CX SN \\ SS IN . AN WR AAS YS RAY YH \ SY WS WS WY \ . \ NN \“\ AX WS LOAN RAY \\ SS AS i Aural 1h ¥ i iH Tea oe a at A one or WD Lana at yy : nan a i Nine i eae " rin id if in i i : Ae iC Ue r An f in ay i 1 ia (An ee a a | (Nit iA i i i " } ay rn Nee SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PAPERS Numbers 57—62 UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 1960 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, Bureau or AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY, Washington, D. C., June 25, 1958. Sir: I have the honor to submit the accompanying manuscripts, entitled ‘‘Preceramic and Ceramic Cultural Patterns in Northwest Virginia,” by C. G. Holland; ‘An Introduction to Plains Apache Archeology—the Dismal River Aspect,” by James H. Gunnerson; “The Use of the Atlatl on Lake Patzcuaro, Michoacan,” by M. W. Stirling; ‘“‘A Caroline Islands Script,” by Saul H. Riesenberg and Shigeru Kaneshiro; “Dakota Winter Counts as a Source of Plains History,” by James H. Howard; ‘Stone Tipi Rings in North-Central Montana and the Adjacent Portion of Alberta, Canada: Their His- torical, Ethnological, and Archeological Aspects,” by Thomas F. Kehoe, and to recommend that they be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, Frank H. H. Roserts, Jr., Director. Dr. LEonaRD CARMICHAEL, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. No. 57. No. 58. No. 59. No. 60. No. 61. No. 62. Index_- CONTENTS Preceramic and Ceramic Cultural Patterns in Northwest Virginia, bysC: G) Hollands 522.22. 2.6. 33352 oe eee eee An Introduction to Plains Apache Archeology—the Dismal River ‘Aspect; by-dames Ht. Gunnersons So 2222522500 oe. ees The Use of the Atlatl on Lake Patzcuaro, Michoacan, by M. W. PS hie Us Roe A Tn We fae OR A i ee Se eee eee A Caroline Islands Script, by Saul H. Riesenberg and Shigeru MATTOS ICO ue ts at ee ee oe ease meets Dakota Winter Counts as a Source of Plains History, by James H. Stone Tipi Rings in North-Central Montana and the Adjacent Portion of Alberta, Canada: Their Historical, Ethnological, and Archeological Aspects, by Thomas F. Kehoe_-.--..---------- mi SONIAN SMiTreyTION JUN a PAGE y he! ie Pk, Wy toh i ai We ap) “AM th om up Ci iy a iho AY OF 9 orl \ yeni" Lat, ( at na ea A bs He Egat fh vec ; f - oie My Tea? ds ha os LK RPT ar reat , head Leia it man f Masih 1a Wake ALA IT a ay i i seven | 1) ; « 7 Pu a eh lea is, Pies Mahe a Ayu) i i Ny if: A LOVER MCR MRT io i.2 48 y ve , VF a ae We Mi \ mee i i "e i " Vis mae any hy My ha ny iD it SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 173 Anthropological Papers, No. 57 PRECERAMIC AND CERAMIC CULTURAL PATTERNS IN NORTHWEST VIRGINIA By C. G. HOLLAND Nine i vi i Wan oh a Vie ; ' iy iy na F) A 4 ‘i H Uh ta ial ‘ i ened) 0 | 2) ne vite C rae iy " i ; tt ha “isl 7. Oe 1 en i ay iy i} tie , aK i , A) lly CONTENTS PAGE EELS CO ee ae ee a ae ee ae oe ae eee ce cstae 5 PatTORNCHON Ress Se ee ne aera a Seach ose ekoeeseee ee 7 Geographical description of northwest Virginia___-..------------------ 9 DWEFOCReLINGONS 2 see eo ase eS ae een ea se oee ee sesame seo ae 12 iintrodietiontia5 5-22. eae os See oe eee ce Seek sas 12 ATIgUSpayCOUNty! 20-55-46 Cee Ses tc eee eae eee 15 Bath County 2+) 20 s2e2e se Seles foe tee eee ee ese 31 hishlard County oe eas. et ets Sel ee eee ae Se 33 Rockingham Coumy S.2. 82006 22 kee. 2 oe ee Teese eee 36 Rockbridvel Coutity anne = os see oe ie A es See ee ee Ee 40 Projectile points;and: larve blades: - 2.502.222.2528 263 seen 43 Miscellaneous artiactso. =<. 28 occ oe ee ea oo se ee ate 53 Analysis and mterpretation of the pottery...-_-_- 522222222525 sen os 58 Rock imatertal Ae) 0is 2 2U ee ok ee ees US ee eee ee be 65 Habitation patterns t=o2.). Sess oe. 82 Siew es eS Sees ee ee 74 Relationship of the sequences of northwest Virginia to archeology of Eastern RUGEO SLALC RSA ane OR ett ke a ee ee 80 Appendix. Tables of projectile-point and blade types, rock material, chips, and other artifacts, and pottery classifications_-._...-._---------- alec 90 METEOR SUNT E CECE Se ren te SM NE Pe ere ee EF RE OE ee cee em 128 ILLUSTRATIONS TEXT FIGURES PAGE 1. Geographical location of all the sites in the survey_----------------- 13 2: Werojecuile-pointatypest.2o— 2 oe Soo see be lobes ole. See 44 PeMAT PERU Ges y Pes. sae sae ee ee es ee NE sb te ee ee 45 4, Primary seriation of projectile points and large blades from sites with HOLOTSIMONeVALUILA CUS ee oe ace te re ke ee ce (facing) 48 5. Secondary seriation of projectile points and large blades from sites with 20 to 48 artifacts interdigitated into the primary sequence / e H ! | \ | 5 \ { 2 | us, d } v \ ! \ BATH i ! (BA) t ¥ 1 ] { \. Ve ROCKBRIDGE - \ j \ (RB) ee \ Z \ ! a we \ i] ae oe 1 } / ne \ | Lo i “sv Ficure 1.—Geographical location of all the sites in the survey. and was designated RM-1A. Finally a rock mound and a preceramic site, AU-—3, were found in close apposition; the mound was designated AU-3A. 471762—60——2 14 i BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 It was impossible to give longitude and latitude with sufficient ac- curacy to be of use in relocating sites; therefore it was necessary to find suitable landmarks from which to measure distances and give directions. The nearest distances were measured on United States Geologic and Geodetic Survey Quadrangle maps from relatively per- manent landmarks. Wherever distances were measured from towns the present-day nearest boundary line was the point of reference. Directions have been given according to points of the compass, not mere estimates of general direction. Wherever possible, local land- marks and State highways were used to fix the position of a site. The highway numbers have been taken from county maps prepared by the Virginia Department of Highways, Richmond. Owing to the limitations placed upon archeological work in heavily cultivated areas, it 1s not possible to reconstruct exactly the original extent of any occupational area, and the dimensions given here are the best obtainable under such conditions. Local features such as roads, grasslands, forest, and underbrush often have obscured and foreshortened the limits of many sites. The oldest preceramic sites are readily identified by the popularity of quartzite, and for this reason preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using”’ station has been used to designate sites in this cultural horizon. Sites of a second, but more recent preceramic horizon, associated with high percentages of chert, have been called preceramic “‘chert-using” sta- tions. These should be interpreted as devices appropriate to this report only; they may or may not have meaning outside the north- western section of Virginia. From time to time in the site descriptions the terms ‘‘terrace”’ or “river terrace’’ will be used. This does not necessarily have the same meaning a geologist would give these terms. They are used to denote a level, elevated belt, or narrow plain, higher than the riverbank and removed from it. A sloping bank elevates the “terrace’”’ from the lower land and usually parallels the present-day course of the river. In many instances the banks of these terraces may have been the banks of old stream beds. A few sites have exceptionally small assemblages of artifacts. There are two reasons for this: (1) Failure to visit a site many times over a longer period than the 2 years of the study; and (2) the ground being unsuitable for surface collecting owing to heavy pasture, lack of cultivation, and similar circumstances. The same sites, under more agreeable conditions or seen over a longer period, may well pro- vide adequate material. Other small sites may not have been oc- cupied long enough for a greater amount of refuse to accumulate. These sites may take on importance in future studies, but even in this survey they lend scope to patterns set by more productive sites. qatnry?: F2P- CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 15 All sites in this research project, regardless of the size of the collection, are plotted on figure 1. The artifacts from each site, classified into their various types and rock material, as well as the sherds classified into the pottery types for Virginia as established by Evans (1955), are listed in tabular form in the Appendix, tables 6 and 7. It was felt that such a method of tabulating the classified material in one section was more useful to the interested student than scattering such information throughout the report. Only those sites with exceedingly small collections are eliminated from the tables and are mentioned under the site descrip- tions only. AUGUSTA COUNTY AU-1 is located 8 miles south of Waynesboro on the left (west) bank of Back Creek, between the creek and State Highway 664. It is 200 yards north of a wrought-iron furnace of Civil War vintage. As a result some fragments of furnace slag resembling obsidian are intermingled accidentally with the aboriginal cultural debris. The site is situated on a 15-foot terrace midway between the road and Back Creek, which are 100 yards apart. The area over which the artifacts were found is 25 to 30 yards in diameter. . This site was discovered by Howard MacCord, and with him the author visited it in 1947. The land had been plowed at that time, and we were able to determine the nature of the occupation. Cores and large percussion-made chips of quartzite were much more abun- dant than smaller pressure-flaked chips. There was a minor quan- tity of quartz and chert chips. This study was not in progress at that time so no chip count was made. Since then the ground has been so overgrown with grass that it has been impossible to form a new collection, thus only 31 points and blades were available for study. AU-1 is typical of the preceramic “‘quartzite-using” stations of the South Rivers district in which it is located. AU-2, Buffalo Gap (see also Evans, 1955, p. 10), is a rock shelter, 200 yards inside the George Washington National Forest. It is located 8.5 miles west of Staunton, in Buffalo Gap, and 15 yards from the left (north) bank of Buffalo Branch, a tributary of Middle River. United States Highway 42 is between the stream and shelter. The shelter has been formed in a north-south quartzite stratum which pro- trudes from the side of Little North Mountain at an angle of 45 degrees. It is approximately 30 feet long, 8 feet deep, and 6 to 10 feet high along the entrance. The floor rises at a 15-degree angle from the road, is strewn with boulders and has a series of small, level, rain-washed, sandy areas. All material came from the surface in the 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 sandy areas or between the boulders; the sample consists of 52 chips, 47 potsherds, 10 projectile points, and a few unidentifiable fragments of shell and bone. AU-8, as well as AU-4 and AU-10, are all 1.5 miles southwest of Deerfield, a small village in western Augusta County. The site is on the left (east) bank of Calfpasture River, 75 yards downstream from Daddy Run which enters the river on the same side. AU-3, 20 by 30 yards in extent, lies on a 2- to 3-acre bottomland, 8 feet above normal water level. The area was in sod at all visits, but in eroded patches a few chips and two points were found. No pottery was seen, and the predominance of chert among the chips indicates the position of the site in time as the preceramic ‘‘chert-using”’ period. AU-3A. Fifty yards from the bank an irregular ridge parallels the river and rises 20 to 25 feet above the bottomland. Previously a small rock mound was on this ridge, 100 yards southeast of AU-3. It had been dug into by owners of summer ‘“‘camps” scattered along Calfpasture River. Dr. Richard Bell, Jr., of Staunton, who reported the mound, says he had dug there and recovered only a few chipped- stone artifacts. In recent years the mound has been bulldozed from its original position toward the east onto that side of the ridge nearest Daddy Run. In eroded spaces where the mound had stood, 89 chips were collected but no evidence of other artifacts or pottery. The high percentage of chert places AU-3A as a preceramic ‘“‘chert- using”’ station in the area of the mound. AU-4 is 0.3 mile west of AU-3, but on the right (west) side of Calf- pasture River. It is also 0.3 mile from the river with its eastern extent bounded by an unnamed creek. This creek parallels Calf- pasture River for a mile after leaving Shenandoah Mountain to the north, and enters Calfpasture River below Corbett Branch which enters the river from the opposite (east) side. The site covers 3 to 4 acres of wide bottomland but occupational debris is concentrated along the unnamed creek. The bottomland has a series of low ter- races and AU-4 is situated on the terrace farthest removed from the river. It is about 3 feet above the next terrace toward the river. Local collectors have observed that artifacts are not usually found near the riverbank but on these terraces, removed from the river. This site is typical of the preceramic ‘‘chert-using’’ period. The majority of the rock material is blue chert, available in quantity on mountainsides nearby. Two collections were made 5 months apart from different portions of the site. They include 147 points or blades, 468 chips, 2 celts, and 2 drills. By coincidence, exactly the same number of chips, i. e., 234, were collected on each visit. No pottery Anthrop. Pap. Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 17 was found at any time, although conditions for surface collecting were ideal. AU-65 is 4.5 miles north of Staunton. Two local points for closer reference are Shutterly’s (or Frank’s) Mill on the right (south) bank of Middle River, 100 yards west of AU-—5, and the State Highway 732 bridge crossing the river at its western limit. Occupational debris is concentrated on the left (north) bank 75 yards downstream from the bridge. Floods have washed away 12 to 18 inches of yellow, sandy topsoil and exposed a reddish-brown subsoil 10 to 15 yards adjacent to the river. River rocks, trash, and artifacts had accumulated into small piles and the majority of the reported material was troweled from these piles. The materials collected include 113 points and blades, 309 chips, 86 sherds, 2 drills, 2 celts, 4 scrapers, 2 steatite fragments, a few cores and fireburnt stones. Undoubtedly much, if not most, of the site lies under the cultivated field too deep to be touched by plow and too far from the river for flood erosion. Rela- tively few artifacts have been found in the cultivated field. AU-6 is a rock shelter 1 mile west of AU—5 on the left (north) bank of Middle River. The floor of the shelter is 25 to 30 feet above the river. Only 1 potsherd was found; no other artifacts occurred. AU-7. Quick’s Mill, a very small community, is situated at the intersection of State Highways 626 and 612. One mile north of Quick’s Mill on a small stream, known as Spring Run, is an abandoned marl quarry. The late Mr. Jordan, with his hired man, initially developed the quarry with shovel and sifter, saving the Indian “relics” caught by the sifter. Today, Mr. Jordan’s daughter, a Mrs. Carroll, has them stored in her home, ‘‘Stone House,” adjacent to the quarry. She made available for study the artifacts she could find at the time of my visit to the site. There were 12 sherds, 10 projectile points, 1 polished celt, 1 polished and grooved ax, and 1 atlatl weight. She assured me that only artifacts discovered in the quarry were present. If this be true it is the only site in the survey to produce a grooved, polished ax and an atlatl weight. AU-8 is 3.5 miles southwest of Waynesboro on the left (south) bank of South River (into South Fork of the Shenandoah). The river is crossed by State Highway 632, a few yards north of the site. Although the area is an extensive plain, only 4 or 5 acres were under cultivation near the river. A crude greenstone celt, 1 point, and 49 chips were collected. No pottery was found. The predominance of quartzite chips assigns the site to the preceramic “quartzite-using”’ period. AU-9. W.H. Plumb of Waynesboro kindly pointed out this site. It is 5.4 miles southwest of Waynesboro and 0.2 mile southeast of a 18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Norfolk and Western Railroad trainstop called Lipscomb. State Highway 635 has been built through the eastern limit of the site. Other local features of advantage in locating it are South River (into South Fork of the Shenandoah) 0.4 mile to the east at nearest ap- proach and an unnamed creek 200 yards to the northeast. At all visits the land was under cultivation by the Waynesboro Nurseries. The site is on the slope of a ridge rising from the unnamed creek. The collection was made in an area 50 by 100 yards fronting on State Highway 635 and included 51 points and blades and 178 chips. It is a typical preceramic ‘“‘quartzite-using” station. A series of 18- to 24-inch-deep pits dug by the Nurseries for removal of fruit trees re- vealed large percussion-made chips, but in no instance did an examina- tion of the walls of the pits indicate any artifacts below 8 to 10 inches from the surface. Unfortunately, Mr. Plumb, who had collected surface material from this site for 15 years, could separate no more than two artifacts in his extensive collection as having been found here. AU-10 is located on a wide bottomland extending from the right (west) bank of Calfpasture River along with sites AU-3 and AU-4 (p. 16). The site is 25 yards from the river and 50 yards downstream from the mouth of Staples Run which enters the river from the oppo- site bank. Five projectile points and blades and 48 chips constituted the total collection. No pottery was found. The site belongs to the pre- ceramic ‘‘chert-using”’ period. AU-11, from one direction, is 1.25 miles north of Waynesboro. At this distance from Waynesboro a bend to the east in South River (into the South Fork of the Shenandoah) brings the river, Norfolk and West- ern Railroad, and United States Highway 12 in close proximity to one another. From another direction, AU-11 is 0.5 mile south of Dooms. The western limit is 10 yards from the right (east) bank of South River. These 10 yards, at about water level, have been heavily eroded by the river, leaving a 2- to 6-foot-high terrace on which arti- facts arefound. The Norfolk and Western Railroad, running parallel to the river, cuts through the entire length of the site, a distance of 100 yards. The southern limit is an unnamed creek flowing into South River from the east. The site is 30 yards wide. Three chip collections were made. Inspection indicated a concen- tration of chert in the middle of the site. Since this concentration was localized, it was believed that the other two collections, agreeing closely when broken down into percentage distribution of rock material, were representative of the site. In view of its uncertain significance, this chert collection was not included in the seriational studies. Materials Anthrop. Pap. No.87) ) «30s CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 19 collected include 216 points and blades, 274 chips, 45 sherds, 4 drills, 16 celt fragments, and several miscellaneous artifacts. AU-12, located 3 miles east of Dooms in Jarmen’s Gap, is within the limits of the Shenandoah National Park. All material collected, 15 points and blades, 221 chips, and 1 sherd, was turned over to Guy Edwards, Park Superintendent, for the National Park Service. AU-18 is 2.75 miles southeast of Waynesboro, on the left (north) bank of South River (into South Fork of the Shenandoah). The western limit of the site is formed by State Highway 664. The gen- eral area is a fertile bottomland 200 yards wide. The 10 yards nearest the river have been flood eroded and no artifacts were found here. Floods have created a 1- to 4-foot-high terrace which parallels the bank for 100 yards. On this terrace and for 40 yards north of the river, occupational material is scattered. Conditions for surface col- lecting were ideal because the land was in corn cultivation at each visit. There were no concentrations of cultural objects. Jerry Brownlee, a lad of 10 who lives on part of the site, had col- lected from it and allowed me to make use of his finds. These are re- ported in the statistical tables as a part of the accumulated totals con- sisting of 161 points and blades, 281 chips, 34 sherds, 3 scrapers, 1 drill, 5 celts, 9 steatite fragments, and 4 miscellaneous artifacts. AU-14 will be found at Dooms, a small hamlet north of Waynes- boro. More exact location is the field in the U-shaped bend in South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah) south of State Highway 611. At the base of the river’s U bend is a low dam. On the right (east) bank near the dam most of the artifacts were found. However, they were scattered over the entire field, 40 by 75 yards in size. The land had been in wheat and was not well prepared for surface collecting. The occupational complex was thinly scattered and difficult to find, but the area is well known to local collectors who state that many artifacts have been discovered. Fourteen points and blades, 134 chips, 1 ax fragment, and 3 celts were found, but no pottery. The majority of stone artifacts are quartzite and the site belongs to the preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using”’ period. AU-15 is 0.75 mile north of Dooms on the right (east) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah). This preceramic ‘‘quartzite- using” station is 20 by 30 yards, on a 10-foot bank overlooking the river. Undoubtedly, some of the occupational area was not observed, for the northern end was in grass; the part available to inspection was in corn cultivation. The artifacts were thinly scattered and predominantly made of quartzite. Owing to circumstances, a chip collection could not be made. The artifact sample is quite small: 16 points and blades and 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 1 end scraper. However, the site does add further evidence to the profusion of preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using” stations along streams in the South Rivers district. AU-16 is north of the hamlet of Harriston, which, in turn, is 9.5 miles north of Waynesboro. From Harriston northward State High- way 825 is parallel to the right (east) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah) and is placed 15 yards from the river. East of the highway is a wide bottomland extending to United States High- way 12. For 35 yards east of the State Highway and 0.1 mile down- stream from Harriston scattered artifacts may befound, all belonging to a@ preceramic “‘quartzite-using” complex. At the northern limit of this 0.1 mile there is a concentration, 30 by 50 yards in extent, of artifacts belonging to this same complex. The land was excellently prepared for surface collecting, for it had been planted with corn and the sandy soil had been washed with rain. Large percussion-made chips were relatively abundant. Only one potsherd was found. Cores were not a prominent feature. The collection consists of 54 points and blades, 144 chips, and 1 scraper. AU-17, another preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using” station, is on the property of the Waynesboro Nurseries at Lipscomb (see AU-9), on the left (west) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah) with the eastern extent formed by State Highway 635. The southern limit is 25 yards from South River, along a primitive road leading from Highway 635 to a group of houses on the Norfolk and Western Railroad. The site covers an area 50 by 75 yards. A second site, AU—26, is east of Highway 635 and should not be con- fused with AU-17. AU-26 has a well-defined ceramic complex which AU-17 does not have. Careful search under ideal surface-collecting conditions during a number of visits to both sites indicated there was no overlapping or intermingling of the two different complexes. Occupational material was thinly scattered and large percussion- made quartzite chips were prominent, with 62 points and blades, 245 chips, 1 drill, and 1 scraper obtained for study. AU-18 is a site originally found by Howard MacCord who con- tributed his material to this study. It is located on the right (east) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah) 0.3 mile west of Crimora, a tiny hamlet on United States Highway 12. The northern limit of the site is set by State Highway 612 as it crosses South River. The land was in sod whenever I visited the area and the extent of occupation could not be determined with accuracy; however, it is probably not more than half an acre. The land, almost level with the river, has been subject to much erosion, and MacCord found much of his material following a flood. The cultural complex falls in the preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using” horizon. Thirty-seven Anthrop. Pap. Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 21 points and blades, 3 axes, 6 celts, and 2 miscellaneous artifacts were available for analysis. In the overall pattern of this complex the presence of a chlorite pipe and 2 polished and 4 crude celts is not consistent. This combination of objects is generally found during the ceramic horizon. Although MacCord is a careful observer, he did not find any pottery. AU-19 is on the property of Mrs. Gilpin Willson of Staunton. The site lies on a high terrace above the left (south) bank of Middle River 3.5 miles east of Fort Defiance. Mrs. Willson’s small garden, on the edge of a broad grassy plain 15 feet above water level, was carefully searched without results, but she has found a modified steatite monitor pipe, a grooved ax, a polished celt, and a “hoe.” It is possible more material will come to light when a larger section of the plain is cul- tivated. AU-20, known as the Lewis Creek Mound, was built on a wide bottomland 10 yards from the right (south) bank of Lewis Creek and is 10 yards east of State Highway 792. At the present time, remains of the mound are 12 to 18 inches high and 42 feet in diameter. It is covered with sod except for several eroded places in which fragments of human bones are profuse. Dr. Betty J. Meggers, Dr. Clifford Evans, and I carried out a limited excavation in the remaining portion. The soil was black and hard packed. The portion above ground had been entirely disturbed by previous digging and many fragments of disarticulated skeletons were in evidence. Below the disturbed level a child’s articulated, flexed skeleton was discovered, partially covered with rock slabs. No artifacts accompanied the burial. Several potsherds belonging to the Albemarle Series were found in the mound fill. Destruction of the mound occurred about 30 years ago. As pieced together from stories of several individuals, the mound at one time was 6 feet high and about the diameter of the remains now (42 feet). One owner of the land carted off the top as a fill for part of his farm. Boys from Staunton discovered it and began to dig, one of whom, W. R. Brown, now associate professor of geology, University of Kentucky, Lexington, Ky., writes (personal communication, 1952): Several layers of bones, I’d guess 3 or 4, were uncovered. Between each layer there must have been 8 to 12 inches of dirt. I could only make a wild guess as to how many individuals were represented, maybe 5 to 15 in different layers, possibly totalling 30 to 40 individuals. Of course I was impressed with the number of bones at the time and the number may have been considerably less. It seems to me that about a dozen pipes were found. These were mostly of average size (3 by 5 inches) and ornamented. A lot of shell beads were found. Several Indians had chest ornaments (whatever they are called) made of thin tubes of bone (?). A fair number of black flint arrowheads were also found. The pipes as I remember them were made of dark, grey-green, well polished 22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 soapstone. This could have come from numerous localities in the Piedmont, possibly from the belt extending from Albemarle County (Schuyler vicinity) southwestwards to Henry County or the Blue Ridge Plateau. My memory of these things is distinctly hazy... . The final destruction of the mound was accomplished later by two pot hunters who sold and scattered the material so widely it has been impossible to trace it. A small string of marginella beads, a few beads (?) made from the columella of conch, and several skulls are in the hands of a Reverend Mr. Glovier who lives a mile west of Lewis Creek Mound on State Highway 792. AU-821 is on the right (east) bank of Middle River, 400 yards northeast of Fort Defiance Mill (also known as Damtown). The cultural remains are littered over an area 15 yards wide and 100 yards parallel to the river. If material had occurred in a 10-yard zone adjacent to the river, it has now been destroyed by floods and road building. Howard MacCord discovered this site December 29, 1947, and such material as he collected was turned over to me for study: 26 points and blades, 90 sherds, 153 chips, 1 ax, 1 scraper, and 2 celts. Several visits to the site while under corn cultivation indicated an extremely scattered occupation. AU-22 was also discovered by Howard MacCord who located it on the “eft bank of Middle River east of United States Route 11” (MacCord, personal communication, 1951). An attempt was made to relocate the site without success. 'The material MacCord collected belonged to a preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using’”’ complex. An area, en- tirely unsuitable for accumulating a satisfactory surface collection, was found with material similar to MacCord’s, but whether this was MacCord’s site is not known. The specimens consist of 6 points and blades, 1 scraper, and 1 pendant. This site extends the areal distribution of preceramic ‘‘quartzite- using” stations slightly west of the South Rivers district concentration. AU-23 is 1.1 miles east of Lofton on the left (southwest) bank of Pine Creek. This creek flows between low rounded hills and the occupational area is on a hillside 20 to 30 yards from Pine Creek. It covers an area 25 yards in diameter but undoubtedly is more exten- sive than this because artifacts were only found in the garden culti- vated by Frank Seller. The remaining land had been planted in gTass. Howard MacCord discovered this site. His material was added to my collection. The entire artifact complex is a typical preceramic “quartzite-using” station: 86 points and blades, 149 chips, 1 scraper, 1 celt, and 1 steatite fragment. Quartzite cores and large percussion- noe Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 23 made chips were abundant. A single potsherd was found but no other evidence of a ceramic complex. AU-24, another site near Lipscomb, is 1 mile west of the village on the left (north) bank of South River (into the South Fork of Shenan- doah). The small river forms a large U bend with the base to the south. The land in the U is level but interrupted by relatively broad, staggered terrace formations. A concentration of artifacts is at the western extreme of the U; the northern and western side of the concentration is formed by a curved, primitive farm road. It is 50 yards in diameter and 20 yards removed from the nearest approach of South River. Scattered artifacts of the same complex were found peripherally to the east. The site was originally discovered by MacCord, and his material acted as a guide to later collections. Specimens collected include 149 points and blades, 100 chips, 7 axes, 3 celts, 2 drills, and 1 pendant. A total of 12 sherds indicated a limited resettlement by a small group with the pottery-making tradition. However, after careful study of the cultural complexes in the survey area it was felt this site belongs overwhelmingly to a preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using’”’ tradition. Quartz- ite cores were frequent and large percussion-made chips predominate. AU-25 was discovered by MacCord and reported in his survey for the Virginia Conservation Commission with the statement: “‘Quartz- ite and flint chips, rejects, etc.,—no pottery’? (MacCord, 1947-48). AU-25 is 2.8 miles southwest of Waynesboro on a 40-foot bluff over- looking the right (south) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah). The occupational complex is concentrated 200 yards west of the entrance of Back Creek into the river. The top of the bluff is a plateau covered with grass but heavily eroded. In the eroded patches quartzite chips and artifacts have been uncovered; the col- lection for analysis included 50 points and blades, 121 chips, 1 sherd, 1 ax, 2 scrapers, and 1 graver. Since chert (flint) occurs in percentages of 1.6 percent (for chips) and 6 percent (for artifacts) at the site, MacCord’s reference to “flint chips’ and “rejects” was investigated thoroughly. It was found that in the angle between South River and Back Creek, on a wide bottomland, there is a concentration of chert. This area is peripheral to AU-25 and is not represented in the collection. The complex is typical of a preceramic “‘quartzite-using” station. The single sherd was found on the fringe of the site. AU-26, Lipscomb (Evans, 1955, p. 19), was originally discovered by MacCord in his survey for the Virginia Conservation Commission (MacCord, 1947-48). Dr. Clifford Evans has described the site and material he collected in the course of his limited excavation. He found a small quantity of sherds and 1 Small Triangular Type A and 24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 3 Triangular Type C projectile points. These have been included with my collection. Since the sherd collection was small, I revisited the site and extended his excavation to collect more material. A total of 149 sherds, 3 fragments of soapstone, 219 chips, and 16 pro- jectile points was accumulated. AU-26 is 50 yards east of AU-17 (vide supra) at Lipscomb on the left (west) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah). Evans (1955, p. 20) describes the site as follows: On the left bank of South River, opposite the community of Lipscomb, there is a high point of land rising 9 feet above the water level where Virginia Highway No. 635 crosses a small bridge over the river. The small habitation site was clearly visible as the highest spot along this part of the bank. Sherds were extremely sparse, but chips and points were scattered over an area 30 yards in diameter. Since the land was in permanent pasture, collecting was difficult; but sand pits permitted lateral troweling, which produced a fair quantity of archeological speci- mens. There is no question that the area was a site of only limited occupation. The artifacts were in a layer of light-gray soil extending from the surface downward for 6 inches. The bright-yellow sterile sand beneath yielded no cultural refuse. AU-27, a rock shelter high above the left (north) bank of North River, is 0.1 mile northwest of Camp May Flather, a Girl Scout sum- mer camp. The shelter is between a well-traveled, hard-surfaced road leading from Mount Solon to the Staunton Reservoir and an aban- doned dirt road, both of which parallel the river. The shelter, 8 feet wide, 6 feet deep, and 3 feet high, is formed in quartzite strata. Large and small natural spallings litter the level floor. On the surface a crude ax was found and excavation produced 1 point fragment, 81 chert chips, 1 chert core, 2 white quartz chips, 8 sherds, and 3 small unidentifiable fragments of animal bones. AU-28 is a second shelter 15 yards southeast of AU-27. The roof is formed by a thick slab of quartzite on the upper surface of which is a circular depression. This depression is locally famous as the mortar in which Indians ground their corn. The shelter, 10 yards in length, 3 to 4 feet high, and 8 feet deep, has been partially blocked by a recent cave-in. The eastern half is clear and at the entrance 3 Stony Creek Series sherds and a few chert chips were found on the surface. Re- mains of a recent fire, probably made by deer hunters, littered the center of the floor. Both shelters, AU-27 and AU-28, were discovered by Roy Roby of Staunton. AU-29. Collections from this site were made by Charles Ramsey and Dr. Charles Callar. They collected independently, and neither knew of the other’s collection. It is of interest to note the similarity between the two collections (see table 1). Anthrop. Pap. Rath: Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 25 TABLE 1.—Comparison of two separate collections from AU-29 to show consistency of artifact types in random samples Chert Quartz Quartzite Total Projectile-point type Ramsey | Callar | Ramsey | Callar | Ramsey | Callar | Ramsey | Callar NS Se Triangular Type O---__--_-- 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Stubby Barbed Type H___-- 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 2 Notched Stemmed Type I-_-- 4 4 1 1 0 0 5 5 Ovoid Base Type J-_---_----- 1 1 0 1 0 1 1 3 Contracting Stemmed Type Be i eee re OM 2 0 0 0 1 1 3 1 Parallel-sided Stemmed (EMD@ lias ssees2) assesses 11 7 0 1 3 5 14 13 Side-notched Type M_--_---- 6 0 0 0 2 0 8 0 Unclassified Type N_------- 2 4 1 0 3 3 6 uf Waredt Type Ofs-2 see se 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 Large Parallel-sided Siemmed Type Q_-_-----_- 0 0 0 0 6 5 6 5 Large blades, unclassified TVDORV 22) soe we one 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 2 WOtal sss 2 sae a aa | ome nece [rete cows te eke sence one yh owen eal Serene 43 40 Greatest relative disagreement is in Side-notched Type M, which may be accounted for by the limited samples. This site is on level land at the foot of Seidling Hill 150 yards from the right (north) bank of Calfpasture River. It is about equidistant (10 miles) from Deerfield and Goshen, on the opposite side of the river from a rugged valley known as Ramsey’s Gap. On my visit I found the site completely covered by grass; hence it was impossible to deter- mine the extent of the site, and a wide search was unrewarding except for a few chert chips. AU-30. ‘Natural Chimneys,” tall columns of limestone perforated at the bases by caves and tunnels, are located 1 mile north of Mount Solon, 150 to 200 yards east of the right bank of North River. In the process of excavating the tunnels to lay walks and steps, a series of artifacts were found and are on exhibit at the information office. Among the preserved specimens are rodent-gnawed deer bones, a fragment of a “paint pot,” a shell gorget 2% inches in diameter with a center-drilled hole, an animal incisor tooth perforated for suspension, 1 fragmentary and 1 complete conch columella ‘‘bead,” deer teeth, and several unclassified bones. In addition to the 22 points and blades analyzed, there are a polished celt and a crude ax; however this small sample tends to give an unreliable picture of the artifact complex. The owner kindly allowed inspection of the tunnels and caves, but nothing was found but a small fragment of bone. 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 The cultural complex to which the stone artifacts belong is that designated as preceramic “‘chert-using.” AU-31 is located 1.25 miles southeast of Laurel Hill. It lies on the summit of an 80-foot cliff overlooking the broad, grassy plain of Middle River and Lewis Creek; the confluence of these streams is 0.2 mile to the west. Occupational refuse is concentrated from the very edge of the 25-yard bluff eastward to State Highway 612, a distance of 50 yards. At each visit the red-brown clay soil was in corn culti- vation, and collecting conditions were ideal. Occupational refuse was more localized and profuse at this site than any other encountered. There were areas 3 to 5 yards in diameter, in which village refuse was relatively concentrated. Here chips, arti- facts of stone and clay, and fire-cracked rocks were observed. How- ever, no charcoal stains were seen. An unusual feature is the promi- nence of polished celts. The collection included 96 point and blade fragments, 343 sherds, 117 chips, 5 drills, 1 scraper, 4 crude and 16 polished celts, and 1 stone pipe. AU-82, located 1.1 miles southwest of Stuart’s Draft, is 250 to 300 yards from the right (south) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah). A few yards west of the site flows a small stream known as John’s Run. The general terrain is a broad bottomland, but 20 yards north of the site the land rises gradually until 4 or 5 feet above the river plain. Elevation of the land continues southward to form an irregular ridge. A low moundlike formation northwest of the site was excavated by MacCord who reported it to be a natural feature. The light-tan, sandy soil was in wheat cultivation at each visit. Artifacts were extremely thinly scattered and no concentration was found. Only 10 points and blades, 1 sherd, 1 celt, and 98 chips were collected. However, the percentage breakdown of the chips indicates that the site belongs to a preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using” complex; the 1 potsherd and 1 polished celt are clues to possible resettlement by a group with pottery-making tradition. AU-883 is 0.75 mile south of Stuart’s Draft at the intersection of State Highways 610 and 608. The site lies on the northern slope of a 40-foot-high ridge, 150 yards from the right (south) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah). Occupational refuse is found on both sides of Highway 608, but more profusely to the west. The site undoubtedly extends south of Highway 610, but a house with a small lawn precludes surface hunting. The observable size is approx- imately 40 yards in diameter. The sandy clay soil was in wheat but had been rain washed, and reasonably good surface-collecting conditions existed. Although three scattered potsherds were found, the stone refuse overwhelmingly Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND ed belongs to a preceramic “quartzite-using” complex. The collection consists of 48 points and blades, 218 chips, 5 scrapers, 1 drill, 1 ax, and 1 hammer-anvil stone. AU-34 is 0.3 mile south of Stuart’s Draft, partially on the slope and partially on the plateau of a terrace 150 yards from the left (north) bank of South River (into South Fork of Shenandoah). The position of the site is similar to AU-33 on the opposite bank, south of AU-34. Large farms are under cultivation on the plateau of this terrace east and west of State Highway 608. Examination of a mile along the terrace indicated a scattered occupation by a preceramic “quartzite-using” culture. The only point of concentration of arti- facts occurred 200 yards east of Highway 608. Here 3 points and blades and 2 scrapers were found. An insufficient quantity of chips precluded an analysis of these but they were predominantly quartzite. AU-85 is a complex of three sites on the left (west) bank of Middle River 4.0 miles northwest of Staunton. The general area is a broad, grassy bottomland more than 2 miles in length. U.S. Highway 250 crosses Middle River 0.25 mile north of AU-35-M. AU-385-—M, a mound mentioned by Fowke (1894, p. 37) is known locally as the “East Mound,” being on the property of John East, of Churchville. It lies 30 yards west of Middle River, and is one of the larger mounds still standing in Virginia, 55 feet wide, 45 feet long, and 2 feet high above the natural plain. The site was tested with three cuts (Holland, Evans, and Meggers, 1953). Burials were placed in a flexed position under an irregular layer of rocks. One burial was accompanied by a chlorite pipe and another by a pendant, a fragment of copper, and 3 Triangular Type C points (ibid., figs. 7, 8). A total of 35 potsherds were troweled from the black fill; 25 were Albemarle Series and 10 Radford Series sherds. The mound had obviously been built on an older village site, represented by the occu- pational refuse of AU-35-V-1. AU-35-—V-1 extends from the mound 100 yards south, parallel to Middle River. Undoubtedly it extends north of themound but this could not be confirmed owing to coverage with pasture. Most of the gray- tan, sandy soil south of the mound was cultivated, and artifacts were thinly scattered from the riverbank over the bottomland, 50 yards to the west. It required several visits to build up a sherd collection. The limestone-tempered (Radford Series) sherds were leached, leav- ing small angular holes. Artifacts for analysis included 129 sherds, 172 chips, 44 points and blades, 2 drills, and 1 celt. AU-35-V-2 is located 400 yards south of AU-35-V-1. An area 25 yards in diameter, 10 yards from the river, on a low terrace, con- tained occupational debris. The character of the complex was very similar to AU-35-V-1, but it was felt that seriating the material from 28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 the two sites separately might show time differences. (See figs. 5 and 8, and p. 61). Thirty-nine points and blades, 62 sherds, and 132 chips were collected for analysis. AU-36 is 16.5 miles northwest of Staunton in the small community of Lebanon. For more precise local reference, it is in the northwest angle formed by the intersection of U. S. Highway 250 and State Highway 272. The western limit of the site is 10 to 15 yards from Broad Draft and the southern limit is 150 yards from the right (north) bank of Calfpasture River. The cultivated field containing occupa- tional refuse is 1.0 to 1.5 feet higher than Broad Draft and 3 to 4 feet higher than the bottomland adjacent to Calfpasture River. The site is 10 to 15 yards wide in an east-west direction and 25 to 30 yards long in a north-south direction. No pottery was found after careful search, but 110 points and blades, 168 chips, and 3 scrapers were collected, with the site representing a preceramic ‘‘chert-using”’ station. AU-87 is a small site in Deerfield Valley, 200 yards north of the right bank of Calfpasture River and 10 yards west of Halloway Draft. Tisdale Branch is 50 yards west of the site. The land, which slopes gently and evenly to Calfpasture River, was under corn cultivation by the Polka-Dot Farms, owners of the land. The occupational refuse consisted of 6 points and blades and 36 chips, mostly chert. This quantity of material represents a very limited occupation. Since no pottery was found, the site was occupied undoubtedly by a group with a preceramic ‘‘chert-using”’ complex. AU-88, located 1.1 miles east of Lofton, hes on a ridge north of AU-23, 25 yards from the right (north) bank of Pine Creek. The site, covering 20 by 40 yards on the summit of the ridge, is 25 feet higher than Pine Creek. The yellow sandy loam was planted with corn and had been washed by rain, making conditions for surface collecting excellent. No trace of pottery was found. The material was thinly scattered and large percussion-made chips of quartzite were in the majority; the collection included 48 points and blades, 132 chips, and 1 drill. A family named Langhorne owns the land and has made a limited collection. Three artifacts, definitely known to have been found on the site, were incorporated in the analysis. The cultural complex indicates a preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using” station. The material is similar in all respects to that found at AU-23. AU-89. Howard MacCord informed me he had found large percus- sion-made quartzite chips and a few artifacts 1.75 miles south of Lofton in front of Mount Joy church. The land was not cultivated but overgrown with weeds and grass. A single brief visit located 2 unclassified quartzite blades and 43 quartzite chips, the majority of which were large and made by percussion. This meager evidence Nob «CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 29 points to a continuous geographical occupation in the South Rivers district by groups having a preceramic “‘quartzite-using” complex. AU-40. The boundary between Augusta and Rockbridge Counties crosses this site 1 mile northeast of Vesuvius and 1.5 miles southeast of Steeles Tavern. It lies on a gentle slope from Groah’s Ridge 0.2 mile from the left (southeast) bank of South River (into James). The western limit, a steep bank, is crowned by the Norfolk and Western Railroad and a primitive dirt road. It is 100 by 35 yards in size. The slope is a tan, sandy-clay soil permeated with rounded river pebbles. The occupational refuse contained no pottery, but large angular cores of quartzite were frequent and large percussion-made chips were prominent. ‘The collection includes 76 points and blades, 126 chips, 2 axes, 2 scrapers, 1 celt, and 1 graver. The cultural complex is typically preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using.”’ AU-41 is on the left (northeast) bank of McKittrick Creek, a tributary to Middle River through Jenning’s Branch, 1.5 miles west of Lone Fountain. State Highway 720 crosses McKittrick Creek at the eastern edge of the site. A deeply rutted plain from overflow of the creek lies to the northeast. The soil is sandy and was planted with wheat during several visits. Artifacts, found on the low, level, cultivated land, were thinly scattered over an area 20 yards in diameter. Undoubtedly much of the site has been eroded away by floods. The material collected for analysis includes 51 points and blades, 99 chips, and 4 scrapers. This cultural complex belongs to that of a preceramic “chert-using”’ station. Four potsherds indicate a very limited resettle- ment by a small group with a ceramic complex. AU-42, 0.5 mile northeast of the intersection of State Highway 272 and U.S. Highway 250 where AU-36 is found, lies on a wide bottom- land 50 yards from the right (west) bank of Calfpasture River. North- west of the site are ridges from the Pinnacle of Bald Knob. The east- west length is 100 yards and the width does not exceed 10 yards. The occupational material is so thinly scattered that very close observation of the plowed, sandy field was necessary to find it. The collection consists of 20 points and blades, 120 chips, and 4 sherds. The stone artifact complex falls predominantly into a preceramic “chert-using” period; the 4 potsherds suggest a possible resettlement by a group with a pottery tradition. AU-43, 0.5 mile northeast of Verona, where U. S. Highway 11 crosses Middle River, is 100 yards west of the bridge and 20 yards from the right (south) bank of the river. It is 10 by 20 yards in extent and lies on a 4- to 5-foot terrace formed by erosion of a small unnamed creek and Middle River. The tan, sandy-clay soil was in corn cultivation. The collection consists of 63 points and blades, 211 chips, 6 sherds, and 2 miscellaneous items. 471762—60-——3 30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 A preceramic “‘chert-using”’ complex is mainly represented by the refuse, but the 6 potsherds and 1 Small Triangular Type A point indicate a possible later resettlement, which was probably brief. AU-44, on the same side of Middle River as AU-43, is 400 yards east of U.S. Highway 11 bridge and 0.5 mile northeast of Verona. The general area is an extensive bottomland of sandy soil, usually under wheat cultivation. Occupational refuse was littered for 50 yards along Middle River and 20 yards inland. It was discovered after a flood had eroded two channels, 3 to 4 feet deep and 30 yards inland. On the gray clay hardpan base of the channels and in the sandy soil of the channel banks a relatively large sample of pottery and chert chips was collected; stone artifacts, other than chips, were scarce. It was evident that material in the base of the channels had been washed from a more superficial zone. To test this observation a pit 2 feet square and 2 feet deep was dug 25 yards west of the channels and 5 yards from the river. All dirt was sifted through a quarter-inch- mesh screen. Potsherds were encountered in the upper 8 inches but none below this level. The ceramic assemblage was better preserved and in larger fragments than from any other site. The total collection for study consisted of 15 points and blades, 111 chips, 1 pendant, 1 crude limestone ax, and 260 potsherds. AU-45 was discovered by Roy Roby of Staunton, 4.75 miles north of Staunton on the left (west) bank of Middle River. | eT 2 PROJECTILE POINTS LARGE BLADES —=— ee cal Bye — ie ee ef ha rE | = He le Ve oe (gaa la ie ie ee eae: F TEER ELE EE T(E PETITE les 2 P by fe i Me be E | ake te ee oO he SS er re rae | i lo een S| ore TTY | i : Ne ee man: Paper, ——a ss ie = @™™ SAMPLE OVER 50 o% @D SAMPLE UNDER 50 Ficure 5.—Secondary seriation of projectile points and large blades from sites with 20 to 48 artifacts interdigitated into the primary sequence of figure 4. J v ° D 7) 4 Ls Le LO “w WEST TULL Liddy LLL TIME PERIODS tOJEeTILE roe on a — — ROUT. # 4 i 4 ie i] i ee Be oa! 2 a) Te: a 7 9-9 ee so = an Te “é a il ’ oS ae re = TT v¥y 6 et fi. See op er es oR Bal ren iy ta ees. Se ee ee he | ee ee Se at Ae a ae 8) —~ ie A ee | p a or ; \ ‘ a By C35 bers aoe { | Uppal a | im Anthrop. Pap. Ths No. BT) CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—-HOLLAND 53 geographical area. The strong emphasis on large blade types in the “quartzite-using”’ complex of the preceramic horizon, the lowest part of the sequence, with the absence of trianguloid forms is of definite importance in helping to define the cultural complex of this period and proves an important time marker in the sequence. Throughout time the popularity of blades declines in favor of the smaller projectile points of various shapes, each with minor fluctuations of its own. In the later part of the sequence, the increased popularity of triangular points, Types B and C, with their related category of probable rejects, Type D, is a point which is of some significance and can be further expanded after those sites with pottery have been seriated independ- ently of this sequence. In short, it appears as if another demonstra- tion has been made in Virginia (cf. Holland, 1955, pp. 174-175) that chipped-stone objects are sensitive to cultural change through time, and the seriation of these changes into a sequence can be useful in establishing a type of time scale where no other artifacts or techniques are available. MISCELLANEOUS ARTIFACTS Artifacts other than pottery, projectile points, and large blades and chips were found in small quantities and with irregular occurrence from site to site. The exact numbers and classification are listed in horizontal columns for each site in table 6 of the Appendix. The type of rock material of which they are made is given in vertical columns. Since there are so few no attempt has been made to reduce them to percentage occurrences by site. The various categories of artifacts are listed below: Crude axes (fig. 6, a). These were generally cobbles of greenstone that had been shaped by percussion and notched on either edge. The scars of flaking were still present and only occasionally a pecked channel connected the notched edges. The notches were placed to one side of the center of the length. The bit was not modified by grinding. Occasionally a cobble was only notched on either edge and otherwise unmodified. They were generally 8 cm. wide, 10 to 16 cm. long, and 2 to 3 cm. thick. | Crude celts (fig. 6, b). Cobbles of greenstone had been flaked in such a fashion as to form a flat rectanguloid artifact 13 to 16 cm. long, 6 cm. wide across the bit, and 1.5 to 3.0 em. thick. Scars of percussion flaking made the faces irregular. The bit expanded slightly and the poll was narrowed and either straight or oval. There was no evidence of grinding to smooth either the edges or faces. Pecked or polished celts (fig. 6,c). These were modified cobbles of greenstone that had been fashioned into a sharp cutting implement. The bit was straight and sharp and usually wider than the rest of the artifact. The poll was oval or pointed. The faces had been worked smooth and either exhibited the small pits of pecking or were slick from polishing. The majority were 11 to 13 cm. long, 4 to 6 cm. wide, and 2 to 3 em. thick. 54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 meee) Or Weil) B704SeCM Ficure 6.—Artifact types: a, Crude ax; , crude celt; ¢, polished celt. AnthraP. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 55 Ficure 7.—Artifact types: a, Hafted scraper; b, end scraper; c, side scraper; d, graver; e, drill; f, hammer-anvil stone; g, chlorite pipe; /, clay pipe. 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 End scrapers, modified for hafting (fig. 7, a). These objects have rectangular blades and one straight or oval end and the other end has either been side notched or stemmed. They appear frequently to have been broken projectile points that have been reworked on the fractured end. End scrapers (or snubnosed scrapers) (fig. 7, b). These are oval or rectanguloid fragments 3.0 to 3.5 cm. wide, 3.0 to 4.0 cm. long, and 1.0 cm. thick. One side of these artifacts has been modified by secondary flaking to produce a sloping edge. The longer edge is usually sharply angular while the other is rounded. This modified edge may be \% to % the perimeter of the artifact. Side scrapers (fig. 7, ¢). These are medium-sized elongated chips that have been modified by secondary flaking on one or both lengthwise edges. There were only three of these found in the entire survey. Graver (fig. 7, d). These are small, flat, rectanguloid chipped-stone artifacts that have had one edge modified to form a short, sharp, triangular point. Only 4 were found. Drills (fig. 7, e). This class was defined on the basis of an elongated narrow blade, usually diamond shaped or oval in cross section, with an expanding base, or, as occasionally seen, no modified base but a continuation of the narrow blade from one end to the other. The blade varied between 0.5 and 1.0 em. wide and the overall length was 4.0 to 5.0em. The expanding base was roughly rectangu- lar or triangular in outline. T- or Y-shaped specimens were not encountered. Mano. Only one specimen, found on a preceramice “‘quartzite-using”’ station that had been resettled during the ceramic horizon (RM-—4A). This roughly oval specimen had a flat surface for grinding and the opposite side was rounded, measuring 10 cm, long, 8 cm. wide, and 4 cm. thick. Hammer-anvil stones (fig. 7, f). These were oval quartzite river cobbles, usually 10 cm. long, 8 cm. wide, and 4 cm. thick, that had been battered along one edge and were pitted on one or both faces. The pits varied from shallow, circular pecked areas in the center of a face to 1.5 em. deep. The pits indicate that they may have been used also as anvil stones. Pipes, chlorite (fig. 7, g). A number of pipes were observed during the survey in local collections and at the Valentine Museum. Those in local collections were not accompanied by provenience or else the data was so meager (AU-19) that the pipe could not be assigned to a horizon. At AU-11 a large fragment was from an obtuse angle pipe with a round bowl and flat stem. Fragments were discovered at two sites (AU-31 and AU-18) but reconstruction of the entire artifact was not possible. Pipes found in mounds (AU-35-M, and literature) either lack data of provenience or occur during the Late or Middle Woodland periods which are not well represented by the survey. Pipes, clay (fig. 7, h). The only complete specimen seen during the survey was from the Hayes’ Creek Mound (RB-2). This was an obtuse angle pipe in imitation of a similar chlorite specimen from the same mound and also similar to the chlorite pipe found in the excavation of AU-35-M. One fragment from AU-13 is a right-angle type made for insertion of a stem. The other fragment from the same site in the collection of Jerry Brownlee had a tapered stem. The frag- ments from HD-2 were so incomplete they could not be reconstructed. Soapstone vessels. This category refers to fragments of soapstone vessels that have been broken. No complete vessel was found. Quartz crystal. Both Fowke (1894) and the Valentine Museum (1903) mention the occurrence of quartz crystals during their excavations. The ones collected during the survey were small. None had been modified. Anthrop. Pap. Nos7?» . CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 57 Pendants. Only one complete pendant was discovered with a burial at AU-35-M. The others were fragmentary and reconstruction was not possible. In general they appeared to be elongated, drilled from both faces to the center. Table 3 was organized to bring these artifacts into proper time relationships. Sites were arranged in a vertical column with the most recent at the top of the table to the oldest at the bottom according to the adjusted seriated sequences of pottery, points, and blades. The number of specimens found on each site is listed under its appropriate category. TaBLE 3.— Distribution of miscellaneous artifacts at various sites, arranged according to the temporal sequence based on ceramic and projectile-point and blade seriations t=] ne = o |s 5 5 3 5 = Fa] s i) si ds sew &. 4. Fo So > of ‘a = Soslad| a 3 ea] a S |ae| & Si 3 = Qalnao ie ra ao/ & = 58& ° = ite G ° aq/ or oS [S) & s+ ° ° re 2) N rs) Gl saret) |) Sates a na £ ° n Py is aa} 2 & BISSlus(/ gi el/e}/s]8/8 @1gio3/ 41/3 BI oS /oala | & MS) u a mE A= &1Sa) 5 a < Oo |O <3) <3) n 10) A | |G a A 1m Co} a Ceramic: D- 2 3 The number of artifacts for each category is too small to be useful for any other purpose than absence or presence in certain periods of the time sequence. Reliable trends are not observable for such small collections. Examination of table 3 presents some interesting groupings of artifacts as a result of plotting them in a temporally 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 ordered sequence. In the ceramic horizon, drills, polished and pecked celts, chloritic schist and clay pipes, fragments from soapstone vessels, and natural quartz crystals are most common. In the pre- ceramic sites, crude axes, end scrapers, and the hafted variety of end scrapers are found in greater numbers. What this means is that if these artifacts are found in sufficient numbers at a site they may be useful in establishing the general position of the site in the ceramic or preceramic time sequence for the area. From another point of view these artifacts of infrequent occurrence can serve as an excellent check on the other data from a site. For example, if a site seems to conform to one part of the time sequence but has a series of celts, pipes, drills, etc., which seem to fit more closely to the opposite part of the sequence, the data suggest that possibly the site had been occupied by two groups at widely different times and some method must be derived to separate the artifacts into two distinct groups. For this purpose of serving as a double check, the less abundant miscellaneous artifacts were always considered in this study. ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF THE POTTERY Since the aboriginal pottery from Virginia has been analyzed and interpreted in the survey made by Evans in 1950 and published under the title ‘‘A Ceramic Study of Virginia Archeology” (1955), it is essen- tial here to classify the pottery from northwest Virginia into Evans’ types and seriated sequences. In order to assure the comparability of pottery classification of the earlier study and the materials from the current survey, Evans classified al] the pottery in this study. One major aboriginal ceramic area, the Allegheny (op. cit., pp. 103- 108) of Virginia applies to the present survey. Evans has divided the Allegheny Ceramic Area into a Southern Division and a Northern Division with the whole region covering the area west of the Blue Ridge Mountains. Although the pottery types most typical of this area predominate in some sites, an interesting situation occurs in those sites bordering the boundary line of the Central and North Central Ceramic Area, which suggests direction of the aboriginal movement or diffusion into northwest Virginia. A study of the sherd collections from the survey area reveals five of the eight major Virginia pottery series present in various degrees of popularity. They include the Albemarle, Marcey Creek, New River, Radford, and Stony Creek Pottery Series. A thumbnail summarized description of these follows, but the reader is referred to Evans’ (1955) report for the complete descriptions, photographs, and line drawings of rims and vessel shapes. Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 59 Albemarle Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pls. 4, 5, 6, fig. 3): A group of pottery types on a ware typically light red to orange, sometimes gray-red, sandy textured with a crushed-quartz temper (rarely with crushed granite or greenstone) which are angular, medium to large particles. Manu- factured by coiling. Decoration consists of punctures with a sharp stick or narrow slits on the rim. In the majority of cases the rim is fairly vertical or tapers slightly inward and only rarely slopes outward. The shapes are typically round-bodied pots with straight sides or with a slightly constricted collar and short vertical rim. The above-mentioned ware has been classified into five pottery types based on surface treatment: Albemarle Plain, Albemarle Cord Marked, Albemarle Fabric Impressed, Albemarle Net Impressed, Albemarle Simple Stamped, and Rivanna Scraped. Albemarle Cord Marked surfaces had been beaten with a cord-wrapped paddle, the cord being, in most cases, a simple, double- twisted, two-strand cord ranging from medium to coarse in size. The surface was paddled when the clay was moderately soft. The fabric impressions had been made with a plain plaited fabric with close, fine weft and a medium coarse to wide, heavy warp. Albermarle Net Impressed variety had been marked with a wide open knotted net deeply impressed in wet clay. Albemarle Simple Stamped had been beaten with a paddle wrapped either with smooth thongs or roots or a paddle with faint grooves. Rivanna Scraped variety was produced by an irregular tool when the clay was very wet. Marcey Creek Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pl. 12, fig. 6): A group of pottery types characterized by a light-tan to red-brown to gray- red color, soft paste, soapy texture and feel, crushed-steatite temper, very irregular, uneven, lumpy surfaces. The majority of vessels were apparently hand modeled, patched, or kneaded, while a few sherds suggest coiling. The rims are fairly thin compared to the body wall and are either vertical or out- sloping. There is an occasional nicked rim by way of decoration. The sherd samples suggest direct copy of typical steatite vessels which are either oval or rectanguloid bowls with flat bases, irregular surfaces, curved to straight sides with an occasional handle at the ends. Two types are recognized: Marcey Creek Plain and Selden Island Cord Marked. The plain type is smoothed by hand only, rough to the feel, very un- even and irregular with lumps of temper protruding through the paste. Selden Island Cord Marked, impressed with a cord-wrapped paddle, has a haphazard, overlapping, crisscrossing or diagonal pattern. New River Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pl. 18, fig. 7): A group of pottery types on a ware characterized by a gray-tan surface, with crushed-shell temper, incompletely fired in an oxido-reducing atmosphere pro- ducing a gray-cored paste. The majority of the sherds suggest modeling or patching as the method of manufacture. Decorations, which are frequent on the rim sherds, are gashes, finger pinchings along the lip, lower edge of the folded-over rim or along the collar. There are rounded loop handles and gen- erally the shapes are round jars with globular bodies, short to medium-sized necks, the orifice smaller than the greatest body diameter and with a recurved or vertical rim. Four types have been defined. New River Knot Roughened and Net Im- pressed has been paddled or rubbed on the exteriors with a knotted net, leaving @ coarse, rough surface with impressions of knots and a few of the mesh lines. Usually the mesh of the net is obliterated, suggesting roughening with a crum- pled net. New River Cord marked type has been haphazardly beaten with a 60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 cord-wrapped paddle forming parallel or crisscrossing patterns. Nonoverlap- ping, parallel impressions are most common. New River Fabric Impressed type was treated with a fabric of plain-plaited or twisted varieties. Often the fabric has been applied several times in one area as if wrapped on a paddle or around the hand. New River Plain has both interior and exterior surfaces smoothed over, but is still fairly uneven and irregular; sometimes the interior is scraped. Radford Pottery Series (Evans, 1955, pls. 16, 17, fig. 9): A group of pottery types on a ware characterized by gray to gray-tan color, a gray to black core resulting from incomplete firing in an oxido-reducing fire, crushed-limestone temper, and with distinctive rim and vessel shapes. The rims are either incurving, straight, or incurving with a thickened or folded-over lip, decorated with finger pinching, small gashes, lightly incised lines and, rarely, araised rib. There are infrequent strap handles. They were generally made by hand modeling or patching, although some sherds show coiling. The vessels are rounded jars with globular bodies, the orifices of which are smaller than the bodies. This series has four pottery types. The surfaces of Radford Knot Roughened and Net Impressed had been beaten with either a net-covered hand or paddle, creating a haphazard, overlapping, rough surface with knot and cord impres- sions. It was apparently treated when the clay was leather dry. Radford Cord Marked type had been beaten with a cord-wrapped paddle without too much overlapping or crisscrossing. Radford Fabric Impressed sherds are im- pressed with a plain-plaited or twined fabric. The majority suggest that this fabric was wrapped around a paddle or the hand and the exterior surface beaten orrubbed. Radford Plain Type is smooth but uneven. Stony Creek Poitery Series (Evans, 1955, pls. 18, 19, 20, fig. 10): A group of pottery types characterized by fine quartz sand temper, gritty and sandy texture, light tan to light orange or light red-tan surfaces, fired in an oxidizing atmosphere. Coiling as the method of manufacture is evident on the majority of the sherds. Typically, there is no decoration. A variety of shapes were reconstructed from the sherds. There were deep open bowls with sub- conoidal to conoidal bases; globular-bodied jars with conoidal bases and with insloping straight sides forming an orifice smaller than the body diameter, and tall pot forms with conoidal or subconoidal bases. Seven types are recognized. Stony Creek Cord Marked has been treated with fine to medium-fine cords, typically in a crisscrossing, well-executed, over- lapping pattern, usually diagonal to the rim. Stony Creek Fabric Impressed type is difficult to analyze because the sandy nature of the paste caused the sherd surfaces to erode easily. A characteristic of the type is the faintness of the fabric impressions even on uneroded surfaces, suggesting application when the clay was leather dry. Stony Creek Simple Stamped sherds have been beaten with a paddle wrapped with smooth thongs or thin, smooth roots or grass. The decorated type, Nottoway Incised, has the exterior treated as the fabric- impressed type, then the incisions were made with a flat, blunt stick, applied crudely and unevenly to the rim and body. Motifs are diagonal lines extending from the lip, haphazard crosshatching, double chevrons, paired lines, and tri- angles. Stony Creek Plain has smoothed, fairly even and regular interior and exterior surfaces. Rivanna Scraped is scraped or combed with a tool, leaving small irregular serrations. The basic differences‘in temper, paste, firing, manufacture, and decoration of each pottery type are fairly easy to distinguish once one Anthrop. Pap. No.57)) 0) )6 CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 61 has had a little experience with pottery typology and classification. The numerical and percentage breakdown by series for each sherd col- lection arranged by site is found in the Appendix, table 7. The per- centages were plotted as bars on strips of graph paper with a scale of 1 cm. equal to 10 percent'arranged in columns wide enough to accom- modate the greatest percentage in any one series. A collection of 50 or more sherds was considered usable with a fair degree of accuracy (Ford and Willey, 1949, pp. 35-37); these were plotted as solid bars. The four collections with sherd samples between 22 and 47 were plotted with diagonal lines to suggest uncertainty of the results due to a small sample. The bottom of the seriation (fig. 8) was fixed, in part, by reference to Evans’ ceramic study (1955, fig. 18). He had noted pottery types characteristic of the Central and North Central Ceramic Area spilling over into the northern district of the Allezheny Ceramic Area (ibid., pp. 103, 108). Therefore, reference to his seriation in the former area indicated that sites with a high percentage of Stony Creek Pottery Series, relatively smaller percentages of Albemarle Series, and the presence of Marcey Creek Series are in the lowest part of the sequence. The bar graphs of two sites, AU-26 and AU-11, having the three requirements mentioned above were placed at the bottom of the seria- tion (fig. 8). According to Evans’ study the Stony Creek Series would fade as the Albemarle Series blossomed (ibid., p. 100, fig. 18); the next four sites (AU-13, RM-4, AU-31, and AU-21) were arranged accord- ingly. Good trends, though foreshortened by the limited number of sites, appeared. The Stony Creek Series decreased from 60 percent to 10 percent, while Albemarle increased from 32.2 percent to 89 percent. Following on the six-site sequence developed above, six more sites (AU-45, RB-3, AU-5, AU-35-V—1, AU-44, and AU-35-V-2) with Albemarle and Stony Creek Series were seriated to continue and de- velop the best trends of the first six sites (fig. 8). It became immedi- ately apparent that a new ceramic influence had reached the area. The Stony Creek Pottery Series, as expected, continued to decline to 3.2 percent and 2.7 percent, but the Albemarle Series, instead of con- tinuing to increase as it had in the Central and North Central Ceramic Area, began to fade as the Radford Pottery Series blossomed. This new influence, although present in low percentages (up to 5.8 percent) at the bottom of the seriation increased to 40.3 percent at the top of the 12-site sequence. The five remaining sites with ceramic samples presented a problem. Four had high percentages of Radford Pottery Series, only one had a trace of Albemarle, and only one had any Stony Creek Series. Were the samples (HD-9 and RB-7) found in the two museum collections so 471762—60-—_5 [Bull. 173 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 62 saqoiuad Swi L G3!ZiSSVIOND aA Sa!¥3S) W35uD ASONVA ‘Aroq10d uo paseq sajis Jo | ik eee ee’? conpunay, PATER aMIT INOTEUIBRO * 'STISTRAUO oer STRALG yuence thatoimamot seem to Ut the reason? Looking bebk to the final sqrt ny (fies 5) itil be noted that A a sample of oniy 16 aviifactsa t seamence with pottery befars fit at this’ pln In the sequence 7 sumed that pdttory sites were - two sites rouln have actually fi ibe goguence:| Looking at the. $i originally peripted ene ly i ” Ee site AU-35 w Mf thane ig o: ee ORD ' tie sor sak e. 9 i 7 ee ' poltery saquehce owing fo t there ig. obvipusly some gap Either more ales with this ty;e > not found in With, thes ait: (fig. 0). The bites | HL De® survey OT sopr iene : ‘ ‘ J AQ / . ation in mind, i¢t eer Se a | ar on this wea “o-¥ | poblery ty pesjand the points o} ee : | SE RON EAE » to be badly opt of position od: in . PAU-31 and AU-26.. Toprode. Phere: enetnt RRR TON 5. A ) to be moved fo the upper |i}! Fidoent td AU-i7. However,| t Pwites in the midat of waemer o iihet these sitpa had a pottery nondédrantic. Haat ie é ¢ 8 abn (Ge 10) ad crosses, t Haba were plotted as cirelos, Becta e peramic ; or en ied has on i TIME PERIODS ‘ENSTONE me 471762 O -60 (Face p. 69) o Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 69 quence that do not seem to fit the rock material trends. What is the reason? Looking back to the final seriation of projectile points and blades (fig. 5) it will be noted that AU-11 and AU-13 (AU-26 had too small a sample of only 16 artifacts to plot) are the earliest sites in the sequence with pottery before the transition to preceramic sites. The fit at this place in the sequence is not bad, but if it had not been as- sumed that pottery sites were always later than preceramic sites, these two sites could have actually fit just as well a few steps further down the sequence. Looking at the sequence of sites with pottery (fig. 8) originally seriated independently from the point and blade seriation, the same three sites are at the bottom of the sequence. In fact, site AU—26 with a fairly reliable pottery sample stands out as if out of place in comparison to the popularity of other pottery types owing to 60 percent occurrence of Stony Creek Pottery Series. Although the site, along with AU-13 and AU-11, fits at the bottom of the pottery sequence owing to the high percentage of Stony Creek pottery, there is obviously some gap between these sites and the others. Hither more sites with this type of pottery exist in the area and were not found in the survey or some other explanation must be sought. With this situation in mind, let us return to the rock-material chart (fig. 9). The site order on this chart is that derived by the seriation of the pottery types and the points and blades. The only sites that appear to be badly out of position in the rock-material sequence are AU-13, AU-11, and AU-26. To produce a smooth trend, these would have to be moved to the upper limit of the quartzite-producing sites, ad- jacent to AU-17. However, this would put these three ceramic sites in the midst of a series of nonceramic sites, with the implication that these sites had a pottery-making culture while the rest of those in the area were nonceramic. To evaluate further the position of AU-13, AU-11, and AU-26 in the rock-material sequence, the problem of areal distribution must be considered. ‘To investigate this factor, sites used in the seriation of rock material in the ‘‘quartzite-using’’ preceramic horizon were plotted on a map (fig. 10) as crosses, the sites in the preceramic ‘‘chert-using”’ horizon were plotted as circles, the three sites with a high percentage of quartzite in the ceramic period (AU-13, AU-11, and AU-26) were plotted as triangles, and the other ceramic horizon sites were plotted as squares. This arrangement demonstrated definitely that an areal factor is involved. All preceramic ‘‘quartzite-using’’ sites are located in the valleys of the two South Rivers and extend up the South Fork of the Shenandoah River. The ceramic sites with high percentages of SITE AU-41 AU-36 RB-6 AU-43 HD-4 HD-7 HD-6 AU-48 Ho-3 AU-I7 RM-12 RM-I AU-23 AU-16 Au-24 AU-9 AU-40 RM-6 RM-7 AU- 33 AU-25 AU-38 RM- 11 RM-8 RM- 4B (COLL. A) RM-5 Au-12 RM-2 Au-14 AU- 32 CHERT QUARTZ QUARTZITE “Tyr TT egme apes [bec mM Ficure 9.—A temporal sequence based on rock types. GREENSTONE TIME PERIODS (69 *d a0eq) 09- O 29LTLF 70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 ieee iS TT epi meneanteas ew \ \ \ \ a KEY C \ \ PREGERAMIC SITES: I @ QUARTZITE-USING \ © GHERT-USING \ CERAMIC SITES: aS & QUARTZITE-USING ») ROCKINGHAM @ CHERT-USING \ (RM) \ ——— DISTRIBUTION OF ERWIN- \ 2 — ANTIETAM QUARTZITE . \ 7 WESTERN EXTENT OF SITES 1 . WITH HIGH PERCENTAGES \ a OF QUARTZITE \ NORTH \ \ acta aI aR ee eeMeT Tas age «Veet Pa al Aner er ee ° 4 8 12 K ( MILES \ ; N / \ 7 Bee reat SS Lek as v TS Ja-B0ik y AUGUSTA \ ules j (AU) \ », 35-ve NX ( 4ie 8 ; | 426 382-2 \ HIGHLAND : a Nod (HD) | « i= * \ \ 2063 = z= w o” 2 3 Ai 3 oO = Dien i L lh —-———- - —— ! ! u 4 | j6@ 3a | ! | « | | rs q = \ 5 \ a \ aN = Kail ROCKBRIDGE ° | \ (RB) | aon I oi ‘ ] a Pit | : rn SS \ is i" pe) XM N ~ ee . : Be aie : Ficure 10.—Distribution of “quartzite-using” and “chert-using” sites of the preceramic and ceramic horizon. Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND (al quartzite are found only along the South River (into South Fork of the Shenandoah). As has been stated in the description of the survey area, quartzite is readily available locally.’ All the ceramic or pre- ceramic sites, except one, with a high percentage of chert are found west of this South Rivers District. In this western area chert is readily available as inclusions or strata in the limestone. Further evidence of the influence exerted by availability of raw material is brought out by an examination of the distribution of the ceramic complexes. As shown by figures 11 and 12, pottery of the Stony Creek Series and of the Radford Series moved into this part of Virginia from opposite directions. The diffusion of ceramic types, however, was not accompanied by a diffusion of the rock preference associated with these pottery types in the place of immediate origin. This is most clearly shown in the case of the Stony Creek Series, which moved in from the east, a predominantly quartzite-using area. When this pottery diffused westward beyond the South Rivers Dis- trict, the preference for quartzite for blades and projectile points did not move with it. Instead, the people in this western region continued to make their projectile points of chert. The conclusion that availability of the raw material was the primary factor in explaining the geographical distribution of two preceramic cultures distinguished in this part of Virginia does not mean that no cultural distinction exists. The fact that there are two cultures rather than one is shown by the seriation. If there was a single culture, one would expect the seriated sequence in the two areas to be com- parable, so that interdigitation would be possible. However, the lack of overlap makes it clear that two separate cultures are represented. In concluding this discussion of the analysis of chip materials it is mainly pertinent to point out that certain conclusions, discrepancies, and interpretations (explained fully in the section on relationship of sequences of the report, pp. 80-88) are added or strengthened as a result of this approach. Chip studies permitted more sites to be utilized in the survey than would otherwise have been possible because many sites produced only a few artifacts but a large amount of chips, thus extending the area and accuracy of the study. As a result of the fact that choice of rock materials shows temporal, areal, and cultural differences, several discrepancies in the sequences derived from seria- tion of points and blades were revealed. As previously pointed out 1 From the geologic map of the Appalachian Valley in Virginia (Butts, 1933) the outline of the natural occurrence of quartzite was transferred to the map (fig. 10) showing the sites according to their preferences for rock materials. This area is shown by stippling and extends along the South Fork of the Shenandoah River and the two South Rivers. For purposes of this report this area has always been referred to as the “South Rivers District.’ A heavy dot-and-dash line shows the western extent of all sites known to have high percentages of quartzite. 72 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Weyee=-—SS 0S Reig 8 glk em \ ay ’ C \ \ : t eee sae apie KEY \ i I \ | \ i STONY GREEK SERIES: " \ = ’ TE ys ROCKINGHAM ) 4 13-22% \ (RM) if e@ 35-60% 2 ! MARCEY CREEK SERIES: \ f oak \ ‘ \ \ Aa > ( eS \ / ° 12 v in MILES \ | igaialine a eee ert aS aaa \ ‘ Lom ) \ ‘ \ | N \ \ ) es ( \ ee RES cael Y ‘ ~ er ay iT ) 4 pa Peed ¢ o& enc \ N (3) / i a © { } | ’ t \ if D \ \ De SAS \ 13 \ HIGHLAND \ i 4 ae NS AUGUSTA fe = ! H (AU) / | N “ } ( f r sts \ \ 7 _-— } 7 J { hfe t atte: wae 1 Re oe u / ye ——— ee Bite L = vA Oy BB0%4 OFF OGG DM GUNA Res HON eT iid: totegs “\ ( We ( y I ‘ { { 1 \ ! | \ / | ) \ | A ra ( I i“ \ BATH I H (BA) 1 | Cy ROCKBRIDGE 4 a) \ (RB) ) 1 \ Z { Vopr \ \ Waa ) n Cit i \ \ \ ’ 1 S23 1 / { Le \ / \ “ \ j Lae ' Van Ss \ # ity \ / er \ ( N. \ a ta > x / ' (Eee i Ficure 11.—Direction of movement of the Stony Creek Pottery Series from the Central and North Central Ceramic Area into northwest Virginia. Anthrop. Pap. No. 57] CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—-HOLLAND Gita — arte eid anon } \ i \ 4 \ KEY ‘ \ p09) \ S ee RADFORD SERIES: Me ( a 1-10% \ \ - ; a 27-40% . , e@ 95-100% is ROCKINGHAM 1 (RM) \ \ ng HIGHLAND Pieisne \ (HD) \ ee (AU) eT { | H | } ROCKBRIDGE \ : \ \ “7\ } Ages \ + | \ / \ / \ / \ / \ \ ‘~N Se. ee i my, ao ¢ COS Mae Ficure 12.—Direction of movement of the Radford Pottery Series into northwest Virginia. 74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 in detail, the interpretation of the position and cultural meaning of sites AU-11, AU-13, and AU-26 would never have been demonstrated without this study. However, it must be understood that rock mate- rials alone are not sufficient; these collections must be accompanied by adequate observation of the site and consideration of all the data. But they are unusually valuable in assessing the preceramic horizon to which a site with an inadequate collection of artifacts may be assigned. In the survey area, two preceramic horizons, exclusive of a possible Folsomlike horizon, are definable, each characterized by a marked preference for rock materials, one quartzite and the other chert. The “quartzite-using’’ preceramic horizon is confined to a set of sites in a narrow band of land at the western foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains described in this study as the “South Rivers Dis- trict.” The other preceramic horizon shows a preference for chert and is distributed widely west of the South Rivers District in Augusta, Highland, Bath, and Rockbridge Counties. In addition, the two ceramic horizons, one with a preference for quartzite and a high per- centage of Stony Creek Series pottery and the other preferring chert and having a majority of Radford Series pottery, have a similar dis- tribution as the two preceramic cultures mentioned above. These distinctions in rock preference, when combined with the pottery-type analysis, permit a reconstruction of cultural movements into this part of Virginia and their degree of penetration to be dis- cussed in more detailed and more complete terms than would have been possible using pottery or arrowpoint types alone (pp. 43, 58). This makes it seem likely that if comparable information were avail- able from the surrounding area, more specific statements about the movements and settlement of aboriginal groups in the entire region could be made. It is hoped that this attempt to demonstrate their usefulness will stimulate others to undertake the collecting and analysis of chips when they visit archeological sites. HABITATION PATTERNS The absolute time span represented by the total number of sites in this study is not known with any certainty. However, some of the changes in the courses of the swift streams near sites give a clue to a considerable lapse of years and should correlate with the habitation patterns of each cultural group. These changes will be immediately apparent to a trained geologist, and even to an untrained observer the formation of terraces between a site and the nearby present-day river bed has considerable suggestive value of change through time. When a site of the ceramic period, such as RM-4, is located on the bank of a river, and 35 yards inland and 8 to 10 feet higher there is a preceramic quthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 75 “quartzite-using’’ station, RM-—4B, with gross evidence of erosion be- tween the two, the impression of change and age is unavoidable. For years, local collectors have made several observations which, though impressionistic, are indicative of these geographical and cul- tural differences. In the valley of the Calfpasture River it had been noted that artifacts were not generally found on the banks of the river but on terraces at some distance from it. In the valley of the South River (into James) the general impression was that ‘flint’? (chert) artifacts were found near the river and those of quartzite were found farther away. Indeed, during the survey, the pattern of site loca- tions began to develop and it was of considerable interest to predict, with a certain amount of accuracy, the cultural horizon expected if given the geographical position of an occupational area. For exam- ple, while at AU-44, a site with a pottery tradition on Middle River, a local resident reported the presence of ‘‘arrowheads”’ on a hill south of the site. Conscious note was made of the prediction that it would probably be a site of the preceramic horizon. On investigation the area was in sod, but 23 quartzite, 5 quartz and 8 chert chips, 1 green- stone Unclassified Blade, and 1 quartzite Unclassified Point were dis- covered. There was no pottery. The material unquestionably be- longs to a group who occupied the site during the preceramic “quartzite-using” horizon. At AU-21, an early ceramic site on Middle River, a 10-foot-high terrace parallels the river 50 yards from the riverbank where the site is confined. The bank and plateau of this terrace had been eroded. Before investigating the area it was predicted that, if any artifacts were found, they would belong to a preceramic horizon. In the eroded gullies quartzite chips, which are most common to one of the preceramic horizons, were found, but no artifacts. These observations opened the problem of habitation patterns. Would it be possible to determine anything regarding cultural pat- terns, or age of sites, by the data which had been assembled? Un- doubtedly many variable factors are present, and it is believed that no single site can be used as evidence for any particular hypothesis. However, it might be possible to use groups of sites and their temporal placement to minimize or accentuate these variables so they would form meaningful patterns. For this discussion the sites will be used with the temporal designa- tions that developed as a result of seriations. These six arbitrary divisions are briefly summarized: ‘‘A,” the historic period; ‘‘B—C,”’ the period in which the New River Pottery Series blossomed in popularity and the Radford Pottery Series declined; ‘‘C—D,”’ the increase in popu- larity of the Radford Pottery Series; ‘“D-E,’’ the beginning of the 76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 ceramic horizon in this part of Virginia with the occurrence of the Albemarle Pottery Series; ‘““E-F,’’ the ‘“‘chert-using”’ horizon of the preceramic period; ‘“F-G,” the ‘“‘quartzite-using”’ horizon of the pre- ceramic period. With these time divisions as a guide, 61 sites, for which the data were available on distance and height from a stream, and from which an artifact, pottery, or chip sample had been classified, were plotted in table 5 with two vectors: horizontal—distance from the banks of present-day streams; and vertical—height above water level. The temporal placement of each site has been given according to the alpha- betical time periods mentioned above. The distances from the stream bank are given in blocks of 30 feet with all sites beyond 90 feet plotted without further breakdown. The height of each site above water level is given in 10-foot units with sites above 30 feet plotted without further breakdown. For easy reference the blocks of table 5 were lettered horizontally and numbered vertically. To illustrate, AU-1, between 60 and 90 feet from Back Creek and between 10 and 20 feet above it, will be found in block C-2. Reference to table 5 throughout the following discussion is essential. From the plotting of the sites, it is immediately apparent that the once-thought absolute correlation of preceramic sites on higher land some distance from the present-day streams, with all the ceramic sites on the terraces and bottom lands adjoining the stream banks, does not exist. In other words, if this impression had proved a fact, all the preceramic sites (i. e., sites with E—F or F—G time periods) would have plotted in the blocks most distant from the stream and in the greatest height above the stream, with all the ceramic-period sites falling in nearest block (i. e., block A-1). Inspection of table 5 indicates that such is by no means the case. However, there are some generaliza- tions from the table that may shed light on either the age or cultural traits of certain groups of sites. Since in the Eastern United States generally it has been agreed that pottery-using cultures are correlated with the introduction of seden- tary village life and the development of extensive agriculture, let us first examine the location of all sites falling into any of the ceramic horizons. These sites are designated by the time periods A~B, B-C, C-D, D-E. By inspection of table 5 it is noted that sites with the designations of B—C seem to be scattered from blocks A-1 to D-4, that is, from the area closest to the stream in both distance and height, to the areas most distant in both dimensions. But looxing up the descriptions of these particular sites gives us a better clue than the first inspection of table 5 would indicate. Height and distance from the stream unfortunately were not available for all the sites, so the absence of many late sites on the chart is noticeable. 77 CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—-HOLLAND Anthrop. Pap. No. 57] 06 Ld Ole ze-AV )-J poried ou, J-W poled our, 6-dH O-€ poed ounty, eC OT TI-WY ‘-Wa at-WN4 ‘2-H )-a ported oult J, 9-d4u ‘F-dH d-@ poled oul, €-d Old 0F-O.V ‘6-0V D-a poyred oury I, dC POA a-@ potted omy, au c-CH O- poled out, 09 T-0 AOE €c-N V ZI-0.V FI-NV )- potsed euity, 0I-O.V I-W poled oul J, &-O WOT I-QV )-d pored our, £-) YO FO) AOE O}IS 0} WIV9I4S DOI 499} UI oVTRISIC, 0g T-@ 001g OI-Wa INU ‘ST-V “9I-0V ST-OV ‘tI-OV ‘8-0 V )-1 porsed our, s-a4 ‘c-dH ¥-NV &-GH ‘It-0V )-1 poled out, d-@ porsed ours, /-dH SP-OV ‘92-0V eF-0.V 12-N.V ‘8I-N.V ‘TI-N.V A-@ ported out, A-C poled oun, t- YO &-d YOO A HOOT St-0V )-a poled oun, 9F-N.V ‘T8-OV @-C poled oun, le-V O-€ poysed oury 1, TY old eau ‘F-NY -DV ‘2-A-S8-NV T-A-St-0V ‘9-0 V G-O poled our, I-va O-€ porsed omy, c-NV q-V posed oury, o-¥ PO Or ZW SW ‘9-H c-WU ‘T-Wi D-d pored ours, &-V Old 02 PV Y9OTL 08 AU D-d ported oun y, S99DLL9} LaAdL 0} BDUALAfOL YIN Sapis fo UoYIsod JvLodwa pun UoYnI0] JooL'ydD.LbOab ay) fo UOYNDUasad DYDWAYIG—G HTAV I, UIGII4S PAOGE O4}Js JO 400} UL IYSIOH 471762—60—_6 78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Those with B-C time periods, plotting with great distances from the streams, fall into two major categories—rock shelters and burial mounds. The location of a rock shelter has nothing to do with streams but rather the availability of the shelter; and burial mounds have no direct correlation with the presence or absence of satisfactory conditions for the agricultural fields or the habitation sites. Thus the locations of sites BA-1, AU-27, RB-7, and HD-9 in table 5 cannot be of any significance to the problem at hand. Turning to the sites of time period D-H, or those at the beginning of the ceramic sequence in this part of Virginia, they all appear in block A-1, or less than 30 feet from a stream and on a bank not over 10 feet above the stream bed with the exception of two sites, AU-31 and AU-46. With reference to the exceptions, AU-31 and AU-—46 are on bluffs overlooking the river. Since these groupings are the sites with the earliest history of agriculture in this part of Virginia, it is not unusual to find them coming close to the river’s edge and seeking out the good bottomlands and low terraces for their crops. In other words, the position of the sites definitely correlates with what one would expect of an agricultural group, and this type of plotting helps substantiate the general validity of the seriation and site groupings into ceramic and preceramic time periods based upon other data. The cultural pattern of agriculture caused these peoples to seek a geo- graphic situation most commensurate with their needs. Therefore, one would expect the majority of the sites of this cultural horizon to fall into a specific geographical distribution most beneficial to successful aboriginal agriculture; i. e., in the low bottomlands where the soil is richer and where the land holds the moisture longer. Turning to the “chert-using”’ preceramic sites or those found in time period E-F and the ‘‘quartzite-using”’ preceramic sites restricted to time period F-G, we note a more scattered arrangement over table 5. Hither this means these peoples were not forced by their pattern of life to live in a specific geographic situation as were the agricul- turists, or the terrain has changed so much since their occupation that one can postulate a considerable age for some of the sites by a study of terraces and stream erosion. Unfortunately such geo- morphological studies have not been made in Virginia although recently certain members of the United States Geological Survey were examining the possibility of dating some Middle River terraces from archeological information. Further examination of table 5 indicates that four sites (25.0 per- cent) in the ‘‘chert-using’’ preceramic horizon (time period E-F) are located in block A-1 as opposed to 12 (75.0 percent) sites of the same period located more remotely from the stream banks either in distance OA Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 79 or height. Similar circumstances occur in the ‘‘quartzite-using”’ pre- ceramic horizon (time period F—G) with seven (25.7 percent) in block A-1 and 19 (74.3 percent) more removed, either in height above water level or at greater distances. Checking the site numbers of each one occurring outside block A-1 of table 5 and referring to the site descrip- tions and notes, it is extremely significant that in each case there is some comment about the extensive erosion, the fact that the stream has changed its course or cut more deeply into the terraces. However, erosion alone is by no means the explanation. [If this were the case, then all the sites seriating in the bottom of the time sequence, i. e., in the lowest part of time period F—G, should be the farthest removed in distance and/or altitude from the present-day streams. This is not the case. In fact just as many “‘chert-using”’ sites as “‘quartzite- using” sites of the preceramic horizon are found on high terraces even though the seriated sequences suggest that the “quartzite-using”’ stations are the earliest in the sequence. The weight of evidence, therefore, suggests that, although erosion might be a factor which will some day prove significant in working out relative time of an occu- pation of certain aboriginal sites in Virginia, the geomorphology of the region must be more thoroughly analyzed by competent geologists than it has been up to the present time. Under these circumstances the location of various preceramic sites suggests that their type of subsistence pattern did not regulate the location of their habitations as strongly as when the Indians became agriculturists; hence the early habitation sites merely needed to be near a good hunting ground, or a point offering some satisfactory camping conditions and an available water supply. The results of this experimental study on aboriginal habitation patterns in northwestern Virginia have not been overwhelmingly successful, yet they have not been so unfruitful as to suggest total abandonment of such an approach for future students of Virginia archeology. Perhaps if the data were always carefully observed for each site in the State, more fundamental conclusions could be drawn than is now possible with the limited data at hand. In summary, sites of the agricultural period tend to be restricted to bottomlands and lowest terraces nearest present-day courses of streams. Preceramic sites tend to be farther away and higher from streams, suggesting a possible time factor, with their present positions resulting from erosion, but also apparently suggesting the lack of any controlling factor in their cultural pattern which would restrict their villages to any particular location, except from the standpoint of a good water supply, defense, hunting and fishing grounds, and water routes. SO BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 RELATIONSHIP OF THE SEQUENCES OF NORTHWEST VIRGINIA TO ARCHEOLOGY OF EASTERN UNITED STATES In summarizing the total results of the individual and combined sequences obtained by this study, it is necessary to compare them with other scientific studies in Virginia and surrounding areas. Although the literature is quite extensive for eastern archeology as a whole, the number of reports dealing with archeological materials in Virginia or adjacent regions which seemed pertinent to this detailed study is actually very limited. It must be emphasized that conclusions drawn from the various approaches herein attempted are not necessarily applicable to other regions although it is felt that the methodology might offer fruitful approaches to research problems of similar situa- tions in eastern North America. Indeed, it seems almost outside of the scope of this paper to do anything more than to show how this intense study of one small area fits into Virginia archeology. Certainly the particular position of one type of point, sherd, or rock material here does not argue for an identical position in any other part of the Eastern United States. Until further work along similar lines is carried out in Virginia and the surrounding States it will be impossible to check the validity of some of the conclusions. In the preceding section and on various charts the sequences have been arbitrarily broken and marked with letters of the alphabet for convenience in designating time periods. Up to this section the var- ious reasons for the particular points of demarcation have not been clearly delineated. This will be accomplished in subsequent para- graphs but it should be understood that when time periods D—E or B-C, or any other period set off by arbitrary time markers A through G is used, these markers are not to be considered the main point of the discussion. One should, instead, view these designations as mere tools to show various aspects in the development of aboriginal cultures in northwest Virginia. The following discussion is arranged by the various divisions or markers of time periods, beginning with the earliest determined in the survey area and coming upward in time toward the historic. Time Marker G (beginning of Early Archaic).