(Winyan waydka witdyuzapi lit. Woman captive (slave) they took).”
Swirt Doc: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog
counts show a man on horseback, carrying a shield and wearing the
“enemy” hairdress, charging down upon & woman.
JAW AND JAW VaRiAnT: “No grass.”’ The Jaw and Jaw Variant
counts show a representation of a few blades of grass on a field.
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count has ‘‘No grass” for the year “1848” (ibid.,
p. 349). White Bull gives this event for “‘1848” as well (ibid., p. 266).
1849-50
Buuse TuHunper: ‘‘Wiciyelo living in log house, die without sick-
ness. ‘Has Thunder’ his name.’”’ No Two Horns: ‘We found a
dead Indian in a dry log house somewhere then.” Bruun THUNDER
Variants I, IJ, and III: “Wicijela ‘Has Thunder’ living in a big
house died with sickness.” The above counts show a man’s body
laid out in a log house.
Hicu Doa: ‘‘They went to hunt buffalo and were surprised by the
Crows.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wanaseta natahi (Wandse-ta
natdhi lit. Hunters-moose [7a means moose literally, but is probably
used here in a generic sense for all large game, JH] charged-upon).”
Swirt Doe: No interpretation. JAw AND Jaw VARIANT: “Battle of
hunting.”
The High Dog count shows a man on horseback counting coup on
a man who stands in front of him with a rifle. The man has the
“enemy” hairdress. The Swift Dog count shows the same except
that the man on horseback is wearing a warbonnet. The Jaw count
shows two men firing at one another. Between the two men is a
buffalo. Flashes of rifles are shown as well as bullets. The Jaw
Variant count is similar but more symbolic in nature. A large bison
hoofprint is in the center. On either side of this are representations
of rifle flashes. These are in turn flanked by horses hoofprints, and
the hoofprints are flanked by arrows. The same incident is given
for the year “1849” by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266) and on
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349).
quturp, Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 381
1850-51
Buue Tuunper: “Camping below Mandan winter. Saw white
man come to trade. Wiciyelo shot him with arrow. Not die but
killed Wicheyelo. Chief “T'wo Bears’ told Indians to kill murderer.”
No Two Horns: “A Dakota killed a white man with an arrow.”
Buus Tounper Variants J, I, anp III: “Camping over from C. B.
[Cannon Ball, JH] River & a trader came to trade a Wicejela killed the
would be murderer Chief Two Bear told Indians to kill him.”
Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants IT and
III show an arrow in a man who is evidently an Indian but is partially
dressed in white man’s clothing. The No Two Horns and Blue
Thunder Variant I counts are similar, but apparently represent a
white man, as no Indian clothing is in evidence. He wears a beard in
the Blue Thunder Variant I count.
Hien Dose: “Chief Catch Turtle died.” The Dakota text reads
“Kewayuspata (Kéya yuspa t’a lit. Turtle-catcher died).” Swirr
Doa: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Variant: “Mud Turtle die.”
The last four counts show a man with a turtle, or, in the Jaw Variant
count, merely a turtle. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives the year
“1850” as “Turtle Catcher dies” (ibid., p. 349).
1851-52
Buus THunper: “Ree Indian ‘Red Elk’ across Washburn place
came with Dakota, wintered. Call that time ‘Wintered Red Elk.’ ”
No Two Horns: “ ‘Red Elk’ died winter.”” Biur THunpmR Vari-
Ants I, IT, ann III: “ ‘Ree’ ‘Red Elk’ across from Washburn, lived with
Wicijela.”’
The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, IT, and III
show an anthropomorphic figure with a red elk’s head and upper body.
No Two Horns merely shows a red elk.
Hicu Dosa: ‘They wintered by Slave Heart Butte.”” The Dakota
text reads ‘Wayaka Paha el waniti (lit. Captive Butte at they-
camped).” Swirrt Doa: No interpretation. JAw AND JAW VARIANT:
“The Black [Hills ? JH] camp one.” The high Dog and Swift Dog
counts show a tipi beside a hill. From the center of the hill a small
round face peers out. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a tipi
beside a black hill.
1852-53
Buus THunver: “East of Berthold they wintered on Corn Hill.
That winter much snow. Had to wear snowshoes. Buffalo; many,
many.” No Two Horns: “Snow shoe winter.” Bius THUNDER
Variants I, II, ann III: ‘Kast of Ft. Berthold by ‘Cave Hill’ Wicijela
wintered, Deep snow, Hunt on 8S. [Snow, JH] Shoes.”’ All of the above
counts show a man wearing snowshoes. White Bull calls the year
4717626026
382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
1852” “Plenty Snow Winter” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266). Good
(Mallery, 1893, p. 323) and High Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 176) both
mention a severe winter.
Hicu Dosa: “A distemper in the winter. This same winter they
made a treaty with the Crows.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Psa akiya
akili alakata (Psd okiu agli (?) lit. Crows met-together
came-back (2)).”. Swirr Doe: No interpretation. JAW AND
Jaw Variant: No interpretation for this year.
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the
“enemy” hairdress standing beside a tipi. The Jaw and Jaw Variant
counts show two men shaking hands, one of whom wears the ‘‘enemy”’
hairdress. The interpretation of the High Dog count seems to relate
these last four counts to the Flame, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and
Swan counts for the year 1851-52, which represent a treaty with the
Crow (Mallery, 1886, pp. 120-121). The pictographs on the Jaw and
Jaw Variant counts make this even more certain. ‘The pictographs on
the High Dog and Swift Dog counts, however, which show a man
with the “enemy” hairdress outside a tipi, seem more closely related
to the Flame, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts for the
following year (ibid., pp. 120-121). These counts record an enemy
coming to the Dakota camp and forcing the Dakota to smoke the
peace pipe, thus securing protection for himself and his followers
(ibid., pp. 120-121). The Flame states that this man was a Crow,
while the Lone Dog and Touch-the-Clouds, son of the man to whose
tent these enemies came, say that they were Nez Percé (ibid., p. 121).
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count records a treaty with the Crow for the year
**1852” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 349).
1853-54
Buus Tuunper: “Out in Montana, Powder Creek (River) commit-
ted suicide. Only one Crow came attacking Dakota. One got killed
attacked alone.” No Two Horns: ‘“ ‘Four Horns’ was killed
winter.” Buus Tuunper Variants I, II, ann III: “Crow w. [with,
JH] War-bonnet was killed in winter in Montana on Powder Creek
attacked alone.” H1cuH Doe ‘Chief Four Horns was killed. A Crow
killed by Sioux.”” The Dakota text reads “hetopa an waktepi (He-
tépa un wan ktépi lit. Horns-four wearing a they-killed).” Swirr
Doc: No interpretation. JAw AND JAw Variant: ‘The [They, JH]
kill Four Horns.”
All of the counts show a man wearing an elaborate headdress with
four horns. In the counts of the Blue Thunder group he wears a long
capote in addition, and carries a tomahawk and a feathered society
lance. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count mentions this event for the year
“1853” (ibid., p. 349). Densmore, in her ‘Teton Sioux Music’
cee tg DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 383
mentions this event as occurring in 1852 (Densmore, 1918, p. 403).
She includes an illustration of a Dakota wearing a copy of the four-
herned bonnet worn by this man (ibid., opp. p. 402). Judge Frank
Zahn stated that all of the Dakota who took part in the battle in which
this man was killed later wore this style of bonnet at dances.
1854-55
Buve Tuunper: “Above Berthold, White Earth Creek, battled
there. Wicyelo and Hohe.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Scraper’ killed by
his children.””, Buuze Tuunper Variants I, II, and IIT: ‘‘At White
Earth Creek Wicijela and Hohe had a battle.” Hien Doe: “Bear
Heart was killed by a Crow Indian.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Mato
cante ktepi (lit. Bear heart they-killed).”” Swirr Doc: No interpre-
tation. JAW AND JAW VaRIANT: “The woman kill with knife.”
The pictographs on the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant
counts I, II, and III are puzzling when compared with their inter-
pretations. Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and the Blue Thunder
Variant counts IT and IIT show a man carrying a bow in one hand
and an elk antler scraper in the other. The Blue Thunder Variant I
count shows a man wearing a capote made of a Hudson’s Bay blanket.
He is carrying a bow in his hand and is represented as being wounded.
Above this man’s head, and evidently once intended as his name
symbol, is the elk antler scraper of the other counts. This is now
separated from him by the line which is used on this count to separate
the rows of pictographs.
It appears that the person who made this count drew this man
dressed in the capote and armed with the bow because he had for-
gotten the real meaning of the pictograph. In this case the Blue
Thunder Variant I drawing is closer to the High Dog and Swift
Dog counts than it is to the other counts of the Blue Thunder group.
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the “‘enemy”’
hairdress firing upon a man who is wearing a blanket capote and is
armed with a bow and arrow. The man with the bow, however, has
the name symbol of a bear above his head rather than an elk antler
scraper. The Jaw count depicts a man stabbing a woman. The
Jaw Variant count shows a woman who has been stabbed in the back.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts give
“Brave Bear was killed’’ for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 121). Cloud
Shield also gives ‘“‘Brave Bear was killed . . .” (ibid., p. 143). Amer-
ican Horse and White-Cow-Killer give the man’s name as Conquering
Bear (ibid., 1886, p. 143). White Bull gives “Brave Bear was killed”
for the year 1854” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266). The High Dog and
Swift Dog counts for this year seem to be definitely related to these
counts.
384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives ““Nobody-Catches-Him stabs (His
sister-in-law) for the year “‘1854” (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349). The No Two
Horns, Jaw, and Jaw Variant counts seem to be related to this event.
The Blue Thunder count, and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III
seem to combine both events, especially the Blue Thunder Variant I
count. The scraper seems to connect the Blue Thunder and Blue
Thunder Variant counts I, IT, and III with the incident described by
No Two Horns, while the bow and the capote shown in the Blue
Thunder Variant I count relate them to the “Brave Bear’ event.
Their interpretations definitely connect them with this occurrence.
1855-56
Buiue THunper: “Fort Pierre in winter time. White man called
‘White Beard’ called council with Indians. Made treaty with him.
Kept him all winter.” No Two Horns: ‘‘‘White Beard’ a white
man, held the Indians together. He went into the camps and held
them.”? Buur THunpER Variants I, II, and III: ‘White bearded White
man at Pierre came & called all Indians. So came & made a treaty.
Kept him there all winter.”” Hien Doe: ‘“They had a Whiteman in
camp with a long grey beard, and they took care of him through the
winter.” The Dakota text reads ‘Putihiska wa akijaja (Putinhin-ska
wan akizize lit. Beard-white a detains-them).” Swirr Doc: No
interpretation. JAw anp JAW VARIANT: “First treaty.”
All of the counts show a white man with a beard. In the Jaw and
Jaw Variant counts he is shaking hands with an Indian. The Flame,
Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts all give the interpre-
tation that this year the Dakota made a treaty with Putinska, or
General Harney, at Fort Pierre (Mallery, 1886, p. 121). White Bull
(Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266) and Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b,
p. 349) give the interpretation that this year Harney seized some
Dakota and held them prisoner at Ash Hollow.
1856-57
Buue Txunper: “Hohe fight Wiceyelo Hohe named ‘Yellow
Bucket’ got killed.” No Two Horns: ‘‘‘Yellow Pail’ killed while
on wer trail.””, Buur THunprer Variants I, IJ, and III: ‘“The Hohe
and Wicijela had battle, ‘Yellow Bucket’ killed.”” The above counts
show a man carrying a bow in one hand and a yellow pail or bucket in
the other. He does not wear the “enemy” hairdress. He is repre-
sented as being wounded.
Hicu Doa: “Good Bear tore a war-bonnet from a Crow’s head in
a fight,’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wapaha wan yukisapi (Wapdéha
wan yuksdpi lit. Warbonnet a tearing).”” Swirr Doa: No interpre-
tation. Jaw ano Jaw Vartanr: ‘The loud Bear tore war hat.”
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show two warriors on horseback.
ane: DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 385
One wears the ‘‘enemy” hairdress and a long feathered bonnet. The
other has torn part of the bonnet trailer off. The Jaw count shows
substantially the same things, but only the upper parts of the bodies
of the two men are shown. The Jaw Variant count shows only the
bonnet itself, with the trailer represented as being torn in two. Ves-
tal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year “1856” (Vestal,
1934 b, p. 349).
1857-58
Brus THunpErR: “Ree, Mandans, and Gros Ventre got attacked
by Wiceyelo. Six Wiceyelo got killed at Fort Berthold.”” No Two
Horns: ‘‘They came and killed five winter.” Buuz TaounpER VaRI-
ants I, I, and III: “‘Wicijela had battle at Ft. B. [Fort Berthold,
JH]; 6 enemy killed,” Higu Doa: ‘They returned from a battle with
the Crows, having killed many.’”’ The Dakota text reads “Ota kte
pi akili pi (Ota ktépi aglipi lit. Many they-killed they-returned).”
Swirt Doa: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Varrant: ‘The
(they, JH) brings many kills.”
The Blue Thunder count shows five wounded men. The No Two
Horns count hes only one man but five wound symbols. Blue Thun-
der Variant counts I and II show six wounded men. The Blue
Thunder Variant III count shows five wounded men. The High
Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the “enemy” hair-
dress with three feathered coup sticks touching his head. The Jaw
count shows a man who is wearing the “enemy” hairdress, but is also
represented as being scalped, being taken by the hand by a Dakota
(brought back). The Jaw Variant count merely depicts a man with
the ‘‘enemy”’ hairdress who is also represented as being scalped.
Cloud Shield gives “They surrounded and killed ten Crows’’ for
this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 143). White Bull gives ‘Ten Crows
killed at Captive Butte” for the year 1857” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266).
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year “1857” gives the same Dakota
text as High Dog, but translates it ‘“Kills-Plenty (Little-Assiniboin,
Sitting Bull’s captive ‘brother’) brought home (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349).
1858-59
Buus TuHunper: “Next winter going to camp some place. Crow
Indians attack. None killed. ‘Eagle Nest’ die without sickness.
Father of Sitting Bull named ‘Jumping Bull’ he die too.” No Two
Horns: “‘‘Eagle Nest’ died winter.” Buus THunprer Variants I,
II, and III: “Going to camp, Crows attacked no one killed that
winter. Eagle Nest die with sickness.”
The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III
show a man with the name symbol of an eagle sitting in a nest. No
386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Two Horns merely shows the name symbol without the human figure
in association.
Hicu Dog: “‘A man named Paunch killed a white buffalo.” The
Dakota text reads: ‘‘Pato pi pte sa wan o (Patopi (?) pte san wan o lit.
Patopi (?) buffalo (actually buffalo cow but used here in a generic
sense) cream-colored a he-shot.”” Swirt Dog: No interpretation.
JAW AND JAw Variant: “The |They, JH] shooting white buffalo.”
The High Dog, Swift Dog, and Jaw Variant counts show a white
buffalo with an arrow sticking in its side and a mounted man armed
with a bow behind it. The Jaw count shows a man with a bow
standing beside a white buffalo which has been wounded with an
arrow. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year “1858” gives this event
as well, identifying the hurter as Patopi which is translated ‘Four
Heads” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 349). The place is indicated as being near
Slim Buttes, S. Dak. (ibid., p. 349).
1859-60
Buve Tuunver: ‘‘Lone Dog’ get killed when eight go to war.
One man got home. Fought Hohe and seven got killed in Montana.”
No Two Horns: “‘Red Robe’ came back home. Killed seven.”
Buvue Tounper Variants I, II, and III: “Long Dog, Jumping Bull
died got killed, 8 went to battle, 7 killed by Hohe.” Hieu Doa:
“Five brothers named ‘‘Simko-hanska (Long Dog) killed by Crows.”
The Dakota text reads “Sunkahan skaktepi (Sunka-hdnska ktepi lit.
Dog-long they-killed).””. Swirr Doe: No interpretation. JAw AND
Jaw Variant: ‘Big Crow kill.”
The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, IT, and III
show a man wearing a robe and carrying a rifle, behind which are seven
wounded men. The No Two Horns count is similar but shows only
seven wounds in the place of the men in the other counts. The man
has a red robe on the No Two Horns and Blue Thunder Variant I and
II counts, a white one on the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant
IT counts.
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man with the name
symbol of a dog or horse. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a
man with the name symbol of a black bird. He is represented as
being wounded on the Jaw count and as being scalped on the Jaw
Variant count.
The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts mention
Big Crow’s death for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 123). Good men-
tions it as well (ibid., 1898, p. 325). High Hawk mentions this event
for the year ‘'1860” (Curtis, 1908, p. 178). White Bull (Vestal, 1934
a, p. 266) and Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349) give
the event for “1859.”
Anthrop. Pap.
No6lho DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 387
1860-61
Buus Tuunper: “ ‘Feather in his Body,’ a Wiceyelo, froze to
death.” No Two Horns: ‘‘Hagle Back get sick. Died.” BuivuE
THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘A Wicijela ‘Feather Body’ Froze
to death.’”? The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show a
man with eagle feathers attached to his body. The Blue Thunder
Variant I count shows a man with a bird on his chest. Blue Thunder
Variants II and III show a man with a large bird perched on his back.
Hicu Doa: “A man killed 10 race horse and so was named Race-
Horse... .” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Kaginigi suteyapi (Kahniinih
Sutéyapi lit. Selected-ones caused-to-fail (ruined)).””. Swirr Doe:
No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Variant: “The [they, JH] kills
some pretty horse.” The last four counts show a horse with an arrow
in its back. This event is mentioned in Vestal’s Hunkpapa count as
well (ibid., p. 349).
1861-62
Buve Tuunver: “Camped on Heart River and Hohe stole a lot
of horses.”” No Two Horns: ‘‘The Hohe stole many Teton horses
winter.” Brus Tuunpver Variants I, II, and III: ‘Hohe stole a
lot of horses from Wicijela (H. [Heart, JH] River).” The above
counts show a man wearing the ‘“‘enemy” hairdress, and the blanket
cloth capote and leggings which are sometimes used to designate the
Assiniboin, Plains-Ojibwa, and Plains-Cree. The man is leading a
horse. Hoofprints beneath the horse indicate plurality.
Hicu Doa: ‘The [they, JH] tracked the Crows who had stolen
some horses from the Sicux and in a fight a Sioux leader named
Tracks Weasel was killed. . . .””. The Dakota text reads “‘Itunkasa
luta ktepi (Jttinkasan-luta ktepi lit. Weasel-red they-killed.”” Swirt
Doe: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Variant: “The [they, JH]
kill red weasel.”
The last four counts show a man with the name symbol of a red
weasel. The Jaw Variant count represents him as being scalped.
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a prominent penis on this
man for some reason.
The White-Cow-Killer count mentions a raid for horses by the Crow
for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 144). Good mentions this as well
(ibid., 1893, p. 325). High Hawk mentions a raid for horses by the
Crow for the year ‘1862” (Curtis, 1908, p. 178). Vestal’s Hunkpapa
count for the year ‘‘1861’’ mentions Red Weasel’s death (Vestal, 1934
b, p. 349). The author believes that all of the counts mentioned in
connection with this year are referring to the same event, but that
in some the death of Red Weasel is not noted.
388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173
1862-68
f= Buuz Tuunper: “Heart River. Hohe attack Sioux there. Twenty
killed of Hohe. Call it ‘Twenty Hohe got killed winter.’”” No Two
Horns: “We killed many Hohe on a hill top.” Buiur THunper
Variants I, II, and JII: ‘“Hohes came and were killed.” Hiau
Doa: ‘They exterminated a band of ‘Hake’ with whom they fought.
These were probably Creek [Cree, JH] Indians.”’ The Dakota text
reads “hohe 20 wicaktepi (Assiniboin-Plains-Ojibwa-Plains Cree 20
they-killed).”” Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw anp JAW VaR-
tant: “The [they, JH] many kills Crows or Hohe.”
The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, IT, and III
show a rectangle filled with wounded men who wear the ‘‘enemy”
hairdress. Rifle flashes are shown as well. No Two Horns has a
similar drawing, but shows only one man in the rectangle. The High
Dog and Swift Dog counts show a circle with small heads, wearing
the “enemy” hairdress, around the inside. There are 15 of these
heads shown on the High Dog count, 12 on the Swift Dog count. The
Jaw count is similar to the Blue Thunder counts except that the rifle
flashes are outside the rectangle, converging upon it. The men are
represented as being scalped rather than wounded in the body as in
the counts of the Blue Thunder group. The Jaw Variant count has
three scalped heads, wearing the ‘‘enemy”’ hairdress, on the summit
ofa hill. The fight with the Hohe is mentioned in Vestal’s Hunkpapa
count for the year “1862” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).
1863-64
Buus Tuunper: ‘ ‘Big Head’ was prisoner by soldiers. Let him
die when he got home.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Big Brain’ died then.”
Buive Tounper Variants I, II, and III: ‘Big Head a prisoner of
soldiers, Let him come home & he died.’”? The above counts show a
man wearing his hair in two braids and with two eagle feathers in his
hair. The Blue Thunder Variant I and No Two Horns counts show
his head disproportionately large, but the others do not.
Hien Doe: “While fighting the Crows they found a boy in a coyote
trap and killed him.”” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Toka kuwa wan kte
(Tokd(la)-kiwa wan kte (pi,?) lit. Kit-fox hunter a they-killed).”
Swirr Dog: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog
counts show a man on horseback counting coup on a standing figure
wearing the ‘‘enemy”’ hairdress.
A similar event is mentioned for this year by American Horse,
Cloud Shield, and White-Cow-Killer (Mallery, 1886, p. 144). They
give the boy’s tribe as Dakota, however, and the assailants as Crow
(ibid., p. 144). Good mentions the event as well, and also reverses
the identities of the participants (ibid., 1893, p. 325). High Hawk
gatnron, Ran: DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 389
gives this event for the year “1863” and also states that the boy was
a Dakota and that he was killed by the Crow (Curtis, 1908, p. 178).
JAW AND JAW VaRIANT: ‘Hooping cough.” The last two counts
show a man with lines emanating from his mouth to signify coughing.
This event is mentioned in Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year
“1863” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).
1864-65
Buiur Tuunper: “Soldier camp to make treaty with Wiceyelo,
but they run off. They take three prisoners. “True Word’ at the
head of them. He is father of ‘Two Bears’ and a prisoner at Fort
Rice.” No Two Horns: “A man was a prisoner. He told the
truth then. We named him that.” Biur THunpsr VARIANTS
I, II, and ITI: ‘Soldiers come to Wicijela. They run off, soldiers got
one man called ‘True Word’ two other prisoners (father of Two Bears)
at F. [Fort, JH] Rice.” The above counts show a man wearing leg
shackles. The Blue Thunder Variant I count shows him wearing a
ball and chain as well.
Hien Doa: ‘They captured and held a White-woman. They
would not give her up because they liked her and believed she meant
good luck to them.” The Dakota text reads ““Wayaka wiyapeyapi
(lit. Captive they-traded-back).”’ Swirr Doa: No interpretation.
JAW AND JAW Variant: ‘White girl capture at fort Piarre.”’
The last four counts show a white woman dressed in the clothing
of the time. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show her waist
pinched in, probably to suggest a corset, a feature of white women
which apparently impressed the Dakota. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count
gives the same event for the year ‘‘1864,”’ and he identifies the woman
as Mrs. Fanny Kelly (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).
1865-66
Buvur Tuunpsr: ‘Big Bend country. Wiceyelo camped at Turtle
head, got killed by man with knife. Murdered.””, No Two Horns:
“Turtle Head’ was stabbed to death that time.” Biur THunprER
Variants J, II, and III: “At Big Bend ‘Turtle Head’ stabbed and
killed w. [with, JH] knife.”” The above counts show a man with the
name symbol of a turtle who is represented as having a knife sticking
out of a wound in his back. There are several other wounds on his
body as well.
Hieu Dos: ‘They discovered a way to make blood puddin....
The Dakota text, however, reads ‘‘Leje awicaya (Léze awitaya lit.
Urinate often).”” Swirr Doea: No interpretation. The above two
counts show a man with a large penis, which is represented as dripping
urine in the High Dog count. This year’s symbol might possibly
refer to the contraction of some venereal disease from the whites.
”)
390 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
Jaw AND Jaw Variant: ‘Many blood cook.” The Jaw and Jaw
Variant counts show a kettle or bucket which is full of a red liquid.
In this case the drawing actually seems to refer to the making of
blood pudding, and is not intended to disguise the count’s real mean-
ing. It is interesting to note that the interpreter of the High Dog
count, when he did not wish to divulge the real meaning of the event
pictured, gave instead the interpretation accompanying another count,
indicating that he was familiar with at least two different winter counts.
1866-67
Buus THunper: “ ‘Pizi’ (Gall) tried to make a treaty at Fort Rice,
but soldiers stabbed him. He had not done anything bad. He and
Grass went together to talk with that head soldier.””, No Two Horns:
‘Gall’ was stabbed by a soldier bayonet at bend of river, below
where Elbowoods is now. There were soldiers houses there.” BLuE
Tuunper Variants I, II, and II: ‘Gall went to F. (Fort, JH] to
make a treaty. Soldiers tried to kill him. He had not done any-
thing.” Hien Doe: “Pizi, Gall, the man of all men on the Indian
side when Gen’! Custer went down in defeat on June 25, 1876, was
taken by Gen’l Miles and held prisoner. It was for a time believed
be had been put to death.” The Dakota text reads simply ‘‘Pizi
capapi (lit. Gall they-stabbed).”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation.
Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants I, II,
and III show a man who has the bayonets of two rifles stuck into his
body. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a soldier stabbing
an Indian with a bayoneted rifle.
Jaw AND Jaw Variant: “Seven Emeni [Enemy, JH] kill.” The
Jaw count shows a circle in which the heads of seven Indians wearing
the “‘enemy” hairdress are depicted. The Jaw Variant count shows
a circle as well, but the four men inside it are evidently soldiers, for
they are wearing black hats and blue coats. There are rifle flashes
around the outside of the circle.
It appears that for this year the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts are
depicting different events. White-Cow-Killer gives “Seven-Pawnee-
killed-winter” for 1867-68, and this seems related to the event on the
Jaw count (Mallery, 1886, p. 144). The representations of the men
as white soldiers on the Jaw Variant count seems to connect its picto-
graph with the Fetterman Massacre of December 21, 1866. ‘This is
given as “(One hundred white men killed” on the American Horse and
White-Cow-Killer counts for this year (ibid., p. 144). High Hawk
gives it for “1867” (Curtis, 1908, p. 179). White Bull gives it for
“1866” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 269). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives it
for ‘1866’ also (ibid., 1984 b, p. 350).
Sue son eee. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 391
1867-68
Buve Tuunper: ‘Nothing winter. Hard winter too. Call ‘Carry
the wood winter.’ Two boys froze to death then.” No Two Horns:
“The children of ‘Takes the Wood’ die then.”” Biur THUNDER VaRI-
ants I, II, and III: “Hard winter “Takes-the-Word’ S 2 [Sons, two,
JH] boys froze.”
The above counts show two figures dressed in white capotes lying
in a horizontal position. ‘The name symbol of an arm taking a branch
of wood (shown on the Blue Thunder count and on Blue Thunder
Variants IT and III), a man taking a branch (shown on Blue Thunder
Variant I) or merely a branch (shown on the No Two Horns count),
indicate that the Blue Thunder and No Two Horns interpretations of
the father’s name are correct.
Hiex Doe: ‘A Sioux woman broke her leg.” or ‘‘A Sioux woman
died over in Montana. .. .” The Dakota text reads “Winya wan hu
wakise (Winyan wan hu wan ksa lit. Woman a leg a broke).” Swirr
Doe: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show
a woman whose leg is broken and bleeding.
JAW AND JAW VARIANT: ‘‘Many icey weather.” The Jaw and Jaw
Variant counts merely show a blue circle, representing ice, for this
year. On the Jaw count this is the only pictograph which uses any
color besides red or black, although blue is also used for the lines con-
necting the pictographs to show the sequence of events. A cold
winter with ice or sleet is mentioned by White Bull for the year ‘‘1867”
(Vestal, 1934 a, p. 267). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count mentions this as
well (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350). White Bull mentions the leg breaking
event in connection with this year as well, but does not include it in
the name of the year (ibid., 1934 a, pp. 267-268).
1868-69
Buus Tuunper: “Catholic priest Father De Smet tried to make a
treaty with the Tetonwanna [Teton division of the Dakota, JH] Blue
Thunder drive twenty Tetons home to take. Sitting Bull had good
men sent with them Gall to see what terms to make treaty, Were their
envoys when they got there. Gall made prisoner. Gave word they
were going to hang him too. Two Bears protested. They took off
his shirt and slashed and beat him. Then let him go. Tetons very
angry. No peace, no trust.” No Two Horns: ‘‘A priest went into
Sitting Bulls camp and shook hands.” Biur TuHunper Variants I,
II, and III: ‘(De Smet went to Tetons to make treaty. ‘Blue Thun-
der’ went with him S (Sitting, JH] Bull’s head men.”’ The above
counts all show a Catholic priest carrying an American flag.
Hiau Dog: They slew 15 Crow Indians. “The Dakota text reads
“Ttazipco ake zapi ta wocaktepi (Itdzipéo ake-zdptan witdktepi lit.
392 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173
Sans-arcs fifteen they-killed).””, Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw
AND JAW VARIANT: “Kill fifteen No Crows.” The High Dog and
Swift Dog counts show 5 men, not wearing the ‘‘enemy”’’ hairdress,
and 15 vertical marks. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a man
with a bow, also not wearing the ‘‘enemy” hairdress, and 15 vertical
marks. The Jaw Variant count shows a coup stick touching his head
in addition. In the light of the Dakota text and the absence of the
“enemy” hairdress in the pictographs it seems likely that the High
Dog identification of the men as Crows is incorrect. The bow in the
Jaw and Jaw Variant counts indicates that the men were Sans-arcs
(lit. No-bows, the Itazipco division of the Teton Dakota). The ‘‘No
Crows” of the Jaw and Jaw Variant interpretation is probably an in-
correct rendering of ‘‘No Bows.”’ The use of the bow device is noted
by Mallery for the year 1815-16 on the Flame, Lone Dog, and Swan
counts, and it probably occurs on the Mato Sapa and Bush counts
also (Mallery, 1886, p. 109).
Good’s count mentions 15 Sans Arcs being killed for this year as well
(Mallery, 1893, p. 326). High Hawk gives this event for the year
“1869” (Curtis, 1908, p. 179). White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 268) and
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350) give it for ‘‘1868.”
1869-70
Buus THunper: ‘‘Wiceyelo went up and attacked the Rees. A
man with a wife. Wiceyelo saw them and killed them both.” No
Two Horns: ‘‘A man dressed like a woman killed. He was part man
and part woman.” Biue THUNDER VaRIANTs I, II, and ILI: ‘Wici-
jela attacked Rees. Saw a man and woman getting wood & killed
them (Wicijela).”” The above counts show a woman with a bundle of
wood on her back. She is represented as being wounded.
Hiau Doe: “They slew 30 Crow Indians.” The Dakota text reads
“Kanigi wicasa 30 wicaktepi (Kangi-witasa wikéémna-yamni wiédk-
tepr lit. Crow men thirty they-killed).’”” Swirr Doe: “No interpreta-
tion. JAW AND JAW Variant: ‘30 Crows kill.”” The High Dog and
Swift Dog counts show a circle with several human heads around the
inside. The heads are shown wearing the “enemy” hairdress. In the
High Dog count 14 heads are shown, in the Swift Dog, 15. The Jaw
count shows a scalped man, wearing the ‘‘enemy”’’ hairdress, under
which there are 30 vertical marks. The Jaw Variant count shows the
same with the addition of a feathered coup stick touching the man’s
head.
The Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts record a battle
with the Crow for the year 1870-71, but Lone Dog states that only 29
of the 30 Crow were killed (Mallery, 1886, pp. 126-127). This event
is mentioned by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 268) and in Vestal’s
Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350) for “1869.”
eee Pee: DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 393
1870-71
Buve Tuunper: “Wintered at first Grand River and many horses
die, drowned. . . .’, No Two Horns: ‘Many horses froze to death
winter.”” Buur THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: “At Grand R.
[River, JH] many horses die in flood.”” Blue Thunder and the Blue
Thunder Variant counts J, II, and IIT show a horse and many hoof-
prints, indicating plurality. The No Two Horns count merely shows a
horse’s head and neck, together with hoofprints.
Hieu Doe: “Chief Crowfeather died (Natural death).”” The Da-
kota text reads ““Kangi wiyakata (Kangi-wiyaka t’a lit. Crow feather
he-died).”” Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts originally
showed a man with the name symbol of what appears to be the feather
of a golden eagle. On the High Dog count, however, the figure of a
Crow has been added in blue ink at a later date. Perhaps the event
noted for this year is the same as that given by the Flame, as the draw-
ings are very similar (Mallery, 1886, p. 126). The interpretations of
the two counts, however, do not support this idea.
JAW AND JAW VarIAnt: “Chippiwai came.” Both the Jaw and
the Jaw Variant counts show a man in a small four-wheeled wagon or
cart. In the Jaw Variant count he is wearing a red coat or shirt.®
The pictograph probably refers to a visit of the Plains-Ojibwa—
Plains-Cree mixbloods. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event
for the year ‘1870’ (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).
1871-72
Buue Taunper: “White man got killed by Dakota. ‘Brain’
killed him.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Brings Back’ shot a white man
winter.” Buuge THunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘White man
killed by ‘Brain.’”” The Blue Thunder count and Blue Thunder
Variants I, IT, and III show a man dressed in white man’s clothing,
with, however, long black hair and a wawéslata wandpin or bone
hair-pipe necklace. He has an arrow protruding from a wound in his
side. The No Two Horns count shows substantially the same, but
pictures the man with short hair and without the Indian necklace.
Hieu Doe: “Little Crow, a chief died.”” The Dakota text reads
“Kangi cigalata (Kangi cigala t’a lit. Crow little he-died).” Swrr1
Dog: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name
symbol of a black bird.
6 The present writer believes that the red coat is to carry the idea of ‘‘Sa’’, or scarlet, in the word Sagd4Sa,
which is the word commonly used by the Dakota to designate Canadians. The word is apparently a loan
word in Dakota, probably from some Algonquian language. Present-day Dakota have a folk method of
“analyzing’”’ unfamiliar words by splitting them into their component syllables. This works fine with
Dakota words, but, of course, is invalid in the case of borrowed words, in this case, for example, where the
Sagd4sa is depicted with a red coat merely because the last syllable of his group’s name happens to be the
same as the Dakota word for “scarlet.”” For a similar instance of this sort see the High Dog and Swift
Dog counts for the year 1814-15.
394 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
JAW AND JAW VARIANT: ‘‘Chase horses around the camp.” Both
counts show a tipi with hoofprints circling it. Vestal’s Hunkpapa
count gives this event for the year ‘1871’ (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).
Vestal mentions that the Crow stole nearly all of the Dakota horses
during this raid (ibid., pp. 171-172).
1872-73
BuuE THunpeEr: “ ‘Two Bears’ went to Washington. Came back.
Went to war. ‘Standing Bull’ (Buffalo) got killed by another Wice-
yelo or Hohe maybe. Clashed over policy to Whites.” No Two
Horns: ‘“ ‘Standing Buffalo’ killed by some one unknown. Up
north on a river place... .” Buus THUNDER Variants I, IT, and
Ill: “ “fwo Bears’ at Wash-ton [Washington, JH] when he got back,
a battle and ‘Standing Bull’ killed by another Wiciyela.”” The Blue
Thunder count and Blue Thunder Variants I, JI, and III show an
anthropomorphic figure with a bison’s head. He is represented as
being wounded. No Two Horns merely shows a wounded bison
standing on its rear feet.
Hicu Doe: ‘‘Turning Bear killed a Crow who came to his tent to
fight.”” The Dakota text reads “Mato kawige ti hi wankte (Mato-
kawinge tt hi wan kte lit. Bear-turning-to-recline lodge came a he-
killed).” Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts show a
mounted man counting coup on a man who is not mounted and who
wears the ‘‘enemy”’ hairdress. The mounted man has the name
symbol of a bear.
JAW AND JAW Variant: ‘Crow Kiil on White Horse.” Both the
Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a wounded man who is wearing the
“enemy” hairdress and is mounted on a white horse. The Jaw
Variant count shows the man to be scalped and with a feathered coup
stick touching his head. White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, pp. 268-269)
and Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934b, p. 350) refer to an enemy
on a horse, identified as a Crow by White Bull, being killed, for the
year ‘‘1872.”
1873-74
Buve Taunper: “Boy soldier, ‘Bad Bird,’—Sioux Scout got
killed by white man at Fort Rice.”” No Two Horns: ‘The whites
killed Bad Bird Winter.” Buur Tounper Variants I, II, and III:
“ ‘Bad Bird’ ‘Big Soldier’ Sioux Scout killed by Whitemen (Rice).”’
All of the above counts show a man wearing a soldier’s uniform who is
wounded. The name symbol of a bird is above his head. He wears
a hat in the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant
II, and III counts, but in the Blue Thunder Variant I count he wears
a small feather ‘‘dream headdress” at the back of his head.
Hieu Doe: ‘A Crow stole a white horse from someone.” The
al
pena: DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 395
Dakota text reads “Ika colo tawa wan eyayapi ([kdn-ééla tinwan
wan iydyapi lit. Rope-without reins a they-went-away).” Swirr
Doa: No interpretation. Both counts show a white horse with a
rope about its neck.
Jaw AND Jaw VaRIANT: “Five Canadian kill.” Both counts show
a circle with small heads inside. There are rifle flashes and on the
Jaw Variant count horses hoofprints. Five heads are shown on the
Jaw count, and they are represented as Indians. Four heads are
shown on the Jaw Variant count, and they are represented as whites
or mixbloods, as they wear hats. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives
the year “1873” as the year in which the Dakota fought with the
Red River mixbloods (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). This event is men-
tioned by White Bull as well, also for “‘1873,’”’ but is not used in the
name of the year (ibid., 1934 a, p. 269).
