I Volume 43, Number 1 January 1972 I Field Museum of Natural History ^* Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin Volume 43, Number 1 January 1972 2 Art from Arnhem Land Louis A. Allen, with introduction by Joyce Zibro background information about the ceremonial art of Australian aborigines 9 January Museum Calendar Appointment Calendar for 1972 MMM Cover: A barK painting from Central Arnhem Land which tells of the origin of the people in the Dreamtime. when each clan descended from a totemic ancester and human beings could change into animals and birds at will. In the forefront, men are changing into a crow, a spoonbill, and an ibis; above, a grasshopper is turning into a man. Painted by Nanganrralil. of Ihe Diambarrpuyngu clan Dua moiety. Field Museum of Natural History Director, E. Leland Webber Editor Joyce Zibro: Associate Editor Elizabeth Munger: Staff Writer Madge Jacobs; Production Russ Becker; Photography John Bayalis, Fred Huysmans. The Field Museum ol Natural History Bulletin is published monthily except August by Field Museum of Natural History, Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, Illinois 60605. Subscriptions: S6 a year; S3 a year for schools. Members of the Museum subscribe ttirough Museum membership. Opinions expressed by authors are their own and do not necessarily reflect the policy of Field Museum. Unsolicited manuscripts are welcome. Printed by Field Museum Press. Application to mail at second-class postage rates is pending at Chicago, Illinois. Postmaster: Please send form 3579 to Field Museum of Natural History, Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, Illinois 60605. FIELD MUSEUK4 BULLETIN Art from Arnhem Land Louis A. Allen, with introduction by Joyce Zibro One definition of a work of art is that it has a life of its own. That is, it has a universal appeal. It can be removed fronn its particular context, from the community in which it was produced, to a place where its associations, purposes, and meaning are unknown, and yet it can be appreciated. By this definition the bark paintings and wood carvings produced by the aboriginal people of Arnhem Land in northern Australia are certainly works of art. Almost 400 examples of this art are in the temporary exhibit opening at Field Museum on February 3. This largest group ever shown is from the collection of Mr. Louis A. Allen of Palo Alto, California. However, these objects were not meant to stand alone as "art for art's sake." They have functional roles, are integral parts of the complex social and religious ceremonials of the technologically simple hunting and gathering culture of the Arnhem Landers. Mr. Allen's collection is especially important for viewers who wish to see this art in relation to its cultural context because each specimen is so fully documented with information about the artist, where he lived, and the subject matter, style, and technique. Art is not categorized as such in Arnhem Land society. In fact, there are no words in Australian aboriginal languages equivalent to our words "art" or "artist. " Most men in these societies can paint, carve, and incise. There are usually some who are regarded as being better at it than others or as having definite rights through age or status to practice "art" or some aspect of it. The Arnhem Land artist is confined to a set of traditional rules that determine both subject matter and design. Although the work of individual artists varies in subtle ways, individual "creative" expression is restricted. Much of Arnhem Land art is representational, though it may vary from naturalistic to highly stylized, and in this sense abstract, representation. And it may also express either symbolic meaning or merely descriptive narrative. The art may be appreciated for just its representational subject matter — the human figures, animals, trees, or abstract designs standing for clouds, rain, and so on But to understand the meanings of the art, either the symbolic content or the stories told, requires special knowledge about religious beliefs and the world view of the local community. Dr. Ronald M. Berndt, Professor of Anthropology at the University of Western Australia, has pointed out, "Representational or abstract' art designed to convey meaning either to an entire community, or to certain categories of persons within it, can be understood only by those belonging to that society, and sharing its particular tradition. To be able to interpret the design and its symbolic significance there must be shared recognition, otherwise such designs and symbols become meaningless, or may be accorded quite different meanings. There is further parallel here with language: We can hear the sounds, but unless we know the language we cannot hope to understand those sounds, to derive meaning from them, ' Appreciation at this level constitutes understanding the art as a medium of communication within the community. The rainbow snake, painted by Indi, Port Keats region. Many tribes of Arnhem Landers believe in a great snake as the progenitor of their tribe. The circles represent water holes and the white dots the eggs from which the people came. JANUARY 1972 Kangaroo being hunted by a Mimi spirit Painted by Nguleingulei. Western Arntiem Land, in the "X-ray" style stiowmg internal organs These meanings might be revealed only to certain members of a particular community. For example, certain designs may be seen only by men and not women, or only by men of certain categories. Or the meanings of certain designs, or different meanings of some designs, may be revealed only as a person progresses through age-grading rituals, or as his social and ceremonial position in adulthood changes. Louis Allen refers to "inside" meanings, which are sacred and secret, and "outside" meanings, which can be told to anybody. It is because he was so successful in communicating with old men of the tribes about the different levels of meanings expressed in individual pieces that we have such abundant information about the specimens in the exhibit. Some art critics have suggested that nonliterate peoples are especially adept at handling and understanding symbolic statements through nonverbal as well as verbal ritual, which sets them apart from the literate world as people who think "mythically." Berndt argues that this is not so. "Our own language and our art," he says, "contain an abundance of symbolic allusions which is part of our traditional heritage as Western Europeans, and this is much the same in Arnhem Land or elsewhere." He says that it is not merely a question of nonliterate as contrasted with literate. Some people have more, some less symbolic allusions in their art, and the development of scientific precision or growing emphasis on technology has no specific influence one way or the other. Besides art being a form of intentional internal communication within a society, it may be viewed as a form of unintentional communication about the society as a whole to those outside. Berndt has suggested that because sex differentiation, social and ceremonial status, and prestige are all involved in how the art is produced, used, and understood by different people in Arnhem Land, our studying these contextual contingencies can tell us something about social organization within the society. Berndt believes we may also be able to learn through the art something about social variations from one region of Arnhem Land to another: "Art, whether naturalistic or stylized, is always an abstraction from reality — from the empirical situation; it is a statement about something, expressed in a specific way, and the ways of saying it vary as do languages and other aspects of culture generally. But within a particular society, although variation takes place through time as well as through the growth of 'schools,' an art style may provide us. in abstract, with a 'key' to the value orientation," For example, in considering Arnhem Land bark painting, Berndt points out that the techniques and mediums in one part of Arnhem Land do not differ radically from those in another part, and, with few exceptions, the subject matter does not differ either. But there are noticeable contrasts of style. The Western Arnhem Land artist usually does not attempt to cover the complete surface with design. His subjects stand out boldly against an open background; and generally he selects fewer features for illustration on any one bark than does his counterpart in the east. He concentrates on the main figure or figures rather than on the setting and subordinates any detail to the main design. The subject matter includes human beings and animals in action. The eye tends to focus on these individual figures, giving an ) impression of suddenly arrested motion. This tendency, suggests Berndt, has possibly led to an emphasis on relatively naturalistic figures, with a minimum of stylization. In contrast, the Northeastern Arnhem Land artist usually attempts to cover almost the complete surface of his sheet of bark with design, leaving almost no open space. In the northeast, the main designs receive careful attention, and there is considerable detail, but there is not generally the delicate treatment that is so apparent in the west, and the background is usually filled with crosshatching or crisscrossing of lines. As much as possible is crammed into this background. Again in contrast to the west, there is little in the way of movement or action in design. There is a tendency in the east to repeat both central and subordinate figures, as well as minor motifs, giving the effect of a pattern, such as European- type textile design. Where such figures do stand out from their backgrounds, this is achieved by the use of FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN A rangga, or sacred carved figure. This one was used in the Djalambu ceremony, one of the cycle of death and burial ceremonies of the Gupupuyngu people, Milingimbi region. Height, 39 inches. Artist unitnown. contrasting colors of outline, or by filling tfiem, whiereas in tfie west both tfiis technique and spatial separation are used. Naturalism is played down, so to speak, in the east with a corresponding concentration on stylization, and symbolism is expressed in varying degrees of complexity to suit a society that is hierarchically graded in respect to religious knowledge. Allen suggests that one reason for the development of contrasting styles in the east and west is that the west, especially in the Oenpelli region, is inaccessible to water navigation and thus the art style, which is similar to that found in the cave painting in the area, believed to go back 10,000 years, has remained uninfluenced by foreigners. Art in the east has been influenced by the Macassans who came regularly from Indonesia in their great praus over the centuries to trade with the Arnhem Landers. The background on the designs in the east, says Allen, is a modification of the Macassan designs, and led to the development of a more detailed style of art. If Berndt's premise is valid that art style may provide us with a "key" to value orientation, then a study of these contrasting styles of east and west may someday shed some additional light on the relation of the social and cultural situation of the two regions. But there are some things which are readily apparent about the people from their art. Allen sums it up this way. It tells us three basic things about the people. (1) They have a deep and abiding faith in some supernatural being who created them and this belief is part of their everyday life. (2) Culture heroes taught them the basic rules of living — to be honest, avoid Incest, not to steal — and they hold on to these values. (3) It is a stable and workable culture which gives guidance from generation to generation living in a very severe environment. In order to provide our Museum visitors with an introduction to the exhibition of art from Arnhem Land, we print excerpts from the comprehensve catalog to be published by the Museum. It was written by Louis Allen, and includes an introduction by Field Museum's curator of primitive art and Melanesian ethnography. Dr. Phillip Lewis, who is in charge of the exhibit. — J. Z. Arnhem Land has been populated for thousands of years by aboriginal tribes who have preserved their culture relatively unchanged from the Stone Age to modern times. Only in this generation is the transition to a modern, industrialized society being accomplished. There are still alive and active old men who were fully indoctrinated in the ancient traditions and ceremonies and maintain them with some vigor today. From them comes our knowledge of the myths and the significance of the bark paintings, carved figures, and totems. Although the tribes of Arnhem Land differ in language and local traditions, they share many common cultural traits. The family is the basic living unit; the most important tribal groupings are the clan and moiety. Members of each clan believe they are descended from a common totemic ancestor — a mythical being who assumed animal or human form in the Dreamtime, the time before humans as we know them today appeared. These totemic ancestors created the first people of the clan, together with their songs, dances, and totemic designs. The clan was the cohesive grouping around which aboriginal family life centered. Each totemic ancestor from whom the people of the clan were descended has its own sacred water hole, where this being lives to this day. JANUARY 1972 Mortuary rites for Gurrumurrmgu, the great hunter, painted by Malangi. Manarrngu ctan, Dua moiety, Central Arnhem Land. The corpse of Gurrumurringu. in the center, is surrounded by three men who are performing the death rites. The four small figures are performing mortuary rites, which occur about twelve months after the death rites. The small scale of the figures denotes the passage of time. The spirit of Gurrumurringu is recognized as the ancestor spirit of the Manarrngu people The story of his life and death is sung whenever a member of the clan dies. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN The creator mother myth painted by Mangrinyin. Gunwinggu tribe. She is shown with her two dilly bags and her digging stick To the sacred water hole return the spirits of the dead and from it they are reincarnated by entering a woman's womb. Each clan and its members belong to one of two moieties, the Dua or Jirritja. Each moiety has its own special myths, totems, songs, ceremonies, and even colors and materials. Strict rules apply to relationships between members of the moieties, especially to marriage, which is forbidden within the same moiety. Each clan has its own territory, which its members rarely leave. The people are intimately familiar with every rock and tree; they know where to dig for tubers and roots, where to find game and water in even the most inhospitable regions. Outstanding features of the terrain, such as odd-shaped rocks, large trees, and water holes, were given names and invested with a personality of their own, for this is where the mythical ancestors had lived or accomplished their exploits in the Dreamtime. Because he believes his own spirit must return to its totemic place within his clan territory, the aborigine finds it difficult to leave his land and unthinkable that he should die elsewhere. The artists often painted on bark their impressions of the sacred places of the clan; especially their interpretations of the water hole and its surrounding country or the artist's "dreaming" of it. These paintings were displayed and explained to initiates or were made part of ceremonies which centered about the activities of mythical personages at these locations. Two themes predominated in aboriginal life: the search for food and the observance of religious traditions. From wet season to dry, food was alternately plentiful and scarce. Every able-bodied person, from child to elder, was proficient in searching for edible roots and bulbs and hunting birds and small animals. The older boys and men stalked wallaby and kangaroo. Religion was not an observance on special occasions, but an integral part of daily life. Like other religions, that of the aborigine was based on a belief in the supernatural. He believed that spirit beings had formed the world, had populated it with living creatures, and had established the rhythm and order of life. These spirit beings had forbidden such acts as theft, incest, and adultery, and these must be avoided or evil would befall the offender. When confronted by forces beyond his understanding and control, the aboriginal trusted his spirit ancestors to shelter and protect him. To the aborigine, the Dreamtime beings were alive and everywhere present. They lived with him now as they had created his forefathers in the beginning. They would reinvigorate his powers when properly invoked and would protect him from his enemies, both mortal and spirit. When they hunted or made love, gave presents or sought revenge, the aborigines were continually aware of the invisible, but to them very real, beings, who commanded the events and who must be both trusted and served. The styles and designs found in the paintings of Arnhem Land have developed over many centuries. Paintings of totems and sacred objects were first made in the caves and the bark huts during the leisure time of the wet season. The bark sheets forming the ceiling of the hut were painted, the artist lying flat on his back. The artists of the aboriginal tribes were selected and taught their craft by the old men. Each clan and moiety owned specific myths and designs and these were passed on from one generation to the next by the artist. A remnant of what will probably be the last generation of fully initiated master painters is still alive today. The older men take as apprentices one or more younger men and teach them to paint the secret and sacred designs in the authentic tradition. The apprentices inherit the stories and patterns of their mentors, and acquire the right to add increasing detail and significance to their paintings as they complete the proper age-grading ceremonies. The apprentice is limited to two colors at first, but as he advances in tribal stature, he can use all four colors. While the master painter is still alive, the learner is required to paint each design with some distinctive difference, acquiring rights to the full design only upon the master's death. The aboriginal artist tends to think and talk in terms of separate incidents — the things that happened — and not abstract ideas. His stories, songs, and dances deal with individual occurrences, linked in sequence. His speech is a series of statements, not a flow of narrative. For this reason, his painting also shows a series of incidents, rather than a full story. The bark paintings serve both as history and textbooks. Often the boys who are to be initiated are grouped in a circle around the bark and the story is recounted to them. This is one reason the barks usually can be read from all sides and significant incidents are repeated. JANUARY 1972 When he paints, the aboriginal artist tirst thinks out the story he will depict. Often, he selects one part of the myth to be celebrated or one group of totems. He does not sketch or rough-out, but starts at one end or side of the bark and works across, filling in his outlines with patience and deliberation. If his bark is too small to depict the full dimensions of the figure, he will foreshorten or elongate; if a line is not to his liking, he removes the wet ochre with his thumb and wipes it off on a stone. If he wishes to add emphasis, he may repeat the same figure two or even three times. Although he does not set out to create an esthetically pleasing object, the finished product always has harmony and balance; the colors blend; the proportions are pleasing. In this, the aboriginal artist fulfills the basic test of real art: the beauty of his work results from his expression of the meaning of what he wants to convey — not merely from the manipulation of line and color. "stringy bark." The brushes are made from human hair, feathers, or chewed twigs. The paints are mixed on a stone palette with water and a fixative of orchid juice. Four colors are used: white is pipe clay or kaolin; black is made from charcoal or manganese oxide; ochres provide yellow and red. The styles of painting are quite uniform within each geographic region; however, there are stylistic differences among the regions. To the aborigines, their myths are true and sacred stories which explain their beginnings and their history. The myths tell of the creation of the world and its creatures; the origin of birth and death; how the seasons began and why there are stars and sun and moon. The mythical heroes created all these, together with dances and songs now used in the ceremonies. They decreed how the people must act and the rules they must follow to avoid injury and suffering. make the women prolific and the children strong. The spirits were invoked in the great ceremonies, such as the Wawilak and Djanggawul. They returned physically — their voices were heard in the didgeridoo, the bull-roarer, and the Ubar drum — so they could protect and aid their people. To gain strength and stature, each man had to learn how to communicate with the spirits and to enlist their support. He acquired this knowledge by passing through the different age-grading ceremonies. He became more powerful as he learned the secret songs and dances and was told the inner meaning of the totems, barks, and sacred places. Certain myths are found among many of the clans and tribes, while others are localized to specific tribal groups. The two most important myths are the Wawilak and the Djanggawul, which tell of the travels and exploits of Dreamtime personages who created the land and the people. The materials used in painting are indigenous to the area. The bark sheets are stripped from a tree, Eucalyptus tetrodontus, colloquially named the stripping bark. '1' The aborigines believe that the spirits of the Dreamtime must be called upon regularly to renew life and power, to ensure the increase of species, to Nanyin painting a bark depicting the opossum tree myth. The aborigines of Arnhem Land believe that the land and the features of the natural environment were created by supernatural totemic ..- #« -. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN The opossum tree myth painted by Narridjin, Mangalili clan. Northeastern Arnhem Land. The myth tells the story ol a lonely bird. Karawak. and how he found his friend, the opossum, to talk to. ancestors. Prominent landmarks are associated with tlie great myths; for example, a large boulder may be one of the Dreamtime creatures who was turned to stone; a river was created by a crocodile who chewed his way through a mountain. The stars and constellations were also created by the Dreamtime beings. The moon was once a mythical hero, the Milky Way, a great river in the sky. The aborigines believe that the wet and dry seasons first began because of the actions of the totemic ancestors, who also created all the animals, birds, and other creatures. In some cases, such as the flying fox and the whale, these creatures were once human; in other instances, such as the goanna and the bush turkey, they existed in their original form, but were named by the creation ancestors. Since totems are an integral part of the ceremonies and are used in magic and in daily life, the story of the origin and powers of the totems is featured on many of the barks. The totem may be the primary theme — either in a sacred or secular role — or it may be shown in the background or associated with one of the primary figures of the design. Some totems are shown in a conventionalized manner; for example, a narrow rectangle may represent Yurlungurr, the sacred python. These symbolic representations can be recognized only by the initiated. Most totemic figures, however, can be identified readily. Each individual and group among the aborigines has its sacred totems, which were created by the ancestors m the Dreamtime and then passed on through the generations. The totem, which may be a living creature, a natural feature, or a special object, has power through its totemic spirit, which is invoked in ceremonies to act as guardian and protector, to increase the food supply, to promote fertility, and for magic. Since they are sacred, the totems are kept secret, and their meanings are progressively revealed during ritual ceremonies. Each man must learn the complex and secret meanings of the totems and myths as he passes through the age-grading rites, together with the rules and taboos which relate to daily living. In the process, he acquires the accumulated knowledge of the old men of the tribe, which he, in turn, will pass on. To some degree, the paintings and carvings thus become history books, serving to remind the people of the great events of the past, and to explain birth and death, the changing seasons, and the rules of conduct. The aborigines remained unmolested for several thousand years. The first visitors were the Bajini, a prehistoric people. Next came the Macassans. who sailed to Australia from the Indonesian islands to the north. They were followed by a scattering of Europeans, then Japanese. Finally. European settlers came with an industrial civilization. Although the initiated aborigine prefers his own land and resists change, some have traveled to the Australian cities. Increasingly, today, the younger people are leaving the reserve, and abandoning the old ways. Louis A. Allen is a well known collector ot Australian aboriginal art. Joyce Zibro is editor of the Field Museum Bulletin. JANUARY 1972 CALENDAR Trustees of Field Museum Gordon Bent Harry O. Bercher Bowen Blair William McCormick Blair William R. Dickinson, Jr. Thomas E. Donnelley II Marshall Field Nicholas Galitzine Paul W. Goodrich Remick McDowell Hugo J. Melvoin J. Roscoe Miller William H, Mitchell Cliarles F. Murphy. Jr. Life Trustees Joseph N. Field Clifford C. Gregg Samuel Insull, Jr. William V. Kahler Harry M. Oliver, Jr. John T. Pirie. Jr. John S. Runnells William L, Searle John M. Simpson Edward Byron Smith Mrs. Edward Byron Smith Mrs. Hermon Dunlap Smith John W. Sullivan William G. Swartchild. Jr. E, Leland Webber Julian B. Wilkins J. Howard Wood Blaine J. Yarrington Hughston M. McBain James L. Palmer John G. Searle Louis Ware Exhibits Through January 9 Studies in Jade, a selection of books from Field Ivluseum's library, featured in the South Lounge to coincide with the recent opening of the new Hall of Jades. Included are The Bishop Collection. Investigations and Studies in Jade, in two volumes, and Chinese Jade Carvings of the XVIth to the XlXth Centuries in the Collection ot Mrs. Georg Vetlesen. in three volumes. Hour* 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. Monday through Thursday; 9 a.m. to 9 p.m. Friday; 9 a.m. to 5 p m Saturday and Sunday. Closed New Year's Day. The Museum Library is open 9 a.m. to 4 o m. Monday through Friday Please obtain pass at reception desk, main floor north. the Museum's past; and "A Sense of Discovery" shows examples of research conducted by tVluseum scientists. Hall 3. John James Audubon's elephant folio. The Birds ot America, on display in the North Lounge, A different plate from the rare, first-edition volumes is featured each day. Continues indefinitely. Free Film Program January 23 "20th Century Wilderness," wildlife film narrated by Tom Sterling, offered by the Illinois Audubon Society at 2:30 p.m. in the James Simpson Theatre. Continues indefinitely "Patterns for Survival" (A Study of Mimicry) presented at 11 a.m. and 1 p.m. on Saturdays, and 11 a.m., 1 p.m., and 3 p.m. on Sundays in the second floor North Meeting Room. The half-hour film offers an overall view of protective coloration in insects and provides visitors with an insight into the "Color in Nature" exhibit. Children's Program Through February 29 "Faces ot Africa," Winter Journey for Children, a free, self-guided tour. Youngsters test their powers of observation by answering written questions and making sketches of four African masks in the Museum exhibit areas. All boys and girls who can read and write may join in the activity. Journey sheets are available at Museum entrances. Meetings January 9: 2 p.m., Chicago Shell Club January 11: 7:45 p.m., Nature Camera Club of Chicago January 11:8 p.m., Chicagoland Glider Council January 12: 7 p.m., Chicago Ornithological Society January 12: 7:30 p.m.. Windy City Grotto, National Speleological Society January 13: 8 p.m., Chicago Mountaineering Club Coming in February Opens February 3 Australian Aborginal Art from Arnhem Land, a selection of more than 400 bark paintings and some wooden ceremonial sculptures. The exhibit is unique because of the documentation accompanying most of the pieces, including when they were painted, their use, the region in which they were produced, and information about the artists. The material is from the extensive collection of Louis A. Allen of Palo Alto, California. Through September 10, Hall 27 Opens February 17 A New Spirit in Search of the Past: Archaeology and Ecology in Lower Illinois River Valley, an exhibit exploring the new dimensions of archaeology as reflected in the excavations at the Koster Site directed by Dr. Stuart Struever of Northwestern University. Through September 4. Hall 9. Opens January 11 Coco-de-mer, an exhibit of the world's largest seed and its use by man, on display in the South Lounge through March 5. Continuing Color in Nature, an exhibit examining the nature and variety of color in the physical and living world, and how it functions in plants and animals. It focuses on the many roles of color, as in mimicry, camouflage, warning, sexual recognition and selection, energy channeling, and vitamin production, using Museum specimens as examples. Continues indefinitely. Hall 25. Field Museum's 75th Anniversary Exhibit continues indefinitely. "A Sense of Wonder" offers thought-provoking prose and poetry associated with physical, biological, and cultural aspects of nature: "A Sense of History" presents a graphic portrayal of Remember that a Field Museum membership is a special kind of gilt for all occasions. For each gift membership we will send an announcement greeting card in your name and portfolio of four color reproductions of bird paintings done by the distinguished American artist Louis Agassiz Fuertes on a Field Museum expedition to East Africa. Clip and mail to Field Museum of Natural History, Roosevelt Road at Lake Sliore Drive, Cliicago, III. 60605 Please send the following Gilt Membership n Annual $15 □ Associate $150 n '■''^ iSOO n Check enclosed payable to Field Museum in my name to: O Please bill me as follows: Gift recipient's name My name Address Address City state n Send bird prints (o me Please put information for additional gift membersliips on a separate stieet City Slate Zip Q Send bird prints to gilt recipient Zip FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN i" ^^0m^:^!^f^mm o n S.2 ■o c o E ir c Q. XI _j T) UQU. 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(D . m * ir '- >> t-j i" £ o — w o c cri— n > o > c j: " ^ o ^ " g - £ E c ra n> i: c ^ a» n — 0, c a _ o T) ™ V. 0) O .= -J in CM O) CO CM u. ^ ^ 00 in CM CM t>- H 3 Exhibit of Australian Aboriginal art opens at Field Museum o 17 Exhibit of "the new archaeology" in Illinois opens at Field Museum CM ^ CM 05 (D CO CM Field Museum hours: 9 am to 4 pm Mondays through Thursdays; 9 am to 9 pm Fridays; 9 am to 5 pm Saturdays and Sundays ruary 1 H 1 Winter Journey lor children continues at Field Museum 00 uiir UJUl z>- z in CM CM c;^ CM feb (0 7 LINCOLN'S BIRTHDAY OBSERVANCE 1M VALENTINE'S 4 (/)>11J ^ — lU "> 5 < o CM 00 CM JANUARY 1972 MARCH 1972 SMTWTFS SMTWTFS 1 12 3 4 2345678 56789 10 11 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 26 27 28 29 30 31 30 31 6 Exhibit of nature photography opens at Field Museum CO O CM CM O £ go <£ (A 4 Free film-lecture. Greece. 2:30 pm at Field Museum 11 Free lilm-lectura, Cambodia, 2:30 pm at Field Muieum 18 Free film-lecture. East Africa. 2:30 pm at Field Museum 25 Free (ilm-lecture, Arctic Char, 2:30 pm at Field Museum U. CO 10 Exhibit commemorating 50lh birthday of Morton Arbore- tum opens at Field Museum 1^ CM > < a oc u. a o o o march 1 972 1- CM o> CD CO CM UJ > o w < Q. o CO ^ 1 Exhibits of Illinois archae- ology, Australian Aboriginal art continue; Spring Journey for children begins at Field Museum CO in CM CM o CM (0 11 2 Q. t>- TT ^ CO CM co CO O CM CM FEBRUARY 1972 APRIL 1972 SMTWTFS SMTWTFS 12345 1 6789 10 11 12 2345678 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 27 28 29 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 LO CM a> CM . ° i 3 ■" j^ C tj) IeE So, "5*0 • raco c " flj «, E g«S 0) Exhibits of Illinois archaeology, Auslra- boriginal art. Morton elum continue; 3 Journey for children ues; ilm-lecture. Southern . 2:30 pm at Field jm ilm for children, aurs. 10:30 am; film-lecture, Amazon, }m at Field Museum in lilm for children, can Indians, 10:30 am; film-lecIure, Outdoor Itures. 2:30 pm at Museum CM lilm for children, s. 10:30 am; lilmleclure, Ba|a rnia. 2:30 pm at Museum (Ji um Traveler Day; film for children, n. 10:30 am; film-lecture. Wilder- 2:30 pm at Field um »Y 1972 M T W T F S 12 3 4 5 6 8 9 10 11 12 13 15 16 17 18 19 20 22 23 24 25 26 27 29 30 31 1 Man / Arbor Sprin conlir Free Africa Muse 00 Free Dines Free 2:30 1— 0) 5 ci *2 £! E J -o .5 L.< U.- 'it ^ 00 CM MARCH S M T W 1 5 6 7 8 12 13 14 15 19 20 21 22 26 27 28 29 H- co CO O CM CM CM 1^ Gi ^ in CM CO CM april 1 H ^ - 00 If) CM S 11 oio, CO o r^ CM in 2 tfi 11 111 = 11 CO CO o ■o°-°- -U1C7) iZSS CM o> CM CO — -o C O IE W O it at tn 0) Ql iiz (0 CO CO o CM 1^ CM u. 5 Members' Night at Field Museum CM o CO CM H 4 Members' Night at Field Museum ^ CO IT) CM ii oicn jo" a a n ^ Iee iZSS CM ^ CO o r^ CM CO may 1 97 H CM O) CD CO CM O CO S 1 Exhibits of Illinois archae- ology. Australian Aboriginal art. Morion Arboretum continue; Spring Journey for children continues at Field Museum 00 in CM CM > o -J < o E UJ s CD CM APRIL 1972 JUNE 1972 SMTWTFS SMTWTFS 1 12 3 2345678 456789 10 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 25 26 27 28 29 30 30 0) r^ > < a u> cc UJ X t- o E 21 Field Museum permanent building opened in Grant Park 51 years ago, 1921 00 CM Ea 5 o a> o «5 « 0) w ^ o (0 re (0 CO O r^ CM u. 2 Field Museum first opened in Jackson Park 78 years ago, 1894 O (D CO CM o CO June 1972 1- 1 Exhibits of Illinois archae- ology, Australian Aboriginal art continue; Summer Journey (or children begins at Field Museum CO lO CM CM CM 1- Field Museum hours: 9 am to 6 pm daily except 9 am to 9 pm Fridays 1^ ^ ^ CO CM CO CO O CM CM lO CM 05 CM MAY 1972 JULY 1972 SMTWTFS SMTWTFS 12 3 4 5 6 1 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 28 29 30 31 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 ^ T- >■ < a M E lU Z !( Ul CO in CM w la «" S ti V ^ t: c 5* c e ta 1 1 § a . ^ o i n -ti rsr^^ c ta <$ fe c ^-» SI ♦* -sir c w s. /> JO ^ ej-rr «> S -« jfij c 51:1 If I I U * ^ .= o a> o -Q o £ = 3 0) " nj = 2:^5 2 oi£ ■ »- ■ ; « .!2 -^ (0 O C " E'° I = _ o E '■ »^ o i-" i c2fi °-° fO O 01 c «» |=fo a> o •- c (jn c - 2i5 E 2 S '"- S c *' 2 — C C CT Q. 2 « 5 E — c S- -5 = K Bi-^jiSS tt ti - u-'-SS i_ n 0 h- «■ *- (0 ino Man ney Fie > CVJ CT) (D cn 0 > *- CM 0 ts of II Austra ntrnue; er Jour ues at IT) CM G) . i„ 1- CO Ift CM O) 3 5 h- <» ^ CO T- Exhib otogy art CO Summ conlin 00 CM CM 1972 Al F S S 2 3 9 10 6 16 17 13 23 24 20 30 27 u ^ __ 00 NE ' M T W T 1 5 6 7 8 12 13 14 15 19 20 21 22 26 27 28 29 - h- CM CM :? « ';:?S si si c5 « 01 si ■5"- ^^ ■0"- ■5"- j: « ^ (0 0 _ 0 . 0 . 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C 3 ■5 J "E c ■= o2 E u c 0) E*o£i- T3 3, • S 5u •- c «"j;sR 1:. ■^ IL-njiSS fj *~ ^ ^- CM (0 ^=1 III CO CO 0 NUARY M T W 1 2 3 8 9 10 15 16 17 22 23 24 29 30 31 Csl ■D = O U-i-D O) ^ CM CO 1972 JA ' S S 3 4 0 11 7 7 18 14 4 25 21 28 u-x o< il lec- Inues; ler lildren um f «c.£ oj £= 0105 ^ s L_ £""3 tfl 30 if (A 0) X u in CVJ (0 Museum hours am Mondays thr days; 9 am to 9 ys; 9 am to 5 pr jays and Sunda 0 r^ ^ ^ Field to 4 Ttiurs Frida Salur CO T— CM CO r<» Volume 43, Number 2 February 1972 Field Museum of Natural History BULLETIN Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin Volume 43, Number 2 February 1972 Cover; A student carefully records an artifact before it is removed from an excavation at ttie Koster Site, Photo by George D, Olson. 2 A New Spirit in Search of the Past Stuart Struever and Barbara Baum Collins excavations at the Koster Site demonstrate in action the revolutionary change in archeology 8 The English Flies W, Peyton Fawcett Hiawatha sang of the coming conqueror: "Wheresoe'er they move, before them/Swarms the stinging fly, the Ahmo, /Swarms the bee. the honey-maker;"/ 10 The Ginseng Mystique Patricia M. Williams why would anyone pay $50 for thirty dried-up roots? 13 Book Reviews 16 Field Briefs Calendar Field Museum of Natural History Director. E, Leiand Webber Editor Joyce Zibro; Associate Editor Elizabeth [hunger; Staff Writer Madge Jacobs; Production Russ Becker; Photography John Bayalis. Fred Huysmans. The Field Museum ol Natural History Bulletin is published monthly except August by Field Museum of Natural History, Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive. Chicago. Illinois 60605. Subscriptions: $6 a year; $3 a year for schools. Members of the Museum subscribe through Museum membership. Opinions expressed by authors are their own and do not necessarily reflect the policy of Field Museum. Unsolicited manuscripts are welcome. Printed by Field Museum Press. Application to mail at second-class postage rates Is pending at Chicago. Illinois. Postmaster: Please send form 3579 to Field Museum of Natural History. Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive. Chicago. Illinois 60605. FIELD MUSEUIVI BULLETIN .*r. ,;• I "■' #1. til , , . X .'-i "rr ' I. ! iJ' WV ' , ^ , .t ' I"*- 'ki^'i0: I \ ••V' -■-''-^-^^?3ti.-r^'-'-V, February 1972 A New Spirit in Search of the Past Stuart Struever and Barbara Baum Collins That a revolution is going on in the field of archeology no longer comes as a surprise to the academic world, nor to interested laymen who have read such excellent discussions as that of Paul S. Martin in the March 1971 Field Museum Bulletin. A scientific revolution is not simply the addition of new techniques or more rigorous analysis; It is an intellectual metamorphosis which shatters the traditions of a discipline and transforms the scientist's perception of reality. What is this new spirit that pervades our search of the past? Briefly, the "new" archeologist is no longer interested in simply reconstructing culture history. Within the traditional framework, archeologists as culture historians have treated culture as the body of shared ideas of a group. They were concerned with setting up chronologies of given cultures, organizing lists of traits based on the study of artifacts, and reconstructing the origin and spread of the cultures as represented by the diffusion of "typical" artifacts. A tool or trait was regarded as the end product of a given group's ideas about what a tool should look like, and the archeologist attempted to reconstruct the "shared idea" that served as a model for the maker of the tool. Cultures were seen to change as tool types changed. The traditional or normative archeologist looked for the "typical" artifact, feature, and even settlement form of an extinct culture and identified the culture from them. How does the new archeology differ? The new, or scientific, archeologist seeks to explain the processes of culture change. To do this, he looks at culture as a system made up of interacting parts. And more broadly, he looks at culture and its environments as representing a number of articulated North wall of main excavalion at the Koster Site in 1971. The dark, organically-stained prehistoric village strata are clearly visible in the wall. The deepest stratum, near the base of the wall, has been dated by carbon-14 at 4200 B.C. Photo by D. R. Baston, systems in which change occurs through a series of minor, linked variations in one or more of these systems. Archeology, then, attempts to understand the linkages as reflected in the archeological data. The strategy is to isolate each system and study it as a separate variable, with the ultimate goal the reconstruction of the entire pattern of articulation. The hope is that regular, repeated relationships between certain variables will be found, and that testable hypotheses which explain the relationships can then be formulated. Most importantly, this view assumes that material remains have a systematic relationship to the total culture, and that study of the total available material remains in relation to their spatial context will lead to understanding of the social systems behind them. Thus, there is no such thing as a "typical" artifact, for everything left by a prehistoric group has functional significance in the system. As Dr. Martin stated, the ultimate goals in anthropology and archeology are to formulate laws of cultural dynamics — causes and effects; to seek trends and causes of human behavior: and to make probabilistic predictions. The historical approach simply describes mechanisms of cultural process; the scientific archeologist seeks to explain them. It has been said that there is no such thing as historical explanation, only the explanation of historical events. In other words, as Lewis Binford has pointed out, historical explanations add nothing to the explanations of the processes of cultural change and evolution. If migrations can be shown to have taken place, then we have an explanatory problem: What adaptive circumstances or evolutionary processes induced the migration? This calls for the use of the scientific method, and the new archeology is explicitly scientific archeology. The essential steps of the scientific method are to formulate hypotheses and then test them. Change to this methodology is the fundamental hallmark of the new archeology, which is still in its infancy. No longer does an archeologist choose a site to dig just because, like Mt. Everest to the mountaineer, it's there. His choices of region, of site, and of methods are determined by the hypothesis he wishes to test — and the hypothesis is problem-oriented. Traditionally, data in archeology have been collected in the hope that the facts would speak for themselves. Philosophers of science argue, however, that if explanation is to be a product of research, it must also be an organizing principle. Explanations or laws are not summaries of facts. They are the result of the researcher's conscious, creative attempts to perceive patterns in the facts. A serious explanation is thus a nomological, a covering-law, explanation which relates the circumstances to be explained to relevant general laws. The recitation of a list of successive events is not an explanation unless there are implicit laws or empirical generalizations linking the events. Science, and scientific archeology, seek causal or probabilistic statements. The logical structure of scientific explanation is identical with that of scientific prediction. Thus, an adequate explanation of a particular case should be such that it can predict both "backward" and "forward." We have an explanation for an event only if the explanation could have predicted the event. In archeology, therefore, we seek explanations that can make predictions about yet-to-be- discovered facts of the past. But the explanations should be even more powerful. Though the major goal of archeology is to explain the past, these explanations should also help to explain contemporary events and to predict future events. Herein lies the excitement and the challenge of archeology. FIELD fvlUSEUI^ BULLETIN New Goals, New Strategies With the recognition of culture as a system in articulation with other systems, both ecological and human, the scope of archeology has expanded dramatically. Exhaustive reconstruction of man-land relationships — prehistoric human ecology — are sought, and this requires massive multi-disciplinary field programs involving scientists of many disciplines and sophisticated equipment and techniques. While in the past 10 years archeology in America has gone through an important metamorphosis in problem- definition and methods, there has not been a concomitant change in its institutional base. The exhibit in Field Museum's Hall 9, "A New Spirit in Search of the Past," presents an archeological program in southern Illinois that is approaching some of these new problems by means of new methods and, perhaps most important of all, attempting to achieve these ends through a new form of institution — the archeological institute. The major problem faced by archeology today is the gap between its capacity to state new and important problems and its capacity to actually perform the research to solve these new problems. The main reason for this widening gap between ideas and performance is that universities and museums, the traditional "archeology-performing" institutions, are multi-purpose organizations with diverse responsibilities that restrict their ability to assemble the funds, facilities, and expertise necessary to conduct long-term inter-disciplinary archeological research. Thus, the development of a new form of institution — the institute — is a major requirement of the new archeology. Unlike the university or museum, the institute would be capable of developing the methodologies, of assembling the requisite bodies of expertise, and of marshalling sufficient capital resources to undertake the complex research programs that are the outgrowth of our new questions. These programs would Photo by Lewis W Jarreii. February 1972 involve integration of specialists in the phiysical, biological, and social sciences whio, with the aid of substantial labor and technical resources, would be capable of attacking questions of culture history and process that are effectively beyond the reach of the one-man-scholar, university- or museum-based archeology. The Foundation for Illinois Archeology IS the modest but real beginning of such an institution. Unlike universities and museums, it does not conduct archeology as just one of several major activities. The sole, central purpose of FIA is development of large-scale archeological programs like that exemplified by the Koster project in southern Illinois. Research by the Foundation for Illinois Archeology has established that the largest concentrations of prehistoric populations were located in the major river valleys of the Midwest, and that the center of this occupation was located in the area surrounding the confluence of the Mississippi, Illinois, and Missouri Rivers. Excavation efforts, concentrated on the Lower Illinois River Valley, have included the study of five prehistoric towns and two cemeteries. The findings thus far are published in four technical books, with two more volumes currently in press. In addition to its overriding goal of developing more effective organization of research to achieve detailed reconstructions of extinct cultures and their environments, the Illinois Valley Archeological Program has four specific aims. 1. To provide students with clinical training in archeological excavation and analytical methods coupled with laboratory experience in the specialized interfaces between archeology and the natural sciences, including geology, zoology, and botany. 2. To formulate and test hypotheses that explain the specific episodes of prehistoric culture change beginning to emerge from the archeological record. 3. To develop and refine new archeological methods in the "field laboratory." 