—This marker has been ordered at the earliest occupation of the area by preceramic cultures as found by this study. It is definitely not to be construed as mean- ing that this is the point of earliest evidence of man in northwest Virginia. It is firmly believed that one more subdivision remains to be made and that will depend upon how much evidence of Paleo- Indian materials turns up in the future. To date, two eastern-type Folsom points have been reported from the vicinity of RM-1 (Mc- qnthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 81 Cary, 1949, points No. 156, 157). Other such points have been re- ported northward in the drainage of the South Fork of the Shenandoah River. Therefore, there is reasonable expectation that someday an eastern version of the Paleo-Indian horizon will be clearly defined for ‘this area. Time Marker F (Early Archaic) —This point on the time scale has been chosen to mark the transition between two clearly defined pre- ceramic horizons. The earlier, called “‘quartzite-using,”’ extends over the period located between Time Markers G—F and was so designated because of the decided preference for quartzite (over 63 percent) as the rock material for chipped-stone artifacts. In northwest Virginia this horizon is uniquely limited to a narrow band of land at the western foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains along two South Rivers and the South Fork of the Shenandoah River. Inspection of the projectile-point and blade-seriated sequence (figs. 4 and 5) indicates a preference for large blades in this period. There is a gradual decline in their popularity from the lowest part of this section of the sequence to Time Marker F, and, at the same time, a slight increase in popularity of projectile points occurs. Triangular points of any type are not typical of this horizon. Two projectile point forms, Notched Stemmed Type I and Side-notched Type M, show an increase in percentage occurrence from Time Markers G to F. At the same time these two forms increase (but never appear in large percentages, usually only 4 to 14 percent), large blade Type Q (Large Parallel-sided Stemmed) is increasing from 1 to 13 percent and blade Type U (Large Rounded Base) is decreasing from 28.7 to 5.9 percent. From the study of the miscellaneous stone artifacts, the crude ax, the hafted end scraper, and the end scraper are more common in this part of the sequence than at later times. Three-quarters of the sites of this time period were found either at remote distances or on high elevations from present courses of streams. This might be the result of their earlier age, with the stream chang- ing its course or eroding more deeply, but the controlling factor could also be the lack of a need for settlement in the bottomlands since these people were not practicing agriculture. A study of the literature suggests that sites that fall between Time Markers G—F in this study are manifestations of the Early Archaic as defined by Griffin (1952, pp. 354-355) even though it is realized that many of the cultural traits in Griffin’s classification are not available for comparison. Time Marker E (transition point between Late Archaic and Early Woodland).—It is traditional in the literature on North American archeology to designate the point between the preceramic and ceramic 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 horizons, thus Time Marker E has been so positioned. Throughout the study it has been noted, however, that the complete preceramic horizon has two distinct traditions. The seriational studies indicated that sites showing a high popularity of chert belonged in the more recent (upper) part of the preceramic zone. These sites fall between Time Markers E and F in the seriated sequences (fig. 9). In this period there are distinct changes in the projectile-point types and per- centages of occurrence. Notched Stemmed Type I, Side-notched Type M, and Large Parallel-sided Stemmed Type Q decrease from 14.8 to 5.6 percent, 13.8 to 5.6 percent, and 13.0 to 3.7 percent, re- spectively. At the same time Triangular Type C increases in popu- larity from 2 to 11 percent (fig. 5). The geographic distribution of sites falling between Time Markers F and E is west of the so-called ‘“‘SSouth Rivers District,’’ and there- fore west of the Early Archaic sites. Since Triangular Point Type C appears for the first time in any consistent large percentages, the sites with this type of point were plotted on a map. The distribution is interesting for, in general, those sites with the lowest percentages are distributed more south- westerly than sites with higher percentages. Unfortunately for this type of plotting, the number of sites was not sufficiently large to make definite trends on the map, but it was suggestive that Triangular Type C first came from outside the survey area into northwestern Virginia from the southwest. It is extremely difficult to relate this horizon to another in Virginia, or nearby regions for that matter, owing to the scant amount of data from areas immediately outside the limits of the survey area. In Albemarle County where a single preceramic horizon has been recog- nized (Holland, 1949), quartz is the preferred rock material, and triangular forms never have a greater popularity than 5 percent; also other forms, such as projectile-point Types J and K, are more popular than they are in this time period of the survey area. Little purpose is served by comparisons with the published accounts of preceramic horizons of the Savannah River Focus in North Carolina (Coe, 1952, p. 305), the Red Valley Component in New Jersey (Cross, 1941, p. 168), or the Poplar Island Component in Pennsylvania (Witthoft, 1947, pp. 123-124), since they are not described in the same manner as this study and, unfortunately, the data is not convertible for such comparison. However, it is the writer’s impression after careful study of these reports that little direct relationship exists between the preceramic ‘‘chert-using”’ horizon of Time Period F—E and the pre- ceramic horizon in the aforementioned reports. Time Marker D (beginning of Middle Woodland).-—Sites of the survey area within the pottery period start the pottery sequence at qathrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 83 Time Marker E. From this point upward in time to the place designated as Time Marker D the pottery is more typical of the ceramic traditions of the Central and North Central Ceramic Area of Virginia than those types which later typify the Allegheny Ceramic Area (cf. Evans, 1955, p. 103). These trends, in both the survey area and in the Central and North Central Ceramic Area, may be sum- marized as follows: The earliest sites have a high percentage of the Stony Creek Pottery Series, moderate percentages of the Albemarle Pottery Series, and traces of the Marcey Creek Pottery Series; throughout the passage of time (upward in the sequence) the Stony Creek Pottery Series declines in frequency while the Albemarle Pottery Series increases and there is an early loss of the Marcey Creek Pottery Series (fig. 8). All the sites in the survey area with sherds of Stony Creek or Marcey Creek Pottery Series were plotted on a map (fig. 11) ac- cording to their percentage occurrence in four categories: Sites with 3-10 percent, 13-22 percent, and 35-60 percent pottery of the Stony Creek Series, and the presence or absence of sherds of the Marcey Creek Pottery Series, regardless of amount. The various points of breakdown in the percentage occurrences are purely arbi- trary but represent the most distinct breaks, e. g., no sites existed with a percentage frequency of sherds of the Stony Creek Pottery Series from 22-35 percent, hence this point was considered as a breaking point of two categories. Although a very small number of sites are involved, the results are nevertheless significant. Sites with sherds of the Marcey Creek Pottery Series are found only along the western foot of the Blue Ridge Mountains, and in the same locale are sites with the highest percentages (35-50 percent) of sherds of the Stony Creek Pottery Series. As one moves westward, away from the Blue Ridge Mountains, Marcey Creek Pottery disappears entirely and the frequency of Stony Creek Pottery falls so that the most distant sites have only 3-10 percent (fig. 11). This distribution suggests that these pottery types, which are most typical of the Central and North Central Ceramic Area of Virginia, enter the survey area as far as the central part of the Middle River valley with direction of movement decidedly from the southeast and east. No influence can be demon- strated to have come from the north or west in Time Period E-D. At the same time that the pottery has shown such distinct trends and directions of movement, the chipped-stone artifacts also show marked trends. With the passage of time triangular points become more popular while various stemmed varieties continue to decline in frequency, i. e., Medium Triangular Type B increases from 0.6 percent (AU-13) to 7.1 percent (AU-5) and Triangular Type C from 8.7 percent (AU-13) to 19.5 percent (AU-5). Of a total of five sites in 84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 the entire study with Pentagonal Point Type E, four of them are above Time Marker E. The same relative position of Type E, as well as the trends of popularity of the various point and blade types for the survey area, also occurred in the study of sites in Virginia as a whole (see Holland, 1955, p. 175 and fig. 23). With the introduction of pottery, other artifact types changed: Drills, celt forms, and pipes became more frequent; steatite bowls were popular on the earliest sites in the ceramic sequence; scrapers and crude axes declined in frequency. The majority of the sites were near the streams in the bottomlands instead of more distant from the water, a point undoubtedly associated with the need for location of habitations in areas more favorable to agriculture. Although it is suggested that sites AU-11, AU-13, and AU-26 have characteristics of the Early Woodland Period and are found at the earlier part of the Time Period E—D, the real problem is the point of demarcation between the Early Woodland and Middle Woodland Periods. Evans (1955, chart 1) delineates the Middle Woodland as the period in the Central and North Central Ceramic Area in which there is an increase in the Albemarle Pottery Series and a decline in the Stony Creek Pottery Series. Although this process is taking place at the three aforementioned sites, it seems more likely that Middle Woodland in the survey area begins with the steadily increas- ing popularity of the Radford Pottery Series, and either Evans’ designation is too generalized a statement and slightly in error, or there is a local factor to be considered which would make the period designations slightly different for each area. It is felt that the ceramic sites in the sequence for the survey area nearest the Time Marker E would be Early Woodland and that Time Marker D is about the beginning of the Middle Woodland Period. Time Marker C (Middle-Late Woodland).—The point in the seriated sequences of sites where the Radford Pottery Series reached its maximum popularity was arbitrarily designated as Time Marker C, and means that the Time Period D-C probably represents Middle-Late Woodland Period development. As the sites with pot- tery of the Stony Creek and Albemarle Pottery Series gave way to sites with the increasing popularity of the limestone-tempered Rad- ford Pottery Series, it was obvious that this reflects a new cultural movement into northwestern Virginia. To see if it might be possible to discover the direction of influence carrying the Radford Pottery Series tradition of limestone-tempered wares, all those sites with such pottery were plotted on a map (fig. 12) and given a symbol according Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—-HOLLAND 85 to whether they had 1-10 percent, 27-40 percent, or 95-100 percent Radford Pottery Series as derived from the percentage calculations found in the Appendix, table 7. Inspection of figure 12 indicates clearly that the movement is from the southwest to the northeast with those sites having the lowest percentage in the most extreme northeast position, whereas those sites with the highest percentage are to the southwest. This immediately suggests that the cultural influence, whether by diffusion or from the actual movements of a group, came from this direction. These data rather interestingly confirm Evans’ (1955, pp. 127-129) comments and propositions that the Radford Pottery Series in high percentage occurrences antedates the New River Series and the movement of both these pottery tradi- tions into the Allegheny region of Virginia is probably from the southwest, in West Virginia or adjacent regions. Only mounds RB-7 (Battle or Bell Mound No. 1) and HD-9 (Clover Creek Mound) can be related to this time horizon on the basis of pottery content. The burial pattern of a flexed position with the bodies covered by stones, the occurrence of similar grave goods, the presence of a mound built on a broad, level bottomland near a stream, are quite similar in the various mounds of AU-35-M, HD-9, RB-7, and RB-2, suggesting that they all must belong to the same cultural complex. The published data or museum collections do not permit accurate comparison, but all the mounds excavated by Fowke (1894) in Virginia do not fall necessarily into this time period of the mounds in northwest Virginia. | Time Marker B (Protohistoric) —This point marks the period in the sequence where the New River Pottery Series reaches its maximum popularity. Although this is not clearly defined by the sites in the area, Evans’ study for the whole of Virginia defines the pottery development for the Allegheny Area in such a way there is little doubt that the change from Radford Pottery to the New River Pottery, with its subsequent increase in popularity, occurs at a time somewhere around the extreme Late Woodland or Protohistoric. The single site, AU-2, having 64 percent New River Series and 2 percent Radford Series with 34 percent unclassified sand-tempered pottery of a type definitely not of the Stony Creek Pottery Series, draws attention to the Southern Division of the Allegheny Ceramic Area where the transition through time from the limestone-tempered Radford Pottery Series to the shell-tempered New River Pottery Series has been fully worked out (Evans, 1955, pp. 108-108). The pottery of AU-2 may also be compared to the Keyser Farm material where, of the body sherds classified according to temper, 78 percent 86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 of the sherds were shell tempered (Keyser Cord Marked; considered a subtype of the New River Pottery Series by Evans), 3.9 percent limestone tempered (Page Cord Marked; considered to be a subtype of the Radford Pottery Series by Evans) and 18.1 percent were “grit’’ tempered (Potomac Creek). A detailed discussion of this subject can be found in the original sources (Manson, MacCord, and Griffin, 1944, pp. 402-407; Evans, 1955, pp. 60,67). The relative percentages of temper in the three wares from each site are sufficiently close to make it believable that AU-—2 and the Keyser Farm Site are closely related in time. Further, Schmitt (1952, p. 62) relates the Keyser Farm Site with various foci, such as Gala, Potomac Creek, etc., to the Late Woodland Period. Griffin (op. cit., p. 413) dates the site be- tween 1550 and 1650, and Evans (op. cit., p. 145) sees a high per- centage of New River Series Pottery belonging to a Woodland-Fort Ancient mixture in the Late Woodland Period in Virginia. On the basis of these conclusions without contradictory evidence from the current study, it is felt that Time Marker B designates the Proto- historic horizon. Time Marker A (Historic).—The historic era begins in Virginia with the English colonists in the tidewater area in 1607 even though some sources report a Spanish Mission was thought to have been estab- lished earlier on the Rappahannock River. To date, there has been no proof of this non-English settlement in Virginia. In the Shenan- doah Valley the exact date of the introduction of European trade goods has not as yet been established archeologically. In nearby West Virginia, recently, MacCord (1952) has given convincing evidence of Susquehannock occupation between A. D. 1630 and 1677 at the Herriot Site on the south branch of the Potomac in Hampshire County, W. Va. The major pottery types from this site have been related to the Susquehannock during the Historic period by Witthoft (1947, pp. 249-253) and the minority pottery type resembles Keyser Cord Marked from the Keyser Farm Site (Manson, MacCord, and Griffin, 1944, pp. 402-405). Unfortunately, no sites in the survey area had any sort of trade goods that could be dated historically, so the upper part of the se- quence must be left partially suspended and without a specific date of any sort. Based upon the data of this study we must assume that either the Indians were not living in the area covered by this survey during historic times, or for some reason the survey techniques failed to uncover late sites. With reference to the general picture of aboriginal Virginia, the first postulate does not seem likely even though the region might have been so sparsely settled that no large Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 87 deposits were left. This part of the sequence is therefore left for future study to verify. An examination of this chronological sequence in geographical terms reveals a peculiar situation: the ‘‘quartzite-using”’ and “‘chert- using”? preceramic sites have nonoverlapping distributions both in time and in space. The number of sites representing each area is sufficiently large that sampling error does not seem a likely explana- tion, which leads to the implication that the area producing ‘‘quartz- ite-using’”’ sites was uninhabited in “chert-using’”’ times, and vice versa. Since there are no natural barriers or other geographical rea- sons for believing this to be true, it is reasonable to assume that both areas were occupied at the same time and that the two cultures are in large part contemporary in the area. If this is the case, it would seem to invalidate seriation as a method of determining relative age of sites and cultures. Seriation has been shown to give reliable results so often, however, that some particular situation existing in the area under study must be sought to reconcile these discrepancies. One explanation that presents itself is that the archaic projectile- point forms that place the ‘‘quartzite-using”’ cultures early in the se- quence may represent a cultural lag which allowed these types to be retained after they had been superseded in other parts of the Eastern United States. The evidence concerning the origin of the two preceramic cultures suggests that this is a reasonable interpreta- tion. Since the “‘chert-using”’ ceramic culture can be shown to have moved in from the west, it is probable that the ‘‘chert-using’”’ pre- ceramic groups came from the same direction. Likewise, the fact that the ‘‘quartzite-using’”’ ceramic culture has affiliations with the east suggests that the same may be true of the ‘‘quartzite-using”’ prece- ramic horizon. Evans (1955, pp. 128-129) has shown that whereas a number of relationships between the Allegheny Area of Virginia and West Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, and Pennsylvania can be discerned, there were fewer influences on the part of the State lying east of the Alleghenies, and these were primarily from the north and south. The relative isolation of eastern Virginia might have allowed the retention of older projectile-point forms while the Allegheny Area was being kept up to date by contacts with more active centers of cultural innovation to the west. Further evidence in support of general contemporaneity of these two preceramic cultures comes from the analysis of geographical loca- tion. When the sites were tabulated according to distance from the river, it was found that about the same number of ‘“‘chert-using”’ as “quartzite-using’”’ preceramic sites were distant from the present water 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 channels and about the same number of both were close. This suggested that there was no appreciable difference in the antiquity of the two cultures (pp. 78-79). If this is a correct analysis of the problem, it provides additional justification for the approach outlined in this paper. If the projectile- point seriation had not been combined with rock-material analysis and geographical distribution, the interesting suggestion that two typo- logically different groups were contemporaneous in this part of Vir- ginia would have been overlooked. The possibility that this may be so provides leads for further research in the adjacent regions, in addition to showing with reasonable certainty an example of cultural lag on the archeological level. This study of 82 sites in a restricted area of northwest Virginia shows a continuous typological sequence of the region from Early Archaic to Protohistoric times. If the analysis had been undertaken with only one group of artifact types, such as pottery or projectile points or blades, or axes, etc., the broad scope of interpretation achieved for northwest Virginia could not have been made. It was discovered in the early days of the survey that varying conditions for collecting limited the types and amounts of artifact materials that could be obtained from many of the sites. Therefore, the use of chip materials was attempted. This heretofore untried technique in Eastern archeology proved extremely profitable and not only made it possible to utilize many sites otherwise unusable because of a lack of sufficient specimens, but permitted the correlation of rock materials from chips with those of the projectile points and large blades. Cer- tain interesting conclusions relating to both the materials available and the importance of culture as a determining factor in the choice of rock material resulted from this analysis. If future work in Virginia, as well as nearby areas, would incorporate a similar analysis of rock materials and chip collections, undoubtedly results of greater signifi- cance could be obtained than is now possible with only a single such study of this type. Another experimental approach was the analysis of the physical position of the sites as related to local geographical features. This problem needs much further exploration in other areas in Virginia or nearby States before conclusions can be stated positively. The corre- lation of the sites of ceramic-using cultures with bottomlands and those of nonceramic-using cultures with terraces more distant from the stream may be explained by cultural determinants, or by a possible Anthrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 89 factor of geological age and stream erosion. This approach em- phasizes the need for cooperation between the geologist and arche- ologist in the study of aboriginal occupation of the Appalachian Valley of Virginia. [Bull. 173 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 90 OLOOT = iF Ca PAO abe LOG |e st oe alee Ie tie ae al i> gee ime pee © mses ee Sem ay ale pe 9 || sem eee aie | 93eju2010g mae PEGAD SalOT eC ONS ee ape eal Se eee |e ie fos ie mom en eed alo waa eres ee ae ae | ene [eo eae OTTO) OLO0T|ecelnaae OG fees | O96 | 00 | rien 29800 072 eames 7) eet ae nes ine 0 001|-~-~}---- 01 Gu 189010 sf8l gana easel casa] caeelcuesl seaalaesseee sea: esejuedleg pace FEE |e Ta |IS te ETS [me OB [OL 1BT. |2= "180-8 as | SS eee iEersaics ee ite ag srig. 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(aie es [eqysAro ZqIeNY SPER (PSSS ESS S Sessa essen s]ueur -3vJ} assoA 90j3sdBog TRIS/F IS SPS SER SSSSSS SSS S Ss Avl[O :edtg TSSSISTS TIS SSS Sees eee eaqolgO :edtd Pees esse ecm Se 9U0}S [TAUB-1OUIUIe al gael ea a oureyl fre | pS sr|sSrsS="Senn eae Wma S0| F825 |S<5sr eas coe TOARIN) “SRS ES2S| SSeS a Sseo eae ace Idd 8198 pis bac pega tears ante a AS Jodeios pug [Bull. 173 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 108 ara Seas | et | meg sev aay mee |e mr peace | fy | eee see teense | eee ov fe nnten| Renee | ern pert een Rass |PSEa|Paees | FESS [Pee sP ats A Seo [Sees Hs eeee snes Ose mOOded Sa lam la a ec SMe I coats sce a sec ras (oh glen] hger acess epee |e ae haocsaeel [Dee SERRS|TSSSS RSS| Pass Goes | Seca lt aaa ee pense ee oa eae eae (eee aw ee ee ONIOO 0) OL00T Sse5| Seen 9 ITIF € |0S8/0 00T}--) 9 °SZ|6 0 |S “EZ}0 OOT| OES] O8 FG serail eee | eel eel een Ox00T Senn pmne On yb ORG OF29 | Rae wete meet 0384090104 =e 98I | 126 «|Z 2G eae | OU ees | cee LL He O8 Saha eS 18 Sie este | acces | rei eer | eat espe |) T.Carg| eaten | Chea | Oe 11921 | entree ECOL LOLOL TO) :sdiqo ORO ses = Gil OSSS|TSE8 | OF00T| ees) m ene GPSS | eas] SC | area Soa Pena |e Pear rea | ke | een | ene | ee | ae | Gs6Ge| ease comet PsA) MOA cee 938400010 q O'OOT|TOL |" jar |S 8 |6'66 /9T | \9 poaa| Obes | Fs popes Panera — | ee Saal Pass Cee Sl ee |e @ jOOOL)ZE |" 18 t 9== |e a ae Te}0,.L OB Ga Stead | ess Oc ieee (Ps — SS Met C ree | oee Gorell ogee ale eee (ees | alee eine ster cle | era ehe Peso a C2SCe Pe 2 ea Pa ae ee | eo eee A 06 16 Bes Tene [ea | ae Sm | eam || eae em ae ee ee [ee | ie | fees |e et ees ¢ 63 |G Salts Meee | Geas|Pa Sha IEER. n SS | | P| | Pee | a | Fo |S || ee el ee be ee ee easel lo nos Sol ieee a mecooseecocmeretrs L ea (a Fe a a fe ee fs a eM (gel [ree el a eS ee ee Ee ea eS -e ael e ete wennen--2 34g (ast) all fy Ss SSS S| es IT Ses call eee WS ae me | ea [rs | ele eee ee ee al eek ole ll eee | | eee TE PSE IS Sea es | eee es eae ee are to i a ae | ee a ie SSN se ee a iV eff se ele fe lB fc nel ef | dC ee iS seo ean S :sodA4 opriq esieT Sal ee | ee | mee eel | ee 8'SL |€ eee | eee |S gk =| pe ee | NS | eT [ RS a Sea es [oes | ee | eee [eer Oe l(b Sars ea nee tes a ae) Qs085|LSe |e aaai € Gre o\eo ae ain, 2 te ol fee | Ue Nie = ay] Va | | (ine a (Ean [eg a ee ies | 2s s Essa cee a T (shes ees] Cs 3 (ame ie eee Ue RES |e Sareea a eee N SeelaiPL |Paeshk ee Glee SeG lal Goecl Soe a | ae tae Gok [En S| BSE | ea ole Se | SS aa ee Pas | es Shite Gime | See al mee I S| ee ee eae RES W Ox B i OTS Ses Sa ee Sian | SS es ee ee | en Oo s= || Saaret | ee eee te eC See ee |e ese aoe en | Se eee GeO) ral eg RS See | el gee ee eee T (ts es te el cea FS ae | ae fam fet (seen ve pe er Laue a Unley nee Gg (ee Va kage foe a | tea tae mea eS a fe ee DiI ORS Ge ieee I Le liebe | eee [ate leas a | hae | aes |e ee eae |e ie [ene |e el ees oe ee (ieh= ANC Slee ee Oe Seep lees ie Fata Soe Re oer SP fr (3557/00 9 Ges ISS [ees ae Gr eageaip Seo ea Pee at er al| ee il eee a) mae eae | See [gece | ee | aa se ee [eek men | Se ag ec |e | ee | fein ene ena I UES ieee eae ae PA NJ ap fen ON | fn fe) ay Ft [Rl gl 5 Se Se te fee fac Fee lime ae ees Serer PET a ome a i af (a (Pa ea et we rae ie me sl feel ae Bee eee aces OnG=. | Ges | Sse | Sess | ea AE ie eee (ant ae Ta | Fe [ae eo eee | SE lees aiee oe Line eyed | aces ee | eet eee ONGU Ss Ree aiees | Ssa [=| PAGS SS eee da 0% |@ sells Spee ean | ees ope | 02 a |irae le | es eee Shee = 3] ee Pa al eae LS tag Reso Fe ce a em (pte fel | a eal fea len (ee eee hl Ie ee en ee ‘@) | | aes | ae |S Seal a |e |e a fee ee nd [ee | ees S Se ae eal bes Sal se |e |e |e | cs | sl Sin ae | a | el RSE eee etal Se |e | Se a af Rf mn a | Re a FF (ee nel (eee Pe | a | fed ee |S Es | ae (eee eee pee ee ase v ‘sod £4 Juypod-a100fo1g eh |) CS Mer eee ey tol! else) || Sl) folie te) jeer en lel tel | fe) ey ieee) oe tae) Sl || toy | 2) 22) ete it ach Tell fa) >) jf Eh || yee | ere teeth fet Set ee ers [et ise || ee ee EE Tete eet Stee fey ee Se ye iorst ior tes | tep er eee oat tst || Tee SI/EISIEISISISIEISIS(8/S/ Ss /ElLSlIZI8/8 |S lELSISl818) 2/1818) 81/8 let B|/S|s|* let cA Si as eee = ai/sS|&8]| 7 | 6 Als |S)" |] 6 ai/S|s8|* spreysjod pues & S|o fe Bio & B |e © Sis fe S| oe ‘sqgovyrqae 1040 ‘sdryo ‘sedA4 © iS = S © 2 2 ® © = epelq pue yurod-syoeforg dH &-dH dH -vd 8-0 V ponunu0gj—spnfyin sayjo pun ‘sd1yo Yoiuaynu yoor ‘sadhy appjq pun qurod-ajyoaloud fo ‘sazis fig ‘2auaLinaIQ—'9 lav, 109 CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—-HOLLAND Sees PE a5 | Sewn Bee = fem ree |e fen Mm licen OSE cd | en Be oe eae Pe ee fel sc | ae Be aie DAE OLE C2 CN I Ft a a lee cS | ald eat | a al a FP (| RS a Re S| Sea PSS tae | So T2jsAl9 zeny YT et a ea Ee al I ae Fea (ted teen that lca anlnbee lta [tie fpseotrsed Utrecht ete [| eh caffe ES SJUIWISBT] [OSSaA VUOYSdBOg Ca Fa a Naa a a Ka ea eee Ue (a acd (aa a Fa ea a al fee ime] Ne ae (ea feat So al a a ba tone is aa ee a ABIQ :edrg same Nae Ve ae [aa at Cad |e ea a a a a ie at le (ie ee So oo ae Soe las Sallah Slat Sulmcoelies alee aWIOTyO :odtq 8 Anthrop. Pap. No. 57]| wo-e-]| ----]|----| ----}---- (poyey) tedeios pug Sai |e aici pa aeh (aera | escape | em oe aoa | Sr aa |Reke Sul | Sama Da | Shemale ae ae ce Geol lise eel EMail Bele ata: CuleS eal Se poystod ‘pexyood 74190 apnig :479O Bese Psecalbs a S[encs| eocllss es |Reasl Sasa ea eae S| ea a pe ee a a He (a eee ae | opmig :xV isjoujrqIe 1oyIO 471762—60 [Bull. 173 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 110 Sse taser (cars| ceca ee uae | ae | esas fae | ee | oe | sce ieee |e | cs | ema | ae ag | choco | (st | ce | eet (Le | men || eee Re relea ies nal panama ee (peqyey) Jsdvios pug eis Ls |e sca lta (er fee ee eee Sess nea cS at fc Soe (mee ene |S LIC ee a a hese er | ake | a fees || meee cree | es Sail psec oe eal Neen ea laced (eed |e eel aes ens CSTE P SSIES Oe a Seas ae lla all | eres cae oe ee ODL) tO) iiiais [em emf li | peace fc ss hice Ufa] (eee ||| nc Ua acco eran) lec | al eee ese aeons || eel. cama aa rie eG|idmrs|Lecclico lacs 1. SOTO) Sy SPORIPIV IGIO Se | ne Seema ea aad | em ee] eae cei eg ce el ae een ne ren [een erlang ie nT eee | te ao | bet |e a er 938]U00 10g a a a ec cea Em fi (cee | aac || er pel Ucn (eel |e Vs face (te [| ak a | fem el (Re lfm [ie cgee me q WorVaT[0D ORO0T| en ieee QL ARO ial sO | pees] (ems atl mae | ene | ieee OOO 7 area eee 0°S2j0'S |O FL |0 O0L| | tS) tdi ca ko” x= Oa 00) 9 a EPS Se sl O96 | Sen asBUeoleg Slee QB ese OL rail Qe eas Dirge S| eae alee eee ol eoncte eal e | OOF eee |OG cali 1 SOr oe Were eet Ol Me meee Lone LOT || meen laa | emeeetl Gere (een | GG «|e mene aieairen VEO Le [I026)) sdiq9 OFO0)| cma eens OROZH OSGi OST ie cceere!| earn jenn |eeenet | eae mean OOO Tira ren OS 0G|emen| S862 0200) eee eee 1 Gis Sat Gage) bY ar 2 eee ee ees Pale le Ne es edequedleg (OVO. ef? S(T RN 8 Cs a ea Seo So || amet be ae COSCO TF Gi ire | Zire mec 12sec | COs OCDE Te | ete Der Ge 3 | ea fs ak 8 =| ene 1230.1 OSIC aS Ss OP sn |S a elie an cae S| PAI) = TS SZ Eee i ct =A = os | pe = ct | te + + = Sployqsjod pues de & |e a Blo fe 81s ce Bis be S|6 ‘sqgovyqqie Joyo ‘sdiqa ‘sedA4 2 ig = 2 2 ® 2 iS 2 opeiq pues yuyod-aptjooforg CANS 6-GH 1-dH 9-GH S-GH penuyu0gj—spofyio 4ayjo pup ‘sdiya “Ywrsajynu yoos ‘sadfiy app)g puv qusod-apyj0aloud fo ‘sajis fig ‘oatoLinaaQ—g ATEV I, 111 S—_eerrKw<_—_—_—n——————————————————————————— Bee le ees ates ceca neces SOE I al aes ea lee alee oe celecical apleeeselic eal mciaal aaa les acral eal eel oe ee |g ae ka ec ae onenee sees Die Nees flee NEE Seat Nome [oe =| fame sie oe | ah tea tells ao ae loepe | fe eee De [fie | =| ec ese | | De | | Se ee SER EDO --|----|----|----|-----|----]----|----]----|-----]-----|----]----]----|----|----|-----|----|----]----|----]----]------------- [eqsA10 241eN% ar ea Seas eee ARO :edid - CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND pita iS sjUSUIse.y [asseA omM04sdBog petal (east os) ieee oi ao[yO :edig Gaal 2S 2 eee 9u0}s [TAUB-1oUI Ue Se ees eee eee eae JOABIN) ----|----|--------------- Jedeios apg ----|----|--------------- Jodeios pug Anthrop. Pap. No. 57] [Bull. 173 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 112 Senos ole sale |iteeel ce hal ee Slee | ees eee eae eel (peqyey) 1odvios pug, Soe sale rales ie so|c sees Poe dle sec | seal sae | ae eee OUST OC me MONDO din TO) esa eee ye | sa ee | (ees eae eae ls Se | |S ee ePNIO 34190 a aa ea! fn a Nae) cee ff (ta a Ng teen ea a fe Pete ea SS OpNIO :XV TSJOVBJTJAS 1YIO Seasiear | Nic el ec eee aia gl (See eae (lace le | ee ee 0sejUed10g practices Poe enon Spoils seer | Coe |S ee Sap | ae ol aire Sl ese [nS | eee hae ee ene eee eee >I eo I§l |¢ & 6 69 OS | ieee oes eee | aoe ig ote I Se wa ome | ap | | eee es ee || Sahel lee a nee ee aay |e | Mee Seley elle ee a eS f €¢ 18 eG [ Glee |e ae ee pee ees | ee ee G9 16 Sposa | Clee |G ane 0-OL |T Se el esa (es T Sa pe | ee ae = cae ed | ee eae ee el ee Re awe Dens OS Pe ae a eg a Se ae | Sins | a ee | pea me | es | ee | ee | ee eee Tl ec arses eS eect el ese EL ee ~-|----|----|2---|-----]----]----|----]----] -----]-----|----]----] ----|----]----|-----|--2-]----|--2-] --0-|-22-]--2- 222222222222 n nen G'e 19 eee |¥, | Coa | sama | as ae | Se | a eae |e cae |e | ll ge | ee ee eal ees Pes See ee ee ces |r ne | 5 a eee ee ee ee se ee le OF IP ial eis Sean SE | SS SSS aaa ee |e eae UN cal mess sae liebe tame | emcee ssf | nee | ores | Pe a RTE GEO ES OTe eee a, Seren Guboalore|= sea, Set ( (al ames Nee a eee eee che ge Peta a aa eee oe el fe al (ens eee ellen 5 Mkt pe ten OL 8% |2 eaei(6 Soe €'Gc 1S | IT I CG es | Ses a a eel | eee |e ea | Sei | Ser ES | aes | eee apes (evan (Seas ese Sao lea acalenee ees (8) Rls tees il | tea al am eal le ells a sl eae eee leg ge eae ase EB Slee Ss ae (eee [ea SS ma [Ree fe ma gacaeresee eae eee | :sed A} Qurod-aptqalorg rg Q zizgieieieie)zizigiejelsizizieleseleizizigigielergj2i2igiele SiB/SLR TE Si1s | Bi/e12/2/)/8)s 1218181818 si elele1eiel¢ |e) se hla es St AlS|S|7| 5 BIS |S} "| 8 Bie is | ee ale |e|* | 8 a2/S|8 sploys}od pue oe B | eo & 8 |e & 8 |e & § jo & §|o ‘syoeyiqae 1eq30 ‘sdryo ‘sedA4 - 2 w = & ie @ Be | S 2 epeiq pue yupod-oy1yooforg VFN ING f-WY CNY VCNY penulyu0gj—spavfyin wayjo pun ‘sdryo ‘orsayoiu yoo. ‘sadfiy opnjqg pun yurod-ajyaaloud fo ‘sajis fig ‘aaua1sndIQ—"9 ATaV I, 113 CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND Anthrop. Pap. No. 57] iii (ait (amt [eit Vata bt) (aati (ae (rat tal | tater Praca FCC ere] corey Ear bor cocp b capa] nt) ES oS SE quepudg Bees) Soe eee See = Se eel ee TS S| pe |e | | are |S | a a ea ee a ae ore *s} 0 ur eed | hss a | page aes | Rss | cca | pu Puen | ssn | Dna ceca | cane | nts | sen ines less | es -3eJ essed ou0ysdeog imac legate arrearage cl gre el aa re et Axio :odtg (4 oes T ime! (betel |i at eee! | nee |S Sab eee Sp10qs}o dT T Silas Paes) Feu bes SEE Uses FeocPecsc cee IOARIN) ated belated elated (alatetel bate! tate] ened bite eee eee eee Jadeios opts | Stel Sitter fated (ncaa (atte berate] br cette (ntttata ate te Jadei0s pus [Bull. 173 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 114 —————— | S$ | | — S| Spas (eae as | peel Sel eae ell ce Tse fA | Ea aif Sa fe fe fem eck he | gee aged meres! 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Ua (aoe a al ale idwy oqeg “pey ‘SepIog PLOjpexw 122 TaBLE 7.—Occurrence of pottery series and types, by sites—Continued AU-26 AU-27 AU-31 AU-32 AU-33 AU-35 V-1 | AU-35 V-2 AU-41 AU-42 AU-25 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY eseyucog | sueenel | venous | ETE] eeeesen ed eaeyuooreg | PEER | mown | iit tt] | yunoo od, | 938709010 g | 4unod sel10g | wd IN iS qunoo ed 4,1, | is he] ‘| cmon | if it i ital mosis | ft tt R| ymooads | FRPP | | samwoma [itt f mmoosmes | ETT | yonoootsn | TEEPE eaeyueoi0g | peegi ed] dl venoms | titi ial gametes | iE ELE eaeyuaorog | reetiiilal yunwosones |_| tit! 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Cord Motalaseee= eS Be |e hens Tabi, Vevey” ff | seal sa > ie en et eae (ig es | cea gs || cei fea age aan eR er fea nar ara Uae eg etl feces be eo! 3 Blea ge es Boies mir Ned Bok Ty) Pebes oH lo Bo oo 4 ESTE Teer eee | Dee | senna eee | eae | Pewee Repl allt ne || oeeea focal Cee a Seen ieee Sal Ba [o seal tae = Bae Paha eae eat sale Sl penal sek oeeee kaos | eee eee New River Cord TAMU Behe Ls ||| |e a | le | el | ese Se (el |e meee (eee (me || element | om |S) (SAT Ae) (Been) Uneaten oe (Os 3] toe |e ING ay geEULV ere le ea ri eerie | ere sees ee cle ee [Posted mp SEP mo ee ale || ee eee ese HE Pal at ee I | | el en (| eee alee ROTC EN ESTEE WAY Lf S| | ee | Be | Pt | BR | S| ag | | es |e (ae | tem (en [cee (as emg (ep (seater (ese | pee fore (| [eae [Enel [oe SOS UUM eco es | ener ea | a eee fo mee na oa Slo alle [pues fees le ieee [mere teeta a | coe el ioe [Poa | oe [| Ni | alfa | re |e Anthrop. Pap. No. 57): mesEEIEL i il ee Pil Gl ull i Hu gigi) | Beet: ata eitzs ¢ ioe) CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND eee bee T HTH I aor | an Pei bee ey] af eli = oF a cone a eae Hil ot itifels 7 RI uaEInl a a TE Coa Hii ftiils|s m1 il ST gee heidi a] il = SCRA ASW hii bitilal|s | rey zee ere Porte Pied] aly oe Seay UES Pitt fiiilgls ale ery 2 aR SR] Pitt ditt] afal PtP EE be Lion ae ht are amruern ie) upped wikia! iggi i BS igisieiagi i | ' ' ee eee | BF isebeeoeos fi M& IZsOma sass + i BO eD Tele il teh Sp aeseen da BS FGPGOSUUN Sass Ss F CS8ALk ss sakon HY Pa a nan MAP 2 = | a =) PRON See eee see eae 123 [Bull. 173 AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUREAU OF 124 S| aa | ee | mem | ee | zac | Fae SG} | meme] | yl Se ae | ined | ee) | Se || aaa] | eee | weet | aac || ed fore Sa /Aeal|ii Paa=|noan=|==2=|5e==|-=ase| ==] eae Pang ea COG Bas | een eae lame oallicsawlestel ew tlhe call oaeie cole ales sles alone | peoa Ee cit Sealee alee ss |----|--=-|-----|----|--==[-----|--=-[----[---=-]----[--— “--=="="=- San | sa | | See | pea | aie (een Weel | ei | era || Sate | ead (| | | ce | See | Sat eee || Sec | |S eb UL PIOO “ATHY MON Se “SF Sie S| eee | Sees | Stee) et ieee | eee | Shem | cm | ete | elma |e | ae || rey | ease | ea} | ere eter iene | aie Peer | er eS aa | ih | | Pee [fas Sa SS PSS S iy haeny JON pue ‘“qsnoy 40um "AIM MON te eel | nel || teal ee Ss fe ee fem |B al me a Nam pr emer CO ETT ogee TAY MON TSOLIOG IOATY MON |S a | Fe ea Si aca (nameme (sien | memes lesen (stereo (samme! 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Sehgal esa Saae a ct eee |g pm | ec fe a a i ee em ca Um (is | ecg | ee eee ORO MMO Vg See ae | aes Seal eas eee so ea|| Gn s| > ee meee es ae |e es [ee |e wl ee Retog noel es Seales (es Se ees [fee ~pedureyg edumtg “qry OES | ere | oce israel Fa ne || cage (|e ee PIE eet [RS pc se cece || ee eee | (a (Ge | See Sana |O lee eee en SOT nea alt naa | eae Uleld “Gv oe lee eaet| oes Sas ee ee fee |e a SIS ole se 28 pc Clee] fe Sl Seal eete se gO ge Sc ca OR weg |e Og | enlace OT LT) NG Rael eee Sere | pee ee ee Sl fe ice | eisai Ne fee ce Pe [el ari Se (pee eo sola | eee ecclesia COU DIN] “QUAY See | eset | eaeanel ae Spee eee | aes ore a I eS alg ies al ees lee ame rel oe ea ee ape [a |e | eel OT Ta |e ae | ne | ee eee CLC) CNG | ISOLIog oLIBUIEg Ty BS ce | Bee ee | Be) eee ee | ee eee 2 eae le = Q ct 2 ce fo} ct OQ et fe) oO = ° cm ° eee ° + ° BIE/SI(BlIELELS le e(BlElElSlelel@leleléleiel@leie! & lela] & | S| | seas: puesomos azon0g ot ot © Co ct 2 > or © ot = £ + et 2 + et e. ct ct = + ct Sg ot ag 2 5 a £-NU VI-NU 6-dH ¢-GH va Sy-0V St-NV Fr-0V &-NV ponulyuoj—sazis fig ‘sadf pun sarsas huayod fo aualinoIQ—') G1aV J, 125 CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND p. Pap. No. 57]) Anthro -----|----|----|-----|----|----|-----|----|----]-----]----]----]-----|----|----]-----|----|----|-----|----]----]-----|---- BO Wess ades lena ee cil call all ee See DEG TSSEIOUI -----|----]----]-----]----|----|-----|----]----|-----|----|----|-----]----|----]-----]----|----]-----]----]----]-----]----|----]-----|----|----|-----|----]----|----- pesjouy Aemei}0N -----|----|----]-----]----]----|-----]----]----]-----|----|----]-----]----|----]-----]----|----]-----]----|----]-----]----|----]--2--]----|----] 2-277] ----|--7-] oo pedeidg vuUBATy -----|----|----|-----|----|----|-----]----|----|-----]----]----]-----|----]----|-----|----|----|-----]----|----|-----|---- Q (=t77=|-= "=| S28 ee SSIS ale ae | ee es De OLE eidmis "19 "48 aa SF Sf fe pa a fa ei itn a gpm 2 Pe pe pm py aN ale eG ae Zl Fe el a BT TT PemBIAL PIOO 10 “4 ah or fl (IIS) OS) Ey RS I ICI i FE Pica FI IE a Fe EI ES Het al peal fi Rb eee bei id ET) I I a FS OS en | oe pousysnoy pus ida] 9N “10 ‘48 in eee Fert Feat ted fag Pet Rated betes frat FR Rained Reicteded tat Enter | tical feat Pita d beet fetta IL fa baad Pe re Veal fiat (Hi bi bee el | aR S CH (0 9G | oiqeg AQ Auoig :seTJeg YoeolQ Auoyg Seceh|erba|scen|===pa|-oac|a== Ca 09] 7257 i Ki! Pee (ar ay: Ye i (1s) parma one so |) 6) 7 A ena el ini liu) foetal | CElem eo Sg sb Sel ie 2 fas a fe pep angel 1 S00 Lap (ome eg fapaed ge las 5 Ol fai | beak (Rope ae 5) a 38 el mead Bas ea O168:) TOL. IPE 25a ona cena pegissepouy) i ee Fao ie Fee eg fee eg ee Rake Oot Se eo oe Fa Se feel Potted Perl akigeel eit ee hee ee OE es a ee eee al Peer e aes rea eeu aweceer. NGL “Pee og yal ced em J [pea QOL Try cse cera resesiccec ep (ccrcic oes Op Rte = selma Polo ses |= o 710s ol Sacer ee pod ee | ee woo-]--=-]--=-|-----]----]----|-----|----|222-|-----]----|----|-----|---- Geel PESes|eascipe a fesens[eses[Ee dP IO eeoo a ee alae lee es ommend CO ‘q3n0y jouy “psy wn2--|----|----|-----|----]----]-----]----]----|-----|----|----|-----]---- 1) tied Pee (tad Fo a ce cree | er | arc cae CT OCA t a :S9]10g PIO;PSA 9 471762—60 (Bull. 173 | | | | | | | | i | | 1 | | i i] | Hl | al | 3 momen |annn|anmn|mwnwnl amen) mnnn|anwnn| ann |annn| mn wnn| mann | onan} an enn| anna] anna] anna] a2 -| moa n|oonnn| =| 2 = =| -4---- 2-2 =~ === Pepissepouy socnn [onan |mnnn|onwnnfannn|ann=|anwnn| anna} mnnn|mnnnn| mann | anna | aman [onan] anan| omen a} ann =| anna} ann an| onan] anna] - ~~~ -- = 2 88 = = === UTB[q JOATY MON woren|mona|annn|mnwen|anna|ann-[anennlanna|ocnn|anena|ann-|annn|aneen| anna] ann} mnnn-|----| ----}a----|—---|----|-~-~-.-----~-----------~------------------ POFIV P1OO JOATY MONT semen |annntanna|mnnna|anna|anen|anmen|annn| enna) manna loans) oan} aan an| aan n| nan] a- nn] a— a} aan} an a==| ===] --2-|-2------------------------- 2 dW] j0N pus ‘qsnoy Jou “ayy MON women foran[annn|anwnn|annn|mnnn|annan|mnnn| onan) man nn|annn| ana anwnn| anna} ona-|-nen-|---- |---| nn n-|a nnn | anne] n-ne 2 = nee Id] O11q8,q JOATY MON :80]10g JOATY AMON ——— | | | | | | ee | me | | | ee | | | a | wa | a | a | a | a pean lees | epee foment | ge | ap reseed sgemeet | samira roel sew] ee al eal Dg nee | aa | ees | eae SSeS |S Soa | Seees eee suas aaa eee te sone se nara aan ae peyissepuyn Sapa al | sea | oes | mena mpm | me fmm | aon | pees cal | mil | ee eee | SS ee | SERRE BES EES SEs eae | Es | Paes ae da sae ae Saeco ee eee PexIBPT P1OH ‘s] wepleg ice icc (ee Decide aa ed (a (1 OS | OOS Oa Ujs[d “19 Avow yy {SoPlOg YoolO Aver ean Fas S| (eaEpan| Scere RSIS [mpeceais! transmit crar pet] ics Pci (aaa) hee) a PR ek SIS Re DPE ne BS aan oT Sain a ee Se DONIC ASD AO Oi wa os ee EI ae eal cea fae Unter otto at fa net fs OE frre oo tapee ee aie es op ee Sena ase ee oe NE Seta eon lean eae Gen paeal acer |e | son a| aie so crea ones eee alana [mens eens DOT [Smee STNEE SRE SONSR SSR SST Roe aa oe ac OEE isoJ1eg opTeuEq Ty —_— | S| | ——_ |S |S | | | | | 4unos serieg yunoo od4,J, 938yU0010g qyunod selieg qunoo odé, 1, 9389090107 yunoo edA J, 938]00019q 938400010 q qunoo 3dA,L, sod44 pus sojios A10740q qyunod serleg qyunod edAé,J, _—_—_—_—ooOoOOOO OOO OOOO | | ss UO 126 ponulzu0)—sazrs fiq ‘sadfy pup saiuas huayod fo auatindI9Q—'), AIAV I, 127 CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND Anthrop. Pap. No. 57] ot ap ral Fp sae Be Fa Kat a) lotsa alee fasta S| lhc | 5 Pe lai eile aie apg meng o> (Vig) Joy TO) 5 Far aes (lee S| a! a ee eS ee [Too [ee ee cies ul colar U1 aera eo cles [Oe ie Sa onan asbens 2 one eens aaa DODOUMDO Np PUB RIO LEAD AT “70 49 Ee | eg aac cer Ue | a ee ee te ae rae OLS rae ees eo oI ono Gaara reed 038 ‘selleg yoo Au0g 128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 LITERATURE CITED Butts, CHARLES. 1933. Geological map of the Appalachian Valley in Virginia with explanatory text. Virginia Geol. Surv., Bull. 42. 1940. Geology of the Appalachian Valley in Virginia, Virginia Geol. Surv., Bull. 52, pt. 1. Con, JOFFRE. 1952. The cultural sequence of the Caroline Piedmont. Jn Archeology of the eastern United States, ed. by James B. Griffin. Chicago. Cross, Dorotuy. 1941. Archeology of New Jersey. Vol. 1. Trenton, N. J. Evans, CLIFFORD. 1955. A ceramic study of Virginia archeology. With appendix: An analysis of projectile points and blades, by C. G. Holland. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 160. Forp, James A., and WiLitEyY, Gorpon A. 1949. Surface survey of the Vird Valley, Peru. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Anthrop. Pap., vol. 43, pt. 1. FowkK®&, GERARD. 1894. Archeological investigations in the James and Potomac Valleys. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 23. GRIFFIN, JAMES B. 1952. Culture periods in eastern United States archeology. In Archeology of the eastern United States, ed. by James B. Griffin. Chicago. Houuanp C. G. 1949. Contributions to the archeology of Albemarle County, Virginia, Number Four—Preliminary definition of two foci. Archeol. Soc. Virginia, Quart. Bull., vol. 4, No. 2. 1953. The Madison Run Rockshelter in the Shenandoah Natoinal Park. Archeol. Soc. Virginia, Quart. Bull., vol. 7, No. 4. 1955. An analysis of projectile points and large blades. Appendix im A ceramic study of Virginia archeology, by Clifford Evans. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 160. Houuanp, C. G.; Evans, Cuirrorp; and Mrccrrs, Berry J. 1953. The East Mound. Archeol. Soc. Virginia, Quart. Bull., vol. 7, No. 3. See also Evans, Clifford. MacCorp, Howarp A. 1947. A method of standardizing site numbering. Archeol. Soc. Virginia, Quart. Bull., vol. 2, No. 2. [MS., Archeological survey in Virginia during 1947-48 for the Division of 1947— History and Archeology, Virginia Conservation Commission, Com- 48.] monwealth of Virginia. On file with the Archeological Society of : Virginia. 1952. The Susquehannock Indians in West Virginia, 1630-1677. West Virginia Hist., vol. 13, No. 4. Manson, Caru; MacCorp, Howarp A.; and GrirFrin, JAmzs B. 1944. The culture of the Keyser Farm Site. Michigan Acad. Sci., Arts and Letters. Papers, vol. 29. McCary, BEN C. 1949. Survey of Virginia-Folsom points No. 142-161. Archeol. Soc. Virginia, Quart. Bull., vol. 4, No. 1. Nathrop. Pap. CULTURAL PATTERNS, VIRGINIA—HOLLAND 129 Scumitt, Karu. 1952. Archeological chronology of the Middle Atlantic States. Jn Archeol. of the eastern United States, ed. by James B. Griffin. Chicago. VALENTINE Museum, THE. 1898. Opening address of the president, act of incorporation, constitution, by-laws and catalogue of collections. Richmond, Va. 1903. Report of the exploration of the Hayes’ Creek Mound, Rockbridge County, Va. Explored Sept. 1901 by Edward P. Valentine for the Valentine Museum, Richmond, Virginia. Richmond, Va. WITTHOFT, JOHN. 1947. Smooth-base projectile points from eastern Pennsylvania. Pennsyl- vania Archeologist, vol. 16, No. 4, pp. 123-130, Milton, Pa. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 173 Anthropological Papers, No. 58 AN INTRODUCTION TO PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—THE DISMAL RIVER ASPECT By JAMES H. GUNNERSON 131 iat i i of e bi fo Nyy Ble) is , ' a en iy : ‘i a 0 Y i a tea : int ihn me wer, epee arscscer in ccm - nl bo ndldy ale ' pat cere aa Bie reper mune be oar rau pth croissant : 2) ' te 4 tp i 5 ae “ i: a te 7 | reo _ WOrraT pany: 1 vie LOSER, hae . et OM > yolondsl napeerad to Mea) a a | Bit ottalgf ine. “< . aan rat rm ee ecto elven tahoelrti aterm ne : 1 gS oar tat tr ere inerrant Geer ee CONTENTS PAGE 1 EER S11 a ee ee a ee ae oh ier 139 IntroguctiOneamee se he See aoe aa re eee see eee co ee 141 ReVICWLOL DEOVIOUS WOU... <20—sasocce ee once eee 141 Environinentalsetping! o2-eo6. one ooo ot oe ee ee 143 Desompbion of Wisma River Sites. ooo soc en ce ate eee ee 145 Excavations in Harlan County Reservoir__________..___.___-.-__- 145 STURGI 7a) G CIO 57/5: a te 2 ea emp ec el a at Mi a Es Pe vente are ee 145 Ttroduchione wert secrete ete eee ey: eats cena 145 PinivarGnmental sectloe oe oe ee sk eee ete 145 [IQ USCS Bee tes Oe ee cme ew one i sh a er SOR 146 FRGABUINE SOLE ae = tat nae nk See SS oe ee 158 SUN eE LRE = Ses oe a Sea SO ey eee tee 159 [POLECLY Eres Sasa ahs ae 2 ele he ea a See tee ee 160 RCTS SUITE] HOY GTS) Se A a Oe a Pa RCT fk OU ae Na By MEMS TIES OS | 165 ING cpt V1 10) 15) a a em me pi dete ae a hapa peerage 172 UCT ETC 01 (ay 2 AR Se A IE i Rp Pee RS A 174 Wiorkomeanells «2.62 oe 5 Seon, Ee SS Se Gaeta eee Ree 175 Buropeamtrade material. 2025 2 oo oe oo oe el 175 Pa Un alere Mamas net ack Seen ee Se ern ene a Ree eee 176 NGPA PEN SS D102 1) 2s A EN Se a i IanO he Ee 177 Mendrochronology. (Nees. eo a ee ee ee Se Wit BUrlalsee Se Sa neo ee oes eee ete Ae nye ae ah 178 SOUTER 8 wees Lo ae ee ee Re Ai Ra te as 178 Sibepo nea Oat | olan oh See en ee ee ee ee 179 Sanciatisinitenem sat ae sees oe hae anda ce Nae peeks pee 180 Int ROGUCHONAM ase ee eee Ln Cee et Ker Ee 180 Pnvironmental sectimm@s 2 eae es aoe 180 Siter2o EO leans Ae be se ee ee een ogee oa 181 RYLUGN: SETAE ae a eee ee Sen ee ee ee a ein i ee 181 pope ti) GO Re, A Bie Veer al 7 ar Oe WR ae AO SR APU ES eae 181 Sty er HTT G0 1). ate et ep a ae chet ea rae ee ana a ES De WC eee 182 Sitey2 Su @ (eee ede ee Nowe ee ee eh tha eae 183 MN TROCUC HOMES Se tet ey ety ee ee 2a oe © ed ley 183 1 ECON TET Sat i a RU i 9 A a INS 184 WOT kere S UO Meters a hares ts ot anon Lie Re a eee dake ae 185 Wiorksingbone meats ose 2 ese ea cn ete mn! ler eee 186 \Wecapel keer ate oH ov) U aricept a a oy as sha NS ae Sa Ps ORS 187 fivsaecmeateriilee oo 8 5. he eT eee ee 187 Siteq2 5il@ Qua Renee ee riya ele Jan leey yes on atee Oe eerie 187 SIbEe2 FL @) 2 eer Reena tren fie nee he ee en ny ae eee ae 187 HDR WOIGUD KCB Te 1s CO et © es ie a a a AG ee Ee mae 187 FTL LACIE 2 RR ero Ba fc ee mC RC PE APN va PO Re Ye 188 LESH Sze Uw Me Hh sa mn ty el Sap al el ai RRP COO ATS E ApY I Ee 188 POGOe eee ae Cg take ag bee ee acs 189 Worn i sLOne ars cee meetin an ye e 2 ae Aec ae oe 193 134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Description of Dismal River sites—Continued Sandhills sites—Continued Site 25HO21—Continued PAGE Workin bone sapien ceils 0 Nae Fe Ya eRe ape pane ae 198 MTradesmaterialeeies eco 2) Ate ee cee ee ee 204 Vegetal remains: 22. eis Ley uo ey ee ee ee 204 Summary, and iconclusions:. 2.0 Pee ete eee eee 204 Site! 25 O24 ewer a oh ee eee ee ee 205 Brae Chr CGT ra ee ea ara a ey ee ee 205 1 EO. i 296 emi er a ea ei RN ONL AR gS NS Dee he 1 205 Wiorkolnistoness 2 ope Cl eS Panne ekg sl aR et eae ase ooo ee 206 NWOT KE in TW OMe cee em teere sr ty ee sine, ae ROR EC hee payee eae 206 SSL Sra XG) lg lg Wr yal ag ar pide a RS Wi NUS hg orga! 207 SST eee & UO 4 UReiag ap mteh elnetR pr GIN A ben, gai sy eh S alll iecr ta hylan 207 Siten 2 OS 29 on eRe ns ore Bie Ce ay meee) teh a 207 See DAY eee a ee on NOE a ek Re ye inten ah ena rk coe era 207 Ny HS 3a7 0) 7-1 a eau Ee eM UO Sr OU SE RA as Le a am ahs a ho 208 POD UE S105 O17 amen aa Dh Wied TYP GTS CRORE CE 2 i i IY eel Re | 208 FOr] EVP A G7 Sm PR iA CA TN RS A TMG oh ad ar 208 Sy eig’-15 | (o/.4! acetal pe Al A ee Aen) ea DLP be RTS Ny 208 Site‘ 2b DT Maan eee eo Ras DES eee Se ny see Steir on nnn eee 208 Sites, im Lincoln County, Nebraska: 22050. Galen 2 ne eee eee 209 POU eng} 0 U7 pm lah mln a A SE PN a yy Rr oh a eke NOE MPT OF LAN 209 Site o WING Selo Aas See OR Ce he ee Aline See rere as eee 210 Site ZolmNAC Se Me Oe SOE De Dee ete hie a eu cele a a 210 Site Zot Sess oe PE A Ee ae eae erie ne ee ae 210 Site Zo INGS2 Sse e Lr ween ee SR ye relies Pee eee 211 STHe NZ TING ort oe ek et es SN ns we ie ah es le ap Palit Sitet2 FIGING Se Sey Ret cee ie ee ih ee ra dos lpeeece nate Se eed, 1g PAL Sitet2 HUNG Sea ae ee Se ee ae es Tee eed Oe neh eae 212 Nites ‘in’southweéstern’ Nebraska. 00.50 [il 2 05 SUT e ee ee 212 SICe IZ OC PSS tte eee SS ON CN ee re hte nel Re ee 212 Tit rOGUCtiOM see a so ete ate he eel a a arene eees oe He 212 Siruichureses= 22 2 oo SNe es tee ea ee eee pe eas eee 212 POttenyas a ae See ne Bee aad ee eT CU EN ce eee nen Serta ee 213 Wier Simnist om etter es ED tia eee ea an 214 Work in“bone-and antlers oo es er 215 Mrade materials cso See el ete aces ea ceed ieee a 215 Banal remainseo se fee ka eels en en eer cole 216 Wecetal rename iets en eS ical oe Re a ele ee 216 Dendrochronology.o "23075 Teer ee Se sere heen oe 216 WS Tat See Se mR ci tera poe tn oe nV EN eae ee ne 216 OHI S}ay'4a | Op & AY (aaa Ra aie Ae tae meter aston d terme rede til Shey eee ee I 216 MiteyZoOM eG. ee Loe” te SST SS eee Bee aa ee ee 216 SIGE 25 ates te eis oe Tae Serie a een oe ae eee ale 217 Sites2bUNGS Ls OS. None e se eee e Cee eee ae be em et a ete ae PALS Ta GO GUT CGI NS ae a ea elec epee eo 217 ECO RTM PUGS eae ade ot tae hes eo TR Oe ee ge 217 Pottery see ees EOS PEE OE ht ee cee ap eee ees eee eee ce 218 Work in tstone: 225.00 Peta Mee Eee eee eas 219 Work intbonerseatn ht tt tet te Ch ee ese ERO rahe 220 "TraAds AE Al oe te ach aie eee ae ee Ge 221 Notagg? Pap. PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON Description of Dismal River sites—Continued Sites in southwestern Nebraska—Continued ie Ste ce ea eg a ala Bien Colonia 2epeeses 6 fe No a 4 ey es cee bP oe BLOM OO boli memwrar ot. ee co ah oR Nh lg ope A a Bites Golesi a ame ge oe Le ye le) ee a DLUCHOOlOS Hs elias 22 a a 2k eet Gites 9 LT pe iy Ta Site Colo.H:14:11 Poni 2s OFC) [ca 5 ie nee oI Te crate EM MOET Sept meieeey Bren pre apr UEP ys Bite Wolode Agen fost be ys tte a Ns eh ee ibe Colo SEG Ges ew ete a sy LUC COHOS xr iG ore cesta i eee ns ae ee ter COLOR Hee RR Rl am Bape le ae en care +h a ne Srbe | Colo S24 eee Pyet bh AAT EY Po 8 no ee ee es ee SPITS MO. 0)(Opg)\ TEL 1 ui Mell Ms deltas ee eg Pepe ee ee es ae Bite Colon MeO, 2 seas 28h SE nt Fol: Ee ep a fee ee ape a GEC COLON IN le en Sy Be Nels RE oh sek arly Ene Ble etn Mem elt ee TCR VEt ES LUC em Se eee Rech Sense Shem ees eee See nae ee BRS SIRS GIS ES phone! async area any ty re ay ene, em ] Bape 10 |e) aerey i parent turk mma pl ede Peles faye NE ote lp Reel sn Seto. Se Seer dat Weld County, peneral Sitese see ce nee eee & Soa SS Uey LU UOY elt Isle he aha 9b acl eel th a afi oS nba mea eager te Sites un soutuess tern” ColoradG t= "=e Be ees oe tn ee PSE Sad 201 10 jars I Ey Es SS Rit ae AN ae et nil de Rng a RN, Mee hehe AAR, IRCA GOs cura cere eae ete Seine epee Re meena a. aw, Aye ee eee re Spal.) 03 fol Osta yo nate teen tambo ene betel are hte get ahs te lace nario ias tt Brarerdn ta. ube DUCE AO OLOm Yoel aici ees meee went os aR fea ae ee nD eee ms ee Site Colom cal 4 len ere welts een Be aa ome ne ee enone, eee SLE OOM i ate eee eke sy asses ere e Sasa ene ee See ene Siler Colosaco nL Sees aaa ie 5 ae aL eis Lt SO eee ives Coloe Zio 1422 Memes press tie es tate ed ayer wy eon etl Jo ae A ENE en ee ee Sitesi southeastern= Wyomling==*<0 22202 eo a Pe eee SET end 101) Sei bd ol ae posed taba edn ak bth en thal an Mie pel ec ane hay Sf any fe roi sy Ney SG Jal Op ha Lek aN chealne e Mi ns Miah Sg GiGi: nmeallardin ples Mibyctccge: nade Since a OH WAG tes toner ered earn t <4 Heo in heel eres ee 136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Description of Dismal River sites—Continued PAGE Sites:in southwestern South Dakota 2 Ve_ 72 2s Ea ee A 237 Site-3OP AAD ois uate aes 4 2 os Srna Se oe Fe ATS SOB 237 Site-3OF ASS onda wis ws oe Son ee ee Hahn ol of Ee EEA 237 Site-in: western Mandas (14561): = 2-22 = es Se ee 237 Migmasa) Riverrelationship ses wa. oe ee ee Ee De 238 Plains-Dismal-River relationships; = ==2s==222s22ss2215>.2 85 9S. __ 238 Pecos-DismaliRiver-relationships 2=222222==22=s25=2-= 2 See 241 Promontory-Dismal River relationships_-_______-___-_------------ 244 Pescription ofethesDismalohiver-Aspect=—==4525= = —= 95s ae eee 245 Subsist eee ice: pee mv be oA oe te Es Lee > + een eR 245 Technolocy ints stag a + & 5 ~ ois 0 5 aie IRIS IIT SER o_o 245 Toolsyandsimplementss == 5 25.24 sh > Sou pale a eB ees 248 SS GIA C GUL me Sees hdr ae 8 a bck 9 se Nee eo ie ch ns 248 A dOrnIMeriti aah a= 4s © a= sn on = Mie nie ico alte Leones enn OES eae 250 IESG Wisk Tn GG i Rie San dh 2 ee om 2 lim ene in alee oo sd iar ee OE eA ae ne 251 RNeliotonvandsmorbuUaryeC St O Nis yess eee ee ee rene ee eee 251 Summarnryaandconclusion === === sss wu lk meee = eek ebenan ie sLreyabe nen ee 251 Appendix 1. Classification of the sites of the Dismal River Aspect--_____ 253 Appendix 2. Sources of information concerning Dismal River sites____-__ 255 St oli ori i yeh 2 we aw de eee te me be hie a eS ace ton oe eC eee 258 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES FOLLOWING PAGE J. View lookineeast-across' 25EUNS( 2 2i see. 22 eee oe eee 260 2. View across excavations for Houses I, II, and III, 25HN37________-- 260 3. a, House I, 25H N37, with postholes reopened. 6, House III, 25HN37, with’ postholes:reopened #22 eee eee eee ee eee eee 260 4. a, House IV, 25H N37, with postholes reopened. 6, House V, 25H N37, with postholes"in) Cross Sectlon= a= — == Soe oe ee ee eee 260 5. a, House VI, 25HN37, with charred poles left on floor. 6, After charred! poles*were- removed) ies. 6 be ee i ee ae 260 6. a, Charred poles on floor of House VI, 25H.N37. 6, Iron ax embedded in, fireplace/of louse Vil 25 RUNG (eee ere eee ee ee ee 260 é- Cross’ section ofia) rosstine pitrat; 25 RUNS (a2 he ee ee 260 8. Restored pottery vessels trom’ 25CH ln eee 260 9; Unusual Dismal River ot tery cra Oe pean eae 260 10: Decorated Dismal River potteryess-2 2-5 eee ee 260 11. a—c, Pottery pipe fragments from 25HO21. d-—f, Gravers from 25HN37. g-z, Smoothed pieces of caliche from 25HN37_______-- 260 2) Projectilespoints from 25 ENG 22222 —. eee 260 3. sProjectile points droms2 5 O20 aa aeee eee eG lege eee epee 260 14. Drillstrom 25TUNS7ec2 ooo tee ee ee 260 Ee DEB igci cots 4st 500). A a eet ee eee Sewell eee ee 260 1.6;: Konives from! 25 HUNG (2 oc er na ee ek ee 260 Ag. KNIVES POM: SOO 2 ace oe Saye De alge ea a eee 260 Ug: ‘Choppers TrOMIN2 DEIN Geo ee eee Siegen eee le 260 10: End) scrapers tromse oEING (2 eat oe ee ee ee a ge ee eee 260 20. Scrapers with tangs or projections (a—f and h) and gravers (g and 17) from 25HO2U. (ate endl ee eee Se ck ache a ore a 260 Anthrop. Pap. PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 22. End scrapers with projections or tangs from 25HN37_____-_-------- 23. a-c, Sandstone abraders from 25HN37. d, Metate from 25HN37-_-_-.- Qa Sandstone: bradersmromec ot) ail ee eee 25) Ground stone artitacts tram 25O2)) 2. ee ee DGMAWOLKeEGsbOne frOmMnc oO HUNG ipsam ee ee eee a ee eg 27. Triangular bone awls (a—c) and awl butts (d-e) from 25HO21________ 28. Splinter bone awls (a—c) and flat bone awls (d—e) from 25HO21_-_-___-_ 29RAVWorkedsbone trom) collO2i ese eee. eee Soa jo ee 305) Bonesandiantier artifacts trom) 2oO21 e285 22 2 see ee eee 31. Bone spatulas (a, b) and worked rib sections (c, d) from 25HO21____- SY MNMorad eel oronaey an roreny PADIS OPN SS se ee es Se ZowaAWVOrkedsponetrom co ODN pee 22) Sees ee ee ere eee S4esBonersools trom eo lOZ es we iee sD eye 2 Te Ti ee aie See SHAMS Ole wil Os lt eTs mtr OTM ia a ey ELON fest mee nea a ne oe 36. Scapula digging tools: a and c from 25HO21; 6 from 25HN37_-___-- 37. Iron ax found in the fireplace of House VI, 25HN37___----_--------- aoe uropean erage items Irom 2OuING (ot oe ee ee eee TEXT FIGURES PSD IsIAMIVel/ Sites oe Soa oes Mle tk Sa ee a eR if. Ground plan of House i 2bH NS? 2. 2.20425 42--2 2-2 eee oe Sse Se 15: ‘Ground plan. ofiexcavation 2.ate25H NST. 2) sae oe de pete be SEL 6 Groundsplaniot Mouse TL, 2OHINS 7 226-262 2 ee le aS eS = dive Ground: pliner House LU) 2bEING/. 220. 92 so oe ec ce eee je Groundsplan of HouselV, 2obU Nad. 2 =o eek os cee coe aces 1G: «Ground; plan of House V5; 25EINS7 2.22022. ste le eee 20-5Ground plan.of House Vi, 25EUN37 oesee ices: cS el eet 2k Jb ate se ee Die Classificationschart forschipped points e ee eee a ee ae 2oovbap-forms,OL Dismal Riverypottery = 2022 22.0 Seo s8 seo eee 25. lip Gecoration of Dismal: River potiery.- ------2=~.-.--+--s2-=-5- 22 Rim pronics of Dismal River pottery =- = 25. -.222.-.=.-222 22224024 were ete a pene SII PREFACE Much of the data presented in this paper was obtained by agencies cooperating in the Missouri River Basin archeological salvage pro- gram. The main body of information comes from site 25HN37, in the Harlan County Reservoir, south-central Nebraska, and from sites 25HO7, 25HO21, and 25HO24 in the potential Mullen Reservoir area in Hooker County, north-central Nebraska. The River Basin Sur- veys conducted its initial reconnaissance in these areas in 1946 and 1947, respectively. Excavations at 25HN37 were carried out by the University of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology, under the direc- tion of John L. Champe. Excavation at the Mullen Reservoir sites was conducted by the Nebraska State Historical Society Mu- seum, briefly under A. T. Hill and subsequently under the direction of Marvin F. Kivett. Data obtained from the potential Platte Reservoir area in Wyoming and the Angostura Reservoir area in South Dakota by initial survey parties of the River Basin Surveys have also been considered. In the summer of 1949 the University of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology, sponsored a reconnaissance, carried out by J. H. and D. A. Gunnerson, to augment data bearing on the geographical dis- tribution of the Dismal River Aspect. The results of that survey have been included here. A number of institutions made previously collected material avail- able for study. The following should receive special thanks: the Uni- versity of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology; the Nebraska State Historical Society Museum; Smithsonian Institution, Missouri River Basin Survey; the University of Denver; the University of Colorado Museum; the Robert S. Peabody Foundation Museum at Phillips Andover Academy; and the University of Utah. Most of the material presented here was included in a thesis sub- mitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the master of arts degree at the University of Nebraska. Research leading to the thesis was supervised by John L. Champe. His guidance in the field and laboratory and his advice and encouragement during the prep- aration of the manuscript are largely responsible for whatever contri- bution this paper may represent. Marvin F. Kivett has been most generous with time and information; particularly, he read the manu- script in thesis form and offered valuable suggestions for revision. I 139 140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 am indebted to George Metcalf for the stimulation provided by numer- ous discussions of the problems involved. Harry E. Weakly’s dendrochronological analysis of the charcoal from 25HN37, resulting in the establishment of a date for the site, was a contribution of major importance. Anna O. Shepard kindly provided technical advice on pottery analysis and examined some of the pottery personally. Much of the faunal material from Hooker County sites was identified by Theodore White. Weldon Frank- forter identified faunal material from 25HN37 and some of the bone artifacts from Hooker County. Other individuals who have assisted in various ways include Frank H. H. Roberts, Jr., Waldo R. Wedel, Jesse D. Jennings, E. Mott Davis, Arnold Withers, Herbert Dick, Paul Cooper, and Robert Cumming. Among the local people throughout the Dismal River area whose assistance and hospitality are warmly remembered are Robert D. Stephenson, Carl Humphrey, Howard Dodd, R. W. Haines, H. H. McConnell, and Robert Halsey. Dolores Gunnerson assisted in all stages of the endeavor from the reconnaissance of the Dismal River area through preparation of the final manuscript. J. H. G. AN INTRODUCTION TO PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—THE DISMAL RIVER ASPECT By James H. GuNNERSON INTRODUCTION The Dismal River Aspect is an archeological complex occurring in western Nebraska, western Kansas, eastern Colorado, and southeast- ern Wyoming. The complex, which received its name from the dis- covery sites on the Dismal River in north-central Nebraska, has been dated at circa 1700 and is now generally attributed to Plains Apache. Dismal River material culture is simple and indicates that the sub- sistence pattern emphasized hunting, but that agriculture was prac- ticed. The sites are semipermanent villages or temporary camps ap- parently chosen with little concern for defensibility. The complex might be described as an abbreviated version of some of the better known and more ‘‘typical’’ Plains complexes, with several distinctive additions, but it could probably be even better characterized as having an alien base with an overlay of Central Plains traits. There is evi- dence linking the Dismal River people to the Southwest, but thus far their relationship to the Plains seems closer. REVIEW OF PREVIOUS WORK Components of the Dismal River Aspect were first identified by A. T. Hill, W. D. Strong, and W. R. Wedel through reconnaissance in western Nebraska in the early 1930’s. Strong reported the dis- covery sites on the Dismal River (Strong, 1932, pp. 152-155; 1935, pp. 212-217). Wedel (1935, pp. 180-182) described the brief investi- gations at 25FT9 in southwestern Nebraska. He has also presented a preliminary report of the excavations at 14SC1 in west-central Kansas (Wedel, 1940 a, pp. 83-86). At Signal Butte, Strong (1935, pp. 225-239) found Dismal River pottery occurring in the most recent occupation level along with Upper Republican pottery. At Ash Hollow Cave it was possible to distinguish the Dismal River and Upper Republican manifestations stratigraphically, and Dismal River was found to be the more recent of the two (Champe, 1946, pp. 19, 46, 62, 111). 471762—60-——10 141 142 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 The collections made by E. B. Renaud during his surface recon- naissance of eastern Colorado in the early 1930’s contain Dismal River pottery. However, Renaud did not relate his finds specifi- cally to complexes being described in Nebraska, and his terminology is such that one cannot always determine when he is referring to Dismal River pottery in his reports (Renaud, 1931, 1932, 1933, 1935). There are indications in certain of his reports that he may also have collected Dismal River pottery from northeastern New Mexico (Renaud, 1937, 1946). The chronological position of the Dismal River Aspect in the culture sequence established for the Central Great Plains has been discussed by Wedel (1940b, p. 323; 1947, pp. 151-152; 1949 b, p. 329). Datable southwestern sherds and pottery pipes, as well as Great Bend sherds, were found with Dismal River material at the Scott County Pueblo site in west-central Kansas. This trade material suggests a date of circa 1700 for the Dismal River Aspect, supporting the more exact dendrochronological datings obtained by Harry E. Weakly for the sites in Nebraska (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, p. 205; Weakly, 1946, pp. 105-110). The first detailed Dismal River site report was that of excavations by the Nebraska State Historical Society at the Lovitt Site, 25CH1, in southwestern Nebraska (Hill and Metcalf, 1942). This work set up an artifact inventory for the Dismal River Aspect and demon- strated the existence of one focus, the Stinking Water Focus, to which 25CH1, 25DN1, and 25FT9 were assigned. Champe (1949), in the preliminary report of the archeology of White Cat Village, presented important new evidence on Dismal River houses and assigned the site to the Stinking Water Focus. Recently, Metcalf (1949) has suggested three pottery types for the Aspect; Lovitt Plain, Lovitt Simple Stamped, and Lovitt Mica Tempered. Smith (1949) was able to secure an identification of micaceous sherds (Lovitt Mica Tempered) occurring with Dismal River sand-tempered ware at the Scott County, Kansas, Pueblo Site. These sherds were classified by Tichy as “late Rio Grande micaceous culinary ware.” The relationship of the Dismal River Aspect to other archeological complexes has been considered by various archeologists. Keur (1941, p. 74) has suggested that Dismal River might be ancestral Navaho, but its chronological position precludes such a relationship. Huscher and Huscher (1943) have intimated that stone enclosures in Colorado may have some connection with Dismal River, but they have reached no definite conclusions in the matter. Anthrop. Pap. pLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 143 Speculations concerning the identity of the Dismal River people have appeared in print since 1935 (Strong, 1935, pp. 212-217; Wedel, 1935, p. 181), with more recent works favoring some Apache tribes as the most probable candidates (Hill and Metcalf, 1942, pp. 164-165, 212-213; Wedel, 1940 b, p. 323; 1947, pp. 151-152). Champe (1949, p. 292), in his preliminary report of White Cat Village, supplemented the scanty ethnohistorical data with new cartographic evidence and presented a systematic discussion of the problem, together with a tentative identification of the Dismal River people “with the Cuarte- lejo and Paloma Apache and other Lipanan peoples of Apacheria of 1700.” In the opinion of Wedel the new evidence presented by Champe ‘virtually clinches” the identity of the Dismal River people (Wedel, 1949 b, p. 329). Secoy (1951) criticized Champe’s method but arrived at essentially the same conclusions. This report presents new archeological data, much of which was obtained in connection with the Missouri River Basin Survey archeo- logical salvage program, and utilizes both published and unpublished data toward a comprehensive description of the Dismal River Aspect. ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING The Dismal River people inhabited three somewhat varied portions of the Central Plains area,! the High Plains, the Sandhills, and the Colorado Piedmont (fig 13). The High Plains form a broad, monoto- nously flat belt from 100 to 200 miles wide. They reach from Texas al- most to the Black Hills of South Dakota and include the western parts of Nebraska and Kansas as well as eastern Colorado. In this ‘‘short- grass country’? west of the hundredth meridian, the yearly rainfall averages less than 15 inches. Trees, mainly willow and cottonwood, were restricted for the most part to stream valleys, as were such edible wild fruits as chokecherries, plums, and elderberries (?). The uplands were covered with short grass of several varieties, and yucca, cactus, and sagebrush were to be found. With normal rainfall the grass could support an abundance of game, including bison, antelope, mule deer, prairie dogs, coyotes, and prairie chickens. Only the stream valleys were suited to primitive agriculture, however, and even there the success of crops was closely related to the amount of rainfall. To the northeast, in Nebraska, the High Plains merge with the sparsely grassed dunes of the Sandhills, where the Loup, Calamus, and Dismal Rivers have cut deep valleys. Again, trees are confined to narrow strips along the watercourses. Small lakes and marshes formed by sand-blocked streams are common. 1 Wedel’s discussions of the Plains as the environmental setting for aboriginal existence render summary descriptions of the area necessarily repetitious (Wedel, 1940 b, 1941, 1953). 144 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Ficure 13.—Dismal River sites. Erosion of the western edge of the High Plains loess mantle has resulted in the rugged zone known as the Colorado Piedmont. Near the foot of the Rocky Mountains it is better watered and supports more vegetation than either the High Plains proper or the Sandhills. The rivers of the Plains flow east, providing east-west travel routes. Their tributaries, though often small, would have assured north- and south-bound travelers a source of water between the major streams. In general, the area to which the Dismal River people were restricted, by choice or by other factors, favored a subsistence economy based on hunting, but it did not preclude agriculture on a limited scale, and there is evidence to indicate that the Dismal River people took advantage of horticulture opportunities. Nogay Fae PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 145 DESCRIPTION OF DISMAL RIVER SITES EXCAVATIONS IN HARLAN COUNTY RESERVOIR SITE 25HN37 INTRODUCTION Site 25HN37 (White Cat Village) is located at the eastern edge of the region inhabited by the Dismal River people. It is in an area more favorable to a hunting-farming economy than any other in which Dismal River sites have yet been found. The preliminary survey of 25H.N37 was made in the summer of 1946 by a party representing the Missouri River Basin Survey of the Smithsonian Institution. Mem- bers of the party, Marvin F. Kivett and J. M. Shippee, were able to locate the fireplaces of three houses, as well as several concentrations of refuse, by means of small test excavations. In 1948, a summer field school conducted by the Laboratory of Anthropology, University of Nebraska, under the direction of John L. Champe, made more extensive excavations at the site. A preliminary report of this work has been published (Champe, 1949). In 1949, the Laboratory’s second summer field school continued excavations at the site. Part of the additional information obtained in 1949 was reported briefly at the Seventh Plains Conference for Archeology (Gunnerson and Gunnerson, MS.). Further work has been done at the site subsequent to 1949 but the results were not available for inclusion. ENVIRONMENTAL SETTING Harlan County (Moran, Covell, and Abashkin, 1930) is part of a broad, loess-mantled plain which slopes gently eastward and which has been modified by the valleys of the Republican River, Sappa Creek, and Prairie Dog Creek, whose intermittent tributaries have cut it into a series of divides, seldom over a mile wide. Several terraces occur along the larger streams, including Prairie Dog Creek. The native deciduous trees, chiefly willow, ash, elm, boxelder, hackberry, and cottonwood, are confined to the watercourses. The climate of Harlan County is characterized by wide seasonal variations, with rather long and cold winters. The springs are usually cool with considerable precipitation. The fall season is long with moderate temperatures and only occasional rainy periods. The average growing season is 151 days, between May 4th and October 2d. The mean annual rainfall is about 20 inches, 80 percent of which occurs between April 1st and October Ist. Precipitation in July and August, however, is frequently rather low, and this factor, together with strong, hot winds which accelerate evaporation, sometimes causes short droughts. Crop failures, however, are rare. 146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Much of the bottom land in the county is Hall Silt Loam, a fertile soil with high powers of moisture retention, which has produced large yields of corn under modern cultivation methods. The land was covered with an abundant growth of prairie grass before 1870, the year when the first white settlers arrived. Such grass, along with water and a broken terrain, would have assured the presence of game. Site 25HN37 is located about 6 miles southeast of Alma, Nebr., in Harlan County, just south and southwest of the center of sec. 24, T. 1 N., R. 18 W. The village extends approximately 1,000 feet along a terrace which forms the north bank of Prairie Dog Creek at that point, and surface material is fairly abundant over an area 250 feet wide. The village itself is nearly level, with a slight rise to the north. On the south there is an abrupt drop to the creek 30 feet below. On the west and southwest, the terrace slopes gradually down to bottom land which is flooded occasionally by the Prairie Dog. This stream follows a meandering course, but is swift flowing and contains water throughout the year. It is spring fed and has a shale bottom in places. About 3 miles below the site it empties into the Republican River. The country around 25HN37 is rough, for drainage has resulted in the carving of steep-sided canyons, leaving only tongues of the original plain. The people living at 25HN37, then, enjoyed the advantages of a level, well-drained site close to water, timber, and land tillable by primitive methods, surrounded by country which offered prospects of good hunting in all directions. Completion of the Harlan County Dam in 1951 and the subsequent impounding of water has profoundly altered the environs of 25HN37. One branch of the reservoir, reaching up the Prairie Dog well beyond the site, covers the bottom lands at normal pool, and at maximum pool the village itself will be submerged. HOUSES A comparison of the first six house patterns excavated at White Cat Village indicates that structures with five main posts were most common. Five of the six houses were represented by five postholes, nearly evenly spaced around a fireplace. The other house (House TI), had six postholes, symmetrically spaced. The six house patterns had an average radius of 6.8 feet considering the fireplace as the center and the circle of post molds as the circumference. All were nearly the same size, ranging from 5.9 to 7.5 feet in radius. There were several smaller postholes scattered around most of the house areas, but they formed no particular pattern. In the case of four houses, however, there was a pair of posts opposite the east side of the pentagon and about twice as far from the fireplace as the main Ratha. Pap. pLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 147 @ B a6 = @ ve & Postholes 6 Q 5. 10 Fireplace © eet Figure 14.—Ground plan of House I, 25HN37. Posthole data Eostholese = sears ae ee a ee mes 52 ee A B (& D E M N Mepthi(feet) mao s-n 2 cess a 1.4 1S 0.9 1.0 il eal 0.9 Diameter (feet) oa 2-22 oe at/ 8 .7 7 SU) 4 4 postholes. These pairs of postholes were spaced on an average of 5.3 feet apart. The position of these paired posts in relation to the houses suggests that they represent part of an entrance structure. House I.—House I (fig. 14 and pl. 3, a) at White Cat Village was represented by five main postholes arranged symmetrically around a fireplace, with two additional postholes to the east which probably represent part of an entrance. The main postholes formed a circle about 15 feet in diameter. House I and House II overlapped (fig. 15) so that the fireplaces were some 6 feet apart. The floors of the two lodges could not be distinguished, hence no stratigraphy could be established. The artifacts from these two houses are listed together in table 1. House IT.—House II (fig. 16 and pl. 2) is represented by six post- holes arranged symmetrically around a fireplace, but no evidence of possible entrance postholes was observed. Five of the six postholes were easily located at the floor level, but the arrangement suggested the presence of a sixth posthole near the fireplace of House I. This sixth post was found but only after cutting through part of the floor at the edge of the hearth of the House I fireplace. Posthole A (fig. 16) was interpreted as representing an auxiliary post set beside posthole 148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 ; Feet Postholés of House I e Postholes of House II 0 Other postholes e Fireplace of HouuseI @ Fireplace of House II © Ficure 15.—Ground plan of excavation 2, 25HN37. A’, perhaps to strengthen a weak portion of the structure. The main postholes formed a circle about 14 feet in diameter. The only clue to the relative age of Houses I and II was the oblitera- tion of one of the postholes of House II near the fireplace of House I. It would appear that activity around the fireplace (of House I) probably obliterated the posthole of the earlier house (House II). The floors were just beneath the lowest level of cultivation, which makes it seem unlikely that the houses had been much more than 8 inches deep. In some places the floors had been furrowed by the plow. A small trash-filled pit was found within the area excavated for Houses I and II. It does not seem to represent an integral part of either of the houses and will be discussed as a separate feature. qnthrop. Pap. PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 149 @ ea! : @ A ® © C & F & ® E D Postholes @ V4.4 __10 Fireplace (© eet Ficure 16.—Ground plan of House II, 25HN37. Posthole data Posthole sane so nee san ae ee sea ceeeaas=e A NG _=&B Cc D E ly Depth (fect) a_ ea. 2===-~ 5.2. h-ee Fess 1.0 15) 1.4 15 5 1.0 1.4 Diameterg (tect) see = ee eee ean .8 5S Sif 8 7 7 otf TaBLE 1.—Artifacts from Houses I and II Description Number Comment Pottery: 153 Ui Ss ae ee ee 4 Ody Beek Pet ee ee Bs 270 Stone, worked: Seraperss=<= =<. 2-<-<-s525- @ Qe ee ee Feet Postholes e@ Fireplace ©) Ficure 18.—Ground plan of House IV, 25HN37. Posthole data Pant hole iss eee ee te Es WR A B ic D E M N Depth (feet) i= == ae eee oo ee eee aes 1.3 12 1.2 1.3 0.8 Not recorded Diameters(feet) sas eo ee ee ese eee ees .8 .8 AY) nt At 0.5 0.5 fireplace at about floor level. The significance of this area is unknown. The artifacts from this house are listed in table 3. TABLE 3.—Artifacts from House IV Description Number Comments Pottery: iBonestmworked ore. - sate a tee ads s8 eee 8 oe siete Shell san workedssa2 - sce se5 eae een eae co ceneccee ne aaecssessseene=e= House V.—House V (fig. 19 and pl. 4, 6) was represented by five postholes symmetrically arranged around a fireplace, and two addi- tional postholes that probably represent an entrance. The main postholes formed a circle about 14 feet in diameter. An excavation approximately 19 feet in diameter was made around the fireplace and was extended an additional 7 feet to the east in order to locate the entrance postholes. The house was unusual in that no extra postholes and no artifacts were found within the area excavated. 152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 8 F ® EB 6 D e@ O G 8 ) CG A i) B Postholes @ 0 5 A 10 Fireplace © fest) vane Ficure 19.—Ground plan of House V, 25HN37. Posthole data Rostholes.22 ee bat ton UNO Ri wen pene eee A B Cc D E F G Depth (feet) eee = ae eo ares 0.9 1.0 ul 1.0 1.0 0.8 0.6 Diameteri(feet) aaa setae ee ens 9 -8 as -8 BTA 55 Al House VI.—House VI (fig. 20 and pl. 5) had been burned and consequently it provided much information concerning house struc- ture which was not available from the other houses. Again, in this house there were five main postholes arranged symmetrically around a fireplace. No evidence of entrance postholes could be found, how- ever. The main postholes formed a circle about 14 feet in diameter. Seven additional postholes were found within or very near House VI. All but one of these were small and none of them seemed to represent a part of the structure. Just outside of the circle of main postholes was a band of earth burned red and orange and containing a great deal of charcoal. This band, although not burned to a solid color, could be followed about three-fourths of the way around the house. The gap was at the east. Part of the burned earth and charcoal had been removed by cultivation, but much of the charcoal had not been disturbed and the orientation of the fallen poles could be determined. The charcoal appeared to be both on top of and surrounded by the burned earth. The outer edge of the burned band was especially sharp to the southwest and the inner edge tended everywhere to thin out gradually. Within the circle of main postholes, charcoal and burned earth were ———— No pay? F#P- PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 153 XV ip Wl, «a seni , i Fafa eee Sayre - $1 ‘ N nie r) D r@ one e 7 e tay 4 7 7 i4 © s 4/, AN t A 74 aS av, A ~ts - B : . y fom \ e%hn-b Eye ( ae (~. eo e ee C) eS Postholes ® Leaner stains ° Feet Charred poles a Ficure 20.—Ground plan of House VI, 25HN37. Posthole data Postholet= sss 22s tie) es SA ee eres A Depeny (reat) eee ae ee es oe eee ae eS 1.3 lp ID TORS (WEN) Res aeeetee ees Leet cepa pes eb pe a ee EO are 5 relatively scarce, but much of the floor was covered with a sooty black stain. On the south side and about a foot beyond the burned area was an arc of eight small round stains rather evenly spaced. These stains, which were interpreted as the impressions of the butts of leaner poles, were brown and black, with charcoal or decayed wood present in four of the eight. Nine other similar stains were found at intervals along the west side of the house. These 17 stains approximate an arc about 25 feet in diameter and concentric with the circle formed by the main postholes. 154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 The interpretation of the stains as the remains of leaner poles is substantiated by the orientation of the pieces of charcoal, many of which lay nearly radially from the center of the house. The sticks in one group, however, lay nearly parallel to one another but almost at right angles to the radius of the house circle (pl. 6, a). A few of these pieces lay over posthole B. Since nearly all of the charred poles lay outside of the circle of main postholes, it seems more logical to interpret these remains as part of the wall structure rather than part of the roof. The charred poles mentioned above which were not lying radially, were in line with some of the small round stains at the south edge of the lodge. Between these poles and stains were some other smaller pieces of charcoal, also lying approximately in line. If it could be assumed that these all represent the same leaners, the leaners would have been at least 9 feet long, the distance from the ends of the charred poles to the stains with which they were in line. The hori- zontal distance from the leaner stains to the circle of main posts is about 41 feet, hence the center posts would have been 7 to 8 feet high if the leaners had terminated at stringers joining the tops of the main posts. The fireplace of this house was not recognized until the main postholes were found, after which it was easily located in the center of the pentagon. It first appeared as a black circle containing a piece of iron, burned bone, hematite, charcoal, burned earth, stone, and ash, all of which suggested a trash-filled pit. Later, when this area was cross sectioned, it was found to be a basin-shaped fireplace containing some refuse and covered with a black sooty material which suggested that the fire had been smothered. The black sooty material contained a considerable amount of hard, shiny, porous substance, some of which appeared fibrous in nature. A small sample of this material was heated in an open crucible over a gas flame. At first a very strong stench like that of burning animal matter was given off. Continued heating resulted in the material’s changing from black to gray and eventually to buff. The iron object in the fireplace proved to be a trade ax (pl. 37) which had been forcibly driven into the fireplace (pl. 6,6). The ax was embedded in the west edge of the fireplace in such a position that the handle would have been pointing east and upward at about 45 degrees, indicating that whoever struck it into the fireplace would have been standing on the east side. Speculation has led to at least two possible explanations for this unusual occurrence. It has been suggested that the ax had been inten- tionally placed in the fire in order to burn out an old handle prior to inserting a new one. In such a case, it might well have been driven NathEgP: Pap. PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 155 deep into the ground to protect the blade from excess heat. If this explanation were correct, it seems unlikely that the ax would have been abandoned even if the house had burned down before it could be re- moved from the fire. The scarcity of trade material at this site and at other Dismal River sites suggests that such an ax would have been an object of considerable value. Another possible explanation for the presence of the ax is that it was left by an enemy who may have fired the house and struck his ax into the fireplace as a sort of coup. Two additional metal objects were found in House VI. A copper jingle (pl. 38, c) was found in the loose dirt in the house while the floor was being leveled. There is little doubt that the jingle came from the floor of the house, but the exact provenience is not known. The other metal object (pl. 38, d) was a piece of sheet brass, about 1.5 cm. wide and 3.4 cm. long. It had been doubled along its short axis but it had not been completely flattened together. It was found below the cultivated soil about 7 feet southeast of the fireplace. A few other artifacts from House VI deserve special mention. iS aA XXXXxX APPENDIX 2 SOURCES OF INFORMATION CONCERNING DISMAL RIVER SITES Given below is a list of the sites mentioned in this paper which are either definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect. The agency or agencies which have material and/or information concerning the site are also listed and are given in the approximate order of the amount of the material in their respective collections. The abbreviations for the agencies follow: WING ALA. 2. ce ope University of Nebraska, Laboratory of Anthropology, Lincoln. INSH S222 22 2eee ae sees Nebraska State Historical Society. SIME BSucs 2 eh ee eS Smithsonian Institution, Missouri River Basin Surveys, Lincoln, Nebr. Of D eae eet? yee University of Denver, Department of Anthropology, Denver. MOR Ce pepe iopnee aay epee eet University of Colorado Museum, Boulder. |G) SE ee ele a ee University ot Kansas Museum of Natural History, Lawrence. 5 5 Ue Ae ee ee een Ce Collection of H. H. McConnell, Boulder, Colo. i 51h (ae A eer OD Collection of R. W. Haynes, Fort Lupton, Colo. ‘SL Cees ee. LA Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. Sites definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect and the agency having information concerning them SITES IN NEBRASKA Site Other name of site Agency ORIN es a I Tele Se) cake Adie ah ied Sra! mal ete | UNLA DSK CAG ss ee SUNN tne | [oh ep eg he Rael Ea Me En ane Pee ae NSHS FS Cees So ole MI EU Se hm A aie 2 se ty 8 Ad ba Seep a NSHS DES OF tes A Ui eC NA a ee i 0 enced et eh e Ace end Se NSHS Ey ODO re eS ee 0 as ra le Sy A eld lle, olin ll NSHS. 2.5 OM ea Re ints SS AS hovitt: Sitewssi ee aes Se NSHS, UNLA PASS GiB E7 (mean aa dere McCallum-Hofer Site___...____-_ } PAR OILS Ua mS PR Reet iad SkeltontSitemes 2252s see ass NSHS. AAS Gl 6 O17. a regain Pathe BakerSites esos aaa ne = ay ba NSHS. ING eee eat rhe Nichols! Sitett 225533245 sss35— NSHS, UNLA EER oS hl AEN All ce ee hoot ese mtg Ah de My a SS a UN LA TED ee ea dee Dick#Sites-se-4=2 5 $= 555509255 NSHS AS Ch DP a ee A Ash Hollows @avete == sesso 2ss22 UNLA. PEN Oia ne White Cat Villsgesn) 22222 2242 UNLA, SIMRBS TW ESOIN A Aero ih or | eS i Oe oh rt wants Br 8! 0 Se mo UNLA. OTE (OES aR Ab AIR Volt od che al ae Pe rae Roe eRe Pere NSHS PES Oy medal au. 82, See Le Sen [liv at SS A ote me Se Voc mel hm Slee te te rhe ke NSHS ADELE UCR Be aR as Soh LUN ed ete aD ancipe nate be ee poet I ee NSHS STEN OVE. Sei Bee ies shod 2 Rl IR ae reall ee eteotgicg a pete e eae nee rage NSHS. Eres bcd CG) ype ak ar pooh 0 Ieee ee hr ae ah gat Dee hy = NSHS, SIMRBS. ELSIE 1 GF et a i owe Sitereee cee l Baril oa 2s 2 on eee SIMRBS. SAR TEU OS) eT ES) 0th Le lnalad eedoad tea as pakende ae et Paes 75) a) 4 CS ole Humphrey Site; Matthews Site_- NSH SIMRBS 25HO24 255 256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Sites definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect and the agency having information concerning them—Continued SITES IN NEBRASKA—Continued Site Other name of site Agency 7450 5 1 0 J (0 ee Rem Ber [hi A i nea ay CRIT NSHS QEETOSUGL LUT OED CANE NE TOOLS RSI, OT Ee be NSHS ZOOS AS sei Oe eae Ry ce el ws NSHS PAB ING: URE ae a) Sia at Form Site a2 wee ma mene.) sete na NSHS QoTIN Zest SL. DONE LPO eS _ yu anaes,” penis UNLA DN tiesey eM a ee UNLA A] UDA eS Ne a ye NA tg tay hi ota ite Yo UNLA QBTIN SEI SEE aE ON Ue yet Re UNLA CIN Geely sie ey ae ee aie Pe a) eg UNLA DING es te eh aS Ee nt ee cc oe Ferepen UNLA PSS EAS lal A RR ASRS ea TN SR AG SHR Uh sy Aa el spon | hoe UNLA A OGINA OR ee te ALDI et Soe teee) Var eta i es Lore ape Nn ee UNLA PEI IG 7a em Wap aR a, ATOM igh aR ERNE Eterna UNLA 75) S31 Rete sategee gees ae ICU OME bee eee te ere, SI. 75) SP 0 aaa aa ey Bi os Round Top Site. 7 oo oe ae UNLA. ABS DOM? Po ee Glenn ssite (2 aie ce iienen eee a UNLA. 7a Nah) Ut 1S, nape tah ha Atl Be se, igs A Nae Ea lina tell NSHS COLO ND 24222 NOUGAT 8: BONA. Ne Oe eu ed Ge UD COTO VR Te ah hy 20 PUES of 2 ARDEP diets I Ra a Coa pkey UD © OT ORE Z A ra ren eee) eS Pn eae pwn i a UD (OXON OLN 27/2 aa MINE Pal er PY ye OPM Ue ea aS AUR ge re pce deat he ad UD COV OME VAST ICR aie n, eran AO a ain att Sa gt eer eee TO a UD. COTW OA Nea Me AR I ts et a eA St PT ea ae es ee UD. COLO IGA emits ce Rabie hate aie Le ee ee Oe UD. COTO!S VSG Be i ea CAPM RRL oN ite ned ed UD. COT ORG UG RO ee rs a RE Ores ee dite, eta ete reer at UD COLORKE Fe ee ESS Oma CL GD Eley. cde bone Nie, Worle 26 UD (GC OTE ORG Ss mer wre cm tne tor eee ocr) LAINIE, Yet Was BAC CN Ace en Can HP UD COT OAM: O's Gime te BCE ic Ue Ee RL rey CI RI UD. COLO IME OED cee ran ta hs CL rai ae weg eae: Wea deah i Meee WIDy. COTE ON Ae Hao ee ada rt Os ee Mana aha NORCO EN pee UD. COOLS AD bk ces teens ee aay Aoki sean nec ue tt ly UD. COM OM iO ea onaae ye sas [ie Tate cyan Ua tailing) AA ltt UD» COLMOW Waecene rier Ny ie ee hol ies eae ee UD. COLON Bs yy eNO a at ape ae ec UD. COTO MVE ar i egiay gh sae NO AU Ne ce a eo ae UD. GLO) Gy Oy Aetasely faaie me hott PAI | Cady reo hadi iapade ann cayin yt tanger yale btn UD CORO ZrO re! meee iy ANE See et NES ae gs ea UD | COLO DS ORY Apa We NO AMRRS 218 Ne a a na aa te chy wat alpul UD Np ee EE EL ES VRE SARI, ee en wh en ore ein pee ha ame UC | 10 VaAVOMERLIENG ante gta A, ST Rca aly glare Me ie“ veulin. folly upped ete) UC: | PB te HAMA CA OPE GL fe) oR MYL ae | pea OTT TA Mien SNP LAG uy Saher ues Ay WCE | dO) ARIES pa aca NT |S i aed Coat Ik sl eel eras, UC. | 11,0: SU aL ae i! ele ue se er Wc: I BEST OO MMR IRN aad 2 7 a a ey allie es pened Aptos a ol RWH Berg 2 Vis ey mae an eee) STW Ly oe far se ee ORI Tine ae HHM IBY Opi Ro Vey eae ced 2 Al ey ACN al aaa cone Reo eter bln Badcee' op, HHM Watayette hime ley e enanug e|(P eine 2h crn eee ey ei Man ieee tee tee HHM Stern giana an ypmean iyi ok ho en Rage. eee NSHS 2) CU Ke a RE ah eR | te aera ay Ney and, ne Dado uy RWH Wielcliten ees digas eitre veg- yl” CUR ga OE Si a glee chum Mee at nraee RWH Noes} t 2?) PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 257 Sites definitely or tentatively assigned to the Dismal River Aspect and the agency having information concerning them—Continued SITES IN WYOMING Site Other name of site Agency ASG eee Seen Sey tee 2 a Dee ee Pe ee oo SIMRBS. WHY SUFI eM ao a Retina pa ta ape er Es a id oly UD. WAY OWACARG cI ene aa Poe el eh a ee ba ss es UD: SITES IN SOUTH DAKOTA SEE AAG esr ed Ben Pe tet a i ae ip SY age eT eS ye SIMRBS. SOWA SS | Ri ety oS Rte: TaD eile a, A ey 8 ecm SIMRBS. SITE IN KANSAS PASO R Str) Scott County Pueblo Site______- UK Sir UNDA. BIBLIOGRAPHY CHAMPE, JOHN L. 1946. Ash Hollow Cave. Univ. Nebraska Stud., n.s., No. 1. Lincoln. 1949. White Cat Village. Amer. Antiq., vol. 14, No. 4, pp. 285-292. FLETCHER, ALICE C., and LAFLEscHE, FRANCIs. 1911. The Omaha tribe. 