1874-76
Buiuz THunper: “ ‘Rain-in-the-Face’ and Big Bear or Tom
Hannan in prison at Fort Abraham Lincoln. Rain in the Face not
known much before this time.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Rain in the
Face’ (Itomagaju) [Ité-o-magazu, JH] was prisoner at Fort Abraham
Lincoln.” Buiuse THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Rain-In-The-
Face & Two Horns (Wopepe) prisoners.” All of the above counts
show an Indian man with a small rain cloud above his head which is
raining down on his upturned face. He wears leg irons.
Hiex Doe: “A fat Crow Indian was killed by the Sioux... .”
The Dakota text reads ‘‘Toka cepa wan kte pi (Toka ¢épa wan ktépi
lit. Enemy fat a they-killed).”” Swirr Doc: Ne interpretation.
Jaw: “Fat crow Indian kill.” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts
show a man wearing the “‘enemy” hairdress. There was apparently
no indication of the man’s obesity on either count originally, but at
some late date someone has drawn a few extra lines, apparently to
show his fatness, on the High Dog count. The Jaw count shows a
fat man who has been scalped. The Jaw Variant count omits this
year, probably due to an oversight in the copying, as the pictographs
for this year and the following year are quite similar on the Jaw count.
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count mentions the fat Crow’s death for the year
“1874” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350).
1875-76
BiuE TuHunper: “Found keg of whiskey at Fort Yates place,
near the shore. Made a council and drank it all up. Many drunk.”
No Two Horns: “Found a barrel of whiskey. Had a good time.”
Buue THunper Variants J, II, and III: “They found a barrel of
whiskey near store at Yates, Had a council and drank it all up. Knew
whiskey well, Lots of it before, I drink and was drunk.”
396 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Blue Thunder and No Two Horns show a keg of whiskey set on
end with whiskey flowing from a bunghole into a cup. Blue Thunder
Variants I, IJ, and III merely show a keg, a jug, and a cup in asso-
ciation. White Bull mentions whiskey for the year “1875” but does
not include it in the name for the year (ibid., 1934 a, p. 269). He
states that it was given to the treaty party which signed the Black
Hills treaty, and that they were drunk in order to get them to sign.
Hieu Doe: “In early summer we were visited by Appache [sic,
JH] Indians who rode white horses. . . .”” The Dakota text reads
simply ‘“Sunka ska hi kin (lit. Dog white came the).””, Swirr Doe:
No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Variant: ‘White dog came.”
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the “‘enemy”’
hairdress who has the name symbol of a white dog above his head.
The Jaw count shows a man who is wearing the ‘‘enemy” hairdress
and is represented as having been scalped. The Jaw Variant count
shows the same, but has the name symbol of a brown horse above
his head in addition.
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year ‘1875” gives a Dakota text
almost identical with that given by High Dog, but interprets it
“White Dog (Hohe chief) visits (and makes peace with the Sioux)”’
(Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). The author believes this to be the correct
interpretation of this year’s pictographs.
1876-77
Buve THunper: “Took all ponies away from Sioux by soldiers at
Fort Yates.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Long Hair’ (Pehanska) killed by
the Sioux.” Buus THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Took all
ponies away.”’ Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and the Blue Thunder
Variant II count show a white soldier who is mounted and carries a
rifle or carbine. Below the horse are many hoofprints, indicating
plurality. Blue Thunder Variants II and IIT show substantially the
same but the man is dismounted and is leading the horse.
The taking of horses from the Dakota is given for this year by the
Flame and White-Cow-Killer (Mallery, 1886, p. 127). Custer’s death
is mentioned by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, pp. 269-270) and in
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350) for the year ‘‘1876.”
White Bull also mentions the taking of the horses but does not include
it in the name of the year (ibid., 1934 a, pp. 269-270).
Hies Doe: “Sitting Bull made a treaty with the French (half-
bloods) in Canada.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘tatka iyota ke taku
akilesa ob (Tatdnka-iyotake téku oglésa ob lit. Buffalo bull-sitting down
something red-coats with).”” Swirrt Doa: No interpretation. Jaw
AND JAW VARIANT: ‘Red Coats treaty.”
The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show an Indian with the name
symbol of a bison head shaking hands with a white man wearing a red
ca DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 397
coat. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts merely show a white man
wearing a red coat.
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives the treaty with the redcoats for the
year “1877,” which, according to the arrangement of the previous
years, refers to the winter of 1877-78 (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350). This
would seem to be an error of duplication, as this count also gives the
“Tong Hair Killed” event, using it for the previous year (ibid., 1934 b,
p. 350).
1877-78
Buus TuHunper: “ ‘Lean Bear’ died in log house.’”’ No Two
Horns: “ ‘Poor Bear’ died then winter.”’ Buiur THUNDER VARIANTS
I, II, and III: “Lean Bear died in log cabin.” Blue Thunder and
Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show an anthropomorphic bear.
The “poor” or “lean” idea is suggested by drawing in the leg and rib
bones, as if they were showing through the skin. No Two Horns
merely shows a very thin bear.
Hicu Dog: “One Star was killed by the Crows.”” The Dakota text
reads “Wicagipi wanjila ktepi (Witénhpi wandila ktépi lit. Star only-
one they-killed).’”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. The High Dog
and Swift Dog counts show a man with the name symbol of a star.
The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts give this event for the following
year, as does Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (for the year 1879”) (Vestal,
1934 b, p. 351).
JAW AND JAW VaRIANT: “hole in the Nose came.’”’ Both the Jaw
and Jaw Variant counts show a man wearing the “‘enemy”’ hairdress
who has a neat round hole in the side of his nose. This pictograph
probably refers to the visit of the refugee Nez Percé to Sitting Bull’s
camp after Chief Joseph’s defeat. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives
this event for the year “1878” (ibid., pp. 350-351).
1878-79
Buus TuunpeEr: “Old ‘Two Bears’ die.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Two
Bears’ a Chief dies winter.”” Buur Taunper Variants I, II, and III:
“Old ‘Two Bear’ died.’”’ All of the above counts show a man with the
name symbol of two bears heads.
Hies Doe: “Little Bear was killed by the Crows.” The Dakota
text reads ‘Mato cigalato ahiktepi (lit. Bear little-blue (?) they-came-
and-killed).’”? Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Both counts show a
man with the name symbol of a bear. He is represented as being
scalped on the High Dog count, but not on the Swift Dog count.
JAW AND JAW Variant: “Lone Star Kill.” Both counts show a
wounded man. On the Jaw Variant count he is shown with the name
symbol of a star above his head. He is also represented as being
scalped on this count. The Jaw count shows an “x” on his chest
471762—60-——27
398 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
which may be either a star or a mark of bravery. Vestal’s Hunkpapa
count gives Lone Star’s death for the year “1879” (Vestal, 1934 b,
p. 351).
1879-80
Buive Tuunper: “ ‘Crazy Walker’ sick. Carried in blanket and
sick to another place and get well again.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Crazy
Bear’ was carried on a blanket then... .” Buus THunpEr VaRi-
ants I, II, and III: “They carried ‘Crazy Walker’ on a blanket, He
was sick.’”’ The above counts show a man on a blanket with the name
symbol of a bear above his head. The bear has wavy lines emanating
from his nose. Such lines usually signify either “crazy” or “holy” in
Dakota pictographs.
Hies Doa: ‘“He-has-a-red-spear died.”” The Dakota text reads
“tawahu kezalutata (Tawahitkeza-lita t’a lit. His-spear-red died).”
Swirt Do«e: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog
counts show a man with the name symbol of what appears to be a
black arrow.
JAW AND JAW VARIANT: “Horses disease.””? The Jaw and Jaw
Variant counts show a horse with spots on its body, indicating mange
or some such disease. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for
the yeer “1880” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 351).
1880-81
Buve Tuunper: “ ‘Broken Head’ made a big feast in winter time.”
No Two Horns: “ ‘Cracks his Head’ gave a big feast known as win-
ter.’ Buur THunperR Variants I, II, and III: “Broken Head made
a big feast.”” The above counts show three figures seated in a tipi.
On the Blue Thunder Variant III count a small figure has been drawn
in beside the tipi, apparently at a later date. It appears to be a dog
or a wolf, and seems to have no relationship to either this or the pre-
ceding year’s pictograph.
Hie Doe: Beede does not know what this year’s pictograph repre-
sents. He believes that it may refer to Gall stopping a sun dance.
The Dakota text reads ‘“‘Pizi ti. (lit. Gall’s lodge).” Judge Frank
Zahn says that during this year Gall’s camp on the Tongue River was
fired upon by soldiers. Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw AND
Jaw Variant: “Capture of Sitting Bull.” The High Dog and Swift
Dog counts show a white soldier firing on an Indian tipi. Several
rifle flashes are shown. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a
group of tipis with rifle flashes and streaks as if bullets were intended
to be shown.
The author believes that Beede’s suggested interpretation is in-
correct. Gall, himself an Indian, would hardly fire upon his own
people to stop one of their religious ceremonies. Indeed, he is never
ngheng: Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 399
recorded as having done so. Furthermore, at this time he was not
in the employ of the Government.
The Jaw interpretation seems quite false as well. Sitting Bull’s
capture and death occurred in 1890, 10 years after the previous year’s
pictograph. A hiatus of 10 years on this count would be quite diffi-
cult to explain. One also wonders why no indication of Sitting Bull’s
identity is made if the pictograph refers to his capture and death.
The present writer feels that the pictographs on the High Dog,
Swift Dog, Jaw, and Jaw Variant counts refer to Maj. Guido Ilges’
attack on the Dakota, which is given in Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for
the year “1881” as “Sioux fired over” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 351). The
error in the title of the winter on the Jaw count can probably be at-
tributed to the “educated boy”? who, Welch writes, made the titles of
the winters.
1881-82
Buive THunper: ‘“ ‘Red Bow’ mother die.” No Two Horns:
“Mother of ‘Red Bow’ die that time.”” Biur THunpER Variants I,
II, and III: “ ‘Red Bear’s mother died.” The Blue Thunder and
Blue Thunder Variant counts I, IJ, and III show a woman carrying a
red bow. The No Two Horns count shows a woman in a red dress
with a red bow above her as a name symbol.
Hieu Doe: “Whiteman called White-Beard [Major McLaughlin,
JH] led the hostiles to feel friendly toward the government.” The
Dakota text reads ‘“‘Pehiska kin Napeyuzapi (Pehinska kin napéyuzapr
White-beard the they-shook-his-hand).’”’ Swrrr Doe: No interpre-
tation. The above two counts show a white man and an Indian
shaking hands.
JAW AND JAW VaRIAntT (closing date of both counts and of the Jaw
interpretation): ‘‘Thirty five years since Sioux came to Standing
Rock.”? Both the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a representation
of the well-known ‘‘Standing Rock” monument which stands opposite
the Superintendent’s residence in Fort Yates at the present time.
On the Jaw Variant count the date ‘‘1881” is inscribed on the base on
which the stone is set. Beneath the Jaw pictograph for this year are
35 vertical marks which seem to explain the title given to this year’s
event by the “educated boy.”
This year’s interpretation seems to correlate with White Bull’s
count for the year “1881” which states ‘“They Stop at Standing Rock
to Camp for the Winter” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 270). Both the Jaw and
Jaw Variant counts end with this year, unless we wish to state that
the vertical marks, one of which seems to have been added for each
year after the last pictograph was drawn, are worthy of considera-
tion as year pictographs. Since the Jaw count spirals inward and
400 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
there is little space left in the center, this device may have been re-
sorted to merely for lack of space. Another possible explanation is
that the maker may have thought that since the tribe was on the
reservation and the old life gone forever, there was really nothing
left worth noting except the passage of time. If each vertical mark
is considered as a year the closing date of the Jaw count is 1916-17.
1882-838
Buve Tuunper: “ ‘Little Bird’ die suddenly.”” No Two Horns:
“Little Bird’ die fast. Quick.” Buiur THunper Variants I, II,
and III: “Little Bird died suddenly.” The above counts show an
Indian man carrying a tomahawk. Above his head is the name
symbol of a bird.
Hicu Doe: ‘White Beard went on a buffalo hunt with the Indians.”
The Dakota text reads ‘“Pehi ska kici wanasapi (Pehin-ska kié&i
wandsapi lit. Beard-white together-with they-hunted-buffalo).”
Swirt Doa: No interpretation. The last two counts show a white
man on horseback shooting at a buffalo with a rifle.
1883-84
Buure Tuunper: “ ‘Red Bull’ die suddenly.” No Two Horns:
“Red Bull’ was died winter.” Biur THunprer Variants I, II,
and III: ‘‘Red Bull died suddenly.”” The Blue Thunder and Blue
Thunder Variant I, IJ, and III counts show an anthropomorphic
figure with the head and upper body of a red bison. No Two Horns
merely shows a red bison.
Hieu Doe: “Three Crow Indians came to visit them as friends.”’
The Dakota text reads ‘‘Kangi wicasa 3 hipi (lit. Crow men three
they-came).”’ Both counts show three men wearing the “enemy”
hairdress. On the High Dog count, apparently by mistake, the men
are represented as being scalped.
1884-85
Buiur Tuunver: “Old man ‘Red Hail’ daughter die.” No Two
Horns: ‘Daughter of Red Hail die then. No Two Horns own
sister.” 7 Buur THunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘Red Hawk’s
daughter died.’ All of the above counts show a woman carrying a
handbag with the name symbol of a red hailstone above her head.
Hicu Doe: “Little Crow died.’”? The Dakota text reads “kangi
cigalata (Kangi-cik’ala t’a lit. Crow-little died).’”’ Swirr Doe: No
interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a
black bird. Perhaps this was another name for Crow King, whose
death is recorded by White Bull for the year ‘‘1884”’ (Vestal, 1934 a,
7 By using the term ‘‘own sister’? No Two Horns indicates that this woman was actually his sister and not
a parallel cousin, also called ‘‘sister’’ in Dakota.
oa eae DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 401
p. 270). High Hawk gives ‘Black Crow died,’’ for the year ‘'1884”
(Curtis, 1908, p. 181).
1885-86
Buue TxHunpER: “‘No Two Horn’ made big feast in winter.”
No Two Horns: “No Two Horns gave big feast in honor of his sister
who died last winter time. All the people came. He has much
beef and game. .... ” Buve Tuounper Variants I, II, and III:
“‘No Two Horns made a big feast (winter).’’
All of the above counts show a tipi with three people inside. The
No Two Horns count shows a buffalo inside the tipi. It is indicated
as being hornless by two lines drawn from the place where the horns
would be and connected in front of the animal’s head. Blue Thunder
Variants I and II show the buffalo outside the tipi. On these counts
the hornlessness is also shown in the above manner, but since the
buffalo is outside the tipi the pictograph also functions as a name
symbol. The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III counts
merely show a buffalo outside the tipi, making no note of its being
without horns.
Hien Doe: “An old warrior named died.” The
Dakota text reads “CCeta [sic, JH] wahacakata (Cetén-wahacanka
t’a lit. Hawk-shield died).”” Swirr Doc: No interpretation. The
pictographs on these two counts are almost identical with those
used for the preceding year, the difference being only in the color of
the man’s shirt. Again a man is shown with a black bird as his
name symbol. Perhaps this man was Flying-by, whose death is
recorded for the year “‘1885”’ by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 270).
1886-87
Buus Tuunper: “ “Three Thigh’ die. Brother of ‘Two Bears.’ ”’
No Two Horns: “ “Three Legs’ died then.”’ Biur THuNDER
Variants I, II, and III: ‘2 Bears brother Three thighs died.” Atl
of the above counts show a man with three legs.
Hieu Doe: “Good Elk died.” The Dakota text reads ‘“heraka
howaste ta (Helidka-howdste t’a lit. Male-elk-good-voice he-died).”
Swirt Doa: No interpretation. The last two counts show a man
with the name symbol of an elk.
1887-88
Buvue Tuunpver: “ ‘Fool Bear’ living in dance hall... .’ No
Two Horns: “ ‘Fool Bear’ lived in a dance hall then. He did not
die.” Buur THunpirR Variants I, II, and III: ‘Fool Bear lived
in an old dance hall.”” The above counts show a man in a log cabin
who wears a Grass dance costume, including the porcupine and deer-
tail roach headdress. In the earlier years of these counts, this head-
dress was used to indicate an Omaha ora Ponca, but here it is used
402 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
merely to indicate that the man was a dancer, or living in a dance
hall. Inthe No Two Horns count there is a dance drum in the cabin
as well. Living in dance halls was supposed to be dangerous, ac-
cording to a note by Welch accompanying this count.
Hien Doe: ‘Four Horns died.”” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Hetopa
ta (lit. Horns-four died).’’ Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Both
counts show a man with four horns on his head. The death of this
man, who was Sitting Bull’s uncle, is noted by White Bull for the
year ‘‘1884”’ but is not given as the name of this year (Vestal, 1934 a,
p. 270).
1885-89
Buus Tuunper: ‘ ‘Frosted Red Fish’ prisoner at Fort Yates by
soldiers.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Hagle Claw’ was a prisoner at Man-
dan.”’ (Note by Welch “This was another name for Frosted Red
Fish.”) Buus Tuunper Variants I, II, and III]: ‘Frosted Red-
Fish prisoner at Yates (Soldiers).”” The above counts show an
Indian with a leg shackle and a ball and chain. He has the name
symbol of an eagle claw above his head.
Hicu Doc: ‘There was an eclipse of the sun ‘The sun turned
black and died.’”’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wisapata (Wi-sdépa Va
lit. Moon (or sun) black died).””, Swirr Doe: No interpretation.
Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a black crescent.
It appears that Beede’s interpretation for this year’s event was
merely a very poor guess. Black Moon was a man’s name, and in
this year he died. Black Moon’s death is noted by White Bull for the
year ‘1888’ although it is not used as the name of the year (Vestal,
1934 a, p. 271). This man was Sitting Bull’s uncle.
1889-90
BuvE Tuunprer: “ ‘Cotton Wood’, Yanktonaise Chief, died.”
No Two Horns: ‘ ‘Cottonwood’ died winter.” BLur THUNDER
Variants I, II, and III: ‘‘Cotton Wood Chief died.”” The above
counts show a man with the name symbol of a tree. In the Blue
Thunder and No Two Horns counts he is standing erect. In Blue
Thunder Variants I, II, and III he is reclining.
Hiceu Doe: ‘A woman was killed by a tree falling on her.” The
Dakota text reads “kowakata el winyawicaka (Kodkatan el winyan
wicdktept lit. Over-there at woman they-killed).” Swirr Doe:
No interpretation. The last two counts show a drawing of a woman.
On the Swift Dog count she seems to have a representation of a wound
on her body, but this is not clearly drawn.
1890-91
Buve Tuunver: “Sitting Bull got killed . . .”’ No Two Horns:
“Sitting Bull’ got killed that time.’ Biuz THunpER VARIANTS
Anathaon- jap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 403
I, II, and III: ‘‘S [Sitting, JH] Bull killed (Dec. 15, 1890).” Hier
Doe: ‘Sitting Bull was slayn.”” The Dakota text reads “tata ka
iyotake kte pi (Tatdnka-iyotake ktepi lit. Buffalo-bull-sitting-down
they-killed).”” Swirr Doe: No interpretation.
The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant
counts II and ITI show a wounded buffalo who is represented as sitting
down. Blue Thunder Variant I shows an anthropomorphic buffalo,
wounded and in a sitting position. The High Dog and Swift Dog
counts show an Indian with the name symbol of a bison head who is
being fired upon by a man dressed in a uniform. The death of
Sitting Bull is given by White Bull for the year “1890” (Vestal, 1934 a,
p. 271). Famous though Sitting Bull was, none of the other counts
which were examined, and which include this year, mention his death.
1891-92
Buur Taunper: “Draw money first time. $3.00 each person.”
No Two Horns: “First money paid to us by the Government
$3000 each one.” Bruun THunpmer Variants I, IJ, and III: ‘Had
a money payment of $3.00 each.”” The above counts show a small
house with an Indian beside it. Inside or near the house are three
round objects, probably representing silver dollars. The amusing
discrepancy in the No Two Horns interpretation can be explained by
the fact that on this count a dollar sign, resembling a figure ‘‘3”’ is
drawn in front of the three objects, making it appear that they are
aughts, and that the whole is the number ‘3000’.
HieH Doe: ‘He-has-a-spotted-horse died.’ The Dakota text
reads ‘‘Tasunke heratotata (Tastinke-hin-hota (?) ?a lit. His-horse-
hair-grey (?) died).’”’ Swirr Dog: No interpretation. Beede seems
to have erred once more with the interpretation of this year’s picto-
graph. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a white
(gray) horse.
1892-93
Buivur TuunpEeR: ‘‘Draw money second time. $40.00 each one
for ponies taken away.” No Two Horns: ‘Second time we get
money. Paid us $9.00 for our horses...’ Buus THUNDER
Variants I, II, and III: ‘$40.00 each for ponies taken before.”
The above counts show pictographs similar to those of the previous
year, but with more round objects in the ‘‘disbursing house.” In the
Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant II counts 10 silver dollars
are shown. No Two Horns shows 9. Blue Thunder Variant I shows
16 and Blue Thunder Variant III shows 13. White Bull gives this
event for the year “1893” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 271).
Hicu Doa: ‘Horse Shoe died.”” The Dakota text reads ‘“Shunka
mazata (Stinka-maza t’a lit. Dog-iron died).’”’ Swirt Doc: No in-
404 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
terpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a
horse or a dog. The drawing seems to resemble a dog more closely
than a horse. Judge Frank Zahn confirmed the above translation of
the Dakota text, stating that “Iron Dog’”’ died at this time.
1893-94
Buus Tuunper: “Boy, 12 winters old dragged to death. Got
killed. Name ‘Money.’’’? No Two Horns: “ ‘Money Boy’ dragged
to death at Mandan Fair.””. Biuur THunper Variants I, II, and III:
“Boy dragged and killed.’”’ All of the above counts show a boy being
dragged behind a running horse. His name symbol, a few round
objects representing silver dollars, is shown by his head in all but the
Blue Thunder Variant I count.
Hien Doe: ‘‘He-has-a-red-spear died.”” The Dakota text reads
“Tawahu kezaluta ta (Tawahtkeza-lita t’a lit. His-spear-red he-
died).’””. Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Both counts show a man
with the name symbol of ared spear. Judge Zahn suggests that this
man was probably the son of the person of this same name whose
death is recorded for the year 1879-80.
1894-95
Buiure TuHunper: “ ‘Carry His Lodge on Back’ die.” No Two
Horns: “ ‘His arm cut off’ died.”” This man was H. S. Parkins of
Cannon Ball.” [This year seems to be inverted with the following
year in the interpretation of the No Two Horns count, JH.] Buus
THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: ““Man named ‘Carry Tent’ died.”
The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show a man with an
erected tipi on his back. Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show
a man carrying what appears to be a folded tipi cover on his back
and carrying the tipi poles in his arms.
Hiceu Doa: “Chief Gall died.”” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Pizita
(Pizi t’a lit. Gall died).”” Swirr Dog: No interpretation. The
above counts show a man with two large horns on his head. This is
the correct year for Gall’s death (1894).
1895-96
Buus Tuunper: “White Man, H. S. Parkin, die at Cannon Ball.”
No Two Horns: “Carry the Lodge died then.”’ [The interpretation
for this year seems to be inverted with that for the preceding year,
JH.] Buus Taunper Variants I, II, and III: “H. S. Parkin died
(95).”’ All of the above counts show a representation of a white
man who carries a cane and has one arm missing.
Hien Doe: “A woman was burned to death in her home.” The
Dakota text reads “‘Winya wan ili kin (Winyan wan ile kin lit. Woman
a burned the).’”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts
merely show a woman beside a tipi.
OCS DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 405
1896-97
Buve Tuunper: ‘Son of Chief Big Head die.”” No Two Horns:
‘“« ‘Stabbed’ has a hemorrage and died that time.”” Briur THUNDER
Variants J, II, and III: ‘ ‘Paz ipa’ [Pazipa-stabbed, JH] son of
‘Big Head’ died.”’ All of the above counts show a man bleeding from
the mouth. Blue Thunder Variants I and II seem to show his head
slightly larger in proportion to his body than are the heads of the
other figures in the count. The No Two Horns count shows an arm
behind the man’s back, stabbing him with a knife. This is apparently
his name symbol.
Hien Dosa: ‘A sickness caused pimples on people’s heads.”? The
Dakota text reads ‘‘Pa wica yuksapi (Pa witdyuksapi lit. Head they-
caused-to-be-broken-off (a hanging)).”’ Swirr Doe: No interpre-
tation. Both counts show three figures. One is attached to a pole
or tree by a rope around his neck. This year’s pictograph probably
refers to the locally famous Spicer murder. Three Indians killed a
white man who would not give them whiskey. They were later ap-
prehended, tried, found guilty, and hanged.
1897-98
Buve TuHunper: “ ‘Holy Soul’ die.” No Two Horns: “Tooth
Pick’ died winter.” Buus THunprER Variants I, II, and III: ‘ ‘Holy
Soul’ died.”” The above counts show an Indian with a pipe and a
pipe bag in one hand and holding a long thin object, perhaps an eagle
bone whistle or a piece of wood to his mouth with the other.
Hieu Doa: ‘A woman once taken captive from the Crows and al-
ways living with them died.’”’ The Dakota text reads however
“Kangi wiyakata (Kangi-wiyaka t’a lit. Crow-feather he-died).’”? The
pictographs on both counts show a man with a red and black feather
as a name symbol. Beede evidently interpreted the word wiyaka,
feather, as waydka, a slave or a captive.
1898-99
Buve Tuunper: “ ‘Louse Bear’ hung himself.’”” No Two Horns:
‘*“ Tiouse Bear’ died then winter.”” Buur THunprErR Variants I, II,
and III: “Louse Bear hanged himself.’”’ The above counts show a
man in uniform, perhaps an Indian police uniform, with the name
symbol of a bear covered with conventionalized lice.
Hieu Doa: “Spotted Bear died.’”” The Dakota text reads, how-
ever, “mato cuwiyukisa ta (Maté-cuwiyiksa ta lit. Bear-broken-in-
two-at-the-pleura died).’’? Perhaps this is ‘‘Half-body-bear.” Swirr
Doa: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name
symbol of half a bear. The Blue Thunder group of counts gives the
death of Half-body-bear for the year 1915-16, but perhaps there were
two persons of this name.
406 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
1899-1900
Buvue Tuunper: “ ‘Grey Bear’ playing hockey, drops dead at
Mandan Fair.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Grey Bear’ died while playing
shinny at the Mandan Fair.” Biur Tounprer Variants I, II, and
III: ‘Gray Bear dropped dead playing shinny at Mandan.” All of
the above counts show a man with the name symbol of a gray bear
carrying a shinny stick and with a shinny ball in front of him.
Hieu Doe: “Hawk Shield died.”” The Dakota text reads “Teta
wahacanka ta (Cétan-wahacanka t’a lit. Hawk-Shield he-died).”” Swirr
Dog: No interpretation. The last two counts show a man with the
name symbol of a feathered shield with a picture of a bird upon it.
The reader will note that for the year 1885-86 a man named Hawk-
shield is recorded as dying. In case one of these two interpretations
is misplaced, the pictograph accompanying this year’s text would indi-
cate that this is the true year of this man’s death. It is entirely pos-
sible, of course, that there were two men of this same name, perhaps
father and son.
1900-01
Buure Tuunper: “ ‘Worth Hat’ got burned in bed.””’ No Two
Horns: “‘ ‘Wear Bonnet’ got something he thought was kerosene.
It was gasoline and it killed two families that time.” Biur THUNDER
Variants IJ, II, and III: ‘“‘Wears Hat burned in his bed.”” The above
counts show a man who wears a feather warbonnet.
Hiexw Doe: ‘Good Elk died.’”’” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Heraka
wawaste ta (Helidka-wowdste (howaste, ?, JH) #’a lit. Maleelk-good-
ness (or good-voiced?) he-died).”” Swirr Doe: No interpretation.
Both counts show an elk with a forked line emanating from his mouth.
This seems to indicate that this is the true year of Good-voiced-elk’s
death and that the Dakota interpretation for the year 1886-87 has
been misplaced. Again, however, there could have been two men of
this name.
1901-02
Buus Tuunper: “ ‘Hat’, a policeman, dies suddenly.’”? No Two
Horns: “ ‘Bonnet’ Red Tomahawk’s brother died winter.””’ BiuE
THuNDER Variants J, II, and III: “Hat, a policeman died.” The
above counts show a man wearing an Indian policeman’s uniform and
badge, plus and eagle feather warbonnet.
Hiex Doa: ‘Bull Head died.” The Dakota text reads ‘“Tataka
pa ta (Taténka-pa t’a lit. Buffalo-bull-head he-died).’”’ Swirr Doe:
No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol
of a bison’s head.
No. 61
Roped bap, DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 407
1902-03
Buiue Tuunper: “ ‘Grey Bear’ got hurt. Broke leg. Cut it off,
died.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Grey Bear’ Police his leg cut off then.”
Buive THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Gray Bear police, broke
leg, cut off, he died.”” The above counts show a man wearing an
Indian police uniform who has one leg missing. The name symbol
of a bear is shown over the man’s head.
Hicu Doc: “Buffalo Ghost died.” The Dakota text reads ‘“‘Tataka
wamayl ta (Taténka-wandgi t’a lit. Buffalo-bull-ghost he-died).’
Swirt Doc: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the
name symbol of a bison above his head.
1903-04
Buvue THunper: “ ‘Little Dog’ die.’ No Two Horns: “ ‘Little
Dog’ died winter.” Biur THunper Variants I, IJ, and III: “Little
Dog died.”” The above counts show a dog with long ears.
Hieu Doe: “A star died (disappeared).’”’ The Dakota text reads
“Wicaripi wanjila ta (Widénkpi-wanZila t’a lit. Star-only one he-died).”’
Swirt Doe: No interpretation. The last two counts show a repre-
sentation of a star. The author believes that this was a man’s name
and that he died during this year. Beede obviously thought that this
year’s event referred to some astronomical phenomenon.
1904-05
Bivue Tuunper: “ ‘White Eagle’ died at Berthold, visiting.” No
Two Horns: “ ‘White Eagle’ and old man died. (Father of Richard
White Eagle.)’”) Briur Taounprer Variants I, II, and III: ‘White
Eagle died at Berthold.” The above counts show a man with the
name symbol of a large bird.
Hieu Doa: ‘Beaver Shield died.”” The Dakota text reads ‘‘waha-
cakasapa ta (Wdhacdnka-sapa t’a lit. Shield-black he-died).”” Swirr
Doc: No interpretation. The above counts show a man with the
name symbol of a feathered black shield. Beede evidently mistook
the word saépa, black, for cipa, a beaver. The man’s name was Black-
shield according to Judge Zahn, who remembers the event.
1905-06
Buus Tuunper: “ ‘Black Bear’ policeman, killed by Asst. Farmer,
Bristow.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Bear Blacking Himself’ shot that
winter.” Buur THunper Variants I, II, and III: “ ‘Black Bear’
killed by Bristow (?).”” Blue Thunder and the Blue Thunder Variant
counts I, II, and III show a man wearing a policeman’s uniform with
the name symbol of a black bear above him. No Two Horns shows a
white bear standing on his hind feet and smearing himself with black
paint. The bear wears a police badge.
408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
Hieu Dose: ‘Rain-in-the-face died.”” The Dakota text reads “Ite
amorojie ta (lté-o-magdzu ta lit. Face-upon-it-rains he-died).”
Swirt Doe: No interpretation. The pictograph on these two counts
is puzzling. Both show a man with the name symbol of a man’s head.
The head in the name symbol wears the “‘enemy” hairdress. Whether
this refers to Rain-in-the-face or to some other individual is uncertain.
1906-07
Buus Tounper: “Joe Tomahawk shot himself, suicide.” (Note—
Son of Marcellus Red Tomahawk, famous Sihasapa, W).”’ No Two
Horns: ‘Son of Marcellus Red Tomahawk kills himself.’ Buun
THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘““Young Hawk’s boy Joe suicided.”’
All of the above counts show a man with the name symbol of a red
tomahawk. In the No Two Horns counts he is bent over a rifle which
he is apparently discharging into his own face.
Hieu Dosa: ‘Feather Hawk died.’”’ The Dakota text reads ‘Teta
wakiyata (Cétan-wakinyan t’a lit. Hawk-thunder he-died).” Swirr
Doe: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name
symbol of a bird from which a forked line emanates. This line usu-
ally means “‘crazy” or “holy” in Dakota pictographs, but in this case
probably symbolizes thunder and lightning. Beede probably mistook
the word wakinyan, thunder or lightning, for wiyaka, a feather.
1907-08
Buus Tuunper: ‘ ‘Harth,’ mother of Frosted Red Fish, die.” No
Two Horns: “ ‘Eagle Claw’ woman of Red Fish, dies now.” Buus
THUNDER Variants I, II, andIII: ‘‘ ‘Frosted Redfishes’ mother died
(Maka [Earth, JH]).’”’ All of the above counts show a woman with
the name symbol of an eagle claw. Frosted-red-fish’s alternate name
was Hagle-claw, according to Welch (note accompanying interpreta-
tion of No Two Horns count, 1888-89), and the eagle claw is his name
symbol, not that of his mother.
Hiex Doe: “‘His-horse-reers died.”’ The Dakota text reads “‘tasuke
lyake ta (Tastinke-inyanka ta His-horse-runs he-died).” Swirr
Dog: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name
symbol of a running horse.
1908-09
Buve Tuunper: “ “Two Bears’ mother die.’”” No Two Horns:
‘“‘Mother of Two Bears died winter.” Buiur TuHunper Variants I,
II, and IIT: ‘‘2 Bears mother died.”” The above counts show a woman
with the name symbol of two bears’ heads.
Hicu Doe: ‘There was an issue of horses.’”? The Dakota text
reads ‘‘Syacukaske suwakipamin ([nyan-tunkaske Sinka-wakpamni
lit. Rock-fence horse-issue).’””’ Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Both
counts depict a horse. The pictograph for this year refers to a Gov-
sor pela DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 409
ernment issue of horses which took place at ‘‘Rock fence place”’ south
of Fort Yates, according to Judge Zahn.
1909-10
Buve Tuunper: “ ‘Fly Cloud’ prisoner at Fort Yates.””’ No Two
Horns: “ ‘Flying Cloud’ was a prisoner at Mandan winter.” BuiuE
THuNDER Variants J, II, and III: “Flying Cloud a prisoner.”” The
above counts show a man wearing leg shackles and a ball and chain
with the name symbol of a cloud above him. ‘This cloud seems to be
sprouting wings in the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III
counts. It has definitely sprouted them in the No Two Horns count.
Hieu Doa: ‘There was a comet.”” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wica
gipi wan ile yahan (Wiédnligi wan ile yahan lit. Star a burning went-
along).’”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts show a star
or comet with a fiery tail. This was Halley’s comet, visible during
the years 1908-11, and appearing brightest from April 19, 1910, to
June 19 of the same year.
1910-11
Buus Tuunper: “‘High Bear’ Chief, die.’ No Two Horns:
“““Tall Bear’ die. A chief one time. (Capt. I. P. Paker given his
name.)” Buur THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Chief ‘High
Bear’ died.’”’ Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and
III show a man with the name symbol of a bear. No Two Horns
merely shows a bear with very long legs (i. e. “Tall Bear’).
Hieu Doe: “Buffalo Fool died.”” The Dakota text reads ‘Tata
ka witko ta (Zatdénka-witko ta lit. Buffalo-bull-crazy he-died).”
Swirt Doc: No interpretation. The last two counts show a man
with the name symbol! of a buffalo.
1911-12
Buue THunper: “‘Half Body Bear’ died.” No Two Horns
Interpretation missing for this year. Buus THUNDER VARIANTS
I, II, and III: ‘‘Half-body Bear died.’”” The Blue Thunder and Blue
Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III show an anthropomorphic
creature the upper half of which is a bear. No Two Horns shows
a bear with a red line dividing it in half. The High Dog and Swift
Dog counts mention the death of ‘“Bear-cut-in-half” for the year
1898-99.
Hiecx Doe (this is the last year for this count and its interpreta-
tion): ‘Children had measles and the same year a star burned out.”
The Dakota texts (there are two of them) read ‘“‘Wakaheja nasilipi
Wakdnhea naslipi lit. Children epidemic),”’ and ‘‘Wicarpi wan ileyo u
kin (Widénhpi wan wléya u kin lit. Star a burning came the).””. Swirr
Doge (this is the last year for this count): No interpretation. Both
410 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
counts show a star or meteor with a flaming tail. The High Dog
count shows a person with spots on his body as well.
1912-13
Buiuse THuNDER: “Red Dog’s wife died.”” [This interpretation does
not fit the picture on the count, JH.}] No Two Horns: ‘Siaka
[Siyaka (?) Teal-duck, JH] ‘Scares the Eagle’ died winter.”” BuiuE
THUNDER Variants I, II, and III (the Blue Thunder Variant counts
I and II end here): ‘‘Red Dog’s wife died.”” The Blue Thunder count
shows a man with the name symbol of a large bird in flight. No
Two Horns shows a similar picture, but the man is running. Blue
Thunder Variants I and III show a man with an eagle name symbol,
similar to the Blue Thunder count. Blue Thunder Variant II shows
an anthropomorphic figure, the top half of which is a red dog.
Blue Thunder Variants I and II end with this year. The parts
of the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III counts which
were drawn in ink by the original artist or artists end here as well.
The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III counts continue,
but after this year the work is apparently the work of several different
people. On the whole this later work is either very inferior or else
the work of someone who was quite acculturated and sketched in
the European manner. On the Blue Thunder count the figures
after this year are drawn with a soft pencil and colored with wax
crayons, and have become badly smudged.
1918-14
Buvuse Tuunper: ‘This year call him ‘When the soldier was adopted’
winter.” A note by Welch reads ‘‘Note—This was the adoption
ceremonies of A. B. Welch.” [This is obviously incorrect. There
are five pictographs on this count before the one in which Welch
appears, JH.] (The interpretation of the Blue Thunder count ends
here, although the pictographs continue.) No Two Horns: “Wife
of Grey Bear had a bleeding. She died.” Biur THuNDER VaRIANTS
I, II, and III (Blue Thunder Variants I and II, which this interpre-
tation supposedly accompanies, ended with the previous year. The
interpretation, however, continues for 1 year longer.): ‘‘Mrs. Parkins
died.”
