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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 


iA. S, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
BULLETIN 191 


_ 


ANTHROPOLOGICAL 
PAPERS 


Numbers 68-74 


U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
WASHINGTON : 1964 


For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, ne: ae Printing Office, Washington, D.C., 20402 
rice $2. 


LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, 
BureEAvu oF AMERICAN ErHNoLoGy, 
Washington, D.C., March 31, 1963. 


Str: I have the honor to submit the accompanying manuscripts, 
entitled ‘‘The Prehistory of Panam4 Viejo,” by Leo P. Biese; ‘“The 
Language of Santa Ana Pueblo,” by Irvine Davis; “Observations on 
Certain Ancient Tribes of the Northern Appalachian Province,” 
by Bernard G. Hoffman; “El Limén, an Early Tomb Site in Coclé 
Province, Panama,” by Matthew W. and Marion Stirling; “‘Archeo- 
logical Notes on Almirante Bay, Bocas del Toro, Panama,” by 
Matthew W. and Marion Stirling; ‘‘The Archeology of Taboga, 
Urab4, and Taboguilla Islands, Panama,” by Matthew W. and 
Marion Stirling; “Iroquois Masks and Maskmaking at Onondaga,” 
by Jean Hendry, and to recommend that they be published as a 
bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 

Very respectfully yours, 
Frank H. H. Roserrts, Jr., 
Director. 
Dr. LEONARD CARMICHAEL, 
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. 


ae 


ee 


Zain t iSONI4® 
NOV 3 0 1964 


LIBRARY 


CONTENTS 


No. 68. The Prehistory of Panam4 Viejo, by Leo P. Biese_________-_--- 
No. 69. The Language of Santa Ana Pueblo, by Irvine Davis_____-_---- 
No. 70. Observations on Certain Ancient Tribes of the Northern Appala- 
ehian Province, by Bernard G. Hoffman. —._....=..-2..---<. 
No. 71. El Limén, an Early Tomb Site in Coclé Province, Panama, by 
Matthew W./and Marion Stirlng=. 122-2282 
No. 72. Archeological Notes on Almirante Bay, Bocas del Toro, Panama, 
by Matthew W. and Marion Stirling... 2-50-22 -2-.- 
No. 73. The Archeology of Taboga, Urab4, and Taboguilla Islands, 
Panama, by Matthew W. and Marion Stirling-._...________-_- 
No. 74. Iroquois Masks and Maskmaking at Onondaga, by Jean Hendry-_- 


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Panama Viejo. Upper, Paneled urn cover; lower, side view. Approximately 4% natural 


size. Courtesy Dr. Russell H. Mitchell. 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin 191 


Anthropological Papers, No. 68 
THE PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO 


By LEO P. BIESE 


682—611— 64 2 


Preface. — == 
Introduction_ 
Historical accounts of Old Panama 


Descript 


Indian settlement of Malambo 
he sites 2. == 
Description 
Former investigations 


Method 


Burial practices 
Burial urns 


Burial offerings 
Funerary votive ware 
Stonework___ 


Ceramics -- -- 
Nature of the sample 


Size 


Red ware 
Brown ware 
Painted wares 
Rimsherds 
Decorative techniques 
Design motifs 


Ant 


Incising 

Surface designs 

Relief modeling and applique 

Trade ware 
Secondary use of artifacts 
Spindle whorls 
Miscellaneous ceramic objects 
Classification 
Discussion___ 


Geograp 


Contacts and migrations 
Chronology 
Interpretive summary 


Bibliography 


CONTENTS 


1ons.omOldeeanamas oa. es. year ema eee Ee er oh ee ke 
Gi present idvestieations 1). 220 eis Yee! LSet ee ke ae 
anG shape OL wesceleun. ot 2h ten bn 2 Bee ee he ee 


WiQ@aGlOMe & ers koe ape se eee ace ee od Rh yeas ice nh OB aot 
hropomorphic effigies 


HICALEGUS BTU UGLOMes ee A ky ee tee UI ae ee 


wee ee a on i i i ww ww we we wa = = A = a a ee eee eee mere ---- 


4. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PLATES 
(All plates except frontispiece follow page 52) 


Frontispiece. 

. Sacrifice burial. 

. Serpent burial urn. 

. Serpent burial urn. 

. Painted urn and panel from incised monkey urn. 
Votive ware double turtle-monkey effigy. 

Votive ware double bird effigy. 

. Miscellaneous votive ware. 

. Miscellaneous brown ware. 

. Stone artifacts. 

. Red ware vessels. 

. Painted wares. 

. Lizard effigy vessel. 

. Incised relief brown ware. 

. Incised relief brown ware. 

. Coclé-type red line ware and humpback effigy jar. 
. Incised relief brown ware. 

. Incised relief brown ware. 

. Incised relief brown ware. 

. Rim sherds. 

. Rim sherds. 

21. Miscellaneous polychrome and paneled red ware. 
22. Spindle whorls. 

23. Miscellaneous ceramic objects. 

24, Artifacts from Venado Beach site. 

25. Artifacts from Madden Lake site. 


| 
SHAN OWPWNHE SO OND Orb db 


TEXT FIGURES 


1. Design index of black-on-white paneled burial urn covers_-_--_------ 
2, Raised serpent desi¢n from burial urn. 22-2 eee ee 
oe Incisedsbrown: Wane. oss eee a ee eee 
AS Incised brown warespedestalicups=——- 2-4 2 a eee 
pe lake dastone weaponepOints soos 5 na Sa eee 
Gt "Stone Cclig.ss nat 2 ort 2 OSL a eee 
Pe -SbORCCOlUS a4 ate a eases eas one eee eee 
So EMEC WVAIRO rt a 9 bea re ne Ae tn ee, CS 
G. Redawate 22222523 2sur re sotto ERO 8 Ue ee, ee 
hO: “Vainbed Wares) > <2 seus ere ott it Ro ee 
Bee Form pronles :& meets oo Ae ea a a Oe oe 
i. Detailotlivard emery rien 2 bso ee Re Ee ee 
3: Poly chromeemicy | ape. sss Sees ee SE See Saas 
E.. Polychrome €fity gar ss 222 o-s2seceeusee Seo aes ANE 
to. . Brown ware wWhistles=~0045 Son a oo ae ee ee nes es oo eee 


MAPS 


1. Historical map of Panamé4 Viejo (Old Panama) (Facing)______------ 
2. Wie OF Ge -Bit@s sscns<2 2 ese eoh eb beet es ee ee 
3. Distribution-of-cultural traitsess-22322ss22ssssessesceson572eee 


PREFACE 


The nature of the countryside surrounding Panama Viejo has been 
changed radically by industrialization. Originally it was a broad and 
grassy plain surrounded by multiple low hills and fronted by the sea. 
The climate was milder and always had less rainfall than the Atlantic 
side of the Isthmus. Food was easily obtainable the year round from 
the abundant deer, peccary and other small game, and easily caught 
fish of the gulf. Numerous shell heaps of prehistoric sites bordering 
the gulf attest to the importance of mussels and clams in the native 
diet. Fresh water was available from many nearby streams although 
the Rio Abajo itself was foul and contaminated by salt water at high 
tide. As a dwelling site it suffered from the 20-foot high tides of the 
gulf which twice daily left half a mile of mud flat and rotting organic 
matter exposed. Additionally, the evil surrounding mangrove swamps 
served as a breeding place for mosquitoes and other noxious insects. 
It afforded, however, adequate conditions for the support of life and 
the establishment of a sedentary culture which maintained peace 
through trade or tribute and did not require a militarily defensible 
position. 

I wish to thank especially Dr. Alejandro Méndez and the Museo 
Nacional de Panama for their support and encouragement, and for 
the loan of the Museum’s Panama Viejo collection for study and 
photography. To no lesser extent do I thank the landowner, Sr. 
Enrique LeFevre, for permission to collect from this site. Thanks 
are also especially due Dr. Russell H. Mitchell for permission to use 
the material illustrated in the frontispiece and plates 10, 24, 6, and 25, 
as well as for his encouragement and helpful advice based on long 
experience in the Isthmian area. Dr. Mitchell also provided much 
of the valuable reference material. I also wish to thank Sr. Dan 
Sander for the material used for plate 24; the Canal Zone Library 
for permission to use the historical map (map 1); and the “Panama 
Archaeologist” for permission to reprint the spindle whorl figures 
(pl. 22). Mr Gerald A. Doyle, Jr., prepared the site map; my wife, 
Lucinda T. Biese, did the ink drawings; and I took the photographs. 

Special thanks are due to my wife for suffering through innumer- 
able mosquito-ridden field trips, sherd-sorting periods, and manu- 
script revisions. 

oe. Bs, 
Panama Canal Zone. 
1961. 


THE PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO 


By Leo P. Brrsz 


INTRODUCTION 


Panama Viejo is the name I have applied to a combined residence 
and burial site situated adjacent to the well-known Spanish ruins of 
the same name approximately 6 miles northeast of the present 
Panama City. 

_ The Spanish ruins (map 1) occupy an area approximately 1 mile 

long by % mile wide with the long axis parallel to, and fronting on, 
the Pacific Ocean at the Gulf of Panama. To the northeast of the 
ruins are several acres of mangrove swamp containing a few isolated 
shacks. On the east is the old port, now a semidry mangrove swamp. 
Directly south is the Bay of Panama. Traveling southwest from the 
ruins one passes through an area of several acres, sparsely populated 
by settlements of ramshackle houses, which is followed by the suburb 
of San Francisco de Calete and modern Panama City. The northern- 
most portion of the ruins is delimited by the Rio Abajo over which 
passes the Punta Del Rey (King’s Bridge) and the beginning of the 
Portobelo Trail. Farther north and northwest lies the large modern 
cemetery of Parque LeFevre. The archeological site herein discussed 
lies on the property of Sr. Enrique LeFevre, at the back of the ruins 
proper, in an angle formed by Diagonal 10 (a modern roadway which 
bisects the ruins) and the Rio Abajo and bordered by the cemetery 
(map 2). It first was discovered in 1958 during grading operations 
preparatory to the expansion of the cemetery. 


HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS OF OLD PANAMA 


There is a great wealth of descriptive source material available to 
the interested reader on the later history of ‘‘Old Panama.”” Because 
of its position of importance in the development of the New World, 
many eyewitness accounts have been preserved and their value in- 
creased by lengthy modern English summaries. In order to establish 
the presence of a historical Indian village on the excavation site, 
however, it will be sufficient to reconstruct only the story of Old 
Panama’s founding and early years. 


7 


8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Under the Emperor Ferdinand of Spain, Antigua was established 
as the first stronghold on the Atlantic coast of the New Continent. 
In 1513 the governorship of the eastern half of Panama was given to 
Pedro Arias de Avila (Pedrarias the Cruel) under whom Captains 
Diego de Albites and Antonio Tello de Guzman were sent forth, 
toward Balboa’s newly discovered ‘‘South Sea,’ to obtain gold and to 
establish a string of outposts for possible settlement. In the latter 
months of 1515, the captains arrived at the Pacific coast near a small 
Indian village which the local inhabitants called “Panama.” The 
name is generally accepted now to mean “Place of Many Fishes,”’ 
but at least one chronicler, Hererra, states that the name referred to 
the huge local trees which the natives termed ‘‘Panamas.” 

Two years later, Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa had been appointed 
to replace the beheaded Vasco Nuifiez de Balboa in the work of explor- 
ing the Pacific coast. The expedition of Espinosa camped at this 
same Indian village while awaiting the return of Governor Pedrarias 
from a pillaging trip to the Pearl Islands and Taboga Island in the 
Gulf of Panama. 

It is possible that this village was in the vicinity of the present 
Venado Beach, although the exact site is not known. The actual city 
was founded on a site a few miles farther east where the land was 
firmer and afforded better grazing for the cattle. There is no record 
of any Indian inhabitants at this latter location. In 1519, Pedrarias 
officially founded the city of Panam4 with characteristic pomp and 
ceremony, and in 1521 he was granted a charter and coat of arms. 
Thereafter, the story is first one of slow development and then of 
rapid growth after the conquest of Peru by Pizarro. A transcon- 
tinental trail was constructed from the city of Portobelo and Nombre 
de Dios over which the gold of Panama and Peru was transported 
for shipment to Spain. For the next century or so the story wanes 
and finally closes with the destruction of the city in 1671 by the 
buccaneer Sir Henry Morgan. 


DESCRIPTIONS OF OLD PANAMA 


The city had small beginnings and was relatively stable for the 
first 75 years. The first extant report is provided by the historian 
Oviedo, who visited the site in 1529, after 10 years of its existence, 
and stated that it was composed of 75 shacks which ‘‘were narrow and 
long, and sometimes the tide will wash right into their homes. To 
the North [the archeological site] was an invironment of mud and 
swamps, which caused the lack of sanitation.” ? 

Twelve years later, Jeronime (Girolamo) Benzoni, an Italian his- 
torian, remarked that there were 112 wooden houses and calculated 


1 Oviedo y Valdes: La historia general de las Indias, Seville, 1535 (in Sosa, 1955). 


Anthrop. Pap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 9 


about 4,000 people, including the much more numerous Indians 
and African slaves (Sosa, 1955, p. 29). It may be mentioned here that 
the expansion of the city to its present ruined outlines and establish- 
ment of the permanent stone structures dates from a much later 
period, at least the early 17th century. 

Carles (1960), in compiling various sources, says that the city had 
two important disadvantages. The first was the rather poor harbor 
which, because of high tides, made it necessary to anchor ships at some 
distance. Secondly, the water supply, except for a few brackish 
wells, was a half league distant at the Lavenderas (now Juan Dias) 
and was itself frequently dry. Because of these disadvantages, in 
1534 a warrant was issued by Queen Juana (Joanna) ordering the city 
to change its location. However, this warrant was overthrown by the 
inhabitants because of the consequent loss of property and the abun- 
dant food supply from nearby mussel spawning grounds. From later 
sources we know that this place was an important food source for the 
prehistoric Indians as well. 


INDIAN SETTLEMENT OF MALAMBO 


It is from this point that confusion begins about the actual details 
of the city. The controversy centers about the location of the 
historical settlements of ‘‘Malambo” (Indian) and ‘‘Pererdevidas”’ 
(Negro). It is of importance because Malambo has been variously 
placed directly within the boundaries of our present archeological 
report as well as across the road and consequently out of the im- 
mediate area. The only authentic map is that made by the engineer 
Roda in 1609 and reproduced by Sosa (1955) from the original in the 
Council of the Indies. This map shows only swamp in the site area 
with no mention of fringe settlements. A detailed description sent 
to Spain at this time does not mention the settlements. 

It is probable that the Spanish Archives contains, among the many 
reports and letters of the time, some which specifically mention 
Malambo, but these unfortunately are unavailable to me. Both 
Anderson (1911) and Bancroft (1882) contain translations of exten- 
sive excerpts from these letters which describe accurately every street 
and house over various periods of time, but neither of these authors 
mentions Malambo. On the other hand, Sosa gives: 

To the North the city prolonged the margins of the port, extending to the 
settlements of Malambo, to the King’s Bridge and a few steps further to the rocky 
road leading to Porto Bello; on the other hand, the city extended behind the 
convents of San Francisco and La Merced, and with the suburbs of Pierde Vidas 
it reached the Matanza. [Sosa, 1955, p. 29.] 

Matanza is now called St. Cristopher’s Hill and this account would 
place Malambo on the opposite side of the Portobelo Trail and out 


10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


of the area in question. Unfortunately, however, Sosa does not give 
the reference from which he derived this account. Carles (1960), too, 
locates Malambo to the northeast but also gives no references and 
presumably took some of his material from the Sosa report. 

The Canal Zone Library possesses a copy of a late 18th-century map 
which is a modification of the original Roda map with additions of 
the later structures. It is used herein, with permission, as map 1, 
as it affords a good view of the entire site. It places Malambo on 
the other side of the trail and marks the present area of investigation 
as “dense tropical jungle, quagmires and swamp.” Unfortunately, 
the name of the map’s maker is obscured and no further references 
are available. Quite possibly the references of Sosa and, later, Carles, 
were to this map. Much later Shafroth prepared a map, which is 
also in the Canal Zone Library and forms a portion of his book (Sha- 
froth, 1953), describing Malambo as being directly over the areas 
of investigation. He gives no reference for this location and, in 
addition, places the Rio Gallinero under the King’s Bridge and the Rio 
Algarrobo to the far west, whereas Sosa and Carles interchange these 
names. 

At least one investigator of this site (Smith, 1960) suggests the 
remains belong to those Indians present at the site before the first 
Spanish occupation. Definite information will not be available with- 
out radiocarbon dates or at least stratigraphic links with adjacent 
cultures, but, as will be seen from the discussion to follow, the ceramic 
relationship to other finds in Panama even at this early stage of knowl- 
edge would tend to indicate a tentative date of at least 400 years 
prior to the first Spanish settlement. It is my contention that this 
archeological site represents a new culture to be reported from Panama 
and that it existed in the period immediately preceding the Coclé 
polychrome period. The site was abandoned, reclaimed by tropical 
jungle until the period of Spanish occupation, again “‘lost,’”’ and only 
rediscovered during the leveling operations in 1958. 


THE SITE 
(Map 2) 


DESCRIPTION 


The area investigated measured approximately 500X1,000 yards. 
This portion was discovered when preparations were made to expand 
the adjacent cemetery and the earth was cleared of growth by means of 
heavy earth-moving machinery. During the leveling operations, 
multiple burial urns were torn through and redistributed across the 
surface. The land is a densely overgrown tropical semiswamp which 
remains fairly dry during the months of December through May but, 


11 


o 


PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 


Anthrop. Pap. 
No. 68] 


‘aus aY1 Jo defj—'z avy 


BEE) 


SNINY OF3IA WWYNYd 


Sey lap spongy ; 
ths 7 c Ae ti 


(suiny ) 
aso wes ap yuauog (3 


Realy Suyait 


suieway 113M 
3 asnoy yI11g 


dweng 7 
Wd ia, TY 
sual jays &3 


syejing vadg spo 
sjeiing win Q 
Payeaeaxy jou sjeling xX 


HSM Ug 


qnasa17 


JUAIAIT ANOUWd 


682-611—64——_4 


12 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


because of poor drainage, has a great deal of standing water during 
the rainy season. The surrounding area, from which the site is isolated 
by a series of low hills, is an essentially level plain 2 miles wide. 
St. Cristopher’s Hill is a hillock within the area about 2,000 yards to 
the west. It is a solitary outcrop now somewhat lower than in Spanish 
times as a result of erosion and the erection of several structures on 
its summit. Isolated sherds are scattered throughout the region as 
far as the hill, and it is possible that diffuse occupation may have 
occurred at least to this point. The region is private land and was 
not investigated. The area north of the site also contains scattered 
sherds for another 500 yards on the opposite side of the Rio Abajo. 
In the latter portion there is a higher concentration of Spanish rubbish 
and the remains of a large colonial pottery kiln. This portion also 
has been cleared and from surface surveys apparently is not a part of 
the major site. 

The soil is composed of approximately 6 feet (ranging from 4 to 8) 
of a brown sandy clay which affords somewhat better drainage and 
ceramic preservation than might be expected. There are isolated 
lenses of higher sand content averaging 1 foot in thickness. The 
strata are underlain throughout by a calcareous shell conglomerate 
known as coquina. Except for isolated burial pits partially excavated 
in the coquina or its natural depressions at Venado Beach, this is a 
culturally sterile layer present at approximately the same depth 
throughout the entire Pacific littoral of the Gulf of Panama. A 
significant difference is that areas closer to the sea reflect the geo- 
chronological changes in shoreline by a series of differing shell and 
sand layers. Such layering is absent at this site. There is presently 
a deep brown-black homogeneous humus topsoil of approximately 1- 
foot thickness in the burial area. It is impossible to assess accurately 
the degree of soil disturbance, but a general inspection of the site 
indicates that an average of 3 feet was removed and pushed to one 
side for partial construction of a temporary road. The southern 
portion of the site has less topsoil and in some places the underlying 
sandy clay is exposed. 

In addition to the clearing operations, daily exposure of the land to 
heavy tropical rains throughout two rainy seasons has further eroded 
the land. Many of the sherds and at least two urns were exposed as 
a result. In poor runoff areas, however, the heavy rains succeeded in 
pooling an additional few inches of topsoil and obscuring surface 


finds. 
FORMER INVESTIGATIONS 


The site was partially investigated in 1960, with surface collections 
and several test pits, under the joint efforts of the Museo Nacional de 
Panama and an Air Force employee, H. Morgan Smith. The material 


Anthrop. Pap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 13 


recovered is presently in the possession of Mr. Smith at Albrook Field, 
Canal Zone, and has not been published. Since its discovery, the 
site has unfortunately been subjected to the daily raids of children 
and an occasional local citizen. While these raids have been confined 
to the immediate subsurface reachable with a machete, at least 5 
burials have been demolished in my presence by upward of 15 children 
at atime. Asa result, undoubtedly many whole vessels of the utility 
class have been lost for future study. In addition to the material 
presented here, I have located eight vessels which were purchased 
from local scavengers, in collections among Panama residents and 
Canal Zone personnel. As these vessels were all of the simplest kind 
represented by other material in the collection, they were not included 
in this report. 


METHOD OF PRESENT INVESTIGATION 


Soil disturbance and lack of time while the site was being prepared 
for expansion of the cemetery precluded extensive trenching. The 
method, then, consisted of the following program: 


Burials —Excavation of undisturbed burials exposed on the surface or found 
by probing the immediate subsurface. Testing pits which yielded burials are 
recorded as such rather than as pits. Dense accumulations of urn fragments 
and skeletal material uninvestigated because of their derangement are indicated on 
the map. 

Shell lenses:—Two lenses indicated on the map were cleared completely to the 
sterile coquina, yielding three burials discussed below. 

Surface collecttons.—All artifacts with the exception of plain red ware sherds 
and burial urn fragments were collected for later analysis as described under the 
section on ceramics. 

Test pits—Five pits measuring 1 meter square and 1 meter deep were 
placed about the periphery in an attempt to determine the limits of the cemetery 
and heavy artifact concentrations. 

Purchases.—All of the whole vessels mentioned were purchased from children 
at the site; thus only an approximate location is known, i.e., sector of the burial 
area. In addition, several more elaborate vessels are shown from other collections. 


Pertinent material has been included from the large collection of 
the Museo Nacional de Panam4. These artifacts are present without 
context and either were purchased or brought to the museum during 
the active seasons. 

Sporadic finds have led to the reasonable assumption that the site 
proper actually extends considerably farther to the north and west, 
but these adjacent areas presently are closed to investigations. There 
is evidence of probable discontinuous occupation as far as the present 
day Vina del Mar and San Francisco de Calete suburbs, where similar 
utility vessels have been discovered during excavations for house 
foundations. Map 2 shows only the extent of the present in- 
vestigation. 


14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 
BURIAL PRACTICES 


The widespread surface derangement made it impossible to define 
a precise plan of either the concentration or configuration of burials. 
The entire west end of the site literally was paved with sherds from 
undecorated urns which had been crushed by the earth-moving 
machinery. From this extensive litter of bone and urn fragments it 
could be seen that the western sector was primarily a burial area 
containing a slight admixture of living debris. The eastern sector 
was a dwelling site containing only sporadic burials. The distribu- 
tion did not change gradually, but rather there appeared to be a 
sharp demarcation between cemetery and residence areas. Test 
pits established the size of the cemetery to be about 100 X 200 yards. 
Distribution of fragments further suggested a maximum of 100 burials 
in the concentrated area; probably considerably fewer. There well 
may be many more isolated burials in the peripheral area and outside 
the clearing, but this would appear to be a rather small cemetery in 
comparison with the usual Panama site. 

Burials were of two major types: open burial in a simple trench 
or interment in urns. 

Within this cemetery, burials were mainly those of the urn type. 
Only six open burials were identified with any degree of certainty. 
The large number of intact utility ware vessels 2-4 feet under the 
present surface of this area, would seem to indicate the sites of other 
open burials lacking skeletal remains because of climatic conditions. 

Almost all the urns were located at approximately the same level 
but, by random shallow trenching between the smashed urns, several 
were found undisturbed in situ. Some of these were almost exposed 
after the rains and were only a few inches under the present surface. 
In each case they were within 3 feet of the new surface, representing 
the deepest ‘“‘average depth” of these urns and thus escaping the 
grading operations. All, however, were badly pressure broken and 
squashed to less than half of their original height. The condition of 
many fragments with rounded smooth breaks suggested breakage by 
earth pressure long before the present clearing operations. 

Surface or subsurface grave indications in the form of soil markings 
usually were absent. Red clay pockets were discovered in the area; 
in one case surrounding a plain urn, in another, surrounding an open 
burial. Five others were investigated and found to disappear after 
1-2 feet; these may have been open burials without offerings in which 
the skeletal fragments had disappeared completely. Soil underneath 
the red clay pockets was trenched down to the coquina, as were several 
test pits. No deeper burials, such as those of Venado Beach (Lothrop, 
1954) were found. 


Anthrop. Pap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 15 


Skeletal preservation was erratic, but in general exceedingly poor. 
A single section of femur might be well preserved, hard, and dense, 
while fragments a few feet away were little more than dust and could 
not be cleaned. Most of the harder fragments were in areas of high 
shell content, while bone material in the urns was uniformly un- 
salvageable. Tooth remains followed the general pattern of poor 
preservation and indicate a considerable antemortum wear of grinding 
surfaces, but they were not otherwise diagnostic. 

Four open burials were found undisturbed. All skeletons were 
fully extended, face up, and oriented north-south. All were adults; 
three male and one unidentified. No flexed or secondary burials 
were found. None of the open burials were in clear association with 
funerary offerings. In the absence of distinctive soil markings there 
was no indication of the exact size or shape of the orginal graves. 

The most remarkable burials, both in preservation and attitude, 
were two parallel skeletons found in a shell lens. Both of these 
demonstrated the wide-open mouth and had the head in hyper- 
extension with the occiput touching the cervical spine (pl. 1). Pres- 
ervation did not allow demonstration of a possible cervical fracture. 
Six additional open burials were present in wide random distribution as 
indicated by surface collections of skeletal fragments without urn 
sherds. None of these were identifiable as to sex or orientation, 
but all were adults. 


BURIAL URNS 


Almost all of the urns are plain; only two complete ones were 
recovered, both with raised designs. One incomplete set of sherds 
from a painted urn was also found. A large number of decorated 
fragments, however, indicated this type of urn to be by no means 
rare. The typical urn is globular with a rounded bottom. On the 
average they measure 50 cm. in height and 60 cm. in maximum 
diameter with a 30-cm. opening. The inflection point is about half- 
way up the vessel. 

The urns are constructed of well-fired, coarse, granular clay tem- 
pered with coarse grit. In some cases this is a sand containing 
microscopic bits of silica and bearing minute gold particles which are 
visible under 10 magnification. The sherds are very strong and 
difficult to break by hand. The paste color is a medium brown with 
mottled black-to-green areas indicating irregular firing. There is 
often a reddish brown smooth surface exactly like that on the smaller 
utility vessels. Only the thicker areas show a central underfired zone. 
Thickness is greatest at the bottom (1.2 cm.) but is maintained fairly 
regularly up the vessel walls well above the inflection point. At the 
lip, thickness is approximately 0.7 cm. All lips have a plain, smooth 


16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


taper without evidence of secondary elaboration. Dry weight of the 
urns often runs as much as 30 pounds. There are no lugs or handles. 
There was insufficient evidence to corroborate prior burning of the 
bones, but the size of the vessel mouths would favor secondary burial. 


LIDS 


Several urns were capped with large fragments of other broken 
vessels but most were covered by shallow bowls with a flaring rim. 
These are generally about 40 cm. in diameter, 15 cm. in depth, and 
modeled of the same paste as the urns. Like the urns, they frequently 
were plain and given a red to orange-brown smooth slip. Unlike 
the urns, however, the lids were of thinner construction and hence 
somewhat better fired. A typical lid is shown (reconstructed) in 
plate 3. At first they might seem to be utilitarian basins, but their 
close fit, exact size, and absence from other parts of the site make it 
probable that they were constructed specifically for this purpose. 

Fragments indicate that perhaps from 5-10 percent of the lids 
bore a white rim with overpainting of black geometric designs, con- 
trasting sharply with the red-brown slip. A particularly good example 
is shown as the frontispiece. Several of the designs are shown in 
figure 1. The black-on-white coloration has been found on the inside 
and outside rims, but never on both rims on the same vessel. The 
inner rim is more commonly painted. In no case did the design 
extend onto the slipped surface of the vessel proper. Hence it is 
not a true polychrome since the design itself is in black on white 
bichrome. It is termed herein a “‘black-on-white-rimmed red ware” 
and may be stylistically related to the paneled red ware of Coclé. 
This coloration has not been found on vessels other than burial urn 
lids and represents not only the only painted ware found in any 
quantity on the site, but the only one which could be considered to 
be distinctive. 

DECORATED URNS 


One decorated urn was recovered with a raised serpent design on 
opposite sides of the vessel mouth. The head is applique, the re- 
mainder “raised.”’ It is shown in situ in plate 2, and reconstructed 
in plate 3. A schematic drawing of the serpent itself is given in 
figure 2. This design is unusual both in size and in style and, to 
my knowledge, has not been encountered previously in Central 
America, though it may be related to the serpent design of Veraguas 
polychrome. It appears to be a stylized sea creature. Sherds of 
similar designs, all incomplete, are discussed under ‘‘Ceramics.’’ The 
vessel contained a very poorly preserved fragmentary adult skeleton 
and a single plain plate of utility ware as described below, and it was 


Anthrop..F2P. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 17 


SA | a || 


| 
a) ae) 


a) Oh 


Figure 1.—Design index of black-on-white paneled burial urn covers. 


closed with a typical undecorated lid. Sherd collections of similar 
fragments indicate other urns of the same type were present but rare. 

A further burial vessel was uncovered bearing a striking double 
lizard design in raised red ware (pl. 12 and fig. 12). This particular 
ware is typical of the site and will be discussed in greater detail 
below. In size and shape the vessel was thought to represent second- 
ary use of a cracked water- or grain-storage jar for burial. It con- 
tained a poorly preserved infant skeleton but no offerings, and it 


18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


& 


ie 
c—- EDDY Se EDDY . 
py, [ABS JES 
yeh S/F TV LG JFf ZH. 
Z A/F NX SNE INN XB 
=\ = 5 “\ 3 \= s/A\ 2 “\FX 
Z\ 3} 2 AZ“ sS/A fF AZ 
Zz VAL BRAG JR] AB 
{Z\ 3 SAE AZ‘ BYE AYA: 
é TENE AZ JS |? Ae 
BRAG yur JAH A WU Ja? \Z 
> AY NDAQIEAY 5 
yy ay. ape 
yy, DE 


Ficure 2.—Raised serpent design from burial urn. 


was capped by the upper part of an identical vessel bearing fragments 
of the same double lizard design. 

A third complete decorated urn recently has been acquired by the 
Museo Nacional and is restored completely. This urn is of the same 
approximate size as the one just described and is elaborated on 
each side of the opening by a highly realistic monkey (pl. 4). Like 
several of the other designs, the body of the monkey was formed by 
pushing outward the soft clay from the interior of the vessel. The 
limbs are elaborated further by shell stamping. 


PAINTED URNS 


Approximately 75 percent of an urn-size vessel bearing a red and 
black on white geometric design (pl. 4) was in fragments on the 
surface of the central burial area. Three other fragments, not from 
the same vessel, also were found on the surface. There was no 
associated skeletal material, so the use of the vessel is only inferred 
from location and size. Again, this is a black-bordered red on white 
ware and not a true polychrome in the sense of having three or more 
colors as a primary design element. This type of design was not 
found on any other vessel, but similar designs are known from ca- 
rafes and small bowls from Coclé Province. Simple bichrome geo- 
metric patterns of this type are common throughout the Americas. 

The documentation of urn burials in southern Central America 
is especially important since this is considered to be primarily a 
later South American trait which may be an indicator of counter- 
migration. On the other hand, this burial custom is well known from 
the Southern United States, Mexico, and as far south as Nicaragua. 
From the latter there is a gap in the existence of the trait until La 
Gloria on the Atlantic coast of Colombia, near the Panama border 
(Linné, 1929). The urns recovered from Ancon Hill and presently 
in the Canal Zone museum previously were widely known but un- 
documented. Similar urns were also reported from Venado Beach 


Anthrop..; 22. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 19 


(Lothrop, 1954) and the custom is known throughout the Madden 
Lake area. I have found burial urns on the Azuero Peninsula con- 
taining typical El Hatillo polychrome and Veraguas-style tumbaga 
eagle pendants. 

With future location of urn burials from southern Central America, 
particularly Costa Rica, and better age estimates, we well may be 
able to trace direct southward migrations from the cultures to the 


north. 
BURIAL OFFERINGS 


There is a general paucity of funerary offerings at this site. Most 
of the urns were devoid of pottery, and goldwork conspicuously is 
absent. Some of the urns contained simple utilitarian pottery, 
unornamented plates, and small to medium-sized red ware pots. 
Of these, three plates, two wide-mouthed bowls, and three narrow- 
mouthed pots were recovered from urns. In each case they were 
the only vessel in a given urn. Only 8 out of 20 definable urns con- 
tained even this type of offering. Since they differ in no way from 
the general refuse sherds throughout the site they are discussed 
below under “Ceramics.” In only one case, grave No. 2, was a 
trace of food offering in the form of 6 gm. of carbon found within a 
wide-mouthed bowl. A few urns contained decorated ware. Metal- 
work, coral, jade, shell, or other jewelry materials were completely 


absent. 
FUNERARY VOTIVE WARE 


The most remarkable and locally distinctive ceramic type from this 
site is the brown incised ceremonial ware: exceptionally fine elaborate 
vessels which betoken a high degree of skill in pottery culture. With 
the sole exception of a tribowled candelabra, these objects all were 
found unassociated in the burial area. A combination of their 
elaborate nature, location, and scarcity is interpreted to indicate 
that they should be considered apart from the other artifacts as a 
special class of votive ware restricted to funerary use. Related un- 
published specimens from Venado Beach and Madden Lake are 
present in the Museo Nacional and in several local private collections. 

They are all light to medium chocolate brown in color with a fine- 
textured paste. The temper is of fine grit. Broken edges of the 
thicker (1 cm.) sections show a green to gray center zone of incom- 
plete firmg. Plate 5, the most complex piece, was actually in two 
separate fragments found more than a month apart and later recon- 
structed. It is a double-bowled fixture resembling a candelabra 
(14 cm. high and 24 cm. maximum width) and containing multiple 
effigies. Each bowl represents a turtle, while each supporting arm 
terminates in a humanoid face. The center junction of the arms and 


20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


base bears, on each side, a modeled head with four stylized limbs 
resembling a howler monkey. The base and underside of the bowls 
are elaborated with geometrical patterns in incised lines and punched 
dots. The hollow base is flat on the bottom and contains small 
pellets which rattle. There are five holes leading to the interior of 
the base. A record of a very similar vessel found at Venado Beach 
was published with a suggestion of its possible use as a type of oil 
lamp (Vinton, 1951). Plate 6 shows two views of a like vessel from 
the Museo Nacional collection. In this case there is only a single de- 
sien, a bird. In plate 6, a, a slightly different type of bird head, 
evidently from the same class of vessel, is shown to illustrate the 
variation in feather elaboration. 

A related “single candelabra” is shown in plate 7, a, presumably a 
crustacean or insect. The Museo Nacional has a double vessel in 
this pattern from Venado Beach and a third was recovered in situ 
with an open extended burial in Upper Madden Lake. A miniature 
candelabra is shown in plate 7, f, with further ornate brown ware 
effigies depicting an alligator, bird, and turtles. 

Another candelabra type object with three symmetrical radial arms 
bearing recurved bowls and a central smaller bowl (8.5 cm. radial arm 
length) is shown in plate 8, a. It is decorated all over with an incised 
and punched geometric design and has a flat-bottomed rattle base. 
This object was found in situ in plain burial urn No. 1, held in the 
upraised right hand of an adult male skeleton. The bowl which was 
lowermost was pulverized and is shown reconstructed in the photo- 
eraph. The object evidently had been broken and repaired in ancient 
times. The base was fractured cleanly and fitted together with a 
white substance which had the gummy consistency of contact glue 
when first removed from the damp earth, but which became quite 
hard and brittle after 2 weeks’ exposure to the open air. There 
was no trace of the substance around the find and it is highly unlikely 
that it could have filtered into an in situ crack. 

Small vessels resembling candlesticks are shown in figure 3, a. 
They have a hollow annular base and incised or punched designs (3.5 
and 4 cm. high). 

Plate 7, f, illustrates one of a series of miniature anthropomorphic 
bottles with covers in the so-called ‘‘poison-pot”’ class. These are of 
finely surfaced incised brown ware and have holes drilled in both the 
bottle and cover for the attachment of lids. The bottles hold about 
1 fluid ounce, and though no traces of material have been identified 
from the interior they are thought to have been used for arrow poisons 
or some type of ritual substance. Some have an extra set of holes 
for suspension. They are known from this area and from Sitio Conte. 
A lid from a similar bottle of larger size is shown in plate 8, d. 


PT? = PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 21 


Ficure 3.—Incised brown ware. 


Plate 8, b, illustrates a somewhat different effigy, not of brown ware 
but of a red-orange slipped red ware similar to that discussed under 
the consideration of decorated sherds below. This is a four-legged 
efigy bowl, 11.5 cm. high. It is a grotesque animal of compound 
type, possibly a jaguar with “spots” of reed punched design. Also 
notable is the indication of five toes on each foot and prominent 
(pectoral?) musculature. Realism is confused by the broken rem- 
nant of a “horn” immediately above the nose. 

Figure 4 shows several other vessels of the various shapes and 
design patterns that occur. Incised chalices or pedestal bowls are 


22 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


- | 


Ficure 4.—Incised brown ware pedestal cups. 


also present in larger versions, as depicted by plate 8, c (14 cm. high). 
Sherds from similar vessels, having diameters ranging from 12-14 
cm., are shown in figure 3,c,d. Plate 8, c, illustrates an exceptionally 
fine incised sherd from a chalice-shaped vessel which would have a 
diameter of 16 cm. with 7 cm. outsloping side walls. The rim elabora- 
tion is similar to that found on sherds among the scattered debris at 
Sitio Conte (Lothrop, 1942, fig. 345). 


STONEWORK 


There is a general paucity of stonework in Panam4 Viejo. Only 
27 such pieces, including a large celt from a private collection, were 
recovered during the course of the study. The objects were distrib- 
uted throughout the site, isolated and without context, either on 


Anthzon, Pap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 23 


the surface or immediate subsurface. Many of the points were found 
exposed on the surface after heavy rains. A single exception was a 
small polished celt found within a pottery vessel to be described later. 


POINTS 


Fourteen points were recovered of which typical examples are 
illustrated in figure 5, a-f. Most are made crudely of medium 
yellowish brown jasper, but several are of a rather poor grade of 
brown to red-brown agate. They consist of a highly irregular flake with a 
few simple secondary flakes struck off to form a tang, or even a tip. 


Ficure 5.—Flaked stone weapon points. 


24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull 191 


There is no secondary working of the blade edges. Some examples 
(fig. 5, a-f) have a well-delineated tang on a short blade giving them 
the appearance of a broadhead arrow point which might be mistaken 
for the typical drill of this region were it not for the irregular bends of 
the tang. Cores were sought but not found. ‘These points are identi- 
cal to those described by Lothrop from Sitio Conte and also represent 
the typical blades found at Venado Beach and in the Madden Lake 
area. Unlike specimens from the latter, however, none were found of 
the petrified wood which represents such a common source of material 
at the lake, but which is relatively rare at Panama Viejo. Figure 
5, g, is an unusual point composed of white translucent chal- 
cedony with a slight yellowish tinge. It is triangular in cross section 
and in profile, giving it an awkward, heavy appearance. The thick- 
ness at the base is almost half the length of the entire point so that it 
could not have been hafted very successfully. The under surface 
has the usual irregular planes which suggest a flake struck from a 
core. There is no secondary reworking except for the tang. As in 
the Coclé area, there is no evidence that any of these points were 
hafted to arrows, nor does their ungainly appearance suggest this. 
It is more likely that they were used as points for small throwing 
spears or used with wooden ‘‘throwing sticks’’ of which no archeologi- 
cal evidence remains. 


SCRAPERS 


Only three objects were recovered which could be considered as 
scrapers. Figure 5, h, shows a small, blunt object made of jasper, 
similar in all respects to the points described above except that it 
has no tang and the working end is rounded by secondary flaking. 
It may represent a reworked point. The object shown in figure 5, 2, 
is so dissimilar to the remainder of the stonework that its origin may 
be seriously questioned. After rains it was found on the surface 
within the central portion of the burial area and without any adjacent 
urn fragments, which would indicate it was not an offering. It is 
composed of a dense medium-gray and slightly glossy agate type of 
material which exhibits well-delineated conchoidal fractures. It is 
of a not unusual pear shape, but is unique for this area in that its 
entire outline has been reworked by secondary parallel pressure 
flaking of medium-sized strokes, to give it a sharp symmetrical edge 
in contrast to the usual crude techniques. There is no evidence 
of either use or hafting, but the general shape and very sharp point 
suggest a double-faced woodworking adz. 

Plate 9, a’, illustrates a large scraper of mottled orange-brown 
agate. The edge was reworked with secondary chipping and the 
entire piece is smoothly worn down from use. This piece is so nearly 


Anthrop., Pap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 25 


identical to those in my collection from the Hopewell North American 
Indian site at Wakenda, Mo., that a photograph of the latter has been 
included (pl. 9, a). This is distinguishable from the former only in 
that it is composed of a very fine grade of light tan chert common to 
Missouri. At the Hopewell site such objects are typical of the culture 
and are believed to have been held with the flattened edge in the palm 
and used as deer and buffalo hide scrapers. Many of the celts 
common to Panama are found in patterns and, in many instances, 
materials identical to those found. throughout the midwestern 
United States. 
CELTS 


Ten celts were recovered from the site, and an additional specimen 
was located in a private collection. They are all composed of various 
grades of basaltic rhyolite, but differ greatly in shape and will be 
described separately. 


Figure 6, b, shows a pear-shaped celt which has been broken off at 
one corner. It is crudely polished at the distal end with a smooth 
wedge-shaped blade, and a proximal end of rounded cross section has 
been left rough. The specimen in the private collection is identical to 
the above except for its larger size of an overall 8 inches. These celts 
represent the most common type reported from Sitio Conte, and 
Lothrop considers the incurved sides as representative of that culture. 
A common variant of this type (unillustrated) has straight sides and a 
somewhat broader proximal end. Like the others, it is polished only 
in the lower half. All are composed of a basalt having a beautiful 
even pattern of whitish inclusions giving a “‘salt-and-pepper” appear- 
ance. 


The object in figure 6, a, is apparently the proximal end of an oval 
celt of a basaltic syenite, smooth but unpolished evenly throughout, 
and perfectly symmetrical on both longitudinal axes. Lacking the 
distal blade end, it is possible that this is an unused mealing stone or 
similar object. 

In figure 7, a, 6, are shown medium-sized celts of gray rhyolite 
completely unlike the others and unreported from Panama. They 
are blunt and only roughly shaped out like the earliest hand axes of 
the European Paleolithic. It has been suggested to me that these are 
prepared blanks which awaited further finishing. Since little is known 
of the exact stages through which these celts were prepared, no definite 
hypothesis can be given. It is known, however, that the very earliest 
and the very latest Stone Age cultures produced similar celts: the 
earliest when grinding techniques were not developed, and the latest 
when availability of metals made the refinements of technique no 
longer worth the amount of labor involved. On the other hand, it 


26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Ficure 6.—Stone celts. 


presumably is possible that they are artificial inclusions from some 
preceramic culture in the region. At any rate, definite statements 


will have to wait the development of further information on Pana- 
manian stonework. 


Anthrop. Pap. in 
"No. 68] PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 27 


Ficure 7.—Stone celts. 


Figure 6, e, represented in the collection by two examples, shows a 
more or less standard wedge-shaped celt, polished in the lower three- 
fourths. The celt in figure 6, d, is composed of a somewhat more 
loosely textured basalt and has vertical edge faces so that only the 
distal end is a cutting edge and the successive cross sections are 
progressively larger rectangles which have very slightly bowed sides. 
It has a diagonal cutting edge like some of those also found at Sitio 
Conte, and is smoothly polished throughout. 

The remaining two celts, of which one is illustrated (fig. 6, c), are 
small, dense, dark black basaltic material, wedge-shaped and given a 
high polish throughout. The cutting edges are quite sharp and with- 
out evidence of use. One of these was found inside a small pottery 
vessel described under ‘‘Ceramics’”’ (pl. 10, 6). 

682—611—64—_5 


28 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 
METATES 


A single metate and its mano were found in the Museo Nacional 
collection (pl. 9, 6). This is a three-legged type, not uncommon 
farther to the west. It is of a coarse badly weathered tufa, and the 
legs have been partly broken. It should be noted that in the Madden 
Lake area simple oval metates are common. They are usually without 
legs and consist of a shallow depression worn in the naturally shaped 
irregular rock without secondary reworking. None were present at 
this site. 

It may be remarked again that there is a general paucity of stone- 
work at Panam4 Viejo in comparison to similar sites in this region. 
There were no chisels, drills, smoothers, polishing stones, or arrow- 
shaft straighteners present as at Sitio Conte or Venado Beach, and 
no carved stone objects are known to have been found. There were 
many smooth waterworn stones distributed throughout, one weighing 
approximately 10 pounds and roughly mano-shaped, but they in no 
way differed from those found randomly in the creekbed nearby. 


CERAMICS 
NATURE OF THE SAMPLE 


Because of the deranged nature of the site it was felt that accurate 
sherd counts would not yield sufficient valid information to compen- 
sate for the inordinate amount of time involved. In fact, a brief 
testing of this method indicated it might yield completely false in- 
formation unless the entire site was excavated down to sterile soil. 
In places where the earth grader removed high spots and turned 
around to make a new pass, there might be hundreds of burial urn 
parts, while in the furrows a few feet away there would be scarcely any. 
Similarly, it was evident that no stratigraphic analysis was possible. 
Accordingly, only those sherds having decoration were collected from 
the surface, the immediate subsurface during the investigation of 
burials, and several random pits about the periphery of the site. 

In the burial area, almost all the sherds were from large urns but 
with a slight admixture of both decorated and undecorated portions 
of smaller vessels. Presumably they were from both burial offerings 
and general debris. In the residence area there were many more 
sherds from smaller vessels. The sherds in both areas, exclusive of 
burial urns, were predominantly (50:1) undecorated red ware. 
Those that were decorated in no way differed from their counter- 
parts in the other areas. Several 2-foot squares were dug to a depth 
of 3 feet around the periphery of the site in order to get an idea of 
its extent. They are indicated in the site diagram (map 2). In 


Anthrop.,Pap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 29 


general, sherds from these pits were very sparse, often less than five in 
each hole, so they were added to the general pool. 

The pooled sample consisted of 450 decorated sherds of which 
339 were body sherds, 32 were rim pieces, and 79 were miscellaneous 
painted sherds. These will be analyzed in detail during the dis- 
cussion of their respective pottery types. 


SIZE AND SHAPE OF VESSELS 


Only one vessel was recovered complete, though it was severely 
broken by earth pressure. The restored piece is a very large, round- 
bottom, squat pot measuring 40 cm. in diameter. It is discussed in 
detail below. Several of the larger sherds would seem to belong to 
a vessel of approximately the same size. Modern day undecorated 
examples can be seen in almost every hut in the mountains throughout 
Panama, where they are used for water and grain storage or to prepare 
the alcoholic ‘“‘chicha.’”’ Of the smaller sherd pieces, the majority have 
so little curvature that they must certainly have come from at least 
moderate-sized vessels of unknown shape; the contours are shown 
with the sherd figures. The size is also attested to by identifiable 
portions of incised effigies which must have occupied an area at least 
the size of our intact example. It would be very interesting to know 
the range of shapes and uses of these pottery types and why they 
alone were given the distinctive stylistic treatment not found on 
smaller vessels. 

RED WARE 


The general, and presumably utilitarian, pottery is a plain, un- 
decorated, hard, dense vessel of medium red-brown color. It is 
tempered with fine grit often bearing minute siliceous deposits. The 
slip varies from red-brown to a decidedly red-orange color and is easily 
washed off in water. Refiring of sherds in excess oxygen at 500° C. 
for 30 minutes causes no color change, indicating a state of full 
oxidation. 

The most common shapes are the small globular “beanpot” with a 
rounded bottom, a larger and more stable wide-mouthed bowl, 
and a rather thick and heavy plate of very shallow form. ‘There is a 
simple recurved rim without secondary elaboration or decoration so 
that cross sections are of uniform width. Thickness averages about 
0.6 cm. Typical shapes are shown in figures 8, a-—f, and 9, a, b. 

Surface finish varies from a smooth to a rather roughened appear- 
ance with undiagnostic tooling marks on both the interior and ex- 
terior. These at least indicate the use of some type of stone or wood 
object or, in some instances, corncobs to smooth the vessel surfaces 
before drying. Firing is often uneven with isolated black smudges 


30 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


OTT ¥ 
we LLM 
Uy 


Wf Sore: 


Ficure 8.—Red ware. 


on surface areas. Many of the vessels show charring on the rim or 
interior, indicating their contact with fire while in use. Most of the 
intact examples illustrated were recovered from the burial area, and 
several from inside urns. These in no way differed, however, from the 
thousands of fragmentary samples found throughout the site. Red- 
ware vessels were obtained both in average utility sizes of 1-2 quart 
capacity and in miniature sizes identical in shape but having a capac- 
ity of from 2—4 ounces. 


Anthrop.,7@P. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 31 


Ficure 9.—Red ware. 


Several vessels with unusual shapes for the area were recovered. 
They all were present, though infrequent, at Sitio Conte. Plate 10, a 
(left), shows a broken-rimmed gourd effigy vessel or fluted bowl 
of a somewhat finer paste and smoother finish than is usual. At 
Sitio Conte they occurred in both red and in smoked wares (Lothrop, 


an BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


1942; figs. 266, 271) and were considered to be primarily a late char- 
acteristic. ‘They have also been found at Cupica, Colombia (Linné, 
1929; fig. 53). Plate 10, a (right), shows a spouted vessel somewhat 
cruder than those from Coclé. Another vessel, of coarse brown un- 
slipped clay, is shown in figure 9, c. This bottom-spouted vessel also 
was represented in Coclé by a single identical vessel (Lothrop, 1942; 
fig. 337, a). It resembles many of the classic “baby feeders” of 
Europe. A red ware pedestal plate, or frutera, 22 cm. in diameter, 
is shown in figure 8, d. Plate 10, 6, shows asmall red ware beanpot with 
several rows of appliqued nubbins. It was found in juxtaposition to 
burial No. 5 in the shell lens and contained a small, polished, wedge- 
shaped celt, described under ‘Stonework.’ This type of pot has 
been described from Veraguas (Lothrop, 1950; fig. 62). A rather mas- 
sive red ware tripod, differing from the usual variety in the outcurving 
position of the legs, is illustrated in plate 10, c. 

One small dish (fig. 9, d) had a neatly drilled center hole which was 
filled with a plug of unbaked, buff clay. The rough base of this 
piece suggested that some form of pedestal had been attached. 


BROWN WARE 


The characteristic pottery type of this site is a brown ware with 
decoration applied by a variety of combinations of incising, mechanical 
punching, and appliqued or modeled relief. The group includes 
several related types which employ more or less the same techniques 
but vary widely in color and, to a lesser extent, in the physical char- 
acteristics of the paste mixture. The color is most commonly a 
medium brown or red brown (5/4 and 4/4 Munsell scale), but a con- 
siderable portion of the sample runs toward a redder tone (5/6) or to 
darker browns and lighter red-free browns (4/2 and 6/3). Presumably 
this is a characteristic of the particular paste on hand at the moment, 
and the firing temperature, rather than of distinctive pottery types. 
Sherds of each major color variation were broken in half and one por- 
tion was refired in excess oxygen at 500° C. for 30 minutes. The 
changes of color are as follows: 


Munsell color Refired color. 
Red 2.5 YR: 4/6 Red 2.5 YR: 4/8 
Reddish brown 5.0 YR: 4/4 Red 2.5 YR: 4/8 
Dark reddish brown 5.0 YR: 3/3 Yellowish red 5.0 YR: 4/6 


Similarly, there is variation in the surface texture. Most of the 
material is a fine-textured, fine-grit tempered paste which was 
smoothed on the surface to a moderate polish, leaving no surface pits 
visible to the naked eye and impervious to water. A substantial 
number of sherds, however, have a more open grainy surface texture 
which appears to be of the same paste material left unpolished. 


Anthrop..PaP- PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 33 


None of the brown wares are covered with slip. There does not appear 
to be enough evidence to break this ware down into subgroups on the 
basis of consistent variations. 


PAINTED WARES 


Black and white on red ware.—Fifty-six isolated sherds were re- 
covered which fall into a group of black, white, and red simple geo- 
metric designs in various color combinations. For the most part 
these consist of rim pieces with concentric bands of white and black on 
the edge of ared ground (pl. 11, a; fig. 10,6). The bands may be from 
less than 1 cm. to more than 6 cm. in width and may be single or multi- 
ple. This ware is probably related directly to the paneled urn covers. 
Several variants were found. Four sherds were from white vessels 
bearing alternating red and black bands, the reverse color sequence 
of the above (fig. 10, e). Another four sherds (fig. 10, a, h) were of red 
ware which was decorated with concentric black bands only; no white 
was present. ‘Three sherds are present from the near center of plates 
or shallow bowls having a white panel with black geometric designs 
(fig. 10, c, i, k). Some or all of the rims may belong to this style, but 
unfortunately none of sufficient extent were recovered to justify this 
conclusion. The ceramic paste in both these and the rim sherds is 
identical to that of the usual red ware. The red paint appears to have 
been applied first as a slip, somewhat heavier than on the simple 
vessels. Whites range from a pure white to a cream white and appear 
to be the most labile. 

All of the sherds in this group appear to be related and, by the num- 
ber of them recovered, represent a possible “‘type’”’ painted ware of 
this culture. Not enough sherds of the variants are present to warrant 
classification at this time. None are true polychromes, since the 
design proper utilizes only two colors superimposed on a self-color 
background. As such, they are related to the paneled red ware of 
Coclé and presumably represent cultural acquisition earlier than true 
polychromes. 

Red on brown.—Two sherds were recovered of the same brown 
ware present throughout the site, but having a narrow red band. 
Both of these are rim sherds (pl. 11,d). Their place in the pottery 
classification is unknown. 

RIMSHERDS 


The 32 rimsherds recovered can be divided conveniently into three 
groups on the basis of profiles (fig. 11). 

The first group (a-l) shows a slight inward curve. Shapes are 
those of plates and shallow bowls. All except one are slipped red 
ware and all have some manner of plastic decoration. 


34 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


== lamar Kael beams Mara 2 hye ct 


RED WHITE BLACK PURPLE ORANGE 


Ficure 10.—Painted wares. 


Group two (m—u) has vertical rims and the vessel sides may slope 
outward to an inflection point before recurving inward. The shapes 
are narrow, and wide-mouthed, globular vessels of medium size. 
Only two are slipped; the remainder are incised brown ware. All 
have more elaborate designs than the former group. 


Anthrop. Pap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 35 


Ficure 11.—Rim profiles. 


Group three (v—z’) consists of severely recurved rimsherds, some- 
times flattened along the inner edge. They are of slipped red ware 
and either not decorated or decorated by simple shell stamping along 
the edges. They represent conventional wide-mouthed globular pots. 


DECORATIVE TECHNIQUES 
DESIGN MOTIFS 


Segments of serpents and lizards are the most common design 
motifs of the brown wares. From the sherd material, it is impossible 
in most cases to distinguish between the two. A serpent from a 
large burial urn is illustrated in plate 3 and figure 2._ This particular 


36 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


serpent appears to be a variety of sea creature; the illusion is created 
mainly by the long curling “antennae.” No truly representative 
creatures are known in Panama or its waters, but one is reminded of 
the common yellow-bellied sea snake (Polamis platuria) which may 
have been elevated by prehistoric imagination to the level of some 
superstitious significance. Several sherds would appear to be of the 
same pattern. 

A very realistically executed lizard or iguana is illustrated in plate 
12 and figure 12, representing the finest example of incised relief 
ware from the site. The backward-facing position of the head appears 
rather unusual for Panama and gives the whole design an appearance 
reminiscent of Quetzalcoatl motifs in Mexico such as that on the 
facades of Xochicalco. This is also frequently the position in which 
Chinese dragons are portrayed. Lothrop (1942; figs. 43-44) illus- 
trates a bird in this position from a painted Coclé plate, but there 
does not seem to be any relation between the above and the serpent 
or lizard motifs from Sitio Conte or Veraguas. The collection also 
includes fragments of other similar designs, all of which are approxi- 
mately the same size. 

A nearly complete parrot was found (pl. 13, a), which, judging by 
its curvature and thickness (10 mm.), originally formed a portion of 
a very large urn. This is an example of the modeled-relief technique 
in which the body is formed by pushing the clay outward from the 
inside of the vessel so that the actual wall thickness remains un- 
changed. Again, one is reminded more of Mexican motifs than of 
the polychrome phases of Panama. A similarly formed monkey urn 
was discussed earlier. 


Ficure 12.—Detail of lizard effigy jar. 


Anthrop.,Fap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 37 


A water bird is shown in plate 13, b, in a much cruder, but accurate, 
simple linear incising. It probably represents the white heron which 
may be seen on the beach next to the site and is common through 
the Panama Gulf region. 

Other animal motifs are present in the ceremonial ware mentioned 
in connection with burials. These are the turtle, alligator, and 
monkey, and humanoid three-dimensional figures. Several portions 
of such figures are present in the collection. 


LOCATION 


From the few restorable vessels it appears that the biological mo- 
tifs usually were placed separately on opposing sides of the vessel. 
In all cases the same pattern was present on both sides of the upper 
half to one-third of the vessel. On some, the jar was divided into 
four vertical panels by appliqued ridges into four alternating blank 
and decorated vertical panels similar to the sections of an orange. 

On the other hand, pots with geometrical designs appear to be filled 
across the entire visible outer surface leaving only the bottom and 
interior undecorated. The rims were further elaborated on the top 
or either side, but the rim and body decorations are not contiguous. 
There is no evidence of any zoning of decorative fields. 


ANTHROPOMORPHIC EFFIGIES 


Four polychrome vessels were found which have humanoid fea- 
tures. They are basically similar and have in common the ridging 
to indicate hair style and the painted “mask.’”’ Beyond these fea- 
tures, however, they are quite dissimilar in ceramic type, paint quality 
and color, and in stylistic execution. They do not appear to be the 
product of a single artist, nor to have the unity of similar vessels to 
the west. 

Plate 15, 6, is unquestionably a typical “Coclé-type” humpback 
effigy in coarse slipped red ware with white panels to indicate face 
and arms. The face is elaborated by a purple mask and the arms 
and breastplate are decorated with geometric black lines in the typi- 
cal Sitio Conte manner, but they were too poorly preserved to photo- 
graph well. The protruding mouth and nose as a single unit makes 
it resemble a monkey more than a human; an interesting combina- 
tion when combined with the humpback. There are small raised 
breasts and no evidence of masculine structure. 

In plate 21, 6, is shown a miniature vessel in which the body is 
barrel-shaped without arms. This is a better grade of slipped, 
polished red ware with a soft white slip over most of the body. The 
decorations in red and the mask in purple are edged with black material 


38 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


and all are applied over the white. In paint, this resembles the Coclé 
specimens, but the style is different. 

Figure 13 is a very fine vessel from the Museo Nacional collection. 
It is a red ware vessel with elaborate panels which relate it more to 


Ficure 13.—Polychrome effigy jar (Museo Nacional). 


Anthrop. Pap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 39 


the Azuero Peninsula than to Coclé. Both modeled hands are placed 
to the mouth. The head is white slipped with a ridge to indicate the 
hairline and a high conical hat decorated with alternating red and 
purple stripes. There are six symmetrical body panels, redrawn 
flat in the illustration. The front panel (a’) is repeated on the back 
and consists of scrolls in black on the natural background. The 
inner portions of the scrolls end in stylized “alligator god” heads. 
The side panels (a’’) are placed over a white background and consist 
of elaborate convolutions ending in alligator god heads and having 
fillers of small red and purple wedges. 

The vessel shown in figure 14 is made of a finer buff paste, com- 
pletely slipped with a hard, polished cream-white surface. It is 


Figure 14.—Polychrome effigy jar. 


40 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


decorated in black, except for the red shadows under the eyes. The 
manner of hair indication is similar to that above and the feet are 
like those on many Veraguas buff ware effigies. The style, however, 
seems completely unrelated to any Panama pottery published here- 
tofore and seems more lifelike than the usual humanoid effigies, 


INCISING 


The main design technique consists of incising with the thumbnail 
or a pointed tool in a linear fashion to form various animal drawings. 
These are then elaborated with incising or punching by various 
mechanical tools so as to fill in the design or further elaborate the 
body outlines. Punched holes, shell marks, thumbnail marks, and 
various combinations of markings made by a hollow reed have been 
identified. The reed marks are in patterns of full circles, concentric 
circles, circles with central dots, and half circles. Many designs are 
executed with a mixture of several techniques. The frequency of 
appearance of single and mixed designs is as given below and as illus- 
trated by selected examples in plates 16-18: 


Number of pooled decorated sherds_____.--_____---_-_---- 339 
Number incised oe ee Se 328 
Linear . sisters sce, V8 Pea Sse Se i es 185 
Punched ..§. Pe Sei eee ee a eee eee 67 
Shell... 3 2.88. 3 28} Bh OYE RS ee 38 
Reed... 3. Vee ER ee BL Sek BES 13 
Circle-dot\ 3. 3:2: -423_ 3.3.8.3. % £05. Be 12 
Concentric Giréles’"-} 2 ere ie Pee as 10 
Half circles S20... Foci BL Be 19 
Fingernail) 2. Sas Seat Res Beene Ne a 5 


Raised ridges along incised lines are present in some examples, 
but most designs are clean and would indicate incising the “leather- 
hard” rather than in wet clay, causing uneven grooves due to subse- 
quent polishing. 


SURFACE DESIGNS 


Surface designs are shown in plates 19-20. Of the out-sloping 
plates and shallow bowls, the most frequent rims are those with molded 
ridges and/or one or more concentric incised rings. The ridge may 
be above the ring, below it (pl. 19, a), or both above and below 
(pl. 19, e). In some examples either the edge or the ridged edge 
was scalloped (pl. 19, 6, d). Other designs are simple shell stamping 
(pl. 20, 7) and punching or notching of the rim (pl. 20, d). They 
are apparently notched in the leather-hard state. 

Of the vertical, and chiefly brown-ware rims, designs consist of 
geometrical patterns of alternating incised lines and punched dots 
(pl. 20, a-c). In contrast to the former group, incising appears to 


Anthrop. Pap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 41 


have been done in the damp state, leaving a well-defined ridge which 
can be seen in the photographs. The patterns occur all over the 
external surface exclusive of the bottom and do not appear to be 
organized in zones. Some designs are more elaborate incised circles 
and swirls (pl. 19, g), like those on the votive ware. On others, an 
applique ridge is diagonally incised in imitation of rope, or has crude 
ridging and edge notching. 


RELIEF MODELING AND APPLIQUE 


Other plastic decorative techniques frequently employed are relief 
modeling and applique. It is the former which really gives this 
pottery its completely distinctive appearance and one cannot but be 
impressed at the high degree of refinement in this technique. Oc- 
casionally the entire animal body is raised above the vessel surface, 
outlined with deep linear incising, and paneled with reed or shell 
markings. In the thick, heavy sherds the modeling often is pressed 
outward from the inner surface; in smaller sherds the inner surface is 
smooth and flush. Relief is used also for heads alone, or portions of 
heads such as jaws and the beaks of birds. Applique is used in much 
the same manner where a sharper raised edge is required; most fre- 
quently in the application of eyes. The term “Modeled Relief Brown 
Ware’ has been applied locally to this type of pottery found on the 
Venado Beach site, a term believed to have originated with Dr. 
Lothrop during his excavations there. The frequencies of these 
decorative techniques are as follows: 


Anpligued! rm, 25 ie gmat noel fae sett ls 8 
wih 19 LE) pT lade hl ranks BE ee ail Mf Bera te Pape bea 3 
Appliqued aiid incised. 1__Jsyscu O24 - SUL LeL 2 US 124 
Modeled and incised: d se d4 osnspe-e bel eb ebeebe- oe 35 

Total plastic decorations....-.2--.---.+----+-.- 170 


TRADE WARE 


Seventy-six sherds were found having decorations in two or more 
colors. Of these, 20 were true polychromes in red, white, black, purple 
or, more rarely, orange. Several represent portions of typical 
Veraguas-Coclé types both in designs and materials. Most appear to 
be segments of fruteras and plates with serpent and similar motifs, 
including the “coral snake rim” (fig. 10, d, f,g). Similarly, a portion of 
a frutera pedestal was found. One sherd has a raised ‘nubbin” 
with four supports (fig. 10, 7) decorated in red and black on a highly 
polished buff ware of foreign import. This represents a type ware of 
Parita and related sites on the Azuero Peninsula. A sequence of 
progressive stylizations are known whereby this is shown to be a 
frog effigy (Biese, 1961). This definitely is not a locally manufactured 


42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN’ ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


piece and is known to occur as trade ware in both Coclé and Veraguas. 

A complete widemouthed vessel (pl. 15, a@) and nine sherds are of red 
designs on a white ground, identical to the Coclé redline ware. 

In the absence of further material from the site, these pieces are all 
considered to be trade ware brought in from the more westerly prov- 
inces. Unfortunately, the lack of correlated finds in graves or in 
context with incised wares makes it impossible to establish them as 
contemporaneous with the other artifacts. It is of significance, how- 
ever, that the redline ware is considered to be definitely a late char- 
acteristic of Sitio Conte in Coclé. 

Several of the red ware vessels merit individual discussion. In 
plate 21, b, are shown two red ware vessels, a small dish and a spouted 
vessel, both with white panels bearing black scrolls. While similar to 
Coclé vessels, at least to me they appear to be imitations or copies of 
the same; an impression perhaps only gained by handling the two side 
by side. They are cruder, heavier, and slightly different in surface 
texture than the usual Sitio Conte ware and may be of local 
manufacture. 

Plate 21, a, also shows a widemouthed pot and a rather massive, dense 
polychrome pedestal enclosing rattles. Both of these have a coarse, 
medium buff ground color with designs in red and purple edged in 
black. In style and finish they do not resemble previously reported 
Panama polychromes. 


SECONDARY USE OF ARTIFACTS 


Sufficient direct evidence for the repair and re-use of damaged 
vessels often is lacking. However, the ordinary rim chipping of 
vessels in use, which was later smoothed by grinding, is seen frequently. 
When evidence of major repairs is found, it is an occurrence worth 
detailed notice. When a vessel is used for burial it may be taken as 
some evidence of a frugal or materially poor culture or, conversely, 
one lacking a highly formalized burial tradition. This is in marked 
contrast to many cultures in which the grave furniture is new and 
constructed specifically for the purpose. 


The lizard motif incised relief vessel shown in plate 12, a, was 
originally recovered as burial No. 7, where it was found within a 
conventional undecorated urn. This round-bottomed vessel is 40 
cm. in maximum diameter by 30 cm. in maximum height, with its 
inflection point located at five-eighths of the latter. It is of a medium 
red-brown paste with a smooth unpolished surface. There was a 
portion of an incompletely oxidized brown to dark-green identical 
vessel used as a cover. The ridges, which divide the vessel into four 
panels, and the crest of the lizard exactly match up with the cover 


Anthrop., Pap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 43 


design with a 5-10 cm. overlap all the way around. This vessel top 
has a shallow flat shoulder ending in a throat only 15 cm. in diameter 
around which there is evidence of a vertical rim having been present 
at one time. The bottom has a 19 cm. curving fracture with 7 smooth 
holes drilled along the edges. This was obviously for the placement 
of ties for mending by the “‘crack-lace’’ method previously unreported 
from Panama. As mentioned above, the jar contained a 20-cm. 
plate and an infant burial. It appears that a utility grain- or water- 
storage jar, with a not uncommon design, developed a crack and was 
repaired. The vessel mouth was then widened so that the plate and 
burial (or secondary burial) could be placed in it and covered with the 
broken top of a similar vessel. Linné (1929) summarizes the distri- 
bution of the technique and concludes it is primarily of western South 
American origin with singular exceptions in Nicaragua and Costa 
Rica. It is completely unknown from Mexico and Guatemala. 


SPINDLE WHORLS 


The 15 spindle whorls from the site (pl. 22) were treated separately 
in a recent publication, to which one should refer for more detailed 
information (Biese, 1961). All of the whorls were found exposed 
on the surface after heavy rains, and were distributed sporadically 
and without context in both residence and burial areas. They are 
all made of the same red-brown to brown clays and tempering tech- 
niques used for the general ceramic remains. The surface treatments 
fall into two distinct groups: the coarse orange-to-red-to-brown slip 
of Panamé Viejo red ware, and the unslipped, smooth brown wares. 
One whorl (No. 3) was a partially smudged tan of coarse clay. 


By physical characteristics, the whorls fell into three groups: 


Simple——Nos. 10-11 are simple flattened balls of slipped clay bearing a center 
core and representing the simplest type of spindle weight. No. 12 adds the 
further refinement of a secondary smaller mass atop the first. In Nos. 1-2 this 
mass is more distinctive. 

Mammiform.—Nos. 5, 7, and 9 have a more pronounced upper mass of clay. 
They also differ from the preceding by being composed of a smoothly polished 
dark-brown clay. 

Incised.—The remainder of the whorls are all similar in that they are decorated 
with radial incising or punctate designs. 


In the publication cited above (Biese, 1961) it was pointed out that 
the weights and diameters of these whorls placed them in two groups 
such that the rough approximation of their inertia gave a sevenfold 
difference. It was suggested that this was evidence for a more ad- 
vanced weaving technology in which either two different fibers were 
spun or two different weights of fibers were made for different 
purposes. 

682-611—64_—6 


44 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


MISCELLANEOUS CERAMIC OBJECTS 


A number of miscellaneous clay objects were recovered from the 
site. Figure 15 shows two single note incised brown ware whistles, 
both probably representing alligators. The broken tail of another 
whistle, probably representing a bird, is illustrated in plate 23 with 
other miscellaneous objects found at the site. 


CLASSIFICATION 


There is an insufficient collection of material upon which to base 
a definitive classification scheme. ‘This is especially true when it is 
known that related pottery is present throughout the Venado Beach- 


Ficure 15.—Brown ware whistles. 


Anthrep., rap. PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 45 


Madden Lake areas and its accumulation will necessitate revision of 
any system. Furthermore, we may well find that stratified deposits 
will presage a system of classification having temporal as well as 
geographical value in the determination of cultural parameters. 
Nevertheless, a summary of the ceramic collection presented herein 
may be given in the form of a preliminary classification. This is 
intended only to be descriptive of the various broad groups of pottery 
recovered and to be used as an aid for further comparisons; to divide 
it immediately from the equally broad cultures previously described 
from Panama. 


I. PanaMA ViEJo RED WARE 
II. Panamd ViEJo DEcorATED BROWN WARE 

1. Incised brown ware. (Pl. 8, e.) Identical to those sherds of the 
same name from Sitio Conte. The paucity of examples would 
suggest it is neither native to, nor representative of, either of 
these areas. 

2. Geometric brown ware. Including its red-brown variants. The de- 
sign is geometrical and incised with secondary elaboration by 
punching and mechanical stamping with shell and reed. 

3. Biometric-relief brown ware. (With red-brown variants.) The de- 
signs are animal representations in bas-relief outlined by incising 
and elaborated by secondary stamping. This also would include 
the smaller designs in which the representation is not actually 
elevated from the vessel surface. 


III. PanamA ViEJo Buack ON WuitE PANELED RED WaRE 


IV. PanaMA VIEJO CEREMONIAL WARE 
Including those elaborate vessels with geometrical designs and/or 
three-dimensional modeled or appliqued sculptures (modeled- 
relief brown ware). 


V. PanaMA ViEJO URN WARES 
1. Red urn ware, and the common red-brown covers 
2. Relief urn ware 
3. Black on white paneled red urn ware (covers only) 
4. Red and black on white urn ware 


The remaining painted sherds are represented by only one example 
each and cannot be classified. ‘They are presented only for descrip- 


tive purposes. 
DISCUSSION 


GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION 


The most important material from this site, for the tracing of 
horizontal distribution, is the decorated brown ware. From _ the 
Pearl Islands, Linné (1929) illustrates a nubbin sherd (p. 99), incised 
animal feet (p. 81), and alligator and serpent designs in raised brown 
ware with similar techniques in reed marking, shell marking, punching, 
and incising (p. 90). 


46 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Raised brown ware sherds with animal designs are illustrated from 
Punta Patifio, near the Gulf of San Miguel, deep in the Darien 
(Linné, 1929, p. 154). It is possible that cultural influence extended 
as far south. With the single exception of Linné’s work we have no 
data from the Darien region of Panama. More tenuous identification 
exists in the case of his scalloped profile rim from Trigan4, Colombia 
(p. 33), which resembles our figure 8, d. 

Recent work in Cupica, Colombia (Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1961), has 
demonstrated identical fragments of our modeled-relief brown ware as 
well as Cocle humpback polychrome effigies and other trade ware 
from the Late period at Sitio Conte. This gives us a known, active 
distribution area of over 250 miles to the southeast, into the Darien 
jungle via land. This country is considered to be almost inaccessible 
today even with our most modern equipment. The obvious route is 
the sea passage via the Pearl Islands (which have similar pottery 
types mentioned above), a considerably shorter distance. The inter- 
mediate vessel shown by Reichel-Dolmatoff (1961, fig. xiii, 3-4) also 
more closely links the modeled-relief brown ware of the present site 
with that of the Santarem in Brazil as described by Palmatary (1939). 

Across the Isthmus of Panama, the brown ware type pottery is 
well known among local archeologists from Venado Beach; several 
typical sherds and stone points are shown in plate 24. Similarly, 
the same pottery is found across most of the Madden Lake region 
in a broad zone up to 15 miles east of the Canal. Plate 25 shows 
typical surface finds selected from several dozen sites exposed during 
the dry season when the Lake drops. Plate 25, a, is an otherwise 
typical point recovered unassociated from the Fort San Lorenzo area 
near Col6n. These illustrated artifacts were selected from hundreds 
because of their similarity to others presented herein. 

From the distribution of similar pottery, points, and burials, related 
cultures are seen to have occupied a wide band across the entire 
Isthmus from the Atlantic to the Pacific, covering, and slightly to the 
east of, the area occupied by the present day Canal Zone. It extends 
out to the Pearl Islands in the south and into an as yet undetermined 
area of the Darien. This distribution is reflected in map 3. 


CONTACTS AND MIGRATIONS 


Cultural contact definitely is shown with the westerly provinces, 
primarily Coclé, through the admixture of polychrome vessels and 
sherds. Unfortunately, these sherds are not stratified, and range from 
periods which are considered to be characteristic of both early and 
late Sitio Conte. Identifying goldwork and whole vessels were re- 
covered from Venado Beach but have been published only in pre- 
liminary form (Lothrop, 1956). Recent work has suggested Coclé 


Anthrop. Pap. 
No. 68] 


PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 


2 wae 
.v re) C 
4 ‘a d 
\ Ce: ee 


Coclé 


"Pacific Ocean 


47 


Map 3.—Distribution of Panama Viejo cultural traits. 


48 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


polychrome might be much more widely distributed than was 
originally thought. It is present in other foci, rather than being 
restricted to trade ware, throughout a portion of the Azuero Peninsula 
and adjacent southeastern Veraguas. Until further details are avail- 
able, we can only state with certainty that the Panam4 Viejo culture 
had limited trade contacts with her classical polychrome neighbors to 
the west. There is no evidence to suggest contact with the more 
westerly Chiriqui or Costa Rica. 

Contacts to the east are suggested by the distribution of pottery to 
Darien, if not actual settlements of related cultures. Further explora- 
tion of the Darien will be necessary before we are enlightened on this 
point. 

In contrast to actual contacts, the presence of shell marking and 
incised spindle whorls tends to suggest a combination of vertical and 
horizontal transmission of traits somewhere in the as yet remote past 
of Central American migrations. Parallel shell edge stamping around 
the vessel rims is known in Panama from the Girén site in Azuero 
(Willey and Stoddard, 1954), where it was found in the possibly con- 
temporaneous levels of the Santa Maria Phase, and from both the 
Santa Maria and early Coclé levels at Sitio Conte (Ladd, 1957). 
Shell stamping is also known from the Sarigua Phase at the Gulf of 
Parita (Willey and McGimsey, 1954), though in this case the pottery 
paste is quite different and there is a considerable time lag between the 
estimated dates of Sarigua and Coclé. Shell stamping is a widely 
distributed trait throughout Central America. 

There are present two other traits of possible vertical significance, 
i.e., urn burial and crack-lace pottery mending, which may represent 
evidence of either direct migrations or counter migrations with South 
America at some time in the history of this culture’s predecessors. 
These have been discussed more fully above, and we are now beginning 
to believe urn burial may represent a direct migration of much more 
ancient origin and distribution throughout Mesoamerica than has 
been thought previously. The evidence offered by polychrome 
pottery traits is still more meager, but despite the difference in stylistic 
development one is often tempted to draw relationships between 
Mexico, Panama, and Peru. 


CHRONOLOGY 


In attempting to assign a date to the culture represented by this 
site we have two essential cultural links: polychrome trade ware and 
the Venado Beach site. Both of these have been subjected to recent 
reexamination, and some doubt exists. When originally described 
(Lothrop, 1942), the classic polychromes of Coclé were thought, 
on the basis of style, to be representative of a unique local focus with 


carta ls PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 49 


wide trade contacts and of a relatively late date, i.e., ca. A.D. 1300- 
1500. Later unpublished local work indicates the possibility of wider 
distribution and independent production in several areas of Central 
Panama. Stratigraphy at the Girén site and Sitio Conte would seem 
to indicate a greater time span for the entire complex of decorated 
brown ware and polychrome phases. 

Still more recently (Lothrop, 1958 and 1959) a Venado Beach urn 
burial has yielded a radiocarbon date of A.D. 227 +60 (Yale—125) 
which was cross-dated with early Coclé polychromes. Dr. Lothrop 
has suggested that this is too early and may represent a sampling or 
technical error; the reader is referred to the above-cited two papers 
for a thorough discussion of these and other dates from Panama. 
In 1961 he announced a new Venado Beach radiocarbon determination 
of 1000 years B.P. (Groningen No. 2200) from material found in 
similar circumstances (i.e., charcoal from within plain red ware 
burial urns). Once a date is accepted, we still have to decide the 
relationship of this site to Venado Beach and the Lake area. On the 
basis of trade wares present, Panam4 Viejo has very little, the Madden 
area almost none, and Venado Beach a rather high proportion. 
Similarly, the absence of both jewelry and trade ware points to an 
economically poor or dependent tribe associated contemporaneously 
with Venado Beach when the latter was the ceremonial or ruling center. 
For at least a tentative assignment of relative dates in Panama 
I am inclined to accept the Venado Beach radiocarbon date with a 
slightly earlier date for Panama Viejo and a still earlier one (ca. 50-100 
years) for Madden Lake. 


INTERPRETIVE SUMMARY 


A new Early Christian Era culture is described herein from Central 
Panama. It is composed of a rather widespread group of related 
tribes which shared common burial and ceramic traits, and were 
distributed over the Canal Zone, the Pearl Islands, and the adjacent 
territory to the east. The composite tribes perhaps are affiliated 
loosely through common ethnic origins and maintain Venado Beach 
as a “capital.”” Their characteristic economy was based largely on 
shellfish and offshore gathering and limited agriculture supplemented 
by small-animal hunting. Life appears to have been rather sedentary 
and peaceful with limited trade contacts and possibly irregular 
hazardous trips to the immediately adjacent east and west. Weaving 
was practiced. Pottery skills were developed to a high degree, but 
full classic polychromes are not indigenously present. Burial is 
moderately ritualistic with special classes of pottery, but not formal- 
ized to a high degree, and may occur in urns, open extended, or 
secondary fashion. Deep level graves are not present, but a suggestion 


50 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


of mutilation occurs. The complicated skills of jewelry and gold 
working, ceremonial stonework, and permanent structures are absent; 
this more from economic position than artistic development, since 
realistic clay sculpture is present. The identifying traits are: (1) 
urn burial; (2) incised relief brown ware with zoomorphic patterns; 
(3) certain red and brown ware combinations with shell, reed and 
punch markings; (4) elaborate ceremonial or votive ware; (5) incised 
spindle whorls; and (6) simple flake points without secondary elabora- 
tion except crude tang formation and ground and polished stone 
celts in a variety of patterns. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 
ANDERSON, C. L. G. 
1911. Old Panama and Castilla Del Oro. Washington, D.C. 
Bancrort, Husert H. 
1882-87. History of Central America. (1501-1530.) 3vols. San Francisco. 
Brisseg, Lro P. 

1960. Spindle whorls from Panama Viejo. Panama Archaeol., vol. 3, No. 1, 
pp. 35-46. Canal Zone. 

1961. The frog effigy and large polychrome vessels from Parita. Panama 
Archaeol., vol. 4, No. 1, pp. 32-41. Canal Zone. 

CaRLEs, RuBEN D. 
1960. Old Panama. La Estrella de Panama. Patrick J. Smythe, trans. 
Lapp, JOHN. 

1957. A stratigraphic trench at Sitio Conte, Panama. Amer. Antiq., vol. 22, 

No. 3, pp. 265-271. 
Linn, SIGVALD. 

1929. Darien in the past: The archaeology of Eastern Panama and North- 
western Columbia. Gdéteborgs Kungl., Vetenskaps-och vitterhets- 
samhalles handlinger, Femte Féljden, ser. A, band 1, No.3. Gothen- 
burg. 

LorHrop, SAMUEL K. 

1937. Coclé, an archaeological study of Central Panama. 1. Mem. Pea- 
body Mus. Harvard Univ., vol. 7. 

1942. Coclé, an archaeological study of Central Panama. 2. Mem. Pea- 
body Mus. Harvard Univ., vol. 8. 

1950. Archaeology of southern Veraguas, Panama. Mem. Peabody Mus. 
Harvard Univ., vol. 9, No. 3. 

1954. Suicide, sacrifice and mutilations in burials at Venado Beach, Panama. 
Amer. Antiq., vol. 19, No. 3, pp. 226-234. 

1956. Jewelry from the Panama Canal Zone. Archaeol., vol. 9, No. 1, pp. 
34-40. 

1958. The archaeological picture in southern Central America. Proc. 33d 
Int. Cong. Amer., tomo 1, pp. 165-172. San Jose. 

1959. A reappraisal of isthmian archaeology. Mitteilungen Hamburg Mus. 
Volkerkunde, band 25. 

1960. C 14 dates for Venado Beach, Canal Zone. Panama Archaeol., vol. 
3, No. 1. Canal Zone. 

MunsE.u Cotor Co., Inc. 
1954. Munsell soil color charts. Baltimore. 


Antrop.; 2 PREHISTORY OF PANAMA VIEJO—BIESE 51 


PALMATARY, HELEN C. 
1939. Tapajé pottery. Etnol. Stud., vol. 8, pp. 1-136. Gothenburg. 
REICHEL-DoLMATOFF, GERARDO, and REIcHEL-DoLMatorr, ALICIA. 
1961. Revista Colombiana de Antropologia, vol. 10, pp. 239-332. Bogotd. 
SHAFROTH, JOHN F. 
1953. Panama La Vieja; cincuentenario de La Republica. Imprenta Na- 
cional. Panama. 
SmirH, H. Morean. 
1960. Diggers may find Pre-Spanish city. Jn Panama American, Sunday 
American Supplement, Jan. 24. Panama. 
Sosa, JuAN B. 
1955. Panama La Vieja; con motive del cuarto centenario de su fundacion. 
2d ed., Imprenta Nacional. Panama. 
VINTON, KENNETH W. 
1951. A new archaeological site in Panama. Scien. Monthly, vol. 73, No. 2. 
WitueEy, Gorpon R., and McGimsgy, CHARLEs R. 
1954. The Monagrillo culture of Panama. Pap. Peabody Mus. Harvard 
Univ., vol. 49, No. 2. 
Witiey, Gorpon R., and Stopparp, THEODORE. 
1954. Cultural stratigraphy in Panama: A preliminary report on the Girén 
site. Amer. Antiq., vol. 19, No. 4, pp. 332-343. 


682-611—64—_7 


. A ; y ins 7 ‘a oy ta 
of ~chpemonstiypetpd ; 


i ame pr | 


| eine YT bt = 
peer ec bs ‘sl 
an Tee wat) , ae ea a 
‘BabA Ate) Pee onteRH) 43) wed stadangget ian b ; ; 
1 bits Tasik AR Bk forepetigcts ¥ f ’ 


s 4 , 
cio Lil enu SUN is etiide: Rete whe a 


ib he hy Parse ty 

mthies lve Adina a0 ay f 
Fi ore). 

eT a a Mi arcing Te Lt Ole oe uclinete Se aie 

’ 1 ey ¢ Vii 7), bain jdt ‘Vi ; 
j gb 
needs Ae eT eT beeen’, Jo ovale. Olt eaee ee 
BA ov Ul lov Aca. 
| Mae Eh ta i Mas) al rir = Lite rt el 
§ sdirearrel pel vee: eras 
Hae AAG A OF, £3 toy pte wns 


a 


1? 
iy ’ Le 7 Peer ‘17ft, or) s 
4 , 
at 


rol 
" 


Ls a 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BUEEERIN 191 PEATE, 1 


Sacrifice burial. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 2 


Serpent burial urn. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 3 


Serpent burial urn. 


BULLETIN 191 PLATE 4 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Mn 


| 


i 


d urn and panel from incised monkey urn. 


Painte 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 5 


Votive ware double turtle-monkey effigy. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 6 


Votive ware double bird effigy. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 7 


Miscellaneous votive ware. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 8 


Miscellaneous votive ware. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 9 


Stone artifacts. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 10 


Red ware vessels. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 11 


Painted wares. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Lizard effigy vessel. 


BULLETIN 191 PLATE 


12 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Incised relief brown ware, 


BULLETIN 191 PLATE 


13 


BUREAU 


OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Incised relief brown ware. 


BULLETIN 191 PLATE 14 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 15 


Coclé-type red line ware and humpback effigy jar. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 16 


Incised relief brown ware. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 17 


Incised relief brown ware. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


BULLETIN 191 PLATE 18 


Incised relief brown ware. 


Seles cag Senerttenec 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 19 


Rim sherds. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 20 
“? ‘ai . 4 ‘ a £ ? 


Rim sherds. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 21 


Miscellaneous polychrome and paneled red ware. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 22 


CM. 


Spindle whorls. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 23 


Miscellaneous ceramic objects. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 24 


Artifacts from Venado Beach site. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 25 


Artifacts from Madden Lake site. 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin 191 


Anthropological Papers, No. 69 
THE LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO 


By IRVINE DAVIS 


53 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 
IEARES EK ee Se ee ee ee oe eee ae aE oe eerie et ee ae 57 
PAINT OO iypey. 5. Beep. $3 woot 2 en seat ab mane =| Amie LIB h Mek) 2 a iS eee ee 59 
Bilis blesstruGlune: a: 452.2 = eS pe RS a OR ee, et i 59 
NWVORGUStrUCLUTCsE. Sac a= om Bey cree Ve eipceie Weeae ee) pel a Mee se eer es 64 
SESSUNG W ERTT EY OT QUIS a te Py ge Pe et ey Seen 65 
MOT pop ONeINICS = ate eae a ee ee Ae eae ee, eeenen eee we PES Wen eran 66 
Wowellreductions) je hen sae Led. 3 eee Ee EE ee Se ee 66 
Wiaille nen or ahie ae ee yn er ee deed ed eo be g he) Lah are aa aa 70 
Mipcelanmeous| PrOGesses. 250525 245.3 2p Se eee De 72 
lor puOlany = xe. ene cert, 2 a ee ate Mee Sees She beet Ae 73 
Crear Sig oy Se NI Spa ek, PN J ea rey Se NG RL Re a Nie a 73 
Wor diGlascegts ars a= a+ Sats at ubat leer mete ees, TE Le. El Seen ope eer eno ne ne 74 
Werbssueuens fc Deel. NA ee Oe Ee Oe Pk 75 
Verb finiflec tio mi aaeticrest st tpi dhe abe d Lae 2 sere ele eee eds. 2 ee Pas ak 75 
Grammiaticalicatesories 2 2.0 22 2c ce 75 
Iinilechional-ataxesls 2p he bet 2S papa en Le eee eee 78 
IDistributionyOlvatixesee ta en eee oe ey ee 87 

Werbtstemist= seri sc > Sen Ae ae be SE ee eer eee a ees ae 94 
Stempformationetlers Lao. Fise sae? ee see eres a ee 94 

Stem) variants: 24° tbat teens bis seen Spor kines ale Sia, 99 
Verbrcore,deriviatlonast 42 Se ates ce ee ee ee 103 

ViETD CLASSES Sawer OE Bec eS eg oe Rea Ly SRS fee os oS ee 105 
FEransitiVenverps aes =e eee eae Se ts Fat his A wee eG Fon 105 
Intransitive:verbs?ss=se phe he eee ee Tee ee tS 110 
Werbalrausalianies ees 2 ame oi rete eet We A 114 
Unimtiected!\ words i". AU 2k he rah ten NTI) Se ee oe eee 118 

CLS (GS aa Ie a aN NE Bd PRON, ORE pe pa ANIA Neen abe pt ee i CRM SP oS 123 

= fF] ES ea a gree dag S TOs Ok Np SS opie Pale eed ae de 124 
Dehnition Of SyntachiGwmitss..2A2 020 2h ae ee ee ie ee 124 
Majorftunction slotstand then, tillenss sss ea oe ee 125 
‘Predicaterel obese ee oe ee a eet Ns ene 126 

Pex POU BUEA Ca gals) C3) ape Maat eS AUP Be ip Ak. a UI ea Un) yh gl nt eee nee ee 128 

Subject slots wes aos eee ee eee RIS ee en Sep epe Rae eee A eee 128 

OB ERt Sl Otsu ee wots Fae OR wee a ons 2 eS aay Maes ee ee eh 130 
Mirectional-locationalysloteseee ae ee ee ee ee ee 132 

ADI Baa Vey FS) Koy rey epg po es 8, ee hE ee ee eS NR EG Saat Wi eo Seger pe a 133 
Whiter slab 952) ioe ons ei wn ee he eee eee 134 
intermmocatiye-modal slots 450 2 oe ne ee ee ae 134 
GOnmeChVe slots ee heathens ers tea oe oe ee teeta ee 134 
Sequential-orderine of function: slots... 22-225. ~ 2 ja4 se ace 135 
Predicate crausess- a6 26) seer poet oo 2 eels eee ey eed Se 135 
INOn=predicate clauses 232 5 2 a Ee Pe ee 138 
Independent versus dependent clauses_______-___-___-_-_-_--_- 139 
Supraciaime straenures ne) 2 sl iy ae ee od 139 

(Bea AT ie PIL HORABIGCR Meee ot Nahe ee Oe eee ee a re 139 
Womiplox ReUneIICES a Sw BE eke ie 140 

uote tions eee wien eset ek REP Ty 2c) Seen) oe Al. Bs Sys Ont 141 


682-611—64——_8 


56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


PAGE 

Appendix 1. Verb paradigms 2 oot es ee ee et ee 143 
EAM STL: VETO MELINA yap Al aC TNS ee ee 143 
iransitive'verb: secondary paradiamess 225222 e se eee ee 145 
intransitive verb paradigms==—. - 2226 oe. 2a see ee 146 
Opened: Lemp e228 tk on Se ee Ne eS ee 155 
Hzplanation Of mumbers in texti2o—" = 2222 Ses sess ee eee 163 
mopendix o., VOtHbUlaty soo 8 oo cree on coo etn ee ee 165 
Wninflectedwords!2.2. = ose ee ee 165 
Ve D SS ret ae ee ee a eee bee eS ee 169 
Atixes andicliticst 22258. han le Sot eee eewc kee 176 
oni words = eee Se OC Dee ee 180 
Indextto vocabulary-1-2- 22: eee le eee ese. ee 182 


aterature eitede == ne oe eee cee le ee en ee 190 


PREFACE 


Data for this monograph were collected at intervals from 1954 
through 1961 under the auspices of the Summer Institute of 
Linguistics. Much of the phonological material first appeared in 
my master’s thesis and the grammatical material in my doctor’s 
dissertation, both prepared at the University of New Mexico (1958 
and 1960) under the supervision of Stanley S. Newman. Sincere 
thanks are due the latter for his understanding guidance and for the 
many hours of consultation spared from his busy schedule. 

Many features of the language as recorded in this paper are shared 
with the other Keresan dialects, among which Santa Ana is rather 
centrally located both geographically and linguistically. While much 
remains to be done in adequately describing Keresan linguistic 
structure, it is hoped that this analysis will be found worthy of a place 
among the contributions to our knowledge of a heretofore little-known 
language. The analysis almost can be said to be that of an idiolect 
rather than a dialect. It is based largely on data obtained from one 
informant, a middle-aged man whose mother tongue is that of the 
Santa Ana Pueblo. JI am deeply indebted to him for the endless 
hours which he spent in patiently supplying the material without 
which this work would have been impossible. 

57 


ait LL ee ae Be | | GATT ; a | 


ie Oe A ae) aa 7 Sen = 
eT NO ea 


| : ro: ae Be rin: 
i Smiise wo. Fs Ley = 


] ’ ah pa 

many % Merk vainiltigil =<! of w@ee soak @ Phar ¥ ~ aa o 
+c ‘ art 
a Pisin <Erli “amr a (iijariics rene 
SP EBISS L 1 ay Myer fie Y sf Al pre on. o jy wa a 
[ARP P TANTS gh oqthll p=) Hight ; 


kanl daort velawaatas iar ba hodealiog aed tqargacon:  eigh 
i ohinitand« tinh adi ..W deoiqene ode. roby: 
ni betbagca Jie [ai jan: lusiaolonods. adi te dothee 
a1ofsob vir ir’ lematurt taurhatntirtstg ott Inta: efagdiod of 
Ri ay OoiES BA, FeV: We viiets Pist 4 | as J iy 1p Vid “10 sid, > 
os: whic EGA twa eo P Inia to qomivtonue efi Gane att he 
et) sod bite ponnbitra gaipuaiqesbius 2 airl a walinl sd)-aob Mee 
slode ioe Yad at coil leg! hothvilirentes To aie nd 
botils ote mac ail) ar habronewt 24 4: es rail Sit to an terteah ee 
wile’ @. aah. eine douly unornia siooleth cea a wide | 
dowitoldwW vilanttarowel ban vilnoliqparsg6n2 hae hadonal 4 
onfettionti! ttadotaa yoidtivenh eotanpaie af doh otf ae ae 
orniley eto Yadiow bartoi eel Lite aterfies wit dette ba rote St oh, 
nwoogd-elNit sielotarnd a to oubslwovel vo oF anoitne 1100 ote 


Weiorbi wa To jac? od of Niwa od hexuertié Ametuste Albeo Ae 
nD inet baatnide niah too ¢lvetal baaad ta ; ingint Bh cad ail 
S0P.10 dae) af auune) witiog olw win betnalbhut 2 oa 
meine anf wl 1s dab Nasab ta | ofdoy? ak 


; 4% ; sat 
hiorGiw lnitetane acd! p Ua Thi (Mutat he ad ddidey @ 
inet read oven blow of Ter eid? de 


i) al J : a ee “es ; i 
* 7 aay Lae 


THE LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO 
By Irvine Davis 


PHONOLOGY 


SYLLABLE STRUCTURE 


Santa Ana Keresan utterances normally may be segmented ex- 
haustively into recurrent structural units, or syllables, of the shape 
CV. The syllable margin, C, is composed of a simple consonant or a 
phonetically complex consonantal segment. The nucleus, V, consists 
of a vowel or vocalic sequence, with or without terminal glottal 
closure. A few loanwords and a word of possible onomatopoetic 
origin contain syllables which are closed by a nasal: 

nér4n orange (Spanish naranja) 
?aydumbimer drum 

Syllables closed by consonants other than a glottal stop, however, 
are considered as an aberrant pattern. 

Excluding sounds introduced by loanwords, there are 48 contras- 
tive syllable margins: ' 


b d dy g 
p t é k 
p t é k 
sb sd sd¥ sg 
sp st sé sk 
sp st st sk 

Z Z 

c ¢ 

é é 

8 8 8 

$ $ S 
m n 
m n 

r 

r 
w y ee 
Ww y 


1 The symbols herein used conform to the orthography developed by Wick R. Miller (1959 a, 1959 b, and 
1960). 


59 


60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


The stops include a voiceless unaspirated series, b, d, and g; a 
voiceless aspirated series, p, t, and k; and a glottalized series, p, t, 
and k, at bilabial, alveolar, and velar points of articulation: 


bi-su bee 

pi-ta step on it 

pi-ta let him step on it 
di kupawa maybe he chopped 
ti kupawaneE maybe we chopped 
ti kupawa maybe I chopped 
ga-ma his house 

kA-ni let me walk 

kA-ni he walked 


The alveopalatals, d’, é, and é, require special comment. These 
are grouped with the stops for the sake of symmetry and because 
there is evidence for their historic development from a set of stops 
parallel to the bilabial, alveolar, and velar sets. The voiceless 
alveopalatal stop, d’, is unaspirated preceding a voiced vowel and 
aspirated preceding a voiceless vowel: 


cidya I caught him si-d¥a squirrel 


The voiceless alveopalatal affricates, é and é, are aspirated and 
elottalized respectively: 
éigiya maybe he sat éGgtya sit 

The Keresan dialects at the present are in various stages of transi- 
tion to a structure which includes both a set of alveopalatal stops and 
a set of affricates at the same point of articulation. Acoma, for 
instance, has a few occurrences of glottalized alveopalatal stops which 
contrast with the unglottalized phoneme. It also has unaspirated 
alveopalatal affricates occurring in loanwords. The Santa Ana 
dialect has unaspirated affricates in loanwords but has not developed 
aspirated or glottalized alveopalatal stops as distinct phonemes. 

Each of the above stops and affricates may occur in a sibilant 
cluster: 


sbiga woodpecker scédu?u =a crowd 
sdii-er bowl-shaped skt-nd blackbird 
sdyiudi? I (didn’t) give it to him wispI cigarette 
sgd-wasr_ rat sté-c1 straight 
spéré-n4 plate stisa six 
sti-nd autumn skasi fish 


There are voiceless unaspirated affricates, z and z; voiceless aspirated 
affricates, c and ¢; and voiceless glottalized affricates, ¢ and ¢, at 
alveolar and retroflexed points of articulation: 

zadya desert zaku let him bite you 


cact breath caku maybe you bit him 
caku = it bit him caku maybe I bit you 


Anthrop. Pap. LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 61 


There is a series of voiceless sibilants, s, s and 8, and of glottalized 
sibilants, §, $ and gs at alveolar, retroflexed and alveopalatal points of 
articulation respectively: 


sa back 3a mine 

sa scattered $a you are mine 
va ete E 

$aska roadrunner haé-Suwimr shoe 


The plain sonorants, m, n, r, w, and y, and the glottalized sono- 
rants, m, n, t, Ww, and y, are normally voiced but occur as voiceless 
variants when flanked by voiceless vowels: 


kiicayawa he is angry sgihima I believe 


In their occurrence between a voiced and a voiceless vowel they may be 
voiceless, partly voiced, or fully voiced, depending on factors such as 
the rate of speech: 


diya dog cina turkey gi-ma his house 


Unlike other glottalized consonants, which are produced with the 
glottis closed, glottalized sonorants are initiated with a momentary 
glottal closure and release. 

The nasals are produced at bilabial and at alveolar or alveopalatal 
points of articulation. The alveopalatal variant occurs preceding a 
front vowel, while the alveolar form occurs elsewhere: 


mésé-ni_ leaf mé4-ni word 
not prairie dog ne down 
néku will bite ni-ziwa will pay 


The phonemes r and ¢ are alveolar flaps, while w, w, y and y are 
nonsyllabic vocoids: 


rawdé- good stita crow 
wi-wd4 medicine waé-yusa duck 
ya?di sand yauni stone 


The ‘glottal fricative,’ h, and the glottal stop, ?, complete the 
inventory of native consonants: 
hd-bi feather 24?4-tawi key 
Sounds introduced through loanwords include the voiceless unas- 
pirated alveopalatal affricate, Z; the voiced stops, B, D and «a; and 
the voiced alveolar lateral, 1: 
Zi-Ti chili 
Bend4-na window (Spanish ventana) 
?amd-pu = pillow (Spanish almohada) 
Gayé-ta biscuit (Spanish galleta) 
1é-Ba coat (Spanish leva) 
Phonemic sequences introduced by loanwords include stops plus 
r or | and nasals plus homorganic stops: 
bla-sa city (Spanish plaza) 
sandiya-ku St. James (Spanish Santiago) 


62 


Vowels are produced at five contrastive tongue positions and 
may be either voiced or voiceless: 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


High front unrounded, i and 1. 

Mid to low front, e and E. 

Low central, a and a. 

High central to back unrounded, 9 and @. 
Mid to high back rounded, u and v. 


Examples of the five voiced vowels in initial syllables are as follows: 


séwi my neck 
sdnaA middle 


si again 
sa back 
siw4 yesterday 
Voiced and voiceless vowels are in nearly complementary distri- 
bution. Relevant conditioning factors include the position of the 
vowel within larger phonological units, the pattern of suprasegmental 
features, and the nature of contiguous consonants. Word-final 
vowels, for instance, are normally voiceless if they are short, un- 
accented, and not preceded by an unglottalized sonorant which is in 
turn preceded by a long accented or by an unaccented vowel: 


cinA turkey éA-pI fly 

tA-ma _ five gupl forehead 
Compare: 

Sina- louse gasé white 

dv4-na four gdnami beans 


There are, however, a number of words containing voiced vowels 
in environments in which voiceless vowels normally occur. It is 
because of these occurrences that phonemic significance must be 
ascribed to voicing versus voicelessness in vowels: 

gudi give it to me mina salt 

sbiga woodpecker kdsdi_ his foot 
Examples of the five voiceless vowels in final and in medial positions 
are as follows: 


not prairie dog kéucrgai maybe 
SUpE I ate ziyucEya — he carried it 
?awaka baby yawasti stick 

ki-ka winter héeaskéwa willow 
yuku away zikusdyawi bridge 


Vowels occur singly or in clusters of two. 


sequences have been recorded: 


iu as in siuni 

ei as in dvéicr 

eu as in Géu’?u 

ai as in sai 

AI as in ¢Cikar 

au as in hau 

ui as in stlist 

ua occurring in the data only in pdguara 


The following vowel 


I know him 
pinion pine 

I gave it to him 
all 

he lay down 
who 

bluejay 
salamander 


Anthrop, Pap. LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 63 


The nucleus of a syllable consists of one of the single vowels or 
vowel clusters, with or without terminal glottal closure. The nucleus 
is also the domain of certain suprasegmental features yet to be de- 
scribed. ‘Terminal glottal closure is written as a segmental feature 
only in unstressed syllables: 

ndza? will say si-ba?tu I slept 


Contrastive suprasegmental features include accent and vowel 
length. There are four kinds of accent: level, indicated by an acute 
accent; falling, indicated by a circumflex accent; breathy, indicated 
by a grave accent; and glottal, indicated by an apostrophe over the 
vowel. Unaccented vowels are not marked. Level accented vowels 
are stressed and normally have a high level pitch: 

kder ten zawini old 
There is a tendency for a slight upglide in pitch on long vowels or 
vowel clusters with level accent: 

ké-ct antelope hdéubaé- everyone 
The pitch on level accented vowels is conditioned to some degree by 
the position in the word and by the nature of the preceding consonant. 
A vowel preceded by a plain sonorant, for instance, often has a higher 
relative pitch than a vowel in a comparable position but preceded by 
one of the other consonants. The two vowels of ¢4m4 tomorrow 
normally have approximately the same pitch, while there is a pro- 
nounced drop in pitch on the second syllable of g48é white. 

