vs \ \ \ HH” (ile Yi tii Hj tj ZZ Z LF ty \ i G Lie \) \\ & \ ANG \ \Y A AY AGS \ SUN aN Des, ‘ AN NN YAN WAN) WN YY WY AS \ N ANS \ RS CAN NY iN SANG AN iN WY NWA AWAY y SY » : ANY ; ei ma Sh ss Ye NSS YY AWS ¥ AY Maw \ eS Ny SESS j A q SA ; I INC Wy Onn wy RN : AN NY y SY y WY NY ty SIN Ne AS ee \ NNN » SH SA \ y \ RN 4 AN RNY AY ANY AK LAMY INGA ANY NY t Ot vy 3 Sh Ny ANS SY Btcos ANN ~ ms FAY By ON i oy x \ AY 4 AY AN . . \ tity; CHEE ti: A, AES: th SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 60 HANDBOOK OF ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES PARE _ ‘ i = - * ee ; j 7 : - . - 7 - - 7 . Pe - : 7 = es 7 i ; » ws i : i : 7 ry = - ~~ - . ; \ 5 - : oo) = ~ ee ae ' a uu - ‘ CONTENTS Page ie The place of archeology-in. human history::-2.2s2 2.42 432 -Saen al II. Resources and agencies of archeologic science......-.-------------- 9 III. Progress of archeologic research........-----: Ben We, Kaltes Sn eoeaon Sees 13 Wie eroblemsiorraceand culture Orieiis.... 2 sess =) eee = earner 18 V. Problems of intercontinental communication........--...--------- 32 Welembroblemsronmicration.: <2. a2 02 222 tee ors eters eee oe 36 VII. Problems of culture development and mutation................---- 44 Wallienieroblemsiotichronolopy.: #52214 2os-ene ete eee ee a eee 51 exer Culture characterization areass 2.522 5=5-52- see eee ee ee 95 eee North Atlantic ared sy =22.= 2 32a. ya ee eres 99 Ze he Georcia-lloridajanea 22222225 ss os eee es 102 3. The Middle and Lower Mississippi Valley area...........--- 105 4. The Upper Mississippi and Great Lakes area. ........-..-. 108 5. The Great, Plains and Rocky Mountain area...........---- 110 Gee Ari datea 20h: kee oe es ee eee oreo eee 111 Tee lulnenCallnitorm ian an ee yaa eee eee eet oe eye 114 Sie Phe Columbiaciraser area.2-cessce-e= aaa re ee aay Oo ihvesNorthwest. Coast. area... <22..0.-52 26 sooo a ere eee asi 119 1OpehesArctic, Coast area. 2: 5401652 gaeceee secs lest S-pree= 120 li-The-Great Northern Interior area... 5-2 ss6s222 ee 2 123 euhe: NortheMiexicant ares 2.22. 2aye = yee ears ee 123 lee the Middle Mexican areas. 2252352. e eee sete 125 j4=. The South Mexicanvarea=. 2. 9222.5.- 2 eee eee een Sie 128 los Che Maya Quiche aed. hsccnctt ns ot eee ec eee «ere 129 il6s"Lhe: Central American-Isthmuianaress ss: 222. 82 5j2ee ee 132 te The North Andean-Paciiic areas 222.2552. eela eer 134 isa Uhe: Middle"Amdeéan-Paciticiarceass.c-2 sss. esa eee) 136 1OreRhe SoutheAmdean-Paciic areas sss =e es ee rere 140 20) shhe Amazon Delitaiaxveas:: 2.2% 4-2. es eee ee ae 141 Zi Primitive: South America s2-.sc2 42225 eee sense nose 142 Doe ihe. West, lndranion Am tilleam areas =e sees Rererre erree 145 Ne OlAssicatiON OL Ant UIbles. cs 5 his pete eee eee ee eee 148 Se aeRO Oe ene ee eee Rr Oo eee ee A eae . Suggested manner of holding the quarry implement.............- . Examples of the blades produced and ready for hafting as hoes. . 1. Hoe blade specialized to facilitate hafting..................-.---- a vlucheised abrading stone. .<.... .cdesteeccince eet ssteceemess saekejected' blade used asian abrader...- 222 .2-c258..02 520 oss se . Chipping implements made of the base of deer antlers.......-.--- . Manner of using the antler hammer, unhafted...............--- . Manner of using the antler hammer, hafted........---...------- . Sketch map of the Indian Mountain novaculite quarry........-- . Sketch map of a small portion of the Magnet Cove novaculite AGU UIT Sepa arate aaa, Sh 2 ch mera on a oe . Section through a single quarry pit well filled with shop débris. - . Plan of lodge shop site showing central fire pit and circle of chert . Workshop sites with depression in the center, probably the lodge 12) 0) E21 6, & i a a= nce cea Oe ce ee 2. Series illustrating the full range of quarry shop rejects.......-.-- melerenralliMovGaUSe On tal UTC sears = ae er eee tee yer . Comparatively thin blade found among the refuse........ nore ete 5. Blade broken near point of completion.........-....--.-------- 86. . Nucleus from which flake knives have been struck............-- Slightly notched specimen, possibly used as a pick........------ Sketch map of the Wyoming quartzite quarry area.............-- . Present appearance of the Wyoming quartzite quarries........-- d fo) . Giant columns of impure obsidian, Obsidian Canyon, Yellowstone INYFESyTi 1G Tn ean Ne aT Mc pee ee ate ee epee eee Obsidian placdesmroml Calatornias 2. eee come oo pte eere rate eerrae Obsidian workers 1m) Califor. 2222 see eee eee ee eee . Great deposits of obsidian flakes and other shop refuse, Mountain Olatine: Kanes MexICO: 2 os cisc2cc. cers eee Sona oe eee eee ee . Section of the great deposit of flakage, obsidian mines, Mountain Outhe Knives: Mexico.2..4. 55-4 2ccs ee eee eta ernie see . Hammerstones from the obsidian mines of Mexico.......--..---- . Roughed-out nuclei intended for blade making, rejected on ac- count of defects of fracture, Mountain of the Knives, Mexico... . Exhausted or nearly exhausted nuclei from the Valley of Mexico. . Seraper-like objects from the refuse heaps, Mountain of the KKemav6s)) MOX1 CO x steer: cpt Sereno Sn et eno tae eae . Large flakes slightly specialized for undetermined uses, Moun- Tain. othe Knives: Mex Coss he cta. fem oe Memes seniiae cee ee ae . Types of implements from the fields near the obsidian mines, Mountaimuotr the Knives, Mexic0s.-=-ss2 a2 see ete eee ae . Lump of soapstone partly cut out of the mass..............-..:. 3. The stump left by breaking off the globular lump................ . Unfinished vessels broken during the shaping work.........-.--..- . Rudely finished vessels from village sites ............-....---.-- . Appearance of the Clifton quarry, Virginia, after cleaning out-... . Chisel and pick like forms of quarry implements..........-.---..- . Chisel and pick like forms of quarry implements................- . Grooved axes employed as picks in the quarry work...........-- . Grooved axes employed as picks in the quarry work............- IX Page 190 190 191 19st 192 192 192 193 194 194 197 199 202 203 204 205 206 206 207 208 208 rata 212 212 215 216 217 219 Ficur_ lI11. ILLUSTRATIONS Gouge of New England type employed in the Connecticut Avenue QUALTIECS: ds -n8 coe coc. - eee See eee ree tee see eee ree 2. Traces of aboriginal work in soapstone quarry, Santa Catalina Telatidincs 2. 2c8 ais nsc a Since Oe ieee eee = ee Seer aire ees The soapstone workers, a life-size group prepared by the writer for the Panama California Exposition and repeated in the IN toma) Muse ari psa eee eee ere eee 114. Stoneimplements from the ancient mica mines of North Carolina. . - 115. Stone implements from the ancient mica mines of North Carolina. . 116. Sketch map showing the relation of the Robinson and Sink Hole THOTAOS 5 2 ogc ec og we lpn ae ee ee ee Pcp eevee ore 117. Distant view of the Robinson mine.......--..---------------- 118.. The Robinsom ming, on-crest.ofridge. 22. -4-.a-- 22-2. see secs 119. Section of the Robinson’mine2..22....-.22.2-. 22-2425 2242-2 120. Sketch indicating the present appearance of the mine........-.-- 12) Section of the Clarisss mine See eeeee eee ena se eee ee eee 122. Photographic views of the Clarissa mine........-.----.---------- 123. Sketch map of the pipestone quarry..--..---------------------- 124. Catlin’s sketch of the pipestone quarry....-.-..-....--.--------- 125. The almost complete obliteration of the earlier pittings. Pipe- stonesvillaceumi thie distances=.a-2.2-teeeeeeeeeesees sees se. 126. Appearance of the present quarries.........--.------------+----- 127. The Sioux at work with steel tools..............-..-.--------.- 128. Indian miner breaking up the exposed margin of the pipestone VVC 255) Sra ye es 2 cee erate le ere ee eee 129. Section of the pipestone quarry..........-------+-+-2252--5---- 130. Hammerstones used in the quarry work before the acquirement of steel toolse.,,. 23 SRR eee ye aye ers ee nays oe a 131. Grooved sledges of the Plains tribes found on the shop sites. ..... 132. Examples of worked bits of the pipestone from the camp sites. . 133. Commercial pipe and trinket maker at work near the quarries. . . 154. Great granite bowlders near the quarries, brought from the far naesad moneda heibwh Wee sen he eee meee eo eR a ie 135. A heap of ancient mining tools thrown out of the quarry........~ 136. Examples of the stone sledge heads, picks, and hammers found in TH@sINID CS ocx: dee ee eee ae eee ee 137. Wall of a modern iron mine, exposing the ancient tunnels. ...... 138. Section indicating the general character of theancient tunneling. -- 159. One of the figures of the model of the hematite workers, pre- pared by the writer for the Panama California Exposition... - - 140. Stone sledge heads from the ancient turquoise mines at Los Ceril- los, Ne Mex. 5.5 cee eee ee 141. The stonecutters of Yucatan. From a group in the National Museum. 2 2ic.cnchoste dees seo ee 142. Types of hammerstones. .222.2.-.2 2s seeesea eee eee 143. Pitted hammerstones employed in a wide range of uses, and of very Peneral occurrence: 22.25. soe see eee ee eee I44. Free-hand fracture of a bowlder witha bowlder hammer........... 145. Flint working by Ishi, a Yahi Indian of California..............--- 146. First step in the making of a thin blade................--.----- 147. a, One face chipped all around but unsuccessful because not flat enough—a reject. 6, Successful so far because flat enough to insure a thin blade, provided the other side chips equally flat. . 240 243 244 246 247 247 248 250 250 251 254 255 256 257 258 209 259 260 261 261 263 265 266 267 268 269 270 FIGURE 148 149. ILLUSTRATIONS . Beginning of the chipping of the second side of the bowlder. A pad was generally used to protect thehand.........-...-...----- a, Profile of a blade, unsuccessful because too thick. 6, Profile of a blade, successful because thin enough to serve as a knife, or as the blank form for a projectile point.......<.2.522,$522<<022-0<- . Types of the blades, the blank forms of implements, produced in {HOR OUE Ne act: ree ae ana een eT gn. at, Bee . Example of failure in blade making due to malformation..........- . Example of cross fracture under the hammer near the completion TIL Eh OEY Kel ceaes ee ne ee Re ICTR: F Tb TOPs An Sas OES Late . Cross-fractured blade, one-half of which was found, and also a dozen of the flakes struck from it with the hammer. Flakes set PaveKer IO DIACEs eet sce cs acs oS Sue meee oe ee eee ieee eee tees . Limited degree of specialization of the blades, possible by per- cussion with flat discoidal hammers..................--------- 5. Large, thick, animal-shaped figure of flint, probably specialized exclusively with the hammerstone...-.... 04. solo.---1s eee . Flint blade the specialization of which would exceed the capacity Gli slaves laksporboaVergsiro) aK yee Hee ae ae ee oe es . Indirect percussion; three hands employed..........-.-.-.----- . Free-hand fracture with hammer and deer-horn punch..........-- . Fracture of a stone held in the hand by striking it against an anvil BUOMC ester hac. knee SoS eee eS TE SNe ee ee ia eee . Fracturing a large stone with a hammerstone cast asa missile... ..- . Useofahammerstone in making flakes. ..............----.------- . Shapinga blade at rest by fracture with a hammerstone........--- . Chipping astone held at rest by strokes of a hammerstone.........- 4. Pebble from which flakes have been removed by strokes of the Ing yomian’sy pa See ene Uae tere p neds 5 ee See . Hammerstones used also as anvils, as indicated by the scarring. - . Hammerstones used also as anvils, as indicated by the scarring. - . Flakes made from water-worn bowlders by a single stroke of the INGA ETS GOMe Sees ae aan ee Se ee ee eee Restiracture with hammer and punch..2:.272--22eessees-5- 5-22 . Fracture by resting a blade upon an anvil and tapping it from PHoyonidey vyialel aves ol: aah oat) eee ee ete oo ae ee . Notching a blade by resting it on a sharp-edged anvil and tapping MupwalOvahamimneres 2-2 cree, cc yee ee ee ee eee . Free-hand pressure chipping with a bone point......-......-...- . Sharpening an arrow point by chipping with a bone point......-.-- 'lxamples of pressure chipping toolsy..22-.- 22.5 sees eet. oo . Positions and movements in pressure chipping.......-.-.-....-.- . Paiute Indian chipping a knife blade witha bone point .......-..- . Relative position of the implements in the hands of the Paiute Tirchiyies MO TG Jae 2 2:52 ice in dine aizoe cee ete cee ae ee eee eee eel . Free-hand pressure chipping of the Klamath Indians. .......-.-.- . Free-hand pressure chipping of the Klamath Indians. .......-..--- . Position in chipping with a bone point by the Wintoons...........- palient-workine' by Ishi. ....2.ss<20 sie ce see emct eis sees ses . Bone chipping implement of the Eskimo.................--.----- . Method of flaking by Mexican Indians as described by Torque- mada, and by western United States tribes as described by Calne Fees ts, 2.5 says oe nts ela ee oo pee eres eae oats atoms eciese ote ets ape 293 323 XIT ILLUSTRATIONS Ficure 183. Australian method of chipping as described by Balfour...-...--- 184. Flaking and notching tools used by Ishi_-.-... 222... 2-22.22 sce 185. The secondary process—chipping the obsidian.............----- 186. The process of notching and serrating............-.----+-------- 187. Shaping a stone ax by the pecking (crumbling) process........-- 188. Method of holding the discoidal hammerstone............------- 189. Typical discoidal hammierstones. scx -.25- toes ee cee.n~ cesses ans 190. Stone axes in process of manufacture by pecking (crumbling) with. hammerstones secs. scans oe et oes eae tears ape nai 191. Incipient grooved axes showing the effects of pecking (crumbling) with’ a hammerstonest2 2: 22a ne eet ete ae os eeseals 192. Specimens illustrating successive steps in shaping hatchet blades by iracture, crumbling: andvermdine 2.423. .aces2 aes cqnac 193. Carving with a pointed bit of stone held in the hand...........- 194. Probable manner of employing the chisel in carving stone... -.. - 195. A chisel-like blade of flint from Yucatan.............-..-..-.-- 196. Three forms of the crumbling-carving process—with mallet and chisel, with hafted pick, and with pick held in the hand...... 197. Partially dressed blocks of stone in an ancient quarry at Mitla, MexdGO.uce iets eee Sessa teeeee se eee celine sete eased 198. Rude stone-cutting (crumbling) implements found on a quarry rarevenr Wotlk Wkebateoge- 9-4 See Se Se See ee 199. Marvelous mural masonry of the ancient Peruvians........-...- 200. Carving of the massive rock in place by the ancient Peruvians. - - 201. Common forms of abrading stones from the Atlantic States...... 202. Type of whetstone of jade in common use among the western Eiskimg ./52)3 22 224.5 oi Serato Seer errs, Se eS eras aera ere ep tetera aie 203. Grooves produced by the abrasion of implements..........-.--- 204. Series of positions illustrating abrading work with a small hand Implements: Byot et ohie oe See eee Sie Sere ei stereo 205. A California Indian grinding shell ornaments on a flat stone... -- 206. Traces of abrading work left in rock bodies in place....-.....--- 207. Use of theisaw-abraderssa-teerseee ee eee eee eee oe 208. Showing the result of sawing from opposite sides and breaking the thin septum. 22.2222 eae eS ee es Oe ee Ee 2095 Solid’ stone dial pounitis sees ssa oe ee tee ee ee 210, Drill pomts of chipped flint. 22-2522 2 ees eee eee on eee ee 211. Tubular drill of copper and section of bore............----..-.--- 212. Bowl of travertine vase partially excavated by tubular drill... .. 213. Alabaster tablet with the bone drill found in place.........-.-.- 214, Primitive method oi crllan ce geese ee eve eee tree re 215. Primitive method of drallame 255 25 foyer eae eater 216. ‘Primitive method of dinlllan cee. eee eee tee eee Ziq, Primitive metho ascot carl iin oe eee eee eee rea 218. Primitive'methdd!of drilling sate eee eee ees 219; Primitive methodol callin cee eee eee ee eee eee 220, ‘Primitive meth odor revel iii Oe eee eee ree 221. Primitive method ot dylan ea. seeemeees oh aces os eee at 292. Weishted: drills... 22. ces gcecheneen mean eeeete eCto eee kiaen i 223. a, Use of strong strokes by a broad-pointed implement, probably hafted. 