The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant
III counts all picture a woman. The Blue Thunder and No Two
Horns counts have the name symbol of a bear above her head. The
Blue Thunder Variant III count does not show this but has a printed
inscription underneath the pictograph reading “Mrs. Mato hota
[Grey-bear, JH].’’ Perhaps this woman’s Christian name was ‘‘Mrs.
Parkins.”
Antoron Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 411
1913-14
Buvue Tuunper: No interpretation. No Two Horns: ‘White
Eagle’s Woman was run over by a train at Mandan.” Biur THUNDER
Variant IIT: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder count shows a
woman with the name symbol of a white eagle. No Two Horns shows
a graphic scene in which a woman is lying beside a railroad track. The
locomotive which is on the track has literally cut her in two. The
Blue Thunder Variant JII count shows a woman with the name
symbol of a white eagle. On this bird’s body is printed ‘“‘White Eagle.”
1914-15
Buue Tuunper: No interpretation. No Two Horns: ‘‘Good
Crow’s’ woman died then.”” Biur THuNpDrER VaRiAnt III: No inter-
pretation. The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show a
woman with the name symbol of a black bird. The Blue Thunder
Variant III count shows this as well, but in addition a man who appar-
ently has a shriveled leg. He stands behind the woman.
1915-16
Buiur Tuunper: No interpretation. No Two Horns: “ ‘Holy
Bear’ die then.”” Biur THUNDER Variant III: No interpretation.
The Blue Thunder count shows a man with the name symbol of a bear.
Wavy lines emanate from the bear’s nose, probably carrying the idea
of “holy.”” No Two Horns shows a man wearing a warbonnet and
carrying a sword who has a name symbol similar to that in the preced-
ing count. Blue Thunder Variant III shows an anthropomorphic
figure, the top half of which is a bear. Wavy lines emanate from this
creature’s nose.
1916-17
Buvre Tuunper: No interpretation. No Two Horns: “ ‘Bent
Horn’ winter die.” Biur THUNDER VARIANT III: No interpretation.
The Blue Thunder count shows a man with a name symbol of a bison’s
head. This bison has extremely long curved horns. No Two Horns
shows a man with the name symbol of a pair of long curved bison horns.
Blue Thunder Variant III shows a man in white man’s clothing who
has the name symbol of a bird above him. This count is probably
recording a different event.
1917-18
Buivuse THunver: No interpretation. No Two Horns: “ ‘Mato
Watakpe’ (Charging Bear) returns from over the Ocean War winter.
Many ceremonies then.” Brug THuNnpER VARIANTIII: No interpre-
tation. The Blue Thunder count shows a man in an elaborate Indian
chief’s costume who has the name symbol of a bear above his head.
Wavy lines emanate from the nose of the bear. No Two Horns shows
412 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
a similar picture, but there are no wavy lines coming from the bear’s
muzzle. These two counts, and perhaps the Blue Thunder Variant III
count as well, refer to the adoption ceremonies in which Major A. B.
Welch, of Mandan, N. Dak., was made a member of the Dakota tribe.
Welch was given the name “‘Charging Bear’ by the Dakota. Among
other honors Welch was formally instated in the Canté T’inza or
Strong-heart warrior society. The Blue Thunder Variant III count
shows a man in soldier’s uniform holding a rifle at port arms. He is
represented as being wounded in the arm and the right leg. The words
“Tatanka nasin [Tatanka-nazin lit. Buffalo-bull-standing, JH]” are
written under the pictograph.
1918-19
Buus Tuunper: No interpretation. No Two Horns: “ ‘Strikes
Many’ die that time winter.” Birur THuNnper Variant III: No in-
terpretation and apparently no pictograph. The Blue Thunder count
shows a man who has been wounded several times on the body.
Around him are what are apparently representations of Indian quirts
(signifying the name ‘“‘Many-strikes’’?). No Two Horns shows a
similar scene. Blue Thunder Variant III seems to omit a year here, as
the “Silk” incident is the next one given. This “Silk” pictograph is
labeled ‘‘1920” which seems to place it with the counts for the next year
1919-20
BuiuE TuuNnper: No interpretation, and apparently no pictograph.
No Two Horns: “ ‘Silk’ accidentally shot his woman in the head.
She die.’ Buus THunpER VARIANT III: No interpretation. The Blue
Thunder count apparently omits a year here, as the next pictograph
on this count after the ‘‘Strikes-many” event shows a man with the
name symbol of an eagle claw, which seems to correlate with the other
two counts for the following year. No Two Horns shows a woman
with a wound in her head. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a rather
popeyed man in the act of discharging a gun at a woman who has a
wound in her head. Apparently the man’s popeyedness is intended to
show his horror at what is taking place and to convey the idea that the
death was accidental. Between the figures of the man and the woman
is what appears to be a cattle brand or a monogram. Beneath the
pictograph is the inscription ‘1920, Mrs. Harry Silk.”
1920-21
Buue Tuunpver: No interpretation. No Two Horns: “ “Tree
Top’ (Jack) die. Indian name Bear Claw.” Buiur THUNDER
Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder and No Two
Horns counts show a man with the name symbol of a bear’s clawed
foot. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a large dark rectangle, inside
Anthron Fan. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 413
of which is a woman’s profile and the words ‘‘Winyan waste [lit.
Woman-good, JH.]’ This last pictograph obviously refers to some
different incident than the other two counts.
1921-22
Buus Tuunver: (The Blue Thunder count concludes with this
year.) No interpretation. No Two Horns: (The No Two Horns
count and its interpretation end with this year.) ‘‘ ‘Frosted Red Fish’
die in Mandan hospital. Indian name Eagle Claw.” Buiur THUNDER
Variant III: No interpretation.
The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show a man with the
name symbol of an eagle claw. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a
small sketchy drawing of a human figure with the name symbol of
what appears to be a saddle. The inscription ‘'1922 Octxnti [?, JH]”
is printed under the pictograph. The author has been unable to
relate this term to any word in the Dakota language.
1922-238
Buve THunper Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue
Thunder Variant III count shows a man with the name symbol of a
bird which has wavy lines emanating from its beak in a rough V
shape. This is the common method of designating the thunderbird
in Dakota pictographs. The inscription 1923” is printed beneath
this drawing.
1923-24
BuuE THunpeR Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue
Thunder Variant III count shows a man sitting in a yellow tipi.
Whether this is a year pictograph or merely the pictograph of a former
owner of the count is not certain. Evidence against its being an
ownership pictograph is that the style of drawing differs from that
used on the majority of the pictographs on the count and that it is
upside down in relation to the beginning years of the count. Evidence
for its being an ownership pictograph are that a winter count was once
kept by a man named Yellow-lodge, and that there is no date written
underneath this drawing, although dates are written beneath the
pictographs both preceding and following it.
The author’s personal opinion is that it is a year pictograph. The
pictograph following this one is dated with “John P. Pleets, Died
Nov. 20, 1924.”’ This would indicate that the preceding pictograph,
this one, would be for the year preceding, 1923-24, and that Pleet’s
death was the event selected for 1924-25.
1924-25
Buus THunperR Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue
Thunder Variant III count shows a figure with a human body and a
471762—60——28
414 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Bull. 173
bison’s head. The figure wears white man’s clothing. Beneath the
pictograph is the inscription ‘John P. Pleets, Died Nov. 20, 1924.”
1925-26
Biue THunper Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue
Thunder Variant III count shows a man wearing white man’s ap-
parel. Above his head is the name symbol of what appears to be a
smoking cloud. Underneath the pictograph is the inscription ‘‘Mah-
piya Peta [lit. Cloud-fire, JH] 1925.”
1926-27
Buug TxHunper Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue
Thunder Variant III count shows a small anthropomorphic figure with
the head and upper body of a bison.
1927-28
Biue TuHunper Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue
Thunder Variant III count shows a reclining man with the name
symbol of a red bird.
1928-29
Buivure THunpeErR Variant III: No interpretation. The count shows
& man wearing the modern “northern style’ Grass dance costume.
In his hand he carries a dance mirror in a wooden frame. Above his
head is the name symbol of what appears to be a bald eagle. Below
the pictograph is the inscription “Eugene Gray Eagle, Died Feb 5th
1929.”
1929-30
Buiur THUNDER VARIANT III: No interpretation. The count shows
a man wearing a long winter overcoat, a fur cap and mittens, and
carrying a cane. He has the name symbol (?) of a sun and some
clouds above him. Below the pictograph is the inscription “Frank
Gates, Died Dec 1929.”
1930-31
Buiur THUNDER Variant III (the concluding year for this count):
No interpretation. This count shows a small old woman wrapped in
a shawl and bent over acane. Beneath the pictograph is the inscrip-
tion “Mrs. Shave One Side, Died Jan 1, 1931.”
a DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 415
LITERATURE CITED
BECKWITH, MartHA WARREN.
1938. Mandan-Hidatsa myths and ceremonies. Mem. Amer. Folk Lore Soc.,
vol. 32. New York.
Conen, Lucy CRAMER.
1939. Big Missouri’s winter count—A Sioux calendar, 1796-1926. Indians
at Work, Feb. 1939. Washington.
1942, Swift Bear’s winter count. Indians at Work, Jan., Feb., and March
1942. Washington.
Curtis, Epwarp S.
1908. The North American Indian. Frederick W. Hodge, ed. Vol. 3.
Cambridge, Mass.
DENSMORE, FRANCES.
1918. Teton Sioux music. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 61.
Howarp, James H.
1954. Yanktonai Dakota eagle trapping. Southwestern Journ. Anthrop.,
vol. 10, No. 1.
MALLERY, GARRICK.
1877. A calendar of the Dakota Nation. United States Geol. and Geogr.
Surv. Bull. 2, No. 1.
1886. The Dakota Winter Counts. In his Pictographs of the North Amer-
ican Indians. 4th Ann. Rep. Bur. [Amer.] Ethnol., 1882-83, pp.
89-127.
1893. Winter Counts. In his Picture-writing of the American Indians.
10th Ann. Rep. Bur. [Amer.] Ethnol., 1888-89, pp. 266-328.
MooneEyY, JAMES.
1898. Calendar history of the Kiowa. 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.,
1895-96.
Riaes, STEPHEN R.
1890. A Dakota English dictionary. United States Geol. and Geogr. Surv.
Rocky Mountain Region, vol. 7. Washington.
Rogsinson, WILL G.
1951. Oahe. Wi-Iyohi, vol. 4, No. 11, Feb. 1.
RussELL, FRANK.
1908. The Pima Indians. 26th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1904-05.
VEsTAL, STANLEY (WALTER S. CAMPBELL).
1934 a. Warpath .... Boston and New York.
1934 b. New sources of Indian history, 1850-91. Norman, Okla.
WILLIAMSON, JOHN P.
1908. An English-Dakota dictionary. New York.
416
General type of nonvocoid
SlOpSieeed. Ataee ieee vl.
(Unaspirs nee vd
IAS Din 2 phe Val sewn vl.
vd.
ATTIC Sac tee eee vl.
vd.
Fricatives
1 dF: Feet Be PI la vl.
vd.
Crocvedees a eee! vl.
vd.
Frictionless
Nasa ae Se ee ene vl.
vd.
1 BEN =} ofc} [ee ee Re vl.
vd.
Onalosan A aoe i (y)
Nasalized_______- i2
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
(Bull. 173
PHONETIC TABLE
Bilabial Alveolar Alveopalatal Velar Back velar Pharyngeal
p t k
b g
p th kh
é
j
h h
g
8 8
Z %
m n
1
Vowels
é a (0) u (w)
a2 u®
An apostrophe (’) indicates a glottal stop.
The symbol (’) indicates a primary accent; (*) secondary accent.
PLATE 45
BULLETIN 173
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
\. aARNAAR §
N. QAAAND
Blue Thunder Variant III (Yellow Lodge) winter count.
‘le i
PLATE 45
BULLETIN 173
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
RAANAN |
AAQAADD \
©
Blue Thunder Variant IIT (Yellow Lodge) winter count.
oe
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id
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i
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oe er ee me ee MA) a) a Fg :
; { ; : “ in ’ A he. Ts ti tiad ba gh iat
as A ceed abated Shirai an
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BULLETIN 173 PLATE 46
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
BI £2\°-
é irs
; aay ~~
oy ‘ Be
R Pca o%
we
‘ «
& “a
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Swift Dog’s winter count (No. 674).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
Jaw’s winter count.
BULLETIN 173 PLATE 47
SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Bureau of American Ethnology
Bulletin 173
Anthropological Papers, No. 62
STONE TIPI RINGS IN NORTH-CENTRAL MONTANA
AND THE ADJACENT PORTION OF ALBERTA,
CANADA: THEIR HISTORICAL, ETHNOLOGICAL,
AND ARCHEOLOGICAL ASPECTS
By THOMAS F. KEHOE
417
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CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction sass 25.8 ssse- seco agen see el =. SS Se eee 421
Historical: evidence... == 92202 foal we bateoese Peet 21) See Oe 424
Hithnological considerations... ... .. SESS Ae eS BA LS Be 429
Blackfoot. informantsyie sae. a it eee SNES ees SE, Leer eee 429
informants of other tribes= 2222-42 525525 > oe eeee sas seas oe sa oleae 436
Archeological considerations. 255-2522 25 22522622 oe eee a aes 437
Introduction... =< 2--.998s-ee leads gachsecteegt Se htecktoete ee = 437
bnvironmentalefactorsaas os = ae = ea ee eee se eee 438
Bthnologieal background =—2 4-22 eee See ee eee ee 439
Archeolopical eldiwOrk--- = 223.2 .co. ooo ne eee Ie 440
VD SUELO PTS V0) 0 Re SP ae ee gc ae aa ge Rese A eS et Se eee 456
OD TAC LUIS 10 Oe ee ed rl See ee ee BS 462
Appendix. -A: Modern Blackfoot; Camps. -— 2 === eee 22 == 464
Paberacure Cited’ c= oo 8 ee a ed ee ee ee 471
ILLUSTRATIONS
PLATES FOLLOWING
PAGE
48. a, Site 24GL390, Boulder-lined fire hearth. 6, Adam White Man in
doorway.ot nistather s tipi ring.) si ee eae Be 474
20 Sa Site cAGie20:) (0: Site 24G LAG0s) sees oe ae See eee 474
50: a, Site 24G1486. .6; Site 24GL487, rmg 1+ eee eo oe 474
51. a, Site 24GL487, ring 4. b, Site 24GL486, ring 4._______.--------- 474
52. a, Site 24GL486, ring 4, fire hearth. b, Site 24GL486, ring 4, squares
Oi ereane oN y te ete SL eee eR 3 SAA eo es dopa Ss SL SE 474
53. a, Site 24GL486, ring 4, squares 1L1, 2L1, and 2L2. 6, Fasting
shelter ofeban Ringsss s2 0 ek e e eeeoo eeee 474
54. a, Site 24GL520. 6b, Blackfoot woman repairing Lodge 26, 1956
Bisckiooticamps S852 ee oe oe ee eee ee ee See 474
55. a, Aerial view of 1956 Blackfoot encampment. 6, Site 24GL350,
whitewashing tpl TINnge== uo. oh ae ee ee eee eee 474
56. a, Aerial view of Site 24GL350. b, Aerial view of Lodges 2 to 12 and 39,
195 6eBlackfoot CAMP see aon aaa ese ee ee een oe ee eee 474
57. a, Inside view, Lodge 26, 1956 Blackfoot encampment. 6, Outside
view, Lodge 26, 1956 Blackfoot encampment-------------------- 474
58. a, Tipi ring of Lodge 26, 1956 Blackfoot encampment. 06, Tipi ring
of Lodge 14, 1956 Blackfoot encampment ----------------------- 474
59. a, Mary Ground in tipi ring of Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot camp. 6,
Tipi ring of Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot encampment_-_-_------------ 474
60. a, Closeup view of tipi ring, Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot camp. 6, Lodge
21056 DIacktoot ENCAMmpment= 2 = 50.202... vse hoo oc eee 474
61. a, Children’s play tipi, Lodge 39, 1956 Blackfoote ncampment. 6, Tom
Horn’s family and tipi, Blackfeet Reservation, 1910--.__.------- 474
420 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
TEXT FIGURES
PAGE
29: ‘Site 24GL422 (tipi ring of White Man) .=...---22-2.2.--522e2-2222 431
TUM Shir cme 7-8 Ei eo] 8 Maan RRS 008 |) ca ps aOR a PA Ceele eyes renga t aiet ad) Lyf) eR a 448
3), Site 24G L584, ring pees oe a ee 450
32. Section of Milk River Ridge slope with three tipi-ring sites_______--_- 451
Jarkeite DAG L486. Fe cee oY so eee oe Se Car aye a 452
38s Site 24G L486, ring 453202 2 a eo eo eee 453
35. Site 24GL520, tipi rings associated with bison drive_.__..---------- 461
36. Sites showing tipi-ring camp patterns__..........-..-------------- 465
37. Camp plan, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont--_-------- 466
MAP
2. Map of the Blackfeet Reservation showing sites___...-------- (facing) 421
i : ;
ro) eee A, ara
re eae elie ae Sm ok
aa *
(ees eee
—
|onnaed
iy |
‘BOY ae
2
am
STONE TIPI RINGS IN NORTH-CENTRAL MONTANA
AND THE ADJACENT PORTION OF ALBERTA,
CANADA: THEIR HISTORICAL, ETHNOLOGICAL,
AND ARCHEOLOGICAL ASPECTS
By Tuomas F. Kenyon
INTRODUCTION ?
The casual visitor to certain parts of Montana and Alberta, Canada,
will often wonder about the original purpose of stone circles encoun-
tered here and there on the open plains. When one leaves the well-
traveled highways and strikes off across country unbroken by the
plow, clusters of stone circles are likely to appear, often in considerable
numbers. ‘These circles are formed of small boulders placed at inter-
vals to form rings ranging from 5 to over 40 feet in diameter. These
rings will in most cases be deeply embedded in the sod, suggesting that
a considerable period of time has elapsed since they were originally
laid down. Local residents long ago adopted the name “‘tipi rings”
for these phenomena.
Scrutiny of the writings of contemporary archeologists reveals con-
fusion and uncertainty concerning the function of tipi rings. In the
first review of Montana prehistory, Mulloy (1952, p. 137) classifies
them as ‘“‘manifestations of unknown relationships.’”’ He regards ‘‘it
as implausible that they were used to secure the edges of a skin lodge,
even though they are repeatedly referred to as having this function.”
He is led to this decision by variability in size and a lack of habitation
1] wish to extend my appreciation to the following persons who have greatly aided me in this study:
Dr. Claude E. Schaeffer, former curator of the Museum of the Plains Indian, who called my attention to the
problem and contributed suggestions from his own experience in Plains ethnography; Dr. Schaeffer and
John C. Ewers, who carefully reviewed the historical and ethnological sections; Dr. Douglas Osborne,
who did the same for the archeology; and Drs. Osborne, William Elmendorf, and William Massey, who
read the manuscript in its entirety.
I am also indebted the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Museum of the Plains Indian, and the Louis W.
and Maud Hill Family Foundation for making possible the 4 years of research on tipi rings.
Sincere thanks are due to Peter H. Baez, Verl P. Brady, and Carl Shaddox, formerly with the Soil and
Moisture Conservation Office; to Charles Gerard, of the Forestry Office of the Blackfeet Indian Agency;
to Kenneth Galbreath, of Browning; and especially to F. Earl Turner, of the Geology Department of the
Union Oil Company of California, for their assistance in locating tipi ring sites.
Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to those who helped me in the excavations involved in this project:
Donald and Jerry Ziegler, Edward and Phyllis Jay, and my wife Alice.
421
2 ats
113°30°
mee R
Se Ballon |
ook Ri |
i
90 Oe ag7 Bune
ma poe é *e
: “AOS 7 ‘a .
S. Shorp's Lake
fas S, . Kk
ewe. kk 0340 eh)
"ae oe Cut Bank Oe
is A pocer
@ ig [TIBANK
EBCoT Bank eee
ry B
ye
Cr
RY,
Ke) pattuns ’
Liter 384
1956 Come + Ht Swamp de vardipee. Ops
Museo PHEROWNING Kipps vi . Tone '"9
lains Indtan Lok
INS cine
>
EASTER. %@
GLI
PARK’ VWYedicine
N
T
scale in miles
« s
M2" 20°
e* sites (prefixed 24GL)
TIPL RING SITES
BLACKFEET RESERVATION, MONT,
(Based on Bureau of Indian Affairs map)
Map 2.—Map of the Blackfeet Reservation showing sites.
(1zp “d aoeq) 09-0 Z9LILF
j
és
o
is
J
; y
ig
' _ =
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y Se eyA i oe
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a = . - = i
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a ce ath. oy 4's 7 | 7 i
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422 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull, 173
remains in their vicinity. Factors contributing to the latter premise
are (1) the rare occurrence of fire remains within the circle, (2) the
lack of packed floors, and (3) more frequent location on high river
terrace fingers than in sheltered lowlands. Mulloy further notes that
the stone circles range from isolated individual rings to groups of
several hundred, sometimes intersecting one another or occurring in
eccentric forms. In the Dakotas, he points out, they are found as
merely circular depressions in the sod. Mulloy refuses to commit
himself as to the original purpose of the circles, but believes that they
are related to the so-called ‘“‘medicine wheels,” an example of which
is found high on a mountain peak in the Big Horn Mountains of
Wyoming.
In a review of the book containing Mulloy’s comment cited above,
Wedel (1953, p. 179) states the following:
Other interesting and puzzling subjects include tipi rings, various boulder align-
ments and configurations, and petrographs. Mostly these are still unassigned
culturally, because associated cultural-diagnostic materials are rare or absent.
I am inclined to agree with Mulloy that a good many of the tipi rings are prob-
ably of ceremonial, rather than practical, purpose.
Previously Wedel (1948, p. 48) had discussed the origin and signifi-
cance of tipi rings and included a useful statement on their distribu-
tion:
The so-called tipi rings, whose true purpose and significance are still obscure,
are abundant and apparently highly characteristic. They occur in limited num-
bers in northern Colorado and extreme western Nebraska, and more frequently
in the Dakotas eastward approximately to the Missouri from Fort Randall north-
ward, but the greatest number of such sites seem to lie in Wyoming, Montana, and
northward. It is possible that they correlate with a relatively late hunting occu-
pation, perhaps partly at least involving Shoshonean peoples.
In a recent study of tipi rings in Montana, the Dakotas, and Wyo-
ming, Hoffman (1953, p. 2) observes that their “nature and use is
highly controversial.’’ He lists what he terms the most common
theories concerning their purpose: (1) Occupational remains, (2) cere-
monial or religious remains, (3) remains once associated with games,
and (4) a combination of (1) and (2). As occupational debris, Hoff-
man believes that they represent the site of the recent conical skin
lodge or a crude hogan of earlier times. In connection with a cere-
monial or religious function, he speculates on their use in a ‘“‘medicine
getting” ritual, on the basis of statements made by a “‘Lacotah Sioux
Indian” named Judge Zahn, of Fort Yates, S. Dak. Judge Zahn re-
marked that ‘“‘a person would go up a hill and build a circle of rocks in
which he would sit and pray and fast until he got his medicine” and
added that ‘‘tipis were never held down by rocks, always staked.”
In*this connection it would be useful to know the identity of the
judge quoted,and the authority for his assertions. Hoffman goes on
Fe tal STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 423
to cite other instances in which Kutenai, Flathead, and Upper Pend
d’Oreille Indians have ventured similar information on rock-shelter
fasting places. He concludes (p. 5), “These points can lead us to
only one definite conclusion: the nature and use of tipi rings is highly
conjectural.’
Carling Malouf (personal letter dated November 7, 1953), who has
a number of ideas incorporated in the Hoffman paper, believes that
the rings are both domestic and ceremonial, and that they are asso-
ciated with some sort of conical structure. He says that none or few
of them seem to have been occupied for any length of time, since
hearths and specimens are lacking. In an unpublished manuscript
on Montana archeology, Malouf adds:
Although their presence has been widely recognized very little is really known
about them [tipi rings]. It is not even certain that they had any connection with
the use of a tipi. Ethnographical accounts fail to give any sound information on
them, hence, they must be of considerable age. Yet, archeology indicates that
some of them were made in recent times.
In a recent review of Plains prehistory, Jennings (1948, p. 69) states
that ‘‘too little is known of these features [tipi rings] to permit very
intelligent speculation about them, so no mention of them appears
elsewhere in the text.”” In a glossary, however, the same author ad-
mits, ““These stones have been interpreted as evidence that a skin tipi
had been erected at the spot, the stones having been used to hold down
the edge of the tent.”
Survey work in Alberta has given Wormington this view on the
topic, as reported by Krieger (1956, p. 450):
Near Neutral Hills, Mulloy and Judd were shown a number of large groups of
stone rings similar to those found in Montana and Wyoming and commonly called
“tipi rings.” Wormington, however, doubts that they represent habitations and
suggests they had ceremonial significance.
These varied opinions expressed on the function of tipi rings call for
a reexamination of the evidence. It is clear that certain of these stu-
dents have brought togetber, under the name of tipi rings, dissimilar
prehistoric remains from diverse areas and attempted to assign to them
identical functions.
Despite the recent increase in archeological knowledge of the
Northern Plains, the question of the origin and function of stone “tipi
rings” seems as far from solution as ever. This is particularly true in
respect to the original purpose which these seemingly mysterious stone
circles served. Modern students of Plains prehistory hesitate to assign
a use to them or else waver between practical and esoteric types of
utilization. Sufficient information exists in historical and ethnological
records, it is believed, to reveal their function, if not their ethnic
origin. The latter remains a task for the archeologist or ethnohisto-
424. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
rian. It is the theme of this study that “tipi rings,” in one part of
the Northern Plains, at least, represent just what their popular name
suggests: rings of stone employed by former resident Indians to hold
down the periphery of their skin lodges. In support of this thesis we
have assembled in this paper evidence from documentary and tradi-
tional sources as well as from archeological work clarifying the signifi-
cance of these stone circles.
HISTORICAL EVIDENCE
From the beginning of the 17th century, when the earliest Huropean
visitors first entered the Northern Plains, the area has been traversed
by a constant stream of explorers, traders, trappers, and pioneers who
provided eyewitness descriptions of the native peoples in various
stages of acculturation. From some of these early visitors we obtain
the first accounts of tipi rings or circles of boulders. The use of stone
or other weights by the Blackfoot and their neighbors to hold down
their lodges is established by a number of references in the literature,
several of them by first-hand observers.
Maximilian (1906, p. 104), who saw the Blackfoot at Fort McKenzie
during the summer of 1833, has left a very concise account of their
method of holding down lodge covers. In this case they appear to
have used blocks of sod rather than stone, possibly because of the
scarcity of stone in the vicinity. He writes:
When these tents are taken down, they leave a circle of sods, exactly as in the
dwellings of the Esquimaux. They are often surrounded by fifteen or twenty
dogs, which serve, not for food, but only for drawing and carrying their baggage.
The circles of earth indicating the former position of lodges were
again noticed by Maximilian while at Fort Union, at the mouth of the
Yellowstone, October 16, 1833. The abandoned camp was probably
left by Assiniboin or Cree. He noted (1906, p. 199):
The little prairie fox was so hungry, and, therefore, so tame, that it often
visited the environs of the fort, and we found these pretty little animals among the
circles of turf which were left on the removal of the Indian tents. [?]
The expedition under Henry Y. Hind exploring west of the Red
River noticed, in the summer of 1858, both numerous groups of Cree
hunters and former camps of that tribe. The narrative mentions
(Hind, 1860, vol. 1, pp. 338-341):
Immediately on the banks of the Qu’appelle Valley near the ‘“‘Round Hill”
opposite Moose Jaws Forks, are the remains of ancient encampments, where the
Plains Crees, in the day of their power and pride, had erected large skin tents,
and strengthened them with rings of stones placed round the base. These
circular remains were twenty-five feet in diameter, with the stones or boulders
2 Speck (1928, pp. 39, 40) photographed Sioux standing before their lodges, which appear, although the
details are not too clear, to be held down by sod piled on the lower edge.
ee STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 425
being about one foot in circumference. They wore the aspect of great antiquity,
being partially covered with soil and grass. When this camp ground was occupied
by the Crees, timber no doubt grew in the valley below, or on the prairie and
ravines in detached groves, for their permanent camping grounds are always
placed near a supply of fuel... .
Buffalo Pound Hill Lake, sixteen miles long, begins near Moose Jaws Forks,
and on the opposite or south side of this long sheet of water, we saw eighteen
tents and a large number of horses. . . . On the banks of the valley the remains
of ancient encampments in the form of rings of stones to hold down the skin
tents are everywhere visible, and testify to the former numbers of the Plains
Cree. . . . The largest ancient encampment we saw lies near a shallow lake in
the prairie about a mile from the Qu’appelle Valley. It is surrounded by a few
low sandy and gravelly hills, and is quite screened from observation. It may
have been a camping ground for centuries, as some circles of stone are partially
covered with grass and embedded in the soil.
Bushnell (1922, p. 21) comments briefly on the origin of the circles
of stones observed by the Hind party:
This is a simple explanation of small circles of stones now encountered in
different parts of the country, but in other localities, where stones were not obtain-
able, masses of sod were used for the same purpose, and these in turn may have
caused the small earth circles which are now discovered in the lower Mississippi
Valley and elsewhere.
That the use of boulders to secure lodge covers was still extant by
1866 is attested to by Dr. Washington Matthews, in a discussion of the
paper, “‘Stone Monuments in Southern Dakota,” by T. H. Lewis, read
at the meeting of the Anthropological Society, February 5, 1889
(Lewis, 1889, pp. 164-165):
Dr. Matthews said that . . . he could not speak for the particular circles of
stones to which Mr. Lewis refers; but he was certain that many stone circles in
Dakota were to be attributed to the former use of bowlders in holding down the
edges of skin tents. He had seen bowlders used for this purpose in Dakota twenty-
three years ago, while the Indians still followed the nomadic life. The fact that
some circles were only eight feet in diameter did not militate against this theory,
since the Indians used small lodges as sweat-houses and for sacerdotal purposes.
In the paper that elicited this discussion, Lewis mentioned (Lewis,
1889, p. 162):
The Indians claim that the stone circles mark the places where in former times
the tepees of their people were located, and that the bowlders held down the edges
of the skin tents in place.
A subsequent article on the same general subject contained this
statement (Lewis, 1890, p. 274):
There can be no doubt that the Indians used bowlders and stones to hold down
the edges of their tents or tepees.
Lewis also quotes an observation made by J. N. Nicollet, who
“visited southern Minnesota in 1838” (Lewis, 1890, p. 272), on page 12
of his “Report Intended to Illustrate a Map of the Hydrographic
426 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Basin of the Upper Mississippi River’? (Washington, January 11,
1845) (ibid.):
One mile from the Traverse des Sioux, and on the bank of the river, are the
remains of an Indian camp; the circular area of which is still indicated by the
heaps of stones around each lodge.
While engaged in fieldwork for the Geological Survey of Canada,
George M. Dawson * made the following note from observations in
the Sweet Grass Hills in 1874 (Dawson, 1875, p. 297):
The country surrounding the Buttes [Sweet Grass Hills] is said to have been for
a long time a neutral ground between various tribes of Indians. That it has been
so is evidenced by the almost complete absence of the circles of stones marking
camping places. The region is at present a debatable ground between the Black-
feet, Peigans and the Bloods of the west; the Sioux and the Assiniboines of the
east, and the Crows and other tribes of the Upper Missouri. It is not passed
through save by war parties strong in numbers and travelling rapidly. Ten miles
north of the Middle Butte the bodies of over twenty Crow Indians were found
unburied on the scene of a conflict.
Sir Cecil Denny, an original member of the Northwest Mounted
Police and Agent of the Blood Reserve in 1881-82, came west in 1874.
In an unpublished manuscript (pp. 148-149) he notes the abundant
occurrence and the original purpose of tipi rings found on the prairie:
Rings of boulders or smaller stones will be found in hundreds on the prairie,
and the curious will often wonder as to their origins. The stones will in most
cases be covered by sod, showing that long periods of time must have elapsed
since they were placed there.
Long ago, before the Indians of the plains obtained steel axes and hatchets,
they were unable to cut and sharpen the stakes and to fasten down their lodges.
These stones picked up on the prairie were used for this purpose, and on the
tents being moved these rings of stone were left, and in the course of ages became
covered with soil. Often if the inside of these rings be dug over, stone arrowheads
and other stone implements will be discovered.
Upon visiting the Blackfoot and Blood tribes near Fort Macleod
in the summer of 1880, John McLean became acquainted with those
Indians’ practice of weighting down their lodge covers with rocks.
He described the custom and notes the erroneous explanation of the
origin of the rings by inexperienced travelers in the region (McLean,
1896, p. 577):
Riding carelessly over the prairie with a young man who had lately arrived
from the Old World, my companion called my attention to a circle of stones.
“That is a mark,”’ said he, ‘‘placed there to commemorate a great battle that was
fought between different tribes of Indians.’’ Oftentimes had I seen these circles
on the prairie, and knowing the cause of their construction, I was amused at this
display of apparent wisdom. These circles are to be found on our western prairies.
As the Indians traveled on their hunting expeditions, they placed stones around
the edges of the lodges when they camped, to prevent the wind from over-turning
them, and to keep them warm. This is shown by the outer circle of stones. In
3T am indebted to Hugh Dempsey, Calgary, Alberta, for the Dawson and Denny references.
a re i STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 427
the centre of the lodge the fire was made, and to keep the fire from spreading and
to adapt it for cooking purposes, a small circle of stones was placed which confined
the fire. When the camp was moved the circles of stones were left, and that which
we saw was one of the circles. . .
In the brush fringing the rivers of the west stone circles, deeply imbedded in
the soil, are found, linking the past with the present.
An eyewitness account of the use of stones by the Blackfoot to
hold down lodge margins was given by John R. Barrow, a Wisconsin
youth in Montana in 1880-82. The camp was that of Running Rabbit
and his followers (Phillips, 1927, p. 9):*
The typical tepee was a conical lodge of specially tanned elkskin stretched
over a framework of perhaps twenty-five skin peeled lodge-pole pine. The bottom
of the tepee was held down by stones.
Schultz, who lived in Montana during the last decades of the 19th
century, speaks of stone circles marking the encampments of winter
hunters (Schultz, 1907, p. 63):
You have perhaps noticed on the northwestern plains, circles of stones or small
boulders, varying in size from twelve to twenty and more feet in diameter. They
were used to weight the lower edge of lodge skins, to prevent the structure being
blown over by a hard wind, and when camp was moved they were simply rolled
off the leather. Many of these circles are found miles and miles from any water,
and you may have wondered how the people there encamped managed to assuage
their thirst; they melted snow; their horses ate snow with the grass; buffalo chips
were used for fuel. The stone circles mark the place of an encampment of winter
hunters in the long ago. Some of them are so ancient that the tops of the stones
are barely visible above the turf, having gradually sunk into the ground of their
own weight during successive wet seasons.§
George Bird Grinnell talked to the older men of the Blackfoot
tribes in the years immediately preceding 1890. He collected the
following data on circles of stones (Grinnell, 1892, p. 198):
In ancient times, before they had knives of metal, stones were used to hold
down the edges of the lodge, to keep it from being blown away. These varied in
size from six inches to a foot or more in diameter. Everywhere on the prairie,
one may now see circles of these stones, and, within these the smaller ones, which
surrounded the fireplace. Some of them have lain so long that only the tops now
project above the turf, and undoubtedly many of them are now buried out of sight.
The age of the use of stones as lodge-cover weights is indicated by
the fact that it has become an intimate part of Blackfoot astronomy.
Brings-Down-the-Sun, an old Blood ceremonialist, in relating the
“Star Husband” tale to McClintock (1910, p. 500) pointed out that
the constellation known as the Spider Lodge was thus named because
of the arrangement of its stars, suggesting a tipi ring:
The half circle of stars to the east (Northern Crown) is the lodge of the Spider
Man, and the five bright stars just beyond (in the constellation of Hercules) are
4 Claude E. Schaeffer, Portland, Oreg., kindly brought this reference to my attention.
5 In a letter dated March 25, 1954, John C. Ewers commented on this passage, ‘‘The use of stones to hold
down tipis in winter could be a survival in historic times from a common (perhaps year-round) custom
in the protohistoric. Undoubtably it would be quite a task to drive pegs into frozen ground in the winter
season.”’
428 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
his five fingers, with which he spun the web, upon which So-at-sa-ki was let down
from the sky. Whenever you see half-buried and overgrown circles, or clusters of
stones on the plains, marking the sites of Blackfeet camps in the ancient days,
when they used stones to hold down the sides of their lodges, you will know why
the half-circle of the stars was called by our fathers, ‘“The lodge of the Spider
Man.”
In another place (McClintock, 1910, p. 492) Brings-Down-the-Sun,
in discussing the origin of the Sun Dance, pointed out:
We know not when the Sun-dance had its origin. It was long ago, when the
Blackfeet used dogs for beasts of burden instead of horses; when they stretched
the legs and bodies of their dogs on sticks to make them large, and when they
used stones instead of wooden pegs to hold down their lodges.
During the years immediately preceding 1909, Clark Wissler
recorded information on the material culture of the Blackfoot Indians.
He notes (Wissler, 1910, p. 108):
During the winter, or even at any time, the cover of the tipi was often held down
by stones laid on its edges. Circles of such stones are to be seen in many parts of
the Blackfoot country, marking the sites of former camps or burial tipis.
Wissler (1913, p. 430) takes the following from Duvall’s notes on the
construction of the Ma’toki dance structure made from lodge covers,
with rocks to weight down the bottoms:
The ma’toki dance but once a year when the camp circle is formed. Their
ceremony lasts four days. First they make a shelter somewhat like the one used
for the sun dance. A tipi pole is set up in the center, with a peculiar cross piece
near the top. A number of travois are set in a circle around this pole and joined
together by tipi poles tied along the top, making a single railing all the way
around. Then other tipi poles are tied to this and to the cross piece on the center
pole, forming rafters like in the sun dance shelter. On the sides and over the top
are stretched tipi covers. At the bottom they are weighted with stones. Along
the sides within blankets are suspended.