4. To excavate the remains of prehistoric cultures that once flourished in this area, and to reconstruct their lifeways before urban expansion destroys the evidence. The initial focus of the Illinois Valley Archeological Program has been to delineate the economic activities, settlement patterns, and population changes characteristic of a series of "Woodland" cultures spanning the period from 500 B.C. to A.D. 1200. Discovery of the Koster site in 1969 enables us to extend this picture back to at least 6000 B.C. Two major excavation seasons (1970 and 1971) at Koster have revealed the ruins (horizons) of 14 prehistoric Indian villages, one superimposed over the other in layer-cake fashion, in 34 feet of soil. Horizon 13, located at a depth of 29 feet below present ground surface, has been recently carbon-14 dated at 5100 B.C. The 1971 Koster excavations terminated last August with detailed exploration of the first 10 prehistoric village ruins. Test probes reveal four additional ruins that lie at still greater depths. In a microcosm we have here a record of at least 8,000 years of pre-European history in a three-acre corn field in southern Illinois, Archeologically, Koster is one of the most important sites to be discovered in North America in the past quarter-century. No other site has greater potentiality for revealing a record of human existence before European intrusion. Preservation of artifacts and food remains at the site are unusually good. Furthermore, since each prehistoric occupation level was followed by a period during which the small valley of the Koster Site was unoccupied, a layer of sterile soil accumulated overtop the village ruin. This soil layer served to protect the underlying cultural stratum against intrusion from later communities occupying this same small valley. This distinct separation of a long series of prehistoric village ruins is exceedingly rare in North American archeology. The various special studies currently being conducted on the materials excavated at Koster include the following: 1. Stone, bone, shell, and ivory artifacts, which help the archeologists to delineate the cultural inventory of each of the communities represented. 2. Seeds and other plant remains, animal bones, shells, and even fish scales, studied by botanists and zoologists to help establish the prehistoric dietary and subsistence patterns, the seasons the site was occupied, as well as supplying essential information for reconstructing climatic successions during the 7,000 years of occupation. 3. Human remains, which are analyzed by osteologists to document small- scale evolutionary differences between prehistoric groups. They also indicate pathologies and burial practices, which are clues to prehistoric behavior. 4. Pollen remains, which enable palynologists to reconstruct the ecological environment and climate changes through time. 5. Snail shells, studied by a malacologist as extremely sensitive environmental indicators. 6. Burned wood and other carbonized remains, which, when radiocarbon- dated, can be used to assign dates to the various occupation levels where they are found. 7. House floors, storage pits, hearths, mud daub from house walls, cooking stones, chipping debris, and other "features" which are studied in spatial context. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN The Student Experience Last summer we assembled a group of seven professors, 25 trained student field and laboratory assistants, and about 50 tiigh school and college students from all over the United States to live for ninety days in Kampsville. We operated six research laboratories in abandoned store buildings w/hile simultaneously excavating the Koster Site. This program combines training in excavation technique with laboratory experience in a number of natural science disciplines. Students excavate a body of prehistoric data and follow it through a diverse series of operations. These range from conventional artifact analysis through study of the plant and animal remains reflective of prehistoric subsistence, through work with snails and soils that disclose the environmental setting to which early Indian cultures adapted. Each student not only receives instruction in excavation methods and artifact analysis, but works with geologists, zoologists, botanists, and others to learn what each can contribute to the total reconstruction of prehistoric systems. Installation of a computer terminal under the direction of James Brown of Northwestern University will be the major specialty added to the 1972 expanded program being planned. Looked at from another perspective, we believe that our archeological field school serves a broad educational function — a function that makes it more valuable than simply a trade school for training future archeologists. This is perhaps serendipity, the result of having to integrate a large group of scientists and students into a kind of academic commune which cloisters itself in a small, downstate Illinois village for three months while it digs and analyzes the contents of the 14 extinct Indian communities. Students not only see life from a different perspective as they interact with the people of Kampsville, but their isolation and single-purpose generate February 1972 an unusual intensity of experience that is almost absent from modern life. Over the 15 years we haive conducted these summer archeological expeditions, many examples come to mind of students who, over the duration of the project, have gone through a sort of metamorphosis. This is an archeological research project, the students are the labor crew, and they have the potential to make it a productive, well-executed excavation, or a sloppy affair that produces bad data. There are almost no external distractions, and the staff of professors and trained student assistants sets the tone. Their single- mindedness and research skill draw the uninitiated into the program, to identify with these leaders and the program's goals. It is almost axiomatic that a student will emerge in September different than when he joined the expedition in early June- Important Discoveries of the 1971 Expedition During the 1971 season we discovered the skeleton of an 18-month-old human infant, covered with red paint and buried with great care at a level dated to 7,000 years ago. Nearby, and at the same level, the Koster excavators unearthed the skeleton of a domesticated dog, carbon-14 dated to 5100 B.C. This represents one of the two earliest skeletons of domestic dog found thus far in North America, and opens a number of questions about the lifeways of the people of the period. Since animal domestication is usually associated with a sedentary way of life, the discovery of the dog in one of the earliest Koster villages raises the possibility that man in the Lower Illinois Valley had established stable, permanent communities by 5000 B.C.— and 6,000 years before he adopted agriculture as the primary means of subsistence. One of the major purposes of the Illinois Valley Archeological Program over the past 13 years has been to understand the history of man's relationship to agriculture. Evidence from the Koster Site, and from other sites excavated by us, suggests that people may have developed a simple but effective "mud flat horticulture" in areas of the floodplain that are seasonally inundated. Large numbers of seeds of what are today garden-variety weeds — pigweed, lamb's-quarter, smartweed, and sunflower — have been recovered. Cultivation in the Illinois Valley had certainly begun by 800 B.C., and possibly much earlier, but field-cropping agriculture did not appear until A.D. 800. The fact that agricultural methods were known early, but that agriculture did not replace hunting and gathering as the basic means of subsistence for almost two millennia, raises interesting questions which we are investigating. Excavations Resume at Koster in June Our goal for the 1972 field season at Koster is to extend the main excavation into the four deepest and earliest horizons that underlie the villages already excavated. But the engineering problems created by deep excavation are formidable. The long, free-standing walls of the excavation must be braced. Now that we have reached the 16-foot level it is no longer possible to shovel our back-dirt out of the excavation by hand: a belt conveyor system will be necessary to transport the dirt out of our main trench. Finally, the deepest horizons lie beneath the water table and are inaccessible until a pump and drainage system are devised that will lower the water level. Together, these have increased substantially our 1972 budget. We would like to invite you to share with us first-hand the excitement of discovery as this expedition progresses. Student groups, organizations, and families are invited to participate in guided tours of the Koster Site and the Kampsville Archeological Museum. Tours will be conducted from June 15 through the Labor Day weekend, and may be arranged by contacting the writers at Northwestern University. The Koster Site is located 45 miles north of St. Louis on the Illinois River near the village of Kampsville: the site is about a six-hour drive from Chicago. A visit to Field Museum's exhibit of the work being done at Koster would be good preparation for the trip. Touring the site, you too may feel that the modern farm and the nearby remains of an early settler's stone house seem to form a link with those ancient settlers. One senses why man has always gravitated to this spot — the protective bluffs, the pure spring, the rich loess soil, and the resources of forest, field, floodplain, and the river. It is to understand this environment, and how a succession of prehistoric human communities coped with it, that is the goal of the Koster expedition. Editor's note: Koster is one of the few grass-roots-supported archeological projects in the country. More than 600 individuals, corporations, and foundations were responsible for the success of the 1971 excavation season. While some of the 1972 expedition expenses will be defrayed by the federal government and Northwestern University, the increased burden of support will again fall to the private community. Dr. Stuart Struever is Director of the Foundation lor Illinois Archeology and Associate Professor of Anthropology at Northwestern University. Barbara Baum Collins is Editor of Foundation lor Illinois Archeology Publications. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN The honeybee (Apis mellitera) is an immigrant to North America, coming over with the earliest settlers. The date of its arrival is unknown; but, like a good many other colonists, it quickly settled down and prospered. The Swedish naturalist Peter Kalm noted in his Travels in North America that: Several English and Swedish farmers kept beehives, which afforded their possessors profit; for bees succeed very well here . . . The people unanimously asserted that the common bees were not in North America before the arrival of the Europeans, but that they were first brought over by the English who settled here. The Indians also generally declare that their fathers had never seen any bees, either in the woods or anywhere else, before the Europeans had been here for a number of years. This is further confirmed by the name which the Indians give them; for having no particular name for them in their language they call them English flies . . . They have not yet been found in the woods on the other side of the Blue Mountains, which confirms the opinion of their being brought to America recently. It is known that bees were in Virginia by 1622 and that honey and beeswax were abundant by 1648. In 1641 bee colonies were being sold in New England for 5 pounds, the equivalent at that time of 15 days' work by a skilled craftsman. The honeybee was introduced into Florida by the English in 1763 and a little later a single colony was taken to Mobile, Alabama, as indicated by William Bartram in his Travels: In the course of conversation with ... [Dr. Grant], I remarked that during my travels since leaving the Creek nation, and when I was there, I had not seen any honey bees; he replied that there were few or none West of the isthmus of Florida, and but one hive in Mobile, which was lately brought there from Europe; the English supposing that there were none in the country, not finding any when they took possession of it after The English Flies W. Peyton Fawcett Phiotos courtesy of American Bee Journal. the Spanish and French; I had been assured by the traders that there were none in West Florida, which to me seemed extraordinary and almost incredible, since they are so numerous all along the Eastern continent from Nova-Scotia to East Florida, even in the wild forests, as to be thought, by the generality of the inhabitants, aborigines of this continent. By the end of the eighteenth century honeybees were fairly common throughout the eastern half of the United States. Thomas Nuttall noted in his Travels into the Old Northwest that in the vicinity of Detroit in 1810 "considerable quantities of wild honey are collected in the woods but the bee here is certainly of European origin." The honeybee played an important part in the lives of the early settlers of America both as a producer of honey and wax and as a symbol of their rural society. They associated the industrious and social nature of the bee with their own and the busy hum of the beehive with their settled farms and flower gardens and active community life, an association still remembered in words like quilling-bee, sew/ng-tiee, and husking-bee. To them ff*om^y^ : ...■.•Ji^^'4^? 5 ■ ' - ■ k.. ■■■^ i ^ J^J^y^''' "-«■ w mfsL^mm^m. 1 i Blitt ] ^m ■■ ^ TsSS^^^HR^P ■1 m Autumn Silhouette, by Bernice H. Fredericks, Elmwood Park, Illinois. MARCH 1972 Running Scared, by Henry A. Schull. Darjen, Connecticui. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN 9 Possum Quartet, by Evelyn Boos, West Brooklield, Massac 10 MARCH 1972 y ^^^ r m 7 Uracil j^,.^ i %'. ^1^ ^^P' '\.^ ' w^ ^^^^ k 'A ^^M VP^H ^H ^K SSr /jy ^88 Ik ^M ||H_ ^^1 ^^^^^1 ^^^sBPif^^l ^^^^^^^1 •^^^S ^^^^^^^1 IB Damse/ F/y a( Rest, by Roy M. Van Loo, Jr.. Battle Creek, Michigan. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN 11 A tale from the south pacific Johnlerrell, assisted by Sampson Purupuru Bougainville, the largest island in ttie Solomons, fell for thie first time under the gaze of an explorer from the Old World early in July 1768. The captain of the frigate Boudeuse, on a voyage of discovery around the globe, came upon the island from the south and sailed along the east side until he reached what he called a "remarkable promontory" on the northeast coast. He gave to that point of land the name by which it is still known, "Cape I'Averdi." To the regret of history, he did not go ashore. If he had, we might today have invaluable documents about the villagers of north Bougainville and the little island of Teop, which lies on the south side of the harbor formed by Cape I'Averdi. They would be documents from the very dawn of history in the North Solomons. But no, the Frenchman moved on, traveling northwest, until he found a neighboring island, smaller than Bougainville, but one which seemed thickly inhabited. Natives came from the island in canoes, shouting bouca, bouca, onelle. Efforts to befriend them failed, however, and the Boudeuse sailed on. History has awarded that captain many honors. One was the privilege of naming the smaller island to the north Bouka. or as it is written on maps today, Buka. Another is the distinction of having one of the most majestic isles in the South Seas named after him, for he was the famous explorer Louis Antoine de Bougainville, In this fashion the island of Bougainville passed from its long prehistory into written history. But only in a fashion. For although the many other islands in the great Solomons chain experienced the heavy impact of 19th century European expansion, Bougainville and Buka lay shadowed from close scrutiny for a hundred years more. One reason may be that the natives gained an unsavory reputation. As late as 1916 the South Pacific Pilot could report: "Owing to the ferocity of its inhabitants, Bougainville is less known than any of the larger islands of the [Solomons] group, and no white man is (1887) believed to have penetrated its interior." Inevitably, nonetheless, history caught up with the islands. The Germans claimed the region in 1886. By the end of the first decade of this century, government, mission, and commercial stations had been established on the coast of Bougainville. But traders' memoirs, government reports, and mission records are rarely the stuff from which full history can be written. The transition from prehistory to history was slow. Most of what the world beyond the Solomons knows about Buka and Bougainville must be credited to those scholars who have gone to the Pacific precisely for the purpose of making written records — the anthropologists. The German ethnographer Richard Thurnwald worked in southern Bougainville in 1908-1909. An Englishman, Gerald Wheeler, obtained indirect material on Bougainville while studying the Shortland Islands just to the south in those same years. In 191 1 another German, Ernst Frizzi, brought back a great deal of useful information, again largely on the southern villagers. Between the two world wars, the anthropologists Beatrice Blackwood and Douglas Oliver each lived long enough in the area to write detailed ethnographies. Since World War II the pace of scientific study has increased many times. Thus, although there is much to be done, today it is possible to write a great deal about the languages, cultures, and peoples of both Buka and Bougainville. Yet the scholars who have gone to the North Solomons have dealt directly only with contemporary life there. And the customs of the present day are not those of the prehistoric past — due in large measure to the impact of MARCH 1972 European civilization. Life on the islands has changed deeply and fundamentally since the Boudeuse sailed along the coast. If the past is to be written for these islands, it will not be the anthropologists, nor the missionaries, nor the government officers who will write it, although their contributions will be extremely useful. Nor will the islanders themselves be in a position to write what has been forgotten. Telling the story of the islands before the arrival of the white man will be the task of archeologists. Since it was once the common belief that the Pacific had nothing to offer the archeologist, that conclusion may come as a surprise. Nothing to offer^ We now know men could never have been more wrong. Modern scientific archeology reached out into the Pacific only after World War II. Almost at once the discoveries were shattering. Not only could the islanders be shown to have a past well worth studying, they also had an ancient past. We now know, for example, that the ancestors of the Polynesians of the eastern Pacific — far from having migrated out of Asia or the Americas in the recent past, as many academics have long maintained — were living in the Pacific for thousands of years. The prehistory of the islands farther to the west is now believed to extend back well into the era of the Ice Ages. Ancient time as such is not the attraction of Pacific archeology, however. If archeologists were fascinated merely by old things, then there would still be far better places in the world to go. What makes the Pacific so intriguing is far more subtle. That subtlety has many shades. For one thing, the peoples of the Pacific islands have only recently left prehistory and joined the technological age. In many areas we know enough about the anthropology of the islanders before industrialization to use that Scale 1: 50.000 is knowledge to help develop theories about pre-industrial man, and then try to test those statements by looking back into the archeological past. In the old centers of urban civilization, of course, prehistory lies in the dim mists of time before Egypt, Greece, and Rome Not so in the Pacific. Another reason for exploring the past of the islands is that the peoples, scattered as they are on flecks of land spread over thousands of miles of ocean, have developed seemingly unique ways of life in comparative isolation. Their adaptations to the tropical world are many and varied. The opportunity is there, in other words, for both anthropologists and archeologists to examine the causes and conditions leading to human diversity and change. Like history, archeology came to the North Solomons only recently. R. J. Lampert, from the Department of Prehistory at the Australian National University, visited Buka Island in 1966 to survey the prospects for archeology. He was follov>/ed a year later by J. R. Specht and his wife, also from Australia. They spent over half a year collecting archeological materials and excavating ancient village sites. He was able to establish a chronological framework based on pottery types that could be carried back well into the centuries we call B.C. The Spechts also visited the Bougainville coast across from Buka and found there a number of old village sites which clearly indicated that Bougainville too would yield much to an archeologist. In 1967 the first steps were taken at Harvard University for a program of archeological exploration and excavation on Bougainville that I would direct. I was then a graduate student at Harvard, but had been out in the Polynesian Islands before, in 1965, as a Fulbright Fellow. I decided to return again to Oceania because the intricate cultural, biological, and linguistic complexity of the islands in the western FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN Pacific appeared to offer an unparalleled cfiance to study ttie causes of fiuman biological and social differentiation by using both anthropological and archeological evidence. I lived on Bougainville throughout 1969 and the first months of 1970. With the assistance of local men, I explored four separate areas on Bougainville: two on the north coast, one on the east coast, and one on the inland plain at the southern end of the island. Forty- five crates of archeological specimens were collected and brought back to America for laboratory analysis: potsherds, stone axes, discarded refuse bones and shells from kitchen dumps, carbon and soil samples, and twenty-four notebooks filled with archeological and ethnographic information. It should hardly need saying that the analysis of so much material is not yet finished. Work on the Bougainville survey is continuing, not in the field, but in the Field Museum, where I am working with students in the Laboratory Research Training Program offered by our Department of Anthropology. The results will eventually be published as an archeological report. But archeologists write only one kind of history or prehistory. Different peoples of the world have their own folk prehistory. It is not derived from potsherds and soil samples, and it is transmitted as oral tradition. If traditional mythology, history, and thought are to be recorded, the local islanders themselves are in the best position to undertake the task. Therefore, Sampson Purupuru and I wish to record here the story of the founding of the Teop Island people, a tale of legendary prehistory, as told by a Teop Islander. This story is widely known by Teop-speakers in north Bougainville. It is rarely told to foreigners, because the people fear that the honest, graphic reference to the origins of female sexuality may offend them. They hesitate also because they suspect that others may not respect the integrity of the story, and only laugh at the tale as beyond comprehension. When I was staying on Teop Island, iust off the northeast coast of Bougainville, Sampson Purupuru, the island's representative in the Teop- Tinputz Local Government Council, on which he serves as vice-president, told me the tale of the Woman of the Trochus Shell, the first woman in the Teop world. We discussed her history often in the months that followed. Her name, Topusubie, literally means "one whose accustomed abode is the shell of the Trochus." The Trochus, T. niloticus, is a marine gastropod with a pink, conical shell that has been used for many years in the West to make shirt buttons. Her legend, as told by Purupuru, fully explains why she should bear such a name. The tale is about the first man in the world, who lived at an ancient place called Namatoa, in the mountains of north Bougainville, and Topusubie, who lived down on Teop. Topusubie, Woman of the Trochus Shell, as told by Sampson Purupuru Long ago the one man here lived at Namatoa up in the hills overlooking Teop Island. And the one woman who lived here lived on Teop. Every morning she would clean the beach with her ihiana [a kind of wooden broom] from Teobebe where the [Methodist] Mission used to be as far as Pahokai on the other [west] side of Teop. The man, sitting up in the hills, watched her every morning. He did not know what she was. "What is that? A man, a dwarf, a devil, or what?" So he decided: "I think I must go one day and see." He came from Namatoa one evening and stayed on the coast after building a tanuvu [a reef house]. He thought he had to come across [on the reef] early in the morning and see what it was, while it was cleaning the beach. So next morning at low tide he walked across to Teop Island. The woman saw him and ran quickly to her hiding place, which was a Trochus shell. Her name, Topusubie, means the shell of the Trochus. The