6, Use of a narrow-pointed implement, probably unhafted. «asec. coseeek Seer eee ee eee. seeeemen eee 360 PREFACE HE present work forms one of the series of handbooks of the Bureau of American Ethnology, which was conceived as the natural and necessary outgrowth of the Handbook of American Indians (Bulletin 30), a comprehensive treatise com- pleted and sent to press while the writer was Chief of the Bureau. It was planned to have a series of at least 12 separate handbooks which should cover as many grand divisions of the subject matter embodied in brief form in Bulletin 30. The first of this series to be submitted for pub- lication was the Handbook of American Indian Languages (Bul- letin 40), Part 1, and the second, the present memoir, the Hand- book of American Antiquities. This work is not designed as a formal presentation of American archeology in which the antiquities are described and discussed country by country, or region by region, in geographical sequence, but rather as a reference aaa work or manual, the principal purpose of which is to assemble and present the antiquities of the conti- nent in such a manner and order as to make them readily available to the student who shall undertake to present a comprehensive view of the evolution of culture among men. The present volume is, in large measure, introductory to the systematic presentation of the antiquities; it deals with the scope of archeologic science, the character, extent, and classification of its subject matter, the progress of research; with the several important problems which present themselves for solution, including those of race origin, migrations, culture evolution, and chronology; with the ethnic characterization areas; with the acquirement of the sub- stances employed in the arts; and finally with the manipulation of stone. The second volume is to be devoted exclusively to the implements, utensils, and other minor artifacts of stone. These are given pre- cedence over other grand divisions of the subject matter for the reason that they lie at the foundation of Stone Age culture, and, for that matter, at the foundation of all progress toward the civilized XIII The Handbook Series XIV PREFACE state, and at the same time are the chief reliance of the historian and chronologist who seeks to write the early chapters of the story of humanity. Additional volumes are expected to treat of all the re- maining materials—mineral, animal, and vegetable—and it is fur- ther planned to give separate consideration to the more important arts and industries practiced by the native peoples, as building, sculpture, the textile and fictile arts, and metallurgy. While the preliminary studies for this work were under way, the writer was called upon to take charge of the archeological collections of the National Museum, with which he had been more or less familar for 40 years. These collections, at the time of his transfer from the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Museum, were in process of removal from the old to the new Museum building and had to be reassembled, classified, labeled, and installed in exhibition cases designed and built for the purpose. This arduous and prolonged yet agreeable task was executed in the most painstaking manner and extended over the years 1909-1913. In this way the collections, which had accumulated in a somewhat random way during half a century, became intimately familiar to the writer, and their study led not only to a more complete understanding of the characteristics, technical history, and functions of the many classes of objects, but opened the way to suitable methods of museum presentation and to their rational application to the solution of the various problems of aboriginal history. Dr. Charles Rau, an archeologist of exceptional acumen, was the first custodian of antiquities in the Museum and Early Publications published a number of valuable papers relating to the collection as it existed during his incumbency (1877-87), and for a number of years Mr. Frank H. Cushing was associated with him in the work, gaining a mastery of the subject which proved of great service to him in his subsequent valuable field researches among the tribes. Dr. Thomas Wilson followed Dr. Rau (1887-1902), and during his custodianship published a number of volumes, in which portions of the national collections were described and illustrated. The work of this early period was, however, in the main preliminary to a more systematic and comprehensive dis- cussion of the materials of American archeology. An elaborate catalogue of the national collections was begun by Dr. Rau, but re- mained unfinished at the time of his death. Numerous excellent illus- trations prepared under his direction by Mr. Charles F. Trill, a master draftsman, were utilized by Dr. Wilson, and selections from the same will appear in the present work. The National Collections PREFACE XV While the Museum staff during the past 50 years was gradually accumulating, studying, and installing the collections, Bee welt. field researches conducted by Government experts in various branches were actively adding new material and amassing besides a great body of information relative to the tribes and their culture, present and past. Major Powell began his epoch-making studies among the tribes of the arid region in the late sixties, and the succeeding half century witnessed the gradual build- ing up of the Bureau of American Ethnology, which has done so much toward placing on record the present and the past of the northern aborigines. Researches carried forward by other institu- tions and by individuals at home and abroad during this period have aided in greatly extending our knowledge of the aboriginal culture of the entire continent, placing the science of American archeology on a substantial and permanent footing. Many of the problems of antiquity have been solved, but. still cthers remain which must await fuller investigation than has yet been possible. Among these are the origin of the native race, the period or periods of arrival in America, the routes of migration, the areas occupied by the successive incoming groups, the character and relations of the cultures introduced, the influence of environments and of successive environments on the people and their culture, and the manner in which the stages of culture supervened one upon another, together with their general chronology. Indeed, some of the questions can never be fully answered, as the solutions are unrecorded in the objective forms of art with which archeology has principally to deal. However, the deep mystery which a short time ago enshrouded some of the greater problems is now dispelled and visions of mysterious races and lost civilizations haunt the minds of those only who have failed to keep in touch with the progress of archeological research throughout America. Archeology deals primarily with the material relics of antiquity, deriving from them what it can of the past of the aborigines, but its researches extend to a much wider field, as will be shown in succeeding pages. However, it does not assume to comprise the whole of the so-called “age of stone,” since our aboriginal history as a whole lies entirely within the so-called age or stage of stone. Intelligently conceived, a dis- cussion of the Stone Age does not signify merely a study of objective antiquities but a comprehensive consideration of the whole subject matter of the aboriginal peoples and their culture. The expression “Stone Age” as applied to America has thus a wider significance than even the term “archeology,” comprehending, as it does, somatology, psychology, language, religion, social systems, tech- Unsolved Prob- lems Scope of the Stone Age XVI PREFACE nology, and esthetics, embracing in each department the problems of evolution, chronology, geography, and general history. The ultimate purpose of the archeologist working within his special field is not merely to classify and describe the antiqui- ties, but to aid in acquiring and making available such full and intimate knowledge of all the phe- nomena of aboriginal culture as to render possible their accurate application to the elucidation of the American race and thus to the history of the human race as a whole. In the researches of the Bureau of American Ethnology the south- ern limit of these activities has usually coincided Northern America with the northern boundary of Mexico, although it is probable that a more natural line of demarcation between Northern and Middle America could be drawn across north- ern Mexico, for it is here that there appears to be a somewhat decided break in the continuity of peoples and cultures.!| The peculiar cul- ture of the mound-building tribes practically ends with the lower valley of the Rio Grande, but the culture characterizing the arid re- gion extends in slightly variant forms well into Mexico. It was not in the original plan to extend the present work to Middle and South America, for the reason that until recent years researches in these regions had not been carried far enough to make a reasonably well rounded presenta- tion ef southern antiquities possible, and even now the task of covering this vast ground meets with much embarrassment from lack of reliable knowledge. In these countries the early explorers have given their chief attention to the architectural and other striking and showy remains, leaving the minor relics in a large measure unobserved; however, more recently much good work, though not often fully intensive work and covering limited areas only, has been done by Middle and South American students as well as by those of Northern America and Europe. It is well understood that the culture as well as the peoples of the West Indian Islands have kinship with the cul- West Indies ture and peoples of South America rather than of North America, but recent researches, especially those of Fewkes under the auspices of the Bureau of American Ethnology in cooperation with the staff of the Museum of the Amer- ican Indian, have made the antiquities of the Antilles so well known that they can be presented with reasonable fullness. Purpose of Re- search Middle and South America 1It has been found convenient in presenting the materials of antiquity to refer to the continent as comprising three grand divisions, Northern, Middle, and South America, the first including North America down to middle northern Mexico and the second from this boundary to the Gulf of Darien. PREFACE XVII The Hawautian Islands and Samoa are remote from the American shores, but a brief review of their antiquities may Hawaiiand Samoa be embodied in this work for comparative purposes. It is not assumed that intimate relations existed be- tween these and other Pacific islands and the American Continent during early or even late pre-Columbian times, but analogies are found to exist between the antiquities of the adjacent land areas and especially along the more proximate shores of the two regions which require to be explained. The multitude of analogies between the art ferms of America and those of the Stone Age peoples of the Old World Culture Analogies need not receive exhaustive attention in this work, although it is recognized that a comparative study of the entire field would be most interesting in its bearing upon the questions of parallel developments, relationships, and resemblance due to incomplete differentiations and to analogies arising from transfer of independently developed culture phenomena. The researches relating to the antiquities of America and more especially of Northern America are recorded in an Literature extensive literature. Published works embodying original researches in the several ethnic areas, out- lined later on, are cited in connection with the brief comparative study of these areas, and it is intended that a list of publications bearing upon the general field shall appear as an appendix in one of the subsequent volumes. W. H. Hormes. 38657°—19—Bull. 60, pt 1 7) ~_ HANDBOOK OF ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES Parr I INTRODUCTORY THE LITHIC INDUSTRIES By W. H. Horimes I, THE PLACE OF ARCHEOLOGY IN HUMAN HISTORY NTHROPOLOGY, which is defined as the science of man, may be regarded as presenting two distinct phases: (a) The his- torical phase, which deals with the present and past, and (d) the practical phase, which relates to the present and future. The former comprises all of those researches designed Human History to acquire a knowledge of the present and past of and Anthropology a ° Bec ciious man, and the latter all of those researches which have the present and future welfare of man in view. The term “ History” as apphed to the human race is a com- prehensive designation corresponding to the historical phase of Anthropology. According to Powell’s classification, Anthropology may be considered under seven heads or departments, giving rise to as many branches of research: Somatology, the science of the human body; psychology, the science of the human mind; philology, the science of activities designed for expression; sociology, the science of institutions; sophiology, the science of activities designed to give instruction; technology, the science of the arts and industries; esthetology, the science of activities designed to give pleasure. In working out its problems each of these branches employs every available agency of research within and without its particular field, and makes use of every kind of record in which the history of man is embodied. The sources of information to be drawn upon in these researches are comprised under two principal heads: (I) In- Sources of Infor. tentional or purposeful records, and (II) noninten- oe tional or fortuitous records. The intentional records are of five forms, as follows: (1) Pictorial, as in pictures and pictographs; (2) major objective, as in commemorative, monumental works; (3) minor objective, as in quipu and wampum; 1 2 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 60 (4) oral, as in tradition and lore; (5) written, as in glyphic and alphabetic characters. It should be observed that with each of these categories goes necessarily a mnemonic element—a very considerable dependence on memory. Fortuitous records take numerous forms: (1) The great body of products of human handicraft to which no mnemonic Fortuitous Records significance has ever been attached; (2) the nonma- terial results of human activity as embodied in lan- guage, beliefs, customs, music, philosophy, etc.; (3) the ever-existing body of unpremeditated memories which accrue to each generation and are in part transmitted adventitiously; (4) the record embodied in the physical constitution of man, which, when properly read, aids in telling the story of his development from lower forms; (5) the records of intellectual growth and powers to be sought in the nature and activities of the mind; (6) the environments which may be made to assist in revealing the story of the nurture and upbuilding of the race and its culture throughout the past. It is from these diversified records, present and past, that the story of the race—of the seven grand divisions of human Relations of Ar- history—must be drawn. Archeology stands quite cheology to IHis- . ye a = ie ‘ tony apart from this classification of the science of man, since, as will be shown, it traverses in its own way the entire field of research; howbeit, it usually claims for its own more especially that which is old or ancient in this vast body of data. It is even called on to pick up the lost lines of the earlier written records, as in the shadowy beginnings of glyphic and phonetic writ- ing, and restore them to history. It must recover the secrets of the commemorative monuments—the tombs, temples, and sculptures in- tended to immortalize the now long-forgotten great. It must follow back the obscure trails of tradition and substantiate or discredit the lore of the fathers. It must interpret in its way, so far as interpre- tation is possible, the pictorial records inscribed by Archeology the Re- the ancients on rock faces and cavern walls, these triever of History ? being among the most lasting of purposeful records. All that Archeology retrieves from this wide field is restored to human knowledge and added to the volume of written history. Archeology is thus the great retriever of history. The science of Archeology is equally useful in the field of the fortuitous records of humanity, for it reads or interprets that which was never intended to be read or interpreted. The products of human handicraft, present and past, which have automatically re- corded the doings of the ages, are made to tell the story of the strug- gles, the defeats, and the triumphs of humanity. The fortuitous records embodied in the nonmaterial products also of man’s activi- HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 3 ties are made to cast a strong light on the history and significance of the material things of the past. Even the body of knowledge gathered from many sources and stored in the memory of the living, though untrustworthy as a record, may be made, if wisely employed, to illumine the past; and the physical and psychical man of to-day are in themselves records and may be made to tell the story of their own development, thus explaining the activities and the products of activity throughout the ages. All that Archeology gathers from this wide field of research is contributed to the = ae p a volume of written history. It is thus not only the tory retriever of that which was treasured and lost, but equally the revealer of vast resources of history of which no man had previously taken heed. In the great work of assembling the scattered pages and com- pleting the volume of the history of man, Arche- ee Be ology may well claim first place among the con- written History | tributing sciences. The range of its activities may be further defined. Since history must be regarded as embracing the entire record of the race, whatsoever form it may take, there can in reality be no such thing as “ prehistory,” and hence no such thing as a “prehistoric period” or “ prehistoric archeology,” hence these terms, if used at all, should not be employed without first fully setting forth their particular application. There can, indeed, be no satisfactory or scientifically useful classification or separation of the history of human culture as a whole or even with a single peo- ple on a basis of time or period. The beginning of Relation of Writ- the written record is not the end of the unwritten ten and Unwritten : History record either for the race as a whole or for any of the groups. We may think of a people as having a period of written history,a period dating from the beginning of writ- ing among that people, or we may think of a people without writing, which by accident of geographical proximity has