Falling accent occurs only on long vowels or vowel clusters and is 
characterized by a downglide in pitch together with diminishing 
stress: 

dé-ni pumpkin yAuni stone mésé-ni_ leaf 
Vowels or vowel clusters with breathy accent begin with voicing and 
terminate in voicelessness. The initial voiced segment is short and 
stressed, and has a relatively high pitch: 

cact breath maidvana seven 
Single short accented vowels or accented vowel clusters which are 
terminated by glottal closure are written with the glottal accent: 

gaku he is located saubénaca I sewed 
A voiceless echo vowel may follow the release of the glottal stop, 
although this is not a consistent feature. The reasons for treating 
glottal accent as a phenomenon distinct from the glottal closure in 
unstressed syllables derive largely from comparative considerations. 

Vowel length always occurs with falling accented vowels and may 
occur with level accented or with unaccented vowels: 

pa-ni bag Gind river hawe- snow 
A slight downglide in pitch tends to occur on final long unaccented 
vowels. 


64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Potential combinations of the 48 syllable margins with the various 
types of nuclei number several thousand. Only a fraction of these, 
however, actually occur in the data. The lack of some combinations 
may be attributed to incomplete data or to the extremely low proba- 
bility of certain rare types of nuclei following the less common margins. 
The absence of other kinds of combinations is apparently a relevant 
feature of the phonological structure. The more important of these 
are as follows: 

1. A bilabial semivowel, w or w, is never followed by the back rounded 
vowel, u. 

2. An alveopalatal semivowel, y or y, is never followed by the high front 
vowel, i. 

3. A retroflexed consonant, ¢, ¢, z, %, 8, or $, is never followed by a front 
vowel, i or e. ; 

4. An alveopalatal affricate or fricative, é, ¢, 8, or g, is never followed by the 
high central unrounded vowel, a. 

5. The voiceless unaspirated stops and affricates, b, d, g, z, and z are never 
followed by a voiceless vowel. 


WORD STRUCTURE 


The definition of a word is treated in a later section. Here the 
general phonological structure of words is described. 

Words may be composed of a single syllable, za no, but are more 
often dissyllabic or polysyllabic. Words of up to nine syllables have 
been recorded: sgi-wakaéaniguyase-tH we are (not) looking at them. 

With few exceptions, each of the 48 margins may occur in any 
syllable of the word. The margins s¢, ¢ and § show evidence of 
special development and occur only word-initially as verb prefixes. 
Although h is very common initially, its extremely low frequency of 
occurrence in medial position is significant. In the present data it 
occurs in this position only in gtih4ya bear and in verbs based on the 
cores, -hima to believe and -hé?é-z4nt to permit. 

Each of the single voiced vowels may occur in any syllable of the 
word, while the voiceless vowels may occur in any except the initial 
syllable. Of the vowel clusters, iu is found almost exclusively in the 
initial syllable of verbs where it is divided by a morpheme boundary. 
The distribution of eu is similar, although the particle ?eu is of very 
frequent occurrence. The sequences ai, au, and ui are found in all 
positions in the word, while the remaining clusters occur so infre- 
quently that generalizations are impossible. 

Level accented syllables, both short and long, are found in all 
positions in the word. The glottal accent may occur on any syllable, 
but only rarely on other than the first. Falling and breathy accents 
may occur on an initial or medial, but never a final, syllable. Although 
any syllable of the word may be unaccented, the initial syllable is 
accented in an overwhelming majority of the words. 


Anthrop. Pap. 
myo Ro]? LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 65 


Word patterns based on the number of syllables and the arrange- 
ment of suprasegmental features are extremely varied. The more 
commonly occurring patterns found among dissyllabic and trisyllabic 
words are indicated below: 


CVCV niya night 
CVCV gAsé white 
CV-CV sté-c1 straight 
CV-CV sbi-n4 chicken 
CV-CV da-ni pumpkin 
CVCV déeku they went 
CVCV cécl wall 
CVCVCV sinani flesh 
CVCVCV ?AsAni wheat 
CVCVCV dimay4 Santa Ana Pueblo 
CVCV-CV skiré-né& peas 
CVCV-CV hiy4-ni road 
CVCVCV ?iwaka baby 
CV-CVCV nt-bada alone 
CV-CVCV ya-Cint corn 
CY-CV-CV ?d-mii-cr gun 
CV-CVCV di-skima cornhusk 
CV-CVCV wa-yuga duck 
CVCVCV maidyana seven 


RHYTHM GROUPS 


A rhythm group is a segment of speech which is marked off by 
pauses and/or which is characterized by the presence of one syllable of 
extra intensive stress. This unit may consist of an isolated mono- 
syllabic word, such as yu- J don’t know, but ordinarily embraces a 
sequence of many syllables. In normal speech (i.e., in which there are 
no hesitation pauses) the boundaries of a rhythm group fall at word 
boundaries, although every word boundary is not a rhythm group 
boundary. The number of words included in a rhythm group depends 
on the grammatical content of the particular utterance and on the 
style of speech. A free flowing conversational style is characterized 
by rhythm groups that include relatively long segments of speech. 
Such extensive groups are consequently few in number in relation to 
those in a comparable utterance delivered in a more vigorous or in a 
more hesitating style of speech. In rapid speech the pauses tend to 
be few in number and the onset of a new rhythm group may be signaled 
only by a rise in intensity and pitch on an accented syllable. This 
syllable is most often the initial syllable of the rhythm group. 

Rhythm groups are normally characterized by a gradual falling off 
of the general pitch level and intensity following the syllable which 
receives the greatest stress. The extent of this falling off depends on 
the length of the rhythm group. Toward the end of a very long 


66 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


rhythm group the speech may fade into a whisper in which normally 
voiced phonemes are unvoiced. 

In contrast to normal rhythm groups, an utterance may sometimes 
show no diminishing of pitch on successive accented syllables. This is 
true of certain types of questions or other utterances for which a 
response is anticipated: 

ma- ha4awé- su ?imdmd Listen here, grandchild. . . 


Hortatory utterances often are characterized by a gradual diminish- 
ing of the pitch level as in a normal rhythm group until the final 
syllable is reached. The final syllable is then given an extra emphasis 
that involves the rearticulation of a normally voiced vowel or the 
voicing of a normally voiceless vowel together with added intensity 
and pitch: 

hawé- ?i-ma?d Come here! 
disi ba Ciyai-kami Waitt for me here! 
Compare the same utterances without the hortatory emphasis: 
hawé- ?i-ma | 
disi ba ¢iyd-kam1 


MORPHOPHONEMICS 


The morphophonemic rules outlined below consist of a series of 
statements which simplify the morphological description to follow. 
Included for consideration are a number of changes in stems and in 
affixual morphemes which are somewhat regular and which can be 
explained on the basis of the phonological environment. Two 
processes, vowel reduction and the voicing or unvoicing of vowels, are 
rather extensive in their operation and are described in the following 
two sections respectively. ‘Miscellaneous Processes” deals with a 
number of phenomena of more restricted occurrence. 

Excluded for consideration here are numerous cases of phonolog- 
ically similar forms (e.g., the second person subject markers s- and 
8-) which at an earlier stage in the language may have been in mutually 
exclusive distribution in terms of their phonological environment. 
In a synchronic description of the present Santa Ana dialect, however, 
they are most conveniently treated as allomorphs, the distribution of 
which is defined morphologically rather than phonologically. 


VOWEL REDUCTION 


Changes in the vowel or vowels immediately following the pronom- 
inal affix in verbs may often be explained in terms of vowel reduction. 
This involves a fusing of the thematic adjunct with a preceding voice 
prefix or with the vowel of a preceding pronominal affix. Vowel 
reduction normally follows the patterns outlined below. 


An roP 4; 2 LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 67 


1. Two contiguous identical vowels reduce to a single vowel of 
the same quality. This reduction takes place, for instance, when a 
pronominal prefix of the shape CV- precedes a stem having an initial 
vowel of the same quality as that of the prefix: 


saku (Sa- + -aku) I bit you 
Compare: 
sduni (Sa- + -tni) I know you 


Apparent shifts in accent in the above and other examples arise from 
orthographic conventions. Accent is indicated only on the first 
vowel of a cluster, although it is the entire cluster that is accented. 
This, together with the fact that accent is not indicated on prefixes 
of the shape CV- (the prefix vowel assumes the accent of the following 
thematic adjunct), results in a shift of the written accent to the prefix 
vowel. Vowel reduction of the above type also occurs when the 
reflexive prefix -a- or the passive prefix -4?a- precedes a verb stem 
beginning with -a-: 

siku (§- + -a- + -Aku) you bit yoursel 

SA?agune (S- + -d4?a- + -Agune) you were bitten 
Compare: 

gaukaéa (8- + -a- + -tkaéa) you saw yourself 

SA’audi?ta (S + -d?a- + -tdi?ta) it was given to you 

2. No vowels or vowel clusters of more than two moras’ length 
occur. A reduction from three to two moras of length takes place 
when a short and long vowel are juxtaposed: 

ci-zawa (¢i- + -{-ziwa) I paid him 
cuizGwa (Cu- + -f-ztiwa) you paid me 

3. The vowel -u- followed immediately by -a- reduces to the single 
vowel -a-. This occurs when the pronominal prefix ends with -u- and 
the verb stem begins with -a-: 

éaku (Gu- + -aku) you bit me 

kaku (ku- + -Aakv) bite me 

skaku (sku- + -aku) he bit me 
Compare: 

Gdiziwa (éu- + -{-ztiwA) you paid me 

ktiziwa (ku- + -{-ztiwA) pay me 

sktiziwa (sku- + -i-ziwa) he paid me 

4. The vowel -i- immediately followed by -a- reduces to the single 
vowel -e-. This takes place when a pronominal prefix ending with 
—i— precedes a verb stem beginning with —a-: 

séku (si- + -Aku) TI bit him 
téku (ti- + -aku) maybe I bit him 
péku (pi- + -aku) let him bite him 


68 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Compare: 
sfukAica (si- + -t-kaica) I hit him 
tiukaica (ti- + -i-kaica) maybe I hit him 
piukadica (pi- + -G-kaica) let him hit him 
5. The vowel -i- immediately followed by -o- reduces to the single 
vowel -i-. This takes place when certain stems beginning with -9- 
are preceded by a prefix containing -i-: 
siska (si- + -dsk a) I drank 
si-t4 (si- + -d-t4) I am full 
Compare: 
gaska (g- + -dskA) he drank 
gé-ta (g- + -d-td) at is full 
6. The vowel -a- followed immediately by -o- reduces to the se- 
quence -ai-. This change occurs in the first person hortative form 
of some verbs having stems which begin with -a-: 


kaiska (ka- + -§ska) let me drink 
Compare: 
kdiba?tu (ka- + -i-ba?tu) let me sleep 
7. The vowels -a- and -u- followed immediately by a short level 
accented -i- reduce to -4- and -1- respectively: 


Sdsti (Sa- + -fsti) I gave you a liquid 

dyusti (dyu- + -isti) you gave me a liquid 
Compare: 

zisti (zi- + -isti) he gave him a liquid 
A vowel cluster results, however, if the -i- is characterized by any other 
type of accent. 

sdiziwa (sa- + -f-ztiwa) J paid you 

Chita (cu- + -f-ta) you stepped on me 

ciisaca (Cu- + -i$acA) you named me 

The patterns of vowel reduction outlined above avoid the following 
vowel sequences: -ua-, -la-, -io-, -ae- and double vowels. With the 
exception of a single recorded example of -ua-, these vowel clusters do 
not occur in Santa Ana Keresan. Other nonoccurring sequences, 
-le-, -ae-, -e0-, -ea-, -0e-, -ol-, -aa-, -oU-, -ue- and -uo-, involve vowels 
which are never brought into juxtaposition in morphological con- 
structions. 

In addition to the vowel reduction already described there are 
certain patterns of reduction which involve semivowels. A stem- 
initial -uw- (in which the -u- is short) reduces to -w- when preceded 
by a prefix of the shape CV-: 


ziwa-sa (zi- + -Gwa-sa) he 7s sick 


Antrop4; 2 LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 69 


Compare: 
guzuiwa-sa (géz- + -tiwa-sa) you are sick 
Under similar conditions -1y- reduces to -y-. This reduction, how- 


ever, may be alternatively explained as an example of the pattern 
u+i->t previously described. 
sktiyanikuya (sku- + -fyanikuya) he told me 
Compare: 
éfyanikuya (¢i- + -fyanikuya) TI told him 
In stems of four or more syllables, an initial -uwi- (but not -uwi- 
or -uwi--) reduces to -ui- when preceded by a prefix of the shape C-: 
guistkuya (g- + -tiwiStkuya) he scolded him 
The reduction of -uw- to -w- as described above occurs in the same 
stem when the prefix is of the shape CV-: 
siwistkuya (si- + -uwiSikuya) TI scolded him 
Vowel reduction similar to the patterns already described some- 
times operates across an intervening glottal stop. The following 
types of reduction have been recorded: 
1. -i- plus -a?a- reduces to -e?e-: 
sé760a (si- + -A?4¢a) my tooth 
Compare: 
ZAPAGA (z- + -A?4éA) his tooth 
2. -i?- plus -a?a- reduces to -é-?e-: 
pé-?6-8a (pi?- + -4?4-3a) let him close tt 
Compare: 
$A74-8a (S- + -4?4-5a) you closed it 
3. -i?- plus a short -i- or -o- with level or breathy accent reduces 
to -i- when followed by a voiceless consonant: 
pikupawa (p{?- + -fkupawa) let him chop 
piska (pi?- + -dska) let him drink 
Compare: 
zikupAwa (z- + -fkupawa) he chopped 
gdska (g- + -dska) he drank 
Under similar conditions -i?- plus -a- reduces to -é- and -i?- plus -u- 
reduces to -iu-: 
pezé (pi?- + -dzé) let him be talkative 
piukdi (pi?- + -tkdi) let him be satisfied 
Compare: 


gazé (g- + -dzé) he is talkative 
kikdi (k- + -tkdi) he is satisfied 


70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Jf the following consonant is a sonorant, -i?- plus -a- becomes -e’e-, 
-1?- plus -u- becomes -iyu-, and no change is involved if the second 
vowel is -i-: 

pé?éyaka (pi?- + -dyaka) let him burn it 

piytyd (pi?- + -ty4) let him skin it 

pi?inata (pi?- + -fnata) let him buy it 


Compare: 
zdyaka (z- + -dyaka) he burned it 
gaya (g- + -ty4) he skinned it 


zinata (z- + -inata) he bought it 


Changes in the vowel following the pronominal suffix of Type B 
intransitive verbs are only partly explained in terms of the regular 
patterns of vowel reduction. The shift to -e or -E in the first person 
forms of verbs normally taking -a or -a follows the regular pattern of 
reduction in which -i- plus -a- becomes -e-: 

26.36 (?6.- + -si- + -4) my name 
ca-sE (c4:- + -si- + -a) TI breathed 


Compare: 

?é-94 his name 

ca-ka he breathed 
The shift to -e or -5 in the first person forms of verbs normally 
occurring with -u or -u, however, does not result from any regular 
pattern of reduction: 


zusE I went 
zuku he went 
VOICING 
Voiceless vowels occurring in the final syllable (and sometimes those 
occurring in the penultimate syllable) of a word become voiced under 
certain conditions of suffixation. A word-final voiceless vowel 
becomes voiced if it is followed by a suffix containing a voiced vowel: 


dvukséanikuya (dytvkaéa+-nikuya) you are looking at me 
dé?4cinu- (d4?4é1+4--nu-) when he arrived 


Compare: 


dvukaéa you saw me 
da? der he arrived 


Suffixes consisting of a glottalized sonorant followed by a voiceless 
vowel have a similar effect on a preceding vowel: 


gigune (giku+-ne) they bit him 
éiéang (é0éa+-na) maybe they two fell 


Compare: 


gaku he bit him 
éaéa maybe he fell 


Anthrop.j9?- LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS (ip 


A voiceless vowel cluster becomes voiced when followed by any suffix: 

stigaitn (stikat+-tn) I (didn’t) lie down 
Compare: 

skiikat I lay down 
Vowel clusters resulting from the suffixation of -kuya (see ‘‘Mis- 
cellaneous Processes’’) are likewise voiced: 

subeukuya (supE+-kuya) I am eating 
Compare: 

supE I ate 
Certain final voiceless vowels become voiced and long when followed 
by any suffix: 

sdudvimise-te (sdudyamisE-+-tE) we (don’t) remember you 
Compare: 

sdudyimise (sdudyimi-+ plural suffix, -8E) we remember you 

It cannot be predicted from the phonological environment whether 

or not a voiceless vowel undergoes this change (see ‘“‘Stem variants’’). 


The fact is indicated in the listing of forms by the vowel length symbol 
in parentheses: 


-SE(-) plural suffix 


A sequence (vowel + unglottalized semivowel ++ vowel) in which 
neither vowel is accented, behaves as a single unit with respect to 
voicing; it is either completely voiceless or completely voiced. A 
voiceless sequence of this type becomes voiced when followed by any 
suffix: 

sitiguyasa (satikuya+-sa) you are crying 
Compare: 
satikuya you cried 

Of much less frequent occurrence than the above processes is the 
unvoicing of a stem-final vowel. This occurs when a completely 
voiceless suffix follows a stem which normally terminates in an un- 
accented voiced vowel preceded by a voiceless consonant: 

s4utisa (S4udi+-sa) I am planting 
Compare: 
sdudi I planted 

The alternation between aspirated and unaspirated consonants 
seen in some of the examples cited in this section is closely linked to 
the voicing and unvoicing of vowels. The unaspirated consonants, 
b, d, g, z, and z, do not occur preceding voiceless vowels. When a 


normally voiced vowel is unvoiced, as in J am planting, a preceding 
682-611—64_9 


i2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


consonant of this group changes to its aspirated counterpart, p, t, k, 
c, or ¢. When a normally voiceless vowel is voiced, a preceding 
aspirated consonant is usually replaced by its unaspirated counter- 
part: 


gagune (gaAku+-ne) they bit him 
There are, however, exceptions to the latter rule, in which an aspirated 
consonant is retained when the following vowel becomes voiced: 

zikupawank (zikupAwA+-nE) they chopped 
Compare: 

zikupawAa_ he chopped 

MISCELLANEOUS PROCESSES 
Vowel assimilation.—The vowels -a- or -9- occurring in prefixes 

of the shape CVC- change to -u- when the prefix is attached to verb 
stems beginning in -u-: 


eGzukaca (gdz- + -tkaéa) he saw you 
tti?udvasr (t4?- + -tidyasr) maybe I fasted 


Compare: 


gézaku (géz-+ aku) he bit you 
ta?auta (té?-+-Auta) maybe I killed it 


The vowel cluster -ai- changes to -ei- following an alveopalatal 
consonant: 
ééiwadvameE (é- + -diwadvamhE) they assembled 
Compare: 
s4iwadvamE we assembled 
Change from glottal to level accent.—A glottal accent in the thematic 


adjunct normally changes to a level accent following a pronominal 
prefix containing a glottalized consonant: 


éGpe (& + -ipr) eat 
Compare: 
SUupE you ate 
This type of change does not affect the 4 allomorph of the passive 
voice prefix: 
skadva?ta (sku- + -A- + -ddya?ta) I was caught 
Certain verb stems with a glottalized sonorant following the thematic 


adjunct show a shift to a plain sonorant when the pronominal prefix 
contains a glottalized consonant: 


éiwane (é- + -Gwane) hunt 
Compare: 


siwanE you hunted 


an 89,2 LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 4S} 


The glottalized sonorant in stems of this kind may have developed 
from a plain sonorant preceded by a glottal accent in the thematic 
adjunct, and thus undergoes the above change. Other stems with a 
glottalized sonorant in a comparable position do not show this change: 


kéwasd4 it is sour 
Introduction of -u-.—The addition of the continuative suffix -kuya 
to a verb stem ending in -a, -e, or their voiceless counterparts, results 


in the formation of a vowel cluster the second member of which 
rhs Dee 


subeukuya (supe + -kuya) I am eating 

siwi-deyaukuya (siwi-teya + -kuya) I am worshiping 
Compare: 

supE I ate 


siwi-teya I worshiped 


Change of ¢ to t—The phoneme ¢ in the final syllable of a word 
changes to t when followed by a high front vowel: 


siwi-tita (stiiwi-ca + -(i)ta) I am making it? 
Compare: 
siwi-ca I made it 


Certain pronominal prefixes also show a shift from a retroflexed 
affricate to an alveolar stop (e.g., sdz- and sdd-; see charts 1 and 2). 
These allomorphs undoubtedly have developed from the process 
outlined above, but are, in the present stage of the language, no longer 
phonologically defined. Forms ending in d sometimes occur before 
vowels other than 1: 


séda Iam 


MORPHOLOGY 
UNITS OF ANALYSIS 


While the validity of the word as a universal linguistic unit is some- 
times questioned, it is found convenient in this description of the 
grammatical structure of Santa Ana Keresan to recognize such a 
unit. The morphology-syntax division employed here is based on 
the assumption that the word can be defined with sufficient precision 
for descriptive purposes. This does not mean, however, that there 
may not remain a certain degree of arbitrariness in the drawing of 
some word boundaries. 

The principal criterion for recognizing words is that of unlimited 
substitutability at word boundaries.* Severe restrictions on the 


2 For an explanation of the change in the stem-final vowel, see ‘‘Inflectional affixes’ and ‘‘Stem variants.’’ 
3 A full treatment of this approach to the definition of a word is given in Greenberg, 1957, pp. 27-34. 


74 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


number and types of items that may be introduced into an utterance 
at a morpheme boundary is taken as an indication that the boundary 
is an infraword boundary. The boundary between a verb core and 
a following plural subject suffix, for instance, is of this type. The 
only items that may be introduced at this point are aspect and/or 
benefactive morphemes, neither of which ever occurs except following 
a verb core. 


A morpheme boundary at which a wide variety of items may be 
introduced, on the other hand, is regarded as a word boundary. 
Although a verbal auxiliary is closely linked to a preceding verb core 
and is meaningless in isolation, it is, nevertheless, a separate word 
according to the above criterion. Not only may a number of suffixes 
occur following the verb core and preceding the auxiliary, but also 
items which, on the basis of distributional criteria, are themselves 
free words may be introduced at this point. 

Words may be exhaustively segmented into morphemes. The 
term is used here in the sense generally used in American descriptive 
linguistics and includes word roots as well as various kinds of deriva- 
tional and inflectional affixes and clitics. Clitics in Santa Ana 
Keresan are morphemes which, following the distributional criteria 
for marking word boundaries, are parts of words. They differ from 
affixes in that they are not so closely linked phonologically to the 
rest of the word. Specifically, they do not cause morphophonemic 
voicing of a preceding voiceless vowel and are much more likely than 
are affixes to be separated from the rest of the word by a pause. 


WORD CLASSES 


Three major word classes are distinguished on the basis of their 
internal structure. Of these, the verbs and the verbal auxiliaries 
occur with inflectional affixes. The third major word class is composed 
of all uninflected words. 

Three principal levels of internal structuring are recognized in 
words: inflection, stem formation, and derivation. The terms inflec- 
tion and inflectional affixes are used only with reference to those affixes 
which are external to the stem. Stem formation involves the combina- 
tion of a thematic adjunct with a core and may include the addition of 
a benefactive suffix as well. The term derivation is used with reference 
to the internal structuring of certain verb cores and of some words of 
the uninflected class. Although clitics are, by definition, parts of 
words rather than free words, they are disregarded in the following 
description of word structure and are reserved for separate considera- 
tion. 


An roPy; 2 ~LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 75 


The general structure of the three major word classes may be 
distinguished as follows: 

1. Verbs are always inflected, always include stem formation and 
sometimes include derivation. 

2. Verbal auxiliaries are always inflected but never include stem 
formation or derivation. 

3. Uninflected words include neither inflection nor stem formation 
but may include derivation. 

Specific morphemes involved in each level of structuring also may 
serve to distinguish the major word classes. Verbs are distinguished 
from verbal auxiliaries, for instance, in that all verb stems are po- 
tentially capable of occurring with a future tense marker while verbal 
auxiliaries never include this morpheme. 


VERBS 
VERB INFLECTION 
GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES 
The following grammatical categories are expressed by verb inflec- 
tion, or, less commonly, by changes in the verb stem: 
Subject person.—First, second, or third person subject is recognized 
in all intransitive verbs in the non-future tense. It is most commonly 


indicated by a prefix, although in some verbs the pronominal element 
is a suffix: 


s-upE I ate zu-sE I went 
s-UpE you ate zu-su you went 
k-lupE he ate zu-ku he went 


In addition, some verbs occur with a pronominal morpheme indicating 
indefinite subject: 
sk-Aukui one’s wives 
Subject-object person.—The subject and object of every transitive 


verb in the non-future tense are indicated by a single prefix. Seven 
principal subject-object combinations are recognized. 


First person subject with third person object: s-éku I bit him 
Second person subject with third person object: s-aku you bit him 
Third person subject with third person object: g-aku he bit him 
First person subject with second person object: s-Aku I bit you 
Second person subject with first person object: éaku you bit me 


Third person subject with first person object: sk-aku he bit me 

Third person subject with second person object, géz-Aku he bit you 
In some, but not all, transitive verbs a fourth person subject with third 
person object is recognized which is distinct from the third person 
subject with third person object: 


g-aku he (third person) bit him 
é-aku he (fourth person) bit him 


76 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Fourth person is used when the subject of the action is obscure, as 
when the speaker is telling of something that he himself did not 
observe. It is also used when the subject of the action is inferior 
to the object, as when an animal is the subject and a human being the 
object. 


Number.—Singular, dual, and plural number are recognized in 
both the subject of intransitive verbs and in the subject and object 
of transitive verbs. The dual and plural of transitive verb subjects 
are normally expressed by suffixation, while the absence of number 
suffixes indicates singular subject: 

gaku he bit him 

gagu-na they two bit him 

gagu-nE they bit him 
Subject number of intransitive verbs may be indicated in a variety 
of ways: 

1. By suffixation as in the case of transitive verbs: 

zikUpAWA he chopped 


zikupawa-na they two chopped 
zikupawa-nE they chopped 


2. By changes in the thematic adjunct (i.e., the vowel or vocalic 
complex that ordinarily immediately follows the pronominal affix). 
These changes are usually accompanied by other number markers but 
may sometimes constitute the only indication of number: 

g-du-dvasi he fasted 
g-U-?i-dyasr they two fasted 
g-ti-wa-dvasr_ they fasted 

3. By the prefixation of different sets of pronominal allomorphs 
together with suffixation and/or changes in the thematic adjunct: 

s-iska | I drank 
s6z-askA we two drank 
séz-Askata we drank 


Object number of transitive verbs is indicated by changes in the 
thematic adjunct: 
s-é-ku I bit him 
s-é-?éku I bit them two 
s-éiya-ku I bit them 
Tense—Future and non-future tenses are recognized. Verbs 
which include a pronominal affix are in the non-future tense. Future 
tense is indicated by replacing the pronominal affix with a tense 
marker. The pronominal element is then incorporated in a separate 
word, the verbal auxiliary, which follows the verb: 
sdiziwa I paid you Hi-ziwa sfuma I will pay you 
supE I ate nupE si I will eat 


ga a al LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 77 


Mode.—Pronominal affixes indicate not only the person of the 
subject or the subject and object but also indicate the mode. For 
each mode there is a distinctive set of pronominal affixes. A total of 
six modes are recognized; indicative, negative, dubitative, hortative, 
negative hortative, and future hortative. For each subject-object 
combination, however, only certain modes are indicated formally in the 
inflection: 


¢-i-zuwa I paid him 8-f-zwa you paid him 

sdy-i-ziwa I (didn’t) pay him $-{-z0WA you (didn’t) pay him 

t-f-2tiwa maybe I paid him c-{-zuwa maybe you paid him 

ké-iziwa let me pay him p-i-ziwa pay him 

n-{-zuwa let me (not) pay him sdy-i-ziwa (don’t) pay him 

n-{-zuwa let me pay him (in c-i-ziiwa pay him (in the 
the future) future) 


Certain particles characteristic of specific modes may precede the verb 
and are often necessary in order to avoid ambiguity. Verbs in the 
negative mode, for instance, are always preceded by the negative 
particle z4zi, and those in the negative hortative mode by the particle 
ba-mi-: 

zai sd¥i-ziwa I didn’t pay him 

bé-mi- sd¥f-ztiwa don’t pay him 


Voice.—Reflexive-reciprocal and passive voice are indicated by a 
prefix following the pronominal prefix of transitive verbs together 
with a distinctive set of pronominal allomorphs. Reflexive and 
reciprocal voice are indicated by the prefix -a- and are distinguished 
one from the other by different thematic adjuncts: 


s-a-ukaéa I saw myself 
s-A-ukaéanotI we two saw ourselves 
$-4--yakaéanati we two saw each other 


Passive voice is indicated by the prefix -4?a- or -4- and takes the plural 
subject suffix: 


sk-4?4-iziwa-ne I was paid 
Aspect.—There are three aspect morphemes. The most common 

of these expresses continuative action: 

sfukaéa-nikuya I am looking at him 
Compare: 

sfukaéa J saw him 
A less common aspect morpheme indicates unfulfilled action: 

supE-wE I have come to eat 
Compare: 


supE I ate 


78 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


The third aspect morpheme indicates a remote state and occurs with 
only a limited number of verb stems: 


g6-ta--ma it is full (something remote from the speaker) 
Compare: 
d-té it is full (something at hand) 


Condition.—Verbs which are linked to the larger context by various 
kinds of subordinate or conditional relationships occur with one 
of a class of suffixes of rather elusive semantic categorization: 


sktiztiiwa--ne when he paid me 
skiiziwa--nu- if he pays me 


Compare: 

skiiziwa he paid me 
In addition to the patterns of inflection indicated above, the expression 
of specific grammatical categories sometimes involves irregular changes 
in the verb stem (see pp. 99 ff.). In some cases there are changes of 
such a revolutionary character that the phenomenon may best be de- 
scribed as stem suppletion, which most commonly involves intransi- 
tive verbs in the three numbers: 

ZU-SE I went 

sdd-é?éyu we two went 

séd-éku we went 
In rare cases, the expression of continuative action or of plural object 
number in transitive verbs involves stem suppletion: 

é-Aku he bit him é-fy éina I found him 

¢-4-pi-kuya he is biting him s-fwadé-na I feund them 


INFLECTIONAL AFFIXES 


Each inflectional affix is assigned an identification number and is a 
member of a century class. Century classes are numbered according 
to the relative order of occurrence of their members within transitive 
verbs. An exception to this sequential numbering of century classes 
is the case of classes 100 and 200 which are never represented in the 
same verb. Members of both Century Class 100 and 200 are always 
in initial position in the verb. 

Century Class 100 includes all pronominal affixes. Within the 
class are nine decade classes (100, 110, 120, 130, 140, 150, 160, 170, 
and 180), each of which includes affixes indicating a specific subject 
or subject-object combination. Within each decade class, with the 
exception of 180, there are six morphemes (numbered 101-106, 111- 
116, etc.), each of which is characteristic of a specific mode. Century 


4 These are termed ‘‘affixes”’ rather than specifically ‘‘prefixes’’ or ‘‘suffixes’’ because, although they occur 
most commonly as prefixes, there are some intransitive verbs in which they occur as suffixes. 


Ano 2 ~LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 79 


Class 200 consists of one morpheme, the future tense affix. Century 
Class 300 consists of voice prefixes. Century Class 400 consists of 
aspect suffixes. Century Class 500 consists of number suffixes. 
Century Class 600 consists of condition suffixes. 

Affixes of Century Class 100 are tabulated in charts 1 and 2 and 
comprise a set of pronominal indicators. Those affixes which occur 
with transitive verbs in their primary paradigms appear in chart 1; 
those occurring with intransitive verbs and with transitive verbs in 
their secondary paradigms are listed in chart 2. The two charts 
overlap to a considerable extent, as many forms appear both with 
transitive and intransitive verbs. This overlap is so extensive that 
it is convenient to group those pronominal indicators which occur with 
intransitive verbs together with those which occur with transitive 
verbs and which indicate first, second, or third person subject with 
third person object. Affix 101, for instance, occurs with intransitive 
verbs indicating first person subject and with transitive verbs indi- 
cating first person subject with third person object. The difference 
lies in the fact that there are more allomorphs of each affix affiliated 
with intransitive verbs than with transitive verbs. The overlapping 
decade classes appear in the two charts with the designations T or I 
(e.g., 100T, 1001) indicating transitive or intransitive. The morpheme 
membership of T and I decade classes are identical: both 100T and 
1001, for example, consist of affixes 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, and 106. 
Decade Class 100I, however, includes many more allomorphs than 
does Decade Class 100T. 

Affixes of Century Class 100 form a rather elaborate system. With 
few exceptions, there is a distinctive affix for each subject-object 
combination within each of the three principal modes (indicative, 
dubitative, and hortative). There is, in addition, a distinctive affix 
for certain subject-object combinations within the negative and the 
negative hortative modes. A sixth mode, the future hortative, is 
indicated by affixes which, in most instances, are identical in form 
with the corresponding dubitative, hortative, or negative hortative 
affix. For purposes of description, the entire series is filled-in for 
each of the six modes, although this results in assigning two numbers 
to certain forms that, from one point of view at least, may be regarded 
as the same affix (e.g., affixes 111 and 112, 121 and 122). Thus, there 
are eight decade classes, each of which contains six morphemes 
indicating the same subject-object combination, plus Decade Class 
180 which consists of a single morpheme. Each of the six morphemes 
within a decade class indicates a different mode. Within each mode 
the final digit of the affix identification number remains constant. 

Allomorphs of each pronominal affix are distinguished by upper 
case letters following the identification number. All allomorphs listed 


[Bull. 191 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


80 


nQ q9gT ny geet ny CPS nQ Est nQ qZg nQ AIST 
NsP VOGT ns WG¢T ns VFI NsP VEST NsP VST NsP WIGT 
het. Spe OST 
®) OFT 88 acrl eS APF Bo GePl eS ACPI BS GIFT 
eZ VOT BS VOFI eS VPI BZ VEFI BS VZFI BS WIFI 
PZ = ST. OFT 
4 Esl 9 AZET 9? GIST 
1d 9¢T 1d cet 1d FEI Ip VEST IZ VZEI 1Z WISI 
pe Uy Ost 
1d q9ZI 1d q¢ZI id qFZI Ip Cz 1Z ACSI 1Z GTZ 
Id V9ZI td VEZI 1d VPI sP WEsl 3 VZGI 3 VIZI 
pe pg LOZ 
10 GOI Isp8 GGT 1 GFT 10 (SIT I$ (ZIT 1§ GTIT 
9 V9IT 3S VSIT 9 VPIT 9 VEIT 8 VZIT 8 VIIT 
pg PZ LOTT 
tu q90T 1m SOT ey aPor 1 Gsol IsPS GZOT 1 G01 
Iu V90T tu VOT BY VFOL 1 VOI 8S VZOI Is VIOT 
pg ST LOOT 
9ATBY1OY 9AT}RYIOY 
ehaquhans DATPVSIN 9AI}C410 FT sAIVBYIGNG OAT}VSON aAryeorpuy | ‘fqg ‘fqng 
SSBID 
i aa) a. Gk eo ee ok ae he Le Ve. ee es SS S| = a oe ope apBo9q 
opoyl uosieg 


81 


LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 


Anthrop. Pap. 
No. 69] 


subypoing fispuiig ay], UL squad aayrsunsy ypn burtunsoQ sory y pourmouo.g QOT ssvjQ fanjuag—] Lava 


TPlP COLT 98 {GLI IP APLT | IPlsP ASAT | IES qZLT | Ipes ATLT 
ZsP VOLT sP8 VGLT ZVPLI Z@sP VELT Ze3 VZLI ze3 VILT 
PZ pg OLT 
Tpeu q9OT | Ipeuggor | peu gPFOT Tpe} GSor 28 {ZI nyAs {OT 
zeu VO9T zeu VG9T zeu VFO 204 VE9T sP8S VZ9T 3S VIO 
SI =—pe O9T 


[Bull. 191 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


82 


9 O9IT 
1 Goll 
9 VOLT 


tpeu FOOT 
peu 901 
zeu A9OT 
elt HOOT 
a 901 

U 9901 

1m q90T 
td Y90OI 


9AT}B110Y 
oingn iy 


AS OSII 
IspS (SII 
9S VGIT 


48 OGOT 
FS dO 
IS OSOT 

§ NSOT 

§ WS0I 
Tpeu 'TSOT 
peu SGOT 
zeu GOT 
Ja TSOT 
U HOLT 

u HOI 
6PA ASOT 
4 ASOT 
ey GS0T 
BY OGOl 
1 @SOr 
tu VGOI 


OAIYB4.10Y 
9AT}BS9 NT 


} OFIT JOST 
Id qPIT 10 GIT 
d VFIl 9 VEIT 
138 OFOT 
6148 dé01 
48 OFOT 
§ NFOT 
§ WHO 
Ipeu THOT 
peu SFOT 
zeu (FOI 
g}U IFOT 
a HOT 413 HESOT 
U OFOT Tpe} OEOI 
1 AFOT pe? ASOT 
TU WFOT Ze} ASOL 
6°41 GFOL 684 AS01 
X OFOL 4 O801 
BY APOr 1) G@E0r 
BY VFOL 1} VEOI 
DATPLPIOFZ | IArTzeyqng 
opoy 


8 Ozll 
1 QZII 
8 VZII 


98 Z0T 
128 IZOT 
28 HZOL 
sPS YZ0T 
6°48 AZOT 
BSS HZOT 
4S AZOT 
AS OZOL 
IsPS {Z0T 
8S VZOT 


8 OLIT 
I$ @III 
8 VIII 


NYS (TOT 
5S TIOT 
pes HIOT 
ZeS OTOL 
438 ATOT 
1S AIOT 

$ CIOT 

8 OLOL 

19 QO 
IS VIOT 


83 


LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 


Anthrop. Pap. 
No. 69] 


swbypoivg hinpuosagy ay], UL sian aarpsuDiy, pup aapsun4uy yn bursinaQ saxyfy Jourmouorg OOT ssvjp hunjuag—'z% LAVHO 


28 (IST 
28 OI8T 
4S €18t 
98 VISTI 


oyrayopuy 


eid OOZT 
eed F9ST 
ed MOST 
d q9zt 
d 0921 
id q9Zt 
Id V9ZT 


IPlaP OIIT 
PlaP A9TT 
ZesPp HOTT 

289 GOTT 


4 (EST 9 (ZZ 
1) IZ 19 1221 
4 Hes 9 Hze1 
ed OSZT eid OFZ P O&ZI Z OTS 
od TSZT eed APE 6P2 ASS oP AST 
ed Wes ed WPZI BaP ASST v8 ACSI 
d asa d ara 2 CEZI marca 
d OgzI d OFZI 2 O&ZI HOSEL 
1d qGZI id qPzI IP A&Z1 IZ ZS 
1d VGZI Id V¥ZI sP VEZI 3 VZZI 
98 (SIT 
128 IGTT 
28 HTT Bish 
sP8 OGTT IP OPIT | IPlkPOSIT | tes OZIT 
oBAS ASTI P AFIT PleP ASTT pes AIT 
ees ASTI ZAUPIT | 2sP WSIT ze3 SIT 
AS (SIT QdrIT | ed Gert § dZII 


2 £TZT 

19 ITZT 

9? HIZI 
ZOIZI 
6? AISI 
8 HIZI 
Y AIZI 
YT. OLE 
1Z GIZl 
3 VIZI 


Tpes OTIT 
pes AIT 
ze3 WITT 

§ CIIT 


PE 


I 02T 


84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


in the charts are morphologically defined, i.e., their occurrence cannot 
be predicted in terms of phonological environment. Phonologically - 
defined allomorphs (e.g., gtiz derived by morphophonemic vowel 
assimilation from géz) are not listed in the charts but may be predicted 
from the morphophonemic processes described under ‘‘Morpho- 
phonemics.”’ 

The same upper case letters have been used to identify allomorphs 
which tend to be affiliated with the same group of verbs. This 
consistency is especially evident in transitive verbs and within each 
decade class: 


éi-ziwa (101B-+verb stem) I paid him 
sdvi-ziwa (102B+verb stem) TI (didn’t) pay him 
ti-ziwa (103B-+verb stem) maybe I paid him 
etc. 


This tendency also is manifested to a lesser degree from one decade 
class to another within each mode: 


éi-ziwa (101B+verb stem) J paid him 
Si-ziwa (111B+verb stem) you paid him 
zi-zawa (121B+verb stem) he paid him 
etc. 


The fact that not all affixes have the same number of allomorphs, 
makes it obvious that this tendency cannot hold true in the case 
of every verb. Intransitive verbs, especially, often show a shift from 
one series of allomorphs to another even within the same decade class: 


sdz4-?abe (101G+-verb stem) we two ate 
sgd-?abe? (102A+verb stem) we two (didn’t) eat 
tdz4-?abe (103E+verb stem) maybe we two ate 
etc. 


The phonetic shape and distribution of many affixes of Century 
Class 100 is suggestive of certain historical processes. It is probable 
that many of the B-allomorphs were derived from the corresponding 
A-allomorphs either through glottalization (compare 141B with 141A, 
for example) or through palatalization (compare 111B with 111A). 
B-allomorphs that appear to be a palatalized form of the corresponding 
A-allomorphs nearly always occur with verb stems beginning in -i-. 
The few exceptions prevent the phenomenon from being described as a 
morphophonemic process. 

Another type of historical development is suggested by the 
overlap in phonetic form of certain allomorphs of affixes belonging to 
different decade classes. This overlap is evident when one compares 
affixes of Decade Class 100I with those of 160, affixes of Decade Class 
1101 with those of 170, and affixes of Decade Class 120 with those of 130. 
This suggests that the system of pronominal affixation may have 


Anthrop. 3 
No oT 2 «LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 85 


developed from one in which intransitive subject and transitive object 
were equated. 

Century Class 200 is comprised of a single morpheme which indi- 
cates future tense. It replaces affixes of Century Class 100 as to 
position in the verb but not as to function. The future tense affix 
includes the following allomorphs: 

201A n 
201B_ oni 
201C n 
201D_ ni 
201E ni? 
201F nédz 
201G_ néd 
201H néddi 


Examples of allomorphs of affix 201 are as follows: 


n-UpE will eat 

ni-ukaéa will see 

n-auta will kill 

ni-udi? will give 

nikupawane- (nfi?- + -fkupawane-) will chop (plural subject) 
ndz-4-? abe? will eat (dual subject) 
ndd-a? will be 

nédiubu-cr will be frightened 


Century Class 300 contains two morphemes, 301 and 302, which 
function as voice indicators and occur prefixed to transitive verbs 
following the pronominal prefix. 

Affix 301 expresses reflexive or reciprocal action with the single 
allomorph 301 -a-. Affix 302 indicates passive voice and includes two 
allomorphs: 302A -4?a- and 302B -a-. The following examples 
illustrate the affixes of Century Class 300: 


$-a-ukaéa I saw myself 
sk-4?4-iziwa-ne I was paid 
sk-a-d¥a?ta I was caught 


Century Class 400 is comprised of three morphemes, 401, 402, and 
403, which function as aspect indicators and (except for 401H) are 
suffixed to verb stems. 

Affix 401 indicates continuative action and includes the following 
allomorphs: 

401A -kuya 
401B -nikuya 
401C_ -tikuya 


401D -ku 
AQIE -(i)ta(-) 
401F -sa 


401G_ -éadyaya 
401H reduplication of the verb core 


86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


The following examples illustrate occurrences of allomorphs of 
affix 401: 


subeu-kuya I am eating 

gukaéa-nikuya he is looking at him 

cidya?-tikuya I am catching him 

kéiskd-?azai-ku he is turning around 

sfukaicr-ta I am hitting him 

sduti-sa I am planting 

kA-ni-tadvaya he is walking 

wéko-woke-ka it is shaking 
Associated with allomorph 401K, -(i)ta, is a change from -a or -a 
to -i or -I in the stem-final vowel of the verb to which it is suffixed. 
Compares siukaica J hit him with siukéicita Iam hitting him. Affix 
402, which refers to unfulfilled action, contains the following allo- 
morphs: 


402A -nx(-) 
402B -nx(-) 
402C -wer 


Illustrations of the occurrence of allomorphs of affix 402 are as follows: 
C{-zawa-nE I came to pay him 
sfukaéa-nE I came to see him 
SUDE-WE I came to eat 

Affix 403 expresses remote state and has the single allomorph,403 -ma;: 
gé-ta--ma it is full (something remote) 

Century class 500 contains two morphemes, 501 and 502, which 
express subject number. They are suflixed either directly to the verb 
stem or follow affixes of Century Class 400. Affix 501 indicates dual 
subject and includes the following allomorphs: 


501A -na 501E -moti 
501B -notr(-) 501F -rhasutr 
501C_ -dz 501G@_-sutr 
501D -mha 501H -pa 


The occurrence of these allomorphs is illustrated by the following 
examples: 


sikupawa-na we two chopped sdiské-?a zai-moti we two turned around 
Siukaéa-noati we two saw him siuni-masuti we two know him 
$idya?-dy¥1 we two caught him sddé-?E-sut1 we two are 

sdudi-ma we two planted siwi-deya-pa we two worshipped 


Affix 502, expressing plural subject, has the following allomorphs: 


502A -nx(-) 502H -wsE 
502B -nx(-) 5021 = -8n(-) 
502C_ -ta(-) 502J = -81 
502D -mzr 502K -?E 
502E -msr 502L -(i)ya 
502F -masa 502M _ -sx(-) 


502G -wa 


Anthrop.,Pap. LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 87 


Examples of the allomorphs of affix 502 are as follows: 


sikupawa-nE we chopped siwi-deya-wa we worshiped 
sfukaGéa-nE we saw him 24?4-+A-wE they opened it 
$idva?-ta we caught him ~=stwad¥ima-SE our brother 
s4w4-di-mE we planted Z6?6-bai?-s1 we went to sleep 
sdy4-ské-?azai-mE we turned around sawawane-?E we hunted 
$funi-rhasa we know him Si-ziwi-ti-ya we are paying him 


Sfukaéaniguya-sE we are looking at him 
Century Class 600 is comprised of three morphemes, 601, 602, and 
603, which express conditional or contrary-to-fact action. Affix 601 
has two allomorphs, 601A -ne and 601B -de. Affix 602 has a single 
allomorph, 602 -nu-. Affix 603 likewise has a single allomorph, 
603 -tr. The following examples illustrate the occurrence of these 
allomorphs: 
skiiztiwa--ne when he paid me 
gikaéane--de when they saw him 
skiiziwa--nu- if he pays me 
It is difficult to differentiate affixes 601 and 602 by meaning function 
except that the latter apparently has a dubitative connotation 
lacking in the former. Affix 603 occurs with many verbs in the nega- 
tive mode which have a plural subject: 


sgukaéane--tE we (didn’t) see him 
DISTRIBUTION OF AFFIXES 


The distribution within verbs of the inflectional affixes, the thematic 
adjunct (TA), the verb core, and the benefactive suffix (B) serves to 
distinguish three major structural types. These are represented by 
three formulas: 

1. TV=+100+300+ TA+ Core+ 400+ B+ 500+ 600/ 
+ 200+ 300+ TA-+ Core+ 400+ B+ 500 
Transitive verbs are composed of three obligatory parts, a prefix of 
either Century Class 100 or Century Class 200 followed by a thematic 
adjunct and a verb core. Prefixes of Century Class 300 and suffixes 
of Century Classes 400, 500, and 600 as well as the benefactive suffix 
occur in some, but not all, verbs of this type. Suffixes of Century 
Class 600 may occur only if the verb is prefixed by members of Century 
Class 100. 
2. IVA=+100+ TA-+ Core+ 400+ 500 + 600/ 
+ 200+ TA+ Core+ 400+ 500 
Intransitive verbs of Type A are composed of at least a prefix of 
either Century Class 100 or Century Class 200 followed by a thematic 
adjunct and a verb core. They may include, in addition, suffixes of 
Century Classes 400, 500, or 600. 
3. IVB=-+ Core+ 400+ 100+ TA+ 600/ 
+ Core+ 400+ 200+ TA 
682-611—6410 


88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Intransitive verbs of Type B are composed of a verb core together 
with an affix of either Century Class 100 or 200 occurring as a suffix 
and followed by a thematic adjunct. An affix of Century Class 400 
may follow the core and, in forms containing a member of Century 
Class 100, a suffix of Century Class 600 may follow the thematic 
adjunct. 

A complete set of paradigms of transitive verbs in all of their 
possible inflections includes the following: 

Primary paradigms.—Transitive verbs in their simplest forms, 
i.e., those which include only the three obligatory elements and which 
have unexpanded thematic adjuncts, are members of one of the 
primary paradigms. A transitive verb primary paradigm is composed 
of seven or eight forms based on the same verb stem, all belonging 
to the same mode, and each expressing a different pronominal 
reference. Examples of these paradigms are given in Appendix 1. 
The classification of verb stems on the basis of the specific allomorphs 
of Century Class 100 with which they occur in their primary paradigms 
is dealt with under ‘‘Verb Classes.”’ 

Forms with prefixes of Century Class 300.—Transitive verbs occurring 
with the reflexive-reciprocal or the passive voice prefix take distinc- 
tive sets of allomorphs of the pronominal prefixes. Furthermore, 
the class division evident in the primary paradigms is lacking in these 
forms; all transitive verbs take the same sets of allomorphs. 


Verbs in the reflexive-reciprocal voice occur with the following set 
of pronominal allomorphs: 


$ sk4? ta? k&? n n 
101D 102F 103D 104D 105H 106D 
R § ca? é ska? ca? 
111D 112D 113D 114D 115F 116D 
k4? ka? cA? pa? pa? pa? 
121F 122F 123F 124F 125F 126F 
Those in the passive voice occur with the following: 
sku sé ti ni ni ni 
101J 102H 103B 104E 105A 106A 
§ iS c Z sé Cc 
111C 112C 113C 114E 115H 116C 
é é é pi pi i 
121H 122H 123H 124B 125B 126B 


Verbs in the passive voice regularly take the plural subject suffix: 
sk-4?4-iztiwa--ne (101J+302A+stem+502A) I was paid 

An alternative translation of this verb would be they (certain unspec- 

ified persons) paid me. ‘This translation is consistent with the pres- 

ence of the plural subject suffix and with the expansion of the thematic 

adjunct in forms indicating dual or plural persons being acted upon. 


a Le LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 89 


It is not consistent, however, with the presence of pronominal affixes 
of Decade Classes 1001, 110I, and 1201, which express first, second, 
and third person subject respectively. 

The occurrence of allomorph 302B, -a-, as opposed to 302A, -4?a-, 
is apparently restricted to verbs having a voiceless and unglottalized 
core-initial consonant and a normally short and level accented 
thematic adjunct: 

cidvawa I stabbed him 
skady4wanr I was stabbed 

Forms with suffixes of Century Class 400.—Most transitive verb 
stems may occur with suffix 401, indicating continuous action. These 
forms occur with the same pronominal prefixes as occur in the primary 
paradigms: 

gtkaéanikuya (121A+stem+401B) he ts looking at him 
Compare: 
gukaéa (121A+stem) he saw him 

Subclasses of transitive verbs are based in part on their occurrence 
with specific allomorphs of 401 (see ‘‘Verb Classes’’). A few transitive 
verbs are defective in that they never occur with affix 401. The 
occurrence of affix 402 is quite limited and has been recorded in 
relatively few verbs. ‘The subclass to which the verb belongs deter- 
mines which of the several allomorphs occur. There are no occur- 
rences in the present data of transitive verbs which include affix 403. 

Forms with suffixes of Century Class 500.—AlII transitive verbs, with 
the exception of a few defective stems, may occur with a subject 
number suffix, 501 or 502. In general, the same sets of allomorphs 
of Century Class 100 occur with these forms as occur in the primary 
paradigms: 

gukaéanoti (121A+stem+501B) they two saw him 

gukaéane (121A+stem+502B) they saw him 
Compare: 

gukaéa (121A+stem) he saw him 
Forms expressing first person subject and third person object, how- 
ever, are an exception. Verbs which in their primary paradigms occur 
with A-allomorphs of Decade Class 100 (101A, 102A, 103A, etc.) 
take allomorphs 101K, 102A, 103H, 104F, 105B, and 106B when the 
subject is dual or plural. Those with B-allomorphs in their primary 
paradigms occur with allomorphs 101E, 102B, 103H, 104F, 105B, and 
106B in the dual and plural forms: 

SiukaéanE (101E+stem+502B) we saw him 

Si-ziwa-nE (101K-+stem+502A) we paid him 
Compare: 

sfukaéa (101A+stem) J saw him 

éi-ziwa (101B+stem) I paid him 


90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


The choice of allomorphs of suffixes 501 and 502 depends on the sub- 
class to which the transitive verb belongs and on the presence or 
absence of affixes of Century Classes 200 and 400. The occurrence 
of these allomorphs is described more fully under ‘‘Verb Classes.”’ 
Forms with suffixes of Century Class 600—Suffixes 601 and 602, 

in general, may be attached to any transitive verb in the non-future 
tense. This involves no concomitant changes in the allomorphs of 
other affixes which are present in the verb: 

sktiztiwa-ne (161B+stem+601A) when he paid me 

sktiziwa-nu- (161B-+stem+602) if he pays me 


Compare: 
skiiziwa (161B+stem) he paid me 


Allomorph 601B rather than 601A occurs with verbs in which the 
subject is dual or plural: 


sktiztiwa-ne-de (161B-++stem+502A+601B) when they paid me 


Affix 603 is of much more limited distribution, occurring only in verbs 
with plural subject in the negative mode when other Century Class 
600 suffixes are absent: 


sgukaéane-te (102A-+stem+502B+603) we (didn’t) see him 


Forms with prefix 201.—All forms of transitive verbs outlined above, 
with the exception of those containing suffixes of Century Class 600, 
may be changed to the future tense by replacing the pronominal 
prefix with prefix 201. This results in a form of the verb that does not 
include subject-object person and which must be followed by a verbal 
auxiliary. ‘Transitive verbs which occur with allomorph 101A in 
forms indicating first person subject with third person object take 
allomorph 201B in most future tense forms: 


sfukaéa (101A+stem) TJ saw him 
niukaéa (201B+stem) will see 


Those verbs which occur with allomorph 101B take allomorph 201D: 
ci-ziwa (101B+stem) TI paid him 
ni-ziwa (201D+stem) will pay 
Future tense verbs in the reflexive voice, however, occur with allo- 
morph 201C rather than 201B or 201D: 
naukaéa (201C+stem) will see oneself 
The presence of affix 201 sometimes determines the choice of allo- 
morphs of suffixes 501 and 502. Some verbs in the future tense take 


the same allomorph of a number suffix as do the corresponding non- 
future forms: 


ni-ziwa-na (201D+stem+501A) will pay (dual subject) 


Anturop.jaP- LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 91 


Compare: 
ai-ziwa-na (121B+stem+501A) they two paid him 


Verbsoccurring with allomorphs 502A, 502B, or 502C in the non-future 
tense show a lengthening and voicing of the suffix vowel in the future 
tense: 


zi-ziwa-NE (121B+stem+502A) they paid him 
ni-ziwa-ne- (201D+stem+502A) will pay him (plural subject) 


Chart 3 summarizes all possible sequences of inflectional affixes 
representative of the six century classes and illustrates them with 
examples based on the verb to see. For each of the non-future forms 
in the chart there are parallel forms representing other modes and other 
subject-object persons, as well as forms incorporating other affixes of 
Century Classes 300, 400, 500, and 600. The multiplicity of forms 
based on a single verb core is further increased by the possibility of 
changes in the thematic adjunct and/or the inclusion of a benefactive 
suffix. These, however, are regarded as stem changes rather than 
inflection and are treated in that portion entitled ‘Stem Formation.” 


Type A intransitive verbs follow the same general pattern of 
inflection as transitive verbs, but occur with a more restricted in- 
ventory or inflectional affixes. These verbs, for example, never occur 
with affixes of Century Class 100 which express first person object 
(i.e., Decade Classes 150 and 160). Furthermore, specific intransitive 
verbs commonly lack the capacity for combining with affixes of one 
or more of the optionally occurring classes; few intransitive verbs 
exhibit the full pattern of inflection indicated for transitive verbs in 
chart 3. Affixes of Century Class 300, for instance, rarely occur with 
intransitive verbs. There are a few verbs, however, which are classi- 
fied as intransitive on structural grounds, but which have a transitive 
meaning and which admit affixes of this class: 


sk4?AutawA (101J+302A+stem+502G) I was killed 


Members of Century Classes 400 and/or 500 may likewise be lacking 
in the inventory of inflectional affixes with which specific Type A 
intransitive verb stems occur. Certain of these verbs have no 
distinctive continuative action forms, while others indicate dual and 
plural subject by changes in the stem rather than by inflection. 

Type B intransitive verbs are even more restricted in their inflection 
than are Type A. They never occur with affixes of Century Class 500, 
and the expression of aspect is limited to the reduplication of the verb 
core to indicate continuative action (allomorph 401H): 


wokoka at moved 
wékowokoka it is shaking 


[Bull. 191 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


92 


fjasmry saas ay fu -nUu-8QgVyN-R-, By 
009 +S +00€ + 00T 


uly saas ay fr -nu-BQVyN-s 
009+S+00T 


SaMasway) aas [JIM =—-ou-"VQaVHN-R-T 
00¢+S+00€ +002 


sayasmay, mos hay, AU-V2VYN-V-, BH 
00¢-+S+00€ + 00T 

(alqns younjd) aas yim = -eUu-BQVYyN-1U 
00S +8 +002 

wry os fayg amu-vavyn-3 
00$+S+00T 


fjasauo aas y7Im = VQVYN-8-T 
S+00€ +002 

fJasury MDs ay VQVAN-R-.BY 
S+00€+00T 

gas 12M =vQvyN-lU 

S+002 

Uy NDS ay VAVYN-3 
S+00T 


fasauo 

70 Buryoo) aq jem VAOYTU-eQVyN-e-T 
00% +S +00€ +002 

fyasmry 

70 Guzyoo) sz ay vANTU-eQVvyN-R-.BH 
00% +S +008 + 00T 

Bburyoo) aq 7m = VAN YIU-eQVvyN-Ju 

00F +S +002 

uy yo Buryoo) si ay vANYIU-eQvyn-3 
00% +S +00T 


93 


LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 


Anthrop. Pap. 
No. 69] 


sanuanbay way ssp7p fiunjuag—e LAVHO 


w2y yo buryoo) aup hay, uayn 


saajas 
-W9ay} aas fay) uayM = oap--eU-BQVYN-V-, BY 
009 + 00S +S +00€ + 00T 


wy aas fiay2 wayN oap--du-eaVyN-3 
009 +00¢+S8+00T 


saqjasway} 
yo Buryoo) aun fiayg waym op--as-eANSTuU-eQVyN-v-. By 
009 + 00S + 00% +S+00€+00T 


op--as-vANSIU-vOVYyN-S 


009 +-00¢ + 00% +S+001 


fasuyy yo 
“NU-BANSIU-BIV YN-C-, BY 


009 + 00% +S+00€ +001 


buryoo) 2 ay fr 


EY 
nu-vANSIU-eoVyN-3 
009+ 00h +S+00T 


0 Buzyoo) sz ay fr 


saqasway} 

yo butyoo) aq 2M = as-BAnSTU-BQVyN-e-U 
00¢ +00%+S+008+002 
saajasway? 70 
@s-BANSIU-VQV yN-V-. BY 
00¢+00F+S+008+00T 
(qoalqns 7nunjd) 


Buryoo) aun fiayy 


buryoo) aq qm  as-eAnstu-vgvyn-ju 
00S + 00F +8 +002 

OLE 

yo buryoo) asp fiayg as-eknstu-eQvyn-s 
00¢+00F+S+00T 


94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


A few Type B intransitive verbs always occur with -n1 in word-final 
position. This morpheme cannot be assigned a meaning function 
and does not fit in any of the classes of inflectional affixes: 

ké-gant it is red 

ké-sent Iam red 

There is a tendency for words beginning in g-, k- or k- to develop by 

analogy a set of inflectional affixes even though the word may not 
originally have been a verb. This may be seen in the word gasi-k1 
cacique borrowed from the Spanish. The initial g- no ionger behaves 
like a part of the stem but is identified with the third person prefix 
and may be replaced by other pronominal or future tense affixes: 


sesi-kr JI am a cacique 
nesi-k1 will be a cacique 


Some words have an indicative and a dubitative form but never 
occur with the future tense prefix or any other inflectional affix: 


DA a 

kt-ti mowntain 

3 . 
Cu-ti there may be a mountain 


The potentiality for occurring with a future tense prefix is taken 
as a necessary condition for membership in the verb class. Mountain, 
therefore, is not a verb, but is classified as an uninflected word which 
exhibits two alternate forms. 


VERB STEMS 


Verbs are analyzed as consisting of a stem plus inflectional affixes 
of the various classes previously described. The stem itself is analyzed 
as consisting of two obligatory components, a thematic adjunct and a 
core, and may include a benefactive suffix as well. The combination 
of these elements to form verb stems is described in the section to 
follow. Certain verb cores, in turn, may be analyzed further. These 
will be described under ‘‘Verb Core Derivation.” 


STEM FORMATION 


The thematic adjunct (abbreviated TA) is an element of the verb 
occurring, in most cases, immediately preceding the core (i.e., it is 
the initial element of the verb stem). The verb zinata he bought it, 
for example, may be dissected as follows: 


pronominal 
prefix 


Anthrop. Pap. LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 95 


In those verbs in which the pronominal affix follows the core the 


thematic adjunct is the element immediately following the pronominal 
affix: 


zu-k-u (core+ pronominal affix+TA) he went 


The stem in such cases, as zi—v in the above example, is discontinuous. 

Thematic adjuncts occurring in transitive verbs are either simple, 
indicating singular object, or expanded to indicate dual or plural 
object. Simple thematic adjuncts in transitive verbs are most 
commonly single vowels, either short or long: 


g-ti-ni he knows him 
dy-u-di you gave it to me 
é-{--ziwa I paid him 


A few transitive verbs occur with vowel clusters as simple thematic 
adjuncts: 


g-ai-ki-mi I brought it to you 
$-4u-?0 I gave it to you 


A particular transitive verb ordinarily retains the same thematic 
adjunct throughout its primary paradigms (see Appendix 1). Fre- 
quently, however, there is a different thematic adjunct in the passive 
voice (see “Stem Variants”’). 

To indicate dual or plural object, the thematic adjunct of transitive 
verbs is expanded according to a pattern that is regular but not 
analyzable in terms of additive morphemes. Chart 4 lists simple 
transitive thematic adjuncts together with their dual and plural 
expanded forms. With the simple thematic adjuncts are vowels or 
vowel clusters which result from a combination of the final vowel of a 
preceding prefix together with the thematic adjunct. This includes, 
for instance, -e- resulting from a combination of -i- plus -a- and -au- 
resulting from a combination of -a- and -u-. Only those vowels and 
vowel clusters are given which have actually been recorded in transi- 
tive verbs. This accounts for the omission from the chart of many 
vowels and vowel combinations that might be expected to occur. 

Thematic adjuncts and their expansions are listed in the chart by 
types based on the forms which appear in the primary paradigms and 
in the passive voice respectively. Type u/a, for example, has refer- 
ence to verbs which exhibit -u- as thematic adjunct in their primary 
paradigms and -a- in the passive voice. The expansion of these 
adjuncts involves a radical change in the accent pattern only in the 
case of those which in their simple form are short and level accented. 
These are grouped together in a separate section of the chart. In 
other verbs the accent of the simple thematic adjunct is retained on 


06 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


the final vowel or vowel cluster of the expanded forms, while the 
initial syllable receives a level accent. Vowel length occurring with a 
simple thematic adjunct likewise is retained on the final vowel of the 
expanded forms. 


Dual Plural 
Type Simple Expanded Expanded 


-diya- 
~siya- 
diya 


-iwa- 
-duwa- 
-fuwa- 
-4°dwa- 


Short level 


J 
-alya- 
-eiya- 


-aiyai- 
-eiyai- 


-aiyau- 
-eiyau- 


-aiya- 
-alya- 
-aiya- 


-U-Wwa- 
-auwa- 
-iuwa- 
-auwa- 


~ 
c 
o 
oO 
o 
Tas) 
ca 
q 
~~ 
3 
o 
= 
Yo! 
= 
° 
oo 
q 
— 
a 
ee 
= 
o 
> 
2 
0 
a 
} 
| 


-aiwa- 
-aiwa- 
-aiwa- 


Cuart 4.—EHxpansion of Thematic Adjuncts 


97 


LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 


Anthrop. Pap. 
No. 69] 


way? 02 92 aanb noh 
710 Noh 07 92 aanb 7 
Sn 07 72 aanb noh 
gy asam an 

MOU ey. 

119 nok yy T 
UOURT 24 

sn prod noh 

110 nok prod 7 
way, prod noh 
Way? 07 70 aaDB T 
710 nok 07 7t aanb 7 
way? 07 72 7ybN0uQ JT 
710 nok 07 7 qybnoug JT 
Maye aT 

may? 719 noh 
payo1y alam an 
Way? PIyoty ay 

110 nok payory J 
Way? PayIry ay 

sn qy6nv9 noh 

110 nok qybno09 J 
way? 1y6nv9 noh 


TPRATES 
TPRATBS 
IPEAIG<P 
AUVZIEY-VANE , VAS 
VOrRy-PANyS 
Vor PANGS 
VOrRY-BM-NS 
VANZ-BATB AP 
VMNZ-BATBS 
VvVMnz-BATes 
ogngAtgs 
o.ngdrys 
TUr-NyreAIS 
Tor-DyreATys 
oayRAIgs 
axyedAres 
AUVZOYNSEME,BYS 
vyooynseanys 
vyooynseangs 
vonynseang 
BaPRATB«P 
BapRAtys 
Bapedtys 


om} way? 02 72 aanb noh 
omy nok 07 42 aanb 7 
0m} sn 07 72 aanb noh 
qY 9LaN om} am 

On} Way? HY T 

om} nok 714 J 

om}, way? 7Yy ay 

om} sn pwd nok 

om} nok prod J 

omy way? prod nok 
om} way? 07 72 aanb 7 
om} noh 07 72 aanb 7 
Om} way? 07 92 gybnoug JT 
om} no 03 42 qybnoug J 
ony way) 119 J 

ony way? 719 nok 
payo1y asam om} an 
On} way? payory 

0m) noh payary J 

Om}, Way? payory ay 
omy sn qybnoo nok 

omy nok yybnvo TJ 

0m) way? 7ybnv9 nok 


TPN, -BS 
Tpney-Bs 
IPNBe-BaP 
AUCZIEYA BeBe BAS 
vorey DAs 
VOrRANG “Ba 
Vor Dy DS 
VAD ZIBY “BaP 
VADZIB, BS 
VADZIB, “BS 
NgNgy-98 
O.ngy-Bs 
TUL-NYIQg-98 
TUI-NYLR, “BS 
O¥FQ4-98 
OA, Bs 
AUVZOYNSB,- Gy ByS 
vonynsn,-Is 
vooxynsn,-es 
vonynsn,-Y3 
BaPEaP 
Bapys 

Sspes 


my 02 42 aanb noh 
noh 07 74 aanb 7 
aut 02 72 aanb noh 
soy SOM. | 

bt ota ob 

noh yy T 

way Vy ay 

au pid noh 

noh pwd 7 

wry prod nok 
Wry 07 9 aavb J 
nok 07 42 aanb 7 
wry 07 12 qybno1g [ 
nok 07 92 yybnoug J 
UTE T 

wry 71q nok 
Pegdey SBA T 

td Ce EG 

noh payory J 

ULYY payory ay 

au qybnv9 noh 
noh qybnoo 7 

way qybnno nok 


Ipnig 
ipnes 
IPR«P 

AUCZIVY-BeBYS 
voreynys 
voreyngs 
vorey-n3 
VAnzIng 
vAnzres 
VANZ-IS 
Aen? 
o,ngs 
TUL-DAIQ9 
Tu- Dyes 


ayes 

ayes 
aUvznyNseys 
vooynsnis 
vooynsnes 
voaynsns 


:SMO][OJ SB BIB F YIVYO UL m990 A9Y} 4BYy JepsO oy} UI UOIsuBdxo Yons Jo seyduexy 


98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Thematic adjuncts occurring in intransitive verbs with singular 

subject are single vowels or vowel clusters: 

g-i-y4 he skinned it 

s-4--ni you walked 

s-di-nata I cooked it 

s-Au-ta ‘I killed it 
In most cases the thematic adjunct remains the same in all singular 
forms of the verb. Two exceptions, however, should be noted. (1) 
Type B intransitive verbs which normally take -u or -u show a shift 
to -e or -E in certain forms (see also ‘‘Vowel Reduction’’) as: 

zuk-u_ he went 

zus-E I went 
(2) Intransitive verbs of classes 9-11 and 9-12 (see pp. 110 ff.) 
show a change from -au- to -u- in the second person hortative: 

§-Au-ta you killed it 

c-0-ta = Kall at 
Intransitive verbs with dual or plural subject often have the same 
thematic adjunct as the singular form: 

z-i-kUpAWA he chopped 

z-i-kupawand they two chopped 

z-{-kupawanE they chopped 
In other verbs there are changes resembling the expansion of the 
thematic adjunct of transitive verbs: 

s--t4-nica I worked 

s-iwa-t4-nizanE we worked 
There is, however, no regular pattern of expansion in intransitive as 
there is in transitive verbs. Stem changes involving the thematic 
adjunct are treated under ‘Stem Variants.” 

The benefactive suffix is analyzed as part of the stem rather than as 
an inflectional affix because its inclusion in a verb normally involves 
a change in the classification of the verb: verbs with this suffix occur 
with a distinctive set of pronominal allomorphs that differs, in most 
cases, from the set which occurs in the simpler forms. All verb stems 
with the benefactive suffix are Class D transitive stems (see p. 108). 
They may be formed, however, from stems that are either transitive 
or intransitive and which belong to any of the principal classes. There 
are five allomorphs of the benefactive suffix: -ni, -mi, -thi, -dirhi, and 
-wi. The occurrence of these allomorphs correlates with specific 
allomorphs of the plural subject suffix. Verbs which are pluralized 
by 502A or 502B in forms lacking Century Class 400 suffixes take the 
-ni allomorph of the benefactive suffix: 

éinata I bought it satisa I talked to you 


sézinadanE we bought it satiSanE we talked to you 
éfunadani I bought it for him satiSani I talked to him for you 


Anthrop.y;7> LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 99 


Allomorph -mi correlates in a similar fashion with 502E and 502K; 
-rhi, correlates with 502D; -dimmi with 502C; and -wi with 502G and 
502H: 


siwanE I went hunting cidya I caught it 
siwawane’E we went hunting sidva?ta we caught it 
séwanemi I went hunting for you SAud¥a?dimi TI caught it for you 
sdudi I planted 244-ba he opened it 
g4w4-dithr we planted zA?4-tawE they opened it 
éiudimi I planted for him §4?4-tawi I opened it for you 


Examples showing a correlation of benefactive suffixes with 502F, 
5021, 5023, 5021, 502M, and 502N are lacking in the data. Posi- 
tionally, the benefactive suffix occurs between suffixes of Century 
Class 400 and Century Class 500. In forms containing a suffix of 
Century Class 400 the stem is thus discontinuous: 


§dukaicrta-ni (141B + TA + verb core + 401E + benefactive suffix, -ni) 
I am hitting him for you 
STEM VARIANTS 


Stem variants result primarily from changes in the thematic adjunct 
and from changes in the final syllable of the verb stem, although 
other syllables may occasionally be involved as well. Certain of these 
changes are irregular and must be indicated in a listing of stems. 
Others, however, may be predicted on the basis of previously described 
processes which show a certain degree of regularity. The latter result 
from specific morphophonemic processes, from the expansion of transi- 
tive verb thematic adjuncts and the change in the thematic adjunct of 
intransitive verbs of classes 9-11 and 9-12, (‘Stem Formation’’), and 
from the suffixation of affix 401E or 502L (“Inflectional Affixes”’). 


Vowel reduction normally results in the fusing of the thematic 
adjunct with a preceding vowel. Stem variants will then show either 
a shift in, or a loss of, the initial (thematic adjunct) vowel, depending 
on how the prefix-stem cut is made: 

g-aku (g- + -aku) he bit him 
$-aku or $a-ku (Sa- + -Aku) I bit you 
s-éku or sé-ku (si- + -Aku) I bit him 


The morphophonemic reduction of vowel plus semivowel sequences 
resuits in similar stem changes: 
g-iwi-teya (g- + -twt-tEya) he worshiped 
si-wi-tnya (si- + -twi-tEyAa) I worshiped 
g-tistkuya (g- + -iwiSikuya) he scolded him 
si-wiStkuya (si- + -GwiStkuya) I scolded him 


100 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 

Morphophonemic processes involved in suffixation, too, often 
result in regular stem changes: 

g-ukaéa (g- + -tkaéa) he saw him 
g-0kaéa-nikuya (g- + -dkaéa + -nikuya) he is looking at him 
g-UpE (g- + -upE) he ate 
g-ubeu-kuya (g- + -upE + -kuya) he is eating 
s-Gwi-ca (s- + -tiwi-ca) I made it 
s-wi-ti-ta (s- + -twi-ca + -(i)ta) I am making it 

Stem variants may result from regular changes which do not 
involve morphophonemic processes. The most common of these is 
the expansion of the thematic adjunct to indicate dual or plural object 
of transitive verbs. This kind of change is regarded as stem change 
rather than inflection because (1) the changes are of such a nature that 
no additive morpheme can be isolated, and (2) it parallels in many 
ways the kind of irregular change which takes place in certain in- 
transitive verb stems in the dual and plural as compared with the 
singular forms. The expansion of thematic adjuncts in transitive 
verbs has been described in ‘Stem Formation” and examples given. 

The regular change from -au- to -u- in the second person horta- 
tive forms of Class 9-11 and 9-12 intransitive verbs likewise produces 
stem variants: 

s-dudi I planted 
é-udi plant it 

The change to -i or -1 of a stem-final -a or -a preceding allomorph 
-ta of the continuative action suffix and before allomorph -ya of 
the plural subject suffix was noted in “Inflectional Affixes”’: 

ef-ziwa (@i- + -f-zGwa) I paid him 
Ci-ziwi--ta (¢ci- + -fi-ziwa + -ta) Iam paying him 

Changes which are irregular and which must be indicated in stem 
listing are of the following types: 

1. Changes in intransitive verb stems in the dual and in the plural 
as compared to the singular—Dual and plural forms of intransitive 
verbs, except for a relatively few which exhibit stem suppletion, are 
clearly related to the singular forms. The changes in the stem, 
however, are highly irregular: 


g-ama he left 
g-0-mha they two left 
z-é6-na they left 
k-UpE he ate 

g-d-? abe they two ate 
g-4-?apE they ate 
k-Ut4-nica he worked 


g-Uta-niza-ng 
g-awataé-niza-nE 


they two worked 
they worked 


an 601» ~LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 101 


Because of this irregularity, intransitive verb stems are listed sep- 
arately for the singular, dual, and plural. 


2. Accentual changes and the alternation between voiced and voiceless 
vowels in verb stems of the same number.—In some verbs the thematic 
adjunct alternates from a short accented vowel in most forms to a 
voiceless vowel in forms prefixed by pronominal morphemes of the 
shape CVC-: 

8-étidya my back 

gdéc-atidya your back 
Verbs of this type also may show a shift to a voiceless vowel in the 
verb core if the core is monosyllabic and normally contains a voiced 
vowel: 

$-Adv4 my animal 

géc-adyA your animal 
Verb stems which exhibit this type of alternation are listed with the 
thematic adjunct accent in parentheses: 

-Atidya back 

~“2avd to possess an animal 
A few verb stems have a distinctive form which occurs only following 
prefixes composed of a consonant plus -i-. This form of the stem is 
characterized by a breathy accent on the thematic adjunct and by a 
final voiceless vowel: 

sidvya (si- + -idya) JI descended sika (si- + -ika) TI looked 

gddva (g- + -ddya) he descended zigd (z- + -igd) he looked 
These stems are listed thus: 

-fg4 (-ika) to look 
Some transitive verbs normally characterized by a breathy accent 
in the thematic adjunct take a level accent in those forms of the 
primary paradigms in which a vowel cluster results from prefixation: 


g-tkaéa he saw him 
si-ukaéa TI saw him 


Stems that exhibit this type of change are listed with the following 
notation: 

-tkata (-vv-) to see 
A few type B intransitive verbs show a shift from a breathy to a falling 
accent when the core is followed by -n-: 


zu-ku he went 
zQ--ne will go 


These are listed in the following manner: 


zu--U (zi-n-) to go 


£02 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


3. Shifts in the thematic adjunct vowel of transitive verbs in the passive 
voice.—Some verbs that normally occur with -u- as the thematic 
adjunct show a shift to -a- in the passive voice: 

sg-t-kaica he hit me 

sk4?-4-kaizane I was hit 
This change cannot be predicted from the phonetic content of the 
stem nor from its class membership, and is indicated as follows in 
stem listings: 


-t-/4-kaica to hit 


4. The change from a glottalized to a plain sonorant in the initial 
stem consonant.—Stems which are based on cores normally beginning 
with a glottalized sonorant sometimes show a shift to a plain sonorant 
in forms prefixed by a glottalized consonant. Other verbs, however, 
retain the glottalized sonorant: 

s-Uwank you hunted gbz-8-w1 your child 
é-GwanE hunt k-4-w1 his child 


Those stems which exhibit this type of change are indicated thus: 


-tiw/wanE to hunt 


5. The lengthening of a stem-final vowel_—In “‘Voicing’’ it was noted 
that some vowels which are normally voiceless become voiced and 
long when followed by a suffix. This lengthening is characteristic 
of some, but not all, stem-final vowels: 

éf-zawa I paid him cidy4wa I stabbed him 
Siziwa-NE we paid him cidydwanE we stabbed him 
Vowels which undergo this type of lengthening are followed by a 
vowel length symbol in parentheses in stem listings: 


-{-ziwa(-) to pay 


6. The introduction of a glottal stop after the stem-final vowel—Some 
verb stems are characterized in certain forms by the introduction of a 
glottal stop following the stem-final vowel. The glottal stop appears 
regularly, in forms without suffixes, in the negative mode and in the 
future tense: 


zidya he caught him 
ZAzi Zidya? he didn’t catch him 
nidya? will catch 


In some of these verbs the glottal stop also appears in all forms 
containing suffixes, together with the rearticulation of the stem-final 
vowel if the suffix begins with a sonorant: 

zidi-Sa he fed him 

zidi-Sa?-ta he is feeding him 

zidi-Sa’a-nE they fed him 


Anthrop.jj 2 LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 103 


These verbs are listed thus: 

-fdi-Sa(?) to feed 
Other verbs show the glottal stop in word-final position but not in 
forms containing a suffix: 

zi-badyu he awoke him 

ni-bddyu? will awaken 

zi-badyusa he is awaking him 
Verbs of this type are listed with the glottal stop in double parentheses: 

-{-bddyu((?)) to awaken 
There is at least one verb in the data which contains a final glottal 
stop in the negative mode and future tense, and retains the glottal 
stop with vowel rearticulation when followed by a suffix beginning 
with a sonorant, but which shows a lengthening of the stem-final 
vowel and no glottal stop when followed by other suffixes: 

gube he told him gube’e-nn- they told him 

z&zi gube? he didn’t tell him gtbe--ta he is telling him 
This verb is listed as follows: 

-ube(-?) ¢o tell 

7. The voicing of a final vowel or vowel-consonant sequence.—The 

future tense of some verbs is characterized by the voicing of certain 
segments which are voiceless in other forms. This usually involves 
vowel clusters or sequences of the type -kuya: 


Gik ar he lay down sddekuya I did it 

higai will lie down nédéguya will do 
These stems are listed in this manner: 

-ikar (fut. -igai) to lie down 


-ékuya (fut. -éguya) to do 
8. The retention of aspirated stops under conditions 1n which un- 
aspirated stops normally appear.—Stops which are aspirated preceding 
voiceless vowels normally become unaspirated if the vowelis voiced. A 
few stems and suffixes, however, retain aspirated stops in all environ- 
ments: 
ZikUPAWA he chopped 
zikupawanE they chopped 
Stops which remain aspirated before voiced vowels are underlined in 
the listing of stems: 
-ikupawa to chop 
VERB CORE DERIVATION 
The verb core is the element which, together with the thematic 
adjunct, normally comprises the verb stem. The verb core may be a 
single morpheme and often consists of one or two syllables: 


-sti to give a liquid -kaca_ to see 
-pE to eat -tiSa to speak to 
c4-- to breathe -nata to buy 


682—611—-64——-11 


104 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Some two-syllable cores and most, if not all, polysyllabic cores 
show evidence of being derived from simpler forms. However, very 
few derivational affixes which are still productive can be identified. 
The majority of polysyllabic verb cores are suspected of being derived 
for one of the following reasons: 


(1) They include sequences of phonemes which recur with great 


frequency in verb cores, although such sequences cannot be correlated 
with any common semantic feature. For example: 


a. -WA in 
-CAYAWA to be angry 
-78-CUWA to awaken 
-kUpAWA to chop 

b. -ya in 
-wi-tEyA to worship 
-yucEyA to carry 


-wACASAYA to stir 

c. -mI in 
-witu-nirht to care for 
-disduwim to be sticky 
-stid’yinam1 to sweat 


d. -kuya in 
-za?anikuya to preach 
-nikuya to bathe 
-tikuya to cry 
-wisikuyA to scold 


(2) They include sequences of phonemes which occur in two or 
more semantically related verb cores. For example: 


a. -stu in 
-yamnastu to be hungry 
-pdniustu to be thirsty 

b. -sta in 
-sume?esta to teach 
-cidyusta to ponder 


(3) They include sequences of phonemes which, if eliminated from 
the core, would leave a remainder that would itself be a verb core 
semantically related to the longer form. For example.: 


a. -cI in 
-sét-er windpipe; compare sti- to swallow 
It also recurs in a number of semantically unrelated cores: 
-sA-bact to pound 
-sgui-cucr to drool 

b. -cA in 
-kfica man’s sister; compare -kui wife 
-dyumica to learn; compare -d¥im1_ to remember 
Other cores in which it occurs include the following: 
-ti-nica to work 
-wiéd-ca to listen 


Anthrop.);*2- LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 105 


c. -cA in 
-c4yuca to break; compare ¢édyt- to be broken 
It also recurs in a great many semantically unrelated cores including the 
following: 
-pé-ruca tolick 
-cé-naca to chew 
-yucidyi-ca to rest 
d. -tu in 
-metu to freeze; compare -me’E to be frozen and hAé-mhe- ice 
-ba?tu to sleep; compare -ba? to be sleepy 


e. -ta ; in 
-be-ta toask; compare -be io tell 
f. -da- in 


-détécaca tocut; compare -técaca to cut 

g. -wai- in 
-wiita to be hot (liquid) ; compare -éa to be hot 
-waistayA to be cold (liquid); compare -staya_ to be cold 


VERB CLASSES 


The primary division in verbs is between transitive and intransitive 
verbs. ‘Transitive verbs occur with a full set of pronominal affixes 
(except Decade Class 180 and, in some cases, Decade Class 130) 
while most intransitive verbs occur with only those of Decade Classes 
100, 110, and 120. Some intransitive verbs occur with affixes of 
Decade Class 140; others occur with Decade Class 180; but none 
occur with Decade Classes 130, 150, or 160. Certain verbs which 
are intransitive according to this inflectional definition must be trans- 
lated by an English transitive expression with a third person object: 


sauta I killed it 


The transitive-intransitive dichotomy is thus based on structural and 
not semantic criteria. 
TRANSITIVE VERBS 


Transitive verb stems are classified on the basis of their occurrence 
with specific allomorphs of inflectional affixes. The most important 
such classification is based on allomorphs of the pronominal prefixes. 
While the number of verb classes is considerable, this number is only 
a small fraction of what theoretically could result from all possible 
combinations of the many allomorphs of inflectional affixes. There 
are rather strict limitations on the freedom of distribution of specific 
allomorphs. Groups of allomorphs rather than individual allomorphs 
may be viewed as independent units in an examination of the combi- 
nations which may constitute a complete verb paradigm. 

Allomorphs of Century Class 100 occurring with transitive verbs 
may be arranged in two sets of three partial paradigms. These are 
designated la, 2a, 3a, 1b, 2b, and 3b (chart 5). Each allomorph is 
listed by its phonemic shape and its reference number. In general, 


[Bull. 191 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


106 


V9GCT VSI VVGL Vésol Val VIGI 
-1d “1d “1d “<P “3 “3 pg Pg 
V9IT VSI VVIL VéIT Vol VIII 
-3 -39 -d -3 -S -S pe PZ 
Vcol VIOT 
“38 “8 OSE 4ST 
VoLI VILTI 
~2e3 “493 pg BE 
Voor VI9T 
-«ps -3S 4ST pe 
V9ST VSST Vr Végl Vest VISTI 
sp -n3 -n3 —NaP —Nsp sp 4ST PZ GZ, 
VOrI Vor Vir Ver Vor VIF 
-CZ -BS -BS -CZ -6§ -B9 PZ 4ST eT 
be eee ee ee ee ee eee ee ee ee 
OANBWOY  oAHBWOY  oANVWOH oANByqngd  eceyeson eayvorpuy {qo ‘fqng 
oingn DATLVSIN wisipeied 
—  wh— i Ola Y—CSiF|I'VT, 
apoyw uOs1og 


107 


LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 


Anthrop. Pap. 
No. 69] 


subipp.vg JOUYLVG QlaA arpsunsJ—G LUVHO 


A9ZI agZ1 API aes AZZ a1Zt 
-1d -1d -1d -Ip “IZ “Ie = ae pg 
a9rt atl arr aert aZil altt 
“10 -Isps -1d a) “Ig sa =e PZ 
901 aso ator aeor aZor ator 
“10 “19 “ey “14 “Isp 12 pg 4ST 


APL aeLt AZLI atLI 
-Ip -IPlap -Ipes -Ipes PZ Pg q¢ 


aP9r aeor dZ9r A191 
“Ipeu “1pe} “98 ys 487 pe 
GOST agct aPst dest aZST act 
“ng “ny ny “nQ -nQ TQ 48] PZ a 
a9rI acrt avrl acrl aCrT aIFl 
~8)) “88 “28 “29 ~B§ “8S PG 4ST qT 


108 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


the occurrence with a specific verb of one allomorph within a partial 
paradigm presupposes the potential occurrences of all other allomorphs 
of that partial paradigm with the same verb. For instance, if a verb 
occurs with allomorph 141A it may be predicted that the same verb 
will occur with 142A, 143A, 144A, 145A, and 146A; if it occurs with 
151A it may be predicted that it also will occur with 152A, 153A, 
161A, etc. 

The combinations of three partial paradigms (la or 1b with 2a or 2b 
and 3a or 3b) plus, in certain cases, allomorphs of Decade Class 130, 
form the primary paradigms of a transitive verb. The partial para- 
digms combine in four different ways resulting in four principal 
classes of transitive verbs:°® 

Class A verbs occur with partial paradigms la, 2a, and 3a. 
Class B verbs occur with partial paradigms 1b, 2b, and 3a. 
Class C verbs occur with partial paradigms la, 2b, and 3b. 
Class D verbs occur with partial paradigms 1b, 2a, and 3b. 

Class A transitive verbs occur with the following allomorphs of 

Decade Class 130: 


zi- zi- di- pi- pi- pi- 
SIAY 132A 133A 134 135 136 
Those of Class B occur with the following: 
é- é- L bi- Bi pie 
131B 132B 133B 134 135 136 


Verbs of Classes C and D do not occur with prefixes of Decade Class 
130. 

The primary paradigms of all four classes of transitive verbs are 
given in full in Appendix 1, page 143. Itshould benoted that this four- 
fold classification applies only to verbs with singular object. All 
transitive verbs take A-allomorphs of the pronominal prefixes in 
forms indicating dual or plural object: 

Si-ziwa (111B + stem) you paid him 
s4-?4iziwa (111A + stem) you paid them two 
sdiyd-ziwa (111A + stem) you paid them 

A further subclassification of transitive verbs may be made on the 
basis of their occurrence with specific allomorphs of the inflectional 
suffixes. At least eight subclasses may be defined in terms of occur- 
rence with allomorphs of suffixes 401, 501, and 502. Verbs of Subclass 
1 take allomorphs 401K, 501A, and 502A: 


’ . . . 
siukaicr-ta JI am hitting him 
Sfukaiza-na we two hit him 
Lao ’ . , . . 
siukadiza-nE we hit him 
5 There is one transitive verb in the data which does not conform to any of the four major classes: -Au?u 
to give a long or flat object. In general it takes allomorphs of partial paradigms 1b, 2b, and 3b. However, 
the -i- is omitted from the prefix in all forms except those expressing first person subject with third person 


object in the indicative, dubitative, negative hortative, and future hortative modes: céu?U (¢i- + -Au?U) 
I gave it to him, but z&u?u (z- + -Au?v) he gave it to him. 


Am oR 4] 2 ~LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 109 


Verbs of Subclass 2 occur with the B-allomorphs of these three suffixes 
(401B, 501B, and 502B): 

sfukaéa-nikuya I am looking at him 

Sfukaéa-noti we two saw him 

Sfukaéa-nE we saw him 


Verbs of Subclass 3 take the C-allomorphs (401C, 501C, and 502C): 


cidya?-tikuya I am catching him 
sidva?-d1 we two caught him 
Sidva?-ta we caught him 


Subclass 4 transitive verbs occur with allomorphs 401F, 501D and 
502D: 


ci-badyu-sa Iam awakening him 

Si-bAdyu-rha we two awakened him 

Si-bdd¥u-mE we awakened him 

The remainder of the subclasses are poorly represented in the data, 

each being attested by a single verb. As far as the data show, verbs 
of Subclasses 5, 6, and 7 do not occur with the continuative action 
suffix (401). Those of Subclass 5 occur with allomorphs 501F and 
502F in the dual and plural: 


Sfuni-thasuti we two know him 
Sfuni-rhasa we know him 


Verbs of Subclass 6 take allomorphs 501G and 5021: 


Siyd-kamti-suti we two waited for him 
Sfyd-kamI-SE we waited for him 


Those of Subclass 7 occur with allomorphs 501H and 502G: 

Siyéina-pa we two found him 

Siyéima-wa we found him 
Subclass 8 transitive verbs occur with allomorphs 401A, 501H, and 
502H: 


siube-tau-kuya I am asking him 
siube-ta-pa we two asked him 
Siube-ta-wE we asked him 


Transitive verbs furthermore occur with a different allomorph of 
suffix 502 if suffix 401 is also present than they do in the simpler forms. 
Subclass 1 verbs take allomorph 502L in plural continuative forms: 


Siukaicrti-ya we are hitting him 
Compare: 

Siukaiza-he we hit him 
Verbs of other subclasses occur with allomorph 502M in the plural 
continuative: 


Siukaéaniguya-sE we are looking at him 


110 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Compare: 
Siukaéa-nE we saw him 


The distribution of specific allomorphs of suffix 402 correlates 
with the subclasses outlined above. Examples are lacking for the 
occurrence of this suffix with verbs of several of the subclasses. So 
far as the data go, however, allomorphs of 402 correlate with homoph- 
onous allomorphs of 502: 


situkaéa-nE TI came to see him 
Ci-ziwa--nE I came to pay him 


Compare: 


Sfukaéa-nE we saw him 
Si-ziwa--nE we paid him 
Transitive verb subclasses crosscut the major classes previously 
described. The data contain examples, for instance, of Class A verbs 
which belong to Subclasses 1, 3,4,and 5. Asingle designation (A1, A3, 
A4, A5, etc.) may be used to indicate both the major class and the 
subclass to which the transitive verb belongs. 


INTRANSITIVE VERBS 


Like transitive verbs, intransitive verbs are classified on the basis of 
the particular pronominal allomorphs with which they occur. There 
are, however, many more intransitive than transitive verb classes. 
Furthermore, intransitive verbs in general may be transitivized by the 
addition of the benefactive suffix. This means, in effect, that these 
intransitive verbs belong not only to their own intransitive class, but 
also are linked to a transitive class. 

Major classes of intransitive verbs are designated by a code com- 
posed, in most cases, of two numbers (e.g., 1-3). The first number 
identifies the allomorphs of the third person affixes (121-126) as 
well as the first person negative (102) and the second person negative 
hortative (115) affixes with which the verb occurs. The code numbers 
with their corresponding sets of allomorphs are tabulated below. 
Indicated in the tabulation are allomorphs of affixes 121, 123, 124 and 
102. Allomorphs of 122 are identical in phonetic content to those of 
121, while the same is true of 115 in relation to 102, and of 125 and 126 
in relation to 124. 


i 1204 123A 124G 102A 
- r= pi?- Sg- 
2 SPN 123A 124C 102A 
g- a= p- Sg- 
3. 121B 123B 124A 102B 
Zi- di- pi- sdvi- 
4, 191C 123C 124G 102C 


k- é- pi?- sk- 


Anthrop. Pap. LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 111 


5. M2 123C 124C 102C 
k- ¢- p- sk- 
6. 121D 123D 124B 102D 
k- é- pi- sk- 
é C120) 123D 124D 102D 
k- é- p- sk- 
Sy PADD, 123K 124E 102K 
ga- dva- pa- sga- 
9. 121F 123F 124F 102F 
k4?- 64?- pa?- sk4?- 
10. 121G 123G 124G 102G 
Z- d- pi?- sdy- 
Ii, “2G 123G 124C 102G 
Z- d- p- sdy- 
12, 120 123H 124B 102H 
é- = pi- sé- 
is}, UPN 12381 124B 1021 
bi- ti- pi- sti- 
14. 1213 123J 124G 102J 
Cc t- pi?- sé- 


Some intransitive verbs, because of semantic limitations, occur only 

in the third person. These are identified by a single code number 

in accordance with the above scheme. The data include examples of 

verbs of this type belonging to Classes 1, 4, 6, 9, 10, 13, and 14: 
gdgdcatr flower, it blossomed (Class 1) 


kaca it rained (Class 4) 
k4past it is dark (Class 6) 
k4?4umuca 2t thundered (Class 9) 
ZestayA it is breezy (Class 10) 
éfya-ti it is sharp (Class 13) 
cidyu it cost (Class 14) 


The second number of the code identifies allomorphs of the first and 
second person affixes, with the exception of the first person negative 
and the second person negative hortative morphemes. Tabulated 
below are the allomorphs of affixes 101, 103, 104, 106, 111, 113 and 114 
corresponding to each code number. Allomorphs of 105 are phoneti- 
cally identical to those of 104; allomorphs of 112 correlate with those 
of 111; and allomorphs of 116 with those of 113. 


Le a LOLA. 103A 104A 106A 111A 113A 114A 
si- ti- ka- ni- s- C- p- 
2. 101A 103A 104C 106A 111A 113A 114D 
si- ti- k- ni- s- C- é- 
3. 101A 103A 104A 106A 111A 113A 114H 
si- ti- ka- ni- s- C- 2. 
4, 101A 103A 104A 106A 111C 113C 114B 
si- ti- ka- ni- S- Cc- pi- 
5. 101A 103A 104C 106A 111C 113C 114C 
si- ti- k- ni- S- c- t- 


6. 101A 103A 104A 106A 111C 113C 114H 
si- ti- ka- ni- $- C- Gis 


ED BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


toto 103B 104B 106B 111C 113C 114B 
éi- ti- ka- hi- - c- pi- 
8. 101C 103C 104C 106C 111A 113A 114D 
s- t- k- n- s- C- é 
9. 101C 103C 104G 106C 111A 113A 114D 
s- t- n- n- 8- C- é- 
10; LOLE 103C 104M 106C 111A 113A 114D 
s- t- 5- n- s- ¢- é- 
Pi OED 103D 104D 106D 111D 113D 114D 
5 t4?- kA?- n- g- CA?- é- 
12. 101D 103D 104N 106D 111D 113D 114D 
5 t4?- 5 n- S- CA?- é- 
1S LOC 103C 104C 106C 111E 113E 114K 
s- t- k- n- gdz- d¥dz- Z- 
1A el OND 103D 104D 106D 111E 113E 114E 
8- ta? k4? n- gdz- dydz- Z- 
15. OLD 103D 104H 106D 111E 113K 114E 
$- td?- n- n- gdz- d¥3z- Z- 
16. 101K 103H 104C 106B 111A 113A 114A 
si- ti?- k- ni- s- C- p- 
17. 101E 1038H 104F 106B 111A 113A 114A 
si- ti?- ni- ni- s- C- p- 
18. 101E 103H 104Q 106B 111A 113A 114A 
ai- t{?- sti- hi- s- C- p- 
19. 101E 103H 104F 106B 111C 113C 114B 
si- ti?- ni- ni- s- c- pi- 
20. 101E 1038H 104Q 106B 111C 113C 114B 
3i- ti?- sti- hi- S- c- pi- 
21 LOU 103H 1041 106E 111C 1138C 114B 
si?- ti?- n{?- n{?- 5- c- pi- 
22. 101F 103H 104P 106E 111C 113C 114B 
si?- ti?- st{?- ni?- $- c- pi- 
23. 101G 103H 104J 106F 111K 113K 114E 
sé zZ- tdz- ndz- ndZ- gdz- d¥dz- Z- 
24. 101G 103E 104M 106F 111E 113K 114E 
sdZ- tdz- §- ndz- gdz- d¥dz- Z- 

25. 101H 103F 104K 106G 111F 113F 114F 
séd- tdéd- ndéd- néd- géd- dvdd- d- 
26. 101H 103F 1040 106G 111F 113F 114F 
séd- téd- st- néd- géd- dyid- d- 
ave LOU 103E 104J 106F 111E 113E 114E 
sg- tdz- ndz- ndz- gdz- d¥dz- Z- 
28. 1013 103G 104L 106H 111G 113G 114G 
sku- tédi- nddi- nédi- gddi- dvidi- —di- 


Various combinations of the two code numbers identify the major 
intransitive verb classes. At least 31 such classes are attested 
by the data.® Classes 1-1, 1-3, 1-16, 4-3, 4-5, 5-2, 5-8, 6-3, 7-13, 


6 A few intransitive verbs have been noted which occur with allomorphs 101E si-, 111E goz- and 121D k- 
in the indicative mode: &6-na my eye, £62 &-na your eye, ka: na his eye. Full paradigms (including the horta- 
tive modes) have never been obtained for these verbs. Since they do not fit any of the major classes outlined 
here they are listed in the vocabulary as unclassified. 


An Gop» «LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 113 


7-15, 8-14, 9-11, 10-6, 10-7, 12-27, 13-28 and 14-4 are apparently 
confined to singular verb stems. Classes 1-17, 2-23, 5-9, 10-21 and 
14-19 are found only among plural verb stems, and Classes 1-18, 2-24, 
5-10, 9-12, 10-22, 11-26, and 14-20 among dual verb stems. Class 
11-25 occurs in both the singular and the plural, and Class 3-27 in all 
three numbers. 

There is a certain degree of correlation between classes characteristic 
of the three numbers. Verbs, for example, which belong to Class 1-17 
in the plural number normally belong to Class 1-18 in the dual and 
Class 1-1 in the singular. Other common correlations are as follows: 


Singular Dual Plural 
5-8 5-10 5-9 
9-11 9-12 5-9 
10-7 10-22 10-21 
14-4 14-20 14-19 


Furthermore, dual Class 2-24 is commonly linked with plural Classes 
2-23 or 11-25. These combinations, however, occur with a variety of 
singular classes. 

Class membership does not necessarily imply the potential occurrence 
of the full set of affixes represented by the code numbers. Some verbs, 
notably those referring to body parts, are seldom if ever found in the 
hortative modes and only rarely in certain other forms. The code 
numbers, nevertheless, indicate at least the indicative affixes with 
which the verb occurs. 

Class 7-15 verbs are unique in that they often occur, not only with 
the allomorphs indicated by the code numbers, but also with allo- 
morphs of Decade Class 140. Specifically, verbs of this class take 
allomorphs 141B ga-, 142B ga-, 143B ¢a-, 144B ga-, 145B Sa- and 
146B ¢a-. In this context, affixes of Decade Class 140 may express 
either first person subject with second person object or the reverse: 


S4ukt-ni you are my friend (or) I am your friend 


Verbs belonging to Class 7-15 are, in general, those which refer to 
kinship or similar relationships, or which indicate possession. 

Type B intransitive verbs fall into the general scheme of classi- 
fication, although many of the classes are not represented in these 
verbs. Furthermore, in Type B verbs ending in a voiceless vowel 
there is no contrast between aspirated and unaspirated pronominal 
affixes. Aspiration in such cases is ignored in stem classification. 
For example, ziku he went, occurs with an aspirated pronominal 
affix, -k-. The stem, however, belongs to Class 1-1, a class normally 
taking g- in the third person indicative. This classification is con- 
sistent with the occurrence of other affixes such as -d’- in the third 
person dubitative: zid’u maybe he went. 


114 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


The occurrence of affix 181 is rather restricted and apparently 
not related to class membership except that allomorphs of this affix 
correlate with those of affix 121. The data indicate a correlation of 
allomorph 181A with 121A or 121E, 181B with 121D, and 181D with 
121G: 


sg-A-rha (181A + stem) one’s houses 
g-4-ma (121A or 121E + stem) his house 
sk-Aukui (181B + stem) one’s wives 
k-Aukui (121D + stem) his wife 
sé-t-kA (181D + stem) one’s mouths 
z-i-ka (121G + stem) his mouth 


Allomorph 181C occurs in the data only in st4u?u a@ crowd. An 
apparently related form is géu?u he dwells, although the correlation 
is not certain. 

Intransitive verbs may be subclassified, as are transitive verbs, 
on the basis of their occurrence with specific allomorphs of the inflec- 
tional suffixes. Since intransitive verbs are listed and classified 
separately for the three numbers, affixes of Century Class 500 are not 
involved, and such a subclassification would be based solely on allo- 
morphs of suffix 401. Rather than designate intransitive subclasses 
by a code, it is simpler to indicate directly the allomorph of suffix 401 
with which the verbs occur. 