It has been noted that another neighbor of the Blackfoot, the Crow
Indians to the south, used rocks to weigh down their lodge covers.
During visits to the Crow Reservation during the period 1907-16,
Lowie (1922, p. 224) obtained the following information concerning
the practice:
Bear-Crane stated that long ago rocks instead of pegs were used to weigh down
the bottom of tipi covers; another informant restricts the practice to the winter
season.
There are, perhaps, other documentary references to the topic that
have escaped my attention, but those cited are numerous enough, it is
believed, to indicate that the Blackfoot, Cree, Crow, Dakota, and
probably other tribes in the northwestern Plains employed stones or
occasionally sod as lodge-cover bottom weights. Our references cover
the period from 1833 down to contemporary times, when stones are
rarely seen, and the wooden tent peg appears to be ubiquitous.
Anthrop. Pap.
woe STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 429
ETHNOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS
BLACKFOOT INFORMANTS
Several elderly Blackfoot Indians were questioned about tipi rings
and taken into the field to locate and identify them. All of the
informants were certain that they were used by their ancestors as
weights to hold down lodge covers. Each gave independent testi-
mony that the rings were used in this way and additional information
when asked what he knew about the practice.
My ethnographic notes on tipi rings were collected during the
summer of 1953 from both Northern and Southern Piegan. Two
aged North Blackfoot living near Gleichen, Alberta, interviewed
during the fall of 1956, revealed that their tribe had similar customs.
Most of the data came from Southern Piegan located in and about
Browning, Mont. These informants were Annie Calf Looking
(age 51), Chewing Black Bones (age 87), Jim White Calf (age 89),
Cecile Black Boy (age 67), and Adam White Man (age 81). One
informant, Bull Head (age 84), from Brockett, Alberta, provided
information on North Piegan practices. My interpreters for these
Indians were Calvin Boy, Louis Bear Child, and George Bull Child.
The North Blackfoot were Pete Little Light (age 78), from Gleichen,
whose remarks were translated by Mrs. Rosie A Young Man, and
Mrs. Duck Chief (age 92), of Cluny, Alberta, whose relative, a younger
woman, served as interpreter.
Bull Head (a North Piegan from Canada) stated that people of his
tribe used the rock rings:
My father, Dog Head or Bull Head (born about 1820, died about 1900), and
my grandmother, Red Painted Feet, told me this. It was my great-grandfather’s
generation, the people that never had the horse and used the dog for traveling,
that used the rock rings. They were the people that just had dogs and had to
use buffalo traps for a way of getting food.
Now, both the horse and the dog people used the rocks for tipi weights. The
horse people used both wooden pegs and rocks to help weigh down the lodge to
protect it from the wind.
The outer rocks were used as weights to hold down the tipi for protection from
the wind because the tipis were right in the open. These tipi rings were called
iskiman, ‘‘something to hold down the lodge.”
The inner rocks in the center of the large ring were the fire hearth. They were
about two feet in diameter and used to protect the fire from spreading on the
ground. The center rocks were called appskitan, ‘‘confine the fire.”
Chewing Black Bones testified that the early Piegan did not have
tools to use in sharpening tent pegs. They were able to construct a
6 Hugh Dempsey secured similar information during the summer of 1955 in Alberta (Dempsey, 1956, p. 177) .
471762—60——29
430 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [{Bull. 173
better-shaped lodge after they obtained tools from white traders and
could make tent pegs:
I heard my grandfathers, Carries Braid and Middle Sitter, say that their an-
cestors, the dog-pony people, did not use pegs for their lodges. The reason was
that they did not have the instruments to use in sharpening pegs then. They
used rocks to hold down the lodge skin in keeping out the wind. The stone circles
were known as a “wind break.’’ When the pony came they switched to using
just pegs and only rocks continued to be used in the center for the fireplace. ["]
When they learned to use pegs the tipis were put up in fine shape.
Jim White Calf said that wooden tent pegs were a later innovation
among the Piegan:
The first people were very poor and lacked everything. They piled rocks on
the outside of the lodge cover because they had no pegs then. They did not have
wooden pins to fasten the lodge together—they just tied it. Wooden pins and
pegs are a new style. After they had completed piling the rocks on the outside
of the lodge, they gathered more for inside in order to build a fireplace. These
rocks were not placed all around, but a space was left blank at the rear. [5]
I do not know the reason for this. Also, there was a space at the door of the lodge
where no rocks were placed.
Cecile Black Boy contributed the following:
We were near Landslide Butte with Spotted Bear and we saw those rock rings.
We asked him about them and he told us that the old-timers of our tribe used
them to hold down the lodge cover.
One informant, Annie Calf Looking, was able to associate the use
of tipi rings with a particular Piegan band:
My grandmother, Elk Yells in the Water Bear Chief (90 years old at her death
in 1946), told me this: the Blackfoot never used pegs to hold down the lodge in
the old days. They used rocks and that is why you see the rocks on the prairies
today. My grandmother said that her people, the Don’t Laugh band, used the
rock rings.
Adam White Man, describing the method of tying the skin lodge
cover to pegs, also told of anchoring the lodge to the ground against
the wind by the use of logs as weights:
The old-timers always talk about the first people. The people that used the
rocks were the ones that used the dogs. The only way of packing their things in
those days was by dogs and their backs. The rings are all over, so all the tribes
must have used them.
The rock circles found today on the Reservation were caused by people using
rocks to hold down their lodge covers. Ever since the Blackfoot got the horse
they pegged their tipis. When they began to use pegs they even used to tie a
? Ewers, in his letter of March 25, 1954, expands this information by suggesting that the true cause of the
shift from rocks to wooden pegs was not the horse, but the metal ax, which was an early fur trade importa-
tion and thus was first used at about the same time that the horse was obtained by the Blackfoot.
8 A view of the interior of Mad Wolf’s lodge, photographed by McClintock (1910, p. 30) sometime after
1896, shows a boulder-lined fireplace with rocks missing from one side, supporting Jim White Calf’s testi-
mony. At the 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Cecile White Man (lodge 23) used 12 rocks placed in a U, with
the gap to the west, for her fireplace. A boulder-lined fireplace similar to these, with rocks missing in the
west portion, was also excavated on the Reservation (see pl. 48, a).
Anth . Pap.
Antioay, Pap STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 431
stone in a skin. The stone and the skin were then tied to the peg. They pegged
their tipi but still continued to use rocks as weights. The wind was sometimes
so strong that our people even put a pole or logs between the pegs and the tent
to hold down the lodge.
At this point the interpreter, George Bull Child, interrupted to
say that he himself had even seen rocks employed to hold down lodge
covers:
I myself have seen rocks being used to hold down lodge covers. Adam can
take you down on Badger Creek where his father put up his tipi and you can
see his tipi ring. Old Man Running Crane had a tipi ring and it is still there.
It still shows there like the others of the old stone-age people. Their rings are
there, too.
Adam took me to his allotment on the north side of Badger Creek
to show me his father’s (White Man or Eagle Calf) tipi ring (site
24GL422, fig. 29). The circle of boulders was situated on a low
terrace, about 100 yards from Adam’s ranch buildings and an equal
distance from the edge of the terrace bank. The ring was 16 feet in
diameter and made up of stream- or glacial-rounded boulders ranging
in size from 3 inches to 1 foot. One-third of the rocks were deeply
embedded in the grass roots and humus. When I photographed the
ring, Adam stood in what he called the doorway, a space 2% feet wide
located toward the east (see pl. 48, 6). He also pointed out two
pee
cooking hearth
E
i
O 1p 20 feet
TIP! RING OF WHITE MAN,
FATHER OF ADAM WHITE MAN
SITE 2461422
ren
Ficure 29.—Site 24GL422 (tipi ring of White Man).
432 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
cooking hearths. One was in the center of the tipi ring, but nearer to
the west than to the east side. It was not lined with rocks and was
visible only by a slight discoloration of the soil. It would have gone
unnoticed if not identified to me. The other fire hearth was located
21 feet east of the tipi ring, and consisted of two large rocks about 2
feet apart. Adam said that his father’s family cooked inside the lodge
only during bad weather, using the outside fireplace most of the year.
This, he said, was the reason for the absence of a rock-lined hearth
or charcoal remains inside the tipi ring. According to Adam, this
tipi ring was then 41 years old.
Next, Adam White Man located the tipi ring of Running Crane,
chief of the Lone Eater band (site 24GL427). This was a circle of
stones 20 feet in diameter located on a very low, wide stream terrace
on the south side of Badger Creek. Adam said that Running Crane’s
lodge had been pitched here 60 to 75 years ago.
Later, Adam took me to the site of a Sun Dance performance held
in his youth. About 1891, when Adam was 19 years old, the Canadian
Cree and the Piegan gave a joint Sun Dance. There were two
Piegan sacred women, Berry Woman and Hit on Top Woman, each
with her own lodge. Adam said, ‘‘At the time of this Sun Dance,
only the sacred women used the rocks to hold down their lodge
covers in the old-fashioned way. The rest of the people used pegs.”’
The tipi rings of these lodges are still visible one-half mile west of
Highway 89, on the north side of Badger Creek.
The same informant pointed out several other tipi ring sites that
he had first seen during his youth, but was unable to associate them
with any particular individual. He believed that they were much
too old for such identification. The stones of these rings were more
deeply embedded in the ground than were the ones identified by the
informant.
Bull Head was able to locate his father’s tipi ring on the North
Piegan Reserve because he still protected it:
One of my father’s tipi rings is still west of my place. It is like a keepsake
to me and I am protecting it from cattle and whatever else might destroy it.
There are other rings belonging to my father, but I am just protecting one. I
remember that an uncle had a ring there, too. The cattle scattered them and
there are very faint traces of them, so I cannot give you the exact number of
rings. If you come to Canada, I will take you to the spot and show you the
ring that I am protecting and that belonged to my father.
® Although I was not able to visit this ring, I did see, guided by Charlie Strikes With Gun, a North
Piegan from Brockett, Alberta, the tipi ring which, according to a plaque, marks the site of Chief Crowfoot’s
last lodge, April 1890. This ring is located a quarter of a mile east of the Blackfoot Crossing Monument
near Cluny, Alberta, and is protected by a cement and pipe railing constructed around it. The ring is
approximately 20 feet in diameter.
fate) PSD: STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 433
Several of the Indians were able to give information on the general
location of Blackfoot camp sites during the time when tipi rings were
used. Bull Head located the camps in the open, near water, and
some little distance from buffalo drive sites when the people were
using the drives:
The camp was located some distance from buffalo traps so the buffalo would
not be disturbed. It was usually in a place where they could get water and in
the open. More of these rings are found in the open.
Chewing Black Bones said, ‘‘They had to camp on hills and did
not move very far—just from buffalo jump to buffalo jump.” Annie
Calf Looking also stated that her people camped in high places for
safety and in order to observe the enemy:
The word for camp is mamapis. In the summer they camped on the hills or
in high places so that they could look for the enemy.
Adam White Man pointed out that the camps were located in
higher terrain along the streams during the late spring because of
the danger of flooding:
When you see these tipi rings along the creeks and in the valley bottoms, they
are the winter camps. In the spring when it floods they move up on the benches
and high ground.
The interpreter, George Bull Child, interrupted here to say that
there were different places to camp during certain seasons:
I heard the old people of our tribe say that our people camped in the brush of
the sheltered valleys near the buffalo drives in the winter. The winter camps
were in the brush and the summer camps on the flats above the streams.
The Indians were questioned concerning the size and plan of the
camp, as well as about a camp circle. They all agreed that their
people used a camp circle, but usually split up into smaller hunting
groups in the fall. Bull Head said:
Yes, I heard that they used the camp circle but they usually did not travel in
large groups. They were in search of food and that is why you find these places
with rock rings—sometimes one, only two, and then sometimes five in one spot.
They were small groups of people in search of food.
Annie Calf Looking said:
My grandmother told me that her people planned to meet together in the
summer and had a large camp circle. In the winter there was no larger camp
circle, but each band did have a small circle in the winter camp. The band
broke up in the winter time after they got their meat. She also told me that
her people camped more in groups after they got the horse. The chief would
have his ring in the center of the camp circle. He would be the one with the most
wives and would have the big tipi ring.
My husband, Paul, tells me that he saw a single tipi ring recently out on Birch
Creek. It must have been a jealous man who camped out alone like that. He
did not know why it was single in the old Skunk People’s (his band) camp.
434. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
The informants were questioned as to the size of the tipis when
their ancestors used the tipi rings. They all agreed on the fact that
the tipis were not large before their people acquired the horse. Several
of them said that they heard of large tipis or tipi rings with two fire-
places during “horse days”; this tipi had to be taken apart when
moving. George Bull Child, the interpreter, had interesting infor-
mation on the size of the precontact lodge:
The tipis were not very large before my people got the horse. The dogs were
bigger then, but they could not carry very much even though the travois made a
load lighter. A certain dog would have to carry a tipi skin alone. The lodge
poles would be smaller in those days, so that a dog could pull them. A big cover
would be only ten skins then. Some fellows would say, ‘‘My tipi is six skins.”
A big chief would have ten skins. Later on, when they got the horse, eighteen
to twenty skins was average. [!°]
Adam White Man said that small tipi rings occurring in a camp
of larger rings may have resulted from the smaller dwellings of widows,
elderly people, and from children’s play tipis."
All the informants were asked whether or not their people ever
returned to the same campground and occupied the same tipi ring.
Several of them thought that it was not the usual practice for their
people to return to the same ring. Bull Head agreed with this but
added, ‘‘It was not the usual practice for people to come back to the
same ring, but my father did return to the one I am protecting.
There is no reason to believe that my father considered he owned
the tipi ring that he returned to.’”’ Information contrary to this was
given by Annie Calf Looking:
Yes, my grandmother said that her people, the Don’t Laugh band, would leave
their rock ring and mark it.[!2]_ No, she did not tell me where they camped
but she did tell me that they marked their camp. They marked their own stone
ring and they could not take another person’s ring. If you wanted someone’s
ring, you would have to pay dearly for the spot.[!?] You would have to give
robes, dogs or horses if you came and wanted to take someone’s ring away.
There was quite a dispute when someone came and took another person’s camping
ground. Each person would know right where their ring was located. When a
person died, their brother could take the ring, give it to someone else, or leave
it blank. People kept from taking a person’s ring because they were afraid of
the dead.
10 In his letter of March 25, 1954, Ewers believes ‘‘the estimate given by this informant on the average
size of the Blackfoot lodges in posthorse period to be excessive. My informants (independently) seemed to
agree very well with Wissler that the average sized tipi was twelve to fourteen skins.’”’ (Italics mine.)
11 A photograph confirming Adam White Man’s statement was published by McClintock (1936, p. 10), in
which two children are shown playing in a small tipi, the sides of which are held down by rocks. A modern
example of this play tipi was photographed by the writer at the 1956 Blackfoot encampment (pls. 55, a;
56, 6; 61, a).
12 Cecile Black Boy claimed that the tipi ring was marked by buffalo horn cores left among the rocks of
the ring.
13 Annie Calf Looking may be here confusing ownership of the ring (as a collection of rocks) with owner-
ship of the right to camp in a certain position in the camp circle (see, e. g., Grinnell, 1892, p. 224).
Rego STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 435
Regarding the practices of the North Blackfoot, Little Light,
elderly member of that tribe, told that:
In the dog days they just used rocks on the edge of the tipi cover, to hold it
down. They didn’t use pegs because they had no axes. When the white men
brought axes they made pegs. In the old days they used hide liners, tied to the
lodge covers, and held down with stones.
Mrs. Duck Chief, the oldest resident of the North Blackfoot
Reserve, explained why rocks are not used on the modern tipi:
Where old Indians pitch their tipis, they put the rocks around the tipi to keep
it down, so when it’s windy the pegs won’t come out. They don’t do it now-a-
days; only old people with hide tipis used them, when the tipis were used often,
for every day. The hides stretched more than canvas, so the rocks didn’t roll
off as they would from tight canvas.
In summary, the statements of all the informants bear out that
tipi rings represent just what their name suggests: rings of stones
employed by earlier Indian residents to hold down the sides of their
skin tents. At least one of the early white observers, as well as
several elderly Indians still living on the reservations of Montana
and Alberta, actually witnessed these tipi rings in use in a Blackfoot
camp. (The Museum of the Plains Indian has in its files a photo-
graph, taken in 1910, showing Tom Horn, a Blackfoot, standing
before his tipi, the Otter Lodge, with his wife, Different-Kind-of-a-
Gun-Woman, and their children. The bottom of the cover, although
pegged, is weighted with rocks, several of which have been made
heavier by logs placed over them (pl. 61, 6)). It was possible to
identify a few rings in the field, but most of them were claimed to be
too old for such knowledge to be retained by the informants.
Every informant was certain that tipi rings resulted from the use
of rocks to hold down skin lodge covers, and that they were needed
as weights to prevent the lodge from being overturned by the strong
winds, as well as to keep it warm by fixing the cover close to the
ground. When found inside a tipiring, a smaller ring was the result
of rocks having been used to confine a fire, but such was not the
inevitable practice, for cooking was sometimes done outside during
good weather. A third cause of rock rings was the practice of weight-
ing down the inner liner with stones; '* however, Mrs. Duck Chief
remarked that filled parfleches were also employed for this purpose.
The informants testified to the use of tipi rings both during proto-
historic times before the acquisition of the horse, and during historic
times. All agreed that the protohistoric tipi was small, and that the
tipi became exceedingly large after the horse was obtained. They
thought that transportation problems had a direct bearing on the
size of the lodge, as did the practice of polygyny. ‘Tipis at one time
4 A tipi liner held down by stones was photographed at the 1956 Blackfoot encampment (pl. 67, a).
436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
were often so large that two fireplaces were needed inside, and the
covers had to be split in two parts upon moving.
The Indians had heard that the earlier Blackfoot, when hunting
buffalo, located their camps near the jumps but not so close as to
disturb the animals. Many times the camps were placed in the open,
on high places or hills, yet near water. One informant said that this
was customary in order to observe the enemy, while another believed
that it was to escape spring floods. In the winter, camps were located
in the sheltered valley floors; it was in summer that they would be
pitched on the flats above.
The informants all believed that the size and plan of the camp
depended upon the annual subsistence cycle and the ceremonial
observances during the summer. Small tipi rings in a camp of larger
rings were probably the lodges of widows or elderly persons, or chil-
dren’s play tents.
There was a division of opinion among informants on whether or
not the earlier members of their tribe returned to the same tipi rings
in the process of migration during the annual subsistence cycle.
INFORMANTS OF OTHER TRIBES
In addition to elderly Blackfoot informants, members of other
tribes were questioned when they came to Browning on visits or for
celebrations.
Dave Frenchman and Edward L. Martell, from the Cree Reserve
(Moosemen Reserve), Saskatchewan, 22 miles north of North Battle-
ford, had been told by the old people of their tribe that the stones of
tipi rings were used to hold down the edges of lodge covers. Some-
times there would be a large ring in the middle of the camp circle,
and this would be the location of the chief’s tipi, that is, of the best
warrior and the leader of the tribe. These informants had never
heard of a hearth in the center of a tipi ring.
Ethel Potter (age 50), an Arapaho from the Wind River Reserva-
tion, Wyo., said that her father, Mike Goggles (age 74), had shown
her a place where rock rings were located, as they were traveling
through the mountains, and had told her that they had been used by
the people of his tribe to hold down the skin covers of lodges. She
had not heard of these circles of stones in connection with ritualistic
practices and knew nothing of ‘‘medicine wheels.”
(Sister M. Inez Hilger (1952, p. 93), in a study of Arapaho child
life and the milieu in which these children lived, discovered that when
signs of a hard winter or an approaching storm were noticed, ‘‘The
old men would tell their wives to weight down the edges of the tipis
Anthrop. Pap.
Antes Pap STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 437
with plenty of rocks to keep the tipi covers down and thereby the
cold out.’’)®
An employee of the Blackfeet Agency Headquarters in Browning,
Mont., Stanley Pugh, an Oglala Sioux from the Pine Ridge Reserva-
tion in southern South Dakota, repeated what his grandmother,
Alice Palliday (now deceased), had told him of the origin of tipi rings:
My grandmother told me that in winter time they would cut fine willows and
straw or marsh grass. They would place it between the pegged skin cover and
the ground in order to keep the lodge warm. Rocks were placed on top of the
lodge cover in order to keep the willows and straw from blowing away. The
rocks used were of a size easily carried by a woman. After the tipi was taken
down the rocks were left remaining as tipi rings. I have many times seen tipi
rings in that country. Charcoal and scattered cooking stones remained, showing
where fire hearths had been in the center of the ring.
(George E. Hyde (Will, 1924, p. 294, footnote 2) speaks of a similar
practice of making large bundles of long grass, to pile up around the
lodge for warmth in winter, in the traditions of the Cheyenne, who
when they moved west into the short-grass country substituted sod
for the grass bundles.)
Ambrose Rider (age 47), a Gros Ventre of Fort Belknap, stated
that old people of his tribe claimed that tipi rings were made by “Ute”
peoples who once roamed that area (there is probably confusion on
the part of this Indian between the Ute and the related Shoshoni
tribe). He further said that there are a large number of tipi rings in
the Fort Belknap area, and that some of them occur on high places.
Large, about 20 to 25 feet in diameter, the rings do not appear in
camp circles, but are scattered.
ARCHEOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS
INTRODUCTION
The area in which the archeological investigations took place was
the modern Blackfeet Indian Reservation, located in north-central
Montana immediately east of the Rocky Mountains. Its boundaries
are formed by, on the north, the forty-ninth parallel (the Canadian
border) ; on the south, Birch Creek (lat. 48°10’); on the east, the Cut
Bank meridian (long. 112°10’); and, on the west, Glacier National
Park (long. 113°40’). This encompasses an area approximately 50
miles on each side, containing 2,384 square miles, slightly larger than
the State of Delaware. Of this, only 230 square miles, or one-tenth,
had been broken by the plow at the time of these investigations (1953).
However, this figure does not include the irrigation ditches, dams,
roads, and other activities, such as the building of rock shrines by
sheepherders, that destroy tipi rings. Nevertheless, the proportion
15 T am indebted to W. S. Campbell of Norman, Okla., for bringing this reference to my attention.
438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
of disturbed land is considerably less on the Reservation than on most
of the rest of the northern Great Plains, or of the State of Montana.
Because this area represents one of the last regions in which many
of the aboriginal aspects of the Great Plains may still be observed,
being relatively unaffected by farming, and in which many of the older
inhabitants retain a first-hand knowledge of native Indian customs,
it is a critical area for anthropological study.
ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS
The environmental setting is of importance in interpreting the
archeological sites of the Blackfeet Reservation. It was a major fac-
tor determining the manner in which the early inhabitants of the region
lived, whether they must be nomadic, and what materials were avail-
able to fulfill the needs which their culture stimulated.
The geology of the Reservation (Alden, 1912) is complex, and has
given considerable variety to the topography. Much of its character
is due to glaciation: the terminal moraine of the Keewatin ice sheet
can be seen lying across the eastern portion of the Reservation, and
the piedmont glaciers, remnants of which still flow in Glacier National
Park, sculptured the western edge. In addition, stream erosion fur-
ther modified the pre-Pleistocene ‘Blackfoot Peneplain,” the ancient
level of which is marked by buttes and ridges rising several hundred
feet above the present rolling plain. (The edges of these eminences,
dropping steeply and abruptly, were utilized by the Indians for bison
drives; beneath many of them the depth of the bison bones testifies to
their effectiveness in slaughter.) The rock of these ridges is Creta-
ceous sandstone and shale.
The mountains of the Lewis Front Range of the Rockies form Gla-
cier National Park. From them issue numerous streams, running
north, east, or south from the Hudson Bay and Continental Divides
in the Park. These streams are now found both in deep gorges and in
broad flat valleys, sometimes with gravel-capped terraces. The sur-
face appears as a treeless plain, gently rolling in the east, and becoming
hilly as it approaches the mountains in the west. The stream valleys
are abruptly encountered in this plain; only in them and in the foot-
hills on the western margin of the Reservation do trees grow (cotton-
woods in the former, aspen and pine in the latter).
As the topography influenced the inhabitants of the Reservation in
selecting dwelling sites, so the climate determined to a large degree
which topographic settings were chosen for the different seasons. Cli-
mate is one of the most important factors to consider in deciding
a oa STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 439
whether or not rocks would be necessary to anchor skin lodge covers.!®
The area about the Blackfeet Indian Reservation is, as a whole,
characterized by fairly warm summers with abundant sunshine, win-
ters that are cold and dry, and considerable windiness throughout the
year. Throughout 1952, the average wind velocity at the closest
weather station, Great Falls, was 13 miles per hour, with the prevailing
direction southwest. Seasonal variations ranged from a low of 10
miles per hour for August to a high of 18.3 miles per hour for January.”
However, as Smith (1925, p. 413) has pointed out, ‘Averages do not
tell the whole story. Averages rarely happen. The freaks of the
season decide man’s chances.” ‘The greatest wind velocity in 1952 at
Great Falls was 66 miles per hour, in July. Over an 8-year period
from 1945 to 1952, there were extremes of 65 to 73 miles per hour
nearly every year, with a prevailing southwest direction; every month
of the year showed a development of extreme winds. On the eastern
edge of the Blackfeet Reservation, at Cut Bank, gusts of slightly over
100 miles per hour were recorded more than once.
When the spring floods forced the Indians out of the sheltered
stream valleys where they were wintering, the wind on the open up-
lands would be so strong as to necessitate the use of rocks for tent
weights, for with such gusts it would not otherwise be possible to hold
down a skin lodge cover.
This mountainous region, then, around the headwaters of the
Missouri River on the western margin of the High Plains, was the
habitat of comparatively many tribes, offering them plentiful game
and, though the winters are severe, providing shelter against the
climate in the numerous valleys.
ETHNOLOGICAL BACKGROUND
The history of the region of the Blackfeet Reservation is important
in understanding the archeological material found on it, as well as
in relating it to historical and ethnographic considerations.
In the area of the Reservation, a number of different tribes repre-
senting various linguistic stocks, cultural traditions, and with diverse
geographic connections were to be found at different periods. In early
and middle prehistoric times, no doubt, nomadic tribes, some subsist-
ing chiefly by hunting and others by both hunting and gathering,
occupied the region. Excavations at two sites on the Reservation
have produced points and artifacts reminiscent of types found at
16 Mae Williamson, a prominent middle-aged Blackfoot (president of the Blackfeet Arts and Crafts Asso-
ciation), reports that in her girlhood she asked the old people of her tribe why the tipi rings are often located
in what she would consider a poor camping spot, and that they replied, ‘‘ You young people are too particular
about where you camp. We would camp wherever we had to, many times. We might have had to make
camp when we were caught in a blizzard, and that is why you see those tipi rings in places that would not
normally be used for camping, if we had a better place.”
17 Data summarized from the U. 8. Weather Bureau’s tables for Great Falls, Mont., in 1952.
440 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
early Middle Period sites in the Plains: at the Billy Big Spring site,
one McKean and several Hanna type points (the former dated by
radiocarbon at 3445 + 120 years before present at Signal Butte)
were discovered with geological implications that suggest considerable
antiquity (Kehoe, 1955, p. 2).
It seems likely that some of these early groups may have been
Athapaskan bands, or perhaps affiliated with these. They may, as
Gordon Hewes (1948, p. 7) suggests, have lingered on in the region in
late prehistoric times. (For the purposes of this paper, the proto-
historic is assumed to have begun with the introduction of white trade
goods about 1728 (Lewis, 1942, p.16) and the historic period with
Thompson’s exploration in 1800 (Ewers, 1944, p. 20)). The close of
the prehistoric saw the Shoshoni occupying the territory of the present
Reservation, and ranging far north on the Plains into Saskatchewan,
where the Blackfoot were encountered in the Eagle Hills; horses
obtained from Spanish colonies in New Mexico via the Comanche
gave the Shoshoni this mobility soon after 1705 (Ewers, 1955, p. 6).
Close to the Shoshoni, in this period, were the Kiowa and Kiowa-
Apache, according to their traditions at the headwaters of the Yellow-
stone and Missouri Rivers. Mooney considered the Kiowa-Apache
an Athapaskan group coming to join the Kiowa from the north,
possibly through the region of the Blackfeet Reservation (Hewes,
1948, p. 7).
Before the southward movement of the Blackfoot in the late 18th
and early 19th centuries, the Kutenai and two Salishan tribes, the
Flathead and the Pend d’Oreille, hunted in the territory of the present
Reservation, in conjunction with the powerful Shoshoni, from whom
they obtained horses, but it has not been determined whether they
ventured from the mountains before they had acquired the horse
(Ewers, 1949, p. 356).
About the middle of the 18th century the Blackfoot began migrating
south from the Eagle Hills of southern Saskatchewan. By 1800 these
mounted warriors, equipped with firearms, had become masters of
the vast territory between the North Saskatchewan River and the
headwaters of the Missouri, stretching east from the Rockies about 10
degrees of longitude (Swanton, 1952, p. 396). The Piegan, southern-
most of the Blackfoot tribes, have thus occupied the area of their
Montana reservation for over a century and a half.
ARCHEOLOGICAL FIELDWORK
A preliminary survey of tipi-ring sites was undertaken in October
of 1952, after regular excavation projects were completed. At this
time, 23 sites were examined before severe weather set in. During
the fall of 1953, a further survey was undertaken to examine reported
sites and to locate others. In these two seasons a total of 210 tipi-ring
Anthrop. Pap. STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 441
sites were discovered within the limits of and in the various portions
of the Blackfeet Reservation, comprising well over 1,000 individual
tipi rings. Subsequent travel over the Reservation has brought to
notice at least 150 additional tipi rings, but they have not been closely
examined; this study is confined to the intensive survey of 1952-53.
Since it was not possible to fully test the majority of these sites,
this report is preliminary in nature and will include only summary
descriptions and brief comparisons of the data collected. Further-
more, the significance of the data in its fullest implications cannot be
extracted from the evidence at this time: only by much future arche-
ological fieldwork and extensive comparisons both with sites in other
localities and with ethnographic materials can these Reservation
sites be defined culturally and chronologically.
Proportion of tapi rings to other sites —The 210 surveyed tipi-ring
sites comprise 72 percent of the total number of archeological sites
found on the Blackfeet Reservation through 1953. This figure com-
pares with the 22 tipi-ring sites forming 42 percent of the total number
of sites reported by Bliss (1949, p. 10) at the Tiber Reservoir on the
Marias River, southeast of Shelby, Mont. Bliss’ work at other
reservoir sites indicates that six tipi-ring sites, forming 19 percent of
the total surveyed, were found at the Canyon Ferry reservoir on the
Missouri River near Helena, Mont.; only six tipi-ring sites, or 14
percent, at the Glendo Reservoir in southeastern Wyoming; nine
tipi-ring sites (12 percent) at the Boysen Reservoir in Wyoming; and
none in the Oregon Basin, 8 miles southeast of Cody, Wyo. (Bliss,
1949, pp.8-10). These surveysindicate that the region of the Blackfeet
Reservation may possibly represent a cultural hearth for tipi-ring
sites.
Location of tipi-ring sites —Tipi rings were found in nearly all parts
of the Reservation, although an intensive survey was not made of
every locality. The rings occur at elevations of from 3,500 to 5,000
feet above sea level, in both valley bottoms and as much as 600 feet
above the valleys on the intervening flat-topped ridges.
Going to the east, the first occurrence of tipi rings is 4 to 6 miles
from the front range of mountains, and about 3 to 5 miles from the
massive ridges bordering the principal valleys heading in the range.
At this point, the rings are placed on the elevated pediments and
elongated ridges extending from the mountains, on the abrupt edges
of the flat-topped ridges, and in the river bottoms or on the terraces
of varying heights. Continuing east, the elevated pediments give
way to buttelike eminences; the tipi-ring sites are found along the
escarpment edges and on the fingers of these buttes, and on the more
gradual marginal slopes (see pl. 49, a), as well as, still, on the stream
terraces and in the valley bottoms.
442 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178
All the local topographic settings on the Reservation favorable to
camping reveal tipi rings, both large and small. However, the rings
occurring on elevated areas seem to average smaller in size than those
found in low situations, suggesting a possible correlation between the
size of a ring and its topographic setting. Withers (1950, p. 11) notes
a similar observance in Colorado:
We also saw sites of the stone circle type. Following a suggestion I got from
Bliss, I think we can probably work out two occupations from the stone circle
sites, one with fairly small circles located on the blufis above the river bottoms,
and one represented by the larger circles found consistently on the valley floors.
This difference would be difficult to explain, other than by either
supposing a preference for smaller tipis on the higher locations (owing
perhaps to the force of the winds there), or by postulating different
cultural occupations, as Withers suggests, during one of which, pos-
sibly, a climatic change flooded the bottoms (detailed geological studies
have not been reported on the paleoclimatology of the Reservation,
which, because of its proximity to the glaciers of Glacier National
Park, undoubtedly experienced many unique local variations in
climate).
Camp plans.—There may also be a relationship between the camp
plan and the topographic setting, caused by seasonal subsistence
cycles and ceremonial observances. However, although there were
different tent arrangements in the larger tipi-ring sites, and several
vaguely defined camp patterns were worked out, a definite correlation
between plan and setting has not yet been determined.
When three rings were present, they were either in a single row or
forming a triangle. In clusters of four or more rings, they were ar-
ranged in single lines, double alternating lines, V, semicircle, or circle.
But in many cases the group of tipi rings was haphazardly arranged
or scattered—either it was impossible for the writer to pick out the
camp plan or there had been no intended arrangement in these cases.
Although immediate topographic features, as well as the number of
lodges in the group, would to some extent determine tent arrange-
ment, some choice was possible on camp plan. The following table
gives the number of sites and of tipi rings for each of the several camp-
ing arrangements:
TABLE 1.—Camp plan or pattern
Plan Number of | Number of
sites rings
AGSingledsolated rings. ssl a0 25 4 Seer fee SY EEE EL LE de ee 63 63
FBO ONL See nt es A ie eae aes ae oe ae ee 24 48
G@iChreetringttrian gles oie hi AEs 1a Ly a a ee Se 5 15
DF SIN BIOWOW. ne a ae ee ee = RE pe = BOL ae eee eee 16 110
EP Double-alternatingirow 22228 2k Boer ed SL SE es 3 199
Keg Ve arraneemont.-2 2 5ae* 8 S22 ee ee ee eee ee ee 1 31
GUBemlcifcle = i202 i leek A Le eA Ste ee Oey eeiieass ~ 4 38
MH OlrCl Os eee hn ee LS SU 2 ee ae ng emg 5 112
I: laphazard or scattered): 2 0.0 bs) ee ee NS 16 134
Antbron, Pap. STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 443
In most of the 137 tipi-ring sites closely examined on the Reserva-
tion, the rings were single isolated rings, in small groups of two or
three, or in clusters of from 4 to 55 rings. One site, however, con-
tained 170 individual tipi rings placed in a double alternating line ex-
tending for 4% miles along an escarpment. The rings were usually 5
to 50 feet apart and the same distance from the abrupt edge of the
flat ridge. Since they overlooked Trail Coulee, they may possibly
have been connected with the Old Whoop-up Trail.
All these arrangements except the triangle (C) occur in all the dif-
ferent local topographic settings on the Reservation. ‘The sites con-
taining only three rings are found on flat-topped ridges, including
their edges, in saddles between hills, and on escarpment fingers.
Those occurring as isolated single tipi rings ranged from 12 to 24
feet in diameter and averaged 17.3 feet. At the sites containing two
rings only, the tipi rings were between 7.5 and 25 feet in diameter,
averaging 15.9 feet. Three rings in one site varied from 10 to 27
feet in diameter, and also averaged 15.9 feet; a total of 12 sites con-
tained only three rings. In the 38 sites in which the tipi rings are
found in clusters of from 4 to 170, the rings ranged in size from 10 to
29 feet in diameter. The complete range of diameters of tipi rings
on the Blackfeet Reservation is thus between 7.5 and 29 feet, and the
average for a sample of 108 sites was 15.8 feet. It can be seen that
the size of the tipi rings, though somewhat variable, is circumscribed
within narrow limits; and both the range and the average correlate
very well with the sizes of conical lodges used as dwellings by the
tribes of historic times.
Shape of tipi rings—No eccentric forms of tipi rings were found—
just circles such as would result from rocks used to hold down lodge
covers. No tipi rings found suggested a ceremonial use. Neither
partial nor overlapping rings were observed, indicating that the
people may have returned to the same rings, or at least would not
disturb an older ring to use the rocks in erecting a new lodge.
The late H. P. Lewis, in an unpublished manuscript on buffalo
kills in Montana, briefly discussed the tipi rings he discovered in
north-central Montana, and came to the same conclusion, that even
though rocks may have been scarce, the rings were not re-used for
another tipi. He states, “Strangely enough I cannot remember ever
seeing such rings appearing as though they had been disturbed, or
worked over, or any part of the circle lacking” (Lewis, MS., chap. X,
p. 27).
Depth of rocks——There seems to be a correlation between the size
of a ring and the depth to which the stones are embedded in the
ground. Depth below surface was recorded in 65 sites containing a
total of 391 tipi rings, and in this large sample the size of the tipi
444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
rings seems to diminish in proportion to the depth to which the stones
are embedded. However, in comparing individual sites or rings, the
depth of the embedded rocks would be a poor criterion for chrono-
Jogical classification or dating, for conditions such as erosion, deposi-
tion, frost action, and cultural variations in lodge sizes, reflecting
occupants’ status or similar factors, would affect each site differently.