found a place in the written record of a neighboring, more advanced nation; but the unwritten phase in no case ceases with the beginning of the written phase of the history of any people; a large part of the current his- tory in all cases, being unwritten, passes, unless temporarily con- served by tradition or by some nonpurposeful method, directly into the vast body of the subject matter of archeological science or other- wise into the great blank of oblivion. Referring to the American Continent, and using the term “ pre- historic” in the usual sense, we may think of the prehistoric period as ending and the historic as beginning with the landing of the Norsemen in the year 1000 A. D.; or, disregarding this episode as a mere negligible incident, without practical effect on the prehistoric 6 4 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 60 status of the aborigines, we may think of the landing of Columbus as ending the prehistoric and beginning the historic period. It is customary to speak of the historic period in America as thus limited, and of the prehistoric as covering all previous time (fig. 1), but this is an unscientific classification. The Columbian discovery did not reveal the American aborigines or make known their place in history, save in the most limited way. The race and its culture con- tinued for a long time practically within the realm of the prehistoric (the unknown and unwritten), somewhat as indicated in figure 2. The actual separation, the scientific separation, is between the written and the unwritten. As commonly expressed, the prehistoric phase of HISTORIC PERIOD WRITTL = PRESENT TIME ee PRESENT TIME. HISTORIC FERRER ae PERIOD cee COLUMBIAN DISCOVERY COBEN --NORSE DISCOVERY --NORSE DISCOVERY PREHISTORIC PREHISTORIC CUNWRITTEN) PER/OD HISTORY BEGINNING BEGINNING Fic. 1. False relation of the historic (written) Fia. 2. True relation of the historic (written) to to the prehistoric (unwritten), the prehistoric (unwritten). the history of a particular people or ethnic group would end and the historic phase begin with the first written record of that people. Thus the prehistoric status of the Peruvians would end and the his- toric begin with the arrival of Pizarro, of the New Mexicans with the arrival of Fray Marcos de Niza, and of the Virginians with the landing of the Roanoke colony. The prehistoric (unwritten) period of the valley of the “ River of Doubt” would end and the histeric would begin when Roosevelt made his much-challenged report; the previous history of the valley, being outside of the range of history- recording peoples, is prehistoric—that is, without designed record, and so it largely remains. Although the first written record of a people may be regarded as marking the beginning of the period of written history of that people, the separation of the two fields is not thus correctly indi- HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 5 cated. In each case the written record covers but a limited portion of the historical subject matter of the people of the area concerned, as indicated in figure 2. In fact, the unwritten, the true prehistoric, never ends, and the task of the archeologist has an unlimited future as it has an inexhaustible past. Concrete examples may serve fur- ther to illustrate the relation of history and the so-called prehistory— that is, of the written and the unwritten phases of the human record. The history of Rome is recorded in a thousand volumes, yet there is much more of Roman history within the period of written history which can be known to the mod- ern world only through excavation and research, and much more still which can not be known at all. The archeo- logical phase of the history of Rome begins practically with the present and extends backward over a succession of periods passing indefinitely beyond the dawn of its written history toward the be- ginning of man’s career in the basin of the Mediter- Written and Un- ranean. Even a modern city like Washington, now written Washing- : i ton httle more than a century old, has a record of events entombed beneath its pavements awaiting the pick and spade of the archeologist of the future. Resting upon a sub- stratum filled with relics of the aborigines, the subject in recent years of extended and important research, is a layer of deposits pertaining to the British colonial régime, and a stratum superposed upon this inclosing traces of nearly a century and a half of the modern Repub- lic. The bulk of the unwritten is by far greater than that of the written. It would seem thus that the Capital City has its unwritten record to which, however, the archeologist-historian may not need to apply, since the written record is exceptionally complete, unless, indeed, a fate like that of ancient Rome should in the fullness of time fall to her lot. That antiquity is not a necessary attribute of the subject matter of archeologic science may be further illustrated. Archeology Not The contents of an ancient village site in Asia Minor, ee ea for example, deserted before the beginning of the Christian era, contains ruined buildings and other works, as well as minor relics of various kinds, on and beneath the surface. All of these antiquities are properly within the purview of the archeologist, who uses them in determining people, culture, period, relations, and origins. The contents of a village site deserted by a primitive tribe in Arizona a generation ago furnishes nearly identical remains, all of which are equally well within the purview of the stu- dent of archeology, who may use them in determining the people, the culture, the period, relations, and origins as in the other case. ‘The period does not in any way affect the status of the subject matter of the science of archeology. Events lost to memory but yesterday and Written and Un- written Rome 6 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 unwritten can be restored to the realm of the known only through the agency of this science. Objects lost to sight but yesterday and unrecorded can be restored to the realm of the known only by archeo- logical research. The wide range of the field of Archeology may be made more fully apparent by a consideration of the accompany- ing diagrams, in which the field of human history, represented by the space between two diverging lines, is assumed to begin at the bottom with the birth of the race, to widen with the ages, and to end at the top with the present time. On this field is laid down (fig. 3) a theoretical scheme of the rela- tion of the wholly unrecorded (4) to the whole body of recorded Diagram of Human History R : ynf PRESENT TIME C- BEG/NNING BEGINNING Fig. 3. Relation ot recorded to un- Fic. 4. Relation of the unrecorded recorded history. history te the purposely and fortuitously recorded history. history (2). It is clear that in the earlier stages the wholly un- recorded must occupy a large part of the historical field, but records of a fortuitous kind, consisting of the physical remains of man and the simpler forms of his works, have been preserved under certain favorable conditions from the earliest times, as indicated at C. With the passing ages this area increases in importance, and new forms of record arise, gradually occupying a considerable part of the field. It is assumed that purposeful records began perhaps during the arly stages of savagery (fig. 4, 2), the point in intellectual evolu- tion at which the suggestion of keeping in memory past events and of fixing dates of present and future events dawned upon the mind. The five forms of purposeful record which arose—pictorial, minor HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 7 objective, monumental, traditional, and written—had_ beginnings, we may say, at D), #, F, G, Ll, respectively (fig. 5). Insignificant and of slow development at first, the purposeful records gradually expanded, as indicated in the diagram, so that to-day they occupy an important place in the historic field, the written record having in- creased in scope with exceptional rapidity. It is observed that the several purposeful records, although kept up continuously from generation to generation, are not necessarily permanent, for while additions are made to-day, the records of yesterday are being ob- literated. All fade out with the passing of the years, and are lost, All Records Fugi- tive BEGINNING GINNING Fia. 5. Relations of unrecorded his- Fic. 6. Relative permanency of the tory and the several forms of record. several forms of record. though at different rates, as indicated in figure 6. The traditional records (6) persist for a few generations only, or at most a few centuries. The monumental mnemonic records (¢), of which the dolmen and the pyramid are examples, are durable as structures; they suggest their purpose and tell of the customs of the time; but the associated record, being unwritten and hence dependent on tra- dition, is soon wholly lost. Even the written record has in many instances lost its significance, as in the case of dead tongues, becom- ing thus a part of the subject matter of archeological research, and if not thus retrieved passing into oblivion. The minor mnemonic (d) are hardly more permanent. The quipu, for example, dug from ‘ 8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 50 a Peruvian grave contains no hint of the record which it was in- tended to keep, and is without significance except such as it may acquire through the efforts of the archeologist.' The pictorial record (e) alone, while it endures, retains and con- veys a considerable measure of its purpose and significance; for the story, graphically told, is intelligible in part at least to all men of all times. It is apparent from the above that the enduring portions of all material forms of record may in time become part of the subject matter of Archeology, so, as before shown, it is plain that this science must traverse the entire field of human history, howsoever recorded, drawing its data from the whole record, purposeful and fortuitous, present and past, contributing the product to the ever-growing yet insuflicient and never fully permanent body of written history. To-day the realm of unwritten fortuitously recorded history is still vast as compared with that of written history, research having made hardly more than a beginning in its exploration of the scat- tered archives of past ages; but the inquisitive turn of the civilized mind respecting antiquity will have its way, and in time the story of the past of man in most of its essential details will have been, through the agencies of Archeology and contributing sciences, so fully told, though never to be completely told, as to become in its principal outlines a part of common knowledge. Although we speak of permanent records, harboring the delusion that civilization has achieved means of perpetuating a knowledge of human events, it must be allowed that, as has been shown, no known record really perpetuates indefinitely; stone crumbles with time, and books are eaten by worms or destroyed by fire and decay. Nothing of history approaches permanency save through purposeful repetition in books and on monuments, and even this means affords but a shadow of perpetuity, since this repetition can continue only so long as a kindly nature continues to fertilize a mutable and finite world, permitting the race to survive and its higher phases of culture to flourish. 1An extraordinary example of objective mnemonic record is furnished by the practice of the Incas of Peru. The mummied bodies of the earlier rulers were brought out at stated periods and awarded the same daily service by their descendants as when living. By this practice a body of memories relating to the most important personages and events in the history of the nation, extending over a period of several hundred years, was pre- served; yet the record thus kept alive was necessarily restricted in scope and in a few generations must have become in large part vague and merged with myth. II. RESOURCES AND AGENCIES OF ARCHEOLOGIC SCIENCE HE nature and extent of the wide field from which the stu- dent may gather the scattered records of human history have been suggested in the preceding section. Although the field of archeological research is generally understood to be limited to ancient or old things, and it is with these that the archeologist has more directly to deal, yet it appears, as already indicated, that all phenomena, natural and artificial, material and immaterial, mundane and celestial, by the study of which the history of man may become better known, are, with the cooperation of auxiliary sciences, drawn upon and made to contribute to the result. The principal sources to which the archeologist may directly ap- peal regarding the history of the peoples of the western world may be thought of as eightfold, as follows: (1) The living peoples, the ten or more million members of the American race distributed in numberless groups between the Arctic and the Antarctic, and pre- senting physical and mental traits of great interest, traits which, well understood, must assist materially in interpreting the peoples of antiquity; (2) the remains of the dead of past generations preserved in graves, tombs, and caverns, and found fossil in geological forma- tions; and in addition the osseous remains of such genetically related forms, assuming their existence, as may have occupied the continent in past periods, from all of which sources facts of value may be gathered; (3) the various activities of the living people, which afford a key to the activities of the past; (4) the great body of material products of the arts and industries of the present aborigines, the study of which in regard to manufacture, form, use, significance, and genesis is of the utmost importance to the student of the past; (5) the vast body of monumental works (mounds, temples, fortifications, tombs, etc.) and industrial remains (mines, quarries, aqueducts, reservoirs, roads, bridges, etc.) of antiquity and the innumerable minor relics of the handicrafts obtained from graves, tombs, and caverns, scattered at random over the surface of the land, and embed- ded in superficial formations, upon which main reliance must be placed for a knowledge of what man has accomplished in past times and the manner of its accomplishment; (6) the literature of 400 years—a treasury of fact and a pitfall of error from which the stu- 9 Resources of the Science 10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULL. 60 dent must select with proper discrimination his historical data ; (7) the considerable body of current and traditional information variously acquired and conserved in the minds of the current genera- tion, whose knowledge is not necessarily included in books but which may be often drawn upon to advantage; and (8) the diversified environments of the tribes and the nations which have served to mold both people and art and which must be understood as an essential foundation for the study of the evolution of culture. Auxiliary agencies which may be called upon to contribute mate- rially to the researches of the student in the great field thus suggested are numerous and_ highly important. Inspired by the hope of learning some- thing tangible of the origin and mutations of the race, the genetic relations of man with other Lving forms past and present, the story of his development, and his possible destiny, the somatolo- gist weighs and measures him, the anatomist dissects his body, the microscopist exposes the structure of his tissues, the NX ray discovers secrets of his anatomy heretofore unrevealed, the sociolo- gist studies him as a social being, and the psychologist seeks to comprehend his mental make-up. Still other branches of research may contribute to the result. The geologist is called on to identify the formations in which his remains occur and determine questions of age; the paleontologist digs up the fossil forms associated with the various strata, thus determining the confréres of man in the successive periods of his biotic career; the geographer stands ready to record upon the map the distribution of the diverging groups over the various land areas of the globe at all stages of his history; and even the astronomer determines the mutations of mundane and celestial forces by means of which the destinies of man as well as of all living things have been and must be determined. The science of Archeology seeks to utilize properly all of these varied sources of information and agencies in the task of restoring the past, and in proportion as its devotees are masters of the entire field will they be able to spread before the world the story of the origin, the early struggles, the comings and goings, the ups and downs of the hordes, the tribes, and the nations, and to interpret the laws responsible for the diversified results, racially and culturally. While the resources enumerated are or may be drawn upon with gratifying results, the sources of misinformation are no less a subject of archeological concern. These comprise, referring especially to America, the mis- interpretations and errors embodied in four centuries of literature, among which are the imperfect observations and erroneous deduc- tions of a host of amateur explorers and would-be historians. Espe- cially to be deprecated is the utilization of this class of observations Auxiliary Agencies of Research Sources of Misin- formation HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I i by enthusiastic supporters of vague theories and preconceived views, and the demand