Paradigms illustrating the major intransitive verb classes are to be 
found in Appendix 1, page 143. 


VERBAL AUXILIARIES 


Verbal auxiliaries are a class of words which always are inflected to 
indicate person and sometimes are inflected to indicate other gram- 
matical categories as well. They are distinguished formally from 
verbs in that they are never inflected to indicate future tense. 
Semantically and functionally they differ from verbs in that alone 
they cannot constitute a predicate. 

The function of the verbal auxiliary is to indicate the person of the 
subject or the subject and object of an action when this is not other- 
wise indicated. The most common occurrence of verbal auxiliaries 
is in conjunction with verbs in the future tense. In such cases the 
verb does not include a pronominal affix: 


nupE si (future tense prefix, n- + verb stem followed by auxiliary, si) 
I will eat 
ni-zaiwasi I will pay him 
Compare: 
supE (first person prefix, s- + verb stem) I ate 


ci-ziwa I paid him 


The verbal auxiliary may also occur following a verb containing an 
allomorph of affix 124 (third person subject with third person object 


Anthropyt 22) LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 1s 


in the hortative mode). The result is a hortative expression with an 
added pronominal element: 


pi?inata si (hortative prefix, 124G pi?-, + verb stem followed by auxiliary, 
si) J want him to buy it 


Compare: 

pivinata let him buy it 
Occasionally an uninflected word will function as a predicate, in which 
case a verbal auxiliary indicates the subject and object: 

té-nési I like him 
The word té-né fulfills the function ordinarily performed by a verb, 
both semantically (it may be translated to like) and syntactically (it 
fills a predicate slot) although it is never inflected. 

The basic forms of the verbal auxiliaries are listed in chart 6. As in 
the case of pronominal prefixes occurring with transitive verbs, verbal 
auxiliaries appear with seven principal subject-object combinations. 
In addition, there is a form expressing fourth person subject with third 
person object, distinctive forms for the passive voice, and a form 
expressing indefinite subject. Unlike the set of verb affixes, however, 
only three modes are recognized. A comparison with charts 1 and 2 
reveals that verbal auxiliaries are based on a set of prefixes identical 
in form to certain allomorphs of the affixes of Century Class 100. 
Verbal auxiliaries actually have nothing that can be regarded as a 
stem unless it is the vowel -u (or -i in a few cases). This vowel, 
however, is comparable to the thematic adjunct of verbs. The -ma 
occurring in many forms may best be regarded as a suffix, although 
it cannot be assigned a meaning. 


Subject Object Indicative Negative Dubitative 
Ist 3d si sgu ti 

2d 3d su su cu 

3d 3d gu gu dyu 

4th 3d ziuma ziurna diuma 

Ist 2d sduma sduma zéuma 

2d Ist dima dyuma dyuma 

3d Ist sguma sdyuma tizima 

3d 2d guzuma gazuma dyuzima 


Passive voice 


1st person ské?drhasa sta?arhasa £6? éthasA 

2d person $4? Arn asa S4?Amm ASA cA? AmAsa 

3d person G4? Am Asa CA? AmMASA té?4masa 
Indefinite subject sgunE 


Cuart 6.—Basic Forms of Verbal Auxiliaries 


116 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[Bull. 191 


Transitive verbs occur with the full set of verbal auxiliaries: 


niukaéa si 

z4zi niukaéa sgu 

niukaéa ti 

niukaéa su 

zazi niukaéa su 

niukaéa cu 

niukaéa gu 

zizi niukaéa gu 

niukaéa du 

niukaéa zfurha 

z4zi piukaéa ziuma 
niukaéa diuma 

niukaéa s4utirha 

zAzi niukaéa sfurma 
nfukaéa z4uma 

niukaéa d¥Gma 

z4zi niukaéa dyna 
niukaéa d¥uima 

niukaéa sgirma 

zazi niukaéa sd¥ima 
niukaéa tizima 
né?ékaéane- sk4?4rhAsA 
zAzi né?ékavane- séd?drhasa 
né?ékaéane- ¢6?érhasa 
né?ékaéane- $4?4m Asa 
zazi né?ékaAéane- 84?4mAsA 
né?ékaéane- c4?4maAsa 
né?ékacéane- ¢4?4mAsSA 
zazi né?ékacane- ¢4?4masa 
né?ékaéane- t4?4mhasa 


I will see him 

I won't see him 

maybe I will see him 
you will see him 

you won't see him 
maybe you will see him 
he will see him 

he won’t see him 
maybe he will see him 
he (fourth person) will see him 
he won’t see him 
maybe he will see him 
I will see you 

I won’t see you 

maybe I will see you 
you will see me 

you won't see me 
maybe you will see me 
he will see me 

he won't see me 

maybe he will see me 

I will be seen 

I won’t be seen 

maybe I will be seen 
you will be seen 

you won't be seen 
maybe you will be seen 
he will be seen 

he won’t be seen 
maybe he will be seen 


Most intransitive verbs occur with those verbal auxiliaries listed in 
the first three rows of chart 6: 


nupE si I will eat 

zizi nupE sgu I won’t eat 

nupE ti maybe I will eat 
nupE su you will eat 

zézi nupE su you won’t eat 
nupE cu maybe you will eat 
nuUpE gu he will eat 

z4zi nupe gu_—ihe won’t eat 

nupE dvu maybe he will eat 


A few intransitive verbs (those which are prefixed by sgu- or sku- 
in the first person indicative) occur with the verbal auxiliaries which 
normally express third person subject with first object, third person 
subject with second person object, and fourth person subject with third 


person object: 


higai sgtirha 


I will lie down 


z4zi nigaisd¥ima I won’t lie down 


Anthrop.. Pap. LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 117 


nigai tizdrha maybe I will lie down 
higai gizuma you will lie down 

zazi higai gizima you won't lie down 
nigai dyuzima maybe you will lie down 
nigai ziurmna he will lie down 

zAzi nigai ziuma he won’t lie down 

higai dfurha maybe he will lie down 


In addition to their basic forms, verbal auxiliaries may be inflected 
to indicate dual or plural subject and/or object. Those forms in- 
dicating dual or plural subject, in general, are constructed from the 
basic forms by the addition of a suffix. Dual subject is expressed 
by the addition of either the suffix - ?u, with concomitant lengthening 
of the preceding vowel, to basic forms which terminate in -u, or the 
suffix -na to forms which terminate in -ma: 


ndzA-?abe? gu-?u they two will eat 
ni-ztiwa-n@ sdumana we two will pay you 


Note that dual subject is indicated in both the verb and the auxiliary. 
Compare: 


nupE gu he will eat 
ni-ziwa sfuma I will pay you 


Plural subject is expressed by the addition of the suffix -sa, together 
with the development of a glottal accent on the preceding syllable 
in forms lacking the -ma suffix: 


ndzA-?ApE gusa they will eat 
ni-ziiwa-he- sfumasa we will pay you 


Some dual and plural verbal auxiliaries are constructed not from 
the basic form, but from distinctive dual/plural forms. The following 
are those which differ from the basic forms: 

1. First person subject with third person object indicative: 


sizui-, as in ndzA-?abe? sizd-?u we two will eat 
2. First person subject with third person object dubitative: 
tizi-, as in ndz4-?abe? tizi-?u0 maybe we two will eat 


3. Second person subject with third person object indicative and 
negative: 
guzu-, as in ndz4-?abe? gizi-?u you two will eat 
4. Second person subject with third person object dubitative: 
dvazu-, as in ndz4-?abe? d¥azi-?u maybe you two will eat 
Those verbal auxiliaries which terminate in -rha may be inflected 


to indicate dual or plural object. This involves a change similar to 
the expansion of thematic adjuncts in verbs plus, in the case of plural 


118 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


object, the addition of -zu-. The following indicates the forms of the 
auxiliaries expressing singular, dual, and plural object: 


singular dual plural 

-ima -U-?UmA -a-wAaztima 
-duma -4-?4uma -Auwdzima 
-fuma -f{-yuma -fuw4éztimha 


These forms are illustrated in the following examples: 


ni-ziwa dyarmha you will pay me 

né-?éiztiwa d¥d-?uma you will pay us two 
néiyaziwa d¥i-wazima you will pay us 

ni-ziwa sfurha I will pay you 

né-?é6iziwa s4-?4ura I will pay you two 

néiyaziwa sduwdzima IT will pay you all 

niukaéa ziurha he (fourth person) will see him 
ni-yukaéa zi-yurmba he will see them two 


niuwdikaéa ziuwdzima he will see them 


In addition to being inflected for person and number, verbal 
auxiliaries may occur with one of three condition suffixes. These are 
-hE, corresponding to the verbal suffix 601A; -de, corresponding to 
suffix 601B; and -nu-, corresponding to suffix 602: 


nfukaéa si-nE when I will see him 
ni-ztiwa-he- gusa:-de when they will pay him 
higai giztma-nu- if you will lie down 


UNINFLECTED WORDS 


Included in the major class of uninflected words are those which 
express a wide variety of functions and exhibit a considerable number 
of derivational formations. A division of these words into function 
classes will be outlined in the section to follow, although a full descrip- 
tion of syntactic function will be reserved for the chapter on syntax. 
Subclasses based on derivational formations will be described under 
“Derivation.” 

Uninflected words belong to one of the following function classes 
depending on their grammatical function: 

Referentials —All uninflected words, with the exception of pronouns, 
that may alone fill a subject or an object slot are referentials. These 
are, in general, nounlike words such as names of beings, things, and 
places. 

Pronouns.—This is a class of rather limited membership comparable 
to English pronouns. The most commonly occurring members of 
this class are: 


hinu I, we we that one (inobviate) 
hisu you mi-ga another one 
du this one ?iska one 


he that one hau someone 


ie eos LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 119 


Attributives—Included in this class are a variety of adjective and 
adverb-like words. They may modify a referential, a pronoun, or a 
verb: 

raw4- diya good dog 
hinu raw4- I am good 
rawé:- si-ba?tu TJ slept well 

Temporals.—This class is made up of words which specify the 
relative or the absolute time of an action. Some of the more common 
temporals are as follows: 


siw4 yesterday hé-wind right away 
hiw& today m4-nu- a long time 
é4m4 tomorrow hdtha- _—long ago 
né-nu next day dvyaw4 early 

sumi already cé-y4 jirst 


Also included are names of days, seasons, or the time of day. Many 
of these, however, are Spanish loanwords. 

Prepositions.—Included in this class are a number of words which 
specify the location and/or direction of an action with respect to the 
speaker or to the actor. Among the more common prepositions are 
the following: 

duké- that way (near and away from the speaker) 

diwé- this way (near and toward the speaker) 

yuké. that way (at a distance and away from the speaker) 
yuku yonder, away 

di? right here 

yusi from afar 

Directionals—This class comprises a rather limited number of 

commonly occurring words such as: 

d¥i up 

he down 

si back here 

sa back (to previous location) 
Also included are the points of the compass which occur with great 
frequency in native text. 

Interrogatwes.—Included in this class is the interrogative particle 
?a which, occurring at the beginning of a sentence, makes it a question. 
Also included are: 


Zi what? ha-di where? (location) 
hdidi which one? hai where? (destination) 
hau who? haiwé- from where? 

hdiku when? hdikuma- what direction? 


Modals.—This class includes a number of words which fix the mode 
of a following verb. Negative, negative hortative, and future hortative 
modes are obligatorily marked by such words: 


ZAzi not (negative mode) 
bé-mi- don’t (negative hortative mode) 
ba future hortative mode marker 


682—611—64——_12 


120 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


In addition, dubitative mode is sometimes marked by kaucigéi maybe 
and hortative mode by the hortatory exclamation, h4-né. 

Connectives.—This is a class of very limited membership including 
eu and, ?e and, and ésgasku but. 

Narrative particles —This class contains a few short words, su, ’e, 
?ai, ?eu, and du, which occur in various combinations with very high 
frequency in narrative text. They cannot be translated except in a 
general way as and then. 

Exclamations.—Included in this class are a variety of exclamations 
such as: 


ha- yes hind O.K. 
Za no mo- look! 
me- don’t 


Most uninflected words are not amenable to internal structural 
analysis. There are, however, a number of subclasses, largely of quite 
limited membership, which exhibit specific types of derivational 
formations. These subclasses will be described below. 

Nominalized verbs—There are three general types of referentials 
which are derived from verbs by the omission of all verb prefixes and 
the addition of a nominalizing suffix. 

The first type, which principally includes certain body parts, is 
based on the verb core; i.e., the thematic adjunct is excluded. The 
nominalizer in such words is regularly -ni. The following examples 
show first the verb form (translatable into English possessed body 
parts) followed by the nominalized form: 


gdndsgdi his head ndsgdini head 
gdyu-spt his shoulder yu-sbini shoulder 
séwi-Sr my nose Wiki-ni nose 


The second type of nominalized verb also includes body parts pri- 
marily and is based on the verb stem (which includes the thematic 
adjunct) preceded by h-. The nominalizer in these words is either -ni 
or -nani: 


sdsdi your foot hdsdi?ini _—_ foot 
sd-muicéu your toe hdé-muéuni foe 
SA? ACA your tooth ha?déanani tooth 


The third type of nominalized verb includes a wide variety of action 
words and is based on the verb core preceded by ?t- or ?t--. The 
nominalizer in these words is most commonly -n1, but may be any one 
of several suffixes: 


cikupawa I chopped ?igupdwanl az 
suguya I sat down ugtydant seat 

sfube I told him °t-bé-ta-nt story, news 
supE I ate *ibéwi food 


stibaya I built a fire ?a-béydnt fireplace 


Anthropy; 72 LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 121 


Numerals.—Keresan numerals are based on a decimal system. 
Cardinal numbers 1 through 10 are unanalyzable, although the terms 
for 7, 8, and 9 are polysyllabic and may be derived forms. The term 
for seven, for instance, includes a sequence of phonemes similar to 
those in the term for four. 


?iska one stisa six 
dyi-mi- two maidyana seven 
éémr__ithree eikumist eight 
dya-na four miyuku nine 
ta-ma _ five kActr ten 


Numbers 11 through 19 are designated by the word for ten followed 
by the word for one, two, three, etc.: 

kAer ?iska eleven 

kacr dyu- twelve (note the omission of -mi- here and in derived forms) 

kdct éém1_ thirteen 
The addition of the suffix -wa or -ya to the terms for cardinal numbers 
1 through 10 results in forms that occur both in the designations for 
20, 30, 40, etc. and, in other contexts, as ordinal numbers. The 
suffix -ya occurs following the terms for two and three, while -wa is 
suffixed to the remainder of the number terms: 


dyi-ya twice, second 
dyii-ya kAct twenty 

éémiya three times, third 
éémiya ker thirty 

dy4-nawa four times, fourth 


dyA-nawa ker forty 


References to pueblos and their inhabitants.—Place names are some- 
times derived from the term designating an inhabitant of that place, 
while in other cases the reverse is true. The former type of derivation 
involves the addition of the suffix -zé: 


2 , . . ea) . 

ti-wa a Tiwa Indian ti-wa-zé a Tiwa Pueblo 
hé-mist a person from Jemez hé-misi-zé Jemez Pueblo 
sd-ni a person from Zuni sd-nizé Zuni Pueblo 


The addition of the suffix -rhn to a place name indicates an inhabitant 
of that place: 


dimdyéi Santa Ana Pueblo d4may4-mEr a person from 
di-wi- Santo Domingo Pueblo Santa Ana 
d¥i-wi-mE a person from 


Santo Domingo 


Diminutives and augmentatives—The prefix ré-- occurs in a large 
number of words indicating smallness: 
rd-ski8r litile 
ré-k4-paSr_ thin 
ré-ka-Sika narrow 
ré-kAe1 shallow 
rd-cica a small person 


122 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


The prefix mé--, on the other hand, occurs with words expressing 
largeness: 

thé-2681 big 

mé-k4-pasr thick 

mé-k4-tika wide (something rigid) 

mé-kdér deep 

mé-¢iya wide (something like cloth) 

mé-cfé4 a tall person 


Derived prepositions—Many prepositions are derived from a 
combination of two morphemes. In these words dt- expresses near- 
ness and yt- distance. Among the second elements, -ké- expresses 
motion away from the speaker, -wé- motion toward the speaker, -si a 
return, and -?ai a fixed location: 


duké- that way (near and away from the speaker) 

duiwé- this way (near and toward the speaker) 

yuké. that way (at a distance and away from the speaker) 
yuwé- this way (at a distance and toward the speaker) 
yusi back from afar 

yu?di there (located at a distance) 


Points of the compass.—Several types of derived forms are based 
on the points of the compass, d¥id¥a north, be west, ku south, and ha- 
east. Motion toward the cardinal points of the compass is expressed 
by the following derived forms: 


dyidyim{ toward the north 
béndmi toward the west 
kiwdm{ toward the south 
hé-ndmi toward the east 


Motion from the cardinal points is likewise expressed by derived forms: 


hd-ni from the east 
bdéni from the west 


Terms for northeast, northwest, southeast, and southwest result 
from a combination of modified forms of the terms for the cardinal 
points: 


dvidiyabd northwest 
ktiyabéd southwest 


Less frequently occurring forms derived from the terms for the 
points of the compass include those designating the east or the west 
side of the river (the Rio Grande) and those designating the four 
corners of the pueblo world: 


bdnisdé the west side 
hé-Suku Santa Fe (literally east corner) 


Anthrop. Pap. LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 123 


Interrogatives—A large majority of interrogatives begin with ha-, 
suggesting that this is a derivational morpheme: 


hau who? 
hai where? (destination) 
ha-di where? (location) 


haiwé- from where? 
haéikuma- what direction? 
hdiku when? 
hdidi which one? 
hdééu how many? 
CLITICS 

Clitics are a class of morphemes which do not effect morphophonemic 
voicing of a previous vowel as do suffixes (see ‘‘Voicing’’) but which, 
on the basis of distributional evidence, are not treated as free words 
(see “Units of Analysis’). Their position, then, is intermediate 
between that of an affix and a free word. 

In terms of function there are four kinds of clitics, all of which occur 
as postclitics: 

1. Pluralizing clitics occur following a limited number of referentials 
and verbs which function as subject or object. The most commonly 
occurring of these clitics is -d¥é-mi: 

ka-w1-d¥ é-mf his children 
ka bfuna-d¥é-mi his servants 

2. Locative-instrumental clitics occur following words which 
function as subject or object and include the morphemes -di, -dika, 
-81, and -si: 

mé-sa-di on the table 

hinu-dika by me (through my instrumentality) 
gaw4-yu-8i by horseback 

gA-ma-si in his house 

3. The nominalizer, -8é, is often attached to verbs which function 
as the subject or object of a clause: 

gawinuska-ti-8é his two hearts 


4. The clitics -sanu and -d%anu (often contracted to -sau and -d’au 
with nasalized vowels) occur following referentials which refer to 
living beings or following kinship terms (verbs) which function as 
subject or object. They occur rather frequently in narrative text 
recounting happenings of the distant past. The clitic -sanu occurs 
in ordinary narrative while -d¥’anu carries a dubitative connotation: 

kaukui-sanu his wife 

kddy¥ama-dvanu_ his brother (reported to be) 
Both pluralizing and narrative past tense clitics may occur in the 
same word. In such cases the past tense clitic always follows the 
pluralizing clitic: 

éA-wi-dvé-mi-sanu his children 


124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


SYNTAX 


In “Morphology,” words were described and classified on the basis 
of their internal structure. The emphasis in this section is on the 
grammatical function of words and phrases and the sequential arrange- 
ment of functional units. The word-class categories of the previous 
section are abandoned except in describing the kinds of words which 
may fill a function slot. This approach is adopted for the reason 
that there is in Santa Ana Keresan a lack of correlation between 
structural classes and function classes. Words which structurally are 
verbs, for instance, may have not only a verblike function but may 
have a nounlike function as $4-tha in the following example: 

yuké. s4-mna ?e sa zusE I am going home 
that way my home back I go 


DEFINITION OF SYNTACTIC UNITS 


Syntactic structure will be analyzed in terms of function slots. 
The term is used here to mean a position within the clause or larger 
syntactic unit which is characterized by: 

1. A more or less fixed location in relation to other function slots. 
This does not imply an absolutely rigid sequential ordering of elements 
within the clause, but rather a relatively narrow limit to the kinds of 
sequences which are admissible. 

2. A uniform grammatical function assignable to the slot together 
with the elements which may fill that slot. These grammatical 
functions (e.g., subject, object, predicate) will be discussed in detail 
on pp. 126-16 

3. The potentiality of being filled by a single word. This criterion 
defines the lower limit of a function unit. Any position within the 
clause that is always filled by more than one word is not a single 
function slot. 

4. The potentiality of being filled by a continuous sequence of words. 
A function slot, therefore, may be filled alternatively by a single word 
or by a sequence of words that are functionally equivalent to a single 
word. Such a sequence of words constitutes a phrase. Two or more 
non-contiguous positions within a clause which are filled by words 
or phrases having the same or similar grammatical function will be 
treated as separate slots rather than a single discontinuous slot. 

The usual definition of a clause as a sequence of words containing 
a subject and predicate needs to be modified somewhat for the purposes 
of describing Santa Ana syntactic structure. The term clause will be 
understood to refer to a syntactic unit which includes a verb function- 
ing as a predicate as well as to certain other relatively infrequently 
occurring types of units to be described below. A predicate clause in 


Le ies LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 125 


its minimal form consists of a single verb. There need not be an 
expressed subject other than the pronominal marker incorporated 
in the verb. Expanded forms of the predicate clause may contain 
an expressed subject and/or object as well as various other elements. 
Certain kinds of word sequences which do not include a verb func- 
tioning as predicate are treated as special types of clauses. These 
word sequences lend themselves to description as clauses comparable 
to predicate clauses because: (1) they are units with a more or less 
fixed structure and may be described in terms of function slots in the 
same manner as predicate clauses; (2) they possess a semantic con- 
tent comparable to that of predicate clauses and, although not 
containing a predicate, are usually best translated by full English 
sentences; (3) they correlate closely with phonological units in the 
same manner as predicate clauses which, as with all clauses, tend to 
be set off by pauses in a connected text; and (4) their length and 
distribution in the text is such that their incorporation into contiguous 
predicate clauses often would result in unwieldy units. These 
special clauses are of three types: prepositional clauses, interrogative 
clauses, and ?eu clauses, all of which will be described under ‘“‘Non- 
predicate Clauses.” 

The term sentence will be used much in its traditional sense to refer 
to a word or group of words which expresses an independent utterance, 
not part of any larger syntactic construction. A sentence may be a 
single independent clause, or it may consist of two or more clauses, 
one of which is an independent clause. 


MAJOR FUNCTION SLOTS AND THEIR FILLERS 


Nine major function slots are identified within Santa Ana Keresan 
clauses. Each function slot, assigned an uppercase letter for easy 
reference, is described in the sections to follow. 

In the description of the elements which may fill a function slot 
the occurrence of narrative particles are ignored. These particles 
occur with very high frequency in narrative text but are not considered 
to be an essential part of the syntactic structure. Although they 
contribute to the sense of continuity of a narrative and are roughly 
equivalent to English “And then ... ,’ their omission in no way 
changes the basic structure and meaning of the utterance. The 
narrative particles, su, °e, ?eu, ?ai, and du, occur either singly or in 
various combinations. The more commonly occurring combinations 
are: 


su ?e ?eu su 
su ?e su ?eu su ?e 
su du ?ai su 
su ?e du ?ai su ?e 


?e su 


126 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Longer combinations made up of two or more of the above some- 
times occur: 

su ?e ?ai su 

su *e su ?eu su 

etc. 

When the informant is searching for words he often fills in with 
a rather long series of narrative particles which occur, most commonly, 
at the beginning of a clause: 

su ?e su d¥i digd-nikuya éécr hicd-ntr 64d¥4-Se 

Then the giant’s eagle, too, looked up. 
Roughly half of the clauses in the text are introduced by a narrative 
particle or combination of particles. Narrative particles occur less 
commonly, although with considerable frequency, between function 
slots within a clause: 

su ?e disf ku su ?e su d¥4?d4iyu 

Then they flew southward. 
In the analysis of clause structure, narrative particles are assigned, 
where possible, to the initial position within the function slot. The 
above clause, for example, is analyzed as consisting of two function 
slots with the division occurring between ku and su. 

Narrative particles occur occasionally in non-initial position 
within a function slot. This may be true in certain function slots, 
such as the D slot (see p.132), which sometimes includes two or more 
elements with intervening narrative particles: 

D slot 


su ?e su diwé. susi 4-nigadyaya 
this way back he was walking 
Then he was walking back. 


PREDICATE SLOT (P) 


The grammatical function of a predicate slot with its filler is that 
normally associated with the term ‘‘verb.”” Among the more common 
types of concepts which may be expressed by this unit are the fol- 


lowing: 
Action: skaku he bit me 
Perception: sgtikaéa he saw me 
State of being: Giyarhastu I am hungry 
Relationship: ka tt is his 


The predicate slot is normally filled by a single verb. It may com- 
prise the entire utterance (as in the above examples) or may be part 
of a larger construction: 


P 
su ’e ?disi yuké- dy4?4iyu yurai ha-di éu-ti 
there that way they flew there where mountain 


Then they flew away to the mountains. 


An oP Te; LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 127 


A verb phrase rather than a single verb may fill the predicate slot, 
although this construction is statistically much less frequent. Four 
types of modifying elements may occur with a verb in a verb phase. 
1. A qualifying word may occur either preceding or following the 
verb: 
pet tl 
su ?disf ha- ni-yd- ké-ni 
there east alone he walked 


Then he walked eastward alone. 
P 


_— 2 wmwnwnwsnn._aQaQEYGYEGG 
°e su ?e su GA? Aizi Gécr 

he went too 

to bed 
Then he went to bed, too. 

2. The particle ?eu may precede or follow the verb. This particle, 
which cannot be adequately translated into English, gives additional 
emphasis to a particular word or phrase: 

iP 
su ?e ?ai hau? dv4-?4er ?eu 
near they arrived 


Then they came near. 
lz 


?eu sgucipa 
I need him. 
3. The verb may be preceded by an uninflected word which func- 
tions semantically as the principal carrier of meaning: 


PE 
—oOoOo.-....."._= 
sumi hé-ku d’4winzant ?eu GAukui-sanu 
already ready she made his wife 


His wife had things already prepared. 


4. Certain verbs are preceded in most of their occurrences by 
characteristic particles which have no close semantic equivalent in 
English. ‘These include ®e, which precedes most forms of the verbs 
meaning to go and to say, and gui?, which precedes the verb to do: 

P 


su ?e ?eu dy4-mi ?e é4za 
eagle he said 
And then the eagle said, 
PB 


su ?e yuké. kt-ti ?e zupes 
that way mountain go 
Go away to the mountains! 
P 
zi gui? gédékuya 
what you are doing 
What are you doing? 


128 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Predicate slots may be subdivided on the basis of whether or 
not the verb that fills the slot incorporates a pronominal marker 
indicating the person of the subject or of the subject and object. 
P1 slots, illustrated by all of the above examples, are filled by verbs 
in the non-future tense and incorporate pronominal markers. P2 
slots are filled by future tense verbs which do not incorporate pro- 
nominal markers: 


P2 
nodé?éyu disf ku sizi-?u ha-di hicA-ntr dy¥4-mha 
will go there south we where giant his house 


We will go south to the giant’s house. 


AUXILIARY SLOT (A) 


The occurrence of a P2 slot presupposes the presence in the same 
clause of an A slot filled by a verbal auxiliary (as stzt-?v we, in the 
example above). Verbal auxiliaries comprise both a structural class 
and a function class. The A slot is always filled by a single verbal 
auxiliary and performs the function of indicating the person of the 
subject or subject and object when this is not included in the verb 
itself. The A slot in general immediately follows the P slot: 


P A 
— a 
haiku duiwé- si zi-ne su 
when this way back will you 
go 


When will you come back? 


The occasional occurrence of other elements between the P and A 
slots prevents treating the verb plus its auxiliary as a verb phrase 
filling a simple slot. 


SUBJECT SLOT (S) 


The grammatical function of a subject slot with its filler is to 
indicate the subject of the verb in the predicate slot. This unit is not 
obligatory to a complete clause, as the person and number of the 
subject is indicated in the verb itself or in the verb together with its 
auxiliary. The filling of the subject slot either adds redundancy or 
else indicates the subject with more specificity. The subject slot may 
be filled by any one of the following elements. 

Pronouns.—Included in this category are the first person pronoun, 
hinu, the second person pronoun, hisu, and various third person 
pronouns such as ?iska one, du this one, he that one, hau someone and 
?isgawa both of them: 


Ss P 
_———————————— 
su ?e ?isgawa ai su ?e su ¢advady1 
both they fought 


Then the two of them fought. 


AnoR T°? LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 129 

Verbs.—The most common type of verbs filling a subject slot are 

those indicating inalienably possessed objects (e.g., kinship terms and 
terms referring to body parts): 
S P 


—OCoOC_ 


?e su ?e su kdnaisdyu %e dyéineta 
his father he said 
Then his father said. 


Referentials—These are, in general, nounlike words and the most 
commonly occurring fillers of the S slot. 


ne gee etek 
eu ?disi d¥yi dyd-mi su ?e éigtya 
there up eagle he sat 


Then the eagle perched there. 


Phrases based on the above elements.—These are of the five general 
types given below. 
1. Two or more words linked in possessive relationship: 
P S 


ne 
su ?e su éécr diyi-kamr_ gast-k1 GAukui-sanu 
also she waited king his wife 

The king’s wife was waiting, too. 

8 PE 
ka h4zént di gd?astiné 
his hair up it stood 
His hair stood up. 


S P 
ee 
hicd-nti é4dv4-Se dy4-mi_ su %e d¥t-sééca 
giant _his eagle he cried out 


The giant’s eagle cried out. 


2. Two or more words linked in coordinate relationship: 


P 8 
di?déi dvé-?au?u hdcaze-za = gu éAukui-sanu 
there they lived man and _ his wife 


A man and his wife lived there. 


3. A combination of two or more pronouns or a combination of one 
or two pronouns with a referential or a verb: 

S Pp 

su ?e ?eu ?ai ?iska hau ¢4?Autisa@ 
one someone he was planting 
There was someone planting. 
s 12 

zi héidi gané-ru_ su dvtiwdséeca 
thing which sheep __ they bleated 
There were some sheep bleating. 


130 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


4. A verb or a referential with an attributive: 
12 Ss 


e_—_———_~. —_—__—_. 
?ai ta dy¥aku rikusi hdcacr 
thus he was rich man 
Once there was a rich man. 


5. A pronoun, verb, referential or phrase of one of the above types 
preceded and/or followed by ?eu and/or ééct: 
1 S 
cer Sain 
su *esu d¥tkaca eu mi-kaica 
he saw him mountain lion 
Then the mountain lion saw him. 

S iz 
ao en , ’ TST Tae 
su ?e ?eu sandiyd-ku éecr su yuku no éigtyanu- 

St. James also away down he sat 
Then St. James dismounted, too. 


Clauses with compound subjects (i.e., two or more words in coordi- 


nate relationship) sometimes have two S slots with the subject split 
between the two: 


’ - prot ibe te Re eee 
?e hdéwéi Buiyast zé?é gu gawa-yu gu mt-la 
there oxen they are and horses and mules 


There are oxen, horses, and mules. 


OBJECT SLOT (0) 


An object slot with its filler indicates the object of the action 
expressed by the verb in the predicate slot. Like the subject slot, 
this is a nonobligatory element which adds redundancy or speci- 
ficity. The same types of words or phrases may fill the object slot as 
the subject slot: 

Pronouns: 

P O 
?eu sdyéiba-te hisu 
I look for you you 

I am looking for you. 


Verbs: 

O P 
a Se 
su ?e su ?eu su ka-wi-dvé-m{ su d¥i-wabéuca 

his children he called them 
Then he called his children. 
Referentials: 
P O 


re OO Vv—ooooC 
su ?e G4?Audanu- mi-kaica 

he killed it mountain lion 
Then he killed the mountain lion. 


Anrop yt 2; LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 131 


Phrases: 


1. Two or more words in possessive relationship: 


S O Pr 
su ?e sandiyé-ku kdimaka gasi-kr tiwakuica 


St. James his daughter king he married 
Then St. James married the king’s daughter. 


2. Two or more words in coordinate relationship: 


P O 
———_————— 
ha-di ?égu eu si-wakaGanE gawiyd-ra w4-gaSi 
where then yousawthem horses cattle 
Where, then, did you see the horses and cattle? 


3. Combination of pronoun plus pronoun, verb or referential: 


O P A 
SS 
du mé-éu ?eu néyazdcE si 
this mule will choose I 


I will choose this mule. 


4. Combination of verb or referential plus attributive: 


O ie 
— —e—-_—_____—_— << 
su ?e su ?eu gdSé gawd-yu ?eu su ?e ?e diwiza-ni-d’anu 
white horse he saddled him 


Then he saddled the white horse. 


5. Any of the above elements in combination with ?eu or éécr: 


P O 
a_.H._._.-..= 
sue ?aité?4mudvuzane eu du hica-nti 
he was killed this giant 


Then the giant was killed. 


When both the subject and the object slots in a clause are filled 
the two are distinguished by relative order (see ‘“‘Predicate Clauses’’). 
When one but not the other is filled, the context determines whether 
it is an object or a subject slot. A clause may occasionally have two 
object slots: 


pitinalinee begs” Ee Cine ame ee polo aan 
°a zdzi ?aihd-di gawiyd-ra dyi-wakaéanr gu wd4-gasIr 
question not somewhere horses you saw them and cattle 


Haven’t you seen some horses and cattle somewhere? 


The two object slots may be filled by a split compound object as in the 
example above, or they may be filled by a direct and an indirect object 
respectively: 

O P O 


—an, eee —_—_cSS ss 
su *e su ?disi saizi tdé?4wiya-?ani?ta eu sandiya-ku 
there allthing was left to him St. James 
Then everything was left to St. James. 


132 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


DIRECTIONAL-LOCATIONAL SLOT (D) 


A directional-locational slot with its filler specifies the direction 
taken by an action and/or its location either in an absolute sense or in 


relation to the speaker. The D slot may be filled by one of the follow- 
ing elements. 


A preposition: 
D P 
ooo —_—_ 
?e su ?e hawé- GA-ni 
this way he came 
Then he advanced. 


A directional: 

D iP 
—_—_—_—_—«—_—_—. ——; 
’esu’e dvi dé?éyu 

up they went 
Then they went up. 


A referential which includes a locative clitic: 
P D 


su ?e diyAtisiwisdvanu- gé-ru-di 
he hitched them wagon to 
Then he hitched them to the wagon. 


A phrase belonging to one of the following general types: 
1. Two prepositions: 


D Pr 
—_——~ poe Oe 
yuké- hawé- digd-nikuya 


that way this way he was looking 
He was looking this way and that. 


2. Two directionals: 
D P 
eS" ——_—eeoe 
su ®e sad¥i étigtyanu- 
back up she sat 
Then he sat up again. 


3. A combination of one or more prepositions with one or more 
directionals: 


D lad 
aaa ———— 
su’e ytsi ne zudyu 


from there down he went 
Then he went back down. 


D 1B 
ne ee OTe 
duiké. KTS ?eu sé-niGAdYAyA 


that way south down I am going 
I am going on down south. 


oP Te) LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 133 


4, A preposition plus a referential: 
D 12? 


Seana TS 
su %e yuké- ki-ti %e zipe- 
that way mountain go 
Go away to the mountains! 


5. A verb phrase: 
D iB 
—_—_— 
gétidya ?ai dvi Sdgtya 
my back up _ sit 
Sit up on my back. 


Most clauses occurring with a D slot contain only one such slot. 
Occasionally, however, a clause occurs with two D slots, one preceding 
and the other following the P slot: 

D P D 
su ?ai hau? d¥i_ sigtyanu- mé-sa-di 
near up when you sit table at 
When you sit up at the table, 


TIME SLOT (T) 


The grammatical function of a time slot with its filler is to specify 
the relative time of an action. This slot is usually filled by one of the 
temporals (see “Function Classes’’). 


D at 12 A 
diwé- si hé-Wind Z-ne si 
this way back soon will come I 
I will come back soon- 

Ab 12 


TT TT near 
’esu ?e nd-nu ¢A?diza-nu- 
next day it occurred 
The next day arrived. 
The T slot is sometimes filled by a phrase composed of two temporals 
or of the negative, z4zi, plus a temporal: 


4p iP 
, As ~ 
sumi hdéma- 24? Aiza-nu- 


already long ago it occurred 
It already happened long ago. 
a S 14 
oF OOOO 
?ésgosku zdzina sai z4?anE 
but not yet all itis 
But this isn’t all yet. 


As in the case of the D slot, a clause may occasionally occur with two T 
slots, one preceding the P slot and the other following: 


fil D iP r 
-—_e_o__ erg Pe 
?emi diuwé- ku ziyddyu sumi mé-nu- 


already this way south he passed already long time 
It has been a long time since he passed by going south. 


134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


MODIFIER SLOT (M) 


A modifier slot with its filler functions as a modifier of the predicate. 
The filler of this slot is ordinarily a single attributive: 


M D P 
su ?e suntbeda su ?e su ?ai hau? na dvyabanu- 
alone near down he entered 
Then he went in alone. 
M Jz A 
?éspasku su wint éécr nddé?e-ya?ata sizt-?u 
but fast also. will travel we 


But we will also travel fast. 


INTERROGATIVE-MODAL SLOT (1) 


An interrogative-modal slot may be filled by a variety of uninflected 
words classified as either interrogatives or modals (see ‘Function 
Classes’). The function of this slot with its filler is to form a question 
or to reinforce the mode (other than indicative) of the clause. 


I D Ss P 
zazi haé-di hau gaku 


not where someone heis 
There is nobody here. 

I P 
—ooOoOoOoOCO 
su ?e zi sdutisa 

what you are planting 
What are you planting? 

i O 1e 


kducrgdi du tiéd-gu 
maybe this I change 
Maybe I'll change it. 


I D P 
héa-né  dtiké. kaigd 


let me that way let me look 

Let me look around. 
Interrogative or modal phrases sometimes fill the I slot. These are 
ordinarily composed of ar interrogative or a modal together with 
zazi not or ?égu then: 


I Ve 
aa aaa Qn. @=" 
zizi ite dyuma 


not ableto he emerged 
He couldn’t get out. 


I D P A 
?égu giwa- sa niuma si 
then how back willemerge I 


How, then, will I get back out? 
CONNECTIVE SLOT (C) 


The connective slot with its filler occurs in clause-initial position 
and relates that clause to the preceding one. ‘This slot is filled by 


OP] 2 «LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 135 


one of the following connective particles: gu and, ?e and, ?égu then, 
?ésgosku but, or by the combination ?e ta and thus. 
C P 
cu. eu éGnaza 
and he is healthy 


And he is healthy. 

C 1% 
?ésgesku eu su ?e su diuwdwa-sa éécI 
but they were sick also 
But they were sick, too. 


SEQUENTIAL ORDERING OF FUNCTION SLOTS 


The structure of clauses is analyzed here in terms of the sequential 
ordering of the function slots. The statistical treatment is based 
on the types of clauses occurring in a sample of text material con- 
sisting of myths narrated by one informant. The sample contains 
about 4,500 words and was transcribed from 55 minutes of recorded 
natrative. 

PREDICATE CLAUSES 


The large majority of clauses in the text are predicate clauses. 
Of 910 clauses identified in the text there are 868 of this type. 
Predicate clauses are built around a predicate slot filled by a verb 
or verb phrase. The predicate clause may contain only a predicate 
slot, or it may include a wide variety of slots preceding and/or following 
the predicate slot. The structure of all predicate clauses in the text 
is indicated in charts 7 and 8. The former shows the structure of P1 
clauses, i.e., clauses in which the predicate slot is filled by a non-future 
tense verb. 2 clauses, outlined in chart 8, contain verbs in the 
future tense. Formulas indicate the sequential arrangement of the 
function slots and employ the following abbreviations: 
P= Predicate slot 
S=Subject slot 
O= Object slot 
D= Directional-locational slot 
T=Time slot 
M= Modifier slot 
I= Interrogative-modal slot 
C=Connective slot 
A= Auxiliary slot 
The number of occurrences of each type of predicate clause in 
the text is indicated following the formula. Although certain details 
of the chart are arbitrary, the arrangement of the formulas indicates 
an increasing complexity from left to right in terms of the number of 
slots contained in the clause. The slots are introduced in a specific 
order from top to bottom within each box bounded by solid lines and 
682-611—64 18 


136 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 
from left to right across contiguous boxes. This order (P, S, O, D, 


T, M, I, C) reflects, to some degree, an increasingly peripheral nature 
of the slots. 


SDOP 1 CSDPO1 | 


IOPS 1 CISPO1 | 


DSP) 12). DSDPPV4DTES 2.  TSPD 1 
DPS 12.) -DSPD 1, |, /TDSP:2), “EDES 1 


SP 42 IDSP:2 x7 2L DPS 2 CIDSP 1 


CDSP 3... CSDP 2 


PMS 1 
MInEee al he 
WCEP 5,4 CES 2: 
cnet aift} DORA? o.c2DOI | OLD |,.aite.d) UalDOle nea 
DPO 5. DOPO 1 | TODP,2 .TDORO JH) »\ ieee 
Gets “CDOP.2.. CODP 1,_ 
CDPO 2 
OP20, | TOP’ | ~TPO.2° | 1OPT A CITOP1 | 
Pel dy Becttdncwi coal a Al CTORS 1. 7m 
MOP 1 
STOP 12) EOPOlIy | CIOr 2 
IPO 2 


PIP oS. Der |) CP DP 2 


DP 138} MDP5 MDPM1|CMDP 1 


DPD2]| IpDP6 CIDP 1 
“Ges Crh 1 - 
oP) 39 | CTP £ CTPM 1 
PT 1 


Cuart 7.—P1 Clause Types 


Antorop o> LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 137 


CSPDA 1 | 

_FDPAO1 | CTDPAO! | 
CODPA 1 CIDOPA 1 
CIOPA 1 | 


Cuart 8.—P2 Clause Types 


In spite of some freedom of order in the arrangement of slots within 
the clause there are definite restrictions on their distribution. Con- 
sidering the slots in the order that they are introduced in the charts 
following the P slot, the following observations can be made. 

The A slot always follows the P slot, usually contiguously. There 
are a few occurrences, though, of a D slot intervening between the 
P and A slots (PDA, DPDA and CSPDA). 

The S and O slots may each occur either preceding or following 
the P slot. The S slot and, to a lesser extent, the O slot occur with 
greater frequency preceding than following the P slot. These slots are 
generally contiguous to the P slot or separated from it by one another, 
but occasionally a D, T, or M slot may intervene as in the sequences 
SDP, OTDP, DSMP, etc. 

Most commonly the D slot occurs immediately preceding the P 
slot or separated from it by an S or O slot, or less frequently by a 
T or M slot. When not occurring in this position it immediately 
follows the P slot, or there may be two D slots in the clause, as in the 
sequences DSDP, DSPD and MDPD. 

The distribution of the T and M slots is comparable to that of 
the D slot. They generally precede, but sometimes immediately 
follow, the P slot. When preceding the P slot they may be separated 
from it by an S, O, D, T or M slot. 


138 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


The I and C slots are the most restricted in their distribution. 
An I slot occurs only clause-initially or preceded by a C slot, while a 
C slot may occur only in initial position in the clause. 


NON-PREDICATE CLAUSES 


Non-predicate clauses are of rather infrequent occurrence in the 
text, comprising only 42 of the 910 clauses. Of these, the most 
commonly occurring is the prepositional clause, of which there are 30 
in the text. 

Of the prepositional clauses, seven consist of a D slot only: 
D 
di? bédnisdé no 
here west side down 
It was down here on the west side. 


Sixteen are composed of a D slot followed by an S slot: 


D S 
duwé- didi na éi-nd 


this way north down river 
It was at the river flowing from the north. 


Four are made up of a D slot preceded by an S slot: 
Ss D 
hiea-ntr ?4?4-taw1 aes 
giant key there 
The giant’s key is there. 


In addition, there is one clause of the type CD and two of the type 
CDS: 

C D Ss 

‘eu di-yu bisé-ri 

and here blanket 

And here is a blanket. 


There are ten ?eu clauses in the text. These all contain an S slot 
either introduced or closed by the particle ?eu. In this context 
?eu may be translated as 2¢ was or there was. 
eee) 
?eu é484pa 
Satan 
Tt was Satan. 


All but one of the ?eu clauses is composed entirely of an S slot. The 
one exception has a C slot preceding the S slot: 


C S 
e su ?e ta ?eusu ?e mdé-éu 7iska hdidf ?eu 
thus mule one which 


There was one special mule. 


Antror | 2 LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 139 


There are only two interrogative clauses in the text, but such clauses 
are more common in ordinary conversation than this sampling would 
indicate. An interrogative clause consists uniformly of an I slot 
followed by an S slot: 
I Ss 

ha-di dv4-mi 

where eagle 

Where is the eagle? 


INDEPENDENT VERSUS DEPENDENT CLAUSES 


Most clauses are independent clauses and as such may stand alone 
as full sentences. A dependent clause, on the other hand, never 
occurs in isolation but is closely linked to a contiguous independent 
clause. Three types of dependent clauses are identified in the text: 

1. Prepositional clauses: 


di? bénisdé na It was down here on the west side. 
2. Clauses introduced by a C slot filled by gu and: 
gu ?iska ?eu su G4?A4ubenai’r And he put one of them in (his pocket). 
3. Clauses introducing or closing a quotation: 
dyéineta ?eu d¥4-mi The eagle said. 
Clauses introduced by gu differ from those introduced by other 


connectives in that they presuppose a preceding clause to which they 
are linked: 


O D Pp. C O D E 
du ?iska eu hé-y4 cd-ca-dyani gu du ?iska ?euhé-ydé ti8d-t1-Sé 
this one with it he breathes and this one withit he has power 


With one he breathes and with the other he has power. 


Clauses introduced by ?ésgasku or other connectives, on the other 
hand, may stand alone as independent clauses: 
C sae P M 
?ésgosku na é4pasr ktimi 
but yet dark slightly 
But tt was still a litile dark. 


SUPRACLAUSE STRUCTURE 


In this section the clause will be examined within the context of 
longer stretches of speech. Certain elements will first be described 
which are not considered to be an integral part of any clause. This 
will be followed by a consideration of the position of dependent clauses 
within larger syntactic units. 


FRAGMENT UTTERANCES 


Certain words or short sequences of words occur both in narrative 
and in conversation which may be spoken in isolation, but which are 


140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


meaningless apart from the context in which they are spoken. The 
fragment may be semantically dependent on the immediate linguistic 
context or on the non-linguistic context. 

Fragment utterances are most commonly exclamations or short 
answers to questions. ‘They do not occupy a definable slot within a 
clause or larger unit and are themselves too brief for syntactic analysis. 
The following are examples of the 103 fragment utterances occurring in 
the text: 


ha- Yes. 

hind O.K. 

he What? 
?eu he Is that so? 
me: nasu_ Let’s go! 
hawi- Here! 
ws-?6é Thanks, 


COMPLEX SENTENCES 


The narrative text on which this analysis is based consists, for the 
most part, of a series of independent clauses, each of which is in itself 
a complete structural unit. Since each independent clause is a com- 
plete sentence and is, in general, relatively brief, a Santa Ana narrative 
appears highly fragmented as compared with English. 

There are in the text two types of complex sentences, each com- 
posed of an independent clause with one or more dependent clauses. 
The first type of complex sentence is composed of an independent 
clause followed by one or more dependent clauses of the type intro- 
duced by the connective gu. There are 43 sentences of this type in 
the text, including the following example: 


independent clause dependent clause 
ee 
?ai su ’e ?iska GA?4ucdyuca gu ?iska ?eu su ¢4?4ubonai?1 
one he broke it and one he put it in 


Then he broke one and put one in (his pocket). 


The second type of complex sentence is composed of an independent 
clause preceded or followed by one or more prepositional clauses. 
There are 27 occurrences of this type of sentence in the text, including 
the following examples: 
independent clause dependent clause 
?e su 7e su si yuku ziku ?eu sandiyé-ku ai di?di pakacisu 
back away he went St. James there gully 
Then St. James went away again into the gully, 


An oP yf 22; LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 141 


dependent clause dependent clause dependent clause 
_ _ —_—. SSS SS 
duiwé- didi no ¢i-nd di? bdnisdé hoa ktidaisketa di?di 
this way north down river here west side down round-top there 


independent clause 
a nn 
di?ai dy4-?4u?u hdcaze-za gu CGéukui-sanu 
there they lived man and his wife 


On the west side of the river flowing from the north at Roundtop Mesa there lived 
a man and his wife. 


QUOTATIONS 


Of the three types of dependent clauses described on page 139, 
two occur as parts of the complex sentences discussed above. The 
third type is that which introduces or closes a quotation and is ordi- 
narily translated by such expressions as he said, he said to him, etc. 
The occurrence of these clauses closely parallels the English equivalents 
in that they may precede or follow the quotation, or they may be 
omitted entirely. 

quotational clause independent clause 
su ?e su ?e dacitkuya su ndizi? si 
he said to him willlie I 
Then he said to him, ‘I am going to lie down.” 


fragment utterance quotational clause 

e_aK—X—X—X—“—___————— 7 —_—_—_———.0.. ee 

?e su ?e su hind dyéineta eu sandiyé-ku 
O.K. he said St. James 


“O.K.,” said St. James. 


Quotations are sometimes preceded and followed by dependent 
quotational clauses: 


quotational clause fragment quotational clause 
a. —_o_ (a 
su ?e ?eu d¥4-mi ?e Gdza_ hind d¥éineta 
eagle hesaid O.K. he said 


Then the eagle said, ‘‘O.K.”’ 


Constructions such as these are not regarded as complex sentences 
because dependent quotational clauses may be linked not only to a 
single fragment or independent clause but, in extended quotations, 
to a whole series of sentences, some of which may themselves be 
complex. 


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ca 


; | ' - Ai 
i 1® (ts 4470 i 2 poe) 


i t ; 
o ci) ee 


stukaica 
st-kaica 
gu-kaica 
ziukaica 
sdukaica 
dvt-kaica 
set-kaica 


guzu-kaica 


zi sgu-kaica 


ZAzi st-kaica 
zAzi gu-kaica 
zazi ziukadica 


Zazi sdukaica 
zzi dyt-kaica 
zzi sd¥t-kaica 
zazi gigti-kaica 


tiukaica 
ct-kaica 
dvt-kaica 
diukaica 


zaukaica 
dvt-kaica 
tizi-kaica 
dyizt-kaica 


APPENDIX 1. VERB PARADIGMS 
TRANSITIVE VERB PRIMARY PARADIGMS 


CLASS A 

INDICATIVE HORTATIVE 
I hit him kdukaica let me hit him 
you hit him pu-kaica hit him 
he hit him piukaica let him hit him 
he (4th person) hit him piukaica let him (4th person) hit 
I hit you him 
you hit me sdukaica let me hit you 
he hit me eu-kaica hit me 
he hit you nuzu-kaica let him hit me 

z-kaica let him hit you 

NEGATIVE NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


I didn’t hit him 
you didn’t hit him 
he didn’t hit him 
he (4th person) 
didn’t hit him 
I didn’t hit you 
you didn’t hit me 
he didn’t hit me 
he didn’t hit you 


DUBITATIVE 


maybe I hit him 
maybe you hit him 
maybe he hit him 


maybe he (4th person) 


hit him 
maybe I hit you 
maybe you hit me 
maybe he hit me 
maybe he hit you 


INDICATIVE 
séku I bit him 
saku you bit him 
gaku he bit him 
caku he (4th person) bit him 
saku I bit you 
éaku you bit me 
skaku he bit me 
gézaku he bit you 


bA-mf- nfukaica 
bA-mif- 
ba-mf- 


bA-mi- 


piukaica 
, ; 6 
piukaica 
nea 
sdukaéica 


’ . 
gu-kaica 

, 
nuzu-kai 


ba-mif- 
bA-mi- 
bA-mi- 
bA-mi- 


, 
segu-kaica 


sdvt-kaica 


let me not hit him 

don’t hit him 

let him not hit him 

let him (4th person) 
not hit him 

let me not hit you 

don’t hit me 

let him not hit me 

let him not hit you 


CA 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


° 
ba niukaica 


ba gu-kaica 
ba piukaica 
ba piukaica 


ba zdukaica 
ba dyti-kaica 
ba nizt-kaica 
ba d¥tizt-kaica 


let me hit him (in the 
future) 

hit him 

let him hit him 

let him (4th person) 
hit him 

let me hit you 

hit me 

let him hit me 

let him hit you 


CLASS B 
HORTATIVB 
kaku let me bite him 
paku bite him 
péku let him bite him 
péku let him (4th person) bite him 
saku let me bite you 
kaku bite me 
ndézaku let him bite me 
Zaku let him bite you 


143 


144 


BUREAU 


OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[Bull. 191 


NEGATIVE NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 
zazisgiku I didn’t bite him ba-mi- néku let me not bite him 
zazi saku you didn’t bite him ba-mi- sgaku = don’t bite him 
ZAZi giku he didn’t bite him ba-mi- péku let him not bite him 
z4zi caku he (4th person) didn’t bite bé-mf- péku let him (4th person) 

him not bite him 
zAzi Saku I didn’t bite you ba-mf- sku let me not bite you 
ziziéaku —-you didn’t bite me ba-mf-kaku don’t bite me 
zazi staku he didn’t bite me ba-mi- ndzaku let him not bite me 
zazi gszaku he didn’t bite you ba-mi- séaku let him not bite you 
DUBITATIVE FUTURE HORTATIVE 

téku maybe I bit him ba néku let me bite him (in the 
caku maybe you bit him future) 
dvaku maybe he bit him ba caku bite me 
taku maybe he (4th person) bit him ba péku let him bite him 
caku maybe I bit you ba péku let him (4th person) bite 
éaku maybe you bit me him 
téziku maybe he bit me ba éaku let me bite you 
dydzaku maybe he bit you ba éaku bite me 

ba nézaku let him bite me 

ba d¥ézaku let him bite you 

CLASS C 
INDICATIVE HORTATIVE 

C{-2UWA I paid him kAéizawa let me pay him 
$i-zUWA you paid him pi-ziwa pay him 
Zi-zQWA he paid him pi-zuwa let him pay him 
sdiziwa I paid you sdizawa let me pay you 
ediztiwa you paid me ktiziwa pay me 
skiiziwa he paid me nédi-ziwa let him pay me 
gédi-ziwa he paid you di-ziwa let him pay you 

NEGATIVE NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 
zAzi sd¥i-ziwa I didn’t pay him bA-mf- ni-ziwa let me not pay him 
ZAzi Si-zUwa you didn’t pay him ba-mi- sd¥i-ziwa don’t pay him 
zazi zi-zdwa he didn’t pay him ba-mf- pi-ziwa let him not pay him 
ZAal sAiziwAa I didn’t pay you ba-mf- sAiziwa let me not pay you 
zazi Sdiziwa you didn’t pay me bA-m{- kiiziwa don’t pay me 
zdzi séi-2iwa he didn’t pay me ba-mi- nédi-ziwa let him not pay me 
zai gddi-ziwa he didn’t pay you ba-mf- séi-ztiwa let him not pay you 


ti-zdwa 
ci-z0awa 
di-zawa 
caizawa 
étiztiwa 
tddi-ziwa 
d¥idi-zuwa 


DUBITATIVE 


maybe I paid him 
maybe you paid him 
maybe he paid him 
maybe I paid you 
maybe you paid me 
maybe he paid me 
maybe he paid you 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba ni-ziwa 


ba ci-ziwa 
ba pi-ziwa 
ba cdiziwa 
ba étiziwa 
ba nédi-ziwa 
ba didi-ziwa 


let me pay him (in the 
future) 

pay him 

let him pay him 

let me pay you 

pay me 

let him pay me 

let him pay you 


Ano; 2 ~=LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 145 


CLASS D 


INDICATIVE 
éiudi I gave it to him 
Siudi you gave it to him 
zludi he gave it to him 


saudi I gave it to you 
dytdi you gave it to me 
sgudi he gave it to me 
gédiudi he gave it to you 


NEGATIVE 


zazi sd¥iudi? TI didn’t give it to him 

zazi Siudi? you didn’t give it to 
him 

zAzi ziudi? he didn’t give it to him 

zAzi Saudi? 

zdzi dyudi? 

zAzi sdvudi? 


I didn’t give it to you 
you didn’t give it to me 
he didn’t give it to me 


zdzi gédiudi? he didn’t give it to you 


DUBITATIVE 
tiudi maybe I gave it to him 
ciudi maybe you gave tt to him 
diudi maybe he gave it to him 
caudi maybe I gave it to you 
dvudi maybe you gave ut to me 


tédiudi maybe he gave it to me 
dvidiudi maybe he gave it to you 


HORTATIVE 


kaudi let me give it to him 


piudi give ut to him 

piudi let him give it to him 
saudi let me give it to you 
gudi give it to me 


nddiudi let him give it to me 
diudi let him give it to you 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


bé-mf- niudi let me not give it to him 

ba-mi- sd¥iudi don’t give it to him 

bA-mf- piudi let him not give it to 
him 

ba-mf- SAudi _—_let me not give it to you 

ba-mi- gudi don’t give it to me 

ba-mi- nddiudi let him not give it to 
me 

let him not give it to 
you 


ba-mf- séaddi 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba niudi let me give it to him (an 
the future) 

ba ciudi give it to him 

ba piudi let him give it to him 

ba éaudi let me give it to you 

ba dyudi give tt to me 


ba nédiudi_ let him give it to me 
ba d¥idiudi let him give it to you 


TRANSITIVE VERB SECONDARY PARADIGMS 


REFLEXIVE 


INDICATIVE 
saku I bit myself 
saku you bit yourself 
kA?aku he bit himself 

NEGATIVE 


zazi skA?aku I didn’t bite myself 

zdzi sku you didn’t bite your- 
self 

he didn’t bite himself 


DUBITATIVE 


ta?aku maybe I bit myself 
cé?aku maybe you bit yourself 
éA’aku maybe he bit himself 


zazi kA?aku 


HORTATIVE 


ka?aku let me bite myself 
caku bite yourself 
pa?aku — let him bite himself 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


bé-mf- naku let me not bite myself 

ba-mi- sk4?aku don’t bite yourself 

ba-mi- pé?aku let him not bite him- 
self 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


let me bite myself (in the 
future) 

ba c4?Aku bite yourself 

ba p4?aku let him bite himself 


ba naku 


146 


BUREAU OF 


INDICATIVE 


skA?agune I was bitten 
S4?agunE you were bitten 
cA4?agunE he - was bitten 


NEGATIVE 


z4zi scA?agune I wasn’t bitten 
zazi SA°?AguUnE you weren’t bitten 
zazi GA?AgunE he wasn’t bitten 


DUBITATIVE 


té?éoune maybe I was bitten 
cA?agunE maybe you were bitten 
té?agunE maybe he was bitten 


AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
PASSIVE 
HORTATIVE 
né?égunE let me be bitten 
zA’agunE be bitten 
pé?égune let him be bitten 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


bAé-mf- né?égunk 
bA-m{- sé4?AagunEr don’t be bitten 
bé-mi- pé?égunE 
FUTURE HORTATIVE 

ba né?éguneE 
future) 


ba cé?Aagune be bitten 
ba pé?égunz let him be bitten 


INTRANSITIVE VERB PARADIGMS 


INDICATIVE 


sfuyd I skinned it 

siya you skinned it 

guy4 he skinned it 

NEGATIVE 

I didn’t skin it 
you didn’t skin it 
he didn’t skin it 


DUBITATIVE 


zAzi sguyd 
zazi suyd 
zAzi guiya 


tiuy4 maybe I skinned it 
eiyd maybe you skinned it 
dytiyd maybe he skinned tt 


Class 1-3 verbs are inflected like those of Class 1-1 except that 


CLASS 1-1 
HORTATIVE 
k4uyd let me skin it 
puya skin tt 
piytyds let him skin it 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 
b4-mf- kduyaé 
ba-m{- sgiya 
ba-mi- piytyd4 


don’t skin it 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba nfuy4 let me skin it 
future) 
ba ctiyaé skin it 
ba piytiyd let him skin it 
CLASS 1-3 


allomorph 114H occurs in the second person hortative: 


?3ska drink it 


INDICATIVE 


siku J am located 
saku you are located 
gaku he is located 


NEGATIVE 


zazi sgaku I am not located 
zazisaku you are not located 
zizi gaku he is not located 


CLASS 1-16 
HORTATIVE 

kaku let me be located 
zaku be located 
pitiku let him be located 

NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 
bA-mi- kaku let me not be located 
bA-mf- sgaku don’t be located 
ba-mi- pi?iku let him not be located 


[Bull. 191 


let me not be bitten 


let him not be bitten 


let me be bitten (in the 


let me not skin it 


let him not skin it 


TeNoee LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 147 


DUBITATIVE FUTURE HORTATIVE 
titiku maybe I am located ba niku let me be located (in the 
caku maybe you are located future) 
dyaku maybe he is located ba caku __ be located 
ba pitiku let him be located 
CLASS 1-17 

INDICATIVE HORTATIVE 
SfuyA-nE we skinned it niuya-ne let us skin it 
siy4-ne you all skinned it puya-ne skin it (you all) 
giya-ne they skinned it piytya-ne let them skin it 


NEGATIVE 
zazi sgiyAa-nE we didn’t skin it 
zizi siya-ne you all didn’t skin it 
zazi giya-ne they didn’t skin it 


DUBITATIVE 

tiyiya-nE maybe we skinned it 
cuyé-nB maybe you all skinned it 
dytiy4-ne maybe they skinned it 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


let us not skin it 

don’t skin it (you 
all) 

let them not skin it 


b4-mf- niuyé-ne 
bé-mf- sgtiy4-nE 


ba-mf- piytiyé-nE 
FUTURE HORTATIVE 


let us skin it (in the 
future) 

skin it (you all) 

let them skin it 


ba nfuya-nE 


ba cty4-nE 
ba piyty4-nE 


CLASS 1-18 


Class 1-18 verbs are inflected like those of Class 1-17 except that 
allomorphs 104Q and 105Q occur in the first person hortative and 


negative hortative: 
stiuyA-na let us two skin it 


CLASS 2-23 
INDICATIVE HORTATIVE 
sdz4-?ApE we ate ndz4-?apE let us eat 
gézd-?apE you all ate ZA-? APE eat (you all) 
gd-?apE they ate pa-?apE let them eat 
NEGATIVE NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


zAzi sg4-?apE _—-we didn’t eat 
zAzi gézA-?apE you all didn’t eat 
ZAzi ga-?ApE they didn’t eat 


DUBITATIVE 


tézA-?ApE maybe we ate 
d¥5z4-?apE maybe you all ate 
dya-?apE maybe they ate 


let us not eat 
don’t eat (you all) 
let them not eat 


bé-mf- ndz4-?apE 
b4-mf- sg4-?apE 
bé-mf{f- p4-?apE 
FUTURE HORTATIVE 
ba néz4-?apE 
ba d¥5z4-?apE 
ba pa-?apE 


let us eat (in the future) 
eat (you all) 
let them eat 


CLASS 2-24 


Class 2-24 verbs are inflected like those of Class 2-23 except that 
allomorphs 104M and 105M occur in the first person hortative and 


negative hortative: 


S$4-?abe let us two eat 


148 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


INDICATIVE 
sguwa-sa I am sick 
guziwa-sa you are sick 
ziwa-sa he is sick 


NEGATIVE 


zAzi sdYiwa-sa? I am not sick 
z4zi giziwa-sa? you are not sick 
zAzi ziwa-sa? he ts not sick 


DUBITATIVE 


tiziwa-sa maybe I am sick 
d¥’tiziwa-sa maybe you are sick 
diwa-sa maybe he ts sick 


INDICATIVE 


siukat I am satisfied 
sikdi you are satisfied 
ktkdi he ts satisfied 


NEGATIVE 


zAzi skikdéi I am not satified 
zAzi sikdi you are not satisfied 
zizi kikéi he is not satisfied 


DUBITATIVE 
tiukar maybe I am satisfied 
cikd4i maybe you are satisfied 
éukd4i maybe he is satisfied 


INDICATIVE 
sizsca Iran 
SizdcA you ran 
kizsca he ran 


NEGATIVE 


zazi skizdca I didn’t run 
z4zi SizscA = you didn’t run 
zazi kizdca ihe didn’t run 


DUBITATIVE 


izdcA maybe you ran 
dca maybe he ran 


tizscaA maybe I ran 


iz 


CLASS 3-27 


HORTATIVE 


nuztiwa-sa_ let me be sick 

zuwa-sa be sick 

piwa-sa let him be sick 
NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


bé-mi- niziwa-sa_ let me not be sick 

bA-mf- sd¥iwa-sa don’t be sick 

ba-mf- piwa-sa let him not be sick 
FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba niziwa-sa_ let me be sick (in the 


future) 
ba d¥aziwa-sa be sick 
ba piwa-sa let him be sick 


CLASS 4-3 


HORTATIVE 


kaukar let me be satisfied 
?akdi be satisfied 
piukdi let him be satisfied 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


ba-mf- kaAukar let me not be satisfied 
ba-m{- skikdi don’t be satisfied 
ba-mf{- piukdi let him not be satisfied 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba niukar let me be satisfied (in the 
future) 

ba cukdi be satisfied 

ba piukdi let him be satisfied 


CLASS 4-5 


HORTATIVE 
kizdca let me run 
, 
tizscA run 
pizdca let him run 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


ba-mi- kizdca —_ let me not run 
ba-m{- skizdca don’t run 
bé-mf{- pizdca let him not run 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba nizdca_ let me run (in the future) 
ba cizdcaA run 
ba pizdca let him run 


An Bo] > LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 149 


CLASS 5-2 


INDICATIVE 
siwi-trya I worshiped 
stiwi-tEya you worshiped 
kiwi-teya he worshiped 


NEGATIVE 


zazi skiwi-teya I didn’t worship 
zazi siwi-tEya you didn’t worship 
zazi kiwi-tEya he didn’t worship 


DUBITATIVE 


maybe I worshiped 
f-tEyA maybe you worshiped 
j-tEyaA maybe he worshiped 


CLASS 


INDICATIVE 


supE I ate 
supE you ate 
kupE he ate 


NEGATIVE 


zizi skupE I didn’t eat 
zizi supE you didn’t eat 
zizi kupE he didn’t eat 


DUBITATIVE 


tupe maybe I ate 
cupE maybe you ate 
dyupE maybe he ate 


HORTATIVE 


kiwi-teya let me worship 
cuwi-tEya worship 
puiwi-trya let him worship 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


2 YA 


-mi- kiwi-tEya — let me not worship 
-mi- skiwi-tnya don’t worship 
-mi- piwi-teya — let him not worship 


(op (er for 
> o> o> 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba niwi-trya let me worship (in the 
future) 

ba ciwi-tEya worship 

ba puiwi-tpya let him worship 


5-8 
HORTATIVE 


kupE let me eat 
éupE eat 
pupE let him eat 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


ba-m{- kupE let me not eat 
-skupE don’t eat 
ba-mi- pupE let him not eat 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba nupE let me eat (in the future) 
ba cupE eat 
ba pupE let him eat 


CLASS 5-9 


Class 5-9 is inflected like Class 5-8 except that allomorphs 104G 
and 105G occur in the first person hortative and negative hortative: 


nuiwata-nizanE let us work 


CLASS 5-10 


Class 5-10 differs from Classes 5-8 and 5-9 in that it takes allo- 
morphs 104M and 105M in the first person hortative and negative 


hortative: 


oe 


SutA-nizana let us two work 


150 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


INDICATIVE 
sé-ni J walked 
si-ni you walked 
k4-ni he walked 
NEGATIVE 
zAziskA-ni I didn’t walk 
zAzisA-ni you didn’t walk 
zazi ka-ni he didn’t walk 
DUBITATIVE 
té-ni maybe I walked 
cA-ni maybe you walked 
cA-ni maybe he walked 
INDICATIVE 
saza I said 
gécaza you said 
kaza he said 
NEGATIVE 
ziziskéza I didn’t say 
zazi gécaza you didn’t say 
zZazi kaza he didn’t say 
DUBITATIVE 
taza maybe I said 
dys¢aza maybe you said 
Aza maybe he said 
INDICATIVE 
$a it is mine 
gdz4 itis yours 
ka it is his 
$a you are mine 
NEGATIVE 
zazi ska _it isn’t mine 
ZAzi gdz4i it isn’t yours 
ZAzi ka ut isn’t his 
zAzi $a you aren’t mine 
DUBITATIVE 
ta maybe tt is mine 
dvs 74 maybe it is yours 
ca maybe it is his 
¢a maybe you are mine 


CLASS 6-3 
HORTATIVE 

kA-ni 

?4-ni 

pé-ni 


let me walk 
walk 
let him walk 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


bA-mf- ka-ni 
bA-m{- sk4-ni 
b4é-mfi- pé-ni 


let me not walk 
don’t walk 
let him not walk 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba né-ni 
ba ¢cAé-ni 
ba pé-ni 


walk 
let him walk 


CLASS 7-18 
HORTATIVE 


kdza_ let me say 
Zaza say 
pdiza_ let him say 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


ba-mi- k4za let me not say 
bé-m{i- skdza_ don’t say 
bA-mi- pdza let him not say 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba naza let me say (in the future) 
ba d¥écaza_ say 
ba pdza let him say 
CLASS 7-15 
HORTATIVE 


na_ let it be mine 
za let it be yours 
pa _ let it be his 
Sa be mine 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


ba-mi- na let it not be mine 
ba-m{- ska let it not be yours 
ba-mi- pa let it not be his 
ba-mf- $a don’t be mine 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba ha let it be mine (in the future) 
ba d¥sz4__let it be yours 

ba pa let it be his 

ba ¢a be mine 


[Bull. 191 


let me walk (in the future) 


Anthrop. Pap. 
No Bot 2 ~=LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 151 


CLASS 8—14 
INDICATIVE HORTATIVE 
Stidvasr I fasted ku?tdvasr let me fast 
guzidvasrt you fasted zud¥asi fast 
gaudvas1_ _—ihe fasted pdudvasr let him fast 
NEGATIVE NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


bé-mf- ki?tidyasr let me not fast 
ba-mi- sgéudvasr don’t fast 
ba-mi- pdéudvasr — let him not fast 


zAzi sgdudvasr I didn’t fast 
zZAzi gizidvasi you didn’t fast 
z4zi gdudyasr ihe didn’t fast 


DUBITATIVE FUTURE HORTATIVE 


tu?advasr maybe I fasted ba nudvaksr let me fast (in the 
future) 

ba d¥izidvasr fast 

ba p4ud¥asr let him fast 


dyuztidyasi maybe you fasted 
dy4udvasrt maybe he fasted 


CLASS 9-11 
INDICATIVE HORTATIVE 
sdudi I planted kA?dudi let me plant 
sdudi you planted é4udi plant 
k4?4udi_ he planted pa?dudi let him plant 
NEGATIVE NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


zAzi skA?4udi I didn’t plant ba-mi- k4?4udi let me not plant 


zAzi sdudi you didn’t plant ba-mf- sk4?4udi don’t plant 

zAzi kA?dudi _ihe didn’t plant bé-mi- pé?4udi let him not plant 
DUBITATIVE FUTURE HORTATIVE 

tA?4udi maybe I planted ba n4udi let me plant (in the future) 

cA?d4udi maybe you planted ba c4?4udi plant 


G4?4udi maybe he planted ba pé?dudi_ let him plant 


CLASS 9-12 


Class 9-12 verbs differ from those of Class 9-11 in that allomorphs 
104N and 105N occur in the first person hortative and negative 
hortative: 

S4udimha let us two plant 


CLASS 10-6 


INDICATIVE 


si-ba?tu I slept 
Si-ba?tu you slept 
zi-ba?tu he slept 


NEGATIVE 


z4zi sd¥i-ba?tu I didn’t sleep 

Zizi S{-ba?tu you didn’t sleep 

zazi 2i-ba?tu he didn’t sleep 
682-611—64—_—__14 


HORTATIVE 


kdiba?tu let me sleep 
?j-ba?tu sleep 
pi?i-ba?tu let him sleep 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


bé-mi- kdiba?tu —_ let me not sleep 
bé-mi- sd¥i-ba’tu don’t sleep 
bé-mf- pi?i-ba?tu let him not sleep 


152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


DUBITATIVE 


ti-ba’tu maybe I slept 
ci-ba?tu maybe you slept 
di-ba?tu maybe he slept 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba ni-ba?tu let me sleep (in the 
future) 

ba ci-ba?tu sleep 

ba pi?i-ba?tu let him sleep 


CLASS 10-7 


INDICATIVE 


éikupawa I chopped 
Sikupawa you chopped 
zikupAwa he chopped 


NEGATIVE 


zdzi sdvyikupawa I didn’t chop 
zazi SikupAwA you didn’t chop 
zAzi zikUpAWA he didn’t chop 


DUBITATIVE 


tikupawa maybe I chopped 
cikupawAa maybe you chopped 
dikupawa maybe he chopped 


HORTATIVE 


kékupawa_ let me chop 
pikupawa chop 
pikupawa let him chop 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


ba-mi- kékupawa let me not chop 
ba-mf- sd¥ikupawa don’t chop 
ba-mi- pikupawA let him not chop 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba nikupawa let me chop (in the 
future) 

ba cikupawa chop 

ba pikupawa let him chop 


CLASS 10-21 


INDICATIVE 


sikupawanE we chopped 
SikupawanE you all chopped 
zikupawanE they chopped 


NEGATIVE 


zAzi sd¥ikupawanE we didn’t chop 

zAzi Sikupawane you all didn’t 
chop 

zAzi zikupawanE they didn’t chop 


DUBITATIVE 


tikupawanE maybe we chopped 
cikupawank maybe you all chopped 
dikupawanE maybe he chopped 


CLASS 


HORTATIVE 


nikupawanE let us chop 
pikupawanE chop (you all) 
pikupawanE let them chop 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


bé-mf- nikupawanE let us not chop 

ba-mi- sd¥ikupawanE don’t chop (you 
all) 

b4-mi- pikupawanE let them not 
chop 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba nikupawanE let us chop (in the 
future) 

ba cikupawanE chop (you all) 

ba pikupawankE let them chop 


10—22 


Class 10-22 verbs are inflected like those of Class 10-21 except that 
allomorphs 104P and 105P occur in the first person hortative and 


negative hortative: 


stikupawana let us two chop 


set 2 ~=LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 153 


CLASS 11-25 


INDICATIVE 


sédéku we went 
gddéku you all went 
zekU they went 


NEGATIVE 


zizi sdyeku we didn’t go 
zizi gsdeku you all didn’t go 
Zizi zekU they didn’t go 


DUBITATIVE 


tédeku maybe we went 
dyidéku maybe you all went 
déku maybe they went 


HORTATIVE 


nédéku let us go 
déku go (you all) 
peku let them go 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


ba-mf- néddéku — let us not go 
ba-mf-sdyéku don’t go (you all) 
ba-m{i- péeku let them not go 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba nédéku _ let us go (in the future) 
ba dvidéku go (you all) 
ba péku let them go 


CLASS 11-26 


Class 11-26 verbs differ from those of Class 11-25 in that they 
occur with allomorphs 1040 and 1050 in the first person hortative and 


negative hortative: 


sté?éyu let us two go 


CLASS 12-27 


INDICATIVE 


sgd-nawant J am mean 
gdzi-nawanl you are mean 
cA-nawant he is mean 


NEGATIVE 


Zazi scA-nawanl I am not mean 
zazi gdzA-nawanl you are not mean 
zAzi CA-nawanl he is not mean 


DUBITATIVE 


tézA-nawant maybe I am mean 


dyézA-nawanl maybe you are mean 
H A ’ . 
ta-nawanl maybe he is mean 


HORTATIVE 


nézAi-nawant let me be mean 
zA-nawanl be mean 

9A .J . 
pé-nawanl let him be mean 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


fs , 


-ndézA-nawant let me not be mean 
scA-nawanl don’t be mean 
pé-nawanl let him not be 


mean 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


let me be mean (in 
the future) 

ba d¥dz4-nawant be mean 

ba pé-nawant let him be mean 


ba néza-nawanl 


CLASS 18-28 


INDICATIVE 
sktikar J lay down 
gddikar you lay down 
CikAI he lay down 


NEGATIVE 
ziziséikat ‘I didn’t lie down 
zazi gddikat you didn’t lie down 
ZAzi Cik al he didn’t lie down 


HORTATIVE 
nédikat let me lie down 
dik al lie down 

pikal let him lie down 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


ba-mi- nédik ar let me not lie down 
ba-m{- scikar don’t lie down 
ba-mf- pikar let him not lie down 


154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


DUBITATIVE 
tédikat maybe I lay down 


dvidikat maybe you lay down 
tik aI maybe he lay down 


INDICATIVE 


si-ca I didit 
Si-ca you did it 
ci-cA he did it 


NEGATIVE 


zazi sti-ca TI didn’t do it 
zizi Si-cA = you didn’t do it 
zazi ci-cA he didn’t do tt 


DUBITATIVE 


ti-ca maybe I did it 
ci-cA maybe you did it 
ti-cA maybe he did it 


INDICATIVE 


St-za-nE we did it 
Si-za-nE you all did it 
ei-za-nE they did it 


NEGATIVE 


zAzi sti-za-nE we didn’t do it 
z4zi St-za-nhe you all didn’t do tt 
zAzi ci-za-nE they didn’t do it 


DUBITATIVE 


ti?i-za-nn maybe we did it 
ci-za-nE maybe you all did it 
ti-za-nE maybe they did it 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba nédikar let me lie down (in the 


CLASS 14-4 


future) 
ba d¥idikart lie down 
ba pikar let him lie down 
HORTATIVE 


kaica let me do it 
pi-ca = do ttt 
pi?i-ca let him do it 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


bA-m{f- kAica —_ let me not do it 
bé-mf- séi-ca don’t do it 
ba-mf- pi?i-ca let him not do it 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba ni-ca let me do it (in the future) 
ba ct-ca do it 
ba pi?i-ca let him do it 


CLASS 14-19 


HORTATIVE 


ni-za-ne let us do it 
pi-za-nE ~— do it (you all) 
pi?i-za-ne let them do itt 


NEGATIVE HORTATIVE 


ba-mfi- ni-za-nE let us not do it 
b4é-mf- séi-za-ne don’t do it (you all) 
bé-mf- pi?i-za-ne let them not do it 


FUTURE HORTATIVE 


ba ni-za-neE let us do it (in the future) 
ba cf-za-nE do it (you all) 
ba pi?i-za-ne let them do it 


CLASS 14-20 


Class 14-20 verbs differ from those of Class 14-19 in that they take 
allomorphs 104Q and 105Q in the first person hortative and negative 


hortative: 


sti-za-na let us two do it 


APPENDIX 2. TEXT’ 


D P S D 
—oemr- SO ——@-@-—— > 
di*ai' su ?e hau?? da?4ér1? sandiyé-ku‘/ ?ai su ?e su ha-di® 
there near he arrived St. James where 

Ss ii P C 
Gi-na° d¥5-ta-ma’ / z4zi®?ite® dara! / su ?e ta}! 
river it is full not able to he crosses thus 


P D O 
su Cuidé.?anikuya!? dtké.!* d¥i! / su ?eu su sdézanadisd’ use 
he was asking that way up Our Father 
P I D O 
euida-?anikuya!? / giwa-' ?éza” diké- ku'® éfer® 93-t4-ma” 
he was asking how at least that way south water it is full 
iP A D O 
niuma”’ gink?? / ?e su ?e yusi?? no% eu d %4-mi%® 
will cross he from there down eagle 
D P D iP 
?eu su ?e yuisi2? no% tagtiyanE?’ / su ?e hau?? diuwaéér?? / 
from there down he was sent near he approached 
P I fragment P sl ald 
a Se ee SS 
su e ?e dacikuya” / zi*° haidi#! yu-32 / ha.?* / d¥éineta** / Seip a2/ 
he said to him what which maybe _ yes he said I need you 
I iP A fragment ig S 
Fu niud’a-wa?® cu” / su %e hé-mé-* / d’éineba®™ Peud’4.mi* / 
maybe will be of use you all right he said eagle 
fragment iP D A D 
gu %e hind” ?égu” / nddéreyu" disi®ku® sazi.?0® /ha-di® 
O.K. then will go there south we two where 
S D P A 5 
SE ee ee ee ee 
hicé-nti“ d’&-trha*® / ?eu ?ai hau?? nddé?éyu*! stizu-?u* / gasi-k1* 
giant his home near will go we two king 
O BP P A 
his wife he lost look for we her 


7 Superior numbers in Indian text are explained on pages 163-164. 


155 


156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


S P fragment P 
—_—_—_—_—_—————“_ K——w ——— -_eaoeorreereeeee™ 
su ?e ?eu d’4-mi%® ?e Gaza! / hina® / d¥éineta * / 
eagle he said OK: he said 
fragment D F D 
2 ra >? : : y» , . . 
su ?e diwé. » ?écu “ su / 8étid¥a © ?ai d%i!* Gigtya */ su ?e ?ai di 4 
this way then my back up sit up 
P S D P 
—_ —-_—~ ee EE 
giya © eu % sandiya-ku */ su ?e disi* ku’® su ?esu d’a?aiyu * / 
e sat St. James there south they flew 
D EF D Pp 
——_—_. —_—____.. oo Sa EEnEnEEEEEEE EEE 
su’e di dé?éyu / su ?ed%i *ha-di® su dé?é-ya?atank ® / 
up they went up where they were going 
EP D S 


su ?e su d’tkaéa © / ai ho %t ?eu > =4?4-sti-ca © hicd-nti “ / 


he saw it down his city giant 
P S O ik 
= A , , J, 2 ¥ 
su ?e su d’ukaéa * /su ?e Gécr *! su hiegd-ntr** d’4-mi*® GAd¥4-Se ® / 
he saw it also giant eagle his 


P D P 
| oe an 
su ?e su 4?4ud’u ®& /su ?e sud’ * digd-nikuya * 


he knew up he was looking 
S ) 
EERIE ev  — — ah Oo 
éécr © hicgd-ntr * CAd’4-Se © / su ?e su ?eu hicé-nti * CAd%A-Se ©? d¥A-mi 26 
also giant his giant his eagle 
P S iP P 
U s A vs 2 pe 9 
su ?e d’ti-scéca © / gu ?e hicd-ntr* é4ka4- © / su ?e d%ima 
he cried out giant he heard he came out 

S O P fragment 
—SSS—yEZ OO eee ———_ 
hicd-nti “ su ?e ?eudu™ d’4-mi% %e ta?4neyawa © / hina * ?éeu * / 
giant this eagle he was commanded  O.K. then 

P P S D 
(SSS SS eee eee Ss eae _——. 
ét-wasi °° / su ?e GA?Auwasi 7 ?eu d¥4-mi 2° / su ?e su hau? ? 


attack he attacked eagle near 


Ant %o1 2 LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 157 


P P S 

su da?Atinu- 7 / ?ai su GAwaéinrya 7 / ?e su ?eu sandiyé-ku * 

he arrived they fought St. James 

O iP 
hisgai 7? d¥auéu % / 
knife he had 
?eu su ’e su hé-ya-si su ?e ?eu du hieaé-nti éad’A-Se-Si did’awa/di?ai 

with it this giant his (eagle) he stabbed there 


su %e su ¢A?Audapa-d’anu / su %e yiwé- no su ?e d¥t-za-Ga ?eu du 
they killed him this way down he fell this 

hicd-ntr d’4-mi é4d¥4-Se / su ?e ?Aisi su ?e su dé?éyu / su ?e su 

giant eagle his there they went 

ha-di no yuiwé- su ?e nddé?éyu ?eu ?ai hé-di hicd-ntr d’4-ma 

where down this way will go where giant he dwells 

sca?a-sti-ca / Aisi d¥A-ma / su ?e ?ai Bendé-na d’4wizanisu / ?eu 

city there he dwells window he was there 

Aisi d¥i d’4-mi su ?e Gigtiya / su %e ?eu sandiydé-ku éécr su yiku 

there up eagle he sat St. James also away 

ne éigtyanu: / su ?e ?aisi d¥1 éigtiya / su ?e ?eu du sandiya-ku 

down he sat there up he sat this St. James 

d¥a-mi hawé. tiyt-zé-yanz ?e dacrkuya / disi ba Giyt-kam1/ 

eagle this way he lead he said to him here future wait for me 

hané duké- kaigé / su ?e hind d¥éineta %eu d¥A-mi / 

let me there look O.K. he said eagle 

su ?e yuké- su ?e hawé- sa digd-nikuya ?eu sandiyé-ku / yuké. 
that way this way around he looked St. James that way 

hawé: digé-nikuya / hawé- pend4-na sa no Cinésa / su ?e zAzi 

this way he looked this way window around down he peered not 

ite d’tbonu- / ?égasku ?eu sai d4?4-?a zi Githasééica-Si / ?eu 

able to be entered _— but all itis shut thing iron with 

su ?e ta su ?e ?eu ?ai hé-di / hau? da?4ér ?eu ?ai hé-di é4ukui-sanu 
thus where near he came where his wife 

gasi-k1 ?ai d’aku / su ?e ?eu d¥4-Se ?e su %e disaca / su 7e 


king she was her name he called 


158 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


éaiskd-?acar ?eu gasi-ki Géukui-sanu / he d¥éineta / su ?e ?eu 

she turned king his wife what she said 

sdiyéiba-te hisu / gdz4-26 ?eu sktiyanikuya diwé- si ?tidf-ye / 
I look for you you your husband he told me this way back to get 

su ?e %e d¥éineta / ?eu he / ?égu giwa- sa nfurna si / hied-nt1 


she said allright then how back will I giant 
get out 


74?4-tawr yuké- yu? ha-di d’aku / ?eu nu- k4?4-tnya / 
key that way there where it is only he has 
zazi hinu ska?4-tnya / giwa- ?écu sa nizi-mha / su ?e ?eu gastf-kr 


will get 
out 


cAukui-sanu ?e ¢4za / diwai dtisi né?ét1 gu ktimi hacu magu/ 


not I I have how then back king 

his wife she said this way  wilicome he in a little while 

hayéi ba h4-di Géisguihasga / disi z4?Atinu- / ?e su ha-winda naud’u 
somewhere 

there future hide back he arrives right away will know 

gu / su %e hina d¥éineta / su ?e ?eu si yuku zud’u su yuirai ha-di 

he O.K. he said back away he went there somewhere 

éhisgurhaga / su %e su diwé- su si Ga-niéad’aya / ?ésgasku no ka’anu-/ 

he hid this way back he was coming but down he stepped 

su ?e su ha?aéi- wékowokod’a/su ?emi su ¢&?4ud’u/mmm d*¥éineta/ 
earth it shook already he knew he said 

hau di? zi gaku / d¥éineta ?eu hicd-nti / su %e ?eu gast-k1 

who here thing he is he said giant king 

éAukui-sanu ?e éAza / zizi ha-di hau gaku gu z4zi ha-di hau 

his wife she said not somewhere who he is and not somewhere who 

ska?atiSaniguyang-di / su %e ?eu gasi-kr CAukui-sanu hiea-nti 

we talk to each other king his wife giant 

?e dactkuya / m{i-n4 $4sbanasurhanu- / yu- d’idiéayurha / 

she said to him let me I wash your head maybe you are tired 

mi-n4 $4sbanasumanu- /su ?eyu: mé?é- nuyucid’i-ca cu rawa: / 

let me I wash your head maybe thus will rest you good 

gu ni-ba?tu cu / su ?e hind ?égu / d¥éineta ?eu hicé-nti / su ?e ?eu su 

and will sleep you O.K. then he said giant 


AO? ~=LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 159 


¢a?auwispa-ziwita ?ai du gast-kr é4ukui-sanu / su ?e su haiku su 
she made suds this king his wife when 
ta?4sbanasumane / eu du hicé-ntr ?eu t&?A4sba nasurhane / 
his head was washed this giant his head was washed 
su ?e su di-ba?tu / su ?e ?eu du gasi-k1 éAukui-sanu su ?e ?eu 
he slept this giant his wife 
d’tbéuca sandiya-ku / diwé- su gaiti si ?i-ma / su zi-ba?tu / su ?e 
she called St. James this way come on back come _he sleeps 
?eu ?ai su ?e diube-ta / su ?eu yiké- ki-ti ?e zupe- / yu?4i ha-di 
she told him there mountain go there where 
d*i ?eu d’4wA:-?a / ?4isi c4-cad’a ?eu / gu ?eu ?4isi d’4winuska-ti / 
up he kept them there he breathes and there his hearts 
d’A-mi- ?4isi d’4winuska-t1 / du ?iska ?eu hé-y4 c4-ca-d¥ani / 
two there his hearts this one with it he breathes 
gu du Viska ?eu hé-¥a tiSa-ti-36 / su ?e ?eu ta ?ai ta?abe?enk 
and this one with it he has power thus he was told 
?eu du sandiyé-ku / du d’ast-k1 Géukui-sanu ?e taza / ?ésgasku ?ai 
this St. James this king his wife she said but there 
giuku mi-Kaica / ?ai ¢A-nawani mid’u- / eu ?ai gtiwa-sd’u / su ?e ?eu 
he has mountain lion heis mean very there he watches 
sandiyaé-ku ?e t4za /hé-mé- ?ezi-ne si/su?e sa  d°tirhonu- / 
St. James he said all right will go I back he left 
su ?e ?ai su ?e su ?eu d’4-mi tiyti-zé-yane /?ai su %e ¢A7Atisaniguyanda / 
eagle he lead they talked together 
su ?e ?e dactkuya d4-mi/diwé- ?égu su na su sté?éyu/su’e sa 
he said to himeagle _ this way then let’s go let’s go back 
d’i éigtyanu- / su ?e *Aisi yuké. d’a?Aiyu yurai haé-di ?eu du-ti / 
up ihe sat there that way they flew there where mountain 


su ?eha-dinoziyé- bono  éigtyana di?-d’anu su %e su / ?ésgasku 


where down below west down they sat here but 
su ?e emi di-yikaéa kau? zi md-Kaica / su ?emi di-yikaéa / 
mountain 


already he saw them something already he saw them 


lion 
su ?e su ?ai su yuku no étegtiya ?eu sandiyé-ku / su ?e ?Aisf ha- 


away down he sat St. James from there east 


160 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


ni-yu- ka-ni/?e zud’u/su ?e su d%ukaéa ?eumdt-kaica/ hau? su ha-ni 


himself he walked he went hesaw him mountain lion near from the 
east 


éa-nigad’aya / su eu yu? zi kiéayawane mhe- / ka hazanz di g?astiné 
he was walking there thing he was mad like his hair up it stood 
?e su 2e/hawé- d-ni/su?e su ?emi sandiyaé-ku ééci su ha-ku d’A4wiza-n1 

this he walked already St. James also ready he had 

way prepared 
hisgai-si / su ?e ?isgawa ?ai su ?e su ¢ud%ad*r / su ?e ?eu diube?ene 
knife both they fought she told him 
du gasi-k1 édukui-sanu ?eu ?Aisf d’d-mf- eawinuska-ti-8é / ?e su %e 
this king his wife there two his hearts 
su ?e CA?audanu- mi-kaica / ?ai su ?e d¥i Gutika-Sa / su ?e ?ai 

he killed it mountain lion up he climbed 

d’i-?tkaca ?eu nawirika hawé- di d’4?aku / ?ai su ?e ?iska 
he saw them eggs this way up they sat one 
éa?aucayuca gu 7iska ¢4?4uboanaimanu- / su ?e yusi no zud’u / 
he broke it and one he put in his pocket from there down he went 


ee 


su ?e ?ai hausé da?Aér/ eu ?ai ha-disi diyti-kam1/ d%4-mi hé-ya 


back he arrived where back he waited eagle with it 
éa-niéadYayane / su ?4isi sa d’i éigtyanu- / su %e su ytsi dé?dyu / 
he was going there back up he sat from there they went 


?ésgosku su ?emi yu? ?e gtiwa- gast-kr GAukui diube?ene / su ?emi 
but already there how king his wife she told him already 
hicé-nti su diwa-sa yu? ?e / su ?e haus4 da?4ér / ?ai su ?e no 

giant he was sick there back he arrived down 
éigtiyanu- su ?e su / su éécr diyt-kami gasi-ki Géukui-sanu / su %e 
he sat also she waited king his wife 

hausé da?A¢inu: / su ?e su diubéuca su ?e / su gaitr diwé- ?tipa / 
back he arrived she called him come on this way enter 
dacikuya / su gaiti ha-né / ?a si ciytce/ ha. d¥éineta / 
she said to him come on question back you brought yes he said 

si ¢iyice / hawi- / su ?e ?ai ta?Audi?-d¥anu / su ?e ytiké- ?eu 
back I brought here it was given there 
?iscawa ?e dé?éyu su / su diwa-sa / su ?e su ?e dacikuya / 

both they went he was sick he said to him 

di sanasgai ®e pt-ca / dacikuya /su ?e ta d*i __ ti-zane / gu ?e 
up your head do it he said to him thus up he did 


An G9] °2 LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 161 


?ai no dustadrca ?eu / su ?e Pai ta?4mud’uzane ?eu du hicd-nt1/ 


down he burst he was killed this giant 
su ?e su gasi-kr éAukui-sanu gu sandiy4é-ku su yuwé- / su ?e ?Aisi 
king his wife and St. James this way there 
d‘i ?isgawa Gigtiyanodi--d’anu / su ?e ?4isi sa déku ha-di gasi-k1 
up both they sat there back they went were king 
d¥a-tha / su ?e sandiyé-ku kamaka gast-kr tiwakuica / haidf 
he lived St. James his daughter king he married which one 


gast-kr diya-?ani-8é / ta yupé- sca / 
king he promised thus story 


FREE TRANSLATION 


St. James arrived at the ocean and was not able to cross. So he 
asked God how he might cross the ocean. Then an eagle was sent 
down from above. 

The eagle approached and said, ‘‘What is it?” ‘‘Yes,” he said, “I 
need you. Maybe you will be of use.” ‘‘All right,” said the eagle. 
“O.K., then, we will go south to the giant’s house. The king lost his 
wife. We are going to look for her.” ‘O.K.,’” said the eagle, 
“come sit on my back.” Then St. James got on. Then they flew 
south and up they went. As they were flying up there they saw the 
giant’s city down below. The giant also had an eagle and he knew 
what was happening. 

The giant’s eagle looked up and cried out. Then the giant heard and 
came out. “O.K., attack!’, he commanded his eagle. So the eagle 
attacked. When he came near they began fighting. St. James had 
a knife and with it stabbed the giant’s eagle. They killed the giant’s 
eagle and down he fell! Then they went down to the city where the 
giant lived. The eagle perched on the window of the giant’s house and 
St. James got off and sat down. Then St. James said to the eagle who 
had taken him there, ‘‘Wait for me here. Let me look around.” 
“O.K.,” said the eagle. 

So St. James looked around this way and that. He peered through 
the window but he could not get in. It was shut with iron bars. 
Then he came to where the king’s wife was. He called her name and 
she turned around. ‘What is it?” she said. ‘I’m looking for you. 


162 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Your husband told me to come and get you.” “All right,” she said, 
“but how will I get out? The giant has the only key somewhere. 
I don’t have any. How will we get out, then? He will come back in 
a little while. Hide somewhere. When he comes back he will know 
right away what is going on.” ‘O.K.,” he said, and he went and hid 
somewhere. ‘The giant was coming back and as he stepped the earth 
shook. He already knew, and he said, ‘Hmmm! Who is here?” 
Then the king’s wife said, ‘“Nobody is here and there is nobody 
talking with me.” The king’s wife then said to the giant ‘Let me 
wash your head. Maybe you are tired. Let me wash your head 
and then maybe you will rest well and go to sleep.” ‘“O.K., then,” 
said the giant. Then the King’s wife made suds. When his head 
was washed the giant went to sleep. Then the king’s wife called 
to St. James, ‘Come here; he is asleep.”” Then she told him, “Go 
to the mountains. He keeps them there. There he breathes and 
there he has his two hearts. He breathes with one, and with one 
he has power.” Thus it was told to St. James. The king’s wife 
said, “But he has a mountain lion there watching who is very mean.” 
Then St. James said, ‘All right, I’ll go.” So he left and talked 
with the eagle who had led him. Then the eagle said to him, ‘Come 
on, let’s go.”” So he got back on and they flew away to the moun- 
tains. Then they landed down on the west side, but the mountain 
lion had already seen them. 

Then St. James got off and walked on eastward alone. The moun- 
tain lion saw him and approached from the east. He was mad and his 
hair stood up ashe approached. St. James had his knife ready and the 
two of them fought. The king’s wife had told him where the two 
hearts were, so he killed the mountain lion and climbed up. He saw 
two eggs sitting there. Then he broke one of them, put one in his 
pocket and climbed back down. 

Then he arrived back where the eagle was waiting. He got back on 
and from there they returned according to the instructions of the king’s 
wife. The giant was already sick when he got back and dismounted. 
The king’s wife, too, was waiting. ‘Come on in,” she called to him, 
“did you bring it back?” ‘‘Yes,” he said, “‘here it is.” And he gave 
it to her. Then they both went to the sick one. He said to him, 
“Lift up your head.” Then he lifted it up and burst. So the giant 
was killed. Then the king’s wife and St. James got on the eagle and 
they went back to the king’s house. And St. James married the king’s 
daughter that he had promised to him. That is the story. 


An oRoT » LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 163 


CONAaARWHe 


EXPLANATION OF NUMBERS IN TEXT 


. Preposition, there. 
. Preposition, near. 


Verb, he arrived. Affix 123G + stem, -4?4ér1. 


. Referential, St. James. From Spanish Santiago. 
. Preposition, where, somewhere. 
. Referential, river. 


Verb, it is full. Affix 123A + stem, -6-t4 + affix 403. 
Modal, not. 


. Modal, able to. 

. Verb, he emerged or, in this context, he crosses over. Affix 123A + stem, -tirha. 
. Connective, thus. 

. Verb, he was asking. Affix 123C + stem, -tidd-?a + affix 401B. 

. Preposition, that way. 

. Directional, up. 

. Verb, our father. Affix 101G + stem, -dnaisd¥u + affix 5011. 

. Interrogative, how? 

. Modal, at least. 

. Directional, south. 

. Referential, water. 

. Verb, it is full. Same as 7 but with affix 121A instead of 123A. 

. Verb, will emerge or cross over. Same as 10 but with affix 201B instead of 123A. 
. Verbal auxiliary, third person subject with condition suffix. 

. Preposition, from there, from afar. 

. Directional, down. 

. Particle which in certain contexts adds emphasis to other words. 

. Referential, eagle. 

. Verb, he was sent. Affix 123H + affix 302B + stem, -dguya + affix 502A. 
. Verb, he approached. Affix 123B + stem, -twéer. 

. Verb, he said to him. Affix 123G + stem, -acikuya. 

. Interrogative, what? 

. Interrogative, which? 

. Modal, maybe. 

. Exclamation, yes. 

. Verb, he said. Affix 123A + stem, -diheta. 

. Verb, I need you. Affix 141B + stem, -féfpa. 

. Verb, will be of use. Affix 201B + stem, -tid¥4-wa?. 

. Verbal auxiliary, second person subject. 

. Exclamation, all right, that will do. 

. Exclamation, O.K. 

. In some contexts a connective; here part of an exclamatory phrase. 

. Verb, will go (dual subject). Affix 201G + stem, -é?éyuv. 

. Preposition, there. 

. Verbal auxiliary, first person dual subject. 

. Referential, giant. From Spanish gigante. 

. Verb, he lives, his house. Affix 123A + stem, -4-mha. 

. Referential, king. From Spanish cacique. May be alternatively analyzed 


as a verb consisting of affix 121A + stem, -asi-k1. 


. Verb, his wife. Affix 121D + stem, -Aukui. 
. Particle which modifies meaning of following verb. 
. Verb, he did it, or, in this context with the particle tu, he lost. Affix 121G + 


stem, -fwicA. 


164 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull 19% 


. Verb, will look for (dual subject). Affix 201D + stem, -fyéipa + affix 501B. 
. Verb, he said. Affix 123D + stem, -4za. 

. Preposition, this way. 

. Verb, my back. Affix 101E + stem, -dtidya. 

. Verb, sit (imperative). Affix 114D + stem, -tigtya. 

. Verb, he sat. Same as 54 but with affix 123C instead of 114D. 

. Verb, they two flew. Affix 123A + stem, -4?diyu. 

. Verb, they two went. Same as 41 but with affix 123G instead of 201G. 
. Verb, they were going. Affix 123G + stem, -é?é-ya?ata + affix 402B. 
. Verb, he saw him (or zt). Affix 123A + stem, -tkaéa. 

. Verb, his city. Affix 123D + stem, -4?4-sti-ca. 

. Particle, also. 

. Verb, his (referring to a living animal). Affix 123D + stem, -dd¥4-Se. 
. Verb, he knew. Affix 123F + stem, -d4udyv. 

. Verb, he was looking. Affix 123G + stem, -fg4 + affix 401B. 

. Verb, he cried out. Affix 123A + stem, -t-sééca. 

. Verb, he heard. Affix 123C + stem, -dké-. 

. Pronoun, this one. 

. Verb, he was commanded. Affix 123H + affix 302A + stem, -4nnya + 


affix 502G. 


. Verb, attack (imperative). Affix 114D + stem, -Auwast. 

. Verb, he attacked. Same as 69, but with affix 123F rather than 114D 
. Verb, he arrived. Affix 123G + stem, -a?d¢r + affix 602. 

. Verb, they fought. Affix 123C + stem, -Awdin1ya. 

. Referential, knife. 

. Verb, he had. Affix 123A + stem, -duév. 


PSO US ie as aie ngs oe cae 


APPENDIX 3. VOCABULARY 
UNINFLECTED WORDS 


?a interrogative particle 
Pai there 

?sitdstr mattress, mat 
Gini house 
?Adausi cooking pot 
?4-dy¥4-n1 tether 
?4ugubd?akacr nail 
?4ndmati seat 
°fndizint lamp 
?ané- tasty 

?4-sh large bowl 
?disi there 
?distazini trousers 
?Asini grass 
?4sdni wheat 
7474-tdwi key 
?4-wé-nt grinding stone, metate 
?e and 

eu narrative particle and em- 
phasizer 

?égu_ then, therefore 
emi already 
?ésgasku but 
?ibAnt Cholla cactus 
?{-84ndnt bark 
*idyawa_ centipede 
%j-kani vine 
*{?fnd-ni liver 
*indwi flour 

?isa manure 
‘isdiwa arrow 
?isgawa both 

?iska one 

?isd-ni meat 

?isd porcupine 
Yisatr lard 

ite able to 

?jya-ni_ life 
?t-basdy4ni legging 
°abéwi food 
°a-bd-nd& needle 
?i-didyawistr saddle 
°Ggupdwanl az 


43. 
44, 
45. 
46. 
47. 
48. 
49. 
50. 
51. 
52. 
53. 
54. 
55. 
56. 