Table 2 summarizes the data on sites and depth:
TABLE 2.—Rock depth and tipi-ring size
Proportion below surface Average Number Number
size (feet) of sites of rings
One-quarters 223.05 Goss S eon Lal Ek EB, SR ee ued 18.3 4 58
QOnieshal fae ea ae So Ce ee Sls Ta 17.2 22 100
‘nhree-quarters:421 5 Ser eee eA Ue ae eee id 16.7 32 165
INGST IVS BOLO Wace ence tes ice ke oe ee TRE Rae at aoe et ee 14.6 7 68
RO Gale = se ce hee Re a ee yt oe MI Bae eel eee 65 391
A further relationship can be noted from table 2, between the num-
ber of tipi-ring sites and the depth of the embedded rocks. LEighty-
three percent of the sites in the sample had rocks one-half to three-
quarters embedded in the ground; comparison with the number of
sites in which rocks are nearly below the surface is invalid, because
of the difficulty of discovering these sites, but the presumably more
recent sites, with rocks near the surface, are readily observable.
There thus appears to be an increase in the number of sites and of
tipi rings with an increase in the depth of the rocks of the rings below
the surface. It may be supposed that the rings in which the rocks
largely uncovered by sod are found postdate the period in which the
Blackfoot lived exclusively in tipis, and they may therefore have
been built only for the annual summer ceremonies.
Door gaps.—Very few of the tipi rings have an area in which rocks
are absent, presumably the gap left at the lodge door, where rocks
were not needed to hold down the cover. In only 11 of the 85 sites
closely investigated in this regard did door gaps, ranging from 2.5 to
8 feet across and averaging 4.8 feet, occur.!8 A total of 14 individual
tipi rings had door gaps. The rings with door gaps varied from 13
to 19 feet in diameter and averaged 15.8 feet. In all cases except
two, the door gap faced approximately east; in one it faced northeast
and in the other, south. One site of six rings 12 to 13 feet in diameter
contained in it three rings with door gaps, all facing east.
18 Many lodges did not have a door extending to the ground, but only a narrow hole about 1 foot above
it. The cover would have to be held down under this opening, but, since there was usually no interior
lining at this point to be also secured, there would be fewer rocks in the ring here. However, Mae Wil-
liamson (see footnote 16) stated that she was told that in cold weather the gap at the door might be lined
with a robe, or a second hide door might be constructed, or the door itself might be pulled down and
inside under the tipi edge, all of these contrivances necessitating rocks as weights; at the least, parfleches
could be placed against the unlined, drafty door bottom, and even these might require rock weights. Al-
lowing for these practices, the absence of a door gap so often noted in tipi rings is not surprising.
nteey. Pap- STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 445
Quantity of rocks—Although there was variation in the quantity of
rock material used in tipi rings, it always seemed in proportion to that
needed in weighting down a lodge cover. Thus, when smaller rocks
had been employed, a greater number appears to have been used, as
would have been required.
In many cases, clusters of tipi rings of large diameter seem to
contain fewer rocks. It may be that pegs were used to supplement
rocks (see pl. 61, 6) during the period when these larger rings were used.
Rock type-——The unique array of rock exposures and glacial drift
gave to the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation area a wealth of
raw materials for lodge-cover weights. In the great majority of the
sites (206), glacial drift or stream boulders make up the rock rings.
This material ranges in size from cobbles 3 inches in diameter to
boulders 1% feet long and about 6 inches to 1 foot in diameter. The
stones may be partially rounded, but are mostly subangular, with
some faceted and striated. The preponderance of mostly subangular
rocks can be explained partly by the natural profusion of these rocks
and partly by a preference for rocks that would not roll. The material
seems to be wholly derived from the mountains and heterogeneously
mixed; it was principally quartzite (white, yellowish, banded pink,
and red), with pebbles of maroon argillite and of diorite. In most
cases it was not necessary for the rocks to be carried more than a few
feet; they could be carried by women.
Four sites had rings composed of sandstone and conglomerate
slabs from nearby outcrops. The tipi rings were 15 to 18 feet in di-
ameter, but the slabs were much larger than the usual rocks—from
10 inches to 1% feet in diameter. However, the only difference be-
tween these rings and the more common ones of boulders was that,
because of the larger size and more angular shape of the slabs, fewer
were needed. These four sites were located on the edge and the mar-
ginal slopes of flat-topped ridges, close to the Cretaceous rock ex-
posures.
These rock types represent the use of available materials, as in
the unglaciated prairies to the east, where turf or sod was used to
hold down the lodge covers (Bushnell, 1922, p. 28, quoting Maxi-
milian; Will, 1924, p. 293).
Rock concentrations in center.—Only 23 of the 144 sites on the
Reservation closely examined for this feature revealed definite clusters
of stones in the center of the rock rings. These are presumed to be
former fire hearths. No site was noted in which all the rings in the
site had definite center rock clusters. Usually there were one or two
such rock clusters in a site of from 3 to 50 tipi rings.
These clusters of stones were between 1 to 4 feet in diameter.
Many times they were haphazardly arranged, sometimes appearing
471762—60——30
446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
to result from putting the fire out by throwing stones on it. These
hearthstones occasionally are discolored by fire, but are seldom frag-
mented, suggesting rather temporary use. Most commonly, these
rocks are smalJer than those of the outside ring, and therefore it is
possible that, in a deeply embedded ring, they are nearly or entirely
below the ground surface. When only a few of the tips of the rocks
are visible above the surface, they have the appearance of stones
naturally scattered on the ground, though in a good many cases, they
very probably had had some connection with a fire hearth.
Outside fire hearths.—In five sites, outside fire hearth remains were
noted. Adam White Man has stated that his people would cook in-
side the tipi only during bad weather, and pointed out the outside
fireplace belonging to his father’s tipi ring (see p. 432).!°
Inside fire hearths. —Six tipi rings, in six different sites, had definite
rock-ring fire hearths. These hearths contained six to eight rocks
each. Since so few fire hearths occur, it seems probable that cooking
was done outside in many cases, as suggested in the paragraph above.
A report on the excavated hearths follows.
Excavations.—Because of the nature of tipi-ring sites, which must
be on or very near the surface to be visible, and because both arch-
eologists and reputable collectors® have reported that occupational
remains are rarely found in excavations of rings, it was decided that
excavation would be a relatively minor aid in the solution of the
problem of the origin and use of tipi rings, and therefore this activity
19 At the 1956 Blackfoot encampment, the occupants of Lodge 1 constructed a hearth 6 feet southeast of
their tipi, on which tin cans, bottles, etc. give evidence of cooking. The placement of this outside hearth
concurs with a description of such cooking hearths obtained by Mae Williamson (see footnote 16), during
her girlhood from older Blackfoot. McClintock (1910, pp. 226-227) also mentions and pictures an outside
cooking hearth.
20 Mr. Carle Leavitt, Conrad, Mont., an amateur collector who is both a serious student and a conscien-
tious observer, excavated a tipi ring several years ago. The ring was located on Leavitt’s own propsrty, 20
miles northeast of Conrad, and was about 12 feet in diameter. A fire hearth in the center gave evidence of
burning and was surrounded by bone fragments. Although the entire ring was excavated to the original
ground level 2.5 inches below the surface, most of the interior of the ring was found to be empty. However,
besides the material in the center, the area 1.5 to 2 feet inside the rock circle contained numerous bone frag-
ments and one arrowpoint, with three (side- and basal-) notches, which in Leavitt’s experience is unique
in this region, except for one other found in a bison kill west of Kevin, Mont. Leavitt recalls that ‘‘the point
was neither obsidian nor agate—some kind of flint.”
8. Victor Day, of Sunburst, Mont., another reputable collector, reports having found worked flakes of
petrified wood and moss agate in tipirings: ‘‘I’ll shew you dozens of places at the tip! ringson my place where
they dropped their rejected pieces.’’ In addition, he discovered a full-grooved stone maul ‘‘leaning against
the inside edge of a rock ring,’’ and several arrowpoints both inside and just outside rings.
The Museum of the Plains Indian has in its collection two stone mauls, both full-grooved, found asso-
ciated with tipirings: M. P. I. Nos. 63L and 917L. The first is a stream-rounded boulder 15.1 X 11.7 X 6.8
cm., with a pecked groove 2 to 2.5 cm. wide encircling the center. One end shows considerable use. This
maul was found by Richard Sanderville, a leading Blackfoot often relied upon as an interpreter, on Two
Medicine Creek “‘near old tipi rings.’’ No. 917L is a pecked maul triangular in cross section, 15.1 X 8.2 X 8.2
cm., with a pecked groove 2 to 2.5 cm. wide extending around it 4 cm. from the base, which shows evidence
of considerable use and tapers to a rounded point also exhibiting the marks of use. This maul was found by
L. F. Tenney of Kevin, Mont., on the Milk River Ridge 10 miles west of Warner, Alberta; it was associated
with tipi rings and possibly with a bison drive site, and there was a good spring nearby.
Nowe STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 447
was not expanded beyond the complete excavation of one ring and
the testing of several others.
It is pertinent to the problem of tipi rings that the nomadic peoples
presumably using them possessed very few imperishable material
belongings, occupied camps for only short periods, and, since they
carried always little more than the bare essentials for living, were
able to abandon very little in moving. Ewers (1955, pp. 130-131)
states, “Experience made the Blackfoot efficient in packing their
belongings quickly in the morning camp was to move. ... Each
family was responsible for its own belongings. Every article had its
assigned place and means of transportation.’”? These factors make it
improbable that the excavation of tipi rings will reveal much of value
in solving the problem of the rings.
Site 24GL3890.—This site consists of three tipi rings, averaging 17.3
feet in diameter, situated on a long, flat escarpment finger parallel to
and above the north bank of Greasewood Creek. About one-fourth of
a mile southeast of Sharps Lake, it is nearly centrally located on the
Reservation. The area of occupation is 700 feet, east to west.
Ring 1 (refer to fig. 30) measures 15 feet north-south and 17 feet
east-west. The circle of rocks is 1 foot wide with its scattered rocks
6 to 8 inches in diameter. Three-quarters of each rock is embedded in
the ground, leaving approximately 2 inches protruding above the sur-
face. ‘There seem to be more rocks on the north side of the ring, and
they are more distinct. Since the ring is located on a very slight slope.
there may have been more deposition on the south side, covering that
part of the ring to a greater extent. One rock is embedded in the
interior of the ring 6 feet from the west side. The pattern of a 5-foot
section of the ring is seen in figure 30.
Ring 2 is 16 feet in diameter. As in Ring 1, the circle of rocks is
1 foot wide and the stones range from 6 to 8 inches in diameter, being
three-quarters embedded in the ground, with about 2 inches protrud-
ing. On the east side of this ring a gap of 8 feet in which no rocks
occur is present; presumably this marks the doorway to the lodge.
In ring 2, slightly off center (6 feet from the east side, 8 feet from the
west, and midway between the north and south sides of the ring),
could be seen a rock-ring fire hearth. The hearth was 2 feet in diame-
ter, and its rocks range from 3 to 6 inches in diameter, considerably
smaller than those of the tipi ring proper. Excavation of this rock-
ring hearth disclosed only five small charcoal particles the size of a
pinhead. These fragments were embedded near the base of the rocks,
and probably were the last remnants of the charcoal which had been
almost all blown out. A gap to the west of the fire ring gave it a U
448
—
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a
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UY
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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Oring 1
SITE 246L390
aie
ROCK CIRCLE
RING 2
100 200 feet
Ficure 30.—Site 24GL390.
i ial STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 449
shape. On this point, it can be noted that this occurrence tallies with
information given by Jim White Calf, an elderly Blackfoot, previous
to the excavation: .
After they completed placing the rocks on the outside to hold down the lodge
cover, they gathered more for the inside to build the fireplace. These rocks are
not placed all around, but a space is left blank at the rear or toward the back of the
lodge. I do not know the reason for this.
It will be remembered that the “back of the lodge’’ was to the west,
since the door always faces east.
Ring 3 is 19.4 feet north-south and 21 feet east-west. The circle
of rock is spread over an area 1 to 1.5 feet wide, but the individual
rocks still range from 6 to 8 inches in diameter and again are embedded
approximately three-quarters deep with 2 inches above the ground
surface. These rocks, like those of the first two rings, are glacial
boulders of pink quartzite and sandstone. The greatest concentration
of rocks is on the northeast side of the ring, but since it is on a slight
slope, greater deposition on the southwest side may have led to this
impression. ‘There are no rocks inside the ring, and no evidence of a
fire.
Site 24GL490.—Two tipi rings, one 11 feet in diameter and the other
17 feet, comprise this site on the edge of the escarpment forming the
south side of Milk River Ridge, in the northwest portion of the Reser-
vation. A fire hearth (pl. 49, 6) occurs in the smaller ring, and was
briefly tested, yielding a handful of charcoal, unworked fragments of
both burnt and unburnt bone, and four unworked obsidian flakes, 1.2
cm., 1 cm., 0.7 cm., and 0.5 em. (Obsidian is not known to occur
naturally on the Reservation.)
Site 24GL584.—On the north shore of Spring Lake (the middle
Mission Lake), in the eastern half of the Reservation, is an area
seven-tenths of a mile long and 50 to 100 yards wide, containing
approximately 100 tipi rings. These overlook the lake. At the
writer’s suggestion, Phyllis Jay, then assistant curator at the Museum
of the Plains Indian, and her husband, Edward Jay, a trained
archeologist, measured several of the tipi rings and excavated one
hearth, which is diagrammed in figure 31. Five of the tipi rings were,
respectively, 16, 16.7, 16.7, 18, and 19 feet in diameter.
The fireplace of ring 5 was excavated. In it charcoal was dis-
covered at approximately 3 inches below the surface. Although no
artifacts were found, the structure of the fireplace was very distinct:
it was composed of nine rocks arranged in a U shape roughly in the
center of the tipi ring. The nearest neighboring ring was about 15
feet to the west.
Site 24GL486.—The south slope of Milk River Ridge, in the north-
west portion of the Reservation, is dissected by intermittent streams,
450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
t
O 5 10 I5 feet
eee |
SITE 24GL584
RING 5
Ficure 31.—Site 24GL584, ring 5.
leaving smaller ridges or fingers extending at right angles to the Ridge
(pl. 50, a). These flats are excellent camping spots, affording good
drainage, observation of the country, and proximity, during certain
seasons, to running water. One portion of the Ridge contains 12
ay sil STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 451
sites in an area 2 miles long, encompassing this dissected slope (see pls.
50, 6, 51, a; refer also to fig. 32).
On one of these flat fingers, eight-tenths of a mile southeast of the
Milk River Ridge, 400 feet lower than it and 250 feet above the valley
Milk River Ridge
e46L525
re) °
@)
24G6L487
N
\
SECTION OF
MILK RIVER
RIDGE SLOPE
24GL486
“————— approx. ] pil @stsese cia
Ficure 32.—Section of Milk River Ridge slope with three tipi-ring sites,
452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
N
1
SITE 2461486
(e) AO feet
Ficure 33.—Site 24GL486.
floor, is site 24GL486, which consists of six tipi rings ranging from 13
to 14 feet in diameter, and placed as pictured in figure 33.
In 1953, when this site was first visited, several of the rings were
whitewashed and photographed from the Ridge. Except for the dis-
placement of a few rocks on the south sides of a couple of rings, under-
mined by soil having been blown out, the rings are in good condition.
(The wind is exceedingly strong at this site during some months of the
year; excavation in October and early November of 1956 had to be
discontinued at times because of the powerful gusts.)
A large number of rocks make up each tipi ring; they range from
0.3 to 1.3 feet in diameter, but most are of considerable size and
weight. They must have been gathered from the hill crest, where
these red glacial boulders are thickly scattered—the only bare spots
OAS) el STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 453
feet
SITE 2461486
9 Co hey esa RING4
paL2 a e4ti O Cyan = Oe
Bie & Sn
O o3Li 3CA B3R1
Gik ‘byte ash wg rook
Q) Fragment 2 O
O Us 5 iene ee
; y, Vr
@2L2 Cp So g2cA “Oy 9
= Lo hammerstone D io
o Or at « GI CO 0) QO O
ollL2 Q a
Sire 34.—Site 24GL486, ring 4.
are the interiors of the tipi rings. Ring 4 was the only one of the six
to possess a fire hearth, composed of a rock ring.
The excavated ring, ring 4, measures 13.5 feet north-south by 14
feet east-west (see pl. 51, b; fig. 34). The east-northeast side of
the ring presents a gap 1 foot wide, probably a doorway. The
circular band of rocks in the ring covers an area about 3 feet wide and
consists of 124 rocks, 0.3 to 1.3 feet in diameter.
The tipi ring was staked out in 5-foot squares, with the central
axis oriented along the (magnetic) north-south line through the
center of the ring, almost bisecting the fire hearth. The southernmost
row of stakes was labeled ON(orth), the next 1N, etc.; numbered
left or right of the central axis, square designations were derived from
that of the stake in the southwestern corner of each.
Square 211, which included a segment of the fireplace, was taken
down 0.1 foot, to the base of the rocks in the fireplace ring, presumably
454 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
tbe original floor of the tipi (see pl. 52, a). The fill consisted of a
fairly loose yellowish-gray sandy soil, but at the 0.1-foot level a com-
pact, bard gray layer was encountered. Whether this compact
layer, on which lay the rocks of the tipi ring as well as the hearth,
resulted from the occupation of the tipi (either from the trampling
of the inhabitants, or from the effects of sod destruction, leaving the
soil unprotected), or is a natural feature of the region, a hardpan such
as is common on the Plains, is uncertain: local soil scientists were
unable to settle the question, nor, since the region is undisturbed
range, could the experience of farmers be sought. While this layer
does appear to extend beyond the tipi ring, it would still remain
within the camp area, and so could have been subject to the same
trampling that may have packed it within the tipi. Extensive
testing of the surrounding region for this feature was impractical
within the time available for excavation. Also undetermined is
whether the rocks of the tipi ring always lay on this compact layer,
soil being deposited around them and eventually covering them, or
whether they sank down to it through successive wet seasons; probably
both factors were operative.
The remainder of the squares containing the tipi ring were also
cleared of the surface material to the 0.1-foot hard gray level. While
it appeared that the extremely heavy rocks had embedded themselves
deeper into this layer, owing to their weight, the majority of the rocks
lay on it. Ina typical square, 2.2, 15 rocks of the tipi ring occurred
(pl. 52, 6). Thirteen were approximately 0.6 foot in diameter and
were toward the inside of the ring, while two, 0.8 and 1 foot in diameter,
lay somewhat outside the ring. In square 1111 the rocks had been
displaced about 0.6 foot because wind action had removed the soil
from under them; this formed a section of the small blowout on the
south side of the site, mentioned above (pl. 53, a).
The only artifact discovered was a rounded stone, apparently from
a stream bed, 8.6 by 7.1 by 5.8 em., with peck marks showing evidence
of use as a hammerstone. This occurred 4 feet southwest of the fire
hearth, on the hard gray 0.1-foot level. A bone fragment 1.9 by 1
cm. lay also on this surface, in square 21, near a small deposit of ash.
The center of the ring was occupied by a rock-ring fire hearth
composed of 10 stones, 1 of which was entirely below the surface, and
ranged in size from 0.4 to 0.8 foot in diameter. These stones lay on
the 0.1-foot level; it was observed that the hard gray layer sloped
slightly down to the area midway between the hearth and the outer
ring, and consequently these rocks were very slightly higher than the
rest of the interior of the ring. Several of the rocks lining the hearth
appeared fire-reddened, and one was fire-cracked. Under one of the
larger rocks in the northeast portion of the circular ring a small handful
ar) il STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 455
of charcoal and charred wood was found. Since the wind appeared
to blow from the southwest, it was surmised that here was represented
the last remnants of the fire, blown from the hearth but caught under
the edge of this rock.
Summary of fieldwork.—As in the case of the historical accounts and
the ethnographic material, the archeological information collected on
the Backfeet Indian Reservation supports the conclusion that the tipi
rings were used to hold down lodge covers.
Sheer numbers of tipi rings alone give testimony that they served a
domestic function, rather than having been of occasional ceremonial
use. Their location on flat or nearly flat areas in good camping spots,
where they appear to have had taken into account, in their placement,
factors of drainage, wind, and other climatic influences, support their
use as habitation sites. The topographic settings concur with the
camping patterns (of which regular plans of a limited number of
types were observed) in suggesting seasonal variations in camps,
reflecting an annual cycle of activities such as is known from historic
tribes.
The size of the tipi rings on the Reservation vary to a limited extent,
but the range and the average both coincide with the sizes of lodges
used as conical dwellings among the historic tribes. The variations
can be explained by both individual owners and by temporal differ-
ences. The number of rings in a site approximate the number of
lodges in historic camps, changing from season to season in a regular
cycle.
No eccentric tipi rings were found, nor any partial or overlapping
rings. All the tipi rings observed on the Reservation were suitable in
construction and shape for use as lodge-cover weights. The rocks
making up the rings were uniform within a restricted range of size,
shape, type of material, total numbers, and arrangements, and the
aggregate of these features reinforces the surmise that they were
weights for the skin lodges. The absence of rocks, in a few of the
tipi rings, in a small area toward the east is reminiscent of the historic
tribes’ tradition of placing a doorway toward the rising sun.
The occurrence of rock concentrations and rock-lined fire hearths
in several tipi rings is further evidence of their use as habitations,
while the absence of these hearths in numerous rings agrees with
native informants’ memories of cooking being done outside the lodge.
A comparison between the sizes of tipi rings and the depths to
which their rocks are embedded, as well as the total numbers of rings
and of sites at different depths, suggests a temporal change in tipi
ring size. ‘The change could well be due to the shift in cultural and
economic patterns outlined by Lewis (1942, pp. 35-36).
456 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
DISCUSSION
It is difficult to understand why archeologists working in the
Northern Plains appear to be so confused over tipi rings, lumping
several diverse phenomena under this classification, assigning esoteric
functions to them, or refusing to hazard hypotheses on their functions
at all.
Mulloy is a leading exponent of the “problematical” theory of the
nature of tipirings. Referring to them as “manifestations of unknown
relationships,” he has summarized his reasons for arriving at this
conclusion (Mulloy, 1952, p. 137). A point-by-point discussion of
this summary incorporating the evidence previously presented in
this paper removes, it is believed, the basis for Mulloy’s hesitation
and supports the conclusion that tipi rings were indeed lodge-cover
weights:
(1) Mulloy states (ibid.): “‘‘Tipi rings’ [vary] from five to forty feet
in diameter and occasionally larger...” Tipi rings found on the
Blackfeet Reservation vary in size from 7.5 to 29 feet in diameter,”!
within Mulloy’s range but likewise within the range and with the
average of lodges used as conical dwellings by historic tribes, and by
the modern Blackfoot at their 1956 encampment. Variations reflect
owners’ and temporal differences.
(2) ““Tipi rings’. . . are found either isolated or in groups of
several hundred.”’ On the Reservation, the rings occur isolated
or in groups of up to 170; these variations in camp size result from the
seasonal cycle of subsistence and ceremonial observances.
(3) ‘Frequently they intersect each other so intricately that it is
difficult to separate one from the other. Usually they are simple
circles, but eccentric forms occur.” No tipi rings on the Reservation
intersected each other, overlapped, or could be termed an eccentric
form, nor could historical or ethnographic sources clarify this asser-
tion. Perhaps this is a trait characteristic of another area, which
cannot be solved in north-central Montana.
(4) “Sometimes they occur near camp sites, but rarely are artifacts
found in them. . . . [There is a] lack of evidence of habitation in their
vicinity.”” Since tipi rings were occupied for only a short time by
nomadic people who would discard very little, an abundance of
habitational debris is not to be expected. Reputable collectors report
21 In the autumn of 1956 an amateur collector from Valier, Mont., James Tidyman, brought the writer
to a large hill overlooking Two Medicine Creek in the southeastern portion of the Blackfeet Reservation.
On the summit of this hill is a stone ring 43.7 feet north-south by 44.5 feet east-west, but differing from other
tipi rings only in size. A fire hearth 3.9 by 3 fect is located 19.7 feet from the west, 18.6 feet from the east
side. Disturbance of the surrounding land, preventing examination of the lower slopes of the hill, obscured
surrounding rings, ifany. Carle Leavitt of Conrad recalls visiting, with the late H. P. Lewis, three rings
at a site in north-central Montana, which he believes must have been about 60 feet in diameter, and 40 to 50
feet apart, with the rocks deeply embedded in the ground. It has not been possible, so far, to investigate
these phenomena sufficiently to reveal their significance—perhaps they were ma’toki dance lodges (see p. 428).
abit ay. STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 457
occasional artifacts in them, and one was discovered in the ring
excavated by the writer. Many times the rings are in the vicinity
of buffalo drive sites; a Blackfoot informant, Bull Head, stated that
his people were accustomed to camp near their drives.
(5) “In the Dakotas, some are merely circular depressions in the
sod.” Maximilian reports observing the use of sod to hold down the
lodge covers of the Blackfoot at Fort McKenzie, where suitable stones
are lacking.
(6) “Rarely . . . are the remains of fires found in them.’”’ Rock
concentrations as well as rock-lined fire hearths are frequently found
in the center of tipi rings. Native informants, however, recall that
cooking was often done outside the lodge. As for the remains of the
fire itself, buffalo dung used as fuel would produce a slow, consuming
fire leaving very little ash. Furthermore, the wind would be strong
enough, in most cases, to remove all ash and charcoal remains—that
charcoal which is found is usually a small amount caught under the
hearth rocks. (Local ranchers have mentioned that many times, on
the day after one on which they have branded cattle, they can find
no traces of the branding fire.) Finally, that cooking was commonly
done at the buffalo drives, rather than in camp, is evidenced by the
charcoal and ash midden built up at these drive sites.
(7) “They lack packed floors.” The tipi ring tested for this feature
revealed a hard layer at the base of its rocks, which may possibly
have been a floor. However, the nature of the sod on the Reservation
(like that of much of the Great Plains) is such that packed earth is
unlikely to result from relatively short occupancy of an area. At the
1956 Blackfoot encampment, the interiors of the tipis were marked
by grass less packed than that outside the lodges.
(8) ‘They are situated on high river terrace fingers and less fre-
quently in sheltered lowland areas.” On the Blackfeet Reservation,
tipi rings are found in all topographic settings favorable for camping.
Historical and native sources indicate that the Indians lived in the
sheltered lowlands in winter, but in spring were forced up on the
terraces by flooding. It should also be remembered that tipi rings
are very difficult to discover in the brush of the low valleys, and are
in greater risk of destruction, from settlers as well as from floods.
(9) ‘They may be related to so-called ‘medicine wheels.’”’ This
topic is discussed in detail in another paper (Kehoe, 1954; see also
Dempsey, 1956). Although no medicine wheels occur on the Blackfeet
Reservation, they are found in north-central Montana and in Alberta.
They can be defined as cairns or circles of stones, from the center of
which radiate a number of rows of other stones. Elderly Blackfoot
state that they mark the grave or place of death of esteemed members
of the tribe, and this is substantiated by historical accounts. Tipi
458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
rings are thus “related”’ to medicine wheels solely by having been
used as weights for the cover of the death lodge, and subsequently
forming the basis of the construction of a marker, or ‘‘wheel.’”’
Mulloy is further confused by circles of mixed stone and posts,
which he encountered in the Yellowstone region (1952, p. 132; 1954,
p. 55). These structures are conical, semiconical, rectangular or
pentagonal in shape, often supported by trees or cliffs, and con-
structed of both stone and wood, in toto suggesting an entirely dif-
ferent type of structure from the weighted conical skin tipi. Mulloy
believes (1954, p. 55) that ‘“‘these structures may account for the
origin of the prevailing myth in this region that ‘tipi rings’ have
hearths in them, but they are by no means the same thing as the
circles.”
The 1954 report documents Mulloy’s investigation of two “stone
circle sites’? in the Shoshone Basin, Wyo.” In one, containing 75
rings from 11 to 24 feet in diameter, situated on a flat-topped gravel
terrace, he mapped and photographed the site and tested one circle
by coordinate trenches 2% feet wide and 3 feet deep. Another ring
was tested by being completely excavated to the level of the gravel
terrace. In addition, a second site of six rings was investigated but
not excavated. The conclusions Mulloy derives from this work are
that ‘stone circles’ are still “manifestations of problematical pur-
pose,” similar in their occurrence along the eastern edge of the Rockies
from New Mexico north to the Canadian border, and that “they
might be circles used in dancing, or in other religious rituals” (Mulloy,
1954, p. 55), which may possibly be connected to the ‘medicine
wheel” in the Big Horn Mountains of Wyoming. In sum, Mulloy
adduces no new reasons for denying the domestic function of tipi
rings as lodge-cover weights, though he is still committed to a belief
in an inscrutable esoteric use for the circles, and therefore the rebuttal
of his 1952 argument continues to be valid.
A second student of tipi rings, Hoffman, begins his review by
cautioning, ‘‘In form and use they must be distinguished from some-
what similar structures such as medicine wheels, eagle catches, the
Lacotah Love Dance circle, and Koyokee pits’ (Hoffman, 1953, p. 1),
but later refers to all of these together as “‘tipi ring forms” (op. cit.,
p. 10 ff.). Failure to clear the confusion results from his superficial
(ta aloiter dated October 4, 1955, with photographs enclosed, Mr. William McCarty of Laramie, Wyo.,
sent me a description of a group of tipi rings in southeastern Wyoming (130 miles southeast of Mulloy’s
study). He wrote: ‘‘This group of tipi rings is located on a high bluff with a sheer drop to the west and
north and a gradual slope to the east and west (sic). From the high point one can see for miles in any direc-
tion. This bluff is located eight miles south of Medicine Bow, Wyoming.... These rings seem to be in groups
of three to six and are scattered around the level areas. . . . Rings are about eighteen feet in diameter and
are formed of a double ring of stones. ... At each group is a smaller ring of stones with a fire hole in the
center of each... . My wife found a broken arrowhead and my daughter a smaller broken one. Some flints
I have picked up show they were worked on and may be crude arrowheads.”
. Pap.
Noo STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 459
speculations unsubstantiated by cross checking, field investigation
of informants’ descriptions, or full documentation of these informants’
background and reliability. Hoffman makes much of the theory that
tipi rings were used as shelters during ‘medicine getting” quests;
these fasting shelters, however, are U-shaped stone constructions
large enough to hold a man and high enough to protect him from the
wind. They thus cannot be confused, in the field, with tipi-ring
circles. Several of these fasting shelters can still be seen today, and
have been located on the Blackfeet Reservation. One of the best
surviving examples is the shelter of Ear Rings, a Piegan, father of
John Bird Earrings, who brought Claude Schaeffer, then curator
of the Museum of the Plains Indian in Browning, to this shelter,
placed on a hill above Har Rings’ allotment and near his grave. Dr.
Schaeffer photographed the shelter at this time (pl. 53, 5).
Carling Malouf is also noncommittal on the use of tipi rings, but
is led to the supposition of a ceremonial function by the lack of hearths
and artifacts in so many.“ Malouf’s statement that ethnographic
accounts fail to provide sound information on the rings is difficult
to comprehend in the light of the evidence presented by informants in
a previous section of this paper.
Review of their writings suggests that the hesitation of these stu-
dents in assigning a domestic function to tipi rings stems from (1)
lack of detailed examination and analysis of tipi rings in the field, (2)
unfamiliarity with published historical and ethnographic sources and
with surviving native knowledge, (3) application of interpretations
based on phenomena from a limited area to a large geographical region
occupied by a number of tribes representing diverse linguistic stocks,
cultural traditions, and geographical connections, in which entirely
foreign but superficially similar structures cause much confusion, and
(4) an unwillingness to commit themselves on a seemingly controversial
topic.
It should be noted, of course, that tipi rings are distributed over an
area much greater than the former home of the Blackfoot, to which
my conclusions are limited. In other areas and among different tribes,
there may be stone circles that served other functions. The archeolog-
ical past of each area is, to a greater or lesser extent, unique, and must
be recognized as disclosing information perhaps inapplicable to any
other area. Therefore it is admitted that the hesitation of arche-
ologists such as Mulloy may well be justified in regard to stone circles
treated as a phenomenum scattered from New Mexico to Montana;
the writer will maintain only that those herein described from the
23 Personal communication, summer of 1953.
%4 Personal letter dated November 7, 1953.
460 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
Blackfeet Reservation vicinity were used as lodge-cover weights, or
‘tipi rings.”
The extension of the use of tipi rings as lodge-cover weights to the
northern Blackfoot range in Alberta is corroborated by information
recorded by Dempsey (1956, p. 177):
The tipi ring . . . is common in Blackfoot country and has been used within
the past two decades by at least two tribes of this nation (Blood and North
Peigan) where the owner wished to follow early customs.
The tipi rings were aptly described in 1955 by One Gun, an elderly North Black-
foot informant: “The circles of stones were normally used to hold down the edges
of the lodges. The old tipis were made of buffalo skins and were much heavier
than the canvas ones. They could not be blown away as easily, so stones were
able to hold them in place. But when we started to use canvas, we had to use
pegs or our tipis would be blown over. Stones were also used between the pegs.”’
Dempsey also notes that the Blackfoot word for “medicine wheel’
refers only to the radiating lines, the speaker thus assuming that the
listener knows, as is inherent in Blackfoot tradition, according to
Dempsey, that the lines are “‘merely appendages to existing tipi rings”
(ibid.).
Granting, then, that the question of the function of tipi rings has
been answered, at least for the area inhabited by the Blackfoot, prob-
lems of cultural affiliation and age still remain for these archeological
features. Solutions rest partly on knowledge of the changes in size
of the tipis during protohistoric and historic times, and of the size
and arrangement of the camps.
For example, Anthony Hendry observed in 1754, while journeying
through the Blackfoot country, near the present Calgary, Alberta, a
camp which in his description invites comparison with archeological
sites (Bushnell, 1922, p. 25):
Came to 200 tents of Archithinue Natives, pitched in two rows, and an opening
in the middle; where we were conducted to the Leader’s tent; which was at one
end, large enough to contain fifty persons; where he received us seated on a clear
[white] Buffalo skin, attended by 20 elderly men. ... I departed and took a
view of the camp. Their tents were pitched close to one another in two regular
lines, which formed a broad street open at both ends.
Matthew Cocking, sent west by the Hudson’s Bay Company in
1772, writes of this tribe’s camp arrangement in connection with a
buffalo pound (Bushnell, 1922, p. 26): “Our Archithinue friends came
to see us and pitched a small distance from us; on one side the pound
21 tents of them, the other seven are pitched another way.’’ On the
Reservation, tipi rings are found associated with buffalo drive sites
in similar arrangements. A cluster of nine was located within a few
hundred feet and on each side of a buffalo drive site, as diagrammed
in figure 35 (see also pls. 49, a; 54, a).
Deductions on the size of the tipi may be made from observations
such as those collected by Lieutenant Bradley from white traders
a) ial STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 461
tones
jump nd skulls
Milk River
Ridge
N
1
SITE 2461520
TIPV RINGS ASSOCIATED with
BISON ORIVE
° 100 200 feet
Ficure 35.—Site 24GL520, tipi rings associated with bison drive.
familiar with the Blackfoot from the early decades of the 19th century.
He states that about the middle of that century (Bradley, 1900, p.
258):
From six to twelve skins were ordinarily employed, according to size desired
or the wealth of the occupants. The number rarely exceeded twelve but occasion-
ally reached eighteen and twenty, and Major Culbertson relates having once seen
one of forty skins that would hold a hundred people. A six-skin lodge was ten
feet in diameter, holding six people, while a twelve-skin lodge was about fifteen
feet in diameter and afforded shelter to eight or nine persons. The cover was
stretched over eight to twelve lodge poles, in the larger lodges from eighteen to
twenty, standing in a circle and inclining inward till they joined near the tops
at the height of from eight to twelve feet from the ground.
The social organization and annual cycle of subsistence of the vari-
ous tribes that once camped in the area of the modern Blackfeet Reser-
4717626031
462 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173
vation may be reflected in the surviving tipi-ring clusters. Eggan’s
paragraph (1952, p. 40) is suggestive in this regard:
Collier has noted that the social organization of the Plains tribes took a series
of forms: the camp circle, two types of large bands, the camp based on extended
kinship, and the temporary hunting camp, each of which was adapted to the an-
nual cycle of subsistence as well as to the social environment. It is important
to note that tribes coming into the Plains with more complex formal social struc-
tures were in the process of giving them up in favor of the more flexible band
and camp organization; and conversely, the more simply organized Great Basin
groups developed a more complex organization.
Using the information from Bradley (1900, p. 258), Lewis (1942,
pp. 35-49), and Ewers (1955, pp. 131-134, 307-308), the following
table has been worked out to indicate the possibilities of chronological
ordering of tipi-ring sites in the area of the Blackfeet Indian Reser-
vation. Study of this table leads to the conclusion that most of the
tipi rings on the Reservation date from the 19th century (cf. p. 444,
table 2 and paragraph following).
TaBLE 3.—Temporal change in Blackfoot tipi size
Number of—
Date Period Size of lodge in | Floor diam- Reasons
number of skins} eter (feet)
Occupants Wives
Before Pre-horse____-- 6-8 ae About, 1023 |6-822=2.52==— (G9) area yea Limited traction power
1730. of dogs restricts size
of lodge; less value in
women’s labor, more
equal sex ratio favors
fewer wives, smaller
family.
17502222 Generation 6 7.0
1p Yo Sire a eI, ROW Wa0—ZOkee oat: oe ee ok 12.7
13-14 ee re PL Oo) ee eee 5.0
470 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173
TABLE 6.—Tipi rings, 1956 Blackfoot encampment
Number Size of Feet from
Tipi No. of rocks rocks peg line Side of peg line Remarks
(feet)
2 ER RR ee ee ee $8 0. 3-0. 7 (03-046) |B othiteee = seen
abe Rh Ags oi 8 x AC} 9) (aS 0 RE MM i Us aad Se 2A Fruit and peg also.
Teas sertunert se nncyened
14s AS AISA 33 3-1. 2 0='.(6)| AInsideseiews2 Asie
Tb2Se See 3 Soe (hill aces ae ee Ca LAL A COE ee
LOL See Sree See 13 Sola SS aos Cea eee ee Se aA
PE lah ah ce Oe a 5 S18 | re ae tee | a ah es
Dow were Kevninade Oh Ne Birdsall a 4=].0) ea Cs Cope Cn Tent peg in ring.