for sensational matter by the public press, a large contingent of which is ready to accept for public consumption what- ever is novel or sensational, without serious regard for its verity. The diversity of invented and exaggerated statements which find currency is, indeed, appalling. The world hears con- False Reports stantly of the discovery of skeletons of giants and of pygmies; of caverns filled with mummified bodies and rich plunder; of ruined cities abounding in marvelous works of art; of hardened copper; of walls and buildings of astonishing mag- nitude; of sunken continents; of ancient races associated with extinct species of animals; of inscribed tablets of doubtful origin and extraor- dinary import; of low-browed crania attributed to prehistoric races but which are mere local variations or pathological freaks; of fossil bones of animals parading as the bones of man; of reputed petrified human bodies which, on inspection, turn out to be of modern cement; of faked pottery, metal work, and the lke, so well wrought and so insidiously brought to the attention of scholars as to have become in certain instances the types of antiquity; of learned readings of undecipherable inscriptions; and of the remains of man and his culture from formations of all ages, dating from the present back to the Carboniferous age. The output is so great and the public mind so receptive to error that the tide of misinfor- Tenacity of Error mation keeps steadily on, hardly reduced in bulk by the never-ceasing efforts of science. The compilations of a Bancroft, a Winsor, or a Fiske, illumined as they are by excep- tional genius, could not always rise above the vitiated records upon which they drew; and our best authorities in many cases are subject to the danger of combining the original errors into new fictions so compounded and difficult of analysis as to elude the vigilance even of the critical scientific world. From the first, potent agencies of error have conspired to obscure the aboriginal record. The attitude of the propa- ganda of Christianity at the period of discovery was such that the first impulse of the Spanish conquerors was to destroy at once all traces of the native religion, and a vast number of important sculptures, the “idols” of the people, were mutilated or beaten to fragments, and the native books and paint- ings, the treasures of native learning and art, were ruthlessly de- stroyed. The impulse to destroy was perhaps not so strong on the part of the French and English when they reached North America, but this may have been due in part to the fact that there was little to destroy that could be regarded as dangerous to the cause of reli- Fanatical Destruc- tion of Art Works gious fanaticism. 1 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 The loss to history through this policy of destruction is beyond compute. The thought of preserving a record of the native people and the strange cultures which they had developed seems to have entered the minds of but few until 300 years had passed, and even then it was only when questions of the geological antiquity of man came to the front in Europe that it was deemed worth while to in- quire into the present or the past of the aborigines of America as scientific problems. The work of sifting the truth from the liter- ature of this period is a task surpassed in difficulty only by that of the explorer who essays to dig his data from the ground. III. PROGRESS OF ARCHEOLOGIC RESEARCH CIENTIFIC research in the domain of American archeology did not begin until well along in the nineteenth century, and for a long time the meager disquisitions respecting the remains of antiquity were colored by speculative interpretations and handicapped by the point of view imposed by Old World conditions. Gradually, however, archeologists have broken away from the thrall of the past and have exposed many of the fallacies which had grown into settled beliefs, and now the records of prehistoric times are being interpreted in the light of their own testimony. The public, however, is slow to follow and the cloud is not fully lifted from the popular mind, which seems prone, perhaps from long habit, to find error more fascinating than truth. Among the fallacies which early took hold of the popular mind, appearing everywhere in the older literature, are Popular Fallacies those of the presence in America of civilized pre- Indian populations. The mound builders, so-called, were supposed to have reached a high stage of culture and to have disappeared completely as a race, a conclusion on Mound Build: yeached after superficial examination of the monu- mental remains of the Mississippi Valley. This idea has held with great tenacity notwithstanding the facts that many articles of European provenance are found in the mounds as original inclusions, indicating continuance of construction into post- Columbian times, and that the aborigines in various parts of the American Continent, as in Mexico, Central America, and Peru, when first encountered by the Spanish invaders, were occupying a culture stage far in advance of anything suggested by the antiquities of the Mississippi Valley. A fallacy similar to that regarding the mound builders fastened itself upon the ancient cliff dwellers of the arid re- The Cliff Dwellers gion when traces of their interesting culture first came to light, but more recent investigation has shown that the ancient occupants of the region who built and dug their dwellings in the cliffs were in general the immediate ancestors of the Pueblo tribes which occupy the same region to-day. 13 14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 Speculation has ever been rife regarding the origin of the abo- rigines and supposed significant analogies have been made out with nearly every race and people of the Old World. A favorite theory of the earher stu- dents of the subject regarded them as descendants of the “lost tribes of Israel,” and as a result, oddly enough, lterature has been enriched by the publication of several valuable works on the habits and characteristics of the Indians, written with the view of establishing identities between the two races—works which otherwise would never have existed. Perhaps the most important of these works are Adair’s History of the North American Indians (1775), and Lord Kingsborough’s Mexican Antiquities (1830-48). The myth of Welsh settlement in North America has also been very persistent, descendants of a colony, reputed to have been founded by Prince Madoe about 1170, having been identified, mainly on linguistic analogies, with numerous tribes, including the Tusca- rora, the Mandan, the Hopi, and the Modoc.! The hterature of Middle and South America records many at- tempts to identify the native tribes with foreign peoples, the mis- conceptions beginning with the belief of Columbus that the people of the New World were identical with those of far Cathay; and a mythic Atlantis has had a large share in the theoretic peopling of the western world. The laborious compilations of Donnelly, though marshaling all available facts and suggestive culture analogies, fail to give this latter myth a scientific standing. The fascination of these misconceptions is well illustrated by the recent elaborate and costly staging of a play which embodied, not unknowingly, most of the errors regarding our aborigines which men of science have been combating for half a century. Fortunately, the play had but a short run, not, however, because it promulgated error, but because of other defects which the public was able to appreciate. Among the varied misconceptions embodied in our literature is the belief that the native culture had reached before the Columbian discovery its highest development and had given way to a period of general decadence, con- forming thus with the fate of certain Old World civilizations. A1- though frequently promulgated, this theory is not fully sustained by facts with regard to the race as a whole; doubtless some advanced groups, as the Maya, had reached a climax of progress and had retrograded, but it would be difficult to prove that any of these cultures, represented as they are by important works of sculpture and architecture, were on the whole greatly superior to the culture Supposed Euro- pean Origins Theory of Degen- eracy tConsult Mooney, The Growth of a Myth; and Bowen, America Discovered by the Welsh. HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 105) achievements of the Aztec or the Incas at the period of discovery. Among the conciliatory offerings of Montezuma sent to the approach- ing conqueror of Mexico were certain works of art unsurpassed on the continent for technical perfection and esthetic refinement, and the culmination of Mayan culture development, even if decadent at the period of conquest, could not have been remote. The remarkable stucco embellishments of the city of Palenque, for example, exposed in a peculiarly destructive climate, on the pillars, roofs, and roof crests of the great buildings, are not entirely effaced to-day, and this evidence of recentness can not be fully discredited by the chrono- logical determinations of archeologists obtained through a study of the inscriptions, since these so far as read may not represent the later stages of the local development. It is not proposed in this connection to scan the literature of the earlier centuries for scattered allusions to the antiquities and to the pre-Columbian history of the aborigines, as this would be a work of great magnitude, but to recite in the briefest manner the begin- nings and progress, especially in the north, of the scientific investi- gation of antiquities. Although passing attention was paid to the great earthworks of the Mississippi Valley by numerous early settlers and explorers, no serious discussion of these antiquities appeared until the first quarter of the nineteenth century; the minor antiquities attracted even less attention. The earliest organized investigation of these remains was that of the American Antiquarian Society, incorporated in 1812. The first publication of this society was a paper by Caleb Atwater, which appeared in the Transactions of the society in 1812. The first con- tribution of particular note was that of Daniel Drake in 1815. Well-directed and sustained research in the mound region was undertaken by Squier and Davis, 1845-47... The views of these authors were in general correct according to more recent interpreta- tions, except those regarding the problem of the relation of the mound builders to the Indian tribes, the conclusion having been reached and embodied in the final pages of their great work that the mound builders were of an unidentified race of comparatively high culture and undetermined antiquity. As a record of the monu- ments and an interpretation of the lithic and other relics of art of the region this work takes high rank.? During the second half of the century researches extending over a large part of the United States were rapidly initiated, and a vast body of substantial information was brought together and pub- Researches in North America +See Squier and Davis, Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley. “For a notice of the numerous early contributors to the subject, see Squier and Davis, op. cit. (preface) ; Haven, Archwology of the United States. 38657°—19—Bull. 60, pt 1——3 16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 lished by individuals, societies, and institutions, and by the Govern- ment. During this period a gradual change took place in the views of students regarding the mound builders, and at the close of the century there was practical unanimity in the view that the builders of the great earthworks were the ancestors of the Indian tribes found in possession of the general region, and that the culture rep- resented is not of a grade especially higher than that of the tribes first encountered by the whites in the lower Mississippi Valley and in some of the Gulf States to the east. Little was recorded of the important antiquities of the arid region—the ancient pueblos and cliff dwellings—until after the middle of the nineteenth century, when the Government began the work of surveying transcontinental railway lines and mapping the “ Great West.” The literature of the Spanish, Portuguese, and other pioneers in the conquest and settlement of Middle and South America abounds in references to the material culture, modern and picker nar areal ancient, of the vast region occupied, but no organized Agric researches were undertaken anterior to the expedi- tions of Squier in Peru and Stephens in Yucatan and Central America, and not until recently have the Latin-American countries entered on the study of the native peoples and culture in real earnest. Mexico, Argentina, Costa Rica, Brazil, Peru, and Chile have each conducted explorations and published results of great value, and foreign students, research organizations, and even foreign Governments have taken an active part in the work. One of the most important problems of the American race, the last to be taken up in a serious manner, is that of Chronology the antiquity of the occupancy of the continent, especially that phase of it coming within the realm of geology, and the researches in this field have not as yet advanced to a stage where definite and generally accepted conclusions have been reached. This topic will be presented at some length in the sec- tion on chronology. The literature of geological chronology is al- ready extensive but consists in so large a measure of the writings of inexperienced observers and bookmakers that it is perplexing rather than enlightening. The most serious hindrance to progress in correctly interpreting the evidence of antiquity arose from the assumption on the part of a number of students that the course of human history in America must be parallel with that of the Old World: that occupation of the continent was indefinitely remote and that the course of cultural development must correspond in every essential respect with that of prehistoric Europe; that traces must exist, and should be found, of the initial period corresponding to the European paleolithic and the HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I aly later stage duplicating the neolithic. This unfortunate assumption has cast a shadow over the whole American archeological field, not as yet fully dissipated. That the parallel is not complete, how- ever, is now generally recognized, and American antiquities of all stages and types are being employed to develop the history of man in America, whether or not in accord with Old World determinations. A large number of explorers who have conducted original re- searches in the field, contributing noteworthy data regarding an- tiquities, are cited in the section of this work devoted to an outline of the ethnic characterization areas of the continent.’ 1¥For extended lists of authors embodying in their works valuable data relating to the whole of the American field, consult Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History of America ; Bancroft’s Native Races of the Pacific States; Handbook of American Indians; Hrdli¢ka’s Early Man in South America. : IV. PROBLEMS OF RACE AND CULTURE ORIGINS HE archeologist, absorbed in the study of the multitude of monuments of past periods, full of interest in themselves, does not lose sight of the fact that his efforts relate to these monuments not as finalities of research but as means of accomplish- ing a great end. He regards them as the architect regards the sepa- rate stones with which the massive structure is to be built, or as the historian or novelist regards the paragraphs and chapters by means of which his creations are given to the world. He remembers that the final aim of research is to cast stronger light into the dark places of the history of man. In contributing to this end Scope of Research he goes beyond the realm of mere ancient things and seeks to understand not only the racial groups whose history he would especially reveal, but extends his view to the race as a whole and to the environments which, while lmiting human achievement, have molded man into what he is. The hypothesis of the unity—the biotic solidarity—of the human race now meets with very general acceptance, but there Unity of the Race jg still much uncertainty in the minds of anthropolo- gists regarding the time and place of origin and the partings of the racial ways. In seeking to trace the American race backward in its history, by whatsoever means, the archeologist encoun- ters immediately the inquiry as to whether the beginnings are to be sought in the Old or in the New World. The theory of a New World origin which would make the Old World races offshoots of an American stock is held by but few and is sustained by meager evi- dence. To-day the consensus of opinion among students of the subject favors the view that the Old World gave birth to the human kind, and it follows that the earliest traces of his existence must be sought there, and that our researches must trend backward in that direction. It is, indeed, incredible that the American race, rep- ee ee resented at the period of its greatest expansion by tenable ~=»=——ST—CT hardly moore than fifteen or twenty million people, and these of homogeneous physical type and imper- fectly developed culture, not only should have peopled the Old World but should have peopled it with three races, the white, the yellow, and the black, highly differentiated in physical type and in culture achievement, and comprising