27th Ann. Rep., Bur. Amer. Ethnol. GUNNERSON, Do.orgss A. 1956. The Southern Athabascans: Their arrival in the Southwest. El Palacio, vol. 63, pp. 346-365. GUNNERSON, JAMEs H. 1956. Plains-Promontory relationships. Amer. Antiq., vol.22, pp. 69-72. GuNNERSON, JAMES H., and GUNNERSON, Do.orss A. MS. Further notes on the Dismal River Aspect. Paper presented at Seventh Plains Archeological Conference, Lincoln, Nebr., November 1949. Hiu, A. T., and Mercatr, GrorGE. 1942. A site of the Dismal River Aspect in Chase County, Nebraska. Ne- braska Hist. Mag., vol. 22, No. 2, pp. 158-226. HuscueEr, Betry H., and HuscuEr, Haroun A. 1943. The hogan builders of Colorado. Southwestern Lore, vol. 9, No. 2. Gunnison, Colo. JEANCON, J. A. 1929. Archeological investigations in the Taos Valley, New Mexico, during 1920. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 81, No. 12. Keour, Dorortruy L. 1941. Big Bead Mesa. Soc. Amer. Archeol., Mem. No. 1. Kipper, A. V. 1932. The artifacts of Pecos. Pap. Southwestern Expedition, No. 6, Robert S. Peabody Found. for Archeol., Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. Kivett, Marvin F, MS. Field notes. (1946.) MS. on file at River Basin Surveys headquarters, Lincoln, Nebr. MS. Field notes. (1949.) MS. on file at Nebraska State Historical Society, Lincoln, Nebr. Martin, H. T. 1909. Further notes on the Pueblo ruins of Scott County. Kansas Univ. Sci. Bull., vol. 5, No. 2. MartTIN, Pau S., QuimBy, GEorGE I., and CoLiiER, DoNALp. 1947. Indians before Columbus. Chicago. Merca.r, GEORGE. 1949. Three pottery types from the Dismal River Aspect. Proc. Fifth Plains Conf. for Archeol. Univ. Nebraska, Lab. Anthrop., Note Book No. 1, pp. 73-78. Lincoln. 258 Anthro? Pap. PLAINS APACHE ARCHEOLOGY—GUNNERSON 259 MINDELEFF, CosMos. 1898. Navaho houses. 17th Ann. Rep., Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pt. 2, pp. 469-517. Moran, W. J., Covet, R., ABASHKIN, B. J. 1930. Soil survey of Harlan County, Nebraska. U.S. Dept. Agr., Bur. Chemistry and Soils [Soil Survey Rep.], ser. 1930, No. 12. RENAvD, E. B. 1931. Archeological survey of eastern Colorado. Denver. 1932. Archeological survey of eastern Colorado, 2d Rep. Denver. 1933. Archeological survey of eastern Colorado, 3d Rep. Denver. 1935. The archeological survey of Colorado, 4th Rep., seasons 1933 and 1934. Univ. Denver, Dept. Anthrop., The scar ae a Survey of the High Western Plains, 6th Rep. Denver. 1937. Northeastern New Mexico. Univ. Denver, Dept. Anthrop., The Archeological Survey of the High Western Plains, 9th Rep. Denver. 1942. Reconnaissance work in the upper Rio Grande Valley, Colorado and New Mexico. Univ. Denver, Dept. Anthrop., Archeol. Ser., 3d Pap., Denver. 1946. Archeology of the upper Rio Grande Basin in southern Colorado and northern New Mexico. Univ. Denver, Dept. Anthrop., Archeol. Ser., 6th Pap. Denver. Ricz, T. D., and Parry. 1914. Reconnaissance survey of western Nebraska. U.S. Dept. Agr. Field Operations of the Bureau of Soils, 1911. Pp. 1875-1889. Secoy, FRanK R. 1951. The identity of the ‘“‘Padouca’’; an ethnohistorical analysis. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 53, No. 4, pt. 1, pp. 525-542. Smiru, Caruy.e §. 1949. Archeological investigations in Ellsworth and Rice Counties, Kansas. Amer. Antiq., vol. 14, pt. 1, pp. 292-300. STEPHENSON, Roserr L. 1954. Taxonomy and chronology in the Central Plains-Middle Missouri River area. Plains Anthrop., pp. 15-22. STEWARD, JULLIAN H. 1937. Ancient caves of the Great Salt Lake region. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 116. Strone, W. D. 1932. An archeological reconnaissance in the Missouri Valley. Explorations and Field-work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1931, pp. 151-158. 1935. An introduction to Nebraska Archeology. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 93, No. 10. THomas, ALFRED B. 1935. After Coronado, Spanish exploration northeast of New Mexico, 1696- 1727. Documents from the Archives of Spain, Mexico and New Mexico. Norman, Okla. 1940. The Plains Indians and New Mexico, 1751-1778. Albuquerque, N. Mex. WEAKLY, Harry E, 1946. A preliminary report on the Ash Hollow charcoal. In Champe, 1946, pp. 105-110. 260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 WEDEL, WALDO R. 1935. Contributions to the archeology of the Upper Republican Valley. Nebraska Hist. Mag., vol. 15, No. 3, pp. 133-209. 1938. The direct-historical approach in Pawnee archeology. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 97, No. 7. 1940 a. Archeological explorations in western Kansas. Explorations and Field-work of the Smithsonian Institution in 1939, pp. 83-86. 1940 b. Culture sequences in the central Great Plains. Smithsonian Mise. Coll., vol. 100, pp. 291-352. 1941. Environment and native subsistence economies in the central Great Plains. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 101, No. 3, pp. 1-29. 1942. Archeological remains in central Kansas and their possible bearing on the location of Quivera. Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 101, No. 7. 1947. Culture chronology in the central Great Plains. Amer. Antiq., vol. 12, No. 3, pt. 1, pp. 148-156. 1949 a. Some Central Plains sherd types from Kansas. Proc. Fifth Plains Conf. for Archeol. Univ. Nebraska, Lab. Anthrop., Note Book No. 1, pp. 86-90. Lincoln. 1949 b. Some provisional correlations in Missouri Basin archeology. Amer. Antiq., vol. 14, pp. 328-339. 1953. Some aspects of human ecology in the Central Plains. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 55, pp. 499-514. Wiuuiston, S. W., and Martin, H. T. 1899. Some Pueblo ruins in Scott County, Kansas. Kansas Hist. Coll., vol. 6. WoopwakD, ARTHUR. 1946. The metal tomahawk. Bull. Fort Ticonderoga Mus., vol. 7, No. 3, pp. 2-42. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 1 View looking east across 25HN37. House IV is in the immediate foreground. Houses I, II, and III are in the middle of the picture. Houses V and VI were located just beyond the fence near the top of the picture. The trees at the right of the picture are along Prairie Dog Creek. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 2 View across excavations for Houses I, II, and III, 25HN37. The five postholes in the foreground represent House II. The sixth posthole was later found near the fireplace of House I. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 3 a, House I, 25HN37, with postholes reopened. Steel chaining pins indicate locations of other postholes in the excavation. b, House III, 25HN37, with postholes reopened. The extra postholes in the excavation are also evident. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 4 a, House 1V, 25HN37, with postholes reopened. 6, House V, 25HN37, with postholes cross sectioned. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 5 a, House VI, 25HN37, with charred poles left on floor. poles were removed. b, House VI, 25HN37, after charred BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 6 F 25HN3T | 5a The arrow points north. 0, Iron ax a Charred poles on floor of House VI, 25HN37. embedded in fireplace of House VI, 25HN3 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE7 Cross-sectioned ia ne at 25HN37 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE8 Restored pottery vessels from 25CH1. a, Height, 9 inches. b, Height, 10 inches. e, Height 44 inches. d, Height, 744 inches. e, Height, 8% inches. (a, University of Nebraska Laboratory of Anthropology Collection; b-e, Nebraska State Historical Society Collection.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE9 e f Unusual Dismal River pottery. a, Coiled pottery from 25CH1. 6, From 25C27. cc, d, Show surface decorated with punctates; c, from 25N3; d, from COLO:S:12:5. From 25SX301. (b is 3.7 cm. long.) ovis BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 10 f | Decorated Dismal River pottery. Incised decoration on sherds a-d and f. e, Has a cord- impressed line. a, c, From 25HO21. b, e, From 25DN1. d, From 25HO7. f, From 25LN2. (b is 2.6 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 11 a-c, Pottery pipe fragments from 25HO21. d-f, Gravers from 25HN37. g-1, Smooth pieces of caliche from 25HN37. (b 3.1 cm. long; f, 3.3 cm. long; g, 3.4 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 12 vy a d ¥ ete bed < ope m n eo p q oO Projectile points from 25HN37. (a is 2.4 cm. long.) BUREAUJOF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 13 Projectile points from 25HO21. (Upper left is 2.7 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 14 f g h ote Drills from 25HN37. (a is 4.6 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 15 ¥ a aa : V g i i Drills from 25HO21. (Lower left is 2.9 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 16 d Knives from 25HN37. (a is 5.5 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 17 ‘ i Knives from 25HO21. (g is 11 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 18 Choppers from 25HN37. (Upper left is 15 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 19 —— End scrapers from 25HN37. (Upper left is 4 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 73 PLATE 20 i g h Scrapers with tangs or projections (af and h) and gravers (g and 7) from 25HO21. (6 is 4.5 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 21 Side scrapers from 25HN37. (Upper right is 5.4 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173° PEATE 22 End scrapers with projections or tangs from 25HN37. | (Upper left is 2.7 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 23 d a-c, Sandstone abraders from 25HN37. d, Metate from 25HN37. (c, 7.7 cm. long; d, 20 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 24 Seca hoaNT* a gh ht Sandstone abraders from 25HO21. (b is 4 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 25 Ground stone artifacts from 25HO2!l. a, Hammer stone. b, Grinding or rubbing stone. (a, 19 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 26 Worked bone from 25HN37. 4, J, Beads. c, Shaft wrench. d, Butt of an awl or punch. e, Awl. (b is 4.2 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUBEERINGs™ PEATE 27 Triangular bone awls (a-c), awl butts (d-e), and bone “punch” (f). (a is 8.8 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 28 Splinter bone awls (a-c) and flat bone awls (d-e) from 25HO21. (a is 8.4 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 29 Worked bone from 25HO21: a, c, Scraps left from making bone projectile points(?). b, d Scraps left from making triangular awl. e¢, Blank for triangular awl. (cis 4.9 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 30 Bone and antler artifacts from 25HO21. a,b, Bone projectile points. c, Bone projectile ’ point(?). d, Cut antler tine. ¢, Shaft wrench. (0 is 9.6 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 31 . - Bone spatulas (a and b) and worked rib sections (c and d) from 25HO21. (a is 7.9 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 32 Worked bone from 25HO21. ai, Beads. j, Whistle. (a 1s 4.7 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 33 H2SWORI- FARGO Worked bone from 25HO21. a, Broken-eyed needle(?). b, Needle fragment(?). Bracelet(?) or head band(?). (b is 4.4 cm. long.) ri = BULLETIN 173 PLATE 34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Bone tools from 25HO21. a, Metapodial flesher. 0}, Possible flesher. c, Ulna pick(?). (a is 7.1 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLERIN G73: PLATE 35 Bone fleshers from 25HN37. a is only partially finished. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 36 Scapula digging tools. a,c, From 25HO21. 6, From 25HN37. (a is 19 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEFPEDTINGG73 PEATE 37 Tron ax found in the fireplace of House VI, 25HN37. (16 cm. long.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 38 d European trade items from 25HN37. a,b, Gun flints. c-e, Copper or brass jingles. (¢ is 2.5 cm. long.) SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 173 Anthropological Papers, No. 59 THE USE OF THE ATLATL ON LAKE PATZCUARO, MICHOACAN By M. W. STIRLING 261 471762—60—_-18 aod Wit ey: ie hy Pi is ' inh N hi ee WN, hy abd Unit rae Wii 4 Meili, ph tape Ree eloae Panera = aetna meee Saat 1 seeder eenapem ens F pala wae sores 7 ree . ; eS » Vig: Seto, neice omni) Bh Coury Pili: i CONTENTS PAGE introductions aos s2 noe ee ioe Bis eeteeee Meee ae te ee eee 265 Wsctof thevatlatiz=s.s: 3.2502) 3. eee Sete Sh eens Soo paeseeeee 265 Deseripton, Of the atiatl-scs20 2 252. ose et eo aces sla ae esos 267 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES FOLLOWING PAGE 39. Preparing to throw spear. a, First position. 6b, Method of engaging GTR STG cg ses il ed ee he ee ae he 268 40. Preparing to throw spear. a, Second position. 6, Final position__---_--- 268 At Four atlatis from Janitzio, ‘Pront/and profiles:22 2S ses. 55s282_ 02 See 268 j asters nes { eae ey ‘ 1 i ki, wh Roast ra a Pilea an) met thy td ming mo mes Witt Dey gi sleep, 4 Slates a* ol singh ne dig wh i‘ pen rah eobali ifs gag. nk db pees oe A a ~ a at m ie ‘3 beck & otiace at a0 Leon wont ‘phy a 7 ’ gue Rem ew ty wn seme Ali doy pt a wi AI om a eh Ses, ae SG ON Mone taneees «Hoi roe Hcp oe tanga words Ah BOR ae ein Ae lone td en MRD DR bia Na rath ine we THE USE OF THE ATLATL ON LAKE PATZCUARO, MICHOACAN By M. W. SrirLine INTRODUCTION In 1944, while engaged in archeological work for the National Geographic Society and the Smithsonian Institution, I visited Lake Patzcuaro in the State of Michoacan with Richard Stewart of the National Geographic Society. We took the opportunity of accom- panying a small group of Tarascan Indians from the village of Ja- nitzio, on a coot-hunting trip on the lake. The pictures that illustrate this article were taken by Stewart, who also made a kodachrome motion-picture record of the hunt. USE OF THE ATLATL As is well known to ethnologists, the use of the atlatl, or spear thrower, still persists on Lake Patzcuaro. The term “atlatl’’ is, of course, an Aztec word. The Tarascans call it ‘“phatamu.’” Once employed throughout the Americas as the principal weapon of the aborigines, it was used many centuries before the bow and arrow. Curiously enough at the beginning of the 16th century when Europeans reached the New World, with the exception of a few scat- tered areas the spear thrower was extensively used only in the two most civilized regions, Middle America and Peru. This seems para- doxical at first glance, but the reason may be that in these regions of intensive agriculture, hunting had become unimportant, while to the wild tribes the superiority of the bow and arrow as a hunting weapon was more apparent. That the atlatl was an effective weapon in warfare, as used by the Peruvians and Mexicans, is amply attested in the early Spanish chron- icles. It is even possible that in close combat it was superior to the bow and arrow. Very elaborate carved spear throwers, embellished with gold and semiprecious stones, were used by military leaders in both Mexico and Peru. It was not long after the Conquest that the atlatl went out of use as a weapon of war, but it persisted until recent years as a hunting 265 266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 implement among the Aztecs in the region of Xochimilco in the Valley of Mexico, and among the Tarascans on Lake Patzcuaro. Probably the only other region in the New World where the spear thrower has not entirely gone out of use is among the Nunivak Eskimo of western Alaska. Interestingly enough, here, too, it is used only for aquatic hunting, principally of birds but sometimes of sea otter and small seals. For land hunting the Nunivak use the bow and arrow. The hunting techniques in these two widely separated regions are very similar. The Eskimo approach a flock of “‘sitting’”’ birds as closely as possible. As the flock rises from the water they launch the multi- pronged spear into its midst. ‘The Tarascans do the same. On Lake Patzcuaro, coots or mudhens are quite numerous and are hunted at almost any time. In the fall, migrating ducks of many species come to the lake in quantities, and this is the time most of the hunting is done. On October 31, according to George Foster,! a large communal hunt is conducted. On this date as many as a thousand canoes, each containing several men, gather near Janitzio, the island village. The hunters form two large concentric rings with the canoes around the largest concentration of ducks. Those in the inner group approach and launch their spears simultaneously as the flock rises. The remaining ducks fly a short distance and usually alight in the space between the two rings. The outer ring then converges and repeats the attack. On this particular hunt thousands of ducks are killed. Except for this one day, duck hunting is an individual affair, from one to four canoes in a line stalking the birds. On the occasion that Stewart and I went out as observers, there were two hunting canoes, each with a single occupant. The target was a large flock of coots. We approached very slowly, the canoes close together, stopping to drift from time to time. When we were within about 30 yards of the flock, the birds became uneasy and took flight. As they left the water, the two hunters rose to their feet and launched their spears into the mass of birds. On the first approach, one coot was hit, the other throw was a miss. Each hunter has two spears, and if the approach is close enough, he quickly throws the second. The birds alighted about 300 yards away and we made a second approach. This time each man got a bird. We tried two more approaches, but by now the birds had grown wary and we could not get within range, so the hunters gave up. The approach is made with the canoe pointed toward the flock. When the hunter is ready to throw, he quickly stands erect, with his 1 Empire’s children: The people of Tzintzuntzan, by George M. Foster, Inst. Social Anthrop., Publ. No. 6, Washington, 1948. Nooo}? = USE OF ATLATL, MICHOACAN—STIRLING 267 left foot forward. The shaft of the spear is grasped near the middle and lifted by the left hand. At the same time the atlatl is grasped in the right hand, the index and middle fingers are inserted through the two holes, and the remaining fingers and the thumb grasp the handle. The spur is instantly engaged in the hollow at the butt of the spear shaft, the spear is lifted by the left hand to shoulder height and parallel to the water. In this position the shaft is released by the left hand and launched by the right with a sweeping overhand motion. The shaft is steadied in position, parallel to the long axis of the canoe until the instant the throw is started, the thumb and fingers grasping the atlatl handle. DESCRIPTION OF THE ATLATL The shaft of the spear is made from the giant reed (Arundo donaz), an introduced species from Asia Minor that is now widespread in the Western Hemisphere.” In aboriginal times it is probable that the native cane, Gynerium saguttatum called cafia brava, was used. However, this is much heavier than the introduced species and its use was probably aban- doned when the lighter cane became available. This is not only easier to throw, but it floats. It is cut at the butt of the shaft just below one of the joints, so as to leave a hollow receptacle for the spur of the atlatl. The forepart is cut about 6 inches from the joint. Into the opening thus formed are inserted the three wires, whose wide-spread- ing poir ts form the leister. The entire shaft is about 9 feet long. The atlatl itself is carved from “palo azul” wood and is about 24 inches in length. It is concave on the under side and convex on the upper so that in cross section it is more or less U-shaped. Just before the handle it becomes broad and flat so as to admit the two finger holes. The handle itself is rectanguloid to cylindrical in cross section. The upper end of the grooved under surface ends in the spur which engages the butt of the spear. Above this on the upper surface is a larger spur, or hook, which is used to retrieve the floating spears from the water. The manufacture of atlatls is carried on by a few specialists in Janitzio who sell them to the hunters for about a peso to a peso,and a half. The spears are sold for about the same amount. Atlatls are frequently depicted in the native codices and at still earlier periods in carvings on stone monuments, both by the Aztecs and the Maya.’ Invariably these are represented as very much shorter than the Tarascan specimens, but I believe that this is the result of artistic conventionalization. More than a dozen elaborately carved and * Botanical identifications by Dr. F. A. McClure, of the Department of Botany, U.S. National Museum. 3 The atlatl or spear-thrower of the ancient Mexicans, by Zelia Nuttall, Archeol.and Ethnol. Pap., Pea- body Museum, Harvard University, vol. I, No. 3, 1891. 268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 decorated Mexican atlatls have been preserved from the time of the Conquest.‘ These vary in length from a little over 20 inches to 24% inches, which makes them approximately of the same proportions as the Tarascan examples. It is probable that the efficiency of the imple- ment would be impaired if it varied too much from the 20- to 24-inch range. In addition to these actual examples of early atlatls, there are a good many descriptions written by 16th-century chroniclers, which, together with the native illustrations, show that at least three types of atlatl were utilized. The spears, too, are described with some frequency by the early writers. Torquemada records a tradition in which Huitzilopochth, god of war, gave the Aztecs the weapons with which they fought, ‘long spears made of cane stalks and tipped with obsidian, which they threw with a certain implement called ‘atlatl.’ ” The anonymous conqueror, who was one of the recorders of the Cortez Conquest, speaks of ‘‘spears thrown by a crossbow made of another piece of wood. These spears were tipped with obsidian, or with very sharp strong fish bones. Some had three points and inflicted three wounds at once.” Zelia Nuttall makes an interesting observation as to the possible derivation of the term ‘‘atlatl’’: “Considering that the original use of the atlatl was in aquatic chase by the atlacatl, or fishermen, whose name is a synthesis of atl, water, and tlacatl men, I venture the sug- gestion that the word “‘atlatl’’ may primarily have been a synthesis formed with the verbal noun élatlacani, thrower, and atl, water. This would give the word atlatlacani meaning ‘water thrower.’ ”’ It seems clear that the atlatl and spear, as used on Lake Patzcuaro today, is in almost every respect the same implement that was used in pre-Columbian times. The iron prongs now used in place of fish bones, or fire-hardened wood, are about the only concession to modern times. It can be assumed that the methods of using this interesting device are also the same as those employed five centuries ago. 4 The wood carver’s art in ancient Mexico, by Marshall H. Saville, Mus. Amer. Indians, Heye Founda- tion, Contr., vol. 9, 1925. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 39 Preparing to throw spear. a, First position. 6, Method of engaging the spear. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 40 Preparing to throw spear. a, Second position. , Final position. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 41 ey Four atlatls from Janitzio. Front and profile. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 173 Anthropological Papers, No. 60 A CAROLINE ISLANDS SCRIPT By SAUL H. RIESENBERG and SHIGERU KANESHIRO 471762—60——_19 269 ’ r ‘ lah) A ie J r \ é i L ' yo li l f i i fr VOLTUTITEA VAIMORMTIMe ~ Eales 09.0% vorsqutl Ie esIog ectviAder a ms CONTENTS PAGE AmiGrOee ate So ae ie ae ee Ne te ee ee ee 273 ype sermpt Sie Bia Ae eee ee see Ge a el BRS, Oo 273 Wpe: 2 SCTIDb = aa as oe a = een eet To abrir tion 6h We 2 277 Present-day knowledge and distribution of the writing_________________ 279 Number and sequenee of charaetersa./ f2s2 2 BNO eee 282 AOeieuman fee -WihhbiNer e530) ea ek ee eS ae 282 IDmineiness OF UNE wWWO types. U------s 2a. ee eee eee 282 Similarity of Type 2 script to the alphabet________________________ 283 Dyligvic:waluenms ss Sea wet kk Fee A, Wi De Eel eS 283 Type, history reconstructed 2 ie. a es pgs eee, ee 284 IP OSSIDIONSOURCER = 26a 2 2s Be See ae ae id he es 284 TGiIg GIS bie -AMIUIATIONS i. ooo ot ot ae 287 flie al ynapeb Ob PT Kee hae ee See nh ee ee eee ge oe 287 Alfred Snelling and the Trukese castaways__________._._____-- 288 Adoptioniof the) Trukese:characters2us 250 220. Loose ess 290 Spredd@iok ype 2 Wwhthe= 2025225. 2.2 ete eee 293 Pye. WIStORV S22. =~ 2S sapanre se a sy ee A Ee a 294 Invention at: Faraulep. 2.72" 222 2222 2 ey eg Fmd pean os i oD 295 Horete mein sen Ce: 2. sea. 4 ces 8 OE ea 296 DD RUCNCEAIT WE WLIO cir ee 2S eee 8 2 ae fac ae ae ee a ee 297 Werivahion, Of CHAaTACters= =". 2.2.8 Mae oe ee one ae eee 297 TIALY SIS Ol une Wrivia pe. Salen ce Vadel saree Ie My TA ee 299 Phonemes, phonemic combinations, and characters________________- 299 Leneth:.of. vowel not. distinguished) 2. 22 se - seve, Wh ee 300 Wome Lchargctorscs 2. oul S200 2s es aS on Pee ae 302 Lack of exact correspondence of characters and syllables____________ 303 RC URIOL OIMIC CLS epee tere Se ee ee ee ee EL Ce eee oe 304 Representation of final*consonants. 2. "+= 2282 Ae Le eee 305 Comparisoniof native texts 23.52 U5 ¥. SHIN. SaveOtn ree Eee 307 SIRIEEIEL 37s a eS TL Na OI Le eter OCS Sa 309 SU ELSE IIT Eg SET 7 AI AE YR es see Na CI eS IS 311 SNES eee Mee ae Sec hc RS es ple a Eda en ge es 313 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES FOLLOWING PAGE 42. Tattooing in native script on arm of Maralatuy, a woman of Faraulep Island, Faraulep atoll. (Photographed by E. Quackenbush.) ___-__- 334 43. Tattooing in native scrip on leg of Letaweribul, a woman of Falalap Island, Woleai atoll. (Photographed by E. Quackenbush.) - - -_-___ 334 44, Native script and Japanese katakana on canoe-house beams, Faraulep Island, Faraulep atoll. (a, 6b, Photographed by S. Kaneshiro; €; photographed by’ H. Quackenbush.) .. 22 222-2. ne 334 271 Zhe BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 TEXT FIGURES PAGE 25: Type 1 symbols. and walwess oe. h 33 ee ae ee eee ne (facing) 274 26: “Bype 2'symbolt andivalucs 2200 02 1 ee ee eee (facing) 278 27. Paragraph from Smith’s roman text (1951, pp. 3-4) as written in native script, by R..of Haluk: 22 G3 (USE MCh oe es Sl eee eee 308 28. A page of text from a song written by R., a man of Ifaluk_______--_-- 310 MAP TPystArea ofitheoccurrence, of the script. 522-5555 — 2 oo eee 281 A CAROLINE ISLANDS SCRIPT By Saut H. Rresenspere and Saiceru Kanesurro ! INTRODUCTION The existence of a peculiar system of writing in the Woleai Islands ? has received almost no attention from ethnologists or paleographers, and none at all from linguists. It is a script which, the present writers are convinced, has developed in consequence of stimulus diffusion, to use Kroeber’s term, and as such is to be reckoned among the small number of scripts so originating, such as the Bamun ideographic script and the Vai and Cherokee syllabaries. It is the purpose of this paper to explain its origin and development and to analyze its form, content, and use. TYPE 1 SCRIPT The first published notice of a Caroline writing was made by J. Macmillan Brown (1914, pp. 89-91; 1927, pp. 117-120). In 1913 he paid a brief visit to Woleai atoll, where a chief, Egilimar by name, wrote for him a sentence in the native script; later he received a list of 51 characters and their phonetic values. Brown did not inquire into or was not told anything of the origin of the writing. The list is reproduced here in column B of figure 25. It is the type of writing which we will refer to hereafter as Type 1. As Brown points out, the symbols do not resemble those of any system known from elsewhere. The script is now known only to five men on the islet and to some in Faraulep, an islet a hundred miles distant. But it is probably a relic of a wide usage in the archipelago. There is no possibility of any one of the five having invented it. . .. This Oleai script is manifestly the product of long ages for the use of the 1 The authors are indebted to Drs. A. L. Kroeber and William Sturtevant for advice and criticism, to Dr. Y. Uyehara for assistance with Japanese characters, to Dr. Ward Goodenough for advice on Trukese lin- guistiecs, to Dr. S. H. Elbert for critical reading of the text and for assistance with tape recordings, and to Mr. Frank Mahony who obtained considerable information incorporated in the text from Truk and sur- rounding islands. Several students from Micronesia at the University of Hawaii were also of much help, among them Tosiwo Nakayama of Truk, Bethwel Henry and Bailey Olter from Ponape, Nicholas Leon y Guerrero from Saipan, Edmund Gilmar from Yap, and David Ramarui from Palau. 2 The term ‘‘Woleai” as generally used has two meanings: Woleai atoll itself; and the whole Woleai group in the Central Carolines, consisting of Woleai atoll, Eauripik, Ifaluk, Faraulep, Gaferut, Olimarao, Elato, Lamotrek, West Fayu, Satawal, and Pikelot. Ofthese islands, Gaferut, Olimarao, West Fayu, and Pikelot are uninhabited. The group is often referred to also as simply ‘‘the Woleai.” Just to the east of the group lie Puluwat, Pulusuk, and Pulap, known today at Truk as “‘the Western islands;” we will be concerned in this paper with Puluwat. 273 Explanatory notes for figure 25 Column A. Numbers assigned to characters and used in text. Numbering after Brown’s sequence, 1 to 51, and arbitrarily thereafter. Brown (1927, p. 118). Brown’s sequence, characters, and attributed values. Woleai, 1913. Damm (1938, fig. 279). Sequence and characters from wooden board. Faraulep, 1909. Damm (1938, fig. 280). Characters from beams of men’s house. Faraulep, 1909. Kramer (1937, pl. 15 and fig. 109). Characters from canoe and bamboo box. Woleai, 1909. Damm and Sarfert (1935, figs. 128, 272). Characters from tinderbox and flute. Satawal and Puluwat, 1909. Someki (1936, fig. 5, p. 178; 1945, figs. 189, 230). Characters and attributed values. Presumably Faraulep, Ifaluk, and Elato, 1934. H. M. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1954. Sequence, characters, and attributed values in Smith’s orthography. & C. of Pigue, Faraulep: 1955A, 1955B, and 1956. Sequence, characters, K. and attributed values; attributed values of column J in Smith’s orthography. L. L. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values. M. N. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values. N vig of Ifaluk; 1955 and 1957A. Sequence, characters, and attributed values O.} in Smith’s orthography. aa of Lamotrek; 1955 and 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributed Q.} values in Smith’s orthography. R. B. of Falalap, Woleai, 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributed values. S. A. of Falalap, Woleai, 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributed values. T. S. of Ifaluk, 1955. Characters. Oy as te). Ore REMARKS 1. Positions in sequence of column A assigned to characters in columns D, E, F, G, L, M, and T by comparison of form of character, and of value if given, with form and value of characters of the other columns. 2. Bracketed characters are those not given in informants’ lists but occurring in word samples; or are variant forms from word samples. 3. Values in columns B and G are as given by Brown and Someki respectively. Attributed values in columns H, J, N, O, P, and Q are based on hearing of tape recordings and are in Smith’s orthography, except those in parentheses, which were heard under hurried field conditions. Attributed values in columns I, R, and §, in parentheses, not taped; are given as roughly recorded in field. Attributed values in columns K, L, and M, in parentheses, not taped; values were written by these informants in Japanese katakana, and are here shown in the orthography used by Prof. Y. Uyehara of the University of Hawaii, who has transcribed the katakana characters for us.* 4. Underlining of numbers in various columns indicates the place up to which informants’ sequences match the sequence of Brown (column B). *The katakana used by Woleai natives is a quite unorthodox one, and some of the combinations used are apparently intended to form sounds impossible in Japanese. Thus, the device known as nigori or chon- - chon, used in Japanese writing to transform a character representing a surd consonant into a sonant con- sonant, is used by C. and N. (columns K and M) for various other purposes; e. g., it is used by both C. and N. as part of values of characters 21, 22, and 34, and seems to be intended in these instances to convert m to mw or r to rw; in other cases it is apparently meant to achieve vowel values intermediate between two Japanese ones (e. g., characters 9, 10, 31, 57). Various combinations of katakana characters are transliterated by us with hyphenated values, and seem also to be intended to form vowels absent in Japanese. | ay [ven ee} ie | ISAC ea = mie wASGt AD | The} | ag we : * h sz K+? Le sy G9 bee ss E 0 SY ems SOYcvas is Aweos is g cpa iso 4° ie A nn igh. iy fac gd po is\y wace LW Was 19 ® boe 3m Wa Bb tA x K% P! ek vo 22 cpo tH pos TL +# Si Ke rx ve 6 a plwes AGise 52 (kid 16.8 (so) (7: Pipa) 18. xs (kU) 19.@ (ch) 20.3 (ka) 2h Btrv) 22. ¥ (nga) 23.@ imu) Ck} th tA] ISN we) acs) 10 P(bmo) Jawad) geen) ¥ Rm) @ kiwo) ZS (cv) + (Ome) 320° S L(KO) rR ws) S27 %iban) gs Fier) 45 ©)(no) Shes Cs 46.Dingo Sy Es) ST hy (2) ATH) iv coms) 19 Bicps) iW OG?) ie Atop) i ute wy (HQ) g Cue) ys x(bar) @’ &(v0e) 2 C (cre) # K (bas; 7 Buceq ¥ Le) rX& (wsy 2 “oO << © 4 € Fe cit ao HH ap 6 & mw GS Pa a 471762 O -60 (Face n, 274) > CW ONAH SF WH = LX na. 2Tgoo 3Idéa 4} ba 5.Otschroa 6 néo 7/Apul 8.Pru 9A ma 10.C, bé ILWma I2A/nga 13.9 boa |4".warr 15.braa 16 uh 17S déo 18. Etschra 19A mma 20.2tscha 21.F moa 22.¥ ro 23.£ma 24.0 boa 25.9 ta 26.Opa 27Xvéa 28f schrii 29% pu 302410 318 tot 32H va 33 J la 34K moi 35, Jera 36F ih 37.% sthah 38.%ytb0 39 $ wa 405 scha ALD ko 428s04 43.2bag 44.Nku 45.Pschré 46 X gkaa 47R rv 48% nga 49@ moo 506(61ga 51% du 48 = YA () 77 + $83 = iH See Bas 22 $f ()to Ache nma Wma $tu R po 9 na 1 pa Je fEre Tru Zsa Sta we Ff shia a ku M ku Xka Yiu \,ka Unu ‘4 pua hmui shia C+ Fta Gna 4 nma H LX(X XI na 2.T (1) ko aD ta 4.WIT] be 59 C$choa 6. K noa 7% bi &9 ru 9 « ma 10. Ty poe 1. MLW] mae IZM) 13.6(8] bo 14. (Rd wa ISP ra 16. (A) uu 17. () to 18. & cha 19 J mwe 20. 8 [PJche 21. fh mwa 22.F ro 23. M64) maa 24.0 baa 25.4 dIte 26.6 pe 27. X fo 28. £ chuv 29.8 buu 30. © noe 31. & tuu 324+ fa 33. L(f) ne 34.K (F ]mwoa 35. Fre 36, ¥($) nuu 37. L{I)sha 38. £ to 39. bi€] we 40. 61S S]she 41. K ku 42.8 sho (6 26) (pa) UN (ku) (D4) (ka) (©) (mo) (9©) (ka) (2) Gu) (8) (ngo) OOO (chu) (77) (ko) {1 (shu) (X) (sv) (4) (nuw) (Ps) (fa) 1 1X (na) 2.T (ko) 3 (ta) 4/c(bwe) 5.Q(cho) 6 K(nd) 7x (pwi) 8.P(ra) 9>(ma) 10. 2(po) 11. Mme) I2M(nge) 13.9 (po) 14.0 (wa) 44.0 (rra) 16.¥ (0) 170 to) 18.6 (cho) 19. V(mwe) 20.¢(che) 21.F\(ma) 22.F(ro) 56 oma) 29 B(po) 50.X (fo) 36.2 (puw) 64.4 ($1(n6) (8) 60. HH (fa) 371 1)(ne) (k) 38. (rre) 62.8 (ni) 5 0) zie 30 €(we) 23D (kK) 66.8 (sho) 68 (pa) 39 Dd(ka) 27Q(ruw) (Yd) 32.© (mo) 51.) (ke) 61 $ (tuw) 339 (ngo) 40.F(fwo) 41+44(choa) 47,)((chu) 52) (ko) 53 K(so) 54.T(ngid) 55 3( puy) 67 (tow) (N](ku) 69 X(chu) CHU} (no) J [isd na 27 ko 3EZ ta 4M\bae 5.2 cho 6K no 7M bi 8P ru 9 ma 10 2poe IL WMmae 12. Yingae 13.9 bo 14.0 wa 150 ra 16Y uu 170 to 18.6cha 19. Vmwoe 20 &choe 21 Amwa 29F ro 51.0 ma 470 ba 36.9 tae 42.Bpae 4I.Xfo 80 Fchuu 462 bu 69() noe 778 tuv 75. fa 71 Erae 378 nuu 799 sa 22.P toe 59 wae 782 sae 40f kuu 558 sho 570 pa 67M ku 35M ka 54Rruu 64.4 nga 62.© mwo 48.) kae 34$tu 636 ngo 25° ngoa 24+Hchoa 30.)(shu 58% koe 70.Eshoa 73.Tnguu 723 bi 68() toa 39%Xsv 60 Hi poa 61.ngoa 66F nhu 74. K mwi 65Xchu K 1X (no) 2.T(ko) 3D (to) 4/X (pe) 5Q(cho) 6K (no) 7X (bi) BPR (ru) 9)(ma-mo) 109(po-e) ILW(me) 50. Winge) 13 9 (po) 14.0.(wa) 15.0 (ra) 16.(i-yu) 17,((to) 18.6 (cha) 19. V(mo-e) 20.£(che) 21.F\ (ma) 22F (ro) 23. (ma) 24.0 (ba) 25.9i(te) 26 B(pe) 27. X(fwo) 28E (tsu) 292 (pu) 30.4 31.8 (te-yu) 32.M(fa) 331 (ne) 34,7 (myo) 80 [E(re) 35. 36.X 4? 78$(e) 39% (se) 40} (kyu) 41.8 (so) 42.L(pa) 43. M(k0) 44. (che) 45.00 (ka) 46. Q(ru) 47 ¥ (nga) 48© (mo) 49.) (ke) 85 Z(t) 55°%° (Fwo) 65*4 (cho) 75.) 76. & (shi-e) §9. Ting) 88.5 T(pyu) 53.) (+0) 5LX (su) 67 (po) 574h(ng-e) 54. (nu) 64."Life) 52.@ (mv) 6)-X(ts0) 66.8 (oe) 68.F(re-e) 86.F (ha) 90.K (ro) 91.X(ryo) 92.T£(nao) X (na) T(ko) EB (ta) ® (pe) E (no) Piru) W (me) R(wa) 6 (ra) Yyo) (ma) Rite) E(tsu) & (po) [ (ne) (re) ¥ (no) $e) X(ka) O(mo) Fro) (ngo) Ashu) T(ko) Gicho) &(pu-i) > (mo) Vlpa W (me) Hi (n-ge) 9 po) O(ra) 0 (to) Bichay V(mo-e) (che) hima) E(ro) (pa) Alpe) Q(ta) Hy (ta) Pine) (mo) Lire) Z(se-a) Feo) Blse) )igo? Riso) bipe M(ku, ko) $ (cha) Str) (nga) 4h (cho) )Us0) %(kuo) Tin-gu) Jaa (boi) Find) d* (fe) R(se-0) Wmv) f(vo Fimui) Rina) \X na 2.T ko 3D ta 4. boe 5Q cho 6K no 7% bi 8Pru 9 ma 10X%,[Upoe LAW (2. Nngae 13. 9 bo 14Re wa 15.8 ra 16.Yuu 170 to 18. sha 19 mwa 20.Ero 2\.-0(2)]ma Cf] toe 22.0 pae 23X fo 24. pu 252) noe 26.) tuu 2714 fa 28. nae 29 7% mwoa 30. Erae 31. nuu 32.0 sa 33. Etoe 344 wae 35.% shoe 36 kuu 37.8 shoa 38.2 pa 5396) 10:4) 39. Qruu 44Xnga 45.Ckoe [e+] (cha) 40.@ ngoa (21 SI. nguu 43.1 puu 42.J|te 41. shu 46.) nu (J) fae 47/2 mwii (4X) (8 1(noa) Figure 25.—Type 1 symbols and values. (For explanation, see opposite. page.) ° LX na 2.T ko 3D ta 4.% bae 5.2 cho 6K no 7% bi 8 Pru 9. No poe 10. Wmae I Nngae 129 bo 13Rewa 14.0 ra 15. uu 16.) to 17 Bcha 18 Amwoe 19 Pchae 22.-AYmwaa 2LE ro 207maa 56.0 23.0 pae 24X fo 57 &chuu 25.8 bu 265 noe 27.9 tuu 28.11 fa 29.T nae 30.7. mwo 31. Erae 32.Y¥ nuu 33D. sha 34.E toe 35.€ wae 36.19 shae a7 kuu 38.8 shoa 39.0 pa 54.M ku 61.Qchoa 40.2 ru 45 Kngae 48.© mwu 46.C kae 59.°f° sa 41.@ ngoa 49.P ngoe 441 bu 53 Mchu 42.2% shu 47Y nu 51. mwi 43. ta 13M mae 14 ngae 159 bo 16.0. wa 17.0 ra 18. vu 195 to 20 ta 9% ma 10.2) pae LX 124 [@l(mo) (f't)(fae) Q \X na 2.T ko iT ta 4.% bae 5.6 cho 6.E no 7X bi 8.P ru oY ma 10® poe 11.W mae 12.Nngae 13.9 bo 14Q wa 15.0 ra 16. uu ZS to 18.8 cha 19 Vmwae 20.fchae 2!.Aimwa 22.E ro 23 3 ma 24.B pae 25.X fo 26% bu 27C\noe 28. 8 tuv 29H fa 30 [nae 31. A.mwoe 32 rae 33 ¥ nvw 34D sa 35j’te 36.4 wae 37.§ shae 38% kuu 39 8 sho 40.0 pa 41.9 toe 42K ka 436 ri 440 ngo LX (nad 2. T (ko) 3 T (ta) 4. X(pwe) 5.9 (cho) 6. K(no) 7 N(pwitd 8 6(ruv) 9Y(maa) 10. dy(pwo) 1M (me) 12 M(nge) (Y] (f] (Fy 13.£ (we) 14. (se) 15.2 (kU) 16.8 (so) 17. (pa) 18.6 (kU) 19. @(chd) 20.X (ka) 21. 5(rv) 22. (nga) 23.©(muv) $s Leo (na) 2. T (ko) 3. Gltao 4X (pwe) 5. 6 (cho) 6. E(noo) 7 W(pwiid 8 Glrri) 2A (md) 10 G(pa) 23M (me) 12. A(nge) 13.9 (pw) 14. D.wa) 15. B(ra) 16. Y(uh) 12. OCto) 18 § (cha) 19. Vimwe) 20. fiche) 21. (ma) 22.E (ra) ch) 24 B(pe) 49 Kichu) 252 (puv) 26.4 (nd) 27 Btu) 28 tHifaa) 29 Line) 30.K(mwo) 31. Eirre) 32°F (ni) 33 Loa) 34.7 (ti) 35.4 (we) 36. (se) 37 ki) 38.8(s8) 39 P(paa) 40. M(ku) 50.@(s6) 45. @(mo) 46,(Dingo) 51. (ko) 42 K(su) 44. Lisi) 41. Pingo) afer 3 » xoOo~oOrMFZ eA o » « MBS VP dC 158 BC MPnAn kt WN 37. | ODN eO}E 2 OJ a 4 aces h etka =~ z By os oe oyu? B® gi “1 mi ee, | ae “ ; stl n AULA (ONY oe ek oe) ct Ne go) |? ~=CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 275 ? organisers of a highly-organised community of considerable size. In other words it must have belonged to the ruling class of an empire of some extent, that needed constant record of the facts of intercourse and organisation. There are some scattered references to Brown’s discovery, but few writers have commented on it even briefly. Mason (1920, p. 152) accepts Brown’s opinion, quoted above, uncritically. Diringer (1948, p. 448), agreeing in part with Brown, states that the origin of the Woleai script is perhaps in some way connected with the Further Indian branch of scripts, although this connection does not appear evident, either from the graphic or from the phonetic points of view. There is, however, the possibility of the mixed process of invention and borrowing, called ‘‘idea diffusion.”’ And Imbelloni (1951, p. 164 and fig. 25), in an attempt to link the script to Easter Island writing and other scripts of his ‘‘Indo-Pacific”’ graphic system, refers to it as being based on Semitic syllabaries and having diffused to the Carolines via India and Malaya; he too regards it as the remains of a formerly more developed system. A more sober judgment is that of Métraux (1957, p. 199), who says that the script may very well have been ‘‘invented on the spot under the in- fluence of Malay, Indian, or even European writing.” These theories derive entirely from Brown’s report. Earlier than Brown, in 1909, the Hamburg Stidsee Expedition had visited Woleai and neighboring atolls, but the reports of ethnographic work on these islands were not published until 1935 and later. These publications do not discuss or even refer to the Type 1 writing, but they contain illustrations of objects which bear the same characters. One of the authors, Damm (1938, fig. 279), copied from a wooden board which he found at Faraulep a series of 29 symbols.* This series is reproduced here as column C of figure 25. As will be seen by comparing these Faraulep symbols with those from Woleai in column B, there is virtual identity in graphic form and in sequence, as far as they go. Brown’s characters Nos. 24, 25, and 28 do not appear, and his character 31 does not seem very like the one in corresponding position in the Faraulep series, but otherwise they are alike. Apparently the board represents the effort of someone to set down in proper order an already defined set of symbols, perhaps for instructional purposes. There is also a line of characters copied by Damm from a beam in a men’s house at Faraulep (1938, fig. 280). These are not a series, but 3 Brown, 1927, p. 119. This is perhaps not so fantastic an idea as might at first appear, for the Yap “empire,” a religio-political hegemony which once may have stretched beyond Truk to the east, still includes in its domain all of the Woleais. But the Yapese themselves, who control the ‘empire,’ do not possess any native script. 4 This is the only instance of writing in which the symbols run from right to left, as reproduced by Demm. But it is very likely that the board from which the figure was taken was held upside down by the copier. It is impossible to tell from the characters themselves if this was so, since, as will be seen from examination of figures 25 and 26, orientation of the characters is of no significance; but one informant who was shown 4 copy of Damm’s figure inverted the paper in order to read it. 276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 constitute a sentence of actual writing.’ Occurring in these lines are 11 of the above 29 characters, 8 more characters which are not among the 29 but appear on Brown’s list, including the missing No. 28, and two others which are only on lists furnished us by our present-day informants (fig. 25, col. D). In addition, the Siidsee Expedition volumes contain illustrations of a bamboo tinderbox and two canoes from Woleai, a Puluwat nose flute, and a tinderbox labeled “Satowal bzw. Polowat,”’ all of them incised or painted with characters of the same type (fig. 25, cols. E and F). It is evident, therefore, that the characters found by Brown in 1913 at Woleai were known there and elsewhere in the Central Carolines in 1909; and further, that Brown did not collect the complete set.® In the Japanese literature on Micronesia available to us we have found only one reference to the writing, in spite of the long period of Japanese occupation, 1914 to 1945. This is by Someki (1936, p. 178, fig. 5; 1945, pp. 405, 476-477, and figs. 189, 230) who illustrates 38 characters of the same type (27 of them occurring among Brown’s 51, 7 others which appear on lists furnished by our informants, and 4 which only Someki gives). They are not presented in any formal sequence; we have located them in various positions in column G of figure 25 by means of comparison of their graphic forms with characters in the other columns and by means of their attributed phonetic values, which, however, often deviate considerably from the values in the other columns. Someki states that the characters, which he ap- parently collected at Faraulep in 1934, occur only at Ifaluk, Elato, and Faraulep, and he illustrates a wooden bowl from Elato which bears a few of the characters. He derives some of the symbols, which he identifies as of Roman alphabetical origin, from an early European influence, and, like Imbelloni, speculates that the others are linked to Easter Island writing. § Two informants have read this line for us, as follows (the numbers are those of the characters in figs. 25 and 26): 39/X/4/1T1/46/30/28/111/23/25/LV/I1I/ 11 /53/16/11/1/17 Wolipwe/ masturbate / he /and/ Foimeyat It will be noted that, as in the samples of writing collected by ourselves, there is no separation of words or phrases and no punctuation. One of our informants, C., occasionally uses a tiny triangle or diamond between words at the level of the uppermost portion of the characters; its use is inconsistent, but it seems to be intended to terminate phrases and sentences. 6 There is also to be noted the existence in 1909 of a set of numeral signs at Faraulep (Damm, 1938, pp. 213- 216). Damm attributes their invention to a chief Saueru; he states that the symbols originated from tattoo designs and from signs taken from Japanese newspapers, and that their recency of invention was evident from their limitation to use in copra transactions. Since no other authority mentions them, and since no native of whom we inquired during 1954-57 knew anything of them, we will not discuss them further. No60]” 2 CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 277 TYE 2. SCRIPT The Stidsee Expedition volumes, while they fail to refer directly to the type of writing we have called Type 1, present a second set of characters of a very different type. From Ifaluk, Damm (1938, fig. 180) gives a list of 18 characters belonging to this second type and shows their phonetic values. Damm and Sarfert (1935, fig. 278) give almost the identical script from Satawal; it contains 19 characters of the same graphic form with nearly the same values as the Ifaluk characters, in slightly different sequence. These two lists are pre- sented by the German anthropologists without comment or analysis, except that Damm attributes the introduction of this writing at Ifaluk to a castaway missionary from Truk. The symbols are reproduced here in columns B and C of figure 26, and are of the type of writing which the present authors will call Type 2. Not only are the symbols and their values different from Type 1 writing; they are clearly derived, as is evident upon simple inspection, from Roman characters, while the symbols of Type 1 in nearly all cases show no resemblence to Roman alphabetical characters. These are the only two series of Type 2 that we have found in the published materials. But in the lines of writing from the Faraulep men’s house, previously mentioned, there are also some symbols of Type 2. And in the three words which Brown appends to his Woleai list there are three characters which mystify him, since they do not occur in his list of 51 Type 1 characters, but which can be identified from the Ifaluk and Satawal series as belonging to Type 2. Besides this, all of the illustrated objects previously mentioned bear char- acters of this type in addition to the ones of Type 1, and there are additional illustrations of a Lamotrek house and a Puluwat canoe decorated in Type 2 characters only (fig. 26, cols. D-H). And in Someki’s list there are 11 characters of this type (fig. 26, col. I). We have, then, evidence that in 1909 both types of symbols were known at Woleai, Faraulep, Puluwat, and probably Satawal, if not elsewhere, and that at least Type 2 characters were known at Ifaluk and Lamotrek. In 1934, the date of Someki’s visit, both systems were known at Ifaluk and Elato. Explanatory notes for figure 26 Column A. Numbers assigned to characters. Numbering after M.’s sequence (col. J). B. Damm (1988, fig. 180). Sequence, characters, and attributed values. Ifaluk, 1909. C., Damm and Sarfert (1935, fig. 278). Sequence, characters, and attributed values. Satawal, 1909. D. Damm (1988, fig. 280). Characters from beams of men’s house. Faraulep, 1909. E. Damm and Sarfert (1935, fig. 128). Characters from tinderbox. Satawal or Puluwat, 1909. F. Damm and Sarfert (1935, figs. 212, 272). Characters from canoe and flute. Puluwat, 1909. G. Kramer (1937, pl. 9c). Characters from beams of men’s house. Lamotrek, 1909. H. Kramer (1937, pl. 15 and fig. 109). Characters from canoes and bamboo box. Woleai, 1909. I. Someki (1936, fig. 5, p. 178; 1945, figs. 189, 230). Characters and attributed values. Presumably Faraulep, Ifaluk, and Elato, 1934. J. M. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1954. Sequence, characters, and attributed values Sa SGHPRAONOAZEMA —— < in Smith’s orthography. C. of Pigue, Faraulep: 1955A, 1955B, and 1956. Sequence, characters and attributed values; attributed values of column L in Smith’s orthog- raphy. R. of Ifaluk: 1955, 1957A, and 1957B. Sequence, characters and attributed values; attributed values of columns N and O in Smith’s orthography. A. of Falalap, Woleai, 1957. Sequence, characters, and attributed values. L. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values. N. of Pigue, Faraulep, 1957. Characters and attributed values. O. of Falalus, Woleai, 1957. Characters and attributed values. P. of Eauripik, 1957. Sequence and characters. S. of Ifaluk, 1955. Characters. REMARKS 1. Positions in sequence of column A assigned to characters in columns D-I, R, S, T, and V by comparison of form of character, and of value if given, with form and value of characters of the other columns. 2. Bracketed characters are those not given in informants’ lists but occurring in word samples; or are variant forms from word samples. 3. Values in columns B, C, and I are as given by Damm, Damm and Sarfert, and Someki respectively. Attributed values in columns J, L, N, and O are based on hearing of tape recordings and are in Smith’s orthography, except those in parentheses, which were heard under hurried field conditions. Those in column N were obtained from informant R. reading not his own list of characters but the list by informant M. (given in column J). At- tributed values in columns K, P, Q, and T, in parentheses, not taped; are given as roughly recorded in the field. Attributed values in columns M, R, and S§S, in parentheses, not taped; values were written by these inform- ants in Japanese katakana, and are here shown in the orthography used by Prof. Y. Uyehara of the University of Hawaii, who has transcribed the katakana characters for us.* 4. Numbers preceding characters in columns B, C, J, P, and U, form separate series, independent of any series of numbers in figure 25. Numbers preced- ing characters in columns K-—O are in the same series as those preceding corresponding lists of characters in figure 25 by the same informants, since these informants gave lists containing characters of both types. *See footnote following notes to figure 25. Byes Wo Were Fy, both types 7 ’ ia. |. DOCK firires 2) I It wmnles o! be Il ether pereagle rong or & VI The neon r At Farnules® iv Cols, J~Mi, another iw h Hi Stose of ‘I My ig thig Hist af © Pag apd [Vil&i) be ay ite. P Sind ae oe | Fe ama: '*.@ Witter si bad wording samples ite | meluded be i “: ahie. ia recd” ; @ taptis hay le Waicu « , IX Baty. 24, aa | : | IX | Se exit i 42 OWS) : * ViyeW.A YA & heE,3 H(i) H Yd A (kif P Ni, NM MV Vin vw VW (eo WW bP ad B ich® .8 UbPs a E (yok ,3 T (ebb 63S AAW » UY T Viya) At Viyay WS b(e) 3s Hi He Ha Oz { Va Fitnds vy ndfS O1 Vat NV pel wri) K ehe & Digy \ishaS 2 alo at D cna it \ iF: x or Hays ry Ut | | | | ee oF a ee p. 278) BERR HR HRY HERE ER > 471762 O -60 (Face C IW ya 2y ja 3.6 jé 4[7 5. Oo 606 BP fi lO.K gi WM ni 2M li 13.Wmi IoC Nlwi l6.BIBIdji 14. P pi 9.2 si 17.E jo 18. P ti I5.f2 ri 7ZO[Alu ya H,1 @) Oy asa = K 58. (yaa) 49, Elye) 59. H(i) 31. Oo) 35. 0a) 42.F¢7) 48. K (ki) 34. (ngi) 46. (ni) 24.Wimi) 65. wi) 45. B(chi) 63. P(pi) 43. Ti) 26.Rirri) 570W) E 45.V ya 76.Y yoa 52. B yae 33.0 wo 56.0 woa 49. F Fi 53.K ki 27. ngi 26. ni 31.W mi 28. Pp wi 50.B chi 23.) pi 32.2 si 43.E yo 38. T ti 440 u Ficure 26.—Type 2 symbols and values. M N 56.Vya) ya 63. Y(yo-ya) yoa 49. G yae 82.H (i) i 83.0(0) 52.0 wo 84.0) (o-wa) yoa 73.P(fu-i) 50F Fi 58.K (ki) ki 89. W (ngi) ngi 59. W(ni) nii 71.W (mi) mwii 72.) (i) wi 79.8 (chi) chi 74. P (pi) pii 62.2 (shi) sii 8I.E(yo) 48.E yo 77. T(tei) ti 60. R (ri) ri 87. W(u) u (For explanation, see opposite page.) 58.O woa 50.0 ngii 52.V nii 60. D pi 55. U shii p |. W(yaa) 2.6 (yee) SG) 4 O (woa) 3.) (yoa) 5.F (fii) 6. (kii) (W] 7. NM (nii) 8. (mii) 9. (wii) (BJ II. D (pii) 10. U(sii) Cel I2."P(tii) [R] [A] 47. Olwo) [UN(ni) ([hlwid (2ksi 43 E (yo) (Pkti) 48.0 (uh) P (pi) K (ki) N (ni) W (mi) B (chi) E (yo) PT (te) (vu) P (fi) YW (ngi) h(wi) Bichi) D (pyo) \ (shi) D (rid Ov) H (i) Owe) (a(fi) Wingi) U (nid W (mi) SY (wi) 10. 7V WW 12.M 3.8 14.P 92 5c 16k 70) HERR RRB E RHR ERA ea Anthrop. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 279 PRESENT-DAY KNOWLEDGE AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE WRITING We were able, in 1954 to 1957, to obtain lists of symbols of one or both types from various living informants of Woleai, Faraulep, Lamotrek, Ifaluk, and Eauripik. These symbols are included in figures 25 and 26 under informants’ names. In addition we have samples of the writing, though not lists of characters, from several other persons of all these atolls; and additional persons were able to read or at least to identify many of the characters. We also have samples from tattooing and from canoe-house beams (pls. 42-44). The number of people who today know the writing is not certain. At Faraulep two men and two women provided us with lists which included both types of characters (fig. 25, cols. H—M, and fig. 26, cols. J-M, R, S), and the two men wrote sample words and texts; another two men and two women (two of them of Woleai origin) were able to recognize from 14 to 38 Type 1 characters and 15 to 17 of those of Type 2; still another woman is said to know the writing; in this list of Faraulepese familiar with the system we should also reckon a tenth person, a man who died in 1955, but who the previous year had recognized 17 symbols of Type 2 and is said to have known the other type. As for the other atolls in the Woleais: Woleai atoll: Two women of Falalap Island gave us Type 1 lists and wrote Type 2 characters in sample words (fig. 25, cols. R, S; fig. 26, col. Q); a Falalus man wrote a Type 2 list (fig. 26, col. T); a Wottagai woman and a Siliap man wrote some Type 2 characters and words; two Wottagai men could read symbols of Type 2; and we copied examples of writing in tattoo and on house beams and tinder- boxes at Falalus and Wottagai (as we did also at Faraulep). Hauripik: One man wrote a Type 2 list (fig. 26, col. U), and another man recog- nized 16 of the Type 2 characters and wrote sample words; a third man, the last at this atoll who knew Type 1 writing, died recently. Tfaluk: One man wrote three lists containing both types (fig. 25, cols. N, O; fig. 26, cols. N—P) and a long text in characters of both types, as well as sample words; another man wrote a similar text (his characters are shown in fig. 25, col. T, and fig. 26, col. V); and a third man, who claimed to have once known the whole system, could read a large number of the characters. Lamotrek: A man of Ifaluk origin who learned the writing at Ifaluk by means of letters from Faraulep, gave us two Type 1 lists (fig. 25, cols. P, Q) and was able to read additional characters of both types; he also wrote sample words; a second man recited the lists orally; and a third could read many of the characters; and again there was writing on house beams. Elato: No one knew the system, although several persons bore 280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 tattooing in Type 2 characters done by a woman now dead, and we copied characters from house beams. Satawal: One man who died in 1955 had the previous year recognized some Type 2 characters; no one else literate in the writing could be found, although a Satawal woman who did tattooing in both types is still living at Palau, and at least four women (one of them from Woleai) were tattooed with the symbols; and writing on house beams, most of it dating from Japanese times, was once more recorded. As for Puluwat, east of the Woleais, though three informants knew the writing for what it was, they could read none of it and stated that the few people who had known it were dead. Altogether we have samples of writing and/or lists of characters from 27 living or recently deceased persons, as well as characters copied from tattooing and from beams and other objects. No doubt some of the people whom we tested only for reading ability can also write in the script. It would appear, then, that the writing has or once had a geo- graphical distribution from Eauripik in the west to Puluwat, 300 miles to the east, and was known on all the inhabited islands between. (See map 1.) Specific inquiry elsewhere in the Carolines established that it had not existed beyond these limits,’ but it was often recog- nized for what it was; people on Pulusuk, for example, have heard of it as “writing of Faraulep.”” Within the area where it exists, not many persons seem ever to have known it, and knowledge of it is declining. While formerly there was some interest among younger people in learning the writing, many today use an adaptation of Japanese katakana writing instead, and the children are being taught to write in the English alphabet in Government schools. All of our informants were past their youth. Previously, when more people knew the system, it was used for writing letters to one another, often to request supplies of native and European commodities, but nowa- days, with travel made easier and with stores available, this function of writing has lapsed. The few people who know the script today use it primarily to record chants and magical and medicinal formulae. One man says he learned the writing specifically in order to be able to record songs, medicines, and magic, which he keeps in a notebook. A recent convert to Catholicism keeps a notebook of catechism lessons in the writing. An Ifaluk man who, in late Japanese times, became lost at sea, states that during his misadventure he kept an account in the native writing which included the birds he saw ‘“‘and their mean- ing.’ Lt. Kevin Carroll (tragically killed in Iran in 1957), who was an administrator in the military government at Yap in 1946, told us that he sometimes transmitted orders to the Central Carolines, through an Ifaluk amanuensis, in the native script. 7 We have no information for Pulap, just east of the Woleais. 281 CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO Anthrop. Pap. No. 60] *ydiios eyi fo gdU9IINIDO 94} JO voIY—'T IVI. 099/ o SS! 00S! o Sh o Obl o SEI GIYOISYFIONN SQNVTS! GILIGVHN! AY S20 N Wie S37 Sf ISP UY V dN0¥9 IOWON OuUVvd) oS e/osny UpmModpOS % Ss € —_—— Jounyny~ 2 10+7 Deer errs Ynjowoy* are — SS ynsning L-<<" OR ynjeg/ Tee . i EP r > ees i yal] leo GOO ee —- B30 4 aayng’\ 4 o140 27] ae = Gesu O) / \ a + afvy ; 1 jor0g © UIMa0NN \ JIM / ! ° , £12 I e s G/THNYY) see oe AN dajApiey a7” ae sedioo age ih ea a Se ae ae et SS SS SS Se ae ee ; Te] SITIW FLNLVLS oS! if sl 009! o 5S 0 OS! oSt/ 2 OF 2 SE 282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 NUMBER AND SEQUENCE OF CHARACTERS From all the sources previously mentioned and from the lists of characters and samples of writing we ourselves have collected, we have a total of at least 78 characters of Type 1, to most of which we can assign phonetic values, and 19 of Type 2. We also know that there is a definite sequence. For Type 1, M.’ of Faraulep gives a list of 42 characters identical in sequence with the first 42 of Brown’s list from Woleai. Of the three lists obtained from C., one is identical in sequence as far as Brown’s No. 21, one as far as No. 22, and the third to No. 50 (except for character 35, which is given as the 80th in C.’s list). Similarly, of R.’s two lists containing Type 1 characters, one coincides with Brown’s as far as character 43 (with some omissions) and the other up to character 20 (with one omission) and again from 29 to 43. From T., one list (with two omissions) runs in the same order up to No. 18, and another list (with some omissions) to 47. B. gives a list which duplicates Brown’s from 1 to 12, omits 13 to 38, but resumes at 39 and runs to Brown’s 49. And the list by A. runs in Brown’s sequence to No. 44 (with four omissions and with No. 28 out of order). The list from the Faraulep wooden board of 1909, with three omissions, also runs in the same sequence up to No. 32. As for Type 2, only five lists are given in sequence separate from Type 1 (fig. 26, cols. B, C, J, P, U). It will be seen that four of them agree as far as No. VI. The Ifaluk list of 1909 and the Faraulep list of 1955 agree completely in sequence except for the omission of one character in the former. The Satawal list of 1909 and the Eauripik list of 1957 likewise are in agreement (not considering omissions) as far as No. XI, and both have No. XIX in seventh position. It is evident, then, that we have here a system of writing which was well-defined some time before 1909. ORIGIN OF THE WRITING DISTINCTNESS OF THE TWO TYPES What is the origin of the Carolinian writing? We may disregard the speculations of Brown, Diringer, Imbelloni, and Someki, since there is no evidence to support them and they border on the fantastic. In answering this question, it is important to note that of the five lists of characters we have obtained from published sources, two (Brown’s Woleai list and the list from the wooden board found at Faraulep by Damm) contain only one type, the non-alphabetical type which we 8 Designations of informants referred to in this paper are as follows: A.: Marutang of Falalap, Woleai. B.: Nachomai of Falalap, Woleai. C.: Chiyemal of Pigue, Faraulep. L.: Laichib of Pigue, Faraulep. M.: Magilo of Pigue, Faraulep. N.: Nesawen of Pigue, Faraulep. O.: Maluchorang of Falalus, Woleai. P.: Fagolifek of Eauripik. R.: Maroligar of Ifaluk. S.: TarofofIfaluk. T.: Tachep of Lamotrek. Quinta. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 283 have called Type 1; two (the Ifaluk and Satawal lists published by Damm and by Damm and Sarfert) contain symbols which are all of Type 2; only one (Someki’s), which appears to be in no formal se- quence, has both types. In other words, the natives from whom the lists were obtained themselves consider the symbols to be of two types; we have not sorted them out on any logical grounds. Also, some of our informants gave us the two types in two separate sets. Other informants gave us mixed lists, but nevertheless distinguish the characters as belonging to two types of writing. SIMILARITY OF TYPE 2 SCRIPT TO THE ALPHABET When we first examined the symbols it was immediately apparent that those of Type 2 were taken without great alteration from Roman alphabetical symbols; they all appear to be modified forms of our own upper-case letters; whereas most of those of Type 1 bore little resem- blance to the alphabet or, it seems evident from examination of the exhaustive compilation of other forms of writing illustrated by Dirin- ger, to any other known system of writing. It therefore suggested itself to us that Type 2 was first introduced into these islands from some European source, and that, perhaps because it fitted poorly into the native phonetic patterns, another system, Type 1, was then devised in order to fill a need for more adequate representation. SYLLABIC VALUES It was apparent also that neither type of symbol was used alpha- betically, except for symbols representing vowel sounds alone. The three words that Brown gives us indicate that both types were being used in 1913 to represent syllables, not single phones. The words and phrases we later obtained from our own informants verified our guess that this was in fact a syllabary, and suggested what the process of development had been. All the symbols, of both types, have names which are also their attributed phonetic values (although, as we shall see, in actual writing values are often only approximate). Ex- cept for characters representing vowels alone, nearly all of which belong to Type 2, they represent open syllables composed of an initial consonant or semivowel followed by a vowel. Further, every symbol of Type 2, excluding those representing vowels alone, has an attributed value whose vowel portion is a long 7, while all symbols of Type 1, with two exceptions (Nos. 7 and 67) have as their vowel portions attributed values other than 7. Writing is accomplished by a mixed alphabet-syllabary system; when a syllable consists of a vowel alone, the character for that vowel is used, as in alphabetical writing; when it is formed by a consonant-plus-vowel or semivowel- plus-vowel combination, the appropriate syllabic character, of either type, is used. (See table 2.) 284 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 TYPE 2 HISTORY RECONSTRUCTED This evidence caused us to guess that a European alphabet or a modified form thereof had been introduced to these islands, but with names attached to the letters different from those we know them by; that the names for the consonantal letters consisted of the phonetic value of the consonant followed by an 7 suffix; that the natives did not understand the acrophonic principle upon which the names were based, hence did not attempt to write alphabetically but took these names as having syllabic value and tried to write their language with them;* and that they devised the other system of writing, Type 1, when they found the first system of syllabic representation, Type 2, inadequate to reproduce all the sounds of their language. This reconstruction of history seemed consistent with the consistently open form of the syllable in this language, syllable-final consonants commonly occurring only at the ends of words. Binary geminate sequences occur, but dissimilar consonants are almost always sepa- rated by at least an excrescent vowel. Among the 301 Woleai words that we have assembled from the text material in Smith (1951), written in his orthography, only three combinations seem to be excep- tions, those italicized in the place names So/w/g, Ya/u/rw/pii/g, and Ya/ nga/lh/ge/ra/i/th. Thus, since the spoken language in large part is composed of open monosyllables, such a system of writing serves it well. When a spoken word has a terminal consonant, only the con- sonantal portion of the final character used in writing the word re- tains phonetic value, and the vowel portion which follows it becomes valueless. POSSIBLE SOURCES Where could the natives of these islands have obtained the Roman characters? Dates of discovery by Europeans range from 1686 for Faraulep to 1828 for Eauripik, but the natives were in inti- mate contact with other islands which had earlier contact with the West; Yap, for example, was discovered in 1526, and Fais in 1548. In the late 18th and early 19th centuries, visits by explorers and trad- ers became fairly frequent, and a number of ship’s deserters and castaways have left accounts of their stay in various of the Carolines. But missionaries failed to establish permanent stations in these islands until the end of the 19th century, and the natives remained in virtually aboriginal condition. The natives themselves were probably more active agents in culture dispersal in those days than were explorers, traders, or missionaries. They are skilled mariners and navigators, and possess a remarkable geographical knowledge. Much has been written of the navigational skill and exploratory zeal of the Polyne- ® For examples of writing in 1909 with exclusively Type 2 characters, see Damm and Sarfert (1935, p. 277). Autnrap. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 285 sians, but the similar qualities of the Micronesians have remained in obscurity. According to Hornell (1936, p. 438), ‘In all the Microne- sian groups of islands the design of the outrigger canoe reached a higher level of development than in any part of Polynesia, as did also the knowledge of the science of navigation possessed by certain of the islanders.” Meinicke (1876, p. 374) likewise refers to the natives of the Carolines and Marshalls as the foremost mariners of the Pacific, far surpassing the Polynesians in this respect, and Kramer compares Micronesian and Polynesian geographical knowledge with similar advantage to the former. In earlier days a flotilla of canoes from the Central Carolines assembled each April at Gaferut® and made the 300-mile trip thence to Guam in the Marianas in 8 days; canoes from Woleai, Faraulep, Lamotrek, Elato, Satawal, Puluwat, and possibly Pulusuk and Namonuito participated in this expedition; they traded shells, mats, cordage, and canoes for iron knives, beads, and cloth, and made the return voyage in May or June. Guam, be it noted, had been missionized by the Spanish beginning in 1668. This com- merce, apparently interrupted by the Spanish conquest of the Mari- anas, was resumed in 1788 and persisted until 1873. Kittlitz (1858) encountered Caroline natives in 1827, e. g., at Faraulep, who already spoke fluent Spanish, an ability no doubt acquired on visits to Guam. Objects of Marianas origin were traded farther east than the islands directly involved in the commerce, e. g., to Truk and Namoluk (Finsch, 1900, p. 48; Girschner, 1912-13, p. 180), which got their iron tools and tobacco from Puluwat. Liitke (1835, p. 295) found cats on Luku- nor (in the Nomoi group), known by the Spanish name ‘“‘gato,”’ which, no doubt, were obtained from the Marianas via such native traders. A permanent colony of Carolinians grew up in the Marianas after 1815, with settlements at Guam and Saipan, and later at Tinian. These colonists, who numbered many hundreds, came, and continued until recent years to come, from the very islands we are here concerned with, as well as from others which lack the writing; visits back and forth to their home islands were frequent; much trading involving European manufactures occurred. There was also contact with the Spanish in the Philippines. The Spaniards at Guam employed Caroline crews to take them as far as the Philippines. The journal of the Salem ship Clay, Capt. W. R. Driver, reports finding in the Fijis in 1827 two natives of the Carolines left there by a Manila brig 5 years before; these men signed on the Clay as crew members and returned to Manila. Traditions of sea- farers cast away in the Philippines and successfully returned home are known as far east as Puluwat. The first knowledge of the Woleais comes from Spanish accounts of 30 canoeloads of people from these 10 Not West Fayu, as is often stated in the older literature on the subject. 471762—60 20 286 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 islands driven ashore at Mindanao and elsewhere in 1664, and the literature contains many more such reports in later years, including the most recent case in 1954. Many of these castaways made their way home, either by themselves or aboard foreign vessels. Another point of contact with the outside world was by way of Yap, whose dominion over all the Central Carolines has been described by several writers," and continues in diminished degree until today; formerly it extended farther east than the islands we are concerned with here, and contacts with Europeans would have been possible at both ends of the area involved. Mission activities at Yap, to be sure, did not commence until 1886, but traders were active there earlier in the century. Finally, maps drawn by natives of these islands and sailing directions which they are capable of giving reveal knowledge of places in the Philippines, parts of Indonesia, the northern fringe of Melanesia, and some of the islands of the Gilberts and Polynesia. Nevertheless, none of the foregoing gives us any clear indication that some early contact with the West or with literate natives from other regions resulted in familiarity with writing among Central Carolinians. We have only one report of writing from this area before the German expedition’s visit in 1909: Arago (1822, p. 35) reproduces a letter from a Satawal chief written in response to the order of a trader at Rota in the Marianas; the writing used in this letter is purely pictographic, the chief having made drawings of the objects he desired in return for the shells which he had for barter, and there is not the slightest resemblance to the system of writing we are here concerned with. Nor is this system reported by Chamisso, Choris, Dumont d’Urville, Freycinet, Kittlitz, Kotzebue, Lesson, or Liitke, all astute observers, in the early 19th century, and it is not likely that it would have escaped the attention of Christian, Finsch, or Kubary in the latter part of that century if it had existed then. It seemed to us therefore that the writing must be of more recent origin. Also it appeared that the most likely place to look for its source was in the islands to the east of the area concerned. To the west and north are Palau and the Marianas, whose inhabitants speak Indonesian languages, and Yap, whose language, although it is usually classified as Micronesian, is very different from the languages of the Central Carolines. The borrowing of Roman characters from these islands, even though some of the natives of the Woleais speak Yapese, would for these reasons have been difficult. But more important, alphabetical writing was introducted to the Marianas, Palau, and Yap by the Spanish, and the letters of the alphabet, as 11 See Lessa, 1950. Nogoy? ¢°P* CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 287 given orally by the natives of those islands today, all have modified Spanish names, very different from the names in the Central Carolines of the Type 2 characters which we have considered to be of alphabetical derivation. LINGUISTIC AFFILIATIONS The language of the Central Carolines belongs to a larger linguistic group which has a geographical range stretching from Ulithi in the west nearly to Truk and Nomoi (or the Mortlocks) in the east, and includes also the islands south of Palau. This area has four sub- divisions: in the west, Ulithi, Fais, and Sorol; to the southwest, Sonsorol, Pulo Anna, Merir, Tobi, and probably Mapia; to the east, Pulap, Pulusuk, and Puluwat; and in the center, all the inhabited islands of the group commonly referred to as the Woleais: Faraulep, Eauripik, Lamotrek, Elato, Ifaluk, Satawal, as well as Woleai atoll itself. The Woleais, together with Puluwat, constitute the area where the writing is known. The languages of these four subdivisions are mutually intelligible, differing only in some phonemic shifts and in some minor vocabulary changes. Farther east, the inhabitants of Truk and of the islands to the north and south of Truk, including the Nomoi group, speak dialects of another language, whose relationship to the first language group is close but not sufficiently so to permit mutual intelligibility. However the two vocabularies offer a great number of cognates and the phonemic patterns are not remarkably different (Smith, 1951). THE ALPHABET OF TRUK In the first language area there has not been, until the time of the American administration, beginning after World War II, any literature in the native tongue. But in the second area there has been, since 1878, a series of Bibles, hymn books, catechisms, arith- metic instruction books, and so on. These are all in the Nomoi dialect, and were all written by the missionary Logan, who was as- signed this task by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions.” The books are used not only in the Nomoi group but in 12 Available to us are the following, all by the missionary Logan: Makuen Mark. 1880 and 1882 editions. Honolulu. Kapas fel, puk eu, kapas enlom kana, Mortlok. 1880. Honolulu. Nor an lamalam kana; kapas an Mortlok (Mortlock Island Hymns). 1881. Cincinnati. Puk an afalafal, kapas an Mortlok. 1881. Honolulu. Testament Sefa an amam Samolo Ran amanau Jisos Kraist. 1883 (1st edition) and 1944 (7th edition). New York. Kapas fel, puk eu: kapas en Kot, Mortlok. 1884. New York. Aritmatik. 1887. Honolulu. Puk an ais fel, me ais an lamalam kana (Mortlock catechism). 1888. Honolulu. Puk an kél, me kél an Jamalam kana, lan kapas an Ruk me Mortlok. 1888 (2d ed.), Honolulu; and n.d. (3d ed.), San Francisco. 288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 all of the Truk area without accommodation to dialect difference. They are printed in ordinary roman characters, some of them also using a number of diacritical devices.” Trukese today, who write alphabetically and who still use the Logan Bible unaltered from its 19th century form, when asked to recite their alphabet nearly all respond with the following sequence: AE TOUFS KLMNNPRRT." These are the very same characters that are used in three of Logan’s books, except that Logan also usesa J. (J is used on Truk by the older generation, almost solely for writing biblical names.) Also one of the Logan books (Puk an afalafal, 1881, p. 1) contains, apparently for instructional purposes, almost the same sequence: AEITIOUFJKLMNNPRRST. In oral recitation, the vowels have approximately Spanish values, and the consonants which follow are given as though suffixed by 7, thus: fi, si, ki, li, mi, ni, ngi, pi, ri, chi, ti. That is, the names of the Trukese consonants are the same as the names and phonetic values of the Type 2 syllabic characters of the Woleais.° There are only five vowels as against the eight in the Type 2 lists, and the sequence of characters is slightly different—we will shortly attempt to explain these differences—but the relationship would seem to be obvious. The Truk area would seem, then, to be the source of the Type 2 writing of the Central Carolines. Moreover, inasmuch as Logan began his work in 1878, Type 2 writing must have come into use since that date. ALFRED SNELLING AND THE TRUKESE CASTAWAYS How did the Trukese alphabet get to the Woleais? No American Board missionary was ever stationed there, but the Ifaluk informants of Damm told him that a missionary from Truk, who was en route from Ulul (in Namonuito atoll) to Truk in a sailing canoe, together with a number of Trukese, was driven ashore at Eauripik at some unspecified time; there he remained until a Woleai chief arrived and invited him to accompany him back to Woleai; the Trukese already knew how to 13 Logan’s books all contain the following roman characters; A, E,I,O,U,F,J, K, L,M,N,P,R,S, T. Three have in addition Nand R. Three others have N, R, A, and O. The 1888 catechism has all of these characters, plus an umlaut E. The second edition of the hymn book published in 1888 has all of these characters again, as well as diacritical devices—accent, two forms of circumflex, and umlaut—for A, E, I, and O, which also have italicized forms. The 3d edition of the same hymn book (n. d., but published before 1899) converts all of these forms to italicization. After 1900 the only nonstandard orthographic devices are italicized N, R, A, and O. 14 The Spanish, before 1900, introduced their own alphabet, which has never caught on, one reason being that two of the consonants, as pronounced by the Spanish, form words with vulgar meaning. 16 The alphabets of Ponape and Kusaie, in the Eastern Carolines, and of the Marshall Islands are similar; that is, they are given with the vowels, pronounced with Spanish values, first, then the consonants which again all have names withiendings. Apparently this regularization of consonantal names was the standard pedagogical device of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions missionaries. These islands, however, have languages with phonemic systems different from those with which we are concerned in this paper, a fact reflected in the local alphabets; thus the missionaries did not introduce F at Ponape, where there is no corresponding phoneme, but did introduce both D and T. These alphabets, therefore, could not be the source of the Type 2 writing. oe Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 289 write and taught the art to their hosts at Eauripik and Woleai; the account goes on to say that the Trukese went back to Truk via Ifaluk and Lamotrek and taught writing to the inhabitants of these atolls too. To this account is to be added that of Burrows and Spiro (1953, p. 201), who say that writing “‘came to Ifaluk from Woleai, where it was taught by a missionary.” (Burrows gives no further information about the writing.) One of our informants, a man of Eauripik, confirmed the foregoing in the following words: ‘“‘An American Protestant missionary from Truk got lost on a boat during German times (1900-1914). He stayed there (Kauripik) and taught the people (how to write) .... His name was Misinining. He was there only for three or four months and left for Falalap (in Woleai) where he soon died.’ Another Eauripik man refers to this missionary as Misililing and remembers that he and the Trukese all gave instruction in writing. All of these accounts, of course, must refer to the writing we have called Type 2, since the castaway party from Truk must have used for instruction the alphabet known to them, and we have seen that the alphabet is the inspiration of Type 2 writing. . The mention of a missionary called ‘‘Misinining”’ sent us to the records of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, where we found that a Rev. Alfred Snelling was missionary to Truk beginning in 1888, and that he was lost at sea in a native boat in 1905 (Bliss, 1906, pp. 129, 162; American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, Annual Reports, 1886 to 1906). The equation of Mr. Snelling and “Misinining” is obvious. Damm (1938, p. 133) and Kramer (1937, p. 203), in context unrelated to anything bearing on the script, also refer to Snelling. Damm relates only that Snelling sailed in a native canoe for 93 days until he reached Eauripik, whence he went to Woleai. Kramer gives the story in greater detail, telling how Snelling, en route from Puluwat and Ulul to Truk, went astray and drifted for 3 months until he reached Eauripik, whence a boat crew from Woleai fetched him to their island, where he died. None of these published accounts which mention Snelling say any- thing about his role in the introduction of writing. However, Mr. Frank Mahony, presently District Anthropologist at Truk, has estab- lished the connection in the following interview with a Trukese named Airas. The story of Snelling is well known at Truk, but Airas, who was a student at Snelling’s school in 1900, and who made the ill-fated voyage with him, is apparently the last survivor of that journey. Mahony relates: Snelling left Tétiw [Tarik] Island [in Truk atoll] intending to go to Ulul and Piserach [both in Namonuito atoll]. He picked up the chiefs of Puluwat and Ulul on Etten [in Truk atoll], then went to Tol [in Truk atoll] to get Sirom and Kinion 290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 [two men]. Snelling took 400 baskets of preserved breadfruit with him to give to . .. Piserach and Ulul. They left Truk and went to Piserach, thence to Ulul, then back to Piserach. They left Piserach around 2:00 PM to make the return journey to Truk. . . . Ten hours later . . . they were still not out of sight of Piserach. . . . At 3:00 AM a light breeze blew up . . . While Snelling slept some passengers they had picked up on Ulul.. . talked the crew into changing course. ... From then on they searched in vain for Truk. They had a little copra and some drinking coconuts aboard. . . . At the end of seven- teen days this was all gone. They managed to catch a few fish. They were at sea about ninety days until finally they got to Hauripik. Meanwhile . . . four of them had . . . died of starvation. The people of Eauripik took very good care of them. . . . When a big chief of Woleai named Okupeniar [Kramer gives his name as Agupelior] came they went with him to Woleai . . . [The three Jap- anese living there] took Snelling into their house. . . . Snelling knew he was going to die and asked to be moved . . . to the men’s house , . . and in twenty- four hours he was dead. ... After a few months Airas and the others left Woleai and went to Lamotrek. . . . Then they went on to Satawal and on to Puluwat ... then after a couple of weeks . . . back to Truk. Mahony: Did you hold school on the islands? Airas: No, we !° just taught them to write. . . . They didn’t know how before. ... We taught (the Trukese alphabet) to the people of Eauripik and Woleai... but not to the people of Satawal, Puluwat, and Lamotrek. . . . We didn’t stay long enough on these islands, and besides they already knew how to write. On Lamotrek the Guamanian wife of the white trader had taught the people how to write. . . . The people of Satawal probably learned from Lamotrek. ADOPTION OF THE TRUKESE CHARACTERS Airas recalls the following alphabet as used by himself and the other Trukese instructors: AETOOUFSKLMNNPRRJT. It differs from the modern Trukese alphabet only in having two extra letters, O and J. Of these letters, all six vowels occur in the Type 2 writing of today, where the vowels A, E, I, and O are to be found in positions I, III, IV, and V, and where U occurs in different positions on different islands (see fig. 26). The fifth character in Airas’ series, O, is no doubt the sixth in the various versions of Type 2 writing and is to be equated with the italic O of some of the Nomoi books of Logan. As for the other two vowels in Type 2 writing, one of them, the second in all the series, is very likely the italic A of most of the Nomoi books, and the E-like character, No. XVI, is possibly derived from the italic E which we have found in three of those books (though we later suggest a possible Japanese katakana derivation.) Airas’ failure to include these two letters in his series may very well be due 16 For the record, we should mention the names of the other Trukese teachers, who, with Airas, carried on their instruction, using pencil and paper as well as writing in the sand. They are Kinion, Sirom, Une- itor, and Resapechik. No gor | 2 «CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 291 to a fault of memory; 50 years have passed since his adventure, during which time the Trukese alphabet has become standardized in the version given on page 288, so that Airas may be influenced by modern writing, which tends to omit italics. All the consonantal names in the alphabet given by Airas are pro- nounced by him with 7 endings. Identification of most of them with the Type 2 characters is readily apparent upon inspection and need not be discussed. A few Type 2 characters have been altered in ori- entation (as Nos. IV and XI) or in minor detail (as Nos. VIII, X, XIII, and XIV).!” Only the Type 2 symbol representing the sound wi (No. XII) is at all puzzling. Possibly it is the letter J, which oc- curs in all the Nomoi printed books, where it is used interchangeably with S; it occurs also in Airas’ alphabet, where, like S, it has the name si. J is disappearing in modern Trukese writing because of this equivalence with S, but its former position is shown by its replace- ment by S between F and K. Nowif J was indeed among the letters taught to the people of Eauripik and Woleai, as Airas states, its obvious superfluity may have resulted in its being used in Type 2 writing to represent a sound for which no symbol was available but which was felt to be required, namely wi; the position of character XII at the very end of the Satawal list (see fig. 26), as though it was tacked on after this transformation was effected, suggests this explana- tion.'® The only letter in both the Trukese alphabet and in Airas’ list which does not appear in Type 2 writing is L. In the Nomois, where Logan worked out the alphabet used in all the printed materials of the Truk area, 1 and n are both phonemes, as they are also, apparently, in all of the low islands around Truk. But at Truk itself there is no / phoneme, only n, and L is used in writing when necessity is felt to defer to tradi- tional spellings based on the Nomoi Bible, the Bible used at Truk. Now at Woleai atoll there are four corresponding phonemes, which Smith (1951) writes 1, lh, n, and nh (the h indicating a release). These phonemic distinctions are probably made also in the speech of most of the other Woleais. Yet in the writing no necessity is apparently felt to make the same distinctions; we shall see that this holds true for the characters of Type 1 also, that is, those characters whose syllabic 17 Thanks to Mr. Mahony, an old man of Murilo (an atoll north of Truk) has furnished us with examples of the alphabetical characters used in the 'Truk area about 50 years ago, apparently as the missionaries taught them. There are some differences in form of the characters when they are compared with the Type 2 writing of today in the Woleais, but at least his E, N, and T bear the same peculiar embellishments as the corresponding Woleai characters (see fig. 26), so it would appear that the alteration from the graphic form of Roman upper-case characters did not occur in the Woleais but in the Truk area. 18 Airas would seem to have transposed J and S in position in his series. However, a Nomoi man who went to Snelling’s school at Truk from 1897 to 1901 gives the final letter of the alphabet as he learned it as J, so possibly Snelling’s party introduced it to the Woleais in this position. Modern samples of tattooing collected by Mr. Mahony at Puluwat contain a J-like character which is read as wi, not si. 292 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 values contain these four consonants, suffixed with vowel sounds other than 7. If L was among the letters taught by Airas and his com- panions, it had dropped out of use as a Type 2 character between 1905, the date of Snelling’s drift voyage, and 1909, when the Siidsee Expedition collected Type 2 lists at Satawal and Ifaluk. However, in the various Type 1 series there is an L-like character at position 33, whose value Brown gives as Ja and the consensus of our informants makes to be ne or nae. We may guess that the Trukese castaways in- troduced L and N as equivalent in name, because of the Trukese pho- nemic pattern, and that L was therefore converted into a Type 1 symbol whose value was rather similar; one of our informants, C., actually states that character 33 was indeed so derived. Airas’ account is that the Trukese castaways taught the alphabet as they knew it only to the natives of Kauripik and Woleai; that the Guamanian woman at Lamotrek had already taught the people of that island to write; that Satawal probably got its writing from Lamotrek; and that by then the people of Puluwat also knew how to write. How- ever, it is hardly possible that the Satawal writing of Type 2, recorded in 1909, would have had the consonant-plus~ value pattern, as it did, if it were of Guamanian origin. Guam uses a standard Roman alpha- bet, whose letters have Spanish names, while the Satawal characters of Type 2 are in form, name, and value completely in the Woleai pat- tern. Moreover, the form, name, and value of the Lamotrek char- acters obtained in 1955, as well as the form of the Lamotrek and Pulu- wat characters of 1909 painted and incised on the various objects, pre- viously mentioned, are all of the same pattern. As for the Guamanian woman, a Lamotrek informant who in 1905 would have been about 18 years old denies that she taught anyone to write. Either Airas’ mem- ory is at fault or whatever Guamanian influences may have been pres- ent in 1905 had disappeared by 1909. If missionaries had previously visited Puluwat, as Snelling did the islands north of Truk in the course of his missionary work, or if natives of Puluwat attended the mis- sionary school at Truk, it is possible that there may have been a sepa- rate introduction of the alphabet there; there do seem to have been native missionaries from Truk at Puluwat from time to time. This might explain Airas’ statement that the people of Puluwat already knew how to write. Examples of relatively recent tattooing collected by Mr. Mahony from islands all around Truk, including Puluwat, are done in upper-case alphabetical characters, many of which show the peculiarities of the Type 2 characters we have recorded from the Woleais (e. g., the triangular embellishments on the cross strokes of the E, T, and other letters) ; these may stem from a separate influence from Truk. Anthrop. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 293 In this connection, it will be noted (see fig. 26) that the two Type 2 lists of 1909 are in rather different sequence. The Ifaluk list (col. B) of 1909, however, is identical to the Faraulep list (col. J) of 1954, ex- cept for omission of No. XV, and R.’s partial list (col. P) of 1957 agrees in having No. VI out of order and Nos. XIV and XV reversed. On the other hand, the Satawal list (col. C) of 1909 is in fairly close agree- ment with the Eauripik list (col. U) of 1957, as well as with the present- day Trukese alphabet and with the alphabet Airas says he taught at Eauripik and Woleai in 1905; all of them have U (No. XIX) following italic O (No. VI), then F (VIII), S (XV), and, except for one of these lists, K (VIII); and P (XIV) is followed by R (XVIII) and italic R (XIII) except on the Eauripik list. This would possibly suggest that - there were two separate introductions of the alphabet, each in a different sequence; but then it must be assumed that in each case the same development followed, that is, the names of the letters were both times taken as their phonetic values and the letters converted into a syllabary. More likely the alphabet introduced in 1905 at Eauripik and Woleai was similar in sequence to Airas’ list as he gave it 50 years later, and as it diffused among the Central Carolinians a second tradi- tion developed which became fixed by 1909, as seen by the persistence of the Ifaluk sequence of 1909 until 1954 at Faraulep. It is also of interest at this point to note a similar development in Type 1 writing. Characters 24, 25, and 28, occurring in identical po- sitions in the lists of Brown (Woleai) and of M. and C. (both of Pigue, Faraulep), are either missing entirely or are out of sequence in both of the lists of R. (Ifaluk) and in those of T. (Lamotrek) and A. (Woleai), as well as on the Faraulep wooden board found by Damm in 1909. Also, T.’s list and R.’s lists place No. 52 directly after No. 47. It would therefore seem that at least two slightly different sequences in Type 1 writing already existed in 1913 (the date of Brown’s visit), and that this difference has persisted until today. This is probably what R. has in mind when he states that there are two different systems, one which developed at Faraulep Island, the other at Pigue Island (both in Faraulep atoll), and that further changes have occurred in the course of teaching the writing to other people. Though we have no specific information as to inventors of new characters, it seems obvious that there have been many since the first invention was made; the variability in the different lists after the first 50 characters (see fig. 25) attests to such development. SPREAD OF TYPE 2 WRITING We do not have a great deal of information about the spread of Type 2 writing after the introduction of the alphabet by Snelling and his party, and what we have is sometimes conflicting. According to 294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Damm the Trukese castaways taught writing to the people of Eauri- pik, Woleai, Ifaluk, and Lamotrek. A Hauripik man, Maninifek, states that Snelling himself gave the instruction to the people of Eauripik. P. of Eauripik, who attended some of the lessons, recalls that both Snelling and the Trukese were the teachers. Informants at Woleai, Ifaluk, Lamotrek, and Satawal state that the castaway party stopped for brief periods of time at those islands on their return journey to Truk, but gave instruction only at Woleai. Lamotrek informants also say that they learned from one Reghipol, who returned to Lamotrek from Woleai about 2 months after a typhoon which we date as having occurred in March, 1907; he had learned to write at Woleai, un- doubtedly in Type 2. But two women of Woleai, A. and B., say Type 2 writing came to Woleai from Lamotrek; this can hardly be correct, since we know that the alphabet, from which Type 2 writing sprang, was taught at Woleai by Snelling. C. and Tereso of Pigue, Faraulep, say that their atoll got its Type 2 writing from Lamotrek also. And Burrows (1953) reports that the Ifaluk (Type 2?) writing came from Woleai. These are the only statements we have as to the dispersal of the Type 2 script from its presumable EKauripik-Woleai center. TYPE 1 HISTORY We have already stated our conclusions that the Type 2 writing comprises, apart from its eight vowels, a syllabary consisting of sym- bols which are all of consonant-plus-7 phonetic value, that these values are the same as the names of the alphabetical characters taught by a castaway Trukese party in 1905, those characters having become converted into a syllabary as the result of their names being taken as having syllabic value. The Type 1 writing was developed through stimulus diffusion after a period of trial with Type 2 alone, when the inadequacy of the latter was recognized (a Woleai woman makes this statement in virtually the same words); it consists, with a very few exceptions, of characters whose values are all consonants suffixed by vowels other than 2. There are some examples of attempts at an early stage in the development of the writing to set down words with the use of Type 2 characters exclusively (Damm and Sarfert, 1935, p. 277). Thus u/li/ge/t is written with characters XIX/X/VIII/XVII, bo/da/u with XIV/ XVII/XIX, ja/li/gi/o/m with I/X/VIII/III/XI, ete. We also have examples in tattooing and from modern informants who know only Type 2 writing. B., who knows both types and who writes her name as 1/20/21/16, gives as an alternative form X/XIII/XI/IV, all in Type 2. A., writing the island name Sa/taa/wa/l, writes it as 37/25/14/ 33, but gives alternatively XV/XVII/XII/X. Obviously the modern Anthrov. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 295 method of writing, which uses characters of both types, is much more precise than Type 2 alone. INVENTION AT FARAULEP Informants from all the islands agree that Type 1 writing was invented at Faraulep, and the script is generally called ishilh Foeshavlap (writing of Faraulep). Even people who cannot read the writing, as far east as Puluwat, at once identify it by thisname. Three informants (two Ifaluk, one Lamotrek) state that they learned Type 1 writing at Ifaluk from Faraulep visitors; another Ifaluk man says he learned it at Ifaluk from a man of Woleai origin who had long been a resident of Faraulep. Several Woleai people also give Faraulep as the place from which Woleai got its writing; three Woleai women learned the system at Faraulep, two of them shortly after the 1907 typhoon. Three Puluwat people, none of whom can read the script, say that Puluwat obtained it from a canoeload of Ifaluk voyagers. At Satawal a Farau- lep man is said to have taught the Type 1 writing, which no one at this atoll now canread. There also appears to have been some instruc- tion among various Central Carolinians when they worked together during Japanese times at the phosphate mines at Angaur, in the Palau group. We have several statements to the effect that the system was learned through exchange of letters between various of the islands.!2 We have no other clues as to dispersal of the Type 1 writing. Several informants give the names of the inventors, all of whom were residents of Faraulep.” Though the lists of names differ, there is considerable agreement among them. The claim by Faraulep natives 19 These letters were originally written on wooden boards or on coconut-leaf midribs. Nowadays, letters written on paper are exchanged. 20 Lists of inventors, as given by different informants, follow. We attempt to equate names of inventors in the different lists by preceding them with numbers. Hafeleliyal Malang Liigetal 4, Tairu Mathiyolong 65. Yairong 1. Sagiyelimar 1. Sagiyelimar Taiyor Gafilelimar Pierong Tarop Hafiliyalo 2. Seghuuri Yatelagh 3. Igemor 2. Saigouwe Marotiuw 2. Seghui Tletuobul 4. Tairuiwe 3. Igemor Soghorub 4. Tairui Wilimar 5. Yairong Rafiteg Uchilimar Ghilibwe Wolibwe All of these alleged inventors are now dead, except the person whose name is last on the fifth list; she is a Woleai woman who has lived at Faraulep since before the invention, but she herself does not claim to be one ofthe inventors. The Lamotrek man referred to above states he learned the Type 1 script from a Faraulep man named Sagawi who came to Ifaluk when he was there; this is probably the person identified by No. 2. One of the Ifaluk men learned the script from the two men in the second list, who came to Ifaluk from Farau- lep. And a Woleai woman who learned to write at Faraulep had as her teachers the four men in the sixth list. 296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 that the Type 1 writing was invented at Faraulep, the support for this claim by natives of other islands who state that they learned the writing at Faraulep or from Faraulep visitors, and the universal appellation of the writing, even among people who cannot read it, as ishilh Foeshavlap, leave us satisfied that the invention was made at Faraulep and was largely, if not entirely, the work of a group of Faraulep natives. FOREIGN INFLUENCE We are less satisfied about the possibility of alien influence. The Stidsee Expedition reports state that at various times between 1900 and 1910 there was a copra station at Faraulep to which several Japanese seem to have been attached. One informant from Eauripik states that the Type 1 script was made at Faraulep by a Japanese named Soshaki or Soshiki, and that a Filipino named Serifino or Serbino may have helped. A Faraulep man states that the Faraulep people themselves invented the writing but were later helped by a Japanese and a Filipino. At Woleai a woman of that atoll, who learned the writing at Faraulep and who gives the names of four Faraulepese as the inventors, states that the Japanese helped by contributing two characters, Nos. XVI of Type 2 and 61 of Type 1, from Japanese katakana; these two characters do actually nearly coincide with two Japanese characters in both graphic form and phonetic value. A Woleai man living at Faraulep since shortly after the invention insists that the Japanese Soshiki definitely did not help, and a Woleai woman who has lived at Faraulep since before the invention (and who is named by others as one of the inventors) denies that the Filipino was involved. All other informants state simply that the Faraulep people whose names they give were the inventors. We examined the possibility of Filipino influence, remote though it might be; but none of the symbols of any of the Filipino scripts can be related to the Woleai symbols (see Gardner, 1943; Diringer, 1948; Conklin, 1953). We also point out that two characters in addition to Nos. XVI and 61 are similar in appearance to Japanese characters; these are No. 26, which resembles the Japanese kanji form for ‘“‘sun,”’ and No. 34, which is like the Japanese kanji form for “wood” or “tree”; together, with the addition of one stroke to char- acter 34, they would stand for “Nippon,” and undoubtedly Japanese goods labeled thus were available to or seen by these islanders. However, in neither case is the phonetic value of the symbol similar to the Japanese value, so no more than the graphic form could have been borrowed. Also, in the case of character 26, informants have identified it as a representation of a canoe outrigger platform, as will beseen. The evidence for Japanese influence goes no further, although Anthrg Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 297 it is possible that the facts that katakana is a syllabary and that Soshiki may have been consulted by the inventors may have reinforced the idea of creating a syllabary, first stimulated through the names of letters of the Trukese alphabet having been taken as being their phonetic values. DATE OF INVENTION As for the date of the invention of Type 1 writing, native informants state that it occurred “after the big typhoon,’ when the German administration had to evacuate many distressed people to islands in the same area less hard hit, as well as to Yap, Palau, and Saipan. This typhoon can be no other than the one that struck these islands March 27-30, 1907; other typhoons of which there is record are either too early or too late. Now the Siidsee Expedition ethnologists worked in all the islands we are concerned with during November and December of 1909, and found the writing as far east of Faraulep as Puluwat. The invention must therefore have occurred between these dates, and would probably have been closer to 1907 than to 1909 to have had time to spread so far by 1909. DERIVATION OF CHARACTERS The form of the characters and their values suggest several pos- sibilities concerning their derivation, apart from the four which may be linked with Japanese characters. Some of the Type 1 symbols appear to be modified forms of the alphabetical signs of Type 2. Thus character 3 is apparently an altered T, with the value changed from ti to ta. Using the same criteria of resemblance in form and value, character 8 would be derived from R, 11 from M, 12 from N, 33 from L, 40 from S, 48 from N, and 66 from F. Other characters, as their graphic forms show, are attempts to represent natural or artificial objects, and the values of these char- acters are also the same as or close to the names of such objects. These constitute a kind of rebus writing. Among such characters we may list the following identifications made by informants: 5. Sprouting coconut 9. Bird’s wing 13. Ulcer, boil 14. Canoe (represented under sail) 16. Forked branch used for hand net and flying-fish net 19. Portion of bonito 26. Canoe outrigger platform 28. Fish backbone 29. Trigger fish 30. Perfume bottle 31, Woman’s breast 298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 32. Midrib of coconut palm leaf (showing leaflets to either side) 35. Saw 36. Coconut palm tree 41. Porpoise 43. Lure of bonito hook 45. Leaf 53. Leaf of Hibiscus tiliaceus 56. Fishhook (modern type) 60. Canoe seat 64. A plant bearing this name Nos. 29 and 41 have the same graphic form and the same names as conventionalized tattooing elements, and may have been taken directly from tattoo design rather than from the animals they repre- sent. No. 24 also may be a tattooing design. Some other proposed identifications, made not by informants but by the authors, using the same criteria of similarity in form and name, are: 2. Tattooing-rake handle 10. Composite bonito hook 15. Mast 38. Cock’s tail feather 42. Ear ornament consisting of two interlocking rings 44, Fingernail Brown also suggests that No. 12 is “bamboo” and No. 37 is “knife,” but the resemblances in these cases strike us as elusive. The fact that the characters are so frequently of rebus type may indicate that the inventors became preoccupied for a time with this principle of representation during their development of the system, and that some of the gaps in our identifications might be filled by further research in the vocabulary of material culture. It is of interest also that the phonetic value of the Type 2 character N (No. IX) is also the native word for “tooth,” which the form of the character resembles, especially in the variant form given by C. Perhaps it was this coincidence which first suggested the rebus principle. Of the other characters, some may well have been borrowed from decorative design elements, but we have not recognized any except those already described. Most of the others are very likely the prod- uct of pure imagination. Indeed, this must needs be the case, for Carolinian dialects in these islands are extremely deficient in words consisting of open monosyllables, upon which the syllabary is based, and even more so in such words which can be concretely represented. We should note that Brown’s list, but none of our lists, includes several symbols (Nos. 14, 31, and 43) whose attributed values are shown as closed monosyllables. It is possible that he misheard the sounds: certainly the word for canoe (No. 14) is wa, not warr as Brown Anthrop. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 299 writes it, in the Central Carolines as far east as Truk; it becomes war only beyond Truk, at Ponape. Similarly the name of the bonito hook lure (No. 43) has no final consonant as Brown gives it. The female breast (No. 31) is indeed ttt, as Brown has it (fut in Smith’s orthography), just as the trigger fish (No. 29) is properly pup, but in the syllabary No. 31 becomes ti (tuu) and No. 29 becomes pw, in our lists; the words for these objects seem to be compounded forms of older roots (Goodenough, 1953, p. 16, and personal communication), and these compounds are apparently sufficiently transparent to the natives to allow isolation of the open syllables for the purpose of in- cluding them in the syllabary. Possibly this was done because of paucity of open monosyllabic words in the language. A similar proc- ess may have resulted in the discarding of final consonants of still other words which may have been utilized for the syllabary, but which we have not been able to identify in such altered form as belonging to the rebus type. ANALYSIS OF THE WRITING PHONEMES, PHONEMIC COMBINATIONS, AND CHARACTERS We wish now to examine the actual writing and its adequacy to represent the language. According to Smith (1951) the Woleai language has 50 phonemes. There are 11 vowels which occur both long and short, 2 vowels oc- curring only short, the semivowels w and y, and 24 consonants. For these phonemes Smith has developed an orthography in roman letters whose official adoption has been proposed to the Trust Territory administration; we will use it in the remainder of this study, as we have done in the figures and tables.” 21 Smith’s published work is nontechnical in language, and his phonemes were established by means of minimal pairs. The values indicated below are, in Smith’s words, ‘‘only a meager approximation indeed.”’ For this reason we are not satisfied that our transcription in his orthography of the attributed values of the various characters in figs. 25 and 26 is always accurate. His description of the orthography, which is adapted for use without diacritical marks, is as follows: a father b upward ah fa-ther c juice aa fat ch choose aab fa-t d bad ae fed f aloo aeh fe-d g Bac e father j (a strong ‘‘h’’) ee safe k i eeh sa-fe 1 bottle (Brooklynese) sea Ih baile (French) ib sea- m some fi sit mw someway oO oak n man oh oa-k nh manikin oa off ng sing oab o-ff ngh singer oe hors d’oevres p up oen bors d’oe-vres r “British” (trill ‘‘r’’) u boot Iw Irwin (trill ‘‘r’’) uh boo-t 8 sOW uu Nurnberg sh show uuh Ndé-rnberg t pat Vv (ike ‘‘oe’”’ but with tip of tongue th pit-e-pat vh curved up and back) Z adze Ww wood Hyphen (-) used for on-glides or excrescent vowels y yes in reduplicatives. 300 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 From Brown, Damm, Sarfert, and Someki, and from our various informants we have a total of 97 characters (78 of Type 1 and 19 of Type 2) which are used to write the Woleai language. All of these characters, except those which represent vowels alone, have syllabic values of the consonant-plus-vowel or semivowel-plus-vowel pattern. Smith’s phonemic analysis would indicate that there is a theoretical possibility of 624 such syllables (24 consonants and 2 semivowels combined with 24 vowels); with the addition of the 24 vowels when these form independent syllables, there might be altogether 648 symbols. Of course, it is most unlikely that all 624 combinations actually occur in the language. We have assembled from Smith’s text mate- rials a list of 301 Woleai words written in his orthography, and in table 1 the frequency of occurrence of all syllables among these 301 words is shown. There actually occur only 162 syllables of the consonant-plus-vowel and semivowel-plus-vowel types, as well as 13 syllables composed of independent vowels, a total of 175. It is striking that the phonemes d and ngh do not appear to occur in syllable-initial position at all, but in these 301 words occur only ter- minally. Some of the columns headed by other consonants (e. g., ch, 7, n, rw, th, z) have only one or two entries under them. More than 175 different syllables must, of course, occur in the language. Our informants have written for us 222 of the 301 words (see table 2), have failed to use 21 of the symbols (VI, 7, 9, 24, 30, 44, 54, 55, 57, 61, 63, 64, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78), and use 3 of them only as terminal consonants (5, 47, and 52). Presumably the attributed values of these symbols are not the same as those of any other symbols, so failure to use them would mean that the appropriate syllables do not occur in these particular words but may very well occur in others. Even so, it is unlikely that more than, say, 250 or 300 syllables ac- tually occur in Woleai speech. In the first 50 words (not counting repetitions) of Smith’s text there occur 62 different syllables; in the next 50 words 29 more syllables occur; in the next 50, 18 others; in the 222 words written for us by our informants, there are alto- gether 157 different syllables; and in the total of 301 words taken from Smith, only 18 more or a total of 175. (These 18, which we do not have written in the native script, are: buh, fe, kit, loe, loeh, thii, me, mwah, rah, ree, soe, shir, waah, waeh, wo, yaa, yaah, yoe, in Smith’s orthography.) If a curve is projected on the basis of these figures, it appears to flatten out at something under 250 syllables in 750 or 800 words. LENGTH OF VOWEL NOT DISTINGUISHED We may reduce still further the possible number of syllables in the writing. The distinction between long and short vowels does not No60}) -° CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 301 seem to be utilized. We are not certain of the phonetic values of some of the symbols, but when we analyze words which informants have written for us we are seldom confronted by any two characters which seem to be distinguishable only on the basis of difference in vowel length; rather, when a native writes the characters for two syllables which contain the same consonant and whose vowel suffixes are identical except for being short in the one case and long in the other, he almost always uses the same character to represent both. The following examples (see table 4), in Smith’s orthography, show this to be true (in each case h following the vowel indicates length): Syllable Character used (and number of times so used) Poe ent o_O IV (44), III (1) Sh sree eras! Dot sae IV (6) in ci as Ae 5 ae Meee f XIX (11), XIX+39 (2) CL ee ee a XL (2) (UT TSS cphith te eSrearepiree piety Ate 16 (4), IV (4) (TUT Pst rc pa alle Soe lt 16 (2) VE SOR Wo ete 16 (6), IV (1) Wi. eel ig! eh pee Sy ed 16 (1), XIX+14 (1) BU Ah te pt hte 29 (5), 59 (3), 13 (1) Lo eae eee eee 29 (1) 1 aS Ee Sea an 32 (40), 66 (1) FiC231 0) ny by Bh cy age tc geil 32 (2) pt See BARES eee genet 46 (29), 50 (4), 74 (3) ne pleted a ayant oye 46 (2) (Een yer sap eR ae VIII (26), VIII+III (1) ree whee esate Ving VIII (2) labits 22 SUT Re DEY 2 1 (24), 6 (1), 33 (1) [gira is SAO Aeeciee W/O tS 1 (8) BAAR OSO ahi, 40950 X (5) Hines ergaers 2 te weg aye X (2), 36 (1) || OC aot apie pedro emai A 1 (3), 33 (3) Waste? 9148. 054 Joy Rke) 1 (4) masye Dilow sits 23 (9), 21 (1), 11 (2) mah habren od e283 23 (7), 21 (1) mage ft Bae. bl 23 (12), 11 (1) TOSS pg gee ee ciieee. Se 23 (7) LEED Tela te Raya de RA 11 (24), 19 (2), 23 (1), 34 (2) Wee eee) | PRA 11 (2), 21 (1), 23 (1) Passe EU i eG. 43 (29), 26 (1) Pole etrrit. 8 ten queen 43 (1) or hae NONE Same eee meee fe XIV (5), XIV+III (2) ee eg a XIV (7), XIV+III (1) TOG ae ee ge 35 (2) TOCHE ee 8 SAA 35 (1) Bae JO LU ee 2 208 37 (7) ae an 37 (1) [eS pace ee Soa, POO nee ana 40 (2), 40+-IV (8) eR eI a EG OE 40+-IV (8) SLAY aia ted "| popenrtar a ea XIII (15), XIJI+TII (1), XV (1) 471762—60——21 302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173 Syllable Character used (and number of times so used) SU Cees aS i Ae ere XIII (2) SNS ee ee ae ans 28 (1), 28+ 16 (1) SV Hie eae cl eee 28 (1), 40 (1) a ee en ee eee 3 (18), 18 (1), 25 (2) Pao 00 eee 3 (13) tonihes Jase aa 17 (22) Goliy 244. PL Oe Bee 17 (2) CUM! sd = Se ae ee 31 (5), 31416 (1) GUUS Soe eee ee eee 31 (1), 31416 (1) Vie Nee. ere en eee wee I (50), III (4), IV+III (1) PR ak BOTRA TUTE 28 I (3) VO Ree byl tree A S20 Ae XVI (1) WORN See eral ees ee RVE 2), LM), tM) It will be noted that, by and large, the frequency of occurrence of long vowels is much lower than that of short vowels. Perhaps for this reason the natives of the Woleais have found it unnecessary to invent characters which make the distinction. Instead of 648 theoretically possible combinations, we have then only 338 (24 consonants and 2 semivowels combined with only 13 vowels), and 13 vowels which can occur not in combination. VOWEL CHARACTERS Of the 97 characters that we have found, a number have only vowel values; just how many is not certain. In table 1 it will be seen that of the 24 (both long and short) vowel phonemes in the Woleai language, only 13 actually occur as independent syllables in the sample of 301 words. Possibly if we had more than 301 words, more of the 24 vowels would appear. The other 11 vowel phonemes occur only in syllabic combinations. Of this 13, 4 are long vowels and in all words that informants have written for us they are represented by the same characters that stand for their short forms. This would leave 9 vowel phonemes for which characters would seem to be needed. Now among our total of 97 characters there are some 13 which may or may not be intended to stand for vowels: I, IT, III, IV, V, VI, XII, XVI, XIX, 14, 16, 39, and 72. (Possibly No. 74 should be included among them.) In the 222 words written by our informants (see table 2), only 3 of these 13 characters never represent semivowel- plus-vowel syllables (although they may have semivowel values when used terminally). Thus character IV usually represents the phoneme 2, and also occurs as e¢, th, ih+a, ih+y, wu, v, and -y; it never appears in a written word in the form semivowel-plus-vowel. Similarly XIX is always u, uh, or -w; and 16 is always wu, uuh, v, vh, 1+-w, or -y. Four others of the 13 characters may occur either as vowels alone or with semivowel-plus-vowel values: thus character I can be a, but also No hoje | {2 CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 303 ya, yah, yae, or yoah; IIT is ae, ee, or i, but also ya, yae, ye and -y; XVI is oa, but also yoa, yoah, and yoeh; and 39 is o once, otherwise wa, waa, wae, we, woe, -w. Four other characters of these 13 appear only with semivowel-plus-vowel values: II is yoah in its lone occurrence; V is we, woa, or yoeh; XII occurs in our examples only as wih; and 14 is wa, wae, or woa. We have no examples of words containing char- acters VI or 72. (See tables 2 and 3.) It is apparent that there is considerable variation in vowel value in these characters, as there must needs be if they are to represent all 13 (or 24, if we consider length) vowel phonemes when these phonemes do not enter into syllabic combinations with consonants and semi- vowels. If we eliminate the 4 characters among the 13 that seem to occur only with prefixed semivowel values and if we disregard char- acters VI and 72, which do not occur in our 222 written words, we have left just 7 characters which may be used to represent the 9 (or 13, if we consider length) vowel phonemes which actually occur as inde- pendent syllables in the 301 words taken from Smith (table 1). It is likely that additional samples of writing from more informants would clarify matters; it is possible that all 13 of these characters may be read indifferently as simple vowels or with initial w- or y-. But from the evidence at hand, if we do not consider the three characters (IV, XTX, and 16) which do not seem ever to have the value of semivowel- plus-vowel, and ignoring for the time being variation in vowel value of the others among the 13 characters, there remain 94 characters out of the total of 97 to represent all of the possible syllabic combina- tions. It is obvious that the system is inadequate for truly phonemic representation, and that many of the 94 characters must serve for several combinations. LACK OF EXACT CORRESPONDENCE OF CHARACTERS AND SYLLABLES This conclusion is further borne out when we examine the range in value of the various characters as they are actually used in the writing. We have seen how wide this range is for the 13 characters we have just discussed. Table 3 lists all the syllables occurring among the 222 words which we have been able to obtain in the native script, ar- ranged according to the conventional numerical sequence of figures 25 and 26. We see that character 4, for example, is used for at least 6 different syllables—ba, baah, bae, be, bee, and boe; character 33 is used for 11—a, lae, le, lee, lit, lha, lhae, lhe, thi, nhae, nhe; character 50 serves for the syllables ga, gae, ge, ka, ke, and kee; etc. But not only must one symbol serve for several different syllables. It is apparent that the same syllable may be represented by different 304 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 symbols. Table 4, which lists in alphabetical order all the syllables which occur in the 222 words, illustrates this point; for example, the syllable lh2 is written by one native with character 33 three times, character X 25 times, X+33 once, and X+IV once, and by a second native with X three times and 33+ X once; similarly pu is written with characters 10, 13, or 59; sha with 18, 20, or 37; ete. These two phenomena—the use of one symbol for several syllables, and the representation of one syllable by several symbols—explain in part the facts that the name or attributed value of a symbol, as seen in the various lists in figures 25 and 26, sometimes differs, and that in the writing of words the attributed value occurs only part of the time as the actual phonemic shape of the syllable the symbol is intended to represent. It would appear that when it is necessary to represent a sound which differs from the attributed value of any character, a choice may be made among two or more characters whose attributed values are close phonologically. For example, we have not recorded tv as the attributed value of any one character (it is possible, of course, that we have misheard some of the tape-recorded values), but in writing the word fa/tv/lh one native uses 32/31/33 and a second uses 32/XVI1/33; symbol 31 is otherwise used by the first man for tu and tuu, and XVII by the second man for f and ti. It would seem that each man has chosen, to represent the syllable tv, for which neither seems to know a character which has this as its attributed value, a character with an attributed vowel value on either side of it in articulation. EFFECT OF DIALECTS Some of the differences in choice of character by different natives may be due to dialect difference, but we have no way of assessing its effect, since such differences as may exist have not been determined. The only statements that Smith (1951) makes on this point are as follows (p. 40): ‘Islanders... may have difficulty in deciding on ‘a’ or ‘aa’ depending on their island of origin. These are separate pho- nemes on Weleeya (Woleai) and Foeshavlap (Faraulep) but perhaps not on Yaurwpiig (Eauripik). This is of course independent of the fact that some words are pronounced slightly differently on different islands”; and (p. 27): “On Eauripik ‘tafeey’ is pronounced ‘tafee’ and ‘maaht’ is pronounced ‘maeht.’” (R. of Ifaluk apparently hears ta/fee/y, not ta/fee, for he writes the word with three characters: 3/66/III; and he distinguishes maah/t, which he writes 23/25 or 23/17, from maeh/t, 21/40.) The occasional use by various informants of two, or even three, characters for what, in Smith’s orthography, should be a single syllable, would also suggest dialect differences not recorded by Smith; thus, in the following examples of syllables written by No eo}. °» ~=CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 305 Smith as consonant-plus-ee or consonant-plus-eeh, the informants write an extra character, namely IV, apparently for an additional vowel: beefyaeth ROO TOI RI eR T 5h ots R.: 44+ 7V/III keelisga locus 2 oA ee a R.: 60+IV/III lijsnee lo. 63 2 4 2 ee ee ety AS R.: X/11+IV/50 Pipees ee os eh) ee 20. 1 R.: 47+89+IV/50 GEE Re 92 yt MRR IR OC EP HE R., C., and M.: 40+-IV/50 SEI tee #\ ALA RAR ee ee ete ee R., C., and M.: 40+-IV/VIII REPRESENTATION OF FINAL CONSONANTS The choice of a character to represent a final consonant seems to be much more capricious than the choice of a character to represent a full syllable. We have already pointed out that the attributed value of a character loses it vowel portion when the character is used for the terminal consonant of a word. In table 4 it will be seen how wide a choice of character seems to be permissible for such use. Neverthe- less, some regularities are discernible. For example, 18 words termi- nating in -g are listed in that table, some of them written several times and by as many as three natives; for the -g the informants have without exception used character VIII in four words, in four other words they agree on character 2, in another five words they all use character 41, and they invariably write character 50 in five more. How are we to explain such consistencies in usage, sporadic though they are? In some Malayo-Polynesian languages there occurs a final vowel that is so weakly pronounced as to seem inaudible. While this phenomenon does not appear to be a feature of Woleai speech today, it may well have been so in the past; and if we may credit the in- ventors of the Type 1 script with ability to reconstruct the ancient pu from modern pup and tuw from tuut, as previously described, it is possible that in these instances the character chosen to represent -g is the one whose full syllabic value includes the vowel sound which was formerly terminal. In the use of final characters in some words there is a hint that per- haps the informants are anticipating a vowel which would appear only when additional syllables were suffixed to the same words. Thus we have character 33 for -/h in the word mwae/lh, and also for /he in the compound mwae/lhe/we; 33 is used again in mi/si//h and in the com- pound mi/si//hae/lh; but in the word rae/lh, informants use for -lh either 33 or X, as though this word might be compounded in different ways, and in the one compound form which we have in native script, rae/lhi, the syllable lhc is written with the character X. Occasionally the vowel preceding the final consonant seems to in- fluence the choice of character for that consonant. Thus -l is almost always written with character 33, occasionally with X; but character 306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173 36, which is used for the syllable uu in the word Fa/la/iwu/s and for lv in the word fae/lv/w, also represents -/ in the words vh// (as written by one informant out of two) and uuh// (by both of two informants) ; in other words, 36 seems to be the choice in these instances because the vowels of the preceding syllables are similar to the vowel portion of that character’s full syllabic value. Again, character 2, which usually has the value go (see table 3), is used terminally as -g only in the words yae/lo/g, So/w/g, to/g, and toh/g (but not in sho/g), that is, in words where the preceding vowel is 0. And the only times charac- ter 31 is used terminally are in the words tuu/t and tuuh/t, character 31 otherwise having the value tu, twu, tuuh, or tv; in practically all other cases of -t informants agree in the use of character 25. However, the principle which seems to develop from the foregoing does not seem to apply to many of the other terminal consonants. In some cases it would seem that it is the consonant, not the vowel, of the preceding syllable that determines which character is to be used for the final consonant of a word. Thus all informants use character 6 for the -n of bu/n and -nh of bu/nh, but use 33 or 36 for the -nh of pu/nh. Again, both C. and R. agree on character 12 for -ngh in tah/ngh, but 52 for -ngh in lhah/ngh; all informants use TX for -ng in cha/ng, lah/ng, and tah/ng, and all of them use 52 for -ng in lhah/ng and u/ng; they agree again on XIII for the -c in wih/c and on 5 for the -c in mwoa/c-mwoa/c; and there are further cases of such unanimity in choice of character to be used for final consonants. Perhaps there is some component of the phoneme which determines such seemingly arbitrary choice. There is also some evidence, although not so strong, that sometimes the reverse occurs; that is, that the final consonant may determine which character is to be used for the preceding syllable. For example, R. and C. use character 47 consistently for final or rw. In the words sorw, raesorw, galiisorw, and josoar the syllable preceding -r and -rw is written with character 68. The only other time 68 is used is for the syllable sho in the word jo/sho/s; whereas for sho in the word sho/g character 45 is used. How is this to be explained? It would seem that R. has misunderstood the word joshos and taken the final con- sonant, -s, as -r or -rw, since he writes 47 for it, instead of XV or 62 as he does for all other cases of -s. It therefore suggests itself that there is some kind of relationship between these two characters, 47 and 68, and that the use of the former requires the use of the latter. Whether such relationships are of a functional nature, whether the system of spelling has in the course of years of use become arbitrarily conventionalized, or whether some aesthetic judgment is applied which prevents or encourages the juxtaposition of certain characters, is a matter that we are unable to settle. In many cases, perhaps in most Antura?. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 307 cases, there seems to be no clear rule; rather it may be whim which often dictates which of several final characters is to be used. Never- theless, examination of table 4 gives the impression that some rules are operative. COMPARISON OF NATIVE TEXTS The foregoing analysis is, of course, based entirely on examination of the 222 words in Smith’s orthography that we have been able to get natives to write in the Caroline script. Smith’s text, which is addressed to the natives and which consists of a guide to his proposed system of spelling, is naturally limited by his vocabulary and mode of expression. (See fig. 27.) But we have available to us two other texts, of native composition, by R. and S.,” both of Ifaluk (fig. 28). They have not been tape-recorded or put into Smith’s orthography, but they will enable us to discuss frequency of occurrence of the symbols. 5S. uses 68 characters out of the 97, a total of 1,178 times; R. uses 65, a total of 483 times. Of the symbols (fig. 25, cols. N and O; fig. 26, cols. N- P) given by R. separately from the text, 10 do not occur in the text; and occurring in the text but not in the lists are 6 symbols. In other words, he knows 75 of the 97 characters, but in writing he makes use of only 65, of which 3 are the epparently simple vowels (IV, XIX, 16), so that he limits himself to 62 characters representing syllabic combinations for the 624 possible combinations. Of these, 11 are used only once, 8 only twice, and 10 only three times. We have no comparable list of symbols and attributed values from S. with which to compare his text. He does not use in the text 29 of the symbols known to us; 22 of these 29 are also absent from R.’s text, and 10 are among those apparently unknown to R. Of the 65 which he uses, 10 occur only once, 4 twice, and 7 three times. Percentagewise, some comparisons between the two men are of interest, assuming that we have adequate samples of this universe, speaking statistically. Character 7, not used at all by R., occurs with a frequency of 4.4 percent of the 1,178 characters written by S. Character 46 occurs in R.’s text with a frequency of 0.2 percent, but S. uses it 28 times as often, with a frequency of 5.6 percent. The respective figures for R. and S. for character 35 are 2.1 percent and 6.0 percent; for 50, 6.0 percent and 3.4 percent; for 39, 3.9 percent and 1.9 percent. There is less significance in the difference in occur- rence of other characters. Evidently, then, the system is flexible enough to permit of consid- erable freedom in expression of preference through employment of one character or another. In order of descending frequency, the 22 §. is the man described by Spiro (1950) as a psychopath. He is kept confined at Ifaluk in a coconut log hut. Whether this fact diminishes the value of the comparison between his writing and that of R. we are not prepared to state. 308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 178 ES aor ce aR ps oy oY GoD, a8 Sith oiee Babine Se TD EM or oP CE Fe hnaator 1 Romine ie at a Sl ee eee TY, WON CR OC alee Da 0 "a a tie ame LAME 12d SONI oWesC YE Kk De a Sys el IW Pak eee ae DIRE OSA Coe GAC OU aenL LTE he Teac PAVE), AB ot ed ev Bay on) Ee ait TS mee ae EPP RK Re Figure 27.—Paragraph from Smith’s roman text (1951, pp. 3-4) as written in native script by R. of Ifaluk. (Words are shown separated by spaces for purposes of clarity; in the original they run continuously.) (For explanation, see opposite page.) preferences of the two men for their most frequently used characters are: Percent Percent ee IND ee Oe EPCS eT 7.0 Vi SEOs MOORE Tal. sie 8. 0 SO0e 2222 peter eee aU eee 6. 0 Xs ele ernest | pipes el 6. 6 1 BARE a TL EDC nak Se ells gthaghlie bill 5. 8 2 YS erie i MU aera HST Ne oe 6. 0 1 OY fcstce ie Oh tai bo Be a ee Beek Pee ae ees 5. 4 AG! 23 5 See A Es eee 5. 6 DO Sa ee Has we ., el nasveCRP Nar. SARS 4.7 Die cee os PO A Leper ye, Se 4.4 eabesaais Ciba ML Tes te ae ad 2, Oi ie 4.7 Gee ee ee ahs ee ee 4.2 In a single person’s writing, however, there is considerable con- sistency. Part of R.’s text is written twice. The duplicated portion contains 187 characters in both versions, which are identical except for the following changes in spelling in the second version: substitution of IV for 16 in one word; 37 for 40 in another word; 38 for 17 in a third; 6 for 33; the sequence III—50 for [V-46; and the sequence 6-52 for 1—2 in still other words. We are probably dealing here again with combinations of phonemes whose values lie within a range of overlap between values associated with two different characters, so that one choice is as good as the other. No gol 2 )«6CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 309 EXPLANATION OF FIGURE 27 Characters used in figure 27 shown by numbers assigned to them (refer to figures 26 and 26). Text and translation as given by Smith (1951, pp. 3-4, 33). IV 33 VIII 33 46 26 3 33 XV 4 32 17 VIII 45 41 i /lha/ gi/ 1 ka/pe/ta/ 1 si /bae fa/to/ gi sho/ g 4 Lik 4 39 39 46 26 3 33 VIII 20 bae yae/be wae-wae ka/pe/ta/ 1 gi /sh 39m, 39), 7, 2 42°X 39 33 I oo) ex Ie 38 3 wae-wae/lh go/zv/lhi we/lee/ya rae/lh mae/lae ta/ i 46 26 3 X 39 33 I 40 23 36 III 4 17 XIX 1 26 ka/pe/ta/ 1 we/lee/ya si /mii/lh yae/be to/ u /la/p 41 1 I 20 4 III 4 23 20 15 VIII VIII 20 gv/la ya/sh bae yae/be ma/sha/ra/ g gi /sh 51a ee.S XMeiy) WAUUL Sis) \WAOUE xe 46 263 xX LVL Sat XV rae/lh ge/ra/ gi /roe/ gi /lhi ka/pe/ta/ 1 i /nge/lii/ s 4. XV 4 411 4 III 14 IV 35 XV bae si /bae/gv/la bae yae/wa/ v /Tii/ s IV Ill ila a3 IV XIII 33 46 26 3 X IV IX 33 XV ih/ y mae/lhae esl ka/pe/ta/ 1 i /nge/lii/ s TV 39 12 Varro iit 8 2 42 7 39 33 I 12 i /woe/ngoe ih/ y mae/lhae go/zv/lh we/lee/ya nge III 25 20 15 VIII 35 20 yae ma/sha/ra/ g roeh/sh Ilhagil kapetal sibae fatogi, shog bae yaebe wae-wae kapetal. Gish wae-waelh All words written in this way are written just as they sound. We spell Woleai gozvlhi Weleeya, raelh maelae tai kapetal Weleeya. Simiilh yaebe toulap gvla sounds, not Woleai words. Therefore Woleai has a yash, bae yaebe masharag gish, raelh geragiroegilhi kapetal Ingeliis bae sibaegvla. much better and easier way of spelling than English has. Bae yaewavriis ihy maelhae ishilh kapetal Ingeliis, iwoengoe ihy maelhae gozvlh It is difficult to spell the words of English but it is easy to spell the sounds Weleeya, nge yae masharag roehsh. of Woleai. SUMMARY In 1905 an American missionary from Truk, Alfred Snelling, and a party of Trukese were cast ashore at Eauripik. Here they gave instruction in writing with the alphabet which had been developed in the Nomoi Islands. The natives of Eauripik took the names of the letters as being their syllabic values and converted the alphabet into a syllabary. These letters constitute the symbols we have called 310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 TOeSRREIOR YT UD Ewe EPID PVA AT BPLNV EY & TRPAWUHITRAM TIRY VAI CTLETVEAO GEVCRYWV T ROPTrPESOUPRMVvAyYeWe Pe ETRPVPEKVE ARIOVOOTY WRAP PRR KPUCREK £ Cr WPM VeRrerTarow & LY PITMVNITEPSAPTOA WERPCPITRY TPPBWER aN KNV FCOTB EDARVNW8O BFF YU RUE Ficure 28.—A page of text from a song written by R., a man of Ifaluk. Type 2. The syllabary diffused to Faraulep where the deficiencies of the writing became apparent, all consonant signs of the original alphabet now having syllabic values consisting only of consonants- plus“. The Faraulepese, between 1907 and 1909, invented a whole new set of symbols, Type 1, taking some of the signs from their environment and their material culture and giving them as their values the names of these objects; other signs were made by altering the form of Type 2 symbols; a few may be of Japanese derivation; and some are the products of imagination. By 1909 the writing, of both types, had spread to eight atolls of the Central Carolines and it is still known on five of them today. Aaterae: Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 311 Previous authors have speculated that the writing represented the remains of a formerly more developed system, that it was related to scripts of the Asiatic mainland, that it was linked to Easter Island writing, etc. But it has been demonstrated that the Woleai syllabary represents a case of recent stimulus diffusior, like the Vai and Cherokee syllabaries. The writing, which is still being added to by new inventors from time to time, represents only crudely the language it is used for. A symbol may be used for more than one syllable, and a syllable may be represented by more than one symbol. In time, more exact corres- pondence might develop. However, the writing will probably die out before this occurs. LITERATURE CITED AMERICAN BoaRpD OF COMMISSIONERS FOR FoREIGN MIssIONs. 1886-1906. Annual reports. Boston. ARAGO, J. 1822. Promenade autour du monde pendant les années 1817/1820 sur les Corvettes du Roi l’Uranie et la Physicienne commandees par M. Freycinet. Vol. 2. Paris. Buiss, THEODORA CRosBy. 1906. Micronesia. Fifty years in the island world. Boston. Brown, J. MacmILuan. 1914. A new Pacific Ocean script. Man, vol. 14, No. 43, pp. 89-91. 1927. Peoples and problems of the Pacific. Vol. 1. London. Burrows, Epwin G., and Sprro, MrELrorp E. 19538. An atoll culture. New Haven. Conkuin, H. C. 1953. Hanundéo-English vocabulary. Univ. California Publ. Ling., vol. 9, pp. 1-290. Damo, H. 1938. Zentralkarolinen. G. Thilenius, ed. Ergebnisse der Siidsee-Expedi- tion, 2 B, vol. 10, pt. 2. Damo, H., and Sarrert, E. 1935. Inseln um Truk. G. Thilenius, ed., Ergebnisse der Siidsee-Expedi- tion, 2 B, vol. 6, pt. 2. DiR1INGER, DAvIp. 1948. The alphabet. New York. FinscyH, Orrto. 1900. Carolinen und Marianen. Sammlung gemeinverstindlicher wissen- schaftlicher Vortrager, vol. 14, pp. 651-710. GARDNER, FLETCHER. 1943. Philippine Indic studies. Indic Bull. No. 1, Ser. of 1943. San An- tonio. GrirscHNneR, Max. 1912-13. Die Karolineninsel und ihre Bewohner. Baessler-Archiv, vol. 2, pp. 123-215; vol. 3, pp. 165-190. GoopENoucH, Warp H. 1953. Native astronomy in the Central Carolines. University Museum, Univ. Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. 312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 HORNELL, JAMES. 1936. The canoes of Polynesia, Fiji, and Micronesia. Bernice P. Bishop Museum, Spec. Publ. 27, vol. 2. IMBELLONI, J. 1951. Las ‘‘tabletes parlantes’’ de Pascua, monumentos de un sistema grafico indo-ocednico. Runa, vol. 4, Nos. 1-2, pp. 89-177. Kirriirz, F. H. von. 1858. Denkwiirdigkeiten einer Reise nach dem russischen Amerika, nach Mikronesien und durch Kamtschatka. 2 vols. Gotha. KRrAmer, A. 1937. Zentralkarolinen. G. Thilenius, ed. Ergebnisse der Siidsee-Expedi- tion, 2 B. vol. 10, pt. 1. Lessa, WILLIAM A. 1950. Ulithi and the outer native world. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 52, pp. 27-52. Lirxe, F. 1835. Voyage autour du monde exécuté par ordre de sa Majeste |’ Empereur Nicolas Ier. Paris. Mason, W. A. 1920. A history of the art of writing. New York. MEINICKE, Caru E. 1876. Die Inseln des Stillen Oceans. Leipzig. METRAUX, ALFRED. 1957. Easter Island. New York. SARFERT, E., see Damm, H., and Sarrert, E. SmirH, ALFRED G. 1951. Gamwoelhaelhi ishilh Weleeya (guide to Woleai spelling). High Commissioner, Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. Honolulu. (Mimeograph.) Somexi, ATSUSHI. 1936. Karorin shoto no ki-sara ni tsuite (the wooden dishes used in the Caroline Islands). Japanese Journ. Ethnol., vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 172-190. 1945. Micuronejiya no fido to mingu (topography and implements of Micronesia). Tokyo. Srrro, Metrorp E. 1950. - R.: 36/39/33/IV ijmmee/e === R.: X/11+1V/50 .: 23/36; C.: cH M.: ae cf a 23/17; C : 23/25; M : 23/25 2 23/ .: 23/62/47; C.: 23/62/47 223/25" Os: 23/25; M.: 23/25 .1 23/62/47; C : 23/62/47 iit (9); a Qc IR Fe ll a LTO Ks c : 23. Bp 21/40 wt 11/33 (7); C.: 11/1+11I .1 11/33/33 .t 11/38 (2) mao/lhae/l- -2 -22s222- ==-- 238s R.: 19/33/33 (2) mge/taa/lhe Sasol s se I ee R.: 11/3/83 (2) TM ANS se eee eee ee ose ee Re ea Ols 2a vie mah) Chk es S28 eee A ie 23/20; M:: 21/28 mah/Ihoess se en eS R.: 23/36; C.: 23/36; M.: 23/36 majngijy22. 22-22-25 2ee2 R.: 23/ITX/1I ma/sha/ia/ eas = ssn ee R.: 23/20/15/VIII (8); C.: 23/20/15/VIII ma/tae-mae/tae/l__--.--------- R.: 23/25-23/25/X TS) theses ee ee R.: 23/17; C.: 23/17 (Lee ee a oe eee R.: X1/33; C.: X1/33 mi/si/inee eee ee eee R.: XI/XV/33 mi/si/iiaehs 22.225 -b ese 6s R.: XI/XV/33/33 miwae/h=. 222-52 -2s-2- Ses. R.: 19/33 mwae/lhe/we....---------_---- Ie puie/80 miwalhis 22.2 =- 25-3. See ee R.: 21/X Mwai Ph ese n aos oe ee R.: 67/33; O.: X1/33 mwoa/c-mwoa/c.-------------- R.: 34/5-34/5; C.: 49/5-49/5 TmiwOe/lae) hs 2 2s eee R.: 19/33/33 Na/mwoa/chii/g___------------ eee ia ME M.: 1/49/20/VIII Nea nis ee eee eee R.: 48/X cov =¢2 0) | ee ee ee eee Lie a (2) 1 ee ee ee ee il mbe pales sss. aso e eee 13-6 39/55)33 (4), 33/43/X [oye ay Reet ae ees eee ee R.: 43/LV; C.: 48/IV; M.: 43/IV Mah/nga/shessso25 ee eee R.: 43/48/20 Panga nee 28 5 ee R.: 43/48/33 (3) (Bini) pee eee eS ea C.: XIV/50; M.: eo 50 WA f0N). —- -eneassecorsesSseee Re XIV/XIV-+HI; C . XIV/XIV; M.: XIV/XIV 10) 8) eae ee ee eee cei eerie R.; XIV/XIV-+IlI; C.: XIV/XIV; M.: X1V/XIV-+III Puflojwalth Mes 1 eae Re ae DUN k es tee R.: 10/83; C.:; 59/36 was Siieees le Se 5 eo eee R.: 35/20 TAGs west ak eo ee R.: 35/X (5), ihe (7), 35/38+-X; O.: 35/omitted ryzte/iliy te Ls ae se eee R.: 35/X @;C «3 30/ ABBOT Wae eee c as See ose R.: 35/68/47 rara/is= S255 5. fee Ra Re Tbe te Oke eS ete) 2 er hg R.: 3 Pe ee eee eee ae eae ee ai 4); C.: 35/4 (4) roe/sa/is/to/el= ~ 2.5.6 eee R.: 35/37/32/17/V III POTO oan noe eee ek eS pe eS R.: 22-22; C.: 22-22 TO/W-TO| Waes- nosso sense acer ae Re 15/KiX ig] XTX EW 00) Pee eae ee Bok ee eee ee R.: 47+389+IV/50 (2) SE GHA of Uf eee Se eee R.: 37/43/33 Bil) Ceeee eee a nets eet e ee R.: 37/41 316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 TABLE 2.—Words written by Caroline Island natives in Caroline script--Continued Saftaahwaslewsas cess ene Ges See/a/weneece eee, ee arin Re SOG) cee FEO ee oe eee R sGeli/pits Wi. 20 St sy Re ee R sec/niwoe/ys se ee R 37/25/14/33 (2); O.: 37/25/14/33; M.:; 37/25/14/33; A.: 37/25/14/33 40//39 (6) «= 40+1V/50; C.: 404+1V/50; M.: 40+1V/50 . 40+1V/VII; C.: 40+IV/VII; M.: 40+1V/VIII 1 40/34/16 (2) S60/0/Wa-2-2 221 noon Rie: 40//39 SC/MWOC/Vsse---ean- os eee R.: 40/34/16 (2) Shale wn - soso secant wees R.: 18/41 (3), aie SHIN fm ness = soa eee ee R.: XIII/19; C.: XIII/19 Sho/ge2222o 2-22 22st esose sae R.: 45/41 Oe ee Viimnitted Shivssiece cet 2 oe ee R28; Os 28+16 Shy h/wssesseice eae Re: 40/1; C.: 28/39 Sie Sa esas R.: XV (2) Sg tn Saas ee eee R.: XV/I (3) Si Dae ses ess eee R.: XV/4 (8); O.: XV/4 Sine) ev/laneeneeseennaa tence R.: XV/4/41/1 (3) Si/DOR tae ae eats eae R.: XV/4 ‘si/fa/tojai ee ere R.: XV/32/17/VIILI (2) 1] 6) eee R.: XV/46/33 Sia hts eee ae Ee oe eee R.: 40/23/36; C.: XV/X1/33 Bi/tl/pac/lhi= 22 2oe 222 ae a R.: XV/XVII/26/X Siivaleieo 2 ose ese ss R.: XV/I (3) SOT Woes ce aaoe sb. eee R.: 68/47 (2) So/w/G---s osc Ue ee R.: 42/X1X/2 balee 6 22 vat eee eros R.: 3/66+1II maa” a eres eerie ea me R.: 3/66/11 R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R / R ae eae Webs eee eee R. yao) fa Gh oS. oe 25 ee ee Ree R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R R yae/ea/ fi tae/ easels ee VWaolwalliecc n= esse ues wae wel virile ees eae Se raimanalt ee aa lathe eae ya/re;man/taa/le22 2 eee VA) tOIWOsase soos ~ eee eee ceewipills nips HEB abe pad Be oe Hee "3/83 3/X VII; M.: 3/XVIL as / Pe 18/X1V omitted «=! XVII/39/21/33 ot XVII/X/VIIT/I11/xX . XVII/X/VIII-+IIT .: 38/38; C.: 33/38 Me Ng/25 Oe) 17/2 2 17/2; C.: 17/2 es LPs (3); O.: 17/X1IX/1/26, 60//1/26 2 31/31; .: 31+16/31; C.: 31/31 «2 31/31; C.: 31/31 .! 31/31; C.: 31-++16/31 . XIX/52; C.: XIX/12 . XIX/65/65/X ap. @ D.¢ [iy Fa On. @ B.@/57} .: 16/36; C.: 16/36 2 16/35; C.: 16/35 .: 16/47; C.: 16/35 -: IV/39 (4) «= XIX+14/33; C.: 16/36 .: 39-39; C.: 14-omitted -: 39-39/omitted; C.: 39-39/X «1 39/33/I (14); C.: 39/33/1 (6); M.: V/83-+-I/IV-+11I1 . XII/XIII; C.: XII/XIII HS) NAP24 5 C3) . V/6+X1X/39, 14/65/39 «1 39/25/46/16// . IIT (2) .: IIT/4 f0), 1/4; C.: III/4 (2) > III/4/4 es TIT/32/1 08 T/4VI251V III oy it1/8j2 =! ITI/19/33 wt IIT/25/3/1V et [/17/X1X/1/26 .: ITI/14/33 a ey rs eh SED VEL SIVice ire os ue 0: : 1/66; M.: 1/66 ooely, =: 1/35/23/25; C.: 1/35/23/25 (2) wt: 1/35/23/3/X; C.: 1/35/11/3/X 3 vee (12), 1/40 1/17 1/17/39 YXIX//X1V/80, III/XIX/3/XIV/50 Fe RVIA/VIUX:; C.: I/6/omitted/X : XVI; 0.: V putnrop- Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 317 TaBLeE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence of characters in figures 25 and 26 [Numbers in parentheses following a word indicate number of times, when more than once, the italicized syllable within that word is written by each informant with the designated character. Plus signs: in the first column plus signs indicate when two characters are used for a single syllable; in the second column they indicate when two syllables are written with one character. Informant designations: R.=Maroligar; C.=Chiyemal; M.=Magilo; T.=Tachep; A.= Marutang.] Syllables Character No. repre- Inform- Words in which character is used sented by ant character Ys marae ee a SS a R. sia (3), alefahpaet (2) ya R. yaremaataal, Weleeya (14), yash (13), siya (3), yatowe, iyang, Galayalimang, yaremaat, Yaurwpiig, yar, yath, yaf a Pare aey Weleeya (6), yaf, yaremaat (2) - ya yah R. yaht C. yaht M. yaht yae R. yaebe, yaetoulap yoah C. yoahlagiilh Nilesat Seo Se eo yoah C. yoah 10 ee eee ae R. tiligiaelh, aetoulap, aetai, aeta, aetaifiilh, aetaei ee ee eetae, eetaemwalh, eebae i Re keet ya iz Yaurwpiig yae R. yaebe (10), yaewavriis, yaetaetaei, yaebegach, kapateeyae, yaemwoelh, yaelog, yael, yaefath, yaewal, yaegafitaeg, yae (2), beeyae C. yaebe (2) ye R. Faragiye -y R. ihy (2), baey, mangiy, gaimangiy (2), gawaewaay (2), tafeey Vesa 2 oes See ee R. eetal i R. ilegihr, ishi (5), ilhagil, tai, Jngeliis (2), ishilh (8), ishilhi (2), itaelhi, tyang, itaelh, iwoengoe, igaelha (3), yaetaetae?, aetai, aetaifiilh, gaimangiy, itipaelhi, gaigabungv (2), aetaei, paahi, /faelhuug (of flegihr, ishi, ilhagil, ishilh, paahi, Zfaelhuug M. paahi ih R. ihy (2), ihsh, ihr, ihmw OC. ihmw ih+-a R. ihaj ih+y R. ihy (3) uu R. wuwe (4) Vv R. yaewaorriis -y R. lihwanhaey (OF gawaewaay BV} Tita soso ya M. Weleeya -y R. kepatekay \ ees ee ere PTT we M. Weleeya woa R. woalow, woalh (2) yoeh Cc. yoch Wiles 5.53255* S22 none 0 0 ee eee fi Len fitou (2), gafitaeg (6), yaegafitaeg C. gafitaeg fii R. aetaifiilh -f R. yas CO. yaf M. yaf . 1 2 0 eee eee gi R. ilhagil, fatog? (7), geragiroegihi, tiligiaelh, roesafatogi, Faragiye, seehgi, gish (5), sifatogi (2) C. ilhagil, fatogi, seehg?, gish M. seehgi gih R. ilegihr C. ilegihr gil R. yoahlagiilh go oe gozvlhi ; -g R. gafitaeg (6), masharag (3), yaegafitaeg, Namwoachiig oO gafitaeg, masharag M. Namwoachiig VIII+II1 gi R. tirigi | DEE See een nge Ee - Ingeliis (2) ngi R. mangiy, gaimangiy (2) ng R. galayalimang, chang, lahng, tahng, cang 0. chang, lahng, tahng M. chang, lahng -ngh R. gabungh 471762—60——22 318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 TABLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued Syllables Character No. repre- Inform- Words in which character is used sented by ant character 2. ee li R. tiligiaelb, limeeg, ngali (2), Galayalimang lih R. lihmw CO. lihmw Thi R. raelhi (2), fath-fathvlhi (4), gozvlhi (5), geragiroegilhi, mwalhi, ngalhi, ulunhvlhi, dhi (2), kapetalhi, gamwoelhaelhi (3), sitipaedhi, maalhi, itipae/hi, itaelhi C. raelhi, fath-fathvlhi, gamwoelhaelhi ri R: tirigi (an error?) -] R. yaremaataal, kapetal (3), matae-maetae/, nbepal GC; yaremaataal, ilhagil, kapetal -lh R. yoahlagiilh, raedh (5), tiligiaelh, falh, woalh (2), fatilh, tahlh C. yoahlagiilh, wae-waelh, ishilh, fatilh, tahlh M. fatilh -n R. Ihaen -nh R. Ihaenh (2) PR aaa See lhi R. gamwoelhaelhi XeEUVes eocet on cae Thi R. ishilhi ) ee ene ere ene mi Re misilhaelh, misilh, milh C. milh mii C. simiilh mwi C. mwilh PG 0 am ae eee? wih R. wihe C. wihe 2-10 0) Robseneretev ts Sal Sk ats -c R. wihe O. wihe shi Re ishi (4), ishilh (7), ish#lhi (2) C. ishi, ishilh shih 18%, shihm CO. shihm -sh R. baesh (OF baesh M. baesh >. 505 00 eee shi R. ishi Dee cceee oo e ee pi ah tapilh, pipi ; pipi M. pipi pih R. pihpih C. Pihg, pihpih M. Pihg, pihpih pii R. Yaurw/piig (2) SDV ee pi Re pipi M. pipi pih R. pibpih a SRG ee si R. sibae (8), sibaegvla (8), siboe, sigal, siya (3), misilh, misi- lIbaelh, si (2), sia (3), sifatogi (2), sitipaclhi C. sibae, simiilh -S 1h, Ingeliis (2), yaewavriis, baes (Oe aes shi R. ishilh sho C. shog -sh R. ihsh DO f a eee 0a R. babioarw yoa 1a yoarw yoah R. yoah, yoahlagiilh yoeh R. yoeh SVM ek eee te R. Teomal ti R. tiligiaelh, tirigi, sitipaelhi, itipaelhi, fatilh C. fafilh M. fatilh til Cc, fatiilh M. fatiilh tv Cc. fatvlh -d R. boad, tahd C. boad, tahd M. boad, tahd D-S\'4 0G eee a eer! ri 138 foari (3) C. foari M. foari >.) OG os Meee u Re Yaurwpiig (2), towlap (3), wlunhvlhi, yaetowlap, aetowlap, ung C. ung, toulap uh R. uhng CO. uhng w- R. sowg -W R. row-row, sShvhw DO De Oe vb R. vhl D2 D.C est a u R. fitow (2) Nooo}; ~=CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 319 TABLE 3.—Characters andjtheir actual’syllabic values, arranged according to sequence of characters.in figures:25,and 26—Continued Syllables Character No. repre- Inform- Words in which character is used sented by ant character Eee a oe la R. lagoshag, yoahlagiilh, toulap (8), sibaegvla (3), aetoulap, yaetoulap, Falaluus, Faelalap, Foeshavlap (2), gvla (of lagoshag, toulap (2), Foeshavlap, gvla M. Foeshavlap D. Foeshavlap (2) lah ie lahng C. lahng M. lahng lha Te. igaelha (3) Thah R. lhahng, lhahngh @ lhahng, lhahngh Thae R. | dhaen, éhaenh (2) -lh R. ishilh, kalh na R. Namwoachiig M, Namwoachiig ct} OO bape Sem eee lae C. maelae bles aap ee re eee eee go R. lagoshag, gosh, gomw, gozvl, gozvlh, gozvlhi (6) CG; lagoshag, gosh, gomw M. gosh goa R. goamw C. goamw ga+i R. gaimangiy -g R. yaelog, Sowg, tog, tohg C. tog, tohg jo R. josha, jo-jo (3), josoar, joshos C. josha, jo-jo -k 1p buhk Suoessstesecaselieeus ta R. kapefal (9), tai, eetal, aefa, aetai, kapetalhi, tafee, tafeey ce kapetal (2) ta+i C. tai : tah R. tahd, tahl, tahlh, tahng, tahngh, taht Cc. tahd, tahl, tahlh, tahng, tahngh, taht M. tahd taa R. yaremaafaal, maetaalh (2) C. yaremaataal tae R. itaelh, itaelhi, aetaei, eetaemwalh, yaetaetaei te Re kepatekay Le ae eee, ba R. babioarw baah 1, baahsh CG: baahsh M. baahsh bae ies bae es nth baes, baesh (2), eebae, rebae (4), sibae (8), sibae- gvla C. bae, baes, baesh, rebae (4), sibae M. baesh be R, yaebe (12), yaebegach C. yaebe boe R. siboe, boegare FiO ees oe ee ee bee R. beeyae eee tefscernsebacsas -c R. mwoac-mwoac Ge mwoac-mwoac -sh RS gosh C. gosh M. gosh (eae la Cc. yoahlagilh lo ie, yaelog, Pulowath 1 R. bun C. bun M. bun -nh Re bunh Cc, bunh OS 5-9 D. ae ae lo Re woalow Ree Aereewowaeeset, none Bere enone anaes rw- R. Yaurwpiig (2) eee none NO es esses kes 23 pu Rie punh i |) eee ma R. gaimangiy, Galayalimang maa C. yaremaataal mae R. maelae (7), maelael, maclhae (2), maetaalh (2), mae (9) C. mae, maelae M. mae maeh R. maeh Cc. maeh mwae 12). mwaelhewe -mw Cc, lihmw HRW ise cess mee ie limeeg 320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 TABLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued Syllables Character No. repre- Inform- Words in which character is used sented by ant character 1 Re eee es aS mrs nge R. nge (7) ngoe R. iwoengoe -ng R. cang C. cang, uhng M. eang -ngh Re tahngh C. tahngh |B eee aes boa R. boad Cc, boad M. boad bu R. gabungh pu 18%, Pulowath 1 le eee wa R. yaewavriis, yaewal, Pulowath, Sataawal (2) C. Sataawal M. Sataawal A. Sataawal C. wae-wae R. woalow C. gawaewaay R, masharag (3), raralh C. masharag ro R. row-TOW AG see ee eee uu R. uur, WUTW Cc. UUur, UUTW uub Re uuhl C. uuhi Vv R. Foeshavlap (2) C. Foeshavlap M. Foeshavlap T. Foeshavlap (2) vh C. vhl i+--w R. Woettegaiw -y ie semwoey (2), seemwoey (2) U7 meee Socotra Le to R. fatogi (7), toulap (3), aetoulap, yaetoulap, sifatogi (2), roesafato- gi, yatowe, fitou (2), tog C. fatogi, toulap, tog toh R. tohg C. tohg -t Re maaht thy R. fath-fathvlhi (4) (Ge fath-fatholhi -th R. fath-fathvlhi (4), fath-fath (2), yaefath, yath, gahth, math C. fath-fath, gahth, math, fath-fathvlhi 1). ae eres eee tees tl ca R. cang (2) C. cang M. cang cha 1 chang (of chang M. chang sha R. lagoshag, shag (3), Foeshavlap C. lagoshag, Foeshavlap, josha M. Foeshaviap a. Foeshavlap (2) ta Re tapilh pC: ene eee eee eee mae R, maelhael (2) -m R. shihm Cc. shihm mwa R. eetaemwalh mwae R. mwaelh mwoe R. gamwoelha, mwoelaelh, gamwoelhaelhi (5), yaemwoelh C. gamwoelhaelhi -mw R. ihmw, lihmw, goamw Cc. ihmw, goamw QD scc25e donee teens chii R. Namwoachiig M. Namwoachiig -ch R. mahch sha R. Foeshavlap, masharag (3) Cc: masharag -sh ‘Rie gish (5), yash (12), roehsh, raash, pahngash, baahsh Cc. gish, baahsh M. baahsh PN oe as tea oe ma 1 Teomal mah M. mahch maeh R. maeht mwa R. mwalhi ne ee ce Se eles ro Re T0-r0 Cc, T0-ro TW re yoarw, babioarw A No. nthroP. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 321 TABLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence Character No. of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued Syllables repre- Inform- Words in which character is used sented by ant character ma ia masharag (3), matae-maetael, mangiy, gaimangiy, math (Of masharag, math mah Ie mah, mahch, mahth (OP mah, mahih M. mah, mahih maa R. maat, maasvr, maazvr, maalhi, yaremaat, yaremaataal @} maat, maasvr, maazvr, yaremaat (2) M. maat maah 18h maahlh, maaht (2) C. maahlh, maaht M. maahlh, maaht mae R. matae-maetael maeh M. maeh mii R. simiilh none ta R. aetaifiilh C. kapetal taa 18% Sataawal (2) Cc. Sataawal M. Sataawal A. Sataewal tae R, gafitaeg (6), yaetaetaei, eetae, matae-maetael, yaegafitaeg C. gafitaeg tte R. Wocttegaiw tee Re kapateeyae t R. kepat (14), alefahpaet (2), maat, maaht, gepat, taht, faat-faat, yaremaat C. kepat, maat, maaht, gepat, faat-faat, taht, yaremaat (2) M. kepaz, maat, maaht, gepat -th R. Pulowath pa R. kepatekay pae Re itipaelhi, sitipaelhi pe R, kapetal (9), kapetalhi Cc, kapetal (2) -p R. ie ea sa aetoulap, yaetoulap, Fagosap, Faelalap, Foeshav- ap (2 CO. toulap (2), Foeshavlap M. Foeshavlap rT Foeshavlap (2) foa R. foari (3) M. foari -ch R. yaebegach, gach M. mahch shv R. sho shvh C. shvhw shv C, sho bi R. babioarw bu R. bun, bunh C. bun, bunh M. un buh R. buhk none tu R. tutu tuu R. tuut, tuutuu C. tuut, tuutuy tuuh O. tuuht tv R. fatolh +t R. tuuZ, tuuht C. tuué, tuuht tuu C. tuutuu tuuh R. tuuht fa R. fath-fathvihi (4), fath-fath (2), fatogi (7), sifatogi (2), roesafatogi, falh (3), yaefath, fatilh, fatvlh, Fagosap, Faragiye C. fath-fathvlhi, fath-fath, fatogi, fatilh, fatiilh, fatvlh M. fotilh, fatiilh fah R. ale fohpaet (2) faa R. faat-faat C. faat-faat fae R. foelvw foe R. Foeshavlap 322 TaBLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 37. Character No. Syllables repre- sented by character SPAO POMP SO HPROnAM OPP ORO ROA RORNH > SONOS OR ORR OOM ARNON ORAA ARBOR RAZ Words in which character is used Galayalimang lae, maelae (7), maelael, mwoelaelh ilegihr, alefahpaet (2) iJegihr Weleeya (14) Weleeya (6) Ingeliis (2), galiisorw (2) ilhagil, kapetaz (6), nhepal (4), eetal, gozvl, sigal, maelhael (2), maelael, yael, yaewal, Sataawal (2), tahl, vhi, Teomal kapetal (2), Sataawal, tah/ Sataawal Sataawal ilhagil, gamwoelha ilhagil are (2), jalhae, misilhaelh, maethael (2), gamwoelhaelhi 5 gamwoelhaelbi mwaelhewe gozvlhi, ishilhi, gamwoelhaelhi raelh (7), ishilh (7), raralh, falh (2), mwaelh, mwoelaelh, eetaemwalh, misilhae/h, misilh, Saepalh, aetaifiilh, yae- pees maetaalh (2), pangalh (3), itaedh, milh, mwilh, ‘atv simiilh, fatiilh, milh, mwilh, fatvlh fatiilh lihwanhaey nhepal (5) punh Weleeya gozvlhi raelh mae (2) Namwoachiig, mwoac-mwoac semwoey (2), seemwoey (2) gomw geragiroegilhi, Faragiye raash raelh (13), raelhi (2), raesorw roelh, raelhi re (5), gare (2), boegare, rebae (4), yaremaat, yaremaataal rebae (4), yaremaataal, yaremaat (2) yaewavriis geragiroegilhi, roesafatogi roehsh ilegihr, yar, ihr, uur ilegihr, uur uurew linwanhaey Falalwus faelow (2) uuhl u uuhl, vhl Tfaelhuug Ifaelhwug simiilh, mahlh, maahlh mahlh, maahlh mahlh, maahlh punh cangh roesafatogi, Fagosap, Sataawal (2) Sataawal Sataawal Sataawal sahg Saepalh shag, josha toetoe loetoe Teomal lihwanhaey gawaewaay (2) gawaewaay wae-wae, Wae-waelh, gawaewaay (2) wae-waelh Weleeya (14), yatowe, uuwe (4), mwaclhewe Weleeya (6) iwoengoe, Woettegaiw seeaw (6), seeow, woalow (2), faelvw (2) shvhw Rano} +2: CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 323 TaBLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued Syllables Character No. repre- Inform- Words in which character is used sented by ant character C1 ee ee eee Sees se R. semwoey (2) see R. seemwoey (2) see+a R. seeaw (6) see+o R. secow si R. simiilh shvh ieee shvhw -sh R. baesh, yash +t iBy maeht (an error?) 40-|-T We. 5-5. see R. seeg C. seeg M. seeg seeh Ee seehgi Cc, seehgi M. seehgi C9 ee eee ae et gv R. gvla, sibaegvla (3) -2 Re shag (4), shog (5), lagoshag, sahg, Ifaelhuug C. lagoshag, Ifaelhuug ADEA oe ae eee so 1g sowg ZV 13, gozol, gozvlh, gozolhi (6) CERES eee ee pa R. kepat eeu nhepal (5), kapateeyae, Saepalh, pangalh (3), gepa C. kepat, gepat M. kepat, gepat pah R. pahngash paah R. paahi C. paahi M. paahi pe C. Kapetal 0 ee eee none Ap tei Desc Steet sho R. shog (5) : ce ee es ga R. gare, gafitaeg (6), gamwoelha, sigal, yaebegach, gabungh (2), gamwoelhaelhi (5), gaimangiy, gawaewaay (2), boegaze, gach, gaigabungv (2), Woettegaiw, Galayalimang, yaega fi- taeg, galiisorw (2) gah 16 gahth C. gahth ja R. jalhae -j R. ihaj ka R. kapetal (9), kapetalhi, kepatekay, ka (5) On kapetal (2) ke R. kepatekay kee+i C. keei C) Pee Tr R: maasvr, Maazvr, josoar C. maasvr, maazvr Iw R. sorw (2), gallisorw (2), raesorw, uurw -S et joshos (an error?) 47+39+IV_-_------_- rwee R. rweeg (2) AS Ue vos 225 see nga R. ngali (2), ngalhi, pangalh (3), pahngash Cee ee mwoa C. mwoac-mwoac M. Namwoachiig -mw C. gomw BOzccn2-25224225-test ga R. gare, gaigabungv (2) C. gawaewaay gae R. igaelha (3) ge R. geragiroegilhi, gepat C. gepat M. gepat -g 18%, limeeg, rweeg (2), Yaurwpiig (2), seeg C. seeg, Pihg M. seeg, Pihg ka R. kalh, kapateeyae C. kapetal ke R. kepat (14) CG: kepat M. kepat BOE Viens - 22.8 eke kee R. keei eee tu C. tutu [7 ers eee a -ng ie lhahng, ung, uhng C. lhahng, ung -ngh R. Thahngh, cangh Ole Thahngh (cs Ree eee eeeeeee ca een foa C. foari i, eee see none Sees none BBL V 2o-c 522 eee go R Fagosap [27 a eee a eee. none BGseso-3~-eac se DEV R. gaigabungp (2) -ngh R. gabungh 324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173 TABLE 3.—Characters and their actual syllabic values, arranged according to sequence of characters in figures 25 and 26—Continued Syllables Character No. repre- sented by character BQ Lets. tea kn eee bu pu G0 ese ee ee to+u (1) ie eee ee es none (ce ee ets SV -S ZV (oh eee eee ee preeen aee none 64222 2 eee none 65 ee ee lo lu nhv GGEiate 2 he ese fa fae fee foe -f pae (ie 0 0 ee eee fee 67a es mwi GS se eee so soa sho OOF aa ee ree none ZOE soe. eee Se none (ee eee ae none te ee ee none (eR eee none (aes ae aa NS EE eee ga gv Osean eee none WOe oa cer aes ice See none i egies TN ae none arzox7 OOF . a9 PPAR SONS SONPOF APE D Words in which character is used gaigabungv (2), gabungh punh toulap maaser maasor Falaluus maazor maazer woalow ulunhvlhi ulunholhi Falaluus faelvw, Faelalap, Lfaelhuug Tfaelhuug tafeey Foeshavlap Foeshaviap Foeshavlap Foeshavlap (2) yahf alefahpaet (2) (an error?) tafee newilh sorw (2), galiisorw (2), raesorw josoar joshos gare, gafitaeg, gamwoelhaelhi gola, Anthrop. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 325 TaBLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the phonemic sequence of table 1 (Numbers in parentheses following a character designation indicate number of times, when more than once, that character is used, by each informant, to write the italicized syllable of the word preceding in the second column. Plus signs: in the first column plus signs indicate when two syllables are written with a single character; in the columns under informant designations they indicate when two characters are used to represent a single syllable. Informant designations: R.=Maroligar; C.=Chiyemal; M.=Magilo; T.=Tachep; A.= Marutang.] Character used by— Syllables Words in which syllables occur R. Cc M. Te A. aS Bee sia I (8) alefahpaet I (2) bY pane WE RS Ss. tiligiaelh III aetoulap Tit aetai III aeta III aetaifiilh Il aetaei III (ihe SS ee ectae III : eetaemwalh Til eebae Il eetal IV eee as Se es ilegihr IV IV ishi IV (5) IV ilhagil IV IV tai IV Ingeliis IV (2) ishilh IV (8) IV ishilhi IV (2) itaelhi IV tyang IV itaelh IV iwoengoe IV igaelha IV (3) yaetaetaei IV aetat IV aetaifiilh IV gaimangiy IV itipaelhi IV gaigabungv IV (2) aetaei IV paahi IV IV IV Ifaelhuug IV IV keei III i+-w_____-__-- Woettegaiw 16 ihe et ihy IV (2) ihsh IV ihr IV ihmw IV IV Th=-at eee ihaj IV he eo ee ihy IV (3) Ossi: See eee Teomal 39 Opes eee eee babioarw XVI eae aa Yaurwpiig XIX (2) towlap XIX (3) XIX ulunhvlhi XIX yaetoulap XIX aetowlap XIX ung XIX XIX fitow XIX-+39 (2) lee See | uhng IX XIX ieee eee eee uuwe IV (4) uur 16 16 UUrw 16 16 1201 ae Serene uuhl 16 16 ee ee: yaewarriis IV Foeshavlap 16 (2) 16 16 16 (2) vh vhl XIX+14 16 Dae oes atces babioarw 4 Haake baahsh 4 bae rebae 4 (4) 4 (4) sibae 4 (8) bae 4 (21) 4 baey 4 baes 4 4 baesh 4 (2) 4 4 eebae 4 sibaegvla 4 (3) Debeseee ose yaebe 4 (11) 4 (2) yaebegach 4 326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 TaBLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued Character used by— Syllables Words in which Syllables occur R C M. 4 A. a ere beeyae 4+IV | oy Cena Mines = ed babioarw 29 [OX0T: eee eee boad 13 13 13 1 Yt, a, anal siboe 4 boegare 4 | 0) 0 ie ere un 29 29 29 bunh 29 29 gabungh 13, 59 gaigabungv 59 (2) Dunes buhk 29 (Cer ee ibe i cang 18 (2) 18 18 cangh 7 Lae a alee pee wihc XI XIII mwoac-mMwoac 5-5 5-5 Chaeeneee eee chang 18 18 18 Chijeeee sean Namwoachiig 20 20 sch che) ates yaebegach 28 gach 28 mahch 20 28 Qe ae oek boos boad XVII XVII XVII tahd XVII XVII XVII fal senha oa falb 32 (3) fatvlh 32 32 fatilh 32 32 32 fatiilh 32 32 fath-fath 32-32 (2) 32-32 fath-fathvlhi 32-32 (4) 32-32 fatogi 32 (7) 32 roesafatogi 32 sifatogi 32 (2) yaefath 32 Fagosap 32 Faragiye 32 Falaluus 66 halt tease alefahpaet 32 (2) faces haseeee faat-faat 32-32 32-32 1 eae VS eee faelvw 32, 66 Faelalap 66 Tfaclhuug 66 66 feet e tafee 66++1II tafeey 66 1 bi ha Sree a gafitaeg VII (6) VII fitou VII (2) yaegafitaeg VII Aili eee aetaifiilh VII foa®2Us= 2-4 foari 27 (3) 53 27 jay ee, es Foeshavlap 32, 66 66 66 66 (2) 3 aes Dae es yaf VII Vil VII yahf 66 66 66 fe ee gare 46, 50 74 gatitaeg 46 (6) 74 boegare 46 yaegafitaeg 46 gach 46 galiisorw 46 (2) yaebegach 46 gabungh 46 (2) gaimangiy 46 gamwoelha 46 garmawoelhaelhi 46 (5) 74 Sigal 46 gawaewaay 46 (2) 50 gaigabungv 46-50 (2) Woettegaiw 46 Galayalimang 46 odo bs ee gaimangiy 2, gahoeta sets gahth 46 46 Paes fee se4 igaelha 50 (3) Per LEN. Sones geragiroegilhi 50 gepat 50 50 50 [3 eee seehgi VIII VIII VIII ilhagil VIII VIII fatogi VIII (7) VIII sifatog? VIII (2) roesafatogi VIII tiligiaelh VIIl gish VIII (5) Vill No. Anthrop. Pap. CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 327 TaBLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued Character used by— Syllables Words in which syllables occur R Cc M. Ae A gi—Con geragiroegilhi VIII-VIIL tirig? VIII+ III Faragiye Vill ihe cake 232 ilegihr VIII VIII Cie wee ae yoahlagiilh VIII (ee. Cees lagoshag 2 2 gosh 2 2 2 gomw 2 2 gozvl 2 gozvih 2 gozvlhi 2 (6) VIII Fagosap 56+IV 0 eae eee goamw 2 2 eee sibaegvla 41 (3) gvla 41 74 Ci fep eee SS a Raens gafitaeg VIII (6) VIII masharag VIII (3) VIII yaegafitaeg VIil Namwoachiig VIil VIII yaelog 2 Sowg 2 tog 2 2 tohg 2 2 lagoshag 41 41 shag 41 (4) shog 41 (5) sahg 41 Ifaelhuug 41 41 limeeg 50 rweeg 50 (2) seeg 50 50 50 Pihg 50 50 Yaurwpiig 50 (2) eee eee jalhae 6 joe jo-jo 2-2 (3) 2-2 josoar 2 joshos 2 josha 2 2 = eee See aj 46 Lge oe a 46 (5) kepatekay kapetalhi kapetal 46 (9) 46 (2), 50 kalh 50 kapateeyae 50 1 {Ae SRO Se kepat 50 (14) 50 50 kepatekay 46 kee keei 60+1V kee+i keei 46 cae! See buhk 2 ee Sea toulap 1 (8) 1 (2) aetoulap 1 yaetoulap 1 lagoshag 1 1 yoahlagiilh 1 6 gvla zy 1 sibaegvla 1 (3) Falaluus 1 Foeshavlap 1 (2) 1 1 1 (2) Faelalap 1/1 Galayalimang 33 lah lahng 1 1 1 1: ee Sees lae 33 maelae 33 (7) 14+II1 maedael 33 mwoelaelh 33 le ilegihr 33 33 alefahpaet 33 (2) [egss 2 ser seeY Weleeya 33 (14) 33 (6) 33-+1 i eee tiligiaelh limeeg ngali X (2) Galayalimang x ies See lihmw x x lihwanhaey 36° RY Ne eee oe Ingeliis 33 (2) galiisorw 33 (2) 328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Tarte 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued Character used by— Syllables Words in which syllables occur R OC M. Ty, A. 1 OSes ene ae yaelog 6 woalow 6+XI1X, 65 Pulowath 6 1D geal eels bil ulunhylhi 65 leis be ee ae Falaluus | \ phen a Pepesrses faelow 36 (2) ES (Ae Se Ne: eetal gozvl 33 sigal 33 maelhael 33 (2) maclael 33 yael 33 yaewal 33 tahl 33 33 Teomal 33 ilhagil 33 x nhepal 33 (4), X Sataawal 33 (2) 33 33 kapetal 33 (6), X (3) 33 (2), X yaremaataal x x vhi 33 36 uuhl 36 36 matae-maetaal x thas ee ilhagil 33 33 gamwoelha igaelha 1 (3) nah eae thahng 1 thahngh 1 1 Ihaen eee aen Thaenh 1 (2) jalhae 33 maelhae 33 (2) maelhael 33 (2) misilhaelh 33 gamwoelhaelhi 33 (5) 33 hess seen mwaelhewe 33 his See gozvlhi 33, X (5) 33-++-X ishilhi 33, X-+1V gamwoelhaelhi 33, X-+33, X (3) Di raelhi X (2) D4 fath-fath vlhi X (4) x geragiroegilhi x mwalhi X ngalhi x ulunhvlhi x thi X (2) kapetalhi aXG maalhi x itaelhi x itipaelhi x sitipaelhi x ini Ifaelhuug 36 36 a UG a a ata yoahlagiilh x x wae-waelh x raelh X (5), 33 (7), 383+ woalh X (2) tahlh x x fatilh x Xe x falh X, 33 (2) tiligiaelh x ishilh 33 (7), 1 x raralh 33 mwaelh 33 mwoelaelh 33 eetaemwalh 33 misilhaedh 33 misilh 33 Saepalh 33 aetaiftilh 33 yaemwoelh 33 maetaalh 33 (2) pangalh 33 (3) itaelh 33 fatiilh 33 33 milh 33 33 Anthrop. Pap. No. 60] CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 329 TaBLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued Character used by— Syllables Words in which syllables occur -lh—Con. mwilh fatvlh simiilh mahlh maahlh kalh aT ee ee ES rail) masharag matae-maetael mangiy gaimangiy Galayalimang Teomal mahseensese se mah 23 23 23 mahlh 23 23 23 mahech 23 21 WMaa-s--=-s2.3 maat 23 23 23 maasvr 23 23 maazvr 23 23 maathi 23 yaremaat 23 23 (2) yaremactaal 23 ll maahs-ce=sa8 maahlh 23 23 23 maaht 23 (2) 23 23 mae maelae 11 (7) ll maelhae 11 (2) maelael 11 maetaalh 11 (2) mae 11 (9), 34 (2) 11 11 maelhael 19 (2) matae-maetael 23 maeh maeh 11 ll 23 maeht 21 Mee; =5 265.5. limeeg 11+IV 11) (ee ee ee milh XI XI misilh XI misilhaelh XI mijizos...-5 <3 simiilh 23 xI “Mm. -52. 88-222 shihm 19 19 MWassocs-aa=2 mowalhi 21 eetaemwalh 19 mwaes.c2s-2s2 muaelh 19 mwaelhewe 11 mii: o2-2.5554 mwilb 67 XI mwOal22-5 =. mwoac-mwoac 34-34 49-49 Namwoachiig 34 49 MWO0Cl2s22254 semwoey 34 (2) seemwoey 34 (2) gamwoelha 19 gamwoelhaelhi 19 (5) 19 muwoelaelh 19 yaemuwoelh 19 -mw ihmw 19 19 lihmw 19 ll goamw 19 19 gomw 34 49 NAL Sea ose s. Namwoachiig 1 1 2 1 ee eee lhaen x bun 6 6 6 mhaesseesesces lihwanhaey 33 mney ose ese nhepal 33 (5) WNVs sesso eo ulunholhi 65 Sie eee Thaenh X (2) bunh 6 6 punh 33 36 nga ngali 48 (2) ngalbi pangalh 48 (3) pahngash 48 POs Saeco nge 12 ( Ingeliis IX (2) 1) mangiy IX aimangiy-..-----. IX (2) MOGs senses woengoe 12 YW senses sees gaigabungo 58 (2) [Bull. 173 330 TaBLe 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Character used by— Syllables Words in which syllables occur “ty UNG ag So es ees cang galayalimang chang lahng tahng Thahng ung uhng Yd 1 ae eee tahngh cangh lbahngh gabungh ) Of: Meeps eee kepat gepat nhepal pangalh Saepalh kapateeyae kepatekay pah-2es ss pahngash Dashes ae paahi Paes ese sitipaelhi itipaelhi alefabpaet 66 (2) (error?) pes2=-Bo2 kapetal 26 (9) 26 (2), 43 kapetalhi 26 Dia eee tapilh XIV pipi XIV/XIV-+II1 XIV/XIV XIV/XIV-+II1 Piss Besse Pihg X1V XIV pihpih XIV/XIV+III XIV/XIV XIV/XIV Pil se ese Yaurwpiig XIV (2) 10) 6 Poeeoee Seer Pulowath 13 punh 10 59 C] 0 egeae a memes toulap 26 (3) 26 (2) aetoulap 26 yaetoulap 26 Fagosap 26 Faelalap 26 Foeshavlap 26 (2) 26 26 26 (2) 1 een aeerege te masharag 15 (8) 15 raralh 15/15 geragiroegilhi 35 Faragiye 35 Paa: 2 2ss22i3 raash 35 Ta@sea 2-22 L a raesorw 35 raelh 35 (18) 35 raelhi 35 (2) 35 TOe: eaten re 35 (5) rebae 35 (4) 35 (4) gare 35 (2) boegare 35 yaremaat 35 35 (2) yaremaataal 35 35 Tis ace ee ee foari XVIII (8) XVIII XVIII tirigi X (error?) pot ees rere yaewavriis 35 TOW ose sees T0-TO 22-22 22-22 TOW-TOW 15-15 YOCe woo tas geragiroegilhi 35 roesafatogi 35 roeh. =u. = ase roehsh 35 Spee ee yar 35 ihr 35 ilegihr 35 35 uur 35 35 josoar 47 maasvr 47 47 maazvr 47 47 TWeol ob aces. 52 Yaurwpiig 8 (2) TWeescessoe sce rweeg 47+39+IV (2) TW aeteckacus babioarw 22 yoarw 22 uurw 47 35 sorw 47 (2) galiisorw 47 (2) raesorw 47 Anthrop. Pap. No. 60] CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 331] TaBLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued Syllables Words in which syllables occur Character used by— roesafatogi Fagosap Sataawal sahg Saepalh semwoey seemwoey seeg siya sibaegvla sigal sifatogi sitipaelhi misilh misilhaelh simiilh raesorw galiisorw josoar maasor Ingeliis yaewavriis baes Falaluus joshos lagoshag shag Foeshavlap masharag josha ishi yaremaataal maetaalh Safaawal u (error?) 18 (3), 37 18, 20 20 (3) 37 XIII (4), XTTI-+ITI XIII (7), XV a (12), 40 xu, 40 3 0) or0o bow co ee tot ONtD NWO Co to Co Co <3 5 ® 40+1IV 40-++IV 40-+-1V 40+-IV XV XV 18 18 18 (2) 20 20 XIII XIII 5 5 3 (2), 25 co Oo Co Go CO GO OO 25 25 nw on 332 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 TABLE 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued Character used by— Syllables Words in which Syllables occur R C. M. 7 As tae: 22t2222254 eetaemwalh a itaelhi 3 aetaei 3 itaelh 3 yaetaetaei 25/3 matae-maetael 25-25 eetae 25 gafitaeg 25 (6) 25 yaegafitaeg 25 teal | ee a kepatekay 3 Woettegaiw 25 Teomal XVII tee. s28s3.2-= 5 kapateeyae 25 tiene Se tiligiaelh XVII tirigi XVII sitipaelhi XVII itipaelhi XVII fatilh XVII XVII XVII thas oe osse fatiilh XVII XVII Cree, wee ee toulap 17 (3) 17 aetoulap 17 yaetoulap 17 fatogi 17 (7) 17 sifatogi 17 (2) roesafatogi 17 yatowe 17 fitou 17 (2) tog 17 17 toq-Ui bose toulap 60 tohe see es tohg 17 17 toee-2b 2s toetoe 38/38 38/38 (70 aay Os eee tutu 31/31 61/51 Gow 22 tuut 31 1 tuutuu 31/31 31+-16/31 tous = =s----— tuuht 31+16 CV eee fatuth 31 XVII =t-.-f mee kepat 25 (14) 25 gepat 25 25 25 alefahpaet 25 (2) yaremaat 25 25 (2) taht 25 25 faat-faat 25-25 25-25 maat 25 25 25 maaht 25, 17 25 25 tuut 31 31 tuuht 31 31 maeht 40 (error?) thy 222 ceee2 fath-fathvlhi 17 (4) 17 =the fath-fathvlhi 17 (4) 17 fath-fath 17-17 (2) 17-17 yaefath 17 gahth 17 17 math 17 17 yath 17 Pulowath 25 ee ee maazor 62 62 gozol 42 gozolhi 42 (6) gozolh 42 Wesco ste occe Sowg xIxX wa. te yaewavriis 14 yaeral 14 Pulowath 14 Sataawal 14 (2) 14 14 14 lihwanhaey 39 Wwaas2-to-=---5 gawaewaay 39 (2) 39 Wa@L20b252=2 wae-wae 39-39 14-missing wae-waelh 39-39 39-39 gawaewaay 39 (2) 14+-IV Wess sees nee Weleeya 39 (14) 39 (6) Vv yatowe 39 uuwe 39 (4) mwaelhewe 39 waheee wihe XII XII WO8-22p 52225 2: woalh V (2) woalow V, 14 Anthrop. Pap. No.60} » ~«=©CAROLINE SCRIPT—RIESENBERG AND KANESHIRO 333 TaBLe 4.—Syllables and the characters used for them, arranged according to the phonemic sequence of table 1—Continued Character used by— Syllables Words in which syllables occur —_— | | | | | SC. WO@...22- iwoengoe Woettegaiw AW... Bene seeaw seeow woalow faelvw shvhw TOw-row ya... yar yath yaf yaremaat yaremaataal yash yatowe iyang siya Galayalimang Yaurwpiig Weleeya I (6) IV+III yah..-..: 223 yahf I I yae...- ees yae yaebe III (10), I III (2) yaebegach It yael III yaelog III yaefath III yaewal Ill yaewavriis Til yaetaetael III yaemwoelh III yaegafitaeg III kapateeyae III beeyae Ill yaetoulap I Je... ee Faragiye III YOS..5.22e- ee yoarw XVI yoah...22=-2:. yoah XVI yoahlagiilh XVI yooh. yoeh XVI S aie semwoey 16 (2) seemwoey 16 (2) baey III ihy III (2) mangiy III gaimangliy IIT (2) tafeey gawaewaay III (2) lihwanhaey IV kepatekay IV+III 471762—60——23 BER once VAR Oe Di - Oh PIED t j 4 : ¥ t ose Vainciptic ~~ ? : i. | Seolngiw 1 . = eniae x . 3B! td 7) ance jot is Te oe heeaatees Y ’ ; Pat} | hes f ba A ‘ io | gota atietle: } ‘ Stas i . tia} at - 3 ‘ob | ' ae ia On ey 1} wliaw ot b tt \ i if ' : ae . Aree. 1}, = { i , | 4 | } | ai * i) 7 see: +4 on | gT ig | Hi tg | Ree j t a Su a | t hi : BULLETIN 173 PLATE 42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tattooing in native script on arm of Maralatuy, a woman of Faraulep Island, Faraulep atoll. (Photographed by E. Quackenbush.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 43 * * ~—— , a woman of Falalap Island, Woleai atoll. Tattooing in native script on leg of Letaweribul (Photographed by E. Quackenbush.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOG Y BULLETIN 173 PLATE 44 Native script and Japanese katakana on canoe-house beams, Faraulep Island, Faraulep atoll. (a, b, Photographed by S. Kaneshiro; c, photographed by E, Quackenbush.) e 4 an . oe ir. Pe > a 7 oe w ft hast ; 1 aa Tle vk mJ ¥ ; f ait + 7 : 7 SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 173 Anthropological Papers, No. 61 DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS AS A SOURCE OF PLAINS HISTORY By JAMES H. HOWARD 335 a gs Fa AA Ry pelt ean a ar aaaaelias Ty et a ti ls og VOUPUTITEME yumoentime it veoloadt a rior Wo, cen ie NS SEE. nitalfntty ro il cna CONTENTS PAGE ire Greneitre GAONs = ois utlene sprees eee te oy ee Stee Fee Pe on oY 2 ee 339 se: WATER: COUNTS S21 oe Se A ort eNa tReet I et Seek ee 341 I AIICS AUC ALU NOLS Nee =e eS Sele a ah ie i ee SB 341 Counts used for comparison. 22 Le 345 Description.of thercounts== = 22 e— eee ee ee Eee 347 MhitTera turer ClbeG scree eee So a eA ee Oe kao) ey ee 415 eee (5G UAC acs eee ey Se cree ees nee oe a Re ene eta 7 416 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES FOLLOWING PAGE 45. Blue Thunder Variant III (Yellow Lodge) winter count_____-_-___-_- 416 2G. (owite Dog's winter count (No. 674) 2 2 2e see ee Se Se Zee 416 Aiea wes: Walter COUNb. Dociss iat. ~ Se lees See UR 8 rhe vt oe ca A 416 eae” BEG. “une Seipaseeotintiteriy F.' hz anes ware seregt 70H NT Oty PARE cle aa ne, LC eee tonne On eee Nae Bee | nmin sie se om en - | BMOUTA arent pkrwoutau’. ee om CXTALD fat a j GOLD ; BEM View ch Man ou a ta oped walter) ae uate REE ay ah oy See aa Jap asia tab nO OK) inne ; ope. eT ere TT ia ny aie He ee, Pa te enw ee cel aed DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS AS A SOURCE OF PLAINS HISTORY By James H. Howarp INTRODUCTION The existence among the Dakota Indians of calendars, in the form of charts giving a picture of a single outstanding event for each year, was first made public by Garrick Mallery in 1877 in a paper entitled ‘“‘A Calendar of the Dakota Nation’ (Mallery, 1877). These records, originally drawn on hides, later on pieces of cloth, are called waniyetu wowépi or “winter records” by the Dakota. Sometimes the variant terms wanfyetu iyiwa and hékta yawapi (Mallery 1886, p. 128) are used, which mean ‘‘winter count” and “counting back”’ respectively. The term wantfyetu, ‘‘winter,’”’ is employed in two ways by the Dakota. The first, like the English word ‘‘winter,” refers to the cold season of the year. In the other sense it refers to the year as a whole, the Dakota having no other word for this purpose. Thus, a person is spoken of as being so many ‘‘winters” old instead of being so many years of age. It is not surprising, then, to find that many of the events in a Dakota “‘winter’’ count actually took place during the spring, summer, and fall. Subsequent to his first publication, mentioned above, Mallery published two further studies of Dakota winter counts (1886, pp. 89- 127; 1893, pp. 266-328). These studies are monumental, and have become classics in the field. Curtis, in his ‘‘North American Indian” (1908, pp. 159-328) gives an Oglala count and compares it with the material given by Mallery. Vestal gives White Bull’s count in his “Warpath” (1934 a, pp. 259-273) and a Hunkpapa count in “New Sources of Indian History 1850-91” (1934 b, pp. 348-351). Cohen (1942) in ‘Indians at Work” gives Big Missouri’s count.! In this paper I wish to supplement these earlier works with nine hitherto little-known winter counts from the Dakota of the Standing Rock Reservation, N. Dak. and S. Dak. Six of these are in the 1 Cohen, 1939, pp. 16-20. Swift Bear’s count, presented by Cohen in the January (pp. 18-21), February (pp. 30-31), and March (pp. 29-30), 1942, issues of the same magazine came to my attention too late for in- clusion as comparative material in this paper. However, none of the data presented called for changes in the interpretations of the events in the counts presented here. 339 340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 collections of the North Dakota State Historical Museum, Bismarck, and three are owned by the Mandan-Bismarck Indian Shriners organization of Mandan and Bismarck, N. Dak.’ I undertook the present study with the object of determining the relative accuracy of the various counts by comparing them with one another and with known historic dates. As the work progressed several interesting additional uses suggested themselves. The counts might be used as a means of studying intertribal intercourse in the protohistoric and early historic periods. They might also be used to determine tribal locations and the dates of the introduction of im- portant features of Dakota culture, such as the earth lodge, the horse, and the Sun dance. By emphasis, and reason for being noted by the maker of the count, it seems that the events selected reveal much of the ethos of Dakota culture for the period they cover. It became apparent at once that the various counts, with the exception of the earlier parts of the Good, High Hawk, and White Bull counts, were quite reliable chronologically. The locations mentioned in the counts, which are suggested by the pictographs and were given orally to the persons who collected the counts, were also in remarkable agreement. Concerning warfare and intertribal relations the results were less satisfying. It was found that the different counts, although present- ing nearly identical pictographs for a given year, and obviously describing the same incident, ascribed entirely different identities to the participants. One account might mention that a Crow killed a Dakota, another that a Dakota killed a Crow, and still another that a Dakota was killed by an Arikara. The reason for this confusion became apparent when the interpretations of the pictographs in the Dakota language were translated for the two counts where the native texts had been preserved. These interpretations, usually only a short phrase, typically mentioned only that a certain person ‘‘was killed,” leaving the tribal identification of the person and his assailant to whoever was keeping the winter count at the time. Interesting changes were noted in the insignia used to identify persons of different tribal groups in the various counts, and in the earlier and later years of the same count. For example, the year 1797-98 on the Blue Thunder Variant III count is designated as ‘Killed Three Omahas on the River.’”’ The Omaha are indicated by their characteristic headdress, the deer tail and porcupine hair roach (Mallery, 1886, pp. 131-133). Yet later in the same count tbis roach is used merely to signify a dancer, a Dakota, for the years 1887—88 and again for the years 1928-29. 2 The loan of these last three counts was arranged by Paul Ewald, a member of the Shriners and also of the North Dakota State Historical Society. A oraren Pep. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 341 The progression of the pictographs in the counts, whether from right to left, left to right, or in a serpentine manner, was found to be of little significance. The unimportance of this feature has been ably discussed by Mallery (ibid., p. 95), and my own work merely tends to confirm this. THE WINTER COUNTS The nine unpublished counts which were studied were found to be variants of only three major counts. The three groups into which the counts fell were: The Blue Thunder group, containing five counts; the High Dog-Swift Dog group, containing two counts; and the Jaw group, containing two counts. For this reason, plus the high cost of reproduction, only three plates (pls. 45-47) accompany the text. The three counts selected were considered to be the clearest of the respective groups. The counts were first studied individually, then compared with one another and with each of the counts given by Mallery, Curtis, Vestal, and Cohen. For purposes of study and reference, I have named and numbered the counts in the following manner. NAMES AND AUTHORSHIP 1. Buur TuunpER Count, Shriner cat. No. 136, (probably only a copy of the original Blue Thunder count, and possibly more recent than Blue Thunder Variants I, IJ, and III). This count is done on heavy white canvas. It measures 264 by 74 cm. It is done in black ink and colored wax crayons and paint. The outlines and the colors black and dark blue are done in ink. Other coloring is done with red, yellow, blue, and green paint or crayons. The count starts at the upper right and goes to the left, spiraling inward. The years included in this count are 1785-86 to 1921-22. The maker of this count is unknown. It is owned at the present time by the Mandan Indian Shriners organization. The count was secured by A. B. Welch in 1913, probably on the Standing Rock reservation. The translation is by one Thomas Ashley, whom Welch calls ‘‘a fullblood Dakota” in his notes. The interpretations of the meanings of the various pictographs are supposedly by Welch under the direction of Ashley and other Dakota informants. Much of Welch’s material seems merely conjectural, however, and the very long and seemingly purely fanciful explanations accompanying some of the years have not been included in this paper. The count ap- parently pertains to the Sihasapa and Hunkpapa bands of the Teton Dakota and to the Yanktonai of the Standing Rock reservation. 342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173 2. No Two Horns, Shriner cat. No. 247 (a variant of the Blue Thunder count). This count is done on heavy unbleached muslin. It measures 268 by 91 cm. Outlines of the pictographs and the colors blue and black are drawn in black ink. Other coloring is done with red, yellow, blue, and green wax crayons. Direction of the count is serpentine, starting at the upper right, going to the left, then back to the right below the first row, and so on. The years included in this count are 1785-86 to 1921-22. This count was made by No Two Horns, a member of the Hunkpapa band of the Teton Dakota. The authorship of the count is verified by No Two Horns’ pictographic signature. This count is owned by the Mandan Indian Shriners organization. The count was secured by A. B. Welch from No Two Horns in 1922. ‘The translation is by “Joe Jordan” whom Welch calls ‘‘a Dakota volunteer of my organi- zation in 1917” in his notes on the count. The count apparently pertains to the Hunkpapa and Sihasapa bands of the Teton Dakota and to the Yanktonai. 3. Buus THunpER Variant I, Museum cat. No. 798. This count is done on heavy canvas, once white but now a dirty gray color. It measures 260 by 74 cm. Outlines of the pictographs and the colors black and dark biue are done in black ink. Other coloring is done with red, yellow, blue, and green wax crayons or paints. Direction of the count is from upper right to the left, spiraling inward. ‘The maker of this count had a very poor sense of proportion and many of the pictographs interfere with one another. The count includes the years 1785-86 to 1912-13. Authorship of the count is unknown. It is owned by the North Dakota State Historical Museum. The count was secured by the late Rev. A. McGaffey Beede at Fort Yates, N. Dak., and was given by him to the museum. A translation and interpretation of a winter count in Beede’s handwriting seems to fit this count. Although the Reverend Mr. Beede is said to have known Dakota well, much of the interpretation of the count seems conjectural and has not been included in this paper. The count apparently pertains to the same bands and divisions of the Dakota as the preceding count. 4. Buur Tounper Variant II, Museum cat. No. 942. This count is done on light unbleached muslin cloth. It measures 347 by 89 cm. Outlines of the pictographs and the colors dark blue and black are done in black ink. Other coloring is done in red, yellow, and blue paint and wax crayons. Direction of the count is from the upper right to the left, spiraling inward. The count includes the years 1785-86 to 1912-13. Anthrop. Pap. NeCLL DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 343 Authorship of this count is unknown. The count is owned by the North Dakota State Historical Museum. It was secured by the Reverend Mr. Beede on the Standing Rock reservation. The trans- lation and interpretation mentioned in connection with the preceding count fits this count equally well. The count apparently pertains, like the preceding three, to the Hunkpapa and Sihasapa bands of the Teton Dakota and to the Yanktonai. 5. Buuz Tounper Variant IT (Yuettow-Lopcr Count) Museum cat. No. L495. This count is done on heavy unbleached muslin. It measures 340 by 86.5 cm. The pictographs are done in black ink and colored with red, yellow, blue, and green paint and crayons. The direction of the count is from upper right to the left, spiraling inward. The count includes the years 1785-86 to 1930-31. The author of this count was Yellow-lodge, a Dakota of mixed Mdewakanton-Yanktonai descent who lived at Cannonball, N. Dak. It may be identified by the pictograph of an Indian sitting in a yellow tipi. A copy of this count, complete through 1951-52, was kept by Mrs. Teresa Yellow-lodge of Fort Yates, N. Dak., who showed it to the author in 1952. The count is owned by Eugene Burdick of Williston, N. Dak., but was placed on indefinite loan with the North Dakota State Historical Museum in 1932. A partial translation of a Dakota winter count which Burdick believed belonged with this count was sent to the museum shortly after the count had been placed there on loan. This translation, however, does not fit the count. It apparently belongs with either the High Dog or Swift Dog count. Since the High Dog count was accompanied by an interpretation, and since the Swift Dog count was not, this Burdick interpretation has been placed with the Swift Dog count. Welch’s interpretations for counts 1 and 2 and Beede’s for 3 or 4 fit all but the later years of this count. For the reader’s convenience, therefore, this count has been included with Blue Thunder Variants I and IT in the list used for comparison. _ All of the counts given above, which comprise the Blue Thunder group, seem to be copies of the same count or of one another. All but the Blue Thunder Variant I count have the printed phrase ‘‘Please pay $2.50 to see this map” preceding the first year’s pictograph, in- dicating that financial emolument may have been an important in- centive for a man to keep a winter count. The pictographs on the Blue Thunder count and those on the Blue Thunder Variant III count (Yellow-lodge count), up to the year 1912—13, were apparently drawn by the same person. 6. High Doe Count, Museum cat. No. 791. 344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 This count is done on white muslin cloth. It measures 132 by 88 em. Outlines of the pictographs and the colors dark blue and black are done in black ink. Other coloring is done in red, yellow, and green paint. The direction of the count is from upper left to the right, spiraling inward. This count includes the years 1797-98 to 1911-12. The author of this count is given by Beede as “High Dog,” but the count is nearly identical with that of Swift Dog. It was procured by the Reverend Mr. Beede, who writes “High Dog copied this for me from one which he had (about new).’”’ With the count is an interpre- tation of the count in Dakota, apparently written by an Indian. This text is rather garbled. It is accompanied by what purports to be a translation and interpretation of this Dakota text and the count pictographs by Beede. Much of Beede’s material seems to be merely conjectural, and, where the translation of the Dakota is possible, is often shown to be highly erroneous. Ray Schulenberg, formerly a member of the staff of the North Dakecta State Historical Museum, Mrs. Eva Littlechief of Bismarck, N. Dak., and Judge Frank Zahn of Fort Yates, N. Dak., all aided the author in translating and interpret- ing the Dakota text. The count apparently pertains to the Hunkpapa and Sihasapa bands of the Teton Dakota and to the Yanktonai. 7. Swirt Doc Count, Museum cat. No. 674. This count is on thin white cotton cloth. It measures 136 by 90 cm. Outlines of the figures are in black ink, as are the colors black and dark blue. Other coloring is done with red, green, and yellow paint. The direction of the count is from upper left to the right, spiraling inward. The count includes the years 1797-98 to 1911-12. This count is attributed to Swift Dog in the museum accession record. The Swift Dog and High Dog counts are nearly identical, and in my opinion were both made by the same man, Swift Dog. Pictographs on both are very similar in style to those on a pictograph by Swift Dog shown by Densmore (1918, pl. 70, opp. p. 403). The count was secured by the Reverend Mr. Beede on the Standing Rock Reservation. Burdick’s supposed ‘Blue Thunder’’ interpretation fits the first 27 years of both the High Dog and Swift Dog counts. Since Beede’s interpretation is labeled ‘“High Dog,” I have placed the Burdick interpretation with the Swift Dog count. Swift Dog was a member of the Hunkpapa band of the Teton Dakota (Densmore, 1918, p. 403). His count apparently pertains to the Hunkpapa and Sihasapa bands of the Teton and to the Yanktonai. 8. Jaw Count, Shriner’s catalog No. 249. This count is done on white muslin. It measures 125 by 87 cm. It is done in ink and red and blue paint. Only 1 year’s pictograph utilizes this blue paint, however. The direction of the count is from upper left to right, spiraling inward. Anthrop. Pap. eh ts DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 345 This count is attributed to Jaw by Welch, and is signed ‘Mr. Charley Jaw” in the upper right-hand corner. Jaw was of two bands, one parent being of the Sansarc (Itazipco) band of the Teton Dakota, the other of the Hunkpapa band (Densmore, 1918, p. 387). The count was secured by A. B. Welch “from descendants of Jaw.’ Titles of the winters, written above the pictographs on the count, are by “‘an educated boy” according to Welch’s notation. The count is accompanied by a typewritten interpretation by Welch, but since this was obviously taken directly from the titles written on the count itself it has been disregarded. Although the typewritten copy differs from the titles given on the count in some instances, it appears that it was Mr. Welch who was in error in most cases. The count in- cludes the years 1837-38 to 1881-82. After the years 1881-82 the years are recorded by vertical marks, of which there are 35. This brings the actual closing date of the count to 1916-17. 9. Jaw Variant, Museum cat. No. L529. This count is done on a commercially tanned sheepskin, which is a light tan in color. Maximum length of the hide is 91 cm., maximum width 90 cm. The pictographs are drawn in black and green ink. Coloring is done with red, yellow, blue, green, black, brown, and white paint. The white paint has caused a chemical action in some places, and the figures on which it is used are often slightly raised and rough. The direction of the count is from the middle top (neck of the hide) to the right, spiraling inward. Originally the count seems to have started at the lower right hind foot of the hide and proceeded to the left. This count is of unknown authorship. It was secured by Usher L. Burdick on the Standing Rock Reservation. It was placed on loan with the North Dakota State Historical Museum in 1932. The count seems to have been copied from Jaw’s count originally, and then extended backward at a later date. No translation or inter- pretation accompanies the count. Since it has been copied, in part, from Jaw’s count, the two counts are treated together in the following list for the years where they are concurrent. The count includes the years 1822-23 to 1881-82. COUNTS USED FOR COMPARISON The counts used for comparison were: 1. The Flame count. (The Flame was a member of the Two Kettle (Odheno"pa) band of the Teton Dakota by birth, but lived with the Sansare (Itazipco) band most of his life.) The count includes the years 1786-87 to 1876-77. The interpretation of the count is by the keeper (Mallery, 1886, p. 93). 346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 2. The Swan count (Minneconjou band of the Teton Dakota). The count includes the years 1800-01 to 1870-71. Interpretation of the count is by ‘Jean Premeau,” interpreter at Cheyenne Agency in 1868 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 93-94). 3. Lone Dog count. (Yanktonai, probably of the Lower Yanktonai division, now settled on the Crow Creek and Cheyenne River Res- ervations in South Dakota.) This count includes the years 1800-01 to 1870-71. Interpretations are by one Basil Clement (Mallery, 1886, pp. 89-93). 4. Bush count. (Dakota, band unknown). The count includes the years 1800-01 to 1869-70. The interpreter is unknown (Mallery, 1886, p. 94). 5. Mato Sapa count (Minneconjou band of the Teton Dakota). This count includes the years 1800-01 to 1868-69. The interpreta- tions are by the keeper (Mallery, 1886, pp. 94-95). 6. Battiste Good count. (Brule (Siéangu) band of the Teton Dakota). This count supposedly begins in mythological times. It actually seems to be based on history from 1700-01 to 1879-80. The interpretation is by Good (Mallery, 1886, p. 129; 1893, p. 268). 7. American Horse count (Oglala band of the Teton Dakota). This count includes the years 1775-76 to 1878-79. ‘The interpreta- tion of the count is by American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 129). 8. White-Cow-Killer count (Oglala or Brule band of the Teton Dakota (?)). The exact years included in this count are not given by Mallery, who uses the count only for comparison (Mallery, 1886, pp. 129-130). 9. Cloud Shield count (Oglala band of the Teton Dakota). This count includes the years 1777-78 to 1878-79. The interpretation of the count is by the keeper (Mallery, 1886, p. 129). 10. High Hawk count (Oglala band of the Teton Dakota). Like Battiste Good’s count, this count supposedly begins in mythological times. Events which seem to be historical begin in ‘1540’ (?). The closing date of the count is ‘1900.’ The interpretation of the count is by High Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 159). 11. White Bull count (Minneconjou band of the Teton Dakota). This count includes the years from ‘‘1781”’ to “1932.” The interpre- tation of the count is by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 259). 12. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (Hunkpapa band of the Teton Dakota). This count includes the years “1831” to 1881” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348). The interpretation of the count is by Judge Frank Zahn of Fort Yates, N. Dak. (Frank Zahn, personal communi- cation). 13. Big Missouri’s count (Brule Sitangu) band of the Teton Dakota). This count includes the years ‘“‘1796” to 1926.” The in- terpretation of the count is by ‘‘Kills Two, a Sioux Indian, and several = DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 347 other Indians.” The count is owned by J. A. Anderson, of Rapid City, S. Dak. (Cohen, 1939, p. 16). DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNTS The counts are described in the following manner: First the written interpretations of the pictographs are given, then the picto- graphs are described, and then comparative material is introduced. Elision dots (. . .) indicate the omission of comment by Beede or Welch. Notes in brackets which are labeled “JH” indicate that the present writer has inserted comment in a quoted passage. Unlabeled comments in parentheses are by Welch or Beede. In the count interpretations various colloquial tribal designations frequently occur. ‘‘Ree’’ refers to the Arikara. ‘‘Gros Ventre’’ refers to the Hidatsa. “Paldni’ or “Pad4ni’ refers to either the Pawnee or the Arikara, usually to the Arikara on the counts from the Standing Rock Reservation. ‘“Héhe” refers to the Assiniboin, or, possibly, to mixed Plains Ojibwa-Plains Cree-Assiniboin groups. ‘Omaha’ refers to either the Ponca or the Omaha or to both tribes. ‘‘French”’ refers to the métis of the Red River region and Canada, usually of mixed French and Plains Ojibwa or Plains Cree descent. ‘‘Chippewa,’’ in these counts, probably refers to the Turtle Mountain band of Plains Ojibwa. The divisions of the Dakota tribe, which are referred to frequently in the interpretations of the counts, are, to the author’s best under- standing, as follows: Santee group: 1. Mdéwakanton 2. Wahpéton 3. Wahpékute 4. Sisseton Wiciyela group: 5. Yankton 6. Yanktonai The Yanktonai are divided into two main groups, the Hunkpati (Upper Yanktonai) and Hunkpatina (Lower Yanktonai). The term “Wicéyela,” and variants thereof, occur frequently in the count inter- pretations. Riggs states that this is “the name applied by the Tetons to the Yankton and Yanktonnais Dakotas” (Riggs, 1890, p. 571). It apparently refers to the dialect used by these bands, described as “childish” (probably because it lacks the flowery elaborations of Teton). Though Riggs states it was used for both Yankton and Yanktonai, the term may be restricted to the Yanktonai only in the counts from the Standing Rock Reservation. 7. Teton 348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 The Teton were the largest of the seven Dakota bands. Conse- quently, though all seven bands were again divided into seven, only the Teton subdivisions are large enough to be worth noting here. They are: . Hunkpapa . Minneconjou . Sihdsapa (Blackfoot) . Odheno"pa (Two Kettle) . It4zipéo (Sans Arcs or No Bows) . Siédngu (Brules) . Oglala ISO FO PO Ne 1785-86 Buiur THuNpDER: (beginning date for this count and its interpreta- tion) ‘A woman in White (Spirit woman) came among us.” No Two Horns: (beginning date for this count and its interpretation) “A long time ago we saw a Woman in White—a spirit woman.” Buus Tuunper Variants J, II, and III: (beginning dates for these counts and the interpretation used with them) ‘Saw a white woman dressed in white. It was near the ocean or mouth of the Missouri River.”’ All of the above counts show a woman in white (clothing not colored) dress. Battiste Good gives this year, or a similar event, as 1791-92 (Mallery, 1893, p. 311). 1786-87 Buve THunper: “Had a battle with the Grosventres where the Sisseton Reservation is now.”” No Two Horns: “They killed some Crows in the winter time. They shot at shadows.” [Perhaps the Dakota found some of their enemies camped in tipis and shot at their outlines on the tipi wall as they passed between it and the fire, JH.] Buivue THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Battle with the Gros Ventres (Sisseton Reserve).’”’ Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants I and III show a manin atipi. Blue Thunder Variant II shows a man outside a tipi. All are pictured wearing the “enemy” hairdress, which is a bunch of hair standing up at the fore- head and a long braid falling down the back. This is commonly used in Dakota pictographs to designate members of enemy tribes, such as the Crow, Arikara, and Assiniboin. Battiste Good gives this event, or a similar one, for 1792-93 (Mallery, 1893, p. 311). 1787-88 Buivue Trunper: “Dakota who had a long nose was killed in a battle with the Chippewas.”’ No Two Horns “ ‘Straight Face’ was killed by the enemy.” Buus Tuunper Variants I, II, ann III: “Sioux with long nose killed by Chippewa.’”’ All counts show a man TEE al DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 349 with a prominent nose and face and a wound with blood flowing from it. The representation of a wound in Dakota pictographs is a red circle with a red triangle pendent fromit. The red circle represents the hole made by the bullet or other projectile and the red triangle represents blood flowing from this wound. On some of the counts this is quite conventionalized. 1788-89 Buve Tuunper: “ ‘Long Hair’ killed in a fight with an Omaha In- dian.”” No Two Horns “ ‘Long Hair’ killed an enemy in a great fight that winter.” Buus Taunper Variants I, II, ano III: “Long Hair, Sioux killed by Omaha.” All counts show a man with long hair and a wound. The No Two Horns interpretation is probably incorrect, as none of the counts depict the man with the ‘“‘enemy’’ hairdress. Good (Mallery, 1893, p. 311) gives this year as 1793-94, stating that “Long Hair’ was a Crow killed by the Dakota. White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 262) gives the year “1811” as ‘““They went out and killed Four Enemies with Long Hair.” 1789-90 Buus Tuunper: “A Dakota woman going for water in the night time was killed by the Omaha people.” No Two Horns: ‘Man who owned a bell killed by the enemy.” Biur THunpser Variants I, II, AND III: ‘“‘Woman killed in night by Omaha—going for water . . .” In all versions a man is depicted. He is wearing only a breechclout. The No Two Horns version plainly shows a bell in the man’s hand, but the others all show a metal bucket or an animal’s paunch, probably for carrying water. Representations of wounds are shown on the body of the man in all of the counts. Good gives this event for the year 1795- 96, stating that this man was an enemy, and was betrayed by a Dakota girl whom he met when the girl came to the edge of the village to get water. He was ambushed by the Dakota and his corpse stood up out- side the village with the girl’s water paunch in his hand (Mallery, 1893, p. 312). White Bull gives the event for the year ‘'1812” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 262). 1790-91 Buus THunper: ‘Sioux Indian killed in battle; a Wopohi Sioux.” (Wopohi should probably be wapéha, a warbonnet, JH). No Two Horns “‘A Dakota puton a large bonnet. He went out, got killed by enemy.” Buus THunper Variants I, II, ann III: “Sioux, Wopoha [probahly Wapdha, warbonnet, JH.] killed in battle.” All counts show a man wearing a warbonnet with wounds in his body. Good gives the event for the year 1796-97 (Mallery, 1893, p. 312). White Bull gives it for 1813” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 262). 471762—60——24 350 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 1791-92 Buve Tuunper: “A one-eyed man, a Sihasapa, killed by the French.” No Two Horns: ‘A noted Sioux named Big Head was killed that winter.’ Biur Taunper Variants I, IJ, ann III: “One- eyed man (Blackfoot) killed by French.”’ All counts show a man with one eye blacked out and wounds on his body. The No Two Horns interpretation is probably in error, as its pictograph is similar to the others. 1792-93 Buus Tuunper: ‘A Chippewa woman killed by the Dakota.’ No Two Horns: “The woman in a red dress was killed by some enemy.” Buuer Tuunper Variants I, II, ann III: “Chippewa woman in red dress killed by Sioux.’’ All counts show a woman with a red dress with wounds in her body. 1798-94 Buus Tuunper: “Dakota camping. The Gros Ventre and Ree battle in night time and shot on leg. On Cheyenne river. Indians jumping.” No Two Horns “Had a big fight and nearly everyone was chopped in the leg.””, Buur Tounper Variants I, II, anp III: “Gros Ventres, Rees, and Mandans fought in a big battle on the Cheyenne River in night. Sioux kept jumping.” All counts show a man shot in the leg below the knee or with the leg missing below the knee. 1794-95 Buus Tuunver: ‘Gros Ventre a mile from Dakota camp, saw a man with a flute and killed him. On Crow Creek.” No Two Horns: ‘“ ‘The Man with a Flute’ made a splendid kill of an enemy.” Biuse THunper Variants I, IJ, and III: ‘‘Gros Ventres went to a Sioux camp and a man with a flute 1 mile out was killed (on Crow Creek).’’ All counts show a man playing an Indian flute with wounds on his body. This year’s event corresponds with that given by American Horse for 1795-96, ‘‘The-Man-Who-Owns-the-Flute” was killed by the Cheyennes (Mallery, 1886, p. 133). 1795-96 Buus Tuunper: ‘Gros Ventre and Ree in battle. Nearly all got shot on arm. Used shells for knife. West of Crow Creek.” No Two Horns: ‘‘Another fight and everyone was clubbed in the arm.” Buiur THuNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘“‘Gros Ventres and Arikaras fought with Sioux wounded in arms. Then then [sic, JH] they used shells for knives.”’ All counts depict a man wounded in the arm. putizeb: Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 301 1796-97 Buive TuHunpeEr: “Saw a ship coming across the ocean in winter time. First ship they saw.’”’ No Two Horns: ‘Somebody passed around a flag to the people.”” Buus THunpER Variants I, II, and IIT: “‘Saw a ship come across the ocean, it was winter and were camped by the ocean.’”’ All counts show a crude representation of the Ameri- can flag for this year. Just how this is connected with the ship coming across the ocean mentioned in the interpretations of the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variants I, IJ, and III counts is not certain. 1797-98 Buus Tuunper: ‘We killed three Omaha in canoes on river.” No Two Horns: ‘‘Three enemies in a boat were killed by Sioux winter.’ Buiur THunprER Variants I, II, and III: “Three Omahas in a skiff on River killed by Tetons.’”’ The Blue Thunder count and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show three men in a boat. These men wear the roach headdress used to indicate Omaha or Ponca. These men may well have been Ponca, as the same word is used for the two tribes by the Dakota. No Two Horns shows only one person, but representations of three wounds, one in the body of the man, two suspended in midair. This obviously suggests the three men pictured in the other counts. This type of ‘‘shorthand”’ device is frequently employed by No Two Horns throughout the count. 1798-99 Buivure Tuunper: ‘Dakota going to battle camped at night time Saw a big white horse with an arrow on it. Killed it.” No Two Horns: “We shot a horse with a big mane winter.” Buur THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: “Sioux on battle camping saw and killed a horse with a big mane.” Ali counts, including that of Blue Thunder, show a horse with an unusually long mane and a wound in its body. Hiex Doe: (beginning date for this count and its interpretation in Dakota and English) ‘Singing over blue feathers.”” The Dakota text reads ‘“‘Wiyaka toto an akici lowanpi (Wiyaka této un akitilowanpi, lit. Feathers blue using (or wearing) they-sing-for-one-another).”’ Swirt Doe: (beginning date for this count and the Burdick ‘‘Blue Thunder” interpretation, which is used with it) ‘Singing over Blue society feathers.”” On these two counts we see a man receiving a highly decorated wand from another man. This suggests the Hunkaé or Aléwanpi ceremony of the Dakota. A rather wordy discussion by Beede tends to confirm this. Densmore (1918, p. 69) mentions the year of the first Al6wanpi as “‘1801”’ stating that this event appears on 352 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 “Black Thunder’s count.”’ Since the year 1801-02 is also designated by a drawing of this ceremony on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts the author believes that Densmore is incorrect in this assumption. Since, however, she gives only this one year, comparison is not possible. 1799-1800 Buve Tuunper: “Winter time, no water. Found beaver holes to get water.’ No Two Horns: “So cold we got water from beaver holes only.” BLuE Tuunper Variants I, II, and III: ““Water from beaver holes all frozen in winter.”” The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant ITI counts show a beaver with a tipion his back. No Two Horns shows a beaver den, a beaver, and a metal water pail. Blue Thunder Variants I and II show a beaver, a water pail, and a tipi. See the High Dog and Swift Dog counts for the following year for comparison. Hiax Dog: ‘A White-man called Chaske [Caske, first-born son of a previously unmarried woman, JH] came to this tribe and staid per- manently for the purpose of trade. Previous to this time traders had come and gone after a short stay.’”’ The Dakota text reads ‘“‘Claske wasicu taka mako el hi (Caske (Ieska?) wasicu toké mdka el hi lit. First-born-son (one who spoke many languages?) white-man enemy country there came).’’ Swirr Doe: “Clark, a white man, the first to come among the Sioux.’’ American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 134) gives this year a similar interpretation, as does White-Cow-Killer (Mallery, 1886, p. 184). Cloud Shield (Mallery, 1886, p. 134) gives this event for the year 1800-01. 1800-01 Buue Tuunper: “Small pox sickness. I think. Many die. Ota-ota [many, many, JH].”’ No Two Horns: “Everybody sick winter. Small pox time.” Buiur THunprer Variants I, I, and III: “Small pox, many many died.” All of the above counts show a male figure with spots covering his body. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Good, White-Cow-Killer, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts all mention an epidemic for the year 1801-02 (Mallery, 1886, p. 103). White Bull gives the occurrence for the year ‘‘1818” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 263). High Hawk gives the year as “1802” (Curtis, 1908, p. 170). Hiax Doa: ‘This was an exceptionally dry year. ... Water was sometimes found by digging in beaver holes.” The Dakota text reads ‘Capa oti miniyaweyapi (lit. Beaver house-at they-came-and- got-water)’’. Swrrr Doc: ‘‘Beaver’s Dam where Indians and beasts go to water.”” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a beaver above a small green rectangle. See the Blue Thunder, No Two ee a DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 353 Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III for the preceding year for comparison. 1801-02 Buus Tuunver: ‘Wild horses caught on prairie. First horses they owned.’”’”’ No Two Horns ‘Caught many wild horses winter.’’ Buve Tuunver Variants I, II, and III: “Caught lot of wild horses on prairie.” The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III show several horses’ heads. No Two Horns shows one horse head and several hoofprints, which seem to indicate plurality. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer, and Good counts all give the year 1802-03 for this event (Mallery, 1886, p. 104). White Bull gives the year as “1819” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 263). High Hawk gives it as ‘1803’ (Curtis, 1908, p. 170). Good states that the horses were taken from the Pawnee (Mallery, 1886, p. 104). Hicu Doe: Beede’s interpretation, which is rather long and is apparently not based upon the Dakota text, suggests an Aléwa®pi or Hunk& ceremony for this year. The Dakota text reads ‘‘Tahin an akicilo wapi (Tdhi" u” akiéilowanpi lit. Moose- (probably bison is actually meant) hair using (or wearing). they-sing-for-one-another).”’ Swirt Doa: “Singing over people with buffalo hair ornaments, a society.”’ The pictographs on both counts show a man receiving a decorated wand from another, as for the year 1798-99. Densmore gives the year 1801 as the “first year Aléwa*pi in which the cere- mony was held by the Standing Rock Sioux” (Densmore, 1918, p. 69). 1802-03 Buus THunper: “Found a curly horse.’ No Two Horns: “We got many curly horses winter.” Buus Taunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘“They found a curley horse.” H1ieH Doa: “The Sioux captured some crinkle haired horses from the Crows.” The Dakota text reads “Sugugu lo awicakilipi (Sungugula dwiddglipt lit. Horses curly-haired [thought to have had their hair singed ?, JH] little they-brought-back.)” Swirr Dog: “A young man by the name of “Wears one Feather’ brought back a curly horse he captured from his enemy.” All of the above counts show a representation of a horse with curly hair. The No Two Horns count shows a number of hoofprints in addition, indicating plurality. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, White-Cow-Killer, Mato Sapa, Bush and Good counts all mention this event as well, but for the following year, 1803-04 (Mallery, 1886, p. 104). High Hawk gives the year “1804” for this event 354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 (Curtis, 1908, p.170.). White Bull has it occurring in “1820” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 263). The Flame states that the horses were taken from the Assiniboin (Mallery, 1886, p. 104). Lone Dog arid White-Cow-Killer state that they were taken from the Crow (Mallery, 1886, p. 104). The Swan and Mato Sapa say they were taken from the Arikara (Mallery, 1886, p. 104), and Good states that they were taken from the Pawnee (Mallery, 1886, p. 104). 1803-04 Buve Tuunper: “Saw a lot of horses with iron shoes on, way down southway.”’ No Two Horns: ‘Many council winter.” BuLur Tuunper Variants I, I, and III: “They saw a lot of horses w. [with, JH] shoes on. It was at Goose Creek way south.” HicH Doc: “The Sioux captured some shod horses from the Crows.” The Dakota text reads “Sake maza awicakilipi (Saké-maza awitdglipi lit. Hooves-metal they-brought-back).” Swirr Doe: “A young man dressed in a blue coat brought an American horse with horse shoes on, the first ones seen by the redmen of the Sioux.”” Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants IT and III show the hoofprints of shod horses. Blue Thunder Variant I, High Dog, and Swift Dog show a horse, carefully depicting his hooves as being shod. It may be that the year given by Mallery, Curtis, and Vestal which I have compared with the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III for the year 1801-02 might better be placed here for comparison, though they precede the “curly horse” winter in all cases. 1804-05 Buve Tuunver: ‘Winter camp at a place called ‘Many Horses Tails’. No Two Horns: “Many Horses Tails camping Winter. They sing with them too.” Buiur Taunprer Variants I, II, and Ill: “‘Wintered at ‘Many Horses Tails’.”” The above counts show a decorated feather wand, suggesting the Hunkd or Alowanpi ceremony. The Flame, Long Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Good counts all have the same event for this year as well (Mallery, 1886, p. 104). High Hawk’s count gives it for 1805” (Curtis, 1908, p. 171). White Bull gives it for the year “1821” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 263). High Dog and Swift Dog apparently lose a year here, as they give the event used for the following year on the counts of the Blue Thunder group. Hicu Doe: ‘Hight Sioux were killed by the Crows in a running battle.’ The Dakota text reads “kangi wicasa 8 wicaktepi (lt. Crow men eight they-killed).” Swirr Doa: “Seven Crow Indians were hid in a dugout. The Dakotas killed them by being brave warriors.”” On both counts a circle is shown, which may represent Anthro. Pa. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 355 an earthlodge or “dugout.’’ Around the inside of this circle are several representations of heads. On the High Dog count, nine of these are shown, and on the Swift Dog count, eight. The heads have the “enemy” hairdress used by the Dakota to represent Crow, As- siniboin, Arikara, etc. The Swift Dog count has the arabic numeral “8” written inside the circle in addition. 1805-06 Buus Tuunper: “Hight Tetons killed by Kangi wicasa [Crow men, JH].”” No Two Horns: “The Sioux killed many enemies too.”’ Buvue Tuunper Variants I, IJ, and III: ‘8 Tetons killed by Crows.” On the above counts the heads and shoulders of several men are shown, all depicted with wounds on their bodies. The Blue Thunder count shows eight men. No Two Horns shows one man, but eight wounds. Blue Thunder Variant I shows seven men, Blue Thunder Variant II shows six, and Blue Thunder Variant III shows eight. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Good, White-Cow-Killer, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts all give the same event for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 105). High Hawk gives the event for “1806” (Curtis, 1908, p. 171). White Bull gives it for “1822” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 263). Hicu Doe: “The Crows attacked the Sioux in camp. The battle was long and well fought, but as the Crows were mounted two on a horse while the Sioux had not this disadvantage, they won out. Many killed.”” The Dakota text reads simply “(Nam wicako gipapi (Num witdkagugapi lit. Two they-cracked-their-skulls).” Swirr Doa: “A Sioux killed two Crow Indians who were riding double. He got the name of ‘Kill Two Mounted.’”’ Both of the last two counts show two men with the “enemy”’ hairdress hanging from a horse. Their position probably indicates death. 1806-07 Buve Tuunper: ‘“Sihasapa Tetons went out into hills. Crow Indian attacked and killed him.” No Two Horns: “A scout on a hill in winter time. When we got there he was dead.” BLuE Tuunper Variants I, II, and III: “Blackfoot [a member of the Sihasapa or Blackfoot band of the Teton Dakota, JH.] killed by Crows on a hill.”” The above counts all show a man, wearing the white capote commonly used by Dakota scouts, lying on top of a hill or bluff. On the body is the representation of a wound. The pictograph used for this year and the man’s position on a hill make one suspicious that the interpretation given is a late, and incor- rect one, supplied in place of the forgotten original. The Swan, Lone Dog, Flame, White-Cow-Killer, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Good counts all state that the man was an eagle trapper (either Dakota or Arikara) who was killed in his pit (Mallery, 1886, p. 105). He may 356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull, 178 well have been a Dakota, as it is now known that the Dakota formerly practiced ritualized eagle trapping of the sort customary with the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara (Howard, 1954). It seems likely that the interpretation for this year’s pictograph may have been changed on the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant counts at a time when the Dakota no longer practiced eagle trapping to any extent, and could therefore account for the man’s presence on the hill only by making him a scout. The man is identified as an eagle trapper on the High Hawk count (Curtis, 1908, p. 171) as well as for the year “1807,” and by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 263) for the year “11823.” Big Missouri gives ‘This year a Crow Indian sneaked into a Sioux camp and was killed,’ for the year “1807”? (Cohen, 1939, p. 17). This may be related to the Blue Thunder event as well. Hicu Doe: “In a war with the Crows a leader named Akile Luta [Ogle-lita, Red-shirt, JH.] was slayn.’”’ The Dakota text reads “Akile luta un wan ktepi (Ogle-lata un wan ktépi lit. Shirt-red wear- ing a they-killed).’”’ Swirr Doe: ‘A Sioux killed a chief by the name of ‘Wears Red Coat.’ He was the only one who killed an enemy.” The last two counts show a man wearing a red coat. See the next year for comparison with other counts having this incident. 1807-08 BuivuE TuunpeEr: ‘Crow Indian with red coat killed by the Dakota.” No Two Horns: “ ‘A spectacles’ or ‘One Eye’ was killed that time.” Buivue THunper Variants IJ, II, and III: “Crow, red coat, kiiled by Sioux.”” The Blue Thunder count shows a man who is wearing a red coat and is wounded. Blue Thunder Variants I and II show sub- stantially the same. No Two Horns shows a man in a very similar attitude but with an uncolored coat and one eye represented as missing. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a wounded man with an uncolored coat. This seems to indicate that the No Two Horns count was copied from the Blue Thunder Variant III count. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer, and Good counts all give similar events for this year (Mallery, 1886, pp. 105-106). The High Hawk count gives the event for the year “1808” (Curtis, 1908, p. 171). The Flame, Swan, Lone Dog, and Mato Sapa counts state that the man was a Dakota killed by the Arikara. High Hawk, Good, and White-Cow-Killer imply that he was a Dakota, but do not mention his assailant’s identity. Hie Dosa: “A Sioux leader was slayn by the Crows.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Tu we yo wan ktepi (Tonwéya wan ktépi lit. Scout a they-killed).” Swirr Doa: “A Crow Indian killed a Sioux Scout. Afterwards speaking of anything that happened at that time, HS DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 357 they say ‘When the young scout was killed by a Crow Indian.’ ” Both counts show a man wearing a green shirt or coat with a yellow stripe over one shoulder and under the opposite arm. The High Dog count represents the man as having been scalped. 1808-09 Bivue Tuunper: “ ‘First who got brass rings’ went out in hills and got killed at Fort Pierre place.” No Two Horns: “First to get brass rings for his hair ornaments.”” Buus THunpmrrR Variants I, II, and III: ‘S. (Sioux, JH] W. [with, JH] brass rings on hair got killed (Pierre).”” All of the above counts show a man wearing a small feather headdress to which a long strip of leather with brass disks (slides) is attached. This item of adornment was popular among the Dakota during the 19th century, but is rarely seen at present (1957). Hieu Dosa: “The Sioux sent an expert out to find where the buffalo were as they were nearly out of meat. The Crows killed him.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Pahata i wan ktepi (lit. On-a-hill went a they- killed).””. Swirr Doe: “A young man went to look for buffalo and was killed by Crow Indians. His name was ‘Saw the Buffalo.’’”? The last two counts show a man with bison head name symbol above him, indicating that his name was connected with buffalo or that he was looking for buffalo. 1809-10 Buiure Tuunper: “Blue feathers found in winter time near ocean- Got from birds.”” No Two Horns: ‘‘We found many blue feathers in winter.” Biuue TounperR Variants J, IJ, and III: ‘Found blue feathers by ocean in winter time.” All the above counts show a staff ornamented with blue feathers. This staff is distinctly not an Al6wanpi wand, but rather resembles the staff used by the Canté T’inza (Strong- heart) warrior society. Hieu Doa: ‘The Sioux crossed the Missouri River, and on the east side captured a large number of stray horses, and this gave them a better supply of horses than they had ever had before. .. .” The Dakota text reads “taka suki ku wochiyu wega (Téka sinkakan wodhiytwega (?) lit. Enemy horses other-side-of-the-river (?).” Swirt Doa: “The first horse seen and caught was a yellow horse. From that time on the Western Sioux had horses. ‘The Man That Saw the First Horse was his name.’”’ The last two counts show a horse with a lariat falling over its head. The Swift Dog reference to these being the ‘first horses’? seems rather odd considering that three previous years on this count have depicted horses. 1810-11 Buue Tuunper: “Two Dakota Fighting each other in camp. Row in camp winter.” No Two Horns: “A Dakota and an enemy 358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 shot through with arrows fighting.” Brus THunprr Variants I, II, and III: ‘2 S. (Sioux, JH] killed each other.”’” The pictographs show two men fighting, both with arrows in their bodies and repre- sentations of wounds. The interpretation of the Blue Thunder count, that they are both Dakota, seems false, as in all but the Blue Thunder Variant I count, one of the men is shown wearing the ‘‘enemy” hairdress. Hieu Doe: ‘They had smallpox or some such disease which caused great loss of life. This was in the winter.” The Dakota text reads “Wicagogo taka (Wiédhankan tdénka lit. Smallpox big).” Swirr Dog: ‘A young maiden was pouting and wandered away from camp. She was killed by Crow Indians.” The last two counts show a human figure, the body and arms of which are spotted, the face not. Since the face is not spotted on either count, one might believe that the person is merely wearing a polka-dot dress or shirt. However the Swift Dog count later uses an almost identical figure to represent smallpox, which seems to indicate that the High Dog interpretation is the correct one. 1811-12 Buve Tuunper: “Found white horse with horse shoes on. Montana found it. Northwest of Black Hills that place.’ No Two Horns: “A man got a white horse with iron shoes on.” Brun THUNDER Variants I, II, and JII: ‘‘Found white horse w. [with, JH] shoes (N. W. of B. [Black, JH] Hills).”” All of the above counts show a white horse, depicted as being shod. Blue Thunder Variant I shows a horse wearing a bridle as well. Hiexw Doc: ‘A Whiteman came to live with them. He built a small house. He was a small man and he inclined to stay in his house a good deal so they named him Little Beaver.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Capa cigala ti ile (lit. Beaver little house burns).” Swirr Doc: “A white man by the name of Little Beaver. Came among the Sioux. He built a house and traded with the Indians.”’ The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man, dressed in White man’s clothing, who has the name symbol of a beaver above him. He is standing before a log house, the roof of which is in flames. The Dakota text, in connection with the pictographs, is in this instance quite revealing. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer, and Good counts for the year 1809-10 (Mallery, 1886, p. 106), the American Horse count for the year 1808-09 (ibid., p. 135), the Cloud Shield count for the year 1809-10 (ibid., p. 135), and the Big Mis- souri count for ‘1810’? (Cohen, 1939, p. 17) all refer to a man named Little Beaver being burned in his house. Good states that this man was an English trader (Mallery, 1886, p. 106), but the Swan (ibid., a anal DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—-HOWARD 359 p. 106) and Big Missouri (Cohen, 1939, p. 17) identify him as a French- man. The author feels that he may have been a French Canadian trader in English employ, a common situation for the period. White Bull gives the year ‘1826’ as ‘“‘They Burn a Small Beaver Lodge’ (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). This probably refers to the event as well. 1812-13 Buus THunper: “ ‘Little Bear,’ a Tetonwanna [Teton, JH], killed by Gros Ventres.” No Two Horns: ‘Sioux named Little Bear got killed by enemy people.” Biur THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Tittle Bear, Teton, killed by Gros Vertres.”” Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and the Blue Thunder Variants II and III show a wounded man with the name symbol of a bear above him. Blue Thunder Variant I shows the upright figure of a bear with a wound in its side, obviously to carry the same idea. White Bull gives the year ‘1829’ as the year “Little Bear’ was killed (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). Hicxu Doe: “The Sioux were camping easterly from and at the Black Hills. The Crows attacked them and were beaten off with 1 man left dead.”” The Dakota text reads “8 ahi wicaktepi (lit. Eight came they-killed).”” Swirr Doe: “Ten Crow Indians on a warpath and the Sioux killed 8 of them. That was used as ‘The time 8 Crows were killed.’’’ Both the High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a circle with heads around the inside, as for the year 1804-05. The heads are depicted with the “enemy” hairdress. High Dog shows eight heads, Swift Dog only seven. The Swift Dog count, however, indicates the correct number by having the arabic numeral ‘‘8” drawn in the center of the circle. This may possibly correlate with the Blue Thunder group for the following year, although the number killed is different. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts give similar pictures, but the number killed in these counts is much higher, varying from 20 to 27 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 107-108). Identification of those killed also varies. The Flame calls them Mandan; Lone Dog, The Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush call them “Gros Ventres’’ (ibid., pp. 107-108). 1813-14 Buve Tuunper: “The Tetons going to war found the Crows and killed three on each side. Call it ‘Killed six Winter.’’”’? No Two Horns: “Killed six winter.” Biur THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Six Crows and Tetons killed in a fight.’”? Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show six wounded men. The “enemy” hairdress is not in evidence. No Two Horns, following his customary manner of abbreviation, shows only one man, but five additional wounds. 360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173 Battiste Good gives this year as ‘“‘Killed Six Pawnees” (Mallery, 1893, p. 316). White Bull gives the year ‘'1830” as “Six Rees were killed” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). High Hawk gives “Six Palani Killed” for the year ‘‘1814”’ (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). Since the words for Pawnee and Arikara are the same in Dakota it may be that the ‘“‘Pawnees”’ mentioned by Good were actually Arikara. Hie Doa: ‘The Sioux fought with the Crows and Little Bear, the leader was killed... .” The Dakota text reads ‘Mato cigala ahi ktepi kin (lit. Bear little they-came-and killed).”” Swirr Doe: “Little Bear was killed by Crow Indian.” The last two counts show a man with the name symbol of a bear. He is represented as having been scalped in the High Dog count. This event probably corresponds with the Blue Thunder group event for the year 1812-13. 1814-16 Buivur Tuunper: “Teton and Gros Ventre go to war, Gros Ventre attached [sic, JH] and Teton got shot in the jaw.” No Two Horns: “A man of ours got shot in the jaw.” Buiur THunpser Variants I, II, and III: “Battle with Gros Ventres & many wounded in jaw, below Yates.” All of the above counts show a man with a face wound. Hieu Doa: “A Crow Indian by the name of Little Bear (called also Uta or Wayuta) came to camp on a pretense of friendship with a member of the tribe, and was slayn with a buffalo bone.” The Da- kota text reads, however, ‘‘Wita pahato an wan kogugapi (Witapaha to un wan kagigapi lit. Kiowa blue wearing a they-clubbed-him-on-the- skull).””. Swirr Doa: ‘A Sioux killed a Crow Indian on a high butte on Many Island.” Both counts show a man with the “enemy” hairdress being slain from behind by a man with a club. The two English interpretations are quite obviously incorrect. The author has noticed that the names for other Indian tribes are used very loosely by present-day Dakota, if not, indeed, completely forgotten. In the case of the Swift Dog count the Dakota informants were unable to translate the name of the Kiowa tribe, so merely substi- tuted words having a similar sound. It is very possible that the “‘to’”’? which I have translated as ‘‘blue’”’ is actually only the last syllable of the word for the tribe, as neither High Dog nor Swift Dog shows the man wearing a blue (or a green) shirt. Riggs (1890, p. 579) gives Witapaha as the full name of the tribe, however, and Williamson (1908, p. 95) does the same. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts mention this event for the year 1814-15 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 108-109). Good (Mallery, 1893, p. 316), American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 1385), and White-Cow-Killer (ibid., p. 135) mention it for this year as well. High Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 172) and Big Missouri (Cohen, 1939, p. 17) both are DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 361 give the event for the year “1815.”’ White Bull gives it for “1831” (Ves- tal, 1934 a, p. 264). The Flame identifies the man as a Brule [Sié4ngu band of the Teton Dakota, JH] and says that he was killed by the Ute (Mallery, 1886, p. 108). Lone Dog says that the man was an Arapaho (ibid., p. 109). The other counts cited by Mallery do not specify the man’s tribe but merely spell out the native term (ibid., p. 109). Vestal connects the man with the ‘‘We-ta-piu” band of the Cheyenne (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). Good (Mallery, 1893, p. 316), American Horse (Mallery, 1886, p. 135), White-Cow-Killer (ibid., p-. 135), and High Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 172) identify him as a Kiowa. Big Missouri does not identify the man’s tribe. 1815-16 Buus Tuunper: ‘Crow war party came to fight with the Tetons. A Dakota warrior knocked down two Crows with a club. No Two Horns: ‘We got attacked and one man struck two enemies with a club.” Briur THunpsrr Variants I, II, and III: ‘Crows on horses, battle Tetons. Knock two with clubs.” All of the above counts show a man with a name symbol consisting of the heads of two men, both of which are wearing the ‘‘enemy”’ hairdress. Hicu Doe: “A Sioux stole a horse from another Sioux, and was punished by being . . . bored with an awl in the left jaw... .”’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wamanu wan cehupa wawegopi (lit. Thief a jaw they-broke).”” Swirr Doe: ‘Brave Soldier killed a Crow Indian who came to steal horses. Brave Soldier broke his jaw and killed him.” The last two counts show a man with a wound in his face. Possibly these two counts are related to the counts of the Blue Thunder group for the year 1814-15. 1816-17 Biur THunper: “We killed a white buffalo winter. Out in Montana. Stampede.” No Two Horns: ‘We killed a white buffalo winter.” Buus THunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘Killed White Buffalo (Montana) winter.”” The above counts show a white buffalo with an arrow sticking from a wound in his back. Hicu Doe: Beede gives a long and improbable interpretation for this year, stating that Dakota told him that in a battle with the Crow the Dakota used hoops ornamented with horsehair as signal flags. The true meaning of this year’s pictograph is revealed by the Dakota text. This reads ‘“Nampa wakte akili (Nonpa wakte agli lit. Two kills (scalps or honors) they-brought-home).’”’ Swirr Doe: ‘The Sioux and Crows made peace. The pipe of peace was never broken.” The English interpretations for both counts are apparently quite false. 362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull, 173 The pictographs show a man or woman carrying sticks upon which two scalps are fastened. LSLC18 Buur Tuunper: “Near mouth of Missouri river we found strange birds. Lots. They were blue feathers and red heads.” No Two Horns: ‘Away off somewhere, we saw some strange redheaded birds.” Buus Tuunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘Near ocean in winter saw birds with blue feathers and red heads fly in wind (sand (?)).” The counts given above show representations of large birds with blue bodies and red heads. Could these have been whooping cranes? Hiexu Doe: ‘‘A chief’s son by the name of Buffalo Bull died. . . .” Beede’s additional description suggests that the “spirit keeping” or Wandégi tipi ceremony is referred to. The Dakota text reads “heco Ti taka awakicaga.”” The author has been unable to secure a good translation of this phrase. ‘Ti taka” is apparently ti-tanka, a large dwelling. Mrs. Eva Little-chief suggested that the phrase might mean ‘“No-horns, they danced for his house.” Frank Zahn translated the phrase as “Heda Sun ti-tdnka awdkiéaga lit. Junk (grass, leaves, and branches) lodge big they-put-around.” Swirr Doe: “A council lodge where a buffalo head is painted on the wall.” Both counts show a man with a calumet in his hand. The Dakota text indicates that the event may be the same as that of the Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Good counts for the year 1815-16, which men- tion that the Sans Arcs built a large earth lodge, or lodges, on Peoria bottom (Mallery, 1886, p. 109). American Horse and Cloud Shield mention what is probably the same event for this year (ibid., p. 136). Curtis gives this event for the year ‘1816’’ (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). White Bull gives it for “1832” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). Robinson, in the Wi iyohi magazine, cites a local tradition for the Peoria bottom area to the effect that this locality was called ‘Tee tanka ohe (Ti tanka oe)” (Robinson, 1951, p. 3). This may be the location of the earth lodge, or lodges, mentioned in these counts. 1518-19 Buve Tuunper: “Big small pox just for children, out where Bear Butte is.’ No Two Horns: ‘Small pox sickness again.” BLUE THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘Smallpox (children) Bear Butte many die.” On all of the above counts a man whose face and body are covered with spots is shown. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, Good, Cloud Shield, and White-Cow-Killer counts all give similar events for this year (Mallery, 1886, pp. 109-110). High Hawk mentions this for the year ‘1819” (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). Big Mis- souri mentions it for ‘‘1819”’ as well (Cohen, 1939, p. 17). a DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 363 It seems probable that the disease was not smallpox but rather measles or some other less virulent disease. The Flame calls it “cholera”’ (Mallery, 1886, p. 109). Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and The Swan call it measles (ibid., p. 110). White-Cow-Killer indicates a less virulent disease by calling it ‘Little Smallpox Winter” (ibid., p. 110). The Good and Cloud Shield counts merely mention a small- pox epidemic (ibid., p. 110). Big Missouri calls it smallpox as well (Cohen, 1939, p. 17). High Hawk calls it measles (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). Hieu Doe: ‘“There was a great windstorm in the Wintertime which blew the winter camp to pieces.” The Dakota text reads “Maka wablu wanitipi (lit. Earth blows wintercamp).’”’ Swirr Doe: ‘The lodge was out of sight owing to very much snow that winter, and many starved to death....” The last two counts show a tipi with many stakes around the edge, indicating a severe windstorm. 1819-20 Buve TuHunper: “Saw first soldiers this winter. A white man called ‘Choze’ (Joseph) built a house of dry logs... Lower Grand River.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Choze’ built the first house of dry logs along the Missouri.” Buiur THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Saw first soldiers, They left and one stayed and built a house. Chose (Lower Grand River) Later built a store.’ Hien Doe: ‘‘A Whiteman by the name ol Joseph came among them and built himself a log house.” The Dakota text reads “Josepih chan bulu tikaga (Jéseph éan pun-pinla un tikdga lit. Joseph wood rotten using built-a-house).”’ Swirt Doe: “A trader by the name of Joseph who built a house out of old logs so he was named ‘The Trader that built a bad house.’ ” All the above counts show a white man standing near a log house. The Blue Thunder Variant I count represents him as wearing a beard. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, Good, and White- Cow-Killer counts mention this or a very similar incident for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 110). High Hawk gives the event for the year ‘1820” (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). Big Missouri mentions it for “1820” as well (Cohen, 1939, p. 17). Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, and Bush identify the man as Louis La Conte (Mallery, 1886, p. 110). Good identifies him only as ‘‘Choze”’ (ibid., p. 110). 1820-21 BuvE Tuunper: “Going to camp that time on Cherry Creek place many Crow Birds flew around tipis and died, lean and starved. So cold they fell dead out of the skies.” No Two Horns: “Cold. The Crows tried to look into the lodges for a place to stay.” Buus Tuun- per Variants I, II, and II: ‘“Camped on Cherry Creek. Lots of 364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Bull. 173 Crows died there.” ‘The above counts show a tipi with a black bird above it. Hieu Doe: “The Sioux in this summer celebrated for the first time in their history the sun dance.””’ The Dakota text reads ‘Wi ihdblo iyéwaci kin (lit. Sun dreamed-of while-dancing the).”” Swirr Doe: ‘‘An old man offering to the Great Spirit for lots of game and health. He offered to a pole planted with a red cloth tied to the top.” The pictographs en both counts are the same. They show a man beside a pole which is apparently a sun dance pole. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer, and Good counts all seem to suggest some sort of ceremony or ceremonial activity for this year, but are vague as to details, and do not agree with one another (Mallery, 1886, p. 110-111). 1821-22 Buiuz Txunper: “In Montana. Three Buttes going for Winter. Big Star went along making a great noise.” No Two Horns “A big star gave a loud voice signal from the air.” Buuz THUNDER VARIA- ants I, IJ, and III: “In Marten (The Butte) Big Star fell while it was thundering. Location uncertain.’”’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wicagipi wan hatu hiyaya (Widdnhpi wan héton hiydye lit. Star a sounding came-by)”’. All of the above counts show a representation of a star with a trail of smoke or fire. The Swan, Lone Dog, Flame, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer, Good, and Cloud Shield counts mention this event as well (Mallery, 1886, pp. 111, 136). White Bull gives this event for “1833.” 3 High Dog gives it for the year “‘1822” (Curtis, 1908, p. 172). 1822-23 Biur Tuunper: “Three Gros Ventre going in canoe on river. Tetons attack and kill all. Where Fort Yates is now.” No Two Horns: “Killed three enemies in a boat on the Missouri.” Buus Tuunprer Variants I, IJ, and III: ‘“Three Gros Ventres killed by Tetons (Yates).’”’ For this year the above counts show three men, depicted as wounded, who are paddling a boat, or, in the case of No Two Horns, only one man but three wound symbols, two of them apparently suspended in midair. In the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant III counts the men are wearing the “enemy” hairdress. In Blue Thunder Variants I and II they are wearing the roach headdresses usually used to indicate Omaha or Ponca. 3 Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264. With this event the other counts ‘‘catch up’’ with White Bull, a fact which seems to indicate that a hiatus is present here, and that White Bull’s events up to this date, while in correct order, are incorrect chronologically. Aner Pap, DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 365 Hieu Doe: ‘A leader named Dog Ghost went out hunting and froze to death.” The Dakota text reads ““Sunkawan a gi cuwitata (Stinka- wandgi éuwita Va lit. Dog-ghost cold he-died).’”’ Swirr Doa: ‘‘A chief named ‘Dog Ghost’ froze to death.’”’ The last two counts show a man with a dog as his name symbol. According to Frank Zahn, this man was ‘“‘Grey Earth’s” son. 1823-24 Buus Tuunper: “Found a lot of dry corn toward Omaha country. Found it in a field. White people stole it from Sihasapa.””’ No Two Horns “Lived on dried corn winter. . . .”’, Bhur THUNDER VARIANTS I, II, and III: “‘Whites state, Found a lot of dry corn down towards Omaha country, Tetons (Blackfoot) raisedit. . . .””. Higa Doa: ‘“‘The Sioux went away to war with the Crows, and some White men stole their corn while they were away... .” The Dakota text reads “Wahu wapa seco ir api (Wahtiwapa sééa thépi lit. Corn dried they- buried).”? Swirr Doa: “The year the corn crop was plenty, the Great Spirit blessed the tribe.” Jaw Variant: (Beginning picture on this count corresponds with this date. There is no interpretation accom- panying this count. The count has been included with the interpreta- tion of the Jaw count at the place where ae interpretation of the Jaw count begins.) The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III show two stalks of corn for this year. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show one stalk of corn. The Jaw Variant count shows an Indian man taking an ear of corn from one of two cornstalks. He carries a third cornstalk on his shoulder. Good (Mallery, 1886, p. 112), American Horse (ibid., p. 137), and White-Cow-Killer (ibid., p. 112) also mention corn in connection with this year. From the description accompanying the Lone Dog count for this year, it appears likely that the corn was taken from the Arikara when a joint force of United States troops and Dakota attacked the Arikara village on November 29, 1823 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 111-112). Big Missouri, however, gives ‘This year a certain white man raised a fine field of corn. The winter was so severe and the Indians camped near the field and the white man gave his corn to them for food,” for the year “1824” (Cohen, 1939, p. 17). 1824-25 Buus Tuunper: “Corral fence. Went out north of where Bismarck is now. Found a Chippewa fence. Attacked them. Gave them hell. Tore fence down. Corn hills there. This fence was on creek there, this side of Turtle Mountains.’”’” No Two Horns: ‘Threw stones and arrows through a fence at the enemy.” Biur THunpsER Variants I, II, and III: “Wiciyela (Dakota) attacked Chippewa at South of 471762—60——25 366 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Bull. 173 Turtle M. [Mountains, JH] at Can Hill, Chippewas were fortified. We beat them awfully. Two tore fence down.” The above counts all show some sort of a diagram or drawing of the “Chippewa” (probably these people were Plains-Ojibwa rather than Ojibwa) stockade. The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III counts show the stockade as a rectangle, in a bird’s-eye view. The Blue Thunder Variant counts I and II show it as a rec- tangle inside a circle, also as it would appear from above. No Two Horns shows the stockade as rectangular in a view from the side and slightly above, using perspective. This is the only use of perspective on a Dakota winter count known to the writer. Hicu Doe: “They have a ceremony of anointing a buffalo horn with clay and hanging it near the camp so as to make the buffalo come... .” The Dakota text reads ‘Pte wan sayapi (Pte (he ?) wan sdnyapi lit. Buffalo (actually “‘cow’’ but used here in a generic sense) (horn ?) a they-paint-a-cream-color).”” Swirr Doe: ‘A chief named ‘One Feather’ was killed by Crow Indians.” Jaw Variant: No Interpretation. The High Dog, Swift Dog, and Jaw Variant counts all show a representation of a buffalo horn. This is white on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts but black on the Jaw Variant count. The person who made the Swift Dog interpretation apparently mistook the bison horn for a feather. 1825-26 Buur Tuunper: ‘‘Wintering near Gayton’s place and came a great flood. Nearly all drowned. These were Wiciyela. Dead Horse Head Point. That’s where it was.” No Two Horns: ‘Many people drowned when river came up fast. Missouri River at Dead Horse Point.”” Buur THunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘‘Winter- ing by Horse Head Hill, Most all drowned (Wicejela).”” Hie Doa: “They were camping on the bottom by the Missouri River, and a sudden and unprecedented rise of water in the early spring drowned over one half of the tribe.”” The Dakota text reads “Mint wiédta (lit. Water they-died).”’ Swirr Doc: ‘“The winter without snow, but lots of wind and dust.” Jaw Vanrrant: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant counts J, II, and III show several human heads above what is prob- ably intended to represent a body of water. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show three human heads inside a tipi. The Jaw Variant count shows a blue patch, probably intended to represent water, with human heads beneath the surface. The Flame, Swan, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, Good, American Horse, White-Cow-Killer, and Cloud Shield counts all give the same eer te DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 367 event for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 113). High Hawk mentions this event for “1826” (Curtis, 1908, p. 173). Big Missouri gives it for “1826” also (Cohen, 1939, p. 17). 1826-27 Buus Tuunver: ‘ ‘Corn Feather’ goes to war alone. Omaha attacked and killed many. Staff is emblem of victory. Brought back scalps.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Garden’ a Sioux brought home the scalp of an enemy.” Buurn THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Man called ‘Corn Father’ attacked Omahas & he killed a lot of them.”’ Hieu Doe: “A famous chief named Corn Stalk went with a party against the Crows and returned with scalps.” The Dakota text reads ‘“Magala waktekili (Magdla waktegli lit. Little-goose (or possibly mdgala, Little-garden) killed-brought-home). Swirr Doe: ‘“‘Young man, Goose Feather, killed a Crow Indian and brought the scalp home and had a war dance where women danced with the scalp.” Jaw VaRIAnT: No interpretation. All of the above counts show a man with the name symbol of a cornstalk holding a stick to which a scalp is attached. On the Blue Thunder Variant I count the man carries a rifle in the other hand and is wearing a powder horn. On the Blue Thunder count, and on Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III he has his hair tied up in a round topknot, a style which is said to have been worn by a Dakota war leader who was also a shaman. On Blue Thunder Variant counts I and IJ he is also painted in a special manner, having serpentine lines down the side of his face and neck and down the sides of his legs. The topknot shown in these counts is different from the hairdress used to designate enemies in other year’s pictographs. 1827-28 BuiuE THunper: “Winter time and Isantees [Santee group of the Dakota, embracing the Mdewakanton, Wahpeton, Wabpekute, and Sisseton bands of the Dakota tribe, JH] starving. They kill each other and eat each other that time. In Sisseton place, Nebraska. Two men killed, boiled in kettle and eaten up.” No Two Horns: “Starvation winter time. The Isantee ate two of their own people.” Buus THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: “In winter Santees staying in Nebraska, & killed and ate each other.’? The above counts show a tipi with two people sitting around a kettle, which is suspended from a pothook. Hiex Dos: “For the first time they used snowshoes in hunting buf- falo.” The Dakota text reads “Wasima Pisa ohanpi (Wdsma psa- dhanpi lit. Deep-snow snowshoes). Swirr Doe: ‘Much snow, where snowshoes were used.”?’ Jaw VartanT: No interpretation. 368 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 The last three counts show a representation of a snowshoe. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show it as seen from above, the Jaw Variant as seen from the side. On all three counts the snowshoe is quite stylized and resembles a snowshoe only vaguely. White-Cow- Killer calls this ‘Snow-Shoe-Making-Winter. (Mallery, 1886, p. 138). Good calls it, “Wore snowshoes winter” (ibid., 1893, p. 318). High Hawk mentions the use of snowshoes for the year ‘1827” (Curtis, 1908, p. 173). 1828-29 Buvure Tuunver: “White man, more River camping, this winter. White man built dry log house. Called ‘Red Breast’ or ‘Red Shirt.’ ”’ No Two Horns: “ ‘Red Breast’ built a dry log house. Was a white man.” Buus THunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘White man at Moreau River came [cave? JH] They called him Red Breast.” All the above counts show a man wearing a dark blue coat over a red shirt. He stands before the door of a log cabin. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts mention this event as well (Mallery, 1886, p. 114). The Flame, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts identify the man as Chardran or Shardran (ibid., 1886, p. 114). The Flame locates this house near the forks of the Cheyenne (ibid., 1886, p.114). All of the counts given by Mallery identify the house as a “dirt lodge” rather than as a dry log house (ibid., 1886, p. 114). Hicu Doe: “They passed the winter by Bear Butte, near the Black Hills.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Mato Paha el wanitipi (lit. Bear Butte at they-camped-for-the-winter).”” Swirr Doa: “At the Black Hills, that’s the highest butte there. The Indians called it Bear’s Butte.” Jaw Variant: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a very steep-sided butte, covered with trees, with a bear standing on the summit. The Jaw Variant count shows a hill with a cave in the side of it and a tipi on each side of it. 1829-30 Buue TuHunper: ‘Padani (Arikara) Killed by Yanktonaise, Stand- ing Rock place. Had a hat of willows and a red shirt.” No Two Horns: ‘‘We took a robe away from a White man that winter count.” Buus THunpeR Variants J, II, and III: “Ree killed by Sioux at F. Y [Fort Yates, JH].”’ The above counts show a man in White man’s clothing. His shirt is red and he is wearing a black broad- brimmed hat. In the Blue Thunder count he is apparently repre- sented as wearing a breechcloth over his trousers, indicating that he is an Indian. Hrex Dog: “A man looking for buffalo was found on the prairie shot and frozen. He is called Froze-on-the-Prairie ....’ The Rr ash aia DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 369 Dakota text reads ‘‘Wata sakiyapi (lit. Froze-buffalo-meat-for-the- winter). Swirr Doe: “Chief Paints Himself Yellow was killed by a Crow Indian.” Jaw Variant: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man with a wound on his body. The Jaw Variant count shows a man who has been scalped. 1830-31 Buve TuHunper: “ ‘Wo-na-re’ made one of the Ruling class.” No Two Horns: ‘Many ceremonies winter.”” BLuE THUNDER Variants I, IT, and III ‘‘ ‘Wo-na-se’ was made one of the ruling class.”’ All of the above counts show what is apparently a representation of one of the wands used in the Hunk& or Al6wanpi ceremony. ‘‘Wo- na-se” is probably the man who was honored by being ceremonially ‘“adopted”’ in the ceremony. His name was probably Wandase or “Buffalo-hunter.”’ Hicu Doe: “A battle with the Crows, and many were slayn.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Kagi wicasa 8 wicaktepi (Kangi widdsa sahlégan wicdktepi lit. Crow men eight they-killed).”” Swirr Doe: “Hight Rees killed by the Sioux.”” Jaw Variant: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a circle with small heads around the inside. The heads are shown wearing the “enemy” hairdress. The High Dog count shows eight heads, the Swift Dog count only six. The Jaw Variant count shows one head, which is represented as being scalped and is wearing the enemy hairdress. For pictographic purposes, evidently, the hairdress is left to identify the man as an enemy. Actually, the process of scalping would un- doubtedly remove this forelock. Beneath the man’s head are 10 vertical marks, in two rows of 5 each, apparently to indicate the number of men killed. Near the head is what appears to be a coup stick with an eagie feather attached to one end. 1831-32 Buiurt Tuunver: “Below Fort Yates place north of Grand River. Palani had village—a double one. Soldiers and Dakota attacked the village. Eight Dakota killed. Soldier, French, and Dakota.”’ No Two Horns: ‘‘Killed eight enemies winter.”” Buus THUNDER VARIANTS I, II, and III: “Below F. Y. [Fort Yates, JH] near G. [Grand, JH] River was a big village of G. [Gros Ventres, JH] R. [Rees, JH] and M. (Mandan, JH] French W. [with JH] arms and Sioux attacked village and 2 S. [Sioux, JH] killed (1831). The Blue Thunder count and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show eight men with wounds on their bodies. They are not shown wearing the “enemy” hairdress. No Two Horns shows one man but eight wounds. He also does not picture the man as wearing the ‘‘enemy” hairdress. 370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 Hieu Doe: ‘Brown, a Whiteman shot and killed an Indian, being jealous on account of his wife.’ The Dakota text reads “Istazi kaskapi (lit. Yellow-eyes imprisoned).”’ Swirr Doa: “A white man by the name of Yellow Eyes came to trade with the Sioux.” Jaw Variant: No interpretation and no pictograph for this year. The next picture on this count corresponds with that given on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts for the following year. This is apparently an accidental hiatus. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts for this year show a white man who is apparently wearing handcuffs.* The Flame, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts all mention a murder committed by a white man for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 115). Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and the Swan identify the man as Le Beau, a trader (ibid., 1886, p. 115). Vestal gives the year ‘‘1831”’ as the year of ‘‘ ‘Yellow Eyes’ accident,” on his Hunkpapa count (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348) 1832-33 Buus Tounper: ‘Called ‘Broken Leg’ found whiskey. Drank all. Died then.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Broken Leg’ found some whiskey Drank it. Died.” Buus Tounpsrr Variants J, II, and III: ‘Broken Leg’ S. [Sioux, JH] find whiskey, drink and died Below Totten.” The above counts show a man with his leg missing below the knee drink- ing from a bottle and apparently vomiting up what he has drunk. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer, and Good counts all refer to a man with a broken or stiff leg, but do not mention whiskey (Mallery, 1886, p. 115). Good’s count says that he was killed by a Pawnee (ibid., 1886, p. 115). High Hawk mentions a chief being killed for the year “‘1833”’ (Curtis, 1908, p. 174). Hiau Doe: ‘A log house was built by an Indian for the first time.”’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Titaka oblecakagapi (7i-tdnka obléta kdgap?) lit. Lodge-big gable-roofed they-built.” Swirr Doe: ‘The first dance house built by the Indians with logs. Jaw Variant: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a representation of a log house with a gabled roof. The Jaw Variant count shows what appears to be a round earth lodge. White-Bull gives the year ‘‘1832” as ‘The Sans Arc First live in Log Houses” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). The author has elected to place this event with the High Dog and Swift Dog counts for the year 1817-18. However, it might better be placed here. The White Bull count has an apparent hiatus either before or after this year. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives the log house event for the year “1832,” and in this case there is no question as to its proveni- ence (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348). 4 Beede believed that the man’s hands had been cut off. Ro are ee DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 371 1833-84 Buus Tuunper: “Camping across river for that winter. Stars flew around like bird. Many stars with great noise. Changed places winter.”” No Two Horns ‘The stars all changed around in the sky.” Buve Tuunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘Camping across River and Many stars fell w. [with, JH] noise a few on earth.” Hicu Doe: “This year is named ‘Stars-all-moveing-Year’ the falling of the stars in this year is said to have caused great consternation; They feared Great Spirit had lost his control over the creation.” The Dakota text reads ‘“Wicagipi akicamina (Wiédénhpi okeéémna lit. Stars shower-down).” Swirt Doe “In the fall of the year when the trees shed their leaves, the stars floated all over the heavens. ... . ” Jaw Variant: No interpretation. All of the above counts show a group of stars except the Jaw Variant count, which shows only one large star. The Blue Thunder count and Blue Thunder Variants II and III represent the stars as four pointed, which seems to be the aboriginal manner of picturing stars. The Blue Thunder Variant I count has both four-pointed and five-pointed stars. No Two Horns, High Dog, Swift Dog, and the Jaw Variant count show the stars as five pointed. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, Bush, White-Cow-Killer, American Horse, Cloud Shield, and Good counts all mention this event (Mallery, 1886, pp. 116-138). High Hawk’s count records the event for the year “1834” (Curtis, 1908, p. 174). Big Missouri gives it for ‘1834’ as well (Cohen, 1939, p. 18). White Bull records the event for the year ‘1833’ (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 264). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count records it for ‘‘1833” also (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348). All counts apparently refer to the “star shower”? which was ob- servable throughout North America shortly before daylight, Novem- ber 12, 1833 (Mallery, 1886, pp. 138-189). This event is noted on the Kiowa winter count collected by Mooney (Mooney, 1898, pp. 260-261) and on several Pima counting sticks (Russell, 1908, p. 38). Foolish Woman, a Mandan, gives the year “1835” as “Shooting Stars fell during the summer’ on his winter count (Beckwith, 1938, p. 308). Peter Le Claire, a Northern Ponca Indian who is much interested in the history of his tribe, stated that this event was well known to his people and was included in the now lost Ponca winter count.® 1834-35 Buve Tuunper: ‘‘Wintering camp on Heart River. Found bear there too. Stayed in our lodges. Call it ‘Wintered with wild bear place winter.’” No Two ‘Horns: ‘We camped for winter on the Heart River. A black bear stayed with us all winter.” BLuE 8In a letter to the author,dated March 21, 1951. 372 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 THunpDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘‘Wintered on Heart River, Bear wintered with them (not friend).”’ All of the above counts show a bear and a tipi. In the Blue Thunder Variant I count the bear is drawn outside of and below the tipi. In all others he is shown inside the tent. Hicu Doe: “The first war bonnet was made with horns on it. ...’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wapaha hetun kagapi (Wapdha hétun kdgapi lit. Warbonnet horns-using they-made).” Swirr Doe: “The first war bonnet was made and introduced to the tribe.” Jaw Variant: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a warbonnet with horns. On the High Dog count this has a red trailer. On the Swift Dog count the trailer is half black and half red. The Jaw Variant count shows a man wearing a horned warbonnet. The pictographs for this year on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts are very similar to those used on the counts of the Blue Thunder group for the year 1836-37. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year *1834”’ (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348). 1835-36 Buue Tuunpser: ‘Below Mandan on flat. Ree and Mandan village. Sioux, Teton and Blackfeet battle them. Many got shot on both sides. None killed.” No Two Horns: ‘Twelve Sioux were killed by Hohe winter.”” Buun THunpER Varrants I, II, and III: “Below Mandan S. [Sioux, JH] attacked by Rees M. S. [Many Sioux, JH], Killed 9 Tetons and Blackfeet attacked Big Battle.” Hiexu Doe: “A fight among the Sioux and many killed... .” The Dakota text reads ‘“‘Wiciyela wicakasotapi (lit. Wictyela they-killed- them-off).””. Swirr Doce: “Buffalo hunt with dogs and travoises to carry meat home.”’ Jaw Variant: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III show 12 wounded men. No Two Horns shows only one man but 12 wound symbols. On the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant III counts the men, or the wound symbols representing them, are arranged in two parallel rows of six each. On the Blue Thunder Variant IJ count they are arranged in three rows of four each. On the Blue Thunder Variant I count the circle device, commonly used on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts, is employed, with the heads of the slain men shown around the inside of a circle. On none of the counts are the men shown wearing the “enemy” hairdress. The pictographs for this year on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts are quite puzzling in relation to the written interpretations. ma toeey. Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 373 The figure of a man is shown, and nearby a dog pulling a travois. Above the travois are a few small heads, four on the High Dog count, three on the Swift Dog count. Although the Swift Dog explanation would seem to be the more plausible in this case, the author feels that the High Dog interpretation is more nearly correct, as it has been more consistent throughout and as in this case it agrees with the counts of the Blue Thunder group. The Jaw Variant count seems to bear this out. It shows a man who is represented as having been scalped, and who has a coup stick by his head. Perhaps the travois in the High Dog and Swift Dog counts represents the litters used to bring back the dead and wounded from the battle. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives ‘““Yanktonais Sioux almost wiped out in winter,” for the year “1835” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348). 1836-37 Buve TxHunper: “Grand River winter camp place. Nothing special. Peaceful winter. Made many feather bonnets in winter time.”” No Two Horns: “A man got a headdress with horns on it winter.” Buur THuNpreR Variants I, IJ, and III: “Grand River, Wicijela had powerful winter.” All of the above counts show a feather warbonnet with horns and a long black and red feathered trailer. This pictograph seems definitely related to that used on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts for the year 1834-35. Hieu Doe: “Six Crow chiefs were killed by the Sioux.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Palani 6 wicaktepi (lit. Arikara (or Pawnee) six they-killed).”” Swirr Doe: ‘Sioux killed six Rees. The author’s oldest brother was born. . . .” Jaw Vartant: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a row of six men wearing the “enemy” hairdress. The Jaw Variant count shows two men fighting with bows and arrows. One is wearing the ‘‘enemy”’’ hair- dress. A heavy blue line is drawn beneath the warriors. This pictograph is repeated on the Jaw Variant count, apparently for clarity, rounding the acute angle formed by the leg of the sheep hide on which it is painted. The pictographs are nearly identical, and it seems obvious that only one year is meant. Perhaps the heavy blue line represents ice, in which case the year’s event would correspond with the battle on ice given by the Good (Mallery, 1893, p. 320), American Horse (ibid., 1886, p. 139), Cloud Shield (ibid., 1886, p. 139), and White-Cow-Killer (ibid, 1886, p. 139) counts for this year. High Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 174) and Big Missouri (Cohen, 1939, p. 18) give the event for the year ‘1837. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year “1836” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348) and White Bull’s count for the year “1835” (ibid., 1934 a, p. 264) may also be related. 374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 1837-388 BuLuE THUNDER: ‘Had a big small pox sickness. Noone die much.” No Two Horns: ‘Small pox winter.”” Bhuz THUNDER VARIANTS I, II, and III: “Smallpox, No one died.”” H1cH Doc ‘‘Smallpox carried off to ‘Wanagi yakonpi’ [Spirit land, JH] many of the suffering people. . . .” The Dakota text reads simply ‘‘Wica gaga (Wiéd- hankhan lit. Smallpox).”” Swirr Doe: ‘A woman with spots on her face. Smallpox killed many of the tribe.” Jaw anp JAW VARIANT: (This is the beginning year for the Jaw count and the interpretation accompanying it. Since the Jaw Variant count has no accompanying interpretation, the author has placed it with the Jaw count for the years where the two counts are concurrent. Welch calls the opening year of the Jaw count 1847-48, evidently counting back from the event labeled “Capture of Sitting Bull.” This event is, however, incorrectly labeled, as has been amply demonstrated by comparing this count with the others. The opening date of the Jaw count is actually 10 years earlier, and the author has accordingly placed the opening event here.) ‘Big Small pox.” All of the counts show a human figure covered with spots. Vestal’s Hunkapapa count correlates with these counts, giving the year 1837” as ‘“Wicdhkanlian Smallpox plague (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348). 1838-39 Buve TuHunper: “Found a white buffalo. Killed by ‘Poeya.’” No Two Horns ‘‘‘Grey Day’ killed a white buffalo.” Buiur THUNDER Variants I, IT, andIII:“‘‘P’O’jeje killed white buffalo.”’ The above counts show a white buffalo wounded by an arrow. Hicu Doc: “The Sioux take many spotted horses from the Crows in a battle.” The Dakota text reads ‘Sunkile ska awicakilipi (Sungléska awitdglipi lit. Spotted-horses they-brought-back).” Swirr Dog: (Burdick’s supposed ‘‘Blue Thunder” interpretation, which has been used with this count, ends with this year.) ‘The young man brought spotted horses to his tribe.” Jaw anp Jaw Variant: “Brings many horses.” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts and the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts all show a spotted horse. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives the year “‘1838”’ as the year when the spotted horses were brought home (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348). It is possible that White Bull’s reference to spotted horses for the year ‘‘1840” refers to this event as well (ibid., 1934 a, p. 265). 1889-40 Buve Tuunper: “Across Fort Yates place. Attacked he was a Chief with spectacles. Man from far away. Suspicious of him. ‘He comes attacking.’ Went out in night. Got killed. Don’t ane DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 375 know who did that.” No Two Horns: “‘Man with spectacles’ went out and was killed in the hills.” Buoz Tuunper Variants I, II, and III: “Across from Fort Yates a chief named Waanatoka came. He had spectacles on. Was killed in the night.” All of the above counts show a man wearing gogglelike spectacles. Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and the Blue Thunder Variant II count show him with two wounds in his body. Blue Thunder Variant III shows him with only one wound, and Blue Thunder Variant I shows him without any wound. Hicu Doe: “An Indian woman hanged herself ‘because her husband was killed’... .”. The Dakota text, however, reads ‘“‘Wikite wan icikte kin (Winkte wan réikte kin lit. Transvestite a suicided the),” Swirt Doc: No interpretation. JAw AND JAW VARIANT: “Woman kill herself.” “The Jast four counts show a figure in woman’s clothing who has hanged herself (himself) from a tree or a pole. However, in the High Dog and Swift Dog counts a penis is drawn on the ‘‘woman”’ indicating a transvestite. This identification is confirmed by Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year ‘1839’ which identifies the person as a ‘‘hermaphro- dite,” and states that his name was ‘Grass’ (ibid., 1934 a, p. 348). Vestal’s translation of ‘‘Winkte” as “hermaphrodite” seems incorrect, and the author suggests transvestite as a better translation. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count’s identification of this person as ‘“‘Grass’’ explains the item “Grass Killed Himself’’ which is given for the year “1838” by White Bull (ibid., 1934 a, p. 265). Vestal comments that it was unusual for a man to commit suicide by hanging himself (ibid., 1934 a, p. 265). If the man were a homosexual and/or a transvestite, however, this would not be unusual], as hanging was commonly re- sorted to by women wishing to commit suicide. 1840-41 Buus Tuunper: “Going to battle and found Ree Indian ‘His Knife Broad’ at mouth of Cannon Ball. Killed him then.” No Two Horns: “The knife was full of blood winter.” Buiur THuNnpER Variants I, II, and III: “Wicijela going to battle, Found Rees at mouth of C. B. [Cannon Ball, JH] Call him ‘His Knife broad.’”’ The above counts show a knife with a bloody blade. Hiex Doe: “Elk Spider, a chief was killed by the Crows.” The Dakota text reads “Ikitomi heraka ktepa (lktémi-helidka ktepi lit. Spider-elk died).”” Swir1 Doa: No interpretation. Jaw AND JAW VaRIANT: “Elk Spider die winter.”? The last four counts show a man with the name symbol of a spider which has large antlers, like those of an elk. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year “1840” (ibid., 1934 b, p. 348). 376 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173 1841-42 Buive Tuunper: “At Grand River in winter camp. But lots snow. Couldn’t use horses. Made snowshoes. Killed lots buffalo. Call that ‘They make snowshoes winter.’’’ No Two Horns: “Big snow winter. People used shoes for snow.’”” Biur THUNDER VARIANTS I, II, and III: “At G. R. [Grand River, JH] deep snow so could not use horses for hunting, w. [with, JH] snow-shoes Killed lot buffalo.” Hicu Doc “Snowshoes used again.” The Dakota text reads “Psa ohanpi (lit. snowshoes).’”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw AND Jaw Variant: “Snow shoes.” The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, Blue Thunder Variant counts J, II, and III, and Jaw counts show a man wearing snowshoes. The High Dog, Swift Dog, and Jaw Variant counts show merely a snow- shoe. High Dog and Swift Dog show it as it would be seen from above, the Jaw Variant count shows it in a side view. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives the snowshoe event for the year ‘1841’ (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348). 1842-43 Buus Tuunper: “Man ‘Holy Tracks Buffalo’ die. Bury him in striped tipi. A big man but not a chief man.”” No Two Horns: “Buried ‘Holy Buffalo Track’ in a tipi winter.”” BLus THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘‘Buffalo-Holy-Fish died and buried in a striped tent.’’ All of the above counts show a tipi, which is striped horizontally in all but the No Two Horns count. From under the edge of this tipi a bison’s foot protrudes. Wavy lines emanate from the hoof of this foot signifying “holy” or “sacred’’; in other words “sacred buffalo track.” ‘‘The ‘fish’ element in the interpretation used with Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III is probably incorrect. The drawing of the bison’s foot somewhat resembles a fish tail, and the author believes that the person who made this interpretation interpreted the drawing as such. Hieu Doe: “A chief lost in a battle with the Crows, and supposed to be dead, returned later with a.Crow Horse.” The Dakota text, however, reads ‘‘Hohe spela wanktepi (Hohe spéla wan ktepi lit. Assiniboin deformed a they-killed).’”? Swirr Doc: No interpretation. JAW AND JAW Variant: “Crow Indian. Scalpned and die.’”’ The above counts show a man who has been scalped. On the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts he is shown wearing the “‘enemy”’ hairdress. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts, although showing the characteristic forehead hair of the ‘“enemy”’ hairdress to be missing, indicate, by the remainder of the hairdo, that the man is an enemy. This seems puzzling in that for the other years on the counts a man is often shown to be scalped and yet the hair remains to identify him on the count. arf ia DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 377 A possible solution is suggested by Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year ‘1842’; this count gives ‘‘A small Assiniboin killed,” and explains that he had previously been scalped but not killed (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348). 1843-44 Buve Tuunper: ‘“Camped that winter above Fort Rice place. Almost starving. These Hunkpati [Upper Yanktonai, JH] men have a lodge with a red door. Made a prayer. Asked for the buffalo to come around—They came. Called ‘Manliving in a red door winter’ or ‘Buffalo came with free will winter’ First time they had red as a cloth.” No Two Horns: ‘‘We found a man dead in a tipi with a red door.” Buvur Tounver Variants I, II, III: “Above F. [Fort, JH] Rice Buffalo come to Wicijela when they were most stormy because a holy man prayed, so called him Re Tiopa Sa Oti Pte-Akw’ (Le tidpagsa oti pte aku lit. This door scarlet lodge buffalo came (?) JH.)”’ All of the above counts show a tipi with a round red entrance. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts all mention this or a very similar incident for this year (Mallery, 1886, pp. 118-119). White Bull gives the event for the year “1842” (Vestal 1934 a, p. 265). The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts all differ from the counts of the Blue Thunder group in repre- senting the tipi as having a bison head painted on it instead of having a red door (Mallery, 1886, pp. 118-119). The Lone Dog interpretation identifies the shaman as being a member of the Sans Are (Jtdzipéo) band of the Teton Dakota (ibid, p. 118). Hiexu Doe: ‘Four Horns a chief went away and never returned.” The Dakota text reads ‘“‘hetopa kilisni (He-tépa glisni lit. Horns-four returned-not).’”’?’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Variant: ‘Four Horns die.” The last four counts show a man wear- ing four horns on his head. The same incident is given for the year “1843” in Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348). White Bull mentions the event as occurring in ‘‘1845”’ but does not use it in the picture for that year in his count (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 265). He recounts that Four-horns, after having been given up for dead, re- turned. His relatives, however, had already staged a give-away in his memory, and had given away all of their property (ibid., p. 265); 1844-45 Buve Tuunper: ‘All the people they got measles. No one die.” No Two Horns: ‘Measles time.” Buur Tounper Variants I, I, and III: ‘Indians all over has measles. None died.’”’ Hien Doe: “Measles. No great mortality.” The Dakota text reads ‘“Nawicasli (lit. Measles).”” Swirr Doc: No interpretation. Jaw anv JAw Variant: ‘Chicken pox.” All of the above counts show a human 378 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 figure covered with spots. Under this figure on the Blue Thunder Variant III count is written “‘Wicaranran [Wiédhanhan lit. Smallpox, JH] White-Cow-Killer gives the year 1845-46 as “‘many sick Winter” (Mallery, 1886, p. 141). Good gives a measles epidemic for 1845-46 (ibid., 1893, p. 322). High Hawk gives a measles epidemic for the year ‘'1846” (Curtis, 1908, p. 175). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives “1844” as “Nawitd sli [measles, JH] Severe skin eruption” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348). Foolish Woman’s Mandan count gives the year “1846” as that of a chickenpox epidemic (Beckwith, 1938, p. 312). 1845-46 Buvue Tuounpver: “North of Heart River, ‘Red Leaf,’ Padani shot him in the knee.’”?’ No Two Horns: “Had a battle and nearly everyone got hit on the legs.” Buus THunper Variants I, II, and III: “‘(Wicijela) Across H. [Heart, JH] River Rees shot Red Leaf.’”’ The above counts show a man who is wounded below the knee or has his leg missing below the knee. In the Blue Thunder Variant III count a small hook-nosed figure has been drawn in, apparently by a much later artist, on the man’s back, and the words ‘‘Hunka Wayuta”’ have been written in above the figure. The meaning of this, if there is any, has not been determined by the author. Hicu Doe: ‘They killed 7 ‘tigers’ in the Black Hills, and as the Crows claimed this territory, they killed 7 Sioux as a reprisal.’”’? The Dakota text reads merely “Ikmu 7 wicoapi ([gmu sékowin witdopt lit. Mountain-lions (cats) seven they-shot).’”’ Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Jaw AND JAw Variant: “The kill seven lion.” (“‘The’”’ means “they” in this interpretation. This may be merely a typographical error, or it may result from the fact that the letter ‘“e” is pronounced like the English ‘‘ay”’ in Dakota.) The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show seven catlike heads in a row. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a lateral view of a cougar. The Jaw count hasa large arabic figure ‘‘7”’ drawn in above this puma and the Jaw Variant count has seven vertical marks above it. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year ‘1845” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 348). 1846-47 Buve TuHunper: “This winter nothing much. ‘Buffalo Head’ sleeping, died.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Buffalo Head’ got died that time.” Buus Tuunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘ ‘Was nothing’ Buffalo Head sleeping died.” All of the above counts picture an anthropomorphic figure with a bison’s head except No Two Horns, who merely shows a bison’s head. re aig DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 379 Hrex Doa: ‘One man alone defended ‘the feathers,’ the flag against great odds in a battle with the Crows.” The Dakota text reads “Tabubu alowanpi (lit. Hump-back’s aléwanpi ceremony).’’ Swirt ” Doe: No interpretation. JAw AND JAW VaRriANT: ‘‘Pabobo.” The last four counts show what is evidently an Aléwanpi or Hunké ceremony. A man is shown with the decorated wand used in this rite. In the High Dog and Swift Dog counts he is presenting it to a second person but in the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts only one person is shown. American Horse gives what may be the same event, stating “Big Crow and Conquering Bear had a great feast and gave many presents” (Mallery, 1886, p. 142). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives ‘‘Pabébo aléwanpi Pabobo’s adoption ceremony” (Vestal, 1934b, p. 349). 1847-48 Buiuse THunper: “West of Cedar Creek, camping. White man camping too. Lived with him. ‘Bad after Women.’” No Two Horns: “‘At the forks of the Cedar and the Cannon Bell a white man had a house by the side of a Sioux tipi.” Buus THUNDER VARIANTS I, II, and III: “(Camping by upper C. B. [Cannon Ball, JH] River and a White lived w. [with, JH] them. Call him ‘Bad after women.’ ” The above counts show a tipi next to a log cabin. This whole picto- graph is shown as being situated in the fork of a river, which is drawn as if on a map. Hicu Dose: ‘They camped by a Creek (in South Dakota) and from having obtained Whiteman’s blankets they called it ‘Blanket Creek.’ ” The Dakota text reads “Sina okipata wakipa el wanitipi (Sina- okipata wakpd el waniiipi lit. Blanket quilted creek at they-camped- for-the-winter).’”” Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Variant: “Some talk discussed.” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts both show a tipi with a striped blanket beside it. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show very puzzling pictographs for this year. On both, two men, evidently both Dakota, are apparently speaking with each other. Between them is a stick or line with four small round objects attached to it. On the Jaw Variant count a large square of blue is above both the men and this object. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives “Wojin ecénpi Ota Many contests,” for the year “1847” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 349). 1848-49 Buus TuHunper: “Two attack each other, Ree and Wiceyelo.”’ No Two Horns: “Two killed each other with knives.” Buiur THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: “A Ree and a Wicijela killed each other.”” The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder 380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Variant II and III counts show a lively action drawing of two men fighting with knives. Both are wounded. The ‘‘enemy” hairdress is not shown on either. The Blue Thunder Variant I count apparently depicts a different event. This count shows a man in scout’s costume, consisting of a white capote and head kerchief, firing at a group of six men who wear the “enemy” hairdress. These men are returning his fire. Both the scout and his opponents are armed with rifles. One of the “enemies” is represented as wounded. Hicu Dos: ‘The Crows took a Sioux woman and held her as a ‘slave.’’’? The Dakota text reads “Winya wayaka wicaynazpi (Winyan waydka witdyuzapi lit. Woman captive (slave) they took).” Swirt Doc: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man on horseback, carrying a shield and wearing the “enemy” hairdress, charging down upon & woman. JAW AND JAW VaRiAnT: “No grass.”’ The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a representation of a few blades of grass on a field. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count has ‘‘No grass” for the year “1848” (ibid., p. 349). White Bull gives this event for “‘1848” as well (ibid., p. 266). 1849-50 Buuse TuHunper: ‘‘Wiciyelo living in log house, die without sick- ness. ‘Has Thunder’ his name.’”’ No Two Horns: ‘We found a dead Indian in a dry log house somewhere then.” Bruun THUNDER Variants I, IJ, and III: “Wicijela ‘Has Thunder’ living in a big house died with sickness.” The above counts show a man’s body laid out in a log house. Hicu Doa: ‘‘They went to hunt buffalo and were surprised by the Crows.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wanaseta natahi (Wandse-ta natdhi lit. Hunters-moose [7a means moose literally, but is probably used here in a generic sense for all large game, JH] charged-upon).” Swirt Doe: No interpretation. JAw AND Jaw VARIANT: “Battle of hunting.” The High Dog count shows a man on horseback counting coup on a man who stands in front of him with a rifle. The man has the “enemy” hairdress. The Swift Dog count shows the same except that the man on horseback is wearing a warbonnet. The Jaw count shows two men firing at one another. Between the two men is a buffalo. Flashes of rifles are shown as well as bullets. The Jaw Variant count is similar but more symbolic in nature. A large bison hoofprint is in the center. On either side of this are representations of rifle flashes. These are in turn flanked by horses hoofprints, and the hoofprints are flanked by arrows. The same incident is given for the year “1849” by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266) and on Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349). quturp, Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 381 1850-51 Buue Tuunper: “Camping below Mandan winter. Saw white man come to trade. Wiciyelo shot him with arrow. Not die but killed Wicheyelo. Chief “T'wo Bears’ told Indians to kill murderer.” No Two Horns: “A Dakota killed a white man with an arrow.” Buus Tounper Variants J, I, anp III: “Camping over from C. B. [Cannon Ball, JH] River & a trader came to trade a Wicejela killed the would be murderer Chief Two Bear told Indians to kill him.” Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants IT and III show an arrow in a man who is evidently an Indian but is partially dressed in white man’s clothing. The No Two Horns and Blue Thunder Variant I counts are similar, but apparently represent a white man, as no Indian clothing is in evidence. He wears a beard in the Blue Thunder Variant I count. Hien Dose: “Chief Catch Turtle died.” The Dakota text reads “Kewayuspata (Kéya yuspa t’a lit. Turtle-catcher died).” Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Variant: “Mud Turtle die.” The last four counts show a man with a turtle, or, in the Jaw Variant count, merely a turtle. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives the year “1850” as “Turtle Catcher dies” (ibid., p. 349). 1851-52 Buus THunper: “Ree Indian ‘Red Elk’ across Washburn place came with Dakota, wintered. Call that time ‘Wintered Red Elk.’ ” No Two Horns: “ ‘Red Elk’ died winter.”” Biur THunpmR Vari- Ants I, IT, ann III: “ ‘Ree’ ‘Red Elk’ across from Washburn, lived with Wicijela.”’ The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, IT, and III show an anthropomorphic figure with a red elk’s head and upper body. No Two Horns merely shows a red elk. Hicu Dosa: ‘They wintered by Slave Heart Butte.”” The Dakota text reads ‘Wayaka Paha el waniti (lit. Captive Butte at they- camped).” Swirrt Doa: No interpretation. JAw AND JAW VARIANT: “The Black [Hills ? JH] camp one.” The high Dog and Swift Dog counts show a tipi beside a hill. From the center of the hill a small round face peers out. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a tipi beside a black hill. 1852-53 Buus THunver: “East of Berthold they wintered on Corn Hill. That winter much snow. Had to wear snowshoes. Buffalo; many, many.” No Two Horns: “Snow shoe winter.” Bius THUNDER Variants I, II, ann III: ‘Kast of Ft. Berthold by ‘Cave Hill’ Wicijela wintered, Deep snow, Hunt on 8S. [Snow, JH] Shoes.”’ All of the above counts show a man wearing snowshoes. White Bull calls the year 4717626026 382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 1852” “Plenty Snow Winter” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266). Good (Mallery, 1893, p. 323) and High Hawk (Curtis, 1908, p. 176) both mention a severe winter. Hicu Dosa: “A distemper in the winter. This same winter they made a treaty with the Crows.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Psa akiya akili alakata (Psd okiu agli (?) lit. Crows met-together came-back (2)).”. Swirr Doe: No interpretation. JAW AND Jaw Variant: No interpretation for this year. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the “enemy” hairdress standing beside a tipi. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show two men shaking hands, one of whom wears the ‘‘enemy”’ hairdress. The interpretation of the High Dog count seems to relate these last four counts to the Flame, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts for the year 1851-52, which represent a treaty with the Crow (Mallery, 1886, pp. 120-121). The pictographs on the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts make this even more certain. ‘The pictographs on the High Dog and Swift Dog counts, however, which show a man with the “enemy” hairdress outside a tipi, seem more closely related to the Flame, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts for the following year (ibid., pp. 120-121). These counts record an enemy coming to the Dakota camp and forcing the Dakota to smoke the peace pipe, thus securing protection for himself and his followers (ibid., pp. 120-121). The Flame states that this man was a Crow, while the Lone Dog and Touch-the-Clouds, son of the man to whose tent these enemies came, say that they were Nez Percé (ibid., p. 121). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count records a treaty with the Crow for the year **1852” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 349). 1853-54 Buus Tuunper: “Out in Montana, Powder Creek (River) commit- ted suicide. Only one Crow came attacking Dakota. One got killed attacked alone.” No Two Horns: ‘“ ‘Four Horns’ was killed winter.” Buus Tuunper Variants I, II, ann III: “Crow w. [with, JH] War-bonnet was killed in winter in Montana on Powder Creek attacked alone.” H1cuH Doe ‘Chief Four Horns was killed. A Crow killed by Sioux.”” The Dakota text reads “hetopa an waktepi (He- tépa un wan ktépi lit. Horns-four wearing a they-killed).” Swirr Doc: No interpretation. JAw AND JAw Variant: ‘The [They, JH] kill Four Horns.” All of the counts show a man wearing an elaborate headdress with four horns. In the counts of the Blue Thunder group he wears a long capote in addition, and carries a tomahawk and a feathered society lance. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count mentions this event for the year “1853” (ibid., p. 349). Densmore, in her ‘Teton Sioux Music’ cee tg DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 383 mentions this event as occurring in 1852 (Densmore, 1918, p. 403). She includes an illustration of a Dakota wearing a copy of the four- herned bonnet worn by this man (ibid., opp. p. 402). Judge Frank Zahn stated that all of the Dakota who took part in the battle in which this man was killed later wore this style of bonnet at dances. 1854-55 Buve Tuunper: “Above Berthold, White Earth Creek, battled there. Wicyelo and Hohe.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Scraper’ killed by his children.””, Buuze Tuunper Variants I, II, and IIT: ‘‘At White Earth Creek Wicijela and Hohe had a battle.” Hien Doe: “Bear Heart was killed by a Crow Indian.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Mato cante ktepi (lit. Bear heart they-killed).”” Swirr Doc: No interpre- tation. JAW AND JAW VaRIANT: “The woman kill with knife.” The pictographs on the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III are puzzling when compared with their inter- pretations. Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and the Blue Thunder Variant counts IT and IIT show a man carrying a bow in one hand and an elk antler scraper in the other. The Blue Thunder Variant I count shows a man wearing a capote made of a Hudson’s Bay blanket. He is carrying a bow in his hand and is represented as being wounded. Above this man’s head, and evidently once intended as his name symbol, is the elk antler scraper of the other counts. This is now separated from him by the line which is used on this count to separate the rows of pictographs. It appears that the person who made this count drew this man dressed in the capote and armed with the bow because he had for- gotten the real meaning of the pictograph. In this case the Blue Thunder Variant I drawing is closer to the High Dog and Swift Dog counts than it is to the other counts of the Blue Thunder group. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the “‘enemy”’ hairdress firing upon a man who is wearing a blanket capote and is armed with a bow and arrow. The man with the bow, however, has the name symbol of a bear above his head rather than an elk antler scraper. The Jaw count depicts a man stabbing a woman. The Jaw Variant count shows a woman who has been stabbed in the back. The Flame, Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts give “Brave Bear was killed’’ for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 121). Cloud Shield also gives ‘“‘Brave Bear was killed . . .” (ibid., p. 143). Amer- ican Horse and White-Cow-Killer give the man’s name as Conquering Bear (ibid., 1886, p. 143). White Bull gives “Brave Bear was killed” for the year 1854” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266). The High Dog and Swift Dog counts for this year seem to be definitely related to these counts. 