7 A rade ee eae 40 3- .8 ard Laas J ee ee Goseeee wanes
See a a £2 Uhl dae ae MAIS LAR LS ae le Pn oe eR A
oe hag: eee UE OR 7 | ene Oe Ee ee etch eer te othe Piled in center.
SG lee eB Ue 20m Neb ase ie DE Balle ORI Meee it ES alae Spek Piled in center; anchor pole
present; shoe heel in pile of
rocks also.
TaBLE 7.—Fire hearths, 1956 Blackfoot encampment
Hearth Rocks Diameter Number of feet from
(feet) tipi side—
pos pbs Artifacts
0.
Un- |Lined|Num-| Size N-S | E-W | ToE|ToW}]ToN]} ToS
lined ber (feet)
io hall (SEES Ba x AON G=1e a4 ees asi pepe gion oe da) eee ISO
1 Fu ee ciel ate etal ara S 3 eine 2.3 2.5 6.3 CRS Coe ee teen ae Glass, bone, corn, wood
metal.
2 DG iN ol Nas etstes ell MEE St a NE FA 1.9 2.0 7.0 9.4 8.7 9.
3 Stir eee || See ee 2.1 2.4 7.0 SiSs | a eA ee See
4 DS ye a ee TES VS ee ep 1.9 2:1 7.0 8.5 8.1 8.0
Dy eee ee > 4 1 (2) PAP 2.3 5.5 7.0 6.5 6.3 | Charcoal, ash, burnt
earth, glass, metal,
peach stone.
CG PDS Ju [aise BR Coo Bae eae 1.8 2.5 7.3 9.2 8.3 9.0 | Charcoal, ash, glass,
seed, corn, pebbles,
peach stone.
et DRT APD ARM SIE ee lated 1) Aap ied Bee 1.3 2.1 7.0 9.7 9.0 7.7 | Ash, burnt earth.
DSi eGh de eeet ec Mea eae cl) .8 1.0 pe Ne Lola) 8.5] 11.3 Ash, bone, eggshell,
peach stone.
Ie Lala Be x 15 41.0 2.8 3.0 8.8 9.2 8.6 9.6 | Charcoal, ash, burnt
earth, fire-cracked
rocks, metal.
TSK Sa x 14E 416520 Pay) 7.6 9.2 8.5 9.0 | Charcoal, ash, wood,
metal, cloth.
TOR ae Balchin ee RE Pea 1S 7 1.8 7.5] 13.4; 10.0; 10.9] Charcoal, ash, wood,
metal, lemon skin.
Aig |e eee ees 0 | a a 1.5 1.2 6&5 | 10:3 6.5 8.5 | Charcoal, ash.
DAN ie Sl He eee UTE Ly Ope RT Re et 1.8 1.8 TYE OBS eae uae Chanel ash, burnt
DR fal eter a oe 12 4.7} 2.0 252 7.3 Qs Djstinsann Meet Charcoal; U-shaped (gap
CES iO | ae gegen! Peer mean eek eS 1.8 1.8 7.0} 10.9} 9.95 8.0 Bae: burnt earth.
TW Niet all re ak Lag sk 2.8 3.0 Qn 2h | ener: 9.5 9.5 | Burnt earth and bones,
logs, metal.
QBN xe ale x RYN ees bl Li anes 2.5 8.4 183 6.8 8.1 TOES, metal; semicircu-
ar.
Ue > Gn | cee ho | path a ees 2.3 2.3 SNOW ites 9.3 9.1 | Charcoal, logs.
SBT LX of ee |e re 2.0 2.0 7.6 | 10.1 8.8 8.5 Charcoal; ash, burnt
earth.
BS Fat ORES oe em hese a IL 2.2 2.3 6.9 8.9 7.1 8.2 | Charcoal, burnt earth,
metal.
34 a (Ee ete | Pad Ie fa he 2.0 1.9 8.0 tay arte at [ang Seve Charcoal.
38 6A ae ee es Se | ee eee 1.0 1.5 9.0 10.2 10.0 9.4 | Metal, cloth.
1 Hearth was 6 feet southeast of Lodge 1; tin cans and bottles near it suggest cooking was done here,
also.
were found.
2 Brick.
Note: None of the other sites yielded remains except Lodge 37, in which a rock and a peach stone
re ae STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 471
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471762-—_60——32
rit
to, hpi ne
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 48
a, Site 24GL390. Boulder-lined fire hearth excavated in the center of tipi ring overlooking
Greasewood Creek. Rocks were absent in west portion of fireplace; occupational material
consisted of small charcoal particles. 56, Adam White Man standing in the doorway of
the tipi ring identified as belonging to his father. Arrow points east, to the spot described
as the fire hearth; rocks in upper right mark outside cooking hearth. (See fig. 29.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 49
a, Site 24GL520. Looking down from a bison drive on the south side of Milk River Ridge.
Six of a group of nine tipi rings may be seen between bottom of picture and automobile
See fig. 35.) b, Site 24GL490. Testing boulder-lined fire hearth.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 50
a, Looking down from the south edge of Milk River Ridge, site 24GL486 in exact center of
photograph. b, Site 24GL487, ring 1 (Milk River Ridge in background).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULECERIN 173° PEARE)Si
FNS
a, Detailed view of section of the stone circle, site 24GL487, ring 4 (trowel points north).
b, Site 24GLA486, ring 4, one of a cluster of six tipi rings located on the slope of the south
side of Milk River Ridge. Ring is 14 feet in diameter and contains a boulder-lined
fireplace.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 52
fe
3
/ By ae 2f hae Oe
fo 2S is ee Das tans.
#
a, Rock ring fire hearth, site 24GL486, ring 4. Square 2L1 (right) excavated 10 hard gray
layer, 0.1 foot below surface. , Section of the stone circle, ring 4, site 24GL486, square
212; rock ring fire hearth in square 2L1 (see a).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 53
a, Site 24GLA86, ring 4. Rocks in square 1L1 (upper left) displaced by blowout; square
1L2, unexcavated, shows rocks embedded in ground between excavated squares ILI
and 21.2; rock ring hearth in foreground. 6, Fasting shelter of Ear Rings, Earrings Hill,
southeast of Starr School on the Blackfeet Indian Reservation. (Photograph taken
October 1950; courtesy Claude I. Schaeffer.)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 54
a, Site 24GL520, tipi rings associated with a buffalo drive site on the south side of Milk
River Ridge. (See pl. 49, a.) Fragmented bones were found in abundance in the hill
slope beyond the jeep. Rock pile drive lanes extend from the drop-off along the crest
of the Ridge (not visible in photograph). 6, Blackfoot woman repairing Lodge 26 at the
1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 55
a, Oblique aerial view from the southeast of the 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning,
Mont. 6, Whitewashing tipi rings preparatory to photographing, site 24GL350.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 56
a, Aerial view of site 24GL350. Note similarity of tipi-ring pattern to arrangement of
1956 encampment lodges (below). 6, Horizontal aerial view of the south row of tipis
(Nos. 2 to 12 and 39), 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. Note small play
tipi below larger lodge, right center.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 57
:
a, Rocks holding down inner lining, Lodge 26 (owned by Mae Williamson), 1956 Blackfoot
encampment, Browning, Mont. 6, View from outside Lodge 26, showing rocks pushing
out inner lining (see a).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 58
f
a, Rocks forming a tipi ring after removal of inner lining and tipi cover of Lodge 26, 1956
) g Pp § P g
Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. (tipi poles still standing in place). 5, Removal
of the poles of Lodge 14, showing rock-lined fire hearth and tipi ring remaining.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 59
a, Mary Ground in the center of the tipi ring left after removal of her tipi, Lodge 30, in
breaking camp, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. b, Mary Ground’s tipi
ring and unlined fire hearth after her departure (see a).
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 60
a, Closeup view of Mary Ground’s tipi ring, site of Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot encampment,
Browning, Mont. Dotted line indicates former position of tipi pegs (i. e., edge of lodge
b, Blackfoot man using 2-foot-
cover). Note lack of packing of grass along edge of ring.
wide doorway of Lodge 2, 1956 encampment.
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 61
a, Children’s play tipi, Lodge 39, next to Lodge 6, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning,
Mont. b,'Tom Horn’s family in front of their tipi, Blackfoot Reservation, 1910. (Note
rock weights.)
INDEX
Abraders, 197
sandstone, 159, 171-172, 178, 186,
194, 197, 215, 220, 246, 248
Adams, John, 222
Adam White Man, Blackfoot informant,
429, 430-431, 432, 433, 434, 446
Adornment, 250-251
Adz, bone, 199
Agate, 193
moss, 446
Agriculture, 245, 251
Airas, native informer, 289, 290, 291,
292, 293
Akron, Washington County, Colo., 229
Albany County, Wyo., 236
Albemarle County, Va., 65, 82
Alden, William C., 488
Alexander, Mr.—, owner of RM-1, 36
Allegheny Mountains, Highland County,
10-11
Alma, Harlan County, Nebr., 146
Aléwanpi ceremony, Dakota Indians,
351, 353, 354, 357, 369, 379
American flag, shown in Indian winter
counts, 351
American Horse, Oglala Indian, 346,
350, 352, 354, 358, 360, 361, 362,
365, 366, 373, 379, 383, 388, 390
American Horse count, Oglala band, 346
Anderson, J. A., 347
Angaur, Palau group, 295
ghee Reservoir area, S. Dak., 139,
3
Anguispira alternata, 32
Annie Calf Looking, Blackfoot inform-
ant, 429, 430, 433, 434
Antelope, 143, 204, 216
Antlers, worked, 174-175, 179, 215, 221,
245, 246
Apache Indians, 240
Arago, J., 286
Arapaho Indians, 361
Archeology, Northwest Virginia, rela-
tionship to archeology of East-
ern United States, 80-89
Archithinue natives, 460
Argillite, maroon, 445
Arikara Indians, 340, 347, 348, 350, 354,
355, 356, 360, 365, 368, 373
Arickaree River, 231
Armbands, bone, 198, 202-203
Arrowheads, black flint, 21, 458
quartzite, 65
stone, 426
Arrow points, bone, 246
Arrows, 380, 381, 398
Arrow-shaft polisher, 206, 215, 241, 244
Arrow-shaft wrenches, 241
Artifacts, bone, 173 (table), 179, 198
(table), 204, 212, 238
chipped-stone, 66, 81, 83, 178, 197,
238, 245, 248
contents of tipi rings, 470
glass, 238
horn, 238
metal, 155, 238
shell, 242
stone, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38,
40, 41, 67 (table), 155 (list), 158,
181, 182, 238
Houses I and II, 149 (list)
House III, 150 (list)
House IV, 151 (list)
House VI, 155 (list)
miscellaneous, 538-58, 213
Plains type, 241, 252
stone, 212
Arundo donax, 267
Ash Hollow Cave (Site 25GD2), 141,
184, 189, 191, 216, 2238-224, 236,
237, 247, 255, 384
Ashley, William, Dakota Indian, 341
Ash trees, 145, 177
Aspen trees, 438
Assiniboin Indians, 347, 348, 354, 355,
376, 377, 387, 424, 426
Athabascans, 240, 245, 251, 252
Athapaskan bands, 440
Atlatl, description of, 267-268
use of, on Lake Patzcuaro, Michoa-
can, 261-268
Atlatl weight, 17
Augusta County sites, 12, 13 (map),
15-31, 74
AU-1 (quartzite-using station), 12,
15, 76, 77 (chart)
AU-2 (Buffalo Gap), 12, 15-16, 63,
77 (chart), 85, 86
AU-3 (rock mound), 13 (map), 16
AU-3A (preceramic site), 13 (map),
16
AU-4 (preceramio, chert-using pe-
riod), 16-17, 49, 57 (table), 66,
67 (table), 68, 77 (chart)
AU-5 (near Staunton, Va.), 17, 30,
49, 57 (table), 61, 67 (table), 77
(chart)
AU-6 (rock shelter), 17
AU-7 (Quick’s Mill), 17
AU-8 (near Waynesboro, Augusta
County), 17, 57 (table), 77 (chart)
AU-9 (near Waynesboro), 8, 17-18,
50, 77 (chart)
475
476
Augusta County sites—Continued
AU-10 (on Calfpasture River), 18,
68, 77 (chart)
AU-11 (north of Waynesboro), 18-
19, 49, 57 (table), 61, 64, 66, 67
(table), 68, 69, 74, 77 (chart), 84
AU-12 (east of Dooms, Jarmen’s
Gap), 19, 77 (chart)
AU-13 (near Waynesboro), 19, 49,
57 (table), 61, 64, 67 (table), 68,
69, 74, 77 (chart), 84
AU-14 (Dooms, Va.), 19, 57 (table)
77 (chart)
AU-15 (north of Dooms), 19-20,
57 (table), 77 (chart)
AU-16 (north of Harrison), 20, 50,
57 (table), 77 (chart)
AU-17 (quartzite-using station),
20 2408505 ov able) G9, «7
(chart)
AU-18 (near Crimora), 20, 57
(table), 77 (chart)
AU-19 (Staunton, Va.), 21
AU-20 (Lewis Creek Mound), 7,
21-22
AU-21 (on Middle River), 22, 57
(table), 61, 64, 75, 77 (chart)
AU-22 (on Middle River), 22, 57
(table)
AU-23 (near Lofton), 22-23, 28,
50, 57 (table), 77 (chart)
AU-24 (near Lipscomb), 23, 50, 57
(table), 67 (table), 77 (chart)
AU-25 (southwest of Waynesboro),
23, 50, 57 (table), 77 (chart)
AU-26 (near Lipscomb), 20, 23-24,
57 (table), 61, 68, 69, 74, 77
(chart), 78, 84
AU-27 (rock shelter), 8, 24, 77
(chart)
AU-28 (SE of AU-27), 8, 24
AU-29 (Seidling Hill), 24-25
(table), 49, 77 (chart)
AU-30(Natural Chimneys), 25-26,
52
AU-31 (southeast of Laurel Hill),
26, 49, 57 (table), 61, 77 (chart),
8
AU-32 (near Stuart’s Draft), 26,
57 (table), 77 (chart)
AU-33 (near Stuart’s Draft), 26-
27, 57 (table)
AU-34 (south of ee Draft),
27, 57 (table), 6
AU-35 (on Middle River), 27, 41,
57 (table), 77 (chart)
AU-35-M (East Mound), 7, 12,
13 (map), 27, 57, 85
AU-35-V-1 (village site), 12, 13
(map), 27, 52, 57 (table), 61, 64,
77 (chart)
AU-35-V-2 (village site), 12, 13
(map), 27-28, 61, 62, 77 (chart)
AU-36 (northwest of Staunton),
28, 49, 57 (table), 67 (table), 68,
77 (chart)
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 173]
Augusta County sites—Continued
AU-37 (Deerfield Valley), 28, 68,
77 (chart)
AU-38 (east of Lofton), 28, 52, 57
(table)
AU-39 (near Lofton), 28-29
AU-40 (northeast of Vesuvius), 29,
50, 57 (table), 77 (chart)
AU-41 (left bank McKittrick
Creek), 29, 49, 57 (table), 77
(chart)
AU-42 (on Calfpasture River), 29,
77 (chart)
AU-43 (northeast of Verona), 29—
30, 57 (table), 77 (chart)
AU-44 (on Middle River), 30, 57
(table), 61, 75, 77 (chart)
AU-45 (on Middle River), 8, 30, 49,
57 (table), 61, 64, 67 (table), 77
(chart)
AU-46 (on Middle River), 30-31,
57 (table), 77 (chart), 78
AU-47 (opposite AU-46), 31, 68
AU-48 (slope of Bell’s ‘Creek
Valley), 31, 68, 77 (chart)
AU-49 (northwest of Laurel Hill),
31
Awls, bone, 149, 159, 173, 179, 186, 198,
200-202, 205, 207, 215, 220, 222,
241, 244, 245, 246
flat, 215, 220
iron, 215, 251
spatula, ar
splinter, 215
Ax, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, 36, 38,
’39, "40, 67
crude, 53, 54 (fig.), 57 (table), 58,
81, 84, 90-127 (tables)
crude limestone, 30
grooved, 21
polished and grooved, 17
trade, 154, 155, 175, 179, 250, 426,
430, 435
Aztecs, atlatl used by, 266, 267
BA (Bath County), 12, 13 (map), 31-32
BA-1 (rock shelter near Millboro
pune 31-32, 63, 77 (chart),
8
Back Creek, south of Waynesboro, 15,
5 AG
Bad Bird, Indian brave, 394
Badger, 204
Baez, Peter H., 421
Baker Site (Site 25CH14), 217, 255
Bald Knob, Augusta County, Va., 29
Bamun ideographic script, 273
B and M Site (3 miles northeast of
Hudson), 232
Banner County, Nebr.,
Barrow, John R., 427
Bath County (BA), 10, 12, 13 (map),
31-32, 74
223, 236
INDEX
477
Battiste Good Count, Teton Dakota] Blackfeet Indian Reservation—Con.
band, 346, 348
Battle or Bell Mound No. 1 (RB-7)
Rockbridge County, 8, 42, 84
Beads, 173-174, 2438, 285
bone, 150, 159, 173, 179, 186, 200,
205, 206, 220, 241, 248, 250
conch columella, 25
copper, 215
cylindrical, 242
decorations, 215
glass, 231
marginella, 22
oval, 200
porcelain, 181, 211
round, 198
shell, 21, 22, 42, 242
trade, 211
tubular, 173, 198, 200, 224, 241,
244, 250
turquoise, 215, 248, 250, 251
Beamers, rib, 198
Beams, house, 280
Bear, Indian representation, 371, 372
Bear Butte, in winter counts, 362, 368
Bear Claw (“Tree Top” (Jack)), 412
Bear-Crane, Crow Indian, 428
Bear Heart, Indian brave, 383
Beaver (Castor canadensis), 32, 177, 204,
245
bone, unworked, 158, 159, 179, 216
represented in winter counts, 352
Beaver Creek, Scott County, Kans., 237
Beaver Dam, represented by Indians,
352
Beaver Shield, Indian brave, 407
Beckwith, Martha Warren, 371, 378
Beede, Rev. A. McGaffey, 342, 348, 347,
351, 353, 361, 362, 370, 398, 402,
403, 405, 407, 408
Bell, John M., owner of RB-7; 42
Bell, Richard, Jr., information from, 16
Bell’s Creek Valley, near Staunton, Va.,
3
1
Bent Horn, Indian brave, 411
Berry Woman, Piegan woman, 432
Bibliography, 258-260
Big Bear, Indian brave, 395
Big Head, Indian warrior, 388, 405
Big Missouri’s winter count, 339, 346,
356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363,
365, 367, 371, 373
Birds, in winter counts, 362
32 (list), 34 (list)
Birdwood Creek, 16 miles northwest of
Hershey, Nebr., 211
Bison (Bison bison), 148, 159, 177, 179,
180, 204, 244, 245
Bison drives, Indian hunting method,
438, 446
Black Bear, Indian brave, 407
Black Crow, Indian brave, 401
Blackfeet Arts and Crafts Association,
439, 466
Blackfeet Indian Reservation, north-
central Montana, 437, 438, 439,
471762—60——34
441, 442, 443, 445, 455, 456, 457,
459, 460, 461, 462, 463, 467, 468,
469
environmental factors, 437—439
ethnological background, 439-440
Blackfoot Agency Headquarters,
Browning, Mont., 437
Blackfoot Camp, Modern, 464—470
Blackfoot Indians, 350, 355, 365, 372,
424, 426, 427, 428, 435, 436, 440,
aaa 457, 459, 460, 461, 463, 467,
camp plans, 442-443, 464, 465 (fig.),
466 (fig.), 467-468, 469 (table),
470 (tables)
Blackfoot informants, 429-436
Seger: Peneplain,”’ pre-Pleistocene,
Black Hills, S.Dak., 143, 359, 368
Black Hills Treaty, 396
Black Moon, Indian brave, 402
Black Shield, see Beaver Shield.
Black Thunder’s count, 352
Blades, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26,
27, 29, 30, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 51
greenstone, 75
large, types, 45 (figs.), 48, 53, 81,
90-127 (tables)
Large Triangular, Type T, 42
Blankets, use of, 428
Bliss, Theodora Crosby, 289
Bliss, Wesley L., 441, 442
Block A-1, 76, 77 (chart), 78, 79
Block A-2, 77 (chart)
Block A-3, 77 (chart)
Block A-—4, 77 (chart)
Block B-1, 77 (chart)
Block B-2, 77 (chart)
Block B-3, 77 (chart)
Block B—4, 77 (chart)
Block C-1, 77 (chart)
Block C—2, 77 (chart)
Block C-3, 77 (chart)
Block C—4, 77 (chart)
Block D-1, 77 (chart)
Block D-2, 77 (chart)
Block D-3, 77 (chart)
Block D-—4, 76, 77 (chart)
Blood Indians, 426, 460
Bloomington, Franklin County, Nebr.,
221
Blue Ridge Mountains, Va., 10, 11, 12,
58, 74, 81
Blue Thunder group, winter counts,
341, 342, 348, 348-413
Blue Thunder Variant I, 341, 342, 3438,
348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354,
355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361,
362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368,
369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375,
376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382,
383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389,
390, 391, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398,
399, 400, 401, 402, 408, 404, 405,
406, 407, 408, 409, 410
478
Blue Thunder Variant II, 341, 342-343,
348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 3538, 354,
355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361,
362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368,
369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375,
376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382,
383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389,
390, 391, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398,
399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405,
406, 407, 408, 409, 410
Thunder Variant III (Yellow
Lodge Count), 340, 341, 348, 348,
349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355,
356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362,
363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369,
370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376,
377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383,
384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390,
391, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399,
400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406,
ene 408, 409, 410, 411, 412, 413,
14
Board, wooden, writing on, 282, 293, 295
Bone, burned, 154, 158, 159, 213, 217, 446
unworked, 149, 150, 151, 155, 158,
159, 172, 179, 182, 1838, 205
worked, 149, 150, 151, 158, 172-
174, 179, 188, 198-204, 205, 206-
207, 214, 217, 220-221, 245
Bones, animal fragments, 24, 25, 32
(list), 33 (list), 159, 183, 238
bird, 32 (list), 34 (list), 204, 241
bison, 438
long bones, 249
unworked, 158, 159, 188, 222
worked, 159, 174, 186, 198-199,
216
buffalo, 215
deer, rodent-gnawed, 25
mee unworked, 158, 159, 179, 204,
16
fish, 177, 205;.216,) 245512518268
horse, 205, 216
human, fragments of, 21, 41, 42
mammal, 241
turtle, unworked, 158, 159, 177,
179, 216
Boulder, Colo., 232
Boulder County, Colo., 231
Boulder Site (9 miles east of Boulder),
232, 256
Bow, carried by Indians, 383, 384, 392
Bow and arrow, 265, 266, 373, 3838, 386
Bowl, orifice, 191
wooden, 276
Box, wooden, 278
Boxelder trees, 145
Boysen Reservoir, Wyo., 441
Bradley, James H., 460, 461, 462
Bradshaw, Mrs. Bessie, owner of Clover
Creek Mound, 36
Brady, Verl P., 421
Brass, sheet, 155, 176
Brave Bear, killed, 383, 384
Breastworks, legendary, 182
Breecheloth, worn by Indians, 368
Blue
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 173]
Bridle, horse, 358
Brings-down-the-Sun, Blackfoot cere-
monialist, 427, 428
Broad Draft, Augusta County, Va., 28
Brocket, Alberta, Canada, 429
Broken Bow, Nebr., 177
Broken Head, Indian chief, 398
Brown, J. Macmillan, 2738, 274, 275,
276, 282, 283, 298, 298, 299, 300
Brown, Prof. W. R., information from,
21-22
Browning, Mont., 429
Brownlee, Jerry, information from, 19
Brownlee, on North Loup River, 208
Brownsburg, Va., 40
Brush Creek, 222
Buffalo, white, represented on winter
counts, 374, 386
Buffalo Bull, chief’s son, 362
Buffalo-bull-standing, Indian brave, 412
Buffalo chips, used for fuel, 427, 457
Buffalo drives, Indian hunting method,
457, 460
Buffalo drive sites, 457, 460, 461 (fig.)
Buffalo Fool, Indian brave, 409
Buffalo Gap, George Washington Na-
tional Forest, 15
Buffalo Ghost, Indian brave, 407
Buffalo Head, Indian chief, 378
Buffalo horn, ceremonial use of, 366
Buffalo kills, 443
Buffalo Pound Hill Lake, near Moose
Jaws Forks, 425
Buffaloes, 357, 361, 366, 376, 377
skins, used for tipi covers, 460
traps, 429, 433
Buick, Elbert County, Colo., 239
Bull Gany en Site (Site 25BN2), 222-223,
6
Bull Head, Blackfoot informant, 429,
432, 433, 434
See also Hat.
Bullpasture River, Highland County,
Va., 10, 35
Burdick, Eugene, 343, 344
Burdick, Usher L., 345, 351, 374
Bureau of American Ethnology, 225
Bureau of Indian Affairs, 421
Burial mounds, 78, 85
Burials, 42, 178, 216
flexed, 27, 85
Burnsville Highway, Highland County,
Va., 35
Burrows, Edwin G., and Spiro, Melford
K., 289, 294, 307
Bush Count, Dakota Indians, 346, 352,
353, 354, 355, 356, 358, 359, 360,
362, 363, 364, 366, 368, 370, 371,
377, 382, 383, 384, 386, 392
Bushnell, David I., Jr., 425, 445, 460
Butts, Charles, information from, 11, 71
Byers Site (10 miles north of Byers,
Colo.), 232, 256
Cactus, 143
Calamus River, 143
INDEX
Calfpasture River, Augusta County, 10,
11, 16, 18, 25, 28, 41, 42, 75
Caliche, white chalky material, 167, 172,
245, 246, 250
Callar, Charles, collections by, 24, 25
(table)
Calumet, peace pipe, 362
Calvin Boy, Blackfoot informant, 429
Campbell, W. S., 437
Camp Circle, 433, 462, 464
Camp May Flather, Girl Scout Camp,
24
Camp plans, Blackfoot Indians, 442
(table), 443
Cafia brava, native name for native cane,
267
Cane (Gynerium sagittatum), 267
Canis sp., 177, 179, 216
Cannibalism, practice of, 367
Cannon Ball River, 379, 381
Canoe-house beams, 279
Canoes, 266, 274, 276, 278, 285, 289, 351,
364
outrigger, 285
outrigger platform, 296
sailing, 288
Cans, metal, used as stoves, 467
Canté T’inza (Strongheart),
society, 357, 412 -
Canyon Ferry Reservoir, Missouri River,
Helena, Mont., 441
Capote, white, worn by Dakota scouts,
355, 383, 384, 387, 391
Captive Butte, 385
Carbon, in fireplaces, 188
Carnivora, bones of, 32
Caroline Islands script, 269-333
affiliations, 287
analysis of the writing, 299-307
comparison of native texts, 307-309
(fig.), 310 (fig.)
effect of dialects, 304-305
final consonants, 305-307
informants on, 282 (list)
lack of correspondence of characters
and syllables, 303-304
length of vowel, 300, 301 (list), 302
list of inventors, Type 1, 295
pois and sequence of characters,
2
origin of the writing, 282-299
present-day knowledge and distri-
bution of, 279-280, 281 (map)
summary, 309-311
syllabic values, 283
tables, 313-333
Type 1, 273-276, 277, 279, 283, 291,
293, 297 (list of characters), 298
(list), 300, 310
Type 1, date of invention, 297
Type 1, derivation of characters,
297-299
Type 1, foreign influence, 296-297
Type 1, history, 294-296
Type 1, invention at Faraulep,
295-296
warrior
479
Caroline Islands script—Continued
Type 2, 277-278, 279, 283, 286,
288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294,
298, 300, 310
Type 2, history reconstructed,
284-294
Type 2, similarity to the roman
alphabet, 283
Type 2, spread of, 2938-294
vowel characters, 302-303
Carries Braid, Blackfoot Indian, 430
Correia dite Kevin, information from,
Carry - His - Lodge - on - Back, Indian
brave, 404
Castor canadensis, 32, 177
Catlinite, 167, 172, 215, 246
Cecile Black Boy, Blackfoot informant,
429, 4380, 434
Cecile White Man, Indian woman, 430
Celts, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 29,
30, 37, 67, 84
crude, 53, 54 (fig.), 57 (table),
90-127 (table)
greenstone, 17, 42, 53, 54 (figs.)
pecked or polished, 53, 54 (fig.),
57 (table), 58, 90-127 (tables)
Conausi are Allegheny, 58, 61, 63, 64,
85
Central and North Central, 61, 64,
72 (map), 83, 84
Stony Creek, 65, 71, 72 (map)
Ceramic complex, 29, 35, 38, 57 (table),
58, 68, 69, 70 (map), 76, 78, 81,
87, 88
Chalcedony, 66, 167, 181, 182, 185, 187,
ne 196, 206, 219, 225, 228, 229,
46
Bad Lands, 193, 195, 196
Chalk, silicified, 195, 220
Champe, John L., 139, 142, 143, 145,
176, 224, 238
Charcoal, 33, 36, 152, 154, 158, 159, 177,
188, 204, 213, 216, 217, 221, 224,
250, 449, 457
layer, 32, 152, 159, 183, 189, 432,
437
Charging Bear, Indian name for Major
Welch, 411, 412
Charlie Strikes with Gun, Indian guide,
432
Chaske, Indian trader, 352
Cherry, wild, 204, 205
Cherry County, Nebr., 208
Cherry Creek, 363
Chert, blue, 11, 16
blue-gray, 11, 35
gray, 11, 167
Chert rocks (chips), 11, 18, 31, 33, 34,
35, 38, 41, 66, 67 (table), 68, 71,
74, 75, 90-127 (tables)
‘‘Chert-using”’ stations, designation of,
14, 16, 18, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34,
35, 41, 50, 51, 68, 69, 70 (map),
78, 79, 82, 87
480
Chewing Black Bones, Blackfoot in-
formant, 429, 4383
Cheyenne County, Colo., 234
Cheyenne Indians, 350, 361, 437
Cheyenne River, 350, 368
Cheyenne River Reservation, 346
Chickenpox, 377, 378
See also Measles; Smallpox.
Chief Joseph, Indian chief, 397
Chief’s or Bell Mound No. 2 (RB-7), 42
Chipmunk (Tamias striatus), 34
Chipped points, classification chart, 156
“Chippewa,”’ refers to Turtle Mountain
bands, 347, 350, 365, 366
Chokecherries, 148, 216, 245
Choppers, 170, 178, 186, 194, 196, 197,
206, 214, 220, 225, 242, 248
Churchville, Va., 12
Claiborne, Mrs. Virginia, director of
Valentine Museum, 42
Clay, burned, 205
pottery, 193
Clement, Basil, interpreter, 346
Cloth, 285
Cloud Fire, white man, 414
Cloud Shield count, Oglala band, Teton
Dakota tribe, 346, 352, 358, 362,
363, 364, 366, 373, 385, 388
Clover Creek Mound (HD-9), 7, 36, 85
Cluny, Alberta, 429
Coat, red, in winter counts, 356
Cocking, Matthew, 460
Coconut-leaf midribs, writing on, 295
Coe, Joffre, 82
Cohen, Lucy Cramer, 339, 341, 347, 356,
358, 359, 362, 363, 365, 367, 373
Coked material, 207
Colorado Piedmont, Central Plains area,
143, 144
Comanches, 243, 440
Comet, in winter counts, 409, 410
Conklin, H. C., 296
Cooking hearth, stone, 431 (fig.), 432
Cooper, Paul, 140
Coots, hunting of, 266
Copper, sheet, 176
Copper fragment, 27, 42, 176, 238
Corbett Branch, tributary of Calfpas-
ture River, 16
Cordage, 285
Corn, charred, 32, 204, 216, 217, 222,
238, 245, 250
dry, 365
Corncobs, 216, 217
Cornhusks, 216, 217
Corral fence, Chippewa, 365
Costilla County, Colo., 235
Costume, Grass dance, 401, 414
Cotton Wood, Yanktonaise chief, 402
Cottonwood Creek, 221
Cottonwood trees, 143, 145, 438
Cougar, represented by Indians, 378
Coup stick, represented, 369, 373, 385,
392, 394
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 173]
Cowpasture River, Bath County, Va.,
10,31) 35
Coyotes, 143, 159, 177, 250
Crawford, Nebr., 226
Crazy Bear, Indian chief, 398
Crazy Walker, Indian brave, 398
Cree Indians, 388, 424, 428, 4382, 436
Crimora, near South River, Va., 20
Cross, Dorothy, 82
Crow Creek, 350
Crow Creek Reservation, 346
Crowfeather, Indian chief, 393
Crowfoot, Chief, 432
Crow Indians, 340, 348, 353, 354, 355,
356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 366,
367, 369, 373, 374, 376, 378, 379
380, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387,
388, 389, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395,
400, 405, 426, 428
Crow King, Indian brave, 400
Crow Reservation, 428
Crows (birds), 363, 364
Cuartelejos tribes, 243
Cumming, Robert, 140
Curtis, Edward §., 339, 341, 346, 352,
353, 354, 356, 360, 361, 362, 363,
364, 368, 370, 371, 382, 387, 389,
390, 392, 401
Curtis, Nebr., 222
Custer, General, 390, 396
Daddy Run, tributary of Calfpasture
River, 16
Dakota calendar, see Dakota winter
counts.
Dakota Indians, 339, 340, 341, 342, 3438,
347 (list), 350, 351, 354, 355, 356,
357, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365,
366, 367, 370, 371, 373, 378, 379,
382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 390,
391, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398,
399, 400, 402, 408, 404, 405, 406,
407, 408, 409, 428
Dakota winter counts, description of,
347-414
introduction, 339-341
names and authorship, 3841-345
counts used for comparison, 345-347
Dakota Winter Counts as a Source of
Plains History, by James H.
Howard, 335-416
Damn, H., 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 282,
283, 288, 289, 293, 294, 300
Damm, H., and Sarfert, E., 274, 277,
278, 283, 284, 294, 299
Damtown, see Fort Defiance Mill.
Davidson, Dr. John F., 177
Davis, E. Mott, 140
Dawson, George M., 426
Day, S. Victor, 446
Dead Horse Head Point, Missouri
River, location of flood, 366
Deer ae virginianus), 32, 33,
177
antlers, unworked, 33, 158
antler tips, 159
INDEX
Deerfield, Augusta County, Va.,
Dempsey, Hugh, 426, 429, 457, 460
Dendrochronology, 177, 179, 204, 216,
221
16,
Denny, Sir Cecil, Indian agent, 426
Densmore, Frances, 344, 345, 351, 352,
353, 382, 383
De Smet, Father, Catholic priest, 391
Dick, Herbert, 140
Dickens, Nebr., 211
Dick Site (25FT9), 222, 255
Different- Kind-of-a-Gun-Woman,
of Tom Horn, 435
Digging tools, scapula, 178, 174, 179,
186, 198, 204, 241
Diorite, 445
Diringer, David, 275, 282, 283, 296
Dismal River, 143, 180, 181, 182, 222
Dismal River area, 140, 239
Dismal River Aspect, 139, 180, 204,
212, 221, 236, 238, 239, 242, 243,
244, 245
adornments, 250-251
definition of, 141, 142, 251
description of, 245-251
environmental setting, 148-144
exchange, 251 ;
religion and mortuary customs, 251
review of previous work, 141-143
sources of information, 255-257
(tables)
structures, 248-250
subsistance, 245
summary and conclusions, 251-252
technology, 245-248
tools and implements, 248
Dismal River culture, 238, 241 242
Dismal River people, 143, 144, 145, 179,
180, 239, 240, 244, 245, 246, 252
Dismal River relationships, 238-245
Dismal River sites, 144 (map), 145-180,
194, 230, 238, 241, 253-254
(tables)
Dodd, Howard, 140, 226
Dog Ghost, Indian leader, 365
Dog head, Blackfoot Indian, 429
Dogs, 177, 204, 245, 250
burden carriers, 424, 428, 429, 430,
434, 435
Don’t Laugh Band, Blackfoot Indians;
430, 434
Dooms, in Jarmen’s Gap, Shenandoah
National Park, 19
Drills, 16, 17, 19, 20, 23, 26, 27, 28, 30,
oi ad,wion (ae .), Jobs be (table),
58, 84, 90-127 (tables), 149,151,
168-169, 178, 179, 182, 194-195,
214-215, 238, 242, 246, 252
cigar-shaped, 168-169, 194-195,
214, 220, 225, 240, 242, 248
expanded- base, 169, 194, 209, 220,
238, 248
flint, 159, 246
straight, 214
wife
481
Driver, Capt. W. R., information from,
285
Drum dance, shown by Indians, 402
Drybranch, tributary of Jackson River,
33
Duck Chief, Mrs., Blackfoot interpreter,
429, 435
Ducks, 266
Dugouts, 354, 355
Dundy County, Nebr., 217
Duvall, on lodge-cover weights, 428
Eads, Cheyenne County, Colo., 234
Eagle, 204
Kagle Calf, Blackfoot Indian, 431
EKagle catches, 458
Eagle Claw, Indian, 402, 408, 413
See also Frosted Red Fish.