the bulk of the world’s population. Traces of human occupancy are found in the Old World associ- ated with geological formations which are confidently assigned to 18 HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 19 the beginning of the Quaternary period, hundreds of thousands of years ago, and it is incumbent on those who hold to the theory of American origin to establish an earlier occupancy of the New World. Two regions only in America have furnished testimony worthy of serious consideration in respect to-this assumption—testimony which imphes an antiquity so remote as to give color to the autochthonic assumption. These are the gold-bearing districts of California, where relics of advanced neolithic art are reported to have been found beneath vast flows of Quaternary lavas, and the pampas of Argen- tina, where even a middle Tertiary man is thought by some to have existed. The testimony in these cases is striking, and even pic- turesque, and is supported with enthusiasm by a few students, who are ready to stake their scientific reputations on the outcome. Re- cent investigations relative to North American as well as South American very early man show, however, that the testimony is really open to most serious question, and it appears that if it is to stand the test of criticism it must have much additional support. In view of these considerations the theory of an autochthonous origin of the American race may be, for present purposes, set aside, and the problem of the arrival in the New World of racial and cultural elements originating in the Old World alone be given consideration. Not only does America furnish no tangible evidence of antiquity so great as to give support to the theory of autochthonic origin of the Ameri- can race, but, as just indicated, it has failed so far to afford satisfac- tory evidence of the arrival of man on the continent in remote geo- logic time. The problems pertaining to this subject are discussed in some detail in a subsequent section devoted to chronology and may be passed over here without further consideration. The student pursuing inquiries with regard to racial origins in America turns to the known aborigines and their Asiatic Origins somatic characteristics, historic and prehistoric, and seeks to discover significant suggestions of relation- ship with Old World races. Heretofore, knowledge of the peoples of northeastern Asia has been so meager that satisfactory comparisons with them could not be made, but recent researches have opened up this field and have demonstrated the marked similarity of certain of the northeastern Asiatic tribes to the American Indians. This fact, taken in connection with the geographical proximity of northeastern Asia and Arctic America, would seem to offer a satisfactory solution Great Antiquity Not Proved of the question of origin. 1 Holmes, Review of the Evidence Relating to Auriferous Gravel Man in California ; Hrdlitka, Skeletal Remains Suggesting or Attributed to Early Man in North America ; Hrdli¢ka, Early Man in South America. 20 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RULL. 60 Accepting the view that America was peopled from the Old World by way of Bering Strait, it follows that the culture Culture Relations introduced would be that of the Arctic, and, so far as observed, no other than primitive forms of native cul- ture have ever reached the shores of Bering Sea. All American cul- ture is classed as neolithic, but the range of achievement is extremely wide, and as we pass into the south it takes forms so diversified and extraordinary that the inquiry is frequently raised as to whether the Arctic gateway has been the only means of admission to ancient America. That the civilized nations of the Old World have never been in intimate relations with the tribes of the New World is ap- parent from the fact that so far as the material traces show pre- Columbian American culture was of strictly Stone Age types. The aborigines were without Old World beasts of burden, wheeled ve- hicles, and sail-rigged craft—essentials of the civilized state; they had no cattle, sheep, or goats—potent factors in the development of Old World sedentary life; they had httle knowledge of iron or the smelting of ores—essentials in the development of civilization; no keystone arch—a principal requirement of successful building; no wheel or glaze in the potter’s art; no well-developed phonetic alpha- bet—the stepping stone from barbarism to civilization. Cattle, a civilizing agency of much importance in the Old World, could not have survived a long voyage, and the calendar, a device of the priest- craft, might not readily be transferred from shore to shore by occasional or chance wayfarers, but it would appear that the wheel as a means of transportation might readily appeal to the most primi- tive mind. That no extended contact with the civilized peoples of the Old World occurred in pre-Columbian times is strongly suggested by the fact that this device was unknown in America, except possibly asatoy. It appears in no pictographic manuscript or sculpture, the highest graphic achievements of the race. Charnay obtained from an ancient cemetery at Tenenepanco, Mexico, a number of toy chariots of terra cotta, presumably buried with the body of a child, some of which retained their wheels (fig. 7).1 The possibility that these toys are of post-Discovery manufacture must be taken into account, especially since mention is made of the discovery of brass bells in the same cemetery with the toys. Have we, then, any trustworthy evidence in the whole range of pre- historic material culture of the introduction into America from transoceanic sources of elements of culture other than those which might have arrived with migrating peoples by way of Bering Strait ? As the continents stand to-day, and considering primitive means of migration, there seems small chance of the arrival of wayfarers in 1Charnay, Ancient Cities of the New World, p. 174. HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I yall ~ any considerable numbers on the American shores except by this route, and the evidence of such arrivals, even if they actually took place, must be far to seek and difficult of evaluation. A primitive boat’s crew reaching the Western Continent as voluntary voyagers or as wayfarers brought unwillingly by the winds and currents, even if hospitably received by the resident population, assuming such to have existed, could leave no physical trace of their presence that would last beyond a few generations, and the culture they happened to represent might not find even a temporary foothold. Yet germs of culture have sometimes wonderful potentialities, and a very simple device, a tech- nical suggestion, or a tenet of belief introduced by a foreign wayfarer (regarded possibly as a superior being), might catch the primitive fancy, engraft itself upon the native culture, and in a very short period influence the whole current of its development. However, in- stances of this kind have b not been observed and, iIn- Fic. 7. Ancient wheeled toy from a child's grave, deed, had they occurred, eae might be impossible of identification by means of archeologic remains alone. It may not be amiss in this place to inquire as to the kind of archeologic evidence which might be thought of as warranting the conclusion that transoceanic visitors had arrived on American shores in numbers sufficient to introduce culture germs of distinctive character. In beginning it is necessary that we exclude from the body of material to be considered all handiwork which bears the taint of post-Columbian influence. We have to consider, also, lest we misinterpret the meaning of the similarities, analogies, and identities in the cul- ture achievements of distinct peoples which arise and, from the nature of things, must arise, as a result of the like constitution everywhere of the human body and mind and _ the like environment the world over. It is not wise to throw these evi- dences overboard entirely or too rashly, for they may possess values of very different degrees. They may range from the merest fortuitous resemblances to correspondences so close, so intimate, and so complex that actual intercourse could be safely inferred. The nature of such possible evidence may be theoretically and briefly considered. Value of Analogies in Culture 72 BUREAU QF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 The student examining certain collections of primitive antiquities discovers that a particular form of flint knife blade occurs in America and also in the Old World and explains the occurrence by the oft-observed fact that with given states of culture, given needs, and given materials, men of all races reach kindred results. When, however, he observes that the blade of the knife in each case is spe- cialized for hafting in identical ways, he wonders how such close correspondence in two important characteristics could occur. Press- ing his investigation further he discovers on the two continents other knife blades of chipped flint with curved and keen points and identi- cal specialization to facilitate hafting and a further identical elabora- tion for purposes of embellishment, and he begins to inquire whether the people concerned in making these two groups of artifacts are not somewhat closely related or have not in some way come in close contact. His interest is intensified when he cbserves that the groups of closely identical blades occur in two transoceanic areas at points of nearest approach, and also not in any case at more remote locali- ties on the respective continents, and he is astonished to discover further that the two areas involved are connected by oceanic cur- rents and trade winds by means of which seagoing craft could make the ocean voyage from continent to continent with comparative ease. Later he finds that other objects of handicraft belonging to these adjacent areas have similar correspondences, and his previous im- pressions are decidedly strengthened. When, going more deeply into the investigation, he learns that analogous phenomena involving other classes of artifacts cecur at other points, that in numerous localities on the shores of the one continent the culture traces have close similarities to those of the adjacent transoceanic areas, and that there are no such resemblances elsewhere, the evidence is cumu- lative to an overwhelming degree, and he concludes without hesita- tion, and concludes safely, that contact or transfers of peoples and transfers of cultures have taken place not only at one but at a num- ber of points. Now, this is a purely suppositional case, but it is suggestive and a on justifies further pursuit of the inquiry regarding oxies the significance of culture resemblances. Attention may be drawn to certain noteworthy analogies which do occur between American and foreign archeological remains, due caution being exercised in their application. In New England and farther north is found a highly specialized form of the stone adz known as the gouge (fig. 8), The Stone Gouge which is abundant in the region mentioned, but which disappears gradually as we pass to the south and west, with rare outliers inthe Carolinas, the Ohio Valley, and the Lakes region but not occurring elsewhere on the continent. It HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I vo does appear, however, in northern Europe (fig. 9) where the Atlantic is narrowest and most nearly bridged by intervening islands. The gouge was in the Old World a practical implement devoted to ordinary uses, as in the working of wood, digging, cutting, ete. In America it was also a thing of ordinary use. Within the same region in northeast Amer- ica, and thinning out as does the gouge to the south and west, is an object of rare and highly specialized form, The Banner Stone an aXlike implement, known as the banner stone (fig. 10) with tubular. perforation for hafting and with extremely varied winglike blades. It is not found elsewhere in America. In northern Europe there is found a drilled ax (fig. 11) of similar type, and it is a noteworthy fact that this form of artifact throughout the Old World, though orig- inally perhaps a thing of use, had wide and diversified application as a symbol. The 7. « ‘sue acess Mee following very interesting and suggestive — England type. (4) statement regarding the “ Amazon Axe” is *%:* ee ne ates quoted from Nilsson: ! Stone weapons of this kind are rather variable, and the central part is often much shorter than the figure here referred to, resembling that shown in figure 174. The original of this sketch is from the south of Scania, and is preserved in my collection, but is not finished, there being no hole for the handle; but this weapon is always known by both ends being much expanded and more or less sharpened. It is exactly like the axes with which the Amazons are armed, Fia. 11. Ax-shaped stoneimplement, Fic. 10. Ax-shaped ‘‘banner stone,” eastern United States. (4) Scandinavian type. (4) wherever we see them represented. On a marble sarcophagus in the Museum of the Louvre, at Paris, bearing the inscription, “ Scarcophage trouvé @ Salonique en Macédoine,” the warriors wield axes, with one edge and a pointed sharp back; but all the Amazons have such two-edged axes as the one here sketched. The Amazons are represented with such axes even in other places also; for instance, on some antique friezes in the British Museum. In a treatise on “The Sword of Tiberius” (in German, 4to., with coloured engrav- 1 Nilsson, The Primitive Inhabitants of Seandinavia, pp. 71-72. 94 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 ings), an Amazon is also represented with a similar axe. It is called “ Amazon are.’ XNenophon mentions it in the “ Anabasis,” Iv, 4; and Horace speaks of “Amazonia securis ”’ in the Odes, tv, 4, 20." The American homologue certainly had no other than sacred and ceremonial functions. It may not be amiss, then, to suggest that pos- sibly in prehistoric times examples of this type of implement were carried by some voyager across the intervening seas and that being regarded by the natives as possessed of supernatural attributes these were adopted as * great medicine,” spreading to many tribes and tak- ing a wide range of form. It does not appear an entire impossibility that a stone or bronze perforated ax of this type left by one of the Ericsson ships should have been the “ancestor” of these peculiar objects. Who will venture to say that these greatly varied, beauti- fully finished, and widely distributed objects may not have come into existence among the tribes during the 620 years separating the discovery of Vineland and the arrival of the Englsh Pilgrims. This suggestion may not be worthy of serious consideration, since it is always preferable in such cases to seek origins near home. Dr. Gordon? may well be right in his suggestion that the banner stone had its origin in northern America where among both Indians and Eskimos the whale’s tail symbol was in common use, its form corre- sponding closely to that of the typical banner stone. Mr. Frank Cushing, a close student of such matters, is said to have advanced the view that this symbol originated in the South, and it is true that two-bitted stone axes are found in Honduras and perhaps elsewhere in Central America, but connection has not been traced. Another example more noteworthy and of trans-Atlantic, even of world-encircling, analogy is observed in the northern Temperate and Arctic regions. A highly specialized slate spear or harpoon head (fig. 12), long, narrow, and bayonet-like, is found along with prehistoric burials in New England and neighboring’ sections. Nearly identical forms occur in the St. Lawrence Valley, in Green- land, and along the Arctic shores at intervals as far as Alaska, and again in Finland, Siberia, Japan (fig. 13), and Korea (fig. 14). Objects closely resembling these slate points in shape and man- ner of manufacture are not found, or rarely found, except along the 1“ This form of axe occurs with us during the Stone Age, not only of the full size of stone (pl. viii, figs. 173, 174), but also in the shape of small ornaments of amber for women (pl. viii, fig. 175), found also in gallery-graves in West Géthland amongst other ornaments of amber. But what appears to me to be very remarkable, in an ethnological point of view, is that exactly the same form of axe which was worn as an amber ornament by the women in the North during the Stone Age was worn by Grecian women, being, however, in that country made of gold. In the comedy of ‘ Rudens’ (the Shipwreck), by Plautus, Act Iv, Scene 4, vv, 112-116, it is said that the girl Palaestra, from Athens, amongst the ornaments given to her as a child by her parents, had also received such an axe in miniature, of gold (‘securicula anceps’) inscribed with her mother’s name. This coincidence is very difficult to account for. It appears to me to be one of those circum- stanecs which deserve the attention of the comparative ethnographer.” 