57. 
58. 
59. 
60. 
61. 
62. 
63. 
64. 
65. 
66. 
67. 
68. 
69. 
70. 
Qe 
72. 
73. 
74. 
75. 
76. 
Oks 
78. 
(9. 
80. 
Si. 
82. 
83. 
84. 


*Gki-ydthr earring 
?u-kdydwi towel, handkerchief 


?a-ma4 
?a-mt 
?U-siw 


-c1_ help, asst. 
‘cI gun 
isdyAni rope 


?i-skdicr bell 
usd-cA sun 
?u-t4-nt basket 
?uwaka baby, doll 
?Gwdistdnt bowl 


?t-wis 


?aydumbuimer 


gict match 


?agusti drill 


?Srd- 


hot (in reference to the 


weather) 
ba future hortative particle 


bi-ba 
bati 


grandparent 
whitewash 


bé-raka toad 
bisi-nd purple 


bi-su 
biya- 


cAcl 
cécl 
cé-ya 
cina 
cuski 
SA 

cA- pi 


bee 


stance 


drum 


tilted, lopsided 
bimt-na torso, rib 
bi-raika butterfly 
bizuwist1 lightnin 
bo west; bdndmi 
bézd-mha log 


breath 

wall 
jirst 

turkey 
fox 
fly 


¢é-bén4__ bitter 


OQ: O- 
Or 


a 


Cisdi?i 


éiyduzani 


é4-dva 
é4m4 
Gécl 


D 
WASCA stew 
fel water, juice 
f 


LY A: x} 
cimastéica iron 


ni honey 


side 
tomorrow 
also 


s 


g 
westward 


adobe brick 


165 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN 
éémr three; éémiya three times 138. 
Cind river 139. 
éAndrhr bat 140. 
édyA-ni shaman 141. 
&-riga hawk 142. 
dabénuska horned toad 143. 
da-ni squash, pumpkin 144. 
dapacl corpse 145. 
da4waca moon, month 146. 
désu place 147. 
di? here 148. 
di?4i there 149. 
disi from here 150. 
di-skim4& cornhusk 151. 
diya dog 152. 
du_ this, this one 1/593} 
duké- that way 154, 
dtiwimrs1 stocking 155. 
diwé-. this way 156. 
dyé-dyu bobcat 157. 
dy4-mi eagle 158. 
dva-na four 159. 
dya4na jackrabbit 160. 
dyainé deer 161. 
dydwa_ early 162. 
dv4-wi gourd 163. 
dv4ya’ani pifion nut 164. 
dyéiclI pifion pine 165. 
dvi up 166. 
dyidya north 167. 
dyini above 168. 
dyti-bi badger 169. 
dyi-m{i- two 170. 
dyims brother ileal 
dvi-ya twice 172: 
dyd-sa_ elk 173. 
gdnami beans 174. 
gdisbisa world 175. 
gasgduga quail 176. 
gawict seed Wide 
ga-yu morning 178. 
gu and 179. 
gu? for, therefore 180. 
gQ-?u- beaver 181. 
guci firewood 182. 
guhdya bear 183. 
gukumist eight 184. 
gumds4w4 cooking pot 185. 
giwa- how 186. 
giydsti basket 187. 
ha- east; h4-ndmi eastward 188. 
hai where (destination) 189. 
hau who, someone 190. 


ETHNOLOGY 


[Bull. 191 


hau? near, suddenly 
hauba- everybody 

habént oak 

ha-bi feather 

hdé?4er, ha?dci- land, earth 
hdééu how much, how many, few 
ha?déanani tooth 

hdéeaecE man 

haéddwini navel 

ha-di where, somewhere 
hdidi which, what 
hadvani soapweed 
ha-ka-ka fir 

héikémi once 

ha-ka-ni fire, hot coals 
haké- that way 

ha-ku ready 

héiku when 

hé-ma-ni_ leg, thigh 

ha-mi tobacco 

hé-miiéuni toe 
hd-mtSa-ni beard 

hdma- long ago 

h4-ma-ni, ha-rha?ani hail 
hdémasdi?ini hand, finger 
haé-me- ice 

hand-mi naked 

ha-ni- pine 

hdinu people 

hé-né hortative particle 
hasé4 yucca 

hdsdi?ini foot 

hasgeni bone 

hé?4-sti-ca town, city 
h4-Suwitht shoe, moccasin 
hé-tawe pollen 

hdwe- snow 

hawizana stalk 

hd4wdi_ there 

héwé- this way 

hawi- here, take it 
ha?4wi-édnani claw, fingernail 
hd-wind quickly, immediately 
hdyaét awl 

hayéi there 

haé-zaint hair 

hé-zoni onion 

he_ that one 

hé-mé- all right, enough 
hénatr cloud 

héyady1_ turtle 

héyas1 fog, mist 

hé-y4 with (instrumental) 


AOR, 2 LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 


tor 
192. 
193. 
194. 
195. 
196. 
197. 
198. 
199. 
200. 
201. 
202. 
203. 
204. 
205. 
206. 
207. 
208. 
209. 
210. 
211. 
212. 


213. 
214. 
215. 
216. 
dt fe 
218. 
219. 
220. 
221. 
222. 
223. 
224. 
225. 
226. 
227. 
228. 
229. 
230. 
231. 
232. 
233. 
234. 
235. 
236. 
237. 
238. 
239. 
240. 
241. 
242. 


hinu I, we 

hind all right 

hi-séi sunflower 

hisgai knife 

histiya-ni arrowhead, spearhead 

hisu. you 

hiw4 now, today 

hiyaka-¢n domestic animal 

hiyA-ni road, path 

hfy4-wi doorway, road 

hizd?ai tree, cottonwood 

hi-zani seed 

hu-bdént saliva 

hi-?tga dove 

huséni wool 

haskani yucca fruit, banana 

htisd-cr cotton 

hiwaka sky 

hiwan4?ani 

hiwi-ni milk 

hécuskdwa willow 

kddya_ behind; kAdyAmé4- back- 
ward 


eye 


kdsAitl summer, year 
kaé-tid’¥4 clean, pure 
kindti green corn 


kiwd plant 

ku south; kiwdmi southward 
ki-ka winter 

kipéstuca lightning 

ktiiwe-?5 sweet 

kéd-cr antelope 

k4cr_ ten 

kducrgai maybe 

kaka-d¥1 square, plaza 
k4kana wolf 

k4maska spider 

kdnt cedar 

k4nani heat of sun 

k4sdv4-é1 rainbow 

k4wina moss 

ku., kiwi woman, female 
kimi slightly, a small amount 


ktisa last night 

ku-ti, &4-ti mountain 
ki-yéu old woman 
kuyaitz game animal 
mai almost 

mags- girl 

m4é-nu- a long time 
méréu tortilla 
masa-ni leaf 


masa light 
682-—611—64——_15 


243. 
244. 
245. 
246. 
247. 
248. 
249. 
250. 
251. 
252. 
253. 
254. 
255. 
256. 
257. 
258. 
259. 
260. 
261. 
262. 
263. 
264. 
265. 
266. 
267. 
268. 
269. 
270. 
271. 
272. 


273. 
274. 
275. 
276. 
277. 
278. 
279. 
280. 
281. 
282. 
283. 
284. 
285. 
286. 
287. 
288. 
289. 
290. 
291. 
292. 
293. 
294. 


miéyuku nine 
muséica buffalo 
must soapweed 
midyu- very 
mi-n4 hortative particle 
mi-kaica mountain lion 
mé-dé- boy 
m4°sei blood 
madai ball 
maidvana seven 
magorr_ evil 

thika dipper 
m4-n{i word 
rhd-34w1 buzzard 
the- like, similar to 
mé-wa mud 
mé-ziér large 
mi-cr clay 

mi-ca hummingbird 
mid& moth 

mi-ga others 
mina salt 

thiséai ashes 

mistr alkali 

na yet 

nace- new 

naei food, lunch 
nawadiya middle-aged 
nd-y4i under 

néizi thank you (women’s 
speech) 

nu: only, itself 
nt-bada alone 
nuwdindg separate 
niya night 

nti-yui- oneself 
nd-’éea rubber 

néti prairie dog 
nau many 
hAwirika egg 

no down 

panaci lung 

pa-ni bag 

pesécuru bedbug 
pésa jackrabbit 
péti-n4 cornmeal 


pict buckskin 
pi-nu- fancy, fine 
piraté flag 
pisé4nani skin, hide 
rawad:- good 

rédya rabbit 


r{-pA goose 


167 


168 


295. 
296. 
297. 


298. 
299. 
300. 
301. 
302. 


303. 
304. 
305. 
306. 
307. 
308. 
309. 
310. 
311. 
312. 
313. 
314. 
315. 
316. 
317. 
318. 
319. 
320. 
321. 
322. 
323. 
324, 
325. 
326. 
327. 
328. 
329. 
330. 
dal. 
332. 
333. 
334. 
330. 
336. 
337. 
338. 
339. 
340. 
341. 
342. 
343. 
344, 
345. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


ri-wagant fat 
ré-skisr small 


sa back, return to previous 


location 
sai_ all 
sai¢éu day 
sd-wika money, metal 
seka sure 


si again, return to present 


location 
si-?{ ant 
si-dya squirrel 
sinani flesh 
siyana mouse 
siwd yesterday 
sdcI wrongdoing 
séna middle 
sbiga woodpecker 
sbi-ndé chicken 
sbi-n4é jug 
stéi_ last 
sté-né meadowlark 
staépaka twilight 
stéti grasshopper 
st4w4 popcorn 
stizd- fast 
stité crow 
stisa siz 
stimu wild honey 
stiyt-n4 mosquito 
stizuwi stinkbug 
sdiri-n4 seashell 
sdi-n4é mushroom 
sgd-wasr_ rat 
sgamaré- lizard 
skaca frog 


gS 


skasku, kasku bighorn sheep 


ski-n4 blackbird 
ski-yu giant 
skéri-n&é flour 
sk4?4-dyu  bullsnake 
skasr fish 

skirt-n4, ska-rand peas 
skofi-na wagon 
sp4?4e1 mockingbird 
spérd4-n4 plate 
spinin{f dwarf corn 
spuirt-nd chickenpox 
sti-na autumn 
sté-c1 straight 
Saska roadrunner 
$4-witi parrot 
i-bu?uku cotton boll 


346. 
347, 
348. 
349. 
350. 
351. 
352. 
353. 
354, 
355. 
356. 
357. 
358. 
359. 
360. 
361. 
362. 
363. 
364. 
365. 
366. 
367. 
368. 
369. 
370. 
371. 
372. 
373. 
374. 
375. 
376. 
377. 
378. 
379. 
380. 
o8l. 
382. 
383. 
384. 
385. 
386. 
387. 
388. 
389. 
390. 
391. 
392. 
393. 
394. 
395. 
396. 
397. 
398. 


[Bull. 191 


% 
Suku corner 
corpse 


suwimi turquoise 
sdmhd scattered 
si-naya slow 

su. narrative particle 
sici- raw 

siiguéad. cross, crucifix 
simékawii right hand 
sumi already 

stist bluejay 

siwi- snake 

stiyind around 
siza-na coyote 
tA-ma five 

tiyé- far 

ta thus 

ti-ca springtime 
°i-bdydni fireplace 
wadyu?uni pottery 
wdgont dress, shirt 
wa-nI smoke 

wa-st bird snare 
wast-cr dust 

wi-wi medicine 
wa-wdizoni root 

we that one 
wisdy4-ka bow 
ws-?é6 thank you (men’s speech) 
WAbt-stéa eagle down 
wabdni_ abalone shell 
wa-¢int tongue 
wiisti bowl 

wa-yusa duck 
winuska heart 
wi-sga robin 

Wisi-ni nose 

WispI cigarette 

yar?di sand 

yabast corn silk 
yasbusi cottonwood cotton 
yé-tu mesquite 

yu? yonder 

yurdsi there 

yubds worm 

yudaé-ca windsterm 
yuké. that way 
yuku away 
yupé-stéa story, legend 


Anthrop.Pap. LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 169 


399. 
400. 
401. 
402. 
403. 
404. 
405. 
406. 
407. 
408. 
409. 
410. 
411. 


yusi from there 412. yt-sbi-ni shoulder 
yuwé- this way 413. yti-sktirh4 corncob 
ya-bi staff of office 414. za no 

ya-Gint shelled corn 415. zdiéa field 

ya-ka ripe corn 416. zadya_ plains, desert 
yauni stone 417. zdsdima grinding box 
yasbuzani brains 418. zd&wini old 

yiusadi sand 419. zdzi not 

ya?dwa-ni intestines 420. zé-ni talkative 
yawasti stick 421. zi what, something 
ya-yu crippled 422. zikusdy4wi bridge 
yu. expression of doubt 423. zind again 

ya-ni song 424. gadict rabbit club 


VERBS 


Verbs are listed alphabetically by the verb core. The stem or 
stems based on each core follow, together with the stem classification. 
See ‘“‘Verb Classes’ for an outline of stem classification and “Stem 
Variants” for an explanation of notations identifying stem variants. 


425. 


426. 


427. 
428. 
429. 
430. 


431. 


432. 


433. 
434. 


435. 


436. 
437. 
438. 
439. 
440. 
441. 
442. 
443. 
444, 


-a to be. -a(?) Singular, Class 11-25 intransitive. -é-?E-sutr Dual, 
Class 11-26 intransitive. -a-?a Plural, Class 11-25 intransitive. 

-a to have, to possess. -a Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. -4-?4 
Dual, Class 2-24 intransitive. -4?4-SE Plural, Class 2-23 intransitive. 

-?a to be closed. -A?4-?a Singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

?ésu—a_ to sneeze. Type B, singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-?u_ to give a flat or long object. -Au?u Irregular transitive. 

-?u to dwell. -4u?u Singular, Class 8-14 intransitive. -4-?4u?u Dual, 
Class 2—24 intransitive. 

-bdi to sleep. -i-bdi Singular, Class 10-6 intransitive. -d4?d4ibdi Dual, 
Class 2-24 intransitive. -é?é-bai?-81 Plural, Class 11—25 intransitive. 

-bé-bi grandparent, a man’s mother’s mother or father’s father. -dbd-ba 
Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-baidyu_ to awake, get someone out of bed. -{-badyu((?)) Class C4 transitive. 

-ba’tu to sleep. -i-ba?tu Singular, Class 10-6 intransitive. -d?diba?tu 
Dual, Class 2-24 intransitive. -é?é-ba?tu Plural, Class 11-25 
intransitive. 

-bdya toliyhta fire. -ibdya Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. -fbdya-na 
Dual, Class 10-22 intransitive. -fbdya-ne Plural, Class 10-21 
intransitive. 

-be to tell. -t/abe(-?) (-wv-) Class Al transitive. 

-béuca to call. -u/abéuca Class Al transitive. 

-be-ta to ask. -t/Abe-ta (-¥v-) Class A8 transitive. 

-bi to get wood. -ubi Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

bi-ri—ant to be smooth. Type B, singular, Class 1 intransitive. 

-biya sister-in-law. -dbiya Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-bu-cr_ to be frightened. -ubu-c1 Singular, Class 13-28 intransitive. 

bi-pu—ant fresh, cool. Type B, singular, Class 1 intransitive. 

btisu—a_ to have an odor. Type B, singular, Class 1—1 intransitive. 


170 


445. 
446. 
447. 
448. 
449. 
450. 


451. 
452. 
453. 
454. 


455. 
456. 
457. 


458. 
459. 
460. 
461. 


462. 
463. 
464. 


465. 
466. 


467. 
468. 
469. 
470. 
471. 
472. 
473. 
474. 


475. 
476. 


477. 
478. 
479. 


480. 
481. 


482. 
483. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


-bénaca to sew. -aubdénaca Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-bonai?1 to put ina bag. -Subonai?r Singular, Class 9-11 intransitive. 

bd?sri—1 winding, zigzag. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

c4-—a_ to breathe. Type B, singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-cikuya to say to. -acikuya Singular, Class 10—-7 intransitive. 

-CAyAWA tobeangry. -tcayawa (future -t¢ayawa) Singular, Class 5-8 
intransitive. -Géayawa-na Dual, Class 5-10 intransitive. 
-4?4-¢ayawa-nE Plural, Class 5-9 intransitive. 

¢cdyi—1 to be broken. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

-cdyuca to break. -A?4ucdyuca Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-cé-naca to chew. -A?4uéé-naca Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-c1 to arrive. -4?4e1 Singular, Class 10—-7 intransitive. -4-?4¢r Dual, 
Class 2-24 intransitive. 

-cidyusta to think, to worry. -Ucidyusta Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-ci-ku to be guilty. -d-ti-ku Singular, Class 3-27 intransitive. 

-cipa toneed,to want. -tcipa Singular, Class 3-27 intransitive. Transi- 
tive forms conforming to Class B based on the stem -{¢fpa also occur for 
first and second person objects. 

-cisu. water well. -d?4-cisu Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-cdcaca to cut. -A?4ucdeaca Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-CaA to rain. -aéa Singular, Class 4 intransitive. 

-éa to fall. -Géa Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. -4¢éa-na Dual, 
Class 5-10 intransitive. 

-Gant to stand. -déant Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-Gini to dance. -aci-ni Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-Gint yellow. -ut-éint Singular, unclassified intransitive. ki-citt it is 
yellow. 

éi-—a tobelch. Type B, singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-cu to have ina bag. -t-éu Singular, Class 8-14 intransitive. -i-?iéu 
Dual, Class 2-24 intransitive. -i-waéu Plural, Class 2-23 in- 
transitive. 

-ta tooth. -4?4éa Singular, Class 10-6 intransitive. 

-ta to be hot. -4-éa Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-tAi?1 to close the eyes. -6?S¢4i21 Singular, Class 5-8 intrasitive. 

-t4wa to steal. -t-é4wa Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-td4yutha to be tired. -Gédyurba Singular, Class 13-28 intransitive. 

-cA animal’s horn. -4ca Singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

-cA to build a house. -d-?aca Singular, Class 9-11 intransitive. 

-cA todo. -i-ca Singular, Class 14-4 intransitive. -f-za--na Dual, Class 
14-20 intransitive. -f-za--ne Plural, Class 14-19 intransitive. 

-cA tohappen. -A?dicA Singular, Class 9 intransitive. 

-ca house. -deax Singular, Class 4 intransitive. -4?4-ca Plural, Class 
2-23 intransitive. 

-caka tosmoke. -acaka Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-da-?a to ask for something. -uidd-?a Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-dé?4u grandparent, woman’s father’s father or mother’s mother. -ddd?du 
Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

da?4wa—a _ to boil. Type B, singular, Class 1 intransitive. 

-di to plant. -d4udi(?) Singular, Class 9-11 intransitive. -d4udi-ma 
Dual, Class 9-12 intransitive. -4-w4-di-mz Plural, Class 5-9 in- 
transitive. 

-di to give a bulky object. -tdi(?) Class D3 transitive. 

-di-na_ to be covered. -‘di-na(?) Singular, Class 13-28 intransitive. 


Baa ares LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 171 


484. 
485. 
486. 
487. 
488. 
489. 


490. 
491. 


492. 
493. 
494. 
495. 
496. 
497. 
498. 
499. 
500. 
501. 
502. 
503. 
504. 


505. 
506. 
507. 
508. 
509. 
510. 
511. 
512. 
513. 
514. 
515. 
516. 
517. 
518. 
519. 


520. 
521. 
522, 
523. 
524. 
525. 
526. 
527. 
528. 
529. 
530. 


-di-8a to feed. -i/Adi-8a(?) Class Cl transitive. 

-di-ye to get, to fetch. -tdi-ye Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-didya to hang something. -idtdya Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 

-d¥a_ tocatch. -i/Adya(?) Class C3 transitive. 

-d¥a todescend. -dd¥a (-dd¥a) Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-dy4. to possess an animal. -‘@dyé- or -‘4)dv4.8e Singular, Class 7-15 
intransitive. 

-dyad¥1 to fight. -idyadyt Plural, Class 5-9 intransitive. 

-dyaSi to fast. -tdvaSr Singular, Class 8-14 intransitive. -t-?ddyakr 
Dual, Class 2-24 intransitive. --wAadya’r Plural, Class 2-23 in- 
transitive. 

-dy4wa tostab. -{/Ady4wa Class Cl transitive. 

-dvi-wa to be helpful. -tidy4-wa(?) Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-d¥u tocost. -fdyu Singular, Class 14 intrancitive. 

-d¥u toarrive. -é-dy¥u Plural, Class 11—25 intransitive. 

-d¥u_ to know, to be aware of. -dudyu Singular, Class 9-11 intransitive. 

-dyimi toremember. -t-/4:d¥im1 Class B6 transitive. 

-dyimica tolearn. -audyumica Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-dyimicuwl to forget. -t-/4-dyimicuwi Class B4 transitive. 

-d¥ima man’s brother. -ddyima Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-dyusi to be afraid. -udyusr Singular, Class 13-28 intransitive. 

dys—A4n1 to be lazy. Type B, singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-gi tolook. -igd (-ika) Singular, Class 10-6 intransitive. 

-giya to sit. -tgtya Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. -tgtiya-ha 
Dual, Class 5-10 intransitive. 

-giya to place, to send, to sell. -i/Agiya Class Cl transitive. 

-gécati to blossom. -Agécatr Singular, Class 1 intransitive. 

hdédu—a to yawn. Type B, singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-hima fo believe. -tihima Singular, Class 3-27 intransitive. 

-k4- to hear. -dkdé- Singular, Class 4-3 intransitive. 

kdéyi—1 to be broken. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

-kdi to be full, satisified. -ukdéi (-bkat) Singular, Class 4-3 intransitive. 

-ka1 ftoliedown. -ikat (fut. -igai) Singular, Class 13-28 intransitive. 

-kaéa tosee. -t/Akaéa (-Vv-) Class A2 transitive. 

-kazi to heal. -t/dkazi((?)) Class A4 transitive. 

-ku to bite. -aku Class B1 transitive. 

-ku togo. -éku Plural, Class 11-25 intransitive. 

-ku to be located. -aku (-iku) Singular, Class 1-16 intransitive. 

-ku-mi_ to bring. -diku-mi(?) Class D3 transitive. 

-kupawA to chop. -ikupAwa Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 
-ikupawa-na Dual, Class 10-22 intransitive. -fkupawa-nEe Plural, 
Class 10-21 intransitive. 

-kuya todo. -ékuya (fut. -éguya) Singular, Class 11-25 intransitive. 

kd-—anr to bered. Type B, singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-ka mouth. -t-ka Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 

-kaica to hit. -6-/4-kaica Class Al transitive. 

-kiya to wipe. ~t-kaya Class A7 transitive. 

-ki-ni friend. -é4ukt-ni Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-kui wife. -Adukui Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-kfiica man’s sister. -dktica Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-ktimind string. -ukimin4 Singular, Class 4 intransitive. 

-kirt-né kidney. -d4uktrt-né Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

kita—1 smoke, billowing dust. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 


172 
531. 


532. 
533. 


534. 
535. 
536. 
537. 
538. 
539. 
540. 
541° 


542. 
543. 


544. 
545. 
546. 
547. 
548. 


549. 
550. 
551. 
552. 


553. 
554. 
555. 
556. 
557. 
558. 
059. 


560. 
561. 
562. 
563. 
564. 


565. 


566. 
567. 
568. 
569. 
570. 


571. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


-ma togo. Unclassified intransitive, occurring only in the hortative mode. 
?j-ma go. 

-ma- thigh. -4-ma- Singular, Class 4-3 intransitive. 

-ma-ci to betrue. -dima-cr Singular, unclassified intransitive. kdima-e1 
at ts true. 

-maka daughter. -A4maka Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-m4-zini to help. -t-mé-zdni(?) Class D3 transitive. 

-mu-cA to thunder. -Aumt-ca Singular, Class 9 intransitive. 

-mi¢éu toe. -d-mtiéu Singular, Class 4-3 intransitive. 

-mudyuca to kill. -G/Amudyuca Class Al transitive. 

mura—1 dented. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

-muSA beard. -4-mu8a Singular, Class 10-6 intransitive. 

-mdmd grandfather, grandchild. -dumdméd Singular, Class 7-15 intransi- 
tive. 

-mé-tr son. -4mé-t1r Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-tha house, to dwell. -A4-na Singular, Class 8-14 intransitive. -4?4-tha 
Dual, Class 2—24 intransitive. 

-mhaci waist. -tmhatr Singular, Class 4~3 intransitive. 

-tmnma-d¥a_ to pick fruit. -ttmh/m4-d¥a Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-tha-pa palm of hand. -drha-pa Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-masdi hand, finger. -Athasdi(?) Singular, Class 4-3 intransitive. 

-mna to leave, emerge. -trha Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. -{-tha 
Dual, Class 2-24 intransitive. -é-tha Plural, Class 11-25 intransitive. 

-na eye. -A-na Singular, unclassified intransitive. kA-na his eye. 

-na- to becloudy. -ina- Singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

-naéat stomach. -t-naéat Singular, Class 4~3 intransitive. 

-nddyiwi to light a fire. -d&nddyiwi(?) Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 
-Anddyiwi-ma Dual, Class 10-22 intransitive. -dndd¥iwi-me 
Plural, Class 10-21 intransitive. 

-ndmati seat, nest. -dndmdtr Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-némaca to stop, rebuke. -u-/é-ndétmhaca Class Al transitive. 

-ndsgdi head. -dndsgdi Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-nata to buy. -inata Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 

-nata tocook. -dinata Singular, Class 9-11 intransitive. 

-nawant tobe mean. -4-nawant Singular, Class 12-27 intransitive. 

-ndwe man’s mother’s brother, sister’s son. -A-ndéwe Singular, Class 7-15 
intransitive. 

-nd-ya mother, aunt. -d4nd-ya Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-ni to know, be acquainted with. -t/dni((?)) Class B5 transitive. 

-ni to go, to walk. -a&-ni Singular, Class 6-3 intransitive. 

-ni-ca to pull. -t-nd-ca Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-naisdyu father, father’s brother. -dnaisdyu Singular, Class 7-15 in- 
transitive. -Anaisdyu-Se Plural, Class 2-23 intransitive. 

-naza to be healthy. -tn/naza(?) Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 
-Gn/naza?a-na Dual, Class 5-10 intransitive. 

-nésa to look, to peer. -in/nésa Singular, Class 4-5 intransitive. 

-neta to say. -dineta Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-ni body. -infi Singular, Class 14—4 intransitive. 

-nutt lower leg. -d4unuttr Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-pdniustu to be thirsty. -fpdéniustu Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 
-dipdniustu Dual, Class 2-24 intransitive. -diydpdniustu Plural, 
Class 2—23 intransitive. 

-péni tobedry. -i-pdni Singular, Class 13-28 intransitive. 


Anthrop.PaP- LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 173 


572. 
573. 
574. 


575. 
576. 
577. 
578. 
579. 
580. 
581. 
582. 
583. 
584. 
585. 
586. 
587. 
588. 


589. 
590. 
591. 
592. 
593. 
594. 
595. 


596. 
597. 


598. 
599. 
600. 
601. 
602. 
603. 
604. 


605. 


606. 


607. 
608. 
609. 
610. 
611. 
612. 
613. 
614. 
615. 
616. 
617. 


-pasdy’u_ to be tied. -dpasd¥u Singular, Class 7-13 intransitive. 

-pasi tobe dark. -Apast Singular, Class 6 intransitive. 

-pE toeat. -upe Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. -A-?abe Dual, Class 
2-24 intransitive. -d-?apE Plural, Class 2—23 intransitive. 

péta—a tobe cracked. Type B, singular, Class 1 intransitive. 

-pt forehead. -tpr Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

piséa—1 flat, spread out. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

-pt-caA to blow. -ti-pti-ca Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-pa toenter. -Uupa Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-pakaca totouch. -t/d4pakaca Class Al transitive. 

-sA difficult. -d&usa Singular, Class 6 intransitive. 

-sé to draw water. -ausé Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-sipa eyelash. -isipA Singular, Class 14—4 intransitive. 

-sukuca to kick. -G/4sukuca Class Al transitive. 

-sume?esta to teach. -{/Asurne?esta(-) Class D1 transitive. 

-sbi-ca to whistle. -Usbi-ca Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-sbdea_ to string beads. -tsbéca Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-stéca to squeal, make an animal noise. -t-stéca Singular, Class 1-3 
intransitive. 

sti-—a to swallow. Type B, singular, Class 1—1 intransitive. 

sétisu—A to cough. Type B, singular, Class 1—1 intransitive. 

-sdi foot. -dsdi(?) Singular, Class 4-3 intransitive. 

sdi.—1 bowl-shaped. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

-sdya tosuck. -i-sdya Singular, Class 10-6 intransitive. 

-sdyirt to be brown. -Uisd¥i1r1 Singular, Class 6 intransitive. 

-sgu-cuct to drool, slobber. -t-sgi-cuct Singular, Class 13-28 intransi- 
tive. 

-sgumasa_ to hide. -tisgumaSa Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-ska to drink. -dska Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. -Aska Dual, 
Class 2-24 intransitive. -Aska-ta Plural, Class 2-23 intransitive. 

skdst—1 to be hard. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

skiré—1 spherical. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

-ské-?a¢a1_ to turn around. -aiské-?acar Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

skéti—1 round. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

-spika to paint. -i-sptka Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 

-spa-cA to push. -ispa-caA Class Cl transitive. 

-spa?dkaca to knock at the door. -t-sp4?4kaca Singular, Class 1-1 


intransitive. 

-stayA to be cold. -distaya (future -disdaya) Singular, Class 1 intransi- 
tive. 

-stayA to be breezy. -éstaya (future -ésdaya) Singular, Class 10 in- 
transitive. 


-sti to give a liquid. -{/Asti(?) Class D3 transitive. 

-sti-ca city, town. ~A?4-sti-ca Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 
-stu to die. -astu Singular, Class 4-3 intransitive. 

-$a tostep. -48A Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-SA toclose. -d?4-8a Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 

-Se name. -4-3e Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-86 tobe white. -48é6 Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-S1 knee. -aSi Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-S{-cr to be hospitable. -4-Si-cr Singular, Class 8-14 intransitive. 
-Su to be wet. -aSu Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

Suku—1 square. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 


174 


618. 
619. 
620. 


621. 
622. 


623. 


624. 


625. 
626. 
627. 


628. 
629. 
630. 
631. 
632. 
633. 
634. 
635. 
636. 
637. 
638. 
639. 
640. 
641. 
642. 
643. 
644. 


645. 
646. 
647. 
648. 
649. 
650. 
651. 
652. 
653. 
654. 
655. 
656. 
657. 
658. 
659. 
660. 


661. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Sipa—a to spit. Type B, singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-saca to name, to call ones name. -isaca (-Vv-) Class C1 transitive. 

s4t—a torn. Type B, singular, Class 1 intransitive. s4t—1 torn. 
Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

siwi—1 crooked. Type B, singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

-ta to kill. -duta Singular, Class 9-11 intransitive. -duda-pa Dual, 
Class 9-12 intransitive. -4-wata-wa Plural, Class 5-9 intransitive. 

-tA-nica towork. -Ut&-nicA Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. -Uté-niza-na 
Dual, Class 5-10 intransitive. -iwatd-niza-ne Plural, Class 5-9 
intransitive. 

-tidya back. -‘4tidya Singular, unclassified intransitive. kdtidya his 
back. 

-tigu to remove many objects. -utigu Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-tika-8a to climb. -ttika-8a Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-tikuya to cry. -attkuya (future. -atiguya) Singular, Class 1-3 in- 
transitive. 

-ti8a totalkto -attSa Class A2 transitive. 

-tu-ni to know. -Utu-ni Singular, Class 4-3 intransitive. 

-t4 to put in, to write down. -it4 Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 

-t4 to be full. -5-t&4 Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-t4 to test, try. -t-/4-t4 Class Al transitive. 

AGA 0 step on. -{-ta(-) Class C2 transitive. 

-ta toopen. -4?4-+a Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 

-tady1 to stand up. -d-tadyr Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-ti to give a granular substance. -{/Ati(?) Class D8 transitive. 

-tu-dyu fence. -A-tu-dyu Singular, Class 10 intransitive. 

-wicasayA to stir. -GwdcaSaya Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

wéka—a _ to spill. Type B, singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 

-wakuica to marry. -iwakuica Singular, Class 13-28 intransitive. 

-wa:sa tobe sick. -tiwa-sa(?) Singular, Class 3-27 intransitive. 

-wast to attack, pick a fight. -duwa-st Singular, Class 9-11 intransitive. 

-wa:sd¥u to watch, guard. -twa-sdyu Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-waWl face. -iwawr Singular, unclassified intransitive. kdwaw1 his 
face. 

-wi neck. -dwi Singular, Class 1—1 intransitive. 

-wicl chest. -4witt Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-wiéd-ca to listen to. -t/dwiéd-caA Class Al transitive. 

-wisbota to loosen, untie. -twisbota Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-wiska blue, green. -dwiska Singular, Class 6-3 intransitive. 

-wi-stiye to be happy. -{fwi-stiye(?) Singular, Class 3-27 intransitive. 

-wigstkuya to scold. -twiStkuya Class A2 transitive. 

-wi-za neck. -dwi-za Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

wdka—a _ to move, shake. Type B, singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-w4 to kill (plural object) -Gw/w4 Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-witl toapproach. -Gwat1 Singular, Class 3-27 intransitive. 

-watl tohaveaturn. -(-watt Singular, Class 3-27 intransitive. 

-wi-é1 tongue. -dwdé-ér1 Singular, Class 4-3 intransitive. 

-wadva_ togather something. -iwadya(?) Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 

-wAka to dress. -Gw/waka Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-wanE to go hunting. -iw/wane (future -tiw4-ne-) Singular, Class 
5-8 intransitive. 

-wasd4, tobe sour. -d4wasd4 Singular, unclassified intransitive. kdwasd4 
ait is sour. 


Anthrop; 22) LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 175 


662. 
663. 
664. 
665. 
666. 
667. 
668. 


669. 


670. 
671. 
672. 
673. 
674. 
675. 
676. 
677. 
678. 
679. 
680. 
681. 
682. 
683. 
684. 
685. 
686. 
687. 
688. 
689. 
690. 
691. 


692. 


693. 
694. 
695. 
696. 
697. 
698. 


699. 
700. 
701. 
702. 


-wati man’s male in-law. -&wati Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-wi child. -A-wi Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-wi-éa claw, fingernail. -4?4wi-éa Singular, Class 10-6 intransitive. 

winti—1 fast. Type B, singular, Class 10-6 intransitive. 

-wi?sa to fall. -0Q-wi?Sa Plural, Class 5-9 intransitive. 

-wisI nose. -AwiSt Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-wi-tEyA to worship. -dw/wi-teya (future -iwi-deya) Singular Class 5-2 
intransitive. -tw/wi-deya-pa Dual, Class 5-10 intransitive. 
-tiw/wi-deya-wa Plural, Class 5-9 intransitive. 

-yi to skin an animal. -ty4& Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. -ty4--na 
Dual, Class 1-18 intransitive. -ty4--ne Plural, Class 1-17 intransi- 
tive. 

-yi to be born. -fyd4 Singular, Class 14-4 intransitive. 

-yaka to burn something. -dyaka Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 

-yamhastu to be hungry. -fyarhastu Singular, Class 10-7 intransitive. 

-yanikuya to tell, command. -i/A4yanikuya Class Cl transitive. 

yata—1 to be weak. Type B, singular, Class 10-6 intransitive. 

-yd-t1 sharp. -fyd-t1 Singular, Class 13 intransitive. 

-yu hard. -dyu Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-yu to go. -é?éyu Dual, Class 11-26 intransitive. 

-yi-kam1 to wait for. -{/4y0-kam1 Class D6 transitive. 

-yutayA heavy. -dyttaya (future -4yitaya) Singular, Class 1-1 

-ya-?a to promise, to loan. -fy4-?a Singular, Class 4-5 intransitive. 

-yaska to sweep. -4y/yaska Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-yéina to find. -{/4yéima Class C7 transitive. 

-Yéipa tolook for. -{/4yéipa Class C2 transitive. 

-yéisiya toeat. --yéi8iya Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-yutid’i-ca to rest. -tyicéid¥i-ca Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-yi-mht arm. -4yt-rht Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-yupi ear. -4yupr1 Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-yuska tail. -d4yuska Singular, Class 1 intransitive. 

-yi-spt shoulder. -4yti-spt Singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-yuta tosing. -ty/ytta Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-za_ to say. -°za(?) Singular, Class 7-13 intransitive. -Aza(?) Dual, 
Class 2-24 intransitive. -azi?i-ya Plural, Class 2-23  intransi- 
tive. 

-za?anikuya to preach. -tza?anikuya (future -tiza?aniguya) Singular, 
Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-z4ipa shadow. -Azdipa Singular, Class 1 intransitive. 

-24-?azi to swim. -aizd-?azi(?) Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-zé-su to dream. -dizé-su Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-zi to lie down. -aizi(?) Singular, Class 5-8 intransitive. 

zu—v (zQ-n-) to go. Type B, singular, Class 1-1 intransitive. 

-ziwaA to pay. -f-ztiwa(-) Class Cl transitive. -aiztiwa(-) Singular, 
Class 5-8 intransitive. 

-24:Ciwa to awake. -izd-éGwa Singular, Class 4-5 intransitive. 

-7a-6A to fall. -t-za-éa Singular, Class 1-3 intransitive. 

-z5 husband. -4-z5 Singular, Class 7-15 intransitive. 

-zacaA torun. -izdcA Singular, Class 4-5 intransitive. 


176 


703. 
704. 
705. 
706. 
707. 
708. 
709. 
710. 
CHA, 
712. 
713. 


714. 
715. 
716. 
reve 
718. 
(eur 
720. 
721. 


722. 
723. 
724. 


725. 
726. 
727. 
728. 
729. 
730. 
731. 
732. 
733. 
734. 
735. 
736. 
737. 
738. 
739. 
740. 
7A. 
742. 


743. 


744, 
745. 


746. 
747. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


AFFIXES AND CLITICS 


?. Second person hortative. 114H 

-a- Reflexive-reciprocal. 301 

-4?a- Passive voice. 302A 

-a- Passive voice. 302B 

-?g Plural subject. 502K 

-?u Verbal auxiliary dual subject. 

e- Third person indicative and negative. 121J 122J 

c- Second person dubitative and future hortative. 113C 116C 

ci- Second person dubitative and future hortative. 113B 116B 

¢c- Third person indicative and negative. 121H 122H 

¢- Fourth person subject with third person object, indicative and negative. 
131B 132B 

ci- Third person indicative and negative. 121I 1221 

ci- First person indicative. 101B 

¢é- Third person dubitative. 123C 

é4?- Third person dubitative. 123F 

-Gadyaya Continuative action. 401G 

é- Third person dubitative. 123D 

é& Second person hortative. 114D 

éu- Second person subject with first person object, indicative, negative, 
dubitative, and future hortative. 151B 152B 153B 156B 

e- Second person dubitative and future hortative. 113A 116A 

ec4?- Second person dubitative and future hortative. 113D 116D 

¢a- First person subject with second person object, dubitative, and future 
hortative. 143B 146B 

d- Third person dubitative. 123G 

d- Second person hortative. 114F 

-de Plural conditional. 601B 

-di Locative-instrumental clitic. 

di- Third person dubitative. 123B 

di- Fourth person subject with third person object, dubitative. 133A 

di- Second person hortative. 114G 

di- Third person subject with second person object, hortative. 174B 

-dika Locative-instrumental clitic. 

-dimhi_ Benefactive. 

dy- Third person dubitative. 123A 

dvya- Third person dubitative. 123E 

-dyanu Narrative past tense clitic. 

-dvé-mi Pluralizing clitic. 

-d¥r Dual subject. 501C 

dvid- Second person dubitative and future hortative. 113F 116F 

dyidi- Second person dubitative and future hortative. 113G 116G 

dyidi- Third person subject with second person object, dubitative and 
future hortative. 173B 176B 

dyu- Second person subject with first person object, indicative, negative, 
dubitative, and future hortative. 151A 152A 153A 156A 

dysz- Second person dubitative and future hortative. 113E 116E 

dydz- Third person subject with second person object, dubitative and 
future hortative. 173A 176A 

g- Third person indicative and negative. 121A 122A 

ga- Third person indicative and negative. 121E 122K 


Antbropj; *?- LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 177 


748. gu- Second person subject with first person object, hortative and negative 
hortative. 154A 155A 

749. gdd- Second person indicative and negative. 111F 112F 

750. gddi- Second person indicative and negative. 111G 112G 

751. gédi- Third person subject with second person object, indicative and 
negative. 171B 172B 

752. gd3z- Second person indicative and negative. 111E 112E 

753. gdz- Third person subject with second person object, indicative and 
negative. 171A 172A 

754. k- Third person indicative and negative. 121C 122C 

755. k- First person hortative and negative hortative. 104C 105E 

756. ka- First person hortative and negative hortative. 104A 105C 

757. kdé?- Third person indicative and negative. 121F 122F 

758. ka?- First person hortative and negative hortative. 104D 105F 

759. -ku Continuative action. 401D 

760. -kuyA Continuative action. 401A 

76. ke-) Third person indicative and negative. 121D 122D 

762. ka- First person hortative and negative hortative. 104B 105D 

763. ku- Second person subject with first person object, hortative and negative 
hortative. 154B 155B 

764. -ma Remote state. 403 

765. -meE Plural subject. 502K 

766. -mi Benefactive. 

767. -mi Direction toward. 

768. -motr Dual subject. 501E 

769. -rmha Verbal auxiliary suffix. 

770. -rthasA Plural subject. 502F 

771. -masutr Dual subject. 501F 

772. mé.- Augmentative. 

773. -mE Plural subject. 502D 

774. -mxr_ Suffixed to place names to indicate inhabitants of that place. 

775. -mi Benefactive. 

776. -tha Dual subject. 501D 

777. n- First person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 104G 
105G 106C 

778. n- Future tense. 201A 

779. -ndmi Direction toward. 

780. -nani Nominalizer. 

781. -ne Conditional. 601A 

782. -nE Plural subject. 502B 

783. -nE Unfulfilled action. 402B 

784. ni- First person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 104E 
105A 106A 

785. ni- Future tense. 201B 

786. -ni Benefactive. 

787. -ni Nominalizer. 

788. -ni Direction from. 

789. ni?- First person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 
1041 105I 106E 

790. ni?- Future tense. 201E 

791. -nikuya Continuative action. 401B 

792. -nu- Conditional. 602 


178 
793. 


794. 
795. 


796. 


ote 
798. 


799. 


800. 
801. 


802. 
803. 
804. 
805. 
806. 


807. 
808. 
809. 
810. 


811. 
812. 


813. 
814. 


815. 
816. 


817. 
818. 


819. 
820. 


821. 
822. 
823. 
824. 
825. 
826. 
827. 
828. 
829. 
830. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


néd- First person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 
104K 105K 106G 

néd- Future tense. 201G 

nédi- First person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 

104L 105L 106H 

nédi Third person subject with first person object, hortative, negative 
hortative, and future hortative. 164B 165B 166B 

-notr Dual subject. 501B 

néz- First person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 
104J 1053 106F 

néz- Third person subject with first person object, hortative, negative 
hortative, and future hortative. 164A 165A 166A 

néz- Future tense. 201F 

n- First person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 104H 
105H 106D 

n- Future tense. 201C 

-nE Plural subject. 502A 

-nE Unfulfilled action. 402A 

-nE Verbal auxiliary conditional. 

ni- First person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 
104F 105B 106B 

ni- Future tense. 201D 

-ni Nominalizer. 

-na Dual subject. 501A 

p- Third person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 
124C 125C 126C 

p- Second person hortative. 114A 

pa- Third person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 
124E 125E 126E 

p4?- Third person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 
124F 125F 126F 

pi- Third person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 
124A 125A 126A 

pi- Second person hortative. 114B 

pi?- Third person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 
124G 125G 126G 

-pa Dual subject. 501H 

p- Third person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 
124D 125D 126D 

pi- Third person hortative, negative hortative, and future hortative. 
124B 125B 126B 

pi- Fourth person subject with third person object, hortative, negative 
hortative, and future hortative. 134 135 136 

ré-- Diminutive. 

s- First person indicative. 101C 

-sA Verbal auxiliary plural subject. 

-sE Plural subject. 502M 

si- First person indicative. 101A 

-si_ Locative-instrumental clitic. 

si?- First person indicative. 101F 

-sa Continuative action. 401F 

séd- First person indicative. 101H 

séz- First person indicative. 101G 


Anthrop. Pap. LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 179 


831. 
832. 
833. 
834. 
835. 
836. 
837. 
838. 


839. 
840. 
841. 
842. 
843. 
844. 


845. 
846. 
847. 
848. 
849. 
850. 
851. 
852. 
853. 
854. 
855. 
856. 
857. 
858. 
859. 
860. 
861. 
862. 
863. 
864. 
865. 
866. 
867. 
868. 
869. 
870. 
871. 
872. 
873. 
874. 
875. 
876. 
877. 


878. 
879. 
880. 


sé- 
sé- 
sé- 


sc- 
sc- 


yz. 
SCl- 
sti- 
sdy- 
sdy- 
sdy- 
sdy- 


sd¥i- 
sdvi- 
sg- 
sg- 
sg- 
sg- 
sg- 
sga- 
sga- 
sk- 
sk- 


Indefinite subject. 181C 

First person negative. 102J 

Second person negative hortative. 115J 

Indefinite subject. 181D 

First person negative. 102H 

Second person negative hortative. 115H 

Third person subject with first person object, negative. 162B 

Third person subject with second person object, negative hortative. 


175B 


First person negative. 1021 

Second person negative hortative. 115I 

First person negative. 102G 

Second person negative hortative. 115G 

Third person subject with first person object, negative. 162A 
Third person subject with second person object, negative hortative. 


175A 


First person negative. 102B 
Second person negative hortative. 115B 

First person negative. 102A 
First person indicative. 1011 
Second person negative hortative. 115A 
Indefinite subject. 181A 
Third person subject with first person object, indicative. 161A 

First person negative. 102E 

Second person negative hortative. 115K 
First person negative. 102C 
Second person negative hortative. 115C 


skdé?- First person negative. 102F 
ska?- Second person negative hortative. 115F 


sk- 
sk- 
sk- 
sku- 
sku- 
st- 
sti?- 
sti- 


Indefinite subject. 181B 
First person negative. 102D 
Second person negative hortative. 115D 
First person indicative. 101J 
Third person subject with first person object, indicative. 161B 


First person hortative and negative hortative. 1040 1050 


First person hortative and negative hortative. 104P 105P 
First person hortative and negative hortative. 104Q 105Q 


s- First person indicative. 101D 

si- First person indicative. 101E 

8- Second person indicative and negative. 111C 112C 

§- First person hortative and negative hortative. 104M 105M 


-86 
-SE 


Nominalizing clitic. 
Plural subject. 5021 


-§i Locative-instrumental clitic. 


-S1 


Plural subject. 502J 


Si- Second person indicative and negative. 111B 112B 
S- First person hortative and negative hortative. 104N 105N 
s- Second person indicative and negative. 111A 112A 


sa- 


First person subject with second person object, indicative, negative, 


hortative, and negative hortative. 141A 142A 144A 145A 
-sanu Narrative past tense clitic. 


-sutl 


Dual subject. 501G 


s- Second person indicative and negative. 111D 112D 


180 
881. 


882. 
883. 
884. 
885. 
886. 
887. 
888. 
889. 
890. 
891. 
892. 
893. 
894. 
895. 
896. 
897. 
898. 
899. 
900. 
901. 
902. 
903. 
904. 
905. 
906. 
907. 
908. 
909. 


910. 
911. 
912. 
913. 
914. 
915. 
1G: 
917. 
918. 
919. 
920. 
921. 
922. 
923. 
924. 
925. 
926. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


$a- First person subject with second person object, indicative, negative, 
hortative, and negative hortative. 141B 142B 144B 145B 

t- First person dubitative. 103C 

t- Third person dubitative. 123J 

-ta Continuative action. 401E 

-ta Plural subject. 502C 

ta?- First person dubitative. 103D 

-td-nt Nominalizer. 

-tE Plural negative. 603 

ti- First person dubitative. 103A 

ti?- First person dubitative. 103H 

-tikuya Continuative action. 401C 

téd- First person dubitative. 103F 

tédi- First person dubitative. 103G 

tédi- Third person subject with first person object, dubitative. 163B 

téz- First person dubitative. 105E 

téz- Third person subject with first person object, dubitative. 163A 

t- Third person dubitative. 123H 

¢- Fourth person subject with third person object, dubitative. 133B 

t- Second person hortative. 114C 

ti- First person dubitative. 103B 

ti- Third person dubitative. 123I 

-wa Numeral suffix. 

-wA Plural subject. 502G 

-wE Plural subject. 502H 

-wE Unfulfilled action. 402C 

-wi Benefactive. 

-wi Nominalizer. 

-ya Numeral suffix. 

-yA Plural subject. 502L 


LOANWORDS 


?amd-pu_ pillow. Spanish almohada. 
?araBigu- apricot. Sp. albaricoque. 
?ard-ru plow. Sp. arado. 

?ara-sa rice. Sp. arroz. 

?ayund- lent, fast. Sp. ayunar. 
?isbd-ri sword. Sp. espada. 
?isdi-pa stove. Sp. estufa. 

Bagé-ta leather. Sp. vaqueta. 
Banpé. basin, tin cup. Sp. bandeja. 
Bé-ra bullet. Sp. bala. 

BA-sA_ drinking glass. Sp. vaso. 
Bend4-na window. Sp. ventana. 
BidaBé- beets. Sp. betabel. 

BU-Gi buggy. 

BuiyasI oxen. Sp. buey. 

ba- bread. Sp. pan. 

bé-ni cloth. Sp. pajio. 


Ame oT P ~=«LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 


No. 


927. 
928. 
929. 
930. 
931. 
932. 
933. 
934. 
935. 
936. 
937. 
938. 
939. 
940. 
941. 
942. 
943. 
944. 
945. 
946. 
947. 
948. 
949. 
950. 
951. 
952. 
953. 
954. 
955. 
956. 
957. 
958. 
959. 
960. 
961. 
962. 
963. 
964. 
965. 
966. 
967. 
968. 
969. 
970. 
971. 
972. 
973. 
974. 
975. 
976. 
977. 
978. 
979. 


ba-sku feast, holy day. Sp. pascua. 
bé-su straw. Sp. paja. 

béla pear. Sp. pera. 

bici-tr pig. Nahuatl pitzoil. 

bisé-ri blanket, rug. Sp. pisar. 
bisgd-ri_ church officer. Sp. fiscal. 
bla-sa city. Sp. plaza. 

dd4bi-pu governor. Zuni ta-pu-pu. 
dé-sA cup. Sp. taza. 

dasaSti-na taxes. Sp. tasacién. 
didaét priest. Nahuatl totatzin. 
dumi-ku Sunday. Sp. domingo. 
dunasi. automobile. Sp. automédvil. 
dyé-nda_ store. Sp. tienda. 

aayé-ta biscuit. Sp. galleta. 
gagawa-t1 peanut. Sp. cacahuate. 
gahé-ra drummer. Sp. cajero (?). 
gahti-na box. Sp. cajén. 

gamaé-tu bed. Sp. cama (?). 

gand-st1 basket, nest. Sp. canasta. 
gané-ru. sheep. Sp. carnero. 

gapé. coffee. Sp. café. 

gasi-k1 high priest, king. Sp. cacique. 
gé-silu jail. Sp. carcel. 

gi-su box. Sp. caja. 

gawa-yu horse. Sp. caballo. 
gawiya-ra_ herd of horses. Sp. caballada. 
gayawart-sa barn. Sp. caballeriza. 
guBé-nta church. Sp. convento. 

gu-li cabbage. Sp. col. 

gumunird- jail. Sp. comandancia. 
gunZu- mattress. Sp. colchon. 

gurd- corral. Sp. cerral. 

guy4-ri yoke, horse collar. Sp. collera. 
haBi- soap. Sp. jabén. 

hied-ntr giant. Sp. gigante. 

hua John. Sp. Juan. 

huisist Thursday. Sp. jueves. 
ht-runa outdoor oven. Sp. horno. 
kasdi-ra Mexican, Spanish-American. Sp. Castilla. 
kisd- stew. Sp. guisado. 

lé-ba, ré-ba coat. Sp. leva. 

leli-sa watch, clock. Sp. reloj. 
m4a-dist T'wesday. Sp. martes. 
madi-ya hammer. Sp. martillo. 
mé-gurist Wednesday. Sp. miércoles. 
merigé-na Anglo-American. Sp. americano. 
merti-ni melon. Sp. melén. 

mé-sA table. Sp. mesa. 

mé-stru teacher. Sp. maestro. 
misakdi church. Sp. misa plus native -kAi. 
mu-la mule. Sp. mulo. 

mura-tu Negro. Sp. mulato. 


181 


182 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

980. mt-sa cat. Sp. moza. 

981. naBd-hu pocket knife. Sp. navaja. 

982. nardn orange. Sp. naranja. 

983. nurd&-st peach. Sp. durazno. 

984. nuZuwé-nu Christmas. Sp. Nochebuena. 

985. regesi. cream. Sp. requesén. 

986. resd- prayer. Sp. rezar. 

987. rey4-tu rawhide rope. Sp. reata. 

988. rigust rich. Sp. rico. 

989. ra-ku crazy. Sp. loco. 

990. ri-nisr Monday. Sp. lunes. 

991. rusd-yu beads. Sp. rosario. 

992. sagisdd4-na sacristan. Sp. sacristén. 

993. sanpi-ya watermelon. Sp. sandia. 

994. sandiyé-ku St. James. Sp. Santiago. 

995. sd-waru Saturday. Sp. sdbado. 

996. semi-tu bread. Sp. semita. 

997. seré-su cherry. Sp. cereza. 

998. siBiyu. bird. Sp. silbar. 

999. sirawé- plum. Sp. ciruela. 
1,000. siyé-ta chair. Sp. silleta. 
1,001. sunpé-ru_ soldier. Sp. soldado. 
1,002. wa-gast cow. Sp. vaca. 
1,003. wanisSu- harness. Sp. guarniciones. 
1,004. ward- something saved. Sp. guardar. 
1,005. yé-nast Friday. Sp. viernes. 
1,006. 4Zi-ri chili. Sp. chile. 
1,007. Ziriyi- whip. Sp. chirrién. 

INDEX TO VOCABULARY 

abalone 380 antelope 221 
able 36 to approach 655 
above 115 apricot 911 
abruptly 138 arm 686 
adobe 81 around 362 
afraid 501 to arrive 454, 495 
again 302, 423 arrow 30 
alkali 266 arrowhead 195 
all 298 ashes 265 
allright 186, 192 to ask 488, 478 
almost 237 assistance 45 
alone 274 to attack 642 
already 21, 359 aunt 560 
also 84 automobile 939 
and 18, 126 autumn 341 
Anglo-American 973 to awake 433, 699 
angry 450 away 397 
animal 198, 236 awl 181 
ant 303 ax 42 


[Bull. 191 


sop TP «LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 


baby 51 

back 212, 297, 302, 624 

bad 253 

badger 116 

bag 284 

ball 251 

banana 206 

bark 24 

barn 954 

basin 918 

basket 50, 134, 946 

bat 87 

to be 425, 517 

beads 991 

beans 121 

bear 130 

beard 159, 540 

beaver 128 

bee 62 

bed 945 

bedbug 285 

beets 922 

behind 212 

to belch 465 

to believe 508 

bell 48 

big 259 

bighorn sheep 329 

bird 998 

biscuit 941 

bison 244 

to bite 515 

bitter 75 

blackbird 330 

blanket 931 

blood 250 

to blossom 506 

to blow 578 

blue 649 

bluebird 351 

bluejay 360 

bobcat 104 

body 92, 350, 568 

to boil 480 

boll 345 

bone 170 

to be born 670 

both 31 

bow 377 

bowl 11, 52, 382 

bowl-shaped 592 

box 417, 944, 951 

boy 249 
682-611—64——_16 


brains 405 
bread 925, 996 
to break 452 
breath 69 

to breathe 448 
breezy 606 
brick 81 

bridge 422 

to bring 518 
broken 4651, 510 
brother 118, 500 
brown 594 
buckskin 288 
buffalo 244 

bug 285, 323 
buggy 923 

to build 473 
bullet 919 
bullsnake 333 
to burn 671 


but 22 
butterfly 65 
to buy 556 


buzzard 256 


cabbage 956 
cactus 23 

to call 4387, 619 
can 36 

car 939 

cat 980 

to catch 487 
cedar 227 
centipede 25 
chair 8, 1000 
cherry 997 
chest 646 

to chew 453 
chicken 311 
chicken pox 340 
child 663 

chili 1006 

to chop 519 
Christmas 984 
church 955, 977 
church officer 9382 
cigarette 387 
city 171, 608, 933 
claw 179, 664 
clay 260 

clean 214 

to climb 626 
clock 969 


183 


184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


to close 469, 611 
closed 427 

cloth 926 

cloud 187 
cloudy 550 

club 424 

coals 152 

coat 968 

cob 413 

coffee 948 

cold 605 

to command 673 
to cook 557 

cool 4438 


corn 215, 317, 339, 402, 403 


corncob 413 
corner 349 
cornhusk 98 
cornmeal 287 
corn silk 389 
corpse 92, 350 
corral 959 
correct 342 

to cost 494 
cotton 207, 345, 390 
cottonwood 201, 390 
cougar 248 

to cough 590 
covered 483 
cow 1002 
coyote 363 
cracked 575 
crazy 989 
cream 985 
crippled 409 
crooked 621 
cross 357 
crow 319 
crucifix 357 
tocry 627 
cup 918, 935 
to cut 459 


to dance 463 
dark 573 
daughter 534 
day 299 

deer 108 
dented 539 
to descend 488 
desert 416 

to die 609 
difficult 581 


dipper 254 

to do 474, 520 
dog 99 

doll 651 

domestic animal 198 
doorway 200 
dove 204 

down 282, 379 
to draw water 582 
to dream 695 
dress 370 

to dress 659 
drill 55 

to drink 597 

to drool 595 
drum 54 
drummer 943 
dry dil 

duck 383 

dust 373, 530 

to dwell 430, 543 


eagle 105 
ear 687 

early 109 
earring 43 
earth 122, 142 
east 135 
eastward 135 
to eat 574, 684 
egg 281 

eight 131 

elk 120 

to emerge 548 
enough 186 
to enter 579 
everybody 139 
evil 253 

eye 209, 549 
eyelash 583 


face 644 

fall 341 

to fall 461, 666, 700 
fancy 289 

far 365 

fast 318, 665, 914 
to fast 491 

fat 35, 295 

father 564 

feast 927 

feather 141 

to feed 484 


Anthrop. Pap. LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 


female 231 
fence 637 

to fetch 485 
few 1438 

field 415 

to fight 490 
to find 682 
fine 289 
finger 162, 547 
fingernail 179, 664 
fir 150 

fire 152 
fireplace 368 
firewood 129 
first 71 

fish 334 

five 364 

flag 290 

flat 577 
flesh 33, 305 
flour 28, 332 
flower 506 
fly 74 

fog 189 

food 39, 269 
foot 169, 591 
imoye iL PAf/ 
forehead 576 
to forget 499 
four 106 

fOx Wo 

fresh 448 
Friday 1005 
friend 525 
frightened 442 
frog 328 
from 97, 399 
full 511, 631 


game 236 

to gather 658 

to get 439, 485 

giant 331, 962 

girl 238 

to give 429, 482, 607, 636 
glass 920 

to go 516, 531, 562, 677, 697 
good 10, 292 

goose 294, 348 

gourd 110 

governor 934 

grandchild 6541 
grandfather 541 


grandparent 58, 432, 479 
grass 14 

grasshopper 316 

green 649 

grinding box 417 
grinding stone 17 

to guard 6438 

guilty 456 

gun 46 


hail 161 

hair 183 
hammer 971 
hand 162, 547 
handkerchief 44 
to hang 486 
to happen 475 
happy 650 
hard 581, 598, 676 
harness 1003 
to have 426, 466, 489 
hawk 89 

head 555 

to heal 514 
healthy 565 
to hear 509 
heart 384 
heat 228 
heavy 679 
help 45 

to help 535 
helpful 493 
hen 311 

here 95, 178 
hide 291 

to hide 596 

to hit 523 
holy day 927 
honey 80, 321 
horn 472 
horned toad 90 
horse 952 
horse collar 960 
horse herd 953 
hospitable 615 
hot 56, 468 
house 4, 476, 543 
how 133, 143 
hummingbird 261 
hungry 672 

to hunt 660 
husband 701 
husk 98 


185 


186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


I 191 and affix list 
ice 163 
immediately 180 
in-law 662 
intestines 407 
iron 79 

itself 273 


jackrabbit 107, 286 
jail 950, 957 

John 963 

jug 312 

juice 77 


key 16 

to kick 584 

kidney 529 

to kill 538, 622, 654 
king 949 

knee 614 

knife 194, 981 

to knock 604 

to know 496, 561, 629 


lamp 9 

land 142 

lard 35 

large 259 

last 313 

last night 233 
lazy 502 

leaf 241 

to learn 498 
leather 288, 917 
to leave 548 

leg 156, 532, 569 
legend 398 
legging 38 

lent 914 

to lie down 512, 696 
life 37 

light 242 

to light 4385, 552 
lightning 66, 219 
like 257 

to listen to 647 
little 296 

liver 27 

lizard 327 

to loan 680 
locust 78 

log 68 

long ago 160 


long time 239 

to look 503, 513, 566 
to look for 683 

to loosen 648 
lopsided 63 

louse 347 

lunch 269 

lung 283 


man 145 
manure 29 
many 280 

to marry 640 
mat 3 

match 653 
mattress 3, 958 
maybe 223 
meadowlark 314 
mean 558 
meat 33, 305 
medicine 374 
medicine man 88 
melon 974 
mesquite 391 
metal 300 
metate 17 
Mexican 966 
middle 309 
middle-aged 270 
milk 210 

mist 189 
moccasin 172 
mockingbird 337 
moon 93 
Monday 990 
money 300 
month 93 
morning 125 
mosquito 322 
moss 230 
moth 262 
mother 560 
mountain 234 
mountain lion 248 
mouse 306 
mouth 522 

to move 653 
mud 258 
mushroom 325 


nail 7 
naked 164 
name 612 


soko] 2 «LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 187 


to name 619 
navel 146 
near 138 
neck 645, 652 
to need 457 
needle 40 
Negro 979 
nephew 559 
nest 553, 946 
new 268 
night 276 
nine 243 

no 414 

north 114 
nose 386, 667 
not 419 

now 197 


oak 140 
odor 444 
O.K. 192 
old 418 
once 151 
one 32 
oneself 277 
onion 184 
only 273 
to open 634 
orange 982 
others 263 
oven 965 
oxen 924 


to paint 602 
palm 546 
pants 13 
paralyzed 409 
parrot 344 

to pay 698 
peach 983 
peanut 942 
pear 929 

peas 335 

to peer 566 
people, person 166 
to pick 545 
pig 930 

pillow 910 
pine 112, 165 
pinony SE 12 
place 94 

to place 505 
plains 416 


plant 216 

to plant 481 
plate 338 
plaza 224 
plow 912 

plum 999 
pollen 173 
popcorn 317 
porcupine 34 
to possess 426, 466, 489 
pot 5, 1382 
pottery 369 
prairie dog 279 
prayer 986 

to preach 692 
priest 937, 949 
to promise 680 
to pull 563 
pumpkin 91 
pure 214 
purple 61 

to push 603 

to put 446, 630 


quail 123 
quickly 180 


rabbit 107, 286, 293 
rabbit club 424 
to rain 460 
rainbow 229 
rat 326 

rattle 110 

raw 356 

ready 154 

to rebuke 554 
reGumozt 

to remember 497 
to remove 625 
to rest 685 
return 297, 302 
ribs 64 

rice 913 

rich 988 

right hand 358 
river 86 

road 199, 200 
roadrunner 343 
robin 385 

rock 404 

root 375 

rope 47, 987 
round 599, 601 


188 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

rubber 278 snake 361 

rug 931 snare 372 

torun 702 to sneeze 428 
snow 174 

sacristan 992 soap 961 

saddle 41 soapweed 149, 245 

St. James 994 soldier 1001 

saliva 203 somebody 137 

salt 264 something 421 


sand 388, 406 
satisfied 511 
Saturday 995 
saved 1004 

to say 449, 567, 691 
scattered 353 
to scold 651 
seat 8, 553 

to see 513 

seed 124, 202 
to sell 505 

to send 505 
separate 275 
seven 252 

to sew 445 
shadow 693 

to shake 653 
shaman 88 
sharp 675 
sheep 329, 947 
shell 324, 380 
shirt 370 

shoe 172 
shoulder 412, 689 
to shut 611 
sick 641 

side 82 

similar 257 

to sing 690 
sister 527 
sister-in-law 441 
to sit 504 

six 320 

skin 291 

to skin 669 

sky 208 

to sleep 431, 434 
slightly 2382 

to slobber 595 
slow 354 

small 232, 296 
smoke 371, 530 
to smoke 477 
smooth 440 


somewhere 147 
son 542 

song 411 

sour 661 

south 217 
southward 217 
Spanish-American 966 
spearhead 195 
spherical 599 
spider 226 

to spill 639 

to spit 618 
spread out 577 
springtime 367 
square 224, 617 
squash 91 

to squeal 588 
squirrel 304 

to stab 492 
staff 401 

stalk 175 

to stand 462, 635 
star 346 

to steal 470 

to step 610, 633 
stew 76, 967 
stick 408 
stinkbug 323 
to stir 638 
stocking 102 
stomach 551 
stone 404 

to stop 554 
store 940 
storm 395 
story 398 

stove 916 
straight 342 
straw 928 
string 528 

to string beads 587 
to suck 593 
suddenly 138 
summer 213 


[Bull. 191 


ORT» ~=LANGUAGE OF SANTA ANA PUEBLO—DAVIS 189 


sun 49 
Sunday 938 
sunflower 193 
sure 301 

to swallow 589 
to sweep 681 
sweet 220 
toswim 694 
sword 915 


table 975 

tail 688 

take it 178 

to talk to 628 
talkative 420 
tasty 10 

taxes 936 

to teach 585 
teacher 976 

to tell 486, 673 
ten 222 

to test 632 
tether 6 

thank you 272, 378 
that 185, 376 
that way 101, 153, 396 
then 20 

there 2, 12, 96, 176, 182, 392, 393 
therefore 20, 127 
thigh 156, 532 
to think 455 
thirsty 570 

this 100 

this way 103, 177, 400 
three 85 
thunder 536 
Thursday 964 
thus 366 

tied 572 

tilted 63 

tired 471 

toad 60 

tobacco 157 
today 197 

toe 158, 537 
tomorrow 83 
tongue 381, 657 
too 84 

tooth 144, 467 
torn 620 

torso 64 

tortilla 240 

to touch 580 


towel 44 
town 171, 608 
tree 201 
trousers 13 
true 533 

to try 632 
Tuesday 970 
turkey 72 
turn 656 

to turn around 600 
turquoise 352 
turtle 188 
twice 119 
twilight 315 
two 117 


uncle 559, 564 
under 271 
to untie 648 
up 113 


very 246 
vine 26 
vulture 256 


wagon 336 
waist 544 

to wait for 678 
to walk 562 
wall 70 

to want 457 
watch 969 

to watch 643 
water 77 
watermelon 993 
we 191 and affix list 
weak 674 
Wednesday 972 
well 292, 458 
west 67 
westward 67 
wet 616 

what 148, 421 
wheat 15 

when 155 
where 136, 147 
which 148 
whip 1007 

to whistle 586 
white 613 
whitewash 59 
who 1387 

wife 526 


190 
wildeat 104 
willow 211 


winding 447 
window 921 
windstorm 395 
winter 218 

to wipe 524 
with 190 

wolf 225 
woman 231, 235 
wood 129 
woodpecker 
wool 205 
word 255 
to work 623 
world 122 
worm 394 


310 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


to worry 455 

to worship 668 
to write 630 
wrongdoing 308 


to yawn 507 

year 213 

yellow 464 
yesterday 307 

yet 267 

yoke 960 

yonder 392 

you 196 and affix list 
yucca 168 

yucca fruit 206 


zigzag 447 


LITERATURE CITED 


GREENBERG, JOSEPH H. 


1957. 


1959 a. 


Essays in linguistics. 
Research. Viking Fund Publ. 

Miter, Wick R. 

Some notes on Acoma kinship terminology. Southwestern Journ. 


Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological 
Anthrop. No. 24. 


Anthrop., vol. 15, No. 2, pp. 179-184. 
1959 b. Spanish loanwordsin Acoma: I. Intern. Journ. Amer. Linguistics, 
vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 147-153. 


1960. Spanish loanwords in Acoma: II. 


Intern. Journ. Amer. Linguistics, 


vol. 26, No. 1, pp. 41-49. 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin 191 


Anthropological Papers, No. 70 


OBSERVATIONS ON CERTAIN ANCIENT TRIBES OF 
THE NORTHERN APPALACHIAN PROVINCE 


By BERNARD G. HOFFMAN 


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CONTENTS 


PAGE 
BESTT COLL GUN Tae mas ee ar a ee ee ere lee en ei eee 195 
Mvidenes tor relations hiss 222.2 es ee ae a ee 196 
1. Pocaughtawonauck—Massawomeck connection_____._________- 196 
2. Massawomeck-Massomack connection_..._-_____-___-_-___-_-_ 198 
3. Massawomeck-Black Minqua connection_______________.___-_-_ 201 
4. Massawomeck=DErie: connection... 232 soso soe cc ek 204 
&. Diack Mingue-lrieequncetion®! 12 724i eh io oe Se 206 
G. Arripahapa-Prie connection: == 22. 652205 2 eee ale ee 210 
¢. Arrigahaga-Black Minqua connection_-..........-.......--._- 211 
8. Richahecrian-Black Minqua connection___....____-.-----_____- 211 
0. Hichaheerian-lirie connection... ..=—=20.222—c icc. sea ese 220 
10. Richahecrian-Rickohockan connection_____-__--_-----_-___-_- 220 
Hit hickohockan-Birie- connection: 222 2225229) Se Nols Peete 221 
opi On Aste: eae free ae Eee dhe thay iy cae Tet Sk # eS A ae ete ee eee 221 
31/0) oad: 0) SR oe Beem Sey ane nt SA Oe ee A eee ae ee ee 235 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
PLATE 
(Follows page 246) 
26. Facsimile of section of Anonymous-Zufiiga map of c. 1608. 
TEXT FIGURE 
6: Dideram of name relationships i245 -—22 532.6 Yeo she ose 195 
MAPS 

4. Fascimile of section of John Smith’s map of 1612_____----_---------- 197 
5. Possible Potomac route of Captain Fleet’s brother__-_------------- 201 
6. Facsimile of legend of Augustine Herrman’s map of 1673___--------- 203 
f(« Bacsinigle of John Wederer's:map of 1672.2. 4.2. ee eee soos 205 
8. Facsimile of detail of Augustine Herrman’s map of 1673___--------- 213 

9. Protohistoric and early historic archeological phases of the Eastern 
WintbedtS Gates Sears Meee ates ees ein nk eee emi YN ae ak ope ca ee 221 
10: Components of the Fort Ancient, Aspeeto = «2 22.2524 - se oS 2. 225 
11. Components of the Monongahela and Shenk’s Ferry Aspects - ------- 229 
122 (Components of the Iroquois Aspeet.—- 2.2. 2-22-22 22--22—— -- == 233 
13. Probable distribution o£ Iroquoian tribese=:--=-2-2.-2-.-.--.---- 234 


mt) 


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one 


OBSERVATIONS ON CERTAIN ANCIENT TRIBES 
OF THE NORTHERN APPALACHIAN PROVINCE 


By Brernarp G. HorrmMan 


INTRODUCTION 


This paper is the outcome of a detailed study conducted on the 
relationships between certain little-known tribes of the Appalachian 
region which are implied or indicated by the historical sources. The 
method employed is based upon the logical proposition that if A 
implies B, and B implies C, then A implies C, and consists simply of 
attempting to establish the identity of various pairs of the tribes in 
question and then of studying the relationships implied by these 
interconnections. 


Massawomeck 


| 
Massomack 
Pocaughtawonauck 


Erie 
(Eriechrenon) 
ee 


Sa Me 


\ 
\ 
\ 


10\ 
\ ee 
\ ESE 
NUS a oe a es Pies : 
Richahecrian 8 Black Minqua 
Arrigahaga 


Figure 16.—Diagram of name relationships. 


This procedure can be expressed graphically in a diagram such as 
that presented in figure 16, which depicts the relationships to be 
discussed. The point of entry here was a consideration of the name 

195 


196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Massawomeck, and of its possible synonyms, and proceeded to a 
consideration of the synonyms of the synonyms. This led respectively 
to a consideration of such names as Pocaughtawonauck, Massomack, 
Erie, Black Minqua, Arrigahaga, Richahecrian, Rickohockan, and 
even of such groups as the Nayssone, Monocan, Mannahoack, and 
Saponi. In the course of this exploration a number of longstanding 
problems and disputes emerged in a new light, and a number of 
previous concepts were revealed as inaccurate. It is the purpose of 
this report to present the evidence and conclusions thus assembled 
and arrived at, and to indicate the implications of this material. 


EVIDENCE FOR RELATIONSHIPS 
1. POCAUGHTAWONAUCK-MASSAWOMECK CONNECTION 


The Pocaughtawonauck Indians first are referred to on the so-called 
Anonymous-Zufiga map (pl. 26) dating from c. 1608, which was 
apparently drafted in the Virginia Colony, sent to England, acquired 
in copy or original by Spanish spies, and sent to Philip III by the 
Spanish ambassador to England, Don Pedro de Zuiiga. 

The map depicts Tidewater Virginia and North Carolina between 
Cape Lookout and the Potomac River, and reflects not only the current 
English knowledge of the Virginia coastal plain, but also the current 
belief in a sea or ocean west of the mountains at the headwaters of the 
Virginia rivers. West of the head of the Rappahanock River (which 
can be identified through comparison with map 4, the printed John 
Smith map of 1612), the Anonymous-Zufiiga map displays a legend 
reading: 

Pocaughtawonaucks, a salvage people dwelling upon the bay beyond this mayne 
that eat of men and women. [Brown, 1890, vol. 1, pp. 183-185.] 

This legend can be compared with John Smith’s comments in his 
‘“‘True Relation” of 1608, where he states 

[that Powhatan] described also vpon the same Sea, a mighty Nation called 
Pocoughtronack, a fierce Nation that did eate men, and warred with the people 
of Moyaoncer [Moyaones, of the Piscataway] and Pataromerke [Potomac], 
Nations vpon the toppe of the head of the Bay, vnder his territories; where the 
yeare before they had slain an hundred. He signified their crownes were shaven, 
long haire in the necke, tied on a knot, Swords like Pollaxes. [Smith, 1884, 
p. 20.] 

In his famous printed map of 1612, however, Smith no longer uses 
the name ‘‘Pocaughtawonauck.” In its place, beyond the supposed 
headwaters of the Potomac and the Rappahanock, he has the name 
““(Massawomeck”’ signifying a people of whose existence he first 


aR oT AP APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 197 


5 ip = . SS SE Fi siqification fille ed 
SSS aw yy CS, To the crojf es hath bin difcouc / 
SX Rie Magfawemeck O what hevond ts by relation WE 


Kings houjes 2—__ e j 
Ordinary howfes 2__ 9 
Ik 
H jo 


: Uy 
iniah o 
TA gaye erst noe UE || 


a) 
r 


= is Sy" 
on “eegh 
t 


Map 4.—Facsimile of section of John Smith’s map of 1612. 


became aware while visiting the Nanticokes and Wiccomiss in 1608. 
In his later accounts of his travels he stated: 
Beyond the mountaines from whence is the head of the river Patawomeke, 


the Savages report, inhabit their most mortall enemies, the Massawomekes, vpon 
a great salt water, which by all Likelyhood is either some part of Cannada, some 


198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


great lake, or some inlet of some sea that falleth into the South sea. These 
Massawomekes are a great nation and very populous. For the heads of all these 
rivers, especially the Patawomekes [Potomacs], the Pauturuntes [Patuxents], the 
Sasquesahanocks [Susquehannocks], the Tockwoughes [Wiccomiss], are con- 
tinually tormented by them. . . . [Smith, 1624; 1884, pp. 71, 367.] 

In the course of his 1608 exploration of the upper Chesapeake Bay, 
John Smith actually did encounter seven canoes containing Massa- 
womeck warriors: 

. . whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobaccopipes, Platters, Bowes and 
Arrowes, and every thing shewed, they much exceeded them of our parts: and 
their dexteritie in their small boats, made of the barkes of trees sowed with barke, 
and well luted with gumme, argueth that they are seated vpon some great water. 
[Smith, 1884, pp. 72, 367; see also pp. 349, 350, 422, 427-428.] 

Since John Smith never uses these two names together in the same 
text, it would appear that Pocaughtawonaucks was a Powhatan name 
which he later dropped in favor of Massawomeck, a Nanticoke or 
Wiccomiss name. In his description of the peoples and languages 
surrounding the Powhatan confederacy, for example, he states: 
Amongst those people are thus many severall nations of sundry languages, that 
environ Powhatans Territories. The Chawonokes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, 
the Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans [sic], the Sasquesahanocks, 
the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. Al those not any 
one vnderstandeth another but by Interpreters .... [Smith, 1884, pp. 55, 351.] 
In contrast to Smith, William Strachey treats these two names as if 
they were separate and distinct, informing us in his ‘The Historie of 
Travell into Virginia Britania ... (1612)? that Powhatan’s 
territory extended to the southwest as far as 
... Anoeg . . .: West to Monahassanugh [of Monacan], which stands at the foote 
of the mountaines . . .; Nor-west to the borders of Massawomeck and Bocootaw- 
wonaugh: Nor-east and by East to Accohanock, Accowmack, and some other petty 
nations, lying on the east side of our bay .... [Strachey, 1849, pp. 48-49.] 
However, since Strachey does not mention either the Mannahoke or 
the Susquehannock, his account would seem to be less accurate and 
reliable than John Smith’s. The equivalence of the two names 
“Pocaughtawonauck” and ‘‘Massawomeck” may be regarded as 
highly probable, although it cannot be considered to be established 
absolutely. 


2. MASSAWOMECK-MASSOMACK CONNECTION 


Evidence for the equivalence of the names Massawomeck and 
Massomack derives in part from the similarity in the names and in 
part from the similarities in location, activity, and relationship with 
the colonists indicated by the sources. The similarity in the names 
is evident. The information given by John Smith places the Massa- 
womeck in the mountains west of the Potomac. The sources re- 


Anthrop 7a APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 199 


ferring to the Massomack indicate a similar location, and reveal 
other similarities. 

The earliest pertinent reference derives from the ‘Relation of 
Virginea” written by Henry Spelman, who was held captive by the 
Virginia Indians between 1609 and 1610. Spelman tells us (in Smith, 
1884, p. cxiv): 

In ye time I was ther I saw a Battell fought betwene the Patomeck and the 
Masomeck, ther place wher they fought was a marish ground full of Reede. 
Beinge in the cuntry of the Patomecke the peopel of Masomeck weare brought 
thether in Canoes which is a kind of Boate they haue made in the forme of an 
Hoggs trowgh But sumwhat more hollowed in, On Both sids they scatter them 
selues sum little distant one from the other, then take them ther bowes and arrows 
and hauinge made ridie to shoot they softly steale toward ther enimies, Sumtime 
squattinge doune and priinge if they can spie any to shoot at whom if at any 
time he so Hurteth that he can not flee they make hast to him to knock him on 
the heade, And they that kill most of ther enimies are heald the cheafest men 
amonge them; Drums and Trumpetts they haue none, but when they will gather 
themselues togither they haue a kind of Howlinge or Howbabub so differinge in 
sounde one from the other as both part may uery aesely be distinguished. Ther 
was no greater slawter of nether side But ye massomecks having shott away most 
of ther arrows and wantinge Vitall [was] weare glad to retier. 


The next reference dates from 1632, at which time English traders 
were actively engaged in transporting trade goods up the Potomac 
to the Anacostia Indians, who in turn traded these goods to the 
Massomack living to the west in exchange for furs. Our source 
here is the manuscript journal written by Capt. Henry Fleet, entitled 
“A Brief Journal of a voyage made in the Bark Virginia, to Virginia 
and other parts of the continent of America,” preserved in the library 
of the Archbishop of Canterbury and published in Neill (1876, pp. 
10-19). 

The Fleet journal informs us that at the time of Fleet’s trading 
expedition in 1631 there was 


. . . but little friendship between the Emperor [of Piscatoway], and the Na- 
costines, he being fearful to punish them, because they are protected by the 
Massomacks or Cannyda Indians, who have used to convey all such English 
truck as cometh into the river to the Massomacks .. . . [Ibid., p. 25.] 


Having established contact with Massomacks while at Anacostia, 
Fleet sent his brother with two Indian companions into their country, 
the journey taking 7 days from the falls of the Potomac and 5 days 
on the return, and lasting, all told, from June 14 to July 3, 1631. Fleet 
had learned from the Massomacks at Anacostia that 


. . . the Indians of that populous place are governed by four Kings, whose 
towns are of several names, Tonhoga, Mosticum, Shaunetowa, and Usserahak, 
reported above thirty thousand persons, and that they have palisades about the 
towns made with great trees, and scaffolds upon the walls .. . .  [Ibid., p. 27.] 

682—611—64——_17 


200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Upon his return from the Massomack country, Fleet’s brother 
confirmed this picture of fortified villages with large populations 
and—more important to Fleet—reported the existence of great 
stocks of furs. Seven days later, on the 10th of July, a party of 
Massomack arrived to trade with Fleet. 

. . . These were laden with beaver, and came from a town called Usserahak, 
where were seven thousand Indians. I carried these Indians aboard, and traded 
with them for their skins. They drew a plot of their country, and told me there 


came with them sixty canoes, but were interrupted by the Nacostines who always 
do wait for them, and were hindered by them... . [Ibid., pp. 29-30.] 


The following day 


. . there came from another place seven lusty men, with strange attire; 
they had red fringe, and two of them had beaver coats, which they gave me. 
Their language was haughty, and they seemed to ask me what I did there, and 
demanded to see my truck, which, upon view they scorned . . . these Indians, 
after they came aboard, seemed to be fair conditioned, and one of them, taking 
a piece of chalk, made a plain demonstration of their country, which was nothing 
different from the former plot drawn by the other Indians. These called them- 
selves Mosticums, but afterwards I found they were of a people three days’ 
journey from these, and were called Hereckeenes, who, with their own beaver, 
and what they get of those that do adjoin upon them, do drive a trade in Cannida, 
at the plantation which is fifteen days’ journey from this place.... [Ibid., 
pp. 30-31.] 


However, Fleet was informed by one of the Hereckeenes “that they 
were a people of one of the four aforenamed nations.” All of these 
peoples—of Tonhoga, Mosticum, Shaunetowa, Usserahak, and also 
the Hereckeenes—were designated as “‘cannibals” by the Tidewater 
Indians (ibid., pp. 31, 33, 35). 

Although Spelman and Fleet use only the name Massomacks, 
the name Massawomeck was apparently still in use and was used to 
designate what would seem to be the same group. In Leonard 
Calvert’s letter of May 30, 1634, to Sir Richard Lechford, discussing 
the state of the fur trade, the former wrote: 

. . . The nation we trade withal at this time a-year is called the Massawomeckes. 
This nation cometh seven, eight, and ten days journey to us—these are those 
from whom Kircke had formerly all his trade of beaver. We have lost by 
our late coming 3000 skins, which others of Virginia have traded for... . 
[Morrison, 1921, p. 224.] 

If we assume that Calvert is calculating his distances from the 
lower falls of the Potomac, the distances (or rather, times of travel) 
agree with Fleet’s statements (see map 5). Assuming a travel rate 
of 20 miles a day going upstream, we would have a distance of 140 
miles in the case of Fleet’s brother. Assuming that the return trip 
covered the same route and distance we see that the return rate of 
travel would be 28 miles a day. This rate is plausible if traveling 
were by canoe, but not if on foot. The Indians, however, seem to 


Am oR {2 APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 201 


f 
200 MILES 


Map 5.—Possible Potomac route of Captain Fleet’s brother. 


have traveled this route by canoe at least as far down as the Great 
Falls of the Potomac. Accepting 100 miles as the minimal distance 
indicated and 200 miles as the maximum, the Massomack or Massa- 
womeck Indians would seem to have resided on the headwaters of 
the Potomac or on the Youghiogheny branch of the Monongehela. 


3. MASSAWOMEC-BLACK MINQUA CONNECTION 


With the establishment of the Swedish colony on the Delaware a 
new set of tribal names makes its appearance in the historical sources, 
and this new nomenclature eventually becomes predominant. Those 
names of particular concern to us are “Black Minqua” and “White 
Minqua.” 

In a letter dated June 11, 1644, in which he discusses future Indian 
policy, Johan Printz, the governor of the Swedish colony, stated that: 


. when we have thus not only bought this river, but also won it with the 
sword, then no one, whether he be Hollander or Englishman, could pretend in any 
manner to this place either now or in coming times, but we should then have the beaver 
trade with the Black and White Minquas alone, four times as good as we have 
had it, now or at any past time .... [Johnson, 1930, p. 117.] 


202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


In a letter dated February 20, 1647, Printz repeatedly refers to the 
Black and White Minqua and to their position in the fur trade. 


Concerning the trade in the year 1644, when the ship Fama went from here, 
[it can be said that] there was very little of the cargo left in store; and as we have 
been without merchandise ever since, not only has the Right Company suffered 
the great damage that 8 [000] or 9000 beavers have passed out of our hands, 
but besides, the Hollanders have drawn the principal traders (who are the White 
and Black Minquas) from us, that we shall be able only with great difficulty to 
regain them. ... 

The Savages now have war amongst themselves in many places, more to the 
prejudice than to the advantage of the beaver-trade. ... 

If we are able to renew our friendly relations with the White and Black Minquas 
(as we hope and are assured we shall), the trade with these will commence next 
April and continue the whole summer until fall. [Johnson, 1930 pp. 132, 136-7, 
140.] 


In a letter of April 26, 1653, Printz seems to refer to these same Indians, 
but uses different names. 

. . . from the fur trade [there is] no profit any more, and especially now since 
the Arrigahaga and Susquahannoer (from whom the beavers come) begin to fight 
one another. [Ibid., p. 188.] 

Later authors provide still further details. Adriaen Van der Donck, 
writing in 1653, makes it clear that the name ‘“‘Minqua”’ refers to an 
Troquoian-speaking people. 

Their various tongues may be classed into four distinct languages, namely, 


Manhattan, Minquas, Savanoos, and Wappanoos. . . . With the Minquas we 
include the Senecas, the Maquaas, and other inland tribes. 


He also informs us that 


The beavers are mostly taken far inland, there being few of them near the 
settlements—particularly by the black Minquas, who are thus named because 
they wear a black badge on their breast, and not because they are really black. 
[Van der Donck, 1841, pp. 206, 209.] 

In 1662 William Beeckman, writing from Tinnekunk [or Altena, 
now New Castle, Del.] to the New York authorities to inform 
them about the status of the Susquehannock—New York Iroquois 
war, stated that 

. . . five Minequas chiefs had arrived there and were expecting assistance 
shortly of 800 Black Mincquas, 200 in fact having arrived, to fight the Sinnecus 
in the Spring. [Fernow and O’Callaghan, eds., 1853-87, vol. 12, p. 419; Hazard 
1852-1935, vol. 7, p. 742). 

We also have an interesting comment by Peter Lindestrém in his 
“‘Geographia Americae,”’ compiled from notes collected between 1654 
and 1656, to the effect that: 

This country extends inland of which we do not [know] the limit, but it is 


supposed to be a continent. Neither have the Swedes yet had any trade or 
intercourse with savages, or any other savage nation who lived further in the 


APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 203 


Anthrop. Pap. 
No. 70] 


*C¢/9] jo dew s,uvutioyy auljsnsny jo pusse] jo a[luIsoe J—"9 dvj\ 


“a sagursmMay oF fpuaoy 07 prpurucsy st 
ysymepIddnI7g Use APIs sTyy Uc s4Ty pm C2 offy tele zum: 
x2 saocad ur frus Asya vanfoosy atuz} vy saumpunoys sfoyz 
fe opif doyle ayy Ww syraauiuryy/ fo Fte7 v2ab yan Pidesed rt 
ponods a rv es UT WITT? UMLUY JOU FL Das Ya. 
742 40 corxay- fo AT 9Y2 OFUL JO SeULND AMY “Tee JYL 
Loypayn. pie uowysr wash hive yoy potcalfar puy 19.2.0 puam: 
SUDIPUT sz aL pup vuryonb sft x PYd 3g aprsz op mrMOIG. 
sv sof 70 puy 42a0 JUvI send suty YLT s/oug Apart af JAY. 
way vuryonb soy apfenosnpour m0 0 njoddo sruryfiy roma) nua 
yrursgD os eLcof vueyonh yer Ji ancge YP Tyd 2 -™mo sat 
-1y soprib uty” WD Ladiyy Wat? Asa V'y7ILINOF 
he qharf ee Z ee ont Fro Gurrisfe yon to ay; 
ayer saoary aig aop spavsafoyy apy! Hare ayn wor ae 
suru se py fou SOY PUY JUZUIUO SYR 4249 PL VIUEL 
10 2f AN F2UOD wy FBRAY , PID MUULCES PUBIGAXD PU FU 
-92.401/ aut je afnr 2 pearany Aquo a Pi2 DIMA UdTyploy 
Pf bpiy eppus have a37 0g op pofoddny st yy S yy pur 7 MSY per! 
age 


sy 


TYysuetE saumpjUunoy wat Pur ybine tay Crue ey 


204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


[interior of the] country than the Black and White Minquesser, who also do not 
know any limit to the country, but as far as they have been inland [they have found 
that] the country is occupied by savage nations alongside of nations of various 
kinds. [Lindestrém, 1925, p. 166.] 

The identity of the White Minqua, or simply Minqua, is easily 
established. From the information given by Printz and other writers, 
as well as from the statement made by Thomas Campanius Holm 
that 

[the Minquas] lived at the distance of twelve [Swedish] miles [or 84 English 
miles] from New Sweden. [Holm, 1834, p. 157.] 
there is general consensus that these Indians were the Susquehannock 
of the Susquehanna river. 

The identity of the Black Minqua is indicated fairly explicitly 
by the Augustine Herrman map of 1673 (map 6), which displays a 
legend west of the headwaters of the Potomac and the Susquehanna 
reading: 

These mighty High and great Mountaines trenching N:E and S:W and WSW 
[the Appalachians] is supposed to be the very middle Ridg of Northern Amer- 
ica. . . . And as Indians reports from the other side Westwards doe the Rivers 
take their Origin all issuing out into the West Sea especially first discouered a 
very great River called the Black Mincquaas River [the Ohio] out of which aboue 
the Sassquahana fort meetes a branch [the Conemaugh?] some leagues distance 
opposit to one another out of the Sassquahana River [the Juniata] where formerly 
those Black Mincquas came over and as far as Delaware to trade but the Sas- 
squahana and Sinnicus Indians went over and destroyed that very great Nation. 
[Herrman, 1673.] 
A comparison of the location of the Black Minqua on the Herrman map 
with the location of the Massawomeck on the John Smith map suggests 
that these two names identify one and the same people. The John 
Lederer map of 1672 (map 7) seems to confirm this, for it displays 
a legend west of the headwaters of the Rappahanock River— 

The Messamomecks dwelt heretofore beyond these Mountaines. 


The equivalence of the names Massawomeck and Black Minqua thus 
seems to be indicated strongly. 


4. MASSAWOMECK-ERIE CONNECTION 


Evidence relating to the possible equivalence of the names Mas- 
sawomeck and Erie is scanty, being limited to the general correlation 
of the position indicated for the Massawomeck by the Smith and 
Lederer maps with that indicated for the Erie (Eriehronon) by French 
sources. Ragueneau, writing in 1648, stated: 

This Lake, called Erié, was formerly inhabited on its Southern shores by 
certain tribes whom we call the Nation of the Cat; they have been compelled to 


retire far inland to escape their enemies, who are farther to the West. [Thwaites 
ed., 1896-1901, vol. 33, p. 63.] 


APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 2()5 


Anthrop. Pap. 
No. 70] 


‘TLIT fo dew $ Jolopo'T uyof jo 9 [TWUISSe J|—*/ dv 


: 1S SSS SS ee ee ee 
S ah AT amma RAT A NO WN ON ee ___—_—_—_———_—_—_———— 
ECE EP 3g | See aes foo 
Eh BFE CYC Re 
oN Uf RS = 4 ‘ \ 
s RTS 8 [Ss (ynacray fied 


ELEC Ee oe 
SF 


Pas a> 


SuoWe we / 


Nah a oT 
ofp puokeg alafiniry maine iS 
Aytap syremoun sfayl UL 
ayferryc ae au bB euoy yasRe sf" + 
&i T Lt off bedi ey phate 
f te ae hag : S spr Sumy fo] Yr aq 
diate qpounyvan W 72 dy Z 
pony np a0 puefyznk 2-9 Syd Beryat 27d TH 
siaenor zed perK ern rey ep %, 
YO, Patyt YL apanyinf mp +4 


“SH 


AL AIHA FHL FO dvAv | 


OUVW FISAL SIH NIWAWIGTT NHOI Aa GIS WAAV AL AOL 


206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


The Sanson map of 1656 pictures the ‘‘Eriechronons ou N. du Chat” 
south of Lake Erie and west of Virginia and Maryland, although the 
cartographic distortion is such that this latter fact may not be signifi- 
cant. A detailed discussion of the problems involved in attempting 
to draw conclusions concerning the position of the Erie by inspection 
of early cartographical representations has been given by Marion E. 
White (1961, pp. 40-49), who calls attention to a very important 
clue. The so-called Bernou map of c. 1680 shows a legend below 
Lake Erie (here called ‘Lac Teiocha-rontiong’’) reading, 


This Lake is not Lake Erie, as people usually call it. Erie is a part of Chesa- 
peake Bay in Virginia, where the Eries have always lived. 


5. BLACK MINQUA-ERIE CONNECTION 


As with the Massawomeck, there exists no indisputable evidence 
to link the Black Minqua to the Erie. There does exist, however, a 
considerable amount of elusive and circumstantial data which, when 
considered in toto, does seem to render such a conclusion at least 
plausible. 

First of all, it is apparent that just as the Massawomeck of the 
Smith and Lederer maps seem to fall within Erie territory, so do 
the Black Minqua of Herrman’s map. Second, there seems to be 
some relation between the name Erie or Eriehronon and the name 
Arrigahaga as used by Printz. In this connection it should be noted 
that Lewis Evans used the form Erigas on his map of 1755 (Evans, 
1939, p. 13). 

Above and beyond this there seem to be numerous parallels between 
the history of the Erie and the Black Minqua which, when taken 
together, seem to be more than mere coincidence. This best can be 
seen in a comparison of the Erie and Black Minqua histories insofar 
as we can reconstruct them from the sources. 

According to the French, the Erie—Iroquois war began shortly 
after the Iroquois defeat of the northern Algonquian, the Huron, the 
Tionontati, and the Neutral; that is, between 1651 and 1653. The 
Iroquois account of the cause for this war, as given to the French at 
Onondaga, was that 


The Cat Nation had sent thirty Ambassadors to Sonnontouan, to confirm 
the peace between them; but it happened, by some unexpected accident, that a 
Sonnontouahronnon [Seneca] was killed by a man of the Cat Nation. This 
murder so incensed the Sonnontouahronnons, that they put to death the Ambas- 
sadors in their hands, except five who escaped. Hence, war was kindled between 
these two Nations, and each strove to capture and burn more prisoners than its 
opponent. [De Quens, 1657; in Thwaites, ed., 1896-1901, vol. 42, p. 177.] 


sho] AP APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 207 


The Onondaga also blamed the Huron for this, claiming that those who 
took refuge among the Erie “stirred up this war which is filling the 
Iroquois with alarm” (Thwaites, ed., 1896-1901, vol. 41, p. 83). 

Whatever the cause, the war started unauspiciously for the New 
York Iroquois. In 1653, apparently, the Erie took and burned a 
frontier town of the Seneca, cut to pieces the rearguard of 80 picked 
men of a Seneca expedition returning from Lake Huron, and captured 
and burned a great captain of the Seneca and one of the Onondaga 
(ibid., vol. 41, p. 81). Curiously, the French accounts of this early 
phase of the Erie—Iroquois war make no mention of the Susquehan- 
nock or Andaste, but Printz wrote in this year, as previously men- 
tioned, that war had broken out between the Arrigahaga and Sus- 
quahannoer. 

In 1654 the Iroquois secured their rear by concluding a peace 
treaty with the French, at which time they announced: 

Our young men will wage no more warfare with the French; but, as they are 

too warlike to abandon that pursuit, you are to understand that we are going to 
wage a war against the Ehriehronnons (the Cat Nation), and this very summer we 
shall lead an army thither. The earth is trembling yonder, and here all is quiet. 
[Le Mercier, 1655; in Thwaites, ed., 1896-1901, vol. 41, p. 75.] 
While preparations were being made for this invasion, Erie war parties 
still lurked around the New York towns, even ambushing three men 
within 1 day’s journey of Onondaga (Thwaites, ed., 1896-1901, 
vol. 41, p. 75). 

The Iroquois attack, when it finally was carried out in August of 
1654, was massive, involving some 700 (or 1,200) men. After its 
entry into their country the northern Ehriehronon abandoned their 
frontier towns and retreated some 5 days before taking refuge in the 
fortified town of Rique, inhabited by the Riquehronnon (Rigueron- 
non), who apparently had just experienced an attack by the ‘‘Anda- 
stogueronnons” or Susquehannock. Here the Erie beat off the initial 
attacks in heavy fighting. Finally, carrying their canoes before 
them as shields and then using them as ladders to scale the walls, 
the Iroquois stormed the fort. The Eries’ gunpowder supply be- 
coming exhausted, the defense collapsed, and the defenders were 
massacred to the number of 2,000 men, plus women and children 
(ibid., vol. 41, p. 121; vol. 42, pp. 178-179, 187-188, 191, 195; vol. 45, 
p. 209). 

At approximately the same time, that is, in 1654 or 1655, a battle 
took place between a party of Black Minqua and Englishmen from 
Virginia in which the latter suffered a defeat of some proportions. 

I also want to mention briefly what happened among the Black Minquas further 


in the [interior of the] country, with 15 individual Englishmen whom they had 
taken prisoners; from which one can learn of the horrible cruelty of the Minquas. 


208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


It happened that the English of Virginia carried on war against these Minquas. 
When the English now came to these savages, marching 2 or 3 hundred men strong, 
with a few [small] field cannon, they pitched their camp a short distance from the 
dwellings of the above-mentioned savages. But these savages are somewhat 
cleverer in building, than our own river Indians who live closer to us, using pali- 
sades around their dwellings. Therefore the English did not run, precipitously 
upon them, but first fired a few cannon [balls against their fort]. Then the English 
did not know a word about it, before the savages had surrounded the English, 
were in their rear and drove them into flight, killing some of them and brought 
home with them 15 prisoners, whom they later, after a lapse of a few days, mar- 
tyred to death wretchedly and unchristianlike. Because some of these prisoners 
were of noble birth and of some importance and value, the English offered for each 
one of them a few 100 florins for ransom; but the savages did not care for ransom 
or a sum of money, but seemed to be more anxious to exact their revenge and 
satisfy their anger on these poor prisoners. They therefore erected a high plat- 
form, placing large piles of bark below it, upon which they poured all kinds of 
pitch, bear-fat, et talia, etc. Through this they wanted to indicate that whatso- 
ever kind of drink the English wanted to pour out for them, that they themselves 
would now have to imbibe. They also erected a post in the earth for each pris- 
oner, around which they also placed piles of bark and poured fat thereupon, just 
as has been stated before. Then they took the prisoners out to undergo their 
punishment. They first brought them up on the high framework, who were bound 
around their waists with long slender iron chains; then they put fire to the bark, 
lying below, and later, shoved one prisoner after the other down into the fire, 
which burnt with terrible violence. When they had been tormented somewhat 
in this fire, then the savages pulled them out of it. 

Then they bound the said prisoners to the above-mentioned poles, put fire 
also to that bark in which they had to dance, until they were practically halt 
roasted. Nor did they want that any of them should lose his life in the fire, 
because they wanted to inflict upon them as much suffering as possible; wherefore 
they pulled the prisoners out again, placing them in front of themselves. Then 
they brought forth their doctor of medicine, whom they otherwise called the 
devil-chaser (why he has this name we will learn to know in the next following 
chapter). He took his knife and cut each one of the prisoners right over the fore- 
head from one ear to the other, then he took the skin and pulled it backward on the 
neck or the throat, then he cut the tongue out of the mouths of all the prisoners. 
On one of them he wanted to prove his mastery and cure him again, if there was 
any one of them who wanted to live, and then that one would escape further 
punishment, which his other comrades still would have to stand, but there was 
no one of them who wanted to live. Then the devil-chaser cut all the fingers 
off the prisoners and threaded them upon a string, which he delivered to their 
sachem or ruler, who tied them around his neck. When this was done the devil- 
chaser cut all their toes off, which he also delivered to their sachem. These he 
tied around his legs at the knees. The sachem carried them on his body until 
the flesh rotted away, but when the flesh had rotted off and dried away, he scrapes 
the bones clean and white, when he threads them anew upon a ribbon and carries 
them afterwards continually on his body, to show his great courage,—the greater 
skeleton bones these Minqua sachems carry, the braver warriors they are supposed 
tobe. Then they brought forth fifteen bundles of reeds, like reeds here in Sweden, 
which were saturated in fat. Of these they bound a bundle on the back of each 
prisoner, turned them towards Virginia, set fire to the bundles, and told them to 
run home again, where they had come from, and relate to their countrymen, how 
well they had been treated and entertained among the Black Minquas. They 


Ano Bo} we APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 209 


also sent good guides with them, whom the boys followed with a great noise, shot 
at them with their quarrels [blunt arrows] until the one fell here and the other 
there. Such a miserable departure and end these poor people had, from which 
we can observe the awful cruelty of the Minquas. These Minquas are of two 
kinds, Black and White Minquas. 

The author of the preceding passage, Peter Lindestrém, follows 
it with another indicating some familiarity with these Indians. 

Besides I further want to relate about the bloodletting of the savages and their 
wonderful medicines, which i have seen at least a hundred times among these 
savages. 

When the savage undertakes to march a long journey, the first day he has 
marched, in the evening, when he strikes camp, he makes up a fire, takes a piece 
of flint as long as a finger which he has prepared and fitted for this purpose, sharp 
as a razor, with this he cuts himself all over his body into the deepest flesh, on his 
arms, thighs and legs, the depth of a finger, according to the depth of the flesh, 
deeper or less, standing then before the fire to shake off the blood, which runs off 
him, as if one had butchered an ox. When he has allowed as much blood to run 
off as he thinks proper, then he takes a kind of ointment, which he smears over his 
body, wherever he has cut himself. Before morning, it is healed over and run 
together, and blue streaks remain after it just as when one burns oneself with 
powder, wherefore the savages appear entirely striped and streaky and especially 
the Minquas. This is now [something about] the blood letting and cutting of the 
savages, from which one can observe that they are patient and not tinder-skinned. 
When now the savage has thus removed some blood, he may march and run as 
fast and as far as he wants to, he will not tire. [Lindestrém, 1925, pp. 241-245.] 