Eagle Claw, Indian woman, mother of
Frosted Red Fish, 408
Eagle Hills, southern Saskatchewan, 440
Eagle Nest, Indian warrior, 385
Eagle trapper, 355, 356
Eagle trapping, ritualized, 356
Earrings, John Bird, son of Ear Rings,
459
Ear Rings, Piegan Indian, 459
Earth, burned, 152-158, 154, 158, 188
Earth, Indian woman, see Eagle ‘Claw
East, J oie owner of locality AU-35-M,
27
Easter Island writing, 275, 276
East Farm, near Churchville, 12
East Mound (AU-35-M), 7
Eauripik, Eoleai Islands, 273, 279, 280,
284, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292,
293, 294, 304, 309
Edwards, Guy, Park Superintendent,
National Park Service, 19
Kegan, Fred R., 462
Egilimar, Caroline Islands chief, 273
Elato, Woleai Islands, 273, 274, 276,
277, 278, eae 385, 287
Elbert, S. H., 273
Elbert County, Colo., 230
Elderberries, 143
Elk, 204, 215, 216
Elkskin, tanned, tent covers, 427
Elk Spider, Dakota chief, 375
Elkton, southwest of Island Ford, 40
Elk Yells in the Water Bear, Indian
woman, 430
Elliptio complanatus, 32, 34
Elmendorf, Dr. William, "421
Elm trees, 145
El Quartelejo, 239
Ender, Nebr., 217
Entrance, eastern, 240
Evans, Clifford, sherds classified by, 8,
15, 21, 23, 24, 36, 43, 47, 58, 61,
63, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87
Ewald, Paul, help from, 340
Ewers, John C., 421, 427, 430, 434, 440,
447, 462, 464
Exchange, 251
482
Fais Island, Caroline Islands, 284, 287
Falalap Island, Woleai atoll, 279, 289
Falalus, Woleai Islands, 278
Falling a Indian representation of,
371
Fall River County, 8. Dak., 237
Faraulep Island, Caroline Islands, 2738,
274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280,
282, 284, 285, 287, 293, 295, 296,
297, 304, 310
Fasting shelters, not tipi-ring circles,
459
Faunal remains, 176-177 (table), 179,
204 (table), 216
Feather Hawk, Indian brave, 408
Feathers, blue, used by Indians, 357
Finsch, Otto, 285
Fireplaces, 145, 146, 149, 150, 151, 152,
154, 155, 175, 178, 179, 183, 187,
205, 211, 212, 213, 222, 240, 427,
429, 430, 431 (fig.), 432, 434, 435,
436, 437, 445, 446, 449, 455, 457,
458, 463
Flageolets, 242
Flakers, antler-tine, 248
bone, 198, 203, 241, 244, 246
Flame, member of Two Kettle band, 345
Flame winter count, 345, 352, 358, 354,
355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362,
363, 364, 366, 370, 371, 377, 382,
383, 384, 386, 392, 393, 396
Flathead Indians, 423, 440
Fleshers, metatarsus, 173, 174, 179, 198,
199, 215, 241
toothed metapodial, 244, 245
Fletcher, Alice C., and lLaFlesche,
Francis, 182
Flint (actually chert), 65, 167
brown, 196
gray, 176, 185, 195, 196, 219, 225
white, 167, 195, 219
Flint chips, 159, 181, 193, 195, 196, 226,
228, 229, 246
Flints, gun, 176
Flood, represented by Indians, 366
Floors, 156-157, 188
Flute, 278, 350
Flying-by, Indian brave, 401
Flying Cloud, Indian brave, 409
Folsom points, 80
Fool Bear, Indian brave, 401
Foolish Woman, a Mandan, winter
count, 371, 378
Ford, James A., and Willey, Gordon A.,
48, 61
Fort Abraham Lincoln, 395
Fort Belknap, 4387
Fort Berthold, 381, 385, 407
Fort Defiance Mill (also called Dam-
town), 22
Fort Lupton, Weld County, Colo., 229,
232
Fort Macleod, 426
Fort McKenzie, 424, 457
Fort Pierre, 357, 384, 389
Fort Randall, 422
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
{[Bull. 173]
Fort Rice, 377, 389, 390, 394
Fort Union, 424
Fort Yates, 364, 368, 369, 374, 375, 395,
396, 399, 402, 409, 422
Foster, George, 266
Four Horns, Indian chief, 377, 402
Fowke, Gerard, 7, 8, 27, 36, 56, 65, 85
Fowls, rare, 245
Fox, gray (Urocyon cinereoargenteus),
34
Fox, prairie, 424
Frankforter, Weldon, 140, 176
Franklin County, Nebr., 221
“French,” in count interpretations,
refers to métis of Red River
regions, 347
Frenchman, Dave, Indian informant,
Friedmann, Herbert W., birds identi-
fied by, 32, 34
Frog, 204
Frosted Red Fish, Indian brave, 402,
408, 413
Gaferut, Woleai Islands, 273, 285
Gala site, 8
Galbreath, Kenneth, 421
Gall, Indian brave, 390, 391, 398, 404
Garden County, Nebr., 223
Gardner, Fletcher, 296
Gates, Frank, 414
Geographical location of all sites, 13
(map) ; }
George Bull Child, interpreter, 429,
431, 433, 434
CeoreS Washington National Forest,
a., 15
Gerard, Charles, 421
Gilbert Islands, 286
Gilmar, Edmund, help from, 273
Girschner, Max, 285
Glacier National Park,
438, 442
Glendo Reservoir, southeastern Wyom-
ing, 441
Glen Elder, Kans., 207, 227
Glen Elder sites, 239
Glenn Site (258X301), 226
Goggles, Mike, Arapaho Indian, 436
Good, Battiste, Teton Dakota Indian,
346, 349, 358, 360, 361
Good Crow, Indian brave, 411
Good Elk, Indian brave, 401, 406
Goodenough, Dr. Ward, 273, 299
Good winter count, 340, 352, 353, 354,
355, 356, 358, 362, 363, 364, 366,
368, 373, 378, 382, 386, 387, 388,
392
Goose Creek, 354
Gorget, shell, 25
Goshen, Rockbridge County, 11, 25, 41,
42
Gourd rinds, 238, 245
Graham, C. H., information from, 36
Grand River, 369, 376, 393
Granite, 193
location of,
INDEX
Grass bundles, used for warmth, 437
Graver, 23, 29, 38, 55 (fig.), 56, 57
(table), 90-127 (tables), 171,
196, 197, 220, 224, 248
Gray Eagle, Eugene, 414
Greasewood Creek, Blackfoot Reserva-
tion, 447
Great Bend people (Pawnee), 238, 240
Great Falls, Montana Weather Bureau,
information from, 439
Great Spirit, Indian God, 364
Greenstone, 17, 42, 53, 54 (fig.), 66, 67
(table), 75, 90-127 (tables)
Grey Bear, Indian brave, 406, 407, 410
Grey Earth, Indian chief, 365
Griffin, James B., 81, 86
Grinding stone, 186
Grinnell, George Bird, 427, 434
Groah’s Ridge, on South River, 29
Gros Ventre, refers to Hidatsa, 347, 350,
359, 360, 364, 369, 385, 437
Grottoes, Rockingham County, Va., 11,
37, 39
Ground stone, 197-198, 215, 242
Guam, Marianas, 285, 292
Gun, European, 251
Gun flints, 176, 242
Gunnerson, Dolores, 140, 243
Gunnerson, James H., 177, 239, 244
Gunnerson, James H.: An introduction
to Plains Apache archeology:
The Dismal River Aspect, 141-
260
Gunnerson, James H., and Gunnerson,
Dolores A., 145, 228
Gynerium sagittatum, 267
Habitation patterns, 74-80
Hackberry trees, 145, 177, 216, 245
Haines, R. W., 140
Hairdress, enemy, 358, 359, 360, 361,
364, 369, 373, 376, 380, 382, 383,
384, 385, 387, 388, 390, 392, 394,
395, 396, 397, 400, 408
Hairdressing, Dakota, 367
Half Body Bear, Indian brave, 409
Hall, dance, 402
Halley’s Comet, represented by Indians,
409
Halloway draft, near Calfpasture River,
28
Halsey, Robert, 140, 210
pee Siidsee Expedition, 275, 276,
77
Hammer-anvil stone, 27, 30, 31, 55
(fig.), 56, 57, 90 (table), 127
(tables)
Hammerstones, 198, 243, 246
bell-shaped, 186
Haplotrema concavum, 32
Harlan County, south-central Nebraska,
145, 179
Harlan County Reservoir, south-central
Nebraska, 139, 145-180
483
Harney, General, treaty with, 384
Harper’s Ferry, Augusta County, 10
Harrington, J. C., 37
Harrison, north of Waynesboro, 20
Hat, Indian brave, 406, 429, 457
Hatchets, polished, 42
steel, 426
Hawk Shield, Indian brave, 406
Hayes, R. W., 232
Hayes County, Nebr., 207
Hes Ctrels Rockbridge County, Va.,
Hayes’ Creek Mound (RB-2), Rock-
bridge County, Va., 7, 40-41, 56
Haynes, R. W., 232, 233
HD (ueaeed County), 12, 13 (map),
HD-1 (rock shelter on Straight
Creek), 33
HD-—2 (northeast of Mustoe), 33,
57 (table), 63, 77 (chart)
HD-8 (on Dry Branch), 34, 68, 77
(chart)
HD-4 (intersection of Burnsville-
Williamsville-McDowell road),
34-35, 49, 57 (table), 77 (chart)
HD-5 (south of Burnsville High-
way), 35, 68, 77 (chart)
HD-6 (on Shaw’s Fork), 35, 57
(table), 68, 77 (chart)
HD-—7 (town limits of McDowell),
35, 68, 77 (chart)
HD-8 (left bank
River), 35-36
HD-9 (Clover Creek Mound), 7,
36, 61, 63, 77 (chart), 78, 85
Headbands, 206, 207, 242, 248
Headdress, feather, 357, 394
Omaha Indians, 340, 348, 351, 355,
364
Hearths, 182, 183, 463, 467, 468, 470
(table)
fire, inside, 446
fire, outside, 446, 455
Heart River, 371, 372, 378, 387, 388
He-has-a-red-spear, Indian brave, 404
eT CRIS TR: Indian brave,
Bullpasture
Heliodiscus parallelus, 34
Hematite, 154, 155, 167, 172, 176, 194,
198, 215, 246
Hematite paint, 42, 172, 203, 250
Hendry, Anthony, 460
Henry, Bethwel, help from, 273
Hercules constellation, 427
Herriot Site (south branch of Potomac
River), 86
Hershey, Nebr., 211
Hewes, Gordon, 440
Hidatsa Indians, 347, 356
Hide tanners, bone, 215, 245
High Bear, Indian chief, 409
484
High Dog, author of count, 344, 351,
352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358,
359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365,
366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372,
373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379,
380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386,
387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393,
396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402,
A. 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409,
4
High Dog group, winter count of, 341,
343-344
High Hawk, Oglala Indian, interpreter,
346, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 360,
361, 362, 363, 367, 368, 370, 371,
373, 382, 386, 387, 390, 392, 401
High Hawk winter count, 340, 346, 356
Highland County (HD), 10, 12, 18
(map), 33-36, 74
High Plains, Central Plains area, 148,
144, 489
Hilger, Sister M. Inez, 436-437
Hill, A. T., 139, 141, 181, 187
Hill, A. Ti, and Metcalf, George, 142,
143, "157, 212; 213, 2142215, 216,
Qi 208) 2215222) 244
Hind, Henry Y., 424
His-horse-reers, Indian brave, 408
Historie period, 440, 443, 460
Hit on Top Woman, Piegan woman, 482
Hoes, 21
fragments of, 149, 159
scapula, 198, 199, 215, 241
Hoffman, J. Jacob, 422, 423, 458, 459
Hogan, crude, 422
Hogan, Navaho, 240, 249
Hé6he refers to Assiniboin, 347, 383, 384,
386, 387, 388, 394, 396
Holland, C. G., 9, 438, 48, 49, 52, 58, 65,
BUREAU OF
Holland, C. G.: Preceramic and ceramic
cultural patterns in Northwest
Virginia, 1-129
Holland, C. G.; Evans, Clifford; and
Meggers, Betty J., 27
Holy Bear, Indian brave, 411
Holy Soul, Indian brave, 405
Hooker County, north-central Nebras-
ka, 140, 180, 182, 188, 247, 250, 251
Horn, Tom, Blackfoot Indian, 435
Horn, worked, 245
Hornell, James, 285
Horn Site Enya), 207, 256
Horse, represented by Indians, 351,353,
354, 357, 358, 361, 374, 387, 398,
394, 395, 396, 398, 408, 409
Horses, 425, 428, 429, 430, 433, 434,
435, 440
Horse Shoe, Indian brave, 403
Horseshoes, iron, 354, 358
House 1, 25HN37, 147 (fig.), 148, 157,
House II, 25HN37, 147, 148 (fig.), 149
(fiz.), 157, 159, 177
House on 25H N87, 149, 150 (fig.), 157,
9
AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
(Bull. 173]
House IV, 25HN37, 150, 151 (fig.), 157,
1
House V, 25H N37, 151, 152 (fig.), 157
House VI, 25H N37, 152, 153 (fig.),
155 (table), 157, 172, 175, 176,
207, 249
House II, Lovitt Site, 157, 212-213
Houses, 146-157, 178, 249
dance, 370, 401, 402
discussion of, 155-157 (measure-
ments), 240
Dismal River, 240, 249
log, 358, 363, 368, 370, 380, 401
Wichita, 249
Howard, James H.: Dakota winter
counts as a source of Plains
history, 335-416
Hudson, Colo., 232
Huerfano County, Colo., 235
Huffman Farm, Rileyville, 65
Huitzilopochtli, Aztec god of war, 268
Humphrey, Carl, 140, 181
Humphrey Site (25HO21), 187-205, 255
Hunké ceremony, Dakota Indians, 351,
353, 354, 369, 379
Hunkpapa Indian band, 341, 342, 343,
344, 345, 348
Hunkpapa winter count, 339, 370
Hunkpati (Upper Yanktonai), 347, 377
Hunkpatina (Lower Yanktonai), 347
Hunting, 245, 251
Hunting camp, temporary, 462
Huscher, Betty H., and Huscher, Harold
A., 142
Hyde, George E., 437
Ifaluk, Woleai Islands, 273, 274, 276,
277, 278, 279, 280, 283, 287,
289, 292, 293, 294, 295, 304
Ilges, Maj. Guido, 399
Imbelloni, J., 275, 276, 282
Indian police uniform, shown by
Indians, 406, 407
Informants, other than Blackfoot,
436-437
Tron, igce pt 154, 176, 187, 204, 217,
Tron Dog, Indian brave, 404
Trrigation ditches, pre-white, 238
Isantee Indians, 367
Ishilh Foeshavlap (writing of Faraulep),
295, 296
Island Fork, South Fork of Shenan-
doah, 38, 39
Itdzipéo band, see Sansarc.
Jackrabbit, 204
Jackson River, Highland County, Va.,
James River, Rockbridge County, Va.,
10, ii 75
Janitzio, village on Lake Patzcuaro, 265,
66, 267
Japanese, stationed at Faraulep, 286
Jarmen’s Gap, Shenandoah National
Park, 19
INDEX
Jasper, 66, 166, 167, 168, 170, 179, 181,
182, 185, 187, 193, 195, 196, 209,
219, 220, 225, 246, 251
Jaw, Charley, Dakota Indian, 345
Jaw group, winter count of, 341, 344-345,
374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380,
381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387,
388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394,
395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400
Jaw Variant, winter count, 345, 365,
366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372,
373, 314, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379,
380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386,
387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393,
394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399
Jay, Edward, 421, 449
Jay, Phyllis, "421, "449
Jeancon, J. A., 244
Jefferson County, Colo., 230
Jennings, Jesse D., 140, 423
Jenning’s Branch, near Lone Fountain,
29
Jim White Calf, Blackfoot informant,
429, 430, 449
Jingles, brass, 176, 179
copper, 155, 179, 215, 222, 250
metal, 251
sheet iron, 182, 215, 250
Joe Tomahawk, Indian brave, 408
John’s Run, near Stuart’s Draft, 26
Jordan, Joe, Dakota Indian, 342
Jugla nigra, 149, 177
Julia Wades-in-the-water, Blackfoot In-
dian woman, 467
Jumping Bull, Sitting Bull’s father,
385, 386
Kaneshiro, Shigeru, see MRiesenberg,
Saul H., and Kaneshiro, Shigeru.
Katakana writing, Japanese, 278, 280,
290, 296, 297
Kehoe, Alice, 421
Kehoe, Thomas F., 440, 457
Kehoe, Thomas F.: Stone tipi rings in
North-Central Montana and ad-
jacent portion of Alberta, Canada:
Their historical, ethnological,
and archeological aspects, 417-473
Kelly, Mrs. Fanny, white prisoner, 389
Kelso Site (25LN7), 211
Kelso, Mr.—, owner of Kelso Site, 211
Kettles, 250, 367
Keur, Dorothy L., 142
Keyser Farm Site, 8, 63, 85, 86
Kidder, A. V., 202, 241, 242, 243
Kills Plenty, Sitting Bull’s brother, 385
Kills Two, Sioux Indian, interpreter, 346
Kinion, Trukese teacher, 290
Kiowa-Apache tribes, 440
Kiowa Indians, 360, 361, 440
Kiowa winter count, 371
Kite Place, Page County,
Kittlitz, F. H. von, 285
Kivett, Marvin F., 139, 145, 159, 180
183, 187, 188, 189, 205
Va., 65
485
Knives, 169-170, 178, 186, 195-196,
197, 214, 220, 225, 241, 242, 245
brown jasper, 186, 195
chalcedony, 186
chipped-stone, 248
diamond-shaped, 186, 214, 242
flint, 159
iron, 285
leaf-shaped, 186, 242
metal, 427
scapula, 215
shell, 350
two-edged, 242
Koiner Mound, Augusta County, Va., 8
Koyokee pits, 458
Kramer, A., 274, 278, 285, 289
Krieger, Herbert, 423
Kroeber, A. L., 273
Kutenai Indians, 423, 440
Laboratory of Anthropology, Univer-
sity of Nebraska, 139, 145, 172,
173, 210, 211, 213, 218, 219, 224,
226, 238
La Conte, Louis, trader, 363
Lacotah Love Dance circles, 458
Lacotah Sioux Indians, 422
Lafayette, Colo., 232
Lafayette Site (Lafayette, Colo.), 232,
256
Laird, Yuma County, Colo., 231
Lake eee, Michoacan, 265, 266,
26
Lamotrek, Woleai Islands, 273, 277, 279,
285, 287, 289, 290, 292, 293, 294,
295
Lance, feathered society, 382
Langhorne family, owners of AU-38, 28
Larimer County, Colo., 227, 228, 231
Las Animas County, Colo., 235
Las Lauces, Costilla County, Colo.,
235
Laurel Hill, between Middle River and
Lewis Creek, 26, 31
Lean Bear, Indian chief, 397
Leaners, wooden, 154, 249
Leavitt, Carle, 446, 456
Le Beau, white trader, murderer, 37C
Le Claire, Northern Ponca Indian, 371
Leon y Guerrero, Nicholas, help from,
273
Lewellen, Garden County, Nebr., 223
Lewis, H. P., 443, 456
Lewis, Oscar, 440, 455, 462
Lewis, T. H., 425
Lewis Creek, Augusta County, Va., 21,
Lewis Geka Mound (AU-20), 7, 21-22
Lewis Front Range, Rockies, 438
Limestone, charred, 217
Limon, Elbert County, Colo., 230
Limonite, 167, 172, 246, 250
Lincoln County, Nebr., 209
Lingle, Goshen County, Wyo., 236
peers Site, Rockimgham County,
a., 8
486
Lipanan Apache, 243, 244
Lipscomb, Va., 20, 23
Literature cited, 128-129, 311-312,
415
Little Bear, Indian leader, 360, 397
Little Beaver, white trader, 358
Little Bird, Indian brave, 400
Little Calfpasture River, 42
Littlechief, Mrs. Eva, translator, 344,
362
Little Crow, Indian chief, 393, 400
Little Dog, Indian brav e, 407
Little Light, North Blackfoot Indian,
435
Lockridge, Emery, owner of HD-8, 35
Lodge, Dismal River, 248-249, 252
Lodge, earth, 362, 368
Plains earth, 240, 249
skin, 422, 424, 436, 455, 456
Lodge covers, sce tipi covers.
Lodge-cover weights, stone, 427
Lofton, on Pine Creek, 22, 28
Logan, missionary, 287, 288, 291
Logan County, Colo., 533
Lone Dog, Indian warrior, 386
Lone Dog count, 346, 352, 353, 354, 355,
356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363,
364, 366, 368, 370, 371, 377, 382,
383, 384, 386, 392
Lone Eater Band, Blackfoot Indians, 432
Lone Fountain, Middle River, 29
Lone Star, Indian chief, 397
Long Hair, Indian chief, 396, 397
Lookout Point (Site 25LN10), 212
Louis Bear Child, 429
Louis W. and Maude Hill Family Foun-
dation, 421
Loup River, 143
Louse Bear, Indian brave, 405
Lovitt ae Southwestern Nebraska,
, 157, 159, 212-216, 237, 247,
oe 250, 255
Lowe Site (25HO7), 183-187, 255
Lower Loup (Pawnee), 240
Lowie, Robert H. , 428
Lukunor, Nomoi group, 285
Liitke, F,, 285
Lynnhaven, on South Fork, Shenan-
doah River, 39
MacCord, Howard, information from
8, 12, 15, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, 40, 86
Madison Run, Rockingham County,
Wiles Bx
Madison Run Rock Shelter (RM-3),
37
Mad Wolf, Blackfoot Indian, 430
Mahony, Frank, 273, 289, 290, 291, 292
Mallery, Garrick, 339, 340, 341, 345,
346, 348, 349, 350, 352, 353, 354,
355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362,
363, 364, 365, 367, 370, 371, 373,
377, 378, 379, 382, 383, 384, 385,
386, 387, 390, 392, 393, 396.
Malouf, Carling, 423, 459
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 173]
Mandan-Bismarck Indian Shriners or-
ganization, 340, 341, 342
Mandan Indians, 350, 356, 359, 369,
372, 381, 385, 402, 409, 411
Maninifek, Eauripik informer, 294
Mano, 56, 57 (table), 90-127 ’(tables)
Manson, Carl; MacCord, Howard A.;
and Griffin, James iB. 8.) O35 86
Many Horses Tails, Indian camping
ground, 354
Mapia Island, 287
Marcellus Red Tomahawk, Sihasapa
brave, 408
Marianas, 286
Marias River, southeast of Shelby,
Mont., 441
Marmot (Marmota monaz), 32, 34
Martell, Edward L., Indian informant,
436
Martin, Hy T23237.'238
Martin, Paul S.; Quimby, George I.; and
Collier, Donald, 238
Mason, W. A., 275
Massey, Dr. William, 421
Material, preparation of, 8-9
Ma/’toki dance structure, construction
of, 428, 456
Mato Sapa count, Teton Dakota In-
dians, 346, 352, 353, 354, 355,
358, 359, 360, 362, 363, 364, 366,
368, 370, 371, 377, 382, 383, 384,
386, 392
Mats, 285
Matthews, Dr. Washington, 425
Matthews Site, see Humphrey Site.
Maul, grooved, 215, 243, 446
Maximilian, Prince of Wied, 424, 445,
457
Mayas, atlatl used by, 267
McCallum-Hofer Site (25CH7), 216, 255
McCarty, ee a
McCary, "Ben Cz
McClintock, Walter, 427, 428, 430, 434,
446
McClure, Dr. F. A., botanist, 267
McConnell, H. H., 140, 232
McDermot, Douglas, 210
McDowell, Highland County, Va., 34,
35
McKittrick Creek, tributary of Middle
River, 2
McLaughlin, Major, see White Beard.
McLean, John, 426
Mdéwakanton, Santee group, 347, 367
Measles, 362, 363, 377, 378, 409
See also Smalipox.
Medicine Creek, Nebr., 210, 222
Medicine Creek 5, see Site 25FT9.
“Medicine getting” ritual, 422, 436
Medicine wheels, 422, 486, 457, 458
Meggers, Dr. Betty J., 21
Meinicke, Carl E., 285
Melanesia, 286
Meleagris gallopavo, 32, 34
Men’s house, beams from, 274, 275, 278
Merir Island, 287
INDEX
Mesodon sayanus, 34
M. thyroidus, 32
Mesomphix cupeus, 34
Metals, trade, 215
Metate, sandstone, 155, 172, 215, 243
Metcalf, George, 140, 142, 160
Métraux, Alfred, 275
Mica, sheet, 42, 164, 215
Mica, tempering material, 42, 164, 184,
189, 191, 207, 211, 213, 214, 215,
216, 218, 228, 229, 231, 232, 233,
234, 235, 236, 247
Micronesians, 285
Middens, 250
Middle Butte, Sweet Grass Hills, 426
Middle Loup River, 180, 183, 187, 205,
208
Middle River, Va., 15, 17, 22, 26, 27,
29, 30, 31, 75, 78
Middle Sitter, Blackfoot Indian, 430
Miles, General, 390
Milk River Ridge, Blackfoot Reserva-
tion, 449, 451 (fig.)
Millboro Springs, on Cowpasture River,
1
Mill Creek, 2 miles from Goshen, 41
Miller, Carl, information from, 12
Mill Mountain, west of Calfpasture
River, 11
Mindeleff, Cosmos, 240
Mink, 204
Minneconjow band, Teton Dakota tribe,
346, 348
Mirror, dance, 414
Misililing, see Misinining.
Misinining, American Protestant Mis-
sionary, 289
Missouri River, 363, 364, 366, 440
Missouri River Basin Survey, Smith-
sonian Institution, 139, 148, 145,
180, 187
Mixbloods, Red River, 395
Modern Blackfoot Camp, 464-470
Money, Indian boy, 404
Money paid to Indians,
Indians, 403
Monterey, Highland County, Va., 33
Mooney, James, 371, 440
Moose Jaws Forks, 424, 425
Moosemen Reserve, Saskatchewan,
Cree Reserve, 436
Moran, ve J.; Covell, R.; and Abashkin,
145
B.J., 14
Morrison, Jospeh P. E., shells identified
by, 32
shown by
yy
Morrison, Jefferson County, Colo., 230
Mortuary customs, 251
Mount Morrison, Colo., 232
Mount Solon, Va., 24, 35
Mudalia carinata, 32, 34
Muddy Creek, unde County, Nebr.,
217
Mudhens, 266
Muie deer, 143
Mullen, Hooker County, Nebr., 180,
181, 182, 183, 187, 205, 207, 208
487
Mullen Reservoir area, Hooker County,
north-central Nebraska, 139, 180
Mulloy, William T., 421, 422, 456, 458
Museum of the Plains Indian, 421, 435,
446, 449, 459, 464
Musical rasps, bone, 242
Mussels, 245
Mustoe, Highland County, Va., 33
Nakayama, Tosiwo, help from, 273
Namoluk, Caroline Islands, 285
Namonuito, Caroline Islands, 285, 288,
289
Natural Chimneys, near Mt. Solon, Va.,
Nebraska State Archeological Survey,
224
Nebraska State Historical Society
Museum, 139, 142, 180, 181, 182,
183, 187, 191, 205, 207, 208, 209,
212, 213, 217, 218, 219, 220, 222,
223
Necklace, bone hair-pipe, 393
Needles, 174
bone, 207, 221
eyed, 173, 174, 198, 202, 221, 242,
248
Neotoma sp., 32
Newell, P., 217
Nez Percé, 382, 397
Nichols Site (25DN1), 217-221, 255
Nicollet, J. N., 425
Nomoi Island, 287, 291, 309
North American "Indian Days Cele-
bration, 464
North Battleford, Saskatchewan, 436
North Dakota State Historical Museum,
Bismarck, 340, 342, 343, 344, 345
Northern Crown stars, 427
North Fork, Shenandoah River, 10
North Loup River, 208
North Platte, Nebr., 209, 210, 211, 212,
221
North Platte River, 210, 223, 245
North River, Va., 24, 25, 39, "42
North Saskatchewan River, 440
Northwest Virginia, geographical de=-
scription of, 9-43
Nose flute, 276
No Two Horns (Blue Thunder variant),
winter count, 342, 348, 349, 356,
357, 359, 360, 361, 364, 365, 366,
367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373,
374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380,
381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387,
388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394,
395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401,
402, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408,
409, 410, 411, 412, 413
No Two Horns, "Hunkapapa Band,
Teton Dakota Indians, 342, 348,
349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355
Nunivak Eskimo, spear thrower used
by, 266
Nuttall, Zelia, 267, 268
488
Oak trees, 177
Obsidian, 167, 181, 182, 194, 206, 207,
208, 211, 216, 219, 225, 229, 232,
246, 251, 268, 449
Ocher, yellow, 215
Odocoileus virginianus, 32, 33, 177
Oglala ane) Teton Dakota Tribe, 346,
48
Oglala count, see Dakota winter count.
Oglala Sioux Indians, 437
Ojibwa Indians, 366
Old Man Running Crane, Blackfoot
Indian, 431
Old Whoop-up Trail, 443
Oleai script, 273
Olimarao, Woleai Islands, 273
Olter, Bailey, help from, 273
Omaha Indians, 347
‘“‘Omaha”’ refers to Ponca or Omaha
pares 347, 351, 364, 365, 367,
401
One Gun, Blackfoot Indian, 460
One Star, Indian brave, 397
RO (Two Kettle), Teton band,
48
Oregon Basin, southeast of Cody, Wyo.,
441
Ornaments, bone, 242
chest, 21
Osborne, Dr. Douglas, 421
Otter Lodge, tipi of Tom Horn, 435
Oval pit, 32
Pabobo’s adoption ceremony, 379
Paint, 172, 192, 215, 250
caliche, 250
charcoal, 250
hematite, 42, 172, 203, 250
limonite, 250
Paint brush, bone, 215, 241, 248, 251
Paint pot, fragment, 25
Paléini or Paddni, refers to Pawnee or
Arikara, 347, 360
Palau Island, 286, 287, 295, 297
Palliday, Alice, Indian woman, 437
Palo azul, wood used for atlatl, 267
Palomas tribe, 243
Parfleches, use of, 4385, 444, 466, 467
Parkins, H. 8., 404
Parkins, Mrs. H. S., death of, 410
Pawnee, 240, 252, 347, 353, 354, 360,
370, 373
Pecking stones, 215
Pecos, 241, 242, 248, 244, 247, 252
Hee ee River relationships, 241-
44
Pegs, wooden, used for tipi covers, 460
Pendant, 22, 23, 27, 30, 36, 57 (table),
215, 243
Pend d’Oreille Indians, 440
Period, Early Woodland, 84
Historic, 86-87
Late Woodland, 85, 86
Middle Woodiand, 84
Middle-Late Woodland, 84
Protohistoric, 85-86
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 173]
Pete Little Light, Blackfoot informant,
429
Phatamu, see Atlatl.
Phillip Long Farm, Page County, 65
Philippines, 285
Phillips, Paul C., 427
Phonetic table, Dakota language, 416
Pictographs, Dakota Indians, 349
Picuris, location of, 239, 244
Piegan aveariy 426, 429, 430, 432, 440,
460
Northern, 429, 432
Southern, 429
Pigue Island, Faraulep atoll, 293
Pikelot, Woleai Islands, 273
Pima counting sticks, 371
Pine Creek, Augusta County, Va., 22,
28
Pine Ridge Reservation, 8. Dak., 437
Pines, lodge-pole, 427
Pine trees, 438
Pins, wooden, 4380
Pipe of peace, 361
Pipes, 21, 84, 164, 172, 248
catlinite, 172, 241
chlorite, 21, 27, 36, 39, 55 (fig.), 56,
57 (table), 58, 90-127 (tables)
clay, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 58,
90-127 (tables), 206, 238, 248
““cloudblower,’”’ 193, 215, 218, 248
decoration, 192, 214
elbow-shaped, 185, 198, 214, 215,
243
gray-green soapstone, 21
late Rio Grande style, 238
limestone, 215
monitor, 21
platform, 192-193
pottery, 142, 164, 185, 192, 212,
214, 218
steatite, 84
stone, 26, 159, 172, 215, 248
trade, 210
tubular, 193, 214, 215, 240, 2438,
244, 248
Pipe stems, trade, 210
Piserach, Namonuito atoll, 289, 290
Pits, Dismal River baking, 240, 250
other, 159-160, 188 (table), 213
Plains cache, 240, 250, 252
roasting, 158 (table), 159, 174,
177, 178, 188, 204, 213, 217, 238,
250
trash-filled, 148, 149-150, 158-159,
L738) 174) 78," Son ess bea
205, 213, 217, 238, 250
Plains Apache, see Dismal River people.
Plains Cree Indians, 424, 425
Plains-Dismal River relationships, 238—
241
Plains-Ojibwa—Cree-Assiniboin groups,
347, 366, 387, 388, 393
Platte County, Wyo., 236
Platte Reservoir area, Wyo., 139
Platte River, 236
Platte Valley, 212
INDEX
Pleets, John P., 413, 414
Plumb, W. H., information from, 8, 17,
18
Plums, 143, 216, 245
Points, 149, 150, 151
Polishers, bone, 241
Polka-Dot Farms, owners of AU-37, 28
Polygyny, practice of, 435
Polynesia, 286
Polynesians, 284, 285
Ponca Indians, 347, 351, 371, 401
Ponca winter count, lost, 371
Poplar Island component, Pennsyl-
vania, 82
Port Republic, Rockingham County,
a., 10, 36, 37
Postholes, 146, 147 (fig.), 148 (fig.), 149
(fig.), 150 (fig.), 151 (fig.), 152
(fig.), 153 (fig.), 154, 155, 156,
188, 205, 212, 213, 222, 249, 250
Post molds, 213
Pothook, 367
Potsherds, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24,
26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35,
37,39, 40, 41, 90-127 (tables), 158,
183, 184, 187, 205, 208, 217, 238
Albemarle Series, 21, 27, 58, 59 (def-
inition), 61, 62 (graph), 64, 83,
84, 120-127 (tables)
body, 149, 150, 151, 155, 158, 159,
a 185, 192, 209, 223, 226, 227,
35
Great Bend, 251
hardness of, 189 (table), 190
lip forms, 184, 190, 209, 233
Marcey Creek series, 58, 59 (defini-
tion), 61, 62 (graph), 83, 120-127
(tables)
New River Series, 58, 59 (defini-
tion), 62 (graph), 63, 64, 85, 86,
120-127 (tables)
Radford Series, 27, 32, 36, 42, 58,
60 (definition), 61, 62 (graph), 63,
64, 71, 73 (map), 74, 84, 85, 86,
121-127 (tables)
rim, 149, 150, 151, 155, 158, 159, 166
(fig.), 181, 184, 190, 191, 206, 207,
218, 224
Southwestern, 251
Stony Creek Series, 24, 58, 60 (def-
inition), 61, 62 (graph), 64, 69, 71,
72 (map), 74, 83, 84, 121-127
(tables)
Potter, Ethel, Arapaho woman, 436
Pottery, 33; 38, 62 (graph), 68, 120-127
(tables), 160-165, 178, 183, 184—
185, 189-193, 205-206, 213-214,
218-219
Pottery, analysis and interpretation of,
58-65, 160-165
60-61, 62
basic differences
(graph)
black, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231,
232, 233, 235, 236, 243
black ‘to dark gray, 218, 223, 225,
232, 234
in,
489
Pottery—Continued
buff, 231, 233, 236, 238
buff and black, 231
buff to black, 223, 227, 232, 234, 237
burnt clay, 42
coiled, 214
color, 162, 178, 181, 182, 184, 185,
187, 189, 192, 206, 210, 213, 218,
222, 223, 224, 246
cord-roughened, 210, 226, 227, 230,
232, 233, 234, 236
decoration, 162-163, 165 (fig.), 166
(fig.), 178, 182, 184, 185, 190, 191,
206, 208, 209, ’210, 214, 217, 218,
222, 223, 226, 229, 232, 233, 234,
235, 243, 247
density, 162
Dismal River, 141, 142, 149, 150,
151, 155, 159, 160 (table), 164,
179, 181, 182, 184, 187, 189, 191,
192, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212,
216, 217, 221, 223, 224, 225, 226,
227, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234,
235, 236, 237, 238, 243, 244, 246—
247, 252
Dismal River sand-tempered, 142
Glen Elder, 207, 208, 211
Glen Elder-White rock, 239
gray to gray-tan, 43, 235
grooved paddling, 162
hardness, 162, 211, 214, 234
incised zigzag decorations, 206, 214
“Kapo”’ black, 237
Keiser Cord Marked, 86
late red, 237
late Rio Grande micaceous culinary,
142, 237
limestone-tempered, 64, 84, 85, 86
lip-decoration, 165 (fig.), 214, 218,
227, 232
Lovitt Mica Tempered, 142, 160,
161, 164, 230, 247
Lovitt Plain, 142, 160
Lovitt Simple Stamped, 142, 160
orange, 227
Page Cord-Marked, 86
painted, 185, 192, 211, 218, 221, 234
Pojoaque, Polychrome, 237
polished, 184
porosity, 162
Potomac Creek, 86
punctate decorations, 206
“Quiviran,’”’ 238
Radford Cordmarked, 36
Radford Series Plain, 36
red, 230
red and black on orange-buff, 211,
212
rim forms, 164 (fig.), 184, 190, 206,
209, 214, 222, 223, 226, 227, 228,
230, 233, 235, 236, 247
sand-tempered, 85, 160-161, 182,
185, 187, 189, 191, 192, 206, 209,
213, 214, 218, 222, 223, 225, 226,
227, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234,
235, 236, 237, 247
490
Pottery—Continued
shapes, 162, 247
shell-tempered, 64, 86
shoulder area, 237
simple stamped, 162, 178, 182, 184,
185, 187, 189, 190, 192, 206, 209,
212, 214, 216, 217, 218, 228, 229,
230, 231, 233, 240, 247
surface treatment, 162-163, 184,
189, 206, 209, 212, 214, 216, 217,
218, 222, 225, 226, 231, 233, 234,
235, 236, 246, 252
Taos ware, 240
tempering, 160-161, 178, 185, 187,
189, 206, 213
Tewa, 237
texture, 161, 184, 185, 187, 189,
190, 191-192, 206, 209, 211, 218,
223, 225, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232,
234, 237
thickness, 164, 190, 232, 236, 237
thong-wrapped paddling, 162, 240
trade, 252
Upper Republican, 141, 192, 209,
210, 212, 221, 223, 225, 226
Woodland, 181, 214, 223, 226, 233
Pottery handle, 191, 231
Pottery lug, 191
Potterymaking tradition, 26, 29
Pottery series and _ types,
(tables)
Powder Creek (River), 382
Powder horn, worn by Indian, 367
Prairie chickens, 143
Prairie Dog Creek, 145, 146
Prairie dogs, 143
Preceramic and ceramic cultural pat-
terns in northwest Virginia, 7
Preceramic complex, 57 (table), 58, 65,
68, 69, 70 (map), 74, 75, 76, 78,
79, 81, 82, 87
Pre-horse Period, 462
Premeau, Jean, interpreter, 346
Prisoner, represented by Indians, 389,
395
Projectile points, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21,
2, 23, 24, 25 (table), 26, 27, 28,
295-30, 310"33N 34) 35;(36:37, 38)
39, 40, 41, 48, 538, 81, 155, 156
(chart), 159, 167-168, 178, 179,
182, 185 (table), 187, 194 (table),
198, 206, 209, 219 (table), 225,
238, 242, 246, 446
antler, 32, 215, 241, 242
bone, 199-200, 215, 241, 242
brass, 215
Contracting Stemmed Type K, 25
(table), 44 (fig.), 46, 50, 82, 90—
127 (tables)
Crude Triangular Type D, 44 (fig.),
46, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 90-127
(tables)
Eared Type O, 25 (table), 44 (fig.),
47, 90-127 (tables)
flint, 155, 446
Hanna type, 440
120-127
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 173]
Projectile points—Continued
Lanceolate Type F, 44 (fig.), 46,
50, 51, 90-127 (tables)
Large blades, unclassified, Type V,
25 (table), 47, 49, 50, 51, 75,
90-127 (tables)
Large Contracting Stemmed Type
P, 45 (fig.), 47, 90-127 (tables)
Large Parallel-sides Stemmed Type
Q, 25 (table), 45 (fig.), 47, 48, 49,
50, 51, 81, 82, 90-127 (tables)
Large Pointed Base Type 8, 45
(fig.), 47, 51, 90-127 (tables)
Large Rounded Base Type U, 45
(fig.) 47, 49, 50, 81, 90-127
(tables)
Large Side-notched Type R, 45
(fig.), 47, 51, 90-127 (tables)
Large ‘Triangular Blade Type T, 45
(fig.), 47, 51, 90-127 (tables)
McKean, 440
Medium Triangular Type B, 36, 43,
44 (fig.), 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 83,
90-127 (tables)
Notched Base Type G, 44 (fig.),
46, 51, 90-127 (tables)
Notched Stemmed Type I, 25
(table), 44 (fig.), 46, “28, 49, 50,
51, 81, 82, 90-127 (tables), 222
Ovoid Base Type J, 25 (table), 44
(fig.), 46, 49, 50, 82, 90-127
(tables)
Parallel-sided Stemmed Type L, 25
(table), 44 (fig.), 46, 48, 49 , 50,
51, 90-127 (tables)
Pentagonal Type EH, 44 (fig.), 46,
51, 84, 90-127 (tables)
Side- ‘notched Type M., 25 (table),
44 (fig.), 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 81,
82, 90-127 (tables), 216
Small triangular Type A, 23, 30,
43, 44 (fig.), 48, 49, 50, 90-127
(tables), 241, 244
Stubby-barbed. type H, 25 (table),
44 (fig.), 46, 50, 90-127 (tables)
Tria angular Type G, 24, 25 (table),
27, 43, 44, (fig.), 48 49, 50, 51, 52,
53, 82, 83, 90-127 (tables), 222
242, 248
Type ’NBa, 155, 156 (fig.)