man tried to find her. He followed her tracks. Sometimes he even moved the shell with his feet. But he did not know she was inside. So he went back into the hills. Now he came down again several times. In the morning he would see her once more. Each time, however, the woman would always hide. Finally he decided: "Oh, I think I must try and go by the other side." But on the other side was deep water. You can only approach by paddling a canoe. He came down the next morning and started to make a panasu, a raft. He spent all day doing that. Then in the late afternoon he came across on the raft. He put it at a place they call Teobana on the west side. He stayed there all night waiting for the next morning. And in the morning he walked across the island to Teobebe where the woman lived. He saw the woman and hid in the bush when the woman was cleaning the beach. He thought: "What can I do to get her to belong to me?" He hid for a while and then jumped out from the bush to the beach. He put his hand on the woman's shoulder. She had no time to get back to her hiding place. She asked him: "Where do you come from?" And the man said: "Namatoa." She asked him: "Why do you come here?" And the man told her the whole story about seeing her and trying to catch her. The woman tried to get away, but the man was strong. He said to her: "No, I would like you to be my wife." MARCH 1972 They talked for some time. Then they settled and they lived. The man did not go back to Namatoa again, because they married. But he was not happy. He was a man, but she was not fully a woman. The man decided to make something. He broke a shell which we call boen [the black clam] into pieces. He took the pieces back to the bush with the woman and told her to climb the w'oga palm [a small variety of betel-nut tree]. The woman climbed the tree. When she was half-way up, the man made the broken pieces of shell ready. When the woman reached the top of the tree, he put the broken shell into the trunk in a row going up the tree. Then he said to the woman: "Don't look down, but slip very quickly." And she did so. When she slipped down quickly, she was cut by the broken pieces of shell. And there was blood all over. When the woman saw that, she said: "You spoil me. Look. Blood is all over me and the tree." The man said: "No, I didn't spoil you. You will see the new things I do." So in this way the woman became a woman. When you see the vioga tree, you will find that part of the vioga is red. That is the blood, which came from the woman. When she was well, they started to make their family. This is how the man came to Teop. And all the people of Teop came from these two, generation upon generation. The man belonged to the clan Amara. The woman belonged to the clan Naomutana. Both clans come from these two. This is the old story. Another version of this story was reported a generation ago by Beatrice Blackwood of Oxford University, who lived on Buka and in north Bougainville from September 1929 to October 1930. Unfortunately she was able to make FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN 15 Spirit stones at Teobebe. only a brief visit to Teop island, but Purupuru remembers that she spoke at length with his influential father, Toave. Sampson was a boy at the time, and vividly recalls leaning on her legs while Miss Blackwood and his father conversed. Scattered through her anthropological report Both Sides of Buka Passage (Oxford, 1935) are references and allusions to the Teop people. Of special interest here is what she wrote about a legendary woman named Topisbi'e and the role she played in the origin of the matri-sibs or "clans" of the aiea. On Buka and Bougainville, kinship follows a system of named matri-sibs. Each is composed of those who claim common descent through maternal kin from the same legendary figures of the past. Each has what has often been called in the anthropological world "totemic" associations with certain species of plants and animals, certain human characteristics, certain places and things: that is, associations that help to signify a sib's common identity. Blackwood wrote: "With every clan there is associated the name of a certain creature, generally, but not always, a bird." As Purupuru explains, if a man meets a stranger and does not Sampson Purupuru ^1. -.. J 'M,W^ r/ e V know if he is a kinsman, he will ask of him: "What is your bird?" In other words: tell me your clan name, not directly, but by that which signifies it. Traditionally a man must not marry a girl of the same matri-sib, although the strength of that "incest taboo" decreases with genealogical distance. And to reiterate, in this part of the world, a man takes his sib — in our terms, his "name" — not from his father but from his mother. The origin of these named kinship groups of Buka and north Bougainville are traditionally explained, according to Blackwood, by very much the same legend throughout the area. An old woman, left alone when her people fled a monster, conceived through artificial means and bore two sons, who killed the monster. The people who had fled returned home. Her sons married, and from the two couples all people are descended. In her report, Blackwood quoted extensively from one origin myth of this sort, told her on the island of Saposa at the northwest side of Bougainville. She then wrote: "A version of the same story obtained at Tiop, however, carries it a stage farther }than the tale from Saposa]. Here the woman is called Topisbi'e. When enough children have been born, and she has assigned a clan to each of them, she says to them: 'You, Naboin, must not eat the eagle. You, Natchi, must not play too much in the sea. You, Nakahi, must never kill a dog You, Nawaniu, must not chase the bush-fowl. You, Amara, must not play with the turtles. These things you must tell to all children who are kin to you.' " Each name mentioned is a matri-sib name; each taboo is a totemic restriction recognized by those of the sib designated. We can only express regret that Blackwood did not tell us more about the story of Topisbi'e, for there is no doubt she might have recorded much that has today been forgotten. It is 55£?^^..:^>M?!^:" "» ■' - *_-!- -sit-"**' certain, however, that Topisbi'e in Blackwood's rendering of the ancestress of the Teop people is the Woman of the Trochus Shell, Topusubie. Topusubie also figures in a way in the archeological prehistory of Teop. Back in 1935, Beatrice Blackwood reported: At Tiop, an island at the north-eastern corner of Bougainville, there is a group of stones which are . . . flat slabs of limestone, apparently unworked. There is no trace of a design upon them. There are two large slabs and two smaller ones .... These stones represent a man and his wile and their two children. The whole group goes by the name of Tohihiu. They are said to 'belong to' a man living in the village, who Is of the Nakanb clan: he was described as their kinsman Blackwood goes on to relate that whenever a feast is held to mark some epoch in the life of a child of the Nakarib clan, the child is taken to these four stones. Not long before her visit, such an event occurred. When she examined the stones, "there were 16 MARCH 1972 J ^- '^^ still traces upon them of the red paint with which they had been smeared on that occasion." As she observed, red "paint," an ocherous earth called one obtained by trade from the mountain Rotokas people at the center of Bougainville, is a sacred substance which plays a part in many island ceremonial activities. These stones are still to be found, along with others, on Teop Island. They stand on the east side of the island at a spot called Teobebe (a name meaning "Abounding in Butterflies") — the very place of Topusubie's secret abode in the Teop legend. They are not of limestone, but volcanic rock. They must have been imported to the coral-sand island of Teop from the nearby mainland of Bougainville. The largest stands 44 inches above the ground. For want of a better term, we will call stones such as these "spirit stones." Throughout the North Solomons certain stones are linked with mythological or ancestral figures. One hears of stones that are demons. Stones that move about. Stones where spirits dwell. Stones that are, in fact, ancestors or legendary characters turned to stone. Such remarkable stones have names. They may be "owned" by a particular group of kinsmen, who know the tales connected with them. The anthropologist Richard Thurnwald, who worked in southern Bougainville in 1908-1909, wrote, for example: ... my attention was drawn to some big stones of which legendary stories were told; sometimes a man exhibited peculiar behaviour when he passed such a monument. At one he would spit, on another lay fern leaves, upon another shoot an arrow, or he would put his hand upon the stone and then pass by without touching it again, or he would address some words to the stone threatening it with a small spear such as boys use when playing. In appearance, spirit stones vary greatly. Most stones that Sampson and I saw are natural boulders or rocks. Some had grooves and basins cut into them, suggesting that at some point in their history they were used to fashion stone axe-heads. Blackwood, on the other hand, saw several stone "pillars" in the Buka area, a few of which were incised with geometric patterns. Recently a similar incised pillar was discovered on Pinipel Island, over fifty miles north of Buka. Those of the region in and around Teop Island, nevertheless, show little if any shaping by the hand of man. The most elaborately worked stone is at Irue Village on the Cape I'Averdi point. It is a rounded, elongated boulder, 28 inches long, belonging to the local Navanieuvu matrilineage or "family." On one side there are several basins, a groove, and small pits. The other side has been modified more clearly to represent a female figure, named Kavokohi. Unfortunately, her story has been forgotten. The four at Teobebe are unworked, as Blackwood mentioned Her attention was directed to them at the very end of her stay in the North Solomons. She expressed regret that she was unable to investigate them more fully. Now, over forty years after her visit to Teop, we may be able to cast more light upon them. Today the stones are linked strongly with the legend of Topusubie, who is said to be the second largest stone. In other words, she has turned to stone. The larger is her husband, the Man from Namatoa. And the two small ones are, of course, their chidlren. People are able to remember with confidence only Topusubie's name. My interest in the four led to a great deal of discussion on Teop Island. In particular, Hanaiteopas, an old man who remembered Blackwood's journey to Teop, disagreed with Koveu, an old woman who became my "mother" on the island. Hanaiteopas declared that the name of the Man from Namatoa was Tohihiu (the very name for all four stones as reported by Miss Blackwood). Koveu, on the other hand, denied the truth of what Hanaiteopas claimed. Yes, Topusubie was the name of the second largest stone, but the name of the man-stone had passed from memory because he was not, after all, from Teop. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN 17 The debate between "mama" and the old man continued for weeks. One of the most difficult points was what matrilineal family owned the stones. The Naokaripa family were supposed to be the owners. But the legend is clear that Topusubie and the Man from Namatoa were not the direct ancestors of that family. Therefore, the Naokaripa family could not be the rightful owners of Topusubie. The argument was finally resolved in this way. It was decided that the Naokaripa family did not own Topusubie and her family, but another stone, called Togamirisoa, elsewhere on Teop. The Naokaripa family, in other words, must have gone to the wrong stones when they came for a ceremonial visit to Topusubie just after World War II. That visit must have started the confusion about ownership. The families who actually owned the four stones at Teobebe had to be the Amara and the Naomutana, the families descended from Topusubie and the Man from Namatoa. Some people concluded that Tohihiu was the name for the Man from Namatoa, and also the largest of the four stones. Others said, no, Tohihiu was the name of another stone north of Teobebe. Mama, however, said Tohihiu was not a man-stone at all. Tohihiu was a woman. Confusion! To add to it, we must remember that Blackwood herself reported that all four stones at Teobebe were owned by the "Nakarib clan": that is, the Naokaripa who visited them just after the war. Thus, the only thing we can be certain about is that the four stones called Tohihiu by Blackwood are the same four called Topusubie today. We know that because she has a photograph of them in her book. All of this uncertainty does show one thing very clearly. Legendary prehistory IS not the same as archeological prehistory. Stones stay around. In or above the ground. But legends inhabit only people's minds. But if archeology rarely is able to say very much about folk prehistory, anthropology also runs into trouble when it attempts to talk about factual prehistory. Blackwood speculated in her book that the spirit stones of Buka and north Bougainville "may perhaps once have formed part of an elaborate fertility ritual, most of which has now been lost." We can think of no way to discover whether she was right about the distant past. Today, we can only say that her suggestion does not genuinely apply. Some spirit stones in the Teop area are "used" as they were in Blackwood's time: by certain families during ceremonies marking important phases in the growth of their children. According to local custom, food is taken to the stones every time a child's "growth feast" is given, in order to announce to the family's ancestors that such an event is taking place for their children. Other stones may be used for yet different purposes. The stone called Vasintaono on Teop, for example, is visited by women to gain its assistance in catching fish. There is another, called Matanateasubui, on Cape I'Averdi, which is used for the same purpose. We say that spirit stones are used in these various ways. We must add, however, that the old customs of the Teop people are dying. And with them, the importance of the stones. 1 excavated at Teobebe, near the stones of Topusubie. The archeological specimens I found in the ground tell a version of Teop prehistory going back hundreds of years. But the legend of Topusubie can never be dug from the ground. That is why we have told her story here. In this way Topusubie will not be forgotten in time. John Terrell recently joined the Field Museum stall as assistant curator ol Oceanic archeology and ethnology. On Teop Island he is a member ol the Namae family, and is known as Kamahira. Sampson Purupuru is vice-president ol the Teop-Tinputz Local Government Council. He is a leader ol the Navanieuvu lamily on Teop. 18 MARCH 1972 ::-'! J ! • I : Mountain Sheep: A Study in Behavior and Evolution By Valerius Gelst. Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1971. 383 pp. $14.50. I am always happy to read and review a good book, one both interesting and at the same time contributing greatly to our understanding of life and evolution. Geist's fine book is the result of several years of intense and patient observation of wild Stone's, Dall's, and bighorn sheep in the Canadian Rockies, supplemented with wide reading and a thorough grounding in the science of animal behavior (ethology). The mam value of Geist's work, in comparison with most monographs on the natural history of a species, is his predominating evolutionary viewpoint, particularly with regard to natural selection, found in his discussions and conclusions. He also has a firm intellectual grip on the history of the Pleistocene (Ice Ages), and interprets the morphological and behavioral evolution of his sheep against the changing environmental history of the past several hundred thousands or even millions of years. Such breadth of view, too often lacking in ethologists, is particularly welcome with regard to sheep {Ovis). the species of which have had a northern circumpolar adaptive radiation and so present a most fascinating study of the evolution of the several species within a genus as laid against the major environmental turmoil of world-wide climatic changes and the advances and retreats of continental glaciations of the Northern Hemisphere during the Pleistocene. Those more directly interested in natural history will be pleased to know that the bulk of Geist's book is devoted to the results of his own observations, over several years, on the behavior and ecology of the three groups of sheep in the Canadian Rockies. Geist, for the first time, has worked out the intricacies of the social organization of wild sheep and given a logical explanation, in functional terms of that social organization, for the spectacular bouts of head-rammings between pairs of adult and near-adult males of sheep of North America and elsewhere. In short, those males are impelled by reason of their genetic endowments for maleness in their particular social organization to try to achieve social dominance — that is, to get all other sheep to act toward them as females would. Such social dominance is achieved by having larger horns and greater force of ramming than one's opponent while at the same time withstanding his attacks successfully until suddenly he switches from the behavior of a male attacker to that of a submissive female. A by-product of winning social dominance, a result certainly not planned with forethought by any ram. is that during the rutting season he mates more often with more females than do males below him in the dominance hierarchy. Geist's book is obviously packed with much more information about the life history of American wild sheep than I can outline here. Those particularly interested in the details of the "life and times" of one of America's most splendid of wild mammals must consult the book, illustrated as it is with 89 photographic plates plus many line drawings. I do not do Geist a disservice when I differ from him with regard to one of his interpretations; scientists, like rams, make progress when they test themselves against each other. Geist (p. 177, and elsewhere) argues against the horns of rams having evolved as a selective response to absorb concussion. The anatomical studies of myself and my colleague William Schaffer, outlined elsewhere in this issue of the Bulletin. indicate firmly to us that rams' horns (and also heads) have most definitely been selected, and thus have evolved, in correlation with the extreme forces of concussion to which rams are subject in their fighting for social dominance. Geist's statements that rams with larger horns win higher dominance rankings and that those rams then beget the larger proportion of the next crop of lambs strengthen our conclusion, based on anatomical evidence, that selection favors those rams Which not only have the larger horns but also can withstand the greater forces of impact. Minor differences of viewpoint aside, Geist's book is a superb one, and I commend it to all interested in natural history or problems of mammalian evolution, by Dr. Charles A. Reed, research associate. Department of Zoology. Field Museum. Exotic Plants By Julia F. Morton. New York; Western Publishing Co., 1971. 160 pp.; about 400 color illustrations. $1.25 paperbound. The word exotic in the title should and does mean those plants which have been introduced from foreign lands, but the word IS also used to mean exciting or glamorous. Many of the plants shown in the book are exotic in this second sense of the word. Mrs, Morton's guide covers those plants which will grow out of doors in tropical and subtropical regions of the world. Some 400 plants are covered in this small "pocket- sized book," which would serve as a guide to the commonly cultivated showy plants for the amateur plant lover traveling or living in the tropics or subtropics of America. The text is brief but adequate. The illustrations are the work of several artists and are somewhat uneven in quality, but will serve their purpose of easy identification. To get some 400 illustrations, plus text, on 160 pages requires some accommodation — and there have been accommodations. by Dr. Louis O. Williams, chairman ot the Department of Botany, Field Museum. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN 19 NSF Grant for Analysis of Isimila Site Materials Field Museum has been awarded a grant of 537,600 by the National Science Foundation for support of research entitled "Analysis of Isimila Site Materials." The two-year program is under the direction of Dr. Glen H. Cole, associate curator of prehistory at the tvluseum, and Dr. Maxine R. Kleindienst, presently of Toronto, Canada, Isimila is located in the Southern Highlands Province of Tanzania, Africa. It is considered to be of particular importance because of the profusion of stone implements that were found in archaeological context in the various horizons of human occupation at the site, dating from the tvliddle Pleistocene Epoch. The tool-making culture is known as Acheulean, after the place (St. Acheul) in northern France where well known occurrences of such tools were found. Estimates place the Acheulean culture from about 75,000 to 500,000 or more years ago. Isimila, an undisturbed site, was discovered in 1951 as a result of extensive erosion that exposed a large number of stone tools. Steady deposition of sand and silt in a basin that had alternately been a marsh and shallow pond eventually filled it to a depth of more than 60 feet. Five distinct beds of coarse sediment were found. The top three layers, which were liberally covered with artifacts, were excavated extensively. The uncovering of several occupation areas on each level, nine in the upper three and one in the fourth, provided an opportunity to compare different assemblages of tools known to be roughly contemporaneous. The Acheulean industry at Isimila comprises a wide range of implement types, including hand-axes, cleavers, scrapers, choppers and picks, made from a variety of stone material. The many types of tools found at various places within a single level indicate different activities by members of the same group. The variations in style may also suggest that more than one group of early men occupied the site. Before the excavations at Isimila, different assemblages of tools had always been found at separate sites, or in other levels at the same site. The discoveries at Isimila provide an entirely new idea of the full range of the Acheulean tool complex, and reveal an unsuspected degree of specialization. The Isimila site is also important because of Its strategic location, the multiple horizons of former human occupation, and the preservation, though only fragmentary, of fossil animal bones. Much of the material excavated from the area is now at Field Museum, and the balance is at the Tanzania National Museum at Dar Es Salaam. Because of the work at Isimila, some widely held theories about the activities of early man have been revised. Upon completion of the current research project, Field Museum Press will publish a book on the Isimila site. Laboratory Training in Archeology Eleven students from local schools are participating in a research and training program in archeological techniques at Field Museum under the direction of John Terrell, assistant curator of Oceanic archeology and ethnology. Terrell arrived in Chicago last fall as a "package deal" for the Museum: a new assistant curator of anthropology complete with his own research collection consisting of seven tons of artifacts from Bougainville Island in the South Pacific. Each student is carrying out a project under Terrell's guidance for course credit at his own school. All are charged with analysis of excavated materials from the diggings on Bougainville. Most are learning the ropes of pottery analysis and interpretation: several are studying "midden" bones and shells from old food dumps to try to discover something about prehistoric diet and economy on the island. One student is editing Terrell's ethnographic notes. The students are: Dan Cwiak (University of Illinois Circle), Joan Franzel (Northeastern Illinois University), Betty Haynes (Museology student at the Museum from Waller High School), Dan Hogan (Northeastern), Shelley Lewis (Roosevelt University), Jennie Masur (University of Chicago), Susan Moore (Northeastern), Steve Peters (Northeastern), Sue Sanchez (Roosevelt), Tom Smith (Roosevelt), and Marty Zelenietz (Northeastern). Course in Geology of Chicago Region Field Museum, in cooperation with the University of Chicago, will offer a five-week course for laymen on "The Geology of the Chicago Region," beginning April 15. The course includes an introductory lecture and four all-day field trips conducted by Dr. Matthew H. Nitecki, associate curator of fossil invertebrates in the Museum's Department of Geology. The introductory two-hour lecture, April 15 at 10 a.m., will be at the University of Chicago Downtown Center, 65 East South Water Street. The field trips are: April 22, 8 a.m., to Palos Park; April 29, 8 a.m., to Thornton and Wilmington; May 6, 8 a.m., to Kentland, Indiana; May 13. 