At almost the same time (1656) the records of the Virginia Assembly 
report that, 

. . Many western and inland Indians are drawne from the mountaynes, 

and lately sett downe near the falls of James river, to the number of six or seaven 
hundred. [Virginia Assembly, 1823 a, p. 402.] 
After due consideration the Assembly resolved to remove these foreign 
Indians from the borders of the colony by peaceful or martial means, 
charging Col. Edward Hill to carry out the resolution and to enlist 
the aid of the Pamunkey chief Tottopottomoy. From later sources 
which describe Tottopottomoy’s defeat and death at the hands of 
these Indians it would appear that they were Siouan and not Iroquoian. 
However, these two battles—with the Black Minqua and with the 
Nahyssan and Mahock—almost certainly are not unrelated (see 
“Richahecrian-Black Minqua Connection’’). 

Decisive as their capture of Rique may have been, it did not end 
entirely the Erie threat, for in September of 1655 the Onondaga 
delegation to Quebec, “representing all the upper Iroquois Nations,” 
asked ‘for French Soldiers, to defend their villages against the inroads 
of the Cat Nation, with whom they are at open war” (Thwaites, ed., 
1896-1901, vol 42, pp. 49, 53). By 1656, however, the tide of war had 
gone against the Erie to such an extent that some surrendered vol- 
untarily, and the Iroquois again proclaimed their total destruction 


210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


(ibid., vol. 44, p. 153). The French Jesuit De Lamberville, writing 
from the Seneca country in 1682, reported that another surrender 
took place about 1672, in which 

Six hundred men, women, and children of the nation of the chats, near Virginia, 
surrendered voluntarily, for fear that they might be compelled to do so by force. 
[De Lamberville, 1682; in ibid., vol. 62, p. 71.] 

A similar statement, apparently referring to an event which occurred 
about 1680, was made to the Governor of Maryland in 1681 by an 
Onondaga and a Cayuga. 

Another Nation, called the Black Mingoes, are joined with the Sinnondowannes, 
who are the right Senecas; that they were so informed by some New York Indians 
whom they met as they were coming down. They told them that the Black 
Mingoes, in the coming to the Sinniquos, were pursed by some Southern Indians, 
set upon and routed, several of them taken and bound, till the Sinniquos came 
unto their relief. [Hanna, 1911, p. 16.] 

One additional type of evidence which may be cited in support of 
the proposition that the Erie were one and the same with the Black 
Mingua is the fact that, while the historical sources indicate that 
both of these groups were ‘‘destroyed” by the Iroquois, the Iroquois 
themselves claimed only to have destroyed the Erie in this general 
area at this time. This argument rests, of course, on the assumption 
that if the Black Minqua had not been identical with the Erie the 
Iroquois would have made the fact clear. One thing is indisputable: 
the Iroquois, and particularly the Seneca, were never particularly 
modest in their claims of martial prowess and triumphs. 


6. ARRIGAHAGA-ERIE CONNECTION 


Evidence for the identity of the Arrigahaga, mentioned by Printz, 
with the Erie is largely linguistic. The material already considered 
indicates that the name ‘‘Arrigahaga’”’ is used in such a context that 
its synonymy with the name ‘‘Black Minqua”’ is indicated strongly; 
the possible identity of the Black Minqua with the Erie has also been 
discussed. Above and beyond this it can be argued that the term 
‘“‘Arrigahaga”’ is a cognate of the term ‘“Hrie,’’ having an Iroquoian 
stem meaning ‘‘people of” (Hodge, 1907, pt. 1, p. 921). 

The evidence for this derives, first of all, from Lewis Evans’ use of 
the form ‘‘Eriga” as a variant for ‘‘Erie’’ in the commentary published 
in connection with his map of 1755. The second line of evidence de- 
rives from the known use of the ending ‘‘-haga,’”’ as well as cognate 
forms, in known Iroquois tribal names (Hodge, 1907, pt. 1, pp. 224, 
924: 1910, pt. 2, pp. 87, 507-508): 

Aniakahaka-Caughnawaga name for Mohawk 


Kaniengehaga-Mohawk name for Mohawk 
Kuyukuhaga-Mohawk, for Cayuga 


An 0] 2 APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 21] 


Kuenyuguhaka-Tuscarora, for Cayuga 
Cheroenhaka-Nottaway, for Nottaway 
Tshotinondowaga-Seneca, for Seneca 
No"towaka-Tuscarora, for Seneca 

Ani- Nundawegi-Cherokee, for Seneca 


From this evidence it would seem that the original form of the name 
given by Printz was probably “Erigahaga.”’ 


7. ARRIGAHAGA-BLACK MINQUA CONNECTION 


Direct evidence for the identity of the names Arrigahaga and 
Black Minqua stems from the occurrence of these names in cir- 
cumstances indicating their synonymy. This material has already 
been discussed under ‘‘Massawomeck-Black Minqua Connection.” 


8. RICHAHECRIAN-BLACK MINQUA CONNECTION 


The identity of the Richahecrian Indians who invaded Virginia in 
1655 long has been the subject of controversy and discussion. This 
group has been associated, on different grounds, with the Erie, 
Cherokee, Westo, Huchi, and Yuchi. However, few of these studies 
have been based upon the original documentary sources and several 
most crucial references have been ignored completely. 

The earliest document pertinent to the Richahecrian question con- 
sists of an Act passed by the Virginia Assembly on March 10, 1656, 
and preserved in the Randolph Manuscript (Virginia Assembly 
[1642-62]) in the Jefferson Collection of the Library of Congress, and 
published in Hening’s “Statutes at Large.” 


Act XV 


Whereas information hath bin given that many western and inland Indians 
are drawne from the mountaynes, and lately sett downe near the falls of James 
river, to the number of six or seaven hundred, whereby vpon many seuerall 
considerations being had, it is conceived greate danger might ensue to this collony, 
This Assembly therefore do think fitt to resolve that these new come Indians be in 
noe sort suffered to seate themselves there, or any place near vs it having cost so 
much blood to expell and extirpate those perfidious and treacherous Indians which 
were there formerly, It being so apt a place to invade vs and within those lymitts 
which in a just warr were formerly conquered by us, and by vs reserved at the 
last conclusion of peace with the Indians, In persuance whereof therefore and due 
respect to our own safety, Be it enacted by this present Grand Assembly, That the 
two vpper countyes, vnder the command of Coll. Edward Hill, do presently send 
forth a party of 100 men at least and that they shall endeavour to remove the 
said new come Indians without makeing warr if it may be, only in a case of their 
own defence, alsoe strictly requireing the assistance of all the neighbouring Indians 
to aid them to that purpose, as being part of the articles of peace concluded with 
vs, and faileing therein to look duely to the safety of all the English of those parts 
by fixing of their arms and provideing ammunition, and that they have recourse 
the Governour and Councill for further direction therein. And the Governour and 
Councill are desired to send messages to Tottopottomoy and the Chickahomynies 


212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


and other Indians and to treate with them as they in theire wisdoms and dis- 
cretions shall think fitt [Hening, 1819-1823, vol. 1, pp. 402-403]. 


An action of this same Assembly passing sentence upon Colonel 
Hill, for some ‘‘weakness” during a “Jate expedition against the 
Indians,” which is usually interpreted as constituting a sequel to the 
passage just quoted, was passed down between March and December 
1656. 


Debate and consideration of the charge and defence of Coll. Edward Hill by 
the general and unanimous assent and vote of both houses without any con- 
tradiction hath been found guilty of these crimes and weaknesses there alleaged 
against him and for the vindicating themselves from any imputation of his crimes 
and deficiencies have ordered that his present suspension from all offices military 
and civil that he hath had or may have continue & be made uncapable of resti- 
tution but by an Assembly, and that he be at the charge of whats alreadie expended 
in procuring a peace with the Richahecrians and if the Governour or Councel 
shall find any nearer way to effecting thereof that it shall be acted at the said 
Coll. Hills proper cost and charge (Bland MS., in Hening, 1809-23, vol. 1, pp. 
422-423). 


In addition we must consider Lindestrém’s description of an 
English defeat at the hands of the Black Minqua, and two passages 
appearing in Lionel Gatford’s ‘Publick Good without Private In- 
terest. . .” (1657). 


The Planters have turned some of the Indians out of their places of abode and 
subsistence, after that the Indians have submitted to the Colony, and to their 
government, and have taken up their own lands, after the custom, used by the 
Colony. As they did otherwise also very unchristianly requite the service which 
one of the Indian kings did them in fighting against other Indians, that were 
presumed to be enemies to the English, and to draw towards them, to do them 
mischief. For that, when the said King desirous to show his fidelity to the 
English, if not in obedience to some of their commander’s orders, did adventure 
too far with his own Indians, in the pursuit of those other Indians, and thereby 
lost his life in that action, as some report, though others thought him to be taken 
alive by the enemies. His wife and children that were by him, at his expiring, 
recommended to the care of the English . . . were so far from receiving the favour 
and kind usage, merited by their father, that they were wholly neglected, and 
exposed to shift for themselves. 

And though it be alleged by some, as to the former part of this grievance, that 
the portion of land which was taken from the said King, before his death, by an 
English colonel was acknowledged openly in court, yet ’tis generally believed, 
and by some stoutly asserted, that the said King was affrighted and threatened 
into that acknowledgement by the said Colonel. ... 

. . . The Planters [of Virginia] did lately, viz. Anno 1656, (when a numerous 
people of the Indians, more remote from the Colonie, came down to treat with 
the English about setling of a Peace, and withall a liberty of trade with them) 
most perfidiously and barbarously (after a declaration of their desires and in- 
tention) murther five of their Kings, that came in expectation of a better reception) 
[sic] and bronght [sic] much Beaver with them to begin the intercourse of the 
commerce. [Gatford, 1657, pp. 6-8.] 


eenee td APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 213 


From a comment made by Lederer, this Indian chief would seem 
to be Tottopottomoy and the battle in question apparently took 
place above the junction of Pamunkey River with Totopotomoy Creek. 


The next day falling into Marish grounds between Pemaeoncock and the head 
of the River Matapeneugh, the heaviness of the way obliged me to cross Pemaeon- 


The Yeads of thefe twa 
Rivers, Proceed and ifr 

forth out of low Marfhy grad, 
and not out of 4ills or 
Mountaines as other 

River doe, 


pe 
é ¥ y40¢ fo samoicey- 27 


MIONVHVdLV YN 


7): 


to] 
v 


Mar 8.—Facsimile of detail of Augustine Herrman’s map of 1673. 


214 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


cock, where its North and South branch (called Ackmick) joyn in one. In the 
Peninsula made by these two branches, a great Indian king called Tottopottoma 
was heretofore slain in battle, fighting for the Christians against the Mahocks 
and Nahyssans, from whence it retains his name to this day. [Lederer, 1958, 
p. 10.] 


Lederer depicts the site of this battle on his map of 1672 with the 
legend “‘Tottopotoma” at the fork in question. Since this name 
appears in a similar location on the Augustine Herrman map of 1673 
(map 8) it would seem that it was generally believed by the con- 
temporary Virginians that Tottopotomoy met his death here. 

From a reference appearing in the Maryland Archives for 1661 it 
would appear that the Nahyssans mentioned by Lederer were still in 
northern Virginia at this time. This reference derives from the 
consideration given by the General Assembly of Maryland, sitting at 
St. John’s in St. Marys County, to a petition by the Susquehannock 
Indians for assistance and aid. 


Tuesday the 23th April 


At a Grand Comittee of both howses 


It is ordered M.t Edward Lloyd and M.t John Bateman Coll. W.™ Evans 
M.t Thomas Manning M.' John Brewer and M.* George Vtye doe drawe up an 
Acte impowring the Governor and Councell in the Intervall Betweene this As- 
sembly and the next to rayse what forces they in their discrecon shall finde 
necessary for the Assistance of the Sasquehannough Indians ag.t the Cynaco or 
Naijssone Indians that have lately killed some English in Patapsco River [which 
runs into Baltimore Bay] that they doe rayse by equall Assessment vpon the 
Freemen of this Province and the Charge of the warre and that the said Comittee 
doe agree and ascertayne the wages and pay of the Souldiery in the Acte and that 
they doe meete by two of the Clock in the Afternoone to drawe up the Acte 


Thursday the second of May 


An acte Impowring the Governor and Councell to Rayse forces and maytayne a 
Warre without the Province and to ayde the Sasquehannough Indians 


Whereas it doth appeare to this p'sent Generall Assembly that this Province 
is in Eminent danger by a warre begun in itt by some forreigne Indians as it 
hath been made appeare by credible informacon given of a person lately killd 
and of others that are probably cutt off by these forreign Indians And that in 
humane probabillity our neighbour Indians the Sasquehannoughs are a Bullwarke 
and Security of the Northerne parts of this Province And that by former treatyes 
with that nacon they have very much assured vs of their affeccons and friendship 
And that they expected the like from vs, And by their treatyes it was agreed 
Assistance should be granted to each oth[er] in tyme of danger And vpon their 
severall late Applicacons to vs to that purpose Ayde hath been promis[ed] them 
accordingly. 

It is Enacted and be it enacted [by] the Lord Proprietary of this Province by 
and with the advice and consent of the vpper and lower howJ[se] of this ptsent 
General [Assembly] that the Governor with the advice and consent of the Councell 


ame ko}? APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 215 


have power to leauy and rayse by presse or otherwise fifty able men with Armes 
and Provision and all things necessary for them to be sent to the Sasquehannough 
Forte for the end aforesaid And the proporcon of the said Souldiers to be raysed 
out of the severall Countyes as followeth. (vizt) out of the County of St. Marys 
Eleaven, out of Calvert County fifteene out of Charles County seaven, out of 
Anne Arrundell eleaven out of Kent three, with one Interpreter a Captaine and 
a Chirurgeon. And for the pay of the officers and Souldiers aforesaid to be 
proporconed as followeth vntill the Souldiers retourne To the Comander in 
cheife Six hundred pounds of tobacco in Caske p moneth To the Interpreter six 
hundred p moneth to the Leiuetennant four hundred p moneth To the Serjeant 
three hundred p moneth and to the Chirurgeon foure hundred p moneth and to 
every private Souldier two hundred and fifty pmoneth. And be it further enacted 
by the authority aforesaid that for the defraying of the Charge of the said warre 
and all charges incident to itt That the Governor and Councell are hereby im- 
powred to leauy by waye of Assessment p pole according to the vsuall Custome 
out of this Province And in the Intervall of Assemblyes to rayse what forces 
they in their disrecon shall thinke necessary against the Cynacs or Nayssone 
Indians or any other Indians that shall be found to have killed any of the In- 
habitants of this Province or that have or shall disturbe the peace thereof. And 
the Charges to be defrayed as aforsaid This Acte to continue and be in force 
for two yeares or the next Generall Assembly which shall first happen 


The Lower howse The Vpper howse 
haue Assented haue Assented 
Will Bretton Clk John Gittings Clre: 


(General Assembly of Maryland, 
Upper House, 1883). 


The passage ‘‘Cynaco or Naijsonne Indians” in one instance, and 
that of ‘“Cynacs or Nayssone Indians or any other Indians” in another, 
can be interpreted to mean either that the name ‘‘Cynaco” was a 
synonym for the name ‘“‘Naijssone’”’ or ‘‘Nayssone,” or that the Mary- 
land officials and the Susquehannock were uncertain which of two 
groups of Indians may have been involved in the incident at Patapsco 
River. However, the term ‘‘Cynaco” or ‘‘Cynacs” has numerous 
cognates including ‘‘Cinnigos,” ‘“‘Cynikers,”’ ‘“Sannagers,”’ ‘“Senacaes,”’ 
“Senequas,”’ ‘‘Seneques,” ‘‘Senneks,” ‘Sinacks,” ‘Sinica,” ‘Sin- 
nagers,” ‘Syneck,” and ‘‘Synicks’” (Hodge, 1910, pt. 2, pp. 507- 
508), all of which are variants of a general Dutch and English term 
for Jroquoian-speaking peoples (and thereby similar to the Swedish 
term ‘‘Minqua’”’). According to Hewitt, the term ‘‘Seneca”’ became 
“the tribal name of the Seneca by a process of elimination which 
excluded from the group and from the connotation of the general 
name the nearer tribes as each with its own proper native name be- 
came known to the Europeans” (Hodge, 1910, pt. 2, p. 504). 

It easily can be demonstrated, however, that the Nahyssan were a 
Siouan-speaking group, and that they are therefore separate and 

682-611—64—18 


216 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


distinct from a ‘‘Cynaco” group. Lederer, in his discourse on his 
second expedition of 1670, states: 

From the fifth, which was Sunday, until the ninth of June, I travelled through 
difficult ways, without seeing any Town or Indian; and then I arrived at Sapon, 
a Village of the Nahyssans, about an hundred miles distant from Mahock, scituate 
upon a branch of Shawan, alias Rorenock-River; and though I had just cause to 
fear these Indians, because they had been in continual Hostility with the Chris- 
tians for ten years before; yet presuming that the Truck which I carried with 
me would procure my welcome, I adventured to put my self into their power,.. . « 
[Lederer, 1958, pp. 22—23.] 

In a separate passage Lederer associates these ‘‘Saponi” or “Na- 
hyssan”’ with a number of other tribes or groups. 

These parts [the Piedmont of Virginia] were formerly possessed by the Taccz 
alias Dogi; but they are extinct; and the Indians now seated here, are distin- 
guished into the several Nations of Mahoc, Nuntaneuck, alias Nuntaly, Nahyssan, 
Sapon, Monagog, Mongoack, Akenatzy, and Monakin, & c. One language is 
common to them all, though they differ in Dialects. [Lederer, 1958, p. 10.] 

At a considerably later date, Alexander Spotswood (1882-85, vol. 
2, p. 88), Governor of the Virginia Colony, stated: 

. . . Ll engaged the Saponie, Oconeechee, Stuckanox and Tottero Indians, (being 
a people speaking much the same language, and therefore confederated together 
tho’ still preserving their different Rules). 

At a still later date William Byrd, while helping survey the dividing 
line between Virginia and North Carolina, recorded a number of 
Saponi names for creeks emptying into the middle Roanoke, as 
follows: Moni-seep or Shallow Water; Massamoni or Paint-Creek; 
Ohimpa-moni, Ohimpamony, or Jumping [Fish?] or Fishing Creek; 
Yaypatsco, Yapatoco, or Beaver Creek; Tewahominy, Tewaw-hom- 
mini, Tewakominy, or Tuskarooda Creek; Hicootomony, or Turkey 
Buzzard River; Wicco-quoi or Rock Creek. An analysis of these 
names (see table 1) clearly indicates their Siouan nature. In addi- 
tion, Tutelo has been firmly established, through more recent evi- 
dence, as being Siouan (Byrd, 1929, pp. 158, 164-166, 168; Sturtevant, 
1958). 

From this analysis it would seem that the Maryland General As- 
sembly of 1661 was apprehensive of attack by either a Siouan or an 
Iroquoian group. It also is obvious that the battle in which Tot- 
topottomoy met his death was separate and distinct from that in 
which the English of Virginia met defeat at the hands of the Black 
Minqua. The question thus arises as to whether all the statements 
which generally have been taken to refer to the ‘“Richahecrian” 
or ‘‘Nahyssan” and “Mahock’’ defeat of the English refer to two 
separate battles or to one. 


Anthrop. Pap. 
"No. 70]. APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 217 


TaBLE 1.—Comparative analysis of Byrd’s Saponi place names } 


English Byrd’s Saponi Tutelo Dakota Hidatsa 
Sialloweesee oe sees seep . 
Weber ees 2S moni- mani mini ee 

midi 
Greg Be Bes tok -moni ee : 
TRAC ies = Bs ee oe (Ra ke taksita P am 
watpa 
Jumps 262 sS220 ee eres 
? 
tp eee Cera ON A Sh eh att ga wihoi, hoghan mua 
bisok4 
Beavers ot Qube cis. Yayp Yaop tcapa mirapa 
Yapa 
Turkey Buzzard___| Hicooto- 
Pipeane eo! =, Pee Ue re WAT mayutkai wakiyedai 
wayotkai 
Barnbee ae oe ee ee massa- 
ROC ere eat bete aw wicco(?) 


1 Hale (1884), Frachtenburg (1913), Byrd (1929, pp. 164-169). 


The statements which actually exist are as follows: 

Statement A.—A group of ‘‘western and inland Indians,” 600 or 700 
strong, is reported in the spring of 1656 to have moved from the 
mountains and established itself at the falls of the James. Colonel 
Hill is sent to persuade its members to remove, or to force them to do 
this. Tottopottomoy and other Indians are asked to give aid. These 
‘western and inland Indians” are not named. 

Statement B.—An act passed by the Virginia Assembly and recorded 
at the close of its session in December 1656 cashiers Colonel Hill for 
his ‘‘erimes and weaknesses.” He also is ordered to bear the cost of 
securing a peace with the Richahecrians. 

Statement C_—During this same session the Virginia Assembly con- 
sidered a number of petitions for “compensation for losses suffered 
during the late expedition” against the Indians (Virginia Assembly 
(1656)). These petitions were not referred to by later historians. 
Mention is also made of the former careless killing of Indians. 

Statement D.—According to Gatford, writing in 1657, the Virginia 
colonists murdered five Indian ambassadors who had ‘‘come down to 
treat with the English about setling of a Peace, and withall a liberty 
of trade with them” in 1656. Beaver is mentioned. 

Statement H.—Gatford also states that an Indian King, name not 
given, had advanced too rashly in the pursuit of ‘other Indians” 
and was either killed or captured. 


218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Statement F.—Lederer, writing in 1672, stated that the Indian King 
Tottopottomoy was killed in a battle with the Mahocks and Nahyssan 
on the Pamunkey River. This location is confirmed on the Herrman 
map. 

Statement G.—Lindestrém, probably citing an incident which 
occurred before his departure from America in October 1655, describes 
an English defeat at the hands of the Black Minqua. 

Statement H.—The Maryland General Assembly and the Susque- 
hannock Indians express concern in 1661 about an Indian group, either 
Nahyssan or ‘“Cynaco,” which is threatening the borders of the 
colony near present-day Baltimore. 

From the evidence given in these eight references it would seem that 
Statement G (from Lindestrém) indisputably refers to an Iroquoian 
eroup, while Statement F indisputably refers to a Siouan group. 
It also seems probable (though not indisputable) that Statements A 
and E also can be associated with this Siouan group. Since the 
Indian group in Statement E is distinguished from that in D, this 
later statement may apply to the Black Minqua of G. We thus have 
Statements B and C of uncertain attribution, and we have tentatively 
established that: 

(1) The group which established itself at the falls of the James and defeated 
Tottopotomoy on the Pamunkey was comprised of the Mahock and Nahyssan. 

(2) The Black Minqua defeated the English and later suffered the loss of 
five ambassadors. 

From internal evidence—namely, the fact that Lindestrém left in 
October of 1655 (Lindestrém, 1925, p. xxiv), as well as the fact that 
Gatford dates the murder of the ambassadors as occurring in 1656— 
the order of events would seem to be as indicated in (2) above. This 
gives us a clue as to why Hill was cashiered. Considering the case 
in historical perspective, it seems unlikely that Hill would have been 
prosecuted merely because Tottopottomoy had disobeyed orders 
and had been cut off, or even if he had been defeated in an open battle 
with the Black Minqua. (Hill does not seem to have suffered losses 
in the Tottopottomoy episode, and Indian allies are not mentioned 
in Lindestrém’s account.) What might have been sufficient and full 
reason for a court-martial may have been Hill’s conduct when the 
Indian ambassadors were murdered, which presumably caused a 
new outbreak of the war. These ambassadors were ‘‘Richahecrians”’ 
but quite likely they were also Black Minqua. The fact that Hill was 
not cashiered for weaknesses displayed in connection with the Mahock 
and Nahyssan is significant. Statement B, and possibly Statement C 
as well, probably is to be associated with the Black Minqua. 

This interpretation of an important episode in Virginia history must 


ae PoT P APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 219 


be compared with the more usual version which seems to have origi- 
nated with Burk. 


Whilst the assembly were employed in these wise and benevolent projects, 
information was received that a body of inland or mountain Indians, to the num- 
ber of six or seven hundred, had seated themselves near the falls of James river, 
apparently with the intention of forming a regular settlement. Some movements 
were at this time noticed among the neighboring tribes, which seemed to indicate 
something like a concert and correspondence with these strangers; and the minds 
of the colonists always alive to, and apprehensive of, Indian treachery, were 
unusually agitated on this occasion. The place these Indians had made choice 
of, was another source of disquiet. It was strong and difficult of access, alike 
calculated for offensive and defensive operations; and they recollected the immense 
trouble and expence that had been incurred in extirpating the tribes which 
formerly dwelt in that place. At the conclusion of the last peace with the Indians, 
this station was considered so important, that its cession was insisted on, as the 
main pledge and security of peace; and it had hitherto continued unoccupied 
as a sort of barrier to the frontiers in that direction. Under all these circum- 
stances, they could not see it, without anxiety, occupied by a powerful band of 
hardy warriors, who perhaps were only the advance guard of a more formidable 
and extensive emigration. 

The measures of the assembly in removing this ground of alarm were prompt 
and vigourous.* [fn. printing Virginia Assembly (1642-1662) pp. 111-112]. One 
hundred men were dispatched under the command of Edward Hill, to dislodge 
the intruders. His instructions were to use peaceable means only, unless com- 
pelled by necessity; and to require the assistance of all the neighboring Indians, 
according to the articles of the late treaty. ‘The governor was at the same time 
directed to send an account of this invasion to Totopotomoi, and desire that his 
influence should be exerted in procuring the immediate co-operation of the friendly 
tribes. 

It is difficult to form any satisfactory conjecture as to the motives of the extraor- 
dinary movement directly against the stream and tide of emigration. It was 
certainly a bold step to descend into the plain, in the face of an enemy, whose 
power they must have heard of, and which could scarcely fail of inspiring astonish- 
ment and awe; and to take the place of warlike tribes, whom the skill and destruc- 
tive weapons of the whites had lately exterminated and swept away. 

The scanty materials which the state records have preserved of Indian affairs, 
throw little light on this subject. But though they do not present this people in 
all the various relations of peace and war, we generally see them in one point of 
view at least; and are often able by induction, to supply a considerable range of 
incident and reflection. In the second session of assembly colonel Edward Hill 
was cashiered, and declared incapable of holding any office, civil or military, 
within the colony, for improper conduct in an expedition against the Richahe- 
crians. We are not told whether the offence of Hill was cowardice, or a willful 
disobedience of the instructions he had received. There is however reason to 
believe, that he was defeated, and that the Rechahecrians maintained themselves 
in their position at the falls by force; for the governor and council were directed 
by the assembly to make a peace with this people, and they further directed that 
the monies which were expended for this purpose, should be levied on the proper 
estate of Hill.* [fn. printing Virginia Assembly, et al (1606-92), p. 200]. 

From other sources almost equally authentic, we learn that the aid demanded 
of the Indians was granted without hesitation. Topopotomoi marched at the 
head of an hundred warriors of the tribe of Pamunkey, and fell with the greater 


220 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


part of his followers, gallantly fighting in this obstinate and bloody encounter 
(Burk, 1804-16, vol. 2, pp. 104-107). 

Burk’s account seems to have constituted the primary source for 
most later authors writing on this battle, although a few also have 
employed Gatford or have cited Hening’s printing of the Virginia 
Assembly documents. Lindestrém’s account of a battle between 
the English of Virginia and the Black Minqua, as well as the material 
from the Maryland Archives and part of Lederer’s statements, has 
generally been ignored. 


9. RICHAHECRIAN-ERIE CONNECTION 


The identity of the Richahecrian with the Erie is based, in part, 
upon De Lamberville’s comment that ‘‘six hundred men, women, and 
children of the nation of the chats” once lived “near Virginia,” and, 
in part, upon some degree of similarity in the names. The latter 
evidence is not completely convincing, but it is still suggestive. 


Richalbemncrianees === a see English (Va. Assembly, 1656) 

Armcahapaee. Site oe Gils Swedish (Printz, 1653) 

irgead £0 eget ee ea English (Evans, 1755) 

Priehwts tronons. 52 ued Huron (Thwaites, ed., 1896-1901, 
vol. 18, p. 235) 

Ericehte!rononl) J28 0 9uL Iroquois (ibid., vol. 21, p. 191) 

Erieh ONO 29 ela fe EE Troquois (ibid., vol. 41, p. 81) 

Rigue FOnNom es uo. £ Iroquois (ibid., vol. 47, p. 59; vol. 50, 
p. 117) 

Rbie + sarrhonon = 2222 2S Huron (ibid., vol. 8, p. 115) 


10. RICHAHECRIAN-RICKOHOCKAN CONNECTION 


In his report on his second expedition of 1670, Lederer stated, in 
connection with a visit at ‘““Akenatzy”’: 


. .. I have heard several Indians testifie, that the Nation of the Rickohockans, 
who dwell not far to the Westward of the Apalataean Mountains, are seated upon 
a Land, as they term it, of great Waves; by which I suppose they mean the 
sea-shore. 

The next day after my arrival at Akenatzy, a Rickohockan Ambassadour, 
attended by five Indians, whose faces were coloured with Auripigmentum [‘‘gold 
paint’’] (in which Mineral these parts do much abound) was received, and that 
night invited to a Ball of their fashion; but in the height of their mirth and dancing, 
by a smoke contrived for that purpose, the Room was suddenly darkned, and for 
what cause I know not, the Rickohockan and his Retinue barbarously murthered. 
[Lederer, 1958, p. 26.] 


Lederer also shows the ‘‘Rickohokans” on his map of 1672 as being 
west of the present-day site of Roanoke, Va., and apparently west 
of the Great Valley of Virginia on the New River. This location 
is also due west of the principal Virginia settlements of 1656 and only 
a short distance, therefore, from what was then taken as the borders 


Po» APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 22] 


of the colony. The Rickohockans were thus close enough to the 
Virginia Colony to have been the Richahecrians. The similarity in 
names is also suggestive. 


11. RICKOHOCKAN-ERIE CONNECTION 


The identity of the Rickohockan with the Erie is suggested by the 
general similarity of geographical location and by linguistic evidence. 
The first name easily can be broken down into ‘‘ricko-” and ‘‘hockan’”’ 
and compared to the name “Trigue” or “rique” in ‘“riquehronnon,”’ 
the Iroquois name for the Erie of Rique, and to the stem “haga” or 
‘“‘haka’”’ meaning “people of.” Thus the name ‘‘Rickohokan”’ possibly 
can be interpreted as an Iroquois name meaning ‘‘People of Rique.’’ 


CONCLUSIONS 


From the material which has been considered here it is apparent 
that Iroquoian tribes played an important part in the early history of 
Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, and that a particularly im- 
portant group in this respect included the Erie, Black Minqua, 


Z 


Map 9.—Protohistoric and early historic archeological phases of the Eastern United States. 


Aspects: 1, Mouse Creek; 2, Dallas; 3, Large Log; 4, Duck River; 5, Cumberland; 6, Kincaid; 7, Angel; 8, 
Late Fort Ancient; 9, Clover; 10, Iroquois; 1/1, Shenk Ferry; 12 , Allegheny; 18 ,Clarksville ;14, Hillsboro; 
15, Pee Dee; 16, Potomac Creek. 


222 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


or Massawomeck, who lived west of the Siouan tribes occupying the 
Virginia Piedmont. As far as we can determine, these Jroquoian 
tribes were established on the headwaters of the Potomac and on the 
upper Ohio drainage area. In light of this probable distribution it is 
pertinent to ask to what degree this does or does not show correlation 
to known archeological complexes in the area. 
The following protohistoric and early historic archeological units 
(see map 9) are pertinent in this connection: 
Mississipp1 PATTERN 
Middle Mississippi Phase 
Fort Ancient Aspect 
Madisonville Focus 
Anderson Focus 
Baum Focus 
Feurt Focus 
Clover Focus 
WooDLAND PATTERN 
Applachian Phase 
Shenk’s Ferry Aspect 
Shenk’s Ferry Focus 
Stewart Focus 
Monongahela Aspect 
Monongahela Focus 
Luray Focus 
Northeastern Phase 
Iroquois Aspect 
Madison Focus 
Genoa Fort Focus 
Factory Hollow Focus 
Lawson Focus 
Ripley Focus 
Whittlesey Focus 
Tioga Focus 


The distributions of the various aspects are shown on the accompany- 
ing series of maps (Griffin, 1943; 1952; MacNeish, 1952 a, pp. 51-54; 
Mayer-Oakes, 1955; Morgan, 1952, pp. 93-98; Ritchie, 1951; Schmitt, 
1952, pp. 62-70; Witthoft, 1951; 1955 (Personal communication)). 
The Fort Ancient Aspect, located in the middle Ohio Valley (see 
map 10), constitutes the most northeastern division of the Mississippi 
Pattern; a major cultural division centered in the Mississippi drainage 
and characterized by intensive agriculture, relatively superior pottery 
of distinctive style, palisaded fortified villages, flat-topped pyramids 
or cones, and town plazas. Culturally, the Mississippi Pattern stood 
in roughly the same relative position to the neighboring Woodland 
Pattern as ‘river bottom farming culture” stands to “hillbilly culture”’ 
in modern America. Although the Fort Ancient peoples were mar- 
ginal to the spectacular developments of the Mississippi Pattern as 


abi a APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 223 


it evolved along the Mississippi and Tennessee Rivers, their culture 
still was unmistakably Mississippian and non-Woodland. Further- 
more, it had considerable homogeneity and occupied a large area 
including ‘‘a considerable proportion of southern Ohio, northern 
Kentucky, southeastern Indiana, and, to an as yet uncertain extent, 
the Kanawha Valley in West Virginia” (Griffin, 1943, pp. 206, 257- 
260, 268-269, table x1v; 1952). 

Within the Fort Ancient Aspect a number of smaller and even more 
homogeneous units (foci) may be discerned. These foci (Madison- 
ville, Anderson, Baum, Feurt, Clover) seem to be distinguishable 
partly upon regional and partly upon temporal grounds. The Madi- 
sonville and Clover foci are the latest. Historic trade objects such as 
copper bells and snakes, copper and brass spirals, pendants and bells, 
iron adzes and beads, blue glass beads, etc. have been recovered from 
the Madisonville and Clover components. Commenting upon these 
remains, Griffin states that 

. it does not appear that any Fort Ancient focus had any considerable 

antiquity, and the probability is that the Madisonville Focus is only 250 to 350 
years old. Even if the historic materials had not been buried in undoubted 
association with typical Madisonville artifacts in the Madisonville Component, 
this focus, on the basis of comparative analysis, could be shown to have been of 
no great age. [Griffin, 1943, p. 207.] 
Since, however, archeological investigation has failed to reveal any 
connection between the Fort Ancient Aspect and the later historic 
Indian cultures which occupied the region, it generally is concluded 
that the former disappeared before 1700, probably as a result of 
the documented Iroquois invasion of c. 1680. 

The Fort Ancient Aspect then represents a Middle Mississippi offshoot which 

merged culturally with a basic Woodland group already tinged with Mississippian 
traits. This process was interrupted by the pressure of the Iroquois from the 
northeast, and the southeastern Fort Ancient sites were modified as a result of 
the pressure of the Europeans on the Indian tribes of the Piedmont and mountain 
area of West Virginia and Virginia. The Madisonville Focus lasted until the 
period between 1670 and 1690, when its cultural unity was destroyed by the 
Iroquois and by the attraction of the Indians in the area to trading centers 
such as those of the IIlinois Valley, The Middle Atlantic Area, and the Southeast. 
..- As already stated, it is doubtful that any specific historic tribe or tribes can be 
associated with the Fort Ancient culture. It is almost certain that it is not 
Iroquoian, and there is little or no archaeological or historical evidence that it is a 
Siouan relic. This seems to leave only one linguistic stock of sufficient promi- 
nence in the area which cannot be eliminated, namely, the Algonquian. [Griffin, 
1943, p. 308.] 
Among the various Algonquian tribes the Shawnee have what may 
be considered the best claim to having resided in at least part of the 
Fort Ancient territory during the early historic (Griffin, 1943, pp. 
120-121, table x1v; Hanna, 1911, vol. 1, pp. 119-126; Mayer-Oakes, 
1955, pp. 170-171; Witthoft and Hunter, 1955). 


224 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


COMPONENTS OF THE FORT ANCIENT ASPECT, MIDDLE MISSISSIPPI 
PHASE, MISSISSIPPI PATTERN 


Components Focus Reference 


1. Campbell Island______-- Madisonville: teu 22 . 21) = Griffin, 19438. 
Dr aLCE label AMG cre ae ee ee ee (6 Ka ne eet pte a ey Neve RA fo) 
SPEin estan stcether ibe rar rye ee dors. SA eee = Do 
Ai? DeapliSrte seats nae 4 epee ret Oe teria SFr en ee Do 
Hee DDG aw Oe ee aoe we GOQe se fee ee eee Do 
Onl ED eae Oe a eS eee GO ra ore eee ae oe Do 
Ul 2eOhonlSarth: srt ellen rs Got. Vs Prise sl . a igret Do 
Se TasOh og oko e wees Sore a GOLe 2 ew ieee ee Do 
OF Madisonvilles2oe2 2 elses | oe GOeoe a ae oe eee Do 
iO; GDaepinis Pa nse esse eee cee dowel els 16 rans Do 
tie Mohmisshield2s 52 see esos CO (cas apie eee ee ee ae aE, Do 
{2c Sand hidgel—- == So ee loo es 10 eu gnc ap Seal heh Do. 
(SiwHoxehanm te. ase Pee al: ae doxeart seals ‘ayred Sh. Do. 
4 Clay  Weninmdis oe ged 3 C0 eNO ey ea eae ee, Do. 
TS sited Ci Pag ee = geen Dg aa Ea Qe ne oe eee Do. 
GaP ESIC KN GT tes ye ea | Se (6 (oes Reet gs ae gL Do 
lc ee IM eons pene ee ee Am @eTsOn Es see has ee ee Do 
ISIMStecle* Dam fe Leos seek OLee2 TS. Sule ees Do. 
OM Ma ylor seis Sh Se hee Ree peaches (OLA EY 24289 oy Pa aoe Do. 
ZO SAAn Gerson sa sad Joe eS alee (Olt ee ey Do 
DilesvoripAn cient]. ase aoe ‘okay int ent) Sat Do 
Dee ROVES se ee ee an ee (6 (0 nies pide eeepc rt ppee ape a Do 
23" Stokesee oh Lees A 1 PO is Gomes: 1S ESA Ms ea Do 
DA SOUT os ee ee ek Baume 222 2 oO ae Sen Do 
2 ue Garunens. © =u a ee ff (oan epee, Na Na peal Sie Do 
26es bala witnesses ots ORE Sree Golrs 2 O2_ MEMO AO Do 
OA fee gl ak yt aS a a es we dosiea4 bene 24s Do 
2S Shen b ee eee oe ee Se J Rabe as ot ee See ee he Do 
29 Hullertom Pield= 22222 -2_ |p Ss dosti’ DEMING “fore Do 
30) HerOctOnvill es = eee eee GO =e Ff es ee Do. 
SUR MO LOVET tee oS Clavier Ja—0 foe oes See Griffin, 19438; 
Mayer-Oakes, 
1955. 
a2. bultalo, (Wells) = eee. alee (6 (0 YSeBe ie Rate Sak oh nah WE hee ol Do. 
Joe Orchard (barsons)= es. e ssa dose 2 Ne Fea ae Mairs, 1950; 
Mayer-Oakes, 
1955. 
ae CUEEG = |S £5 tee ek oe eles Ces ace ps Dn Griffin, 1948. 
Eee SO VANS UO Wyte ee GO ee ee eee Do. 


*Denotes sites containing historic materials. 


East of the Fort Ancient Aspect, on the headwaters of the Ohio, 
Potomac, and western Susquehanna Rivers, lie two closely related 
basically Woodland Aspects displaying numerous influences of Mis- 
sissippian character, seemingly derived from the Feurt and Clover 
Foci of the Fort Ancient culture. Such influences became so strong 
in the later phases of the Monongahela Focus that the latter has 
sometimes been considered a part of the Mississippi Pattern. Histori- 
cally, however, the Monongahela roots seem to be Woodland, the 
Mississippi traits coming in as foreign elements from the west, and 
being of particular importance in the westernmost focus—the Monon- 


sop T ee APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 225 


Map 10.—Components of the Fort Ancient Aspect. 


gahela. The Mississippian influences are attenuated most in the 
Shenk’s Ferry Aspect, but still give this culture a distinctive cast 
(Butler, 1939; Evans, 1955; Griffin, 1952; Manson, MacCord, and 
Griffin, 1944, p. 416; Mayer-Oakes, 1955, pp. 98-112, 155-162, 220- 
224; Witthoft, 1954; 1955; Witthoft and Farver, 1952). 

The Monongahela Aspect is distributed over a large territory which 
includes eastern Ohio, northern West Virginia, and the western parts 
of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia. The Monongahela Focus 
is largely west of the Appalachian Divide and the Luray Focus en- 
tirely east of the Divide (see map 11). Both foci are characterized by 
distinctive pottery vessels and pipe types, by certain kinds of beads, 
pendants, and projectile points, and the occurrence of heavily fortified 
hilltop villages displaying round stockades and houses, and central 
plazas. From his study of the Monongahela Focus Mayer-Oakes 
concluded that 

The abundance and relative richness of Monongahela sites imply that these 
peoples were probably the most numerous single group of Indians ever to live 
in the Upper Ohio Valley. The general excellence of pottery and other artifacts, 
control over environment and creation of leisure time indicate that the Monon- 
gahela villagers had reached a high level of adjustment to their natural surround- 
ings. . . . Warfare and military activities were an important aspect of life in 


Monongahela times. The very structure of the village indicates that ideas of 
protection were prevalent. Also many village situations, on hilltops and other 


296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


commanding positions, obviously served defensive purposes. . . . While these 
people settled primarily in the area drained by the lower and middle Monongahela 
River, some settlements are known from the Ohio Valley proper and outlying 
villages occur in the Shenango and upper Allegheny valleys. Some of the Whittle- 
sey focus sites are characterized by minor amounts of Monongahela pottery. 
‘‘Monongahela Cordmarked [pottery]’’ is also found on sites in the Shenandoah 
and Potomac valleys, most often as trade material but perhaps as components 
in several instances. [Mayer-Oakes, 1955, pp. 12, 222.] 

This statement possibly might apply to the Luray Focus also, which 
unfortunately is still relatively unknown (Manson, MacCord, and 
Griffin, 1944, pp. 400-401; Mayer-Oakes, 1955, pp. 158-162; Schmitt, 
1952, pp. 62-64). 

As is the case with the Fort Ancient culture, numerous clues indicate 
Monongahela contacts with neighboring groups. Iroquois trade pot- 
tery frequently has been found in Monongahela sites; conversely, 
Monongahela pottery is known from Whittlesey sites, and from 
historic sites on the lower Susquehanna and Potomac which have 
been dated at c. 1600. European trade goods also have been found 
in Monongahela components which, curiously enough, are concen- 
trated in the middle Monongahela drainage near the headwaters 
of the Potomac. Historic trade goods are never abundant, however, 
partly because the Monongahela people do not seem to have prac- 
ticed the custom of burying grave goods with their dead, and partly 
because the Monongahela culture and peoples disappeared before 
European penetration became intensive. The territory of the Monon- 
gahela Aspect seems to have remained essentially unoccupied until 
about 1700, at which time Indian groups from the east began a 
movement into it. A number of students have identified the Iroquois 
as the cause of the Monongahela disappearance (Mayer-Oakes, 
1955, pp. 9-12, 228; Schmitt, 1952, pp. 67-69). 

Somewhat more data is available concerning the fate of the Shenk’s 
Ferry Aspect. Characterized by ‘“‘widely scattered tiny hamlets,’ 
and by distinctive pottery types, the two foci of the Shenk’s Ferry 
Aspect occupied the eastern side of the Susquehanna drainage be- 
tween Harrisburg and the Pennsylvania-Maryland State line, the 
middle course of the Susquehanna between Harrisburg and Wilkes- 
Barre, and the west branch of the Susquehanna to Renova, and were 
overrun some time between 1560 and 1590 by the Tioga Focus from 
the Upper Susquehanna. This process seems to have involved, 
among other things, an absorption of Shenk’s Ferry peoples into 
the Tioga culture. The reasons for this conclusion have been pre- 
sented by Witthoft: 

We have several reasons for believing that the Shenk’s Ferry people survived 


into the Historic period. The best evidence comes from the Shultz Site of Wash- 
ingtonboro, the earliest Susquehannock [Tioga] site on the lower Susquehanna, 


Antropy;2P: APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 227 


. . . On this site the whole Shenk’s Ferry complex, including the pottery types 
described here, along with a majority of another type of Shenk’s Ferry pottery 
partially acculturated to Susquehannock style, is intermixed with early 
colonial Susquehannock materials in a large number of the pits and graves, and 
apparently represents the product of a large number of captives. At the next 
Susquehannock Site, the Washingtonboro Site, a very few such Shenk’s Ferry 
sherds have been excavated from Susquehannock middens of the mid-seven- 
teenth century [now redated to 1600-1620]. [Witthoft and Farver, 1952, p. 5.] 
Thus, the Shenk’s Ferry history, like that of the Monongahela and 
Fort Ancient Aspect, affords ample proof of the nonstatic nature of 
Indian interrelations in the Early Historic (Witthoft, 1951, p. 318; 
1954, pp. 26-27; 1955). 

The remaining archeological complex represented within the north- 
western Pennsylvania and Ohio area is the so-called Iroquois Aspect; 
a distinctive cultural unit seemingly indigenous to the interior low 
plateau and central lowland provinces flanking the northernmost 
ranges and plateaus of the Appalachian system, expanding into the 
Allegheny sector of the Appalachian Plateau and into the ridge and 
valley provinces of Pennsylvania only during the historic period. 

The westernmost focus of the Iroquois Aspect was the Whittlesey, 
the fortified towns of which extended along the Ohio shore of Lake 
Erie, along the Maumee River into Indiana (e.g. ,the Secrest-Reasoner 
component of Blackford County, Ind., not shown on the accompany- 
ing map), and possibly into southeastern Michigan. While its cul- 
tural affiliations largely point east to the Ripley Focus and to the 
Iroquois Aspect generally, the focus also shows strong influences 
from the Monongahela Aspect and from the Mississippian cultures, 
particularly Fort Ancient. Like these other archeological complexes, 
the Whittlesey Focus disappeared during the Early Historic—only 
one component, Fairport, yielding any European trade goods. As 
a result of this early demise, few suggestions exist as to the identity 
of the culture’s bearers. Most archeologists have avoided the ques- 
tion altogether; others, lacking any other candidates, have brought 
forth the Erie (Black, 1935; Griffin, 1944, p. 368; Mayer-Oakes, 
1955, p. 222; Morgan, 1952, pp. 96-97). 

The Ripley Focus, with components lying along the southern shore 
of Lake Erie between Buffalo and the Ohio border, is closely related 
to the Lawson and Factory Hollow Foci farther to the east, and less 
so to the Whittlesey. The major sites, Ripley and 28th Street, 
are large, rich villages yielding European trade goods of an early 
date. Nolater sites have been found, leading to the general conclusion 
that this culture also disappeared before or about 1650. The Ripley 
Focus often has been identified as the remains of the Erie tribe (or 
nation), but its major characteristics, a small number of large villages 
situated very close to Lake Erie, are such that this identification may 


298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


COMPONENTS OF THE MONONGAHELA AND SHENK’S FERRY ASPECTS, 
APPALACHIAN PHASE, WOODLAND PATTERN 


Components Focus Reference 
ToMobatess seo e ee ek Monongahela. ____ Mayer-Oakes, 1955. 
Ds OVINE Lyf 2 Re SA Faas fo plas Bake cleat ee Oo. 

3: OO Mel 6. Herta Baer Shree s dotesl* Bun7-s Do 

ASS ORB VEO =e ee ee Sa ie es (och A es ae Do 
Stishippmenerts) !. 00) 19) 4608 Goat 25h ee Do 

Gi. (SCARCIN A 5 08 A ee re aay ies em COS ieee oes Do 
CEVA LS OM Ei = Sere eee Sok ea rset a (6 (oy ek ee Poe S Do 
S46 ski 2B bs RE Tie FF pg STE Ot Gos Ses Os Do 

OF PA ORK G ea eo ae BoP Al tee dos seen es Do 

LOMA GBT 2h Sa re ee NE Goses eh eee Do 

IEE AGL Olt) Lis LOVE 3S Mahe TE Gos AR) Do 

Lj A OnOh (eased eet i el ee GO aan eS Do 
SAG Ohmien see. Sa TL ae ro koe ee Riel aa Do. 

TAS A GUM 7c Esk Oe. SIPS eat dot Peels evra Do. 

15. McKee Rock Mound____|__-_-_- Ose te — Bee Do. 

Gib unclasee. Soe Comin see Sl hoe Gomes see Do. 

Dae NG Well sebet eet oP AT enh Gouse uel. 9 Do. 

TS. Philips. = fon os Poe en ee (oo ene ee oer Do. 

HORNS peerss eee haw. 1 eee lea (0 (oy Ae OR RE Do. 
202.Buekner sea Sty See So ee dose: terse Do. 
DECKER | a Se, fps Dae eel eee (o (oj eens © ee Do. 

22 Wile sesh OE RUA TNC (Ae. go dosse ie ae Do. 

eeu Our besser WARIS 299) 5_ | eee Gow co. Do. 

2A, PASIAN ECTS 5-2 ea.) 4 6) oe Gort nips tpaes: Do. 

De AORGGM. ~<a. Sh FP SNS GOES Imes eae ues Do. 

AG sunerahame O05 ti joy ole Jee do2ls_ «fi Oi Do 

PAT hee WIE el WA ey So 5 a a 3 Cale GOs ees Do. 

Zee vMiontardet 2 flee eo Fe 3 (oe bie eal ae Butler, 1939. 
BO MClosese Bi ee hy. Bat doe vet Te Do. 

SU ve RiPCKMET 2 ies pe oe 2 ee oe dozen’ = 32h) 2 Mayer-Oakes, 1955. 
Hema see eh ee ae Ale doses 2 ee Butler, 1939. 
BAORGOMER toe any. LE OEE 3h doesn 2 2Iae Mayer-Oakes, 1955. 
Da C Kacey Pte Oe ll es Gosete S455 FZ Do. 

5937/L) oye a) 6 vt 2 2 a ee QOQrsres =. sue Do 

So. eorouumaneos GAIN Ws BIUr. 220) Gost eee: Dia Do 

BOs BIMETIC Ke aes Ae pi cals COE es ee et el Do 

Bic VAOUMNSCOM. 1 Lust hae See ity tees Goubas isis Do 
DSemROWelISLLS Sel Sr SELIG See aowde 022 Ae Do. 
o9asbernyville. © 2520. sue 3. 2 Pnumnsiys betes ko EE Evans, 1955. 
Aes iWeyser Harm 0 22 2) |e Cloptae ae Seeeares Do. 
4i-eBurackerso 2aii3 SOR doce done ee eS Do. 

Pea ME Re Ne. i ee dowel: | sae Do. 

4>> pultalo Gaps Jeo. 2. So. |oee at co ge oy ae Do. 

AA @lovercreeic= 4246. Sane CL One hd ee Do. 

45. Waynesville sites_.._____|_____ AO sepa tie ee Witthoft, 1955. 
AGsa Welsh bynes seo ee nee Se (3 (Oye Oe Do. 

AT PUBVeret bees > ee bs TE BUT e?, Gost antes» SeRbs Do. 

AS oy UMOTNY ® oe ke ee Shenk’s Ferry __-__- Witthoft and Farver, 1952. 
AQPAMillert22 - seers iy oe Wie tae Oo eae BN Do. 
SO#Shen ket 2 2 sk a aa ae doseewite Dee Do. 

OBR ES TenmMe nan asses ee eee | eee clone eens Sete Do. 
o2esbetermices pues 22 1 ola ee dolar ate Do. 

Hae watara (orb) olen ee eee Coe UE as Do. 

54. Indiantown Gap*_______]____- (Cho ieee ee OP er Do. 

55. Muncy Creek*__________ SUCEN Malis ee eee ee Witthoft, 1954. 
HEM Mbe WATT. sa SbUr  ¥ EST ee Gore se. DOI Do. 


*Denotes sites containing historic material. 


AnropT 2P- APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 229 


Mar 11.—Components of the Monongahela (black) and Shenk’s Ferry (white) Aspects, 
Appalachian Phase, Woodland Pattern. 


not survive critical reading of the historical sources. Witthoft (1951, 
p. 320) has expressed some doubts on this point (Carpenter, Pfirman, 
and Schoff, 1949, p. 6; MacNeish, 1952 a, p. 6; 1952 b, pp. 22-24: 
Parker, 1907; 1922, pp. 271-276). 

North and east of the Ripley Focus we find the Lawson and Fac- 
tory Hollow Foci. The former includes several sites in the Buffalo 
area east of Niagara, and others in southern Ontario. Only the 
Buffum Street site has yielded historic trade goods, yet the entire 
focus is attributed, with some justification, to the Neutrals, who 
are known from historical sources to have resided in this same area, 
to have suffered several defeats at the hands of the New York Iro- 
quois between 1648 and 1651, and to have abandoned their country 
shortly thereafter (Kidd, 1952, pp. 74-75; MacNeish, 1952 a, p. 54; 
1952 b, pp. 10-11; Witthoft, 1951, pp. 319-320). 

The Factory Hollow Focus represents the remains of the early 
historic Seneca. Not only are most of the sites historic but several 
have been identified with reasonable certainty with historically 
known villages. These include Rochester Junction (Totiakton, also 
known as Sonnontuan), Kirkwood (Gannounata), Boughton Hill 
(Ganagaro), and Beal (Gandougarae), all of which were destroyed by 
Denonville in 1687. The ‘direct historical method” is applicable 


230 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


here. Research in this direction by Wray and Schoff (1953) has 
defined those archeological traits (imported and native) distinctive of 
Seneca culture at various times during the Early Historic, has eluci- 
dated the changes brought about in Seneca culture by European 
influences, and has indicated the sequence in which the various 
villages were occupied between 1550 and 1687. The archeological 
materials also emphasize the restricted distribution of these early 
historic villages which lie largely within a narrow ecological zone 
formed by the merger of the interior low plateau with the lowland 
bordering Lake Ontario, bounded on the east by Lake Canandaigua 
and on the west by the Genesee. The archeological evidence on 
hand at present does not indicate any extensive Seneca movement 
away from this area, other ‘Seneca’ sites being known only from the 
Genesee and the Upper Allegheny (mostly undescribed and unpub- 
lished), and possibly on the Susquehanna. All these are historic, 
however, and some are historically documented Late Colonial (Hough- 
ton, 1912, pp. 363-410; MacNeish, 1952 a, pp. 53-54; 1952 b, pp. 
38-39; Mayer, 1943; Mayer-Oakes, 1955, p. 72; Parker, 1919; Ritchie, 
1954; Steward, 1954; Witthoft, 1951, pp. 318-319; 1955; Wray, 1954; 
1955; Wray and Schoff, 1953). 

The remaining foci of the Iroquois Aspect to be found in New York 
are not directly pertinent to the purposes of this study, and only a 
few comments need to be made. The Madison Focus furnishes us 
with a warning against the uncritical correlation of archeological 
foci with tribes, components showing striking similarities having been 
correlated with historical villages assigned to the Onondaga, Oneida, 
and St. Lawrence Iroquois (Kwedech) tribes. This fact is also of 
interest in light of the known linguistic affiliations and warns us 
against making any rash assumptions concerning the carriers of 
archeological cultures (MacNeish, 1952 a, pp. 52-53; 1952 b, pp. 
56-57, 66, 84; Witthoft, 1951, pp. 316-317). 

As has been intimated already, the Tioga Focus originally seems to 
have occupied the Upper Susquehanna drainage and to have migrated 
from there to the Lower Susquehanna, blotting out the Shenk’s 
Ferry culture in the process. This conclusion is based upon studies 
of the datable European trade goods found in the sites and upon 
cross-correlation with well-known Seneca sites, and may be considered 
as fairly well established. The Upper Susquehanna sites, such as 
Homets Ferry, South Towanda (Sick), and Cass, are equivalent to 
the earliest historical Seneca sites, and are datable at c. 1550. The 
Quiggle site on the west branch of the Susquehanna is slightly later, 
and apparently represents the initial Tioga thrust into the lower 
valley. After this time both the north and west branches seem to have 
been abandoned, the archeological materials indicating a gap until 


Anh} > APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 23] 


the arrival of Delaware immigrants around 1720. The large Schultz 
and Brandt sites, already mentioned in connection with the Shenk’s 
Ferry remnants or “captives,” represent the final Tioga migration 
downstream and are dated from 1560 to 1590. These are followed 
by the Herriot site at Romney, W. Va., and by the large Washington- 
boro site which dated from 1600 to 1620 and therefore was in existence 
at the time of John Smith’s visit to the area in 1608. Later Tioga 
sites have not been reported yet (Witthoft, 1955). 

The contemporaneity of the Tioga Washingtonboro site and John 
Smith’s visit permits a reasonable (although circumstantial) identi- 
fication of the bearers of this culture. In his accounts and map 
Smith places a tribe named the ‘Sasquesahanocks” (a ‘‘mightie 
people”) upon the Susquehanna River below the mountains and in- 
dicates several of their towns, one of which might be the Washing- 
tonboro site. From other sources these “‘SSasquesahanocks” can be 
correlated with all or part of the Iroquois-speaking group known to 
the New York Iroquois, Huron, and French, as the Andasternonnon or 
Andaste (whence the usual name for the archeological unit). During 
the 17th century these people engaged in a long bitter war with the 
New York Iroquois, and eventually were conquered around 1674. 
It is interesting to note that while the Andaste language is related 
closely to Mohawk, the material culture as revealed by archeology is 
similar to that of the Factory Hollow, Lawson, and Ripley Foci 
(Cadzow, 1936, pp. 9-38; Hanna, 1911, vol. 1, pp. 26-87; Skinner, 
1921, pp. 57-67; Witthoft, 1955). 

The historical evidence relative to the location of the Erie-Black 
Minqua-Massawomeck is scanty and circumstantial, but still suffi- 
cient for us to correlate this tribal confederation with an archeological 
complex. From the material on hand it is evident that the Black 
Minqua were west of the Susquehanna drainage area which, in 1670, 
“was occupied by the Susquehannock (see maps 6 and 8). The state- 
ments made by John Smith and others make it clear that the Monacan 
and Manahoac occupied the Virginia Piedmont, and that the Massa- 
womeck were to the west in the mountains. The French sources 
also are consistent in placing the Erie in the upper Ohio River area. 
Three statements are particularly important in this respect. The 
first, dating from 1661 or 1662, derives from Lallemant. 

Proceeding rather Westerly than Southerly, another band of Iroquois is going 
four hundred leagues from here [the Iroquois country] in pursuit of a Nation 
whose only offense consists in its not being Iroquois. It is called Ont°agannha, 
signifying ‘‘the place where people cannot speak’’—because of the corrupt Al- 
gonquin in use there. 

Their villages are situated along a beautiful river which serves to carry the 


people down the great Lake (for so they call the Sea)... . [Thwaites, ed., 1896- 
1901, vol. 47, pp. 145-147.] 


682—611—64——_19 


232 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


COMPONENTS OF THE IROQUOIS ASPECT, NORTHEASTERN PHASE, WOOD- 


LAND PATTERN 


Components Focus Reference 
1. National Tube Co______- Whittlesey________ Greenman, 1935 b; 1937. 
PASM BAU Sees ple Ne Oe oe Ba Glee (6 Vo eS i Greenman, 1935 b. 
oe eutblerbuall. flees 2 eee ae as Gols ie Fe Greenman, 1937. 
Ae OUCH Park Sea Ee GOs IEe 4s ee Do. 
BPI POLGT seer 8 Smeets aS ee (i Pe Rai ae a he ha Morgan and Ellis, 1943. 
GseReever: euler dole Ghges Greenman, 1935 a. 
WapBOLCe Orb eet hae lees Xe ae Greenman, 1935 b. 
Se POUlOreGG hs. sae fe 787s pley so eee oe Carpenter, Pfirman, and 
Schoff, 1949. 
OS OELOY fg At he toh ele 5) ee ee Ser Parker, 1907. 
Os Gooayeare we ..s joe eke Soe One eons MacNeish, 1952 a, b. 
Le). Southwold: ti/Vit Su}. Ihanvsonis 2. 600 ar Do. 
a2 7 lopawsan set Fe tt he tet be Oe ae ee Wintemberg, 1939. 
SAME OUT GSH ees. s eee kOe ery ee Co (ape OM Dat aay MacNeish, 1952 b. 
US Uren 22208 Le Ee Peet dob hrR iOS = Wintemberg, 1928. 
$5. Middleport- << 225242 2cfowve Mine a fe 04, 4 Wintemberg, 1948. 
ROM ARCIOIUca eee eee ee Se (6 (Aen od aaa MacNeish, 1952 a, b; Witt- 
hoft, 1951. 
7; sini treet fH. te Be Qos. 8-2 22 ae MacNeish, 1952 b. 
18. Boseley Mills*__________ Factory Hollow___| Houghton, 1912; Wray and 
Schoff, 1953. 
AS og eo en Se ee Dee DO FE gs re ses Wray and Schoff, 1953. 
207 souteh Hollows: = 2. 2. |222.2 CO see ae Houghton, 1912; Wray 
and Schoff, 1953. 
OW TW OO GF sh Fo Bd ce ie ers a8 (hc hae Lae eee Do. 
Ben PAGANS Ae Sh 6 Soe eet Goeceee ste Do. 
25 AiCameron s+ Oi ese es|L owe Gots Fe Wray and Schoff, 1953. 
POI Na eee ee a ne ae 2 (ee ao. Houghton, 1912; Wray and 
Schoff, 1953. 
oA 98 a ie on ware i a Goss UG Ee Do. 
20.p Powel HouUse* } ._ 2 t42..-|f 224 AG a a Fe, Do 
Pf Adel BS 0 See oT Se ER aR Re as) Gotan a Do 
28. Rochester Junction*_____|_____ dole) SUITE YS: Do 
20/5 PVISIER OM Soe oe poe yh Se ee Alice Osa Pe dt 4s a8 Do. 
SU: Hactory Hollow *t- 282 |=. = 5 GOS aaa eames ee 1912; Parker, 
1919. 
SV AVAUR DAG lo. pote a. ooo jp lade (0 (0 oe Sane Houghton, 1912; Wray and 
Schoff, 1953. 
S2vConmes, A hs FiO eb CoE eaes ee dosl Shean Wray and Schoff, 1953. 
33. Boughton Hill Fort*_.___)_._-- (6 Ko eee 5 Ore yee Houghton, 1912; Wray 
and Schoff, 1953. 
of Boughton EMF 2) it 9 ui Gh Es Le BE Do. 
SO DUN COR ape ees oe el 1 ee 2a ae Do. 
OP SEO ae hey) een ee ey CKO baat em at Do. 
OTT MeLOneN Fok Ley OLE OTSA NE Gora Shy. MASE Houghton, 1912. 
BISA Pe liters) (2: ee ena me (EPs (Clee Aen eee Do. 
DUS svbarsne seas Sts See ere ee dpstmee coats Houghton, 1912; Wray 
and Schoff, 1953. 
AG ROK Oe 2 on es es Py Se Te ee -: (oes ea Do. 
oe Onaghee a. 2S Se eee 38 CLOW ernea Suen Parker, 1922. 
foe Weeleher> Siete ig. ea Genoa Fort ___-__ MacNeish, 1952 b. 
43! (Richmond ‘Malls. 22 8 Senn Galil deere dt Do. 
AA Woodley 2.500 eo We Op} SoOe Jay ees Do. 
45>) Miver s.Statiom.. —2- Soest i (0 een pat Sais Ds Do. 
AG Senos IPOrG oe 2 8 le i) ee Do. 
47. Pompey Center*________ Madisone: 5-9 oLe Wintemberg, 1936; Mac- 
Neish, 1952 a, b. 


See footnote at end of table. 


Ano yo; » APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 233 


COMPONENTS OF THE IROQUOIS ASPECT, NORTHEASTERN PHASE, WOOD- 


LAND PATTERN—Continued 


Components Focus Reference 
AS? ‘Thurston tas. ae Madison:) 225... = MacNeish, 1952 b. 
AQ’ Diable* yt thas 0 ele eS (coy ae ee Do. 
OL Iikrwaras\ ile ee Gore: sesh es Do. 
Bile MENG Geshe Le he Ree BI OPA eS ene ee ee! Lucy, 1950. 
029 Murray). 24 2 |B Coe =e ARs = Murray, 1921. 
53) Chemung Bridge*_.__2_ _|2_=.- don tts £854 Do. 
549 Queen’ Eisther’s’_2"-2 25-3) 2 2228 GO eee Do. 
poe Oldusheshequina sass 5a = GOm See ae ae Do. 
569 Nouth Lowanda t= 22. sas ovens Sahees Witthoft, 1955. 
SiR ase ee awe ale: 5 eee doers. wae Do. 
58s Homet’s Perry *. <2 2 22.Y Pes Goel teres bel ne Do. 
HOM @inicgles Le. 402 5s 58 eas Gow. fe sth 3 Lucy, 1950; Witthoft, 1954. 
GOS. Brandt: /4e2 Steet oso! ieee ee CGEE tsa. tee Witthoft, 1955. 
61. Washingtonboro*________|-_--- Gos fe he tae Caer 1936; Witthoft, 
1 : 
G2P Sehuigah a. 2220 8 Sess dot... See Do. 
Gaaieneklert. _¢. 2 .g20 2 Ueber ree nies beh wey Do. 
643 Shenk’s Ferry 222.2) 222 0 C0, Sa pe anne oa Do. 
Gos -Herrnioth=- se oo ee lee nee oko’ ce rs Manson and MacCord, 1940; 


1943; Witthoft, 1952; 
1955. 


*Denotes sites containing historic materials. 


Map 12.—Components of the Iroquois Aspect, Northeastern Phase, Woodland Pattern. 


234 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


“! DEWAWARE °° 


Si he cw . aa . 


plain 


ANTICOKE 


a ee 


pe Shakori 


Occaneechi — 


Sissipaha 


Cheéeraw 


mygered Keyouwee 


Map 13.—Probable distribution of Iroquoian tribes. Black circles indicate known locations 
of Black Minqua or Erie groups. 


The second statement, from Gallinee, tells us that in 1668 two 
canoes of Senecas came to Montreal to trade, and told La Salle 


. .. Of such marvels of the River Ohio, which they said they knew 
perfectly. . . . They told him that this river had its source three days’ journey 
from Sonnontouan, and that after a month’s travel he would reach the Honnia- 
sontkeronons and the Chiouanons, and that after having passed these and a great 
waterfall, which there was in the river, he would find the Outagame and the country 
of the Iskousogos, and finally a country so abounding in deer and wild cattle that 
they were thick as the woods, and such great numbers of people that there could 
be no more. [Margry, 1876-86, p. 116.] 


In the following year, 1669, when the Abbe Gallinee attempted to 
obtain a prisoner from the Ohio from the Seneca to act as a guide for 


A OPT WP APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 235 


La Salle on his intended journey to that river, he was informed that the 
Toaguenha [Ontoagnnhe] who lived there were an evil people who 
would attack them in the night, and that, furthermore, he would 
also run the risk of being attacked by the Antastoez [Andaste] (Maregry, 
1876-86, pp. 137-138). 

Since the Iroquois already had defeated the Erie in 1655 and 1656, 
it is unlikely that these statements refer to them. This seems to 
be confirmed by the names given which refer to Algonquian groups, 
the name Ontoagonnha apparently being a general term referring to 
both the Honniasontkeronon and Chiouanon. The statement of 
1668 makes it clear, however, that the Honniasontkeronon and 
Chiouanon lived on the Ohio above the falls at Louisville. The old 
Erie territory therefore must have been farther east. Relating this 
to the archeological picture, it would seem that the Honniasontk- 
eronon and Chiouanon (Shawnee) occupied the territory of the Fort 
Ancient Aspect, while the Erie-Black Minqua-Massawomeck in- 
habited the area of the Monongahela Aspect. This interpretation 
of the early tribal distribution of the middle Appalachian region is 
depicted in map 13. 

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N.Y. with a map by Alter H. Cassebeer and report of a field survey 
by H. C. Follett. New York State Archeol. Assoc., Lewis H. 
Morgan Chap., Res. and Trans., vol. 1, No. 2. Rochester. 

1922. The archeological history of New York. New York State Mus. 
Bull., Nos. 235-238. 

PHILHOWER, CHARLES A. 

1953. The historic Minisink site. I. Archaeol. Soc. New Jersey, Bull. 

No. 7, pp. 1-9 


242 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


PRINTZ, JOHAN. 
Relation Till datt Hoghloflige West Indesche Compagn. uthi 
gambla Sverige, den 11 Junij, Anno 1644 uther Nya Swerige 
afgangitt. MS., Royal Archives, Stockholm, 1644. [Jn Johnson, 
1930, pp. 105-126, translated and collated.] 
———  ‘Translatirte copey der Relation ahn die Hochlobliche West Indesche 
Compagnie in alt Schweden, den 11 ten Junij Anno 1644 auss 
New Schweden abganged. MS., Royal Archives, Stoekholm, 
1644. [Jn Johnson, 1930, pp. 105-126, translated and collated.] 
Relation till datt Hoghlafflige West Indiske Compagn. Uthj gamble 
Swerige, Den 20 Februarij 1647 Urthur Nya Swerige afganged. 
MS., Royal Archives, Stockholm, 1647. [Jn Johnson, 1930, pp. 
127-148, translated.] 
Printz to Oxenstierna, April 26, 1653. MS., Royal Archives, 
Oxenstierna samlingen, Stockholm, 1653. [Jn Johnson, 1930, 
pp. 187-190, translated.] 
1883. The report of Governor Johan Printz, of New Sweden, for 1647, and 
the reply of Count Axel Ocenstjerna, Chancellor of Sweden. 
Translated from the Swedish by Prof. Gregory B. Keen. The 
Pennsylvania Mag. Hist. and Biog., vol. 7, No. 3, pp. 271-285. 
Philadelphia 
QuimBy, GEorGE I. 
1952. The archeology of the Upper Great Lakes area. Jn “Archeology of 
Eastern United States,” ed. by James B. Griffin, pp. 90-107. 
Univ. Chicago Press, Chicago. 
RitcuHi£, WILLIAM A. 
1944. The Pre-Iroquoian occupations of New York State. Rochester 
Mus. Arts and Sci., Mem. No. 1. 
1949. The Bell-Philhower site, Sussex County, New Jersey. Indiana 
Hist. Soc., Prehist. Res. Ser., vol. 3, No. 2. 
1951. A current synthesis of New York prehistory. Amer. Antiq., vol. 17, 
No. 2, pp. 130-136 
1954 a. Dutch Hollow, an early historic period Seneca site in Livingston 
County, New York. Rochester Mus. Arts and Sci., Res. Ree. 
No. 10. 

1954 b. Dutch Hollow, an early historic period Seneca site in Livingston 
County, New York. New York State Archeol. Assoc., Res. and 
Trans., vol. 12, No. 1. 
Scumitt, Kart. 
1952. Archeological chronology of the Middle Atlantic States. Jn ‘Arche- 
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Scuorr, Harry L. 
1937 a. A report of the excavation of the ancient Indian burial mound near 
Muncy, Lycoming County, Penna. Pennsylvania Archaeol., 
vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 3-5. 

1937 b. Excavation of the village area near the burial mound on the H. G. 
Brock property, Muncy, Pa. Pennsylvania Archaeol., vol. 7, 
No. 1, pp. 6-7. 

1937 c. Report on archaeological investigations carried on at the J. T. 
Roberts property, Montoursville, Lycoming County, Pennsyl- 
vania. Pennsylvania Archaeol., vol. 7, No. 1, p. 8. 


Anthrop) 2: APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 243 


Simmonps, WILLIAM, and Ports, RicHarp, Eprrors. 

1612. The Proceedings of the English Colonie in Virginia since their first 
beginning from England in the yeare of our Lord 1606, till this 
present 1612, with all their accidents that befell them on their 
Iournies and Discoveries. Also the Salvages discourses, orations 
and relations of the Bordering neighbours, and how they became 
subject to the English. Oxford. [Reprinted in Smith, 1884, 
pp. 85-174.] 

SKINNER, ALANSON B. 

1921. Notes on Iroquois archeology. Mus. Amer. Ind., Heye Found., 

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SmitH, JOHN. 
1608. A true relation of such occurrences and accidents of noate as hath 


hapned in Virginia since the first planting of that collony. London. 
1612 a. A map of Virginia. Discouered and discribed by Captayn John 
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1612 b. A map of Virginia. With a description of the countrey, the com- 

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1624. The Generall historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer 
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1884. Capt. John Smith of Willougy by Alford, Lincolnshire; President 
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1910. Travels and works of Captain John Smith. Ed. by Edward Arber. 
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SPELMAN, HEnrRy. 
1872. Relation of Virginea, by Henry Spelman, 1609. Ed. by Henry 
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1882-85. The official letters of Alexander Spotswood Lieutenant Governor 
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STEARNS, Ricuarp E. 

1940. The Hughes site: An aboriginal village site on the Potomac River 
in Montgomery County, Maryland. Nat. Hist. Soc. Maryland, 
Proc. No. 6. Baltimore. 

Stewart, ALEXANDER M. 

1954. Historical evidences of Totiakton: The great western Seneca village. 
Eastern States Archeol. Federation Bull., No. 13, pp. 6-7. Tren- 
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Stewart, T. Date. 

1939. Excavating the Indian village of Patawomeke (Potomac). Explora- 
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pp. 87-90. 

1940. Further excavations at the Indian village site of Patawomeke (Po- 
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tution in 1939, pp. 79-82. 


244 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


STRACHEY, WILLIAM. 

1849. The historie of travaile into Virginia Britannia; Expressing the 
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1953. The historie of travell into Virginia Britania (1612). Ed. by Louis 
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SruRTEVANT, WILL1AM C. 

1958. Siouan languages in the east. Amer. Anthrop., n.s., vol. 60, No. 4, 
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SwauGeEr, James L. 

1950. Carnegie Museum and the archeology of the Upper Ohio River 
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TuwaltEs, REUBEN G., EpITor. 

1896— The Jesuit Relations and allied documents. Travels and explora- 

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VAN DER Donck, ADRIAEN. 

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VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY. 

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VIRGINIA ASSEMBLY ET AL. 

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WESLAGER, CLINTON A. 

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AntNrOP |, 7» APPALACHIAN REGION ANCIENT TRIBES—HOFFMAN 245 


WINTEMBERG, WILLIAM J. 

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1936. Roebuck prehistoric village site, Grenville County, Ontario. Nat. 
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1939. Lawson prehistoric village site, Middlesex County, Ontario. Nat. 
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1948. The Middleport prehistoric village site. Nat. Mus. Canada, Bull. 
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Wirttuort, JOHN. 

1950. The history and present status of Pennsylvania archeology. Proc. 
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1951. Iroquois archeology at the mid-century. Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc., 
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1952. Comments on the cultural position of the Heriot Farm Site. West 
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1954. Pottery from the Steward site, Clinton County. Pennsylvania Ar- 
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non-Andaste.] 

WirrHort, JOHN, and Farver, S. S. 

1952. Two Schenk’s Ferry sites in Lebanon County, Pennsylvania. Penn- 

sylvania Archaeol., vol. 22, No. 1, pp. 3-32. 
Wirrnort, JoHN, and Hunter, Wiuiiam A. 

1955. The seventeenth-century origins of the Shawnee. Ethnohistory, 

vol. 2, No. 1, pp. 42-57. 
Wray, CHARLES F. 

1954. Index traits of the historic Seneca—1550-1687. Eastern States 

Archeol. Federation Bull., No. 138, p. 6. 
Wray, CHARLES F., and Scuorr, Harry L. 

1953. A preliminary report on the Seneca sequence in western New York, 

1550-1687. Pennsylvania Archaeol., vol. 23, No. 2, pp. 53-63. 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 26 


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Facsimile of section of Anonymous-Zuniga map of c. 1608. 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin 191 


Anthropological Papers, No. 71 


EL LIMON, AN EARLY TOMB SITE IN COCLE 
PROVINCE, PANAMA 


By MATTHEW W. ann MARION STIRLING 


247 


682—611—64——_20 


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SMLEAITS AGITAM on, .Y WAHTIAMW oi 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PLATE 


(Follows page 254) 
27. Incised slender vases. 
TEXT FIGURE 


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EL LIMON, AN EARLY TOMB SITE IN COCLE 
PROVINCE, PANAMA 


By Marruew W. and Marton Stiruine ! 


During the course of our archeological investigations in Panama 
in the month of April 1951, Mr. Simeén Conte of Penonomé guided 
us to an archeological site in the mountains back of Penonomé near 
a place called El Limén. 

The site consisted of a small burial ground with shoe-shaped shaft 
tombs about 8 feet deep scattered for 100 yards along the top of a 
high ridge. At the time of our arrival about nine tombs had been 
opened; these apparently were all that the looters had been able to 
find. Miguel Conte had acquired the contents of one of these tombs, 
which he generously gave to us. The grave offerings consisted of 
four tall slender vases and two globular pots with incised decorations. 

The four vases are similar in size and form (pl. 27). Each rests 
on a relatively small flat base tapering upward to a slender waist, 
then flaring outward to a wide trumpet-shaped rim. About two- 
thirds of the way upward each vase is encircled by a raised beveled 
ridge, the upper portion of which on three of the specimens is further 
embellished with small coffee-bean-like appliqued nodules. The 
nature of the incised decorations can best be seen in the illustrations. 

The natural color of the pottery is a pinkish buff, but a polished 
brown slip had been applied, remnants of which remain on all four 
examples. The tempering consists of crushed rock in which can be 
seen some large fragments of clear quartz. 

The two pots are of the same ware (fig. 17). They are subglobular 
in form with round bottoms. The smaller pot has an outflaring rim, 
and the other probably had a similar rim, but it has been entirely 
broken off. The body of each pot is almost completely covered 
with an incised herringbone design. The pattern on the smaller 
pot is particularly interesting as it is produced by negative incising— 
if such a term may be used. The incising was done with a broad 
chisellike instrument, producing between the strokes narrow raised 
ridges which form the design. 

1 We are grateful to Mr. Edward G. Schumacher, artist for the Bureau of American Ethnology, for 


the line drawings in this paper. 


251 


252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


4 


a 
4 
SF 


ARE Ta 
OO 


Oo INCHES 8 
a eS | 
cM. 


Ficure 17.—Incised globular pots. 


It is possible that the tall ‘‘vases’? were stands for the round- 
bottomed pots. This theory would sound more probable if it were 
possible to determine that there were originally four instead of two 


ae Th EL LIMON TOMB SITE, PANAMA—STIRLING 253 


pots in the tomb. Had they been broken, it is likely the looters 
would have thrown them away. It is our impression that this is an 
early ware, possibly the earliest type of tomb ware from Panama. 

An apparently related type is found in Chiriqui. This type was 
first described by Holmes (1888, p. 87). In his classification of 
Chiriqui wares he describes it as the scarified group. Holmes states: 

This group is represented by about forty specimens and is worthy of especial 
attention. It comes from the graves of two localities, one near C. E. Taylor’s 
hacienda, north of David, on the slopes of Mount Chiriqui, and the other at 
Alanje, southwest of David. As a variety of ware it stands so entirely alone 
that had it arrived unlabeled no one would have recognized its affinities with 
Chiriquian art. It is rather inferior in material, grace of form, and surface 
finish, and the decoration appears to belong to a lower grade of culture than that 
of the other groups. 

Holmes speculates that it is a degenerate type, and therefore late. 
He says further (ibid., pp. 88-89): 

Nearly all of the vessels are tripods, but a few have rounded or flat bottoms and 
a few are supplied with annular stands. The walls are thick and the shapes are 
uncouth or clumsy. The paste is coarse, poorly baked, and friable; near the surface 
it is a warm reddish or yellowish gray; within the mass it is a dark gray... . 
These vessels are embellished by painting, incising, or scarifying and by modeling 
in relief. Color was not employed in the production of designs, but a dark Indian 
red pigment was daubed over that part of the surface not occupied by incised 
ornament. Little cr no slip was used and the rude geometric patterns were 
executed with pointed tools in a very haphazard manner. 

In general Holmes’ description fits the KE! Limén material, but there 
are a number of differences. His material has no vase forms, and 
tripod supports are lacking in the El Limén specimens as well as the 
application of red paint. The tripod supports are evidently solid. 
However, the scarified designs are similar, as are the flat and rounded 
bottoms. Scarified material is shown in Holmes’ illustrations (figs. 
118 to 127). His figure 122 in particular resembles the material 
from El Limén. 

More recently, Wolfgang Haberland (1960) has published another 
find of ceramics closely similar to the Holmes material, from Aguas 
Buenas in Costa Rica, just across the border from Panama. 

At Mojara in Herrera Province, we found in our excavations a 
somewhat similar vase, associated with polychrome ware. This is a 
much more handsome piece and is made of harder, fine-textured ware. 
The encircling element consists of two notched fillet bands, the lower 
of which turns downward at each side to the base of the vessel. At 
this point on each side is a projecting conventionalized animal head 
from which two more notched fillets run downward, parallel with the 
other two. 

Under the outflaring rim is a triple row of heavy punctate dots. 
Between these and the encircling fillets is a zone of highly polished 


254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


rich mahogany brown slip. The interior of the vessel is of the same 
polished brown. 

The fundamental points of difference with the El Limén specimens 
is that the Mojara example has a hollow base, lacks the slender waist, 
and lacks incising. Also, it is somewhat larger, being 9! inches high. 

Dr. S. K. Lothrop kindly called to my attention a number of speci- 
mens, from near David, in the Peabody Museum, Harvard University 
(C-2809, C-2813, C-2817, C—2823) which also belong to this class of 
ware. Dr. Lothrop shares our impression that this is an early type of 
ware. 

While the small number of specimens from El! Limén make specula- 
tion unsafe, nevertheless we feel that this material, lacking paint and 
tripod supports, is the earlier form. The simple solid supports of the 
Chiriqui and Costa Rican sites may well be ancestral to the later 
developed hollow supports in the same area. The simple application 
of red paint may be a forerunner of the later elaborate polychrome 
ware, while the primitive applique work might precede the later more 
complex type found, for example, on Chiriqui alligator ware. 

The simple scarification and incising of El Limén ware could in 
turn be an outgrowth from the type of decoration found on the early 
Monagrillo ware. 

REFERENCES 


HABERLAND, WOLFGANG. 
1960. Cien anos de arqueologia en Panama. Loteria No. 12. Panama. 


Hotmgss, W. H. 
1888. Ancient art of the Province of Chiriqui, Colombia. 6th Ann. Rep. 
Bur. Amer. Ethnol. for 1884-85, pp. 3-187. 


BULLETIN 191 PLATE 27 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


Incised slender vases. 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin 191 


Anthropological Papers, No. 72 


ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES ON ALMIRANTE BAY, 
BOCAS DEL TORO, PANAMA 


By MATTHEW W. ann MARION STIRLING 


255 


682-611—64——_21 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

erGrocguction=s - Petar ot: ee eee ere ie eee es BARS IW RR ed ae we 259 
ES HOm Calne Oro Ui Glee ee eee eee Ne ey eee 260 
| o PEEVS WAIT CS) IDs CIS Es Neo Re SP xb ncn Ace SD ea oa See 263 
DIPeIeeher DP ianinpen esas Meee aoe Al Ue eae ee KLE ee See 264 
Darklands(Boc=h)wen sees ees. eel Shee eee e eee hottest 264. 
Wanrklamde (aver (BOG—2) ese e eS ce eee ee A 267 
peace Drager 0G 3) eerie te Ee ee A ais 
Duele ge Ol Gates ee Bet cine el AU eh eee eel PE ee ba es) 277 
Waecnotel arigiaee) 7.08 eee ee eee SRA Se Ree See ay a a 278 
SIG PRA ye ne See Niet Se MENS hs ere re Oe NS yh TC rE ee Coe 278 
Pe pies OU Oi Plies: aie 2 Pe De eee a, ee se hia 279 

ILLUSTRATIONS 
PLATES 


(All plates follow page 284) 


28. Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 1. 

29. Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 1. 

30. Tripod vessels and subglobular bowls from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 

31. Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 

32. Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 

33. Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 

34. Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 

35. Large vessels with high collars from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 

36. Ceramic ware exteriors from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 

37. Interiors of sherds shown in plate 36. 

38. Nonceramic artifacts from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 

39. Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 3. 

40. Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 3. 

41. Stone female figure from Cocos Island, Almirante Bay; stone metates from 
Cricamola River and Bastimentos Key. 

42. Midden mound and mortars, Darkland Point. 

43. Stone artifacts from Escudo Island, Jungle Point, and Darkland Cave. 

44, Jaguar heads and double-bitted axes. 


TEXT FIGURES 


PAGE 
18: Sherds from Bocas del Tore, ‘site U2... 5. 2-2 teste ee ee eee 266 
19. Bow) with slated. pedestal base... =. 225 oo 268 
20:) snerds trom Bocas del Lorawisite*2= .. 222. 22 Ae ee Bs 270 
21.) Sherds rom boeds, del Lore, sive 2. 2) 246 Lk Ue ek 271 
22; (Sherds from); Bocas del Toro, site: 2. 4.2 222... 2- buss. oh Reeelic tee, 272 
Zo. phaliow bowltrom Bocas del Foro,)site 22.0.0 et 274 
24 Shere froma isocas;del Toro, Site d24 20 220 gat oe ee ee el 276 


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ARCHEOLOGICAL NOTES ON ALMIRANTE BAY 
BOCAS DEL TORO, PANAMA 


By Marraew W. ano Marion STIRLING 


INTRODUCTION 


Since there appears to be no information on the archeology of the 
Almirante Bay-Chiriqui Lagoon region, we, together with Richard H. 
Stewart, took occasion to visit briefly Almirante Bay during the month 
of April 1953 as an extension of our work for the National Geographic 
Society-Smithsonian Institution on the north coast of Panama the 
preceding winter. 

During 10 days of rather intensive activity, we visited all of the 
principal islands and a considerable portion of the mainland coast of 
Almirante Bay. Systematic questioning of natives elicited very little 
information as to archeological sites. Most informants denied having 
seen or heard of evidences of aboriginal occupation in the area. In- 
deed, on completion of our survey we concluded that archeological 
sites in the vicinity are neither numerous nor conspicuous. However, 
we did locate three sites worthy of excavation, and we photographed 
several carved stone objects found in the region. 

In the relatively level area north of Almirante, which has been 
extensively cleared for banana plantations, nothing appears to have 
come to light. In the remainder of the district the search for sites is 
hampered by the heavy growth of tropical jungle which covers most of 
the ground. 

The Almirante Bay-Chiriqui Lagoon region apparently followed the 
pattern of the rest of the north coast of Panama in that permanent 
settlements were established toward the headwaters of the rivers and 
not along the coast. 

The immediate incentive for our visit to Almirante was an invita- 
tion from Dr. Gustav Engler, director of the Chiriqui Land Company 
Hospital at that place. Dr. Engler has long been interested in the 
antiquities of Central America and has a small collection of artifacts 
from Costa Rica and Panama. 

259 


260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


As a guide, Dr. Engler secured for us the services of Teodor F. 
Machazek, a longtime resident of the region and a surveyor well 
acquainted with the section. Through the courtesy of Mr. G. D. 
Munch, at that time superintendant of the Chiriqui Land Company, 
we were the guests of the company, enjoying the facilities of their 
spacious and comfortable guesthouse during our entire stay. We 
owe a particular debt also to Rev. Robert W. Turner III, who gen- 
erously gave us the use of his launch for our rather extensive survey. 
This courtesy was essential to the success of the work since almost 
all travel in the region is by water. 

We are grateful to Mr. Edward G. Schumacher, artist for the Bureau 
of American Ethnology, for the line drawings in this report. 

Finally, we wish to thank Mr. and Mrs. T. W. Dunn, who ac- 
companied us to Boca del Drago. They gave unstintingly of their 
time and information collected regarding archeological sites during 
a long residence in Central America while in the employ of the United 
Fruit Co. 


HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 


Information concerning the aboriginal inhabitants of Almirante 
Bay and the Chiriqui Lagoon is very meager. However, there can 
be little doubt that the Indians occupying the region at the beginning 
of the 16th century were the Guaymi, whose descendants still live in 
the vicinity. 

Curiously enough, the most satisfactory descriptions are those of 
the Columbus expedition of 1502. 

The interpreters abducted by Columbus at Puerto Limén, Costa 
Rica, could speak the language of the natives as far south as the 
Coclé del Norte River, an area which corresponds pretty well with 
the hypothetical distribution of the Guaymi along this coast. Ferdi- 
nand Columbus, who gives the most complete account, does not 
describe the habitations of the natives encountered on Almirante Bay 
and the Chiriqui Lagoon, but he states that somewhat farther to the 
eastward they lived in single houses separated one from the other by 
considerable distances. He also states that their permanent habita- 
tions were not along the coast, but well up the rivers; an observation 
confirmed by our archeological reconnaissance in the area. 

Oviedo, in describing the 1536 expedition of Felipe Gutierrez on the 
north coast of Veraguas, relates that their villages normally consisted 
of four or five large houses. This description would seem to correspond 
with the archeological evidence at the Darkland site which we examined 
on Almirante Bay. 

The scant archeological remains around Almirante Bay and the 
Chiriqui Lagoon do not seem to bear out the rather considerable 


sy Po} P ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 261 


population indicated by the Columbus accounts. It is probable 
that the natives living up the rivers heard of the coming of the ships 
of Columbus, the first to visit this coast, and descended to the bay for 
the occasion, thus accounting for an abnormal concentration of people. 

Ferdinand Columbus tells us that as soon as the ships anchored in 
Almirante Bay, which the natives called Carambaru, the boats went 
to one of the islands where there were 20 canoes on the beach. The 
natives were described as being ‘‘as naked as the day they were born.”’ 
One of these was wearing, hanging around his neck, a gold disk; 
another, a gold eagle. 

On the mainland the Spaniards were met by 10 canoes and saw con- 
siderably more gold worn in the form of ornaments. The men 
were described as wearing narrow loincloths as their only garments, 
with their faces and bodies painted all over with designs in red, black, 
and white. 

It is interesting to note that the Guaymi today still use these same 
colors for their face and body paintings, although now they have 
adopted clothing. 

Pedro de Ledesma says that at one place 80 canoes gathered around 
the ships, and that the natives wore gold ornaments consisting of 
“crowns,” disks, eagles, frogs, tigers, etc. These, of course, were of 
the same type as the gold ornaments that have been found in such 
abundance in graves in Chiriqui and Veraguas. Unfortunately, the 
Spaniards were not much interested in describing other aspects of 
material culture, although a number of stray items are mentioned. 

From Almirante Bay the ships of Columbus entered the Chiriqui 
Lagoon, called Aburena by the Indians. Here they were met in a 
more hostile manner by even greater numbers of Indians, who blew 
horns, beat drums, and created a tremendous din. This reminds us 
of the present-day noisemaking activities of the Guaymi during their 
“Balseria’’ ceremonies. 

At Guaiga, a river 12 leagues east of the Chiriqui Lagoon, the 
Spaniards again landed among a large concentration of Indians. Just 
beyond here, at a place called Catiba, Ferdinand Columbus says: 
This was the first place in the Indies where they saw any sign of a structure, 
which was a great mass of wall or imagry, that to them seemed to be of lime and 
stone; the admiral ordered a piece of it to be brought away as a memorial of 
that antiquity. 

Since Columbus speaks of the structure as “an antiquity,” it 
evidently was not constructed by the contemporary natives. When 
we were on our reconnaissance of the Panama north coast, we made 
diligent inquiries of many natives who professed to know the region 
well but all denied seeing or hearing of such a structure. We are 
inclined to believe that the men with Columbus saw some natural 


262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


formation, possibly a limestone dike, which they mistook for a wall. 
There is a great deal of limestone in this region, such as the cliff and 
ridge where our cave site Boc-2, at the east end of Almirante Bay, 
is located. 

In 1951 when we were on the Rio Indio we heard from several 
natives of a “‘casa de laja’”’ on one of the tributaries farther up the 
river. It was described as a stone masonry ruin, definitely not of 
Spanish construction. With the stone wall of Columbus in mind, we 
went to considerable trouble to visit the ruin, eventually succeeding. 
The ‘“‘casa de laja’”’ turned out to be a curious natural tunnel about 50 
yards long through a horizontally stratified sandstone formation. The 
only evidence of occupation, past or present, was a huge cluster of 
bats hanging from the ceiling. 

At some time before 1540 an Aztec colony was established in the 
Sixaola Valley, on the mainland back of Almirante Bay. Before the 
middle of the 17th century this group, known as the Sigua, had moved 
to Bastimentos Island in Almirante Bay, where they eventually 
settled in four towns. Here they maintained themselves with varying 
degrees of fortune until about the year 1760. The interesting history 
of this band, the southernmost outpost of the Aztecs, has been out- 
lined by Lothrop. 

Rev. Ephraim Alphonse, who has lived among the Valiente Guaymi 
for more than 25 years and speaks the language fluently, has found 
some interesting traditions that evidently refer to this group. The 
Valiente Guaymi still retain the term ‘‘“Montezuma,”’ meaning ruler. 

A tradition which is frequently recounted at the present time re- 
lates to the ‘‘Dekos,”’ a group of conquerors who came from the 
north in large canoes having paddles studded with pearls. Their 
leader was called Siri Klave. ‘The Dekos are always pictured as being 
more civilized and smarter than the Guaymi. Some of the tales 
refer to contests in wits between Guaymi and Dekos leaders. In 
these contests the Guaymi were always defeated, as they were in 
military combat (Alphonse, 1956). 

We spent considerable time on Bastimentos in a futile search for 
remains that might indicate a settlement of the Aztec Colony, which 
all the evidence seems to indicate was located here. Not only did 
our personal search result negatively, excepting for a few nondescript 
sherds near the mouth of a small stream by the present village of 
Bastimentos, but the old inhabitants who had spent their lives farming 
on the island insisted that they had seen no sherds nor other evidence 
of occupation, except a metate and a mano (pl. 41). We visited the 
spots where these were found, but saw no evidence of a site. 

After the voyage of Columbus, the Almirante region acquired a 
reputation for being rich in gold. It was frequently visited thereafter 


Ant ron. rap. ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 263 


by gold seekers and slavers with the result that native culture was 
pretty well broken down. There is little in the records of these more 
or less transient visits that is of help to the archeologist. 

Modern accounts of the Guaymi are unsatisfactory, even for areas 
considerably removed from the Northwest Panama Coast. 

During the last quarter of the 19th century A. L. Pinart made 
some observations on the Guaymi of the Chiriqui Lagoon region, 
and more recently they have been studied by Ephraim Alphonse. 

Practically all of the available early source material has been 
collected and published by Lothrop (1950) in his excellent Veraguas 
report. 


CERAMIC STUDIES 


A considerable amount of time was spent in examining the temper 
of the various wares from the several sites herein described. The 
only instruments used in this connection were small hand lenses. 
Samples of the wares were shown to several professional archeologists. 
Their conclusions as to the nature of the tempering material differed 
so widely among themselves and with our own tentative determina- 
tions that we decided to follow the advice of Miss Anna O. Shepherd 
of the Ceramic Technological Laboratory, Carnegie Institution of 
Washington, D.C., and describe them in general terms rather than 
to guess at specific descriptions, a practice likely to lead to false 
assumptions. 

All clays are originally derived from decomposition of igneous 
rocks and contain a certain amount of grit and fragments of un- 
altered rock. With the naked eye or a hand lens it is impossible to 
tell in most instances whether the grit is natural or hand ground. 
In general, the temper of the pottery from Almirante Bay is rounded 
sand mixed with angular particles. 

Similar difficulties were experienced in studying the nature of 
slips. It was not always possible to distinguish between self slips, 
applied slips, and effects obtained by polishing. Here again we have 
tried to be not too categorical in our designations. 

Hardness was determined by scratch tests in accordance with the 
Mohs scale. 

Of the pottery excavated in the three Almirante Bay sites, the 
significant pieces are illustrated and complete data are given with the 
descriptions of each plate. 

Since the excavations were small, we felt that it would be pre- 
mature to give names to the pottery types encountered. 

Colors have been identified in the Munsell color system. As 
every ceramist knows, the colors of primitive pottery vary considerably 
because of uneven firing conditions, as well as other factors. The 


264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


same pot may contain several colors, blending, for example, from 
weak yellowish orange, to moderate orange, light brown, and black. 
In describing the pottery this fact has been taken into consideration 
and the best personal opinion given of each specimen illustrated in 
order to convey to the reader a proper understanding of the wares. 
The laboratory studies were made under fluorescent light. In 
instances where the buff has definitely fired moderate orange, it is so 
described. In Boc-1 and Boc-3, the buffs generally fired orange. 
In Boc-2, the buffs frequently fired brown. 

The equivalents of Munsell color symbols are given according to 
1.S.C.C. (Inter-Society Color Council) Standards. When a specimen 
is unique, the Munsell equivalent is given in the text (Judd and 
Kelly, 1939). The following tabulation gives the general color 
equivalents used in this paper: 


Munsell I.8.C.C. 
ighispuit ee TY S20) Se ones Pale yellowish orange. 
Buh Oia iad SO LOM 4S 2 Oe is ee Weak yellowish orange. 

LOVERS /Ge ts Set Weak yellowish orange. 
TONPRG/AS = Meee ee Light yellowish brown. 
Darkibuiiese. -eees ‘yp R751 sae oe eee reer Light brown. 
Dark brownies 2252 = OWE Zee Sere Dusky brown. 
Gravee. Sosa ne Ra aE) eat i el Moderate orange. 
HOR S/S. toate et Moderate reddish orange. 
Rliedke at. teers aes GRS5/S ieee re iG Moderate red. 
PORE Soe Bae eS Moderate reddish brown. 
Dupaky rede: be si \5_ ae DR): ee ae Dusky red. 
Deep Teds 86 5-2 Otte] ee eee Deep red. 


SITE DESCRIPTIONS 
DARKLAND (BOC-1) 


In the southern part of the bay, south of Cristobal Island, a long 
narrow point known as Darkland projects into the bay. This had 
been partially cleared for cultivation and the grazing of stock. The 
peninsula is formed by a rather flat-topped ridge which gradually 
increases in elevation from the point. Scattered along the top of 
this ridge were four large mortars made from unshaped stones (pl. 
42,6). Just above this area and about 300 yards from the point, we 
discovered four midden mounds, each about 40 feet in diameter and 
5 feet in height; apparently each was the refuse mound for a single 
house. Having no facilities for carrying much material at the time of 
our visit, we made in one of these mounds a single small excavation 
about 4 feet square and 2 feet deep. The mound proved to be rich in 
sherds and other materials. Among the more abundant forms were 
subglobular bowls, with incurving rims, of buff-colored ware with a 


A OMo1 P? ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 265 


coarse temper. This ware is characterized by a gray to black core, with 
margins ranging from weak yellowish orange to moderate orange. 
These were decorated with elongate punctations in rows, between 
incised parallel lines. The designs are geometric and tend toward 
triangular forms. Some of these bowls were further decorated with 
small nodes or bosses connected with incised lines or roughened 
bands. One specimen was of much thicker ware and had an excurvate 
rim (pl. 28, a-“). 

Also abundant were sherds of large vessels with modeled applique 
designs on the body. One had two leaping porpoises (pl. 29, a). 
Another was an octopus (pl. 28, 7), while still another fragment 
displayed what seems to be the tail of a fish (pl. 28, n). 

One curious sherd consists of what appears to be a thick beveled 
rim with rectangular openings cut below the rim. It is possible that 
it is a part of a slotted pedestal base. If so, it is unusually thick and 
heavy (pl. 29, f; fig. 18, e). 

Other pieces were from large pots with slightly outcurving rims. 
Some of these have red paint on the lip, others on either the exterior 
or interior. The majority are polished light buff on the interior 
(pls. 28; 29, e, 1). 

Excurvate, buff-colored rims with combed decoration on the interior 
and smooth on the exterior were almost identical with similar pieces 
from the site at Boca del Drago (Boc-3). This is a buff-colored ware 
with coarse tempering material (pl. 28, &). 

One of the most individual wares is rather thin with finely ground 
temper and fine line red painting on a light buff slip (pl. 28, m). 

Two sherds appear to be longitudinal sections of hollow vessel 
supports. The fact that one of these has horizontal red line painting 
strengthens this hypothesis since this is a normal type of decoration 
for the typical conical base tripod vessel characteristic of Chiriqui, ex- 
amples of which were found in the nearby cave site (Boc-2). 

Several small sherds were of very thin fine paste ware with polished 
surface painted red on buff. Because of the small size of the sherds it 
was impossible to deduce the vessel forms, but they were probably of 
small size. 

Thick body sherds from large pots were quite abundant. These had 
a coarse sand temper and were usually fired buff on the exterior and 
black on the interior. Some of these had combed decoration on the 
exterior, some were smooth. This is apparently the same ware as that 
with modeled animals on the body, and is analogous to the large urns 
from Boc-3. 

One flat awl with sharp point and sharp edges, made apparently 
from the leg bone of a deer, was the only bone implement found. 


266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


h 


) 


Ficure 18.—Sherds from Bocas del Toro, site 1. a, Large rim sherd with applique porpoises, 
smooth orange interior, pl. 29, a; b, buff punctate bowl, smooth rim, triangular design, 
pl. 28, a; c, buff interior, exterior blackened with charcoal, pl. 29, b; d, smooth buff 
exterior and interior, pl. 29, 7; e, heavy slotted rim (or base ?), pl. 29, f; f, light buff 
exterior and interior, red painted rim, pl. 29, d; g, smooth buff exterior and interior, 
punctate ware with incising, pl. 28, b; h, buff surfaces, interior of rim is combed, pl. 28, 
k; 1, light buff exterior and interior with red painted lip, pl. 29, c; 7, rough buff punctate 
ware with incising, pl. 28, c; k, smooth buff interior with red painted lip, pl. 28, 0; J, 
smooth buff with inside lip painted red, pl. 29, k; m, smooth light buff interior with lip 
painted red, pl. 29, 7; n, smooth light buff interior, charcoal on exterior, lip painted 
red, pl. 29, e. 


Scattered throughout the excavation were a number of flint flakes and 
many coral branches. 

The above-described material, it should be remembered, came from 
a small test pit and represents at best a most incomplete sample. 


Anoo%o1 P ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 267 


Boc-1 is by far the most promising site that we located on our survey 
of Almirante Bay. The small mounds are rich in content and a full 
scale excavation would without doubt give key results for this virtually 
unknown area. 


DARKLAND CAVE (BOC-2) 


On a high jungle-covered ridge about 2 miles southwest of the Dark- 
land peninsula there is a limestone cliff about 100 feet high. Along 
the base of this cliff are a number of caves containing the remains of 
human burials and accompanying offerings. The native who guided 
us to this spot had discovered the caves a few years before and said 
that he and his father had removed several complete pots, of which he 
was unable to give an adequate description, and a stone metate 
carved in the form of a jaguar. 