Types cf, 44 (figs. ), 90-127 (tables),
156 (chart), 167 (table)— 168, 178,
185 (table), 214, 220 (table), 225,
242
Unclassified Type N, 25 (table),
47, 51, 90-127 (tables)
Projectile- point and blade types, rock
material, chips, and other arti-
facts, and pottery classification
tables, 90-127
Projectile points and large blades, 43-
53, 68, 170
Promontory ‘complex (Utah), 241, 245,
247, 252
Promontory-Dismal River relationships,
244-245, 252
INDEX
pe Te Point, north-central Utah,
24
Protohistoric period, 240, 241, 245,
440, 460
Pueblo Site (148C1), 237-238, 250
Pugh, Stanley, Oglala Sioux Indian, 437
Pulap, Caroline Islands, 273, 280, 287
Pulo Anna, 287
Pulusuk, Caroline Islands, 273, 285, 287
Puluwat, Caroline Islands, 273, 274,
276, 277, 278, 280, 285, 287, 289,
290, 291, 292, 295, 297
Pumpkin Creek, Mornill County, Nebr.,
224
Pumpkin Creek Site (25M0O2), 224-225
Punches, bone, 186, 215, 240, 241, 248
Putinska, treaty with, 384
Qu’appelle Valley, 424, 425
Quartelejo, ruins of, 237, 239
Quartelejo Lipanans, 243
Quartz, white, 11, 24, 66
Quartz boulders, 197
Quartz chips, 31, 40, 41, 66, 67, (table),
75, 90-127 (tables), 181, 188,
193, 229, 246
Quartz crystal, 42, 56, 57 (table), 58, 65,
66, 90-127 (tables), 167, 193
Quartzite, brown, 196
gray to yellow-gray Erwin-
Antietam, i1, 66
green, 196
purple Erwin, 11, 41, 66
Quartzite boulders, 445
Quartzite rocks (chips), 11, 15, 19, 20,
9293 9497.98 50993031) 35:
37, 38, 41, 65, 66, 67 (table), 68,
71, 74, 75, 81, 90-127 (tables),
181, 182, 186, 187, 193, 195, 196,
209, 219, 225, 228, 229, 246
Quartzite-using stations, designation of,
14,9173; 19;,20,-92, 23596, 27, 28,
29, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 51, 56,
68, 70 (map), 74, 75, 78, 79, 81,
87
Querecho people, 243
Quick’s Mill, Augusta County, Va., 17
Rabbit (Sylvilagus floridanus), 32, 34,
204
See also Jackrabbit.
Rain-in-the-face, Indian chief, 395, 408
Ramarui, David, help from, 273
Ramsey, Charles, collections by, 24, 25
(table)
Ramsey’s Gap, on Calfpasture River, 25
Rappahannock River, 86
Red Bow, Indian brave, 399
Red Breast, white man shown by
Indians, 368
Red Bull, Indian bray e, 400
Red Dog, Indian brave, 410
Red Hail, Indian brave, 400
Red Painted F eet, Blackfoot Indian, 429
Red River, 424
Red Robe, Indian warrior, 386
491
Red Tomahawk, Indian brave, 406
Red Valley Component, New Jersey,
82
“Ree,” refers to Arikara, 347, 350, 360,
368, 369, 372, 373, 375, 378, 379,
381, 385, 392.
Reed (Arundo donax), 267
Reghipol, Woleai teacher, 294
Religion, 251
Renaud, E. B., 142
Repunnoae City, Harlan County, Nebr.,
179
Republican River, 145, 146, 167, 179,
221, 230; 251
Resapechik, Trukese teacher, 290
Rib sections, worked, 203
Rider, eae Gros Ventre Indian,
4
Riesenberg, Saul H., and Kaneshiro,
Shigeru: A Caroline Islands script,
269-333
Rifie, corned by Indian, 367, 380, 386,
3
carried by white man, 396
Riggs, Stephen R., 347, 360
Rings, brass, hair ornaments, 357
Rio Grande River, 235
River Basin Surveys, 139, 182, 183, 187
River terrace, meaning of, 14
Robe, worn by Indians, 386
Roberts, Frank H. H., Jr., 140
Robert S. Peabody Foundation Muse-
um, Phillips Andover Academy, 139
Robinson, Will G., 362
Roby, Roy, information from, 8, 30
Rockbridge Baths, 11, 40, 41
Rockbridge County (RB), 10, 12, 13
(map), 40-43, 74
Rockbridge County sites:
RB-1 (east of Wade’s Mill), 40
RB-2 (Hayes’ Creek Mound), 8,
40-41, 85
RB-3 (on Hayes’ Creek), 41, 52,
61, 77 (chart)
RB-4 (Rockbridge Baths), 41, 77
(chart)
RB-5 (right bank of Calfpasture
River), 41, 68, 77 (chart)
RB-6 (on slope to Mill Creek), 41,
52, 68, 77 (chart)
RB-7 (Battle or Bell Mound), 8,
42, 61, 63, 77 (chart), 78, 85
Rockingham County (RM), 11, 12, 13
(map), 56-40, 65
Rockingham County sites:
RM-1 (South Fork, Shenandoah
River), 12, 13 (map), 36, 50, 57
(table), 77 (chart), 80
RM-1A (near RM-1), 13 (map),
36, 50
RM-2 (west of RM-1), 36-37, 77
(chart)
RM-3 (Madison Run _ Rock
Shelter), 37, 77 (chart)
RM-4 (nor theast of Port Republic),
12, 13 (map), 37, 38 (table), 48,
492
Rockingham County sites—Continued
57 (table), 61, 64, 67 (table), 74,
77 (chart)
RM-4A (southwest of RM-4), 12,
13 (map), 37-88 (table), 48, 56,
64
RM-4B (northwest of RM-4A),
12,13 \(aap); (38; 950, UGB 975;
77 (chart)
—5 (south of bridge at Island
Fork), 37-39, 77 (chart)
RM-6 (near RM-5), 38, 39, 52,
dl ee 77 (chart)
RM-7 (Lynnhaven, on South Fork),
39, 77 (chart)
RM-8 (50 yards from RM-6),
38, 39, 50, 67 (table), 77 (chart)
RM-9 (northwest of Weyer’ s Cave,
on North River), 39
RM-10 (Grottoes, on South River),
39-40, 77 (chart)
RM-11 ’(southwest of Elkton), 40,
57 (table), 77 (chart)
RM-12 (bank of South Fork), 40,
57 (table), 77 (chart)
Rock material, 65-74
Rock shelters, 78
Rosie A. Young Man, Mrs., Blackfoot,
interpreter, 429
Roundiep, hill near Crawford, Nebr.,
26
Roy, Rob, aise tee of AU-27, and
AU-28
Rubbing tools, ee 241
Ruffner Place, Page County, 65
Ruins, stone-walled, 238
Running Crane, chief of Lone Eater
Band, 4382
Running Rabbit, Indian chief, 427
Russell, Frank, 371
Sagebrush, 143
Saipan, Marianas, 285, 297
Salishan tribe, 440
Sanasesli, location of, 239
Sand, charcoal-stained, 183
Sanderville, Richard, 446
Sandhills, Central Plains area,
144, 180
Sandhills sites, 180-208
environmental setting, 180-181
Sandstone, brown, 220
buff, 198
Cretaceous, 438, 445
Ogalalla, 197
soli red Dakota, 167, 171, 172, 193,
1
mee or light, 167, 171, 186, 188,
Sansare band, Teton Dakota tribe, 345,
348, 362, 377, 392
group, Dakota tribes, 347
(list), 367
Santo Domingo, see El Quartelejo.
Sappa Creek, 145
143,
Santee
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 173]
Satawal, Woleai Islands, 273, 274, 277,
278, 280, 283, 285, 287, 290, 291,
292, 293, 295
eevennay River Focus, North Carolina,
8
Saville, Marshall H., 268
Scalps, 362, 367, 376, 377, 385, 386, 387,
388, 392, 394, 395, 396, 397, 400
Scapulae, worked, 173, 174, 198-199,
220
Schaeffer, Dr. Claude E., 421, 427, 459
Schist, 182, 197, 246
Schmitt, Karl, 86
Schulenberg, Ray, translator, 344
Schultz, James Willard, 427
Sciurus calolinensis, 32
Scott City, Scott County, Kans., 237
Scott County Pueblo site, West Central
Kansas, 142, 237-238, 239
Scotts Bluff County, Nebr., 225
Scrapers, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29,
30, 35, 36, 39, 40, 84, 149, 150,
151, 155, 169, 170-171, 194, 196—
197, 206, 219, 225, 226, 245
elk-antler, 383, 384
end, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 58, 81,
90-127 (tables), 159, 171, 178,
182, 186, 196, 197, 214, 215, 219,
222 238, 240, 241, 242, 244, 248
hafted, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 58,
81, 90- i 27 (tables)
side, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 90-
127 (tables), 167, 171, 178, 182,
186, 196, 197, 206, 214, 216, 241,
242, 248
snub-nosed, 242
tanged, 242, 244
Seals, 266
Sea otter, 266
Secoy, Frank R., 143
Sedgwick County, Colo., 229
Seidling Hill, on Calfpasture River, 25
Seneca, Nebr., 181
Serifino ee Serbino, helper of Soshaki,
296
Setzer, Henry W., animals identified by,
33
32,
Shaddox, Carl, 421
Shaft polishers, 171, 186
Shaft wrenches, bone, 149, 173, 174,
198-199, 215, 242, 248
Shale, 438
Shave One Side, Mrs., 414
Shaw’s Fork, tributary of Cowpasture
River, 35
Shell species:
Anguispira alternata, 32
Elliptic complanatus, 32, 34
Haplotrema concavum, 32
Heliodiscus parallelus, 34
Mesodon sayanus, 34
M. thyroidus, 32
Mesomphix cupeus, 34
Mudalia carinata, 32, 34
Triodopsis albolarbris, 32
T. fraudulenta, 34
INDEX
Shell species—Continued
T. tridentata juxtidens, 32, 34
Unionerus tetralasmus, 177
Ventridens ligera, 32
Shells, a2 (list), 33 (list), 34 (list), 177,
2
mussel, 159
turtle, unworked, 158, 177, 204
unworked, 149, 151, 158, 179
worked, 185, 187, 215
Shenandoah Mountain, Va., 16, 35
Shenandoah National Park, Va., 19, 37
Shenandoah River, see North or South
Fork.
Shenandoah Valley, 86
Shepard, Anna O., 140, 161
Sherds, Great Bend, 142
southwestern, 142
See also potsherds.
Shinny ee and ball, shown by Indians,
406
Ship, represented by Indians, 351
Shippee, J. M., 145
Shoshone Basin, Wyo., 458
Shoshoni tribe, 437, 440
Shutterly’s Mill, Staunten, Va., 30
Sit4ngu band, Teton Dakcta tribe, 346,
348, 361
Signal Butte, Nebr., 141, 222, 225, 440
Sihdsapa Indian band, 341, 342, 343,
344, 348, 350, 355
Silk, Indian brave, 412
Silk, Mrs. Harry, wife of Silk, 412
Sioux County, Nebr., 243
Sioux Indians, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354,
355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361,
. 364, 365, 367, 368, 369, 370, 372,
373, 378, 380, 387, 391, 395, 396,
399, 424, 426
Sirom, Trukese teacher, 290
Sisseton, Santee group, 347, 367
Site:
A (historic period), 75
A-B, 76
B-C, description of, 75, 76
B and M, 256
C-D, desciption of, 75, 76
D-H, description of, 75, 76
E-F, description of, 76
F-G, description of, 76
Colo. E:1:7 (Larimer County,
Colo.), 227-228, 256
Colo. D:4:2; 227, 256
Colo. E:2:1 (northern part of Weld
County), 228, 256
Colo. E:7:1 (South of Cornish,
he County, Colo.), 228-229,
Colo. E:14:11 (5 miles east of Fort
Lupton), 229, 256
Colo. F:15:1 (10 miles north of
Akron, Washington County,
Colo.), 229, 256
Colo. G:4:GEN. (Sedgwick County,
Colo.), 229, 256
493
Site—Continued
Colo. G:16:6 (2 miles southwest of
Wray, Yuma County), 229-230,
256
Colo. G:16:8 (10 miles north of
Wray), 230, 256
Colo. K:5:1 (Summit County,
Colo.), 230, 256
Colo. K:8:2 (4 miles south of Mor-
rison), 230, 256
Colo. M:9:6 6 miles east of Buick,
Elbert County), 230, 256
Colo. M:10:2 (13 miles northwest of
Limon), 230, 256
Colo. N:4:1 (6 miles south of Laird),
231, 256
Colo. §$:12:5 (Pueblo County,
Colo.), 233, 256
Colo. U:5:9 (17 miles northwest of
Eads), 234, 256
Colo. Y :12:GEN.; 233, 256
Colo. Y:13:1 (southern boundary of
Colorado), 234, 256
Colo.Y:14:1 (Castilla
Colo.), 234-235, 256
Rolo! .Z:5:7 (Huerfano County), 235,
256
Colo.Z:6:1, 235,256
Colo.Z:14:2 (Las Animas County),
235, 256
WYO.AA:6:1 (Albany County,
Wyo.), 236-237, 257
WYO.U:11:1 (15 miles north of
Lingle), 236, 257
14SC1 (west-central Kansas), 141,
178, 237-238, 250, 257
17 (Larimer County, Colo.), 231,
256
Gee (tipi-ring camp), 465
24390 (above north bank of
Greasewood Creek), 447, 448
(fig.), 449
2aGTA29, tipi ring of White Man,
County,
g.
24GL427, tipi ring of Running
Crane, 432
24GL486, south slope Milk River
Hades; "449, 452 (fig.), 453 (fig.)—
24GL490, Milk River Ridge, Black-
foot Reserv ation, 449
Tie (tipi-ring camp), 465
fig.
24GL520 (bison drive site), 461
(fig.)
24GL584, north shore Spring Lake,
Blackfoot Reservation, 449, 450
(fig.)
25BN2 (Bull Canyon Site), 222-
223, 255
25C25 (30 miles northwest of
Mullen), 208, 255
25C27, 208, 255
494
Site—Continued
25C28 (12 miles northwest of
Brownlee), 208, 255
25C29 (9 miles north of Brownlee),
208, 255
25CH1 (Lovitt Site), 144 (map),
178, 212-216, 218, 237, 245, 247,
249, 255
25CH7 (McCallum-Hofer Site),
216, 255
25CH8 (Skelton Site), 216, 255
25CH14 (Baker Site), 217, 255
25DK5 (22 miles southwest of Tie
Siding, Wyo.), 176
25DN1 (Nichols Site), 142, 144
(map), 178, 217-221, 255
25FR15 (1 mile west of Blooming-
ton), 221, 255
25FT9 (southwestern Nebraska),
141, 142, 144 (map), 222, 255
25GD2 (Ash Hollow Cave), 144
(map), 223-224, 237, 255
25HN37, environmental setting,
145-146, 255
25HN37, houses, 146-157, 158
(table), 173 (table), 177 (table),
218
25HN37 (White Cat Village),
Harlan County Reservoir, south-
central Nebraska, 139, 140, 144
(map), 145-180, 224, 242, 249
25H N44, southeast of Republican
City, Nebr., 179-180, 255
25HO1 (south bank of Dismal
River), 181, 225, 255
25HO2, south bank of Dismal
River, 180, 225, 255
25HO3, about 15 miles south of
Mullen, 180-181, 255
25HO4 (fork of Dismal River),
181, 255
25HO5 (8 miles east of Mullen),
180, 182, 255
25HO7 (the Lowe Site), Mullen
Reservoir area, 139, 144 (map),
180, 183-187, 255
25HO9 (northeast cf Mullen),
180, 187, 255
25HO21 (Mullen Reservoir area,
Hooker County, north-central
Nebraska), 139, 144 (map), 174,
180, 183, 185, 187-205, 224, 255
25HO24 (Mullen Reservoir area,
Hooker County, north-central
Nebraska), 139, 180, 205-207, 255
25HO30 (8 miles southeast of
Mullen), 207, 256
25HO31 (13 miles southeast of
Mullen), 207, 256
25HO32 (15 miles southwest of
Mullen), 207, 256
25HY4 (3 miles northwest of
Palisade, Nebr.), 207, 256
25LN2 (8 miles southwest of
North Platte, Nebr.), 209, 256
25LN3 (1 mile northwest of Som-
BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
(Bull. 173]
Site—Continued
erset, Nebr.), 210, 256
25LN4 (6 miles south of North
Platte), 210, 256
25LN5 (north of North Platte
Nebr.), 210-211, 256
25LN6 (opposite North Platte,
Nebr.) 211, 256
25LN7 (Kelso Site), 211, 256
25LN9 (2 miles north of Dickens,
Nebr.), 211-212, 256
25LN10 (3 miles south of North
Platte), 212, 256
25MO2 (Pumpkin Creek Site),
224-225, 256
25SF1 (Signal Butte Site), 144
(map), 225, 256
5SU2, see Site Colo.K:5:1
255 X00 (Roundtop Site), 226, 256
255X301 (Glenn Site), 226, 256
25T M1 (5 miles west of Thedford),
208-209, 256
26, 231, 256
38 (Larimer County), 231, 256
39FA45 (Fall County, 8. Dak.)
237, 257
39F A883, 237, 257
48PL11 (near Platte River, Platt
County), 236, 257
101 (Boulder County), 251, 256
104 (south of Mount Morrison),
231-232, 256
Billy Big Spring, 440
Site descriptions, 12, 13
(table), 67 (table),
(chart)
Sites:
in Lincoln County, Nebr., 209-212
in northeastern Colorado, 227-233
in southeastern Colorado, 233-235
in southeastern Wyoming, 236-237
in southwestern Nebraska, 212-222
in southwestern South Dakota, 237
in western Kansas, 237-238
in western Nebraska, 222-227
Middle Period in the Plains, 440
Sitting Bull, 385, 391, 396, 397, 398,
399, 402, 403
Skeletons, 42
articulated, flexed, 21
disarticulated, 21
Skelton Site (25CH8), 216, 255
Skin working, 245
Skulls, human, 22, 41
Skunk, 204
Skunk People, Indian band, 433 _
Slave, woman, taken by Indians, 389
Slim Buttes, S. Dak., 386
Smallpox, pictured by Indians, 352, 358,
362, 363, 374, 378
See also Measles.
Smith, Alfred G., 274
Smith, Carlyle S., 142, 237, 278, 284,
287, 291, 299, 300, 301, 304, 305,
307, 308
Smith, J. Russel, 439
(map), 57
75-76, 77
INDEX
Smithsonian Institution (collecting par-
ty), 139, 159, 164, 172, 173, 174,
183, 187, 191, 193, 196, 201, 202,
236, 238°
Snelling, "Alfred, and the Trukese
castaways, 288-290, 292, 293,
294, 309.
Snow, used for drinking water, 427
Snowshoes, shown on Indians, 367, 368,
376, 381
Soapstone fragments, 24, 56, 57 (table),
58, 90-127 (tables)
So-at- sa-ki, mythical character, 428
Sods, used to hold down tipi covers, 457
Soldiers, represented by Indians, 363
Someki, Atsushi, 274, 276, 277, 278,
282, 283, 299
Somerset, Nebr., 210
Sonsorol Island, 287
Sorol Island, 287
Soshaki or Soshiki, Japanese inventor of
type I, 296, 297
Sounding Knob, near Dry Branch, 33
South Fork, Shenandoah River, 10, 11,
17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 26, 27,
37, 38, 39, 40, 68, 71, 81
South River, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24,
27, 29, 36, 39, 69, 71, 75,
South Rivers District, definition of,
DPIGG ACL, 74,5182
Spades, bone, 215
Spanish, Mrs. Nora, 466, 468
Spatulas, bone, 198, 203, 215, 241, 242,
244, 248, 251
Spearheads, 42, 65
Spears, 268
Spear throwers, decorated, 265
See also Atlatl.
Speck, Frank G., 424
Spence, Carl, 226
Spider Lodge constellation, explanation
of name, 427-428
Spider Magee mythical character, 427,
428
Spindle whorls, bone, 242
Spoke shave, stone, 197
Spotted Bear, Indian brave, 405, 430
Spring Lake, Blackfoot Reservation,
449
4
Squash rinds, 288, 245
Squirrel, gray (Sciurus calolinensis), 32
Staff, ceremonial, 357, 367
Standing Bull, Indian brave, 394
Standing Rock Reservation, 339, 341,
343, 344, 345, 347, 353, 399
Staples Run, tributary of Calfpasture
River, 18
Star Husband tale, 427
wide Zosusta County, Va., 17, 28,
1
Stealing, punishment for, 361
Steatite fragments, 17, 19, 22, 40
Stephenson, Robert D., 140
Stephenson, Robert L., 239
Sterling, Logan County, Colo., 233
495
Sterling Site (6 miles northwest of Ster-
ling), 233, 256
Sterns Creek Woodland, 238
Steward, Julian H., 244
Stewart, Richard, 265, 266
Stinking Water Creek, Chase County,
Nebr., 212, 216, 217, 222
Stinking Water Focus, 142, 160, 204,
se 251, 253-254 (tables)
Stirling, M W.: The use of the atlatl
on Lake Patzcuaro, Michoacan,
261-268
Stone, chipped, 167, 206, 209, 214
granitelike, 167
pecked or polished, 167, 194
unworked, 149, 150, 154, 155, 158,
182, 187, 193, 194, 205, 210, 211
worked, 149, 150, 151 (list), 155
(list), 158, 165-172, 182, 185-186,
193-198, 205, 206, 210, 211, 214—
215, 217, 219-220, 229, 244, 246
Stone chips, definition of, 66
Stone circle sites, 458
Stones, fireburnt, 17, 26, 33, 37, 183, 187,
188, 205, 211, 217, 250, 437, 468
Stone tipi rings, archeological consid-
erations, 437—455, 463
conclusions, 462-464
discussion, 456-462
ethnological considerations,
437, 463
historical evidence, 424—428
introduction, 421—424
possible uses of, 421-423
Stone tipi rings in North-Central Mon-
tana and the adjacent portion of
Alberta, Canada; their historical,
ethnological and archeological
aspects, by Thomas F. Kehoe,
417-473
Stove, commercial, used in tipi, 467
Straight Creek, northeast of Monterey,
429-
33
Strikes Many, Indian brave, 412
Stuart’s Draft, on South River, 26, 27
Strong, W. D., 141, 143, 180, 182, 225
Strong-Heart warrior society, 412
Structures, 188, 212-213, 248-250
Sturtevant, William, 273
Subsistence, Dismal River Aspect, 245
Sone. cycle, annual, 436, 456, 461,
46
Subsistence methods, 439
Suicide, method of, 375
Summary, Site 25HO21, 204-205
Site 25H N37, 178-179
Summit County, Colo., 230
Sun Dance, Indian ceremony, 364, 428,
429, 464
Sundance, Wyo., 329
Sun Dance shelter, 428
Sunshade or summer shelter, 213, 250
Swan winter count, 346, 352, 353, 354,
355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363,
364, 366, 370, 371, 377, 382, 383,
384, 386, 392
496
Swanton, John R., 440
Sweat houses, 425
Sweet Grass Hills, 426 °
Swift Dog, Dakota Indian, 344, 351,
352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358,
359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365,
366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372,
373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379,
380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386,
387, 388, 389, 391, 392, 393, 394,
395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401,
ae 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408,
4
Swift Dog group, winter count, 341, 343,
344
Sword, represented in winter count, 411
Syllabaries, Cherokee, 273
Sylvilagus floridanus, 32, 34
Tablets, slate, 42
Tall Bear, see High Bear.
Tamias striatus, 34
Taos, 243, 244, 247
refugees, location of, 239
Tarasean Indians, 265, 266
Technology, 245-248
Teeth, animal, 32 (list)
animal incisor, perforated, 25
deer, 25
Tenney, L. F., 446
Tent peg, wooden, 428, 429, 430, 435,
44
Tents, skin, 424, 425, 426
umbrella, 464
wall, 464
Tepees, 425, 427
See also Tipis.
Terrace, meaning of, 14
Terrapin, 204
Terry, Frank, 33, 34
Teton Dakota Reservation, 341
Teton Dakota tribe, 341, 342, 343, 344,
345, 346, 347, 348, 351, 355, 359,
360, 361, 364, 365, 372, 377, 391
Teya people, 243
Thedford, Thomas TOMBE Nebr., 208
Thomas, ‘Alfred B., 243
Thomas County, Nebr., 208
Thompson’s exploration, start of His-
toric period, 440
Three Thigh, Indian brave, 401
Tiber Reservoir, Marias River, Shelby,
Mont., 441
Tidyman, James, 456
Tie Siding, Wyo., 227
Tilden Site (4 miles north of Hudson),
232, 256
Time marker:
A (Historic), 86-87
B (Protohistoric), 85-86
C (Middle-Late Woodland), 84-85
D (beginning of Middle Woodland),
82-84
E (transition between Late Ar-
chaic and Early Woodland),
81-82, 83, 84
BUREAU OF AMERICAN
ETHNOLOGY {Bull. 173]
Time marker—Continued
F (Early Archaic), 81, 82
G (beginning of Harly Archaic),
80-81
Time period:
A-B, 77 (chart)
B-C, 77 (chart), 78, 80
C—D, 77 (chart), 84
D-—E, 77 (chart), 78, 80, 84
E-F, 77 (chart), 78
F-G, 77 (chart), 79, 81
Tinder box, 274, 276, 278
Tinian, Marianas, 285
Tipi covers, skin, 423, 428, 435, 436,
437, 439, 443, 444, 445, 449, 456,
456, 460, 462, 463, 466, 467
Tipi liners, hide, 435, 464, 466, 467, 468
Tipi poles, 428
Tipi rings, Blackfoot encampment, 470
(table)
depth of rocks, 443-444 (table), 455
door gaps, 444
excavations, 446-447
quantity of rocks, 445
rock concentrations in center, 445—
446
rock types, 445
shape of, 443
Tipi-ring sites, 440-441, 446, 448 (fig.),
449, 450 (fig.), 451 (fig.), 452
(fig.), 453 (fig.)-455, 468
archeological fieldwork, 440-455
camp plans, 442—443
location of, 441-442
payment for use of, 434
proportion of to other sites, 441
remains of contents, 468
sizes of, 442, 443, 455
summary of fieldwork, 455
Tipis, canvas, 460, 462, 464
in Blackfoot encampment,
(table), 470 (table)
large, 436, 461
play, used by children, 434, 436
pre-horse period, 462
present period, 462
protohistoric, 435
represented in winter counts, 352,
363, 364, 367, 368, 372, 376, 377,
379, 381, 382, 394, 398, 401, 413
size, 462 (table)
small, use of, 436
Tobi Island, 287
Tomahawk, carried by Indian, 382, 400
Tongue River, 398
Tools, bone, 241, 242
chipped-stone, 248
ground and pecked-stone, 248
skin-dressing, 205, 245, 252
weaving and matting, 242
Tools and implements, 248
Torgerson, Lloyd, 464
Torquemada, quotation from, 268
Tracks Weasel, Indian warrior, 387
Trade material, 187, 204, 215-216, 221
European, 175-176
469
INDEX
Trail Coulee, 443
Transvestite, female impersonator, 375
Travoises, transportation devices, 372,
373, 428, 434
Treaty with halfbloods in Canada, 396,
397
Tree Top (Jack), see Bear Claw.
Trifolium sp., 177
Trimble, Mrs. Ralph, owner of HD-2, 33
Triodopsis albolarbris, 32
T. fraudulenta, 34
T. tridentata juxtidens, 32, 34
True Word, Indian chief, 389
Truk, Caroline Islands, 273, 275, 277,
285, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291,
292,
alphabet of, 287-288, 292
TRS alphabet, adoption of, 290-293,
9
Trukese castaways, and Alfred Snelling,
288-290, 292, 294, 309
Turkey, wild (Meleagris
32, 34
Turner, F. Earl, 421
Turquoise, 246, 252
Turtle Head, Indian chief, 389
Turtle Mountain bands, Plains Ojibwa
Indians, 347
Turtle Mountains, 365, 366
Turtles, 245
snapping, 204
Two Bears, Indian chief, 381, 389, 391,
394, 397, 401, 408
Two Horns, Indian brave, 395
Two Kettle band, Teton Dakota tribe,
345
Ulithi Island, 287
Ulna pick, 198, 208, 215, 248
Ulul Island, Carolines, 289, 290
Umatilla Reservation, Oreg., 468
Uneitor, Trukese teacher, 290
Unionerus tetralasmus, 177
United States troops, Indians attacked
by, 365
eer of Colorado Museum, 139,
31
139, 227, 229,
gallopavo),
University of Denver,
230, 233
University of Hawaii, 273
University of Kansas, 237
University of Nebraska, Department of
Anthropology, 160, 172, 173
174, 176, 179, 187, 209, 221, 228,
229
University of Utah, 139
Upper Pend d’Oreille Indians, 423
Upper Republican, 179, 211
Upper Republican people, 239
Upper Rio Grande Pueblos, 244
Urocyon cinereoargenteus, 34
Ute Indians, 361, 437
Uyehara, Dr. Y., 273, 274
Vai syllabaries, 973
Valentine, Mann S. and Granville, G.,
explorers of RB-7, 42
?! Washington County, Colo.,
497
Valentine Museum, Richmond, Va., 8,
40, 41, 42, 56
Vegetal remains, 177, 204, 216, 217
Ventridens ligera, 32
Verona, Va., on Middle River, 29, 30
Vessels, miniature, 214, 237
shapes of, 162, 213, 247
sizes of, 313, 247
soapstone, 56, 57 (table), 58, 90-127
(tables)
Vestal, Stanley (Walter S. Campbell),
339, 341, 346, 349, 352, 354, 355,
356, 359, 360, 361, 371, 372, 373,
374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380,
381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387,
388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394,
395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401,
402, 403
Vestal’s Hunkpapa count, 346, 370, 371,
372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378,
379, 380, 381, 382, 384, 385, 386,
387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393,
394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399
Vesuvi ae boundary of Augusta County,
2.
Viele, Roy, 326
Virginia:
Mountain section, description of, 10
Piedmont section, description of, 10
Tidewater section, description of,
10
Virginia Department of Highways, maps
prepared by, 14
Wade’s Mill, at Brownsburg, Va., 40
Wagon, four-wheeled, shown by Indians
in winter counts, 393
Wahpékute, Santee group, 347, 367
Wahpéton, Santee group, 347, 367
Wall, earthern, 182
Wallace Mounds,
Va., 8
Walnut, black (Jugla nigra), 149, 177,
245
Walnut hulls, 32
Wandgi tipi ceremony, 362
Wand, feather-decorated, 351, 353, 354,
369, 379
War bonnet, 406, 411
first, 372, 373, 384, 385
four-horned, 383
Sioux, 349, 373, 380
Highland County,
229
Water pail, metal, 352
Wauneta, Nebr., 216
Waynesboro, Augusta County, Va
18, 19, 20, 23
Waynesboro Nurseries, Lipscomb, Va.,
18, 20
Weakly, Harry E., 140, 142, 177, 179,
209, 210, 211, 216, 221
Wears Hat, Indian brave, 406
Wedel, Waldo R., 140, 141, 142, 143,
222, 238, 239, 422
Welch, A. B., 341, 342, 348, 345, 347,
374, 399, 402, 408, 410, 412
i ae
498
Weld, Colo., 233
Weld County, Colo., 228, 229, 233
general site, 233, 256
Weld Site (northeast of Weld, Colo.),
233, 256
Wellington, Larimer County, Colo., 228
West Fayu, Woleai Islands, 273
We-ta-piu band, Cheyenne Indians, 361
Weyer’s Cave, on North River, 39
Whiskey, found by Indians, 395, 396
Whistle, bone, 198, 199, 242, 248
White, Theodore, 140, 204
White Beard, white man, 384, 399, 400
White Bull, Teton Dakota Indian, in-
all 346, 349, 352, 353, 354,
White Bull winter count, 339, 340, 346,
356, 359, 360, 361, 362, 364, 370,
371, 373, 374, 375, 377, 380, 381,
383, 384, 385, 386, 390, 391, 392,
aa 395, 396, 399, 400, 401, 402,
4
White Cat Village (Site 25H N37), 142,
143, 145-179, 185, 189, 194, 196,
207, 214, 219, 225, 247, 248, 249,
BUREAU
255
White-Cow-Killer count, Olgala band of
Teton Dakota, 346, 352, 353, 354,
355, 356, 358, 360, 361, 362, 363,
364, 365, 366, 368, 370, 371, 373,
378, 383, 387, 388, 390, 396
White Dog, Indian chief, 396
White Eagle, Indian brave, 407, 411
White Earth Creek, 383
White Man, Blackfoot Indian, 431
White River, 226
White Rock sites, 239
Whooping cough, 389
Wicéyela, name applied to Yankton and
Yanktonnais Dakota, 347, 366,
373, 375, 378, 379, 383, 387, 392
Wichita, 240, 252
Wiciyela group, Dakota Indians, 347
(list), 375, 377, 380, 381, 384, 385,
389, 394
Will, George F., 437, 445
Williamson, John P., 360
Williamson, Mae, Blackfoot woman,
439, 444, 446, 464, 466, 467
OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY
[Bull. 173]
Williston, 8. W., and Martin, H. T., 237,
238
Willow trees, 143, 145
Willson, Mrs. Gilpin, owner of site
, 21
Wind River Reservation, 436
Winds, effect on Indian habitations, 4389
Windstorm, representation of, 363
Winter, meaning of word to Dakotas,
3
Winter counts, Dakota, 341-414
Wissler, Clark, 428, 434, 466
Witapaha, Indian tribe, 360
Withers, Arnold, 140, 442
Witthoft, John, 82, 86
Woleai atoll, Caroline Islands, 273, 274,
275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 285,
287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293,
294, 295, 296
Woleai language, 299 (list), 302, 304
Woman-Good, Indian woman, 413
Wood, charred, 205, 213, 217
mineralized, 167, 446
rotten, 207
Woodrat (Neotoma sp.), 32
Woodward, Arthur, 175, 176
Wray, Wray County, Colo., 230
Xochimilco, 266
Yanktonai tribe, Standing Rock Reser-
vation, 341, 342, 343, 344, 346,
347, 368, 377
Yap pleas Caroline Islands, 2384, 286,
97
Yellow Bucket, death of, 384
Yellow-Lodge (Dakota Indian of mixed
blood), 343, 413
Yellow-Lodge, Mrs. Teresa, owner of
count, 343
Yellow-Lodge Count (Blue Thunder
Variant IIT), 343
Yucea, 143
Yuma County, Colo., 229, 231
Zahn, Judge Frank, translator, 344, 346,
362, 365, 383, 398, 404, 407, 409,
422
Ziegler, Donald, 421
Ziegler, Jerry, 421
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