7 am , to Starved Rock. In Palos Park, course participants will see rocks representing a four-hundred-million- year-old shallow tropical sea that once covered the area. Glaciers advanced and receded, leaving behind millions of tons of unconsolidated materials. Some of this material formed ridges, called moraines, behind which undrained ponds and marshes remained. Eighty miles west of Chicago, at Starved Rock, a different geological record will be viewed. Here the sandstones, limestones, and shales of the Middle Paleozoic era, some halt a billion years old, have been gently deformed, giving us the spectacular fold, or anticline, in the picturesque canyons of the Illinois River. At Thornton and Wilmington, 60 miles south of Chicago, course participants will have the opportunity to collect some unique fossils in a coal mine, including three- hundred-million-year-old denizens of the shallow sea which once covered this part of Illinois. Further south, in Kentland, Indiana, a geologically puzzling structure of much disturbed rocks, called cryptovolcanic, will be explored. The field trips will be by chartered bus. Tuition is $60 for the four trips and the introductory lecture; $33 for two trips and the lecture; and $18 for one trip and the lecture. Dr. Nitecki is also conducting a one-week field trip to the Missouri Ozarks March 26 to April 1, for which tuition, including transportation, is SI 40. Anyone interested in joining this trip is invited to a preliminary meeting Saturday, March 4, 10 a.m., at the University of Chicago Downtown Center. Members of Field Museum are eligible for a discount on both programs. For further information, please call Mrs. Maria Matyas at Fl 6-8300. MARCH 1972 CALENDAR Hours 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. Saturday ttirough Thursday; 9 a.m. to 9 p.m. Friday. The Museum Library is open 9 a.m. to 4:30 p.m. Monday through Friday. Please obtain pass at reception desk, main floor north. Exhibits Opens March 10 Morton Arboretum: 50th Anniversary, a small commemorative exhibit. Through June 4. South Lounge. Through March 5 Coco-de-mer, an exhibit of the world's largest seed and its use by man, on display in the South Lounge. Continuing Australian Aboriginal Art from Arnhem Land, a selection of nearly 400 bark paintings and some wooden ceremonial sculptures. The exhibit is unique because of the documentation accompanying moet of the pieces, including when they were painted, their use, the region in which they were produced, and information about the artists. The material is from the extensive collection of Louis A. Allen of Palo Alto, California. Through September 10. Hall 27. A New Spirit in Search of the Past: Archaeology and Ecology in Lower Illinois River Valley, an exhibit exploring the "new archaeology" as reflected in the Illinois Valley Archaeological Program's excavation of the Koster Site, directed by Dr. Stuart Struever of Northwestern University. Eleven successive habitations, dating from 5100 B.C. to A.D. 1000, are yielding information about man's adaptations to his changing environments through time. Through September 4. Hall 9. Color in Nature, an exhibit examining the nature and variety of color in the physical and living world and how it functions in plants and animals. II focuses on the many roles of color, as in mimicry, camouflage, warning, sexual recognition and selection, energy channeling, and vitamin production, using Museum specimens as examples. Continues indefinitely. Hall 25. Field Museum's 75th Anniversary Exhibit continues indefinitely. "A Sense of Wonder" offers thought-provoking prose and poetry associated with physical, biological, and cultural aspects of nature; "A Sense of History" presents a graphic portrayal of the Museum's past; and "A Sense of Discovery" shows examples of research conducted by Museum scientists. Hall 3. John James Audubon's elephant folio. The Birds ol America, on display in the North Lounge. A different plate from the rare first-edition volumes is featured each day. Continues indefinitely. Free Film Program March 12 "Everything You've Always Wanted to Know About Volutes but were Afraid to Ask," slide lecture presentation narrated by Jean M. Cate, offered by the Chicago Shell Club at 2 p.m. in the Lecture Hall. March 26 "West Side Story — Mexico to Alaska," wildlife film narrated by Walter H. Berlet, offered by the Illinois Audubon Society at 2:30 p.m. in the James Simpson Theatre. Continuing "Patterns for Survival" (A Study of Mimicry), presented at 1:30 p.m. and 3 p.m. on Sundays in the second floor North Meeting Room. The half-hour film offers an overall view of protective coloration in insects and provides visitors with an insight into the "Color in Nature" exhibit. "Chinese Jade Carving," shown at 2 p.m. and 3:30 p.m. Sundays in the second floor North Meeting Room. The unusual short film serves as an excellent introduction to Field Museum's new Hall of Jades. Spring Film Lecture Series, 2:30 p.m. Saturdays in the James Simpson Theatre. March 4: "Grecian Holiday," narrated by Ralph J. Franklin, looks at ancient ruins and modern cities. March 11: "Cambodia," narrated by Kenneth Armstrong, visits Angkor Wat, the capital of Phnom Penh, cities, and villages. March 18: "Trails of Tembo," narrated by Larry Linnard, travels to East Africa, land of the "big tusker," for wildlife scenes. March 25: "On the Trail of the Arctic Char," narrated by Karl H. Maslowski, searches for adventure in Canada's Far North. Children's Program Begins March 1 "Our Vanishing Wildlife," Spring Journey for Children, a free, self-guided tour focusing on animal species that face extinction, to help youngsters understand what is happening to them. All boys and girls who can read and write are welcome to participate in the activity. Journey sheets are available at Museum entrances. Through May 31. Meetings March 8: 7:30 p.m.. Windy City Grotto, National Speleological Society. March 9: 8 p.m.. Chicago Mountaineering Club. March 12: 2 p.m., Chicago Shell Club. March 14: 8 p.m., Chicagoland Glider Council. Coming in April Spring Film Lecture Series, 2:30 p.m. Saturdays in the James Simpson Theatre. April 1: "Southern Africa Safari," narrated by Cleveland P. Grant, travels to Transvaal, Rhodesia, and Mozambique. April 8: "Amazonas Hovercraft Expedition," narrated by David Smithers, adventure and exploration in South American waterways. April 15: "Enjoying the Out-of-Doors," narrated by Howard Orians, highlights nature's wonders. April 22: "Mexico's Californias," narrated by Ken Wolfgang, past, present, and future. April 29: "The Living Wilderness," narrated by Walter H. Berlet, animal life in the Rockies. volume 43 Number 4 pjgl^ MusGum of Natufal Hlstory Bulletin April 1972 X mmm This issue ot the Field Museum ot Natural History Bulletin is entirely concerned with the discipline of botany, with special altenlion to the Museum's Department of Botany. Each of the other three disciplines represented in the Museum — geology, anthropology, and zoology — and the departments devoted to them will be similarly featured In subsequent issues of the Bulletin. The issue is dedicated to Mr. John G. Searle. A recent action by our Board of Trustees designated the herbarium of the Museum as The John G. Searle Herbarium. This action honoring Mr. Searle was taken in recognition of his great interest in the Museum and strong support of the scientific program of Field Museum as a Trustee from 1952 until 1971, when he was elected a Life Trustee. The John G. Searle Herbarium, containing more than 2,500,000 plant specimens, is one of the great research collections of the world, serving scientists and students of all nations. Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin Volume 43, Number 4 April 1972 Cover design by Zbigniew Jastrzebski. 2 Man and Plants Louis O. Williams 5 People in Botany Johnnie L. Gentry, Jr. 8 Wild Illinois Robert F. Betz 10 The John G. Searle Herbarium Dorottiy N. Gibson 12 Collecting in Amazonian Peru: A Letter from the Field Donald R. Simpson 16 The Flowers that Bloom in the Spring . . . William C. Burger Calendar Field Museum of Natural History Director, E. Leiand Webber Editor Joyce Zibro: Associate Editor Elizabetti Munger. Staff Writer Madge Jacobs: Production Russ Becker; Photography John Bayalis. Fred Huysmans. The Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin is published monthly except August by Field Museum of Natural History, Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive. Chicago, Illinois 60605. Subscriptions: $6 a year: $3 a year for schools. Members of the Museum subscribe through Museum membership. Opinions expressed by authors are their own and do not necessarily reflect the policy of Field Museum. Unsolicited manuscripts are welcome. Printed by Field Museum Press. Second-class postage paid at Chicago, Illinois. Postmaster: Please send form 3579 to Field Museum of Natural History, Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive, Chicago. Illinois 60605. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN /mN&PWNrs LOUIS O.WILLIAMS Imagine, if you will, what America was like when it was first discovered by man — and here we do not refer to such late-comers as Leif Ericson or Columbus. Men out of Asia were certainly the variable genetic source of human populations in America. Over millennia they came to the northwestern extension of the North American continent, and then by agonizingly slow stages spread their kinds southward and eastward, eventually reaching and passing the equator. Finally, and perhaps not long before the coming of Europeans to America, they reached the southern tip of what we now call South America. How long ago did the first men come to America, and what was it like around that part of America where they first touched? Scholars do not agree about the point in time past when the first men came across the Bering Strait, but a convenient compromise figure might be 25,000 years ago. During the period of migration — which may have continued up to a thousand or so years ago, thus spanning a very long time as measured in men's life spans — the northwestern region of North America (as well as adjacent Asia) must have been a formidable place with a climate unbelievably harsh during many thousands of these years as glaciers waxed and waned. Man certainly brought nothing with him out of Asia, except his dogs. Hunting and fishing must have sustained him until finally he came to milder climates, and somewhat drier ones. In front of him was a great vacuum as far as man was concerned, the only pressure was from behind. Time passed and new cultures developed — the earlier ones based on the grazing animals rather than those of the sea. Eventually a seed-gathering economy developed, and as man got farther south and into the tropics, where large animals were and still are scarce, his economy changed to one based on plants. The great Aztec market at TIateloIco, A.D, 1515, exhibit in Hall 8. Field Museum. Man had now progressed far enough in space and time that we may begin to look for a higher culture than those based on nomadic hunting and seed- gathering. Somewhere along the route of this southward progression men — or probably women — discovered, perhaps by accident, that the plants whose edible portions they gathered grew better on their middens and in the enriched soils around their dwellings than in the wild places that were the plants' normal habitats. This discovery of the cultivation of plants for food was, I think, the most momentous discovery of all time. Once the discovery was made, savagery was on the way out and the pptential for civilization was present. It is thought that about 8 square miles of land were required in a seed- gathering economy to sustain one man. On this basis the world could sustain a population of some 30 millions. The discovery of the usefulness and convenience of the cultivation of plants changed the whole outlook for man in America — and in the world, for that matter — and April 1972 permitted hiis unintiibited increase. When one man could produce food beyond the requirements of his family and have some left over for barter, someone else was freed from the never-ending daily chore of searching for food. Some men were then able to give thought to the betterment of their own condition and that of their fellow men. Ancient high civilizations in America, as I conceive of them, developed in three regions: Mexico, Central America, and in the Andean region of northwestern South America. What were the plants of America that were the basis for civilizations? I have called attention long ago to the coincidence that where ancient American civilizations were developed, there were plant foods that provided the essentials of a balanced diet. Basically, these plants could be as few as two: ideally the seeds of a grass, maize, which provided good and abundant carbohydrates; and the seeds of a plant that added protein to the diet, probably always a legume (bean family). Other kinds of plants added variety and vitamins — frosting to the cake if you wish — and we shall consider some of these in due course. What were the (two) basic food plants upon which civilizations in America were developed and where did they come from? The answer to the first part of the question is easy — maize and beans — but to answer the second part is not so easy. Maize and beans (there were two really superb kinds of beans) as we know them now, and as they were at the time of European discovery, were and are the results of thousands of years of selection. Essentially maize and beans are the creations of ancient men in America, men who were certainly not savages, and were not inferior in any way to European man at the time of discovery and the conquest — unless they were "inferior" in being less savage. The origin of maize is still a controversial subject and one which was opened recently at a scientific meeting of the Society for Economic Botany here at the Museum. Dr. Hugh litis, of the University of Wisconsin, presented a paper, not yet published, in which he contended that corn is domesticated teosinte {Euchlaena mexicana) and differs from it not at all in any of its basic vegetative, floral, or genetic attributes. Dr. George Beadle has for the past three years been conducting tests of this hypothesis by means of large-scale experiments with hybrids of corn and teosinte. He will have an article about his work and conclusions in a future issue of the Bulletin. This concept is different from those previously published and one which must be considered. A small library has been written about maize, the world's most important cultivated plant, and the end is not yet! Beans, the second component of a balanced diet, and one of the great civilizers, were and are abundant. Kidney beans or field beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), scarlet runner beans (P. coccineus), and lima beans (P. limensis) are the aristocrats of the beans of the world and they are all American. The scarlet runner is, I think, to be found wild in Central America and it propagates itself without the intervention of man. I have seen wild beans in Central America that may be among the progenitors of the common kidney beans. The usual kidney beans are man's commensals and if left to their own devices will not persist. Lima beans are wild in much of tropical America, but the presumed wild progenitor differs much from the cultivated kinds, which, so far as I know, require man's help to persist. These, like many another cultivated plant, have been selected for years, even millennia, by man to produce more or better food, and survival of the plant as a wildling was not a consideration in the selection. A host of other food plants have been bequeathed to us by the early Americans. We have found no important food plants not known to people of pre-Columbian time. Potatoes, sweet potatoes, cassava, pumpkins and squashes, tomatoes, avocados — vegetables that we all know and that are to be found in our markets every day of the year — all originated here. Of these, the sweet potato is one of very few plants of economic importance that were cultivated in the tropics of both hemispheres before the beginning of recorded history. Fruits of temperate regions were few in America and, with the possible exception of our native grapes, none is of very great importance. The old saying "as American as apple pie" is not really appropriate, because apples are Old World fruits. Let's change the expression to "as American as pumpkin pie," a traditional food for a traditional American holiday. Except for pineapples, tropical fruits native to America are relatively little known in our markets. The grandest of all tropical fruits — citrus fruits, bananas, dates, figs, and the mango — are all from the Old World. Plants important in our daily lives are not only those that provide food. A mere listing of the kinds of things that are derived from plants will bring to mind many that we use daily. There are fibers (cotton is the most familiar of them); forest products (wood, cork, the paper which you are holding); rubber and latex; gums and resins (the list of ingredients on your next can of soup may contain a gum); essential oils are in perfume; many kinds of oils and fats and waxes for literally thousands of food and industrial uses; sugars and starches; medicinal plants (a few, like quinine, of really great importance, but literally thousands have played a part in folk medicine from ages past down to today). Don't FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN forget the antibiotics, the miracle drugs of our day; and insecticides from plants, which cause little permanent damage to the biosphere. Then there are the fumitories and masticatorles (like tobacco), many of which are under a cloud today; the narcotics — opium, pot (marijuana), and coca (cocaine), the only important narcotic of American origin. Among the spices everyone uses, the only important ones of American origin are the sweet and the hot (red) peppers. Beverages which are made from plants include coffee and tea from the Old World; and cocoa and mate from America. Cocoa beans were used in Mexico from ancient times like currency, a measure of value in barter. The plants from which alcoholic beverages are made are multitudinous. My colleagues in the Society for Economic Botany have raised the questions whether or not ornamental plants are economic or useful plants, and whether or not its journal should include articles on ornamentals. I feel that they are both economic plants and useful plants and that the world and the garden around your door would be a less interesting place without them. But then I am prejudiced, for the native orchids of the Americas have always been my special love. Dr. Franz Schwanitz wrote in 1957 in his Die Entstehung der Kulturpflanzen (Origin ol Cultivated Plants) that cultivated plants alone made it possible for 2.5 billion people to populate the globe. Fifteen years later, with probably well over 3.7 billion people populating the same globe, the major food source is still cultivated plants, but the supply is being strained in many parts of the world, even as it was in 1957. In the year 2000, the population of the world is projected to be some 6.4 billion persons. // the projection holds true, it will be due to much improved food plants and more efficient agriculture. Conversely, if the projection does not hold true, it could be because of insufficient food production from constantly shrinking land resources. Last year a terrible storm blew out of the Bay of Bengal and innundated the fertile low-lying delta of the Bengal River. Perhaps as many as 500,000 people lost their lives in that disaster. It would seem that no man in his right senses would take his family to live on the Bengal River delta, for natural disasters are common events there. The fact is that man in that overpopulated portion of the world really has no choice. To grow the food to keep alive, he plays Russian roulette of necessity. Although most plants that we use for food are ones that were selected or bred for special purposes by man long ago, some of the plant foods we collect or harvest have changed very little or not at all as the result of man's attention. The sap of the sugar maple is still collected and boiled down to make one of the prized delicacies of our larder. Wild, or Indian, rice, once an important food of North American Indians, is an expensive delicacy, now used for gourmet disties and often as a special accompaniment to a Thanksgiving dinner. Wild raspberries and blackberries are still gathered — and both have given rise to cultivated forms which it is easy to trace back to the progenitor. Cranberries, another of the delicacies often used for Thanksgiving dinner, differ hardly at all from the wildlings that are still gathered. The fruits of the prickly pear cactus, called tuna, are gathered and to be found commonly in markets in Mexico and even now and again in Chicago. Algae from the sea are collected along the shores of much of the world either as food or industrial plants. The forest preserves around Chicago each spring and fall are invaded by connoisseur gatherers of wild native mushrooms. Even today the gathering and breeding of wild plants to produce better useful plants is going on and will continue to go on. Two recent examples will suffice to indicate the trend. We owe the large and luscious blueberries that in recent years have become commonplace in our markets to the persistence of Dr. Frederick V. Colville, who took the native blueberry and through selection and breeding produced a plant which has become an important crop in America. We owe to the vision of Dr. B. Y. Morrison the glorious Glen Dale Azaleas, surely some of the finest ornamentals in a group of plants known for their beauty. The United States Department of Agriculture has for many decades now had a broad program of exploration for and introduction of potentially useful plants. The program has been eminently successful over the years. A recent and on-going project is the screening of a vast number of plant species in the hope that components in some may be found useful for the treatment of cancer in man. Look again at the useful plants around you, treasures from all the world. Can you imagine Italian cuisine without tomatoes? They were not in Europe before the time of Columbus. Brazilians think that their mangoes were always there — but they are Asian. Spring without tulips — can you imagine if Tulips in endless variety are largely due to Dutch perfectionists. We do classify plants in different ways for different purposes, such as "useful" versus "ornamental." One kind of classification I would not like to try to apply would be "necessary" versus "unnecessary." In one way or another almost any plant could be useful. And who would have the hubris to assert that plant X is quite unnecessary to the third planet from the sun, let alone to its human cargo? Dr. Louis O. Williams is ctialrman ol the Department of Botany. Field Museum. April 1972 People in Botany Johnnie L Gentry, Jr. The staff of Field's Museum's Department of Botany includes five curators, one visiting research! curator, and eigtit subcuratorial members. The research! activities are concerned mostly with floristic studies of the native plants of Central America and Amazonian Peru. This work is associated with the preparation of floras, descriptive inventories of the plants of these regions. Botany and is the Consul of Guatemala in Chicago. When not studying plants he can be found operating his