We selected the most promising looking of the caves and excavated 
it completely. The cave, whose opening was about 20 feet across, ex- 
tended about 30 feet into the cliff, with a ceiling of irregular height. 
The last 20 feet of the cave was filled to within about a foot of the 
ceiling and could not be entered until the fill was removed. The bulk 
of the artifacts recovered and a few fragments of human bone were in 
the upper 12 inches of the deposit. No evidence of human occupation 
was found below this surface level, although the fill averaged from 3 to 
4 feet in depth. 

Objects of stone consisted of a well-carved jaguar head broken from 
a metate of Costa Rica-Chiriqui type, and eight celts of mediocre 
finish (pl. 43, g-n). There were none of the type with flaring edge so 
common in Veraguas. One small triangular polished celt of a blue 
slatelike stone is 10 cm. long and 5 cm. wide at the blade. It is flat 
on one side and convex on the other. A chisel of limestone was 19.5 
em. long. There was also a small polishing stone of bright red jasper 
about 5 cm. in diameter (pl. 38, e, f, g). Scattered throughout the 
surface layer were many large marine conchs, principally Strombus 
gigas Linné and Charonia iritonis nobilis Conrad, and about 20 arti- 
facts of unknown use made from the spire of the conch with a circular 
hole 5 cm. in diameter in the center (pl. 38, a—d). 

Although five or six nearly complete vessels were recovered, the 
bulk of the pottery was in the form of scattered sherds, representing a 
considerable variety of forms and wares. 

Apparently, the great majority of the vessels originally had a 
buff-colored surface, although some examples were dark buff and 
brown. In addition, various sherds are blackened by carbon, discolor- 
ing the surface as well as the paint. 

All the sherds are coated to a certain extent with a white deposit 
caused by the dust in the limestone cave, a condition making it 


268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


difficult to decide the original color of the pottery. In some instances, 
the red paint has turned orange and in others, dusky brown; it is 
difficult to decide the original hue. One example of this wide range in 
hue can be seen on the horizontal red line striping on the legs of the 
tripod vessel (pl. 30, 6). 

There were five examples of tripod vessels, two of which are fairly 
complete. One of these consists of smooth buff ware well coated with 
lime on both interior and exterior (pl. 30, a). The outflaring rim is 
4.7 cm. wide. The interior is decorated with four groups of seven red 
perpendicular lines 0.3 cm. wide, spaced quadrilaterally. Each 
grouping is approximately 3.8 cm. wide. The edge of the rim is also 
painted red. 

The other fairly complete specimen has the rim missing, but this 
was probably a bowl-shaped form (pl. 30, b). The body is roughened 
by horizontal striating. The legs are smooth, decorated with hori- 
zontal red line painting and three perpendicular slots 5.0 cm. long, 
0.5 cm. wide. Two slots are on either side of the leg, near the top; 
the other in the center front near the foot, which is broken off. The 
most nearly complete leg has a modeled animal figure seated on the 
upper edge. The interior of the vessel is smooth and buff in color. 
Most of the exterior is blackened by carbon. This specimen is almost 
identical with two figured by Wassén, 1949 (figs., 9, a; 10) found near 
Boquete, Chiriqui. 

Of the remaining three examples, two were of the buff striated type 
and the other, consisting of a conical base, is of thick buff ware. The 


O / 
SCALE IN INCHES ee 
(oa a Piva aE ime Ua le al rie Pee 
re ae PII ais: Sal ation Ry aloha: 


—— aS 
— ee 
= SQ 


——— ae. 


RED BLACK BUFF 


Ficure 19.—Bowl with slotted pedestal base. Black core, dark buff margins; fine temper; 
base and interior of bowl polished dark buff; deep red slip on exterior of bowl on which 
were painted black perpendicular stripes extending from the rim to the juncture with 
the base; see pl. 31, f. 


Anthrop. Pap. 
"No. 72] - ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 269 


exterior is polished and partially dark brown from carbon. All of these 
are of hard fine-tempered ware, with black core and buff margins. 
There was one small pedestal base bowl (pl. 31, f; fig. 19) with three 
rectangular horizontal slots in the base. The base and the interior 
of the bowl are polished dark buff ware. The exterior of the bowl 
has a deep red slip on which were painted black perpendicular stripes 
extending from the rim to the juncture with the base, 6.8 cm. long. 
Vestiges of eight stripes can be seen on the portion of the bowl which 
was found. Whether the stripes encircled the entire bowl or were 
painted in groups cannot be ascertained. The ware has a fine temper, 
is rather thin, and is fired to a dark buff on the surfaces with a black 
core. This was the only pedestal base found. 

Frying-pan incensarios were represented by one specimen, a trans- 
verse piece broken off from the base of the handle. It is made from a 
hard fine-tempered ware with a buff polished surface. It is painted 
red along the edges and has one transverse red line, 0.6 cm. wide 
(pl. 33, c). Similar but complete examples of this type were found by 
us at the Coclé site of Mojara in Herrera Province. 

Small plain subglobular bowls were represented by seven speci- 
mens, two of which were more or less complete (pl. 30, c, d). These 
are rather crudely made from a buff-colored ware. The surface 
typically is carelessly smoothed. Plate 30, c, has a body diameter of 
8.4 cm. and a body height of 8.0cm. Plate 30, d, has a body diameter 
of 11.0 cm. and a body height of 7 cm. 

Two of the subglobular bowls were polished brown, one polished 
dark buff, and another buff with a red lip. Most had small outflaring 
rims, some with rolled lips. Some were carbonized on the exterior 
from having been on an open fire. The rim variations can best be 
seen from the illustrations (pl. 33, a, 6, e, f). One variation consisted 
of a combed exterior with a crude rectangular pattern and small 
nodes on the shoulder (pl. 31, 6). 

There were eight examples of bowls with vertical strap handles. 
Judging from the fragments found, these had been low hemispherical 
bowls with outflaring rims to which were attached a pair of opposing 
strap handles (pl. 31, a, c, d, g; fig. 21, e, f, g, 6). 

Plate 31, a, is made of polished dark buff ware weathered brown 
in places. The lip of the rim is painted red and extends 1 cm. onto the 
top of the strap handle. Directly in front of the strap handle on the 
interior of the outflaring rim are six vertical red lines, 0.2 cm. wide, 3 
em. long. The strap handle was modeled and stuck on the pot care- 
lessly. It is 3.5 cm. wide. 

Plate 31, ¢, is buff ware with a rim painted red extending 0.4 cm. 
down the exterior of the bowl and 0.4 cm. onto the strap handle, 
where it joins the rim. There is an irregular spot of red paint on the 


270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


J apa ) 


Figure 20.—Sherds from Bocas del Toro, site 2. a, Shallow bowl, pedestal base (?), red 
painted lip, dark buff interior and exterior, pl. 34, g; b, buff ware with smooth interior 
and exterior and red lip; c, buff ware, lip painted red with traces of red on interior; d, 
buff ware, red painted lip and convex curving collar, exterior carbon coated, pl. 36, ); e, 
shallow bowl or pedestal base (?), lip painted red, dark buff interior, red design on 
interior; f, polished buff interior, exterior rough and carbonized, red lip, pl. 32, 7; g, buff 
ware with a rough exterior, smooth, interior, and fine temper, pl. 36, d; h, buff ware, 
carbonized black, polished interior, rough exterior, pl. 36, f; 1, red painted lip, rough 
exterior and smooth buff interior; 7, rough carbonized exterior and smooth buff interior; 
k, rough exterior and smooth buff interior. 


body of the vessel. The temper is coarse. The exterior of the vessel 
and the rim are smooth, while the interior is slightly rough. The 
strap handle is 2.7 cm. wide. 

Plate 31, d, is buff ware weathered brown. The rim probably 
had been painted red. There appears to have been a strip of pottery 


Anim oP] 2 ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 271 


Ficure 21.—Sherds from Bocas del Toro, site 2. a, Buff ware, exterior blackened by 
carbon, had strap handle, incised design, roughened zones, bosses, smooth interior, pl. 
31, e; b, buff with loop handle, covered with limestone dust inside and out, pl. 31, g; thin 
buff tripod jar, carbonized exterior and smooth interior; d, polished dark buff interior 
and exterior, pl. 33, b; e¢, polished dark buff, lip painted red and vertical lines on interior 
of rim, strap handle, pl. 31, a; f, buff interior and exterior with red rim, pl. 31, c; g, buff 
weathered brown with smooth interior and exterior and strap handle, pl. 31, d; h, buff, 
polished interior, exterior of rim roughened, pl. 33, f; 7, buff weathered brown with 
polished interior, pl. 33, a. 


appliqued on top of the strap handle as decoration. The handle 
is 1.7 cm. wide. 

One specimen has a plain incurving rim. This had a roughened 
zone below the rim, decorated with incised lines connecting small 
hemispherical nodes. Another roughened zone runs around the middle 
of the bowl. The edge of the rim is painted dark red (pl. 31, e; fig. 
21, a). 

682-611 6422 


[Bull. 191 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


272 


Ficure 22. 


opposite page.) 


Forl egend, see 


An 21 8P- ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 273 


Plate 31, g, shows buff ware with a rolled everted rim and a loop handle. 

The most abundant form consisted of fragments of 17 large sub- 
spherical pots with medium outflaring rims. Of these, three were 
sufficiently complete to give an idea of the body shape. There is 
considerable individual variation in the rim forms (pl. 34, a, }, ¢; 
He 22 as, e)). 

One broken, but almost complete, example had the entire exterior 
surface roughened as though by rolling it with a corncob or a rough 
fabric. The interior is well smoothed. The lip is painted red. 
A series of rather undefined vertical ridges runs around the middle 
of the body as an additional decorative feature, and a series of indenta- 
tions runs around the base of the collar (pl. 34, a; fig. 22, a). 

The remaining examples are carelessly smoothed on the exterior 
and carefully smoothed on the interior. Some had red-painted lips 
and some were coated with carbon from being over an open fire. 
The ware is coarse, fired to a black core, with moderately reddish 
orange margins and dark-buff surfaces. Most have plain round lips, 
but on two examples the lips are beveled. 

There were seven fragments (six illustrated) from large vessels 
with high collars (pl. 35; fig. 22, ¢, f). The collars are roughened on 
the exterior by combing. One has a smooth zone below the point 
where the collar joins the body; below this the combing begins again 
(pl. 35, d). In all examples the interior is carefully smoothed. Two 
had a red-painted lip. On the rim, one sherd has part of an appliqued 
octopus, suggestive of similar designs from Boc-3. This sherd has 
a dark-buff polished interior and a red-painted lip. The exterior is 
rather rough (pl. 35, a, fig. 22, d). 

Large shallow bowls were represented by two specimens. These 
are similar in form to the pedestal base “‘fruteras’ from Coclé and 
Veraguas, but probably did not have such bases since none were found 
in Boc-2. One of the specimens has a beveled lip, painted red, and 


Ficure 22.—Sherds from Bocas del Toro, site 2. a, Buff ware, red painted lip, smooth 
interior, roughened exterior, pl. 34, a; b, buff ware, red lip, exterior rough and somewhat 
blackened, pl. 34, ¢; c, buff ware, smooth interior, exterior of collar combed, smooth on 
exterior below collar, pl. 35, c; d, dark buff polished interior, exterior blackened, rough, 
applique design, lip painted red, pl. 35, a; ¢, dark buff ware, roughly combed collar, 
smooth interior, pl. 34, b; f, polished dark buff interior, combed exterior, pl. 35, b; g, 
polished buff ware, fine combing on collar, smooth below collar, deep incised groove 
separating collar from body, pl. 9, h; A, smooth buff slip on interior, exterior rough, pl. 36, 
1; 1, smooth buff interior, exterior rough, deep groove separates collar from body, red 
lip, pl. 36, &; 7, polished buff on interior, roughened exterior, red lip, pl. 36, e; 2, dark- 
buff ware, smooth interior, rough exterior, lip painted red, pl. 34, e; /, body sherd, buff 
ware coated with limestone dust, smooth exterior and interior; m, dark buff ware, smooth 
interior and exterior, pl. 34, f; , polished buff interior, rough buff interior; 0, carbonized 
buff ware, smooth interior and exterior, pl. 36, c. 


274. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


has a smooth exterior and interior (pl. 34, g; fig. 20, a). The other 
has a plain lip also painted red, and a design consisting of six red 
stripes 0.6 cm. wide and 7.5 cm. long projecting into the dark buff 
interior. Each stripe is rounded at the end, not blunt or squared off 
(pl. 34, d; figs. 23, 20, e). Theexterior isroughened by combing below 


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Ficure 23.—Shallow bowl from Bocas del Toro, site 2. Polished dark buff interior 
decorated with 6 red stripes and red painted lip. Exterior badly eroded but apparently 
had vertical ridges around middle similar to pl. 34, a. Medium temper. 1 cm. thick. 


the rim, and below this is a row of roughened verticalridges. In both 
examples the ware is fairly thick and is grit tempered. The color on 
the surface is dark buff, weathered a dark brown. 

There were four body sherds of thin, hard, fine paste ware, evenly 
fired, with no black core, 0.4 cm. thick. Three of these have a dark- 
orange (2.5YR 5/8) (Munsell system) smooth surface, while the other 
has a burnished-brown (10YR 3.8/2) exterior surface. These are 
definitely different from the other sherds. 

There were three sherds of red on buff ware. Two are rims with 
red-painted lip and fine vertical red lines on the interior of the rim. 
The sherds are 0.8 and 0.6 cm. thick, respectively. The interior is 
polished, the exterior rough (pl. 32, f, h). The other example is a 
body sherd with smooth surface, having painted on it a simple red-line 
geometric design. The interior is smooth and unpainted buff 
(pl. 32, e). 

Among the miscellaneous specimens was a low concave vessel 
support painted red where it joined the body of the vessel. The 
remainder of the exterior and the interior are buff. The beveled 
supporting edge is roughened with diagonal scoring (pl. 33, d). 


An oP ot *P- ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 275 


The neck of a small jar was of rather thin dark-buff ware. It was 
encircled by two parallel rounded ridges decorated with crude incising 
(pl. 32, b). 

Part of the neck of a small vessel of hard medium-tempered ware 
was decorated with lunate punctations in parallel rows between double 
incised lines. This decorated area is separated by a rounded ridge 
between incised lines from a smooth-zoned red band. ‘The interior 
is definitely painted red on one half, probably the neck. The other 
half is buff. The exterior design was zoned red on buff (pl. 32, ¢). 

One sherd of rather thick, hard ware has a polished dark buff 
(carbonized almost black) exterior with part of a raised design 
(pl. 32, d). 

Among other miscellaneous pieces was a flat base of dark-buff 
ware (pl. 32, a). 

The cave site (Boc-2) was probably a burial place, in which had 
been placed offerings of shell, stone, and pottery. There was no 
evidence of fires having been made in the cave. Furthermore, the 
lowness of the ceiling would not have made it a suitable dwelling 
site, nor would its location near the summit of a high steep mountain. 
The presence of fragments of human bones would seem to make its 
burial function certain. The pottery shows a connection on the one 
hand with that from Boc-3 and on the other hand with Chiriqui 
ware from the vicinity of Boquete. The lowest point, for some 
distance, in the Continental Divide lies directly south of Almirante 
Bay in direct line with Boquete. An old trail which is still in use 
crosses this pass from the northern part of the Chiriqui Lagoon. 
It is probable that this natural route was in use in aboriginal times. 


BOCA DEL DRAGO (BOC-3) 


At the extreme northwestern corner of Almirante Bay the Boca 
del Drago is a narrow pass separating the mainland from Colon 
Island. On Colon Island, on the east side of the pass, just below 
Cauro Point, there is a cove with a crescent-shaped sand beach. 
At a point toward the south end of the beach there was formerly 
an aboriginal site, which has been largely destroyed in recent years 
by wave action from storms. Several native fishermen living on the 
cove told of large urns being exposed on the beach after these storms. 
As described, these urns were as much as 3 feet in height, with wide 
mouths and high outflaring collars or rims. 

We conducted excavations on the beach in the area indicated 
and found numerous sherds of such urns as well as fragments of 
smaller vessels. There were also a few nondescript fragments of 
human bones, suggesting that the large vessels were burial urns. 


276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


} 
9 
y 


We made some tests in the forested, undisturbed soil back of the 
The sherds recovered from the beach exhibited a fair variety. 
Characteristically at this site, the paste was fired brownish black in 
os 
Ic CM ‘cme ——————4 Geer Natt 

fine regular combing on exterior, band of extremely fine combing extending 2.5 cm. below 
lip, pl. 39, 5; b, similar to ‘‘a” but with smooth area below lip and above fine combed 
combed or impressed, grooved indentations outlining rim, 1.3 cm. from lip, pl. 30, a; 
d, polished orange interior and rim, exterior buff blackened by carbon and rather rough, 
same as ‘‘c,” pl. 40, 5; g, smooth buff interior, buff exterior has regular combing aisnilar 
tOr va and “*b,” pl. 40, c; h, 1, smooth buff interior and exterior, pls. 40, 7, and 40, d, 


beach, but found no traces of a village site or burials. 
the core, to buff and moderate orange on the surface. In some ex- 
A 
Figure 24.—Sherds from Bocas del Toro, site 3. a, Polished orange interior and lip, 
area, pl. 39, 7; c, buff interior and exterior, red paint on exterior of rim, interior deeply 
pl. 39, d; e, dark buff blackened by carbon, smooth interior and exterior, pl. 39, ¢; f, 
respectively. 


Ane oy» ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 277 


amples, it was fired 100 percent moderate orange. In other examples 
the moderate orange surface is definitely due to polishing. In others 
(pl. 40, d), the orange interior over buff paste may be due to a self 
wash. Probably all the clay with coarse and moderate temper is 
the same, and the buff or orange color variations are due to firing 
conditions. The fine-tempered pastes (pls. 39, a; 40, 7, k) are defi- 
nitely different. 

Evidently smaller vessels were normally of a globular form with 
rims that differed from straight to excurvate in varying degrees. 
Some of these were painted red. 

Some excurvate rims were decorated by combing on the interior 
(pl. 40, a, 6), but had a smooth exterior. These were buff with a 
medium temper. 

One rim fragment had a looped handle attached to the rim (pl. 
39, g). This piece was very coarse tempered and had a smooth 
orange-buff exterior and interior. It is very similar to a specimen 
found near Boquete, Chiriqui, and figured by Wassén (Wassén, 1949, 
fig. 37). Another example was found by us at Utivé, Province of 
Panama. 

One solid tapering piece could have been a vessel support or a 
heavy handle (pl. 40, 2). 

A sherd of fine-paste, dusky yellowish-orange (8YR 6/6) ware, 
had on it the applique figure of an animal. This piece is typical 
Chiriqui alligator ware (pl. 39, a). 

There was a single sherd of fine-tempered ware with a painted 
design. The decoration consisted of bold red and black parallel 
lines on a light-buff surface (pl. 40, e). 

The only indication of the use of stone was a number of flint chips 
or rejects. 

On the whole, the ware of Boc-3 shows a close affinity to that in 
Boc-1. 


JUNGLE POINT 


On a heavily forested ridge back of Almirante and near Western 
River, we visited another site, where we conducted some excavations 
with unsatisfactory results. A native who had made a clearing on 
top of the ridge and had built a thatched hut told us he had found 
potsherds, a clay figurine of a woman, and some stone specimens 
while excavating a level place for his house. The figurine had been 
lost, but we obtained from him three celts, two of a fine-grained bluish- 
black stone and the other light gray. There was also a pestle of 
limestone (pl. 43, c-f). 

We excavated in an area adjoining the house, but found only a 
few nondescript potsherds. 


278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


The most interesting point in connection with this site is that it 
demonstrates that habitation sites apparently existed occasionally 
on the tops of steep ridges. 


COCOS ISLAND 


We visited Cocos Island, one of the larger islands in the bay, 
where we heard the familiar story that the natives knew of no ancient 
habitation sites. One man, however, had found an interesting basalt 
figure of Costa Rican type, which we photographed (pl. 41, a-8). 

The figure represents a standing woman, holding her breasts in 
her hands, with a human head hanging on her back. The finder 
of the figure led us to the spot where the find had been made, but 
we saw no evidence of a habitation there. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


ALPHONSE, EpHraim §. 
n.d. Among the Valiente Indians. London. 
1956. Guaymi grammar and dictionary, with some ethnological notes. 
Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 162. 
CoLuMBUS, FERDINAND. 
1744. The history of the life and actions of Admiral Christopher Columbus. 
In “A collection of Voyages and Travels,’”’? by Awnsham and John 
Churchill, vol. 1. London. 
Jupp, Dranr B., and Ketiy, Kennetu L. 
1939. Method of designating colors. Journ. Research Nat. Bur. Stand., 
vol. 23. 
Loturop, SAMUEL K. 
1942. The Sigua: southernmost Aztec outpost. Proc. 8th Amer. Scien. 
Cong., vol. 2. Washington. 
1950. Archaeology of southern Veraguas, Panama. Peabody Mus. Amer. 
Archaeol. and Ethnol., Harvard Univ., Mem. vol. 9, No. 3. 
Pinart, ALPHONSE L. 
1885. Chiriqui. Bocas del Toro. Bull. Soc. Geogr. France, septieme serie, 
tome 6. Paris. 
Santo THoMAS, ADRIAN DE. 
1950. Conversion of Guaymi and Darién and its Indians. Ed. and trans. 
by E. B. Adams and Doris Stone. Jn ‘‘Archaeology of southern 
Veraguas, Panama,” by 8. K. Lothrop, appendix 2, pp. 96-103. 
SHEPARD, ANNA O. 
1956. Ceramics for the archaeologist. Carnegie Inst. Washington, 
Publ. 609. 
Wassin, Henry. 
1949. Contributions to Cuna ethnography: Some archaeological observa- 
tions from Boquete, Chiriquf, Panamdé. Etnologiska Studier 
No. 16, Etnografiska Mus., Goteborg, Sweden. 


Anthrop-,PaP- ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 279 


EXPLANATION OF PLATES 


PLATE 28 


a-t, Characterized by gray to black core with margins varying from weak yel- 
lowish orange to moderate orange. Moderate coarse temper. 

a, Punctate bowl, smooth rim. Eroded granular orange exterior. Smooth 
buff interior. See figure 18, b. 

b, Punctate with incising. Smooth buff interior. 1.5 em. thick. Figure 18, g. 

c, Punctate with incising. Smooth interior. Exterior eroded and granular. 
1.0 em. thick. See figure 18, 7. 

d-f, h, i, Punctate and incised. Exterior and interior smooth orange. 0.6 
—1 cm. thick. 

g, Punctate and incised, with boss. 1 cm. thick. 

j, Buff core and surfaces. Interior and exterior smooth with indented fillet 
applied just below rim. 0.7 cm. thick. 

k, Gray core, buff surfaces. Smooth exterior. Interior of rim combed. 1.0 
em. thick. See figure 18, h. 

l, Buff core and surfaces. Smoothinterior. Mediumtemper. Modeled octopus 
applique design. 0.8 em. thick. 

m, Light buff slip with fine line red painting. Finely ground temper. 0.5 cm. thick. 

n, Very coarse buff ware. Interior granular. Fishtail applique design on ex- 
terior. 2.0 cm. thick. 

o, Smooth light buff interior, red painted lip. See figure 18, k. 


PLATE 29 


a, Large rim sherd with applique porpoises. Brownish-black core, orange 
margins. Interior and rim, well-polished orange. Exterior shows very fine 
marks of smoothing implement, perhaps cornhusk or other similar leaf. Coarse 
to very coarse temper. 1.2 cm. thick. See figure 18, a. 

b, Brownish-black core, buff margins. Polished buff interior and rim. Exterior, 
slightly rough, blackened by carbon. Coarse temper. 

c, Black core, buff margins. Smooth buff interior and lip. Exterior, slightly 
rough. Medium temper. Lip painted red and remnants of red painted 
designs on exterior and interior. 11cm. thick. See figure 18, 7. 

d, Black core, moderate orange to buff margins. Medium temper. Smooth 
light buff exterior and interior. Rim painted red, extending 2.5 cm. down 
exterior. 1.1 cm. thick. See figure 18, f. 

e, Brownish black core, buff margins. Medium temper. Smooth light buff 
interior and exterior. Rim painted red. Exterior blackened by carbon. 1.1 
cm. thick. See figure 18, n. 

f, 80 percent brownish black core, orange to buff margins. Coarse temper. 
Smooth orange interior and exterior. Rectangular openings had been cut 
below rim. 2.0—2.5 em. thick. 

g, 90 percent brownish-black core and outer surface, 10 percent inner surface buff. 
Very coarse, heavily tempered. Granular interior. Exterior combed. 1.5 
em. thick. 

h, Brownish-black core, buff exterior. Medium temper. Interior smooth and 
exterior slightly roughened. 

i, Light buff, medium temper. Smooth exterior and interior. Interior shows 
narrow parallel ridges made by rubbing stone. 1.5 cm. thick. 

j, Brownish-black core, buff margins, coarse temper. Smooth light buff interior 
and exterior. Red-painted rim. 1.2 cm. thick. See figure 18, m. 

k, Black core, buff margins. Fine temper. Smooth buff interior and exterior. 
Inside of lip painted red. 0.5-0.8 cm. thick. See figure 18, J. 


280 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


PLATE 30 


a, Tripod vessel. Black core, buff margins. Fine temper. Smooth buff ex- 
terior and interior. Completely coated with white dust from the limestone 
cave. Four groups of red perpendicular lines on the interior of rim. 0.5 cm. 
thick. 

b, Tripod vessel. Some parts of bowl burned 100 percent buff, others black 
core and buff margins. Fine temper. Smooth buff interior. Most of ex- 
terior blackened by carbon. Body roughened by horizontal striating. Legs 
are smooth and decorated with horizontal red line painting. Modeled animal 
figure seated on top one leg. Three perpendicular slots in leg. 0.7 em. thick. 

c, Subglobular bowl. Black core, buff margins and surfaces. Fine temper. 
Exterior and interior rough. 

d, Subglobular bowl. Black core and margins. Fine temper. Smooth buff 
interior and exterior. 


Puate 31 


a, Polished dark buff. Fine temper. Exterior and interior smooth. Edge of 
rim painted red. Red perpendicular line decoration on interior of rim. Strap 
handle shows finger marks where attached. 0.6 cm. thick. See figure 21, e. 

b, Combed buff exterior. Smooth carbonized interior. Medium temper. Small 
nodes on the shoulder. 0.8 cm. thick. 

c, Buff. Coarse temper. Smooth exterior. Interior pitted. Rim painted red. 
Strap handle. 0.7 cm. thick. See figure 21, f. 

d, Buff weathered brown. Medium temper. Interior and exterior smooth. 
0.6 cm. thick. See figure 21, g. 

e, Buff. Fine temper. Polished interior. Carbonized exterior has roughened 
zone below the rim, decorated with incised lines connecting hemispherical 
nodes. Another roughened area runs around center of bowl. Edge of rim 
painted dark red. See figure 21, a. 

f, Bowl with slotted pedestal base. Black core, dark buff margins. Fine temper. 
Base and interior of bowl, polished dark buff. Deep red slip on exterior of 
bowl. 0.6 cm. thick. See figure 19. 

g, Buff paste. Medium temper. Exterior smooth but pitted by erosion. In- 
terior eroded. Rolled everted rim, loop handle. See figure 21, b. 


PLATE 32 


a, Flat base. Dark buff weathered brown. Fine temper. Exterior and in- 
terior smooth. 0.7 cm. thick. 

b, Neck of small jar. Thin dark buff partially carbonized. Fine temper. 
Interior smooth. Exterior, two parallel fillets decorated with crude incising. 
0.6 cm. thick. 

c, Buff paste. Medium temper. Buff interior, partially painted red. Exterior, 
red on buff, with lunate punctations between double incised lines. 0.5 em. 
thick. 

d, Interior and exterior, polished dark buff weathered brown. Fine temper. 
Raised design. 

e, Exterior, polished buff painted with red line designs. Smooth, unpainted 
buff interior. Medium temper. 

f, Black core with buff margins. Medium temper. Polished buff interior 
decorated with painted red vertical lines. Lip smooth and painted red. Ex- 
terior slightly rough. 

g, Smooth brown interior. Combed exterior, brown blackened with carbon. 


ano ot > ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 281 


h, Slightly roughened buff exterior. Red painted lip and red vertical lines on 
polished buff interior. Fine temper. 0.7 em. thick. 

1, Wide black core and buff margins. Fine temper. Polished buff interior. 
Exterior rough and carbonized. Red lip. 


PLATE 33 


a, Brown carbonized. Medium temper. Polished interior. Smooth exterior 
pitted by erosion. See figure 21, 7. 

b, Polished dark buff interior and exterior. Medium temper. See figure 21, d. 

c, Fragment of handle, frying pan incensario. Black core, buff margins. Fine 
temper. Well-polished buff exterior with one red transverse line. Red paint 
along edges. Under side, smooth buff. 1.5 cm. thick. 

d, Concave vessel support, beveled supporting edge roughened. Smooth buff 
with red paint on exterior. 

e, Polished brown interior and exterior. Medium temper. Surface eroded and 
carbonzied. See figure 21, 7. 

f, Polished buff interior and body exterior. Lip of rim painted red. Exterior 
of rim roughened. Medium temper. See figure 21, h. 


PLaTE 34 


a, Wide black core, narrow buff margins. Mediumtemper. Exterior, roughened 
buff. Interior, smooth buff. Considerable limestone dust deposited on sur- 
face. Lip painted red. Vertical ridges around middle. Indentations around 
collar. 0.8 cm. thick. See figure 22, a. 

b, Dark buff. Medium temper. Carbonized exterior shows marks of smoothing 
implement. Interior smooth. 0.7 cm. See figure 22, e. 

c, Smooth dark buff interior, red painted lip. Exterior carbonized and slightly 
roughed. Medium temper. 0.7 cm. thick. See figure 22, b. 

d, Polished dark buff interior decorated with six red stripes. Redlip. Exterior 
badly eroded but apparently had vertical ridges around middle similar to (a). 
Medium temper. lcm. thick. See figures 20, e; 23. 

e, Dark buff. Smooth interior and exterior. Red painted outflaring lip. 0.8 
em. thick. See figure 22, k. 

f, Dark buff. Smooth interior and exterior. Red painted beveled lip. Medium 
temper. 1.38cm. thick. See figure 22, m. 

g, Dark buff. Smooth interior and exterior. Red painted beveled lip. 1.3 
em. thick. See figure 20, a. 

PuaTE 35 


Large vessels with high collars. 


a, Dark buff polished interior, exterior roughened. Medium temper. Lip 
painted red. Applique octopus design. 1.3 cm. thick. See figure 22, d. 
b, Dark buff polished interior. Exterior combed. Medium temper. 0.9 ecm. 

thick. See figure 22, f. 

c, Buff, exterior of collar combed. Deep groove where collar joins body. Ex- 
terior of body smooth. Interior and lip of vessel smooth. Collar 12.4 cm. 
high. See figure 22, c. 

d, Collar and body of vessel combed buff. Smooth zone at point where collar 
joins body is polished brown. Interior is buff with black firing cloud. Medium 
temper. 0.7 cm. 

e, Black core, buff margins. Medium temper. Polished brown interior. Ex- 
terior combed. 1 cm. thick. 

f, Very thick black core, narrow buff margins. Combed buff exterior. Lip 
and interior smooth. Lip painted red. Coarse temper. 0.8 cm. thick. 


282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


PLATE 36 


Exterior of sherds shown in plate 37. 


a, Buff, carbonized on exterior. Deep incised groove sets off base of collar from 
body. Exterior shows marks of smoothing implement, such as cornhusk. 

b, Buff, carbonized on exterior. Curving convex collar. See plate 30, d. 

c, Carbonized buff ware, red lip. See figure 22, o. 

d, Buff interior and exterior, fine temper. See figure 20, g. 

e, Rough buff exterior, coarse paste. Red lip. See figure 22, j. 

f, Exterior rough, carbonized. See figure 20, h. 

g, Rough buff exterior. Red lip. 

h, Rough buff exterior. Deep incised groove separating collar from body. See 
figure 22, g. 

i, Rough buff exterior. Deep incised groove separating collar from body. 
Coarse temper. See figure 22, h. 

j, Rough buff exterior. Red lip. Deep incised groove separating collar from 
body. Coarse temper. 

k, Rough exterior, carbonized. Red lip. Coarse temper. See figure 22, 7. 


PLATE 37 


Interior of sherds shown in plate 36. 


a, Smooth buff with beveled rim on interior. Lip painted red. 
b, Same as (a). 

c, Polished buff. 

d, Smooth buff, fine temper. 

e, Smooth buff pitted by erosion. 

f, Carbonized, smooth buff. 

g, Smooth buff with red lip and broad red vertical lines painted on interior. 
h, Polished buff, beveled rim. 

7, Polished buff. 

j, Smooth buff. Red lip. 

k, Carbonized surface. Smooth buff, beveled rim. 


PLATE 38 


a—d, Conch spires with circular hole in center. 
e, Limestone chisel. 
f, Red jasper polishing stone. 
g, Polished celt of blue slate. 
PLATE 39 


a, Gray core and buff margins. Fine, sparsely tempered. Dusky yellowish 
orange (SYR6/6) interior and exterior. Smooth exterior, rough interior. Ap- 
plique animal figure. 0.7 cm. thick. 

b, Black core, buff margins. Coarse, medium tempered. Exterior, buff with 
splotches of orange. Fine regular combing, with band of extremely fine comb- 
ing extending 2.5 em. below lip. Polished orange interior with fine parallel 
ridges indicating use of rubbing stone. See figure 24, a. 

c, Dark buff paste. Fine, sparsely tempered. Dark buff, smooth exterior and 
interior of neck. Everted rim. Interior of body rough. See figure 24, e. 

d, Buff paste, fine tempered. Exterior of body, buff blackened by carbon, rough. 
Rim smooth and splotched with orange. Polished orange interior. Small 
buff areas are interspersed with the orange. This may be thin clay wash 
which has fired orange. See figure 24, d. 


Ano 21> ARCHEOLOGY, ALMIRANTE BAY, PANAMA—STIRLING 283 


e, Orange paste, medium temper. Smooth orange interior. Exterior decorated 
with punctate bosses. 

f, 90 percent brownish black core, 10 percent buff on interior and exterior. Coarse, 
moderate temper. Exterior combed, buff, with applique design. Interior, 
granular, pitted, buff. 2.2 em. thick. 

g, Orange paste. Very coarse, heavily tempered. Smooth orange interior and 
exterior. Loop handle. 

h, Buff, coarse moderate temper. Combed buff exterior. Granular buff interior. 

1, Buff fired orange and brownish black near rim. Coarse, moderate temper. 
Smooth interior. Exterior, smooth area 3.5 cm. below lip. Fine combing 
below this area. 1.5 cm. thick. See figure 24, b. 

j, Buff paste, coarse, moderate temper. Smooth buff exterior and interior. 
Applique octopus design. 

k, Same as (j) except that buff exterior is roughly combed. 

l, Paste black, with buff on surfaces. Coarse, heavily tempered. Surface, 
badly eroded. Applique octopus design. 


PLatE 40 


a, Buff paste and surfaces. Medium temper. Smooth exterior with grooved 
indentations outlining rim, 1.3 cm. from lip. Red paint on exterior of rim. 
Interior of body deeply combed or impressed. See figure 24, c. 

b, Same as (a). See figure 24, f. 

c, Brownish black core, buff surfaces. Medium temper. Smooth interior. 
Exterior has regular combing similar to plate 39, b, 7. See figure 24, g. 

d, Gray core, buff exterior and interior. Fine, sparsely tempered. Smooth buff 
exterior and interior. Fire cloud on interior. See figure 24, 7. 

e, Light buff paste. Fine, sparsely tempered. Rough, buff interior. Polished 
buff exterior with bold dusky red and narrow black, parallel lines. 0.7 cm. 
thick. 

f, Buff paste. Fine, sparsely tempered. Flakes of mica on polished buff in- 
terior. Rim and interior painted red. Exterior, smooth buff. 

g, Buff paste. Coarse, heavily tempered. Smooth orange exterior painted red. 
Interior eroded, granular. 

h, Buff paste. Medium temper. Exterior combed. Interior of rim smooth. 

1, Buff paste. Mediumtemper. Smoothsurfaces. Solid vessel support or heavy 
handle. 

j, k, Gray core, buff margins. Very fine temper, micaceous particles visible on 
surface. Smooth buff interior and exterior. 

l, Buff. Fine temper. Interior smooth. Exterior rough. 


PuatTE 41 


a-b, Female figure of Costa Rican type from Cocos Island, Almirante Bay. 
ce, Metate found on Cricamola River, photographed in town of Bocas del Toro. 
d, Metate from Bastimentos Key. 


PLATE 42 


a, One of the midden mounds on Darkland Point. This is the mound from 
which comes the Boc-1 material. 
b, Two of four large mortars hollowed from unshaped stones on Darkland Point. 
682—611—64_—_23 


984 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


PLATE 43 


a—b, Rings of limestone from the offshore island, Escudo de Veraguas, which was 
formerly a sacred place where the Guaymi made pilgrimages and held cere- 
monies. Engler collection. a, 8 cm. in diameter; b, 16.5 em. in diameter. 

c—e, Stone celts from Jungle Point. 

f, Limestone pestle from Jungle Point. 

g—n, Stone celts and celt fragments from cave site Boc-2. k is 10 cm. long. 


PuatTe 44 


a, Head from jaguar effigy metate found in burial cave, Boc-2. 

b, Head from jaguar effigy metate found on Valiente peninsula. Engler coll. 

c, Double-bitted ax (Engler coll.) found near Almirante. This specimen is of 
the same material and the same size as one of two found by us in a tomb at 
Barriles, Chiriqui. 

d-e, Double-bitted axes from Barriles, Chiriquf. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 28 


Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 1. 


(For explanation ,see p. 279.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 29 


4 IN. 


Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 1. 


(For explanation, see p. 279.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 30 


es a oe 10) OM. 
a ee eee 


Tripod vessels and subglobular bowls from Bocas del Toro, site 2 


(For explanation, see p. 280.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 


Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 


(For explanation, see p. 280.) 


31 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 32 


a el eed 10 CM. 
a ee 


Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 


(For explanation, see pp. 280-281.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 


10 CM. 
4 IN. 


Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 


(For explanation, see p. 281.) 


33 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 34 


Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 


(For explanation, see p. 281.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 


Se eT 
Se 


Large vessels with high collars from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 


(For explanation, see p. 281.) 


35 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 


ee OL 
ee 4 


Ceramic ware exteriors from Bocas del Toro, site 2 


(For explanation, see p. 282.) 


36 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 37 


Interiors of sherds shown in plate 36. 


(For explanation, see p. 282.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 38 


J 


CM. 


Nonceramic artifacts from Bocas del Toro, site 2. 


(For explanation, see p. 282.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 39 


4 IN. 


Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 3. 


(For explanation, see pp. 282-283.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 40 


Ceramic ware from Bocas del Toro, site 3. 


(For explanation, see p. 283.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 41 


Stone female figure from Cocos Island, Almirante Bay; stone metates from Cricamola River 
and Bastimentos Key. 


(For explanation, see p. 283.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 42 


Midden mound and mortars, Darkland Point. 


(For explanation, see p. 283.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 43 


m 


Stone artifacts from Escudo Island, Jungle Point, and Darkland Cave. 


(For explanation, see p. 284.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 44 


Jaguar heads and double-bitted axes. 


(For explanation, see p. 284.) 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 


Bulletin 191 


Anthropological Papers, No. 73 


THE ARCHEOLOGY OF TABOGA, URABA, AND 
TABOGUILLA ISLANDS, PANAMA 


By MATTHEW W. ann MARION STIRLING 


285 


682-611—64——-24 


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CONTENTS 


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Teele =: 5 a open mies, ere 11 | ears ud Mner eects opera SEs ene Sane Seam Ato 
DOS Ae =.) dl el ae at ee eh ety Bah Bie te BOR 

Og crSRU ESET \0 Sean enaeiee miele ROY LESS TTY ry 2M Aes OS ura ees We ene eens Oa er one 
Tabopuilla islands 249. - sh Vette Ps yeh ba fice wpe ae ak 
Papozuila—1 and: Paboguilla-24v 232) oe. pee ee hee ee ee eet 
Ceramics: < 25.4 2 eh yond lV hea ASB Ag 2 tty 


Mimigeaisirns © = Sbypea sh a oop py S gt og Sh he Bees ee ed Ne, at 
indented! a. 2h os Se aii D ere Oia ee eet ed a en 
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Ve Naya 0 leiceQeyetscs IR rec] te Peed eee ps aoe Coe Pees TO Ren See oe ge Se 


PabOriilla-B.. 52. = SE a nee tah sce pe ee eet lee, Beek 8 
IRETETEMCeSiCILEC Sane. ee ee i Oe Oe Opes Eee 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PLATES 
(All plates follow page 348) 


45. Rim sherds from large vessels; Taboga-1. 
46. Miscellaneous sherds; Taboga-1. 

47. Painted sherds; Taboga-1. 

48. Various zoned designs; Taboga-1. 

49. Miscellaneous sherds; Taboga-1. 

50. Pedestal and ring bases; Taboga-—1. 

51. Taboga stonework. 

52. Taboga and Taboguilla stone and shell. 
53. Miscellaneous sherds; Taboga-—4. 

54. Rim sherds; Taboga-—4. 

55. Urabd urns. 

56. Urabdé urns. 


287 


288 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 
PLATES—Continued 


57. Sites on Urabd and Taboguilla Islands. 

58. Bold incising; Taboguilla—1. 

59. Combing and incising; Taboguilla—1. 

60. Incised ware; Taboguilla—1. 

61. Various rim decorations; Taboguilla-—1. 

62. Narrow line combing; Taboguilla—1. 

63. Combed ware; Taboguilla—1. 

64. Fragments of globular bowls decorated with combed designs; Taboguilla—1. 
65. Multiple line combing; Taboguilla—1. 

66. Scallop impressions; Taboguilla—1. 

67. Filleting on combed surface; Taboguilla—1. 

68. Filleted ware; Taboguilla—1. 

69. Subglobular bowls with scallop indented filleting; Taboguilla—1. 

70. Collanders; Taboguilla—1. 

71. Sherds with bossed decorations; Taboguilla—1. 

72. Broad flat rims of subglobular bowls; Taboguilla—1. 

73. Subglobular bowls with strap handles; Taboguilla—1. 

74. Rim sherds of flat shallow plates; Taboguilla—1. 

75. Interior of rim sherds shown on plate 74. 

76. Micellaneous painted sherds; Taboguilla—1. 

77. Black-on-orange-and-black outlined with white-on-orange; Taboguilla—1. 
78. Black-and-white-on-orange pedestal base bowl sherds; Taboguilla—1. 
79. Reverse of plate 78. 

80. Pedestal base bowl sherds. 

81. Sherds from black-and-white-on-orange pedestal base bowls; Taboguilla-—1. 
82. Miscellaneous black-on-white-and-orange sherds; Taboguilla—1. 

83. Miscellaneous painted sherds; Taboguilla-1. 

84. Miscellaneous sherds; Taboguilla—3 rock shelter. 

85. Filleted and scallop impressed ware; Taboguilla—2. 

86. Miscellaneous sherds; Taboguilla—2. 

87. Miscellaneous sherds; Taboguilla—2. 

88. Miscellaneous sherds; Taboguilla—1. 

89. Miscellaneous sherds; Taboguilla—1. 

90. Taboguilla—3; rock shelter site on Taboguilla. 


TEXT FIGURES 


PAGE 
25) Rim profiles; “Vabepa-i_ = 2220 2 ees ee ae ee ee eee 300 
26; Rim profiles: Taboga—l_... 2. 2222.-252232222. 12-225) eee 301 
27, Rim profiles of red painted ware; Taboga-1___22_22-_ == 2-22 22 es 302 
28. Rim profiles from Jarge vessels; Taboga=1-22="=_ == 222" vias eee 303 
29. Rim: profiles: Tabaga—le- .. 323-2 222325 seen ek eee ae 304 
50;; Rim, profiless Tabogea-l.2 =. 524-255" 50 oe eee eee 305 
$1: Rim protiles; Tabora=-32.- = seu =2442 9224 eee 309 
32. Small pots with miniature saucers from Urabé_____-.-------------- 311 
33. Taboguilla rims proiles] 222403 soc ta oe eee eee ae ae 313 
34: Tabopuslia rim profiles.) 2222. 2a se ees See eee 314 
35; Restored: Taboguilla bull, ware jars 65-22-25. 5-- el 2 eee 315 
36. Restored Taboguilla, buff ware jar_.-.=.-2-.2 2-222-222-2522 316 


37: Restored Taboruills ceramic bowl...2-+--.-222225 2225-22 42 eee 317 


Antnrop,, P| TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 289 


TEXT FIGURES—Continued 


PAGE 
DoT ebeMOriOl (HEUTE OM) ee eee eo ee ee ee 318 
39. Restored Taboguilla orange-and-white bowl______________________- 319 
20 ivestored Laboruillayimeised jars222224 225320502452 kk seca 319 
Al nestored Tabopguilla meised jar. .- =) 2.222422 eee oko 320 
a hestored Caboguilla incised jars 222 2 oh a eee eee 321 
25; eucstoreu abomuilla meised gar 22202. et a8 ee ee 322 
Aa i aDOr tills anced BHeTOs=: See. (ssw eet mee Nee ee eo ne 323 
45. Restored Taboguilla buff ware jar with scallop indented filleting_____ 324 
46. Restored Taboguilla buff ware jar with scallop indented filleting_ ____ 325 
47. Restored Taboguilla incised jar with applique crescents_____________ 326 
48. Restored Taboguilla pedestal base bowl____._.____.._......-.__-_-- 328 
49. Restored Taboguilla pedestal base bowl_______.___._._____-_____-- 329 
50. Restored Taboguilla pedestal base bow]___________._..._-_-___-__- 350 
51. Restored Taboguilla pedestal base bowl_______________.___.-_____- 331 
52. Restored Taboguilla pedestal base bow]_____..._.__......_._-_-_-- 332 
53. Restored Taboguilla pedestal base bowl__._.___.__.______-_-._-______ 333 
54. Restored Taboguilla pedestal base bowl__________.___._.-.____-__- 334 


55. Restored Taboguilla pedestal base bowl___.____._.._.._.__._-___-_-- 335 


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PREFACE 


The archeological investigations on Taboga, Uraba, and Taboguilla 
Islands were conducted in March and April of 1953 as part of the 
archeological program in Panama under the auspices of the Smith- 
sonian Institution and the National Geographic Society. 

Accompanying the expedition as photographer, and assisting gen- 
erally in the work throughout the entire sequence of expeditions to 
Panama, was Richard H. Stewart, assistant chief of the Photographic 
Laboratory of the National Geographic Society. 

We are indebted to a number of friends both in the Republic of 
Panama and the Canal Zone for making our work easier and more 
efficient. Mr. Karl Curtis, longtime resident of the Canal Zone, gave 
unstintingly of his time and knowledge of Panamanian archeological 
sites. Mr. and Mrs. Paul A. Bentz kindly allowed us to use the large 
basement of their home in Balboa for the storage of our specimens 
and asa work laboratory. Above all, we are obligated to Dr. Alejandro 
Méndez, director of the Museo Nacional de Panama, for his cordial 
cooperation and assistance during all of our archeological investiga- 
tions in Panama. Others, too numerous to mention, gave us assist- 
ance in many ways and contributed to making our stay in Panama a 
very pleasant one. 

We are grateful to Mr. Edward G. Schumacher, artist for the 
Bureau of American Ethnology, for the line drawings in this report. 


291 


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ine 


THE ARCHEOLOGY OF TABOGA, URABA, AND 
TABOGUILLA ISLANDS, PANAMA 


By Marrurw W. and Marton Stririine 


INTRODUCTION 


The islands of Taboga, Urab4, and Taboguilla lie in the Gulf of 
Panama some 12 miles from the Pacific entrance to the Panama 
Canal. All three are relatively steep mountain peaks which project 
above the waters of the gulf and, as a consequence, there is a minimum 
of level ground on them. Urab& and Taboguilla lack fresh water 
during the dry season, and as a result have at the present time no 
permanent inhabitants. Urab4 is small and rocky and has very little 
cultivable ground. Taboguilla is larger and has a considerable area 
suitable for cultivation and some springs which furnish enough water 
for drinking purposes for all but 2 months of the year. At the present 
time there are three or four small houses on Taboguilla which are 
occupied temporarily by families from Taboga who have plantations 


on the island. 
TABOGA ISLAND 


Taboga, about 2 miles in length and 1 mile in width, is the largest 
of the three islands and the only one with permanent habitations. 
There is an ample supply of water and a small but good harbor with 
good anchorage. It is a very attractive place and now is famed as 
a pleasure resort. 

The area of the Bay of Panama extending from Taboga to the Pearl 
Islands is one of the world’s finest fishing grounds, a fact no doubt 
exploited by the aboriginal inhabitants. In fact, the name ‘“‘Panama’’ 
refers to the abundance of fish. Fishing now is the principal industry 
of Taboga as it probably was in pre-Columbian times. Judging from 
the nature of the archeological sites, the aborigines made considerable 
use of the shellfish which occur in abundance and considerable variety. 
The principal species used was Aequipecten circularis Sowerby, which 
constitutes probably one-half of the total shell content of the midden 
deposits. 

293 


294. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Because of the lack of suitable anchorages along the mainland 
of the Isthmus, and because good water was not readily available 
there, Taboga early became a key point for the trans-Isthmian traffic. 
Balboa scarcely had reached the Pacific before Taboga began a colorful 
history matched by few spots of equal size in the New World. 

The principal stream of water on Taboga flows through the only 
relatively level area on the island, that lying immediately back of 
the cove and beach. The present village occupies this area on both 
sides of the stream, the houses being built about as close together 
as possible. Since this is the only logical living site on the island, 
it was here also that the principal aboriginal settlement was located. 
Under the present village lie the remains of the old colonial Spanish 
town, and below that the midden deposits of the Indians. A cross 
section of this deposit is exposed where the ramp from the beach as- 
cends to the first narrow street on the village level. The church 
appears to be built over approximately the middle of the Indian 
village site. While this site would be naturally the most productive 
location for archeological research, it is impracticable to dig in it 
because of the buildings which cover it. At the present time the 
surface of the ground under and around the houses is littered with a 
mixture of Spanish and Indian sherds. 

Information concerning the Indians inhabiting Taboga at the time 
of the Conquest is almost nonexistent. Because of the early settle- 
ment of the island by the Spaniards and its limited area, it is probable 
that the bulk of the natives were killed or driven away early in the 
16th century. 

After raiding Parita and the Azuero Peninsula in 1515, Badajoz 
and his surviving followers fled to Chamé and thence to Taboga 
Island, being the first Europeans to land there. After nursing their 
wounds for several weeks in the security of the island, they returned 
to the mainland. Beyond the fact that the island received its name 
from Taboga, the chief who resided there, and that the Spaniards 
obtained 22,000 pesos of gold from the natives, we learn nothing from 
the early chronicles. It is probably safe to assume, however, that 
Badajoz obtained the gold by force and that his visit virtually brought 
to an end the aboriginal occupation of the island. 

In 1519 Pedrarias, then Governor of Panama, after taking posses- 
sion of the south coast, brought his force of 400 men to Taboga, from 
whence he established the old City of Panama. It is to be presumed 
that the Spaniards already had a settlement on the island, for in 
November of 1524 Pizarro sailed from Taboga on his epoch-making 
voyage of discovery which led to the conquest of Peru. 

In 1545, Pedro de Hinojosa, dispatched by Pizarro to capture 
Panama and place it under his control, outfitted and repaired his ships 


Anthrop. Pap. K 
"No. 73] — +‘TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 295 


at Taboga from whence he conducted his negotiations with the govern- 
ing officials on the mainland. During all of this time there is no 
mention of Indians on the island. 

In 1575 Dr. Alonso Criado de Castilla stated that “Five leagues 
from the City of Panama was the island of Otoque, and three leagues 
from Panama was the island of Taboga; both tilled and cultivated by 
some inhabitants of Panama who planted and harvested corn.” 
This would seem to indicate that the aboriginal population had been 
replaced in the main by mestizos and Spaniards. 

In 1610, in reply to queries sent out by the Spanish Crown, the 
following item is of interest: 

The districts about Panama formerly had many pueblos of Indians, but only 
three remained. That of Chepo was eight leagues to the east . . . . Chepo had 
40 Indian inhabitants, ruled by their own governor, constable, and two mandadores. 

On Isla del Rey [in the Pearl Islands] to the east, 18 leagues from Panama and 6 
leagues from Tierra Firma was another pueblo which usually contained 500 Indians 
but then only 12. The third village of natives was on Isla Taboya [Taboga] 4 
leagues south of the City with but 12 inhabitants, who were very poor like those 
of del Rey. None of these Indians paid tribute, and all spoke the Spanish lan- 
guage, having entirely forgotten their own. [Anderson, 1938, p. 281.] 

Reference to this pathetic remnant is the last contemporary men- 
tion of the Taboga natives. It is certain that the Indians had no 
part in the hectic events that took place on and about Taboga during 
the next two centuries when it was a key point in the activities of 
the buccaneers and other freebooters who roamed the South Sea and 
repeatedly burned and sacked the town, which was always promptly 
rebuilt on the same spot beside the clear stream which here flows 
into the cove. 

In 1671, when Morgan sacked Old Panama, the Spanish refugees 
fled by boat to Taboga and Taboguilla. It was not long after this 
that Captain Searles was sent to capture the Spanish treasure ship 
Trinity; he captured it at Taboga. The ship was poorly equipped for 
defense, but Taboga was stored with “several sorts of rich wines” 
with which Searles’ men “plentifully debauched themselves.” By 
the time they had sobered up, the Trinity had escaped. 

Hven as late as 1819 Captain Illingsworth and his group of Chileans 
landed on Taboga, where they looted and burned the village. 

A number of early descriptions of the island have been left us by 
the more literate of the buccaneers. That of Capt. William Dampier, 
written in 1685, would serve very well to describe the Island today: 

The 24th day we run over to the Island Tabago. Tabago is in the Bay, and 
about 6 Leagues South of Panama. It is about 3 mile long, and 2 broad, a high 
mountainous Island. On the north side it declines with a gentle descent to the 


Sea. The Land by the Sea is of a black Mold and deep; but towards the top 
of the Mountain it is strong and dry. The North side of this Island makes a 


296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


very pleasant shew, it seems to be a Garden of Fruit inclosed with many high 
trees; the chiefest Fruits are Plantains and Bonano’s. They thrive very well 
from the foot to the middle of it; but those near the top are but small, as wanting 
moisture. Close by the Sea there are many Coco-Nut-Trees, which make a 
very pleasant sight. Within the Coco-Nut-Trees there grow many Mammet 
(Mamé) Trees.... The S.W. end of the island hath never been cleared, but 
is full of Firewood, and Trees of divers sorts. There is a very fine small Brook 
of fresh Water, that springs out of the side of the Mountain, and gliding through 
the Grove of Fruit trees, falls into the Sea onthe North side. There was a small 
Town standing by the Sea, with a Church at one end, but now the biggest part 
of it is destroyed by the Privateers. 'The buccaneers under Sawkins lay here 
from May 2-15, 1680.[!] There is good anchoring right against the Town, about 
a mile from the shoar, where you may have 16 or 18 fathom Water, soft oazy 
ground. ‘There is a small Island close by the N.W. end of this called Tabogilla 
[actually Urabdé], with a small Channel to pass between. ‘There is another 
woody Island about a mile on the N.E. side of Tabago, and a good Channel 
between them: this Island [Taboguilla] hath no Name that ever I heard. 
[Dampier, 1717.] 

It is clear from the rather abundant literature concerning Taboga, 
that from earliest times, together with Taboguilla and Otoque, it 
was the vegetable garden and fruit orchard first for Old Panama, 
and later to a lesser extent for the modern city. 

It is interesting to note the apparent changes over the centuries 
in the character of the crops raised. Jn 1575, the principal crop was 
corn. In 1685 Dampier states that the chief crop was plantains and 
bananas, but also mentions coconuts and mames. At the present 
time the principal crops are pineapples and papayas, which are grown 
in clearings on the steep hillsides. The pineapples of Taboga are 
famous for their quality, and it is local tradition that the original 
plantings for the Hawaiian Islands came from here. 

The aboriginal occupants of Taboga were probably moderately 
prosperous, since Badajoz looted them of a fairly substantial quantity 
of gold. <A few years ago, our workmen told us, a gold ‘‘Corona,”’ 
a plain band of gold about 1 inch in width, to be worn around the 
head, was washed out of the bank of the creek. The finders divided 
it equally among themselves by breaking it into three parts. Lo- 
throp illustrates several gold specimens said to have come from 
Taboga. 

With the aid of natives we were able to locate several midden 
sites other than that underlying the village. 


TABOGA-1 
Near the northeastern extremity of Taboga is a small cove, back 


of which is located the station from which is operated a radar installa- 
tion on the summit of the island. Above the station, at an elevation 
1““While we were here,” says Ringrose (1684), ‘‘some of our men being drunk on shore, happened to set 


fire unto one of the Houses, the which consumed twelve houses more before any could get ashoar to 
quench it.’’ 


Anthrop..P4?- TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 297 


of about 350 feet, the ground levels off somewhat at a point where 
an ephemeral stream runs during the wet season. On this area 
grow a number of mango and lime trees and a few coconut palms. 

Taboga-1 is a midden deposit consisting of a mixture of shells 
and black earth and covering an area approximately 100 feet in dia- 
meter on the south slope of a shallow dry ravine. About 6 inches 
of black soil covered the midden deposit. Under this the shell 
layer decreased in depth from 36 inches at the north, or lower, end 
to 24 inches at the south end. Under the shell the natural base was a 
very hard packed mixture of rough rocks and clayey soil. We dug 
a test trench into this base to a depth of 2 feet without finding any 
artifacts. Trench 1 was laid out 20 feet 20 feet and excavated 
in four sections each 5 feet < 20 feet in dimension. The material 
was removed in 1-foot layers 0-12 inches, 12—24 inches, and 24-36 
inches. 

STONE, BONE, AND SHELL 


Although potsherds were fairly abundant through the deposit and 
stone artifacts were moderately common, there were no artifacts of 
shell or bone. Shells were abundant and in considerable variety, 
33 species being collected. It is interesting to note that the specimens 
from the midden average a considerably larger size than the same 
species living in these waters today. 


The following were found in Taboga 1:? 


GASTROPODA 
Tegula (Tegula) pellis-serpentis Wood 
Nerila (Ritena) scabricosta Lamarck 
Cypraea (Macrocypraea cervinetto) Kiener 
Planaxis planicostatus Sowerby 
Strombus peruvianus Swainson 
Strombus gracilior Sowerby 
Strombus granulatus Swainson 
Malea ringens Swainson 
Thais (Vasula) melenes Duclos 
Muricanthus radiz Gmelin 
Muricanthus nigritus Philippi 
Turbinella castanea Reeve 
Fasciolaria (Pleuroploca) princeps Sowerby 
Fasciolaria (Pleuroploca) salmo Wood 
Melongena patula Broderip and Sowerby 
Mitra (? Strigatella) belchert Hinds 
Vasum caestus Broderip 
Terebra sp. (worn) 
Terebra (Strioterebrum) glauca Hinds 


2 The identifications were made by Dr. R. Tucker Abbott. Nomenclature follows that of A. M. Keen 
(1958). 


298 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


PELECYPODA 
Codakia distinguenda Tryon 
Arca pacifica Sowerby 
Anadara (Larkinia) grandis Broderip and Sowerby 
Anadara (Anadara) formosa Sowerby 
Aequipecten (Plagioctenium) circularis Sowerby 
Lyropecten (Lyropecten) subnodosus Sowerby 
Ostrea chilensis Philippi 
Chama frondosa Broderip 
Trachycardium (Trachycardium) consors Sowerby 
Periglypta multicostata Sowerby 
Chione (Chione) californiensis Broderip 
Protothaca grata Say 
Megapitaria aurantiaca Sowerby 

BARNACLE: Tetraclita squamosa panamensis Pilsbry 

Fish bones were present in some quantity, but were not as abundant 
as might have been expected. ‘The most common shellfish was 
Aequipecten circularis, which constituted approximately one-half of the 
total number. No mammal or bird bones were recovered. 

The most abundant stone artifacts consisted of round polishing 
stones, hammerstones and manos, or grinding stones, all adapted from 
naturally shaped beach stones. One broken metate leg was found in 
layer 0-12 inches. Three rather crude, blunt stone celts were found, 
two in layer 0-12 inches, one in 12-24 inches. The manos were of no 
standard shape, but generally short rather than long, and somewhat 
flat in cross section. The polishing stones and hammerstones varied 
in size from that of a golf ball to somewhat larger than a baseball. In 
the 12-24 inch level was an interesting graver made from a lamellar 
flake of yellow flint. 

Since the concentration of midden material seemed to increase 
toward the northeast corner of trench 1 we laid out trench 2, 2525 
feet parallel to trench 1, and just to the northeast of it. Over a portion 
of this area was a stone rectangle, 19 feet square, which lay on the 
surface, possibly a house foundation. Some of the stones weighed 
from 200 to 300 pounds each. 

In trench 2, the midden layer varied from 32 inches in thickness 
along the west wall to 24 inches on the east wall. We carried the 
excavation to an actual depth of 44 inches, finding the base material 
to be the same as in trench 1. We could find no traces of a floor or 
structure under the stone ‘foundation.”’ 

In general, the contents of the midden were similar to those in 
trench 1, but stone objects were somewhat more abundant. In the 0-12 
inch level we found two legless metates; one rectangular, the other 
oval. The latter had been worn so thin that a hole had formed in the 
bottom. In this level was also a small but well polished celt with a 


sharp cutting edge, a number of hammerstones and manos made from 


Any 43] 2 TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 299 


beach stones, and a yellow flint arrowhead of the rough prismatic form 
characteristic of Veraguas and Coclé sites (pls. 51, 52). 

In the 12-24 inch level was another oval legless metate, and two 
peculiar well-made large polished stone ‘“‘axes’”’ of an oval shape. 
In this level there was also an interesting carved stone bird effigy 
7.5 em. long (pl. 51), and a second large prismatic flint arrowhead. 
Near this was a deposit consisting of several hundred unworked 
sharks’ teeth. 

CERAMICS 


The potsherds were broken into relatively small fragments in both 
trenches, and not a single complete vessel was found. In trench 2 at a 
depth of 20 inches was a small red-painted subglobular jar, broken into 
many pieces but almost complete. 

Typical pottery forms are globular and subglobular bowls with 
restricted orifices, hemispherical bowls, and olla shapes with out- 
flaring rims or collared necks. More elaborate vessels were pedestal 
and ring base bowls. Some of the pedestal bases are short and squat, 
others tall and slender. 

The pedestal bowls were typically decorated with black and white 
designs on an orange base. The designs were sometimes on the ex- 
terior, sometimes on the interior of the bowls. Frequently, red paint 
alone was used on the interior, the exterior, or both. Often it was 
applied only to the lip or the neck of the vessel. Simple designs in 
black were sometimes put on the red base. 

There were two types of red paint used; one a true dark red, the 
other an orange which varied in tone from yellowish to red. The two 
shades occasionally were applied on the same vessel to give a contrast- 
ing design. 

Sometimes white or cream was used as a base, with designs in red 
or orange. In at least one instance the orange designs were outlined 
with narrow black lines. 

Modeled designs were infrequent. Some subglobular bowls were 
decorated with curving, parallel, raised ridges impressed with scallop 
shells. These vessels had horizontal loop handles. Sherds from two 
plain red bowls of thin hard ware were decorated with rows of raised 
bosses. Incising was rather common and was usually in connection 
with zoned designs. Punctate decorations were almost invariably of 
the zoned variety. 

Large ollas often were decorated with brushing or scallop combing, 
especially on the necks. The best idea of the pottery and decorative 
techniques can be obtained from the illustrations and plate descrip- 
tions. 


3800 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Ficure 25.—Rim profiles found at Taboga-1, Trench 1, 0’’-24”’. 


302 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Ficure 27.—Rim profiles of red painted ware found at Taboga-l, Trench 2, 0’’-12"". 


BUREAU OF 


Ficure 29.—Rim profiles found at Taboga—-1, Trench 2, 12’’-24’’. 


TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 305 


op. Pap. 
No. 73] 


Anthr 


30.—Rim profiles found at Taboga-1, Trench 2, 24’’-36’’. 


FIGURE 


306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 
POTTERY WARES 


Buff ware.—There are three primary types of ware at Tab-1. Un- 
slipped buff ware is the most abundant. The majority of these 
vessels were more or less globular jars with short collars and outflaring 
rim with thickened lip. In 12 percent, the lips are painted red. 

Using Munsell equivalents, the surface color varies from an orange 
cast 5YR 6/6, to a yellowish cast 10YR 7/6. Sometimes both of these 
variants can be found on the same pot as well as gray, orange, and 
brown firing clouds. Therefore the exact shade is not particularly 
significant. The exteriors of the pots generally are well smoothed. 
In some cases there are surface striations from dragging of temper 
particles during smoothing. The interiors are not as well finished. 
Some show narrow marks of a smoothing implement such as a pebble, 
or wider marks as from a gourd. 

The surface is slightly rough to the touch, and sherds that have 
weathered are sandy and granular on the surface. It is probable that 
this ware was self-slipped. 

Buff ware varies considerably in the color of the paste. It some- 
times is fired with a gray core and buff margins of equal thickness. 
Sometimes the gray core is 95 percent, with narrow buff margins. 
Occasionally it is completely buff, evidently as the result of being fired 
more heavily. These variations hold for very thin as well as very 
thick ware. 

Tempering material is granular with angular particles, medium 
to coarse in texture. In some instances temper is used moderately; 
in others, heavily. Flakes of white and red usually are mixed in. 

The pottery does not break evenly; the fractures are rough and 
granular. Thickness in buff ware varies from 6 mm. to 23 mm. 

Orange Slipped—tThe shapes in general are the same as the buff 
ware, excepting that there were a few shallow bowls with outflaring 
rims. 

The slip is moderate orange 5YR 5/6 with splotches of light brown 
5YR 5/6. 

The slipped surfaces often show fine parallel ridges, made by the 
polishing stone, which are rough where the slip has weathered away. 
Particles of mica glisten on the surface. 

The orange-slipped surface is smooth but not slick. Unslipped 
interiors are often rough and granular. This slip seems to be more 
thinly applied than is the red slip. 

The paste is a moderate orange in color varying to light brown. 

Frequently the rims, and sometimes the interiors, of this ware are 
painted red. When orange-slipped ware is painted red, the result 
is a much truer red than that seen on red-slipped ware, either because 


. Pap. A 
jos; {P? ~'TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 307 


it is a thicker application or, more probably, because it appears darker 
over the orange slip. It is a strong red, 5R 4/10. 

Red Slupped.—Shapes were less restricted than with the other wares. 
In addition to the typical buff ware forms, there were globular jars 
with straight collars varying from 2 to 4 cm. in height. There was 
one bowl with a thickened, incurving rim. 

The slip varies in color from moderate reddish orange, 10R 6/8 
and 10R 4/10 to moderate reddish brown 10R 4/8, and dark reddish 
orange, 10R 5/8 or 5/6 and 7.5R 4/10. 

The exterior is well smoothed and the red slip is polished and slick 
to the touch. Usually the slip contains mica. The interior is some- 
times smooth, but often it is left rough with particles of the temper 
protruding from the paste. 

Marks of the polishing implement are frequently visible on the 
surface, giving it a streaked, uneven luster. 

The slip itself is moderately heavy and is crazed and abraded in 
many cases. 

In color the paste is weak yellowish orange 10YR 7/6 to weak 
orange 5YR 6/6 and light brown 5YR 5/6. It generally is fired 
evenly. Red-slipped pottery which is decorated is finer tempered and 
breaks evenly. 

The texture of this ware is generally medium to coarse with angular 
tempering material including mica. In some instances white quartz 
is abundant giving the fractures a “snowy”’ appearance. 

Red-slipped ware varies in thickness from 6 to 12 mm. 


TABOGA-2 


About 400 meters northwest of Taboga-1, and at a somewhat 
higher elevation, is another occupation site with a much thinner 
deposit of midden material. No excavations were made here, but 
a surface collection showed that the pottery is similar in most respects 
to that in Taboga-1. 

There is one pedestal base bowl painted red on both the exterior 
and interior; another had black stripes on a red base on the exterior, 
while the interior is plain. The one unique sherd was a medium high 
collar rim with horizontal combing on the interior and vertical comb- 
ing on the exterior. It was unpainted and had a flat lip. One body 
sherd was decorated with two notched raised horizontal lines. 

Our conclusion was that the occupation was contemporary with 
Taboga-l. 

TABOGA-3 

On the north side of the main arroyo that flows through the village, 

and about 600 meters northwest of the last houses, is a rock shelter 


308 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


cave at the base of a small cliff about 200 meters from the stream. 
It is about 16 meters across the mouth and 10 meters deep. It 
evidently had been used as an offertory, or burial place, but we found 
no bones in it. Although the earthen floor was about 1 meter in 
depth, the cultural material did not extend below 25 cm. Potsherds 
were abundant, but there were no shells or other evidence of midden 
material. The great majority of the sherds consisted of fragments of 
large ollas, some with smooth, some with combed, surfaces. The 
necks of the ollas frequently are decorated with horizontal combing 
or what may be cord impressions. A few body sherds had a red 
slip on the exterior and one had a row of bosses around the shoulder, 
made by pressing from the interior. A number of sherds were car- 
bonized on the exterior from use on the fire. Some bottom sherds 
from large ollas were up to 4.5 cm. in thickness. 


TABOGA-4 


Approximately 400 meters west of the sandspit that joins Taboga 
with El Morro at the north end of the island, there is a small valley 
with a stream that flows only during the wet season. About 200 
meters above the mouth of this stream, and approximately 50 meters 
above sea level on the north side of the slope, is a midden deposit 
about 40 cm. deep. 

We excavated a trench in approximately the middle of this, 8 
meters < 8 meters, saving all of the sherds. We were struck by the 
fact that the pottery differs considerably from that in Taboga-1. 

Painted ware consists typically of red and black stripes on a buff 
or cream slip. Sometimes black stripes were on a red slip. Fre- 
quently either the entire interior or exterior, or both, were red slipped. 
The “red” color varies from orange to red. The more elaborately 
painted examples were bowl forms, frequently with flat beveled rims. 

Larger vessels were olla forms of buff ware with outflaring rims or 
collared necks. The necks usually were decorated with rough comb- 
ing, probably done with the edge of a scallop shell. Often these 
vessels had the lip painted red. Commonly the olla bodies were 
roughened by brushing. 

Some of the more noticeable points of difference from Taboga-—1 
were the much larger percentage of combed or brushed ware, the lack 
of enlarged lips, and the apparent complete lack of incising. 

Stone artifacts were rare. There was one crude celt of a bluish 
black stone, and quite a number of flint chips including one long 


lamellar flake. 


TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 309 


Anthrop. Pap. 
73] 


No. 


Ficure 31.—Rim profiles from Taboga-3. 


310 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


TABOGA-5 


On the precipitous south side of Taboga there is a cave located 
directly below the highest part of the island. It is about 5 or 6 meters 
above high water. There is no beach along this exposed part of the 
island. To visit the cave we landed from our boat on a rocky ledge 
and easily reached it by skirting the lower part of the cliff. 

The cave slopes downward at about a 20° angle and the entrance 
is not high enough to stand up in. It seems to have been a high nar- 
row cleft, the floor of which has been built up with bat dung and by 
material washed in from the hillside. It is quite dry. 

In climbing up the short talus below the mouth of the cave we 
saw a number of potsherds. The cave is apparently quite deep and 
is inhabited by myriads of vampire bats. We did not have lights 
and therefore did not enter. It is quite probable that it contains 
offerings, judging from the potsherds on the talus. 


URABA ISLAND 


The rocky and precipitous islet of Uraba lies to the southeast of 
Taboga, from which it is separated by a narrow but deep channel. 
It has no permanent water and but little land suitable for cultivation. 
At the present time it is unpopulated. 

Our Taboga Island guide told us that he knew of some rock shelters 
containing human bones and large pottery vessels in an area so rugged 
that it was practically never visited. 

With an outboard motor we left Taboga, passed through the 
channel, and, following the south side of the islet, entered a deep 
hidden cove at the southeast corner. From this point we cut our 
way up a steep spur of the mountain and down to the north side. 
Here is an impressive cliff of massive basalt about 60 meters high. 
A broad shelf at the base of the cliff is covered with a pile of huge 
angular blocks of basalt fallen from the cliff. We climbed through 
and over this tangled mass of stone, some of the blocks as big as a 
small house. The rocks are overgrown with tropical trees and the 
whole area is a roost for hundreds of pelicans. Our guide asked us 
to wait while he located the site, and in 10 minutes he returned carry- 
ing a big olla. He brought us to a place where three gigantic blocks 
combined to form a rock shelter about 4 X 5 meters in area. Open 
in the middle, there is an overhang on both sides. Looking down we 
could see a dozen or more pottery ollas, mostly broken, but apparently 
disturbed only by nature since they had been placed there. 

About 30 meters north of this main depository, we found another 
containing three pots. We photographed the offerings as they were, 
then, after cleaning out the accumulated rubbish, photographed them 


Anon, °P TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 311 


again. All of the large ollas were broken to some extent and in 
many instances pieces had fallen into crevices, or been covered by 
small slabs of stone (pl. 57). 

The largest number of pots had been placed in the north end, where 
they were somewhat exposed. Others had been placed far back 
under both the east and west overhangs. At the extreme rear of the 
east side there were fragments of human long bones, well chewed by 
rodents. It appeared that the bones belonged to a single individual. 

Under the east overhang, which was a sort of two-story affair, 
more pots were placed well back on the main floor. On the rather 
narrow upper floor had been put two small jars. These latter had 
been so well protected that they were still in their original upright 
positions. They were intact, and each contained within it a rather 


Ficure 32.—Small pots with miniature saucers from Uraba. 


312 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


crudely made saucer-shaped miniature vessel. As nearly as we could 
tell, there were 23 pots in all. 

The entire collection filled six large potato sacks and it required 
three round trips for our two men to transport them to the boat. 
Two ollas were too large for the sacks and were carried separately. 

Two of the ollas had traces of red paint and one small vessel had 
a simple geometric pattern in black painted on the interior. The 
pottery varies in color from light buff to brick red, and is very hard. 
Considering the size of the majority of the vessels, the tempering 
is not coarse. The wall thickness of the large ollas generally varies 
from 5 to 13 mm., but the bases on some are 26 mm. thick. Approx- 
imately one-half are decorated with rather haphazard combing, 
probably done with a scallop shell. The remainder are smooth and 
plain. The typical shape is that of a round-bottomed rather squat 
olla with outflaring rim. One large and one small vessel had a bevel 
around the widest part of the body. The small pots were made of 
the same type ware and were similar in shape excepting for the two 
saucer-shaped miniatures placed inside small vessels as described 
above. 

The large ollas varied in height from 30 to 40 cm. The largest 
orifice measured 33 cm. across (pls. 55, 56). 

It is evident that the pottery deposits were burial offerings, un- 
doubtedly for bodies brought from Taboga. Bones apparently were 
not placed in the urns, which presumably contained food. It is 
probable that Urab4& was uninhabited in prehistoric times but may 
have supported limited cultivation by the people of Taboga as it 
does today. 

TABOGUILLA ISLAND 


On Taboguilla Island we excavated three sites. Two of these are 
midden deposits on the west side of the island. Taboguilla—1 is 
located at an elevation of about 115 meters above the sand beach 
where, at the time of our visit, a few unoccupied shacks were located. 
Taboguilla-2 is at an elevation of about 100 meters almost directly 
below Taboguilla-1. Since the two deposits seemed to contain the 
same type of material, we excavated a test trench in Taboguilla—2 
to check on this fact, and concentrated our efforts on Taboguilla-1, 
which was considerably larger and more productive. The refuse 
of Taboguilla-1, consisting of black earth mixed with shell, was 
somewhat more than 1 meterin depth. Potsherds were very abundant 
and in a good state of preservation. We conducted the excavations 
stratigraphically, but our statistics showed no change in the type or 
proportions of the ceramics. We concluded that the midden repre- 
sented a single occupation over a not very considerable length of time. 

Taboguilla—3 is a rock shelter about 200 meters south of Taboguilla-1. 


Anwron..faP- TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 313 


TABOGUILLA-1 AND TABOGUILLA-2 
CERAMICS 


Considerable thought and time were put into a decision on the 
matter of color nomenclature. The problem is a common one in 
Panama: red vs. orange. Since frequently sherds from the same 


oO / 2: 3 
(ee eel 
oO INCHES 8 
a | 
cM. 


Ficure 33.—Rim profiles from Taboguilla—l. 


314 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Figure 34.—Rim profiles from Taboguilla-1. 


Amo 23} °> TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 315 


vessel showed a considerable variation in shade (from reddish orange 
to yellow orange) we considered grouping all such colors under orange. 
However, definite oranges are found on interiors and exteriors of 
painted sherds and in several instances red was applied on orange 
as an intentional color contrast. We finally decided to retain the 
distinction of red, orange, and buff, giving Munsell equivalents with 
the realization that certain vessels show a considerable range in hue. 
The only true reds are probably either the black on red type or those 
instances where we have red on orange. Vessels showing a color 
range, for example, are (pl. 71, a, c, d), which vary from dark tones, 
Morocco Red (pl. 58) to Madder Brown (pl. 70), Brick Red (pl. 70), 
Kaiser Brown (pl. 71), and Hay’s Russet (pl. 71). The lighter tones 
are more common. 

The oranges are Ferruginous (1 YR4.5/8), Vinaceous-Roufous 
(10R4.5/9) (pl. 71), and Ochraceous Tawny (yellow orange) (pl. 72). 

The light buffs are Cartridge Buff (pl. 87), Cream Buff (pl. 87), 
and Light Buff (pl. 72). 


oO fi 2 3 
INCHES 
0 8 
le  — 
CM. 


Figure 35.—Restored Taboguilla buff ware jar. 


316 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


INCHES 


CM. 


Ficure 36.—Restored Taboguilla globular buff ware jar. 


The browns are from Brown-Bay to Burnt Sienna (pl. 59), Mars 
Orange and Liver Brown (pl. 71), and Sanford’s Brown and Hay’s 
Russet. 

The only other colors used were black and white. All possible 
combinations of these three colors were used at one time or another. 
Although there is no inflexible rule, the different color combinations 
tend to correlate with particular vessel forms. A discussion of 
decorative techniques follows. 


PAINTED WARES 


Trichrome.—The majority of the trichrome vessels were pedestal 
base bowls. 

(a) Black-on-white exterior, black-on-orange interior with the 
orange overlapping the lip. A variant of this has a plain orange 
interior. 


Anthrop.,F@P- TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 317 


Oo / 2 4 
o \ INCHES 8 
[——  — __ 
cM. 


Figure 37.—Restored Taboguilla shallow buff ware bowl. 


(b) Black-on-white interior, orange exterior. A variant has a 
white-on-orange exterior. 

(c) Black-on-orange interior and exterior with white on the base. 

(d) Black, white and orange exterior, black-on-orange interior. 

(e) Black, white and orange interior, orange exterior. 

(f) Black-and-white-on-orange interior and exterior. 

(g) Black-and-orange-on-buff. One collander had this decoration. 

Bichrome.—These combinations usually were applied to high- 
necked globular vessels. 

(a) Black-on-white exterior. 

(b) Black-on-orange exterior. 

(c) Orange-on-white exterior. 

(d) Black-on-red, interior or exterior. 

Monochrome.—This ware is commonly in the form of globular pots 
with outflaring rim. 

(a) Plain orange, interior and exterior. 

(b) Plain orange, exterior. 

(c) Plain white, exterior. 


INCISING 


Bold incising.—This is a freehand technique where deep parallel 
lines were formed, usually in curvilinear patterns. 

Inght wmcising—This is a somewhat more delicate technique in 
which parallel lines usually were applied to form a crosshatched 
design. 


682-—611—64——_26 


318 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 194 


oO / 2 3 
O INCHES 8 
a ee 
CM. 


Ficure 38.—Interior of figure 37, restored, with black painted design. 


Narrow line combing.—This name has been given to a style where 
a comb with three or four tines was used to produce a special effect. 
Bands produced in this way were vertical, horizontal, curvilinear, 
crosshatched, or squiggled. 

Multiple line combing—As the name implies, a sharp comb with 
more teeth was used. The designs are less precise than in narrow 
line combing. Perhaps to be considered a variation of this, is combing 
with the edge of a pecten or scallop shell. This usually is applied 
rather lightly and produces an effect similar to brushing, as the lines 
are broad and shallow. 


Am 3}? «= TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 319 


INCHES 
t¢) 8 
————— __ 
CM. 


Ficure 39,—Restored Taboguilla orange-and-white bowl; orange body, white shoulder, 
orange interior and exterior lip. 


INCHES 


cM, 


Ficure 40.—Restored Taboguilla jar with deep multiple line incising. 


320 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


INCHES 
fo) 8 
= 
CM. 


Ficure 41.—Restored Taboguilla jar with deep multiple line incising. 


Anthrop..t*P. TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 321 


INCHES 


CM. 


Ficure 42.—Restored Taboguilla jar with deep multiple line incising. 


[Bull. 191 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


322 


INCHES 


CM. 


incising. 


Ficure 43.—Restored Taboguilla jar with deep multiple line 


Amo ya} > ~=©6TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 323 


Figure’ 44.—Incised sherds from Taboguilla-1. 


324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


INDENTED 


The most common method of indenting was to press with the edge 
of a scallop shell. Indentations also were produced with a wedge- 
shaped implement. Ordinary punctate designs, produced with the 
point of a sharp instrument, are rare. Usually the punctations are 
coarse. 


(a) / 2 3 
INCHES 
oO 8 
| 
cM. 


Figure 45.—Restored Taboguilla buff ware jar with scallop indented filleting. 


an 83} 2 TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 325 


: ae 


age 
at ‘s 


INCHES 
ce] 8 
eel 
cM. 


Ficure 46.—Restored Taboguilla buff ware jar with scallop indented filleting. 


326 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 
APPLIQUE 


Filleting—Raised lines were applied horizontally, vertically, and in 
curvilinear style. Frequently the fillets were plain; more often they 
were decorated by indenting, either with a scallop shell or a wedge- 
shaped implement. 

Animal figures —Filleted designs occasionally were embellished 
further with stylized figures of lizards (alligators) or frogs. 

Bosses.—Hemispherical bosses were used rather frequently. Some- 
times they were isolated or in pairs, sometimes placed close together 
in parallel lines or in a haphazard fashion. 


INCHES 


cM. 


Ficure 47.—Restored Taboguilla incised jar with applique crescents. 


An ¥3} 2 TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 327 
HANDLES 


Loop handles were attached to subglobular bowls of plain red 
ware. Some were flat, others round in cross section. The great 
majority were placed horizontally, but there were a few vertical 
examples. 


PEDESTAL BASES 


The most elaborately decorated vessels, as a rule, were the pedestal 
base bowls. Instead of the regular sweeping upward curve usually 
seen in Panama, the Taboguilla examples typically have a bulge in 
the column between the base and the bowl. Some of the bases are 
decorated by pressing with the edge of a scallop shell. Most are 
scallop combed on the interior. 


TRIPODS 


There was a single specimen of a Chiriqui type tripod bowl of 
brown ware. This was undoubtedly an imported piece, but is inter- 
esting because of its association. It was well polished on the exterior 
but rough on the inside. The body has a sharp shoulder decorated 
with bosses, and the inside of the outflaring rim had been painted red. 
The hollow supports had been broken off, so their form is conjectural. 


STONE AND SHELL 


Artifacts other than pottery were extremely scarce. Two small 
celts of a hard fine-grained blue diorite are 7.5 cm. and 5.5 cm. in 
length. Broad at one end, they are pointed at the other. They 
are relatively thin and were shaped by a combination of flaking and 
polishing (pl. 65, 8, c). 

A third specimen of the same material is better finished, but its 
original form is puzzling. Although the photograph does not show 
this fact, it has a very sharp cutting edge at both ends, thus making 
it unique. Since both sides are broken off, it may be that it is the 
middle of an elongated implement with sharp sides (pl. 65, a). 

A number of chips of yellow flint were scattered through the deposit, 
but no knives or arrowheads were found (pl. 65, d). 

A single massive polished shell cylinder was found. It is un- 
perforated and probably was not intended as a bead (pl. 65, e). 

An imitation jaguar canine of shell, perforated laterally, was found 
in the nearby rock shelter (Taboguilla-3). 


328 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


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Anon .f 2 TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 329 


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TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 331 


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TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 333 


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TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 335 


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336 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


TABOGUILLA-3 


Taboguilla-3 was a rock shelter which had been used for burial 
purposes. Fragments of long bone shafts pertained to at least five 
individuals. One was an infant, another a child, and the rest were 
probably adults. Also present were two right maxillary and three 
mandible fragments, an almost complete mandible and seven loose 
teeth, a right mastoid process of an adult and another of a child. There 
were two fragments of a skull vault. 

The majority of the pottery consisted of sherds belonging to large 
unpainted buff ollas. There were, however, a variety of decorated 
sherds from smaller vessels. 

Painting consisted of black-on-white, black-on-red, or plain red or 
orange. 

There was some incised ware and both plain and indented filleting. 
One unique sherd indicated that the vessel had been wrapped with a 
fiber string and then painted white, thus producing a negative design 
where the cord had been (pl. 84, /). 

As already stated, one of the two shell artifacts that we found on 
Taboguilla consisted of the replica of a jaguar canine, perforated 
laterally at the middle as though it had been one of a necklace of 
similar objects (pl. 65, /). 


REFERENCES CITED 
ANDERSON, C. L. G. 
1938. Old Panama and Castilla del Oro. New York. 
DAMPIER, WILLIAM. 
1717. A new voyage round the world, 1697-1709. London. (Ed. by 
John Masefield and reprinted in “Dampier’s Voyages.” 2 vols. 
London, 1906.) 
Keren, A. Myra. 
1958. Sea shells of tropical west America. Stanford Univ. Press. 
Lorurop, 8. K. 
1937. Coclé, an archaeological study of Central Panama. Cambridge. 
Martyr, Peter. 
1912. De Orbe Novo. Translated into English by Francis A. MacNutt. 
New York. 
OviEeDO, FERNANDEZ DE, and VALpf£s, GONZALO. 
1851-55. Historia general y natural de Las Indias. Madrid. 
RInGROSE, Basi. 
1684. The dangerous voyage and bold attempts of Captain B. Sharp. 
London. 


Amo; 2 «6 TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 337 


EXPLANATION OF PLATES 


PLATE 45 
Rim sherds from large vessels; Taboga-1 


a, Smooth buff, grit tempered brown core; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

b, Smooth buff, grit tempered brown core; trench 1, 12—24 inches. 

c, Smooth buff, grit tempered brown core; trench 1, general. 

d, Buff slip on exterior and interior, red painted lip, grit tempered brown core; 
trench 2, 0-12 inches. 

e, Smooth buff, grit tempered buff core; trench 2, 0-12 inches. 

f, Smooth buff, grit tempered buff core; trench 1, 12-24 inches. 

g, Smooth buff, grit tempered buff core; trench 2, 12-24 inches. 

h, Red-slipped exterior, grit tempered, reddish brown core; trench 1, 12—24 inches. 

z, Plain buff, grit tempered light brown core; trench 1, 0-12 inches. 

j, Buff-slipped interior, scallop combed neck, red-painted lip, grit tempered light 
buff core; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

k, Slipped buff (or orange slipped ?), grit tempered, painted lip, buff core; trench 
1, general. 

1, Smooth buff, grit tempered, narrow gray core with buff margins; trench 2, 
0-12 inches. 


PLATE 46 
Miscellaneous sherds; Taboga-1 


a, Exterior painted white on buff with red band under rim; interior red painted; 
deep groove around lip; gray core, reddish brown margins; trench 1, 12-24 
inches. 

b, Interior slipped red, exterior smooth buff; paste fired buff on exterior margin, 
interior margin gray; trench 2, 0-12 inches. 

c, Same as b; trench 2, 0-12 inches. 

d, White exterior, scallop combed neck; interior painted red, well polished, red 
paint extends over the rim; core fired white; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

e, Light buff with splotches of pink; combed exterior with incised design, interior 
smooth, core fired pinkish buff; trench 2, 24~—36 inches. 

f, Red painted interior, paint extends over lip to form a band on rim exterior; 
exterior polished buff; reddish brown core; hole drilled near rim; trench 1, 
0-12 inches. 

g, Red painted interior, exterior buff, smooth; reddish brown core; two holes 
punched 11 mm. apart; trench 2, 0-12 inches. 

h, Black-on-red with incised and punctate design; exterior painted red, interior 
plain buff; three black lines painted vertically on rim; punctated zone, polished 
buff; reddish brown core; trench 1. 

z, Zoned red-on-buff; narrow zones slipped buff; interior unpainted, unslipped; 
reddish brown core; trench 2, 24-36 inches. 

j, Zoned red-on-buff with deep punctations; red zones smooth; brown core; 
trench 2, 24-26 inches. 

k, Orifice of bottle necked jar, plain buff, rough interior and exterior; flat lip 
painted red; pinkish buff paste; trench 2, 24-36 inches. 

l, Red painted interior, buff exterior; deep groove around lip; dark gray paste; 
trench 2, 0-12 inches. 

m, Zoned buff-on-red; narrow buff zones unpainted; exterior coated with carbon; 
interior unslipped, unpainted; brown core; trench 2, 0-12 inches. 


338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


PLATE 47 
Painted sherds; Taboga-1 


a, Red painted exterior, zoned areas in buff; vertical zoned area outlined by 
two incised lines; top of zoned area not outlined; interior, buff, unslipped; 
fine grit tempered buff core; trench 2, 12-24 inches. 

b, Exterior, zoned red-and-black, interior red; deep groove around lip; brown 
paste; trench 2, 12-24 inches. 

c, Red painted rim, red slipped interior; exterior polished buff; brown paste; 
trench 2, 24-36 inches. 

d, Exterior buff-slipped with red painted design; interior, unslipped buff; gray 
core with buff margins; trench 2, 24-36 inches. 

e, Red slipped interior and exterior; fine black vertical lines (2 mm. wide) on 
interior; reddish brown paste; trench 2, 12-24 inches. 

f, Zoned red-and-white exterior, red interior; brown paste; trench 2, 12-24 
inches. 

g, Zoned black-on-white-on-red exterior; lip of rim painted white; two black 
lines painted parallel to zoning incision on white; interior of neck painted red, 
rest of interior unpainted, unslipped buff; exterior margin and core brownish 
red. 

h, Red slipped interior and exterior; elongate punctations inside of neck on 
buff band, but not zoned with incising; buff paste; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

i, Zoned red-on-buff, buff surface slipped; interior, unslipped buff; buff paste; 
trench 1, 12—24 inches. 

j, Thin ware; zoned red-on-buff; narrow buff zones unpainted; interior unslipped 
buff; reddish brown core; trench 1, 12—24 inches. 

k, Red-on-white; interior slipped white 10YR 8/1, painted with red vertical 
lines 5 mm. wide; interior of rim painted red; exterior, smooth buff; light 
brown paste; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

l, Black-on-red-on-white; white 10YR 9/4 design, red triangle outlined in black; 
lip painted red; interior unpainted, unslipped; brick red paste; trench 1, 24- 
36 inches. 


PLATE 48 


Various zoned designs; Taboga—1 


a, Zoned red-on-black-on-buff; from top to bottom the bands are red, black, 
buff, black, buff; punctate zone, buff; interior rough buff; trench 1. 

b, Well polished, zoned red-and-white exterior, interior red; deep groove in 
lip; small nodule on rim; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

c, Red-on-buff; punctate zone buff, red area polished; interior, rough buff; 
trench 1. 

d, Zoned red-and-black-on-buff; from top to bottom the bands are red, black, 
buff, black; elongated punctations in buff band; trench 1. 

e, Red-on-buff; punctate zone unpolished buff, red area polished; interior red 
and well smoothed; trench 1, 12-24 inches. 

f, Zoned red-on-buff; from left to right the bands are buff, red, buff, red; the 
ware is quite thin, 5 mm.; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

g, Zoned brown-on-red; it is possible that the zoned areas were originally black; 
interior rough buff; end of zoned areas not closed; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

h, Zoned red-and-black-on-buff; from top to bottom the bands are black, buff, 
black, red; the ware is quite thick, 14 mm.; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 


Anrep; °°? TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 339 


7, Zoned red-on-buff; the red zone is polished, the buff zones unpolished but 
smooth; interior rough; trench 1, 24~36 inches. 

j, Zoned brown-on-red, interior rough buff; the brown areas may once have been 
black; this sherd was coated with carbon on the exterior; trench 1, 12-24 inches, 


PLATE 49 


Miscellaneous sherds; Taboga-1 


a, Subglobular vessel with small orifice; smooth red painted exterior; rough un- 
slipped interior; brown paste; trench 2, 12-24 inches, 10R 4/10. 

b, Portion of large pedestal base; exterior zoned black-on-red, with punctated 
buff zones; rim red, indented area buff; interior rough buff; buff paste; trench 2, 
12—24 inches. 

c, White interior and exterior; interior smooth, exterior combed; rim painted 
red; white paste; trench 2, 24-36 inches. 

d, Buff slipped interior and exterior; red painted lip; buff paste; trench 2, 24-36 
inches. 

e, Buff interior and exterior; exterior of neck rough, interior smooth; rim painted 
red; buff paste; trench 2, 24-36 inches. 

f, Subglobular buff jar with small orifice, incised and dentate design; buff paste; 
hole drilled near the orifice; thin ware; trench 1. 

g, Rough buff exterior, red painted interior with red paint extending over the 
rim; brown paste; trench 2, 0-12 inches. 


PLATE 50 


Pedestal and ring bases; Taboga-1 


a, Smooth red painted exterior, rough buff interior; black core with buff margins; 
11 cm. high and 44 mm. in diameter; trench 1, 0-12 inches. 

b, Black-and-white-on-orange; the broad dark bands are orange; the narrow bands 
are black; rough interior; brown paste; 42 mm. in diameter; trench 2, 12—24 
inches. 

c, Smooth red painted exterior, rough interior; the interior of the bowl surmount- 
ing the base was also red; reddish brown paste; 45 mm. in diameter; trench 1, 
12-24 inches. . 

d, Modified pedestal base; rough unpainted exterior and interior; base 22 mm. 
high; buff paste; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

e, Modified pedestal base; rough buff interior and exterior; base 17 mm. high; 
trench 1, 12—24 inches. 

f, Flaring pedestal base; orange slipped, rather rough exterior, buff interior; 
the interior of the bowl surmounting the base was painted red; gray core fired 
orange on exterior margin; trench 2, 0-12 inches. 

g, Modified pedestal base; plain buff exterior and interior; the interior of the bowl 
was smooth and painted red; buff paste; base 25 mm. high; trench 1, 0-12 
inches. 

h, Modified pedestal base; rough buff exterior and interior; interior of bowl 
smooth; 30 mm. high; buff paste; trench 2, 0-12 inches. 

i, Ring base; buff slip interior and exterior; buff paste; 1 cm. high; trench 2, 
Q—12 inches. 


340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


PLATE 51 
Taboga stonework 


a, Crude ax of fine grained basalt; trench 1. 

b, Polished ax of blue-gray rhyolite; trench 1, 0-12 inches. 
c, Ax fragments of rhyolite; trench 2, 0-12 inches. 

d, Ax fragments of rhyolite; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

e, Gray diorite ball; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

f, Bird effigy of tuff; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

g, Gray diorite ball; trench 1. 

h, Crude diorite ax; trench 1, 24-36 inches. 

i, Crude diorite ax; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

j, Flat, flaked disk of blue chert; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 


PLATE 52 
Taboga and Taboguilla stone and shell 


a-c, Taboguilla—1; axes of blue rhyolite; a is unique in that it has a sharp 
cutting edge on both ends; trench 2, 0—12 inches. 

d, Taboguilla—1; sharp edged flake of rhyolite; trench 2, 0-12 inches. 

e, Taboguilla—1; heavy solid shell cylinder. 

f, Taboguilla—3; laterally perforated imitation jaguar canine of shell, these two 
specimens (e and f) were the only shell artifacts found on either Taboga or 
Taboguilla. 

g, Taboga-1; small rhyolite celt; trench 2, 0-12 inches. 

h, Taboga-1; arrowhead of yellow jasper; trench 2, 0-12 inches 

t, Taboga-1; arrowhead of red and yellow jasper; trench 2, 12-24 inches. 

j, Taboga-1; flake of yellow jasper; trench 2, 12—24 inches. 

k, Taboga-1; incised sherd of Utivé type found back of the sandspit. This was 
the only Utivé sherd found on the islands. It was not associated with a 
particular site. 


PLATE 53 
Miscellaneous sherds; Taboga-4 


a, Red slipped exterior, black on buff interior; fine grit temper; outside margin 
of core black, inside margin light buff. 

b, Red-and-black-on-buff; broad band outlined by buff is red, remainder of painted 
design, black; grit tempered, core black; both margins buff. 

c, Red slipped interior and exterior, black stripes on interior only, grit tempered, 
light buff core. 

d, Red-and-black-on-buff exterior only, interior unslipped; grit tempered, buff 
core, gray margins. 

e, Black-on-buff, exterior only; grit tempered, light buff core. 

f, Red painted interior, lip and exterior buff except for broad groove under lip 
which is red painted; fine grit temper; inner margin black, outer margin buff. 

g, Black-and-red-on-buff exterior; interior buff, unslipped; fine grit tempered, light 
buff core. 

h, Exterior and interior painted red, lip black-on-buff; grit tempered, buff core. 

t, Red painted exterior and interior, lip unpainted buff; grit tempered, buff core. 

j, Red painted interior and exterior; black horizontal stripes on interior; grit 
tempered, light reddish brown core. 

k, Lamellar flake of yellow flint. 


m3} 22 «6 TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 341 


PLATE 54 
Rim sherds; Taboga—4 


a, Smooth red painted interior and exterior; uniform brownish red grit tempered 
core. 

b, Red painted lip, otherwise unpainted, unslipped; combed neck, uniform light 
buff grit tempered core. 

c, Smooth red painted interior and exterior; light brown grit tempered core. 

d, Buff slip, combed neck; uniform light buff, grit tempered core. 

e, Interior buff slipped, exterior unslipped; grit tempered light brown core. 

f, Buff color, smooth interior, combed neck; uniform buff grit tempered core. 

g, Orange slipped exterior, unslipped interior; uniform grit tempered buff core. 

h, Red painted lip, buff slipped interior, combed neck; light buff grit tempered 
core. 

z, Same description as h. 

j, Interior buff slipped, neck combed; grit tempered light brown core. 


PLATE 55 
Urabé urns 


Large urns of buff or brick red ware, offerings in rock shelter burial on Urab4. 
Not to scale. The vessels vary from 30 to 40 cm. in height. 


PLATE 56 
Urabaé urns 


Large urns of buff or brick red ware, offerings in rock shelter burial on Urabd. 
Not to scale. The vessels vary in height from 30 to 40 cm. 


PLATE 57 


a, Offertory in rock shelter on Urabd. 
b, Site of Taboguilla—1, on Taboguilla Island, looking toward the mainland of 
Panama. 
PLATE 58 


Bold incising 


These vessels seem typically to have been of subglobular shape and rather large 
with wide outflaring rim (see pl. 60, a). The incising is usually combined with 
both horizontal and vertical scallop indented filleting. 

The paste has a wide black core, with narrow dark buff or brown margins. It is 
medium tempered. The exteriors were carelessly smoothed before incising. 
Sometimes the surface was lightly combed, as in 6. The exteriors are un- 
painted and slightly rough, often carbonized. Many retain the earth color of 
grayish brown, as earth adheres to the slightly rough surface and is difficult 
to remove. The inner surfaces are polished brown. Small particles of mica 
show on the surface. The bases are generally polished. 


PLATE 59 
Combing and incising 


a, Narrow line combing, scallop indented fillet around neck; plain buff ware. 
b, Incised red. 


342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


c-f, i-k, m, Incised buff ware. 

g, Buff incised exterior, red interior. 

h, Exterior incised, buff and red; interior red. 

l, Exterior incised red, interior buff. 

Light horizontal combing on vessels before incising is apparent on a, e, f, k, l, m. 


PLATE 60 
Incised ware 


a, Large olla rim, orange slip on lip and interior, vertical appliqued fillet with 
scallop indentations; brown exterior. 

b, Orange slip interior and exterior. 

c, f, Thick unpainted light buff ware. 

d, Thin light buff ware, orange lip; scallop indented fillet at base. 

e, Orange exterior and interior. 

g, Brown exterior, red lip and interior. 

h, Orange interior and exterior. 

z, 7, k, Unpainted buff ware. 


PLATE 61 
Various rim decorations 


a, c-k, Red slipped ware. 

a, c, d, f, i, Black on red paint. 

b, Buff with rim painted red on interior. 

k, Red on light buff. 

l, m, Wavy combing over horizontal combing; brown ware. 


PLATE 62 
Narrow line combing 


c, Pecten incised decoration near rim. 

z, Globular bowl, red slipped interior and exterior, fire blackened; decorated 
with two horizontal or concentric narrow line combed elements. 

All of the remainder are unpainted buff ware jars with vertical narrow line combed 

elements, some with additional raised applique ornaments. In some instances 

the vertical combing is superimposed over lighter horizontal combing. On some 

parts of sherds (a, c, f, h), the buff paste has fired red. 


PLATE 63 
Combed ware 


a, b, e, Thick brown ware; unpainted with multiple line combing. 

The remaining pieces show variations of narrow line combing techniques. 
c, l, Brown ware. 

d, g-k, Buff ware. 

f, Red interior and exterior. 


PLATE 64 
Fragments of globular buwls decorated with combed designs 


a, Globular bowl, orange slip inside and out, lower part blackened by firing; five 
concentric two-line semicircles decorate side. 


AnroPs, 7? TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 343 


b, Globular bowl, orange slip inside and out, lower part blackened by firing; 
decorated with three concentric narrow line combed semicircles. 

c, Globular bowl, light buff slip outside with combed decoration; orange slip 
inside. 

d, Globular bowl, orange slip outside, combed decoration; inside plain buff; fire 
blackened exterior. 

e, Globular bowl, orange slip inside and out, exterior fire blackened; decorated 
with three concentric narrow line combed semicircles. 

f, Globular bowl, orange slipped interior and exterior; exterior fire blackened; 
decorated with two double line combed concentric semicircles. 

g, Globular bowls, orange slip inside and out; exterior fire blackened; decorated 
with four double line combed concentric semicircles. 


PLATE 65 


Multiple line combing 


a, Buff exterior; orange slip on interior. 

b, Globular vessel with red slip exterior and interior. 
c, f, Buff exterior, smooth black interior. 

d, e, g, Buff interior and exterior. 

h-k, Light buff interior and exterior. 


PLATE 66 


Scallop impressions 


a, c, e, g, l, Unpainted light buff exterior with scallop impressions over light 
combing; orange slip on interior. 

b, d, k, Unpainted light buff interior and exterior; scallop impressions. 

f, h, i, j, White on orange exterior, light buff interior; scallop impressions on the 
white zone only. These are probably sherds of the bases of pedestal supports. 