2 Gordon, The Double Axe and some other Symbols. HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 25 northern borderland on either continent. The occurrence, though note- worthy, may or may not have significant relation with the movements of races or the transfer of cultures, but the correspondences in shape, material, size, and method of manufacture form an unbroken chain of genetic, accultural, or for- tuitous analogies entirely encircling the globe where, the land areas are most nearly con- tinuous. However, it should be noted that this particular form of implement, if it really originated in the East, PDE ELZEE ota =e Loree. re“ LLL EE SESE LOE EL ne I CE a a Zz a. SZ Fig. 12. Ground slate spear- Fig. 14. Ground slate spear- Fic.13. Ground slate spear- head, New Lngland type. head, Korean type. head, Japanese type. may have passed from Asia to America by the Bering Strait route along with many other primitive artifacts. Along the middle Atlantic shores of America certain forms of artifacts are found which resemble more closely the corresponding fabrications of the Mediterranean re- gion than do those of other parts of America. The round-sectioned, petaloid polished celt is found in highest perfection in western Europe and in the West Indies and neighboring Ameri- can areas. It is absent or rare on the opposite shores of the Pacific. In the Isthmian region we find works in gold and silver and their alloys which display technical skill of exceptional, even remarkable, kind, and it is noteworthy that the method of manufacture em- ployed, as well as some of the forms produced, suggest strongly the wonderful metal-craft of the Nigerian tribes of old Benin; and, as possibly bearing upon this occurrence, we observe that the trade Middle Atlantic Analogies 26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 winds and currents of the Atlantic are ever ready to carry voyagers from the African shores in the direction of the Caribbean Sea. It may be observed that, although we fail to reach definite conclu- sions as to contact or relationships, the above instances are not merely those of simple resemblances as is the case with the multitude of examples cited by Donnelly in his Atlantis, but their interest is enhanced by the fact that in most cases the resemblances are given additional support and claim to attention on account of geographical relationships. However, none of the examples measure up to the highest standard of evidence and do not, therefore, take the rank of proofs. Even more diversified and remarkable are the correspondences existing between the architectural and sculptural Mexican Analogies remains of Middle America and those of Southeast- ern Asia. In both regions the chief structures of the cities are pyramids ascended by four steep stairways of stone, bor- dered by serpent balustrades, and surmounted by temples which em- ploy the offset arch and have sanctuaries, symbolic altar sculptures, and inscriptions. The snouted masks of the Maya sculptures have an insinuating way of suggesting the trunk of the elephant and the upturned jaw of the mythical serpent is equally reminiscent of the treatment of the cobra jaw in the Far East. Temple walls are embel- lished with a profusion of carved and modeled ornaments and sur- mounted by roof crests and cupolas of elaborate and even pagoda- like design. There are present also in Yucatan, as in Cambodia, as supports for the great stone tables, balustrades, and lintels, dwarfish Atlantean sculptured figures, and it is especially noteworthy that some of these figures on this side represent whiskered men. The true significance of all this and more has been sought again and again without satisfactory result. That some of these analogies should occur between works of the Antipodes renders the mystery more deep and might seem utterly to discredit the use of this class of evidences as proof of contact of peoples or close racial relationships. And yet is it an impossibility that the energetic builders of Cambodia, Java, and India, 2,000 years ago, should have had seagoing craft that might encircle the world?1 We are compelled to allow that culture trans- Whiskered Men in Yucatan Carvings 1The feasibility of early south Asiatic communication with distant lands in early centuries of the Christian era, or even at an earlier date, is distinctly suggested by the story of Chau (500 A. D.). ‘The ships which sail the Southern Sea [Early Voyages] and south of it are like houses. When their sails are spread they are like great clouds in the sky. Their rudders are several tens of feet long. ( 80 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 The Ohio Valley has furnished much material for controversy, and there is still apparent ground for difference of opinion regarding the chronologic value of the finds. Among the more noteworthy specimens is a chipped object obtained from a gravel deposit of glacial or postglacial age at Newcomerstown, Ohio, by W. C. Mills, at a depth of about 15 feet.1 Mr. Mills was at the time not an experienced observer of geological phenomena and probably had little idea that especial importance might ever attach to the specimen, and the question is naturally raised as to whether he actually found it in its original The Newcomers- town Find Fic. 35. Sections of gravel bank, Newcomerstown, Ohio, suggesting danger of misinterpretation of finds. relation with the gravels at the depth noted. The treacherous nature of such formations as chronological depositories is well known, and the accompanying sketch (fig. 35) is intended to suggest the possi- bility of misinterpretation on the part of Mr. Mills. The excavations in the gravels made by the railroad workmen had left a vertical face some 20 feet high, and when the place was visited later by the writer large masses of the upper part had broken away and de- scended to different levels against the base without losing their original horizontal position. Arrowheads and splinters of flint which had fallen from the surface above were found at different levels in the slide gravels more or less firmly embedded, and the specimen obtained by Mr. Mills may similarly have descended without sepa- ration from its original bed at or near the surface to the depth of 15 feet. No trace of human handiwork of any kind was found by the writer in the entire undisturbed gravel face.2—_ It was observed, how- ever, that numerous chipped flints rested on the upper surface and in the soil as if the site had been at one time occupied for dwelling or arrow-making purposes by the aborigines. + Wright, Man and the Glacial Period, p. 251; Evidences of Glacial Man in Ohio. 2 Holmes, Traces of Glacial Man in Ohio. HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 81 The view that the specimen is of glacial provenance is supposed to be supported by its shape and surface appearance, these features strongly suggesting typical European paleoliths. It should be noted, however, with respect to these points that the specimen finds its BN y Y) am Uh Wy Yy yy! Uy Wp y Yo 4: ps nt \Y \\ 2 y HY, ( DN 2 SSA e =, I YY ( Bs Wie F 4 Z LE pil ci Ml Hi , LE eS BI Sa Ze EE py) Fic.36. Supposed paleolithic implement from gravels at Newcomerstown (4), compared with rejects of blade making from shop sites (1, 2, 3, 5). actual counterparts in the partially shaped wasters of blade making, numerous practically identical forms occurring in the flint work- shops of the neighborhood. The very close analogy with shop wasters is made apparent by the drawings presented in figure 36. 82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 In form the specimen is not specialized in any particular except in so far as all rejects of blade making show one heavy and one some- what tapering end, and it gives no indication of having been used; in these respects it is identical with the multitude cf wasters in the blade-making shops throughout northern America. The exceptional surface polish often regarded as significant of antiquity is char- acteristic of some varieties of the material even when freshly chipped. Considering the above facts, it is not unreasonable that conclusions regarding the value of this specimen as evidence of antiquity and of paleolithic culture should be held in abeyance until something more trustworthy as to geological position and convincing as to characteristics of form is brought forward. In digging a well at Madisonville, Ohio, a chipped stone was found rest- ing on a glacial gravel surface beneath a deposit of red clay 8 feet thick. Another implement-like object was ob- tained from a deposit of coarse glacial débris in an excavation at Loveland, Ohio, at a depth of 20 feet (fig. 37).1 The present writer visited these locali- ties in 1892 and examined the objects and sites with all possible care and in a subsequent publication raised such ques- Fic. 37. Chipped blade from supposed tions as to the value of the evidence as glacial deposits at Loveland, Ohio. —_ presented themselves.2. Mr. Frank Lev- erett, employed by the U. 5. Geological Survey in the examination of the glacial formations of the Middle West, has given particular attention to these finds and concludes his study of the subject as follows: When a question so important as that of the date of the appearance of man may depend upon the correct determination of the original position of a stone in such loose and poorly assorted gravel, it is well to withhold judgment until every line of evidence has been thoroughly worked out. As the evidence now stands, it is, in my opinion, not conclusively proven that man inhabited this portion of the Ohio valley during the glacial period.® However, these two objects seem quite worthy of consideration as possible representatives of late glacial or early postglacial time to which the particular formations belong. The authenticity of the finds as reported may not well be questioned except on the ground that in a region in which the surface is strewn with kindred artifacts, 1Putnam, On a Collection of Paleolithic Implements. Wright, Ice Age in America, pp. 642-6438. 2 Holmes, Traces of Glacial Man in Ohio, p. 147. 3 Leverett, Supposed Glacial Man in Southwestern Ohio, p. 189. HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 83 accidental associations with deep formations to which they do not pertain are likely to occur. That they represent a paleolithic culture rather than the universal neolithic of America is pure assumption. In type they agree with the rude implements and the workshop rejects of the Indian tribes. Very interesting and important discoveries of stone implements were made in 1858 by Elmer E. Masterman at New London, Huron County, Ohio. One of the objects was a grooved ax of greenstone encountered at a depth of 22 feet. The find has been made the subject of a special investiga- tion and report by Prof. E. W. Clay- pole, a geologist of high standing, who Finds at New Lon- don, Ohio >) accepted the statements of Masterman as correct in every respect. He found the material penetrated by the well to be clay, becoming tougher downward and resembling the fine silt that settles from still water, and con- cludes that the ax was deposited there Bid ip hwhen the? thin gravel bed im which at !16-28 Grooved axtromsuppcsed glacial : ; deposits, New London, Ohio. was found was formed, as it lay directly upon the bowlder clay. There is a slight suggestion of uncertainty as to the age represented in the following words: “If there is no other origin or date for the fine clay and streaks of sand that overlie it than that which assigns them to late glacial time, then the tool must be set down to the same epoch and must be considered the work of glacial man,”* but subsequent statements by this author indicate full confidence in the chronologic assignment of the find. The specimen is shown in figure 38. It is worthy of note that several other specimens were obtained from the same formation as follows: A greenstone celt at a depth of 5 feet; a grooved ax of greenstone, at a depth of 7 feet; a chipped celt at a depth of 13 feet; a shovel-shaped specimen of slate roughly chipped around the edge at a depth of 5 feet; and a spearhead of red flint, at a depth of 7 feet. Professor Claypole, speaking of the specimens, remarks that— The discovery of these implements in the Ohio valley, where an exclusively paleeolithie régime from the close of the glacial period had become pretty firmly established, has served to open the question again and give support to the view that the rude chipped implements of so-called palzeolithic type are here, as elsewhere, mere wasters of blade making by the Indian tribes.? 1Claypole, Human Relics in the Drift of Ohio, p. 309. 2 Ibid. 84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 The following statement will further represent his views: They are neolithic in pattern, whereas an opinion is somewhat prevalent that implements found in such circumstances should be of paleolithic type; at least such a conclusion may fairly be drawn from much that has been written on the subject. But this opinion can scarcely be well founded. In Europe, where later glacial, interglacial, and possibly preglacial relics of man are more or less recognized, the first mentioned are not palzolithic. This character belongs strictly to those of the second and third eras. All such are paleolithiec and betray by their pattern an ancient origin. We should antici- pate similar results here, and the facts above given are in accord with this view. These implements bear every trace of comparatively recent date, and they occur mixed in the clay and gravel deposits of the melting ice-sheet. The evidence of their entombment proves that they belong to the closing years of the glacial era—at the least their inclusion in their present matrix is of that date.’ Professor Claypole adds that it is at present far from certain that -paleolithic man ever reached this continent at all, although he allows that doubt rests at present on merely negative evidence. He states further that— On this side of the Atlantic the ice-sheet thus far has proved a barrier beyond which human footprints have not been found. Glacial man, and still more, interglacial man, is therefore here a shadowy, semi-mythical being of whose existence the anthropologist feels at best very uncertain. It is true that not a few cases have been brought forward in which human relics have been found in such association with glacial deposits as to point strongly to the conclusion that both were of the same age. But in all these cases the deposits in question belong to the very latest stages of the Glacial era and were the work of the retreating ice or even of the torrents that flowed from it after the area in which the remains were found had been left bare. Consequently, if every one of these cases was logically unassailable, and its evidence positively conclusive, the only inference would be that man was a denizen of North America during the final withdrawal of the ice, that he hung Esquimaux-like on its borders and followed it as it withdrew to the northward. Of any earlier date than this, therefore, for man in North America we have no evidence whatever, and even this has been regarded with skepticism and its value denied by men of eminence in the field of archzology. Such skepticism is wise and justifiable so long as it can be logically maintained. So important a conclusion demands support much stronger than that which would amply establish many less momentous propositions.’ At Little Falls, Minn., flood-plain deposits of sand and gravel are found to contain many artificial objects of quartz. This flood plain is beheved by some to have been formed and finally abandoned by the Mississippi at about the close of the glacial period in the valleys, but the question of exact age is still an open one, and to just what extent eolian deposits enter into its composition is not readily deter- Finds at Little Falls, Minn. 1Claypole, Human Relics in the Drift of Ohio, p. 313. 2 Ibid., pp. 802-308. HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 85 mined. In 1870 Miss Babbitt discovered superficial deposits of chipped quartzes at a certain level in the bluff face above the falls and without undertaking excavations reached the conclusion that they belonged to an outcropping stratum, which extended at the particular level throughout the valley.t. In 1892 the writer undertook limited excavations on the site; finding only superficial traces of objects of artificial origin, he reached the conclusion that no definite stratum containing these objects existed; that, although largely arti- ficial, they were not implements but refuse of arrow making (fig. 39), the quartz used having been derived from outcropping veins in the river bank near by.? Later, more extensive excavations by Brower revealed the fact that the chipped objects were actually included in the terrace deposits at various points near the river bank.* The initia] examinations are a noteworthy case of imperfect and insufficient observation of data bearing on an obscure and difficult problem and of the futility of drawing conclusions of the broadest kind from limited resources of well ascertained fact. In this faulty work the writer had his share. It is important now that the prob- lems be clearly stated, that the whole range of geologic and cultural phenomena be fully studied, and conclusions drawn free from the warping influence of preconceived views. The problems relate (1) to the real character of the quartz relics as products of human handiwork; (2) to the nature of their association with the flood-plain deposits; and (3) to the origin and age of the deposits in which the artifacts are embedded. That observations of the phenomena of the site are not yet suffi- ciently thorough to enable students to reach harmonious conclusions is apparent, and it is the part of wisdom to regard such conclusions as may be reached as tentative and subject to revision as the prob- lems are more critically considered. It is observed that veins of white quartz outcrop along the river bank above the falls and that this material was prob- ably quarried or gathered and worked up at various points along the margin of the terrace. It is reason- able to suppose that the torrents which swept from the river banks across the flood plain carried mainly, if not wholly, the refuse of manufacture—the fragments, chips, and partially shaped implements. The character of the finds bears out this interpretation. These relics correspond entirely with the rejectage of arrow making from quartz rock found on the sites of Indian occupation throughout the country. They do not appear to include any particular type of battle. Halls Quartzes 1 Babbitt, Vestiges of Glacial Man in Minnesota, p. 594. 