printing press or bird-watching. Dr. Louis Williams, chairman of the department, has spent several years in the tropics studying plants, including eleven years as botanist and subdirector at the Escuela Agricola Panamericana in Honduras. The early 1940s were spent searching for sources of secondary rubbers in central Brazil. Prior to coming to Field Museum he was botanist for the U.S. Department of Agriculture. His research project is to complete the Flora of Guatemala, a work which will comprise about fourteen volumes when finished. He is very interested in orchids and served as the editor of the American Orchid Society Bulletin for three years. He is presently a member of the Council of the Society for Economic The flora of Costa Rica project is the responsibility of Dr. William Burger, associate curator, vascular plants. Before joining the staff at Field Museum he spent four years teaching at the Agricultural College of Halle Selassie 1 University in Ethiopia. This is where he was impressed with the great need for research on tropical flora. Dr. Burger's main research interest is the study of the plants of Costa Rica, particularly the group that includes the peppers, oaks, and figs. His major avocation is photography and he is the current president of the Nature Camera Club of Chicago. Or, Patricio Ponce de Leon professor of cryptogamic botany at the University of Havana. His research activities involve the group of fungi that includes the puffballs and earthstars. In addition to the fungi, he has responsibility for the Museum's collections of lichens, mosses, and algae. Dr. Donald Simpson Dr. Donald Simpson, assistant curator, Peruvian botany, is presently conducting a botanical and forest survey in the Amazon basin of Peru. This research is especially valuable because it provides a scientific base for knowledge of the forest resources of Amazonian Peru. He is currently working on a synoptic flora of the Pachitea River area in Peru and is involved with the completion of the Flora of Peru. Dr. Johnnie L, Gentry. Jr. Dr. Patricio Ponce de Leon, associate curator, cryptogamic botany, was born in Cuba. He was formerly curator in the botanical garden at Havana and FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN Mrs. Dorothy Gibson The newest member of the curatorial staff is Dr. Johnnie L. Gentry, Jr., assistant curator, vascular plants. His research is a part of the Central American projects being carried out in the department. The potato, or nightshade, family is being prepared for the Flora ot Guatemala by him. Other research interests include the Borage family. He is active in community affairs, presently serving as the chairman of the Committee on Natural Resources and Environmental Improvement of the Willco Council of Governments. Dr. Rolf Singer Dr. Rolf Singer, visiting research curator in mycology, is one of the world's most outstanding mycologists. Prior to coming to Field Museum he spent almost twenty years in South America, first with the Instituto Miguel Lillo at the University of Tucuman, and then at the University of Buenos Aires in Argentina. It was during this time he traveled extensively and collected in areas not previously visited by mycologists. Dr. Singer recently returned from a year of study in Europe, where he was continuing work on the large group of fungi we commonly call m.ushrooms or toadstools (Agaricales). He now also teaches in the Department of Biological Sciences at the University of Illinois at Chicago Circle. Mrs. Dorothy Gibson, supervisor of The John G. Searle Herbarium, is an important member of the team working on the Flora ot Guatemala and is making some major contributions to that project. She is presently working on a plant family familiar to horticulturists, the Gesners, one group of which are the gloxinias. Her interesting career before coming to the museum included owning and operating a country store in the backwoods of Kentucky. Mr John Millar Mr. John Millar began his career at Field Museum in 1918 as a preparator of botanical exhibits. At various times he held the positions of curator of the Harris Extension, deputy director, and chief curator of botany, and is currently chief curator emeritus of botany. He continues to come in a few days each week to work on the economic botany collections. Mr. Millar directed the moving operations for the exhibits when the Museum moved from its old building in Jackson Park to its present home in Grant Park. The story that he had to resort to wearing roller skates in order to meet each moving gang at the elevator is true. Mr. Ronald Liesner, herbarium assistant, who left the dairy country of Wisconsin to go to the University of Wisconsin for a B.S. degree in botany, works mainly on the flora of Costa Rica project. He does much of the identification of Costa Rican plants and was field assistant on a recent expedition to Costa Rica. Nature photography is his favorite hobby. Mr. Roberl Stoize Mr, Robert Stoize, custodian, fern herbarium, first came to the Department of Botany looking for part-time work to help finance his music studies. He soon took an interest in the ferns and pines and is presently responsible for our collections of these two major groups of plants. His research activities are currently centered around a group of tropical tree ferns. Recently he was elected treasurer of the American Fern Society. Dr Robert F Betz. research associate April 1972 Miss Jane Lamlein Mrs. Roberta Carnagio Miss Jane Lamlein, herbarium assistant, spends most of her time on the Peruvian projects. She is responsible for receiving and processing the collections, and for identifying a large part of them. For her B.A. degree from Miami University in Ohio, she majored in botany. Mrs. Alfreida Rehling The responsibilities of Mrs. Alfreida Rehling, herbarium assistant, include the important activities of processing requests for loans, exchanges of specimens, shipping and receiving of all specimens, and the correspondence that accompanies such operations. Maintaining our important collection of "type" photographs is also one of her responsibilities. Mr. Almon F. Cooley, general assistant The administrative duties necessary for the overall support of the activities of the department are carried out by Mrs Roberta Carnagio, the departmental secretary, who also serves as the botany librarian. Mrs. Karoline Benyovszky The operation of mounting plant specimens for the herbarium has been handled by Mrs. Karoline Benyovszky for some ten years. She is now teaching the skill to Miss Kathy Henning, a recent addition to our staff, with whose help we will be able to reduce the backlog of unmounted material. Professor Antonio Molina R Professor Antonio Molina R., field associate, is botanist and curator of the herbarium at the Escuela Agricola Panamericana in Honduras. At the present time he is an associate investigator in a field research program being carried on jointly by his institution and our Department of Botany. His valuable contribution to this project is represented by the numerous specimens he collects and sends to the Museum each year. He is probably the best botanical field man in Central America. Miss Bertha Olguin, typist and general assistant Photos by Fred Huysmans and Ed Jarecki Dr. Johnnie L. Gentry, Jr. is assistant curator, vascular plants, in the Department ot Botany, Field Museum. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN WILD ILLINOIS ROBERT FBETZ By thy rivers gently flowing, Illinois, Illinois. O'er thy prairies verdant growing, Illinois. Illinois, Comes an echo on the breeze. Rustling through the leafy trees, And its mellow tones are these. Illinois, Illinois . . . Though the first stanza of the Illinois state song depicts a land that is a veritable "Garden of Eden," an automobile drive through Illinois today is an uninspiring and rather depressing sight. Beyond straight ribbons of concrete, flanked by well-mowed shoulders, stretch countless fields of corn and soybeans. Except for a few patches of dandelion, chicory, or Queen Anne's lace, which are all foreign, there are few wild flowers of any kind. Native flowers are almost nonexistent. Here and there a line of scraggly trees and shrubs marks the boundary between one cornfield and the next. Occasionally a small overgrazed woodlot with widely spaced trees and grassy understory breaks the monotony of this landscape. Very little wildlife is to be seen. With so few flowers from which to obtain food, bees and butterflies are scarce. Except for some house sparrows and pigeons around the farm houses, there are few birds. Rarely does one ever get a glimpse of a fox or raccoon. The rivers that wind through this biological desert are dark and murky wrth the topsoil washed into them from the surrounding farmlands. Because of the herbicides and insecticides, many are almost devoid of any plant or animal life. But it has not always been so. Before the hand of man desecrated the land, Illinois teemed with flowers and wildlife. The French explorers regarded it as one of the most beautiful places they had seen in North America. The prairies, carpeted with grasses and flowers, studded with island groves, and enveloped by strips of river timber, never failed to elicit the admiration of Europeans seeing them for the first time. Often they compared the prairies and forest groves to an ocean with its shores, for to many the outline of a distant forest appeared like a dim shoreline with capes, inlets, and points of timber jutting out into this "sea of grass." The virgin Illinois landscape must have been an unforgettable sight. In the spring of the year the prairies were strewn with golden Alexanders, pink shooting stars, and purple phlox and the edges of the forest groves filled with the pink and white blossoms of the redbud, dogwood, and wild cherries. In autumn the tall waving 8 April 1972 A patch of virgin prairie in northern Illinois with big bluestem grass, wild quinine, and prairie gayfeathers. expanse of big bluestem grass was flecked with asters, goldenrods, and gentians. The northern two-thirds of Illinois was mostly prairie surrounding isolated groves, while the southern one-third was principally forest enclosing patches of prairie. Many of the groves were given names — some for the predominant tree they contained, such as Bur Oak Grove or Maple Grove; others for a settler who homesteaded along the edge of the grove, such as Downer's Grove or Walker's Grove. Many of the prairies also had names, such as Looking-glass Prairie or Hawkins' Prairie. The largest prairie in the state was the Grand Prairie in east-central Illinois, where a man could travel for hours without ever seeing a clump of trees. The prairies and the forests were alive with animals. Out in the open one could hear the booming of the prairie chickens and the clear flute-like calls of soaring upland plovers, or see the strange courtship display of the sand-hill cranes. Small herds of bison, elk, and white-tailed deer could be seen grazing. In the woods there were wolves, coyotes, black bears, mountain lions, bobcats, and many others. Around the marshes large flocks of whistling swans, geese, ducks, and other water birds congregated. In springtime the groves rang with the sound of hundreds of thousands of warblers, vireos, and sparrows moving north to their breeding grounds in Canada, while in the river timber there were flocks of chattering Carolina paroquets and pairs of bald eagles. At times migrating flocks of passenger pigeons moving from grove to grove darkened the sky. Most of the streams and rivers ran clear over gravelly bottoms, and from the shores schools of suckers, chubs, and shiners could be seen moving upstream to spawn. In clumps of eelgrass or under lily pads northern pike and different kinds of bass and sunfish lurked. The deep croaking of bullfrogs resounded along the shore. Turtles of all kinds sunned themselves on protruding rocks. This beautiful and unpolluted Illinois that the French explorers knew and the Peoria and Kickapoo Indians hunted on has just about disappeared. Only a few small patches of the original landscape persist, along certain railroad rights-of-way, in sanctuaries, or in some old settler cemeteries — with white prairie clovers, yellow coreopsis, and purple gay feathers. Virgin forest, where white trilliums, yellow violets, and purple orchids herald spring, still survives only in the recesses of a few forest preserves or in isolated draws that are protected from the ever-increasing populations of man and his domestic animals. And even these pitifully small remnants are being destroyed. If for no other reason than to provide us with places to go for peace and solitude, these remnants of wild Illinois should be preserved and cherished. Dr. Robert F. Belz is protessor ot biology. Northeastern Illinois University: consultant to Illinois Nature Preserves Commission: and research associate, Department ol Botany, Field Museum. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN In a herbarium, a rose, by any name whatever, doesn't smell at all — except perhaps of the chemical insect deterrents necessary to protect and preserve it. That is because a herbarium is a collection of dried plants, preserved not for their beauty or fragrance or souvenir value, but for their value as records. Once a plant specimen is mounted on a sheet of paper, labeled with such information as place and date collected, habitat, flower color, etc., and identified, it becomes much more than a dead plant. It is a record and a symbol of a living organism connected with the fossil past and with the evolving future. in the Yucatan Peninsula, 1894-96. His collections from the West Indies during 1898-1907 added more than 5,000 plants. Curators in the Museum's Department of Botany in the early years, realizing that very little botanical collecting had been done in the American tropics, concentrated their efforts on these regions, and staff members since then have continued collecting in this area. One of the world's ma|or collections of Central and South American plants, many from habitats that no longer exist, are here in Field Museum Anyone who wishes to study the flora The John G. Searie Herbarium Dorothy N. Gibson These plant collections can then tell us many kinds of things. They tell us about plant migrations over the ages, sometimes from one part of the world to another. They tell us about environmental conditions and how they have changed and may be changing now. They can be used as indicators in land-use surveys to guide men's judgments so that human purposes can be compatible with natural conditions. Plants are, after all, the basis of human economy. We put them to numerous uses, as in farming, forestry, range management, or for medicines or other chemical compounds. Our herbarium, established in 1894, and named this year in honor of Mr. John G. Searie, longtime friend and Trustee of Field Museum, is actually three herbaria. There are three distinct collections — one of seed plants, one of ferns, and one of lower plants (fungi, lichens, liverworts, mosses, algae, and bacteria). Altogether, there are more than 2,500,000 specimens, about three-fourths collected in the area from Mexico to Argentina, including the West Indies. There are also separate collections of seeds (in vials) and of pollen samples (on glass slides). The first plant specimens deposited in Field Museum's herbarium were collected by Dr. Charles F. Millspaugh of these regions could hardly do a thorough job without using our herbarium. Besides the large tropical collections, our herbarium contains a good representation of plants from other regions of the world, and is especially fortunate to have good early collections from the midwestern states, including the Chicago region. The herbarium acquires plant collections in several ways. Plants may bo purchased, received as gifts, received in exchange with other institutions, or collected by botanists on Museum expeditions. During the past 75 years we have been exchanging duplicate plant specimens with 85 museums in 36 foreign countries and with 90 museums, universities, and individuals in ti-e United States. The oldest specimen now stored here is a plant collected in 1772 by J. R. and G. Forster, botanists who sailed with Captain Cook on his second voyage in Tahiti. It was received in exchange from the British Museum of Natural History, as were a few plants collected in 1792 by James Wilkes and Christopher Smith, who accompanied Captain Bligh on his second voyage to Polynesia (the mutiny did not adversely affect his continuing career). Other early collections obtained in exchange include several hundred duplicate plants from the Madrid herbarium, collected in Mexico between 1788 and 1804 by Sesse and Mociho, Castillo and Maldonado, under the patronage of King Charles III of Spain. Field Museum has sponsored or co-sponsored more than 60 botanical expeditions to the American tropics, which have added many thousands of specimens to our herbarium and allowed duplicates to be deposited in most of the world's major herbaria. When specimens are collected in the field they are cut to fit between the pages of a tabloid size newspaper. They are then flattened in a press and dried. If heat is not available for immediate drying, then formaldehyde diluted with water is applied to prevent molding and the moist plant material is packed in waterproof material until it can eventually be dried. The specimen IS given a field number and all appropriate information about it is recorded in the field book. (A specimen without locality and field data is almost worthless.) When the specimens reach the herbarium they and their labels are mounted with glue or plastic compound on sheets of high quality paper about 11 '72 X 16 inches and a little thicker than a magazine cover. Groups of sheets are stored in strong manila folders inside steel cases with airtight doors. Maintenance is a never-ending chore, requiring continuous scrutiny of specimens and regular periodic decontamination procedures. Plant specimens might last as long as the pyramids, or at least as long as the paper on which they are mounted, if they are properly protected from insects, fire, and dampness. In recent years, the herbarium collections have been growing at the rate of about 20,000 specimens per year. This figure does not include the numerous duplicates which are sent out in exchange to other large herbaria. It may seem to the non-botanist that by now there should be enough plant specimens in storage in herbaria around the world so that no more need to be collected and housed — or, at least, collecting efforts can slow down. But this is not true. It is true that most April 1972 ot the earth's regions are now fairly well "known" in the sense that they were long ago visited, mapped, named, revisited, and in some cases even televised. But most regions of the earth have not yet been completely explored for plants. In fact, some of the regions "known" for the longest period of time may be the least known botanically. There are large areas of vegetation viewed daily by air travelers which nevertheless remain unexplored by plant collectors. They contain plants that are living, multiplying, changing, developing — which we must continue to collect, identify, and preserve for study as indispensable records of generations of plant life. Only by such studies can we continue to learn about the variability of species, the numerous uses of the plants, what geographic areas each species extends over, and how that area may be expanding or receding. Evolutionary change is usually such a slow process that many samples of the forms it produces must be captured as cross-sections out of both time, as it flows along, and place, as environmental conditions change. That is the only way we can achieve full understanding of the nature and directions of the changes and the forces that influence them. The accumulation of these plant "records" in a herbarium represents an accumulation of specialized knowledge. New species of plants are based on them. If after the botanist has compared a plant with other similar ones stored in his herbarium and in other large herbaria, the plant remains unidentified, it may represent discovery of a species new to science. It is named, a description is published in a scientific journal, and this plant is then considered the "type" specimen, or evidence, of the new species, and it must be kept available for examination m years to come. The sometimes long Latin names of plants may look unnecessarily complicated to a non-scientist, but they actually represent a neatly simple classification system. Since 1753, when the Swedish botanist Carl von Linne perfected the system of binomial nomenclature, plants have been given two-part names. The first part represents the genus; the second identifies the particular species. The same plant growing in three different parts of the world may have three different common names. Conversely, one common name may be applied to several different plants Regardless of the numerous common names applied to a single species, botanists and horticulturists around the world understand which plant is referred to when the Latin binomial is used. For instance, the widely distributed weed Chenopodium album is called both "pigweed" and "goose-foot" in our northern states. In some southern states it is known as "careless weed." In Canada it becomes "anserine," and in Cuba, "apasote." The Linnean system of nomenclature, now internationally used, prevents misunderstanding. In addition to numerous actual type specimens deposited here, our herbarium has on file more than 53,000 photographic negatives of type specimens of Central and South American plants. Over 40,000 of these are of specimens deposited in the large European herbaria. This enormous photographing project, done by Mr. J. F. Macbride between 1929 and 1937, financed in part by the Museum and in part by the Rockefeller Foundation, has proved to be far more important than its planners realized. Mounting a specimen for the tierbarium. During the bombings of World War II specimens housed in the Berlin herbarium were destroyed, and so Field Museum's photographic negatives are now the only evidence of those extremely important plant records. Since Field Museum's herbarium was established, its plant records have been in constant use by botanists, students, teachers, gardeners, pathologists, medical researchers, chemists, geographers, ecologists, and even customs inspectors and criminologists — from nearly every major educational institution in this country and from more than two-thirds of the other countries of the world. And it is, of course, used daily by Museum staff members. Specimens are also made available to others for study in the form of loans. In 1971 alone, more than 11,000 specimens were sent on loan to other institutions. The herbaria of the world contain the only records of man's knowledge of the vegetation of the earth. Field Museum's newly named John G. Searle Herbarium is one of the most important of these. The value of these plant records increases each year. Dorothy N. Gibson is supervisor ot Ttie Jolin G. Searle Herbarium ot Field l\4useum. FIELD MUSEUM BULLETIN Collecting in Amazonian Peru: A Letter from the Field Donald R. Simpson There had been sunny skies for two days, rare at this time of year, so I decided to mal^ period do these plants have access to the warmer temperatures and energy-giving sunlight necessary for them to carry on their life processes fully. In summer the leafy canopy of the forest intercepts the sunshine — that is why so many of these smaller plants must live their lives quickly in spring. The plants of the prairie have no such canopy spread over them. The radiant sun is theirs throughout the summer and they can pace their lives accordingly. The forest of trees whose broad leaves are shed each winter and replaced each spring is our setting for the pageantry of spring flowering. Nature provides similar displays in other settings too, for different reasons. Desert areas after seasonally heavy rains can produce a landscape covered with flowers. A desert "springtime" is dependent on rain that IS none too reliable, and often there are years with little or no flowering. Another of nature's settings in which spring flowering is both predictable and spectacular is found in those areas with a Mediterranean climate. The Mediterranean area has a dry hot summer and fall, a winter that is cool and wet, and a spring that brings warmer weather and the end of the rains. Summer and fall are too dry for growth and flowering, while winter is too cold. Under these conditions plants have little choice, and almost everything that blooms can be found blooming in springtime. Some of the flowers most characteristic of our early spring gardens came from u/illiam g. bupgep the Mediterranean region. The crocus, tulip, hyacinth, and daffodil all come to us from that part of the world. Like many of the plants of our forest, they flower quickly by storing food in underground bulbs, roots, or other organs. The embryonic flowers and the food energy necessary for rapid growth were developed in the previous year. This explains how these plants can grow and flower so quickly. A number of areas in the world have a Mediterranean climate and are famous for their wild flowers. Of these, South Africa and western Australia have the richest diversity. In western Australia during late September and early October (their springtime down under) you can go on bus tours devoted entirely to seeing the wild flowers. 