PLATE 67 


Filleting on combed surface 


Sherds of large unpainted ollas. Where the parallel fillets are notched, the 
notching was done simultaneously with an edged tool. 

a, Buff interior, brown exterior. 

b-j, Light buff interior and exterior. 


PLATE 68 


Filleted ware 


a, Applique lizard or alligator on large unpainted olla; notched filleting; light 
buff interior and exterior. 
b, h, 7, Buff interior and exterior. 
e, Orange and buff exterior; interior red; combing and filleting. 
f, Red exterior. 
PLATE 69 


Subglobular bowls with scallop indented filleting 
a, Orange. 
b-i, Red. 


344 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


PLATE 70 
Collanders 


The holes were punched from the outside to the inside while the clay was plastic. 
In some instances the interior was permitted to remain rough; in others the 
interiors were smoothed after the punching. 

b, f, Side and bottom sherds from the same vessel, a straight sided jar with 
outflaring rim and slightly rounded bottom; exterior painted black on white; 
interior orange slipped; good quality ware. 

g, The vessel was probably similar in form to f; exterior painted red on black; 
bottom polished buff and the interior is orange over buff. 

The remainder of the sherds are of unpainted buff ware. Several retain the gray 
color of the soil which clings to the slightly rough surface and is difficult to 
wash away. 

PLATE 71 


Sherds with bossed decorations 


a, c, d, Sherds from subglobular bowl; red exterior and lip; buff interior with 
horizontal combing; bossed decoration on exterior; horizontal strap handles, 
round on outer surface, flat on the inside. 

b, Unpainted buff ware, bosses appliqued on exterior. 

e, f, Buff ware, combed surface with bosses. 

g, Brown ware, combed shoulder with bosses, smooth base. 

h, Red exterior and interior, bossed decoration. 

i-k, Thin hard ware, orange slip inside and out, bosses on exterior. 

Note: a, c, d, are all sherds from the same vessel, but each shows a different color. 
The color was intended to be red but the handle section of a and the surface 
of d were burned to a brown shade. a and c show a buff interior while, as a 
result of less erosion, the interior of disred. This point is stressed to emphasize 
the fact that color determinations do not always mean too much as variations 
are brought about by several factors. 


PLATE 72 
Broad flat rims of subglobular bowls 


These are all of a characteristic fine-grained hard paste of a light yellowish buff 
color. Some have some combing on the interior and on or under the rims. 
Sherds exhibiting this combination of form and ware are abundant and con- 
stitute one of the diagnostic types of the site. 


PLATE 73 
Subglobular bowls with strap handles 


The handles are usually horizontal; only one was vertical. All of this ware has 
the same shape and rim form and all is orange slipped, fired to brown in some 
places. Commonly it is decorated with scallop indented filleting (c, f). 


PLATE 74 
Rim sherds of flat shallow plates 


The unincised portions of the rims and bases have an orange slip. The areas 
with squiggled incising are buff. The ware is hard and the paste fine grained. 
(See pl. 75 for interiors.) 


An oPs} {P ~=TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 345 


PLATE 75 
Interior of rim sherds shown on plate 74 


a, b, c,e, Black-on-red. 
d, f, Black-on-white. 
g, Red-and-black-on-buff. 
PLATE 76 


Miscellaneous painted sherds 


a, White-on-orange exterior and interior; interior carbonized. 
b, d, Orange-and-white exterior, buff interior. 

c, Black and brick red on white interior, orange exterior. 

e, f, h, Black-and-red-on-white exterior, buff interior. 

g, Orange-and-white exterior, buff interior. 

2, Red on light buff exterior, light buff interior. 

1, Black, orange, and white exterior; buff interior. 


PLATE 77 
Black-on-orange-and-black outlined by white-on-orange 


a, d, e, g, Unpainted buff interior. 

b, f, Orange interior 

c, Black-on-orange interior. 

h, 1,7, The painting is repeated on both sides. 


PLATE 78 
Black-and-white-on-orange pedestal base bowl sherds 


a, b, c, e, g, Black-on-orange interiors. 
d, Unpainted buff interior globular bowl. 
f, Plain orange exterior. 
PLATE 79 


Pedestal base bowl sherds (reverse of plate 78) 


a, g, Black-on-white-and-orange exterior. 

b,c, Black-on-yellow-orange exterior (possibly due to weathering?). In ¢ the 
black paint is directly on the orange and outlines the white line. In other cases 
the black is put on white as it has sometimes flaked off leaving white. 

d, Black-on-white-and-orange globular bowl, exterior. 

e, Black-on-orange exterior. 

f. Black-on-white-and-orange interior. 


PLATE 80 
Pedestal base bowl sherds 
Interiors, black-on-white pedestal base bowls with orange lips. All have 


white slip on the exterior except d, which has an orange exterior. 


PLATE 81 
Sherds from black-and-white-on-orange globular bowls 
a, c,d, f,j, Unpainted buff interior, black-on-white exterior. 


1, Black-on-orange interior, black-and-white-on-orange exterior. 
The remainder have orange interiors, with black-and-white-on-orange exteriors. 


346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


PLATE 82 
Miscellaneous black-on-white-and-orange sherds 


a, Orange lip, black on white design, exterior; interior, black on orange. 
b-h, Black-on-white exterior. 
i,j, Exterior unpainted combed buff area, orange painted lip and band; interior 
orange. 
PLATE 83 


Miscellaneous painted sherds 


a, Black, white, and orange interior, orange exterior; pedestal base ground down to 
ring base. 

b, Narrow neck jar, white slip. 

c, Black, white, and red bowl, exterior; buff interior. 

d, Black and white, part of pedestal base. 

e, Black and white interior, orange exterior. 

f, Rim of large olla; buff and brown exterior, red and brown interior. 

g, Orange and white. 

h, Large olla rim; red interior and exterior. 

z, Shallow bowl, orange-on-white interior, white exterior. 

7, Orange lip; black-on-white interior, white exterior. 


PLATE 84 
Miscellaneous sherds from rock shelter near Taboguilla—1 


a, Crudely finished large olla, unpainted terra cotta. 

b, Unpainted buff rim. 

c, Incised, orange interior and exterior. 

d, Black on white exterior, white interior, fine, hard paste. 

e, Orange interior and exterior. 

f, Black-and-white-on-buff exterior, buff interior. It appears as though the 
vessel might have been wrapped with a string or fiber and the white paint 
applied, thus producing a type of negative design by leaving narrow strips of 
the buff surface unpainted. 

g, Orange interior and exterior. 

h, Incised, buff interior and exterior. 

z, Orange interior, buff exterior. 

j, Orange interior, exterior white with orange lip. 

k, Black on red exterior, red interior. 

l, Buff interior and exterior, punctate designs. 

m, Orange exterior and interior, indented filleting. 

n, Buff interior and exterior, plain filleting. 


PLATE 85 
Filleted and scallop impressed ware 


a, c, Scallop indented filleting; orange inside and out; exterior c, burned black. 

b, Punctate, buff unpainted pedestal support. 

d-f, Plain filleting over brushed exterior; unpainted light buff. 

g-j, Notched filleting over brushed unpainted exterior; h, orange interior; 
other interiors unpainted. 

k-l, Plain fillet; k, unpainted light buff, /, orange inside and out. 

m, Scallop impressed, unpainted 


Anthrop, Pap. TABOGA, URABA, TABOGUILLA ISLANDS—STIRLING 347 


n-o, Unpainted, notched filleting. 
p, Unpainted light buff scallop impressed shoulder. 


PLATE 86 
Miscellaneous sherds 


a, Unpainted exterior, narrow line combing over horizontal combing, orange 
slip interior. 

b-c, Flat rim yellow buff bowl with combed or brushed exterior. 

d, Orange rim with combing; interior unpainted. 

e, Pedestal base, light buff smooth exterior, brushed interior. 

f, Narrow line combing over brushed unpainted exterior; interior unpainted. 

g, h, Broad line combed exterior; unpainted inside and out dark buff. 

, Incised exterior, smooth interior; orange inside and out. 

j, Unpainted squiggled lines (see pl. 74); interior orange. 

k, Thin ware composite silhouette; incised exterior burned black; interior smooth, 
buff. 


>. 


PLATE 87 
Miscellaneous sherds 


a, Black-on-orange, large rim with black triangle depending from lip on inside. 
b-c, Black-on-red, inside and out, large rim. 

d, Buff pedestal stand with slots; inside of bowl red. 

e-f, Black-on-red bowl, inside orange. 

g, Red lip, white on red exterior, inside red; plate rim. 

h, Black-on-orange exterior; interior unpainted buff. 

z, Buff collander. 

j, Horizontal strap handle; unpainted buff. 

k, Black-on-white bowl (the only black and white sherd from Taboguilla—2). 


PLATE 88 
Miscellaneous sherds 


a, Light buff, unslipped, shell indented and incised. 

b, Orange slip, indented. 

c, Orange slip inside and over rim; incised section u slipped. 

d, Combed and indented, unslipped light buff. 

e, Orange slip on outside; the lower part where the coiling has separated is pecten 
shell indented as though to make the coils adhere better. 

f, Light buff, unslipped, roughly shell indented. 

g, Orange slipped, interior dappled with small white spots like glaze. 

h, Light buff, unslipped, incising over combing. 

1, Orange slip, inside and over rim; vertical incising. 

j, Light buff, unslipped, incising. 

k, Light buff, unslipped, combing on interior, zoned incising exterior. 


PLATE 89 
Miscellaneous sherds 


a, Orange slip, inside and out; vertical indented filleting on outside. 
b, Orange slip, inside and rim (lip). 

c, Orange slip inside; outside unslipped. 

d, Orange slip inside and out. 


348 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


e, Light buff, smooth, unslipped. 

f, Light buff, smooth, unslipped. 

g, Incised, light buff, smooth, unslipped. 

h, Incised, light buff, smooth, unslipped. 

zt, Zoned punctate, punctate, fillet light buff, unslipped. 
j, Incised over combing, light buff, unslipped. 
k, Punctate fillet, incised, unslipped light buff. 
l, Incised and indented, orange slip. 

m, Heavy incising, light buff, unslipped. 

n, Indented fillet, light buff, unslipped. 

o, Incising over combing, orange slip. 

p, Herringbone incising, orange slip. 


qg, Zoned incising, light buff, unslipped; mica abundant in temper. 


r, Orange slip inside and out. 
PLATE 90 


a, b, Taboguilla-3. Rock shelter site on Taboguilla. 


[Bull. 191 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 45 


Rim sherds from large vessels; Taboga-l. 


(For explanation, see p. 337.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 46 


Miscellaneous sherds; Taboga-l. 


(For explanation, see p. 337.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 47 


Painted sherds; Taboga-—l. 


(For explanation, see p. 338. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 48 


2 IN. 


Various zoned designs; Taboga-—l. 


(For explanation, see pp. 338-339.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 49 


Miscellaneous sherds; Taboga-l. 


(For explanation, see p. 339.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 50 


Pedestal and ring bases; ‘Taboga-—l. 


(For explanation, see p. 339.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 51 


Taboga stonework. 


(For explanation, see p. 340.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 52 


Taboga and Taboguilla stone and shell. 


(For explanation, see p. 340.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 53 


Miscellaneous sherds; Taboga-4. 


(For explanation, see p. 340.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 54 


Rim sherds; Taboga—4. 


(For explanation, see p. 341.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 55 


Uraba urns. 


(For explanation, see p. 341.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 56 


Uraba urns. 


(For explanation, see p. 341.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 57 


Sites on Uraba and Taboguilla Islands. 
(For explanation, see p. 341.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 58 


Bold incising; Taboguilla—l. 


(For explanation, see p. 341.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 59 


eee : 2IN, eS | 


Combing and incising; Taboguilla-1. 
(For explanation, see pp. 341-342.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 60 


Incised ware; Taboguilla—1. 


(For explanation, see p. 342.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 61 


Various rim decorations; Taboguilla-1. 


(For explanation, see p. 342.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 62 


10 CM. 
= 4 IN. 


Narrow line combing; Taboguilla—l. 


(For explanation see p. 342.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 63 


4 1N 


Combed ware; Taboguilla—1. 


(For explanation, see p. 342.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 64 


Fragments of globular bowls decorated with combed designs; Taboguilla—l. 


(For explanation, see pp. 342-348.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 65 


= 10 CM. 
= : = 4 N: 


Multiple line combing; Taboguilla—1. 


(For explanation, see p. 343.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 66 


10 GM. 
4 IN. 


Scallop impressions; Taboguilla—1. 


(For explanation, see p. 343.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 67 


; 
I 
4 IN. 


Filleting on combed surface; Taboguilla—l. 


(For explanation, see p. 343.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 68 


7 


Filleted ware; Taboguilla—1. 


(For explanation, see p. 343.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 69 


10 CM. 
=o 74 N 


Subglobular bowls with scallop indented filleting; Taboguilla-1, 


(For explanation, see p. 343.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 70 


10 CM. 


= 4 IN. 


Collanders; Taboguilla—l. 


(For explanation, see p. 344.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 71 


Sherds with bossed decorations; Taboguilla—l. 


(For explanation, see p. 344.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 72 


I 
h aS 
4 IN. 


Broad flat rims of subglobular bowls; Taboguilla-1. 


(For explanation, see p. 344.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 73 


10 CM. 
4 1N. 


Subglobular bowls with strap handles; Taboguilla—1. 


(For explanation, see p. 344.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 74 


4 IN. 


Rim sherds of flat shallow plates; Taboguilla-1. 


(For explanation, see p. 344.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 75 


10 CM. 
4 IN, 


Interior of rim sherds shown in plate 74. 


(For explanation, see p. 345.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 76 


Miscellaneous painted sherds; Taboguilla-1. 


(For explanation, see p. 345.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 77 


° 


10 CM. 
4 IN, 


Black-on-orange-and-black outlined with white-on-orange; Taboguilla-1. 


(For explanation, see p. 345.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 78 


41NS > 


Black-and-white-on-orange pedestal base bowl sherds; Taboguilla—l. 


(For explanation, see p. 345.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 79 


Reverse of plate 78. 


(For explanation, see p. 345.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 80 


Pedestal base bowl sherds. 


(For explanation, see p. 345.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 81 


= i 


OCM 


= 14 iN. i 


Sherds from black-and-white-on-orange pedestal base bowls; Taboguilla—1. 


(For explanation, see p. 345.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 82 


Miscellaneous black-on-white-and-orange sherds; Taboguilla—l. 


(For explanation, see p. 346.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 83 


Miscellaneous painted sherds; Taboguilla—1. 


(For explanation, see p. 346.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 84 


SCM. 
21N. 


Miscellaneous sherds; Taboguilla—3 rock shelter. 


(For explanation, see p. 346.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 85 


SCM. 
- TN 


Filleted and scallop impressed ware; Taboguilla—2. 


(For explanation, see pp. 346-347.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 FLATE 86 


Miscellaneous sherds; ‘Taboguilla—2. 


(For explanation, see p. 347.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 87 


SCM. 
21 


Miscellaneous sherds; Taboguilla—2. 


(For explanation, see p. 347.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 88 


Miscellaneous sherds; Taboguilla—l. 


(For explanation, see p. 347.) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 89 


Miscellaneous sherds; Taboguilla—1. 


For explanation, see pp. 347-348 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 90 


Taboguilla—3; rock shelter site on Taboguilla. 


(For explanation, see p. 348.) 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
Bureau of American Ethnology 
Bulletin 191 


Anthropological Papers, No. 74 
TROQUOIS MASKS AND MASKMAKING AT ONONDAGA 


By JEAN HENDRY 


349 


682—611—64——_28, 


8 
4s 


divtlis, \bt dling 
at) mn ee 
Oy i ‘nape 


— 
7 
= 


CONTENTS 


EELS UTVA S10) 2) Sees A Ne pe iT) ci ae ne RE MRS 2 ele 2 
Paccerns Of art.in) Troquoisewlture. 222. 22 22 ee 
Manke x kroquois Cultures cose. 2s) 2 ee i 


PENG COOtIIUMI Lye em er eet eV Sisto oe SNe ee oe 
pier Gary cteiee eee Joe Nae ee tS Sola la Abe 
HCONOMICS OF MANK GATVANE. 2. 2-66 ek 
Religious aspects of maskmaking. 22.0... 30000 oe ewe cc ee 
earning ang metnvation eo.) sooo ITN ebay ee es 
Technical’ and esthetic processes! {2-2}. 20 oc see een Sk 
RECS OFiiniiue: Mes Pt oii 5 1a oat Wh henley Sa ek) Gb ee “Be 
iar eR uEO IDES. e eed oto 21 ke i ee Be eS 
LED CUTCLAR SCR a A SE Ee de en ane es Svan Ae NOUN POM se ea 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PLATES 
(All plates follow page 410) 


91. Onondaga Reservation Council House and Community center. 


92. Onondaga Reservation maskmakers. 

93. Onondaga Reservation residences. 

94. Spoon-lipped masks. 

95. Crooked-mouth mask and smiling masks. 

96. Straight-lipped mask and crooked-mouth masks. 

97. Blowing masks and smiling mask. 

98. Blowing mask and straight-lipped masks. 

99. Straight-lipped mask and crooked-mouth mask. 
100. Crooked-mouth mask and tongue-protruding mask. 
101. Crooked-mouth masks. 
102. Onondaga 1888 DeCost Smith tongue-protruding masks. 
103. Straight-lipped wooden mask and Husk Face Society mask. 
104. Maskette carved by Allison Thomas. 


351 


- SpA 
ivi 4 
- it 
j 
y 
J 
aTAaTiod 
eee os alee eee ' - S a Se ee ee ee a 


cae bee wee sheer e ne wee ney ri sioner to 
tay 5 ae eas Se ee 


Ce en oe ee Wk Sin 2 pluie ee iee a <ul> a Ree 
ea & = & > - ae ee ee Ciaa cannes AE OnE at a 


POTN ee ae Des dais akin: ae a Selon s en Lae a a 
jain Wah ad panera apubrunt) 383 2 
es ile Aas Shek alien any Ne sian = Apia wees ten an GARE cone alt 
DEN ape se. ae ie ae vn sn vel 
At aes i eer es re ‘ani teem oe : 
a 7 pall gaitensdenm to absorp 
Py Ee eer | ee sip ee Se eas aoljevitous fee 
On ws whoo sijotltes ting: ar itis 
Ree tree Ae eo Fas Sad ae _ oo end te eae 
pod Ue ae Se sabe eh ee ee - Aad teniet 
nS ee i _— eee ee {jiee. pee tee 


SAOTTAATS TIM 


2 TTA PM lng | 7 
OId ova aollo? myiniq WA) 


weinss qinvouro) bag seu0ll [pine aolievrdeod ayabas 1 i 
sweotentleen doilavweall apabno 

smaobiset noitevimear ronbiol 

ejenm hoqgil-a 

eaean eciliwda ban dean idourbed 

tasor dipor-hosnew ban dear hoqathidy 

weno polline baa adadat abs 

olaeds baquyil-tigians bad dese. gale 

Moat fivoct-betloom bus Jazin Baqgiltdae 

degen golbirstory-erranct baa dann (tiead-Domos 

"panna ddvoorhwades 

¢doam yaibution-sugaos tio teoe KAD ‘ 
daar ieee ooe dav tl bas deant aehoow boctatlesa 
seacood Tl aodllA xd heviso aie 


int 


TROQUOIS MASKS AND MASKMAKING AT 
ONONDAGA 


By Jean Henpry 


INTRODUCTION 


Few features of Iroquois culture have aroused a more sustained 
interest on the part of observers than the wooden masks or false faces. 
From the middle of the 17th century, when these carvings first caught 
the attention of the early travelers and missionaries, down to the 
present day, masks and the rituals associated with them have been a 
favorite topic of both amateur and professional ethnographers. 
Systematic investigation began in 1880 with the work of De Cost 
Smith and has been continued by William Beauchamp, Lewis Morgan, 
Arthur C. Parker, Harriet Converse, and Joseph Keppler. These 
students were primarily concerned with the role of masks in the 
religious patterns of the culture, and while they have provided 
abundant material on the mythological symbolism of the carvings 
and their use as ceremonial properties by the medicine societies, they 
tended to minimize or neglect other aspects. 

The limitations of an approach solely in terms of religious function 
have been overcome to a considerable extent by the contributions of 
Frank Speck and William Fenton. Speck’s attention has been directed 
toward the historical implications of masks. Through an analysis of 
masking as a culture complex common to many Indian tribes of north- 
eastern America, he has traced the distribution and probable course of 
diffusion of masks in this region, thus placing the Iroquois materials 
in geographical and historical perspective. Fenton’s treatment is, 
to date, the most comprehensive. He includes a consideration of 
the function of masks in the curative rites of the False Face Society, 
the historical problems related to the rise and spread of the masking 
complex, and is the first to approach the carvings from the stand- 
point of art. In his monograph “Masked Medicine Societies of the 
Troquois,”’ Fenton discusses the classification of formal types, the 
relation of these types to mythology and ritual, and the possibility 
of establishing local and tribal styles. He has also obtained infor- 

353 


354 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull, 191 


mation on the technical processes of carving, the sources of formal 
characteristics, and the role of the individual in devising new forms. 
Although his most recent paper on masking presents some data on 
these topics, much is as yet unpublished. 

My study differs from previous investigations both in scope and 
intention, as it is limited to an examination of mask carving on one 
Iroquois reservation. The Onondaga Reservation was chosen be- 
cause of its accessibility, and I began work with the assumption, 
derived from the literature, that masks, insofar as they were still 
made and used by the modern Iroquois, continued to serve the same 
function and carry the same meaning as they had in the past. 

Once I was in the field, however, the problem to be investigated 
became more structured. Onondaga is situated on the outskirts of 
Syracuse and is a highly acculturated community. Subjected to 
continuous pressure from Western society for more than 300 years, 
these Indians have lost many of their aboriginal customs and have 
assimilated the technology and, in part, the social organization and 
values of the dominant culture. In view of the widespread changes 
which have occurred, two questions may be posed. What factors 
account for the persistence of a traditional art in an acculturated 
society? How have the changes which have taken place in the society 
as a whole been reflected in the art—in its function, its meaning, and 
its style? The answers to these questions are sought in an analysis of 
mask carving in relation to its present sociocultural context. 

Some limitations on conclusions which can be drawn from the data 
are imposed by the nature of the problem and the lack of adequate 
tools to cope with it. Artists are often unable, even when they are 
willing, to verbalize their conceptions of art, since many of their 
mental processes take place below the level of consciousness (Bunzel, 
1929; Boas, 1955, p. 155). As yet no specific techniques for over- 
coming this difficulty have been developed, so that full insight into 
such problems as the motivation of the artist, the way in which he 
develops or acquires his skill, and the particular kind of satisfactions 
which he derives from his work remains beyond the scope of the 
ethnographer. 

The conditions under which I did fieldwork constitute another 
factor which must be taken into consideration. I was on the reser- 
vation for a little less than 2 months, a period of time insufficient 
for me to become known and accepted by the community. Many of 
the Onondagas are suspicious and somewhat hostile toward outsiders, 
and the fact that I was a woman who was attempting to investigate 
a man’s art did not improve my position. All my informants seemed 
to find it strange and a little unseemly that a woman should be inter- 
ested in woodcarving, which is undoubtedly one of the reasons why 


Anton. 72?) IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 355 


I was unable to persuade one of them to teach me the essentials of the 
craft. Similar difficulties were encountered when I sought an oppor- 
tunity to observe the technical processes of carving, although in this 
case the principal obstacle was the lack of activity in maskmaking 
during March and April, the months when I was at Onondaga. 

In other respects, too, my position in the community was not ideal. 
Because of the relatively crowded living conditions in most of the 
homes and the general distrust of strangers, I had little freedom in my 
choice of living quarters. The only family which was both able and 
willing to take me in was Christian; the wife was White and the 
husband, though Indian, quite thoroughly westernized. Their circle 
of friends and acquaintances did not include Onondagas who continue 
to make and use the masks since these people belong to the “pagan,” 
less acculturated, portion of the population. I was, therefore, not able 
to make contact with my informants on an informal, friendly basis, 
or to converse with them casually in a variety of situations, but was 
forced to seek them out with no previous introduction and depend on 
one or two fairly structured interviews. Although I attempted to 
secure roughly comparable data from each carver, I had little success 
with the older men who were for the most part unwilling to talk to me. 

The fact that I had no knowledge of the native language consti- 
tuted another handicap. Though not necessary for communication, 
it would have been an excellent means of establishing rapport. 
Furthermore, insofar as conceptualizations about art are verbalized, 
many of them may be phrased in Iroquois but not carried over into 
English, which means that they are lost to the observer who has no 
command of the native tongue. 

I had hoped to obtain some information concerning the artistic 
standards of the carvers by showing them photographs of masks 
which have been made on the reservation during the last few years. 
This plan was blocked by difficulties of an interpersonal sort since 
after I had taken pictures of a group of Onondaga masks, the carver 
who had originally given me permission to do so was told that under 
no circumstances should he allow Whites to photograph them. He 
asked me to refrain from mentioning to anyone that I had already 
taken pictures, a request which obviously prevented me from showing 
them to my other informants. However, I was able to use photo- 
graphs of Iroquois masks which I had obtained from museums, and I 
found them very effective as a means of eliciting the carvers’ jude- 
ments and opinions about masks and as a rapport device. The mere 
fact that I possessed such photographs seemed to change my in- 
formants’ conception of me from that of a stranger who asked prying 
questions to that of a person who had a genuine interest in masks and 
who, perhaps, knew something about them. This technique also led 


356 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


to more specific information, as it encouraged carvers to “free asso- 
ciate’ about masks they had seen in the past, those they had made, 
and the ceremonies in which they are used. Invariably the Indians 
became more relaxed and talked more spontaneously after I had 
brought out the pictures. 

The data from Onondaga were gathered and written up in 1950- 
51. Since that period, continued research has produced new eyvi- 
dence on the origins and historical background of Iroquois culture 
as a whole, and this has been incorporated in the monograph where 
relevant. The principal findings about the function and meaning 
of maskmaking on modern Onondaga, however, have not required 
reformulation and have, if anything, been strengthened by recent 
developments in other aspects of Iroquois life. 


PATTERNS OF ART IN IROQUOIS CULTURE 


Until recently the Iroquois Indians were believed to have made 
their appearance in the northeastern portion of the United States 
relatively late in the prehistoric period. At the time of their dis- 
covery by Europeans, those known as the Five Tribes were settled 
in the northern part of New York State where they occupied an in- 
trusive cultural and linguistic position in an area inhabited by Al- 
gonquian-speaking peoples. Certain elements in their culture 
suggested a southern origin: a horticultural economy, matrilineal 
clans, and a group religious system centered in an annual cycle of 
harvest festivals, and theories of provenience postulated a migration 
from the southeastern United States (Fenton, 1940 a, p. 164). Archeo- 
logical evidence, however, has failed to demonstrate a migration route, 
and excavations over the last several years indicate an Iroquois 
development in situ from centers in southeastern Ontario and north- 
western New York (Ritchie, 1961, pp. 30, 35). Indeed, the shamanis- 
tic traits in their fraternities and secret societies point toward the 
north. 

The Iroquois lived in semipermanent villages of from four to five 
hundred inhabitants. The characteristic dwelling, known as the 
longhouse, was a large, rectangular, communal structure of poles 
sheathed with bark. The decay of these bark houses and the ex- 
haustion of the soil necessitated a removal to a new village site every 
10 to 12 years. Horticulture was the primary source of subsistence 
and was a cooperative enterprise carried on by the women. Corn, 
beans, and squash were the staple crops and were personified in the 
religious system as the three sisters who supported life. The men 
assisted in clearing the fields and supplemented the diet by hunting 
and fishing. 


Am tat > «IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY she 


The basic social unit was the matrilineal family headed by the 
eldest woman or matron. These families were united into exogamous 
clans which were not totemic although they bore animal names— 
Bear, Wolf, Snipe, etc. Four clans constituted a phratry, and two 
phratries, a tribe. Marriage was monogamous and arranged by the 
matrons. Matrilocal residence, matrilineal descent and inheritance, 
and the independent property rights of the wife gave women a status 
equal or superior to that of men within the longhouse. Outside of 
the home, women exercised an indirect influence in politics and 
participated in most religious activities. 

The political organization has been extolled by many western 
observers as one of the most advanced in aboriginal America (Morgan, 
1851; Wallace, 1946). It consisted of a league of five originally 
autonomous tribes (Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and 
Seneca) which were culturally distinct and spoke separate dialects. 
At some time late in the 16th century these tribes banded together 
in a confederacy for the preservation of peace and order. The or- 
ganization they created reflected symbolically the structure of the 
longhouse and the kinship system. The most powerful tribes were 
accorded the status of ‘elder brothers” and were given special respon- 
sibilities: the Mohawk guarded the “‘eastern door of the Longhouse,”’ 
the Seneca protected the western entrance, and the Onondaga living 
in the center were the Keepers of the Council Fires and the perpetual 
hosts for all meetings. The “‘younger brothers” were the Oneida, 
the Cayuga, and later, the Tuscarora, a southern Jroquoian-speaking 
people who joined the union in 1772. The League did not achieve 
unanimity of purpose and action until the Colonial Period (Hunt, 
1940), but did succeed even in its early phase in preventing warfare 
among its members. Kinship ties helped to insure solidarity as clan 
affiliations crosscut tribal lines. 

The League’s constitution was based on a combination of myth and 
historical fact and was transmitted orally from one generation to the 
next. Authority was vested in 50 peace chiefs or sachems whose 
actions as a governing body were at all times subject to the force of 
public opinion. Although chieftainships were hereditary within par- 
ticular families, the office was essentially elective. The matron, in 
consultation with the other adult women of the household, selected a 
candidate who was then confirmed by the clan council, the tribal 
council, and finally the federal council. Women also had the power to 
depose unworthy chiefs and sometimes acted as regents for those too 
young to hold office. The federal council assembled once a year at 
Onondaga to determine foreign policy, settle internal disagreements, 
and act as the final court of appeals. The chiefs voted by tribes and a 
unanimous decision was required. Oratory, which was highly esteemed 


358 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


by the Iroquois, played a prominent part in these sessions and, along 
with the games, feasts, and dances which always accompanied them, 
made a council meeting a time of social and ceremonial, as well as 
political, importance. 

The central themes of Iroquois religion were fertility and health. 
A pantheon of deities, headed by the Great Creator and representing 
the beneficent and reproductive forces of nature, was opposed by the 
evil spirits who brought disease and destruction to mankind. Fol- 
lowing the harvesting of each of the principal crops, an annual 
series of public ceremonies gave thanks to the deities through prayers, 
songs, dances, and offerings of food. Tobacco was used in most rites 
since it was a sacred plant, and smoking or burning it was regarded as 
a pledge of sincerity. The Keepers of the Faith, an elected priest- 
hood, were responsible for the preparation and conduct of these 
celebrations, the most important of which was the Midwinter or New 
Year’s Festival (also called the Feast of Dreams). Occurring in 
February and lasting a week, New Year’s was a time of revelry when 
people, often in masquerade, went from house to house, demanding 
gifts and asking others to interpret their dreams. The carnival 
spirit was combined with religious solemnity in the games between the 
phratries, the dances, and the curative rites. The festivities culminated 
in the burning of a white dog, the spirit of which ascended to heaven 
carrying the prayers of the faithful to the Creator.! 

A number of medicine societies, many of them secret, were dedi- 
cated to the art of healing and the exorcism of evil spirits. Each 
society propitiated a special class of supernatural beings and had 
its own rituals and characteristic paraphernalia. The Bear Society 
appeased the spirits of bears with offerings of tobacco; the Otter 
Society drove out sickness, caused by water animals, by sprinkling its 
patients with water; the False Faces cured with masked dances and 
hot ashes rubbed or blown on the body; the Little Water Company 
knew the songs and dances to revive the dying. Some societies 
restricted their membership to those who fell sick and called upon 
them or who dreamed of joining; others encouraged participation by 
anyone who wished to help in the curing process. 

Witchcraft was another source of evil and was punishable by death; 
persons in positions of power, such as matrons and chiefs, were often 
suspected. Witches were thought to roam about at night, sometimes 
taking the form of animals and injuring their victims by charms or 
mere volition. 

The plastic and graphic arts of the Iroquois did not attain the 
degree of complexity that was evident in other aspects of their cul- 


1 At Onondaga the Burning of the White Dog has been obsolete for more than 70 years (Smith, 1888, p. 189). 


Am ea? ~=IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 359 


ture. A practical people with a talent for organization, they were 
preoccupied with politics and diplomacy, and seem to have taken 
a greater interest in these activities than in the development and 
elaboration of material things.? Yet many Iroquois artifacts were 
notable for their simplicity and vigor, and for the manner in which 
form was adapted to function, whether domestic or ceremonial. In 
the decorative arts, designs and techniques were similar to those of 
the surrounding Algonquian tribes and were most probably derived 
from them (Speck, 1925, pp. 1-12). 

The Iroquois worked in a variety of materials. Pipes and mask- 
ettes were carved in stone. Bone and antler were fashioned into 
combs, beads, rattles, and small figurines. Although the maskettes 
and figurines may have served as charms, their exact use is unknown; 
the forms are angular and unrefined with little or no detail. Pottery 
was made by the coiling process and was unpainted. The typical Iro- 
quois pot had a globular body and a flaring collar ornamented only 
with incised lines, although toward the end of the 16th century 
there was a vogue for drawing crude faces at the corners of the rim. 
In contrast to the sculpture in bone and stone, clay pipes were modeled 
with naturalistic figures of men and animals; these effigy pipes have 
been judged by one student to be the finest of their type north of 
Mexico (Murdock, 1934, p. 300). Splints of black ash, bark, sweet- 
grass, and cornhusks were made into baskets and other containers, 
while braided or coiled cornhusks were used in the construction of 
mats, dolls, and masks. Clothes were of animal skins embroidered 
with geometric and curvilinear patterns worked in porcupine quills, 
moose hair, grass, and shell beads. Quantities of shell beads 
known as wampum went into the production of necklaces and belts. 
The designs were of geometric motifs and highly stylized figures 
which had a symbolic significance, for wampum was used as currency, 
as a record of tribal events, as a pledge of good faith, and as personal 
adornment. 

Wood, being plentiful, accessible, and having sacred associations 
for the Iroquois,’ was extensively used for tools, weapons, domestic 
utensils, game implements, musical instruments, and ceremonial 
properties. Although the majority of these objects were undecorated, 
some were expertly carved with figures or geometric designs. Es- 
pecially fine were the spoons and bowls which were the cherished 
possessions of individuals who took them to the festivals for eating 


2In Kroeber’s opinion there have been some Iroquois specializations in material culture but none of a 
high order (1947, p. 92). Two other students believe the Iroquois were concerned with utility rather than 
dramatic effect and consider their art to be less highly developed than that of the Algonquian (Douglas 
and d’Harnoncourt, 1941, p. 154). 

3’ The Sacred World Tree, symbol of peace and unity, figured prominently in Iroquois mythology and 
ritual and was a frequent motif in their decorative arts (Parker, 1912). 


360 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


the sacred food. The handles depicted men and animals, either 
singly or in groups, and again a simple, abstract treatment of the 
forms was characteristic. Carvings were sometimes painted in poly- 
chrome, although for the most part the finish was that of the natural 
wood. 

With European contact beginning in 1615, the Iroquois entered 
into a period of commercial and military expansion which brought 
about far-reaching changes in their culture. As middlemen between 
the colonists on the seaboard and the Indian tribes in the interior, 
they came to dominate the fur trade. Firearms obtained from the 
Dutch, and later from the English, enabled the League to develop the 
most powerful fighting force in the northeast. By 1700 they had con- 
quered all the surrounding tribes and, through war or diplomacy, 
extended their influence from New England to Illinois and from the 
Ottawa River to Tennessee. Taking an active part in the interco- 
lonial wars, they fought unceasingly against the French and their 
allies, the Canadian Algonquians, and were to a considerable extent 
responsible for the triumph of the English on the American continent.‘ 
The constant warfare, the wholesale adoption of captives with the 
consequent introduction of alien customs, and the close cooperation 
with the English, all had repercussions on Iroquois society. The 
economy shifted from horticulture to hunting, raiding, and commerce; 
militarism increased and warriors gained in prestige and political 
power; the efforts of missionaries began to undermine the aboriginal 
religion; and European trade goods became an essential part of mate- 
rial culture. 

The effect of contact upon art was immediate and profound. 
Manifold changes occurred in native materials, techniques, and de- 
signs until, within a few generations, almost all Iroquois work showed 
some European influence. Certain arts died out completely. Such 
was the fate of pottery, which was soon made obsolete by the acquisi- 
tion of metal containers. Work in stone and bone diminished and by 
the 19th century much of the skill in the handicrafts had been lost. 
The initial results of acculturation were not, however, wholly de- 
structive. Some of the existing crafts were stimulated, at least for a 
time, and in one instance a totally new skill, silversmithing, was 
introduced.’ With metal tools obtained from the Whites, wood- 
carving became easier. This craft reached its height in the 18th 
century and some authorities do not date the figures on bowls and 
spoons before that period (Beauchamp, 1905 a, p. 154). Better 


4 The alliance of the Iroquois with the Dutch and the English has been termed ‘‘the pivotal fact of early 
American History’? (Hunt, 1940, p. 6). 

5 The introduction of trade goods had a similar effect on the arts of the Northwest Coast (Garfield, 1950, 
p. 69). 3 


eee rae: IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 361 


tools and new materials—cloth, glass beads, yarns, and ribbons— 
brought about a florescence in embroidery and the development of 
new designs. Geometric motifs became less common, giving way to 
elaborate and quasi-realistic floral patterns which indicate French 
influence (Speck, 1945, p. 62). Silversmithing was acquired from the 
Dutch in the 17th century and seems to have taken hold very quickly. 
Crosses, brooches, bracelets, and rings were made by the Europeans 
for the Indian trade and later by the Iroquois themselves. Form 
and decoration resembled work of European origin, circles, diamonds, 
hearts, and stars being the most popular designs. During the Co- 
lonial Period there was a smith in almost every Iroquois village and 
the craft flourished until the middle 1800’s. 

The American Revolution marked the decline of the League and the 
end of political independence. While the Iroquois were unable to 
come to a unanimous decision as to which side to support, most of 
the tribes fought on the side of the English, and at the close of the 
war about two-thirds of the population fled to Canada. Those who 
remained here were granted a portion of their original territory under 
Government treaty, although these lands were subsequently reduced 
by forced sales and the encroachments of White settlers. Today there 
are approximately 7,000 Iroquois living on seven reservations in New 
York State, and several thousand more, principally Oneidas, in 
Wisconsin. The population, which had suffered heavily from the 
wars as well as from alcohol and disease introduced by the Europeans, 
has been steadily increasing during the last 100 years. Intermarriage 
with the Whites began soon after contact, and it is estimated that the 
United States Iroquois are now about 55 percent fullblooded (Doug- 
las, 1931 a). The League, although greatly weakened and deprived 
of many of its powers, continues to function and has undoubtedly 
been a factor in allowing the Iroquois to preserve their tribal identity. 
Acculturation has obliterated much of the aboriginal culture, but it 
has taken place at a rate that has allowed them, as a society, to 
adjust rather than disintegrate. 

Although in many aspects of Iroquois life change has been resisted 
and the old ways have been retained, the material culture has largely 
succumbed to the pressure of western civilization. As a result, many 
of the arts have lost their function in the society, and, in most in- 
stances, when they have not disappeared completely, they have been 
reduced to the production of curios and knickknacks for the tourist 
trade. A number of the old artisans have died, and there is little 
incentive in the younger generation to continue the traditional arts 
or to institute new ones. An effort to remedy this situation was 
undertaken in 1935 when the Indian Arts Project, sponsored by the 
Rochester Museum of Arts and Sciences, was established. Operating 


362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


as a relief measure under the Federal Government, the project was 
carried on for 6 years on two New York reservations: Tonawanda and 
Cattaraugus. With the help of the few craftsmen who still remembered 
the old techniques, some of the Iroquois arts were revived: bead 
weaving, quill embroidery, pottery, and woodcarving. This venture 
has been moderately successful in reestablishing high standards of 
workmanship and in providing an outlet for native products, but it 
must be noted that the initial stimulus came from the outside, and 
that, for the most part, the market is White rather than Indian. 


MASKS IN IROQUOIS CULTURE 
ORIGIN AND ANTIQUITY 


While it is well established that woodcarving is a traditional 
Iroquois art dating back to the prehistoric era, there has been con- 
siderable disagreement among students as to whether the wooden 
masks or false faces are an indigenous and ancient part of the culture. 

Questions concerning the origin of false faces are but part of the 
more general historical problem of determining the center of the 
masking complex in the Eastern United States. According to Dall 
(1884, p. 145) the use of masks by Indians east of the Mississippi was 
rare and did not form a prominent part of their festivals or customs. 
Although this statement is inaccurate, it is true that an uneven dis- 
tribution of masks prevailed among the tribes of this region. Masks 
have been recorded only for the Iroquois of New York, the Hurons 
of southern Ontario and the extinct nations affiliated with them, 
some of the Algonquian tribes of the Atlantic slope, the Iroquoian- 
speaking peoples of North Carolina (the Cherokee), the Siouan 
tribes of the southeast, and the Creek (Seminole). In view of this 
distribution and the fact that the Iroquois appeared to occupy an 
intrusive linguistic and cultural position in the northeast, Fenton 
(1941, p. 416) originally suggested three possibilities: Iroquois 
masking may be a diagnostic trait pointing to their alleged southern 
origin; it may be related to northern shamanism and the use of masks 
across the Arctic littoral; or it may have originated with the Iroquois 
themselves. He postponed final judgment on this question, but was 
inclined to believe that the Iroquois acquired their masks from the 
north and that the immediate source was the Huron tribes. 

Speck’s conclusions also are tentative and differ from those of 
Fenton in that the former considers the Iroquois to have been the 
agents of diffusion rather than the recipients. His opinion is based on 
the distribution of masks in relation to the stationary wooden face 
images which were common throughout the middle Atlantic Coast 
region. Although the southern coastal Algonquians only had these 


Anihrop. 7aP- IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 363 


stationary faces carved on posts, and the northern Iroquois and the 
Cherokee had only portable masks, the Delaware and related Algon- 
quian peoples who lived adjacent to the Iroquois had both types of 
images. Therefore, Speck (1945, pp. 74-76) concludes that in early 
times: the tribes in the central sector of the eastern Algonquian 
territory from the Hudson River to the Carolina Sound area 
practiced certain rites connected with graven post images; the early 
Iroquois performed rites with masks distinct from the usages of the 
Algonquians; and the mask complex gradually spread to the nearby 
Algonquian tribes who edopted it in addition to their own stationary 
icons. Masks, then, were presumably an indigenous trait which the 
Iroquois brought with them when they migrated into the northeast. 

Historic depth, like origin, has been a subject of controversy, 
and again two opinions prevail. Some believe that false faces were 
used by the Iroquois before the contact period, while others date 
their introduction late in the 17th century. The first historic record of 
masks of the Iroquois type comes from the French Jesuits who observed 
them among the Canadian Hurons in 1637, where they were worn in 
dances to drive away pestilence and were hung on poles at the top of 
each cabin when not in use. However, Jesuit accounts of similar 
ceremonies at Onondaga at approximately the same time make no 
mention of masks of any kind, and although the Onondaga were 
apparently holding masked dances by 1676, there is no assurance that 
the masks were of wood. The first positive evidence of false faces 
among the New York Iroquois comes from De Nonville in 1687. 
Writing about the Seneca he says, ‘‘They make some very hideous 
masks with pieces of wood which they carve according to their 


fancy . . . one foot and a half wide in proportion. Two pieces of 
kettle very neatly fitted to it and pierced with small holes represent 
the eyes. . .” (Beauchamp, 1905 a, p. 184). In 1743, this type 


was seen at Onondaga and false faces were recorded after the 
Revolutionary War as being numerous among all the Iroquois tribes. 

The fact that the first travelers and missionaries found no public 
use of masks, and for a long time knew of none among the Iroquois, 
led Fenton (1941, pp. 412-416) and Beauchamp (1905 a, pp. 184-185) 
to the conclusion that false faces and their rituals made their appear- 
ance among the Seneca in western New York not earlier than the 
middle of the 1600’s and from there spread slowly eastward to the 
other four tribes. Those students who take issue with this theory 
find support for the antiquity of masks in archeological materials. 
Parker (1909, pp. 181-182) cites the small stone masks and the 
faces on pots and pipes, some of which he takes to represent masked 
figures. In his opinion, this evidence and some accounts of idols 
in the early 1600’s that may refer to masks are proof that the Iroquois 


364 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


masking complex can be dated before the period of White contact. 
Converse and Keppler (Keppler, 1941, p. 19) take the same view and 
point out that the failure of early writers to mention masks is no 
guarantee that they did not exist at that time, as it is probable that 
the first Europeans were never permitted to see a mask or to witness 
the more secret ceremonies in which they were used. 

The new archeological evidence bearing on the problem of Iroquois 
provenience has done much to resolve previous differences of opinion. 
The probability that Iroquois culture originated and developed in 
New York State, and the discovery of representations of masked 
faces on clay pipe bowls in prehistoric Iroquois sites near Onondaga, 
offers support to those who insist that masking was an indigenous 
and ancient trait.6 Fenton’s latest discussion (1956, p. 351) takes 
these facts into account, and he is now in substantial agreement with 
Speck, viewing the early Iroquois as a center for the development 
of portable masks and as possible agents of diffusion to other areas. 

Complete certainty on the question of origin and antiquity may 
never be achieved. The climatic conditions of northern New York 
prohibit the survival of direct evidence in the form of wooden masks, 
and the reports of early European observers are equivocal in that 
they are incomplete and open to different interpretations. Careful 
historical reconstruction through research into the mask complex 
as it exists today among the Iroquois and neighboring tribes is still 
needed. If, for example, it could be demonstrated that the masks 
and rituals of the northern Iroquois have more traits in common 
with Iroquoian-speaking peoples to the south, the Cherokee, than they 
have with those of the Algonquian peoples adjacent to them, it would 
provide confirmation for the hypothesis that the Iroquois possessed 
masks in the prehistoric period. 

Regardless of what can or cannot be proved in the future, the fact 
remains that masks have become deeply embedded in mythology and 
ritual and can be fully documented as a significant part of Iroquois 
culture for almost 300 years. Furthermore, the ‘idols’? mentioned 
in the earliest accounts of travelers indicate that although the masks 
themselves may not have been acquired until late in the 17th century, 
the notion of representing supernatural beings in wood was neither 
incompatible nor foreign to the Iroquois of the prehistoric era.’ 


6 Wray (1956, pp. 7-8) points out the resemblance between the stone and shell maskettes present in all 
early Seneca sites and modern mask types. 

In his journal of 1634-35, Arent van Curler reported that ‘the (Mohawk) chief showed me his idol; it 
was a head with teeth sticking out; it was dressed in red cloth. Others have a snake, a turtle, a swan, a 
crane, a pigeon or the like for their idol, to tell the fortune; they think they will always have good luck in 
doing so.”” [Wilson, 1896, p. 88.] 


Anthrop. Pap. 
moet? IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 365 


THE FALSE FACE SOCIETY 


Although one of many religious organizations concerned with the 
preservation of health, the False Face Society has always enjoyed 
preeminence among the Iroquois, and on some reservations it is the 
only medicine society which has persisted up to the present day. 
Its particular function is the propitiation of the gods of Wind and 
Disease, a class of evil spirits greatly feared for their power to send 
plagues and pestilence among men. ‘These supernatural beings are 
not named individually but are simply called False Faces; the Onon- 
daga word is Hodo’wi, a term also used for those masks which repre- 
sent the spirits. They are usually described as elusive creatures 
who have neither bodies nor limbs, only hideous faces which paralyze 
all who behold them. In ancient times they were occasionally 
glimpsed by hunters in retired parts of the forest where they darted 
from tree to tree, their long hair snapping in the wind. At Onondaga 
they were said to live in a great cave where there were stone images 
carved in their likeness and an atmosphere so charged with malign 
influences that anyone who dared to enter was immediately stricken 
with sickness (Smith, 1888, p. 187). 

Of the several legends recounting the origin of the False Face 
Society, that most generally known among the Iroquois concerns a 
test of magical power between the Great Creator and the first Hodo’wi.® 
Boasting that it was he who ruled the world, the Hodo’wi attempted 
to prove his superior strength by summoning a distant mountain. 
When he failed to accomplish this feat, the Creator caused the moun- 
tain to stand directly behind the Hodo’wi and then commanded him 
to turn around. Angrily doing so, the Hodo’wi struck his face 
violently against a rocky ledge, breaking his nose and twisting his 
mouth with pain. In punishment for his boastfulness he was forced 
to suffer this distorted visage, and to help human beings combat 
sickness and other evil influences. It was he who first instructed 
men in the art of carving masks reminiscent of his own features and 
taught them the ceremonies in which they are used. The Seneca 
say he still lives on the rim of the world where he walks with great 
strides, following the path of the sun. He carries a long staff and 
a giant mud turtle rattle, and his face is red in the morning, black 
in the afternoon (Fenton, 1941, p. 420). 

Originally the False Faces were a true secret society. When the 
members appeared in character they were always masked and their 
names were known only to their leader, a woman who had charge of 
the regalia. Initiation and exodus were by dreams. To fall sick and 


8 This legend has been recorded by Parker, Keppler, and Fenton, and was repeated to me several times 
at Onondaga, 


682-611—64——_29 


366 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


dream of the Hodo’wi indicated eligibility to be cured by the society. 
This constituted initiation, and membership ceased only when one 
dreamed of release. 

The rise of Handsome Lake,® a preacher and prophet of the early 
1800’s, brought about a period of suppression and persecution for all 
the medicine societies. Claiming that they were working great harm 
to men and animals, the prophet demanded that tobacco be thrown 
into the fire and the companies disbanded. The chiefs met in council 
and complied with his order, but because the tobacco ceremony was 
omitted, many members of the societies declared the action of the 
council illegal. Branded as witches, they continued to hold their 
meetings in secret, and their very existence was concealed, both from 
White investigators and the Indian converts to the new faith. How- 
ever, as the religion of Handsome Lake spread and was accepted by 
an increasing number of the Iroquois, it became more conservative. 
Gradually the new beliefs blended with the old and the tabooed 
societies were able to come out from underground. They began to 
hold their rituals openly again and to enter into public ceremonies, 
until eventually even the adherents of Handsome Lake joined without 
qualms. It was about this time that the policy of the False Faces 
toward membership underwent a change. Secrecy in regard to the 
identity of members was no longer considered so essential and the 
«mphasis on dreams as a prerequisite for initiation became less pro- 
nounced. By 1900 on Onondaga, it was enough to show some symp- 
toms of False Face sickness and make a feast (Smith, 1889, p. 279). 
Typical symptoms included ailments of the shoulders, joints, and head, 
especially toothaches, earaches, nosebleeds, and inflammation of the 
eyes. 

Although there are local variations in False Face rituals, the essen- 
tial elements are common to all the Iroquois and have changed little 
over the course of the years. They are best preserved among the 
Seneca, to whom the other tribes tend to look for the correct forms. 
In addition to holding private curing ceremonies, the False Faces 
appear publicly three times during the year. In the spring and fall 
they exorcise disease from the reservations, visiting the homes of all 
believers, where they stir the fire, sprinkle or blow ashes on the inmates, 
and dance. In return, they are given tobacco and corn mush which 
they carry away with them in kettles. A good deal of levity may enter 
into these proceedings as some of the band indulge in antics, rush 
about the house, try to upset the stove, and in general cause havoc. 


9 Handsome Lake was a Seneca who had come under the influence of Quaker missionaries and experienced 
a series of revelations in which God instructed him to lead the Iroquois out of the degenerate condition into 
which they had fallen. He preached against witchcraft, whiskey, and the wholesale acceptance of White 
customs. His teachings are embodied in over a hundred moral injunctions, known as the Code of Hand- 
some Lake, which are memorized and recited by religious leaders. 


Anprop 722 IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 367 


Besides the masks, they wear old, torn clothes which they sometimes 
stuff with tin pans to make them more grotesque. Each member 
carries a rattle of turtle, horn, or bark, while the leader, who is oc- 
casionally disguised as a woman, has a giant turtle rattle and a long 
staff to which miniature masks are attached. The third appearance of 
the False Faces occurs during the New Year’s Festival, when they 
petition the Hodo’wi to withdraw the sickness for which these spirits 
have been responsible during the past year. Again they blow ashes, 
dance to the accompaniment of rattles, and beg for tobacco. Several 
False Faces, known as Doorkeepers, prevent anyone from leaving the 
ceremonies, and those who refuse to dance are thrown down, rubbed 
with ashes, and subjected to other indignities. Fenton has pointed 
out that individual talent in dancing and acting constitutes much of 
the effectiveness of these rituals. When an Iroquois dons a mask he 
behaves as if he were the supernatural being which he represents, 
acquiring its powers and dramatizing its attributes. He may even 
come to believe that he is that being and while the phenomenon of 
possession, a widespread psychological effect of masking, is probably 
rare among the modern Iroquois, cases have occurred within the 
memory of the present generation (Fenton, 1941, p. 422). 

In ancient times carving was itself a religious ceremony sur- 
rounded by rituals and taboos. Masks were hewn from the trunk of 
a living tree in order that they, too, might be alive and contain the 
spiritual qualities attributed to the World Tree, symbol of peace 
and unity. Basswood was preferred because its fibers were ab- 
sorbent and were considered to have remedial virtues. Having se- 
lected a tree, the carver burned tobacco at its roots, related the legend 
of the first False Face, and asked the tree for its life. The mask 
was then outlined, the features roughly blocked out, and the piece 
split away from the trunk. If the mask did not break and the bass- 
wood remained unshaken, it was proof that the tree had acquiesced 
to the appeal for its fe. Sexual continence on the part of the carvers 
was necessary for a period both before and after the ceremony at which 
no ritually unclean person was allowed to be present. 

This method of carving has not been preserved by the modern 
Iroquois and today the curative powers are imparted to the masks 
after the technical processes have been completed. In a ceremony 
called “doctoring,’”’ tobacco is burned, a bag of it is attached to 
each mask, and the appropriate words are spoken over them. This 
constitutes the initiation of the carvings into the False Face Society. 

Once the masks have been initiated they have spiritual powers 
that make them dangerous if they are not treated with great care and 
respect. They do not like to be neglected, and unless they are used 
frequently they must be talked to, fed mush, and annointed with sun- 


368 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


flower oil. When they are put away it must be face downward, as to 
be laid with the face up intimates that they are dead, which greatly 
offends them. If masks are hung on the wall, they should be covered 
or turned inward lest they cause possession. Some have special 
powers to warn their owners of impending sickness or death, which 
they do by sweating, falling from the wall, or speaking out; one old 
Seneca mask was thought to be able to instruct newer masks and was 
laid away with them for that purpose. Other false faces are noto- 
riously bad tempered and hard to please. These are known as 
“poison” and are a source of much trouble and anxiety to their owners 
as they must be worn often and require a great deal of tobacco. To 
mock any mask, to speak disrespectfully to it or of it, brings dire con- 
sequences on the offender. I lness or a crooked face result and can be 
cured only when the mask is used in a ceremony and propitiated with 
an offering of tobacco. 


STYLE 


There is little stylistic relationship between the masks and the other 
woodcarvings of the Iroquois. Whereas simplicity and restraint 
are characteristic of the figures on bowls, spoons, and other objects, 
the masks show an elaboration of form and a concern with detail that 
sometimes tend toward the grotesque. Although this disparity in 
style seems to place false faces outside the main traditions of Iroquois 
art and could be attributed to the fact that they were acquired from 
another culture, an equally plausible explanation lies in the relation 
of form to function. As portraits of the powerful and dangerous 
Hodo’wi, the masks must reflect the attributes of these beings, and so 
it is not unnatural that they should have an emotional quality that 
is absent from carvings which serve a less dramatic purpose. 

Although differing in detail, all false faces share certain character- 
istics which give them the same general effect and constitute a single 
style. The carving is in high relief and the features, though dis- 
tinctly human, are always distorted or exaggerated. ‘The eyes are 
deeply set and rimmed with wide pieces of sheet metal, while the nose 
is usually long with a high bridge and may be bent to one side. The 
most variable feature is the mouth which may be twisted, puckered, 
smiling, distended, or flaring; teeth or a protuding tongue are frequent 
additions. Most masks have deeply cut wrinkles around the mouth 
or eyes, and some have a crest of spines on the forehead or nose. 
Horsehair, either black or white, is fastened at the top and hangs down 
in long locks on each side of the face. As a rule, masks are painted 
one solid color, either black or red. Occasionally, however, both red 
and black will be used on a single false face, the coloration being 
divided by a vertical line down the center of the mask. 


AMO v4} » ~©=IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 369 


A second variety of Iroquois masks not previously mentioned is the 
husk faces which symbolize the three spirits of agriculture—corn, 
beans, and squash—who taught men the art of cultivating. These 
masks are by no means as numerous as the wooden type, since the 
medicine society in which they are worn is almost extinct; a few, 
however, are used for curative purposes in the False Face rituals. 
Made of braided cornhusks, which are woven or sewn into crude 
human faces with holes to represent the eyes and mouth, these masks 
are quite flat and look somewhat like animated doormats. Other 
masks that occasionally appear among the Iroquois are those depicting 
animals—bears, pigs, and birds—which are carved in a naturalistic 
fashion and may be survivals from ancient medicine societies, and a 
buckskin mask with a long nose that is used to frighten disobedient 
children. Maskettes in wood or cornhusk resemble their larger proto- 
types to which they are often attached. They are also kept as personal 
charms, used as tokens of membership in the society, and made for 
children when they are cured by the False Faces. 

The first attempts to classify the wooden masks were made in terms 
of function with little regard as to how this might determine variations 
in the forms or the treatment of details. Converse recorded a number 
of types among the Seneca which were named according to use: Live, 
Doctor, Wind, Scalp, Clan, Harvest, Maternity, Night, Completing, 
and Counselor masks. This classification has been accepted by 
Keppler, the friend and protege of Converse, but it has not been 
substantiated by any other investigator. Morgan, Harrington, 
Parker, and Fenton have found only four classes based on function: 
Doctor, Doorkeeper, Beggar or Dancing, and Secret masks.!° Since 
these students worked among the Seneca both before and after Con- 
verse, it seems likely that she overinterpreted her material. 

Formal characteristics as a basis for segregation were not seriously 
considered until Fenton began his series of systematic studies among 
the Seneca in 1936. Finding that the descriptions of collectors and 
museum curators were at odds with one another as well as in disagree- 
ment with the ideas held by the Indians themselves, he undertook 
to group over a hundred masks according to certain formal criteria 
and then checked this classification against the concepts of his in- 
formants (Fenton, 1941, pp. 397-429). He discovered that the 
mouth, which as the most variable feature is a likely base for dis- 
tinguishing formal types, is the criterion most frequently used by the 
Seneca who divide their masks into the following groups: crooked- 


10 According to Fenton, Doctor and Doorkeeper masks are the most sacred and take the leading parts in 
the curative rituals as they symbolize the first False Face. Those of the Beggar class represent the Common 
Faces of the forest and are less powerful though they are also used for curing. Secret masks never appear in 
public ceremonies; their function and symbolism are unknown. 


370 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


mouth, hanging-mouth, straight-lipped, spoon-lipped, tongue-protrud- 
ing, smiling, whistling or blowing, divided (red and black), and blind. 

Combined with other features, mouth types constitute local and 
tribal styles, ceremonial classes, and mythological stereotypes. 
Crooked-mouth masks with a bent nose and many wrinkles are most 
common among all the Iroquois and portray the distortions suffered 
by the original False Face as described in the legend. Together 
with spoon-lipped masks, which are generally confined to the Seneca, 
they belong to the Doctor and Doorkeeper classes. Faces with a 
protruding tongue appear most often among the Onondaga, whereas 
those with a hanging mouth and a crest of spines on the forehead are 
considered to be ‘‘classic Seneca.’”’ The Beggar or Dancing class is 
the most plastic as it contains a variety of types. Smiling and whis- 
tling masks fall into this group; among the Onondaga they are apt to 
be heavy with thick lips and puffy cheeks. The divided masks that 
represent a ‘‘god whose body is riven in twain” and who is half 
human, half supernatural, are unfamiliar to most of the Iroquois, and 
Fenton believes that they may have been acquired fairly recently 
from the Delaware. Blind masks are an enigma to ethnographers. 
They have no eyeholes and were formerly used in the rites of the 
Idos medicine society, where the wearer demonstrated his ability to 
find and identify hidden objects. Today they never appear in public 
and the Indians are unwilling to talk about them, a secretiveness 
Fenton attributes to lack of knowledge, for blind masks have been 
ceremonially obsolete for over a century. Except in the case of the 
divided mask where red and black symbolize east and west, color 
seems to be irrelevant and is not correlated with any other feature. 
Although some Iroquois attribute greater power to black masks 
while others favor the red, the two colors are equally common. 

As might be expected, Fenton found that the Seneca do not adhere 
rigidly to their own classification; types are not definable in terms of 
form alone. Since masks are usually carved according to dreams or 
visions, the conception portrayed by the carver may be ignored by 
the subsequent owner of the mask. Most masks regardless of form 
rise in status with age and use, so that many Beggar masks are in 
time promoted to the role of Doctor or Doorkeeper. Some Indians 
refuse to recognize any classification, saying that there are as many 
mask types as there are people. 

One general observation may be added to Fenton’s discussion, as it 
pertains to a consideration of tribal styles. While it is quite possible 
to plot the spatial distribution of variations in formal characteristics 
and so determine which masks are today most prevalent in a particular 
locality, there is little assurance that these types taken together 
comprise a traditional tribal style. For almost-200 years the Iroquois 


Ne IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 371 


have been living on reservations on which two or more of the five 
tribes are represented.!! This proximity has tended to break down 
the minor differences between them and there is no reason to sup- 
pose that art forms escaped the process of intertribal acculturation. 
Even before the reservation period, the League brought the Iroquois 
into close association, socially and religiously as well as politically, 
and provided ample opportunity for the observation and exchange of 
ceremonial properties such as masks. The assumption of definite and 
distinct tribal styles in the precontact period is, therefore, a doubtful 
one. Certainly today the stylistic differences that are characteristic 
of the various reservations must be taken as the outgrowth of fairly 
recent local developments rather than the persistence of ancient tribal 
traditions. 

There is very little material on which to base an accurate account 
of the stylistic development of Iroquois masks. Because of the perish- 
able nature of wood, a hundred years is probably the maximum age 
of any mask now in existence, and many of this vintage were destroyed 
by the Christians and the early converts of Handsome Lake who were 
taught to regard them as idols and ‘devil faces.”’ Of those that have 
survived, either on the reservations or in museums and private collec- 
tions, few have been accurately dated. The carvings themselves 
offer no clues to age, for many modern masks are given an antique 
finish to make them look old. Historical records as a source of 
material by which to chart fluctuations in style are of limited value, 
since early descriptions of masks are too few and too general to permit 
a detailed reconstruction. 

Keppler (1941, p. 18) has ventured the opinion that at first all 
masks were carved in the likeness of the original False Face, depicting 
his twisted mouth and broken nose. Divergence from this basic type 
occurred as certain formal characteristics which proved ritually effica- 
cious were emphasized and others that seemed useless were eliminated. 
Further variations may have evolved when the carvers sought to re- 
produce the mysterious maladies which distort the human body, or 
when they attempted to frighten the spirits of disease by heightening 
the fearsome appearance of the masks. 

Keppler’s theory of development has some basis in the origin 
legend and the present widespread distribution of crooked-mouth 
masks, although there is little evidence to support his assertion that 
the variety of masks observed today all evolved from a single basic 
type. Certainly, style was affected by the function and meaning 
of the carvings. Fenton (1956, p. 352) considers the false faces to be 
“grotesque portrayals of specific disease somatotypes,” and he points 


"1 Cattaraugus Reservation, while predominantly Seneca, also has the Cayuga and Onondaga; Tona- 
wanda: Seneca and Cayuga; Allegany: Seneca and Onondaga; etc. 


ate BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


to the striking parallels between the stylistic features and the motor 
behavior of the dancers on the one hand, and the illnesses of face and 
body which the rituals seek to relieve. 

European contact had an influence on style, if for no other reason 
than that the introduction of metal tools revolutionized carving tech- 
niques. The exact nature of the changes which followed, or how 
quickly they took place, cannot be described, since there are no 
accounts of masks before 1678, some 80 years after contact had been 
established. It may be assumed that the carvings became more 
ornate and detailed, that the workmanship became more finished, 
and that many new types, previously too difficult to attempt with 
the old methods of charring and scraping, were developed.!? Spoon- 
lipped masks and those with widely flaring mouths may be examples 
of such innovations. As better tools made woodcarving less arduous 
and time consuming, more people may have engaged in maskmaking, 
which would be another factor in expanding the range of variability. 
New and more spectacular effects were also achieved through the 
use of new materials. Buffalo manes and braided cornhusks which 
had served as hair were replaced by long horsetails, eyes were rimmed 
with sheet metal instead of clamshells, and bright commercial paints 
were substituted for earth pigments. 

During the last two centuries the majority of false faces have under- 
gone few fundamental changes, although the trend toward diversifi- 
cation and the adoption of new forms has continued. Some 
innovations seem to have been inspired by western rather than native 
concepts, such as the horned masks devised by a Seneca artist in 
1900 which have a diabolical appearance and may, according to 
Fenton, be caricatures of White gods. Very modern types include 
representations of Felix the Cat, Mickey Mouse, and Charlie Chaplin 
that have been added to the Beggar class, while masks with cigars 
in their mouths are among those made professionally and offered for 
sale at Cattaraugus. False faces of this type are relatively rare, 
however, as compared with the number carved according to the old 
patterns. In the latter, the basic features, the proportions, and the 
treatment of details combine to produce an effect differing little from 
that described by John Bartram in 1743. 

We were entertained by a very comical fellow in as odd a dress as Indian 
folly could devise. He had on a clumsy vizard of wood, coloured black with a 
nose four or five inches long, a grinning mouth set awry furnished with long teeth, 
round the eyes circles of bright brass, surrounded by larger circles of white paint, 
from his forehead hung long tresses of buffalo hair, and from the catch part of 
his head ropes made of plaited husks of Indian corn . . . . In my whim I saw 


another vizard of this kind hung by the side of one of their cabins in another 
town. [Bartram, 1751, pp. 43-44.] 


12 The introduction of metal tools had essentially this effect on woodcarving of the Northwest Coast. 


Amor T 22) IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 373 


This description substantially agrees with that of Morgan in 1851, 
with the accounts given by Beauchamp, Converse, and Parker in 
the early 1900’s, and could be applied to many of the masks which 
are carved today. 


MASK CARVING AT ONONDAGA RESERVATION 
THE COMMUNITY 


Onondaga Reservation lies in a valley 1 mile south of the city 
limits of Syracuse, not far removed from the ancient tribal site on 
Onondaga Lake. The Indians were guaranteed possession of their 
lands by Government treaty in 1795, the terms of which provide an 
annual allowance of salt and cloth to every member of the tribe. 
Considerably reduced by forced sales in the early 1800’s, the reser- 
vation now encompasses about 6,100 acres of farmland and scrub 
timber. The population is a little less than a thousand, an increase 
of almost 100 percent over the last 10 years owing to an influx of 
Iroquois from Canada who have come seeking jobs in Syracuse. 

To a casual observer, Onondaga is not markedly different from 
other rural areas in this part of the State. The small framehouses 
are similar to those of the surrounding regions, and although many 
are old and some in a dilapidated condition, others are modernized 
to the extent of having plumbing and electricity; radios are common 
and television sets are not unusual. Even the Council House, the 
traditional focus of political and religious activities, is a common- 
place, whitewashed structure resembling a country schoolhouse. 
Other public buildings are three Protestant churches, the Federal 
gerade school, and the National Youth Association building which 
was constructed by the Government during the depression and now 
serves aS a community center. For food and other necessities, 
commercial amusements, and education beyond the primary level, 
the Indians are dependent on Syracuse or Nedrow, a small White 
community on the edge of the reservation. 

Although Onondaga is not a prosperous community, neither is 
there much real poverty. Most families own their own homes and 
hold an acre or more of land which belongs to the tribe and is tax 
free. Some raise a few crops for their own use, but much of the soil is 
poor and no large-scale farming is done. The principal source of 
income is employment in Syracuse where 90 percent of the men, and 
some of the women, have jobs in factories or shops or on construction 
gangs; a large proportion of this number, however, is periodically on 
Government relief.!° 


13 It was my impression that the majority of these men were unemployed by choice rather than necessity, 
as work is not difficult to obtain today. 


374 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Despite the fact that the Indians have taken over the material 
culture and subsistence patterns of the Whites, traditional Iroquois 
customs persist in some aspects of their lives. Insofar as the reserva- 
tion is allowed autonomous government, it is controlled by a council 
of 26 chiefs who are chosen according to the ancient precepts of the 
League; women nominate their sons if they are worthy. Although 
somewhat disorganized and subject to internal dissension, the council 
constitutes a strong conservative block, holding tenaciously to the 
old ways and opposing innovations of any kind. Christians are 
not allowed to hold office even if they are eligible for chieftainships 
in the maternal line. Other evident retentions are: the native lan- 
guage, which is spoken by a segment of the population; the clan and 
moiety systems, which function in the seating of the chiefs in the 
Council House; and the religion, most evident when one moiety gives 
a ceremony for the other. Some of the aboriginal games have sur- 
vived—gambling with dice made of peach stones or deer buttons, 
and “snow snake’ in which a long slender rod of wood is thrown in 
a trough of snow. Lacrosse, the national sport of the Iroquois, still 
arouses enthusiasm; the Onondaga have their own team which plays 
at other reservations and occasionally at neighboring universities. 

Although the Christian missions are strongly entrenched at Onon- 
daga, the Episcopalians having the majority of converts, approxi- 
mately one-third of the community adheres to the old forms of worship 
as modified by the teachings of Handsome Lake.'* Known as the 
Long House or Council House religion, it includes the recitation of 
moral precepts from the Code, the confession of sins, and the cele- 
bration of the traditional festivals. The False Faces are an integral 
part of Council House creed and ritual, as they continue to appear 
at the New Year’s Festival when they dance and cure with ashes, to 
make their rounds of the reservation in the spring and fall, and to hold 
private ceremonies for those who request their services. Theoretically 
all members have at one time undergone treatment by the society, 
but many who have not been initiated in this manner participate in 
the curative rites and so have come to be regarded as part of the band. 
Possibly it is the relaxation of the original requirements for mem- 
bership that is responsible for the uncertainty in the minds of the 
Onondaga as to the present size of the society. Estimates range 
between 13 and 100, the former probably being the number who have 
been formally initiated. In recent years a White man from Syracuse 
has been admitted. He visits the reservation frequently, takes an 
active part in the rituals, and is considered by his associates in the 

4 This number is not an actual count but an estimate given to me by the woman who has charge of the 


Episcopalian mission. She considers the Onondaga to be one-third Christians, one-third pagans, and one- 
third nothing in particular, 


Anthrop. Pap. 
"No. 74] IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 375 


society to be an authority on the meaning and use of the masks. 
In this sense he is more “Indian” than the Indians themselves, 
insisting that the ancient concepts be followed and the ancient forms 
observed. 

The rivalry and suspicion which exist between the Christian 
church and the Council House do not prevent a frequent change from 
one congregation to another on the part of many of the members. 
Some vacillate continually between the two, forsaking the church when 
they feel they have been slighted or insulted there, only to return 
when something upsets them at the Council House. Even those who 
remain permanently affiliated with one religious system tend to take 
advantage of what the other has to offer. Thus Council House people 
usually bring their children to be baptized at the church, while many 
“good” churchmen who have been Christians for generations attend 
the festivals at the Council House and call in the False Faces when 
the White doctor fails to effect a cure. This inclination to “play it 
safe’ is strikingly exemplified in the not uncommon practice of 
giving the deceased two separate services; a Christian burial and a 
Dead Feast at the Council House. Nor is a belief in witchcraft 
confined to one religious group. Although the fear of being ‘“‘witched”’ 
and the conviction that some persons have the power to transform 
themselves into animals are more prevalent among the Council 
House people, the Christains too sense the threat of unseen evils. 
They may laugh at the more “backward and superstitious Indians”’; 
but they do not care to walk out alone at night, have an uneasy 
feeling that a screech owl is an omen of impending danger, and tell 
stories of being chased by creatures that are half-human, half-animal. 

The traditional arts have not fared as well under the impact of 
acculturation as have the religious and political systems, since the 
acceptance of western material culture leaves most of them no function 
in the society. Under the auspices of the National Youth Association, 
classes in Indian handicraft were held for a time at the community 
center by an Onondaga woman who has taught in summer camps. 
These classes did not include instruction in mask carving, and since 
they did not succeed in arousing much interest, they have been dis- 
continued. Other than this there has been no organized attempt to 
develop or preserve the old skills and, with the exception of wood- 
carving, those which have survived do so because they have a com- 
mercial value as Indian souvenirs. Many of the women do a little 
beadwork at home. The belts, bracelets, lapel pins, and moccasins 
which they make are as much “Indian” as Iroquois in design; the 

15 This man, Pete Hest, gave me little information beyond the fact that he likes Indians and has been 


associated with them at summer camps where he picked up his interest in Indian lore. He is regarded 
somewhat suspiciously by many of the Christians on the reservation who wonder what he is up to. 


376 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


traditional floral patterns are rarely used while such Plains motifs 
as the arrow and the swastika are combined with simple geometric 
forms. More nearly related to the old culture are the cornhusk dolls 
and baskets, but colors in the latter are garish and the shapes adapted 
to the practical needs of the customers. One basketmaker, comment- 
ing on the fact that much of the work is neither ‘‘true Iroquois” nor 
of a high quality, put the blame on the necessity of conforming to 
White standards. ‘‘Most people don’t appreciate authentic work. 
They judge by the size, not the quality, and want the most for the 
least money.’”’ The products of the women, along with bows and 
arrows made by the men, are sold at the New York State Fair held 
once a year in Syracuse and in roadside stands put up on the reserva- 
tion to attract the summer visitors.‘* Almost the only craft which is 
not produced exclusively for the tourist trade is woodcarving. Some 
of the men carve lacrosse sticks, snow snakes, unornamented wooden 
paddles for stirring food, and masks, all of which are still used by the 
Council House people. However, with the exception of lacrosse 
sticks, which are sold to university teams as well as to local players, 
none of these articles is made in any quantity. 

The intermingling of Iroquois and White patterns as it exists at 
Onondaga today, particularly in the area of religion, seems to suggest 
that there is no clear-cut line between those Indians who have ac- 
cepted western culture and those who have resisted some aspects of it. 
Yet there is a differential reaction to acculturation which is based, 
although not invariably, on tribal affiliation and which follows from 
the relationship between Onondaga descent, politics, religion, and 
language. Active participation in native politics is directly dependent 
on tribal affiliation and is restricted to Onondagas because chieftain- 
ships are hereditary within the tribe. The aboriginal religion is in- 
directly linked with Onondaga descent in two ways: by the rule that 
chiefs must belong at least nominally to the Council House, and by 
the fact that Christians are more apt to marry out of the tribe. The 
association between linguistic patterns and descent is more tenuous, 
but it seems reasonable to suppose that regular attendance at the 
Council House, where the old language is used, would encourage its 
retention. 

Those who are not Onondagas comprise a large proportion of the 
population, since they include the members of other Iroquois tribes 
living on the reservation as well as the descendants of those who have 


18 Any attempt on the part of an outsider to compete with these local establishments is deeply resented, 
as in the case of a woman who has recently arrived on the reservation, set up a large crafts stand and under- 
cut the other craftsmen. It is rumored that she buys her wares cheaply in Canada, and she is generally 
disliked for ‘‘muscling in ”’ 


Anthrop,, Pap. TROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY att 


intermarried into these tribes or with the Whites.!’ These people 
have no voice in the government and are allowed to hold land only if 
one of their grandparents was an Onondaga. Thus they are disposed 
to discard the aboriginal values and adopt western ones, as by birth, 
if not by choice, they are already marginal to the old culture. As one 
of this group put it, ‘Anyone not an Onondaga is always regarded as 
an outsider.” 

There is, of course, a great deal of variation within the two groups, 
and possibly a careful analysis would reveal the existence of a number 
of subgroups, overlapping but distinguishable on the basis of individual 
reactions to change.'® Nor can it be claimed that tribal affiliation is 
the only or even the most important determinant of acculturation, 
although it seems to carry a greater weight than any other obvious 
factor such as age. 

There are indications that the compromise between the old culture 
and the new, and between the people who identify with them, is an 
uneasy one both for individuals and for the community as a whole." 
The suppressed animosity between the church and the Council House, 
the ambivalence evident in the sudden shift from one religion to the 
other, the conflict between those who wish to preserve the native 
traditions and those who wish to make the reservation “‘progressive,”’ 
and a certain defensiveness on the part of those who have clung to 
the old ways, are some of the more overt manifestations of the tension 
and anxiety which result from the attempt to strike a balance between 
two divergent cultures. Among some of the Indians, particularly the 
younger generation, Iroquois retentions seem to be one of the reactions 
to the insecurity which they feel in their situation—a self-conscious 
return to the aboriginal culture which they have idealized and which 
they believe offers a safer, more satisfactory way of life. This nativism, 
which is individual, spasmodic, and unorganized, is an important 
element in mask carving and will be discussed subsequently in greater 


detail. 
THE CARVERS 


Maskmaking at Onondaga is neither a profession nor a full-fledged 
craft recognized by the community as such. Rather, its status is that 
of a part-time activity carried on by a small group of men who do not 
depend upon it as a source of income. Those who engage in the art 


17 Since descent is matrilineal, this does not include the offspring of marriages in which the woman is 
Onondaga. In these cases, even if the father is White, the children retain their tribal membership. 

18 The categories which Voget (1951, pp. 220-231) used in his analysis of Iroquois society on the Caugh- 
nawaga Reservation in Canada might, with more careful investigation, prove to apply equally well to 
Onondaga. On the basis of differential reactions to acculturation, he divided the community into four 
groups: native, native-modified, American-modified, and American-marginal. 

19 By “‘identify’’ I mean that people define themselves as belonging to a particular group (in this case 
Indian or White) and refer their behavior to the values which they attribute to that group. 


378 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


are a fraction of the total population and few even in relation to that 
segment which identifies with the aboriginal culture. There are not 
more than 12 living on the reservation today who are known to be 
maskmakers, and of this number it is only the younger men—those 
between the ages of 25 and 45—who have done much carving within 
the last few years (see table 1, p. 381). Iwas told that in the past more 
of the older generation made masks but that now the work is hard 
on their eyes and in general too arduous. 

The amount of time devoted to carving is not great, although it 
varies from one carver to another. No one works at it regularly 
throughout the year, and some seem to regard it almost as a hobby or 
recreation to occupy their spare time. While several of the men have 
made as many as a dozen masks, others have turned out only one or 
two. Eddie Schenandoah, who is at present employed in Syracuse, is 
one oi the most productive of the carvers whereas Allison Thomas, 
whose job as caretaker of the community center leaves him free for 
most of the day, has done comparatively little. Thus, differences in 
creativity do not seem to be related to the amount of leisure time a 
man has at his disposal. More probably such differences are de- 
pendent on the individual’s interest and success in carving, and on 
whether he finds the work easy or difficult. 

At only one period of the year does maskmaking approximate a 
full-time occupation. This is in the winter, a couple of months before 
the New Year’s Festival. Several informants remarked that although 
they have no particular desire to carve during the rest of the year, they 
“begin to get a feeling for it’’ at about this season and then work 
steadily in order to be ready for the annual appearance of the False 
Faces in the Council House. 

With few exceptions those who carve the masks are those who use 
them. They are adherents to the native religious system who have 
never been Christians, are apostates from the church, or attend the 
Council House as well as the church. Most seem to be active partici- 
pants in the False Face rituals and members of the medicine society. 
They are also central to the old culture through tribal affiliation, 
language, and association with native politics. Two are chiefs and 
three are the sons of the present head of the council and themselves 
eligible for office. The carvers who are marginal to the old culture are 
those who do little or no mask carving today. Floyd Doctor is a 
Seneca and, as far as I know, is not a member of the Council House. 
He picked up the art on the Tonawanda Reservation ‘“‘because there 
was nothing else to do during the depression,’’ but has done very little 
with it since he came to Onondaga. Two other men call themselves 
carvers although they are avowed Christians and belong to the more 
acculturated portion of the population. Of these, however, Stanley 


An eat ~=IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 379 


Pierce admits that he has not carved for many years, while Andrew 
Pierce claims to make masks but is repudiated by the Council House 
people who say that although he has made bows and arrows, he has 
never carved a false face. 

The carvers are not regarded primarily as craftsmen either by the 
community or by themselves. The reservation as a whole speaks of 
them as Council House people and members of the False Face Society, 
while the Christians add the statement that they are lazy. The 
prevailing sentiment among this group is that only Indians who do 
nothing else do carving, an assertion which has some basis in fact, as 
the maskmakers tend to belong to the less prosperous element on the 
reservation, being frequently out of work and on Government relief. 

Among themselves the carvers seem to identify with each other 
more on the basis of their membership in the medicine society and 
their common interest in masks than on their technical and artistic 
ability as craftsmen. Several, when they were asked for the names 
of other carvers, included Floyd Henhawk, who makes the turtle rat- 
tles used by the False Faces and who wears the masks but has never 
made one. Nor could any one of them give me a complete list of those 
in the community who do or who have done carving, four or five 
persons being the most some could recall, while others could think of 
only one or two. The two men who were most frequently mentioned 
and who come closest to having the status of craftsmen are Eddie 
Schenandoah and Kenneth Thomas; the first is known for his ability 
to turn out a mask in a week, and the other for his careful, finished 
work. 

The general lack of recognition accorded the carvers as such is due, 
at least in part, to the small number of masks that are produced today 
and to the close association of these carvings with religion rather than 
with any of the other crafts. Maskmaking is not necessarily related 
to the carving of lacrosse sticks, snow snakes, etc., since only three 
of the men who carve masks also make these objects. The others 
limit themselves to the false faces and say that they have no intention 
of trying anything else. Nor is maskmaking associated with the 
women’s crafts. The wives of some of the carvers do beadwork, but 
women whose husbands are not carvers are just as apt to engage in 
this work. There is a somewhat closer link with the cornhusk masks 
which some of the mothers and aunts of the carvers have made in 
the past. Very few of this type, however, are made today. 

The fact that mask carving was formerly a ceremonial procedure 
suggests that this art has always cut across the other craft speciali- 
zations and been associated with the medicine societies. There 
are, however, no historical materials to validate this supposition, 
just as there is no information as to the amount of carving which 


380 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


was done, its relative importance in Iroquois culture as compared 
with other activities, the age of the carvers and their position in the 
society, or the kind of prestige and satisfaction they derived from 
their occupation. Quain (1937, pp. 267-268, 279) mentions that 
skill as a craftsman was one of the ways to gain esteem without 
reference to inherited claims, but taken in context, his statement im- 
plies that it was their contribution to the general welfare of the 
society rather than their artistic achievements per se which brought 
the craftsmen recognition. 

Taking into consideration what is known about the aboriginal 
patterns and the foci of Iroquois culture, it is probable that occupa- 
tional differentiations were never well developed but that, to the ex- 
tent of this development, craftsmen were accorded less prestige than 
those whose contributions were in the realm of politics, oratory, 
and warfare. One can guess that masks were never made in any 
quantity and that although certain men might have been judged to 
be better carvers than others, it was their proficiency in manipulating 
the carvings as religious symbols in the curative rituals rather than 
their ability to create them that set these individuals apart from the 
rest of the society. It is even conceivable that mask carving was 
itself a religious technique and was regarded as were clairvoyance and 
prophecy—a special form of supernatural power or orenda. The 
power to carve would then have been bestowed, along with the power 
to heal, on any individual who was initiated into the False Face 
Society. 

If this historical reconstruction is correct, it is evident that what 
may be termed the sociological aspects of maskmaking—the position 
of the art in the culture and the role of the artists in the community— 
have not changed materially under the impact of acculturation, but 
are essentially the same today as they were in the aboriginal society. 


ECONOMICS OF MASK CARVING 


Masks were originally clan property, were later acquired by the 
medicine society, and finally came to be individual possessions which 
were handed down within families. Exchange in ownership was a 
ritual rather than an economic transaction and was effected by the 
new owner adding his bag of tobacco to those already attached to the 
mask (Keppler, 1941, p. 17). There is not enough historical data to 
permit an accurate account of the economic significance of the carvings 
in the aboriginal culture. However, since they were ceremonial 
objects, masks probably had little if any commercial value within 
the society, an assumption which explains why the Europeans were 
able to purchase them at a very low price during the 18th and 19th 
centuries (Beauchamp, 1905 a, p. 191). Later, when the Indians 


IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 381 


Anthrop. Pap. 
No. 74] 


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382 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


realized that the carvings had a monetary value for the Whites, 
their attitude began to shift in the direction of greater conformity 
to western standards. This change may be responsible for the fact 
that masks are now private rather than community property. 

Today at Onondaga the economic aspects of maskmaking are still 
minimized by those who identify with the traditional Iroquois pat- 
terns. In this respect the art differs from the beadwork and basket- 
weaving of the women, which are openly acknowledged to be 
commercial enterprises, as well as from carving on some other reser- 
vations where masks are made specifically for the tourist trade and 
it is possible to order ‘‘a genuine Iroquois false face’”’ by mail. Some 
Onondagas maintain that masks, being ceremonial properties, should 
never be sold, although the more prevalent opinion holds that it is 
use which makes the carvings sacred and that they may be sold if 
they have never been ‘doctored’? or worn in a ceremony. The 
chiefs have forbidden sales at the State Fair and from the roadside 
stands on the reservation and do all they can to prevent the old masks 
from falling into the hands of the Whites. The position which the 
carvers themselves have taken toward selling their work is somewhat 
inconsistent. They assert quite positively that although it is per- 
missible to sell and trade masks among the members of the False 
Face Society and the other Council House people, it is wrong to deal 
with outsiders, particularly as Pete Hest has told them to keep all 
the carvings they make. Actually, however, most of them have on 
occasion done business with the Whites or with those Indians who 
have no scruples about selling to the Whites; some have even parted 
with their ‘doctored’? masks when they were in need of money. 
How this contradiction between their statements and their actions is 
rationalized, I do not know. When questioned individually, each 
carver intimated that although he had never sold a ‘‘doctored’”’ mask, 
he knew of others who had done so, but that these were cases in 
which there were extenuating circumstances, usually of a financial 
nature. It may be that they regard the traditional prohibitions as 
ideal standards of conduct which they feel obliged to follow only 
when they do not conflict with economic necessity. It is also possible 
that the leniency which the individual carver displays, toward those 
who accept the norms but occasionally fail to observe them, may 
serve to assuage his own feelings of guilt when he finds himself in a 
similar position. 

The attitude of the more acculturated Onondagas is far more ex- 
plicit. ‘The Christians and others who have no respect for the in- 
junctions of the Council House look upon the false faces as Indian 
curios which may have a monetary value. Of these people, however, 
only Andrew Pierce has openly attempted to commercialize the art 


Anthrop-,F2P- IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 383 


by setting himself up as a dealer in masks. Along with the bows 
and arrows, snow snakes, and a group of miscellaneous items which 
he calls Indian relics, he has a collection of carvings which he lends 
to the members of the False Face Society, but will also sell to anyone 
willing to purchase. Most of the masks Pierce has at the present 
time have been obtained from carvers who have pawned them to 
him for a few dollars. When they attempt to buy them back, he 
refuses to sell at the same price, holding them instead for what he 
can get from White collectors. In the past he had several steady 
customers in Syracuse, among them a wealthy brewer who bought the 
carvings now owned by the city’s Historical Society. Since Pierce 
does business publicly from a small craft shop, he has incurred the 
enmity of the Council House for defying the ruling of the chiefs. 
By the carvers he is regarded as a middleman who buys cheap and 
sells high, making a profit on other people’s work.” 

There seems to be no standard price on masks. The cost of a 
particular carving depends on how valuable it is to the individual 
who is selling it, how much he is in need of money at the time, and 
“what he thinks the traffic will bear.’’ Pierce values his masks at 
anywhere from $5 up to $300, although doubtless the latter amount 
is the asking price and he would accept less. He puts the highest 
figures on carvings which appear to be old and those which he con- 
siders to be traditional Iroquois types, because White customers 
will pay more for masks that ‘look Indian.”’ To achieve this effect 
he sometimes adds teeth or tusks to those masks which he believes 
are not “fierce enough,” and substitutes clam shells for the tin around 
the eyes. ‘‘When masks have tin on them, people think they are 
made by Whites instead of Indians.”” As the Council House people 
refuse to discuss price, at least on an abstract level, I have no infor- 
mation as to what monetary value they place on false faces. Pierce’s 
criteria—antiquity and conformity to tradition—are probably always 
important determinants both within the community and outside of 
it, while other factors, such as technical excellence and the time 
spent on the carving, may also enter in. 

In contrast to the large masks, the small ones have lost their 
religious associations for most people and are made specifically for 
sale. They can be bought at the State Fair, at the roadside stands, 
and at the community center for one or two dollars. Most of the 
younger carvers make some of this size which they sell whenever 
they have the opportunity. Lee Thomas formerly did a brisk business 

20 This may be the reason behind the carvers’ assertion that Pierce is not a mask carver. However, I 


was unable to obtain the information that would resolve the discrepancy between his statements and those 
of others. 


384 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


with the girls at Syracuse University, who bought them to wear as 
lapel pins. 

It has been pointed out that none of the crafts is an important 
source of income to the Onondaga. The volume of business which is 
done in beadwork and basketwork is small, and in the case of masks 
almost nonexistent; even Andrew Pierce, who comes closest to openly 
advertising his wares, probably sells no more than three or four masks 
in the course of a year. The lack of explicit commercialization is not, 
I think, due primarily to the traditionally sacred character of the 
carvings, since the religious prohibitions against selling put no restraint 
upon the Christians and can, when necessary, be circumvented by the 
Council House people. Rather it is the economic situation which 
prevents the carvers and the community as a whole from regarding 
maskmaking as economically profitable. Within the reservation there 
is very limited demand for false faces. The group which has a use for 
them is a small proportion of the population, and most of these Indians 
already own carvings which they have inherited from their families. 

Nor is there a large market outside which can be exploited. The 
Whites in Syracuse and the surrounding areas have come to look 
upon the Onondaga as a minority group which lacks the qualities of 
strangeness and savagery that are usually attributed to native peoples. 
Since these particular Indians do not fit the conventional stereotype, 
it follows that they are not quite authentic and that the articles which 
they make are not “genuine Indian” handicrafts. Few tourists, there- 
fore, visit the reservation with the intention of buying souvenirs, 
while those who do are more apt to purchase the smaller and cheaper 
items—the baskets, maskettes, bead belts and bracelets—than they 
are the larger and more expensive masks for which they have no 
practical use. . 

The geographical situation of the reservation affects not only the 
expectations of the Whites but also the attitude of the Indians. 
Living as they do almost in the suburbs of Syracuse, most Onondagas 
find that it is easier and more profitable to hold a job in the city than 
to attempt to create a market for their native products. It seems that 
it is expediency and particularly financial considerations, not religious 
sanctions, which have kept the Onondaga from developing the economic 
potentialities of mask carving. 


RELIGIOUS ASPECTS OF MASKMAKING 


In many respects the false faces appear to serve the same function 
and elicit the same emotional responses of fear and reverence today 
as they did in the aboriginal culture. The formal features of the 
curative rituals have been retained, the mythology and religious 
concepts validating the rituals are still known, and the ancient precepts 


Anon T°?) IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 385 


concerning the treatment of the masks are generally observed by those 
who use them. 

Accounts of the miraculous cures wrought by a particular mask 
or the unusual powers possessed by another are cited by the Council 
House people as proof of the positive supernatural attributes of the 
carvings, while their potentialities for evil are illustrated by stories 
of what has happened to persons who have been unfortunate enough 
to offend them. One informant told me of a man whose face became 
twisted because he had mocked a mask, and another related an incident 
in which a woman was thrown into convulsions when she laughed at 
the False Face company. 

The masks which are currently worn by the members of the medicine 
society are hung together in what is called the “Hodo’wi Room”’ 
of the community center. Most of these were made specifically for 
the last Midwinter festival and all have been “‘doctored”’ in the ap- 
proved manner by laying them face up on the floor of the Council 
House and burning tobacco. Each mask has a bag of tobacco at- 
tached to it and shows evidence of having been fed with corn mush. 
The zeal of the Indians in carrying out the prescribed forms extends 
even to those masks which are no longer in their possession. Al- 
lison Thomas told me that he and some of the other carvers intend to 
visit the Albany museum to “pay our respects to the old fellows up 
there.’”’ Because those masks have been neglected for many years 
they need to be talked to and propitiated with tobacco. 

Yet despite the declarations of faith and the careful observance 
of the traditional customs, there is some evidence that the old be- 
liefs have faded or changed. Very few of my informants ever referred 
to the supernatural beings which the masks represent. ‘This omission 
may have arisen from a reluctance to reveal information of a sacred 
nature to an outsider rather than from ignorance, although there 
was little reticence in discussing the religious function of the masks. 
Those few who did mention the Hodo’wi by name tended to do so 
in the past tense. I was told that they used to live on the edge 
of the reservation, that they used to be seen occasionally in the woods, 
that the old people used to dream about them; always with the im- 
plication that these events had taken place in the distant past. One 
young carver made his doubts about the existence of these spirits 
quite explicit when he observed that although he had been on every 
part of the reservation, he had never been able to find one. It was 
this same man who openly expressed skepticism about the efficacy of 
the False Face rituals. In telling me of a ceremony which had been 
given for him when he was a child, he wound up with the statement, 
“T did get well, but of course I had been sick a long time and was 
due to get well anyway.” 


386 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


Fear of the carvings, of seeing them or touching them, seems 
to be confined to a few of the younger women. The wife of Allison 
Thomas is said to be afraid to be alone in the community house; she 
thinks she hears the masks talking at night and believes they were 
the cause of a blizzard that occurred one winter. Several of the 
other women called the masks “nightmares” and “‘scary,’’ but in these 
instances I felt they were reacting less as Indians to the symbolic 
content than as women to the grotesque appearance of the carvings.” 
The older women take the masks for granted as do the men, who show 
no overt signs of fear or caution when they are near them. They 
handle the carvings, even those which have been ‘‘doctored,” with 
familiarity and, what is more significant, allowed me to do the same. 

Along with the probability that faith in the spiritual powers of the 
false faces is no longer complete and unquestioning, there are obvious 
indications that some of the practices and professed beliefs have 
been recently acquired, or at least reinforced, from the outside. Most 
of the members of the medicine society, and particularly the carvers, 
have access to the literature on Iroquois masks and rituals through 
Pete Hest. Their interest in and knowledge of these ethnographic 
works came out many times in the course of interviews. One man told 
me that although today at Onondaga the masks are called hodo’wi, the 
real name is gagohsa (the Seneca term), and that he knew this was cor- 
rect because he had seen it somewhere in a book. Another, in trying to 
explain that the Onondaga do not classify their masks according to 
Doctor, Doorkeeper, Beggar, and Dancing, as do the Seneca, read the 
information from a pamphlet by Beauchamp. The illustrations in 
Wissler’s “Lore of the Demon Mask” and Speck’s ‘Iroquois’? were 
cited as a source of inspiration to the carvers when they are in need of 
‘new ideas.”’ 

Dependence on the literature is coupled with a tendency to look to 
Pete Hest for the correct forms of behavior. It is he who has told the 
men that they should continue to carve masks, that they should keep 
all they make, that they should not allow the Whites to profane them 
by photographing them. His role in the medicine society is quite 
definitely that of expert and teacher. Under his guidance about 10 of 
the members gather at the community center on winter nights. Here 
in the room where the masks are hung they eat corn soup, learn the 
traditional songs from the older men, and study ‘Indian lore.” 
Although his injunctions to observe the ancient customs are not 
always obeyed, his knowledge of them commands much respect, for I 
was repeatedly referred to him as the authority on masks and as the one 
person who could tell me everything I wanted to know. To what 


21 Women in our culture to whom I showed pictures of Iroquois masks reacted in much the same way 
and used almost identical words—“‘hideous,” “‘frightening,”’ etc. 


Anihrop-,F2P- JTROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 387 


extent he is directly responsible for the preservation of the False Face 
Society it is difficult to judge. However, he is certainly an important 
influence in shaping the attitudes and actions of the younger men. 
As one informant put it, “If Pete Hest is not ashamed to act like an 
Indian, we should not be.” 

The carvers’ reaction to Whites who show a familiarity with 
Iroquois ethnography is, to a lesser degree, similar to their reaction 
to Hest. The willingness of the younger men to explain the purpose 
of the masks and describe the rituals in which they are used contrasts 
sharply with the behavior of the older ones—who, for the most part, 
refused to talk to me at all—and seems to indicate a desire on the part 
of the former to prove themselves “real Indians.’’ A concrete in- 
stance of their efforts to make what they consider to be the proper 
responses occurred when I inquired if the masks in the community 
center should be hung facing out, as they were when I first saw them. 
Allison Thomas, to whom I made this remark, then admitted that he 
was breaking the rules, and the next time I came to the center, each 
mask was hanging with its face turned to the wall. Several of my 
other informants seemed almost apologetic because they could not 
fulfill the expectations of the White visitor. One explained that he 
could give me very little information because he had not “studied up 
lately,”’ while another said that he did not know much about masks 
but “If I had education, I could tell you more.”’ 

The material which has been presented does not permit a definitive 
statement as to the attitude of the modern Onondagas toward their 
masks. The problem of ascertaining belief is always difficult, and in 
this case particularly so, since the Indians themselves are probably 
not completely conscious of their own convictions. However, the fact 
that most of the older men will not discuss the masks and their rituals 
with outsiders suggests that they may have retained their faith in the 
curative powers of the carvings, whereas the beliefs of the younger 
men seem to have changed. Although conviction may be acquired 
with age or experience with illness interpreted as due to the False 
Faces, I feel that the majority of the men carving today do not regard 
the masks as sacred but simply know that they should so regard them. 
Their actions, insofar as I was able to observe them, and their state- 
ments to me seem to add up to a self-conscious effort to adhere to those , 
patterns of behavior which they have learned are appropriate for 
Indians. 


LEARNING AND MOTIVATION 


Maskmaking is regarded by the Onondaga as a skill which requires 
no training or instruction of any sort. The reaction of the carvers 
when they were asked who had taught them the art was one of astonish- 


388 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


ment and the answer was invariably “no one.’? Some seem to be of 
the opinion that carving is a native characteristic, insisting that “all 
Indians carve,” ‘it comes natural to us,” “it’s just in us.” Even 
Floyd Doctor, who admitted that he learned to make masks when the 
Indian Arts Project was established at Tonawanda, made the state- 
ment that carving is instinctive. Others, although they emphatically 
denied that they had been taught to carve, said that they had picked it 
up from watching the old men. ‘It’s a matter of interest. If you see 
other people carving, you will want to start too.’’ Only one of the 
carvers said that he had acquired his interest from a relative, in this 
case anuncle. Therest could not remember that any member of their 
family had ever carved before. 

While there is certainly more verbal instruction than the carvers 
are willing to admit, it is quite possible most do master the essentials 
of the art without formal training. The technical processes of wood- 
carving are fairly simple as compared to pottery or metalworking and 
are such that they can be acquired by observation and imitation as 
described by one of the men. ‘‘A man will stand around and watch 
another man work. Then he will get his own piece of wood and 
start as best he can.” Nor is there any expenditure of time or money 
involved in gathering the materials and equipment, since wood can 
be easily obtained anywhere on the reservation and the only indispen- 
sable tool is a knife. I was told that many boys, even Christians, start 
a maskette and then become discouraged when the wood splits or it 
turns out to be more difficult than they had supposed. As Christians 
have no use for the masks, they rarely continue, while Council House 
people who are not successful in their first attempt are also likely to 
give it up. Floyd Henhawk is one of those who said he had tried 
carving but found it too difficult. 

In the last few years there has been an opportunity to learn mask- 
making not mentioned by any of my informants. The class in 
Indian lore inaugurated by Pete Hest brings the carvers together at 
the community center on an average of once a week in winter, and 
many work on their masks during these sessions. Although Hest is 
not himself a carver, he encourages the Indians in their efforts and 
there is undoubtedly some instruction or at least advice offered to 
the beginners by the more experienced. Indeed, one of the men told 
me that he was in the habit of giving pointers to others and helping 
them over some of the more difficult problems. 

Two of the carvers, Lee and Kenneth Thomas, have received art 
training outside of the reservation, as they studied drawing while 
attending high school in Syracuse. Lee still does some painting, 
mostly watercolors of Indians wearing masks. Neither of them, 
however, could see any connection between these classes and their 


Anthror, 22; IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 389 


woodcarving. Lee in particular felt that he gained nothing from the 
experience. ‘I didn’t like it because the teacher made me draw the 
way she wanted. I like to follow my own ideas.” 

Since maskmaking is learned informally, and often by the method 
of trial and error, it is not surprising that the carvers minimize this 
phase of the art. Yet their refusal to recognize that there are certain 
situations, such as the class at the community center where teaching 
does take place, constitutes a negative reaction out of proportion to 
the facts. 

It has been conjectured that maskmaking was originally regarded 
by the Iroquois as a supernatural technique which was automatically 
acquired with initiation into the medicine society. Granting the 
validity of this assumption, the statement by one of my informants 
that carving is a religous power indicates that some traces of this 
belief have survived. Certainly if such a retention were widespread 
it would account for the current opinion that instruction is unnec- 
essary. There is, however, another factor in the attitude of the 
Onondagas which is brought to light by their assertions that carv- 
ing is instinctive, natural. Through reading the literature and 
through contact with men like Hest, they have been impressed with 
the fact that masks are an old Iroquois custom and an important 
part of their cultural heritage. Therefore, in their effort to pre- 
serve that heritage, it is natural that they should maintain, and 
perhaps even believe, that carving is an inherent characteristic which 
no “real Indian” has to be taught. 

The problem of motivation, like the problem of religious conviction, 
is not easily solved. The statements of the carvers are of little value 
in this connection, since for the most part they seem to be reasons given 
after the fact. ‘I got interested in carving and decided to try it’; 
“T saw other people doing it’’; ‘I had some free time.”” One man 
said that everybody would carve if he had good tools and a good place 
to work; another that he had taken up the art because he had nothing 
else to do and had continued because people had praised his work, 
calling it outstanding. No one mentioned the profit motive. Actu- 
ally, the lack of a market for masks makes it improbable that anyone 
engages in the occupation for economic reasons. 