2 Holmes, Vestiges of Early Man in Minnesota, p. 219. ’ Brower, Kakabikansing. 86 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 finished implement and as interpreted by the writer, whose expe- rience in this field is wide, have no good claim to be classed as imple- Fic. 39. Objects of chipped quartz from sand and gravel deposits at Little Falls, Minn. Probably rejectage of arrowhead making. ments and not the least claim to be referred to as paleolithic any more than all rudely worked stones of whatsoever people or age may have such a claim. HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 87 As indicated by the various observations, the association of the quartzes with the flood-plain deposits is that of irregular scattering such as would result from carrying and dropping by successive sand- and gravel-carrying floods or by freshet-borne ice. The period or periods represented are necessarily subsequent to the occupation of the river banks at the points of the quartz-bearing outcrop as quarry and shop sites. This time is likely to have been very long subsequent to the retreat of the ice from the immediate locality. It is hardly reasonable to suppose that it was during the immediate presence of the ice. The discriminations of Professor Chamberlin on this point in reviewing the work of Mr. Brower are worthy of the closest consideration by students of the subject. They are in part as follows: The descriptions of Mr. Brower are apparently careful and candid, so far as intention goes, but they are obviously not those of a critical geological observer. They neglect most of the really discriminative factors and embrace much jn- consequential matter. Notably also they have the trait, so common to the untrained worker, of incorporating interpretation unconsciously while insist- ing on ‘ascertained facts.” ‘The glacial river” plays a notable part in the description of the formations, whereas the very thing to be demonstrated is the “ glacial’ or nonglacial character of the river at the time the formations in question were made. ... It appears that there overspreads the plain once occupied by the Mississippi waters, but now above their reach, a surface layer of dirty pebbly sand of the typical structureless kind which usually covers abandoned flood plains of sand and gravel. This is about four feet thick and at places near the river con- tains many chips of white vein quartz of undoubted human origin. The source of the quartz is unquestionably the veins in the outcropping slate over which the falls are formed. This quartz-bearing slate does not now rise as high as the upper surface of the plain, and this fact has been urged by Holmes and Hershey as evidence that the quartz chippings were not taken from the parent ledge until the plain had been cut down to the requisite depth after its original completion. Mr. Brower, while not answering this objection by positive evi- dence, holds that the crest of the quartz-bearing ledge was exposed at seasons of low water, though covered at times of flood. It is of course probable that the crest of the ledge has been worn down where the river flows over it, but such erosive covering by the river does not fit in well with the view that this same portion was the source whence large quantities of vein quartz were quarried at the same time. It is clearly urging a bare possibility at best rather than a probable occurrence. If, however, the case rested merely on the possibility of reaching the source of the quartz while yet the uppermost layers of the original plain were in the process of formation, it might be ungenerous to refuse to entertain the utmost possibilities of the case in favor of glacial man in America. But the facts of the case, taken just as given in this paper, do not seem to the reviewer to af- ford even a plausible ground for assigning the quartz chips to the glacial stage of the river. The surface deposit in which they are found, as described and illustrated in the paper, not only does not bear the characteristics of a glacio- fluvial deposit, but bears quite clear evidence that it is not glacio-fluvial. The descriptions cite the fact that the surface deposit is highest near the bank of 88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 the present bottoms, after the common habit of existing degrading rivers. This habit is recognized and the facts are summarized in the following quotation (p. 73): “ At Little Falls, Minn., the eastern portion of the sandy plain on the east side of the Mississippi is several feet lower than the crest of the plain at the east end of the dam. That fact is important. After the great glacial river which overspread the entire plain at Little Falls had withdrawn into the nar- rower limits of an eroded stream bed, that river, often in freshet from the ef- fects of the melting ice sheet, occasionally reoverflowed the entire plain, dis- turbing and overturning the sandy surface, mixing into its materials every chipped quartz blade or spall which had been placed by the hand of man upon the surface adjoining the newly eroded and narrower channel. The higher altitudes of the plain along the Mississippi between The Notch and the dam were caused by successive stages of recurring overflowage, creating additional surface deposits upon the plain nearest to the newly formed river bank.” This is indeed “ important,” as the author himself naively remarks, since it shows, as the author also recognizes with equal unconsciousness of its real meaning, that it is the characteristic action of streams of the present nonglacial régime. It is here recognized, with undoubted correctness, that the quartzes were buried “by disturbing and overturning the sandy surface” and by “ additional sur- face deposits.” The reference of this, however, to glacial waters is wholly without evidence and quite against the probabilities. Glacial streams as a rule have the aggrading habit, and are not therefore *“‘ withdrawn into the narrower limits of an eroded stream bed,” but on the contrary, are constantly shifting their courses from one point to another across their whole plain. Usually they subdivide into a complex plexus of numerous shallow shifting branches. There is, therefore, no reason whatever to suppose that the present channel of the Mississippi at Little Falls was in existence, even in its initial stages, while the river remained truly a glacial stream. The fact that the relic-bearing de- posit is closely related to the present stream is evidence that it was postglacial. The deposit that carries the relics supports the same view, for it bears the char- acteristics of a postglacial rather than a glacial formation. On the evidence submitted, therefore, in the paper the inference is rather imperative that the quartz chips were buried at some stage when postglacial rather than glacial conditions prevailed. . . . Now, it seems clear from the evidence presented in the paper that the quartz chips were not spread over the plain while the clean stratified gravels were being formed, nor while the river was meandering over the plain in its transitional adjustment stage, nor in its general degradational stage, for at all of these stages, scour-and-fill should have incorporated the chips in the stratified sands and gravels. The chips were quite clearly introduced after the Mississippi had “ withdrawn into the narrower limits of an eroded stream bed” and while only its flood stages overflowed the upper plain. ... As the recent cutting down of the channel has been slow on account of the slate barrier, a very considerable period has probably elapsed since the Mississippi last reached the upper plain even in its highest flood stages, except as these might be made exceptional by ice jams and similar obstructions. This gives the origin of the chips a respectable antiquity, but does not offer any pre- sumption that it fell within the glacial period, or even very near its close.* Considering this masterly analysis of the phenomena of post- glacial river action, as applied to the Little Falls site, no other view 1 Chamberlin, Review of ‘“ Kakabikansing,’ by J. V. Brower, pp. 794-798. HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 89 seems reasonable than that while the inclosed artifacts correspond in age with the superficial terrace deposits, the period to which these pertain is quite imperfectly made out. To call them paleolithic be- cause of their form is but to risk serious misinterpretation, since they appear to be nothing more than the shop refuse of the Indian arrow maker. Cave explorations throughout America have been unfortunately limited in extent, considering the vast number known Cave Explorations to be awaiting the pick of the archeologist and geol- ogist. It is to the caves that the archeologist naturally looks for traces of the presence of tribes of the earliest times, for these were the ready-made dwellings of primitive man; yet, in the habitable caverns throughout northern America and especially in the middle region of the United States, of which there are thousands, thus far little has been found that may not be attributed to the In- dian tribes of comparatively recent times. It is this remarkable fact, together with others of similar import, which give countenance to the attitude of caution assumed by the writer and others in regard to the so-called evidence of man of geological antiquity in America. Prof. N. S. Shaler, who, as State Geologist of Kentucky, had unex- ampled opportunities for the study of cave phenomena, makes the following very significant statement: Noting the fact that primitive man had extensively resorted to the caverns of the Old World and had left there extensive accumulations of bones, his own and those of species on which he fed, with many other evidences of his presence, I expected to find similar deposits in our caves and rocks. } At 1% STONE oo | Na Cantos ne, a oe = eels i == = &e RAWHIDE O\ 17 ay ae GAvorseyAA f? GurrEseal \ 4 ovguase 88 QUARRY, ty G a \8 F-BAR RANCH 5 Z ig Wuboumes mM-h hd Pee = y o SQUARKIES ‘ 85H 6459 $25 wine QuARRY or ¢ A De. NY wn ewes mn A Qin AD ANN, hia A N %& AA H MUSiRs © - >, + a) yl StrH ! %, Ananes 1 % 2 LEGEND QUARAIES- 000 SHOP SITE S=83 38 VILLAGE SITES-“ TOWNS — © mo =. Mp Yj US GvRISE TRAIL § ~ +2222 PAUL ROADS aaa NCHES © e ee cretaAr ming . _pxttace? Gy =o: e SKETCH MAP of SPANISH Ce, ee S DIGG/INGS 4 OTHER -e é wle PREHISTORIC QUARRIES ee 0§ tulT 5, BR ptt GUERNSEY - = Y, EASTERN WYOMING = ee ME ay 5 Seale & Miles to/nch Itc. 88. Sketch map of the Wyoming quartzite quarry area, by R. F. Gilder. representing recent occupancy of the site. No quarry implements except hammerstones were found, and these were merely rough, ir- regular masses of quartzite or nodules of other materials which, on account of their hardness and toughness, were suitable for the pur- pose. Their identification as implements was made possible by the presence of abrasions which could only have come from usage in 212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 60 Fic, 89, Present appearance of the Wyoming quartzite quarries, Fic, 90, Present appearance of the Wyoming quartzite quarries. HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 213 breaking up large masses of hard rock and blocking out the forms of implements. An examination of the rejectage of the shaping work about the pits shows that the material most utilized was that which could be worked up into knife blades or long and rather broad lance heads or into still larger leaf-shape implements, destined, perhaps, for agricultural purposes. Nothing whatever was found in a fin- ished state, and even partially worked specimens were not numerous. The refuse about the pits is characterized by the large size of the partially shaped rejects. No work whatever seems to have been done on the small jasper and chalcedony nodules about the pits, this being reserved for the specializing shops established usually at or near the camping places. As a consequence, on the latter sites numerous small rejects, usually of leaf-shape pattern, occur and small flakes and small hammerstones made from jasper or other nodular ma- terial are found in numbers. No single specimen of finished arrow- head was encountered on these sites, nor was any reject discovered from which one could safely predict its destined specialized shape. Small scrapers are met with in surprising quantities, not only about the tipi circles near the quarries, but also in the vicinity of the large circles near the Lauk & Stein ranch, 30 miles away, and at the in- numerable sites encountered on the road between the ranch and the quarry, all of which show evidence of having been workshops. It is remarkable, however, that at none of the shop sites between the ‘ranch and the quarry was any evidence found of the shaping of large leaf-shape implements, the rejectage of which appears plentifully on the quarry sites. This might be taken to indicate that the larger forms after blocking out were carried to distant places in agricul- tural districts to be worked up. Dr. Dorsey concludes, however, as the result of his examination, that the work in these quarries was probably done by some of the Plains tribes, within a comparatively recent period, yet previous to the advent of the white race in the region. XXI. OBSIDIAN MINES BSIDIAN, a volcanic glass of very diversified characteristics of color and texture, was much utilized by the American aborigines in their arts. It is found in vast deposits in the western half of North America, and in Mexico and Central America. The workings where it was obtained thus far have United States received but meager attention. In 1878 the writer made superficial studies of the remarkable deposits of this material in the Yellowstone National Park, especially in Obsidian Canyon, where cliffs of black, rudely columnar glass rise to the height of 100 feet or more (fig. 91). The refuse of aboriginal operations observed at a number of points indicate the manufacture of the usual varieties of chipped implements. It is surmised that the aborigines probably worked the deposits of obsidian at many points in the voleanic area of the Yellowstone and Snake River Valleys. Obsidian was worked somewhat extensively in the mountains of northern New Mexico, in Nevada, and Arizona, and the Pacific States are exceedingly rich in this material, and, although no impor- tant quarries have been located, there can be little question that such exist. Among the most remarkable chipped implements in America, and in the world for that matter, are the obsidian knives of Cali- fornia, the largest of which are upward of 30 inches in length and at the same time are of remarkable symmetry and beauty of finish (fig. 92). It is an especially noteworthy fact that the art of working obsidian is practiced successfully as a matter of gain to-day by cer- tain California Indians. A lay-figure group, intended to illustrate the working of obsidian by the ancient Californians and constructed under the writer’s supervision for the San Diego Exposition, is shown in figure 93. Obsidian was quarried extensively in Mexico, and the best known mines are found in the State of Hidalgo, about 12 Mexico miles northeast of the city of Pachuca, on the mountain known as Sierra de las Navajas, the “ Mountain of the Knives.” It was the writer’s good fortune to visit this mountain in 1899. The journey from the City of Mexico was made in company with Prof. G. K. Gilbert, and the trip over the 1¥[olmes, Notes on an Extensive Deposit of Obsidian in the Yellowstone National Park, p. 247. 