384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives ““Nobody-Catches-Him stabs (His sister-in-law) for the year “‘1854” (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349). The No Two Horns, Jaw, and Jaw Variant counts seem to be related to this event. The Blue Thunder count, and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III seem to combine both events, especially the Blue Thunder Variant I count. The scraper seems to connect the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, IT, and III with the incident described by No Two Horns, while the bow and the capote shown in the Blue Thunder Variant I count relate them to the “Brave Bear’ event. Their interpretations definitely connect them with this occurrence. 1855-56 Buiue THunper: “Fort Pierre in winter time. White man called ‘White Beard’ called council with Indians. Made treaty with him. Kept him all winter.” No Two Horns: ‘‘‘White Beard’ a white man, held the Indians together. He went into the camps and held them.”? Buur THunpER Variants I, II, and III: ‘White bearded White man at Pierre came & called all Indians. So came & made a treaty. Kept him there all winter.”” Hien Doe: ‘“They had a Whiteman in camp with a long grey beard, and they took care of him through the winter.” The Dakota text reads ‘Putihiska wa akijaja (Putinhin-ska wan akizize lit. Beard-white a detains-them).” Swirr Doc: No interpretation. JAw anp JAW VARIANT: “First treaty.” All of the counts show a white man with a beard. In the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts he is shaking hands with an Indian. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts all give the interpre- tation that this year the Dakota made a treaty with Putinska, or General Harney, at Fort Pierre (Mallery, 1886, p. 121). White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266) and Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349) give the interpretation that this year Harney seized some Dakota and held them prisoner at Ash Hollow. 1856-57 Buue Txunper: “Hohe fight Wiceyelo Hohe named ‘Yellow Bucket’ got killed.” No Two Horns: ‘‘‘Yellow Pail’ killed while on wer trail.””, Buur THunprer Variants I, IJ, and III: ‘“The Hohe and Wicijela had battle, ‘Yellow Bucket’ killed.”” The above counts show a man carrying a bow in one hand and a yellow pail or bucket in the other. He does not wear the “enemy” hairdress. He is repre- sented as being wounded. Hicu Doa: “Good Bear tore a war-bonnet from a Crow’s head in a fight,’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wapaha wan yukisapi (Wapdéha wan yuksdpi lit. Warbonnet a tearing).”” Swirr Doa: No interpre- tation. Jaw ano Jaw Vartanr: ‘The loud Bear tore war hat.” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show two warriors on horseback. ane: DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 385 One wears the ‘‘enemy” hairdress and a long feathered bonnet. The other has torn part of the bonnet trailer off. The Jaw count shows substantially the same things, but only the upper parts of the bodies of the two men are shown. The Jaw Variant count shows only the bonnet itself, with the trailer represented as being torn in two. Ves- tal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year “1856” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 349). 1857-58 Brus THunpErR: “Ree, Mandans, and Gros Ventre got attacked by Wiceyelo. Six Wiceyelo got killed at Fort Berthold.”” No Two Horns: ‘‘They came and killed five winter.” Buuz TaounpER VaRI- ants I, I, and III: “‘Wicijela had battle at Ft. B. [Fort Berthold, JH]; 6 enemy killed,” Higu Doa: ‘They returned from a battle with the Crows, having killed many.’”’ The Dakota text reads “Ota kte pi akili pi (Ota ktépi aglipi lit. Many they-killed they-returned).” Swirt Doa: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Varrant: ‘The (they, JH) brings many kills.” The Blue Thunder count shows five wounded men. The No Two Horns count hes only one man but five wound symbols. Blue Thun- der Variant counts I and II show six wounded men. The Blue Thunder Variant III count shows five wounded men. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the “enemy” hair- dress with three feathered coup sticks touching his head. The Jaw count shows a man who is wearing the “enemy” hairdress, but is also represented as being scalped, being taken by the hand by a Dakota (brought back). The Jaw Variant count merely depicts a man with the ‘‘enemy”’ hairdress who is also represented as being scalped. Cloud Shield gives “They surrounded and killed ten Crows’’ for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 143). White Bull gives ‘Ten Crows killed at Captive Butte” for the year 1857” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year “1857” gives the same Dakota text as High Dog, but translates it ‘“Kills-Plenty (Little-Assiniboin, Sitting Bull’s captive ‘brother’) brought home (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349). 1858-59 Buus TuHunper: “Next winter going to camp some place. Crow Indians attack. None killed. ‘Eagle Nest’ die without sickness. Father of Sitting Bull named ‘Jumping Bull’ he die too.” No Two Horns: “‘‘Eagle Nest’ died winter.” Buus THunprer Variants I, II, and III: “Going to camp, Crows attacked no one killed that winter. Eagle Nest die with sickness.” The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III show a man with the name symbol of an eagle sitting in a nest. No 386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Two Horns merely shows the name symbol without the human figure in association. Hicu Dog: “‘A man named Paunch killed a white buffalo.” The Dakota text reads: ‘‘Pato pi pte sa wan o (Patopi (?) pte san wan o lit. Patopi (?) buffalo (actually buffalo cow but used here in a generic sense) cream-colored a he-shot.”” Swirt Dog: No interpretation. JAW AND JAw Variant: “The |They, JH] shooting white buffalo.” The High Dog, Swift Dog, and Jaw Variant counts show a white buffalo with an arrow sticking in its side and a mounted man armed with a bow behind it. The Jaw count shows a man with a bow standing beside a white buffalo which has been wounded with an arrow. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year “1858” gives this event as well, identifying the hurter as Patopi which is translated ‘Four Heads” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 349). The place is indicated as being near Slim Buttes, S. Dak. (ibid., p. 349). 1859-60 Buve Tuunver: ‘‘Lone Dog’ get killed when eight go to war. One man got home. Fought Hohe and seven got killed in Montana.” No Two Horns: “‘Red Robe’ came back home. Killed seven.” Buvue Tounper Variants I, II, and III: “Long Dog, Jumping Bull died got killed, 8 went to battle, 7 killed by Hohe.” Hieu Doa: “Five brothers named ‘‘Simko-hanska (Long Dog) killed by Crows.” The Dakota text reads “Sunkahan skaktepi (Sunka-hdnska ktepi lit. Dog-long they-killed).””. Swirr Doe: No interpretation. JAw AND Jaw Variant: ‘Big Crow kill.” The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, IT, and III show a man wearing a robe and carrying a rifle, behind which are seven wounded men. The No Two Horns count is similar but shows only seven wounds in the place of the men in the other counts. The man has a red robe on the No Two Horns and Blue Thunder Variant I and II counts, a white one on the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant IT counts. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man with the name symbol of a dog or horse. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a man with the name symbol of a black bird. He is represented as being wounded on the Jaw count and as being scalped on the Jaw Variant count. The Flame, Lone Dog, Swan, Mato Sapa, and Bush counts mention Big Crow’s death for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 123). Good men- tions it as well (ibid., 1898, p. 325). High Hawk mentions this event for the year ‘'1860” (Curtis, 1908, p. 178). White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 266) and Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 349) give the event for “1859.” Anthrop. Pap. No6lho DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 387 1860-61 Buus Tuunper: “ ‘Feather in his Body,’ a Wiceyelo, froze to death.” No Two Horns: ‘‘Hagle Back get sick. Died.” BuivuE THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘A Wicijela ‘Feather Body’ Froze to death.’”? The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show a man with eagle feathers attached to his body. The Blue Thunder Variant I count shows a man with a bird on his chest. Blue Thunder Variants II and III show a man with a large bird perched on his back. Hicu Doa: “A man killed 10 race horse and so was named Race- Horse... .” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Kaginigi suteyapi (Kahniinih Sutéyapi lit. Selected-ones caused-to-fail (ruined)).””. Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Variant: “The [they, JH] kills some pretty horse.” The last four counts show a horse with an arrow in its back. This event is mentioned in Vestal’s Hunkpapa count as well (ibid., p. 349). 1861-62 Buve Tuunver: “Camped on Heart River and Hohe stole a lot of horses.”” No Two Horns: ‘‘The Hohe stole many Teton horses winter.” Brus Tuunpver Variants I, II, and III: ‘Hohe stole a lot of horses from Wicijela (H. [Heart, JH] River).” The above counts show a man wearing the ‘“‘enemy” hairdress, and the blanket cloth capote and leggings which are sometimes used to designate the Assiniboin, Plains-Ojibwa, and Plains-Cree. The man is leading a horse. Hoofprints beneath the horse indicate plurality. Hicu Doa: ‘The [they, JH] tracked the Crows who had stolen some horses from the Sicux and in a fight a Sioux leader named Tracks Weasel was killed. . . .””. The Dakota text reads “‘Itunkasa luta ktepi (Jttinkasan-luta ktepi lit. Weasel-red they-killed.”” Swirt Doe: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Variant: “The [they, JH] kill red weasel.” The last four counts show a man with the name symbol of a red weasel. The Jaw Variant count represents him as being scalped. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a prominent penis on this man for some reason. The White-Cow-Killer count mentions a raid for horses by the Crow for this year (Mallery, 1886, p. 144). Good mentions this as well (ibid., 1893, p. 325). High Hawk mentions a raid for horses by the Crow for the year ‘1862” (Curtis, 1908, p. 178). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year ‘‘1861’’ mentions Red Weasel’s death (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 349). The author believes that all of the counts mentioned in connection with this year are referring to the same event, but that in some the death of Red Weasel is not noted. 388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173 1862-68 f= Buuz Tuunper: “Heart River. Hohe attack Sioux there. Twenty killed of Hohe. Call it ‘Twenty Hohe got killed winter.’”” No Two Horns: “We killed many Hohe on a hill top.” Buiur THunper Variants I, II, and JII: ‘“Hohes came and were killed.” Hiau Doa: ‘They exterminated a band of ‘Hake’ with whom they fought. These were probably Creek [Cree, JH] Indians.”’ The Dakota text reads “hohe 20 wicaktepi (Assiniboin-Plains-Ojibwa-Plains Cree 20 they-killed).”” Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw anp JAW VaR- tant: “The [they, JH] many kills Crows or Hohe.” The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, IT, and III show a rectangle filled with wounded men who wear the ‘‘enemy” hairdress. Rifle flashes are shown as well. No Two Horns has a similar drawing, but shows only one man in the rectangle. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a circle with small heads, wearing the “enemy” hairdress, around the inside. There are 15 of these heads shown on the High Dog count, 12 on the Swift Dog count. The Jaw count is similar to the Blue Thunder counts except that the rifle flashes are outside the rectangle, converging upon it. The men are represented as being scalped rather than wounded in the body as in the counts of the Blue Thunder group. The Jaw Variant count has three scalped heads, wearing the ‘‘enemy”’ hairdress, on the summit ofa hill. The fight with the Hohe is mentioned in Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year “1862” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). 1863-64 Buus Tuunper: ‘ ‘Big Head’ was prisoner by soldiers. Let him die when he got home.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Big Brain’ died then.” Buive Tounper Variants I, II, and III: ‘Big Head a prisoner of soldiers, Let him come home & he died.’”? The above counts show a man wearing his hair in two braids and with two eagle feathers in his hair. The Blue Thunder Variant I and No Two Horns counts show his head disproportionately large, but the others do not. Hien Doe: “While fighting the Crows they found a boy in a coyote trap and killed him.”” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Toka kuwa wan kte (Tokd(la)-kiwa wan kte (pi,?) lit. Kit-fox hunter a they-killed).” Swirr Dog: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man on horseback counting coup on a standing figure wearing the ‘‘enemy”’ hairdress. A similar event is mentioned for this year by American Horse, Cloud Shield, and White-Cow-Killer (Mallery, 1886, p. 144). They give the boy’s tribe as Dakota, however, and the assailants as Crow (ibid., p. 144). Good mentions the event as well, and also reverses the identities of the participants (ibid., 1893, p. 325). High Hawk gatnron, Ran: DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 389 gives this event for the year “1863” and also states that the boy was a Dakota and that he was killed by the Crow (Curtis, 1908, p. 178). JAW AND JAW VaRIANT: ‘Hooping cough.” The last two counts show a man with lines emanating from his mouth to signify coughing. This event is mentioned in Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year “1863” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). 1864-65 Buiur Tuunper: “Soldier camp to make treaty with Wiceyelo, but they run off. They take three prisoners. “True Word’ at the head of them. He is father of ‘Two Bears’ and a prisoner at Fort Rice.” No Two Horns: “A man was a prisoner. He told the truth then. We named him that.” Biur THunpsr VARIANTS I, II, and ITI: ‘Soldiers come to Wicijela. They run off, soldiers got one man called ‘True Word’ two other prisoners (father of Two Bears) at F. [Fort, JH] Rice.” The above counts show a man wearing leg shackles. The Blue Thunder Variant I count shows him wearing a ball and chain as well. Hien Doa: ‘They captured and held a White-woman. They would not give her up because they liked her and believed she meant good luck to them.” The Dakota text reads ““Wayaka wiyapeyapi (lit. Captive they-traded-back).”’ Swirr Doa: No interpretation. JAW AND JAW Variant: ‘White girl capture at fort Piarre.”’ The last four counts show a white woman dressed in the clothing of the time. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show her waist pinched in, probably to suggest a corset, a feature of white women which apparently impressed the Dakota. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives the same event for the year ‘‘1864,”’ and he identifies the woman as Mrs. Fanny Kelly (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). 1865-66 Buvur Tuunpsr: ‘Big Bend country. Wiceyelo camped at Turtle head, got killed by man with knife. Murdered.””, No Two Horns: “Turtle Head’ was stabbed to death that time.” Biur THunprER Variants J, II, and III: “At Big Bend ‘Turtle Head’ stabbed and killed w. [with, JH] knife.”” The above counts show a man with the name symbol of a turtle who is represented as having a knife sticking out of a wound in his back. There are several other wounds on his body as well. Hieu Dos: ‘They discovered a way to make blood puddin.... The Dakota text, however, reads ‘‘Leje awicaya (Léze awitaya lit. Urinate often).”” Swirr Doea: No interpretation. The above two counts show a man with a large penis, which is represented as dripping urine in the High Dog count. This year’s symbol might possibly refer to the contraction of some venereal disease from the whites. ”) 390 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 Jaw AND Jaw Variant: ‘Many blood cook.” The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a kettle or bucket which is full of a red liquid. In this case the drawing actually seems to refer to the making of blood pudding, and is not intended to disguise the count’s real mean- ing. It is interesting to note that the interpreter of the High Dog count, when he did not wish to divulge the real meaning of the event pictured, gave instead the interpretation accompanying another count, indicating that he was familiar with at least two different winter counts. 1866-67 Buus THunper: “ ‘Pizi’ (Gall) tried to make a treaty at Fort Rice, but soldiers stabbed him. He had not done anything bad. He and Grass went together to talk with that head soldier.””, No Two Horns: ‘Gall’ was stabbed by a soldier bayonet at bend of river, below where Elbowoods is now. There were soldiers houses there.” BLuE Tuunper Variants I, II, and II: ‘Gall went to F. (Fort, JH] to make a treaty. Soldiers tried to kill him. He had not done any- thing.” Hien Doe: “Pizi, Gall, the man of all men on the Indian side when Gen’! Custer went down in defeat on June 25, 1876, was taken by Gen’l Miles and held prisoner. It was for a time believed be had been put to death.” The Dakota text reads simply ‘‘Pizi capapi (lit. Gall they-stabbed).”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show a man who has the bayonets of two rifles stuck into his body. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a soldier stabbing an Indian with a bayoneted rifle. Jaw AND Jaw Variant: “Seven Emeni [Enemy, JH] kill.” The Jaw count shows a circle in which the heads of seven Indians wearing the “‘enemy” hairdress are depicted. The Jaw Variant count shows a circle as well, but the four men inside it are evidently soldiers, for they are wearing black hats and blue coats. There are rifle flashes around the outside of the circle. It appears that for this year the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts are depicting different events. White-Cow-Killer gives “Seven-Pawnee- killed-winter” for 1867-68, and this seems related to the event on the Jaw count (Mallery, 1886, p. 144). The representations of the men as white soldiers on the Jaw Variant count seems to connect its picto- graph with the Fetterman Massacre of December 21, 1866. ‘This is given as “(One hundred white men killed” on the American Horse and White-Cow-Killer counts for this year (ibid., p. 144). High Hawk gives it for “1867” (Curtis, 1908, p. 179). White Bull gives it for “1866” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 269). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives it for ‘1866’ also (ibid., 1984 b, p. 350). Sue son eee. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 391 1867-68 Buve Tuunper: ‘Nothing winter. Hard winter too. Call ‘Carry the wood winter.’ Two boys froze to death then.” No Two Horns: “The children of ‘Takes the Wood’ die then.”” Biur THUNDER VaRI- ants I, II, and III: “Hard winter “Takes-the-Word’ S 2 [Sons, two, JH] boys froze.” The above counts show two figures dressed in white capotes lying in a horizontal position. ‘The name symbol of an arm taking a branch of wood (shown on the Blue Thunder count and on Blue Thunder Variants IT and III), a man taking a branch (shown on Blue Thunder Variant I) or merely a branch (shown on the No Two Horns count), indicate that the Blue Thunder and No Two Horns interpretations of the father’s name are correct. Hiex Doe: ‘A Sioux woman broke her leg.” or ‘‘A Sioux woman died over in Montana. .. .” The Dakota text reads “Winya wan hu wakise (Winyan wan hu wan ksa lit. Woman a leg a broke).” Swirr Doe: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a woman whose leg is broken and bleeding. JAW AND JAW VARIANT: ‘‘Many icey weather.” The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts merely show a blue circle, representing ice, for this year. On the Jaw count this is the only pictograph which uses any color besides red or black, although blue is also used for the lines con- necting the pictographs to show the sequence of events. A cold winter with ice or sleet is mentioned by White Bull for the year ‘‘1867” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 267). Vestal’s Hunkpapa count mentions this as well (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350). White Bull mentions the leg breaking event in connection with this year as well, but does not include it in the name of the year (ibid., 1934 a, pp. 267-268). 1868-69 Buus Tuunper: “Catholic priest Father De Smet tried to make a treaty with the Tetonwanna [Teton division of the Dakota, JH] Blue Thunder drive twenty Tetons home to take. Sitting Bull had good men sent with them Gall to see what terms to make treaty, Were their envoys when they got there. Gall made prisoner. Gave word they were going to hang him too. Two Bears protested. They took off his shirt and slashed and beat him. Then let him go. Tetons very angry. No peace, no trust.” No Two Horns: ‘‘A priest went into Sitting Bulls camp and shook hands.” Biur TuHunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘(De Smet went to Tetons to make treaty. ‘Blue Thun- der’ went with him S (Sitting, JH] Bull’s head men.”’ The above counts all show a Catholic priest carrying an American flag. Hiau Dog: They slew 15 Crow Indians. “The Dakota text reads “Ttazipco ake zapi ta wocaktepi (Itdzipéo ake-zdptan witdktepi lit. 392 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173 Sans-arcs fifteen they-killed).””, Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw AND JAW VARIANT: “Kill fifteen No Crows.” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show 5 men, not wearing the ‘‘enemy”’’ hairdress, and 15 vertical marks. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a man with a bow, also not wearing the ‘‘enemy” hairdress, and 15 vertical marks. The Jaw Variant count shows a coup stick touching his head in addition. In the light of the Dakota text and the absence of the “enemy” hairdress in the pictographs it seems likely that the High Dog identification of the men as Crows is incorrect. The bow in the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts indicates that the men were Sans-arcs (lit. No-bows, the Itazipco division of the Teton Dakota). The ‘‘No Crows” of the Jaw and Jaw Variant interpretation is probably an in- correct rendering of ‘‘No Bows.”’ The use of the bow device is noted by Mallery for the year 1815-16 on the Flame, Lone Dog, and Swan counts, and it probably occurs on the Mato Sapa and Bush counts also (Mallery, 1886, p. 109). Good’s count mentions 15 Sans Arcs being killed for this year as well (Mallery, 1893, p. 326). High Hawk gives this event for the year “1869” (Curtis, 1908, p. 179). White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 268) and Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350) give it for ‘‘1868.” 1869-70 Buus THunper: ‘‘Wiceyelo went up and attacked the Rees. A man with a wife. Wiceyelo saw them and killed them both.” No Two Horns: ‘‘A man dressed like a woman killed. He was part man and part woman.” Biue THUNDER VaRIANTs I, II, and ILI: ‘Wici- jela attacked Rees. Saw a man and woman getting wood & killed them (Wicijela).”” The above counts show a woman with a bundle of wood on her back. She is represented as being wounded. Hiau Doe: “They slew 30 Crow Indians.” The Dakota text reads “Kanigi wicasa 30 wicaktepi (Kangi-witasa wikéémna-yamni wiédk- tepr lit. Crow men thirty they-killed).’”” Swirr Doe: “No interpreta- tion. JAW AND JAW Variant: ‘30 Crows kill.”” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a circle with several human heads around the inside. The heads are shown wearing the “enemy” hairdress. In the High Dog count 14 heads are shown, in the Swift Dog, 15. The Jaw count shows a scalped man, wearing the ‘‘enemy”’’ hairdress, under which there are 30 vertical marks. The Jaw Variant count shows the same with the addition of a feathered coup stick touching the man’s head. The Lone Dog, Mato Sapa, Bush, and Swan counts record a battle with the Crow for the year 1870-71, but Lone Dog states that only 29 of the 30 Crow were killed (Mallery, 1886, pp. 126-127). This event is mentioned by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 268) and in Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350) for “1869.” eee Pee: DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 393 1870-71 Buve Tuunper: “Wintered at first Grand River and many horses die, drowned. . . .’, No Two Horns: ‘Many horses froze to death winter.”” Buur THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: “At Grand R. [River, JH] many horses die in flood.”” Blue Thunder and the Blue Thunder Variant counts J, II, and IIT show a horse and many hoof- prints, indicating plurality. The No Two Horns count merely shows a horse’s head and neck, together with hoofprints. Hieu Doe: “Chief Crowfeather died (Natural death).”” The Da- kota text reads ““Kangi wiyakata (Kangi-wiyaka t’a lit. Crow feather he-died).”” Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts originally showed a man with the name symbol of what appears to be the feather of a golden eagle. On the High Dog count, however, the figure of a Crow has been added in blue ink at a later date. Perhaps the event noted for this year is the same as that given by the Flame, as the draw- ings are very similar (Mallery, 1886, p. 126). The interpretations of the two counts, however, do not support this idea. JAW AND JAW VarIAnt: “Chippiwai came.” Both the Jaw and the Jaw Variant counts show a man in a small four-wheeled wagon or cart. In the Jaw Variant count he is wearing a red coat or shirt.® The pictograph probably refers to a visit of the Plains-Ojibwa— Plains-Cree mixbloods. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year ‘1870’ (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). 1871-72 Buue Taunper: “White man got killed by Dakota. ‘Brain’ killed him.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Brings Back’ shot a white man winter.” Buuge THunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘White man killed by ‘Brain.’”” The Blue Thunder count and Blue Thunder Variants I, IT, and III show a man dressed in white man’s clothing, with, however, long black hair and a wawéslata wandpin or bone hair-pipe necklace. He has an arrow protruding from a wound in his side. The No Two Horns count shows substantially the same, but pictures the man with short hair and without the Indian necklace. Hieu Doe: “Little Crow, a chief died.”” The Dakota text reads “Kangi cigalata (Kangi cigala t’a lit. Crow little he-died).” Swrr1 Dog: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a black bird. 6 The present writer believes that the red coat is to carry the idea of ‘‘Sa’’, or scarlet, in the word Sagd4Sa, which is the word commonly used by the Dakota to designate Canadians. The word is apparently a loan word in Dakota, probably from some Algonquian language. Present-day Dakota have a folk method of “analyzing’”’ unfamiliar words by splitting them into their component syllables. This works fine with Dakota words, but, of course, is invalid in the case of borrowed words, in this case, for example, where the Sagd4sa is depicted with a red coat merely because the last syllable of his group’s name happens to be the same as the Dakota word for “scarlet.”” For a similar instance of this sort see the High Dog and Swift Dog counts for the year 1814-15. 394 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 JAW AND JAW VARIANT: ‘‘Chase horses around the camp.” Both counts show a tipi with hoofprints circling it. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year ‘1871’ (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). Vestal mentions that the Crow stole nearly all of the Dakota horses during this raid (ibid., pp. 171-172). 1872-73 BuuE THunpeEr: “ ‘Two Bears’ went to Washington. Came back. Went to war. ‘Standing Bull’ (Buffalo) got killed by another Wice- yelo or Hohe maybe. Clashed over policy to Whites.” No Two Horns: ‘“ ‘Standing Buffalo’ killed by some one unknown. Up north on a river place... .” Buus THUNDER Variants I, IT, and Ill: “ “fwo Bears’ at Wash-ton [Washington, JH] when he got back, a battle and ‘Standing Bull’ killed by another Wiciyela.”” The Blue Thunder count and Blue Thunder Variants I, JI, and III show an anthropomorphic figure with a bison’s head. He is represented as being wounded. No Two Horns merely shows a wounded bison standing on its rear feet. Hicu Doe: ‘‘Turning Bear killed a Crow who came to his tent to fight.”” The Dakota text reads “Mato kawige ti hi wankte (Mato- kawinge tt hi wan kte lit. Bear-turning-to-recline lodge came a he- killed).” Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts show a mounted man counting coup on a man who is not mounted and who wears the ‘‘enemy”’ hairdress. The mounted man has the name symbol of a bear. JAW AND JAW Variant: ‘Crow Kiil on White Horse.” Both the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a wounded man who is wearing the “enemy” hairdress and is mounted on a white horse. The Jaw Variant count shows the man to be scalped and with a feathered coup stick touching his head. White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, pp. 268-269) and Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934b, p. 350) refer to an enemy on a horse, identified as a Crow by White Bull, being killed, for the year ‘‘1872.” 1873-74 Buve Taunper: “Boy soldier, ‘Bad Bird,’—Sioux Scout got killed by white man at Fort Rice.”” No Two Horns: ‘The whites killed Bad Bird Winter.” Buur Tounper Variants I, II, and III: “ ‘Bad Bird’ ‘Big Soldier’ Sioux Scout killed by Whitemen (Rice).”’ All of the above counts show a man wearing a soldier’s uniform who is wounded. The name symbol of a bird is above his head. He wears a hat in the Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant II, and III counts, but in the Blue Thunder Variant I count he wears a small feather ‘‘dream headdress” at the back of his head. Hieu Doe: ‘A Crow stole a white horse from someone.” The al pena: DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 395 Dakota text reads “Ika colo tawa wan eyayapi ([kdn-ééla tinwan wan iydyapi lit. Rope-without reins a they-went-away).” Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Both counts show a white horse with a rope about its neck. Jaw AND Jaw VaRIANT: “Five Canadian kill.” Both counts show a circle with small heads inside. There are rifle flashes and on the Jaw Variant count horses hoofprints. Five heads are shown on the Jaw count, and they are represented as Indians. Four heads are shown on the Jaw Variant count, and they are represented as whites or mixbloods, as they wear hats. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives the year “1873” as the year in which the Dakota fought with the Red River mixbloods (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). This event is men- tioned by White Bull as well, also for “‘1873,’”’ but is not used in the name of the year (ibid., 1934 a, p. 269). 1874-76 Buiuz THunper: “ ‘Rain-in-the-Face’ and Big Bear or Tom Hannan in prison at Fort Abraham Lincoln. Rain in the Face not known much before this time.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Rain in the Face’ (Itomagaju) [Ité-o-magazu, JH] was prisoner at Fort Abraham Lincoln.” Buiuse THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Rain-In-The- Face & Two Horns (Wopepe) prisoners.” All of the above counts show an Indian man with a small rain cloud above his head which is raining down on his upturned face. He wears leg irons. Hiex Doe: “A fat Crow Indian was killed by the Sioux... .” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Toka cepa wan kte pi (Toka ¢épa wan ktépi lit. Enemy fat a they-killed).”” Swirr Doc: Ne interpretation. Jaw: “Fat crow Indian kill.” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the “‘enemy” hairdress. There was apparently no indication of the man’s obesity on either count originally, but at some late date someone has drawn a few extra lines, apparently to show his fatness, on the High Dog count. The Jaw count shows a fat man who has been scalped. The Jaw Variant count omits this year, probably due to an oversight in the copying, as the pictographs for this year and the following year are quite similar on the Jaw count. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count mentions the fat Crow’s death for the year “1874” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). 1875-76 BiuE TuHunper: “Found keg of whiskey at Fort Yates place, near the shore. Made a council and drank it all up. Many drunk.” No Two Horns: “Found a barrel of whiskey. Had a good time.” Buue THunper Variants J, II, and III: “They found a barrel of whiskey near store at Yates, Had a council and drank it all up. Knew whiskey well, Lots of it before, I drink and was drunk.” 396 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Blue Thunder and No Two Horns show a keg of whiskey set on end with whiskey flowing from a bunghole into a cup. Blue Thunder Variants I, IJ, and III merely show a keg, a jug, and a cup in asso- ciation. White Bull mentions whiskey for the year “1875” but does not include it in the name for the year (ibid., 1934 a, p. 269). He states that it was given to the treaty party which signed the Black Hills treaty, and that they were drunk in order to get them to sign. Hieu Doe: “In early summer we were visited by Appache [sic, JH] Indians who rode white horses. . . .”” The Dakota text reads simply ‘“Sunka ska hi kin (lit. Dog white came the).””, Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw anp Jaw Variant: ‘White dog came.” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man wearing the “‘enemy”’ hairdress who has the name symbol of a white dog above his head. The Jaw count shows a man who is wearing the ‘‘enemy” hairdress and is represented as having been scalped. The Jaw Variant count shows the same, but has the name symbol of a brown horse above his head in addition. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year ‘1875” gives a Dakota text almost identical with that given by High Dog, but interprets it “White Dog (Hohe chief) visits (and makes peace with the Sioux)”’ (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 350). The author believes this to be the correct interpretation of this year’s pictographs. 1876-77 Buve THunper: “Took all ponies away from Sioux by soldiers at Fort Yates.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Long Hair’ (Pehanska) killed by the Sioux.” Buus THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Took all ponies away.”’ Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and the Blue Thunder Variant II count show a white soldier who is mounted and carries a rifle or carbine. Below the horse are many hoofprints, indicating plurality. Blue Thunder Variants II and IIT show substantially the same but the man is dismounted and is leading the horse. The taking of horses from the Dakota is given for this year by the Flame and White-Cow-Killer (Mallery, 1886, p. 127). Custer’s death is mentioned by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, pp. 269-270) and in Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350) for the year ‘‘1876.” White Bull also mentions the taking of the horses but does not include it in the name of the year (ibid., 1934 a, pp. 269-270). Hies Doe: “Sitting Bull made a treaty with the French (half- bloods) in Canada.” The Dakota text reads ‘‘tatka iyota ke taku akilesa ob (Tatdnka-iyotake téku oglésa ob lit. Buffalo bull-sitting down something red-coats with).”” Swirrt Doa: No interpretation. Jaw AND JAW VARIANT: ‘Red Coats treaty.” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show an Indian with the name symbol of a bison head shaking hands with a white man wearing a red ca DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 397 coat. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts merely show a white man wearing a red coat. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives the treaty with the redcoats for the year “1877,” which, according to the arrangement of the previous years, refers to the winter of 1877-78 (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350). This would seem to be an error of duplication, as this count also gives the “Tong Hair Killed” event, using it for the previous year (ibid., 1934 b, p. 350). 1877-78 Buus TuHunper: “ ‘Lean Bear’ died in log house.’”’ No Two Horns: “ ‘Poor Bear’ died then winter.”’ Buiur THUNDER VARIANTS I, II, and III: “Lean Bear died in log cabin.” Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show an anthropomorphic bear. The “poor” or “lean” idea is suggested by drawing in the leg and rib bones, as if they were showing through the skin. No Two Horns merely shows a very thin bear. Hicu Dog: “One Star was killed by the Crows.”” The Dakota text reads “Wicagipi wanjila ktepi (Witénhpi wandila ktépi lit. Star only- one they-killed).’”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man with the name symbol of a star. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts give this event for the following year, as does Vestal’s Hunkpapa count (for the year 1879”) (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 351). JAW AND JAW VaRIANT: “hole in the Nose came.’”’ Both the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a man wearing the “‘enemy”’ hairdress who has a neat round hole in the side of his nose. This pictograph probably refers to the visit of the refugee Nez Percé to Sitting Bull’s camp after Chief Joseph’s defeat. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the year “1878” (ibid., pp. 350-351). 1878-79 Buus TuunpeEr: “Old ‘Two Bears’ die.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Two Bears’ a Chief dies winter.”” Buur Taunper Variants I, II, and III: “Old ‘Two Bear’ died.’”’ All of the above counts show a man with the name symbol of two bears heads. Hies Doe: “Little Bear was killed by the Crows.” The Dakota text reads ‘Mato cigalato ahiktepi (lit. Bear little-blue (?) they-came- and-killed).’”? Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a bear. He is represented as being scalped on the High Dog count, but not on the Swift Dog count. JAW AND JAW Variant: “Lone Star Kill.” Both counts show a wounded man. On the Jaw Variant count he is shown with the name symbol of a star above his head. He is also represented as being scalped on this count. The Jaw count shows an “x” on his chest 471762—60-——27 398 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 which may be either a star or a mark of bravery. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives Lone Star’s death for the year “1879” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 351). 1879-80 Buive Tuunper: “ ‘Crazy Walker’ sick. Carried in blanket and sick to another place and get well again.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Crazy Bear’ was carried on a blanket then... .” Buus THunpEr VaRi- ants I, II, and III: “They carried ‘Crazy Walker’ on a blanket, He was sick.’”’ The above counts show a man on a blanket with the name symbol of a bear above his head. The bear has wavy lines emanating from his nose. Such lines usually signify either “crazy” or “holy” in Dakota pictographs. Hies Doa: ‘“He-has-a-red-spear died.”” The Dakota text reads “tawahu kezalutata (Tawahitkeza-lita t’a lit. His-spear-red died).” Swirt Do«e: No interpretation. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a man with the name symbol of what appears to be a black arrow. JAW AND JAW VARIANT: “Horses disease.””? The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a horse with spots on its body, indicating mange or some such disease. Vestal’s Hunkpapa count gives this event for the yeer “1880” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 351). 1880-81 Buve Tuunper: “ ‘Broken Head’ made a big feast in winter time.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Cracks his Head’ gave a big feast known as win- ter.’ Buur THunperR Variants I, II, and III: “Broken Head made a big feast.”” The above counts show three figures seated in a tipi. On the Blue Thunder Variant III count a small figure has been drawn in beside the tipi, apparently at a later date. It appears to be a dog or a wolf, and seems to have no relationship to either this or the pre- ceding year’s pictograph. Hie Doe: Beede does not know what this year’s pictograph repre- sents. He believes that it may refer to Gall stopping a sun dance. The Dakota text reads ‘“‘Pizi ti. (lit. Gall’s lodge).” Judge Frank Zahn says that during this year Gall’s camp on the Tongue River was fired upon by soldiers. Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Jaw AND Jaw Variant: “Capture of Sitting Bull.” The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show a white soldier firing on an Indian tipi. Several rifle flashes are shown. The Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a group of tipis with rifle flashes and streaks as if bullets were intended to be shown. The author believes that Beede’s suggested interpretation is in- correct. Gall, himself an Indian, would hardly fire upon his own people to stop one of their religious ceremonies. Indeed, he is never ngheng: Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 399 recorded as having done so. Furthermore, at this time he was not in the employ of the Government. The Jaw interpretation seems quite false as well. Sitting Bull’s capture and death occurred in 1890, 10 years after the previous year’s pictograph. A hiatus of 10 years on this count would be quite diffi- cult to explain. One also wonders why no indication of Sitting Bull’s identity is made if the pictograph refers to his capture and death. The present writer feels that the pictographs on the High Dog, Swift Dog, Jaw, and Jaw Variant counts refer to Maj. Guido Ilges’ attack on the Dakota, which is given in Vestal’s Hunkpapa count for the year “1881” as “Sioux fired over” (Vestal, 1934 b, p. 351). The error in the title of the winter on the Jaw count can probably be at- tributed to the “educated boy”? who, Welch writes, made the titles of the winters. 1881-82 Buive THunper: ‘“ ‘Red Bow’ mother die.” No Two Horns: “Mother of ‘Red Bow’ die that time.”” Biur THunpER Variants I, II, and III: “ ‘Red Bear’s mother died.” The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, IJ, and III show a woman carrying a red bow. The No Two Horns count shows a woman in a red dress with a red bow above her as a name symbol. Hieu Doe: “Whiteman called White-Beard [Major McLaughlin, JH] led the hostiles to feel friendly toward the government.” The Dakota text reads ‘“‘Pehiska kin Napeyuzapi (Pehinska kin napéyuzapr White-beard the they-shook-his-hand).’”’ Swrrr Doe: No interpre- tation. The above two counts show a white man and an Indian shaking hands. JAW AND JAW VaRIAntT (closing date of both counts and of the Jaw interpretation): ‘‘Thirty five years since Sioux came to Standing Rock.”? Both the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts show a representation of the well-known ‘‘Standing Rock” monument which stands opposite the Superintendent’s residence in Fort Yates at the present time. On the Jaw Variant count the date ‘‘1881” is inscribed on the base on which the stone is set. Beneath the Jaw pictograph for this year are 35 vertical marks which seem to explain the title given to this year’s event by the “educated boy.” This year’s interpretation seems to correlate with White Bull’s count for the year “1881” which states ‘“They Stop at Standing Rock to Camp for the Winter” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 270). Both the Jaw and Jaw Variant counts end with this year, unless we wish to state that the vertical marks, one of which seems to have been added for each year after the last pictograph was drawn, are worthy of considera- tion as year pictographs. Since the Jaw count spirals inward and 400 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 there is little space left in the center, this device may have been re- sorted to merely for lack of space. Another possible explanation is that the maker may have thought that since the tribe was on the reservation and the old life gone forever, there was really nothing left worth noting except the passage of time. If each vertical mark is considered as a year the closing date of the Jaw count is 1916-17. 1882-838 Buve Tuunper: “ ‘Little Bird’ die suddenly.”” No Two Horns: “Little Bird’ die fast. Quick.” Buiur THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Little Bird died suddenly.” The above counts show an Indian man carrying a tomahawk. Above his head is the name symbol of a bird. Hicu Doe: ‘White Beard went on a buffalo hunt with the Indians.” The Dakota text reads ‘“Pehi ska kici wanasapi (Pehin-ska kié&i wandsapi lit. Beard-white together-with they-hunted-buffalo).” Swirt Doa: No interpretation. The last two counts show a white man on horseback shooting at a buffalo with a rifle. 1883-84 Buure Tuunper: “ ‘Red Bull’ die suddenly.” No Two Horns: “Red Bull’ was died winter.” Biur THunprer Variants I, II, and III: ‘‘Red Bull died suddenly.”” The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant I, IJ, and III counts show an anthropomorphic figure with the head and upper body of a red bison. No Two Horns merely shows a red bison. Hieu Doe: “Three Crow Indians came to visit them as friends.”’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Kangi wicasa 3 hipi (lit. Crow men three they-came).”’ Both counts show three men wearing the “enemy” hairdress. On the High Dog count, apparently by mistake, the men are represented as being scalped. 1884-85 Buiur Tuunver: “Old man ‘Red Hail’ daughter die.” No Two Horns: ‘Daughter of Red Hail die then. No Two Horns own sister.” 7 Buur THunper Variants I, II, and III: ‘Red Hawk’s daughter died.’ All of the above counts show a woman carrying a handbag with the name symbol of a red hailstone above her head. Hicu Doe: “Little Crow died.’”? The Dakota text reads “kangi cigalata (Kangi-cik’ala t’a lit. Crow-little died).’”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a black bird. Perhaps this was another name for Crow King, whose death is recorded by White Bull for the year ‘‘1884”’ (Vestal, 1934 a, 7 By using the term ‘‘own sister’? No Two Horns indicates that this woman was actually his sister and not a parallel cousin, also called ‘‘sister’’ in Dakota. oa eae DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 401 p. 270). High Hawk gives ‘Black Crow died,’’ for the year ‘'1884” (Curtis, 1908, p. 181). 1885-86 Buue TxHunpER: “‘No Two Horn’ made big feast in winter.” No Two Horns: “No Two Horns gave big feast in honor of his sister who died last winter time. All the people came. He has much beef and game. .... ” Buve Tuounper Variants I, II, and III: “‘No Two Horns made a big feast (winter).’’ All of the above counts show a tipi with three people inside. The No Two Horns count shows a buffalo inside the tipi. It is indicated as being hornless by two lines drawn from the place where the horns would be and connected in front of the animal’s head. Blue Thunder Variants I and II show the buffalo outside the tipi. On these counts the hornlessness is also shown in the above manner, but since the buffalo is outside the tipi the pictograph also functions as a name symbol. The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III counts merely show a buffalo outside the tipi, making no note of its being without horns. Hien Doe: “An old warrior named died.” The Dakota text reads “CCeta [sic, JH] wahacakata (Cetén-wahacanka t’a lit. Hawk-shield died).”” Swirr Doc: No interpretation. The pictographs on these two counts are almost identical with those used for the preceding year, the difference being only in the color of the man’s shirt. Again a man is shown with a black bird as his name symbol. Perhaps this man was Flying-by, whose death is recorded for the year “‘1885”’ by White Bull (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 270). 1886-87 Buus Tuunper: “ “Three Thigh’ die. Brother of ‘Two Bears.’ ”’ No Two Horns: “ “Three Legs’ died then.”’ Biur THuNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘2 Bears brother Three thighs died.” Atl of the above counts show a man with three legs. Hieu Doe: “Good Elk died.” The Dakota text reads ‘“heraka howaste ta (Helidka-howdste t’a lit. Male-elk-good-voice he-died).” Swirt Doa: No interpretation. The last two counts show a man with the name symbol of an elk. 1887-88 Buvue Tuunpver: “ ‘Fool Bear’ living in dance hall... .’ No Two Horns: “ ‘Fool Bear’ lived in a dance hall then. He did not die.” Buur THunpirR Variants I, II, and III: ‘Fool Bear lived in an old dance hall.”” The above counts show a man in a log cabin who wears a Grass dance costume, including the porcupine and deer- tail roach headdress. In the earlier years of these counts, this head- dress was used to indicate an Omaha ora Ponca, but here it is used 402 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 merely to indicate that the man was a dancer, or living in a dance hall. Inthe No Two Horns count there is a dance drum in the cabin as well. Living in dance halls was supposed to be dangerous, ac- cording to a note by Welch accompanying this count. Hien Doe: ‘Four Horns died.”” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Hetopa ta (lit. Horns-four died).’’ Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with four horns on his head. The death of this man, who was Sitting Bull’s uncle, is noted by White Bull for the year ‘‘1884”’ but is not given as the name of this year (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 270). 1885-89 Buus Tuunper: ‘ ‘Frosted Red Fish’ prisoner at Fort Yates by soldiers.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Hagle Claw’ was a prisoner at Man- dan.”’ (Note by Welch “This was another name for Frosted Red Fish.”) Buus Tuunper Variants I, II, and III]: ‘Frosted Red- Fish prisoner at Yates (Soldiers).”” The above counts show an Indian with a leg shackle and a ball and chain. He has the name symbol of an eagle claw above his head. Hicu Doc: ‘There was an eclipse of the sun ‘The sun turned black and died.’”’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wisapata (Wi-sdépa Va lit. Moon (or sun) black died).””, Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a black crescent. It appears that Beede’s interpretation for this year’s event was merely a very poor guess. Black Moon was a man’s name, and in this year he died. Black Moon’s death is noted by White Bull for the year ‘1888’ although it is not used as the name of the year (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 271). This man was Sitting Bull’s uncle. 1889-90 BuvE Tuunprer: “ ‘Cotton Wood’, Yanktonaise Chief, died.” No Two Horns: ‘ ‘Cottonwood’ died winter.” BLur THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘‘Cotton Wood Chief died.”” The above counts show a man with the name symbol of a tree. In the Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts he is standing erect. In Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III he is reclining. Hiceu Doe: ‘A woman was killed by a tree falling on her.” The Dakota text reads “kowakata el winyawicaka (Kodkatan el winyan wicdktept lit. Over-there at woman they-killed).” Swirr Doe: No interpretation. The last two counts show a drawing of a woman. On the Swift Dog count she seems to have a representation of a wound on her body, but this is not clearly drawn. 1890-91 Buve Tuunver: “Sitting Bull got killed . . .”’ No Two Horns: “Sitting Bull’ got killed that time.’ Biuz THunpER VARIANTS Anathaon- jap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 403 I, II, and III: ‘‘S [Sitting, JH] Bull killed (Dec. 15, 1890).” Hier Doe: ‘Sitting Bull was slayn.”” The Dakota text reads “tata ka iyotake kte pi (Tatdnka-iyotake ktepi lit. Buffalo-bull-sitting-down they-killed).”” Swirr Doe: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant counts II and ITI show a wounded buffalo who is represented as sitting down. Blue Thunder Variant I shows an anthropomorphic buffalo, wounded and in a sitting position. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts show an Indian with the name symbol of a bison head who is being fired upon by a man dressed in a uniform. The death of Sitting Bull is given by White Bull for the year “1890” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 271). Famous though Sitting Bull was, none of the other counts which were examined, and which include this year, mention his death. 1891-92 Buur Taunper: “Draw money first time. $3.00 each person.” No Two Horns: “First money paid to us by the Government $3000 each one.” Bruun THunpmer Variants I, IJ, and III: ‘Had a money payment of $3.00 each.”” The above counts show a small house with an Indian beside it. Inside or near the house are three round objects, probably representing silver dollars. The amusing discrepancy in the No Two Horns interpretation can be explained by the fact that on this count a dollar sign, resembling a figure ‘‘3”’ is drawn in front of the three objects, making it appear that they are aughts, and that the whole is the number ‘3000’. HieH Doe: ‘He-has-a-spotted-horse died.’ The Dakota text reads ‘‘Tasunke heratotata (Tastinke-hin-hota (?) ?a lit. His-horse- hair-grey (?) died).’”’ Swirr Dog: No interpretation. Beede seems to have erred once more with the interpretation of this year’s picto- graph. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a white (gray) horse. 1892-93 Buivur TuunpEeR: ‘‘Draw money second time. $40.00 each one for ponies taken away.” No Two Horns: ‘Second time we get money. Paid us $9.00 for our horses...’ Buus THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘$40.00 each for ponies taken before.” The above counts show pictographs similar to those of the previous year, but with more round objects in the ‘‘disbursing house.” In the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant II counts 10 silver dollars are shown. No Two Horns shows 9. Blue Thunder Variant I shows 16 and Blue Thunder Variant III shows 13. White Bull gives this event for the year “1893” (Vestal, 1934 a, p. 271). Hicu Doa: ‘Horse Shoe died.”” The Dakota text reads ‘“Shunka mazata (Stinka-maza t’a lit. Dog-iron died).’”’ Swirt Doc: No in- 404 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 terpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a horse or a dog. The drawing seems to resemble a dog more closely than a horse. Judge Frank Zahn confirmed the above translation of the Dakota text, stating that “Iron Dog’”’ died at this time. 1893-94 Buus Tuunper: “Boy, 12 winters old dragged to death. Got killed. Name ‘Money.’’’? No Two Horns: “ ‘Money Boy’ dragged to death at Mandan Fair.””. Biuur THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Boy dragged and killed.’”’ All of the above counts show a boy being dragged behind a running horse. His name symbol, a few round objects representing silver dollars, is shown by his head in all but the Blue Thunder Variant I count. Hien Doe: ‘‘He-has-a-red-spear died.”” The Dakota text reads “Tawahu kezaluta ta (Tawahtkeza-lita t’a lit. His-spear-red he- died).’””. Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of ared spear. Judge Zahn suggests that this man was probably the son of the person of this same name whose death is recorded for the year 1879-80. 1894-95 Buiure TuHunper: “ ‘Carry His Lodge on Back’ die.” No Two Horns: “ ‘His arm cut off’ died.”” This man was H. S. Parkins of Cannon Ball.” [This year seems to be inverted with the following year in the interpretation of the No Two Horns count, JH.] Buus THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: ““Man named ‘Carry Tent’ died.” The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show a man with an erected tipi on his back. Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show a man carrying what appears to be a folded tipi cover on his back and carrying the tipi poles in his arms. Hiceu Doa: “Chief Gall died.”” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Pizita (Pizi t’a lit. Gall died).”” Swirr Dog: No interpretation. The above counts show a man with two large horns on his head. This is the correct year for Gall’s death (1894). 1895-96 Buus Tuunper: “White Man, H. S. Parkin, die at Cannon Ball.” No Two Horns: “Carry the Lodge died then.”’ [The interpretation for this year seems to be inverted with that for the preceding year, JH.] Buus Taunper Variants I, II, and III: “H. S. Parkin died (95).”’ All of the above counts show a representation of a white man who carries a cane and has one arm missing. Hien Doe: “A woman was burned to death in her home.” The Dakota text reads “‘Winya wan ili kin (Winyan wan ile kin lit. Woman a burned the).’”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts merely show a woman beside a tipi. OCS DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 405 1896-97 Buve Tuunper: ‘Son of Chief Big Head die.”” No Two Horns: ‘“« ‘Stabbed’ has a hemorrage and died that time.”” Briur THUNDER Variants J, II, and III: ‘ ‘Paz ipa’ [Pazipa-stabbed, JH] son of ‘Big Head’ died.”’ All of the above counts show a man bleeding from the mouth. Blue Thunder Variants I and II seem to show his head slightly larger in proportion to his body than are the heads of the other figures in the count. The No Two Horns count shows an arm behind the man’s back, stabbing him with a knife. This is apparently his name symbol. Hien Dosa: ‘A sickness caused pimples on people’s heads.”? The Dakota text reads ‘‘Pa wica yuksapi (Pa witdyuksapi lit. Head they- caused-to-be-broken-off (a hanging)).”’ Swirr Doe: No interpre- tation. Both counts show three figures. One is attached to a pole or tree by a rope around his neck. This year’s pictograph probably refers to the locally famous Spicer murder. Three Indians killed a white man who would not give them whiskey. They were later ap- prehended, tried, found guilty, and hanged. 1897-98 Buve TuHunper: “ ‘Holy Soul’ die.” No Two Horns: “Tooth Pick’ died winter.” Buus THunprER Variants I, II, and III: ‘ ‘Holy Soul’ died.”” The above counts show an Indian with a pipe and a pipe bag in one hand and holding a long thin object, perhaps an eagle bone whistle or a piece of wood to his mouth with the other. Hieu Doa: ‘A woman once taken captive from the Crows and al- ways living with them died.’”’ The Dakota text reads however “Kangi wiyakata (Kangi-wiyaka t’a lit. Crow-feather he-died).’”? The pictographs on both counts show a man with a red and black feather as a name symbol. Beede evidently interpreted the word wiyaka, feather, as waydka, a slave or a captive. 1898-99 Buve Tuunper: “ ‘Louse Bear’ hung himself.’”” No Two Horns: ‘*“ Tiouse Bear’ died then winter.”” Buur THunprErR Variants I, II, and III: “Louse Bear hanged himself.’”’ The above counts show a man in uniform, perhaps an Indian police uniform, with the name symbol of a bear covered with conventionalized lice. Hieu Doa: “Spotted Bear died.’”” The Dakota text reads, how- ever, “mato cuwiyukisa ta (Maté-cuwiyiksa ta lit. Bear-broken-in- two-at-the-pleura died).’’? Perhaps this is ‘‘Half-body-bear.” Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of half a bear. The Blue Thunder group of counts gives the death of Half-body-bear for the year 1915-16, but perhaps there were two persons of this name. 406 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 1899-1900 Buvue Tuunper: “ ‘Grey Bear’ playing hockey, drops dead at Mandan Fair.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Grey Bear’ died while playing shinny at the Mandan Fair.” Biur Tounprer Variants I, II, and III: ‘Gray Bear dropped dead playing shinny at Mandan.” All of the above counts show a man with the name symbol of a gray bear carrying a shinny stick and with a shinny ball in front of him. Hieu Doe: “Hawk Shield died.”” The Dakota text reads “Teta wahacanka ta (Cétan-wahacanka t’a lit. Hawk-Shield he-died).”” Swirr Dog: No interpretation. The last two counts show a man with the name symbol of a feathered shield with a picture of a bird upon it. The reader will note that for the year 1885-86 a man named Hawk- shield is recorded as dying. In case one of these two interpretations is misplaced, the pictograph accompanying this year’s text would indi- cate that this is the true year of this man’s death. It is entirely pos- sible, of course, that there were two men of this same name, perhaps father and son. 1900-01 Buure Tuunper: “ ‘Worth Hat’ got burned in bed.””’ No Two Horns: “‘ ‘Wear Bonnet’ got something he thought was kerosene. It was gasoline and it killed two families that time.” Biur THUNDER Variants IJ, II, and III: ‘“‘Wears Hat burned in his bed.”” The above counts show a man who wears a feather warbonnet. Hiexw Doe: ‘Good Elk died.’”’” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Heraka wawaste ta (Helidka-wowdste (howaste, ?, JH) #’a lit. Maleelk-good- ness (or good-voiced?) he-died).”” Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts show an elk with a forked line emanating from his mouth. This seems to indicate that this is the true year of Good-voiced-elk’s death and that the Dakota interpretation for the year 1886-87 has been misplaced. Again, however, there could have been two men of this name. 1901-02 Buus Tuunper: “ ‘Hat’, a policeman, dies suddenly.’”? No Two Horns: “ ‘Bonnet’ Red Tomahawk’s brother died winter.””’ BiuE THuNDER Variants J, II, and III: “Hat, a policeman died.” The above counts show a man wearing an Indian policeman’s uniform and badge, plus and eagle feather warbonnet. Hiex Doa: ‘Bull Head died.” The Dakota text reads ‘“Tataka pa ta (Taténka-pa t’a lit. Buffalo-bull-head he-died).’”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a bison’s head. No. 61 Roped bap, DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 407 1902-03 Buiue Tuunper: “ ‘Grey Bear’ got hurt. Broke leg. Cut it off, died.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Grey Bear’ Police his leg cut off then.” Buive THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Gray Bear police, broke leg, cut off, he died.”” The above counts show a man wearing an Indian police uniform who has one leg missing. The name symbol of a bear is shown over the man’s head. Hicu Doc: “Buffalo Ghost died.” The Dakota text reads ‘“‘Tataka wamayl ta (Taténka-wandgi t’a lit. Buffalo-bull-ghost he-died).’ Swirt Doc: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a bison above his head. 1903-04 Buvue THunper: “ ‘Little Dog’ die.’ No Two Horns: “ ‘Little Dog’ died winter.” Biur THunper Variants I, IJ, and III: “Little Dog died.”” The above counts show a dog with long ears. Hieu Doe: “A star died (disappeared).’”’ The Dakota text reads “Wicaripi wanjila ta (Widénkpi-wanZila t’a lit. Star-only one he-died).”’ Swirt Doe: No interpretation. The last two counts show a repre- sentation of a star. The author believes that this was a man’s name and that he died during this year. Beede obviously thought that this year’s event referred to some astronomical phenomenon. 1904-05 Bivue Tuunper: “ ‘White Eagle’ died at Berthold, visiting.” No Two Horns: “ ‘White Eagle’ and old man died. (Father of Richard White Eagle.)’”) Briur Taounprer Variants I, II, and III: ‘White Eagle died at Berthold.” The above counts show a man with the name symbol of a large bird. Hieu Doa: ‘Beaver Shield died.”” The Dakota text reads ‘‘waha- cakasapa ta (Wdhacdnka-sapa t’a lit. Shield-black he-died).”” Swirr Doc: No interpretation. The above counts show a man with the name symbol of a feathered black shield. Beede evidently mistook the word saépa, black, for cipa, a beaver. The man’s name was Black- shield according to Judge Zahn, who remembers the event. 1905-06 Buus Tuunper: “ ‘Black Bear’ policeman, killed by Asst. Farmer, Bristow.”” No Two Horns: “ ‘Bear Blacking Himself’ shot that winter.” Buur THunper Variants I, II, and III: “ ‘Black Bear’ killed by Bristow (?).”” Blue Thunder and the Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III show a man wearing a policeman’s uniform with the name symbol of a black bear above him. No Two Horns shows a white bear standing on his hind feet and smearing himself with black paint. The bear wears a police badge. 408 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 Hieu Dose: ‘Rain-in-the-face died.”” The Dakota text reads “Ite amorojie ta (lté-o-magdzu ta lit. Face-upon-it-rains he-died).” Swirt Doe: No interpretation. The pictograph on these two counts is puzzling. Both show a man with the name symbol of a man’s head. The head in the name symbol wears the “‘enemy” hairdress. Whether this refers to Rain-in-the-face or to some other individual is uncertain. 1906-07 Buus Tounper: “Joe Tomahawk shot himself, suicide.” (Note— Son of Marcellus Red Tomahawk, famous Sihasapa, W).”’ No Two Horns: ‘Son of Marcellus Red Tomahawk kills himself.’ Buun THUNDER Variants I, II, and III: ‘““Young Hawk’s boy Joe suicided.”’ All of the above counts show a man with the name symbol of a red tomahawk. In the No Two Horns counts he is bent over a rifle which he is apparently discharging into his own face. Hieu Dosa: ‘Feather Hawk died.’”’ The Dakota text reads ‘Teta wakiyata (Cétan-wakinyan t’a lit. Hawk-thunder he-died).” Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a bird from which a forked line emanates. This line usu- ally means “‘crazy” or “holy” in Dakota pictographs, but in this case probably symbolizes thunder and lightning. Beede probably mistook the word wakinyan, thunder or lightning, for wiyaka, a feather. 1907-08 Buus Tuunper: ‘ ‘Harth,’ mother of Frosted Red Fish, die.” No Two Horns: “ ‘Eagle Claw’ woman of Red Fish, dies now.” Buus THUNDER Variants I, II, andIII: ‘‘ ‘Frosted Redfishes’ mother died (Maka [Earth, JH]).’”’ All of the above counts show a woman with the name symbol of an eagle claw. Frosted-red-fish’s alternate name was Hagle-claw, according to Welch (note accompanying interpreta- tion of No Two Horns count, 1888-89), and the eagle claw is his name symbol, not that of his mother. Hiex Doe: “‘His-horse-reers died.”’ The Dakota text reads “‘tasuke lyake ta (Tastinke-inyanka ta His-horse-runs he-died).” Swirr Dog: No interpretation. Both counts show a man with the name symbol of a running horse. 1908-09 Buve Tuunper: “ “Two Bears’ mother die.’”” No Two Horns: ‘“‘Mother of Two Bears died winter.” Buiur TuHunper Variants I, II, and IIT: ‘‘2 Bears mother died.”” The above counts show a woman with the name symbol of two bears’ heads. Hicu Doe: ‘There was an issue of horses.’”? The Dakota text reads ‘‘Syacukaske suwakipamin ([nyan-tunkaske Sinka-wakpamni lit. Rock-fence horse-issue).’””’ Swirr Doa: No interpretation. Both counts depict a horse. The pictograph for this year refers to a Gov- sor pela DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 409 ernment issue of horses which took place at ‘‘Rock fence place”’ south of Fort Yates, according to Judge Zahn. 1909-10 Buve Tuunper: “ ‘Fly Cloud’ prisoner at Fort Yates.””’ No Two Horns: “ ‘Flying Cloud’ was a prisoner at Mandan winter.” BuiuE THuNDER Variants J, II, and III: “Flying Cloud a prisoner.”” The above counts show a man wearing leg shackles and a ball and chain with the name symbol of a cloud above him. ‘This cloud seems to be sprouting wings in the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III counts. It has definitely sprouted them in the No Two Horns count. Hieu Doa: ‘There was a comet.”” The Dakota text reads ‘‘Wica gipi wan ile yahan (Wiédnligi wan ile yahan lit. Star a burning went- along).’”’ Swirr Doe: No interpretation. Both counts show a star or comet with a fiery tail. This was Halley’s comet, visible during the years 1908-11, and appearing brightest from April 19, 1910, to June 19 of the same year. 1910-11 Buus Tuunper: “‘High Bear’ Chief, die.’ No Two Horns: “““Tall Bear’ die. A chief one time. (Capt. I. P. Paker given his name.)” Buur THunper Variants I, II, and III: “Chief ‘High Bear’ died.’”’ Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variants I, II, and III show a man with the name symbol of a bear. No Two Horns merely shows a bear with very long legs (i. e. “Tall Bear’). Hieu Doe: “Buffalo Fool died.”” The Dakota text reads ‘Tata ka witko ta (Zatdénka-witko ta lit. Buffalo-bull-crazy he-died).” Swirt Doc: No interpretation. The last two counts show a man with the name symbol! of a buffalo. 1911-12 Buue THunper: “‘Half Body Bear’ died.” No Two Horns Interpretation missing for this year. Buus THUNDER VARIANTS I, II, and III: ‘‘Half-body Bear died.’”” The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant counts I, II, and III show an anthropomorphic creature the upper half of which is a bear. No Two Horns shows a bear with a red line dividing it in half. The High Dog and Swift Dog counts mention the death of ‘“Bear-cut-in-half” for the year 1898-99. Hiecx Doe (this is the last year for this count and its interpreta- tion): ‘Children had measles and the same year a star burned out.” The Dakota texts (there are two of them) read ‘“‘Wakaheja nasilipi Wakdnhea naslipi lit. Children epidemic),”’ and ‘‘Wicarpi wan ileyo u kin (Widénhpi wan wléya u kin lit. Star a burning came the).””. Swirr Doge (this is the last year for this count): No interpretation. Both 410 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 counts show a star or meteor with a flaming tail. The High Dog count shows a person with spots on his body as well. 1912-13 Buiuse THuNDER: “Red Dog’s wife died.”” [This interpretation does not fit the picture on the count, JH.}] No Two Horns: ‘Siaka [Siyaka (?) Teal-duck, JH] ‘Scares the Eagle’ died winter.”” BuiuE THUNDER Variants I, II, and III (the Blue Thunder Variant counts I and II end here): ‘‘Red Dog’s wife died.”” The Blue Thunder count shows a man with the name symbol of a large bird in flight. No Two Horns shows a similar picture, but the man is running. Blue Thunder Variants I and III show a man with an eagle name symbol, similar to the Blue Thunder count. Blue Thunder Variant II shows an anthropomorphic figure, the top half of which is a red dog. Blue Thunder Variants I and II end with this year. The parts of the Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III counts which were drawn in ink by the original artist or artists end here as well. The Blue Thunder and Blue Thunder Variant III counts continue, but after this year the work is apparently the work of several different people. On the whole this later work is either very inferior or else the work of someone who was quite acculturated and sketched in the European manner. On the Blue Thunder count the figures after this year are drawn with a soft pencil and colored with wax crayons, and have become badly smudged. 1918-14 Buvuse Tuunper: ‘This year call him ‘When the soldier was adopted’ winter.” A note by Welch reads ‘‘Note—This was the adoption ceremonies of A. B. Welch.” [This is obviously incorrect. There are five pictographs on this count before the one in which Welch appears, JH.] (The interpretation of the Blue Thunder count ends here, although the pictographs continue.) No Two Horns: “Wife of Grey Bear had a bleeding. She died.” Biur THuNDER VaRIANTS I, II, and III (Blue Thunder Variants I and II, which this interpre- tation supposedly accompanies, ended with the previous year. The interpretation, however, continues for 1 year longer.): ‘‘Mrs. Parkins died.” The Blue Thunder, No Two Horns, and Blue Thunder Variant III counts all picture a woman. The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts have the name symbol of a bear above her head. The Blue Thunder Variant III count does not show this but has a printed inscription underneath the pictograph reading “Mrs. Mato hota [Grey-bear, JH].’’ Perhaps this woman’s Christian name was ‘‘Mrs. Parkins.” Antoron Pap. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 411 1913-14 Buvue Tuunper: No interpretation. No Two Horns: ‘White Eagle’s Woman was run over by a train at Mandan.” Biur THUNDER Variant IIT: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder count shows a woman with the name symbol of a white eagle. No Two Horns shows a graphic scene in which a woman is lying beside a railroad track. The locomotive which is on the track has literally cut her in two. The Blue Thunder Variant JII count shows a woman with the name symbol of a white eagle. On this bird’s body is printed ‘“‘White Eagle.” 1914-15 Buue Tuunper: No interpretation. No Two Horns: ‘‘Good Crow’s’ woman died then.”” Biur THuNpDrER VaRiAnt III: No inter- pretation. The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show a woman with the name symbol of a black bird. The Blue Thunder Variant III count shows this as well, but in addition a man who appar- ently has a shriveled leg. He stands behind the woman. 1915-16 Buiur Tuunper: No interpretation. No Two Horns: “ ‘Holy Bear’ die then.”” Biur THUNDER Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder count shows a man with the name symbol of a bear. Wavy lines emanate from the bear’s nose, probably carrying the idea of “holy.”” No Two Horns shows a man wearing a warbonnet and carrying a sword who has a name symbol similar to that in the preced- ing count. Blue Thunder Variant III shows an anthropomorphic figure, the top half of which is a bear. Wavy lines emanate from this creature’s nose. 1916-17 Buvre Tuunper: No interpretation. No Two Horns: “ ‘Bent Horn’ winter die.” Biur THUNDER VARIANT III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder count shows a man with a name symbol of a bison’s head. This bison has extremely long curved horns. No Two Horns shows a man with the name symbol of a pair of long curved bison horns. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a man in white man’s clothing who has the name symbol of a bird above him. This count is probably recording a different event. 1917-18 Buivuse THunver: No interpretation. No Two Horns: “ ‘Mato Watakpe’ (Charging Bear) returns from over the Ocean War winter. Many ceremonies then.” Brug THuNnpER VARIANTIII: No interpre- tation. The Blue Thunder count shows a man in an elaborate Indian chief’s costume who has the name symbol of a bear above his head. Wavy lines emanate from the nose of the bear. No Two Horns shows 412 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 a similar picture, but there are no wavy lines coming from the bear’s muzzle. These two counts, and perhaps the Blue Thunder Variant III count as well, refer to the adoption ceremonies in which Major A. B. Welch, of Mandan, N. Dak., was made a member of the Dakota tribe. Welch was given the name “‘Charging Bear’ by the Dakota. Among other honors Welch was formally instated in the Canté T’inza or Strong-heart warrior society. The Blue Thunder Variant III count shows a man in soldier’s uniform holding a rifle at port arms. He is represented as being wounded in the arm and the right leg. The words “Tatanka nasin [Tatanka-nazin lit. Buffalo-bull-standing, JH]” are written under the pictograph. 1918-19 Buus Tuunper: No interpretation. No Two Horns: “ ‘Strikes Many’ die that time winter.” Birur THuNnper Variant III: No in- terpretation and apparently no pictograph. The Blue Thunder count shows a man who has been wounded several times on the body. Around him are what are apparently representations of Indian quirts (signifying the name ‘“‘Many-strikes’’?). No Two Horns shows a similar scene. Blue Thunder Variant III seems to omit a year here, as the “Silk” incident is the next one given. This “Silk” pictograph is labeled ‘‘1920” which seems to place it with the counts for the next year 1919-20 BuiuE TuuNnper: No interpretation, and apparently no pictograph. No Two Horns: “ ‘Silk’ accidentally shot his woman in the head. She die.’ Buus THunpER VARIANT III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder count apparently omits a year here, as the next pictograph on this count after the ‘‘Strikes-many” event shows a man with the name symbol of an eagle claw, which seems to correlate with the other two counts for the following year. No Two Horns shows a woman with a wound in her head. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a rather popeyed man in the act of discharging a gun at a woman who has a wound in her head. Apparently the man’s popeyedness is intended to show his horror at what is taking place and to convey the idea that the death was accidental. Between the figures of the man and the woman is what appears to be a cattle brand or a monogram. Beneath the pictograph is the inscription ‘1920, Mrs. Harry Silk.” 1920-21 Buue Tuunpver: No interpretation. No Two Horns: “ “Tree Top’ (Jack) die. Indian name Bear Claw.” Buiur THUNDER Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show a man with the name symbol of a bear’s clawed foot. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a large dark rectangle, inside Anthron Fan. DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 413 of which is a woman’s profile and the words ‘‘Winyan waste [lit. Woman-good, JH.]’ This last pictograph obviously refers to some different incident than the other two counts. 1921-22 Buus Tuunver: (The Blue Thunder count concludes with this year.) No interpretation. No Two Horns: (The No Two Horns count and its interpretation end with this year.) ‘‘ ‘Frosted Red Fish’ die in Mandan hospital. Indian name Eagle Claw.” Buiur THUNDER Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder and No Two Horns counts show a man with the name symbol of an eagle claw. Blue Thunder Variant III shows a small sketchy drawing of a human figure with the name symbol of what appears to be a saddle. The inscription ‘'1922 Octxnti [?, JH]” is printed under the pictograph. The author has been unable to relate this term to any word in the Dakota language. 1922-238 Buve THunper Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder Variant III count shows a man with the name symbol of a bird which has wavy lines emanating from its beak in a rough V shape. This is the common method of designating the thunderbird in Dakota pictographs. The inscription 1923” is printed beneath this drawing. 1923-24 BuuE THunpeR Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder Variant III count shows a man sitting in a yellow tipi. Whether this is a year pictograph or merely the pictograph of a former owner of the count is not certain. Evidence against its being an ownership pictograph is that the style of drawing differs from that used on the majority of the pictographs on the count and that it is upside down in relation to the beginning years of the count. Evidence for its being an ownership pictograph are that a winter count was once kept by a man named Yellow-lodge, and that there is no date written underneath this drawing, although dates are written beneath the pictographs both preceding and following it. The author’s personal opinion is that it is a year pictograph. The pictograph following this one is dated with “John P. Pleets, Died Nov. 20, 1924.”’ This would indicate that the preceding pictograph, this one, would be for the year preceding, 1923-24, and that Pleet’s death was the event selected for 1924-25. 1924-25 Buus THunperR Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder Variant III count shows a figure with a human body and a 471762—60——28 414 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Bull. 173 bison’s head. The figure wears white man’s clothing. Beneath the pictograph is the inscription ‘John P. Pleets, Died Nov. 20, 1924.” 1925-26 Biue THunper Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder Variant III count shows a man wearing white man’s ap- parel. Above his head is the name symbol of what appears to be a smoking cloud. Underneath the pictograph is the inscription ‘‘Mah- piya Peta [lit. Cloud-fire, JH] 1925.” 1926-27 Buug TxHunper Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder Variant III count shows a small anthropomorphic figure with the head and upper body of a bison. 1927-28 Biue TuHunper Variant III: No interpretation. The Blue Thunder Variant III count shows a reclining man with the name symbol of a red bird. 1928-29 Buivure THunpeErR Variant III: No interpretation. The count shows & man wearing the modern “northern style’ Grass dance costume. In his hand he carries a dance mirror in a wooden frame. Above his head is the name symbol of what appears to be a bald eagle. Below the pictograph is the inscription “Eugene Gray Eagle, Died Feb 5th 1929.” 1929-30 Buiur THUNDER VARIANT III: No interpretation. The count shows a man wearing a long winter overcoat, a fur cap and mittens, and carrying a cane. He has the name symbol (?) of a sun and some clouds above him. Below the pictograph is the inscription “Frank Gates, Died Dec 1929.” 1930-31 Buiur THUNDER Variant III (the concluding year for this count): No interpretation. This count shows a small old woman wrapped in a shawl and bent over acane. Beneath the pictograph is the inscrip- tion “Mrs. Shave One Side, Died Jan 1, 1931.” a DAKOTA WINTER COUNTS—HOWARD 415 LITERATURE CITED BECKWITH, MartHA WARREN. 1938. Mandan-Hidatsa myths and ceremonies. Mem. Amer. Folk Lore Soc., vol. 32. New York. Conen, Lucy CRAMER. 1939. Big Missouri’s winter count—A Sioux calendar, 1796-1926. Indians at Work, Feb. 1939. Washington. 1942, Swift Bear’s winter count. Indians at Work, Jan., Feb., and March 1942. Washington. Curtis, Epwarp S. 1908. The North American Indian. Frederick W. Hodge, ed. Vol. 3. Cambridge, Mass. DENSMORE, FRANCES. 1918. Teton Sioux music. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 61. Howarp, James H. 1954. Yanktonai Dakota eagle trapping. Southwestern Journ. Anthrop., vol. 10, No. 1. MALLERY, GARRICK. 1877. A calendar of the Dakota Nation. United States Geol. and Geogr. Surv. Bull. 2, No. 1. 1886. The Dakota Winter Counts. In his Pictographs of the North Amer- ican Indians. 4th Ann. Rep. Bur. [Amer.] Ethnol., 1882-83, pp. 89-127. 1893. Winter Counts. In his Picture-writing of the American Indians. 10th Ann. Rep. Bur. [Amer.] Ethnol., 1888-89, pp. 266-328. MooneEyY, JAMES. 1898. Calendar history of the Kiowa. 17th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1895-96. Riaes, STEPHEN R. 1890. A Dakota English dictionary. United States Geol. and Geogr. Surv. Rocky Mountain Region, vol. 7. Washington. Rogsinson, WILL G. 1951. Oahe. Wi-Iyohi, vol. 4, No. 11, Feb. 1. RussELL, FRANK. 1908. The Pima Indians. 26th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1904-05. VEsTAL, STANLEY (WALTER S. CAMPBELL). 1934 a. Warpath .... Boston and New York. 1934 b. New sources of Indian history, 1850-91. Norman, Okla. WILLIAMSON, JOHN P. 1908. An English-Dakota dictionary. New York. 416 General type of nonvocoid SlOpSieeed. Ataee ieee vl. (Unaspirs nee vd IAS Din 2 phe Val sewn vl. vd. ATTIC Sac tee eee vl. vd. Fricatives 1 dF: Feet Be PI la vl. vd. Crocvedees a eee! vl. vd. Frictionless Nasa ae Se ee ene vl. vd. 1 BEN =} ofc} [ee ee Re vl. vd. Onalosan A aoe i (y) Nasalized_______- i2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173 PHONETIC TABLE Bilabial Alveolar Alveopalatal Velar Back velar Pharyngeal p t k b g p th kh é j h h g 8 8 Z % m n 1 Vowels é a (0) u (w) a2 u® An apostrophe (’) indicates a glottal stop. The symbol (’) indicates a primary accent; (*) secondary accent. PLATE 45 BULLETIN 173 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY \. aARNAAR § N. QAAAND Blue Thunder Variant III (Yellow Lodge) winter count. ‘le i PLATE 45 BULLETIN 173 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY RAANAN | AAQAADD \ © Blue Thunder Variant IIT (Yellow Lodge) winter count. oe a ; id F A 4 ; if A 1 sy) — f ; , i? { é " Fine an iJ 7 * | é 7) } f 4 ; 3 , A ee ' \ ‘ i A is y 4 i = , p| he a de ae oF i ii : : b ia rk . A a5 go ' oes v1 Ay Bi -_ ‘2. - i ; oe er ee me ee MA) a) a Fg : ; { ; : “ in ’ A he. Ts ti tiad ba gh iat as A ceed abated Shirai an ; 1 - - ‘- 5 a wh : a ny BULLETIN 173 PLATE 46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BI £2\°- é irs ; aay ~~ oy ‘ Be R Pca o% we ‘ « & “a is oe & o ae f ® 2 a r io e : a ee : r * et / } ivi, ite, aM iz; 4 e a Ei) dat x BE ye xe? Swift Dog’s winter count (No. 674). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Jaw’s winter count. BULLETIN 173 PLATE 47 SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 173 Anthropological Papers, No. 62 STONE TIPI RINGS IN NORTH-CENTRAL MONTANA AND THE ADJACENT PORTION OF ALBERTA, CANADA: THEIR HISTORICAL, ETHNOLOGICAL, AND ARCHEOLOGICAL ASPECTS By THOMAS F. KEHOE 417 ¥ i j \ ad ae, - " * a3 tee Ps . i F eo on pe 7 le ep si saber ap fy ne erly pelmome pe ty ont, A seamen i alr) mht gd (gana ES ee ae tant a nme redesign egy Timah may fp Stable ot TAA mE a A mi ada y j “i re ott a] (rainy i ; SA Ohcatit tt nis va nye at Ye *o wees alee NLD 5 é! tts AUTEUTI EME WalVioenTtive © - ' qofGn axsiegth to unernuth, ETE pjotiott: i | J in i . i ena may She . yF ane ny F yk ! £ A - y.0Vl ,aasqet Unie foqonult ad vey Tz AOE ret apy aE S a4 Cay LAT OO TOS AO , a A 2AMOHT 4 CONTENTS PAGE Introduction sass 25.8 ssse- seco agen see el =. SS Se eee 421 Historical: evidence... == 92202 foal we bateoese Peet 21) See Oe 424 Hithnological considerations... ... .. SESS Ae eS BA LS Be 429 Blackfoot. informantsyie sae. a it eee SNES ees SE, Leer eee 429 informants of other tribes= 2222-42 525525 > oe eeee sas seas oe sa oleae 436 Archeological considerations. 255-2522 25 22522622 oe eee a aes 437 Introduction... =< 2--.998s-ee leads gachsecteegt Se htecktoete ee = 437 bnvironmentalefactorsaas os = ae = ea ee eee se eee 438 Bthnologieal background =—2 4-22 eee See ee eee ee 439 Archeolopical eldiwOrk--- = 223.2 .co. ooo ne eee Ie 440 VD SUELO PTS V0) 0 Re SP ae ee gc ae aa ge Rese A eS et Se eee 456 OD TAC LUIS 10 Oe ee ed rl See ee ee BS 462 Appendix. -A: Modern Blackfoot; Camps. -— 2 === eee 22 == 464 Paberacure Cited’ c= oo 8 ee a ed ee ee ee 471 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES FOLLOWING PAGE 48. a, Site 24GL390, Boulder-lined fire hearth. 6, Adam White Man in doorway.ot nistather s tipi ring.) si ee eae Be 474 20 Sa Site cAGie20:) (0: Site 24G LAG0s) sees oe ae See eee 474 50: a, Site 24G1486. .6; Site 24GL487, rmg 1+ eee eo oe 474 51. a, Site 24GL487, ring 4. b, Site 24GL486, ring 4._______.--------- 474 52. a, Site 24GL486, ring 4, fire hearth. b, Site 24GL486, ring 4, squares Oi ereane oN y te ete SL eee eR 3 SAA eo es dopa Ss SL SE 474 53. a, Site 24GL486, ring 4, squares 1L1, 2L1, and 2L2. 6, Fasting shelter ofeban Ringsss s2 0 ek e e eeeoo eeee 474 54. a, Site 24GL520. 6b, Blackfoot woman repairing Lodge 26, 1956 Bisckiooticamps S852 ee oe oe ee eee ee ee See 474 55. a, Aerial view of 1956 Blackfoot encampment. 6, Site 24GL350, whitewashing tpl TINnge== uo. oh ae ee ee eee eee 474 56. a, Aerial view of Site 24GL350. b, Aerial view of Lodges 2 to 12 and 39, 195 6eBlackfoot CAMP see aon aaa ese ee ee een oe ee eee 474 57. a, Inside view, Lodge 26, 1956 Blackfoot encampment. 6, Outside view, Lodge 26, 1956 Blackfoot encampment-------------------- 474 58. a, Tipi ring of Lodge 26, 1956 Blackfoot encampment. 06, Tipi ring of Lodge 14, 1956 Blackfoot encampment ----------------------- 474 59. a, Mary Ground in tipi ring of Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot camp. 6, Tipi ring of Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot encampment_-_-_------------ 474 60. a, Closeup view of tipi ring, Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot camp. 6, Lodge 21056 DIacktoot ENCAMmpment= 2 = 50.202... vse hoo oc eee 474 61. a, Children’s play tipi, Lodge 39, 1956 Blackfoote ncampment. 6, Tom Horn’s family and tipi, Blackfeet Reservation, 1910--.__.------- 474 420 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 TEXT FIGURES PAGE 29: ‘Site 24GL422 (tipi ring of White Man) .=...---22-2.2.--522e2-2222 431 TUM Shir cme 7-8 Ei eo] 8 Maan RRS 008 |) ca ps aOR a PA Ceele eyes renga t aiet ad) Lyf) eR a 448 3), Site 24G L584, ring pees oe a ee 450 32. Section of Milk River Ridge slope with three tipi-ring sites_______--_- 451 Jarkeite DAG L486. Fe cee oY so eee oe Se Car aye a 452 38s Site 24G L486, ring 453202 2 a eo eo eee 453 35. Site 24GL520, tipi rings associated with bison drive_.__..---------- 461 36. Sites showing tipi-ring camp patterns__..........-..-------------- 465 37. Camp plan, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont--_-------- 466 MAP 2. Map of the Blackfeet Reservation showing sites___...-------- (facing) 421 i : ; ro) eee A, ara re eae elie ae Sm ok aa * (ees eee — |onnaed iy | ‘BOY ae 2 am STONE TIPI RINGS IN NORTH-CENTRAL MONTANA AND THE ADJACENT PORTION OF ALBERTA, CANADA: THEIR HISTORICAL, ETHNOLOGICAL, AND ARCHEOLOGICAL ASPECTS By Tuomas F. Kenyon INTRODUCTION ? The casual visitor to certain parts of Montana and Alberta, Canada, will often wonder about the original purpose of stone circles encoun- tered here and there on the open plains. When one leaves the well- traveled highways and strikes off across country unbroken by the plow, clusters of stone circles are likely to appear, often in considerable numbers. ‘These circles are formed of small boulders placed at inter- vals to form rings ranging from 5 to over 40 feet in diameter. These rings will in most cases be deeply embedded in the sod, suggesting that a considerable period of time has elapsed since they were originally laid down. Local residents long ago adopted the name “‘tipi rings” for these phenomena. Scrutiny of the writings of contemporary archeologists reveals con- fusion and uncertainty concerning the function of tipi rings. In the first review of Montana prehistory, Mulloy (1952, p. 137) classifies them as ‘“‘manifestations of unknown relationships.’”’ He regards ‘‘it as implausible that they were used to secure the edges of a skin lodge, even though they are repeatedly referred to as having this function.” He is led to this decision by variability in size and a lack of habitation 1] wish to extend my appreciation to the following persons who have greatly aided me in this study: Dr. Claude E. Schaeffer, former curator of the Museum of the Plains Indian, who called my attention to the problem and contributed suggestions from his own experience in Plains ethnography; Dr. Schaeffer and John C. Ewers, who carefully reviewed the historical and ethnological sections; Dr. Douglas Osborne, who did the same for the archeology; and Drs. Osborne, William Elmendorf, and William Massey, who read the manuscript in its entirety. I am also indebted the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Museum of the Plains Indian, and the Louis W. and Maud Hill Family Foundation for making possible the 4 years of research on tipi rings. Sincere thanks are due to Peter H. Baez, Verl P. Brady, and Carl Shaddox, formerly with the Soil and Moisture Conservation Office; to Charles Gerard, of the Forestry Office of the Blackfeet Indian Agency; to Kenneth Galbreath, of Browning; and especially to F. Earl Turner, of the Geology Department of the Union Oil Company of California, for their assistance in locating tipi ring sites. Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to those who helped me in the excavations involved in this project: Donald and Jerry Ziegler, Edward and Phyllis Jay, and my wife Alice. 421 2 ats 113°30° mee R Se Ballon | ook Ri | i 90 Oe ag7 Bune ma poe é *e : “AOS 7 ‘a . S. Shorp's Lake fas S, . Kk ewe. kk 0340 eh) "ae oe Cut Bank Oe is A pocer @ ig [TIBANK EBCoT Bank eee ry B ye Cr RY, Ke) pattuns ’ Liter 384 1956 Come + Ht Swamp de vardipee. Ops Museo PHEROWNING Kipps vi . Tone '"9 lains Indtan Lok INS cine > EASTER. %@ GLI PARK’ VWYedicine N T scale in miles « s M2" 20° e* sites (prefixed 24GL) TIPL RING SITES BLACKFEET RESERVATION, MONT, (Based on Bureau of Indian Affairs map) Map 2.—Map of the Blackfeet Reservation showing sites. (1zp “d aoeq) 09-0 Z9LILF j és o is J ; y ig ' _ = | ; 7 Mi y Se eyA i oe ane he eal yi a ya ‘ | a = . - = i i: 10) 7 ee a na er ’ : ‘ ‘s , a ce ath. oy 4's 7 | 7 i —s s i ae, oho ii we — : : .... ra ima, , : . ® ' j - 7 i - i bd . ex 422 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull, 173 remains in their vicinity. Factors contributing to the latter premise are (1) the rare occurrence of fire remains within the circle, (2) the lack of packed floors, and (3) more frequent location on high river terrace fingers than in sheltered lowlands. Mulloy further notes that the stone circles range from isolated individual rings to groups of several hundred, sometimes intersecting one another or occurring in eccentric forms. In the Dakotas, he points out, they are found as merely circular depressions in the sod. Mulloy refuses to commit himself as to the original purpose of the circles, but believes that they are related to the so-called ‘“‘medicine wheels,” an example of which is found high on a mountain peak in the Big Horn Mountains of Wyoming. In a review of the book containing Mulloy’s comment cited above, Wedel (1953, p. 179) states the following: Other interesting and puzzling subjects include tipi rings, various boulder align- ments and configurations, and petrographs. Mostly these are still unassigned culturally, because associated cultural-diagnostic materials are rare or absent. I am inclined to agree with Mulloy that a good many of the tipi rings are prob- ably of ceremonial, rather than practical, purpose. Previously Wedel (1948, p. 48) had discussed the origin and signifi- cance of tipi rings and included a useful statement on their distribu- tion: The so-called tipi rings, whose true purpose and significance are still obscure, are abundant and apparently highly characteristic. They occur in limited num- bers in northern Colorado and extreme western Nebraska, and more frequently in the Dakotas eastward approximately to the Missouri from Fort Randall north- ward, but the greatest number of such sites seem to lie in Wyoming, Montana, and northward. It is possible that they correlate with a relatively late hunting occu- pation, perhaps partly at least involving Shoshonean peoples. In a recent study of tipi rings in Montana, the Dakotas, and Wyo- ming, Hoffman (1953, p. 2) observes that their “nature and use is highly controversial.’’ He lists what he terms the most common theories concerning their purpose: (1) Occupational remains, (2) cere- monial or religious remains, (3) remains once associated with games, and (4) a combination of (1) and (2). As occupational debris, Hoff- man believes that they represent the site of the recent conical skin lodge or a crude hogan of earlier times. In connection with a cere- monial or religious function, he speculates on their use in a ‘“‘medicine getting” ritual, on the basis of statements made by a “‘Lacotah Sioux Indian” named Judge Zahn, of Fort Yates, S. Dak. Judge Zahn re- marked that ‘“‘a person would go up a hill and build a circle of rocks in which he would sit and pray and fast until he got his medicine” and added that ‘‘tipis were never held down by rocks, always staked.” In*this connection it would be useful to know the identity of the judge quoted,and the authority for his assertions. Hoffman goes on Fe tal STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 423 to cite other instances in which Kutenai, Flathead, and Upper Pend d’Oreille Indians have ventured similar information on rock-shelter fasting places. He concludes (p. 5), “These points can lead us to only one definite conclusion: the nature and use of tipi rings is highly conjectural.’ Carling Malouf (personal letter dated November 7, 1953), who has a number of ideas incorporated in the Hoffman paper, believes that the rings are both domestic and ceremonial, and that they are asso- ciated with some sort of conical structure. He says that none or few of them seem to have been occupied for any length of time, since hearths and specimens are lacking. In an unpublished manuscript on Montana archeology, Malouf adds: Although their presence has been widely recognized very little is really known about them [tipi rings]. It is not even certain that they had any connection with the use of a tipi. Ethnographical accounts fail to give any sound information on them, hence, they must be of considerable age. Yet, archeology indicates that some of them were made in recent times. In a recent review of Plains prehistory, Jennings (1948, p. 69) states that ‘‘too little is known of these features [tipi rings] to permit very intelligent speculation about them, so no mention of them appears elsewhere in the text.”” In a glossary, however, the same author ad- mits, ““These stones have been interpreted as evidence that a skin tipi had been erected at the spot, the stones having been used to hold down the edge of the tent.” Survey work in Alberta has given Wormington this view on the topic, as reported by Krieger (1956, p. 450): Near Neutral Hills, Mulloy and Judd were shown a number of large groups of stone rings similar to those found in Montana and Wyoming and commonly called “tipi rings.” Wormington, however, doubts that they represent habitations and suggests they had ceremonial significance. These varied opinions expressed on the function of tipi rings call for a reexamination of the evidence. It is clear that certain of these stu- dents have brought togetber, under the name of tipi rings, dissimilar prehistoric remains from diverse areas and attempted to assign to them identical functions. Despite the recent increase in archeological knowledge of the Northern Plains, the question of the origin and function of stone “tipi rings” seems as far from solution as ever. This is particularly true in respect to the original purpose which these seemingly mysterious stone circles served. Modern students of Plains prehistory hesitate to assign a use to them or else waver between practical and esoteric types of utilization. Sufficient information exists in historical and ethnological records, it is believed, to reveal their function, if not their ethnic origin. The latter remains a task for the archeologist or ethnohisto- 424. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 rian. It is the theme of this study that “tipi rings,” in one part of the Northern Plains, at least, represent just what their popular name suggests: rings of stone employed by former resident Indians to hold down the periphery of their skin lodges. In support of this thesis we have assembled in this paper evidence from documentary and tradi- tional sources as well as from archeological work clarifying the signifi- cance of these stone circles. HISTORICAL EVIDENCE From the beginning of the 17th century, when the earliest Huropean visitors first entered the Northern Plains, the area has been traversed by a constant stream of explorers, traders, trappers, and pioneers who provided eyewitness descriptions of the native peoples in various stages of acculturation. From some of these early visitors we obtain the first accounts of tipi rings or circles of boulders. The use of stone or other weights by the Blackfoot and their neighbors to hold down their lodges is established by a number of references in the literature, several of them by first-hand observers. Maximilian (1906, p. 104), who saw the Blackfoot at Fort McKenzie during the summer of 1833, has left a very concise account of their method of holding down lodge covers. In this case they appear to have used blocks of sod rather than stone, possibly because of the scarcity of stone in the vicinity. He writes: When these tents are taken down, they leave a circle of sods, exactly as in the dwellings of the Esquimaux. They are often surrounded by fifteen or twenty dogs, which serve, not for food, but only for drawing and carrying their baggage. The circles of earth indicating the former position of lodges were again noticed by Maximilian while at Fort Union, at the mouth of the Yellowstone, October 16, 1833. The abandoned camp was probably left by Assiniboin or Cree. He noted (1906, p. 199): The little prairie fox was so hungry, and, therefore, so tame, that it often visited the environs of the fort, and we found these pretty little animals among the circles of turf which were left on the removal of the Indian tents. [?] The expedition under Henry Y. Hind exploring west of the Red River noticed, in the summer of 1858, both numerous groups of Cree hunters and former camps of that tribe. The narrative mentions (Hind, 1860, vol. 1, pp. 338-341): Immediately on the banks of the Qu’appelle Valley near the ‘“‘Round Hill” opposite Moose Jaws Forks, are the remains of ancient encampments, where the Plains Crees, in the day of their power and pride, had erected large skin tents, and strengthened them with rings of stones placed round the base. These circular remains were twenty-five feet in diameter, with the stones or boulders 2 Speck (1928, pp. 39, 40) photographed Sioux standing before their lodges, which appear, although the details are not too clear, to be held down by sod piled on the lower edge. ee STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 425 being about one foot in circumference. They wore the aspect of great antiquity, being partially covered with soil and grass. When this camp ground was occupied by the Crees, timber no doubt grew in the valley below, or on the prairie and ravines in detached groves, for their permanent camping grounds are always placed near a supply of fuel... . Buffalo Pound Hill Lake, sixteen miles long, begins near Moose Jaws Forks, and on the opposite or south side of this long sheet of water, we saw eighteen tents and a large number of horses. . . . On the banks of the valley the remains of ancient encampments in the form of rings of stones to hold down the skin tents are everywhere visible, and testify to the former numbers of the Plains Cree. . . . The largest ancient encampment we saw lies near a shallow lake in the prairie about a mile from the Qu’appelle Valley. It is surrounded by a few low sandy and gravelly hills, and is quite screened from observation. It may have been a camping ground for centuries, as some circles of stone are partially covered with grass and embedded in the soil. Bushnell (1922, p. 21) comments briefly on the origin of the circles of stones observed by the Hind party: This is a simple explanation of small circles of stones now encountered in different parts of the country, but in other localities, where stones were not obtain- able, masses of sod were used for the same purpose, and these in turn may have caused the small earth circles which are now discovered in the lower Mississippi Valley and elsewhere. That the use of boulders to secure lodge covers was still extant by 1866 is attested to by Dr. Washington Matthews, in a discussion of the paper, “‘Stone Monuments in Southern Dakota,” by T. H. Lewis, read at the meeting of the Anthropological Society, February 5, 1889 (Lewis, 1889, pp. 164-165): Dr. Matthews said that . . . he could not speak for the particular circles of stones to which Mr. Lewis refers; but he was certain that many stone circles in Dakota were to be attributed to the former use of bowlders in holding down the edges of skin tents. He had seen bowlders used for this purpose in Dakota twenty- three years ago, while the Indians still followed the nomadic life. The fact that some circles were only eight feet in diameter did not militate against this theory, since the Indians used small lodges as sweat-houses and for sacerdotal purposes. In the paper that elicited this discussion, Lewis mentioned (Lewis, 1889, p. 162): The Indians claim that the stone circles mark the places where in former times the tepees of their people were located, and that the bowlders held down the edges of the skin tents in place. A subsequent article on the same general subject contained this statement (Lewis, 1890, p. 274): There can be no doubt that the Indians used bowlders and stones to hold down the edges of their tents or tepees. Lewis also quotes an observation made by J. N. Nicollet, who “visited southern Minnesota in 1838” (Lewis, 1890, p. 272), on page 12 of his “Report Intended to Illustrate a Map of the Hydrographic 426 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Basin of the Upper Mississippi River’? (Washington, January 11, 1845) (ibid.): One mile from the Traverse des Sioux, and on the bank of the river, are the remains of an Indian camp; the circular area of which is still indicated by the heaps of stones around each lodge. While engaged in fieldwork for the Geological Survey of Canada, George M. Dawson * made the following note from observations in the Sweet Grass Hills in 1874 (Dawson, 1875, p. 297): The country surrounding the Buttes [Sweet Grass Hills] is said to have been for a long time a neutral ground between various tribes of Indians. That it has been so is evidenced by the almost complete absence of the circles of stones marking camping places. The region is at present a debatable ground between the Black- feet, Peigans and the Bloods of the west; the Sioux and the Assiniboines of the east, and the Crows and other tribes of the Upper Missouri. It is not passed through save by war parties strong in numbers and travelling rapidly. Ten miles north of the Middle Butte the bodies of over twenty Crow Indians were found unburied on the scene of a conflict. Sir Cecil Denny, an original member of the Northwest Mounted Police and Agent of the Blood Reserve in 1881-82, came west in 1874. In an unpublished manuscript (pp. 148-149) he notes the abundant occurrence and the original purpose of tipi rings found on the prairie: Rings of boulders or smaller stones will be found in hundreds on the prairie, and the curious will often wonder as to their origins. The stones will in most cases be covered by sod, showing that long periods of time must have elapsed since they were placed there. Long ago, before the Indians of the plains obtained steel axes and hatchets, they were unable to cut and sharpen the stakes and to fasten down their lodges. These stones picked up on the prairie were used for this purpose, and on the tents being moved these rings of stone were left, and in the course of ages became covered with soil. Often if the inside of these rings be dug over, stone arrowheads and other stone implements will be discovered. Upon visiting the Blackfoot and Blood tribes near Fort Macleod in the summer of 1880, John McLean became acquainted with those Indians’ practice of weighting down their lodge covers with rocks. He described the custom and notes the erroneous explanation of the origin of the rings by inexperienced travelers in the region (McLean, 1896, p. 577): Riding carelessly over the prairie with a young man who had lately arrived from the Old World, my companion called my attention to a circle of stones. “That is a mark,”’ said he, ‘‘placed there to commemorate a great battle that was fought between different tribes of Indians.’’ Oftentimes had I seen these circles on the prairie, and knowing the cause of their construction, I was amused at this display of apparent wisdom. These circles are to be found on our western prairies. As the Indians traveled on their hunting expeditions, they placed stones around the edges of the lodges when they camped, to prevent the wind from over-turning them, and to keep them warm. This is shown by the outer circle of stones. In 3T am indebted to Hugh Dempsey, Calgary, Alberta, for the Dawson and Denny references. a re i STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 427 the centre of the lodge the fire was made, and to keep the fire from spreading and to adapt it for cooking purposes, a small circle of stones was placed which confined the fire. When the camp was moved the circles of stones were left, and that which we saw was one of the circles. . . In the brush fringing the rivers of the west stone circles, deeply imbedded in the soil, are found, linking the past with the present. An eyewitness account of the use of stones by the Blackfoot to hold down lodge margins was given by John R. Barrow, a Wisconsin youth in Montana in 1880-82. The camp was that of Running Rabbit and his followers (Phillips, 1927, p. 9):* The typical tepee was a conical lodge of specially tanned elkskin stretched over a framework of perhaps twenty-five skin peeled lodge-pole pine. The bottom of the tepee was held down by stones. Schultz, who lived in Montana during the last decades of the 19th century, speaks of stone circles marking the encampments of winter hunters (Schultz, 1907, p. 63): You have perhaps noticed on the northwestern plains, circles of stones or small boulders, varying in size from twelve to twenty and more feet in diameter. They were used to weight the lower edge of lodge skins, to prevent the structure being blown over by a hard wind, and when camp was moved they were simply rolled off the leather. Many of these circles are found miles and miles from any water, and you may have wondered how the people there encamped managed to assuage their thirst; they melted snow; their horses ate snow with the grass; buffalo chips were used for fuel. The stone circles mark the place of an encampment of winter hunters in the long ago. Some of them are so ancient that the tops of the stones are barely visible above the turf, having gradually sunk into the ground of their own weight during successive wet seasons.§ George Bird Grinnell talked to the older men of the Blackfoot tribes in the years immediately preceding 1890. He collected the following data on circles of stones (Grinnell, 1892, p. 198): In ancient times, before they had knives of metal, stones were used to hold down the edges of the lodge, to keep it from being blown away. These varied in size from six inches to a foot or more in diameter. Everywhere on the prairie, one may now see circles of these stones, and, within these the smaller ones, which surrounded the fireplace. Some of them have lain so long that only the tops now project above the turf, and undoubtedly many of them are now buried out of sight. The age of the use of stones as lodge-cover weights is indicated by the fact that it has become an intimate part of Blackfoot astronomy. Brings-Down-the-Sun, an old Blood ceremonialist, in relating the “Star Husband” tale to McClintock (1910, p. 500) pointed out that the constellation known as the Spider Lodge was thus named because of the arrangement of its stars, suggesting a tipi ring: The half circle of stars to the east (Northern Crown) is the lodge of the Spider Man, and the five bright stars just beyond (in the constellation of Hercules) are 4 Claude E. Schaeffer, Portland, Oreg., kindly brought this reference to my attention. 5 In a letter dated March 25, 1954, John C. Ewers commented on this passage, ‘‘The use of stones to hold down tipis in winter could be a survival in historic times from a common (perhaps year-round) custom in the protohistoric. Undoubtably it would be quite a task to drive pegs into frozen ground in the winter season.”’ 428 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 his five fingers, with which he spun the web, upon which So-at-sa-ki was let down from the sky. Whenever you see half-buried and overgrown circles, or clusters of stones on the plains, marking the sites of Blackfeet camps in the ancient days, when they used stones to hold down the sides of their lodges, you will know why the half-circle of the stars was called by our fathers, ‘“The lodge of the Spider Man.” In another place (McClintock, 1910, p. 492) Brings-Down-the-Sun, in discussing the origin of the Sun Dance, pointed out: We know not when the Sun-dance had its origin. It was long ago, when the Blackfeet used dogs for beasts of burden instead of horses; when they stretched the legs and bodies of their dogs on sticks to make them large, and when they used stones instead of wooden pegs to hold down their lodges. During the years immediately preceding 1909, Clark Wissler recorded information on the material culture of the Blackfoot Indians. He notes (Wissler, 1910, p. 108): During the winter, or even at any time, the cover of the tipi was often held down by stones laid on its edges. Circles of such stones are to be seen in many parts of the Blackfoot country, marking the sites of former camps or burial tipis. Wissler (1913, p. 430) takes the following from Duvall’s notes on the construction of the Ma’toki dance structure made from lodge covers, with rocks to weight down the bottoms: The ma’toki dance but once a year when the camp circle is formed. Their ceremony lasts four days. First they make a shelter somewhat like the one used for the sun dance. A tipi pole is set up in the center, with a peculiar cross piece near the top. A number of travois are set in a circle around this pole and joined together by tipi poles tied along the top, making a single railing all the way around. Then other tipi poles are tied to this and to the cross piece on the center pole, forming rafters like in the sun dance shelter. On the sides and over the top are stretched tipi covers. At the bottom they are weighted with stones. Along the sides within blankets are suspended. It has been noted that another neighbor of the Blackfoot, the Crow Indians to the south, used rocks to weigh down their lodge covers. During visits to the Crow Reservation during the period 1907-16, Lowie (1922, p. 224) obtained the following information concerning the practice: Bear-Crane stated that long ago rocks instead of pegs were used to weigh down the bottom of tipi covers; another informant restricts the practice to the winter season. There are, perhaps, other documentary references to the topic that have escaped my attention, but those cited are numerous enough, it is believed, to indicate that the Blackfoot, Cree, Crow, Dakota, and probably other tribes in the northwestern Plains employed stones or occasionally sod as lodge-cover bottom weights. Our references cover the period from 1833 down to contemporary times, when stones are rarely seen, and the wooden tent peg appears to be ubiquitous. Anthrop. Pap. woe STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 429 ETHNOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS BLACKFOOT INFORMANTS Several elderly Blackfoot Indians were questioned about tipi rings and taken into the field to locate and identify them. All of the informants were certain that they were used by their ancestors as weights to hold down lodge covers. Each gave independent testi- mony that the rings were used in this way and additional information when asked what he knew about the practice. My ethnographic notes on tipi rings were collected during the summer of 1953 from both Northern and Southern Piegan. Two aged North Blackfoot living near Gleichen, Alberta, interviewed during the fall of 1956, revealed that their tribe had similar customs. Most of the data came from Southern Piegan located in and about Browning, Mont. These informants were Annie Calf Looking (age 51), Chewing Black Bones (age 87), Jim White Calf (age 89), Cecile Black Boy (age 67), and Adam White Man (age 81). One informant, Bull Head (age 84), from Brockett, Alberta, provided information on North Piegan practices. My interpreters for these Indians were Calvin Boy, Louis Bear Child, and George Bull Child. The North Blackfoot were Pete Little Light (age 78), from Gleichen, whose remarks were translated by Mrs. Rosie A Young Man, and Mrs. Duck Chief (age 92), of Cluny, Alberta, whose relative, a younger woman, served as interpreter. Bull Head (a North Piegan from Canada) stated that people of his tribe used the rock rings: My father, Dog Head or Bull Head (born about 1820, died about 1900), and my grandmother, Red Painted Feet, told me this. It was my great-grandfather’s generation, the people that never had the horse and used the dog for traveling, that used the rock rings. They were the people that just had dogs and had to use buffalo traps for a way of getting food. Now, both the horse and the dog people used the rocks for tipi weights. The horse people used both wooden pegs and rocks to help weigh down the lodge to protect it from the wind. The outer rocks were used as weights to hold down the tipi for protection from the wind because the tipis were right in the open. These tipi rings were called iskiman, ‘‘something to hold down the lodge.” The inner rocks in the center of the large ring were the fire hearth. They were about two feet in diameter and used to protect the fire from spreading on the ground. The center rocks were called appskitan, ‘‘confine the fire.” Chewing Black Bones testified that the early Piegan did not have tools to use in sharpening tent pegs. They were able to construct a 6 Hugh Dempsey secured similar information during the summer of 1955 in Alberta (Dempsey, 1956, p. 177) . 471762—60——29 430 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [{Bull. 173 better-shaped lodge after they obtained tools from white traders and could make tent pegs: I heard my grandfathers, Carries Braid and Middle Sitter, say that their an- cestors, the dog-pony people, did not use pegs for their lodges. The reason was that they did not have the instruments to use in sharpening pegs then. They used rocks to hold down the lodge skin in keeping out the wind. The stone circles were known as a “wind break.’’ When the pony came they switched to using just pegs and only rocks continued to be used in the center for the fireplace. ["] When they learned to use pegs the tipis were put up in fine shape. Jim White Calf said that wooden tent pegs were a later innovation among the Piegan: The first people were very poor and lacked everything. They piled rocks on the outside of the lodge cover because they had no pegs then. They did not have wooden pins to fasten the lodge together—they just tied it. Wooden pins and pegs are a new style. After they had completed piling the rocks on the outside of the lodge, they gathered more for inside in order to build a fireplace. These rocks were not placed all around, but a space was left blank at the rear. [5] I do not know the reason for this. Also, there was a space at the door of the lodge where no rocks were placed. Cecile Black Boy contributed the following: We were near Landslide Butte with Spotted Bear and we saw those rock rings. We asked him about them and he told us that the old-timers of our tribe used them to hold down the lodge cover. One informant, Annie Calf Looking, was able to associate the use of tipi rings with a particular Piegan band: My grandmother, Elk Yells in the Water Bear Chief (90 years old at her death in 1946), told me this: the Blackfoot never used pegs to hold down the lodge in the old days. They used rocks and that is why you see the rocks on the prairies today. My grandmother said that her people, the Don’t Laugh band, used the rock rings. Adam White Man, describing the method of tying the skin lodge cover to pegs, also told of anchoring the lodge to the ground against the wind by the use of logs as weights: The old-timers always talk about the first people. The people that used the rocks were the ones that used the dogs. The only way of packing their things in those days was by dogs and their backs. The rings are all over, so all the tribes must have used them. The rock circles found today on the Reservation were caused by people using rocks to hold down their lodge covers. Ever since the Blackfoot got the horse they pegged their tipis. When they began to use pegs they even used to tie a ? Ewers, in his letter of March 25, 1954, expands this information by suggesting that the true cause of the shift from rocks to wooden pegs was not the horse, but the metal ax, which was an early fur trade importa- tion and thus was first used at about the same time that the horse was obtained by the Blackfoot. 8 A view of the interior of Mad Wolf’s lodge, photographed by McClintock (1910, p. 30) sometime after 1896, shows a boulder-lined fireplace with rocks missing from one side, supporting Jim White Calf’s testi- mony. At the 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Cecile White Man (lodge 23) used 12 rocks placed in a U, with the gap to the west, for her fireplace. A boulder-lined fireplace similar to these, with rocks missing in the west portion, was also excavated on the Reservation (see pl. 48, a). Anth . Pap. Antioay, Pap STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 431 stone in a skin. The stone and the skin were then tied to the peg. They pegged their tipi but still continued to use rocks as weights. The wind was sometimes so strong that our people even put a pole or logs between the pegs and the tent to hold down the lodge. At this point the interpreter, George Bull Child, interrupted to say that he himself had even seen rocks employed to hold down lodge covers: I myself have seen rocks being used to hold down lodge covers. Adam can take you down on Badger Creek where his father put up his tipi and you can see his tipi ring. Old Man Running Crane had a tipi ring and it is still there. It still shows there like the others of the old stone-age people. Their rings are there, too. Adam took me to his allotment on the north side of Badger Creek to show me his father’s (White Man or Eagle Calf) tipi ring (site 24GL422, fig. 29). The circle of boulders was situated on a low terrace, about 100 yards from Adam’s ranch buildings and an equal distance from the edge of the terrace bank. The ring was 16 feet in diameter and made up of stream- or glacial-rounded boulders ranging in size from 3 inches to 1 foot. One-third of the rocks were deeply embedded in the grass roots and humus. When I photographed the ring, Adam stood in what he called the doorway, a space 2% feet wide located toward the east (see pl. 48, 6). He also pointed out two pee cooking hearth E i O 1p 20 feet TIP! RING OF WHITE MAN, FATHER OF ADAM WHITE MAN SITE 2461422 ren Ficure 29.—Site 24GL422 (tipi ring of White Man). 432 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 cooking hearths. One was in the center of the tipi ring, but nearer to the west than to the east side. It was not lined with rocks and was visible only by a slight discoloration of the soil. It would have gone unnoticed if not identified to me. The other fire hearth was located 21 feet east of the tipi ring, and consisted of two large rocks about 2 feet apart. Adam said that his father’s family cooked inside the lodge only during bad weather, using the outside fireplace most of the year. This, he said, was the reason for the absence of a rock-lined hearth or charcoal remains inside the tipi ring. According to Adam, this tipi ring was then 41 years old. Next, Adam White Man located the tipi ring of Running Crane, chief of the Lone Eater band (site 24GL427). This was a circle of stones 20 feet in diameter located on a very low, wide stream terrace on the south side of Badger Creek. Adam said that Running Crane’s lodge had been pitched here 60 to 75 years ago. Later, Adam took me to the site of a Sun Dance performance held in his youth. About 1891, when Adam was 19 years old, the Canadian Cree and the Piegan gave a joint Sun Dance. There were two Piegan sacred women, Berry Woman and Hit on Top Woman, each with her own lodge. Adam said, ‘‘At the time of this Sun Dance, only the sacred women used the rocks to hold down their lodge covers in the old-fashioned way. The rest of the people used pegs.”’ The tipi rings of these lodges are still visible one-half mile west of Highway 89, on the north side of Badger Creek. The same informant pointed out several other tipi ring sites that he had first seen during his youth, but was unable to associate them with any particular individual. He believed that they were much too old for such identification. The stones of these rings were more deeply embedded in the ground than were the ones identified by the informant. Bull Head was able to locate his father’s tipi ring on the North Piegan Reserve because he still protected it: One of my father’s tipi rings is still west of my place. It is like a keepsake to me and I am protecting it from cattle and whatever else might destroy it. There are other rings belonging to my father, but I am just protecting one. I remember that an uncle had a ring there, too. The cattle scattered them and there are very faint traces of them, so I cannot give you the exact number of rings. If you come to Canada, I will take you to the spot and show you the ring that I am protecting and that belonged to my father. ® Although I was not able to visit this ring, I did see, guided by Charlie Strikes With Gun, a North Piegan from Brockett, Alberta, the tipi ring which, according to a plaque, marks the site of Chief Crowfoot’s last lodge, April 1890. This ring is located a quarter of a mile east of the Blackfoot Crossing Monument near Cluny, Alberta, and is protected by a cement and pipe railing constructed around it. The ring is approximately 20 feet in diameter. fate) PSD: STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 433 Several of the Indians were able to give information on the general location of Blackfoot camp sites during the time when tipi rings were used. Bull Head located the camps in the open, near water, and some little distance from buffalo drive sites when the people were using the drives: The camp was located some distance from buffalo traps so the buffalo would not be disturbed. It was usually in a place where they could get water and in the open. More of these rings are found in the open. Chewing Black Bones said, ‘‘They had to camp on hills and did not move very far—just from buffalo jump to buffalo jump.” Annie Calf Looking also stated that her people camped in high places for safety and in order to observe the enemy: The word for camp is mamapis. In the summer they camped on the hills or in high places so that they could look for the enemy. Adam White Man pointed out that the camps were located in higher terrain along the streams during the late spring because of the danger of flooding: When you see these tipi rings along the creeks and in the valley bottoms, they are the winter camps. In the spring when it floods they move up on the benches and high ground. The interpreter, George Bull Child, interrupted here to say that there were different places to camp during certain seasons: I heard the old people of our tribe say that our people camped in the brush of the sheltered valleys near the buffalo drives in the winter. The winter camps were in the brush and the summer camps on the flats above the streams. The Indians were questioned concerning the size and plan of the camp, as well as about a camp circle. They all agreed that their people used a camp circle, but usually split up into smaller hunting groups in the fall. Bull Head said: Yes, I heard that they used the camp circle but they usually did not travel in large groups. They were in search of food and that is why you find these places with rock rings—sometimes one, only two, and then sometimes five in one spot. They were small groups of people in search of food. Annie Calf Looking said: My grandmother told me that her people planned to meet together in the summer and had a large camp circle. In the winter there was no larger camp circle, but each band did have a small circle in the winter camp. The band broke up in the winter time after they got their meat. She also told me that her people camped more in groups after they got the horse. The chief would have his ring in the center of the camp circle. He would be the one with the most wives and would have the big tipi ring. My husband, Paul, tells me that he saw a single tipi ring recently out on Birch Creek. It must have been a jealous man who camped out alone like that. He did not know why it was single in the old Skunk People’s (his band) camp. 434. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 The informants were questioned as to the size of the tipis when their ancestors used the tipi rings. They all agreed on the fact that the tipis were not large before their people acquired the horse. Several of them said that they heard of large tipis or tipi rings with two fire- places during “horse days”; this tipi had to be taken apart when moving. George Bull Child, the interpreter, had interesting infor- mation on the size of the precontact lodge: The tipis were not very large before my people got the horse. The dogs were bigger then, but they could not carry very much even though the travois made a load lighter. A certain dog would have to carry a tipi skin alone. The lodge poles would be smaller in those days, so that a dog could pull them. A big cover would be only ten skins then. Some fellows would say, ‘‘My tipi is six skins.” A big chief would have ten skins. Later on, when they got the horse, eighteen to twenty skins was average. [!°] Adam White Man said that small tipi rings occurring in a camp of larger rings may have resulted from the smaller dwellings of widows, elderly people, and from children’s play tipis." All the informants were asked whether or not their people ever returned to the same campground and occupied the same tipi ring. Several of them thought that it was not the usual practice for their people to return to the same ring. Bull Head agreed with this but added, ‘‘It was not the usual practice for people to come back to the same ring, but my father did return to the one I am protecting. There is no reason to believe that my father considered he owned the tipi ring that he returned to.’”’ Information contrary to this was given by Annie Calf Looking: Yes, my grandmother said that her people, the Don’t Laugh band, would leave their rock ring and mark it.[!2]_ No, she did not tell me where they camped but she did tell me that they marked their camp. They marked their own stone ring and they could not take another person’s ring. If you wanted someone’s ring, you would have to pay dearly for the spot.[!?] You would have to give robes, dogs or horses if you came and wanted to take someone’s ring away. There was quite a dispute when someone came and took another person’s camping ground. Each person would know right where their ring was located. When a person died, their brother could take the ring, give it to someone else, or leave it blank. People kept from taking a person’s ring because they were afraid of the dead. 10 In his letter of March 25, 1954, Ewers believes ‘‘the estimate given by this informant on the average size of the Blackfoot lodges in posthorse period to be excessive. My informants (independently) seemed to agree very well with Wissler that the average sized tipi was twelve to fourteen skins.’”’ (Italics mine.) 11 A photograph confirming Adam White Man’s statement was published by McClintock (1936, p. 10), in which two children are shown playing in a small tipi, the sides of which are held down by rocks. A modern example of this play tipi was photographed by the writer at the 1956 Blackfoot encampment (pls. 55, a; 56, 6; 61, a). 12 Cecile Black Boy claimed that the tipi ring was marked by buffalo horn cores left among the rocks of the ring. 13 Annie Calf Looking may be here confusing ownership of the ring (as a collection of rocks) with owner- ship of the right to camp in a certain position in the camp circle (see, e. g., Grinnell, 1892, p. 224). Rego STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 435 Regarding the practices of the North Blackfoot, Little Light, elderly member of that tribe, told that: In the dog days they just used rocks on the edge of the tipi cover, to hold it down. They didn’t use pegs because they had no axes. When the white men brought axes they made pegs. In the old days they used hide liners, tied to the lodge covers, and held down with stones. Mrs. Duck Chief, the oldest resident of the North Blackfoot Reserve, explained why rocks are not used on the modern tipi: Where old Indians pitch their tipis, they put the rocks around the tipi to keep it down, so when it’s windy the pegs won’t come out. They don’t do it now-a- days; only old people with hide tipis used them, when the tipis were used often, for every day. The hides stretched more than canvas, so the rocks didn’t roll off as they would from tight canvas. In summary, the statements of all the informants bear out that tipi rings represent just what their name suggests: rings of stones employed by earlier Indian residents to hold down the sides of their skin tents. At least one of the early white observers, as well as several elderly Indians still living on the reservations of Montana and Alberta, actually witnessed these tipi rings in use in a Blackfoot camp. (The Museum of the Plains Indian has in its files a photo- graph, taken in 1910, showing Tom Horn, a Blackfoot, standing before his tipi, the Otter Lodge, with his wife, Different-Kind-of-a- Gun-Woman, and their children. The bottom of the cover, although pegged, is weighted with rocks, several of which have been made heavier by logs placed over them (pl. 61, 6)). It was possible to identify a few rings in the field, but most of them were claimed to be too old for such knowledge to be retained by the informants. Every informant was certain that tipi rings resulted from the use of rocks to hold down skin lodge covers, and that they were needed as weights to prevent the lodge from being overturned by the strong winds, as well as to keep it warm by fixing the cover close to the ground. When found inside a tipiring, a smaller ring was the result of rocks having been used to confine a fire, but such was not the inevitable practice, for cooking was sometimes done outside during good weather. A third cause of rock rings was the practice of weight- ing down the inner liner with stones; '* however, Mrs. Duck Chief remarked that filled parfleches were also employed for this purpose. The informants testified to the use of tipi rings both during proto- historic times before the acquisition of the horse, and during historic times. All agreed that the protohistoric tipi was small, and that the tipi became exceedingly large after the horse was obtained. They thought that transportation problems had a direct bearing on the size of the lodge, as did the practice of polygyny. ‘Tipis at one time 4 A tipi liner held down by stones was photographed at the 1956 Blackfoot encampment (pl. 67, a). 436 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 were often so large that two fireplaces were needed inside, and the covers had to be split in two parts upon moving. The Indians had heard that the earlier Blackfoot, when hunting buffalo, located their camps near the jumps but not so close as to disturb the animals. Many times the camps were placed in the open, on high places or hills, yet near water. One informant said that this was customary in order to observe the enemy, while another believed that it was to escape spring floods. In the winter, camps were located in the sheltered valley floors; it was in summer that they would be pitched on the flats above. The informants all believed that the size and plan of the camp depended upon the annual subsistence cycle and the ceremonial observances during the summer. Small tipi rings in a camp of larger rings were probably the lodges of widows or elderly persons, or chil- dren’s play tents. There was a division of opinion among informants on whether or not the earlier members of their tribe returned to the same tipi rings in the process of migration during the annual subsistence cycle. INFORMANTS OF OTHER TRIBES In addition to elderly Blackfoot informants, members of other tribes were questioned when they came to Browning on visits or for celebrations. Dave Frenchman and Edward L. Martell, from the Cree Reserve (Moosemen Reserve), Saskatchewan, 22 miles north of North Battle- ford, had been told by the old people of their tribe that the stones of tipi rings were used to hold down the edges of lodge covers. Some- times there would be a large ring in the middle of the camp circle, and this would be the location of the chief’s tipi, that is, of the best warrior and the leader of the tribe. These informants had never heard of a hearth in the center of a tipi ring. Ethel Potter (age 50), an Arapaho from the Wind River Reserva- tion, Wyo., said that her father, Mike Goggles (age 74), had shown her a place where rock rings were located, as they were traveling through the mountains, and had told her that they had been used by the people of his tribe to hold down the skin covers of lodges. She had not heard of these circles of stones in connection with ritualistic practices and knew nothing of ‘‘medicine wheels.” (Sister M. Inez Hilger (1952, p. 93), in a study of Arapaho child life and the milieu in which these children lived, discovered that when signs of a hard winter or an approaching storm were noticed, ‘‘The old men would tell their wives to weight down the edges of the tipis Anthrop. Pap. Antes Pap STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 437 with plenty of rocks to keep the tipi covers down and thereby the cold out.’’)® An employee of the Blackfeet Agency Headquarters in Browning, Mont., Stanley Pugh, an Oglala Sioux from the Pine Ridge Reserva- tion in southern South Dakota, repeated what his grandmother, Alice Palliday (now deceased), had told him of the origin of tipi rings: My grandmother told me that in winter time they would cut fine willows and straw or marsh grass. They would place it between the pegged skin cover and the ground in order to keep the lodge warm. Rocks were placed on top of the lodge cover in order to keep the willows and straw from blowing away. The rocks used were of a size easily carried by a woman. After the tipi was taken down the rocks were left remaining as tipi rings. I have many times seen tipi rings in that country. Charcoal and scattered cooking stones remained, showing where fire hearths had been in the center of the ring. (George E. Hyde (Will, 1924, p. 294, footnote 2) speaks of a similar practice of making large bundles of long grass, to pile up around the lodge for warmth in winter, in the traditions of the Cheyenne, who when they moved west into the short-grass country substituted sod for the grass bundles.) Ambrose Rider (age 47), a Gros Ventre of Fort Belknap, stated that old people of his tribe claimed that tipi rings were made by “Ute” peoples who once roamed that area (there is probably confusion on the part of this Indian between the Ute and the related Shoshoni tribe). He further said that there are a large number of tipi rings in the Fort Belknap area, and that some of them occur on high places. Large, about 20 to 25 feet in diameter, the rings do not appear in camp circles, but are scattered. ARCHEOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS INTRODUCTION The area in which the archeological investigations took place was the modern Blackfeet Indian Reservation, located in north-central Montana immediately east of the Rocky Mountains. Its boundaries are formed by, on the north, the forty-ninth parallel (the Canadian border) ; on the south, Birch Creek (lat. 48°10’); on the east, the Cut Bank meridian (long. 112°10’); and, on the west, Glacier National Park (long. 113°40’). This encompasses an area approximately 50 miles on each side, containing 2,384 square miles, slightly larger than the State of Delaware. Of this, only 230 square miles, or one-tenth, had been broken by the plow at the time of these investigations (1953). However, this figure does not include the irrigation ditches, dams, roads, and other activities, such as the building of rock shrines by sheepherders, that destroy tipi rings. Nevertheless, the proportion 15 T am indebted to W. S. Campbell of Norman, Okla., for bringing this reference to my attention. 438 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 of disturbed land is considerably less on the Reservation than on most of the rest of the northern Great Plains, or of the State of Montana. Because this area represents one of the last regions in which many of the aboriginal aspects of the Great Plains may still be observed, being relatively unaffected by farming, and in which many of the older inhabitants retain a first-hand knowledge of native Indian customs, it is a critical area for anthropological study. ENVIRONMENTAL FACTORS The environmental setting is of importance in interpreting the archeological sites of the Blackfeet Reservation. It was a major fac- tor determining the manner in which the early inhabitants of the region lived, whether they must be nomadic, and what materials were avail- able to fulfill the needs which their culture stimulated. The geology of the Reservation (Alden, 1912) is complex, and has given considerable variety to the topography. Much of its character is due to glaciation: the terminal moraine of the Keewatin ice sheet can be seen lying across the eastern portion of the Reservation, and the piedmont glaciers, remnants of which still flow in Glacier National Park, sculptured the western edge. In addition, stream erosion fur- ther modified the pre-Pleistocene ‘Blackfoot Peneplain,” the ancient level of which is marked by buttes and ridges rising several hundred feet above the present rolling plain. (The edges of these eminences, dropping steeply and abruptly, were utilized by the Indians for bison drives; beneath many of them the depth of the bison bones testifies to their effectiveness in slaughter.) The rock of these ridges is Creta- ceous sandstone and shale. The mountains of the Lewis Front Range of the Rockies form Gla- cier National Park. From them issue numerous streams, running north, east, or south from the Hudson Bay and Continental Divides in the Park. These streams are now found both in deep gorges and in broad flat valleys, sometimes with gravel-capped terraces. The sur- face appears as a treeless plain, gently rolling in the east, and becoming hilly as it approaches the mountains in the west. The stream valleys are abruptly encountered in this plain; only in them and in the foot- hills on the western margin of the Reservation do trees grow (cotton- woods in the former, aspen and pine in the latter). As the topography influenced the inhabitants of the Reservation in selecting dwelling sites, so the climate determined to a large degree which topographic settings were chosen for the different seasons. Cli- mate is one of the most important factors to consider in deciding a oa STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 439 whether or not rocks would be necessary to anchor skin lodge covers.!® The area about the Blackfeet Indian Reservation is, as a whole, characterized by fairly warm summers with abundant sunshine, win- ters that are cold and dry, and considerable windiness throughout the year. Throughout 1952, the average wind velocity at the closest weather station, Great Falls, was 13 miles per hour, with the prevailing direction southwest. Seasonal variations ranged from a low of 10 miles per hour for August to a high of 18.3 miles per hour for January.” However, as Smith (1925, p. 413) has pointed out, ‘Averages do not tell the whole story. Averages rarely happen. The freaks of the season decide man’s chances.” ‘The greatest wind velocity in 1952 at Great Falls was 66 miles per hour, in July. Over an 8-year period from 1945 to 1952, there were extremes of 65 to 73 miles per hour nearly every year, with a prevailing southwest direction; every month of the year showed a development of extreme winds. On the eastern edge of the Blackfeet Reservation, at Cut Bank, gusts of slightly over 100 miles per hour were recorded more than once. When the spring floods forced the Indians out of the sheltered stream valleys where they were wintering, the wind on the open up- lands would be so strong as to necessitate the use of rocks for tent weights, for with such gusts it would not otherwise be possible to hold down a skin lodge cover. This mountainous region, then, around the headwaters of the Missouri River on the western margin of the High Plains, was the habitat of comparatively many tribes, offering them plentiful game and, though the winters are severe, providing shelter against the climate in the numerous valleys. ETHNOLOGICAL BACKGROUND The history of the region of the Blackfeet Reservation is important in understanding the archeological material found on it, as well as in relating it to historical and ethnographic considerations. In the area of the Reservation, a number of different tribes repre- senting various linguistic stocks, cultural traditions, and with diverse geographic connections were to be found at different periods. In early and middle prehistoric times, no doubt, nomadic tribes, some subsist- ing chiefly by hunting and others by both hunting and gathering, occupied the region. Excavations at two sites on the Reservation have produced points and artifacts reminiscent of types found at 16 Mae Williamson, a prominent middle-aged Blackfoot (president of the Blackfeet Arts and Crafts Asso- ciation), reports that in her girlhood she asked the old people of her tribe why the tipi rings are often located in what she would consider a poor camping spot, and that they replied, ‘‘ You young people are too particular about where you camp. We would camp wherever we had to, many times. We might have had to make camp when we were caught in a blizzard, and that is why you see those tipi rings in places that would not normally be used for camping, if we had a better place.” 17 Data summarized from the U. 8. Weather Bureau’s tables for Great Falls, Mont., in 1952. 440 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 early Middle Period sites in the Plains: at the Billy Big Spring site, one McKean and several Hanna type points (the former dated by radiocarbon at 3445 + 120 years before present at Signal Butte) were discovered with geological implications that suggest considerable antiquity (Kehoe, 1955, p. 2). It seems likely that some of these early groups may have been Athapaskan bands, or perhaps affiliated with these. They may, as Gordon Hewes (1948, p. 7) suggests, have lingered on in the region in late prehistoric times. (For the purposes of this paper, the proto- historic is assumed to have begun with the introduction of white trade goods about 1728 (Lewis, 1942, p.16) and the historic period with Thompson’s exploration in 1800 (Ewers, 1944, p. 20)). The close of the prehistoric saw the Shoshoni occupying the territory of the present Reservation, and ranging far north on the Plains into Saskatchewan, where the Blackfoot were encountered in the Eagle Hills; horses obtained from Spanish colonies in New Mexico via the Comanche gave the Shoshoni this mobility soon after 1705 (Ewers, 1955, p. 6). Close to the Shoshoni, in this period, were the Kiowa and Kiowa- Apache, according to their traditions at the headwaters of the Yellow- stone and Missouri Rivers. Mooney considered the Kiowa-Apache an Athapaskan group coming to join the Kiowa from the north, possibly through the region of the Blackfeet Reservation (Hewes, 1948, p. 7). Before the southward movement of the Blackfoot in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, the Kutenai and two Salishan tribes, the Flathead and the Pend d’Oreille, hunted in the territory of the present Reservation, in conjunction with the powerful Shoshoni, from whom they obtained horses, but it has not been determined whether they ventured from the mountains before they had acquired the horse (Ewers, 1949, p. 356). About the middle of the 18th century the Blackfoot began migrating south from the Eagle Hills of southern Saskatchewan. By 1800 these mounted warriors, equipped with firearms, had become masters of the vast territory between the North Saskatchewan River and the headwaters of the Missouri, stretching east from the Rockies about 10 degrees of longitude (Swanton, 1952, p. 396). The Piegan, southern- most of the Blackfoot tribes, have thus occupied the area of their Montana reservation for over a century and a half. ARCHEOLOGICAL FIELDWORK A preliminary survey of tipi-ring sites was undertaken in October of 1952, after regular excavation projects were completed. At this time, 23 sites were examined before severe weather set in. During the fall of 1953, a further survey was undertaken to examine reported sites and to locate others. In these two seasons a total of 210 tipi-ring Anthrop. Pap. STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 441 sites were discovered within the limits of and in the various portions of the Blackfeet Reservation, comprising well over 1,000 individual tipi rings. Subsequent travel over the Reservation has brought to notice at least 150 additional tipi rings, but they have not been closely examined; this study is confined to the intensive survey of 1952-53. Since it was not possible to fully test the majority of these sites, this report is preliminary in nature and will include only summary descriptions and brief comparisons of the data collected. Further- more, the significance of the data in its fullest implications cannot be extracted from the evidence at this time: only by much future arche- ological fieldwork and extensive comparisons both with sites in other localities and with ethnographic materials can these Reservation sites be defined culturally and chronologically. Proportion of tapi rings to other sites —The 210 surveyed tipi-ring sites comprise 72 percent of the total number of archeological sites found on the Blackfeet Reservation through 1953. This figure com- pares with the 22 tipi-ring sites forming 42 percent of the total number of sites reported by Bliss (1949, p. 10) at the Tiber Reservoir on the Marias River, southeast of Shelby, Mont. Bliss’ work at other reservoir sites indicates that six tipi-ring sites, forming 19 percent of the total surveyed, were found at the Canyon Ferry reservoir on the Missouri River near Helena, Mont.; only six tipi-ring sites, or 14 percent, at the Glendo Reservoir in southeastern Wyoming; nine tipi-ring sites (12 percent) at the Boysen Reservoir in Wyoming; and none in the Oregon Basin, 8 miles southeast of Cody, Wyo. (Bliss, 1949, pp.8-10). These surveysindicate that the region of the Blackfeet Reservation may possibly represent a cultural hearth for tipi-ring sites. Location of tipi-ring sites —Tipi rings were found in nearly all parts of the Reservation, although an intensive survey was not made of every locality. The rings occur at elevations of from 3,500 to 5,000 feet above sea level, in both valley bottoms and as much as 600 feet above the valleys on the intervening flat-topped ridges. Going to the east, the first occurrence of tipi rings is 4 to 6 miles from the front range of mountains, and about 3 to 5 miles from the massive ridges bordering the principal valleys heading in the range. At this point, the rings are placed on the elevated pediments and elongated ridges extending from the mountains, on the abrupt edges of the flat-topped ridges, and in the river bottoms or on the terraces of varying heights. Continuing east, the elevated pediments give way to buttelike eminences; the tipi-ring sites are found along the escarpment edges and on the fingers of these buttes, and on the more gradual marginal slopes (see pl. 49, a), as well as, still, on the stream terraces and in the valley bottoms. 442 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 178 All the local topographic settings on the Reservation favorable to camping reveal tipi rings, both large and small. However, the rings occurring on elevated areas seem to average smaller in size than those found in low situations, suggesting a possible correlation between the size of a ring and its topographic setting. Withers (1950, p. 11) notes a similar observance in Colorado: We also saw sites of the stone circle type. Following a suggestion I got from Bliss, I think we can probably work out two occupations from the stone circle sites, one with fairly small circles located on the blufis above the river bottoms, and one represented by the larger circles found consistently on the valley floors. This difference would be difficult to explain, other than by either supposing a preference for smaller tipis on the higher locations (owing perhaps to the force of the winds there), or by postulating different cultural occupations, as Withers suggests, during one of which, pos- sibly, a climatic change flooded the bottoms (detailed geological studies have not been reported on the paleoclimatology of the Reservation, which, because of its proximity to the glaciers of Glacier National Park, undoubtedly experienced many unique local variations in climate). Camp plans.—There may also be a relationship between the camp plan and the topographic setting, caused by seasonal subsistence cycles and ceremonial observances. However, although there were different tent arrangements in the larger tipi-ring sites, and several vaguely defined camp patterns were worked out, a definite correlation between plan and setting has not yet been determined. When three rings were present, they were either in a single row or forming a triangle. In clusters of four or more rings, they were ar- ranged in single lines, double alternating lines, V, semicircle, or circle. But in many cases the group of tipi rings was haphazardly arranged or scattered—either it was impossible for the writer to pick out the camp plan or there had been no intended arrangement in these cases. Although immediate topographic features, as well as the number of lodges in the group, would to some extent determine tent arrange- ment, some choice was possible on camp plan. The following table gives the number of sites and of tipi rings for each of the several camp- ing arrangements: TABLE 1.—Camp plan or pattern Plan Number of | Number of sites rings AGSingledsolated rings. ssl a0 25 4 Seer fee SY EEE EL LE de ee 63 63 FBO ONL See nt es A ie eae aes ae oe ae ee 24 48 G@iChreetringttrian gles oie hi AEs 1a Ly a a ee Se 5 15 DF SIN BIOWOW. ne a ae ee ee = RE pe = BOL ae eee eee 16 110 EP Double-alternatingirow 22228 2k Boer ed SL SE es 3 199 Keg Ve arraneemont.-2 2 5ae* 8 S22 ee ee ee eee ee ee 1 31 GUBemlcifcle = i202 i leek A Le eA Ste ee Oey eeiieass ~ 4 38 MH OlrCl Os eee hn ee LS SU 2 ee ae ng emg 5 112 I: laphazard or scattered): 2 0.0 bs) ee ee NS 16 134 Antbron, Pap. STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 443 In most of the 137 tipi-ring sites closely examined on the Reserva- tion, the rings were single isolated rings, in small groups of two or three, or in clusters of from 4 to 55 rings. One site, however, con- tained 170 individual tipi rings placed in a double alternating line ex- tending for 4% miles along an escarpment. The rings were usually 5 to 50 feet apart and the same distance from the abrupt edge of the flat ridge. Since they overlooked Trail Coulee, they may possibly have been connected with the Old Whoop-up Trail. All these arrangements except the triangle (C) occur in all the dif- ferent local topographic settings on the Reservation. ‘The sites con- taining only three rings are found on flat-topped ridges, including their edges, in saddles between hills, and on escarpment fingers. Those occurring as isolated single tipi rings ranged from 12 to 24 feet in diameter and averaged 17.3 feet. At the sites containing two rings only, the tipi rings were between 7.5 and 25 feet in diameter, averaging 15.9 feet. Three rings in one site varied from 10 to 27 feet in diameter, and also averaged 15.9 feet; a total of 12 sites con- tained only three rings. In the 38 sites in which the tipi rings are found in clusters of from 4 to 170, the rings ranged in size from 10 to 29 feet in diameter. The complete range of diameters of tipi rings on the Blackfeet Reservation is thus between 7.5 and 29 feet, and the average for a sample of 108 sites was 15.8 feet. It can be seen that the size of the tipi rings, though somewhat variable, is circumscribed within narrow limits; and both the range and the average correlate very well with the sizes of conical lodges used as dwellings by the tribes of historic times. Shape of tipi rings—No eccentric forms of tipi rings were found— just circles such as would result from rocks used to hold down lodge covers. No tipi rings found suggested a ceremonial use. Neither partial nor overlapping rings were observed, indicating that the people may have returned to the same rings, or at least would not disturb an older ring to use the rocks in erecting a new lodge. The late H. P. Lewis, in an unpublished manuscript on buffalo kills in Montana, briefly discussed the tipi rings he discovered in north-central Montana, and came to the same conclusion, that even though rocks may have been scarce, the rings were not re-used for another tipi. He states, “Strangely enough I cannot remember ever seeing such rings appearing as though they had been disturbed, or worked over, or any part of the circle lacking” (Lewis, MS., chap. X, p. 27). Depth of rocks——There seems to be a correlation between the size of a ring and the depth to which the stones are embedded in the ground. Depth below surface was recorded in 65 sites containing a total of 391 tipi rings, and in this large sample the size of the tipi 444 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 rings seems to diminish in proportion to the depth to which the stones are embedded. However, in comparing individual sites or rings, the depth of the embedded rocks would be a poor criterion for chrono- Jogical classification or dating, for conditions such as erosion, deposi- tion, frost action, and cultural variations in lodge sizes, reflecting occupants’ status or similar factors, would affect each site differently. Table 2 summarizes the data on sites and depth: TABLE 2.—Rock depth and tipi-ring size Proportion below surface Average Number Number size (feet) of sites of rings One-quarters 223.05 Goss S eon Lal Ek EB, SR ee ued 18.3 4 58 QOnieshal fae ea ae So Ce ee Sls Ta 17.2 22 100 ‘nhree-quarters:421 5 Ser eee eA Ue ae eee id 16.7 32 165 INGST IVS BOLO Wace ence tes ice ke oe ee TRE Rae at aoe et ee 14.6 7 68 RO Gale = se ce hee Re a ee yt oe MI Bae eel eee 65 391 A further relationship can be noted from table 2, between the num- ber of tipi-ring sites and the depth of the embedded rocks. LEighty- three percent of the sites in the sample had rocks one-half to three- quarters embedded in the ground; comparison with the number of sites in which rocks are nearly below the surface is invalid, because of the difficulty of discovering these sites, but the presumably more recent sites, with rocks near the surface, are readily observable. There thus appears to be an increase in the number of sites and of tipi rings with an increase in the depth of the rocks of the rings below the surface. It may be supposed that the rings in which the rocks largely uncovered by sod are found postdate the period in which the Blackfoot lived exclusively in tipis, and they may therefore have been built only for the annual summer ceremonies. Door gaps.—Very few of the tipi rings have an area in which rocks are absent, presumably the gap left at the lodge door, where rocks were not needed to hold down the cover. In only 11 of the 85 sites closely investigated in this regard did door gaps, ranging from 2.5 to 8 feet across and averaging 4.8 feet, occur.!8 A total of 14 individual tipi rings had door gaps. The rings with door gaps varied from 13 to 19 feet in diameter and averaged 15.8 feet. In all cases except two, the door gap faced approximately east; in one it faced northeast and in the other, south. One site of six rings 12 to 13 feet in diameter contained in it three rings with door gaps, all facing east. 18 Many lodges did not have a door extending to the ground, but only a narrow hole about 1 foot above it. The cover would have to be held down under this opening, but, since there was usually no interior lining at this point to be also secured, there would be fewer rocks in the ring here. However, Mae Wil- liamson (see footnote 16) stated that she was told that in cold weather the gap at the door might be lined with a robe, or a second hide door might be constructed, or the door itself might be pulled down and inside under the tipi edge, all of these contrivances necessitating rocks as weights; at the least, parfleches could be placed against the unlined, drafty door bottom, and even these might require rock weights. Al- lowing for these practices, the absence of a door gap so often noted in tipi rings is not surprising. nteey. Pap- STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 445 Quantity of rocks—Although there was variation in the quantity of rock material used in tipi rings, it always seemed in proportion to that needed in weighting down a lodge cover. Thus, when smaller rocks had been employed, a greater number appears to have been used, as would have been required. In many cases, clusters of tipi rings of large diameter seem to contain fewer rocks. It may be that pegs were used to supplement rocks (see pl. 61, 6) during the period when these larger rings were used. Rock type-——The unique array of rock exposures and glacial drift gave to the Indians of the Blackfeet Reservation area a wealth of raw materials for lodge-cover weights. In the great majority of the sites (206), glacial drift or stream boulders make up the rock rings. This material ranges in size from cobbles 3 inches in diameter to boulders 1% feet long and about 6 inches to 1 foot in diameter. The stones may be partially rounded, but are mostly subangular, with some faceted and striated. The preponderance of mostly subangular rocks can be explained partly by the natural profusion of these rocks and partly by a preference for rocks that would not roll. The material seems to be wholly derived from the mountains and heterogeneously mixed; it was principally quartzite (white, yellowish, banded pink, and red), with pebbles of maroon argillite and of diorite. In most cases it was not necessary for the rocks to be carried more than a few feet; they could be carried by women. Four sites had rings composed of sandstone and conglomerate slabs from nearby outcrops. The tipi rings were 15 to 18 feet in di- ameter, but the slabs were much larger than the usual rocks—from 10 inches to 1% feet in diameter. However, the only difference be- tween these rings and the more common ones of boulders was that, because of the larger size and more angular shape of the slabs, fewer were needed. These four sites were located on the edge and the mar- ginal slopes of flat-topped ridges, close to the Cretaceous rock ex- posures. These rock types represent the use of available materials, as in the unglaciated prairies to the east, where turf or sod was used to hold down the lodge covers (Bushnell, 1922, p. 28, quoting Maxi- milian; Will, 1924, p. 293). Rock concentrations in center.—Only 23 of the 144 sites on the Reservation closely examined for this feature revealed definite clusters of stones in the center of the rock rings. These are presumed to be former fire hearths. No site was noted in which all the rings in the site had definite center rock clusters. Usually there were one or two such rock clusters in a site of from 3 to 50 tipi rings. These clusters of stones were between 1 to 4 feet in diameter. Many times they were haphazardly arranged, sometimes appearing 471762—60——30 446 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 to result from putting the fire out by throwing stones on it. These hearthstones occasionally are discolored by fire, but are seldom frag- mented, suggesting rather temporary use. Most commonly, these rocks are smalJer than those of the outside ring, and therefore it is possible that, in a deeply embedded ring, they are nearly or entirely below the ground surface. When only a few of the tips of the rocks are visible above the surface, they have the appearance of stones naturally scattered on the ground, though in a good many cases, they very probably had had some connection with a fire hearth. Outside fire hearths.—In five sites, outside fire hearth remains were noted. Adam White Man has stated that his people would cook in- side the tipi only during bad weather, and pointed out the outside fireplace belonging to his father’s tipi ring (see p. 432).!° Inside fire hearths. —Six tipi rings, in six different sites, had definite rock-ring fire hearths. These hearths contained six to eight rocks each. Since so few fire hearths occur, it seems probable that cooking was done outside in many cases, as suggested in the paragraph above. A report on the excavated hearths follows. Excavations.—Because of the nature of tipi-ring sites, which must be on or very near the surface to be visible, and because both arch- eologists and reputable collectors® have reported that occupational remains are rarely found in excavations of rings, it was decided that excavation would be a relatively minor aid in the solution of the problem of the origin and use of tipi rings, and therefore this activity 19 At the 1956 Blackfoot encampment, the occupants of Lodge 1 constructed a hearth 6 feet southeast of their tipi, on which tin cans, bottles, etc. give evidence of cooking. The placement of this outside hearth concurs with a description of such cooking hearths obtained by Mae Williamson (see footnote 16), during her girlhood from older Blackfoot. McClintock (1910, pp. 226-227) also mentions and pictures an outside cooking hearth. 20 Mr. Carle Leavitt, Conrad, Mont., an amateur collector who is both a serious student and a conscien- tious observer, excavated a tipi ring several years ago. The ring was located on Leavitt’s own propsrty, 20 miles northeast of Conrad, and was about 12 feet in diameter. A fire hearth in the center gave evidence of burning and was surrounded by bone fragments. Although the entire ring was excavated to the original ground level 2.5 inches below the surface, most of the interior of the ring was found to be empty. However, besides the material in the center, the area 1.5 to 2 feet inside the rock circle contained numerous bone frag- ments and one arrowpoint, with three (side- and basal-) notches, which in Leavitt’s experience is unique in this region, except for one other found in a bison kill west of Kevin, Mont. Leavitt recalls that ‘‘the point was neither obsidian nor agate—some kind of flint.” 8. Victor Day, of Sunburst, Mont., another reputable collector, reports having found worked flakes of petrified wood and moss agate in tipirings: ‘‘I’ll shew you dozens of places at the tip! ringson my place where they dropped their rejected pieces.’’ In addition, he discovered a full-grooved stone maul ‘‘leaning against the inside edge of a rock ring,’’ and several arrowpoints both inside and just outside rings. The Museum of the Plains Indian has in its collection two stone mauls, both full-grooved, found asso- ciated with tipirings: M. P. I. Nos. 63L and 917L. The first is a stream-rounded boulder 15.1 X 11.7 X 6.8 cm., with a pecked groove 2 to 2.5 cm. wide encircling the center. One end shows considerable use. This maul was found by Richard Sanderville, a leading Blackfoot often relied upon as an interpreter, on Two Medicine Creek “‘near old tipi rings.’’ No. 917L is a pecked maul triangular in cross section, 15.1 X 8.2 X 8.2 cm., with a pecked groove 2 to 2.5 cm. wide extending around it 4 cm. from the base, which shows evidence of considerable use and tapers to a rounded point also exhibiting the marks of use. This maul was found by L. F. Tenney of Kevin, Mont., on the Milk River Ridge 10 miles west of Warner, Alberta; it was associated with tipi rings and possibly with a bison drive site, and there was a good spring nearby. Nowe STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 447 was not expanded beyond the complete excavation of one ring and the testing of several others. It is pertinent to the problem of tipi rings that the nomadic peoples presumably using them possessed very few imperishable material belongings, occupied camps for only short periods, and, since they carried always little more than the bare essentials for living, were able to abandon very little in moving. Ewers (1955, pp. 130-131) states, “Experience made the Blackfoot efficient in packing their belongings quickly in the morning camp was to move. ... Each family was responsible for its own belongings. Every article had its assigned place and means of transportation.’”? These factors make it improbable that the excavation of tipi rings will reveal much of value in solving the problem of the rings. Site 24GL3890.—This site consists of three tipi rings, averaging 17.3 feet in diameter, situated on a long, flat escarpment finger parallel to and above the north bank of Greasewood Creek. About one-fourth of a mile southeast of Sharps Lake, it is nearly centrally located on the Reservation. The area of occupation is 700 feet, east to west. Ring 1 (refer to fig. 30) measures 15 feet north-south and 17 feet east-west. The circle of rocks is 1 foot wide with its scattered rocks 6 to 8 inches in diameter. Three-quarters of each rock is embedded in the ground, leaving approximately 2 inches protruding above the sur- face. ‘There seem to be more rocks on the north side of the ring, and they are more distinct. Since the ring is located on a very slight slope. there may have been more deposition on the south side, covering that part of the ring to a greater extent. One rock is embedded in the interior of the ring 6 feet from the west side. The pattern of a 5-foot section of the ring is seen in figure 30. Ring 2 is 16 feet in diameter. As in Ring 1, the circle of rocks is 1 foot wide and the stones range from 6 to 8 inches in diameter, being three-quarters embedded in the ground, with about 2 inches protrud- ing. On the east side of this ring a gap of 8 feet in which no rocks occur is present; presumably this marks the doorway to the lodge. In ring 2, slightly off center (6 feet from the east side, 8 feet from the west, and midway between the north and south sides of the ring), could be seen a rock-ring fire hearth. The hearth was 2 feet in diame- ter, and its rocks range from 3 to 6 inches in diameter, considerably smaller than those of the tipi ring proper. Excavation of this rock- ring hearth disclosed only five small charcoal particles the size of a pinhead. These fragments were embedded near the base of the rocks, and probably were the last remnants of the charcoal which had been almost all blown out. A gap to the west of the fire ring gave it a U 448 — o 3 a L be) UY vy) >) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Oring 1 SITE 246L390 aie ROCK CIRCLE RING 2 100 200 feet Ficure 30.—Site 24GL390. i ial STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 449 shape. On this point, it can be noted that this occurrence tallies with information given by Jim White Calf, an elderly Blackfoot, previous to the excavation: . After they completed placing the rocks on the outside to hold down the lodge cover, they gathered more for the inside to build the fireplace. These rocks are not placed all around, but a space is left blank at the rear or toward the back of the lodge. I do not know the reason for this. It will be remembered that the “back of the lodge’’ was to the west, since the door always faces east. Ring 3 is 19.4 feet north-south and 21 feet east-west. The circle of rock is spread over an area 1 to 1.5 feet wide, but the individual rocks still range from 6 to 8 inches in diameter and again are embedded approximately three-quarters deep with 2 inches above the ground surface. These rocks, like those of the first two rings, are glacial boulders of pink quartzite and sandstone. The greatest concentration of rocks is on the northeast side of the ring, but since it is on a slight slope, greater deposition on the southwest side may have led to this impression. ‘There are no rocks inside the ring, and no evidence of a fire. Site 24GL490.—Two tipi rings, one 11 feet in diameter and the other 17 feet, comprise this site on the edge of the escarpment forming the south side of Milk River Ridge, in the northwest portion of the Reser- vation. A fire hearth (pl. 49, 6) occurs in the smaller ring, and was briefly tested, yielding a handful of charcoal, unworked fragments of both burnt and unburnt bone, and four unworked obsidian flakes, 1.2 cm., 1 cm., 0.7 cm., and 0.5 em. (Obsidian is not known to occur naturally on the Reservation.) Site 24GL584.—On the north shore of Spring Lake (the middle Mission Lake), in the eastern half of the Reservation, is an area seven-tenths of a mile long and 50 to 100 yards wide, containing approximately 100 tipi rings. These overlook the lake. At the writer’s suggestion, Phyllis Jay, then assistant curator at the Museum of the Plains Indian, and her husband, Edward Jay, a trained archeologist, measured several of the tipi rings and excavated one hearth, which is diagrammed in figure 31. Five of the tipi rings were, respectively, 16, 16.7, 16.7, 18, and 19 feet in diameter. The fireplace of ring 5 was excavated. In it charcoal was dis- covered at approximately 3 inches below the surface. Although no artifacts were found, the structure of the fireplace was very distinct: it was composed of nine rocks arranged in a U shape roughly in the center of the tipi ring. The nearest neighboring ring was about 15 feet to the west. Site 24GL486.—The south slope of Milk River Ridge, in the north- west portion of the Reservation, is dissected by intermittent streams, 450 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 t O 5 10 I5 feet eee | SITE 24GL584 RING 5 Ficure 31.—Site 24GL584, ring 5. leaving smaller ridges or fingers extending at right angles to the Ridge (pl. 50, a). These flats are excellent camping spots, affording good drainage, observation of the country, and proximity, during certain seasons, to running water. One portion of the Ridge contains 12 ay sil STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 451 sites in an area 2 miles long, encompassing this dissected slope (see pls. 50, 6, 51, a; refer also to fig. 32). On one of these flat fingers, eight-tenths of a mile southeast of the Milk River Ridge, 400 feet lower than it and 250 feet above the valley Milk River Ridge e46L525 re) ° @) 24G6L487 N \ SECTION OF MILK RIVER RIDGE SLOPE 24GL486 “————— approx. ] pil @stsese cia Ficure 32.—Section of Milk River Ridge slope with three tipi-ring sites, 452 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 N 1 SITE 2461486 (e) AO feet Ficure 33.—Site 24GL486. floor, is site 24GL486, which consists of six tipi rings ranging from 13 to 14 feet in diameter, and placed as pictured in figure 33. In 1953, when this site was first visited, several of the rings were whitewashed and photographed from the Ridge. Except for the dis- placement of a few rocks on the south sides of a couple of rings, under- mined by soil having been blown out, the rings are in good condition. (The wind is exceedingly strong at this site during some months of the year; excavation in October and early November of 1956 had to be discontinued at times because of the powerful gusts.) A large number of rocks make up each tipi ring; they range from 0.3 to 1.3 feet in diameter, but most are of considerable size and weight. They must have been gathered from the hill crest, where these red glacial boulders are thickly scattered—the only bare spots OAS) el STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 453 feet SITE 2461486 9 Co hey esa RING4 paL2 a e4ti O Cyan = Oe Bie & Sn O o3Li 3CA B3R1 Gik ‘byte ash wg rook Q) Fragment 2 O O Us 5 iene ee ; y, Vr @2L2 Cp So g2cA “Oy 9 = Lo hammerstone D io o Or at « GI CO 0) QO O ollL2 Q a Sire 34.—Site 24GL486, ring 4. are the interiors of the tipi rings. Ring 4 was the only one of the six to possess a fire hearth, composed of a rock ring. The excavated ring, ring 4, measures 13.5 feet north-south by 14 feet east-west (see pl. 51, b; fig. 34). The east-northeast side of the ring presents a gap 1 foot wide, probably a doorway. The circular band of rocks in the ring covers an area about 3 feet wide and consists of 124 rocks, 0.3 to 1.3 feet in diameter. The tipi ring was staked out in 5-foot squares, with the central axis oriented along the (magnetic) north-south line through the center of the ring, almost bisecting the fire hearth. The southernmost row of stakes was labeled ON(orth), the next 1N, etc.; numbered left or right of the central axis, square designations were derived from that of the stake in the southwestern corner of each. Square 211, which included a segment of the fireplace, was taken down 0.1 foot, to the base of the rocks in the fireplace ring, presumably 454 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 tbe original floor of the tipi (see pl. 52, a). The fill consisted of a fairly loose yellowish-gray sandy soil, but at the 0.1-foot level a com- pact, bard gray layer was encountered. Whether this compact layer, on which lay the rocks of the tipi ring as well as the hearth, resulted from the occupation of the tipi (either from the trampling of the inhabitants, or from the effects of sod destruction, leaving the soil unprotected), or is a natural feature of the region, a hardpan such as is common on the Plains, is uncertain: local soil scientists were unable to settle the question, nor, since the region is undisturbed range, could the experience of farmers be sought. While this layer does appear to extend beyond the tipi ring, it would still remain within the camp area, and so could have been subject to the same trampling that may have packed it within the tipi. Extensive testing of the surrounding region for this feature was impractical within the time available for excavation. Also undetermined is whether the rocks of the tipi ring always lay on this compact layer, soil being deposited around them and eventually covering them, or whether they sank down to it through successive wet seasons; probably both factors were operative. The remainder of the squares containing the tipi ring were also cleared of the surface material to the 0.1-foot hard gray level. While it appeared that the extremely heavy rocks had embedded themselves deeper into this layer, owing to their weight, the majority of the rocks lay on it. Ina typical square, 2.2, 15 rocks of the tipi ring occurred (pl. 52, 6). Thirteen were approximately 0.6 foot in diameter and were toward the inside of the ring, while two, 0.8 and 1 foot in diameter, lay somewhat outside the ring. In square 1111 the rocks had been displaced about 0.6 foot because wind action had removed the soil from under them; this formed a section of the small blowout on the south side of the site, mentioned above (pl. 53, a). The only artifact discovered was a rounded stone, apparently from a stream bed, 8.6 by 7.1 by 5.8 em., with peck marks showing evidence of use as a hammerstone. This occurred 4 feet southwest of the fire hearth, on the hard gray 0.1-foot level. A bone fragment 1.9 by 1 cm. lay also on this surface, in square 21, near a small deposit of ash. The center of the ring was occupied by a rock-ring fire hearth composed of 10 stones, 1 of which was entirely below the surface, and ranged in size from 0.4 to 0.8 foot in diameter. These stones lay on the 0.1-foot level; it was observed that the hard gray layer sloped slightly down to the area midway between the hearth and the outer ring, and consequently these rocks were very slightly higher than the rest of the interior of the ring. Several of the rocks lining the hearth appeared fire-reddened, and one was fire-cracked. Under one of the larger rocks in the northeast portion of the circular ring a small handful ar) il STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 455 of charcoal and charred wood was found. Since the wind appeared to blow from the southwest, it was surmised that here was represented the last remnants of the fire, blown from the hearth but caught under the edge of this rock. Summary of fieldwork.—As in the case of the historical accounts and the ethnographic material, the archeological information collected on the Backfeet Indian Reservation supports the conclusion that the tipi rings were used to hold down lodge covers. Sheer numbers of tipi rings alone give testimony that they served a domestic function, rather than having been of occasional ceremonial use. Their location on flat or nearly flat areas in good camping spots, where they appear to have had taken into account, in their placement, factors of drainage, wind, and other climatic influences, support their use as habitation sites. The topographic settings concur with the camping patterns (of which regular plans of a limited number of types were observed) in suggesting seasonal variations in camps, reflecting an annual cycle of activities such as is known from historic tribes. The size of the tipi rings on the Reservation vary to a limited extent, but the range and the average both coincide with the sizes of lodges used as conical dwellings among the historic tribes. The variations can be explained by both individual owners and by temporal differ- ences. The number of rings in a site approximate the number of lodges in historic camps, changing from season to season in a regular cycle. No eccentric tipi rings were found, nor any partial or overlapping rings. All the tipi rings observed on the Reservation were suitable in construction and shape for use as lodge-cover weights. The rocks making up the rings were uniform within a restricted range of size, shape, type of material, total numbers, and arrangements, and the aggregate of these features reinforces the surmise that they were weights for the skin lodges. The absence of rocks, in a few of the tipi rings, in a small area toward the east is reminiscent of the historic tribes’ tradition of placing a doorway toward the rising sun. The occurrence of rock concentrations and rock-lined fire hearths in several tipi rings is further evidence of their use as habitations, while the absence of these hearths in numerous rings agrees with native informants’ memories of cooking being done outside the lodge. A comparison between the sizes of tipi rings and the depths to which their rocks are embedded, as well as the total numbers of rings and of sites at different depths, suggests a temporal change in tipi ring size. ‘The change could well be due to the shift in cultural and economic patterns outlined by Lewis (1942, pp. 35-36). 456 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 DISCUSSION It is difficult to understand why archeologists working in the Northern Plains appear to be so confused over tipi rings, lumping several diverse phenomena under this classification, assigning esoteric functions to them, or refusing to hazard hypotheses on their functions at all. Mulloy is a leading exponent of the “problematical” theory of the nature of tipirings. Referring to them as “manifestations of unknown relationships,” he has summarized his reasons for arriving at this conclusion (Mulloy, 1952, p. 137). A point-by-point discussion of this summary incorporating the evidence previously presented in this paper removes, it is believed, the basis for Mulloy’s hesitation and supports the conclusion that tipi rings were indeed lodge-cover weights: (1) Mulloy states (ibid.): “‘‘Tipi rings’ [vary] from five to forty feet in diameter and occasionally larger...” Tipi rings found on the Blackfeet Reservation vary in size from 7.5 to 29 feet in diameter,”! within Mulloy’s range but likewise within the range and with the average of lodges used as conical dwellings by historic tribes, and by the modern Blackfoot at their 1956 encampment. Variations reflect owners’ and temporal differences. (2) ““Tipi rings’. . . are found either isolated or in groups of several hundred.”’ On the Reservation, the rings occur isolated or in groups of up to 170; these variations in camp size result from the seasonal cycle of subsistence and ceremonial observances. (3) ‘Frequently they intersect each other so intricately that it is difficult to separate one from the other. Usually they are simple circles, but eccentric forms occur.” No tipi rings on the Reservation intersected each other, overlapped, or could be termed an eccentric form, nor could historical or ethnographic sources clarify this asser- tion. Perhaps this is a trait characteristic of another area, which cannot be solved in north-central Montana. (4) “Sometimes they occur near camp sites, but rarely are artifacts found in them. . . . [There is a] lack of evidence of habitation in their vicinity.”” Since tipi rings were occupied for only a short time by nomadic people who would discard very little, an abundance of habitational debris is not to be expected. Reputable collectors report 21 In the autumn of 1956 an amateur collector from Valier, Mont., James Tidyman, brought the writer to a large hill overlooking Two Medicine Creek in the southeastern portion of the Blackfeet Reservation. On the summit of this hill is a stone ring 43.7 feet north-south by 44.5 feet east-west, but differing from other tipi rings only in size. A fire hearth 3.9 by 3 fect is located 19.7 feet from the west, 18.6 feet from the east side. Disturbance of the surrounding land, preventing examination of the lower slopes of the hill, obscured surrounding rings, ifany. Carle Leavitt of Conrad recalls visiting, with the late H. P. Lewis, three rings at a site in north-central Montana, which he believes must have been about 60 feet in diameter, and 40 to 50 feet apart, with the rocks deeply embedded in the ground. It has not been possible, so far, to investigate these phenomena sufficiently to reveal their significance—perhaps they were ma’toki dance lodges (see p. 428). abit ay. STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 457 occasional artifacts in them, and one was discovered in the ring excavated by the writer. Many times the rings are in the vicinity of buffalo drive sites; a Blackfoot informant, Bull Head, stated that his people were accustomed to camp near their drives. (5) “In the Dakotas, some are merely circular depressions in the sod.” Maximilian reports observing the use of sod to hold down the lodge covers of the Blackfoot at Fort McKenzie, where suitable stones are lacking. (6) “Rarely . . . are the remains of fires found in them.’”’ Rock concentrations as well as rock-lined fire hearths are frequently found in the center of tipi rings. Native informants, however, recall that cooking was often done outside the lodge. As for the remains of the fire itself, buffalo dung used as fuel would produce a slow, consuming fire leaving very little ash. Furthermore, the wind would be strong enough, in most cases, to remove all ash and charcoal remains—that charcoal which is found is usually a small amount caught under the hearth rocks. (Local ranchers have mentioned that many times, on the day after one on which they have branded cattle, they can find no traces of the branding fire.) Finally, that cooking was commonly done at the buffalo drives, rather than in camp, is evidenced by the charcoal and ash midden built up at these drive sites. (7) “They lack packed floors.” The tipi ring tested for this feature revealed a hard layer at the base of its rocks, which may possibly have been a floor. However, the nature of the sod on the Reservation (like that of much of the Great Plains) is such that packed earth is unlikely to result from relatively short occupancy of an area. At the 1956 Blackfoot encampment, the interiors of the tipis were marked by grass less packed than that outside the lodges. (8) ‘They are situated on high river terrace fingers and less fre- quently in sheltered lowland areas.” On the Blackfeet Reservation, tipi rings are found in all topographic settings favorable for camping. Historical and native sources indicate that the Indians lived in the sheltered lowlands in winter, but in spring were forced up on the terraces by flooding. It should also be remembered that tipi rings are very difficult to discover in the brush of the low valleys, and are in greater risk of destruction, from settlers as well as from floods. (9) ‘They may be related to so-called ‘medicine wheels.’”’ This topic is discussed in detail in another paper (Kehoe, 1954; see also Dempsey, 1956). Although no medicine wheels occur on the Blackfeet Reservation, they are found in north-central Montana and in Alberta. They can be defined as cairns or circles of stones, from the center of which radiate a number of rows of other stones. Elderly Blackfoot state that they mark the grave or place of death of esteemed members of the tribe, and this is substantiated by historical accounts. Tipi 458 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 rings are thus “related”’ to medicine wheels solely by having been used as weights for the cover of the death lodge, and subsequently forming the basis of the construction of a marker, or ‘‘wheel.’”’ Mulloy is further confused by circles of mixed stone and posts, which he encountered in the Yellowstone region (1952, p. 132; 1954, p. 55). These structures are conical, semiconical, rectangular or pentagonal in shape, often supported by trees or cliffs, and con- structed of both stone and wood, in toto suggesting an entirely dif- ferent type of structure from the weighted conical skin tipi. Mulloy believes (1954, p. 55) that ‘“‘these structures may account for the origin of the prevailing myth in this region that ‘tipi rings’ have hearths in them, but they are by no means the same thing as the circles.” The 1954 report documents Mulloy’s investigation of two “stone circle sites’? in the Shoshone Basin, Wyo.” In one, containing 75 rings from 11 to 24 feet in diameter, situated on a flat-topped gravel terrace, he mapped and photographed the site and tested one circle by coordinate trenches 2% feet wide and 3 feet deep. Another ring was tested by being completely excavated to the level of the gravel terrace. In addition, a second site of six rings was investigated but not excavated. The conclusions Mulloy derives from this work are that ‘stone circles’ are still “manifestations of problematical pur- pose,” similar in their occurrence along the eastern edge of the Rockies from New Mexico north to the Canadian border, and that “they might be circles used in dancing, or in other religious rituals” (Mulloy, 1954, p. 55), which may possibly be connected to the ‘medicine wheel” in the Big Horn Mountains of Wyoming. In sum, Mulloy adduces no new reasons for denying the domestic function of tipi rings as lodge-cover weights, though he is still committed to a belief in an inscrutable esoteric use for the circles, and therefore the rebuttal of his 1952 argument continues to be valid. A second student of tipi rings, Hoffman, begins his review by cautioning, ‘‘In form and use they must be distinguished from some- what similar structures such as medicine wheels, eagle catches, the Lacotah Love Dance circle, and Koyokee pits’ (Hoffman, 1953, p. 1), but later refers to all of these together as “‘tipi ring forms” (op. cit., p. 10 ff.). Failure to clear the confusion results from his superficial (ta aloiter dated October 4, 1955, with photographs enclosed, Mr. William McCarty of Laramie, Wyo., sent me a description of a group of tipi rings in southeastern Wyoming (130 miles southeast of Mulloy’s study). He wrote: ‘‘This group of tipi rings is located on a high bluff with a sheer drop to the west and north and a gradual slope to the east and west (sic). From the high point one can see for miles in any direc- tion. This bluff is located eight miles south of Medicine Bow, Wyoming.... These rings seem to be in groups of three to six and are scattered around the level areas. . . . Rings are about eighteen feet in diameter and are formed of a double ring of stones. ... At each group is a smaller ring of stones with a fire hole in the center of each... . My wife found a broken arrowhead and my daughter a smaller broken one. Some flints I have picked up show they were worked on and may be crude arrowheads.” . Pap. Noo STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 459 speculations unsubstantiated by cross checking, field investigation of informants’ descriptions, or full documentation of these informants’ background and reliability. Hoffman makes much of the theory that tipi rings were used as shelters during ‘medicine getting” quests; these fasting shelters, however, are U-shaped stone constructions large enough to hold a man and high enough to protect him from the wind. They thus cannot be confused, in the field, with tipi-ring circles. Several of these fasting shelters can still be seen today, and have been located on the Blackfeet Reservation. One of the best surviving examples is the shelter of Ear Rings, a Piegan, father of John Bird Earrings, who brought Claude Schaeffer, then curator of the Museum of the Plains Indian in Browning, to this shelter, placed on a hill above Har Rings’ allotment and near his grave. Dr. Schaeffer photographed the shelter at this time (pl. 53, 5). Carling Malouf is also noncommittal on the use of tipi rings, but is led to the supposition of a ceremonial function by the lack of hearths and artifacts in so many.“ Malouf’s statement that ethnographic accounts fail to provide sound information on the rings is difficult to comprehend in the light of the evidence presented by informants in a previous section of this paper. Review of their writings suggests that the hesitation of these stu- dents in assigning a domestic function to tipi rings stems from (1) lack of detailed examination and analysis of tipi rings in the field, (2) unfamiliarity with published historical and ethnographic sources and with surviving native knowledge, (3) application of interpretations based on phenomena from a limited area to a large geographical region occupied by a number of tribes representing diverse linguistic stocks, cultural traditions, and geographical connections, in which entirely foreign but superficially similar structures cause much confusion, and (4) an unwillingness to commit themselves on a seemingly controversial topic. It should be noted, of course, that tipi rings are distributed over an area much greater than the former home of the Blackfoot, to which my conclusions are limited. In other areas and among different tribes, there may be stone circles that served other functions. The archeolog- ical past of each area is, to a greater or lesser extent, unique, and must be recognized as disclosing information perhaps inapplicable to any other area. Therefore it is admitted that the hesitation of arche- ologists such as Mulloy may well be justified in regard to stone circles treated as a phenomenum scattered from New Mexico to Montana; the writer will maintain only that those herein described from the 23 Personal communication, summer of 1953. %4 Personal letter dated November 7, 1953. 460 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 Blackfeet Reservation vicinity were used as lodge-cover weights, or ‘tipi rings.” The extension of the use of tipi rings as lodge-cover weights to the northern Blackfoot range in Alberta is corroborated by information recorded by Dempsey (1956, p. 177): The tipi ring . . . is common in Blackfoot country and has been used within the past two decades by at least two tribes of this nation (Blood and North Peigan) where the owner wished to follow early customs. The tipi rings were aptly described in 1955 by One Gun, an elderly North Black- foot informant: “The circles of stones were normally used to hold down the edges of the lodges. The old tipis were made of buffalo skins and were much heavier than the canvas ones. They could not be blown away as easily, so stones were able to hold them in place. But when we started to use canvas, we had to use pegs or our tipis would be blown over. Stones were also used between the pegs.”’ Dempsey also notes that the Blackfoot word for “medicine wheel’ refers only to the radiating lines, the speaker thus assuming that the listener knows, as is inherent in Blackfoot tradition, according to Dempsey, that the lines are “‘merely appendages to existing tipi rings” (ibid.). Granting, then, that the question of the function of tipi rings has been answered, at least for the area inhabited by the Blackfoot, prob- lems of cultural affiliation and age still remain for these archeological features. Solutions rest partly on knowledge of the changes in size of the tipis during protohistoric and historic times, and of the size and arrangement of the camps. For example, Anthony Hendry observed in 1754, while journeying through the Blackfoot country, near the present Calgary, Alberta, a camp which in his description invites comparison with archeological sites (Bushnell, 1922, p. 25): Came to 200 tents of Archithinue Natives, pitched in two rows, and an opening in the middle; where we were conducted to the Leader’s tent; which was at one end, large enough to contain fifty persons; where he received us seated on a clear [white] Buffalo skin, attended by 20 elderly men. ... I departed and took a view of the camp. Their tents were pitched close to one another in two regular lines, which formed a broad street open at both ends. Matthew Cocking, sent west by the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1772, writes of this tribe’s camp arrangement in connection with a buffalo pound (Bushnell, 1922, p. 26): “Our Archithinue friends came to see us and pitched a small distance from us; on one side the pound 21 tents of them, the other seven are pitched another way.’’ On the Reservation, tipi rings are found associated with buffalo drive sites in similar arrangements. A cluster of nine was located within a few hundred feet and on each side of a buffalo drive site, as diagrammed in figure 35 (see also pls. 49, a; 54, a). Deductions on the size of the tipi may be made from observations such as those collected by Lieutenant Bradley from white traders a) ial STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 461 tones jump nd skulls Milk River Ridge N 1 SITE 2461520 TIPV RINGS ASSOCIATED with BISON ORIVE ° 100 200 feet Ficure 35.—Site 24GL520, tipi rings associated with bison drive. familiar with the Blackfoot from the early decades of the 19th century. He states that about the middle of that century (Bradley, 1900, p. 258): From six to twelve skins were ordinarily employed, according to size desired or the wealth of the occupants. The number rarely exceeded twelve but occasion- ally reached eighteen and twenty, and Major Culbertson relates having once seen one of forty skins that would hold a hundred people. A six-skin lodge was ten feet in diameter, holding six people, while a twelve-skin lodge was about fifteen feet in diameter and afforded shelter to eight or nine persons. The cover was stretched over eight to twelve lodge poles, in the larger lodges from eighteen to twenty, standing in a circle and inclining inward till they joined near the tops at the height of from eight to twelve feet from the ground. The social organization and annual cycle of subsistence of the vari- ous tribes that once camped in the area of the modern Blackfeet Reser- 4717626031 462 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 vation may be reflected in the surviving tipi-ring clusters. Eggan’s paragraph (1952, p. 40) is suggestive in this regard: Collier has noted that the social organization of the Plains tribes took a series of forms: the camp circle, two types of large bands, the camp based on extended kinship, and the temporary hunting camp, each of which was adapted to the an- nual cycle of subsistence as well as to the social environment. It is important to note that tribes coming into the Plains with more complex formal social struc- tures were in the process of giving them up in favor of the more flexible band and camp organization; and conversely, the more simply organized Great Basin groups developed a more complex organization. Using the information from Bradley (1900, p. 258), Lewis (1942, pp. 35-49), and Ewers (1955, pp. 131-134, 307-308), the following table has been worked out to indicate the possibilities of chronological ordering of tipi-ring sites in the area of the Blackfeet Indian Reser- vation. Study of this table leads to the conclusion that most of the tipi rings on the Reservation date from the 19th century (cf. p. 444, table 2 and paragraph following). TaBLE 3.—Temporal change in Blackfoot tipi size Number of— Date Period Size of lodge in | Floor diam- Reasons number of skins} eter (feet) Occupants Wives Before Pre-horse____-- 6-8 ae About, 1023 |6-822=2.52==— (G9) area yea Limited traction power 1730. of dogs restricts size of lodge; less value in women’s labor, more equal sex ratio favors fewer wives, smaller family. 17502222 Generation 6 7.0 1p Yo Sire a eI, ROW Wa0—ZOkee oat: oe ee ok 12.7 13-14 ee re PL Oo) ee eee 5.0 470 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173 TABLE 6.—Tipi rings, 1956 Blackfoot encampment Number Size of Feet from Tipi No. of rocks rocks peg line Side of peg line Remarks (feet) 2 ER RR ee ee ee $8 0. 3-0. 7 (03-046) |B othiteee = seen abe Rh Ags oi 8 x AC} 9) (aS 0 RE MM i Us aad Se 2A Fruit and peg also. Teas sertunert se nncyened 14s AS AISA 33 3-1. 2 0='.(6)| AInsideseiews2 Asie Tb2Se See 3 Soe (hill aces ae ee Ca LAL A COE ee LOL See Sree See 13 Sola SS aos Cea eee ee Se aA PE lah ah ce Oe a 5 S18 | re ae tee | a ah es Dow were Kevninade Oh Ne Birdsall a 4=].0) ea Cs Cope Cn Tent peg in ring. 7 A rade ee eae 40 3- .8 ard Laas J ee ee Goseeee wanes See a a £2 Uhl dae ae MAIS LAR LS ae le Pn oe eR A oe hag: eee UE OR 7 | ene Oe Ee ee etch eer te othe Piled in center. SG lee eB Ue 20m Neb ase ie DE Balle ORI Meee it ES alae Spek Piled in center; anchor pole present; shoe heel in pile of rocks also. TaBLE 7.—Fire hearths, 1956 Blackfoot encampment Hearth Rocks Diameter Number of feet from (feet) tipi side— pos pbs Artifacts 0. Un- |Lined|Num-| Size N-S | E-W | ToE|ToW}]ToN]} ToS lined ber (feet) io hall (SEES Ba x AON G=1e a4 ees asi pepe gion oe da) eee ISO 1 Fu ee ciel ate etal ara S 3 eine 2.3 2.5 6.3 CRS Coe ee teen ae Glass, bone, corn, wood metal. 2 DG iN ol Nas etstes ell MEE St a NE FA 1.9 2.0 7.0 9.4 8.7 9. 3 Stir eee || See ee 2.1 2.4 7.0 SiSs | a eA ee See 4 DS ye a ee TES VS ee ep 1.9 2:1 7.0 8.5 8.1 8.0 Dy eee ee > 4 1 (2) PAP 2.3 5.5 7.0 6.5 6.3 | Charcoal, ash, burnt earth, glass, metal, peach stone. CG PDS Ju [aise BR Coo Bae eae 1.8 2.5 7.3 9.2 8.3 9.0 | Charcoal, ash, glass, seed, corn, pebbles, peach stone. et DRT APD ARM SIE ee lated 1) Aap ied Bee 1.3 2.1 7.0 9.7 9.0 7.7 | Ash, burnt earth. DSi eGh de eeet ec Mea eae cl) .8 1.0 pe Ne Lola) 8.5] 11.3 Ash, bone, eggshell, peach stone. Ie Lala Be x 15 41.0 2.8 3.0 8.8 9.2 8.6 9.6 | Charcoal, ash, burnt earth, fire-cracked rocks, metal. TSK Sa x 14E 416520 Pay) 7.6 9.2 8.5 9.0 | Charcoal, ash, wood, metal, cloth. TOR ae Balchin ee RE Pea 1S 7 1.8 7.5] 13.4; 10.0; 10.9] Charcoal, ash, wood, metal, lemon skin. Aig |e eee ees 0 | a a 1.5 1.2 6&5 | 10:3 6.5 8.5 | Charcoal, ash. DAN ie Sl He eee UTE Ly Ope RT Re et 1.8 1.8 TYE OBS eae uae Chanel ash, burnt DR fal eter a oe 12 4.7} 2.0 252 7.3 Qs Djstinsann Meet Charcoal; U-shaped (gap CES iO | ae gegen! Peer mean eek eS 1.8 1.8 7.0} 10.9} 9.95 8.0 Bae: burnt earth. TW Niet all re ak Lag sk 2.8 3.0 Qn 2h | ener: 9.5 9.5 | Burnt earth and bones, logs, metal. QBN xe ale x RYN ees bl Li anes 2.5 8.4 183 6.8 8.1 TOES, metal; semicircu- ar. Ue > Gn | cee ho | path a ees 2.3 2.3 SNOW ites 9.3 9.1 | Charcoal, logs. SBT LX of ee |e re 2.0 2.0 7.6 | 10.1 8.8 8.5 Charcoal; ash, burnt earth. BS Fat ORES oe em hese a IL 2.2 2.3 6.9 8.9 7.1 8.2 | Charcoal, burnt earth, metal. 34 a (Ee ete | Pad Ie fa he 2.0 1.9 8.0 tay arte at [ang Seve Charcoal. 38 6A ae ee es Se | ee eee 1.0 1.5 9.0 10.2 10.0 9.4 | Metal, cloth. 1 Hearth was 6 feet southeast of Lodge 1; tin cans and bottles near it suggest cooking was done here, also. were found. 2 Brick. Note: None of the other sites yielded remains except Lodge 37, in which a rock and a peach stone re ae STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 471 LITERATURE CITED ALDEN, WILLIAM C. 1912. Pre-Wisconsin glacial drift in the region of Glacier National Park, Montana. Geol. Soc. America Bull., vol. 23, pp. 687-708. Buiss, WEesLEY L. 1949. Archaeological reconnaissance in Wyoming and Montana, 1946-1947. Fifth Plains Conf. Archaeol., Proc. Notebook 1, pp. 7-12. BRADLEY, JAMES H. 1900. Affairs at Fort Benton. Montana Hist. Soc. Contr. 3. BusuHNELL, Davip I., Jr. 1922. Villages of the Algonquian, Siouan, and Caddoan tribes west of the Mississippi. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 77. Dawson, GEorGE MERCER. 1875. Report on the geology and resources of the region in the vicinity of the forty-ninth parallel, from the Lake of the Woods to the Rocky Mountains. British North American Boundary Commission. Rep. Dempsey, Huau A. 1956. Stone ‘“‘medicine wheels’—memorials to Blackfoot war chiefs. Journ. Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 46, pp. 177-182. Denny, Srr CE&cIL. MS. The birth of Western Canada. MS. (n. d.) Provincial Archives, Government of Alberta, Edmonton. Eaaean, Frep R. 1952. The ethnological cultures and their archeological backgrounds. In Archeology of Eastern United States, J. B. Griffin, ed. Chicago. EweErs, JOHN C. 1944. The story of the Blackfeet. U.S. Office Indian Affairs, Indian Life and Customs Pamph. 6. Lawrence, Kans. 1949. The last bison drives of the Blackfoot Indians. Journ. Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 39, pp. 355-360. 1955. The horse in Blackfoot Indian culture. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 151. GRINNELL, GEORGE BirpD. 1892. Blackfoot lodge tales. New York. HEwEs, GorDON. 1948. Early tribal migration in the northern Great Plains. Plains Archeol. Conf. News Letter, vol. 1, No. 4, pp. 3-12. Hiuaer, Sister M. Inez. 1952. Arapaho child life and its cultural background. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 148. Hinp, Henry YOULE. 1860. Narrative of the Canadian Red River Exploring Expedition of 1857 and of the Assiniboine and Saskatchewan Exploring Expedition of 1858. Vol. 1. London. HorrMan, J. JAcoB. 1953. Comments on the use and distribution of tipi rings in Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota and Wyoming. Montana State Univ. Anthrop. and Sociol. Pap. 14. 472 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173 JENNINGS, JESSE D. 1948. Plainsmen of the past, a review of the prehistory of the Plains. Omaha, National Park Service Region 2, Missouri River Basin Recreation Survey. Keuor, THomas F. 1954. Stone ‘“‘medicine wheels” in southern Alberta and the adjacent portion of Montana: Were they designed as grave markers? Journ. Washington Acad. Sci., vol. 44, pp. 1383-137. 1955. Museum of the Plains Indian Newsletter, vol. 1, No.2. Browning, Mont. Krigecer, ALEx D. 1956. Early Man: Alberta. Amer. Antiq., vol. 21, No. 4, p. 450. Lewis, H. P. MS. Bison kills in Montana. Copy (n. d.) in Museum of the Plains Indian Library, Browning, Mont. Lewis, Oscar. 1942. The effects of White contact upon Blackfoot culture. Amer. Ethnol. Soe. Monogr. 6. Lewis, T. H. 1889. Stone monuments in southern Dakota (with report of discussion by members of the Anthropological Society). Amer. Anthrop., vol. 2, pp. 162-165. 1890. Stone monuments in northwestern Iowa and southwestern Minnesota. Amer. Anthrop., vol. 3, pp. 272-274. Lowiz, Ropert H. 1922. The material culture of the Crow Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 21, pp. 201-270. Ma.our, CARLING. MS. Montana archeology. MS. (n. d.) lent by author. MAXIMILIAN, PRINCE oF WIED, see Wied Neuwied, Maximilian Alexander Philip, Prinz von. McCurntock, WALTER. 1910. The Old North Trail. London. 1936. The Blackfoot tipi. Southwest Museum Leaflet 5. McLean, JOHN. 1896. Canadian savage folk. Toronto. Mou .uoy, WiLur1aM T. 1952. The Northern Plains. Jn Archeology of Eastern United States, J. B. Griffin, ed. Chicago. 1954. Archaeological investigations in the Shoshone Basin of Wyoming. Univ. Wyoming Publ., vol. 18, No. 1. PHILLIPs, Pau C., EDITOR. 1927. John R. Barrow: A Wisconsin youth in Montana, 1880-1882. Sources of Northwest History 1, Montana State Univ. Hist. Reprints. Scuuttz, JAMES WILLARD. 1907. My life as an Indian. New York. SmitH, J. Russet. 1925. North America. New York. Speck, FRANK G. 1928. Notes on the functional basis of decoration and feather technique of the Oglala Sioux. Mus. Amer. Indian, Heye Foundation, Indian Notes, vol. 5. No. 1, pp. 1-42. Ratheay. Pap. STONE TIPI RINGS—KEHOE 473 Swanton, JouN R. 1952. The Indian tribes of North America. Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 145. Unitep States DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE WEATHER BUREAU. 1953. Local climatological data, Great Falls, Mont., 1952. Kansas City. WEDEL, WALDO R. 1948. Prehistory and the Missouri Valley Development Program. Smith- sonian Mise. Coll., vol. 111, No. 2, 52 pp. 1953. Review of Mulloy’s ‘The Northern Plains.” Amer. Antiq., vol. 19, pp. 178-179. Wiep NEuwiep, MaxtIMILtisn ALEXANDER PHILIP, PRINz VON. 1906. Travels in the interior of North America in the years 1832, 1833, and 1834. Part 1. In Early Western Travels. Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed. Vol. 23. Cleveland. Witt, GEorcE F. 1924. Archaeology of the Missouri Valley. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 22, pt. 6. WISSLER, CLARK. 1910. Material culture of the Blackfoot Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 5, pt. 1. 1913. Societies and dance associations of the Blackfoot Indians. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 11, pt. 4. WITHERS, ARNOLD. 1950. Survey in Hastern Colorado—University of Denver. Proc. Sixth Plains Archeological Conference (1948). Univ. Utah, Anthrop. Pap. No. 11, pp. 10-11. 471762-—_60——32 rit to, hpi ne BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 48 a, Site 24GL390. Boulder-lined fire hearth excavated in the center of tipi ring overlooking Greasewood Creek. Rocks were absent in west portion of fireplace; occupational material consisted of small charcoal particles. 56, Adam White Man standing in the doorway of the tipi ring identified as belonging to his father. Arrow points east, to the spot described as the fire hearth; rocks in upper right mark outside cooking hearth. (See fig. 29.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 49 a, Site 24GL520. Looking down from a bison drive on the south side of Milk River Ridge. Six of a group of nine tipi rings may be seen between bottom of picture and automobile See fig. 35.) b, Site 24GL490. Testing boulder-lined fire hearth. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 50 a, Looking down from the south edge of Milk River Ridge, site 24GL486 in exact center of photograph. b, Site 24GL487, ring 1 (Milk River Ridge in background). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULECERIN 173° PEARE)Si FNS a, Detailed view of section of the stone circle, site 24GL487, ring 4 (trowel points north). b, Site 24GLA486, ring 4, one of a cluster of six tipi rings located on the slope of the south side of Milk River Ridge. Ring is 14 feet in diameter and contains a boulder-lined fireplace. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 52 fe 3 / By ae 2f hae Oe fo 2S is ee Das tans. # a, Rock ring fire hearth, site 24GL486, ring 4. Square 2L1 (right) excavated 10 hard gray layer, 0.1 foot below surface. , Section of the stone circle, ring 4, site 24GL486, square 212; rock ring fire hearth in square 2L1 (see a). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 53 a, Site 24GLA86, ring 4. Rocks in square 1L1 (upper left) displaced by blowout; square 1L2, unexcavated, shows rocks embedded in ground between excavated squares ILI and 21.2; rock ring hearth in foreground. 6, Fasting shelter of Ear Rings, Earrings Hill, southeast of Starr School on the Blackfeet Indian Reservation. (Photograph taken October 1950; courtesy Claude I. Schaeffer.) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 54 a, Site 24GL520, tipi rings associated with a buffalo drive site on the south side of Milk River Ridge. (See pl. 49, a.) Fragmented bones were found in abundance in the hill slope beyond the jeep. Rock pile drive lanes extend from the drop-off along the crest of the Ridge (not visible in photograph). 6, Blackfoot woman repairing Lodge 26 at the 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 55 a, Oblique aerial view from the southeast of the 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. 6, Whitewashing tipi rings preparatory to photographing, site 24GL350. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 56 a, Aerial view of site 24GL350. Note similarity of tipi-ring pattern to arrangement of 1956 encampment lodges (below). 6, Horizontal aerial view of the south row of tipis (Nos. 2 to 12 and 39), 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. Note small play tipi below larger lodge, right center. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 57 : a, Rocks holding down inner lining, Lodge 26 (owned by Mae Williamson), 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. 6, View from outside Lodge 26, showing rocks pushing out inner lining (see a). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 58 f a, Rocks forming a tipi ring after removal of inner lining and tipi cover of Lodge 26, 1956 ) g Pp § P g Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. (tipi poles still standing in place). 5, Removal of the poles of Lodge 14, showing rock-lined fire hearth and tipi ring remaining. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 59 a, Mary Ground in the center of the tipi ring left after removal of her tipi, Lodge 30, in breaking camp, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. b, Mary Ground’s tipi ring and unlined fire hearth after her departure (see a). BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173. PLATE 60 a, Closeup view of Mary Ground’s tipi ring, site of Lodge 30, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. Dotted line indicates former position of tipi pegs (i. e., edge of lodge b, Blackfoot man using 2-foot- cover). Note lack of packing of grass along edge of ring. wide doorway of Lodge 2, 1956 encampment. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 173 PLATE 61 a, Children’s play tipi, Lodge 39, next to Lodge 6, 1956 Blackfoot encampment, Browning, Mont. b,'Tom Horn’s family in front of their tipi, Blackfoot Reservation, 1910. (Note rock weights.) INDEX Abraders, 197 sandstone, 159, 171-172, 178, 186, 194, 197, 215, 220, 246, 248 Adams, John, 222 Adam White Man, Blackfoot informant, 429, 430-431, 432, 433, 434, 446 Adornment, 250-251 Adz, bone, 199 Agate, 193 moss, 446 Agriculture, 245, 251 Airas, native informer, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293 Akron, Washington County, Colo., 229 Albany County, Wyo., 236 Albemarle County, Va., 65, 82 Alden, William C., 488 Alexander, Mr.—, owner of RM-1, 36 Allegheny Mountains, Highland County, 10-11 Alma, Harlan County, Nebr., 146 Aléwanpi ceremony, Dakota Indians, 351, 353, 354, 357, 369, 379 American flag, shown in Indian winter counts, 351 American Horse, Oglala Indian, 346, 350, 352, 354, 358, 360, 361, 362, 365, 366, 373, 379, 383, 388, 390 American Horse count, Oglala band, 346 Anderson, J. A., 347 Angaur, Palau group, 295 ghee Reservoir area, S. Dak., 139, 3 Anguispira alternata, 32 Annie Calf Looking, Blackfoot inform- ant, 429, 430, 433, 434 Antelope, 143, 204, 216 Antlers, worked, 174-175, 179, 215, 221, 245, 246 Apache Indians, 240 Arago, J., 286 Arapaho Indians, 361 Archeology, Northwest Virginia, rela- tionship to archeology of East- ern United States, 80-89 Archithinue natives, 460 Argillite, maroon, 445 Arikara Indians, 340, 347, 348, 350, 354, 355, 356, 360, 365, 368, 373 Arickaree River, 231 Armbands, bone, 198, 202-203 Arrowheads, black flint, 21, 458 quartzite, 65 stone, 426 Arrow points, bone, 246 Arrows, 380, 381, 398 Arrow-shaft polisher, 206, 215, 241, 244 Arrow-shaft wrenches, 241 Artifacts, bone, 173 (table), 179, 198 (table), 204, 212, 238 chipped-stone, 66, 81, 83, 178, 197, 238, 245, 248 contents of tipi rings, 470 glass, 238 horn, 238 metal, 155, 238 shell, 242 stone, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 40, 41, 67 (table), 155 (list), 158, 181, 182, 238 Houses I and II, 149 (list) House III, 150 (list) House IV, 151 (list) House VI, 155 (list) miscellaneous, 538-58, 213 Plains type, 241, 252 stone, 212 Arundo donax, 267 Ash Hollow Cave (Site 25GD2), 141, 184, 189, 191, 216, 2238-224, 236, 237, 247, 255, 384 Ashley, William, Dakota Indian, 341 Ash trees, 145, 177 Aspen trees, 438 Assiniboin Indians, 347, 348, 354, 355, 376, 377, 387, 424, 426 Athabascans, 240, 245, 251, 252 Athapaskan bands, 440 Atlatl, description of, 267-268 use of, on Lake Patzcuaro, Michoa- can, 261-268 Atlatl weight, 17 Augusta County sites, 12, 13 (map), 15-31, 74 AU-1 (quartzite-using station), 12, 15, 76, 77 (chart) AU-2 (Buffalo Gap), 12, 15-16, 63, 77 (chart), 85, 86 AU-3 (rock mound), 13 (map), 16 AU-3A (preceramic site), 13 (map), 16 AU-4 (preceramio, chert-using pe- riod), 16-17, 49, 57 (table), 66, 67 (table), 68, 77 (chart) AU-5 (near Staunton, Va.), 17, 30, 49, 57 (table), 61, 67 (table), 77 (chart) AU-6 (rock shelter), 17 AU-7 (Quick’s Mill), 17 AU-8 (near Waynesboro, Augusta County), 17, 57 (table), 77 (chart) AU-9 (near Waynesboro), 8, 17-18, 50, 77 (chart) 475 476 Augusta County sites—Continued AU-10 (on Calfpasture River), 18, 68, 77 (chart) AU-11 (north of Waynesboro), 18- 19, 49, 57 (table), 61, 64, 66, 67 (table), 68, 69, 74, 77 (chart), 84 AU-12 (east of Dooms, Jarmen’s Gap), 19, 77 (chart) AU-13 (near Waynesboro), 19, 49, 57 (table), 61, 64, 67 (table), 68, 69, 74, 77 (chart), 84 AU-14 (Dooms, Va.), 19, 57 (table) 77 (chart) AU-15 (north of Dooms), 19-20, 57 (table), 77 (chart) AU-16 (north of Harrison), 20, 50, 57 (table), 77 (chart) AU-17 (quartzite-using station), 20 2408505 ov able) G9, «7 (chart) AU-18 (near Crimora), 20, 57 (table), 77 (chart) AU-19 (Staunton, Va.), 21 AU-20 (Lewis Creek Mound), 7, 21-22 AU-21 (on Middle River), 22, 57 (table), 61, 64, 75, 77 (chart) AU-22 (on Middle River), 22, 57 (table) AU-23 (near Lofton), 22-23, 28, 50, 57 (table), 77 (chart) AU-24 (near Lipscomb), 23, 50, 57 (table), 67 (table), 77 (chart) AU-25 (southwest of Waynesboro), 23, 50, 57 (table), 77 (chart) AU-26 (near Lipscomb), 20, 23-24, 57 (table), 61, 68, 69, 74, 77 (chart), 78, 84 AU-27 (rock shelter), 8, 24, 77 (chart) AU-28 (SE of AU-27), 8, 24 AU-29 (Seidling Hill), 24-25 (table), 49, 77 (chart) AU-30(Natural Chimneys), 25-26, 52 AU-31 (southeast of Laurel Hill), 26, 49, 57 (table), 61, 77 (chart), 8 AU-32 (near Stuart’s Draft), 26, 57 (table), 77 (chart) AU-33 (near Stuart’s Draft), 26- 27, 57 (table) AU-34 (south of ee Draft), 27, 57 (table), 6 AU-35 (on Middle River), 27, 41, 57 (table), 77 (chart) AU-35-M (East Mound), 7, 12, 13 (map), 27, 57, 85 AU-35-V-1 (village site), 12, 13 (map), 27, 52, 57 (table), 61, 64, 77 (chart) AU-35-V-2 (village site), 12, 13 (map), 27-28, 61, 62, 77 (chart) AU-36 (northwest of Staunton), 28, 49, 57 (table), 67 (table), 68, 77 (chart) BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173] Augusta County sites—Continued AU-37 (Deerfield Valley), 28, 68, 77 (chart) AU-38 (east of Lofton), 28, 52, 57 (table) AU-39 (near Lofton), 28-29 AU-40 (northeast of Vesuvius), 29, 50, 57 (table), 77 (chart) AU-41 (left bank McKittrick Creek), 29, 49, 57 (table), 77 (chart) AU-42 (on Calfpasture River), 29, 77 (chart) AU-43 (northeast of Verona), 29— 30, 57 (table), 77 (chart) AU-44 (on Middle River), 30, 57 (table), 61, 75, 77 (chart) AU-45 (on Middle River), 8, 30, 49, 57 (table), 61, 64, 67 (table), 77 (chart) AU-46 (on Middle River), 30-31, 57 (table), 77 (chart), 78 AU-47 (opposite AU-46), 31, 68 AU-48 (slope of Bell’s ‘Creek Valley), 31, 68, 77 (chart) AU-49 (northwest of Laurel Hill), 31 Awls, bone, 149, 159, 173, 179, 186, 198, 200-202, 205, 207, 215, 220, 222, 241, 244, 245, 246 flat, 215, 220 iron, 215, 251 spatula, ar splinter, 215 Ax, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 29, 36, 38, ’39, "40, 67 crude, 53, 54 (fig.), 57 (table), 58, 81, 84, 90-127 (tables) crude limestone, 30 grooved, 21 polished and grooved, 17 trade, 154, 155, 175, 179, 250, 426, 430, 435 Aztecs, atlatl used by, 266, 267 BA (Bath County), 12, 13 (map), 31-32 BA-1 (rock shelter near Millboro pune 31-32, 63, 77 (chart), 8 Back Creek, south of Waynesboro, 15, 5 AG Bad Bird, Indian brave, 394 Badger, 204 Baez, Peter H., 421 Baker Site (Site 25CH14), 217, 255 Bald Knob, Augusta County, Va., 29 Bamun ideographic script, 273 B and M Site (3 miles northeast of Hudson), 232 Banner County, Nebr., Barrow, John R., 427 Bath County (BA), 10, 12, 13 (map), 31-32, 74 223, 236 INDEX 477 Battiste Good Count, Teton Dakota] Blackfeet Indian Reservation—Con. band, 346, 348 Battle or Bell Mound No. 1 (RB-7) Rockbridge County, 8, 42, 84 Beads, 173-174, 2438, 285 bone, 150, 159, 173, 179, 186, 200, 205, 206, 220, 241, 248, 250 conch columella, 25 copper, 215 cylindrical, 242 decorations, 215 glass, 231 marginella, 22 oval, 200 porcelain, 181, 211 round, 198 shell, 21, 22, 42, 242 trade, 211 tubular, 173, 198, 200, 224, 241, 244, 250 turquoise, 215, 248, 250, 251 Beamers, rib, 198 Beams, house, 280 Bear, Indian representation, 371, 372 Bear Butte, in winter counts, 362, 368 Bear Claw (“Tree Top” (Jack)), 412 Bear-Crane, Crow Indian, 428 Bear Heart, Indian brave, 383 Beaver (Castor canadensis), 32, 177, 204, 245 bone, unworked, 158, 159, 179, 216 represented in winter counts, 352 Beaver Creek, Scott County, Kans., 237 Beaver Dam, represented by Indians, 352 Beaver Shield, Indian brave, 407 Beckwith, Martha Warren, 371, 378 Beede, Rev. A. McGaffey, 342, 348, 347, 351, 353, 361, 362, 370, 398, 402, 403, 405, 407, 408 Bell, John M., owner of RB-7; 42 Bell, Richard, Jr., information from, 16 Bell’s Creek Valley, near Staunton, Va., 3 1 Bent Horn, Indian brave, 411 Berry Woman, Piegan woman, 432 Bibliography, 258-260 Big Bear, Indian brave, 395 Big Head, Indian warrior, 388, 405 Big Missouri’s winter count, 339, 346, 356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 365, 367, 371, 373 Birds, in winter counts, 362 32 (list), 34 (list) Birdwood Creek, 16 miles northwest of Hershey, Nebr., 211 Bison (Bison bison), 148, 159, 177, 179, 180, 204, 244, 245 Bison drives, Indian hunting method, 438, 446 Black Bear, Indian brave, 407 Black Crow, Indian brave, 401 Blackfeet Arts and Crafts Association, 439, 466 Blackfeet Indian Reservation, north- central Montana, 437, 438, 439, 471762—60——34 441, 442, 443, 445, 455, 456, 457, 459, 460, 461, 462, 463, 467, 468, 469 environmental factors, 437—439 ethnological background, 439-440 Blackfoot Agency Headquarters, Browning, Mont., 437 Blackfoot Camp, Modern, 464—470 Blackfoot Indians, 350, 355, 365, 372, 424, 426, 427, 428, 435, 436, 440, aaa 457, 459, 460, 461, 463, 467, camp plans, 442-443, 464, 465 (fig.), 466 (fig.), 467-468, 469 (table), 470 (tables) Blackfoot informants, 429-436 Seger: Peneplain,”’ pre-Pleistocene, Black Hills, S.Dak., 143, 359, 368 Black Hills Treaty, 396 Black Moon, Indian brave, 402 Black Shield, see Beaver Shield. Black Thunder’s count, 352 Blades, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 51 greenstone, 75 large, types, 45 (figs.), 48, 53, 81, 90-127 (tables) Large Triangular, Type T, 42 Blankets, use of, 428 Bliss, Theodora Crosby, 289 Bliss, Wesley L., 441, 442 Block A-1, 76, 77 (chart), 78, 79 Block A-2, 77 (chart) Block A-3, 77 (chart) Block A-—4, 77 (chart) Block B-1, 77 (chart) Block B-2, 77 (chart) Block B-3, 77 (chart) Block B—4, 77 (chart) Block C-1, 77 (chart) Block C—2, 77 (chart) Block C-3, 77 (chart) Block C—4, 77 (chart) Block D-1, 77 (chart) Block D-2, 77 (chart) Block D-3, 77 (chart) Block D-—4, 76, 77 (chart) Blood Indians, 426, 460 Bloomington, Franklin County, Nebr., 221 Blue Ridge Mountains, Va., 10, 11, 12, 58, 74, 81 Blue Thunder group, winter counts, 341, 342, 348, 348-413 Blue Thunder Variant I, 341, 342, 3438, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 408, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409, 410 478 Blue Thunder Variant II, 341, 342-343, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 3538, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409, 410 Thunder Variant III (Yellow Lodge Count), 340, 341, 348, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406, ene 408, 409, 410, 411, 412, 413, 14 Board, wooden, writing on, 282, 293, 295 Bone, burned, 154, 158, 159, 213, 217, 446 unworked, 149, 150, 151, 155, 158, 159, 172, 179, 182, 1838, 205 worked, 149, 150, 151, 158, 172- 174, 179, 188, 198-204, 205, 206- 207, 214, 217, 220-221, 245 Bones, animal fragments, 24, 25, 32 (list), 33 (list), 159, 183, 238 bird, 32 (list), 34 (list), 204, 241 bison, 438 long bones, 249 unworked, 158, 159, 188, 222 worked, 159, 174, 186, 198-199, 216 buffalo, 215 deer, rodent-gnawed, 25 mee unworked, 158, 159, 179, 204, 16 fish, 177, 205;.216,) 245512518268 horse, 205, 216 human, fragments of, 21, 41, 42 mammal, 241 turtle, unworked, 158, 159, 177, 179, 216 Boulder, Colo., 232 Boulder County, Colo., 231 Boulder Site (9 miles east of Boulder), 232, 256 Bow, carried by Indians, 383, 384, 392 Bow and arrow, 265, 266, 373, 3838, 386 Bowl, orifice, 191 wooden, 276 Box, wooden, 278 Boxelder trees, 145 Boysen Reservoir, Wyo., 441 Bradley, James H., 460, 461, 462 Bradshaw, Mrs. Bessie, owner of Clover Creek Mound, 36 Brady, Verl P., 421 Brass, sheet, 155, 176 Brave Bear, killed, 383, 384 Breastworks, legendary, 182 Breecheloth, worn by Indians, 368 Blue BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173] Bridle, horse, 358 Brings-down-the-Sun, Blackfoot cere- monialist, 427, 428 Broad Draft, Augusta County, Va., 28 Brocket, Alberta, Canada, 429 Broken Bow, Nebr., 177 Broken Head, Indian chief, 398 Brown, J. Macmillan, 2738, 274, 275, 276, 282, 283, 298, 298, 299, 300 Brown, Prof. W. R., information from, 21-22 Browning, Mont., 429 Brownlee, Jerry, information from, 19 Brownlee, on North Loup River, 208 Brownsburg, Va., 40 Brush Creek, 222 Buffalo, white, represented on winter counts, 374, 386 Buffalo Bull, chief’s son, 362 Buffalo-bull-standing, Indian brave, 412 Buffalo chips, used for fuel, 427, 457 Buffalo drives, Indian hunting method, 457, 460 Buffalo drive sites, 457, 460, 461 (fig.) Buffalo Fool, Indian brave, 409 Buffalo Gap, George Washington Na- tional Forest, 15 Buffalo Ghost, Indian brave, 407 Buffalo Head, Indian chief, 378 Buffalo horn, ceremonial use of, 366 Buffalo kills, 443 Buffalo Pound Hill Lake, near Moose Jaws Forks, 425 Buffaloes, 357, 361, 366, 376, 377 skins, used for tipi covers, 460 traps, 429, 433 Buick, Elbert County, Colo., 239 Bull Gany en Site (Site 25BN2), 222-223, 6 Bull Head, Blackfoot informant, 429, 432, 433, 434 See also Hat. Bullpasture River, Highland County, Va., 10, 35 Burdick, Eugene, 343, 344 Burdick, Usher L., 345, 351, 374 Bureau of American Ethnology, 225 Bureau of Indian Affairs, 421 Burial mounds, 78, 85 Burials, 42, 178, 216 flexed, 27, 85 Burnsville Highway, Highland County, Va., 35 Burrows, Edwin G., and Spiro, Melford K., 289, 294, 307 Bush Count, Dakota Indians, 346, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363, 364, 366, 368, 370, 371, 377, 382, 383, 384, 386, 392 Bushnell, David I., Jr., 425, 445, 460 Butts, Charles, information from, 11, 71 Byers Site (10 miles north of Byers, Colo.), 232, 256 Cactus, 143 Calamus River, 143 INDEX Calfpasture River, Augusta County, 10, 11, 16, 18, 25, 28, 41, 42, 75 Caliche, white chalky material, 167, 172, 245, 246, 250 Callar, Charles, collections by, 24, 25 (table) Calumet, peace pipe, 362 Calvin Boy, Blackfoot informant, 429 Campbell, W. S., 437 Camp Circle, 433, 462, 464 Camp May Flather, Girl Scout Camp, 24 Camp plans, Blackfoot Indians, 442 (table), 443 Cafia brava, native name for native cane, 267 Cane (Gynerium sagittatum), 267 Canis sp., 177, 179, 216 Cannibalism, practice of, 367 Cannon Ball River, 379, 381 Canoe-house beams, 279 Canoes, 266, 274, 276, 278, 285, 289, 351, 364 outrigger, 285 outrigger platform, 296 sailing, 288 Cans, metal, used as stoves, 467 Canté T’inza (Strongheart), society, 357, 412 - Canyon Ferry Reservoir, Missouri River, Helena, Mont., 441 Capote, white, worn by Dakota scouts, 355, 383, 384, 387, 391 Captive Butte, 385 Carbon, in fireplaces, 188 Carnivora, bones of, 32 Caroline Islands script, 269-333 affiliations, 287 analysis of the writing, 299-307 comparison of native texts, 307-309 (fig.), 310 (fig.) effect of dialects, 304-305 final consonants, 305-307 informants on, 282 (list) lack of correspondence of characters and syllables, 303-304 length of vowel, 300, 301 (list), 302 list of inventors, Type 1, 295 pois and sequence of characters, 2 origin of the writing, 282-299 present-day knowledge and distri- bution of, 279-280, 281 (map) summary, 309-311 syllabic values, 283 tables, 313-333 Type 1, 273-276, 277, 279, 283, 291, 293, 297 (list of characters), 298 (list), 300, 310 Type 1, date of invention, 297 Type 1, derivation of characters, 297-299 Type 1, foreign influence, 296-297 Type 1, history, 294-296 Type 1, invention at Faraulep, 295-296 warrior 479 Caroline Islands script—Continued Type 2, 277-278, 279, 283, 286, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 298, 300, 310 Type 2, history reconstructed, 284-294 Type 2, similarity to the roman alphabet, 283 Type 2, spread of, 2938-294 vowel characters, 302-303 Carries Braid, Blackfoot Indian, 430 Correia dite Kevin, information from, Carry - His - Lodge - on - Back, Indian brave, 404 Castor canadensis, 32, 177 Catlinite, 167, 172, 215, 246 Cecile Black Boy, Blackfoot informant, 429, 4380, 434 Cecile White Man, Indian woman, 430 Celts, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 37, 67, 84 crude, 53, 54 (fig.), 57 (table), 90-127 (table) greenstone, 17, 42, 53, 54 (figs.) pecked or polished, 53, 54 (fig.), 57 (table), 58, 90-127 (tables) Conausi are Allegheny, 58, 61, 63, 64, 85 Central and North Central, 61, 64, 72 (map), 83, 84 Stony Creek, 65, 71, 72 (map) Ceramic complex, 29, 35, 38, 57 (table), 58, 68, 69, 70 (map), 76, 78, 81, 87, 88 Chalcedony, 66, 167, 181, 182, 185, 187, ne 196, 206, 219, 225, 228, 229, 46 Bad Lands, 193, 195, 196 Chalk, silicified, 195, 220 Champe, John L., 139, 142, 143, 145, 176, 224, 238 Charcoal, 33, 36, 152, 154, 158, 159, 177, 188, 204, 213, 216, 217, 221, 224, 250, 449, 457 layer, 32, 152, 159, 183, 189, 432, 437 Charging Bear, Indian name for Major Welch, 411, 412 Charlie Strikes with Gun, Indian guide, 432 Chaske, Indian trader, 352 Cherry, wild, 204, 205 Cherry County, Nebr., 208 Cherry Creek, 363 Chert, blue, 11, 16 blue-gray, 11, 35 gray, 11, 167 Chert rocks (chips), 11, 18, 31, 33, 34, 35, 38, 41, 66, 67 (table), 68, 71, 74, 75, 90-127 (tables) ‘‘Chert-using”’ stations, designation of, 14, 16, 18, 26, 28, 29, 30, 31, 34, 35, 41, 50, 51, 68, 69, 70 (map), 78, 79, 82, 87 480 Chewing Black Bones, Blackfoot in- formant, 429, 4383 Cheyenne County, Colo., 234 Cheyenne Indians, 350, 361, 437 Cheyenne River, 350, 368 Cheyenne River Reservation, 346 Chickenpox, 377, 378 See also Measles; Smallpox. Chief Joseph, Indian chief, 397 Chief’s or Bell Mound No. 2 (RB-7), 42 Chipmunk (Tamias striatus), 34 Chipped points, classification chart, 156 “Chippewa,”’ refers to Turtle Mountain bands, 347, 350, 365, 366 Chokecherries, 148, 216, 245 Choppers, 170, 178, 186, 194, 196, 197, 206, 214, 220, 225, 242, 248 Churchville, Va., 12 Claiborne, Mrs. Virginia, director of Valentine Museum, 42 Clay, burned, 205 pottery, 193 Clement, Basil, interpreter, 346 Cloth, 285 Cloud Fire, white man, 414 Cloud Shield count, Oglala band, Teton Dakota tribe, 346, 352, 358, 362, 363, 364, 366, 373, 385, 388 Clover Creek Mound (HD-9), 7, 36, 85 Cluny, Alberta, 429 Coat, red, in winter counts, 356 Cocking, Matthew, 460 Coconut-leaf midribs, writing on, 295 Coe, Joffre, 82 Cohen, Lucy Cramer, 339, 341, 347, 356, 358, 359, 362, 363, 365, 367, 373 Coked material, 207 Colorado Piedmont, Central Plains area, 143, 144 Comanches, 243, 440 Comet, in winter counts, 409, 410 Conklin, H. C., 296 Cooking hearth, stone, 431 (fig.), 432 Cooper, Paul, 140 Coots, hunting of, 266 Copper, sheet, 176 Copper fragment, 27, 42, 176, 238 Corbett Branch, tributary of Calfpas- ture River, 16 Cordage, 285 Corn, charred, 32, 204, 216, 217, 222, 238, 245, 250 dry, 365 Corncobs, 216, 217 Cornhusks, 216, 217 Corral fence, Chippewa, 365 Costilla County, Colo., 235 Costume, Grass dance, 401, 414 Cotton Wood, Yanktonaise chief, 402 Cottonwood Creek, 221 Cottonwood trees, 143, 145, 438 Cougar, represented by Indians, 378 Coup stick, represented, 369, 373, 385, 392, 394 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173] Cowpasture River, Bath County, Va., 10,31) 35 Coyotes, 143, 159, 177, 250 Crawford, Nebr., 226 Crazy Bear, Indian chief, 398 Crazy Walker, Indian brave, 398 Cree Indians, 388, 424, 428, 4382, 436 Crimora, near South River, Va., 20 Cross, Dorothy, 82 Crow Creek, 350 Crow Creek Reservation, 346 Crowfeather, Indian chief, 393 Crowfoot, Chief, 432 Crow Indians, 340, 348, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 366, 367, 369, 373, 374, 376, 378, 379 380, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395, 400, 405, 426, 428 Crow King, Indian brave, 400 Crow Reservation, 428 Crows (birds), 363, 364 Cuartelejos tribes, 243 Cumming, Robert, 140 Curtis, Edward §., 339, 341, 346, 352, 353, 354, 356, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 368, 370, 371, 382, 387, 389, 390, 392, 401 Curtis, Nebr., 222 Custer, General, 390, 396 Daddy Run, tributary of Calfpasture River, 16 Dakota calendar, see Dakota winter counts. Dakota Indians, 339, 340, 341, 342, 3438, 347 (list), 350, 351, 354, 355, 356, 357, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 370, 371, 373, 378, 379, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 390, 391, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 402, 408, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409, 428 Dakota winter counts, description of, 347-414 introduction, 339-341 names and authorship, 3841-345 counts used for comparison, 345-347 Dakota Winter Counts as a Source of Plains History, by James H. Howard, 335-416 Damn, H., 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 282, 283, 288, 289, 293, 294, 300 Damm, H., and Sarfert, E., 274, 277, 278, 283, 284, 294, 299 Damtown, see Fort Defiance Mill. Davidson, Dr. John F., 177 Davis, E. Mott, 140 Dawson, George M., 426 Day, S. Victor, 446 Dead Horse Head Point, Missouri River, location of flood, 366 Deer ae virginianus), 32, 33, 177 antlers, unworked, 33, 158 antler tips, 159 INDEX Deerfield, Augusta County, Va., Dempsey, Hugh, 426, 429, 457, 460 Dendrochronology, 177, 179, 204, 216, 221 16, Denny, Sir Cecil, Indian agent, 426 Densmore, Frances, 344, 345, 351, 352, 353, 382, 383 De Smet, Father, Catholic priest, 391 Dick, Herbert, 140 Dickens, Nebr., 211 Dick Site (25FT9), 222, 255 Different- Kind-of-a-Gun-Woman, of Tom Horn, 435 Digging tools, scapula, 178, 174, 179, 186, 198, 204, 241 Diorite, 445 Diringer, David, 275, 282, 283, 296 Dismal River, 143, 180, 181, 182, 222 Dismal River area, 140, 239 Dismal River Aspect, 139, 180, 204, 212, 221, 236, 238, 239, 242, 243, 244, 245 adornments, 250-251 definition of, 141, 142, 251 description of, 245-251 environmental setting, 148-144 exchange, 251 ; religion and mortuary customs, 251 review of previous work, 141-143 sources of information, 255-257 (tables) structures, 248-250 subsistance, 245 summary and conclusions, 251-252 technology, 245-248 tools and implements, 248 Dismal River culture, 238, 241 242 Dismal River people, 143, 144, 145, 179, 180, 239, 240, 244, 245, 246, 252 Dismal River relationships, 238-245 Dismal River sites, 144 (map), 145-180, 194, 230, 238, 241, 253-254 (tables) Dodd, Howard, 140, 226 Dog Ghost, Indian leader, 365 Dog head, Blackfoot Indian, 429 Dogs, 177, 204, 245, 250 burden carriers, 424, 428, 429, 430, 434, 435 Don’t Laugh Band, Blackfoot Indians; 430, 434 Dooms, in Jarmen’s Gap, Shenandoah National Park, 19 Drills, 16, 17, 19, 20, 23, 26, 27, 28, 30, oi ad,wion (ae .), Jobs be (table), 58, 84, 90-127 (tables), 149,151, 168-169, 178, 179, 182, 194-195, 214-215, 238, 242, 246, 252 cigar-shaped, 168-169, 194-195, 214, 220, 225, 240, 242, 248 expanded- base, 169, 194, 209, 220, 238, 248 flint, 159, 246 straight, 214 wife 481 Driver, Capt. W. R., information from, 285 Drum dance, shown by Indians, 402 Drybranch, tributary of Jackson River, 33 Duck Chief, Mrs., Blackfoot interpreter, 429, 435 Ducks, 266 Dugouts, 354, 355 Dundy County, Nebr., 217 Duvall, on lodge-cover weights, 428 Eads, Cheyenne County, Colo., 234 Eagle, 204 Kagle Calf, Blackfoot Indian, 431 EKagle catches, 458 Eagle Claw, Indian, 402, 408, 413 See also Frosted Red Fish. Eagle Claw, Indian woman, mother of Frosted Red Fish, 408 Eagle Hills, southern Saskatchewan, 440 Eagle Nest, Indian warrior, 385 Eagle trapper, 355, 356 Eagle trapping, ritualized, 356 Earrings, John Bird, son of Ear Rings, 459 Ear Rings, Piegan Indian, 459 Earth, burned, 152-158, 154, 158, 188 Earth, Indian woman, see Eagle ‘Claw East, J oie owner of locality AU-35-M, 27 Easter Island writing, 275, 276 East Farm, near Churchville, 12 East Mound (AU-35-M), 7 Eauripik, Eoleai Islands, 273, 279, 280, 284, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 304, 309 Edwards, Guy, Park Superintendent, National Park Service, 19 Kegan, Fred R., 462 Egilimar, Caroline Islands chief, 273 Elato, Woleai Islands, 273, 274, 276, 277, 278, eae 385, 287 Elbert, S. H., 273 Elbert County, Colo., 230 Elderberries, 143 Elk, 204, 215, 216 Elkskin, tanned, tent covers, 427 Elk Spider, Dakota chief, 375 Elkton, southwest of Island Ford, 40 Elk Yells in the Water Bear, Indian woman, 430 Elliptio complanatus, 32, 34 Elmendorf, Dr. William, "421 Elm trees, 145 El Quartelejo, 239 Ender, Nebr., 217 Entrance, eastern, 240 Evans, Clifford, sherds classified by, 8, 15, 21, 23, 24, 36, 43, 47, 58, 61, 63, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87 Ewald, Paul, help from, 340 Ewers, John C., 421, 427, 430, 434, 440, 447, 462, 464 Exchange, 251 482 Fais Island, Caroline Islands, 284, 287 Falalap Island, Woleai atoll, 279, 289 Falalus, Woleai Islands, 278 Falling a Indian representation of, 371 Fall River County, 8. Dak., 237 Faraulep Island, Caroline Islands, 2738, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 282, 284, 285, 287, 293, 295, 296, 297, 304, 310 Fasting shelters, not tipi-ring circles, 459 Faunal remains, 176-177 (table), 179, 204 (table), 216 Feather Hawk, Indian brave, 408 Feathers, blue, used by Indians, 357 Finsch, Otto, 285 Fireplaces, 145, 146, 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 155, 175, 178, 179, 183, 187, 205, 211, 212, 213, 222, 240, 427, 429, 430, 431 (fig.), 432, 434, 435, 436, 437, 445, 446, 449, 455, 457, 458, 463 Flageolets, 242 Flakers, antler-tine, 248 bone, 198, 203, 241, 244, 246 Flame, member of Two Kettle band, 345 Flame winter count, 345, 352, 358, 354, 355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 366, 370, 371, 377, 382, 383, 384, 386, 392, 393, 396 Flathead Indians, 423, 440 Fleshers, metatarsus, 173, 174, 179, 198, 199, 215, 241 toothed metapodial, 244, 245 Fletcher, Alice C., and lLaFlesche, Francis, 182 Flint (actually chert), 65, 167 brown, 196 gray, 176, 185, 195, 196, 219, 225 white, 167, 195, 219 Flint chips, 159, 181, 193, 195, 196, 226, 228, 229, 246 Flints, gun, 176 Flood, represented by Indians, 366 Floors, 156-157, 188 Flute, 278, 350 Flying-by, Indian brave, 401 Flying Cloud, Indian brave, 409 Folsom points, 80 Fool Bear, Indian brave, 401 Foolish Woman, a Mandan, winter count, 371, 378 Ford, James A., and Willey, Gordon A., 48, 61 Fort Abraham Lincoln, 395 Fort Belknap, 4387 Fort Berthold, 381, 385, 407 Fort Defiance Mill (also called Dam- town), 22 Fort Lupton, Weld County, Colo., 229, 232 Fort Macleod, 426 Fort McKenzie, 424, 457 Fort Pierre, 357, 384, 389 Fort Randall, 422 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {[Bull. 173] Fort Rice, 377, 389, 390, 394 Fort Union, 424 Fort Yates, 364, 368, 369, 374, 375, 395, 396, 399, 402, 409, 422 Foster, George, 266 Four Horns, Indian chief, 377, 402 Fowke, Gerard, 7, 8, 27, 36, 56, 65, 85 Fowls, rare, 245 Fox, gray (Urocyon cinereoargenteus), 34 Fox, prairie, 424 Frankforter, Weldon, 140, 176 Franklin County, Nebr., 221 “French,” in count interpretations, refers to métis of Red River regions, 347 Frenchman, Dave, Indian informant, Friedmann, Herbert W., birds identi- fied by, 32, 34 Frog, 204 Frosted Red Fish, Indian brave, 402, 408, 413 Gaferut, Woleai Islands, 273, 285 Gala site, 8 Galbreath, Kenneth, 421 Gall, Indian brave, 390, 391, 398, 404 Garden County, Nebr., 223 Gardner, Fletcher, 296 Gates, Frank, 414 Geographical location of all sites, 13 (map) ; } George Bull Child, interpreter, 429, 431, 433, 434 CeoreS Washington National Forest, a., 15 Gerard, Charles, 421 Gilbert Islands, 286 Gilmar, Edmund, help from, 273 Girschner, Max, 285 Glacier National Park, 438, 442 Glendo Reservoir, southeastern Wyom- ing, 441 Glen Elder, Kans., 207, 227 Glen Elder sites, 239 Glenn Site (258X301), 226 Goggles, Mike, Arapaho Indian, 436 Good, Battiste, Teton Dakota Indian, 346, 349, 358, 360, 361 Good Crow, Indian brave, 411 Good Elk, Indian brave, 401, 406 Goodenough, Dr. Ward, 273, 299 Good winter count, 340, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 358, 362, 363, 364, 366, 368, 373, 378, 382, 386, 387, 388, 392 Goose Creek, 354 Gorget, shell, 25 Goshen, Rockbridge County, 11, 25, 41, 42 Gourd rinds, 238, 245 Graham, C. H., information from, 36 Grand River, 369, 376, 393 Granite, 193 location of, INDEX Grass bundles, used for warmth, 437 Graver, 23, 29, 38, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 90-127 (tables), 171, 196, 197, 220, 224, 248 Gray Eagle, Eugene, 414 Greasewood Creek, Blackfoot Reserva- tion, 447 Great Bend people (Pawnee), 238, 240 Great Falls, Montana Weather Bureau, information from, 439 Great Spirit, Indian God, 364 Greenstone, 17, 42, 53, 54 (fig.), 66, 67 (table), 75, 90-127 (tables) Grey Bear, Indian brave, 406, 407, 410 Grey Earth, Indian chief, 365 Griffin, James B., 81, 86 Grinding stone, 186 Grinnell, George Bird, 427, 434 Groah’s Ridge, on South River, 29 Gros Ventre, refers to Hidatsa, 347, 350, 359, 360, 364, 369, 385, 437 Grottoes, Rockingham County, Va., 11, 37, 39 Ground stone, 197-198, 215, 242 Guam, Marianas, 285, 292 Gun, European, 251 Gun flints, 176, 242 Gunnerson, Dolores, 140, 243 Gunnerson, James H., 177, 239, 244 Gunnerson, James H.: An introduction to Plains Apache archeology: The Dismal River Aspect, 141- 260 Gunnerson, James H., and Gunnerson, Dolores A., 145, 228 Gynerium sagittatum, 267 Habitation patterns, 74-80 Hackberry trees, 145, 177, 216, 245 Haines, R. W., 140 Hairdress, enemy, 358, 359, 360, 361, 364, 369, 373, 376, 380, 382, 383, 384, 385, 387, 388, 390, 392, 394, 395, 396, 397, 400, 408 Hairdressing, Dakota, 367 Half Body Bear, Indian brave, 409 Hall, dance, 402 Halley’s Comet, represented by Indians, 409 Halloway draft, near Calfpasture River, 28 Halsey, Robert, 140, 210 pee Siidsee Expedition, 275, 276, 77 Hammer-anvil stone, 27, 30, 31, 55 (fig.), 56, 57, 90 (table), 127 (tables) Hammerstones, 198, 243, 246 bell-shaped, 186 Haplotrema concavum, 32 Harlan County, south-central Nebraska, 145, 179 Harlan County Reservoir, south-central Nebraska, 139, 145-180 483 Harney, General, treaty with, 384 Harper’s Ferry, Augusta County, 10 Harrington, J. C., 37 Harrison, north of Waynesboro, 20 Hat, Indian brave, 406, 429, 457 Hatchets, polished, 42 steel, 426 Hawk Shield, Indian brave, 406 Hayes, R. W., 232 Hayes County, Nebr., 207 Hes Ctrels Rockbridge County, Va., Hayes’ Creek Mound (RB-2), Rock- bridge County, Va., 7, 40-41, 56 Haynes, R. W., 232, 233 HD (ueaeed County), 12, 13 (map), HD-1 (rock shelter on Straight Creek), 33 HD-—2 (northeast of Mustoe), 33, 57 (table), 63, 77 (chart) HD-8 (on Dry Branch), 34, 68, 77 (chart) HD-4 (intersection of Burnsville- Williamsville-McDowell road), 34-35, 49, 57 (table), 77 (chart) HD-5 (south of Burnsville High- way), 35, 68, 77 (chart) HD-6 (on Shaw’s Fork), 35, 57 (table), 68, 77 (chart) HD-—7 (town limits of McDowell), 35, 68, 77 (chart) HD-8 (left bank River), 35-36 HD-9 (Clover Creek Mound), 7, 36, 61, 63, 77 (chart), 78, 85 Headbands, 206, 207, 242, 248 Headdress, feather, 357, 394 Omaha Indians, 340, 348, 351, 355, 364 Hearths, 182, 183, 463, 467, 468, 470 (table) fire, inside, 446 fire, outside, 446, 455 Heart River, 371, 372, 378, 387, 388 He-has-a-red-spear, Indian brave, 404 eT CRIS TR: Indian brave, Bullpasture Heliodiscus parallelus, 34 Hematite, 154, 155, 167, 172, 176, 194, 198, 215, 246 Hematite paint, 42, 172, 203, 250 Hendry, Anthony, 460 Henry, Bethwel, help from, 273 Hercules constellation, 427 Herriot Site (south branch of Potomac River), 86 Hershey, Nebr., 211 Hewes, Gordon, 440 Hidatsa Indians, 347, 356 Hide tanners, bone, 215, 245 High Bear, Indian chief, 409 484 High Dog, author of count, 344, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, A. 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409, 4 High Dog group, winter count of, 341, 343-344 High Hawk, Oglala Indian, interpreter, 346, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 360, 361, 362, 363, 367, 368, 370, 371, 373, 382, 386, 387, 390, 392, 401 High Hawk winter count, 340, 346, 356 Highland County (HD), 10, 12, 18 (map), 33-36, 74 High Plains, Central Plains area, 148, 144, 489 Hilger, Sister M. Inez, 436-437 Hill, A. T., 139, 141, 181, 187 Hill, A. Ti, and Metcalf, George, 142, 143, "157, 212; 213, 2142215, 216, Qi 208) 2215222) 244 Hind, Henry Y., 424 His-horse-reers, Indian brave, 408 Historie period, 440, 443, 460 Hit on Top Woman, Piegan woman, 482 Hoes, 21 fragments of, 149, 159 scapula, 198, 199, 215, 241 Hoffman, J. Jacob, 422, 423, 458, 459 Hogan, crude, 422 Hogan, Navaho, 240, 249 Hé6he refers to Assiniboin, 347, 383, 384, 386, 387, 388, 394, 396 Holland, C. G., 9, 438, 48, 49, 52, 58, 65, BUREAU OF Holland, C. G.: Preceramic and ceramic cultural patterns in Northwest Virginia, 1-129 Holland, C. G.; Evans, Clifford; and Meggers, Betty J., 27 Holy Bear, Indian brave, 411 Holy Soul, Indian brave, 405 Hooker County, north-central Nebras- ka, 140, 180, 182, 188, 247, 250, 251 Horn, Tom, Blackfoot Indian, 435 Horn, worked, 245 Hornell, James, 285 Horn Site Enya), 207, 256 Horse, represented by Indians, 351,353, 354, 357, 358, 361, 374, 387, 398, 394, 395, 396, 398, 408, 409 Horses, 425, 428, 429, 430, 433, 434, 435, 440 Horse Shoe, Indian brave, 403 Horseshoes, iron, 354, 358 House 1, 25HN37, 147 (fig.), 148, 157, House II, 25HN37, 147, 148 (fig.), 149 (fiz.), 157, 159, 177 House on 25H N87, 149, 150 (fig.), 157, 9 AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173] House IV, 25HN37, 150, 151 (fig.), 157, 1 House V, 25H N37, 151, 152 (fig.), 157 House VI, 25H N37, 152, 153 (fig.), 155 (table), 157, 172, 175, 176, 207, 249 House II, Lovitt Site, 157, 212-213 Houses, 146-157, 178, 249 dance, 370, 401, 402 discussion of, 155-157 (measure- ments), 240 Dismal River, 240, 249 log, 358, 363, 368, 370, 380, 401 Wichita, 249 Howard, James H.: Dakota winter counts as a source of Plains history, 335-416 Hudson, Colo., 232 Huerfano County, Colo., 235 Huffman Farm, Rileyville, 65 Huitzilopochtli, Aztec god of war, 268 Humphrey, Carl, 140, 181 Humphrey Site (25HO21), 187-205, 255 Hunké ceremony, Dakota Indians, 351, 353, 354, 369, 379 Hunkpapa Indian band, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 348 Hunkpapa winter count, 339, 370 Hunkpati (Upper Yanktonai), 347, 377 Hunkpatina (Lower Yanktonai), 347 Hunting, 245, 251 Hunting camp, temporary, 462 Huscher, Betty H., and Huscher, Harold A., 142 Hyde, George E., 437 Ifaluk, Woleai Islands, 273, 274, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 283, 287, 289, 292, 293, 294, 295, 304 Ilges, Maj. Guido, 399 Imbelloni, J., 275, 276, 282 Indian police uniform, shown by Indians, 406, 407 Informants, other than Blackfoot, 436-437 Tron, igce pt 154, 176, 187, 204, 217, Tron Dog, Indian brave, 404 Trrigation ditches, pre-white, 238 Isantee Indians, 367 Ishilh Foeshavlap (writing of Faraulep), 295, 296 Island Fork, South Fork of Shenan- doah, 38, 39 Itdzipéo band, see Sansarc. Jackrabbit, 204 Jackson River, Highland County, Va., James River, Rockbridge County, Va., 10, ii 75 Janitzio, village on Lake Patzcuaro, 265, 66, 267 Japanese, stationed at Faraulep, 286 Jarmen’s Gap, Shenandoah National Park, 19 INDEX Jasper, 66, 166, 167, 168, 170, 179, 181, 182, 185, 187, 193, 195, 196, 209, 219, 220, 225, 246, 251 Jaw, Charley, Dakota Indian, 345 Jaw group, winter count of, 341, 344-345, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400 Jaw Variant, winter count, 345, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 314, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399 Jay, Edward, 421, 449 Jay, Phyllis, "421, "449 Jeancon, J. A., 244 Jefferson County, Colo., 230 Jennings, Jesse D., 140, 423 Jenning’s Branch, near Lone Fountain, 29 Jim White Calf, Blackfoot informant, 429, 430, 449 Jingles, brass, 176, 179 copper, 155, 179, 215, 222, 250 metal, 251 sheet iron, 182, 215, 250 Joe Tomahawk, Indian brave, 408 John’s Run, near Stuart’s Draft, 26 Jordan, Joe, Dakota Indian, 342 Jugla nigra, 149, 177 Julia Wades-in-the-water, Blackfoot In- dian woman, 467 Jumping Bull, Sitting Bull’s father, 385, 386 Kaneshiro, Shigeru, see MRiesenberg, Saul H., and Kaneshiro, Shigeru. Katakana writing, Japanese, 278, 280, 290, 296, 297 Kehoe, Alice, 421 Kehoe, Thomas F., 440, 457 Kehoe, Thomas F.: Stone tipi rings in North-Central Montana and ad- jacent portion of Alberta, Canada: Their historical, ethnological, and archeological aspects, 417-473 Kelly, Mrs. Fanny, white prisoner, 389 Kelso Site (25LN7), 211 Kelso, Mr.—, owner of Kelso Site, 211 Kettles, 250, 367 Keur, Dorothy L., 142 Keyser Farm Site, 8, 63, 85, 86 Kidder, A. V., 202, 241, 242, 243 Kills Plenty, Sitting Bull’s brother, 385 Kills Two, Sioux Indian, interpreter, 346 Kinion, Trukese teacher, 290 Kiowa-Apache tribes, 440 Kiowa Indians, 360, 361, 440 Kiowa winter count, 371 Kite Place, Page County, Kittlitz, F. H. von, 285 Kivett, Marvin F., 139, 145, 159, 180 183, 187, 188, 189, 205 Va., 65 485 Knives, 169-170, 178, 186, 195-196, 197, 214, 220, 225, 241, 242, 245 brown jasper, 186, 195 chalcedony, 186 chipped-stone, 248 diamond-shaped, 186, 214, 242 flint, 159 iron, 285 leaf-shaped, 186, 242 metal, 427 scapula, 215 shell, 350 two-edged, 242 Koiner Mound, Augusta County, Va., 8 Koyokee pits, 458 Kramer, A., 274, 278, 285, 289 Krieger, Herbert, 423 Kroeber, A. L., 273 Kutenai Indians, 423, 440 Laboratory of Anthropology, Univer- sity of Nebraska, 139, 145, 172, 173, 210, 211, 213, 218, 219, 224, 226, 238 La Conte, Louis, trader, 363 Lacotah Love Dance circles, 458 Lacotah Sioux Indians, 422 Lafayette, Colo., 232 Lafayette Site (Lafayette, Colo.), 232, 256 Laird, Yuma County, Colo., 231 Lake eee, Michoacan, 265, 266, 26 Lamotrek, Woleai Islands, 273, 277, 279, 285, 287, 289, 290, 292, 293, 294, 295 Lance, feathered society, 382 Langhorne family, owners of AU-38, 28 Larimer County, Colo., 227, 228, 231 Las Animas County, Colo., 235 Las Lauces, Costilla County, Colo., 235 Laurel Hill, between Middle River and Lewis Creek, 26, 31 Lean Bear, Indian chief, 397 Leaners, wooden, 154, 249 Leavitt, Carle, 446, 456 Le Beau, white trader, murderer, 37C Le Claire, Northern Ponca Indian, 371 Leon y Guerrero, Nicholas, help from, 273 Lewellen, Garden County, Nebr., 223 Lewis, H. P., 443, 456 Lewis, Oscar, 440, 455, 462 Lewis, T. H., 425 Lewis Creek, Augusta County, Va., 21, Lewis Geka Mound (AU-20), 7, 21-22 Lewis Front Range, Rockies, 438 Limestone, charred, 217 Limon, Elbert County, Colo., 230 Limonite, 167, 172, 246, 250 Lincoln County, Nebr., 209 Lingle, Goshen County, Wyo., 236 peers Site, Rockimgham County, a., 8 486 Lipanan Apache, 243, 244 Lipscomb, Va., 20, 23 Literature cited, 128-129, 311-312, 415 Little Bear, Indian leader, 360, 397 Little Beaver, white trader, 358 Little Bird, Indian brave, 400 Little Calfpasture River, 42 Littlechief, Mrs. Eva, translator, 344, 362 Little Crow, Indian chief, 393, 400 Little Dog, Indian brav e, 407 Little Light, North Blackfoot Indian, 435 Lockridge, Emery, owner of HD-8, 35 Lodge, Dismal River, 248-249, 252 Lodge, earth, 362, 368 Plains earth, 240, 249 skin, 422, 424, 436, 455, 456 Lodge covers, sce tipi covers. Lodge-cover weights, stone, 427 Lofton, on Pine Creek, 22, 28 Logan, missionary, 287, 288, 291 Logan County, Colo., 533 Lone Dog, Indian warrior, 386 Lone Dog count, 346, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 366, 368, 370, 371, 377, 382, 383, 384, 386, 392 Lone Eater Band, Blackfoot Indians, 432 Lone Fountain, Middle River, 29 Lone Star, Indian chief, 397 Long Hair, Indian chief, 396, 397 Lookout Point (Site 25LN10), 212 Louis Bear Child, 429 Louis W. and Maude Hill Family Foun- dation, 421 Loup River, 143 Louse Bear, Indian brave, 405 Lovitt ae Southwestern Nebraska, , 157, 159, 212-216, 237, 247, oe 250, 255 Lowe Site (25HO7), 183-187, 255 Lower Loup (Pawnee), 240 Lowie, Robert H. , 428 Lukunor, Nomoi group, 285 Liitke, F,, 285 Lynnhaven, on South Fork, Shenan- doah River, 39 MacCord, Howard, information from 8, 12, 15, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, 40, 86 Madison Run, Rockingham County, Wiles Bx Madison Run Rock Shelter (RM-3), 37 Mad Wolf, Blackfoot Indian, 430 Mahony, Frank, 273, 289, 290, 291, 292 Mallery, Garrick, 339, 340, 341, 345, 346, 348, 349, 350, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 367, 370, 371, 373, 377, 378, 379, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 390, 392, 393, 396. Malouf, Carling, 423, 459 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173] Mandan-Bismarck Indian Shriners or- ganization, 340, 341, 342 Mandan Indians, 350, 356, 359, 369, 372, 381, 385, 402, 409, 411 Maninifek, Eauripik informer, 294 Mano, 56, 57 (table), 90-127 ’(tables) Manson, Carl; MacCord, Howard A.; and Griffin, James iB. 8.) O35 86 Many Horses Tails, Indian camping ground, 354 Mapia Island, 287 Marcellus Red Tomahawk, Sihasapa brave, 408 Marianas, 286 Marias River, southeast of Shelby, Mont., 441 Marmot (Marmota monaz), 32, 34 Martell, Edward L., Indian informant, 436 Martin, Hy T23237.'238 Martin, Paul S.; Quimby, George I.; and Collier, Donald, 238 Mason, W. A., 275 Massey, Dr. William, 421 Material, preparation of, 8-9 Ma/’toki dance structure, construction of, 428, 456 Mato Sapa count, Teton Dakota In- dians, 346, 352, 353, 354, 355, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363, 364, 366, 368, 370, 371, 377, 382, 383, 384, 386, 392 Mats, 285 Matthews, Dr. Washington, 425 Matthews Site, see Humphrey Site. Maul, grooved, 215, 243, 446 Maximilian, Prince of Wied, 424, 445, 457 Mayas, atlatl used by, 267 McCallum-Hofer Site (25CH7), 216, 255 McCarty, ee a McCary, "Ben Cz McClintock, Walter, 427, 428, 430, 434, 446 McClure, Dr. F. A., botanist, 267 McConnell, H. H., 140, 232 McDermot, Douglas, 210 McDowell, Highland County, Va., 34, 35 McKittrick Creek, tributary of Middle River, 2 McLaughlin, Major, see White Beard. McLean, John, 426 Mdéwakanton, Santee group, 347, 367 Measles, 362, 363, 377, 378, 409 See also Smalipox. Medicine Creek, Nebr., 210, 222 Medicine Creek 5, see Site 25FT9. “Medicine getting” ritual, 422, 436 Medicine wheels, 422, 486, 457, 458 Meggers, Dr. Betty J., 21 Meinicke, Carl E., 285 Melanesia, 286 Meleagris gallopavo, 32, 34 Men’s house, beams from, 274, 275, 278 Merir Island, 287 INDEX Mesodon sayanus, 34 M. thyroidus, 32 Mesomphix cupeus, 34 Metals, trade, 215 Metate, sandstone, 155, 172, 215, 243 Metcalf, George, 140, 142, 160 Métraux, Alfred, 275 Mica, sheet, 42, 164, 215 Mica, tempering material, 42, 164, 184, 189, 191, 207, 211, 213, 214, 215, 216, 218, 228, 229, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 247 Micronesians, 285 Middens, 250 Middle Butte, Sweet Grass Hills, 426 Middle Loup River, 180, 183, 187, 205, 208 Middle River, Va., 15, 17, 22, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 75, 78 Middle Sitter, Blackfoot Indian, 430 Miles, General, 390 Milk River Ridge, Blackfoot Reserva- tion, 449, 451 (fig.) Millboro Springs, on Cowpasture River, 1 Mill Creek, 2 miles from Goshen, 41 Miller, Carl, information from, 12 Mill Mountain, west of Calfpasture River, 11 Mindeleff, Cosmos, 240 Mink, 204 Minneconjow band, Teton Dakota tribe, 346, 348 Mirror, dance, 414 Misililing, see Misinining. Misinining, American Protestant Mis- sionary, 289 Missouri River, 363, 364, 366, 440 Missouri River Basin Survey, Smith- sonian Institution, 139, 148, 145, 180, 187 Mixbloods, Red River, 395 Modern Blackfoot Camp, 464-470 Money, Indian boy, 404 Money paid to Indians, Indians, 403 Monterey, Highland County, Va., 33 Mooney, James, 371, 440 Moose Jaws Forks, 424, 425 Moosemen Reserve, Saskatchewan, Cree Reserve, 436 Moran, ve J.; Covell, R.; and Abashkin, 145 B.J., 14 Morrison, Jospeh P. E., shells identified by, 32 shown by yy Morrison, Jefferson County, Colo., 230 Mortuary customs, 251 Mount Morrison, Colo., 232 Mount Solon, Va., 24, 35 Mudalia carinata, 32, 34 Muddy Creek, unde County, Nebr., 217 Mudhens, 266 Muie deer, 143 Mullen, Hooker County, Nebr., 180, 181, 182, 183, 187, 205, 207, 208 487 Mullen Reservoir area, Hooker County, north-central Nebraska, 139, 180 Mulloy, William T., 421, 422, 456, 458 Museum of the Plains Indian, 421, 435, 446, 449, 459, 464 Musical rasps, bone, 242 Mussels, 245 Mustoe, Highland County, Va., 33 Nakayama, Tosiwo, help from, 273 Namoluk, Caroline Islands, 285 Namonuito, Caroline Islands, 285, 288, 289 Natural Chimneys, near Mt. Solon, Va., Nebraska State Archeological Survey, 224 Nebraska State Historical Society Museum, 139, 142, 180, 181, 182, 183, 187, 191, 205, 207, 208, 209, 212, 213, 217, 218, 219, 220, 222, 223 Necklace, bone hair-pipe, 393 Needles, 174 bone, 207, 221 eyed, 173, 174, 198, 202, 221, 242, 248 Neotoma sp., 32 Newell, P., 217 Nez Percé, 382, 397 Nichols Site (25DN1), 217-221, 255 Nicollet, J. N., 425 Nomoi Island, 287, 291, 309 North American "Indian Days Cele- bration, 464 North Battleford, Saskatchewan, 436 North Dakota State Historical Museum, Bismarck, 340, 342, 343, 344, 345 Northern Crown stars, 427 North Fork, Shenandoah River, 10 North Loup River, 208 North Platte, Nebr., 209, 210, 211, 212, 221 North Platte River, 210, 223, 245 North River, Va., 24, 25, 39, "42 North Saskatchewan River, 440 Northwest Virginia, geographical de=- scription of, 9-43 Nose flute, 276 No Two Horns (Blue Thunder variant), winter count, 342, 348, 349, 356, 357, 359, 360, 361, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 409, 410, 411, 412, 413 No Two Horns, "Hunkapapa Band, Teton Dakota Indians, 342, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355 Nunivak Eskimo, spear thrower used by, 266 Nuttall, Zelia, 267, 268 488 Oak trees, 177 Obsidian, 167, 181, 182, 194, 206, 207, 208, 211, 216, 219, 225, 229, 232, 246, 251, 268, 449 Ocher, yellow, 215 Odocoileus virginianus, 32, 33, 177 Oglala ane) Teton Dakota Tribe, 346, 48 Oglala count, see Dakota winter count. Oglala Sioux Indians, 437 Ojibwa Indians, 366 Old Man Running Crane, Blackfoot Indian, 431 Old Whoop-up Trail, 443 Oleai script, 273 Olimarao, Woleai Islands, 273 Olter, Bailey, help from, 273 Omaha Indians, 347 ‘“‘Omaha”’ refers to Ponca or Omaha pares 347, 351, 364, 365, 367, 401 One Gun, Blackfoot Indian, 460 One Star, Indian brave, 397 RO (Two Kettle), Teton band, 48 Oregon Basin, southeast of Cody, Wyo., 441 Ornaments, bone, 242 chest, 21 Osborne, Dr. Douglas, 421 Otter Lodge, tipi of Tom Horn, 435 Oval pit, 32 Pabobo’s adoption ceremony, 379 Paint, 172, 192, 215, 250 caliche, 250 charcoal, 250 hematite, 42, 172, 203, 250 limonite, 250 Paint brush, bone, 215, 241, 248, 251 Paint pot, fragment, 25 Paléini or Paddni, refers to Pawnee or Arikara, 347, 360 Palau Island, 286, 287, 295, 297 Palliday, Alice, Indian woman, 437 Palo azul, wood used for atlatl, 267 Palomas tribe, 243 Parfleches, use of, 4385, 444, 466, 467 Parkins, H. 8., 404 Parkins, Mrs. H. S., death of, 410 Pawnee, 240, 252, 347, 353, 354, 360, 370, 373 Pecking stones, 215 Pecos, 241, 242, 248, 244, 247, 252 Hee ee River relationships, 241- 44 Pegs, wooden, used for tipi covers, 460 Pendant, 22, 23, 27, 30, 36, 57 (table), 215, 243 Pend d’Oreille Indians, 440 Period, Early Woodland, 84 Historic, 86-87 Late Woodland, 85, 86 Middle Woodiand, 84 Middle-Late Woodland, 84 Protohistoric, 85-86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173] Pete Little Light, Blackfoot informant, 429 Phatamu, see Atlatl. Phillip Long Farm, Page County, 65 Philippines, 285 Phillips, Paul C., 427 Phonetic table, Dakota language, 416 Pictographs, Dakota Indians, 349 Picuris, location of, 239, 244 Piegan aveariy 426, 429, 430, 432, 440, 460 Northern, 429, 432 Southern, 429 Pigue Island, Faraulep atoll, 293 Pikelot, Woleai Islands, 273 Pima counting sticks, 371 Pine Creek, Augusta County, Va., 22, 28 Pine Ridge Reservation, 8. Dak., 437 Pines, lodge-pole, 427 Pine trees, 438 Pins, wooden, 4380 Pipe of peace, 361 Pipes, 21, 84, 164, 172, 248 catlinite, 172, 241 chlorite, 21, 27, 36, 39, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 58, 90-127 (tables) clay, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 58, 90-127 (tables), 206, 238, 248 ““cloudblower,’”’ 193, 215, 218, 248 decoration, 192, 214 elbow-shaped, 185, 198, 214, 215, 243 gray-green soapstone, 21 late Rio Grande style, 238 limestone, 215 monitor, 21 platform, 192-193 pottery, 142, 164, 185, 192, 212, 214, 218 steatite, 84 stone, 26, 159, 172, 215, 248 trade, 210 tubular, 193, 214, 215, 240, 2438, 244, 248 Pipe stems, trade, 210 Piserach, Namonuito atoll, 289, 290 Pits, Dismal River baking, 240, 250 other, 159-160, 188 (table), 213 Plains cache, 240, 250, 252 roasting, 158 (table), 159, 174, 177, 178, 188, 204, 213, 217, 238, 250 trash-filled, 148, 149-150, 158-159, L738) 174) 78," Son ess bea 205, 213, 217, 238, 250 Plains Apache, see Dismal River people. Plains Cree Indians, 424, 425 Plains-Dismal River relationships, 238— 241 Plains-Ojibwa—Cree-Assiniboin groups, 347, 366, 387, 388, 393 Platte County, Wyo., 236 Platte Reservoir area, Wyo., 139 Platte River, 236 Platte Valley, 212 INDEX Pleets, John P., 413, 414 Plumb, W. H., information from, 8, 17, 18 Plums, 143, 216, 245 Points, 149, 150, 151 Polishers, bone, 241 Polka-Dot Farms, owners of AU-37, 28 Polygyny, practice of, 435 Polynesia, 286 Polynesians, 284, 285 Ponca Indians, 347, 351, 371, 401 Ponca winter count, lost, 371 Poplar Island component, Pennsyl- vania, 82 Port Republic, Rockingham County, a., 10, 36, 37 Postholes, 146, 147 (fig.), 148 (fig.), 149 (fig.), 150 (fig.), 151 (fig.), 152 (fig.), 153 (fig.), 154, 155, 156, 188, 205, 212, 213, 222, 249, 250 Post molds, 213 Pothook, 367 Potsherds, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34, 35, 37,39, 40, 41, 90-127 (tables), 158, 183, 184, 187, 205, 208, 217, 238 Albemarle Series, 21, 27, 58, 59 (def- inition), 61, 62 (graph), 64, 83, 84, 120-127 (tables) body, 149, 150, 151, 155, 158, 159, a 185, 192, 209, 223, 226, 227, 35 Great Bend, 251 hardness of, 189 (table), 190 lip forms, 184, 190, 209, 233 Marcey Creek series, 58, 59 (defini- tion), 61, 62 (graph), 83, 120-127 (tables) New River Series, 58, 59 (defini- tion), 62 (graph), 63, 64, 85, 86, 120-127 (tables) Radford Series, 27, 32, 36, 42, 58, 60 (definition), 61, 62 (graph), 63, 64, 71, 73 (map), 74, 84, 85, 86, 121-127 (tables) rim, 149, 150, 151, 155, 158, 159, 166 (fig.), 181, 184, 190, 191, 206, 207, 218, 224 Southwestern, 251 Stony Creek Series, 24, 58, 60 (def- inition), 61, 62 (graph), 64, 69, 71, 72 (map), 74, 83, 84, 121-127 (tables) Potter, Ethel, Arapaho woman, 436 Pottery, 33; 38, 62 (graph), 68, 120-127 (tables), 160-165, 178, 183, 184— 185, 189-193, 205-206, 213-214, 218-219 Pottery, analysis and interpretation of, 58-65, 160-165 60-61, 62 basic differences (graph) black, 226, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 235, 236, 243 black ‘to dark gray, 218, 223, 225, 232, 234 in, 489 Pottery—Continued buff, 231, 233, 236, 238 buff and black, 231 buff to black, 223, 227, 232, 234, 237 burnt clay, 42 coiled, 214 color, 162, 178, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 189, 192, 206, 210, 213, 218, 222, 223, 224, 246 cord-roughened, 210, 226, 227, 230, 232, 233, 234, 236 decoration, 162-163, 165 (fig.), 166 (fig.), 178, 182, 184, 185, 190, 191, 206, 208, 209, ’210, 214, 217, 218, 222, 223, 226, 229, 232, 233, 234, 235, 243, 247 density, 162 Dismal River, 141, 142, 149, 150, 151, 155, 159, 160 (table), 164, 179, 181, 182, 184, 187, 189, 191, 192, 207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 216, 217, 221, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 243, 244, 246— 247, 252 Dismal River sand-tempered, 142 Glen Elder, 207, 208, 211 Glen Elder-White rock, 239 gray to gray-tan, 43, 235 grooved paddling, 162 hardness, 162, 211, 214, 234 incised zigzag decorations, 206, 214 “Kapo”’ black, 237 Keiser Cord Marked, 86 late red, 237 late Rio Grande micaceous culinary, 142, 237 limestone-tempered, 64, 84, 85, 86 lip-decoration, 165 (fig.), 214, 218, 227, 232 Lovitt Mica Tempered, 142, 160, 161, 164, 230, 247 Lovitt Plain, 142, 160 Lovitt Simple Stamped, 142, 160 orange, 227 Page Cord-Marked, 86 painted, 185, 192, 211, 218, 221, 234 Pojoaque, Polychrome, 237 polished, 184 porosity, 162 Potomac Creek, 86 punctate decorations, 206 “Quiviran,’”’ 238 Radford Cordmarked, 36 Radford Series Plain, 36 red, 230 red and black on orange-buff, 211, 212 rim forms, 164 (fig.), 184, 190, 206, 209, 214, 222, 223, 226, 227, 228, 230, 233, 235, 236, 247 sand-tempered, 85, 160-161, 182, 185, 187, 189, 191, 192, 206, 209, 213, 214, 218, 222, 223, 225, 226, 227, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 247 490 Pottery—Continued shapes, 162, 247 shell-tempered, 64, 86 shoulder area, 237 simple stamped, 162, 178, 182, 184, 185, 187, 189, 190, 192, 206, 209, 212, 214, 216, 217, 218, 228, 229, 230, 231, 233, 240, 247 surface treatment, 162-163, 184, 189, 206, 209, 212, 214, 216, 217, 218, 222, 225, 226, 231, 233, 234, 235, 236, 246, 252 Taos ware, 240 tempering, 160-161, 178, 185, 187, 189, 206, 213 Tewa, 237 texture, 161, 184, 185, 187, 189, 190, 191-192, 206, 209, 211, 218, 223, 225, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 234, 237 thickness, 164, 190, 232, 236, 237 thong-wrapped paddling, 162, 240 trade, 252 Upper Republican, 141, 192, 209, 210, 212, 221, 223, 225, 226 Woodland, 181, 214, 223, 226, 233 Pottery handle, 191, 231 Pottery lug, 191 Potterymaking tradition, 26, 29 Pottery series and _ types, (tables) Powder Creek (River), 382 Powder horn, worn by Indian, 367 Prairie chickens, 143 Prairie Dog Creek, 145, 146 Prairie dogs, 143 Preceramic and ceramic cultural pat- terns in northwest Virginia, 7 Preceramic complex, 57 (table), 58, 65, 68, 69, 70 (map), 74, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81, 82, 87 Pre-horse Period, 462 Premeau, Jean, interpreter, 346 Prisoner, represented by Indians, 389, 395 Projectile points, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 2, 23, 24, 25 (table), 26, 27, 28, 295-30, 310"33N 34) 35;(36:37, 38) 39, 40, 41, 48, 538, 81, 155, 156 (chart), 159, 167-168, 178, 179, 182, 185 (table), 187, 194 (table), 198, 206, 209, 219 (table), 225, 238, 242, 246, 446 antler, 32, 215, 241, 242 bone, 199-200, 215, 241, 242 brass, 215 Contracting Stemmed Type K, 25 (table), 44 (fig.), 46, 50, 82, 90— 127 (tables) Crude Triangular Type D, 44 (fig.), 46, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 90-127 (tables) Eared Type O, 25 (table), 44 (fig.), 47, 90-127 (tables) flint, 155, 446 Hanna type, 440 120-127 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173] Projectile points—Continued Lanceolate Type F, 44 (fig.), 46, 50, 51, 90-127 (tables) Large blades, unclassified, Type V, 25 (table), 47, 49, 50, 51, 75, 90-127 (tables) Large Contracting Stemmed Type P, 45 (fig.), 47, 90-127 (tables) Large Parallel-sides Stemmed Type Q, 25 (table), 45 (fig.), 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 81, 82, 90-127 (tables) Large Pointed Base Type 8, 45 (fig.), 47, 51, 90-127 (tables) Large Rounded Base Type U, 45 (fig.) 47, 49, 50, 81, 90-127 (tables) Large Side-notched Type R, 45 (fig.), 47, 51, 90-127 (tables) Large ‘Triangular Blade Type T, 45 (fig.), 47, 51, 90-127 (tables) McKean, 440 Medium Triangular Type B, 36, 43, 44 (fig.), 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 83, 90-127 (tables) Notched Base Type G, 44 (fig.), 46, 51, 90-127 (tables) Notched Stemmed Type I, 25 (table), 44 (fig.), 46, “28, 49, 50, 51, 81, 82, 90-127 (tables), 222 Ovoid Base Type J, 25 (table), 44 (fig.), 46, 49, 50, 82, 90-127 (tables) Parallel-sided Stemmed Type L, 25 (table), 44 (fig.), 46, 48, 49 , 50, 51, 90-127 (tables) Pentagonal Type EH, 44 (fig.), 46, 51, 84, 90-127 (tables) Side- ‘notched Type M., 25 (table), 44 (fig.), 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 81, 82, 90-127 (tables), 216 Small triangular Type A, 23, 30, 43, 44 (fig.), 48, 49, 50, 90-127 (tables), 241, 244 Stubby-barbed. type H, 25 (table), 44 (fig.), 46, 50, 90-127 (tables) Tria angular Type G, 24, 25 (table), 27, 43, 44, (fig.), 48 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 82, 83, 90-127 (tables), 222 242, 248 Type ’NBa, 155, 156 (fig.) Types cf, 44 (figs. ), 90-127 (tables), 156 (chart), 167 (table)— 168, 178, 185 (table), 214, 220 (table), 225, 242 Unclassified Type N, 25 (table), 47, 51, 90-127 (tables) Projectile- point and blade types, rock material, chips, and other arti- facts, and pottery classification tables, 90-127 Projectile points and large blades, 43- 53, 68, 170 Promontory ‘complex (Utah), 241, 245, 247, 252 Promontory-Dismal River relationships, 244-245, 252 INDEX pe Te Point, north-central Utah, 24 Protohistoric period, 240, 241, 245, 440, 460 Pueblo Site (148C1), 237-238, 250 Pugh, Stanley, Oglala Sioux Indian, 437 Pulap, Caroline Islands, 273, 280, 287 Pulo Anna, 287 Pulusuk, Caroline Islands, 273, 285, 287 Puluwat, Caroline Islands, 273, 274, 276, 277, 278, 280, 285, 287, 289, 290, 291, 292, 295, 297 Pumpkin Creek, Mornill County, Nebr., 224 Pumpkin Creek Site (25M0O2), 224-225 Punches, bone, 186, 215, 240, 241, 248 Putinska, treaty with, 384 Qu’appelle Valley, 424, 425 Quartelejo, ruins of, 237, 239 Quartelejo Lipanans, 243 Quartz, white, 11, 24, 66 Quartz boulders, 197 Quartz chips, 31, 40, 41, 66, 67, (table), 75, 90-127 (tables), 181, 188, 193, 229, 246 Quartz crystal, 42, 56, 57 (table), 58, 65, 66, 90-127 (tables), 167, 193 Quartzite, brown, 196 gray to yellow-gray Erwin- Antietam, i1, 66 green, 196 purple Erwin, 11, 41, 66 Quartzite boulders, 445 Quartzite rocks (chips), 11, 15, 19, 20, 9293 9497.98 50993031) 35: 37, 38, 41, 65, 66, 67 (table), 68, 71, 74, 75, 81, 90-127 (tables), 181, 182, 186, 187, 193, 195, 196, 209, 219, 225, 228, 229, 246 Quartzite-using stations, designation of, 14,9173; 19;,20,-92, 23596, 27, 28, 29, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 51, 56, 68, 70 (map), 74, 75, 78, 79, 81, 87 Querecho people, 243 Quick’s Mill, Augusta County, Va., 17 Rabbit (Sylvilagus floridanus), 32, 34, 204 See also Jackrabbit. Rain-in-the-face, Indian chief, 395, 408 Ramarui, David, help from, 273 Ramsey, Charles, collections by, 24, 25 (table) Ramsey’s Gap, on Calfpasture River, 25 Rappahannock River, 86 Red Bow, Indian brave, 399 Red Breast, white man shown by Indians, 368 Red Bull, Indian bray e, 400 Red Dog, Indian brave, 410 Red Hail, Indian brave, 400 Red Painted F eet, Blackfoot Indian, 429 Red River, 424 Red Robe, Indian warrior, 386 491 Red Tomahawk, Indian brave, 406 Red Valley Component, New Jersey, 82 “Ree,” refers to Arikara, 347, 350, 360, 368, 369, 372, 373, 375, 378, 379, 381, 385, 392. Reed (Arundo donax), 267 Reghipol, Woleai teacher, 294 Religion, 251 Renaud, E. B., 142 Repunnoae City, Harlan County, Nebr., 179 Republican River, 145, 146, 167, 179, 221, 230; 251 Resapechik, Trukese teacher, 290 Rib sections, worked, 203 Rider, eae Gros Ventre Indian, 4 Riesenberg, Saul H., and Kaneshiro, Shigeru: A Caroline Islands script, 269-333 Rifie, corned by Indian, 367, 380, 386, 3 carried by white man, 396 Riggs, Stephen R., 347, 360 Rings, brass, hair ornaments, 357 Rio Grande River, 235 River Basin Surveys, 139, 182, 183, 187 River terrace, meaning of, 14 Robe, worn by Indians, 386 Roberts, Frank H. H., Jr., 140 Robert S. Peabody Foundation Muse- um, Phillips Andover Academy, 139 Robinson, Will G., 362 Roby, Roy, information from, 8, 30 Rockbridge Baths, 11, 40, 41 Rockbridge County (RB), 10, 12, 13 (map), 40-43, 74 Rockbridge County sites: RB-1 (east of Wade’s Mill), 40 RB-2 (Hayes’ Creek Mound), 8, 40-41, 85 RB-3 (on Hayes’ Creek), 41, 52, 61, 77 (chart) RB-4 (Rockbridge Baths), 41, 77 (chart) RB-5 (right bank of Calfpasture River), 41, 68, 77 (chart) RB-6 (on slope to Mill Creek), 41, 52, 68, 77 (chart) RB-7 (Battle or Bell Mound), 8, 42, 61, 63, 77 (chart), 78, 85 Rockingham County (RM), 11, 12, 13 (map), 56-40, 65 Rockingham County sites: RM-1 (South Fork, Shenandoah River), 12, 13 (map), 36, 50, 57 (table), 77 (chart), 80 RM-1A (near RM-1), 13 (map), 36, 50 RM-2 (west of RM-1), 36-37, 77 (chart) RM-3 (Madison Run _ Rock Shelter), 37, 77 (chart) RM-4 (nor theast of Port Republic), 12, 13 (map), 37, 38 (table), 48, 492 Rockingham County sites—Continued 57 (table), 61, 64, 67 (table), 74, 77 (chart) RM-4A (southwest of RM-4), 12, 13 (map), 37-88 (table), 48, 56, 64 RM-4B (northwest of RM-4A), 12,13 \(aap); (38; 950, UGB 975; 77 (chart) —5 (south of bridge at Island Fork), 37-39, 77 (chart) RM-6 (near RM-5), 38, 39, 52, dl ee 77 (chart) RM-7 (Lynnhaven, on South Fork), 39, 77 (chart) RM-8 (50 yards from RM-6), 38, 39, 50, 67 (table), 77 (chart) RM-9 (northwest of Weyer’ s Cave, on North River), 39 RM-10 (Grottoes, on South River), 39-40, 77 (chart) RM-11 ’(southwest of Elkton), 40, 57 (table), 77 (chart) RM-12 (bank of South Fork), 40, 57 (table), 77 (chart) Rock material, 65-74 Rock shelters, 78 Rosie A. Young Man, Mrs., Blackfoot, interpreter, 429 Roundiep, hill near Crawford, Nebr., 26 Roy, Rob, aise tee of AU-27, and AU-28 Rubbing tools, ee 241 Ruffner Place, Page County, 65 Ruins, stone-walled, 238 Running Crane, chief of Lone Eater Band, 4382 Running Rabbit, Indian chief, 427 Russell, Frank, 371 Sagebrush, 143 Saipan, Marianas, 285, 297 Salishan tribe, 440 Sanasesli, location of, 239 Sand, charcoal-stained, 183 Sanderville, Richard, 446 Sandhills, Central Plains area, 144, 180 Sandhills sites, 180-208 environmental setting, 180-181 Sandstone, brown, 220 buff, 198 Cretaceous, 438, 445 Ogalalla, 197 soli red Dakota, 167, 171, 172, 193, 1 mee or light, 167, 171, 186, 188, Sansare band, Teton Dakota tribe, 345, 348, 362, 377, 392 group, Dakota tribes, 347 (list), 367 Santo Domingo, see El Quartelejo. Sappa Creek, 145 143, Santee BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173] Satawal, Woleai Islands, 273, 274, 277, 278, 280, 283, 285, 287, 290, 291, 292, 293, 295 eevennay River Focus, North Carolina, 8 Saville, Marshall H., 268 Scalps, 362, 367, 376, 377, 385, 386, 387, 388, 392, 394, 395, 396, 397, 400 Scapulae, worked, 173, 174, 198-199, 220 Schaeffer, Dr. Claude E., 421, 427, 459 Schist, 182, 197, 246 Schmitt, Karl, 86 Schulenberg, Ray, translator, 344 Schultz, James Willard, 427 Sciurus calolinensis, 32 Scott City, Scott County, Kans., 237 Scott County Pueblo site, West Central Kansas, 142, 237-238, 239 Scotts Bluff County, Nebr., 225 Scrapers, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 35, 36, 39, 40, 84, 149, 150, 151, 155, 169, 170-171, 194, 196— 197, 206, 219, 225, 226, 245 elk-antler, 383, 384 end, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 58, 81, 90-127 (tables), 159, 171, 178, 182, 186, 196, 197, 214, 215, 219, 222 238, 240, 241, 242, 244, 248 hafted, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 58, 81, 90- i 27 (tables) side, 55 (fig.), 56, 57 (table), 90- 127 (tables), 167, 171, 178, 182, 186, 196, 197, 206, 214, 216, 241, 242, 248 snub-nosed, 242 tanged, 242, 244 Seals, 266 Sea otter, 266 Secoy, Frank R., 143 Sedgwick County, Colo., 229 Seidling Hill, on Calfpasture River, 25 Seneca, Nebr., 181 Serifino ee Serbino, helper of Soshaki, 296 Setzer, Henry W., animals identified by, 33 32, Shaddox, Carl, 421 Shaft polishers, 171, 186 Shaft wrenches, bone, 149, 173, 174, 198-199, 215, 242, 248 Shale, 438 Shave One Side, Mrs., 414 Shaw’s Fork, tributary of Cowpasture River, 35 Shell species: Anguispira alternata, 32 Elliptic complanatus, 32, 34 Haplotrema concavum, 32 Heliodiscus parallelus, 34 Mesodon sayanus, 34 M. thyroidus, 32 Mesomphix cupeus, 34 Mudalia carinata, 32, 34 Triodopsis albolarbris, 32 T. fraudulenta, 34 INDEX Shell species—Continued T. tridentata juxtidens, 32, 34 Unionerus tetralasmus, 177 Ventridens ligera, 32 Shells, a2 (list), 33 (list), 34 (list), 177, 2 mussel, 159 turtle, unworked, 158, 177, 204 unworked, 149, 151, 158, 179 worked, 185, 187, 215 Shenandoah Mountain, Va., 16, 35 Shenandoah National Park, Va., 19, 37 Shenandoah River, see North or South Fork. Shenandoah Valley, 86 Shepard, Anna O., 140, 161 Sherds, Great Bend, 142 southwestern, 142 See also potsherds. Shinny ee and ball, shown by Indians, 406 Ship, represented by Indians, 351 Shippee, J. M., 145 Shoshone Basin, Wyo., 458 Shoshoni tribe, 437, 440 Shutterly’s Mill, Staunten, Va., 30 Sit4ngu band, Teton Dakcta tribe, 346, 348, 361 Signal Butte, Nebr., 141, 222, 225, 440 Sihdsapa Indian band, 341, 342, 343, 344, 348, 350, 355 Silk, Indian brave, 412 Silk, Mrs. Harry, wife of Silk, 412 Sioux County, Nebr., 243 Sioux Indians, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, . 364, 365, 367, 368, 369, 370, 372, 373, 378, 380, 387, 391, 395, 396, 399, 424, 426 Sirom, Trukese teacher, 290 Sisseton, Santee group, 347, 367 Site: A (historic period), 75 A-B, 76 B-C, description of, 75, 76 B and M, 256 C-D, desciption of, 75, 76 D-H, description of, 75, 76 E-F, description of, 76 F-G, description of, 76 Colo. E:1:7 (Larimer County, Colo.), 227-228, 256 Colo. D:4:2; 227, 256 Colo. E:2:1 (northern part of Weld County), 228, 256 Colo. E:7:1 (South of Cornish, he County, Colo.), 228-229, Colo. E:14:11 (5 miles east of Fort Lupton), 229, 256 Colo. F:15:1 (10 miles north of Akron, Washington County, Colo.), 229, 256 Colo. G:4:GEN. (Sedgwick County, Colo.), 229, 256 493 Site—Continued Colo. G:16:6 (2 miles southwest of Wray, Yuma County), 229-230, 256 Colo. G:16:8 (10 miles north of Wray), 230, 256 Colo. K:5:1 (Summit County, Colo.), 230, 256 Colo. K:8:2 (4 miles south of Mor- rison), 230, 256 Colo. M:9:6 6 miles east of Buick, Elbert County), 230, 256 Colo. M:10:2 (13 miles northwest of Limon), 230, 256 Colo. N:4:1 (6 miles south of Laird), 231, 256 Colo. §$:12:5 (Pueblo County, Colo.), 233, 256 Colo. U:5:9 (17 miles northwest of Eads), 234, 256 Colo. Y :12:GEN.; 233, 256 Colo. Y:13:1 (southern boundary of Colorado), 234, 256 Colo.Y:14:1 (Castilla Colo.), 234-235, 256 Rolo! .Z:5:7 (Huerfano County), 235, 256 Colo.Z:6:1, 235,256 Colo.Z:14:2 (Las Animas County), 235, 256 WYO.AA:6:1 (Albany County, Wyo.), 236-237, 257 WYO.U:11:1 (15 miles north of Lingle), 236, 257 14SC1 (west-central Kansas), 141, 178, 237-238, 250, 257 17 (Larimer County, Colo.), 231, 256 Gee (tipi-ring camp), 465 24390 (above north bank of Greasewood Creek), 447, 448 (fig.), 449 2aGTA29, tipi ring of White Man, County, g. 24GL427, tipi ring of Running Crane, 432 24GL486, south slope Milk River Hades; "449, 452 (fig.), 453 (fig.)— 24GL490, Milk River Ridge, Black- foot Reserv ation, 449 Tie (tipi-ring camp), 465 fig. 24GL520 (bison drive site), 461 (fig.) 24GL584, north shore Spring Lake, Blackfoot Reservation, 449, 450 (fig.) 25BN2 (Bull Canyon Site), 222- 223, 255 25C25 (30 miles northwest of Mullen), 208, 255 25C27, 208, 255 494 Site—Continued 25C28 (12 miles northwest of Brownlee), 208, 255 25C29 (9 miles north of Brownlee), 208, 255 25CH1 (Lovitt Site), 144 (map), 178, 212-216, 218, 237, 245, 247, 249, 255 25CH7 (McCallum-Hofer Site), 216, 255 25CH8 (Skelton Site), 216, 255 25CH14 (Baker Site), 217, 255 25DK5 (22 miles southwest of Tie Siding, Wyo.), 176 25DN1 (Nichols Site), 142, 144 (map), 178, 217-221, 255 25FR15 (1 mile west of Blooming- ton), 221, 255 25FT9 (southwestern Nebraska), 141, 142, 144 (map), 222, 255 25GD2 (Ash Hollow Cave), 144 (map), 223-224, 237, 255 25HN37, environmental setting, 145-146, 255 25HN37, houses, 146-157, 158 (table), 173 (table), 177 (table), 218 25HN37 (White Cat Village), Harlan County Reservoir, south- central Nebraska, 139, 140, 144 (map), 145-180, 224, 242, 249 25H N44, southeast of Republican City, Nebr., 179-180, 255 25HO1 (south bank of Dismal River), 181, 225, 255 25HO2, south bank of Dismal River, 180, 225, 255 25HO3, about 15 miles south of Mullen, 180-181, 255 25HO4 (fork of Dismal River), 181, 255 25HO5 (8 miles east of Mullen), 180, 182, 255 25HO7 (the Lowe Site), Mullen Reservoir area, 139, 144 (map), 180, 183-187, 255 25HO9 (northeast cf Mullen), 180, 187, 255 25HO21 (Mullen Reservoir area, Hooker County, north-central Nebraska), 139, 144 (map), 174, 180, 183, 185, 187-205, 224, 255 25HO24 (Mullen Reservoir area, Hooker County, north-central Nebraska), 139, 180, 205-207, 255 25HO30 (8 miles southeast of Mullen), 207, 256 25HO31 (13 miles southeast of Mullen), 207, 256 25HO32 (15 miles southwest of Mullen), 207, 256 25HY4 (3 miles northwest of Palisade, Nebr.), 207, 256 25LN2 (8 miles southwest of North Platte, Nebr.), 209, 256 25LN3 (1 mile northwest of Som- BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (Bull. 173] Site—Continued erset, Nebr.), 210, 256 25LN4 (6 miles south of North Platte), 210, 256 25LN5 (north of North Platte Nebr.), 210-211, 256 25LN6 (opposite North Platte, Nebr.) 211, 256 25LN7 (Kelso Site), 211, 256 25LN9 (2 miles north of Dickens, Nebr.), 211-212, 256 25LN10 (3 miles south of North Platte), 212, 256 25MO2 (Pumpkin Creek Site), 224-225, 256 25SF1 (Signal Butte Site), 144 (map), 225, 256 5SU2, see Site Colo.K:5:1 255 X00 (Roundtop Site), 226, 256 255X301 (Glenn Site), 226, 256 25T M1 (5 miles west of Thedford), 208-209, 256 26, 231, 256 38 (Larimer County), 231, 256 39FA45 (Fall County, 8. Dak.) 237, 257 39F A883, 237, 257 48PL11 (near Platte River, Platt County), 236, 257 101 (Boulder County), 251, 256 104 (south of Mount Morrison), 231-232, 256 Billy Big Spring, 440 Site descriptions, 12, 13 (table), 67 (table), (chart) Sites: in Lincoln County, Nebr., 209-212 in northeastern Colorado, 227-233 in southeastern Colorado, 233-235 in southeastern Wyoming, 236-237 in southwestern Nebraska, 212-222 in southwestern South Dakota, 237 in western Kansas, 237-238 in western Nebraska, 222-227 Middle Period in the Plains, 440 Sitting Bull, 385, 391, 396, 397, 398, 399, 402, 403 Skeletons, 42 articulated, flexed, 21 disarticulated, 21 Skelton Site (25CH8), 216, 255 Skin working, 245 Skulls, human, 22, 41 Skunk, 204 Skunk People, Indian band, 433 _ Slave, woman, taken by Indians, 389 Slim Buttes, S. Dak., 386 Smallpox, pictured by Indians, 352, 358, 362, 363, 374, 378 See also Measles. Smith, Alfred G., 274 Smith, Carlyle S., 142, 237, 278, 284, 287, 291, 299, 300, 301, 304, 305, 307, 308 Smith, J. Russel, 439 (map), 57 75-76, 77 INDEX Smithsonian Institution (collecting par- ty), 139, 159, 164, 172, 173, 174, 183, 187, 191, 193, 196, 201, 202, 236, 238° Snelling, "Alfred, and the Trukese castaways, 288-290, 292, 293, 294, 309. Snow, used for drinking water, 427 Snowshoes, shown on Indians, 367, 368, 376, 381 Soapstone fragments, 24, 56, 57 (table), 58, 90-127 (tables) So-at- sa-ki, mythical character, 428 Sods, used to hold down tipi covers, 457 Soldiers, represented by Indians, 363 Someki, Atsushi, 274, 276, 277, 278, 282, 283, 299 Somerset, Nebr., 210 Sonsorol Island, 287 Sorol Island, 287 Soshaki or Soshiki, Japanese inventor of type I, 296, 297 Sounding Knob, near Dry Branch, 33 South Fork, Shenandoah River, 10, 11, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 26, 27, 37, 38, 39, 40, 68, 71, 81 South River, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24, 27, 29, 36, 39, 69, 71, 75, South Rivers District, definition of, DPIGG ACL, 74,5182 Spades, bone, 215 Spanish, Mrs. Nora, 466, 468 Spatulas, bone, 198, 203, 215, 241, 242, 244, 248, 251 Spearheads, 42, 65 Spears, 268 Spear throwers, decorated, 265 See also Atlatl. Speck, Frank G., 424 Spence, Carl, 226 Spider Lodge constellation, explanation of name, 427-428 Spider Magee mythical character, 427, 428 Spindle whorls, bone, 242 Spoke shave, stone, 197 Spotted Bear, Indian brave, 405, 430 Spring Lake, Blackfoot Reservation, 449 4 Squash rinds, 288, 245 Squirrel, gray (Sciurus calolinensis), 32 Staff, ceremonial, 357, 367 Standing Bull, Indian brave, 394 Standing Rock Reservation, 339, 341, 343, 344, 345, 347, 353, 399 Staples Run, tributary of Calfpasture River, 18 Star Husband tale, 427 wide Zosusta County, Va., 17, 28, 1 Stealing, punishment for, 361 Steatite fragments, 17, 19, 22, 40 Stephenson, Robert D., 140 Stephenson, Robert L., 239 Sterling, Logan County, Colo., 233 495 Sterling Site (6 miles northwest of Ster- ling), 233, 256 Sterns Creek Woodland, 238 Steward, Julian H., 244 Stewart, Richard, 265, 266 Stinking Water Creek, Chase County, Nebr., 212, 216, 217, 222 Stinking Water Focus, 142, 160, 204, se 251, 253-254 (tables) Stirling, M W.: The use of the atlatl on Lake Patzcuaro, Michoacan, 261-268 Stone, chipped, 167, 206, 209, 214 granitelike, 167 pecked or polished, 167, 194 unworked, 149, 150, 154, 155, 158, 182, 187, 193, 194, 205, 210, 211 worked, 149, 150, 151 (list), 155 (list), 158, 165-172, 182, 185-186, 193-198, 205, 206, 210, 211, 214— 215, 217, 219-220, 229, 244, 246 Stone chips, definition of, 66 Stone circle sites, 458 Stones, fireburnt, 17, 26, 33, 37, 183, 187, 188, 205, 211, 217, 250, 437, 468 Stone tipi rings, archeological consid- erations, 437—455, 463 conclusions, 462-464 discussion, 456-462 ethnological considerations, 437, 463 historical evidence, 424—428 introduction, 421—424 possible uses of, 421-423 Stone tipi rings in North-Central Mon- tana and the adjacent portion of Alberta, Canada; their historical, ethnological and archeological aspects, by Thomas F. Kehoe, 417-473 Stove, commercial, used in tipi, 467 Straight Creek, northeast of Monterey, 429- 33 Strikes Many, Indian brave, 412 Stuart’s Draft, on South River, 26, 27 Strong, W. D., 141, 143, 180, 182, 225 Strong-Heart warrior society, 412 Structures, 188, 212-213, 248-250 Sturtevant, William, 273 Subsistence, Dismal River Aspect, 245 Sone. cycle, annual, 436, 456, 461, 46 Subsistence methods, 439 Suicide, method of, 375 Summary, Site 25HO21, 204-205 Site 25H N37, 178-179 Summit County, Colo., 230 Sun Dance, Indian ceremony, 364, 428, 429, 464 Sundance, Wyo., 329 Sun Dance shelter, 428 Sunshade or summer shelter, 213, 250 Swan winter count, 346, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363, 364, 366, 370, 371, 377, 382, 383, 384, 386, 392 496 Swanton, John R., 440 Sweat houses, 425 Sweet Grass Hills, 426 ° Swift Dog, Dakota Indian, 344, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, ae 403, 404, 405, 406, 407, 408, 4 Swift Dog group, winter count, 341, 343, 344 Sword, represented in winter count, 411 Syllabaries, Cherokee, 273 Sylvilagus floridanus, 32, 34 Tablets, slate, 42 Tall Bear, see High Bear. Tamias striatus, 34 Taos, 243, 244, 247 refugees, location of, 239 Tarasean Indians, 265, 266 Technology, 245-248 Teeth, animal, 32 (list) animal incisor, perforated, 25 deer, 25 Tenney, L. F., 446 Tent peg, wooden, 428, 429, 430, 435, 44 Tents, skin, 424, 425, 426 umbrella, 464 wall, 464 Tepees, 425, 427 See also Tipis. Terrace, meaning of, 14 Terrapin, 204 Terry, Frank, 33, 34 Teton Dakota Reservation, 341 Teton Dakota tribe, 341, 342, 343, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348, 351, 355, 359, 360, 361, 364, 365, 372, 377, 391 Teya people, 243 Thedford, Thomas TOMBE Nebr., 208 Thomas, ‘Alfred B., 243 Thomas County, Nebr., 208 Thompson’s exploration, start of His- toric period, 440 Three Thigh, Indian brave, 401 Tiber Reservoir, Marias River, Shelby, Mont., 441 Tidyman, James, 456 Tie Siding, Wyo., 227 Tilden Site (4 miles north of Hudson), 232, 256 Time marker: A (Historic), 86-87 B (Protohistoric), 85-86 C (Middle-Late Woodland), 84-85 D (beginning of Middle Woodland), 82-84 E (transition between Late Ar- chaic and Early Woodland), 81-82, 83, 84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {Bull. 173] Time marker—Continued F (Early Archaic), 81, 82 G (beginning of Harly Archaic), 80-81 Time period: A-B, 77 (chart) B-C, 77 (chart), 78, 80 C—D, 77 (chart), 84 D-—E, 77 (chart), 78, 80, 84 E-F, 77 (chart), 78 F-G, 77 (chart), 79, 81 Tinder box, 274, 276, 278 Tinian, Marianas, 285 Tipi covers, skin, 423, 428, 435, 436, 437, 439, 443, 444, 445, 449, 456, 456, 460, 462, 463, 466, 467 Tipi liners, hide, 435, 464, 466, 467, 468 Tipi poles, 428 Tipi rings, Blackfoot encampment, 470 (table) depth of rocks, 443-444 (table), 455 door gaps, 444 excavations, 446-447 quantity of rocks, 445 rock concentrations in center, 445— 446 rock types, 445 shape of, 443 Tipi-ring sites, 440-441, 446, 448 (fig.), 449, 450 (fig.), 451 (fig.), 452 (fig.), 453 (fig.)-455, 468 archeological fieldwork, 440-455 camp plans, 442—443 location of, 441-442 payment for use of, 434 proportion of to other sites, 441 remains of contents, 468 sizes of, 442, 443, 455 summary of fieldwork, 455 Tipis, canvas, 460, 462, 464 in Blackfoot encampment, (table), 470 (table) large, 436, 461 play, used by children, 434, 436 pre-horse period, 462 present period, 462 protohistoric, 435 represented in winter counts, 352, 363, 364, 367, 368, 372, 376, 377, 379, 381, 382, 394, 398, 401, 413 size, 462 (table) small, use of, 436 Tobi Island, 287 Tomahawk, carried by Indian, 382, 400 Tongue River, 398 Tools, bone, 241, 242 chipped-stone, 248 ground and pecked-stone, 248 skin-dressing, 205, 245, 252 weaving and matting, 242 Tools and implements, 248 Torgerson, Lloyd, 464 Torquemada, quotation from, 268 Tracks Weasel, Indian warrior, 387 Trade material, 187, 204, 215-216, 221 European, 175-176 469 INDEX Trail Coulee, 443 Transvestite, female impersonator, 375 Travoises, transportation devices, 372, 373, 428, 434 Treaty with halfbloods in Canada, 396, 397 Tree Top (Jack), see Bear Claw. Trifolium sp., 177 Trimble, Mrs. Ralph, owner of HD-2, 33 Triodopsis albolarbris, 32 T. fraudulenta, 34 T. tridentata juxtidens, 32, 34 True Word, Indian chief, 389 Truk, Caroline Islands, 273, 275, 277, 285, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, alphabet of, 287-288, 292 TRS alphabet, adoption of, 290-293, 9 Trukese castaways, and Alfred Snelling, 288-290, 292, 294, 309 Turkey, wild (Meleagris 32, 34 Turner, F. Earl, 421 Turquoise, 246, 252 Turtle Head, Indian chief, 389 Turtle Mountain bands, Plains Ojibwa Indians, 347 Turtle Mountains, 365, 366 Turtles, 245 snapping, 204 Two Bears, Indian chief, 381, 389, 391, 394, 397, 401, 408 Two Horns, Indian brave, 395 Two Kettle band, Teton Dakota tribe, 345 Ulithi Island, 287 Ulna pick, 198, 208, 215, 248 Ulul Island, Carolines, 289, 290 Umatilla Reservation, Oreg., 468 Uneitor, Trukese teacher, 290 Unionerus tetralasmus, 177 United States troops, Indians attacked by, 365 eer of Colorado Museum, 139, 31 139, 227, 229, gallopavo), University of Denver, 230, 233 University of Hawaii, 273 University of Kansas, 237 University of Nebraska, Department of Anthropology, 160, 172, 173 174, 176, 179, 187, 209, 221, 228, 229 University of Utah, 139 Upper Pend d’Oreille Indians, 423 Upper Republican, 179, 211 Upper Republican people, 239 Upper Rio Grande Pueblos, 244 Urocyon cinereoargenteus, 34 Ute Indians, 361, 437 Uyehara, Dr. Y., 273, 274 Vai syllabaries, 973 Valentine, Mann S. and Granville, G., explorers of RB-7, 42 ?! Washington County, Colo., 497 Valentine Museum, Richmond, Va., 8, 40, 41, 42, 56 Vegetal remains, 177, 204, 216, 217 Ventridens ligera, 32 Verona, Va., on Middle River, 29, 30 Vessels, miniature, 214, 237 shapes of, 162, 213, 247 sizes of, 313, 247 soapstone, 56, 57 (table), 58, 90-127 (tables) Vestal, Stanley (Walter S. Campbell), 339, 341, 346, 349, 352, 354, 355, 356, 359, 360, 361, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 383, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399, 400, 401, 402, 403 Vestal’s Hunkpapa count, 346, 370, 371, 372, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 378, 379, 380, 381, 382, 384, 385, 386, 387, 388, 389, 390, 391, 392, 393, 394, 395, 396, 397, 398, 399 Vesuvi ae boundary of Augusta County, 2. Viele, Roy, 326 Virginia: Mountain section, description of, 10 Piedmont section, description of, 10 Tidewater section, description of, 10 Virginia Department of Highways, maps prepared by, 14 Wade’s Mill, at Brownsburg, Va., 40 Wagon, four-wheeled, shown by Indians in winter counts, 393 Wahpékute, Santee group, 347, 367 Wahpéton, Santee group, 347, 367 Wall, earthern, 182 Wallace Mounds, Va., 8 Walnut, black (Jugla nigra), 149, 177, 245 Walnut hulls, 32 Wandgi tipi ceremony, 362 Wand, feather-decorated, 351, 353, 354, 369, 379 War bonnet, 406, 411 first, 372, 373, 384, 385 four-horned, 383 Sioux, 349, 373, 380 Highland County, 229 Water pail, metal, 352 Wauneta, Nebr., 216 Waynesboro, Augusta County, Va 18, 19, 20, 23 Waynesboro Nurseries, Lipscomb, Va., 18, 20 Weakly, Harry E., 140, 142, 177, 179, 209, 210, 211, 216, 221 Wears Hat, Indian brave, 406 Wedel, Waldo R., 140, 141, 142, 143, 222, 238, 239, 422 Welch, A. B., 341, 342, 348, 345, 347, 374, 399, 402, 408, 410, 412 i ae 498 Weld, Colo., 233 Weld County, Colo., 228, 229, 233 general site, 233, 256 Weld Site (northeast of Weld, Colo.), 233, 256 Wellington, Larimer County, Colo., 228 West Fayu, Woleai Islands, 273 We-ta-piu band, Cheyenne Indians, 361 Weyer’s Cave, on North River, 39 Whiskey, found by Indians, 395, 396 Whistle, bone, 198, 199, 242, 248 White, Theodore, 140, 204 White Beard, white man, 384, 399, 400 White Bull, Teton Dakota Indian, in- all 346, 349, 352, 353, 354, White Bull winter count, 339, 340, 346, 356, 359, 360, 361, 362, 364, 370, 371, 373, 374, 375, 377, 380, 381, 383, 384, 385, 386, 390, 391, 392, aa 395, 396, 399, 400, 401, 402, 4 White Cat Village (Site 25H N37), 142, 143, 145-179, 185, 189, 194, 196, 207, 214, 219, 225, 247, 248, 249, BUREAU 255 White-Cow-Killer count, Olgala band of Teton Dakota, 346, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 358, 360, 361, 362, 363, 364, 365, 366, 368, 370, 371, 373, 378, 383, 387, 388, 390, 396 White Dog, Indian chief, 396 White Eagle, Indian brave, 407, 411 White Earth Creek, 383 White Man, Blackfoot Indian, 431 White River, 226 White Rock sites, 239 Whooping cough, 389 Wicéyela, name applied to Yankton and Yanktonnais Dakota, 347, 366, 373, 375, 378, 379, 383, 387, 392 Wichita, 240, 252 Wiciyela group, Dakota Indians, 347 (list), 375, 377, 380, 381, 384, 385, 389, 394 Will, George F., 437, 445 Williamson, John P., 360 Williamson, Mae, Blackfoot woman, 439, 444, 446, 464, 466, 467 OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 173] Williston, 8. W., and Martin, H. T., 237, 238 Willow trees, 143, 145 Willson, Mrs. Gilpin, owner of site , 21 Wind River Reservation, 436 Winds, effect on Indian habitations, 4389 Windstorm, representation of, 363 Winter, meaning of word to Dakotas, 3 Winter counts, Dakota, 341-414 Wissler, Clark, 428, 434, 466 Witapaha, Indian tribe, 360 Withers, Arnold, 140, 442 Witthoft, John, 82, 86 Woleai atoll, Caroline Islands, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 285, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296 Woleai language, 299 (list), 302, 304 Woman-Good, Indian woman, 413 Wood, charred, 205, 213, 217 mineralized, 167, 446 rotten, 207 Woodrat (Neotoma sp.), 32 Woodward, Arthur, 175, 176 Wray, Wray County, Colo., 230 Xochimilco, 266 Yanktonai tribe, Standing Rock Reser- vation, 341, 342, 343, 344, 346, 347, 368, 377 Yap pleas Caroline Islands, 2384, 286, 97 Yellow Bucket, death of, 384 Yellow-Lodge (Dakota Indian of mixed blood), 343, 413 Yellow-Lodge, Mrs. Teresa, owner of count, 343 Yellow-Lodge Count (Blue Thunder Variant IIT), 343 Yucea, 143 Yuma County, Colo., 229, 231 Zahn, Judge Frank, translator, 344, 346, 362, 365, 383, 398, 404, 407, 409, 422 Ziegler, Donald, 421 Ziegler, Jerry, 421 Valley of Mexico, O vt ‘i Nit a Ra aah, cava Dea 7 } noth i i) , as as rh \ Ml