It is possible that some do carve to gain recognition and prestige 
among the small group which has an interest in masks. Among the 
older men faith in the spiritual powers of the carvings may still be 
the primary incentive. Nor must it be overlooked that maskmaking 
affords a socially sanctioned outlet for creative impulses. Kenneth 
Thomas is one of those who seem to derive satisfaction of an esthetic 
nature from carving, as he lavishes much time and care on each mask 
and turns out technically perfect work. Eddie Schenandoah is per- 


390 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


haps another. Yet despite the fact that no one motive can be postu- 
lated for all the carvers, either individually or as a group, the one 
common factor among the younger men seems to be their desire to 
conform to the old way of life. Since carving is regarded as a typi- 
cal Iroquois activity, it provides an obvious means of relating to the 
aboriginal culture, allowing the Onondaga to fulfill the conception 
which they have of themselves as Indians. 


TECHNICAL AND ESTHETIC PROCESSES 


The ancient method of mask carving has long been obsolete. I 
was told that no one on the reservation ever works on a live tree and 
none of my informants could remember hearing that anyone had done 
so within the past 100 years. Most of them, however, knew that it 
was an old Iroquois custom, and one man expressed a desire to “‘try 
it sometime.’”’ ‘Today there are no religious proscriptions placed upon 
the carvers, and few traces remain of the rituals which were formerly 
interwoven with the technical processes. One carver did say that 
tobacco may be burned when the wood is being cut from the tree, but 
I could not be sure whether he was describing a current practice or 
simply stating what he knew to be the ancient, and therefore proper, 
procedure. 

Basswood still has the prestige of tradition and is generally pre- 
ferred because it is a soft, light wood. ‘The carvers find it easy to 
work and say that the finished product is light enough to wear with 
comfort. Other types of wood which are used include poplar, well- 
seasoned white pine, and butternut. As the latter is heavier than 
basswood, it is not so apt to split. Cedar is considered too heavy, 
and willow, though light, is difficult to carve because it has knots. 
All of the carvers work the wood when it is very dry or almost rotten, 
since by then it has already cracked and they can allow for this fact 
in the carving. Sometimes the bark is stripped from a standing tree 
so that it will die and be thoroughly dried out before it is felled. 
Although a few of the Onondagas told me that masks should be started 
in green wood and worked gradually over a long period of time, this 
method was advocated only by noncarvers and is probably a retention 
from the days when carving was done on a live tree. 

The carvers’ basic tools are knives and chisels, but they employ 
any tool which facilitates their work and allows it to progress more 
quickly. The initial processes, which consist of cutting the wood 
into the shape of a semicylinder and roughing out the features, 
are performed with hatchets and saws. The holes for the eyes and 
the mouth are made with drills, while small knives and files of various 
kinds are considered necessary for refining the forms and finishing 
the details. The crooked knife, traditional tool of the eastern In- 


Anthrop. Pap. TROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 391 


dians, is used along with chisels for hollowing out the back. Al- 
though vices are owned by several of the carvers, they are never 
used for masks. One man thought this tool might be helpful but 
the others said that it would crack the mask after it had been hol- 
lowed. The carver generally places the piece to be carved on a 
larger block of wood or braces the carving against his chest or knees. 
Always working with the grain of the wood, he carves either toward 
or away from his body—whichever is easier in relation to the way he 
is holding the mask. 

While most masks are made from a single piece of wood, additions 
such as teeth or tusks may be pegged in. Some men sandpaper 
before they paint because they like a glossy surface; others prefer 
the rough texture of the knife marks. Red is the favorite color; 
occasionally, however, the carvings are given a dark brown finish 
which makes them look antique. After the mask has been painted, 
the hair is tacked on. This may be short fur which encircles the 
face like a ruff or it may be the more traditional long horsehair. The 
latter, which is obtained from a slaughterhouse in Syracuse, is dried 
out and then pounded with a mallet to soften it. 

There are certain individual differences in the methods of the 
carvers. Some start to hollow the back before they have progressed 
very far with the features, others finish up the front before they 
begin on the back, and still others work the back and front alter- 
nately. One man pointed out that he always tries to keep the 
features at the same stage of development, since if one part gets 
ahead of the rest it results in a poor carving. Several of the carvers 
said they found it necessary to try their masks on while they were 
working them to check the position of the eyeholes and to be sure 
they fit without rubbing or scraping the face. The speed with which 
the men carve also varies considerably. Kenneth Thomas works 
very slowly, taking 3 to 4 months to complete one mask, whereas 
Eddie Schenandoah is able to finish one in a week or less. 

Most of my information on the techniques of carving was acquired 
by questioning the men about their usual method of procedure rather 
than by observation of the actual processes, since I was on the reserva- 
tion during March and April, months which are ‘out of season” for 
the maskmakers. None of the carvers were working on masks at this 
time, nor could any of them be persuaded to start a large one for my 
benefit. The excuses given were that they had just finished carving for 
the Midwinter Festival, that they were too busy, or that they had no 
properly seasoned wood. However, after I had displayed a great deal 
of interest and curiosity, and had offered to pay him any amount of 
money he thought fair, Allison Thomas agreed to make a maskette 
for me. 


392 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


This carving was done in a room of the community center adjacent 
to that in which the masks are hung. The greater part of it was 
accomplished during an evening session of about 4 hours, an hour on 
the following morning being sufficient to complete the job. He made 
no sketches before he started nor were there any masks or pictures of 
masks in the room to which he could refer as models. 

The only wood which Thomas had on hand and which he thought 
suitable for his purpose was a small cylindrical piece of cedar. He 
began by scraping the bark off the outside with a large knife, then 
placed the piece on a larger block and split it down the center, using 
his knife as he would a chisel by pounding on the top of it with a ham- 
mer. Choosing one of the halves, he did some more scraping on the 
rounded side, changed his knife for a smaller one and made two diag- 
onal cuts across the top for the eyebrows, commenting that masks 
needed all kinds of knives, big blades and little blades. ‘This one 
(mask), I don’t really know how it’s going to look. It just keeps on 
forming.” His wife, who was present at the time, said, ‘‘Make a funny 
one.” 

Using the point of his knife, he traced some lines on the wood, 
seemingly trying out various possibilities, and indeed did remark, 
‘This helps me plan the features.”” He then dug two little holes below 
the brows, held the piece away from him to scrutinize it, and made a 
cut near the bottom for the mouth. Taking up the larger knife again, 
he sliced off the lower edges to form the chin. Another cut below the 
first gave him the position of the lips and he began to dig between and 
around them, saying as he did so that if he had been making a large 
mask, he would have started using chisels at this stage of the work. 
Before he had gotten very far with the mouth, however, he returned to 
the eyebrows, cutting in above and below them so that they stood out 
from the face. ‘I switch all over when I work. If I were to work on 
just one feature it might spoil.’”” He also made the comment, which he 
repeated several times later on, that this mask was completely 
different from any he had previously carved or had ever seen. “I 
never made one like this before. It forms as I make it. I don’t need 
any designs; it’s right in my head.” 

In rounding off the forehead, Thomas left a crestlike projection in 
the center which joined the eyebrows and became the top of the nose. 
Deep cuts around the nose and eyes brought them into relief and 
formed the cheekbones. He continued to work on these features for 
some time, and then went back to the chin, doing some slicing on the 
sides to make it narrower and taking a large triangular piece off the 
back which caused it to jut forward. This last operation was performed 
with a saw on the log of wood he was using as a work bench. For the 


Anthrop Pap. TROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 393 


most part, however, he worked on his lap or braced the piece against 
his chest. 

Still using his knife, he marked a rectangular area on the back and 
started to splinter out the wood in long strips. On a large mask he 
would have drilled holes 3 or 4 inches deep along the lines he had drawn 
and employed a chisel for the hollowing process. After making a 
depression of about half an inch in the back, he drilled the eyes and 
mouth from the front, again placing the mask on the log and holding 
it steady with his knee. He then worked alternately on the back and 
the front, giving special attention to the eyes, and remarked, “TI 
never made eyes like this before.” By this time all the forms were 
fairly well defined except the mouth, which had been neglected and 
which he said was the hardest thing to do because it was apt to split. 
If it is only a small split it can be glued or filled with plastic wood, but 
if too large it spoils the mask. In fact, when he did get around to the 
mouth, a small portion of the lower lip broke off. Before repairing the 
damage, he went to work with a file, cutting two grooves above the 
eyebrows, widening the eyes, and rounding off the sharp edges of all 
the features. The chip from the mouth was then glued back into place 
and the mask was set aside for the night, as Thomas said he could do 
nothing more until the glue had dried. 

When I arrived the next morning, he was already at work again, 
hollowing the back and refining the forms with knives and files. Even 
after he began to sandpaper, which is the final process, he kept return- 
ing to these tools to clarify details and define the features more 
sharply. He used sandpaper wound around a small screwdriver to 
smooth the inside of the mouth and the eyes to which he again re- 
ferred. ‘‘He’s got goggles. I never made them like this.”” He finished 
the inside of the mask as he would have a large one, filing the edges 
of the back to even them off and going carefully over all the rough 
spots with sandpaper. He did not take equal pains with the sides of 
the carving, however, explaining that ‘‘You don’t have to work real 
good on the sides because you use hair.”” When he came to paint, 
he used a bright red enamel for the main color, accentuating the eyes 
with white and the brows with black. The horsehair could not be 
put on until the mask had dried, but he had prepared two little 
strands and showed me how they were to be fastened to the top with 
tacks. 

The finished product was about 6 inches high, a variation on the 
crooked-mouth type of false face with round eyes and all the features 
somewhat flattened (pl. 104). Thomas was quite proud of it, saying 
that he was going to make a large one like it in basswood which he far 
preferred to cedar. I believe it was the eyes that particularly pleased 
him, as he felt they were unusual. Actually, round eyes are as com- 


394 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


mon as any other shape, although he had made them oblong on his 
two previous masks. He charged me $2, the standard price for a 
maskette of this size, and later gave me some Indian tobacco in a 
matchbox so that I could care for it in the proper fashion. 

The frame of mind in which the carvers approach the problem of 
making a mask seems to be that expressed by Thomas in his comment, 
“Tt forms as I make it.’’ Several of the men said that they occa- 
sionally drew a sketch before starting to carve or outlined the fea- 
tures on the wood with a pencil, but they made it clear that this was 
not their usual method of procedure. The others declared that no 
preparation of this nature was necessary and all of them, even those 
who admitted that they sometimes worked from a drawing, said 
they never knew what kind of a mask they were going to make when 
they started and had no idea how it would turn out until it was 
finished. ‘I never have any plan when [I start, no ideas at all. 
Funny, it just comes to you as you go along.” “I just go to work and 
let it turn out as it will.” ‘The first piece I made I didn’t even 
outline it in pencil. Just drilled the eyes and started digging in.”’ 

It is difficult to say how literally these statements can be taken. 
Certainly a great deal of planning and thought goes into the creation 
of a mask, and the comment, “I didn’t even outline it’”’ suggests that 
outlining is in fact acommon practice and not an exception. However, 
it is not necessary to assume that the analysis of the esthetic problem 
always takes place on a conscious level. ‘The way in which Thomas 
worked, without sketches, handling his tools with skill and moving 
swiftly from one step to the next, seems to indicate that he was draw- 
ing upon a vocabulary of forms with which he was so thoroughly 
familiar that he seldom needed to stop to make a conscious choice. 
The result was a mask which, like most of those that are carved today, 
was well within the limits of the Iroquois style. This conservatism 
combined with the apparent lack of a carefully worked out plan can 
best be attributed to the fact that the patterns of art are largely 
unconscious and that the carvers fail to realize how deeply they have 
been conditioned to the traditional forms which, with some modi- 
fications, they invariably repeat. 

When questioned specifically as to where they obtained their ideas 
or designs for masks, each carver mentioned at least one of the three 
sources from which their knowledge of the traditional forms is de- 
rived—the mythology, the literature, or the old masks. Lee Thomas 
said that he sometimes made his carvings in accordance with the 
origin legend, depicting the twisted mouth and broken nose of the 
first False Face. Allison cited the illustrations and descriptions of 
masks in the publications of Wissler, Beauchamp, Speck, and Fenton 
which are kept in the Hodo’wi room of the community center. The 


Antrop. fap. IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 395 


others, while they denied using pictures, acknowledged the influence 
of the old masks, both those on the reservation and those they have 
seen in museums. Several said they had visited the collections in 
Syracuse and Albany for the express purpose of ‘‘getting ideas,’ and 
one man admitted that he had once made an exact copy of a mask in 
a museum, although he “didn’t think much of it” after it was finished. 
Most of the men regard the old carvings simply as a source of inspira- 
tion rather than as models. ‘‘I just like to look at them. Makes me 
want to carve.” 

It is worth noting that none of the carvers spoke of dreams or visions 
of the Hodo’wi which Fenton has reported dictate the formal treat- 
ment of the masks. While it may be that my informants do carve 
according to dreams and deliberately withheld this information, Pete 
Hest, who seems to have their confidence, is familiar with what he 
calls ‘‘the Fenton theory” and told me that it is ‘‘ridiculous.”’ 

Certain practical considerations may enter in as a limiting, though 
not a determining, factor in design. One man pointed out that since 
the vision of the dancers is greatly restricted by masks (‘‘hard to see 
while dancing except just a small bit in front’’), there is much bumping 
and jostling during the course of the rituals. This means that masks 
with long sharp noses, while they may be considered artistically 
effective, are regarded with disfavor from the standpoint of comfort 
and safety. 

All the sources of design cited by the carvers—the mythology, the 
literature, and the old masks—encourage the retention of the tra- 
ditional patterns and stabilize the style. To a degree, the Indians 
recognize and accept their dependence on these sources, since for 
them tradition is a positive value and they feel that they should 
produce carvings which are typically Iroquois. At the same time, 
however, they minimize the extent to which they rely upon models, 
either masks or pictures of masks, and stress the necessity of imagi- 
nation and originality. “Sometimes I look at old masks but carving 
is mostly a matter of imagination’’; ‘‘I never copy; I get my ideas out 
of my own head”’; “I use my own ideas because I like to be original’; 
“T just start thinking about masks and get an idea.” 

There can be little doubt that the carvers really do believe that their 
ideas come from their own heads. Nor do they see the contradiction 
between their statements to this effect and their efforts at conformity 
to Iroquois style, a fact which was strikingly illustrated when Allison 
Thomas told me he never copied old masks and then proceeded to 
describe an antique false face he had seen at the Allegany Reservation 
and which he intends to reproduce as accurately as he can from the 
detailed sketches he has made of it. 

I can only interpret the discrepancy between words and actions 


396 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


as further evidence that the patterns of art operate, in part, below 
the level of consciousness. There is, however, another contradiction 
which cannot be explained solely in terms of unconscious processes 
since it is verbalized by the carvers. On the one hand they assert 
their originality and independence (‘‘I use my own ideas”’), and on the 
other they admit that they sometimes use models (“I get ideas from 
looking at old masks’’). Here it seems necessary to assume that there 
is, in their eyes, some sort of an equation between being original and 
being Iroquois, perhaps even a belief that the first value follows 
naturally from the second and is dependent upon it. Such an equa- 
tion, if it does exist, is reinforced when the carvers derive traditional 
designs from sources which appear to them to be completely novel, as 
in the case of Floyd Doctor who said that he had once gotten a ‘‘new 
idea”? from an advertisement on a billboard. Because the picture 
was that of a man smoking, and closely resembled the blowing or 
whistling type of false face, he was able to reinterpret the new forms 
in terms of the old and produce a conventional Iroquois mask. 
Another carver claimed to have made a “different kind” of mouth by 
exploiting the fact that the piece of wood he chose had a branch on it 
which he could utilize for this feature. Again the result was a blow- 
lip mask (pl. 97, 6). This process of reading-in allows the carver to 
fulfill without conflict the two apparently contradictory conceptions 
which he has of himself; that of the artist who is original, who in- 
novates, who follows his own ideas, and that of the Indian who adheres” 
with only slight deviations to the traditional patterns. 


STANDARDS OF TASTE 


Some generalizations can be made about the particular qualities 
or characteristics which, in the opinion of the Onondaga, constitute 
a good or successful mask. They are derived from my appraisal of 
the masks which are carved today (pls. 94-99), from the comments of 
the carvers and others about the appearance of the masks, and from 
the reactions of a small group of Onondagas to a series of photographs 
which included both Iroquois and “foreign’’ masks, the latter chiefly 
those of the Northwest Coast Indians. The information obtained 
from these three sources suggests some of the criteria which determine 
the stylistic elements of the carvings and which serve as a basis for 
critical and appreciative judgments. 

To a western observer the most striking characteristic of contem- 
porary Onondaga carvings is their conformity to the traditional 
Iroquois style. With few exceptions, the masks which I saw, and 
which I believe to be representative of the work of the modern carver, 
esemble the conventional types described and classified by Fenton 


Anthrop: fap. IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 397 


from a study of museum collections.”2 Some deviation from these 
types is evident, but it results from the modification or exaggeration 
of the old forms rather than from the invention of new ones. The 
spoon-lipped masks of Kenneth Thomas on which, in contrast to 
older specimens of this type, the spoons are smaller and the lower lip 
is elongated to form the chin (pls. 94, a, and 94, c), or the unusually 
enlarged and flared mouth on the blowing mask carved by Elijah Hill 
(pl. 98, a) are examples of such changes. The use of white paint to 
accentuate the eyes, the brows, the cheekbones, and the teeth may 
be considered another minor innovation since the ancient masks 
were painted a solid color. Yet this too is an elaboration, not an 
alteration, of the features and is quite consistent with the traditional 
treatment of the carvings which aimed at achieving a dramatic and 
striking effect. 

Only two masks seem to me to be approaching the limits of Iroquois 
style. One of these, shaped like a skull with large, round eyes and 
bared teeth, resembles a death’s head and has no precedent that I 
know of (pl. 98, c). The other is crudely executed with no detail or 
refinement of the forms, which suggests that its un-Iroquois appear- 
ance is due more to a lack of skill on the part of the artist than to a 
deliberate attempt to deviate from the conventional patterns (pl. 99, 
top). 

Within the limitations imposed by the standard of traditionalism, 
there is considerable variation. Because each mask is made up of a 
number of independent elements—the shape of the face, the eyes, 
the nose, and the mouth, the proportioning of these features, and the 
treatment of details—different effects can be produced through 
different combinations of the same basic forms. Thus two masks 
with identical mouths may be quite dissimilar owing to the variations 
in the other features (cf. pl. 95, 6, with pl. 95, c), while a difference in 
the mouth type and the amount of surface embellishments may serve to 
differentiate carvings which in other respects are essentially similar, 
(cf. pl. 94, c, with pl. 95, 6, in which the outline of the face, the eyes, and 
the nose forms are much the same). These differences, taken in con- 
junction with the statements of the carvers that they like to follow 
their own ideas, indicate the presence of another standard: that of 
uniqueness or individuality. In the majority of carvings this 
second standard is subordinated to the first, since individuality is 
achieved by the use of the old forms and remains within the limits of 
the established style. 

The fact that in some of the masks the formal elements are de- 
veloped beyond the requirements of traditionalism and individual- 


22 Although I was told by several carvers that the Onondaga do not classify their masks at all, I have 
used Fenton’s criteria and distinguished them according to mouth types. 


682-611—64 31 


398 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


ity, suggests the possibility of technical excellence as a third standard. 
The quality to which this standard refers is not a specific characteris- 
tic but rather a way of handling the forms. It can be summed up 
in the word ‘“‘finished’”’ as opposed to ‘‘crude,” as it requires a 
precise delineation of the large forms, a breaking down of these 
forms into smaller ones, an emphasis on detail, and an elaboration 
and refinement of the surface. Technical excellence is evident in 
the carvings of James Homer, Eddie Schenandoah, and Kenneth 
Thomas, particularly in the latter’s spoon-lipped masks which are 
probably the most difficult type to execute successfully. Whether 
this standard is considered important by the other carvers but not 
attained because they lack the necessary skill, or whether there is a 
contrasting standard which prescribes a simpler, less finished treat- 
ment of masks, it is impossible to determine simply from an examina- 
tion of their work. 

The Onondaga make relatively few comments or evaluations about 
the appearance of their masks, at least to an outsider. One of the 
carvers, comparing the ancient masks with the modern, said that in 
his opinion, ‘‘We do finer work now than they did in the past,” 
while another told me that he didn’t think much of the masks carved 
today because they look too much like Halloween false faces. Still 
another declared that some masks are better than others, but did 
not specify which one or explain why. Only two carvers passed 
judgment on their own work. Kenneth Thomas said that every 
mask he did was an improvement over the last because he always 
thought of some way to make it better. Eddie Schenandoah admitted 
that although he tried to make the next one better, it never turned 
out quite as he had hoped. Neither of these men, however, was 
explicit as to the meaning he attached to “‘better.”’ 

Several carvers made general statements which indicate a prefer- 
ence for the traditional forms: masks should look old, they should 
look “Indian,” they should be carved according to the origin legend 
because ‘‘that’s the way the old fellows used to make them.”” Much 
more frequently verbalized is the value placed upon individuality. 
In referring to their own work, most of my informants tended to 
minimize the similarities between the carvings and to emphasize the 
differences. ‘‘We all like to make them our own way’; ‘“‘We make 
each one different’’; ‘“‘The theme song of the Onondagas could be 
‘To Each His Own.’ ”’ Lee Thomas amplified his claim to individual- 
ity by pointing out that his masks could always be recognized by 
their wide mouths. The carvers also believe that whereas the Seneca 
carve only certain types of false faces, the Onondaga make all kinds 
and have a greater range of types than any of the other Iroquois 
tribes. Actually there is as much, if not more, variation among 


Anthrop Pap. TROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 399 


the Seneca, since Fenton found formal types on their reservations 
which I did not observe at Onondaga (e.g., tongue-protruding, hanging- 
mouth, and divided masks). 

By asking each of my informants to choose from a series of eight 
photographs of Iroquois masks the one which he liked the best and 
to give reasons for his choice, I was able to cross-check on generaliza- 
tions derived from the other two sources and to obtain more explicit 
information as to the criteria by which the carvings are judged. 
Twenty persons were interviewed; fourteen men, of whom ten were 
carvers, and six women. In discussing the statements of these in- 
dividuals, I have focused on the differences between the carvers 
and ‘‘the rest of the community” as represented by the other 10 
informants. 

The photographs that I used are those of masks owned by the 
American Museum of Natural History in New York City. Only two 
of them are dated and identified as to tribe, but they are all traditional 
Iroquois types. They include three crooked-mouth masks, three 
tongue-protruding, one straight-lipped and one husk-face (pls. 100- 
103). Since I interviewed my informants separately, their reactions 
to the pictures may be considered independent in that, at the time they 
were looking at them, they were not influenced by the comments or 
opinions of anyone else. 

There was almost complete agreement among the Indians as to 
which photographs they preferred. One or the other, or both, of two 
pictures was judged to be the best by 18 out of 20 people. The one 
chosen by the majority (7 carvers and 8 noncarvers) depicts a crooked- 
mouth mask with a broken nose and many wrinkles (pl. 100, a). This 
type is most common among all the Iroquois tribes and apparently 
carries the greatest prestige, for it represents the first False Face as he 
is described in the origin legend. The picture which ranked second 
is that of a mask which displays to a marked degree the quality I have 
labeled technical excellence (pl. 100, 6). It was judged best or was 
preferred along with plate 100, a, by seven persons, six of whom are 
carvers. 

While the choices made by my informants seem to indicate a uni- 
formity in the taste standards of the group, the explanations which 
accompanied these choices were remarkably diverse. Nor was there 
any particular correspondence between the choices and the verbal- 
izations about them, since different reasons were offered for selecting 
the same picture and, conversely, different pictures were selected for 
the same reason. Many people gave more than one reason, and only 
one man was not able to explain his choice. 

A number of the Onondagas considered antiquity to be the most 
important criterion. ‘The oldest masks are best.’”? ‘What makes 


400 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


them good is that they’re old; I don’t like the shiny new ones.” 
Others justified their preferences in terms of the origin legend, stating 
that masks which represent the first False Face are the ‘most real,” 
“the most natural.’’ Still others asserted that masks should be 
“fierce looking,” ‘‘weird,’’ ‘‘scary,”’ and one man amplified his state- 
ment in a way which suggests that this criterion is related to the 
Indians’ conception of the function of the carvings. ‘The idea of a 
mask is to have fright in it. They should be as frightful as possible 
because they’re supposed to chase away the evil spirits.”’ 

A few people said that their preferences were based on originality. 
“A really original way of making’; ‘Somebody had a pretty good 
imagination on that one.’? Much more frequently verbalized, how- 
ever, was the recognition that preference is likely to be the result of 
familiarity. “I like it best because it looks something like a mask 
I once had.” “I’ve seen some that were similar.” “It’s most like 
our type, like the masks we use around here.’”’ Sometimes familiarity 
was combined with a sense of tribal pride at the supposed rarity of the 
mask outside of Onondaga. ‘‘I’ll bet they don’t have any like this on 
the other reservations. We have some like it around here though.” 
Pictures were often rejected because they did not “look Iroquois.” 

In commenting on the photographs which they had selected as best, 
many of my informants expressed their admiration for the workman- 
ship of the carvings and the technical skill of the carvers. ‘It’s got 
the best carving.” “It has lots of work on it.” ‘“They sure used good 
tools when they worked on that one.’”’ Pictures which were not liked 
were judged to be too plain, too simple, too crude. ‘It doesn’t require 
much carving; could be made in a day.” 

The material which I obtained through the use of photographs 
essentially substantiates the generalizations derived from other 
sources. Both carvers and noncarvers consider as ‘‘best’’ those com- 
binations of forms (i.e. crooked-mouth masks) with which they are 
most familiar; which are, in their opinion, the oldest, and therefore 
the most typically Iroquois. The representative function or meaning 
of the carvings also enters into their evaluations, for they prefer the 
mask which tells the story of the first False Face and does not merely 
symbolize, but literally depicts, his characteristics. Originality, as we 
define it, is rarely operative and then only within the limits of the 
traditional style. The taste of the Onondaga is narrower than 
some of their statements would seem to imply. 

Insofar as there is a difference between the standards of the carvers 
and the rest of the community, it is one of degree, not kind. While 
it is true that a greater proportion of carvers chose plate 100, 6, a mask 
which I consider to be more detailed and finished than those shown 
in the other plates, my informants may not have seen these qualities 


am oP47 *P ~IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 401 


nor made their selections because of them. However, whether they 
chose plate 100, a, or plate 100, 6, the carvers seemed to be more con- 
cerned with technical characteristics (‘lots of work,” ‘used good 
tools’’), whereas the noncarvers tended to emphasize the referential 
characteristics, the ideas and emotions associated with the masks. 
The women in particular described the masks as gruesome, awful, 
horrible; usually with the implication that this was the effect which 
ought to be produced. ‘The more hideous, the better.’’ Yet some 
noncarvers seemed to make their judgments on the basis of technique, 
while many carvers mentioned antiquity, fierceness, etc. 

The foreign pictures which I used included eight Northwest Coast 
masks that represented a wide range of types, four Chinese masks, 
two Hopi, and one Eskimo. Although I did not ask my informants to 
compare these pictures with those of Iroquois carvings, many did so. 
“There’s a lot of difference.” ‘You notice the difference between 
east and west.’”? Frequently comparisons were evaluative. ‘Ours 
are more interestingly carved”; ‘“There’s nothing to these’’; ‘“They’re 
so plain.”” One person, referring to the Northwest Coast masks, re- 
marked, ‘‘All these look alike. Ours have more variety.” Clearly, 
judgments about the variability within a given style depend upon the 
perspective of the observer. To an individual within the culture, 
differences loom large; to an outsider they are minimal. Another 
informant, with unusual insight, recognized one of the principal 
reasons why the familiar forms exert a greater appeal than the un- 
familiar. ‘I like ours better even if they are hideous. I guess it’s 
because I’m used to seeing them.” 

Some people rejected the foreign masks completely. “I don’t 
like any of them”; ‘“They don’t look like masks.” Others found 
them interesting, comical, or odd, and a few were frankly bewildered. 
“YT suppose they mean something to the people who use them, but 
they’re way beyond us.’’ On the whole the carvers were more recep- 
tive than the other Onondagas, inquiring about the materials and the 
tools, and commenting favorably on the technique. ‘‘Nice carving’; 
“They do pretty good.”” One man was quite taken with the Eskimo 
mask, saying that although he considered it unfinished, he would try 
to keep it in his mind and make one like it. 

There was little agreement as to which were the best of the foreign 
carvings. Seven different pictures were selected and no one of them 
was preferred by more than four people, in contrast to the agreement 
about the Iroquois pictures. The Onondaga react in a similar manner 
to their own carvings because the culture has prescribed the standards 
for an Iroquois mask. ‘They have not, however, learned any positive 
responses to foreign arts so that, in a sense, each person is left free 
to choose as he pleases. Although, as might be expected, there was 


402 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


a tendency to look for similarities to the Iroquois style, the carvings 
that were considered to fulfill these criteria differed widely. This 
does not imply that the choices made by my informants were haphazard, 
but simply that they were idiosyncratic; the factors which determined 
them must be sought in the area of personality rather than culture. 

One final point may be raised. Do the Onondaga react to masks, 
either their own or those of other Indian tribes, in a way which we 
would recognize as esthetic; that is, do they react to the form as 
well as the content or meaning of the carvings? I believe that 
there is a concern with form for its own sake which some people do 
not verbalize, or perhaps even conceptualize, and which others ex- 
press in terms of the standard of technical excellence (‘It’s got good 
carving’). It would seem that the Onondaga do not possess in 
their English vocabularies such words as ‘composition,’ “propor- 
tion,” or ‘‘balance’”’ with which to discuss the formal characteristics 
of the masks.** Yet there is no reason to suppose that they do not 
respond to these characteristics and that when they say they prefer 
a particular carving ‘‘because it is like the one in the legend,” they 
may not also be expressing their appreciation of form in the only 
terms they have at their disposal. In this connection it is significant 
that there were among the series of Iroquois pictures three crooked- 
mouth masks which presumably have the same associations and sym- 
bolize the same supernatural being. One, however, was singled out 
as best (pl. 100, a@), while the others were passed over with little or no 
comment (pl. 101). The difficulty, and perhaps impossibility, of 
isolating the esthetic response results from the fact that it is rarely 
explicity stated and is always closely associated with other factors 
such as tribal pride, the value placed upon antiquity, and the repre- 
sentative function of the carvings. 

An esthetic response does not depend upon the existence of an 
abstract concept of art. The carvers are not regarded, either by 
themselves or by the rest of the community, as artists but rather as 
members of the False Face Society. Consistent with the way in 
which the carvers are perceived is the disposition to view masks 
always within their ritualistic context. In appraising the photo- 
graphs, many of my informants remarked, usually with disapproval, 
that the Iroquois masks had no bags of tobacco attached to them. 
They also questioned me about the symbolism of the foreign carvings 
and inquired about the ceremonies in which they are used, apparently 
taking it for granted that any mask has meaning and serves a specif- 
ic purpose. Evidently the Onondaga have not assimilated the west- 
ern conception of art as a thing in itself, a class of objects which have 


23 While it is probable that the native language also lacks an ‘‘esthetic vocabulary,’”’ there is nothing in 
the literature concerning this point. 


Amo fay» «IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 403 


some quality in common apart from their meaning and their function 
in the culture. 


CONCLUDING REMARKS 


An examination of mask carving as it exists today on the Onondaga 
Reservation has led to the conclusion that the retention of this ancient 
art is a nativistic reaction to the pressures of acculturation. Nativism 
need not imply a large-scale, organized movement involving the whole 
society; rather it may be defined as a self-conscious attempt on the 
part of some individuals to identify with the aboriginal way of life. 
Linton (1948, pp. 230-231) has pointed out that nativism is the 
perpetuation or revival not of whole cultures but of certain current or 
remembered elements of them which are selected for emphasis and 
given symbolic value. ‘The more distinctive such elements are with 
respect to other cultures with which the society is in contact, the 
greater their potential value as symbols of the society’s unique charac- 
ter.” Mask carving satisfies the requirement of distinctiveness, for 
False Faces have been a prominent feature of Iroquois society for at 
least 400 years, and quite possibly longer. 

Since masks are still looked upon as ceremonial properties and 
continue to be an integral part of the rituals of the False Face Society, 
it may be argued that the perpetuation of the medicine society ade- 
quately accounts for the retention of carving. Aside from the fact 
that this explanation solves one problem only to raise another, it is 
equally plausible to assume that masks have been the crucial factor 
in the survival of the Society because they have served as striking and 
concrete reminders of its mythological concepts and its rituals. 
Moreover, it is precisely in this religious aspect of maskmaking that 
change seems to have occurred. Although the data do not permit, 
a final judgment, it was my impression that while the religious forms 
have been preserved, the religious beliefs of many of the individuals 
who carry out these forms have faded and, in some cases, disappeared 
completely. 

There are, on the other hand, fairly substantial data to support the 
hypothesis that a conscious desire to perpetuate the aboriginal pat- 
terns is the primary reason why masks are made and used today. 
Briefly restated, the evidence is as follows: 

(1) The dependence upon the ethnographic literature as a source of 
information about masks and their rituals and as a source of design. 

(2) The deference accorded Pete Hest who, although a White man, 
has been accepted into the False Face Society and is respected as 
an authority on the old customs. 

(3) The class in Indian lore which encourages carving, and which is 
under the guidance of Hest and was apparently initiated by him. 


404 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


(4) The fact that many of my informants were willing to reveal 
information of a supposedly sacred nature to a stranger, a willing- 
ness which I have interpreted to be an attempt to prove themselves 
authentic Indians and to fulfill the expectations of the White visitor. 
It seems evident that whether or not the masks have lost their 

old meaning, they have acquired a new one and now function as 

symbols of the old Iroquois culture and its values. Under these 
conditions it is not surprising that the style of the false faces has 
remained stable. Although changes in the direction of diversity and 
greater elaboration have undoubtedly occurred in the past, today 
the emphasis placed upon antic uity and tradition inhibits the virtuosity 
of the artist; his tendency to play with technique and devise new forms. 

Sometimes deliberately, sometimes unconsciously, the carvers repeat 

the old forms with the result that modern masks are essentially 

similar to those described by missionaries and travelers over 200 years 
ago. 

It cannot be asserted that nativism constitutes the only incentive 
for the retention of masks and the rituals associated with them. 
Religious conviction, particularly on the part of the older men, cannot 
be entirely ruled out, and it is very probable that for some of the 
Onondagas carving offers a socially accepted means of satisfying 
creative impulses. Nor should the psychological effects of masking 
be overlooked: the drama that is provided for the spectator, and the 
emotional release felt by the wearer who is able to relinquish his 
identity and express himself more freely. 

The explanations advanced for the retention of mask carving at 
Onondaga are not necessarily applicable to other Iroquois since the 
differences between reservations limit generalizations about any 
aspect of contemporary culture. Each reservation is unique in the 
degree and type of acculturation it has undergone, and this, in turn, 
is dependent upon the interrelation of such factors as the geographical 
position, the size of the population, and the particular facets of 
western culture to which the group has been exposed. St. Regis 
Reservation, for example, has a larger population than Onondaga 
and is located on the Canadian border between New York State and 
the Province of Quebec, far removed from any large city. Yet 
these conditions, which one might suppose would encourage the sur- 
vival of the aboriginal culture, are apparently offset by the influence 
of the Catholic church. Eighty percent of the Indians are Catholic 
and many of the native religious patterns, including the use and 
making of false faces, have died out. 

Precisely because of the differences, Iroquois reservations afford an 


*4 Lincoln White, a resident of St. Regis, kindly supplied me with the information pertaining to this 
reservation. 


Am ba] 7? ~=IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 405 


excellent opportunity for comparative research, as the same tradi- 
tional art can be investigated in a variety of sociocultural settings. 
A comparison of Onondaga with Cattaraugus Reservation, which 
approximates St. Regis in its population size and relatively isolated 
location, but differs in being less acculturated, might reveal more 
clearly the conditions which promote or hinder the commercializa- 
tion of masks. Is it, as has been suggested, proximity to a large 
city which provides a more secure and profitable means of subsistence 
than the handicrafts, or are there other, more important, determinants? 
What is the effect of commercialization upon style? Fenton has re- 
ported the development of new types of masks at Cattaraugus and 
Tonawanda which may be a response to the demands of the tourist 
market. At Onondaga, however, any outside pressure upon the style 
seems to be of a sort that restricts innovation, because it is assumed 
that White buyers want false faces that “look Indian.” For problems 
of this kind, comparative studies are essential. At the same time, the 
underlying unity of behavior and values that constitutes Iroquois 
culture regardless of reservation differences makes it reasonable to 
suspect that a conscious wish to preserve Indian identity plays a part 
in maskmaking wherever it survives among these people. 

There remains the broader question of the extent to which retentions 
in language, government, and religion, other than the False Face 
Society, are nativistic in character. Again, no definitive answer is 
possible as fieldwork at Onondaga was too brief to permit an analysis 
of the total community. Recent developments in Iroquois culture, 
however, suggest that further research would have revealed the answer 
to be an affirmative one. In his series of articles, Edmund Wilson 
(1960) describes what he calls a nationalistic movement taking place 
on all Iroquois reservations in response to increasing pressure from 
White society over the last 2 years. On the economic and political 
level the movement involves resistance to encroachments on reserva- 
tion lands and bitter battles in the courts over what the Indians regard 
as abrogation of their legal rights as a sovereign people. Accompany- 
ing this resistence is a reawakening of pride in the Iroquois past which is 
leading to a revival of the spirit of the League and a new interest in 
the Longhouse religion. At Allegany there is even talk among the 
more extreme nationalists of bringing back the White Dog ceremony, 
and among the young men of St. Regis, the fashion of wearing “scalp- 
locks” has been revived as a _ sign of Iroquois patriotism. 

No such large-scale or dramatic revitalization movement was evi- 
dent at Onondaga in 1950, but there were indications of a need for 
self-identification and an effort to find it in traditional symbols. The 
maskmakers exemplified these characteristics, and it has been pointed 
out that people who orient toward the old cultural forms in one 


406 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Bull. 191 


area of life tend to do so in others. Carvers are non-Christians who 
belong to the Council House and have some connection with native 
politics. They are also, when contrasted with the more acculturated 
portion of the population, of a lower and less secure economic status. 
When put in this broader perspective, mask carving appears to be but 
one of the ways in which the Onondaga seek to escape from their 
position as an underprivileged minority by an attempt to return to an 
idealized past. To an observer from outside the culture, carving is 
a particularly appropriate way since it is an ancient Iroquois custom. 
The attitude of the Indians themselves toward the art is best summed 
up in their own words: ‘All Indians carve.” 


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gna ead sivas IROQUOIS MASKS AT ONONDAGA—HENDRY 409 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 99 


Straight-lipped mask and crooked-mouth mask by unknown 
carvers. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 100 


b, Tongue-protruding mask. 


a, Crooked-mouth mask. 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 101 


Crooked-mouth masks. 


BULLETIN 191 PLATE .102 


EAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


BUR 


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BULLETIN 191 PLATE 103 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 191 PLATE 104 


Maskette carved by Allison Thomas. 


INDEX 


Abbott, R. Tucker, 297 
Accent, change from glottal to level, 
72-73 (examples) 
glottal, 64 
Accohanock Indians, 198 
Accowmack Indians, 198 
Adjunct, thematic, 76 (example), 99 
Adz, 24, 223 
Aequipecten circularis, 293 
A. (Plagioctenium) circularis, 298 
Affixes, 74, 84, 86 (examples), 88, 94, 
114 (example), 123 
and clitics, 176-180 (vocabulary) 
century class members, 78-87, 88 
inflectional, 73, 74, 78-87, 99, 105 
pronominal, 76 (examples), 80-83 
(charts), 105 
Affricates, alveopalatal, 64 
glottalized, 60 (examples) 
retroflexed, 73 
voiceless aspirated, 60 (examples) 
Agate, 23, 24 
Aguas Buenas, Costa Rica, 253 
Akenatzy Indians, 216, 220 
Alanje, near David, 253 
Albany Museum, 385, 395 
Albites, Diego de, 8 
Alcohol, effect on Indians, 361 
Algonquian Indians, 206, 223, 359, 362, 
363 
Canadian, 360 
Algonquian-speaking people, 235, 256, 
, 364 
Allegany Reservation, 371, 395, 405 
Allomorphs, 73, 76, 79, 80-83 (charts), 
84, 85, 86 (examples), 87 (ex- 
amples), 88, 90, 98 (examples), 
99 (examples), 105, 108, 109, 
110; 1114 
phonologically defined, 84 
pronominal, 76 (examples), 80-83 
(charts), 110 
Almirante Bay, 259, 260, 261, 262, 
263, 267, 275, 277 
Alphonse, Ephraim, 262, 263 
Altena, now New Castle, Del., 202 
American Museum of Natural History, 
399 
American Revolution, 361, 363 
Anacostia Indians, 139 
Anadara (Anadara) formosa, 298 
A. (Larkinia) grandis, 298 
Andaste Indians, 207, 231, 235 
language of, 231 
Andasternonnon, French name for Sas- 
quesahanocks, 231 


682—611—64——_33. 


Andastogueronnons, see Susquehannock 
Indians. 

Anderson, C. L. G., 9 

Anderson Focus, 222, 223, 224 (table) 

Aniakahaka-Caughnawaga, see Mohawk 
Indians. 

Ani-Nundawegi-Cherokee, 
Indians. 

Anonymous-Zuhiga map, 196 

Antastoez, see Andaste Indians. 

Antigua, 8 

Appalachian Divide, 225 

Appalachian Mountains, 204, 220 

Appalachian Phase, 228 (table), 229 


(map) 
Appalachian Plateau, 227 
Appalachian Region, 195, 235 
Appalachian system, 227 
Applique, 41 
Arca pacifica, 298 
Arrigahaga tribe, 195 (diagram), 196, 
202, 206, 207, 210, 220 
Arrow points, 24, 299, 327 
blunt (quarrels), 209 
Arrow poison, 20 
Arrowshaft straighteners, 28 
Articulation, alveopalatal points of, 61 
Artifacts, 18, 46, 225, 267, 359 
secondary use of, 42-43 
stone, 297, 298, 308 
Ashes, blown by medicine men, 366, 367 
74 


Ash trees, black, 359 

Atquanachuke Indians, 198 

Attributives, uninflected words, 119 (ex- 
amples) 

Auripigmentum (gold paint), 220 

Avila, Pedro Arias de (Pedrarias the 
Cruel), 8, 294 

Awls, flat, 265 

Axes, stone, 299 

Aztec Indians, 262 

Azuero Peninsula, 18, 38, 41, 48, 294 

Badajoz, —, 294, 296 

Badge, black, worn by Minquas, 202 

Balboa, Vasco Nuiiez de, 8, 291, 294 

‘‘Balseria’’ ceremonies, 261 

Baltimore Bay, 214 

Banana plantations, 259, 296 

Bancroft, Hubert H., 9 

Bark, baskets of, 359 

Barnacles, 298 

Bartram, John, 372 

Basalt, 25, 27, 310 

Basketmaker, 376 


see Seneca 


411 


412 


Baskets, 198, 359, 384 
cornhusk, 376 
Basket See, home industry, 382, 
384 


Basswood, preferred for masks, 367, 390, 
393 


Bastimentos Island, Almirante Bay, 262 
Bateman, John, 214 
Bats, 262, 310 
Baum Focus, 222, 223, 224 (table) 
Bay of Panama, 7, 293 
Beads, 225 
belts of, 359, 375, 384 
bone, 359 
glass, 223, 361 
iron, 223 
lapel pins of, 375 
shell, 359 
weaving with, 362 
Hearn home industry, 375, 379, 382, 
384 
Beal site, 229 
Beanpot, red ware, 32 
Beans, 356, 369 
Bears, 369 
Bear Society, 358 
Beauchamp, William, 353, 360, 363, 373, 
380, 386, 394 
Beavers, 200, 201, 202, 217 
Beeckman, William, 202 
Bells, copper, 223 
Belts, bead, 359, 375, 384 
Bentz, Mr. and Mrs. Paul A., 291 
Benzoni, Jeronime (Girolamo), 8 
Biese, Lucinda T., 5 
Birds, 369 
as decoration, 20, 37, 44 
vane of, 298 
ffigy of, 299, 364 
Black, lenn A., 397 
Blackford County, Ind., 227 
Black Minequaas River, see Ohio River. 
Black Mingoes, 210 
Black Minqua tribe, 195 (diagram), 196, 
201, 202, 204, 206, 207, 208, 209, 
210, 212, 216, 218, 220, 221, 231, 
234 (map) 
Bland MS., 212 
Bloodletting, Indian custom, 209 
Boas, Franz, 354 
Bocootawwonaugh Indians, 198 
Body ornaments, painted, 261 
Bones, animal, 298 
fragments of, 13, 15 
nomen, 208, 267, 275, 308, 310, 311, 


Boquete, Chiriqui, 268, 275, 277 
Bottles, 20 
Boughton Hill, 229 
Bowls, 368 
burial, 20 
double, 19 
effigy, 21, 31 
fluted, 31 
globular, 299 
hemispherical, 269, 299 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[Bull. 191] 


Bowls—Continued 
olla shapes, 299 
pedestal, 21, 22 (fig.), 268 (fig.), 
269, 270 (fig. yy 299, 307, 327 
ring-base, 299 
shallow, 16, 18, 33, 35, 40, 273, 274 
(fig.), 306, 317 (fig.) 
slotted pedestal pace: 268, 269 (fig.) 
subglobular, 264, 269, 299, 327 
wide-mouthed, 19, 29 
wooden, 359 
Bows and arrows, 198, 199, 376, 379, 383 
Bracelets, bead, 375, 384 
silver, 361 
Brandt site, 231 
Brazil, 46 
Bretton, Will, 215 
Brewer, John, 214 
Brooches, silver, 361 
Brown, Alexander, 196 
Buffalo area, 229 
Buffalo manes, used on masks, 372 
Buffum Street site, 229 
Bunzel, Ruth, 354 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 251, 
260, 291 
Burial area, 19, 24, 28, 30, 275, 308, 366 
ground, 251 
offerings, 19, 28, 310, 312 
pits, 1 
practices, 14-22 
trench, 14 
urn covers, 16, 17 (fig.) 
urns, 10, 13, 15-16, 7, 19, 20, 24, 
28, 35, 42 
Burials, 11 (map), 13, 14, 28, 37, 46 
destruction of, 13 
extended, 49 
flexed, 15 
human, 267 
infant, 43 
mutilation, 50 
open, 11 (map), 14, 15, 49 
ritualistic, 49 
secondary, 15, 16, 43, 49 
unusual, 15 
urn, 11 (map), 14, 18, 19, 48, 49, 50 
Burk, John D., 219, 220 
Butler, Mary, 225, 228 
Butternut, 390 
Byrd, William, 216, 217 


Cadzow, Donald A., 231, 233 
Calvert, Leonard, 200 
Canada, 361, 373 
Canal Zone, 46, 49, 291 
Canal Zone Library, 5, 10 
Canal Zone Museum, 18 
Candelabra, 19, 20 
Cannon, field, 208 
Cannyda Indians, 199 
Canoes, 261, 262 

bark, 198, 199, 200, 201, 207 
Cape Lookout, 196 
Carafes, 18 


INDEX 


Carambaru, native name for Almirante 
ay, 261 

Carbon, 19, 267, 268, 269, 270, 271, 273, 
275, 308 


Carles, Ruben D., 9, 10 
Carnegie Institution, Ceramic Techno- 
logical Laboratory, 263 
Carolina Sound, 363 
Carpenter, Edmund; Pfirman, K. R.; 
and Schoff, H. L., 229, 232 
Carvers, 367, 383, 386, 387, 388, 389, 
390, 391, 394, 396, 398, 399, 401, 
406 
at Onondaga, 381 (table) 
motivation of, 389 
Carvings, 353, 354, 355, 360, 367, 372, 
386, 387 
fear of, 386 
Carving techniques, 372, 389, 391 
Cass, Seneca site, 230 
Castilla, Alonso Criado de, 295 
Catawba Indians, 234 (map) 
Catholic Church, effect of, on mask- 
making, 404 
Catiba, West Indies, 261 
Cattaraugus Reservation, 362, 371, 372, 
405 
Cattle, 8, 234 
Caughnewaga Reservation, Canada, 377 
Cauro Point, 275 
Cayuga Indians, 210, 211, 357, 371 
Cedar, 390, 392, 393 
Celts, 22, 23, 25, 26 (figs.), 27 (figs.), 32, 
50, 267, 277, 298, 308, 327 
Century Class affixes, 78-87 
Ceramics, 16, 19, 27, 28-45, 299-307, 
312, 313-327 
Ceremonial properties, 353, 359 
Ceremonial ware, brown incised, 19 
Chalcedony, white, 24 
Chalices, 21, 22 (figs.) 
Chama frondosa, 298 
Chamé, early settlement, 284 
Charcoal, 49, 266 
Charonia tritonis nobilis, 267 
Chawonokes, 198 
Chepo, Indian pueblo, 295 
Cheraw Indians, 234 (map) 
Cheroenhaka-Nottoway, see Nottoway 
Indians. 
Cherokee Indians, 211, 234 (map), 362, 
363, 364 
Chert, light tan, 25 
Chesapeake Bay, 198, 206 
““Chicha,’’ 29 
Chickahomynie Indians, 211 
Chiefs, 358, 366, 374, 378 
Chieftainship, hereditary, 357, 376 
Chione (Chione) californiensis, 298 
Chiouanon Indians, 234, 235 
Chiriqui, 48, 253, 254, 261, 265 
Chiriqui Lagoon, 260, 261, 263, 275 
Chiriqui Land Company, 259, 260 
Chiriqui wares, scarified, 251, 254 
Chisels, 28, 267, 390, 391 
Chowanoc Indians, 234 (map) 


413 


Christian Church, 375 
Christian Indians, 355, 378, 379 
Christian missions, 374 
Christians, restrictions of, 374, 376 
Churches, Protestant, 373 
Cinnigos, see Cynaco Indians. 
Clairvoyance, 380 
Clamshells, 5, 372, 383 
Clan system, 374, 375 
Clay, description of, 263 
red, 14 
Cloth, European, 361 
Clover Focus, 222, 223, 224 (table) 
Coats, beaver, 200 
Coclé, paneled red ware, 16 
Coclé del Norte River, 260 
Coclé humpback polychrome effigies, 46 
Coclé Polychrome period, 10, 41 
Coclé Province, 18, 24, 32, 33, 36, 38, 42, 
46, 47 (map), 49 
Coclé site, Mojara in Herrera Province, 
269, 273, 299 
Coconuts, 296 
Cocos Island, 278 
Codakia distinguenda, 298 
Collander, 318 
Colén, Panama, 46 
Colon Island, 275 
Colonial Period, 357, 361 
Columbus, Ferdinand, 260, 261 
Combs, bone, 359 
Conchs, marine, 267 
Conemaugh River, 204 
Connectives, uninflected words, 
(examples) 
Consonants, aspirated, 71, 72 (example) 
contiguous, 62 
glottalized, 61 (examples) 
retroflexed, 64 
unaspirated, 71, 72 (example) 
voiceless, 69 
Containers, metal, 360 
Conte, Miguel, 251 
Conte, Simeén, 251 
Continental Divide, 275 
Converse, Harriet, 353, 364, 369, 373 
Coquina, shell conglomerate, 12, 13 
Coral, 19, 266 
Coree Indians, 234 (map) 
Corn, cultivated, 295, 296, 356, 369 
Corncobs, use of, 29, 273 
Cornhusks, 359, 369, 372 
Corn mush, presented to False Faces, 
366, 367, 385 
Corn soup, eaten by False Face mem- 
bers, 386 
“Corona,” gold headband, 296 
Costa Rica, 43, 48, 254, 259, 260 
Costa Rican type figurine, basalt, 278 
Council, clan, 357 
Federal, 357 
head of, 378 
meetings, importance of, 358 
tribal, 357, 373 
Council House, 373, 374, 375, 376, 377, 
378, 382, 383, 385, 406 


120 


414 


Council House people, 375, 376, 379, 
383, 384, 385, 388 

Council House religion, 374 

Crafts, importance of, 384 

influence of White standards on, 

376, 382, 405 

Craftsmen, 379, 380 

Creek Indians, 362 

Cristobal Island, 264 

Crosses, silver, 361 

Cupica, Colombia, 32, 46 

Curler, Arent van, 364 

Currency, wampum used as, 359 

Curtis, Karl, 291 

Cynaco Indians, 215, 216, 218 

Cynikers, see Cynaco Indians. 

Cypraea (Macrocypraea) cervinetto, 297 


Dakota Indians, 217 
Dall, William H., 362 
Dampier, William, 295, 296 
Darien region, 46, 47 (map), 48 
Darkland Peninsula, 267 
Darkland site, Almirante Bay, 
264-267 

Dead Feast at Council House, 375 
Decorations, carved, 360 
Decorative techniques, 35-41 (table) 
Deer, 5, 234 

leg bones, 265 
Dekos, traditional group, 262 
ears sadiane, 231, 234 (map), 363, 


260, 


Delaware River, 201 
Design motifs, 35-37, 40 (table) 
alligator, 20, 37, 38, 39, 44, 45, 277 
animal effigy, 21, 37, 41, 45, 46, 
265, 268, 277 
arrow, 376 
Chinese dragon, 36 
floral, 376 
geometrical, 20, 33, 34 (figs.), 37, 
40, 359, 361, 376 
iguana, 36 
jaguar, 21, 267 
lizard; 17, 18, 35, 36n(ig); 42 
monkey, 18, 20, 36, 37 
octopus, 265, 273 
porpoise, 265, 266 
Quetzalcoatl, 36 
serpent, 16, 18 (fig.), 35-36, 41, 45 
surface, 40 
swastika, 376 
Xochicaleo, 36 
zoomorphic, 50 
Destruction, personified by evil spirits, 


Devil-chaser (medicine man), 208 

Dice, native, 374 

Diminutives and augmentatives, un- 
inflected words, 121-122 (ex- 
amples) 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[Bull. 191] 


Diorite, blue, 327 
Directionals, uninflected words, 
(examples), 132 

Disease, introduced by Europeans, 361 
personified by evil spirits, 358, 365 
spirits of, 371 

Dish; 31 Gig), 32, 42 

Disk, gold, 261 

Doctor, Floyd, 378, 381, 388, 396 

Dolls, cornhusk, 359, 376 

Donck, Adriaen Van der, 202 

Doorkeepers, False Face officials, 367 

Douglas, Frederick H., 361 

Douglas, Frederick H., and d’Har- 

noncourt, Rene, 359 

Doyle, Gerald A., Jr., 5 

Drills, 28, 390 

Drums, 199, 261 

Dunn, Mr. and Mrs. T. W., 260 

Dutch, alliance with Iroquois, 360 
firearms obtained from, 360 
silversmithing learned from, 361 

Dwelling site, 14 


Early Christian Era culture, 49 
Early Historic Period, 230 
Effigies, anthropomorphic, 37, 38 (fig.), 
39 (fig.), 40 
Coclé-type, 37 
frog, 41 
humanoid, 40 
humpback, 37 
parrot, 36 
Veraguas buff ware, 40 
Ehriehronnon Indians, 207 
El Limén, Panama, 251 
El Morro, 308 
Embroidery, introduction of, 361 
Emperor Ferdinand of Spain, 8 
Engler, Gustav, 259, 260 
English, 361 
alliance with Iroquois, 360 
firearms obtained from, 360 
Englishmen, 207, 208 
Eno Indians, 234 (map) 
Eriechronon Indians, 195 (diagram), 204 
Erie Indians, 195 (diagram), 196, 204, 
206, 207, 209, 210, 211, 220, 221, 
227, 231, 234 (map), 235 
of Rique, 221 
territory of, 235 
Erie-Iroquois War, 206, 207 
Erigahaga Indians, 211 
Eriga Indians, 206, 210, 220 
Escavada Wash, 33 
Espinosa, Licentiate Gaspar de, 8 
Europeans, early, 364, 372 
Evans, Lewis, 206, 210 
Evans, William, 214, 220, 225, 228 
Exclamations, uninflected words, 120 
(examples) 


ies 


Face painting, 261 


INDEX 


Factory Hollow Focus, 222, 227, 229, 
231, 232 (table) 

Fairport Component, 227 

False Pe 371, 382, 384, 394, 399, 400, 


legend of, 367, 370, 398, 399 
sickness, 366 
False faces, wooden, 362, 363, 379, 383 
False Face Society, 353, 358, 365-368, 
374, 375, 378, 379, 380, 383, 385, 
387, 402, 403, 405 
costumes of, 367 
rituals, 366, 369, 378, 385 
Fasciolaria (Pleuroploca) princeps, 297 
F. (P.) salmo, 297 
Feast of Dreams, see Midwinter Festival. 
Feasts, 358 
Features, suprasegmental, 63, 65 
Fenton, William, 353, 356, 362, 363, 364, 
365, 367, 369, 370, 371, 372, 394, 
395, 396, 397, 399, 405 
Fernow, Berthold, and O’Callaghan, 
He Be, 202 
Festivals, 374 
Feurt Focus, 222, 223, 224 (table) 
Fiber string, 336 
Figures, animal, 359 
Figurines, basalt, 278 
bone, 359 
clay, 277 
Files, 390, 393 
Firearms, obtained by Iroquois, 360 
Fish, 5 
bones, 298 
decorations, 265 
Fishing, 356 
Five Tribes, Iroquois, 356, 357 
Fleet, Henry, 199, 200 
Flint, 266, 298, 299, 308, 327 
Food, sacred, 360 
Food offerings, 19, 358 
Fort Ancient Aspect, 222, 223, 224 
(table), 225 (map), 226, 227, 235 
Fort San Lorenzo area, 46 
Frachtenburg, Leo J., 217 
Fraternities, 356 
French, 360 
settlers, 207, 231 
soldiers, 209 
Fricative, alveopalatal, 64 
Fruit trees, 296 
Fruteras, 41, 273 
Funeral offerings, 15, 19 
Fur trade, 200, 202, 360 


Gallinee, Abbe, 234 
Gambling, 374 
Games, 358, 374 

implements for, 359 
Ganagaro, see Boughton Hill. 
Gandougaree, see Beal. 
Gannounata, see Kirkwood. 
Garfield, Viola, 360 
Gastropoda, 297 (list) 
Gatford, Lionel, 212, 217, 218, 220 
Genesee River, 230 


415 


Genoa Fort Focus, 222, 232 (table) 
Girdn site, 48, 49 
Gittings, John, 215 
Glottal closure, terminal, 63 
Glottal fricative, 61 
Glottal stop, 61 
God, Christian, 366 
Gagohsa, see Hodo’wi. 
Gold, 262, 294, 296 
paint, 220 
particles in tempering material, 15 
seekers, 263 
work in, 19, 46, 50 
Gourds, 306 
Grammatical categories, 75-78 
Graver, yellow flint, 298 
Graves, deep level, 49 
Great Creator, head deity, 358, 365 
Great Falls of the Potomac, 201 
Great Valley of Virginia, 220 
Green, Levy, maskmaker, 381] 
Greenberg, Joseph H., 73 
Greenman, Emerson F., 232 
Griffin, James B., 222, 223, 224, 225, 227 
Grinding stones, 298 
Grit, 263 
Guaiga River, 261 
Guatemala, 43 
Guaymi Indians, 260, 261, 262, 263 
Gulf of Panama, 7, 8, 12 
Gulf of Parita, 48, 293 
Gulf of San Miguel, 46 
Gunpowder, 207 
Gutierrez, Felipe, 260 
Guzman, Antonio Tello de, 8 


Haberland, Wolfgang, 253 

Habitation sites, 278 

Hale, Horatio, 217 

Hammerstones, 298 

Handles, loop, 271, 273, 299, 327 

strap, 269, 270, 271 

Handsome Lake, Indian prophet, 366, 

371, 374 
code of, 366, 374 

Hanna, Charles, 210, 223, 231 

Harbor, Old Panama, 9 

Harrington, M. R., 369 

Harrisburg, 226 

Harvest festivals, 356, 358 

Hatchets, 390 

Hazard, Samuel, et al., 202 

Heads, modeled, 19, 20 

Henhawk, Floyd, rattle-maker, 379, 388 

Hening, William, 211, 212, 220 

Hereckeene Indians, 200 

Hererra, chronicler, 8 

Heron, white, 37 

Herrera Province, Panama, 253, 269 

Herriot site, Romney, W.Va., 231 

Herrman, Augustine, 203 (map), 204, 
206, 213 (map), 214, 218 

Hest, Pete, White member of False 
Faces, 375, 382, 386, 387, 388, 
389, 395, 403 

Hewitt, J. N. B., 215 


416 


Hicootomony, or Turkey Buzzard River, 
2 


Hidatsa Indians, 217 

Hill, Col. Edward, 209, 211, 212, 217, 218, 
219 

Hill, Elijah, maskmaker, 381, 397 

Hill, Howard, maskmaker, 381 

Hinojosa, Pedro de, 294 

Hodge, Frederick W., 210, 215 

Hodo’wi (False Faces), 365, 366, 367, 
368, 385, 386, 395 

Hodo’wi Room, where masks are kept, 
385, 394 

Holm, Thomas Campanius, 204 

Holmes, W. H., 252 

Homer, James, maskmaker, 381, 398 

Homer, Pat, maskmaker, 381 

Homets Ferry, 230 

Honniasontkeronon Indians, 234, 235 

Hopewell site, 25 

Horns, 261 

Hemera used on masks, 368, 372, 391, 
393 


Houghton, Frederick, 230, 232 
Houses, bark, 356 
brick, 11 (map) 
round, 225 
wooden, 8 
Huchi Indians, 211 
Hudson River, 363 
Hunt, George T., 357, 360 
Hunting, 356, 360 
small animal, 49 
Huron Indians, 206, 207, 220, 231, 362, 


363 
Husk faces, 369 


Tdiolect language, 57 

Idols, 363, 371 

Idos Medicine Society, 370 

Illingsworth, Captain, 295 

Illinois, 360 

Incensarios, frying-pan, 269 

Incising, pottery, 40-41, 251, 253, 318- 
324 


Indian Arts Project, 361, 388 
Indians, abuse of by the English, 212 
medical practices of, 209 
Infant burial, 43 
Intermarriage, 361 
Interrogatives, uninflected words, 119 
(examples), 123 (examples) 
Iroquoian-speaking people, 364 
Iroquoian tribes, 221, 222, 223, 234 
(map), 363 
Iroquois Aspect, 222, 227, 230, 232 
(table), 233 (table), 233 (map) 
Iroquois culture, 353, 356, 364, 377, 380, 
389, 404, 405, 406 
masks in, 362-372, 403 
Iroquois Indians, 206, 207, 209, 210, 216, 
218, 220, 223, 226, 229, 231, 235, 
354, 356, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 
363, 364, 365, 366, 367, 368, 369, 
370, 371, 378, 374, 382, 389, 404 
art of, 356-362, 382, 389, 390 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[Bull. 191] 


Troquois Indians—Continued 
clothes, 359 
distrust of strangers, 355 
employment, 373 
Government relief for, 373 
horticulture, 356, 360 
matrons, 358 
men, occupations of, 356 
militarism among, 360 
native language spoken by, 374 
eee importance of to, 357, 358, 


persistence of customs among, 373 
ee of possession among, 
political organization of, 357, 376 
religion, 357, 358, 376, 384 
schooling, 373 
songs, 358, 386 
White culture adopted by, 373, 374 
White doctors among, 375 
White investigators among, 366 
gals League, 357, 360, 361, 371, 374, 
5 
Iskousogo Indians, 234 
Isla del Rey, Pearl Islands, 295 
Isthmus of Panama, 46 


Jade, 19 
Jaguar canine, imitation, 327, 336 
James River, 209, 211, 217, 219 
Jars, 275, 311 
decorative motifs on, 37 
effigy, 36 (fig.) 
globular, 307 
painted, 299 
polychrome effigy, 39 (fig.) 
subglobular, 299, 306 
tripod, 271 
water- or grain-storage, 17, 43 
Jasper, 23, 24, 267 
Jewelry material, 19, 49, 50 
Johnson, Amandus, 201, 202 
Juan Dias (formerly Lavenderas), 9 
Jungle Point, 277-278 
Juniata River, 204 
Kaniengehaga-Mohawk, see Mohawk 
Indians. 
Keen, A. Myra, 297 
“Keepers of the Council Fires’? (Onon- 
daga), 357 
Keepers of the Faith, elected priesthood, 
3 


5 
Keppler, Joseph, 353, 364, 365, 369, 
371, 380 


Keresan dialects, 57, 59, 60 

Kettles, 366 

Keyauwee Indians, 234 (map) 

Kidd, Kenneth E., 229 

King’s Bridge, 7, 9, 10 

Kirkwood, 229 

Knives, 327, 390, 392, 393 

Kroeber, Alfred, 359 

Kuenyuguhaka-Tuscarora, see Cayuga 
Indians. 


INDEX 


Kuscarawaoke Indians, 198 

Kuyukuhaga-Mohawk, see Cayuga In- 
dians. 

Kwedech tribes, see St. Lawrence Iro- 
quois. 


Lacrosse, 374 
sticks, made by men, 376, 379 

Ladd, John, 48 

La Gloria, Colombia, 18 

Lake Canandaigua, 230 

Lake Erie, 204, 206, 227 

Lake Huron, 207 

Lake Ontario, 230 

Lallemant, —, 231 

Lamberville, —de, French Jesuit, 210, 220 

La Merced convent, 9 

La Salle, Robert de, 234, 235 

Late Colonial Period, 230 

Lavenderas (now Juan Dias), 9 

Lawson Focus, 222, 227, 229, 231, 232 
(table) 

Lechford, Richard, 200 

Lederer, John, 204, 205 (map), 206, 213, 
214, 216, 218, 220 

Ledesma, Pedro de, 261 

Le Fevre, Enrique, 5 

Le Mercier, —, 207 

Library of Congress, 211 

Lids, 16, 17, 42-43, 45 

Lime, 261 

Limestone, 262, 267 

Lindestrém, Peter, 202, 204, 209, 212, 
218, 220 

Linné, Sigvald, 18, 32, 43, 45, 46 

Linton, Ralph 403 

Little Water Company, 358 

Lloyd, Edward, 214 

Loincloths, narrow, 261 

Longhouse, 356, 357 

Long House Religion, 374, 405 

Lothrop, Samuel K., 14, 19, 22, 24, 25, 
31, 32, 36, 41, 46, 48, 49, 254, 
262, 263, 296 

Lower Susquehanna, 230 

Lucy, Charles L., 233 

Luray Focus, 222, 225, 226 

Lyropecten (Lyropecten) subnodosus, 298 


Machazek, Teodor F., 260 

MacNeish, Richard §., 222, 229, 230, 
232, 233 

Madden Lake area, 19, 24, 28, 45, 46, 
47 (map), 49 

Madison Focus, 222, 230, 232 (table), 
233 (table) 

Madisonville Focus, 222, 223, 224 (table) 

Mahemencho Indians, 234 (map) 

Mahock Indians, 209, 214, 216, 218 

Mairs, O. L., 224 

Malambo, Indian settlement, 9-10 

Malea ringens, 297 

Mammet trees, 296 

Manahoac Indians, 231, 234 (map) 

Mangoag Indians, 198 

Mangrove swamps, 5, 7 


417 


Manhattan language, 202 
Mannahoack tribe, 196 
Mannahoke Indians, 198 
Manning, Thomas, 214 
Mano, 27, 262, 298 
Manson, Carl; Maccord, Howard A.; 
ane Griffin, James B., 225, 226, 
Maquaas tribe, 202 
Margry, Pierre, 234, 235 
Marriage, monogamous, 357 
Maryland Archives, 214, 220 
seer General Assembly, 214, 216, 
18 
Mask carving, 354, 375, 377, 379, 380,403 
economics of, 380-384 
learning and ‘motivation, 387-390 
technical and esthetic processes, 
390-396 
time devoted to, 378 
Maskettes, cornhusk, 369 
shell, 364 
stone, 359, 364 
use of, 369 
wood, 369, 384, 388, 391, 394 
Maskmaking, economic aspect of, 382, 
384, 389 
functions of, 356, 372, 377, 403 
religious aspects of, 384-387, 403 
status of, 377-378, 379, 389, 405 
Masks or false faces, 353 
animal, 369 
as caricatures of White gods, 372 
as ceremonial objects, 380 
as religious symbols, 380 
Begger or Dancing class, 369, 370, 
372, 386 
beliefs regarding, 367, 368, 385, 387 
blind, 370 
buckskin, 369 
carvers, 377-380 
carving of, 365 
Charlie Chaplin, 372 
Chinese, 401 
classification of, 369-370 
cornhusk, 359, 379 
een 370, 371, 399, 400 
curative powers of, 367 
dark brown, 391 
divided (red and black), 370, 399 
Doctor class, 369, 370, 386 
“doctored,”’ 382, 386 
Doorkeeper class, 369, 370, 386 
effect of mythology on, 395 
Eskimo, 401 
False Face Society, 365-368 
fear of, 386 
feelings regarding, 382 
Felix the Cat, 372 
‘foreign,’’ 396, 401 
formation of features, 392-393 
hair for, 391 
hanging-mouth, 370, 399 
hanging of, 387 
Hopi, 401 


418 


Masks or false faces—Continued 
horned, 372 
husk-face, 399 
in Iroquois culture, 362-373 
Troquois, 355, 371, 383, 386, 394, 
395, 396, 399, 400, 402, 404 
makers of, 355, 381 (table) 
Mickey Mouse, 372 
modern type, 372 
mouth types, 369-370 
Northwest Coast, 401 
Onondaga, 355 
origin and antiquity of, 362-364, 
365 
miniature, 367 
names of, 369 
ownership of, 380, 382 
portable, 363, 364 
powers of, 368 
price of, 383, 394 
prototypes of, 369 
red, 391 
religious concepts of, 384 
role of, 353 
secret class, 369 
small, 383 
smiling, 370 
sources of design for, 395, 396, 403 
spoon-lipped, 370, 372, 397, 398 
standards of taste in, 396, 403 
stone, 363 
straight-lipped, 370, 399 
style of, 368-373 
sunflower oil used on, 368 
tongue-protruding, 370, 399 
traditional, 398 
treatment of, 367-368 
whistling or blowing, 370, 396, 
wooden, 353, 362, 363, 364, 368, 
Masomeck Indians, 199 
Massamoni or Paint-Creek, 216 
Massawomeck tribe, 195 (diagram), 
196, 197, 198, 200, 204, 206, 222, 
Bo. 
Massinacac Indians, 234 (map) 
Massomack tribe, 195 (diagram), 196, 
198, 199, 200, 201 
Matanza (now St. Christopher’s Hill), 9 
Matapeneugh River, 213 
Matrilineal clans, 356 
Matrilineal descent, 357, 377 
Matrilineal family, 357 
Mats, cornhusk, 359 
Maumee River, 227 
Mayer, Joseph R., 230 
Mayer-Oakes, William J., 222, 223, 224, 
225, 226, 227, 228, 230 
Medicine societies, 353, 358, 365, 366, 
369, 378, 379, 380, 385, 386, 389, 403 
Megapitaria aurantiaca, 298 
Meherrin Indians, 234 (map) 
Melongena patula, 297 
Méndez, Alejandro, 5, 291 
Mestizos, 295 
Metal, sheet, 
Metals, 25 


397 
369 


372 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[Bull. 191] 


Metalwork, 19, 388 
Metates, 28, 262, 298, 299 
Costa Rica-Chiriqui type, 267 
oval, 28 
stone, 267 
three-legged, 27 
Mexico, 18, 36, 43, 48, 359 
Mica, 306, 
Midden mounds, 264, 267, 294, 296, 
298, 307, 308, 312 
Middle Mississippi Phase, 224 (table) 
Midwinter Festival, 358, 385, 391 
Miller, Wick R., 59 
Minqua Indians, 202, 204, 208, 209, 215 
page ai effect on native religion, 
Episcopalian, 374 
Jesuit, 363 
Quaker, 366 
Mississippian culture, 223 
Mississippi drainage, 222 
Mississippi Pattern, Middle Mississippi 
Phase, 222, 223, 224 
Mississippi River, 223 
Mitchell, Russell H., 5 
Mitra (? Strigatella) belcheri, 297 
Moccasins, bead, 375 
Modals, uninflected words, 119-120 
(examples) 
Mohawk Indians, 210, 231, 357, 
Moiety system, 374 
Mojara, Herrera Province, 253, 254, 269 
Monacan Indians, 231, 234 (map) 
Monagog Indians, 216 
Monahassanugh Indians, 198 
Monakin Indians, 216 
Mongoack Indians, 216 
Moni-seep, Shallow Water Creek, 216 
Monocan Indians, 196, 198 
Monongahela Aspect, 222, 225, 226, 227, 
228 (table), 229 (map), 235 
Monongahela Focus, 222, 224, 225, 226, 
228 (table) 
Monongahela River, 226 
Montezuma (ruler), 262 
Montreal, 234 
Moose hair, 359 
Moratue Indians, 234 (map) 
Morgan, Henry, 8, 295 
Morgan, Lewis H., 353, 357, 369, 373 
Morgan, Richard G., 222, 227 
Morgan, Richard G., and Ellis, H. H., 
232 


Morphemes, 66, 74, 75, 78, 79, 100, 123 
Morphology, 73-123 
Morphophonetics, 66-73, 84, 99, 123 
processes, 100 (examples) 
Morrison, A. J., 

Mortars, stone, 264 

Mosticum, Indian town, 199, 200 
Mount Chiriqui, 253 

Moyaones, of the Piscataway, 196 
Munch, G. D., 2 

Murdock, George P., 359 
Muricanthus nigritus, 297 

M. radix, 297 


364 


INDEX 


Murray, Louise W., 233 

Museo Nacional de Panamé, 5, 12, 13, 
18, 19, 20, 28, 38, 291 

Musical implements, wooden, 359 

Mussels, 5, 9 


Nacostine Indians, 199, 200 
Nahyssan Indians, 214, 215, 216, 218, 
234 (map) 
Naijssone, see Nayssone Indians. 
Nanticoke Indians, 197, 198, 234 (map) 
Nasals, alveola form, 61 
alveopalatal variant, 61 
National Geographic Society, 259, 291 
Nation of the Cat (Indian), 204, 206, 
207, 209 
Nayssone Indians, 196, 209, 215 
Necklace, 336, 359 
Neill, Edward D., 199 
Nerita (Ritena) scabricosta, 297 
Neus Indians, 234 (map) 
Neutral Indians, 206, 229 
New Castle, Del., 202 
New England, 360 
Newman, Stanley, 57 
New River, 220 
New Sweden, 204 
New Year’s Festival, 358, 367, 374, 378 
New York State, 361, 364 
New York State Fair, Indian goods sold 
at, 376, 382, 383 
Niagara, 229 
Nicaragua, 18, 43 
Nombre de Dios, 8 
Nottowaka-Tuscarora, see Seneca Indians. 
Nonville, — de, 363 
Indian villages destroyed by, 229 
Northwest Coast Indians, 396 
Nottaway Indians, 234 (map) 
Numerals, uninflected words, 121 (ex- 
amples) 
Nuntaly, see Nuntaneuck Indians. 
Nuntaneuck Indians, 216 


Offertory or burial place, 308 
Ohimpa-moni or Jumping Fish Creek, 


216 
Ohio River, 224, 234, 235 
drainage area, 222, 226 
Old Panama, description of, 8-9 
historical account of, 7-8 
ruins of, 7 
site of, 10, 11 (map)—12 
water supply, 9 
Ollas, 299, 308, 310, 312, 336 
Oneida Indians, 230, 357 
Onondaga Indians, 207, 230, 354, 355, 
357, 363, 370, 371, 374, 377, 382, 
384, 387, 390, 396, 398, 399, 400, 
401, 402, 404, 406 
nonmembers of tribe, restrictions 
on, 376-377 
Onondaga Lake, 373 
Onondaga Reservation, 206, 209, 210, 
354-358, 364, 365, 373-377, 382, 
399, 400, 403, 404, 405 


419 


Onondaga Reservation—Continued 
Community Center, 373, 388, 389, 
392, 394 
Community House, 386 
National Youth Association build- 
ing, 373, 375 
Ontario, Canada, 362 
Ont°agannha, 231 
Ontoagnnhe, see Toaguenha. 
Ontponies tribe, 234 (map) 
Orenda, supernatural power, 380 
Ornaments, gold, 261 
painted, 261 
Orthographic conventions, 67 
Ostrea chilensis, 298 
Otoque Island, 294, 296 
Ottawa River, 360 
Otter Society, 358 
Outagame Indians, 234 


Paddles, wooden, 376 
Paint, black, 261, 269, 312, 368, 370, 393 
commercial, 372 
red, 33, 261, 265, 266, 268, 269, 270, 
271, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 299, 
306, 307, 312, 315, 327, 368, 370, 
391, 393 
white, 33, 261, 372, 393, 397 
Painting, 253, 360 
Palisades, 199, 208, 222 
Palmatary, Helen C., 46 
Pamunkey Indians, 209, 219, 234 (map) 
Pamunkey River, 213, 218 
Panama, 18, 45, 46, 48, 49, 251, 252, 259, 
261, 263, 294 
Panama Canal, 46, 293 
Panama City, 7, 8 
Panama Gulf region, 37 
Pans, tin, 367 
Papayas, 296 
Paradigms, 88, 105, 106-107 (charts), 
143-154 
Parita, 41 
early settlement, 294 
Parker, Arthur C., 229, 232, 3538, 359, 
363, 365, 369, 373 
Patapsco River, 214, 215 
Pataromerke, see Potomac Indians, 
Patawomeke Indians, 197, 198 
Patomeck Indians, 199 
Patuxent Indians, 198 
Pautuxuntes, see Patuxent Indians. 
beady Museum, Harvard University, 
54 
Peace Chiefs, authority of, 357 
Peach stone dice, 374 
Pearl Islands, 8, 45, 46, 47 (map), 49, 
293, 295 
Pearls, 262 
Peceary, 5 
Pedrarias, Governor of Panama, 8, 294 
Pelecypoda, 298 (list) 
Pelicans, 310 
Pemaeoncock River, 213, 214 
Pendants, 19, 223, 225, 261 
Penonomé, Panama, 251 


420 


Pererdevidae, Negro settlement, 9 
Periglypta multicostata, 298 
Peru, 8, 48 
Pestilence, dances to drive away, 363 
Pestle, limestone, 277 
Petrified wood, 24 
Philip III, 196 
Phonemes, 61, 66, 104 (examples) 
Phratries, 357, 358 
Pierce, Andrew, maskmaker, 379, 381, 
382, 383, 384 
Pierce, Stanley, maskmaker, 379, 381 
Pierde Vidas, 9 
Pigment, earth, 372 
Indian red, 253 
Pigs, 369 
Pinart, A. L., 263 
Pine, white, 390 
Pineapples, 296 
Pipes, clay, 259, 364 
effigy, 359 
stone, 359, 363 
tobacco, 198, 225 
Piscataway Indians, 196, 199, 234 (map) 
Pizarro, Francisco, 8, 294 
Planaxis planicostatus, 297 
Plantains, 296 
Plastic decoration, 41 (table) 
Plates, 33, 40, 41, 42 
black on white, 33 
painted Coclé, 36 
red ware pedestal, 30 gis), oz 
utility ware, 16, 19, 2 
Platters, 198 
Pocaughtawonauck tribe, 195 (diagram), 


196, 198 

Pocaughtawonaucka, see Pocaughta- 
wonauck tribe. 

Pocaughtronack, see Pocaughtawon- 
auck tribe. 


Polamis platuria (sea snake), 36 
Polishing stones, 28, 267, 298 
Poplar, 390 
Porcupine quills, 359 
Portobelo, Panama, 8, 9 
Portobelo Trail, 7, 8, 11 (map) 
Post images, graven, 363 
Potomac Indians, 196, 198 
Potomac River, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 
204, 222, 224, 226 
Potomac Valley, 226 
Pots, 310, 311 (figs.), 312, 363 
decorative motifs, 37 
globular, 251, 318 
incised globular, 252 (figs.), 359 
large, round-bottom, squat, 29 
narrow-mouthed, 19 
subglobular, 251 
subspherical, 273 
wide-mouthed globular, 35, 42 
Pottery, 46, 225, 227, 275, 352, 388 
applique, 326 
“baby feeders,’’ 32 
beanpot shape, 29 
bichrome, 317 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[Bull. 191] 


Pottery— Continued 

body sherds, 265, 274, 307, 308 

brown ware, 15, 19, 20, 21, 31, 
32-33, 35, 40, 41, 43, 44, 45, 46, 
49, 50, 269, 270, 274, 315, 327 

brushed ware, 308, 319 

buff-colored, 41, 251, 265, 266 
(fig.), 267, 268, 269, 271, 274, 
a 277, 306, 307, 308, 315, 316, 

Chiriqui alligator ware, 254, 277 

Chiriqui ware, 251, 254, 275, ont 

Coclé redline ware, 42 

Coclé-type, 37, 38 

coiled, 359 

combing, 273, 274, 276, 308, 312,318 

cord-impressed, 308 

crack-lace mending method, 438, 48 

decorated, 19, 28, 29, 45 

decorations, 16, 17 (fig.), 18 (fig.), 
19-20, 33, 34 (figs.), 35, 37, 251, 
252, 253, 265, 268, 269, 273, 275, 
277, 299, 308, 312 

decorative techniques, 35-41, 299 

El Hatillo polychrome, 19 

El Limén ware, 254 

European effect on, 360 

filleted, 336 

firing, 29-30, 273, 274 

“foreign,” 41 

geometric patterns, 253, 265, 274, 
312 

grit tempered, 15, 19, 29, 274 

handles, 269, 277, 299, 327 

incised ware, 36 (fig.), 42, 271, 275, 
336 

incising, 40-41, 299, 308, 317-323 

indented, 324-325 

Iroquois trade, 226 

lids, 16, 20, 42 

lip, 15, 266 (figs.), 269, 270 

lugs or handles missing, 16 

modeled relief technique, 36, 45 

Monagrillo ware, 254 

monochrome, 317 

Monongahela, 226 

orange-slipped, 438, 265, 276, 277, 
299, 306-307, 315, 316, 318, 336 

painted, 18-19, 33 (figs.) -35, 45, 
277, 316-318 

paste, 19, 31, 32, 39, 42, 253, 265, 
274, 306, 307 

pedestal bases, 327 

polychrome, 16, 18, 33, 36, 41, 42, 
46, 48, 49, 253, 254 

punch markings on, 50 

rattle-based, 20 

red ware, 13, 16, 17, 19, 21, 28, 29, 
30 (fig.), 31 (fig.), 32, 33, 34 
(fig.), 35, 37, 42, 45, 269, 299, 
306-308, 315, 318, 327, 336 

relief urn ware, 45 


INDEX 


Pottery—Continued 
rim profiles, 35 (figs.), 251, 265, 
268, 269, 271, 277, 300 (figs.), 
301 (figs.), 302 (figs.), 303 (figs.) , 
304 (figs.), 305 (figs.), 309 (figs.), 
313 (figs.), 314 (figs.) 
rims, decorations, 37, 40, 265 
rimsherds, 33-35 (figs.), 307 
rock tempered, 251 
sand tempered, 265 
searified, 253 
scratch tests, 263 
shapes, 29, 30 (fig.) 
shell stamped, 18, 55, 40, 41, 45, 48, 50 
Shenk’s Ferry, 227 
slip, 37, 39, 43, 251, 258, 254, 263 
surface finish, 29, 32, 306 
Taboguilla buff ware, 315 (fig.), 
316 (fig.) 
tempering, 43, 251, 265, 269, 270, 
277, 306, 307, 312 
thickness, 15, 29 
trade ware, 42 
trichrome, 316-318 
tripods, 327 
utilitarian, 19 
Veraguas buff ware, 40 
Veraguas-style tumbaga, 19 
weight, 16 
white ware, 16, 18, 33, 42, 45, 299, 
315, 318, 336 
See also Design motifs. 
Pottery forms, 299 
Pottery kiln, Colonial, 12 
Pottery skills, 49 
Powhatan Indians, 196, 198, 234 (map) 
Preceramic culture, 26 
Prehistoric Period, 364 
Prepositions, uninflected words, 119 
(examples), 132 (examples), 133 
(examples) 
Pressure flaking, secondary, 24 
Priesthood, elected, 358 
Printz, Johan, 201, 202, 204, 206, 207, 
210, 211, 220 
Brojootle) Datnte, 23 (figs.), 24, 46, 50, 


Property rights, 357 

Prophecy, 380 

Protothaca grata, 298 

Puerto Limén, Costa Rica, 260 

Punta del Rey (King’s Bridge), 7, 11 
(map) 

Punta Patino, 46 

Pyramids, flat-topped, 222 


Quain, B. H., 380 
Quartz, 251, 307 

Queen Juana (Joanna), 9 
Quens, — de, 206 
Quiggle site, 230 

Quill embroidery, 362 


Radiocarbon date, 49 
Radios, 373 
Ragueneau, —, 204 


421 


Rappahanock River, 196, 204 
Rattles, bark, 367 
bone, 359 
horn, 367 
mud turtle, 365, 367, 379 
Reed stamping, 45, 50 
Referentials, uninflected words, 118, 
129 (examples), 130 (example), 
132 (examples) 
Reichel- Dolmatoff, Gerardo, 
Reichel-Dolmatoff, Alicia, 
Relief modeling and applique, 41 
Rhiie—rrhonon, 220 
Rhiolite, 25 
Rhythm groups, 65-66 
Ribbons, European, 361 
Richahecrian Indians, 195 (diagram), 
196, 211, 212, 216, 217, 218, 219, 
220, 221 
Rickohockan Indians, 195 (diagram), 
196, 220, 221 
Rigueronnon, see Riquehronnon Indians. 
Rimsherds, 33-35 (figs.), 307 
“coral snake,” 41 
scalloped profile, 46 
Rings, silver, 361 
Rio Abajo, 5, 7, 11 (map), 12 
Rio Algarrobo, 10 
Rio Gallinero, 10, 11 (map) 
Rio Indio, 262 
Ripley Focus, 222, 227, 229, 231, 232 
(table 
Rique, fortified town, 207, 209 
Riquehronnon Indians, 207, 220 
Ritchie, William A., 222, 230, 356 
Roanoke, Va., 220 
Roanoke River, 216 
Rochester Junction, 229 
Rochester Museum of Arts and Sciences, 
361 
Rockshelter cave (Taboga-3), 307-308 
Roda, engineer, 9, 10 
Romney, W. Va., 231 
Rorenock River, 216 


Sachems, 208, 357 

St. Christopher’s Hill (formerly Mat- 
anza), 9, 12 

St. Lawrence Iroquois, 230 

St. Regis Reservation, 404, 405 

Sander, Dan, 5 

Sandpaper, used on masks, 393 

Sandstone formation, natural, 262 

San Francisco convent, 9 

San Francisco de Calete, 7, 13 

Sannagers, see Cynaco Indians. 

Sanson map of 1656, 206 

Santa Ana Pueblo, 57 

Santa Maria Phase, 48 

Santarem, Brazil, 46 

Saponi Indians, 196, 216, 234 (map) 

place names, 217 (table) 

Sarigua Phase, 48 

Sasquehannough Indians, 214 

Sasquesahanock Indians, 231 

Sassquahana Indians, 204 


and 
46 


422 


Sassquahana River, 204 

Sassquahanna Fort, 204, 215 

Savanoos language, 202 

Saws, 390, 392 

bet aa use of, 299, 308, 312, 319, 
2 


Scealplocks, revival of, 405 
Schenandoah, Eddie, maskmaker, 378, 
379, 381, 389, 391, 398 
Schmitt, Karl, 222, 226 
Schultz site, 231 
Schumacher, Edward G., 251, 260, 291 
Serapers, 24-25 
jasper, 23 (fig.) 
Screech owls, beliefs regarding, 375 
Screwdriver, used on masks, 393 
Sculpture, clay, 50 
Searles, Captain, 295 
Sea snake (Polamis platuria), 36 
Secotan Indians, 234 (map) 
Secrest-Reasoner Component, 227 
Seminole Indians, 362 
Semivowels, 68, 69 (examples), 
(examples) 
alveopalatal, 64 
bilabial, 64 
Senacaes, see Cynaco Indians. 
Seneca Indians, 202, 206, 207, 210, 215, 
229, 230, 234, 357, 363, 364, 365, 
aoe 368, 369, 370, 371, 386, 398, 
Senequas, see Cynaco Indians. 
Seneques, see Cynaco Indians. 
Senneks, see Cynaco Indians. 
Sentences, complex, 140-141 (examples) 
Sequences, phonemic, 61 (examples) 
Shafroth, John F., 10 
Shakari Indians, 234 (map) 
Shamanism, 362 
Shark’s teeth, unworked, 299 
Shaunetowa, Indian town, 199, 200 
Shawan River, 216 
Shawnee tribe, 223, 235 
Shellfish, 49, 293, 298 
Shell lens, 11 (map), 13, 15, 32 
Shells, 12, 19, 297, 308, 312, 327 
Shenandoah Valley, 226 
Shenango Valley, 226 
Shenk’s Ferry Aspect, 222, 225, 226, 
228 (table), 229 (map) 
Shenk’s Ferry Complex, 227 
Shenk’s Ferry Focus, 222, 226, 230, 231 
Shepherd, Anna O., 263 
Sherds, 12, 15, 17, 22, 28, 29, 36, 41, 45, 
46, 262, 264, 265, 266 (figs.), 267, 
270 (figs.), 271 (figs.), 272 (figs.), 
274, 275, 276 (figs.), 277, 294, 
297, 299, 306, 308, 310, 312, 336 
Shultz site, of Washingtonboro, 226 
Sibilants, 61 (examples) 
Sigua, Aztec colony, 262 
Silica, in tempering material, 15, 29 
Silversmithing, introduction of, 360 
Sinacks, see Cynaco Indians. 
Sinica, see Cynaco Indians. 
Sinnagers, see Cynaco Indians. 


99 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[Bull. 191] 


Sinnecus Indians, 202 
Sinnicus Indians, 204 
Sinniquois Indians, 210 
Sinnondowannes, see Seneca Indians. 
Te 209, 215, 216, 218, 222, 
Sissipahaw Indians, 234 (map) 
Sitio Conte, 20, 22, 24, 25, 27, 28, 31, 
36, 37, 42, 45, 46, 48, 49 
Sixaola Valley, 262 
Skeletal material, 13-18, 20 
Skinner, Alanson B., 231 
Slavers, 263 
Slaves, African, 9 
Slot, auxiliary, 128 (examples) 
Smith, De Cost, 353, 358, 365, 366 
Smith, H. Morgan, 10, 12, 13 
Smith, John, 196, 198, 199, 204, 206, 231 
map of, 196, 197 (section) 
Smithsonian Institution, 291 
Smoke, George, maskmaker, 381 
Smoothers, 28 
Snakes, copper, 223 
Snow Snake, native game, 374, 376 
sticks for, 379, 383 
Sonnontouan Indian town, 206, 229, 234 
Sonorants, 61, 70, 73, 102 
Sosa, Juan B., 8, 9, 10 
Sounds, introduced, 61 (examples) 
Southern United States, 18 
South Towanda, 230 
Spaniards, 261, 294, 295 
Spanish Occupation Period, 10, 12 
Spears, throwing, 24 
Speck, Frank, 353, 359, 362, 363, 364, 
386, 394 
Speech, style of, 65 
Spelman, Henry, 199, 200 
Spindle whorls, 438 (table), 48, 50 
Spirals, brass, 223 
copper, 223 
Spoons, wooden, 359, 368 
Spotswood, Alexander, 216 
Squash, 356, 369 
Staff, carried by chiefs, 365, 367 
Steward, Alexander M., 230 
Stewart, Richard H., 259, 291 
Stewart’s Focus, 222 
Stockades, 225 
Stone, slatelike, 267 
Stone Age cultures, 25 
Stops, alveola, 73 
alveopalatal, 60 (examples) 
aspirated, 103 (examples) 
glottalized series, 60 (examples), 69 
unaspirated, 103 
voiceless aspirated series, 60 (ex- 
amples) 
voiceless unaspirated 60 
(examples), 64 
Strachey, William, 198 
Strombus gigas, 267 
S. gracilior, 297 
S. granulatus, 297 
S. peruvianus, 297 
Structures, stone, 9, 261 


series, 


INDEX 


Stuckanox Indians, 216 

Sturtevant, William C., 216 

Sugeree Indians, 234 (map) 

Summer Institute of Linguistics, 57 

Supernatural power (orenda), 380 

Susquahannoer, see Susquehannock In- 

dians. 

Susquehanna River, 204, 224, 226, 229, 
230, 231 

Susquehannock Indians, 198, 202, 204, 
207, 214, 215, 218, 231, 234 (map) 

ais ana York Iroquois war, 
202 

Susquesahanocks, 
Indians. 

Swamp, 11 (map) 

Sweetgrass, 359 

Swords, 198 

Syenite, 25 

Syneck, see Cynaco Indians. 

Synicks, see Cynaco Indians. 

Syntactic units, definition of, 124-125 

Syracuse, N.Y., 354, 373, 384, 388, 391, 
395 

Syracuse University, 384 


Taboga, Indian chief, 294 
Taboga Island, Panama, 8, 291, 293-310, 
312 
natives, 295 
Taboga-1, 296-307, 306, 308 
Taboga-2, 307 
Taboga-3, 307-308, 309 
Taboga-4, 308-309 
Taboga-5, 310 
water supply, 293 
Taboguilla Island, Panama, 291, 293, 
295, 296, 312-336 
ceramics, 313-327 
stone and shell, 327 
Taboguilla-1, 312, 313-336 
Taboguilla-2, 312-336 
Taboguilla-3, 312, 327, 336 
Tacci (alias Dogi Indians), 216 
Targets, 198 
Taylor, C. E., 252 
Teeth or tusks, pegged in, 391 
Tegnanatie Indians, 234 (map) 
Tegula (Tegula) pellis-serpentis, 297 
Television sets, 373 
Temporals, uninflected words, 119 (ex- 
amples) 
Tennessee, 360 
Tennessee River, 223 
Terebra sp., 297 
T. (Strioterebrum) glauca, 297 
Tetraclita squamosa panamensis, 298 
Tewahominy or Tuskarooda Creek, 216 
Tewaw-hommini, see Tewahominy. 
Thais (Vasula) melones, 297 
Thematic adjuncts, 120 
Thomas, Allison, maskmaker, 378, 381, 
385, 386, 387, 391, 392, 393, 394, 
395 
Thomas, Kenneth, maskmaker, 379, 381, 
388, 389, 391, 397, 398 


see Susquehannock 


423 


Thomas, Lee, maskmaker, 381, 383, 
388, 389, 394, 398 

Throwing sticks, wooden, 24 

Thwaites, Reuben G., 204, 206, 207, 209, 
220230 

Tidewater Indians, 200 

Tidewater Virginia, 196 

Tinnekunk, Indian town, 202 

Tioga Focus, 222, 226, 230, 233 (table) 

Tioga Indians, 231 

Tionontati, 206 

Toaguenha Indians, 235 

Tobacco, sacred plant, 358, 366, 367, 
368, 385, 394 

levy on, 215 

Tobacco Ceremony, 366, 380, 385, 390 

Tockwoughes, see Wiccomiss Indians. 

Tombs, shoe-shaped shaft, 251 

Tonawanda Reservation, 362, 371, 378, 
388, 405 

Tonhoga, Indian town, 199, 200 

Tools, metal, 372 

wooden, 359 

Tooth remains, 15 

Totiakton, see Rochester Junction. 

Totopotomoy Creek, 213 

Tottero Indians, 216 

Tottopottomoy, Indian chief, 209, 211, 
213, 214, 216, 217, 218, 219 

Trachycardium (Trachycardium) consors, 
2 


Trade goods, European, 226, 227, 229, 
230, 36 


Trade ware, 41-42, 49 

Trigand, Colombia, 46 

Trinity, Spanish treasure ship, 295 

Trumpets, 199 

Tshotinondowaga-Seneca, 
Indians. 

Tufa, 28 

Turbinella castanea, 297 

Turner, Robert W., III, 260 

Turtle ceramic forms, 19, 20, 37, 364 

Tuscarora Indians, 234 (map), 357 

Tutelo Indians, 216, 217, 234 (map) 


see Seneca 


United Fruit Company, 260 
University of New Mexico, 57 
Upper Allegheny Valley, 226, 229 
Upper Madden Lake, 20 
Upper Ohio Valley, 225, 231 
Upper Susquehanna, 226, 230 
Urab4é Island, Panama, 291, 293, 296, 
310-312 
Urns, 12, 14, 15, 265, 275, 312 
burial, 15-16, 19, 24, 28, 35, 42, 275 
covers for, 33 
decorated, 16-18 (fig.) 
fragments of, 13, 14 
painted, 15, 18-19 
Usserahak, Indian town, 199, 200 
Utensils, wooden, 359 
Utivi, Province of Panama, 277 
Utterances, hortatory, 66 (examples) 


Valiente Guaymi, 262 


424 


Vases, decorated, 251 
tall slender, 251, 252 
Vasum caestus, 297 
Venado Beach, 8, 12, 14, 18, 19, 20, 
24, 28, 41, ‘44, 46, 47 (map), 48, 
49. 
Veraguas, 32, 36, 42, 48, 267, 273, 299 
buff ware, 40 
north coast of, 260, 261, 263 
polychrome, 16, 41 
Verbal auxiliaries, 7A, 75, 114-118 (lists) 
Verb classes, 88, 105-114 
Verb ae 87, 88, 94, 104 (examples), 
2 
derivation, 103-105 
Verb inflection, 75-94 
Verb paradigms, 143-154 
Verbs, 75-124, 129 (examples), 130 
(examples), 169-175 (vocabulary) 
affixes of, 87-94 
classes, i08 
Decade Class, 80-83 (charts), 84, 
91, 105, 108, 113 (example) 
inflected, 75 


in reflexive-reciprocal voice, 88 
(examples) 
intransitive, 70 (examples), 76, 


80-83 (charts), 85, 88, 94 (ex- 
amples), 98 (examples), 100, 101 
(examples), 105, 110-114, 116- 
117 (list) 

nominalized, 120 

passive voice, 88-89 (examples) 

Primary Paradigms, 80-82, 88 

Secondary Paradigms, 82-83 (charts) 

subclasses of, 108-109 (examples) 

thematic adjuncts of, 95, 9 
(chart), 97 (example), 98 (ex- 
amples) 

transitive; 75, 76 (examples), 80-83 
(charts), 84, 85, 88, 90, 98, 99, 
100, 101, 105-110, 116 

with suffixes of Century Class 400, 
89 (examples) 

with suffixes of Century Class 500, 
89-90 (examples) 

with suffixes of Century Class 600, 
90 (example) 

Verb stems, 88, 94-105, 113, 120 

Century Class sequences of, 92-93 
(chart), 105 

changes in, 100-101 (examples) 

stem formation, 94—99 

stem variants, 99-103 

Vessels, bowl-shaped, 268 

burial, 17, 42 

effigy, 31, 37, 38 (fig.), 39 (fig.), 40 

globular, 34, 277, 318 

miniature, 37, 311 (fig.), 312 

polychrome, 37 

pottery, 13, 23, 27, 225, 267, 310 

spouted, 32, 42 

support for, 274 

tripod, 252, 268 


BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


[Bull. 191] 


Vessels—Continued 
utility, 14, 15 
Via Cincuentenario, 11 (map) 
Vina del Mar, suburb, 13 
Vinton, Kenneth W., 20 
Virginia Assembly, Acts of, 211, 212 
records of, 209, 217, 219, 220 
Virginia Colony, 196 
Virginia Indians, 199 
Virginia Piedmont, 231 
Voget, Fred, 377 
Voicing, 70-72, 102, 123 
Votive ware, funerary, 19-22, 41 
Vowel assimilation, 72 (examples) 
Vowel clusters, 63, 64, 67 (example), 68 
(example), 71 (example), 73 (ex- 
amples), 101 
Vowel-consonant sequences, 
amples) 
Vowel reduction, 66-70, 99 (examples) 
Vowels, accented, 63 
echo, 63 
final, 103 
long, 63 
reduced, 67 (example) 
stem-final, 71, 102 (examples) 
thematic adjunct, 102 (examples) 
unaccented, 63 
unrounded, 64 
unvoiced, 66, 71 (examples) 
voiced, 61, 62 (examples), 63, 64, 
GB, 70 (examples), 71 (examples), 


103 (ex- 


voiceless, 61, 62 (examples), 63, 64, 
70 (examples), 71 (examples), 74, 
101 
Vowel sequences, 62 (examples), 71 (ex- 
amples) 


Wakenda, Mo., 25 

Wallace, Paul A., 357 

Wampum (shell beads), 359 

Wappanoos language, 202 

Warfare, importance of, 225 

Warriors, increase in prestige, 360, 380 

Washingtonboro site, 231 

Wassén, Henry, 268, 277 

Weapemeoc Indians, 234 (map) 

Weapons, wooden, 359 

Weaving, 49 

Western River, 277 

Westo Indians, 211 

Whistles, single note, 44 (figs.) 

White, Lincoln, 404 

White, Marion E., 206 

White Dog Ceremony, 358, 405 

White Minqua, 201, 202, 203, 204, 209 

Whittlesey Focus, 222, 226, 227, 232 

Whonkentie Indians, 234 (map) 

Wiccomiss Indians, 197, 198 

Wicco-quoi or Rock Creek, 216 

Wilkes-barre, Pa., 226 

Willey, Gordon R., 
Charles R., 48 

Willey, Gordon R., and Stoddard, Theo- 
dore, 48 


and McGimsey, 


INDEX 


Willow, 390 

Wilson, Edmund, 405 

Wilson, J. G., 364 

Wind god, 365 

Wintemberg, William J., 232 

Wisconsin, 361 

Wissler, Clark, 386, 394 

Witchcraft, 358, 375 

Witches, beliefs regarding, 358, 366, 375 

Witthoft, John, 222, 225, 226, 227, 228, 
229, 231, 232, 233 

Witthoft, John, and Farver, S. 8., 225, 
227, 228 

AEEOL John, and Hunter, William 


Wood, use of, 359, 390 

Woodearving, 354, 360, 362, 372, 375, 
376, 388 

Wooden face images, stationary, 362, 
363 


Woodland Aspect, 224 
Woodland Pattern, Appalachian Phase, 
222, 223, 228 (table), 229 (map) 
Woodland Pattern, Northeastern Phase, 
222, 232 (table), 233 (map) 
Woodworking tool, knife, 388 
Word, linguistic unit, 73 
Women, Iroquois, crafts of, 379 
in False Face Society, 365 
occupations, 356, 379 


425 


Women, Iroquois—Continued 
opinions of, on masks, 399, 401 
political powers of, 357, 374 
status of, 357 

Word boundaries, 65, 73, 74 
infraword, 73 
morpheme, 73 

Word classes, 74-75 

Words, dissyllabic, 64, 65 (examples) 
free, 74, 123 
monosyllabic, 65 
patterns of, 65 (examples) 
polysyllabic, 64 
sequence of, 125 
structure of, 65-66, 74 
trisyllabic, 65 (examples) 
uninflected, 75, 118-124 

World Tree, 367 

Wray, Charles F., 230, 364 

Wray, Charles F., and Schoff, Harry L., 

230, 232 


Yadkin Indians, 234 (map) 
Yapatoco, see Yaypatsco. 
Yarns, European, 361 
Yaypatsco or Beaver Creek, 216 
Yuchi Indians, 211 


Zuniga, Don Pedro de, Spanish am- 
bassador, 196 


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