1 believe there are no other tours like these in the world — seeing wild flowers for seven days. That's right — ;? ^f"^^ there are so many wild flowers of so many kinds that these bus tours need a whole week to sample the variety. But the display doesn't last long. Soon the weather is hot and dry, the vegetation is withered, and tour buses head for the sea shore. Dr. William C. Burger is associate curator, vascular plants, in the Department of Botany, Field Museum. April 1972 CALENDAR Exhibits Continuing Australian Aboriginal Art from Arnhem Land, a selection of nearly 400 bark paintings and some wooden ceremonial sculptures. The material is from the extensive collection of Louis A. Allen ot Palo Alto, California. Through September 10. Hall 27. A New Spirit In Search of the Past: Archaeology and Ecology in the Lower Illinois River Valley, an exhibit exploring the "new" archaeology as reflected in the Illinois Valley Archaeological Program's excavation of the Koster Site, directed by Dr. Stuart Struever of Northwestern University. Through September 4. Hall 9. Color in Nature, an exhibit examining the nature and variety of color in the physical Hours 9 a.m. to 5 p.m. Saturday through Thursday, 9 a.m. to 9 p.m. Friday. The Museum Library is open 9 a.m. to 4:30 p.m. Monday through Friday. Please obtain pass at reception desk, main floor north. Field Museum's 75th Anniversary Exhibit continues indefinitely. "A Sense of Wonder" offers thought-provoking prose and poetry associated with physical, biological, and cultural aspects of nature; "A Sense of History" presents a graphic portrayal of the Museum's past; and "A "^i^nco nf nit:,-overy" shows examples of res d by Museum scientists. Hall j. John James Audubon's elephant folio. The Birds ot America, on display in the North Lounge. Continues indefinitely. IVIorton Arboretum: 50th Anniversary, a small commemorative exhibit, featured in the South Lounge through June 4. Free Film Program Spring Film Lecture Series, 2:30 p.m. Saturdays in the James Simpson Theatre. April 1 : "Southern Africa Safari," narrated by Cleveland P. Grant, travels to Transvaal, Rhodesia, and Mozambique. April 8: "Amazonas Hovercraft Expedition," narrated by David Smithers, adventure and exploration in South American waterways. ying the Out-of-Doors," ■-•rr] Orians, highlights Ico's Californias ■n Wolfgang, pa:: and future. April narr.i in the Rockies Continuin "Patterns Mim on r "Chinese and 3:30 NortI "n. Children's Program Free Spring Film Series Saturdays a.m. in the James Simpson Theatre. April 8: "Dinosaurs: The Terrible Lizards." April 15: Camp Fire Girls Day: "American Indians." April 22: Cub Scout Day: "Circus." April 29: IVIuseum Traveler Day, with presentation of Journey awards: "Darwin the Naturalist" Continuing "Our Vanishing Wildlife," Spring Journey for Children, a free, self-guided tour focusing on animal species that face extinction, to help youngsters understand what is happening to them. Through May 31. FIELD MUSEUM'S MEMBERS' NIGHTS "AN OPEN DOOR TO THE WORLD" MAY 4 and 5, 1972 6:00 to 10:00 p.m. Look above and beyond Field Museum's famous elephants. Get acquainted with the many activities that go on behind the scenes. Visit the scientific departments and see current research projects, demonstrations, and displays. Meet staff members. Come for an evening of fun and entertainment. Here are some highlights. Department of Anthropology — recently collected ethnographic material from New Ireland; display of oriental weaponry; specimens renovated by conservation laboratory. Department of Botany — The Searle Herbarium; collecting, pressing, and mounting plant specimens; display: "A Plurality of Singular Plants." Department of Geology — display: "History of the Earth"; display: "Exploration of Continental Drift"; demonstration: Washakie Basin Titanottiere Quarry." Department of Zoology — display of illustrations for Manual of Neotropical Birds; "Monkey Business" (a book in the making); display: "An Electric Adventure with Cichlld Fishes." Department of Exhibition — artistic skills used in the Museum: from sculpture, to model-making, to taxidermy, to scientific illustration, to graphics, to design. Don't miss these special offerings — "Botanicasa," a shop featuring herbs, foods, and cosmetics; a "mini-tour" for youngsters, with a surprise memento at the finish line; a slide lecture presentation and a film on current exhibits; a live program in Stanley Field Hall; refreshments. Volume 43, Number 5 May 1972 Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin M6T^ORIT6S: GEOLOGY OF 9P^C€ Each day about 70 million objects from outer space impact the Earth's atmosphere. On the average only one or two make it through to the surface before burning away completely by friction with the air. Of these, two-thirds fall into the oceans, because the earth is covered by that much water. The result is about 165 that might actually be recovered each year, though most of these are too small to be noticed, or fall in areas of low population where they succumb to weathering and crumble away before they are found. In all the recorded history of mankind, fewer than 2,000 of these have ever been recovered. Together they comprise the study objects of one of the branches of space sciences, meteoritics. Meteoritics, the study of meteorites, has become important only in the last twenty years. Before that it received only intermittent attention by a few men, who are now (of course) called "pioneers." One of these, Oliver G. Farrington, was the first curator in this Museum's Department of Geology. In fact, for many years he was the Department of Geology. How he first became interested in meteorites is not known. He showed remarkable foresight, for in his day meteorites were regarded with little interest. He gradually brought together a collection of meteorite specimens that grew to be one of the largest and most important collections in the world, a position it has held ever since. With the advent of space programs, research in meteorites has increased enormously, the research output doubling about every six years. Interest in them has still not abated even though samples have been returned from the moon. Our moon is a single extraterrestrial object in the same relative place in space as the Earth and sharing with the Earth a certain common heritage. Meteorites, on the other hand, are derived from a number of planetary objects {some possibly from comets) from varied locations in space. They are objects that have suffered little change since the early history of the solar system, in contrast to the Earth, which has been altered considerably from its primitive condition. Bit by bit meteorite research has yielded clearer views on the formation of solid planetary objects and their chemical and physical evolution. We are able to see features of the very earliest stages, when a glowing hot gas first cooled enough for small solid specks of mineral dust to form. As the gas cooled, more and more solid specks formed, coalescing ultimately into the planets of the solar system and the thousands of small asteroids and comets associated with them. We see in meteoritesthe results of over four and one-half billion years of exposure to cosmic rays and radioactivity. We see the gradual appearance of chemical compounds of increasing complexity, some of them the fundamental chemicals for the creation of living things. We see in them the sequence of events that shaped the Earth into the layers from which grew the continents as we know them. Though many questions have been answered by the study of meteorites, other puzzling, unanswered questions have appeared in the process. What are the tiny (about 1/25 of an inch) spherical mineral beads that are found in so many meteorites? They were among the first things noticed by meteorite investigators a century ago. They called them "chondrules," from the Greek word chondros, meaning "grain of seed." They are made of spherical aggregates of minerals, all of which are well known in terrestrial rocks; but in terrestrial rocks these same minerals never occur in these peculiar spherical beads. Meteorite workers have puzzled over these for 100 years and today are no closer to knowing how and why they formed during the early stages of our solar system. Did the Earth once consist of a cluster of billions of them, or are they the product of some early planetary volcanic process? Today they hold their secrets as they have since they were first noticed. Their presence is a nagging reminder to researchers that we do not yet know everything — and a certain amount of humility is required of even the most self-assured among us. The cover of this issue of the Bulletin utilizes a characteristic cross-section of one of the tiny chondrules from the meteorite Alfianello, which fell near the village of that name in Italy in 1883. Its unique symmetrical pattern of mineral grains is difficult to explain. But as a primitive bead of primordial solid matter of our solar system, this chondrule is a symbol for the growth of planets and the study of them — geology. — by Dr. Edward J. 0/sen, curator of mineralogy, Departmerit ot Geology, Field Museum. Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin Volume 43, Number 5 May 1972 Cover design by Don Skinner, based on above photographic magnification of a chondruie from Alfianetlo meteorite; actual chondruie measures 1/25 of an inch across. Meteorites: Geology of Space Edward J. Olsen these identified flying objects from outer space reveal much concerning the earliest stages of solid matter, but some things about them are still a mystery 2 Mountain Building and the Theory of Global Plate Tectonics Bertram G. Woodland our knowledge of the evolution of Earth's crust has been a collection of jigsaw puzzle pieces; they are now being put together into a coherent picture 6 The Early History of the Geology Department Eugene S. Richardson, Jr. about Farrington, Nichols, Riggs, and Roy, four to remember, four to enjoy 9 "The Mile-Wide Mutterings of Unimagined Rivers" John Clark unexplored rivers that flowed millions of years ago can tell us as much as rivers that can get us wet Field Museum of Natural History Director, E. Leiand Webber 10 The Rest of the Iceberg Katherine Krueger exhibits display only a tiny fraction of our geological and paleontological collection; the vast bulk submerged from public view are explained 14 Who's Who in Geology Patricia M. Williams the seven scientists and six assistants who do the work Calendar Editor Joyce Zibro: Fred Huysmans. Associate Editor Elizabeth Munger; Staff Writer Madge Jacobs: Production Russ Becker: Photography John Bayalis, The Field Museum of Natural History Bulletin is published monthly except August by Field Museum of Natural History, Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive, Chicago. Illinois 60605. Sabscriptions: $6 a year: $3 a year for schools. Members of the Museum subscribe through Museum membership. Opinions expressed by authors are their own and do not necessarily reflect the policy of Field Museum. Unsolicited manuscripts are welcome. Printed by Field Museum Press. Second-class postage paid at Chicago, Illinois. Postmaster: Please send form 3579 to Field Museum of Natural History, Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive, Chicago, Illinois 60605. Field Museum Bulletin Mountain building and the theory of global plate tectonics Bertram G. NX'bodland Very large fold, Zagros mountain belt, southwest Iran- Cliff in foreground is 1,000 feet high. Photo by Hunting Surveys. Ltd. tor the British Petroleum Co.. Ltd. Mountain building, called orogenesis, IS a major earth process which results in a relatively narrow but long zone (hundreds of miles to thousands of miles) of thickened, complexly deformed, altered, and uplifted continental crust. The external forces of weathering and erosion act on the zone to produce the characteristic high mountain ranges and intervening deep valleys seen in the present young mountains of the Alps, Andes, Himalayas, and other ranges. Older mountain belts generally show more subdued relief (although they may have been rejuvenated by vertical uplift) — for example, the Appalachians. Very old mountain belts no longer form high ground, but their linear trend may be seen in the complex structures and rock types of their deformed roots now exposed to view. Some of the major characteristics of complex orogenic belts and various theories of their origin were described in a series of Bulletin articles between November 1965 and May 1966. A new and more inclusive theory, referred to as "the new global theory of plate tectonics," has been elaborated since then. "Tectonics" pertains to the deformational structures present in an area or body of rock. "Plate tectonics" is thus concerned with deformational processes involving plates, the major segments of the upper thin rigid lithosphere of the Earth. The lithosphere includes the crust and part of the upper mantle, and is usually some 40 to 60 miles thick, although thinner in some zones and perhaps thicker in others. The basic concepts of the theory are simple. It has acquired quick prominence and widespread acceptance, mainly perhaps because for the first time many dynamic and tectonic facts and theories, including orogenesis, are successfully integrated into a logical global tectonics. The development of the new theory is related to the vastly accelerated pace of scientific discovery within recent years. The number of scientists has grown, but more importantly, sophisticated new instruments have been developed, and there has been a vast increase in the total number of instruments of all types being used. The results are nowhere seen better than in the mass of data now available concerning the ocean basins — which are some 70% of the Earth's surface. Prior to some twenty years ago our knowledge of the physiography of ocean floors and the geology of the oceanic crust and sub-crust was very poor. Since then numerous highly instrumented oceanographic surveys have produced maps of the floor and information on sediment thickness and age and crustal characteristics. The techniques used have involved both direct drilling and remote sensing of such features as magnetic and gravity anomalies and heatflow. Sub-crustal information has been improved by belter seismographs to record shock waves generated by natural earthquakes and man-made explosions, such as underground nuclear blasts. From all these data a clearer picture of the oceanic crust and sub-crust has emerged. Although contrasts with the continental crust have been further emphasized, the new information has made it possible, for the first time, to erect a theory which depends on and integrates the voluminous data on the structure and history of both the continental and oceanic crust. The Earth may be likened to a heat engine: a source of internal heat (radioactivity) drives internal dynamic processes, whose most obvious manifestations to us are earthquakes (indications of stress) and volcanoes (melting products at high temperatures). May 1972 These now better understood processes are important components of any conceptual model of global dynamics. But other necessary components involve interpretations of the morphological, structural, and compositional data on the crust and sub-crust. The model, then, in turn, enables us to look again at the accumulated data on the continental crust, particularly that exposed to our view on the land surface, and reinterpret them and attempt to develop a more rational view of the evolution of the large-scale features of the Earth's crust through geological time. The boundaries of the plates that constitute the lithosphere are of three fundamental types, fvlid-oceanic ridges form an undersea mountain system 35,000 miles long with a central rift along much of its length. The rift marks one type of boundary between plates. A second type of boundary is comprised of deep sea trenches with associated arcs of volcanic islands (such as the Aleutians) or cordilleran mountain ranges and volcanoes (the Peru-Chile coast, for example). The full extent of these oceanic features was revealed by the late 1950s to early 1960s. Also revealed were magnetic anomalies of the sea floor and major fracture features which offset the mid-ocean ridges. These fracture features, called transform faults, comprise the third boundary type. Recognition of these global features, added to many other tectonic data and theories, undoubtedly contributed to the concept of sea-floor-spreading, enunciated in 1962. As part of this concept, the mid-ocean ridges were interpreted as sites of upwelling of molten rock from the mantle, thus producing new sea floor material, which then spreads away from the ridges and ultimately plunges downward into the mantle at the site of the trenches. Subsequent additional information and interpretations have served to emphasize the plausibility of the theory that the sea floor is spreading. For one thing, magnetic anomalies of large areas of the ocean floors have been mapped. Positive and negative strips characteristically parallel the mid-ocean ridges. More remarkably, the anomalies on one side of a ridge are the mirror- image of those on the other. The strips were interpreted to be the result of volcanic rock welling up at the center of the ridge, cooling, and acquiring a characteristic magnetization from the Earth's magnetic field. The alternately positive and negative character of the strips was explained as the result of the Earth's magnetic field having reversed many times in the past. The fact of the reversals had been discovered from study of the magnetic directions in lava flows. By establishing independently the dates of lava flows, a chronology of magnetic field reversals has been established for the last few million years. The chronology, applied to the magnetic alternations on the ocean floor and extrapolated to about 80 million years ago, thus in effect establishes when the strips of oceanic crust were formed. Evidence from sediments obtained by drilling in the deep ocean and extracting core samples also offers confirmation because the total age of Schematic vertical section of lithosptiere and upper mantle stiowing oceanic littiosptiere (b!ack); continental littiosphere {vertically lined); and plate boundaries at ridges and trencti. Ttie asttienosptiere part of ttie mantle is less rigid ttian tfie littiospfiere. ATLANTIC OCe^^ RIDGE a sediment column increases away f om the ridges. Analysis of seismic waves from earthquakes originating at the ridges, trenches, and transform faults shows that they also are consistent with this tectonic model. Earthquakes in the central rift regions are shallow (less than 6 miles deep), originating in the cooled zone, and indicate outward lateral extension of the lithosphere. Those in the trench region are confined to a thin zone and dip away from the ocean into the mantle under the volcanic island arc or neighboring continent to depths as great as 440 miles. They indicate that there is extension or stretching in the shallowest region, which is where the cool lithosphere bends down. Below this there is underthrusting to depths of about 45 miles. Further below, the data indicate compressional forces parallel to the sinking lithosphere slab. Earthquakes originating on the transform faults indicate sideways slippage of one slab of lithosphere against the other. All these findings have combined to make a picture of lithosphere slabs or plates interacting at their boundaries. These boundaries mark the active tectonic zones of the Earth, with the plates themselves acting rigidly and relatively free from deformation. The concept of plate tectonics holds that the continental crust (averaging about 20 miles thick) is like a passenger on the moving rigid lithosphere plate 60 or more miles thick. Some continental margins — the western coastline of Central and South America — coincide with plate boundaries, have an offshore trench, and are tectonically active. Other continental margins — the Atlantic coastlines — lie within a plate and are not tectonically active. The Atlantic is geologically a young ocean, formed by rupture of continental crust and lateral spreading of new oceanic lithosphere that welled up from the site of the present mid-Atlantic ridge. The western Pacific is marked by plate boundaries at which one plate is being consumed by downward movements into the mantle at the site of deep sea trenches. This explains the Field Museum Bulletin marked tectonic differences between the Pacific and Atlantic margins. The San Andreas fault of California is also a plate boundary, a transform fault connecting ridges in the Gulf of California (a new ocean, like the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden) with ridges off the Oregon coast. The plate to the west of the fault is sliding laterally northwestward relative to the American plate to the east and explains the earthquakes of the area. Two major concerns of earth science can be neatly and persuasively accommodated within the framework of plate tectonics. They are the theory of continental drift and the explanation of erogenic belts and orogenesis. The continental drift theory received new impetus during the early to mid-1950s from the findings of paleomagnetic directions in continental rocks. These are the directions along which the rocks were magnetized in the Earth's magnetic field, from which can be determined the apparent pole position at the time the rocks were formed. Study of rocks of different ages revealed that the position of the pole has changed throughout a large segment of geological time and, further, that this polar wandering path for the North American continent was systematically displaced from that of Europe except for the last few tens of millions of years, when there is an approximate convergence. The displaced curves were explained by continental drift. Since then many additional data have been added, so the continental drift theory is now reinstated and respectable. VOLCANIC CORDILLERA TRENCH 4 MOHO CONTINENTAL LITHOSPHERE I Schematic vertical section of lithosptiere depicting one type of mountain building at plate boundaries: the oceanic tithosphere underthrusts a continental margin. A second variation of mountain building at plate boundaries: an oceanic plate underthrusts another oceanic plate, creating an island arc. DEFORMED CONTINENTAL MARGIN SHEAR ZONE -OLD TRENCH - OCEANIC LITHOSPHERE INCIPIENT UNDERTHRUST A third variation of mountain building involves collision of an island arc and continental lithosphere. The underthrusting that produced the collision has ceased and a new direction of underthrusting has started. The complex structures and rock types of mountain belts can reasonably be explained by the plate tectonic theory. They are the result of the dynamic effects produced where one lithosphere plate underthrusts the leading edge of another plate. There appear to be four main varieties of such interactions, which are shown in the accompanying drawings. One variety occurs as follows. Where the oceanic lithosphere slab bends down and thrusts beneath a continental margin, a deep trench is formed — for example, the Peru- A fourth variation of mountain building occurs when two continental lithosphere plates collide. A shear zone of oceanic lithosphere and sediments marks the site where the former ocean was closed. The compression and underthrusting which suture two continents create a wide zone of deformation and thickened crust. DEFORMED CONTINENTAL MARGIN CONTINENTAL LITHOSPHERE May 1972 Ecuador trench. Oceanic crust and sediments may be squeezed, scraped off, and sheared at the inner trench wall and partly carried down with the slab. Where the slab enters the mantle, It penetrates a zone where the velocity of seismic waves diminishes, which suggests that the rock of the zone is near its melting point. This zone is presumed to behave more plastically than the rigid mantle above and below it, and is given the name asthenosphere. The added frictional effects result in further heating and melting, so that liquid rock, or magma, rises in large volumes to form volcanoes and igneous intrusions into the continental crust. The heat also causes extensive recrystallization and metamorphism of sediments deposited on the continental margin. If the plate consumption slows or stops, readjustment to the force of gravity causes uplift of the sheared masses of sediment, lava, and pieces of oceanic lithosphere that were jammed together beneath the trench. Such zones are recognized in the complex and chaotic belts of the California Coast Ranges, for example. Further evidence of the probable origin of such zones is the presence of rock types indicative of the deep ocean floor — chert, lava, and serpentine. Such altered igneous rocks may represent the lower oceanic crust or upper mantle. These rocks, together with sediments poured into the trough, were recrystallized under conditions of high pressure and relatively low temperature. Uplift and continued igneous activity in the high- temperature erogenic zone are accompanied by deformation, gravity- sliding off the uplifts, erosion, and sedimentation in marginal basins. The second variety of erogenic belt arises when an oceanic plate underthrusts another oceanic plate and creates both a trench and beyond it a volcanic island arc above the high-temperature zone. Most of the effects associated with underthrusting as described above are present except that the high-temperature orogenic belt is constructed on oceanic lithosphere from volcanic activity and its erosional products. No continental crust is present. Modern examples are the Aleutian and Bonin-Mariana arcs and trenches. The other types of interaction involve collisions of continental crust with either an island arc or another continental lithosphere plate. In the case of the former, the oceanic crust originally separating the arc from the continent is consumed and the arc is welded to the continental crust along with the sedimentary accumulation along its margin. The relatively less dense continental crust resists underthrusting. Thus the results are considerable shortening by such processes as complex folding and thrusting. The underthrusting ceases, followed by uplift and erosion Collision of two continental lithosphere plates is a mammoth event which involves closure of an ocean and consumption of the oceanic lithosphere beneath one or both continental margins. As the two continental slabs approach each other, the wedges of sediment at the margins and the tectonic melange of the trench zone converge and are squeezed up and thrust onto the continents. The partial underthrusting grossly overthickens the continental crust, which then rises to great elevations across a very large area. Such a process may be the explanation of the Himalayan Mountains and Tibetan Plateau. Again, the closure of the ocean will be indicated by a narrow zone of rocks from the oceanic plate and trench. These theories of mountain building were constructed from data on the relatively young tectonic features of the Earth. By re-examining the data on more ancient orogenic belts and applying the theories to them, we can attempt to decipher their structures and rock types in terms of plate tectonics. Thus the Appalachian mountain belt appears to be the result of a long, complex history commencing over 600 million years ago with the rupture of a continental plate and growth of an early ocean in roughly the same relative position as the present Atlantic. After some 300 million years of complex events involving island arcs, trenches, and orogenies at plate margins that were being consumed, the ocean closed in a major orogeny that welded the European plate to the North American. Subsequently a new rupturing occurred, commencing about 200 million years ago. Active formation and spreading of the modern Atlantic probably started about 120 million years ago. The rupture does not coincide with the preceding weld or suture, but it parallels it fairly closely and apparently crosses it. The Ural Mountains may mark another suture zone of two continental plates. Other such suture zones of much greater age have been proposed, with the implied suggestion that plate tectonics or a modified form of it has been operative for several billions of years. Many problems remain to be solved relating plate tectonics to geological and dynamic aspects of the Earth. For example, there is the question of how much the volcanic arcs represent new additions to the continental crust derived from the mantle or from re-melting of oceanic lithosphere, and how much is recycled material derived from sediments worn off the continents. Another problem is that there is no ready explanation for the earthquakes that occasionally occur within lithosphere plates rather than at the margins, such as the Mississippi Valley shocks. Such earthquakes apparently are caused by slip along ancient fractures of the crust. The importance of the plate tectonic theory is not only that it explains and integrates major dynamic processes of the Earth. Although many aspects of the theory are not new, its ability to tie together many seemingly independent aspects of the Earth's evolution raises it to the status of a general theory. It thus provides a new way of looking at the geological data on the Earth and a powerful way of re-interpreting broad aspects of the Earth's geological history. It has repercussions for students of evolution and the distribution of the world's flora and fauna. It also has implications for the search for new mineral resources, because their occurrence is directly related to the dynamic processes operating within the Earth. Dr. Bertram G. Woodland is curator of igneous and metamorpliic petroiogy, Department of Geology, Field Museum. Field Museum Bulletin The Early History of the Geology Department Eugene S. Richardson.. Jr. F\ileontology laboratory. 1899. When the Museum's Department of Geology sprang from the brow of Zeus in June 1894, it was not full- panoplied. The staff on Opening Day consisted of a scientist and a label writer, joined a month later by a second scientist. Oliver C. Farrington, curator of geology, was a young man of 30, with a B.S. from the University of Maine (earned at the age of .17) and a Ph.D. from Yale. "The Deacon" (as his Yale friends called him) was already as well acquainted with the Field Columbian Museum as anyone, for while at the U.S. National Museum in 1893 he had been assigned to help put together the geological exhibits for the World's Columbian Exposition, and had even come to Chicago to supervise their installation. At the close of the Exposition the collections that were transferred to the new Museum included those of the Exposition's Department of Mines, Mining and Metallurgy. It was the chief of that department, Frederick J. V. Skiff, who became the Museum's first director. To establish the new Department of Geology and to install its exhibits, Skiff called the man who already knew the material. From December 1893, when the first of the collections started arriving, to June 1894, when the Museum was formally opened, was an apallingly brief time for what had to be done. Geology exhibits were planned, created, and installed in 21 exhibit halls in those six months. Farrington and the label writer could have had virtually no time for other pursuits in their little three-room suite of office, library, and laboratory. The very name of the scrivener has been lost, and I'm not sure that any of his india-ink labels survive. But Farrington held the helm of this department for 39 years. His "Handbook and Catalogue of the Meteorite Collection" (August 1895) was the Museum's first scientific publication. The following winter he left on Geology's first "expedition," a trip to Mexico, where he climbed Popocatepetl and explored its crater, and climbed IxtacihuatI far enough to study its glacier. He brought back ores and rocks for the already growing collection. Ores and rocks were the usual focus of his field work, though for most of his three months in South Dakota in 1898 he was collecting fossil mammals in the Bad Lands, and once while collecting minerals in the interior of Brazil in 1923 he happened upon and collected a portion of a large fossil ground sloth. Farrington's broad interests in mineralogy are reflected in his 101 scientific and popular publications, but his particular enthusiasm is shown by the fact that 36 of these are on meteorites. He once remarked in print that "no survey of Nature can be considered complete which does not include an account of them." By the time of his death in 1933, Farrington had brought the Museum's representation of meteorite falls from short of 200 to almost 700, and the Museum had become recognized as an important center for meteorite study, with the most complete collection in the world. The junior member of the infant department, Henry W. Nichols, remained at the Museum for 50 years, until he retired at the age of 76 in 1944. He was a graduate of Massachusetts Institute of Technology and had been on its teaching staff before coming to the Museum. His field work, like Farrington's, usually involved ores and rocks, but he often May 1972 made observations and measurements to be used in making models of landforms to show geological processes, or of industrial installations to illustrate the recovery or use of geological products. In 1917 he took his surveying equipment to Natural Bridge, Virginia, then accounted one of the noblest sights of our continent. The director reported: "The survey made by the Assistant Curator is, so far as known, the first detailed survey of the Bridge that has been accomplished since that conducted by Thomas Jefferson shortly after the close of his term as President." In the succeeding months Nichols and a preparator or two constructed the scale model that is still on exhibit. I particularly like that model; shortly before "the Assistant Curator" arrived with his theodolite, my own parents had had their honeymoon at Natural Bridge. In his full-panoplied prime. Dr. Nichols wore a neatly trimmed full beard, perhaps the inspiration for the nickname of "Foozleduck" affectionately used behind his back. He was stubbornly attached to that beard, even when it met with an accident while he was investigating a gold mine near Porcupine, Ontario in 1919. Overtaken by a forest fire, he had to dive for the only available refuge, a shallow stream. As the fire swept past, it impartially consumed the right side of the beard along with the grass and shrubbery. Otherwise unharmed, Dr. Nichols rose from the ashes, dusted himself off, and returned to Chicago and the Museum with half a beard. His colleagues throughout the Museum knew Dr. Nichols as a thoughtful and gracious person, generous of his time and talents. Though as an elderly man he might sometimes doze off at his desk, his ingenuity was unimpaired. In 1936, addressing himself to an anthropological problem, he devised a chemical treatment for the malignant patina afflicting some of the ancient bronzes, and treated many of the specimens himself. Three years later, faced with the need for large slabs of rock for study and exhibition, he and his preparator, Val Legault, devised the peculiar instrument that is still respectfully reassembled when the same need arises: the "meteorite saw," based on a reciprocating strap of steel and a sludge of abrasive. In 1942, when military enlistments had decimated his department, the 74-year- old chief curator, with the help of the one remaining preparator, personally installed the new exhibit of industrial minerals that occupied an entire half of Hall 37. Normally, of course, the department has not been so short-handed. From the first there were laboratory assistants, and Dr. Farrington even had a helper to go with him to the Bad Lands in 1898. This was Elmer S. Riggs, graduate of the University of Kansas and then a graduate student at Princeton. The next year Riggs was appointed assistant curator of paleontology and had his own "expedition" — to Medicine Bow, Wyoming, with H. W. Menke as an assistant. They shipped back five tons of miscellaneous pieces of Jurassic dinosaurs. For the next 41 years Riggs was often in the field, collecting fossils in well-known localities. When he and his preparator, John Abbott, were working in the Red Deer Valley in Alberta in July 1922 with George Sternberg, a well-known professional collector, he received word that the Captain Marshall Field Expedition to Argentina had been approved. The three men struck their tents, crated their ten tons of dinosaurs and other fossils, and hurried back to Chicago. By November they had everything ready and sailed for Argentina. For five years Riggs and various assistants, including his brother Harold, collected in Argentina and Bolivia. Many of the fossils they sent back are still among the spectacular exhibits in Hall 38. Hall 38 is dominated by the large Brontosaurus skeleton. Its tail, hindquarters, and trunk were collected by Riggs and Menke near Fruita, Colorado, in 1901, and within the year the individual bones were being separately put on display as they were prepared. The assembled hind end of Brontosaurus remained an imposing but incomplete exhibit for a couple of generations, until James Quinn and Orville Gilpin in 1941 collected a matching neck and forequarters in nearby Utah, and Gilpin made the present composite mount. A bronze tablet erected by a local newspaper marks the site of Riggs' 1901 excavation. In that same area Menke came upon portions of a still larger dinosaur, which Riggs described in 1903 as Brachiosaurus, the largest known reptile. Naturally, the spectacular vertebrates were the first fossils to receive formal attention, but as the department grew, an assistant curator of fossil invertebrates, Arthur W. Slocom, was added in 1906. For a while it was a four-man department, and Slocom's annual field trips to New York, Michigan, Iowa, or Illinois added hundreds of Paleozoic invertebrate fossils to the study collections. Among these were many new species, which he described in five Museum publications. Slocom left in 1913 to become curator of the Walker Museum of the University of Chicago, and the senior staff was again down to three until 1925, when Sharat K. Roy took Slocom's old job. Before Roy came to the United States from his native India he had studied at the Universities of Calcutta and London, and had served during World War I in the British-Indian Army. In this country he earned a master's degree at the University of Illinois and a Ph.D. at the University of Chicago. He later succeeded Dr. Nichols as head of the Geology Department. Hardly any Indians have become sub- arctic explorers; Sharat was scarcely well settled at the Museum before he joined the 1927-28 Rawson-Macmillan Expedition to Baffin Land and Labrador, as geologist for the Museum. After a summer of geological and other observations on Baffin Island, the party moved into winter quarters at Anatalak Bay, Labrador. "Labrador seemed warm in comparison to our sojourn in Frobisher Bay, but soon the whizzing hordes of insects yielded place to snow and sleet, and, before we had time to realize it, winter came with its biting wind and killing cold. . . . But despite adverse conditions, the lure of Field Museum Bulletin the Arctic is irresistible," A photograph of their winter quarters (which they built themselves) shows a comfortable frame house deeply banked with snow. The four Field Museum men — Art Rueckert, artist-taxidermist; A, C. Weed, ichthyologist; Duncan Strong, anthropologist; and Roy, the geologist — were, on the whole, adequately provisioned. But toward the end of winter Rueckert and Roy found that because of unforeseen depletion of one critical resource, it was necessary to dip now and then into the supply of alcohol that Weed had brought along for preserving his fishes. They were careful to maintain the level by judiciously adding water. This makeshift served them well for a few weeks, though they did feel that the quality was consistently deteriorating. The aperitif hour was abruptly discontinued when they returned one day from a brisk walk to surprise a colleague dry-cleaning his underwear In the alcohol. Nevertheless, Roy always held happy memories of the arctic. His connection with Baffin Island was recognized some years later when a chart of the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey was published with a "Mount Sharat" indicated on the shore of Frobisher Bay. This was rather a surprise to the Canadians, but they took it in good part, particularly as it later appeared that there was no mountain in that vicinity anyhow. The name had been applied in some distant office to a purely conventional group of form- lines that someone noticed on the locality map, redrawn from Charles Francis Hall, which Roy had included in his 1941 monograph on the results of the expedition. Roy was a mild-mannered man, often shy, often with a driving sense of urgency. One of his colleagues who bought a car that Roy had owned for a few years found that it took him a couple of months to get the accelerator pedal to accept the intermediate positions between full throttle and none. We are reminded that "getting there is half the fun" as we recall an occasion when Roy set out from Chicago to collect fossils In upper New York State, and didn't notice until he came to a bridge across the Mississippi that he had made a wrong turn somewhere. His drive for perfection was familiar to his friends m the elaborate care that he invested in preparing one of his famed curry dinners. The repast might be delayed for three hours while the proper nuances were developing. Such Oriental patience led him once to spend three weeks systematically hunting for fossils at a Newfoundland locality before finding the richly fossiliferous layer that made it all worthwhile. Sharat Roy's first interest was paleontology, and particularly fossil invertebrates. When he was serving as an officer in the U.S. Army Air Force in the Indian Theater in 1945 (he had asked for arctic duty!), he spent a month's leave making an extensive collection of Permian fossils for the Museum in the classic Salt Range locality in the Punjab. But upon becoming chief curator after the war, he felt an obligation to broaden his interests to other geological fields. He had already made some glaciological studies on the Rawson-Macmillan Expedition; now for a period of nine years he made field studies on the volcanoes of Central America, interspersed with studies of certain stony meteorites that took him to collections in Europe and India. When he died in office at the age of 64, he had published 62 papers in a variety of fields. This brief sketch has covered only the beginnings of the Museum's Geology Department. The four scientists so cursorily introduced established its direction and some of its traditions; together they gave a total of 160 years to the Museum. In the years between and overlapping these men and those of the present staff, who are introduced elsewhere in this issue, is another dozen of strong and present memory who continued this history. They must await a sequel — which, if public clamor is sufficiently raucous, will appear in a future issue. Dr. Eugene S. Richardson, Jr. is curator ot fossil invertebrates. Department of Geotogy, Field Museum. May 1972 "The mile -wide mutterings of unimagined rivers" John Clark wmmmi^t-r'- ^;::^^^^s^H':^^w^^^'^'-'^''^^-^ Kipling's Explorer would feel lost in our modern world: there are no unimagined rivers left to explore. But fie need only step back into tfie past to explore tfie unknown again. Wfiat were thie landscapes of tfiirty million years ago? Or forty million, or one fiundred million? Where were the mountains, and what rivers inexorably wore them down? What continents enjoyed tropic balm, where were the deserts, and where and when did ice ages chill the Earth? It is our privilege to search for answers to these questions, to ask the rocks and try to understand what they may tell us. For example, consider the picture of the northeastern Colorado plains, with a sinuous ledge of sandstone sweeping across them. That ledge was once the course of a meandering stream, and the sandstone is the sand and gravel that formed its bed. How wide was the stream, and how deep? As wide as the broken ribbon of rock, about 100 feet, and as deep as the thickest cross-beds, about 4 feet. How fast did the current flow? About 5 miles an hour, judging from the size of the pebbles that it carried. And where were its headwaters? In a particular section of the Colorado Front Range, just at the Wyoming-Colorado border, because only there do granites of the types found in its pebbles occur together. A little arithmetic shows us that this 35-million-year-old river carried about 1,500 cubic feet of water per second, when it was running bank-full. That would be smaller than the Fox and the Desplaines Rivers, and somewhat larger than the Du Page. The stream was, naturally, both swifter and cleaner than our rivers in northeastern Illinois. Studies like this, of every 35-million- year-old stream deposit from Colorado through Montana, make possible maps of ancient geography. From them we can estimate, roughly, the runoff and the rainfall of the past. Falls of ash from ancient volcanoes give us direction of prevailing winds; and fossil animals and plants, plus rock chemistry, tell us something of temperatures. So we can build a history of Earth's topography and climate, through time. As a visitor once said to me, "So what? That rain won't get me wet, and these rocks aren't even pretty! Why do this?" There are three answers to that question: my own reasons, the reasons of science, and practical reasons. My own reasons are simple: I find this the most fascinating exercise on earth. Even if it had no practical application, I would do it. From the standpoint of fundamental science, this information fits into the whole body of Earth history like the missing pieces of a puzzle. Indirectly, it helps us to understand stream action, flood plain deposition, and climatic controls. From the entirely practical viewpoint, the action of streams relative to their flood plains is most important. Billions of dollars worth of property and millions of human lives the world around are affected by it. We can never be sure when one piece of information from the past may be the one we need for better control of rivers. More directly, study of past climatic change is important to us. We have learned that climates change rapidly, even by human let alone historic standards. In 1870 Chicago had the cool temperatures that presently affect Green Bay, Wisconsin. Our climate warmed rapidly from 1870 to 1955. Since then it has cooled rapidly. If this cooling trend continues, the Russian and Canadian wheat-growing regions will be wiped out. If it reverses and the climate warms up again, Texas and Kansas may find wheat growing impossible. Groundwater for our suburban areas, and the very existence of Lake Michigan, will be affected. I'm not an applied scientist, nor does Field Museum work in applied science. It is our job to learn the fundamentals about climatology so the applied scientists can put those fundamentals to human use. Neither the fundamental nor the applied scientists can function without the ■ other half of the team. We in the Geology Department are proud of our responsibility. Dr. John Clark is associate curator ol sedimentary petrology. Department of Geology, Field Museum. Field Museum Bulletin Light blue topaz. 167 carats, cut from crystals in background. institutions as well as by our own curatorial staff. It would be e;