214 HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 915 Fic, 91. Giant columns of impure obsidian, Obsidian Canyon, Yellowstone National Park, BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETH NOLOGY [BU LL. 60 Fie. 92. Obsidian blades from California, (One-third actual size.) HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I a mountain roads was an extremely rough one. While at the mines we were the guests of Senor Amador, owner of the hacienda on which the Mountain of the Knives is situated. The lower slopes of the mountain are covered with open pine forest, in places over- grown with tall grass and on the steeper parts with underbrush. Everywhere are scattered fragments of obsidian, and groups of irregular mounds, alternating with depressions and pits, extend indefinitely up the forest-covered ridge. The pits and depressions Fig. 93. Obsidian workers in California. From a lay figure model, life size, prepared by the author. mark the sites of the ancient excavations, while the hillocks are the heaps and ridges of débris thrown out from them. The enterprising peoples of the valleys below must have operated the mines vigorously for centuries to have thus The Pittings worked over hundreds of acres of the mountain side. The deep pittings and heavy ridges of excavated débris are practically continuous over an area of a mile or two in length, with a width reaching in places possibly to a fourth of a mile. 218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 Tt is not unlikely that there are other worked areas in the vicinity, and extensive workings are reported in the vicinity of Ococingo, several miles toward the east. No outcrops of the obsidian are to be seen on this part of the mountain, and it is apparent that the ancient miners had exploited the entire slope in search of deposits lying at varying depths beneath the surface. The depth of the wider depres- sions usually does not exceed 6 or 8 feet, but some are deeper, and many take the form of wells from 3 to 10 feet in diameter and 15 or 20 feet deep, with vertical or overhanging walls. Many of these must have been much deeper, for the débris thrown out is more extensive than the present openings would suggest, and there can be no doubt that in numerous cases tunneling was continued hori- zontally or obliquely for considerable distances along productive layers or bodies of the obsidian. The heaps and ridges of débris thrown out are rarely more than 10 feet in height, but they are well pronounced and abrupt, and the total irregularities of the slope are so great that exploration is tedious and difficult. Very generally the débris is intermingled with broken obsidian, and in many cases it seems to consist almost exclusively of broken fragments and flakes left by the workmen engaged in getting out the forms desired. In places there are large heaps of flakes where the choice fragments of stone were brought from the mines and placed in the hands of the flakers to be worked up. Extensive areas are covered with these deposits of pure black resonant flakes and fragments. One great heap which lies upon the mountain slope is more than 40 feet in vertical extent and many feet in depth, comprising perhaps 20,000 or 30,000 cubic feet of flakage. Efforts were made to dig into this remarkable deposit (fig. 94), but no headway could be made, as there was no earth to hold the flakes together and the holes dug were immediately filled by sliding, tinkling slivers of glass from above, every piece of which seemed as clean and incisive of edge as when struck off by the workmen perhaps hundreds of years ago. The relation of the deposit of refuse to the mountain slope is suggested in the section, figure 95. 3eing without appliances for descending into the deeper pits, little was learned of the subterranean phenomena, and Hammerstones no traces were discovered of the implements used in the mining and shaping operations, except a number of hammerstones, which are identical in shape with the chipping ham- mers used in our northern quarries (fig. 96). The larger specimens, 4 or 5 inches in diameter and somewhat discoidal or cheese-shaped, were doubtless employed in breaking the obsidian in the mass, but the smaller, many of which are globular in form, must have been used Deposits of Flak- age HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I OUD Fic. 94. Great deposits of obsidian flakes and other shop refuse, Mountain of the Knives, Mexico. The author at the right and W. W. Blake at the left. 290 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 in the hand simply, or with a light haft attached, in the work of breaking up the fragments and in trimming them down to the desired contour. Most of the stone is a tough lava, and the periph- eries show the usual evidences of battering. It is well known that the ancient dwelling sites of the general region, including the Valley of Mexico, are strewn Flake Knives with countless knives which have been derived by fracture from faceted cylindrical nuclei, partially exhausted specimens of which are widely distributed, and evidence of the getting out of these nuclei was to be expected on the quarry site. Examination developed the fact that here the rejectage deposits abound in abortive nuclei (fig. 97), which were re- jected because lacking in some of the qualities neces- sary to successful flake blade-making. It was requisite that the material should be fine-grained, flawless, and uniform in tex- ture; the shape had to be roughly cylindrical, and it was essential that Nuclei for Knife Making A. OS. a et 7 rad separcieeNi SN I'ic. 95. Section of the great deposit of flakage, obsidian mines, Mountain of the Knives, Mexico. one end should be smoothly squared off, so that the flaking tool would have the proper surface for receiving the stroke or other form of im- pact required for removing the long slender blades. Of course, the Hake knives were not made on the quarry site, as the edges of the blades were so delicate that transportation would have subjected them to injury; therefore the selected nuclei were carried away, and the knives made by expert workmen, whenever and wherever they were required. It is impossible to form even an approximate estimate of the number of successful nuclei produced and carried away, but the product of the work on this site must have been enormous. Examples of the exhausted cores found widely distributed over the Valley of Mexico are shown in figure 98. HOLMEs ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I PAPA | Besides the rejectage of nuclei making and the hammerstones already referred to, a few other varieties of artifacts were obtained on the quarry site. In some of the heaps of refuse were found a number of scraper-like objects (fig. 99), made by taking a long, thick Tig. 96. Hammerstones from the obsidian mines of Mexico. (One-half actual size.) flake with one smooth, concave side, and removing a few chips around the margin of the wider end on the convex face, giving a keen scraping edge. It is surmised that these were employed in shaping and sharpening the wood and antler tools required in the quarry-shop ULL. 60 > > [I ETHNOLOGY OF AMERICAN BUREAU *IJ JO SJoOoJ JO JuUNnOoOdB peysnoy HOLMES | TI1g. 98. 38657°—19—Bull. 60, pt 1 ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES PART I Exhausted or nearly exhausted nuclei from the Valley of Mexico, 16 [BULL. 60 ETHNOLOGY RICAN <9 iy a BUREAU OF AMI 224 (‘eZIS [enjoV JlvVy-9ug) ‘OOIXOTY ‘SOATUX OY} JO ureyunoyy ‘sdvoy osnjorl oY} Woay sqo {0 d¥I[-todeviog “6( y %4 a) = IT HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 995 work. Other interesting partially worked implements, the final shape of which could not be determined, are shown in figure 100. Strangely enough, there seems to be an almost total absence from this site of the manufacture of incipient leaf-blade forms from which knives, spear points, and arrowheads were usually specialized, Fig. 100. although blade-derived implements are found plentifully in the fields about the base of the mountain (fig. 101). These may have been produced in other quarries than those examined. It may be difficult to identify the workers of these mines with any particular people, but it is safe to conclude that the Aztecs had a hand in the work. The Spanish invaders found these flake knives Large flakes slightly specialized for undetermined uses, Mountain of the Knives, Mexico. (One-half actual size.) 296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY {BULL. 60 in universal use by this people, and the inhabited sites of this as well as of other stocks abound in these implements. Plentiful evidences of the manufacture of implements of obsidian are found in widely distributed areas in Mexico, but the workings have not been reported on in detail. (One-half actual size.) Mountain of the Knives, Mexico. Types of implements from the fields near the obsidian mines, Hi. 401, HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 99% Mention should be made of the fact that the various forms of chipped artifacts referred to above as associated with sites where the raw material was obtained are by no means the only product of the obsidian-working industry in Mexico. Vast numbers of articles of use were produced by the processes of crumbling and abrading as well as by chipping, and even elaborately carved jewelry, vases, and idols were worked out with astonishing elaboration of detail and refinement of finish. The obsidian product was widely distributed from the mining centers, but in accounting for stray bits and occasional implements of obsidian found in the Mississippr Valley it is not necessary to assume that the ancient peoples visited distant parts or that it came by trade from afar. It is quite reasonable to suppose that fragments of this material may have been carried by flood and ice from the great deposits in the Rocky Mountains of Montana, far down the Yellowstone and Missouri Rivers, to be lodged in the banks and bars of the rivers in what are now Dakota, Minnesota, and even Illinois and Missouri. The most remarkable instance known of the wide distribution from the quarry source of obsidian artifacts is that of a deposit of knives found in an Ohio mound. Hundreds of carefully chipped blades of medium and large size, now preserved in the Field Museum of Natu- val History, were obtained from a burial mound in Ross County, the nearest source of supply being the Yellowstone country, upward of 1,500 miles away. It is, however, regarded as probable that these implements, on account of their remarkable forms, were derived from the mines of Mexico, still more distant, rather than from any northern source. Mr. M. H. Saville, of the Museum of the American Indian (Heye Foundation), on returning from his 1917 researches in Guatemala, reports the occurrence of extensive quarries of obsidian along the line of the Guatemala Railroad at La Joya, about 18 miles east of Guatemala City. The road cuts through the obsidian deposits for a distance of 2 or more miles and the roadbed is ballasted with obsidian. The traces of ancient operations are extensive but, as in the Mexican quarries, the work was confined to the collection of raw material and to the roughing out of cores and implements. Another quarry is reported near Antigua. From this and from the La Joya site, the obsidian, extensively employed by the occupants of the ancient centers of habitation about Guatemala City, was probably obtained. or fo) XXII. STEATITE QUARRIES TEATITE is a soft, tough, taleose rock, commonly called soapstone, which occurs in massive bodies in association with other metamorphic rocks. It was highly prized by the In- dian tribes and served many important purposes in their arts and industries. It has the very desirable quality of resisting the action of fire and is thus especially adapted for the manufacture of cooking utensils. It is readily carved and susceptible of a high degree of surface finish. The color, when fresh, is usually a somewhat greenish-gray, but when polished and subjected to long-continued handling it becomes almost black, presenting an attractive appearance. The aborigines in their search for materials fitted to serve them in their simple arts probably discovered and attempted to utilize loose masses of this soft tough stone, finding it, however, unsuited for most purposes to which the harder stones were devoted. We may safely infer that step by step the peculiar qualities and adaptabilities of the material became known, and that after the available loose masses were ex- hausted the rock in place was attacked where it outcropped in the stream beds and on the hillsides. The manner of conducting the quarry work was substantially as follows: When a sufficient area of the solid stone had been uncovered, the workmen proceeded with stone picks to detach such portions as were desired. If the surface happened to be uneven, the projections or convexities were utilized, and the cutting was not difficult. Where the rock was massive and the surface flat, a circular groove was cut, outlining the mass to be removed, and the cutting was continued until a depth was reached corresponding to the height of the utensil to be made; then by undercutting the nucleus was detached or the stem so far severed that it could be broken off by means of stone sledges or levers of wood. If the stone happened to be laminated, a circular groove was cut through at right angles to the bedding, and the discoidal mass was removed without the need of undercutting. Where the conditions were favorable, a second disk was cut adjoining the first, and then a third, and so on, pretty much as the housewife cuts up the layer of dough in biscuit making. A Fireproof Ma- terial Quarrying Opera- tions 99 sac PART I 229 HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES Where the floor and walls of a well-developed quarry are fully exposed, the details of the ancient operations are The Shaping Work Clearly displayed. In cases it is seen that the task of cutting out the mass was just begun when opera- tions in the quarry closed, while in others it was well under way und the bulbous vessel nucleus now stands out in bold relief (fig. 102). In cases where undercutting has taken place, the rounded form re- sembles a mushroom on its stem and is ready to be removed by a heavy blow; while in many other cases we see only roundish depressions in the quarry surface, in the bottoms of which are Fic. 102, Lump of soapstone partly cut out of the mass. (Diameter, about 12 inches.) stumps or scars indicating that removal of the mass has taken place (fig. 103). It often happened that the work was eportive? Work stopped by the discovery of defects in the stone. In very many cases defects were not discovered until late, and the operation of removal at the last moment became abor- tive; instead of breaking off at the base, as was intended, the cleavage of the stone was such that the body split in two, leaving a portion remaining attached to the stem. A noteworthy feature of the cutting out of these masses of stone is the attendant shaping of the mass, which was rudely sculptured as the work went on, the contour of the vessel being approximately 930 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 60 developed. In the eastern United States rude nodes were carved at opposite ends of the mass as incipient handles, and excavation of the bowl was already well under way before the removal took place. So far as observed, the quarries rarely yield evidence of any other shaping work than that of obtaining the rounded Quarry Product bodies of stone and the partial development of some form of vessel. Tobacco pipes, sinkers, baking plates, ceremonial objects, amulets, ornaments, and images were made, mostly no doubt from choice bits of stone carried away for the pur- Fic. 103. The stump left by breaking off the globular lump. pose, or perhaps often from fragments of the thick-walled vessels broken in use. About the quarries and in the quarry débris are many partly shaped specimens rejected on account of serious defects of fracture, besides many irregular fragments and masses, usually showing some defect of texture, explaining their abandonment. Steatite is of very general distribution in eastern Canada and the Atlantic States and has been mined by the aborigines Geographical Dis- jn numberless localities, especially in New England, eae Tan Pennsylvania, Maryland, District of Columbia, and the Appalachian regions to the south. Deposits are found in Wyoming and in other States of the Great Divide. In the HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 931 Pacific States it was extensively mined, and to an undetermined extent in the Arctic regions. Little evidence of the presence of mines of this material has been collected in Middle and South America. In the East two extensively worked quarries have been carefully studied by the writer, one in the suburbs of Wash- ington City and the other in Fairfax County, Va. These may be taken as types, the manner of operating, the implements used, and the product being much the same every- where. The former, known as the Rose Ilill quarry, is located on Connecticut Avenue 4 miles from the White House. Here steatite of somewhat inferior quality outcropped in the banks of a small stream and in two rounded hills which rise to the right and left. The first account of the superficial features of this site was given by Elmer R. Reynolds in the Twelfth Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of Archeology and Ethnology in 1879. Later, Frank H. Cushing made examinations and collections from the surface, and in 1890 the old pittings were cleared out and exhaustively studied by the present writer. The old excavations were shallow, but extended over considerable areas, and numerous partly worked and rejected vessels and many quarry implements were collected. The abortive vessels illustrated in figure 104 show with remarkable clearness the marks left by the shaping tools. The ordinary form of vessel pro- duced in the eastern quarry shops is shown in figure 105. The Clifton quarry had been extensively operated and was opened up and fully cleared out by William Dinwiddie, of the Bureau of American Ethnology, under the writer’s direction, in 1893. The exposure of steatite had been followed into the hillside about 100 feet by the aboriginal miners, and the excavations in places reached a depth of nearly 20 feet in the solid stone, 10,000 or more cubic feet of which had been removed. A general view of the excavations after clearing out is presented in figure 106. It is seen that the entire steatite surface is scarred by the pick work of the quarrymen. A number of the implements used in this and other quarries of the region are shown in figures 107-110. They include chisel-like forms made of several varieties of tough stone and grooved axes diverted from their normal uses and employed as picks. In many instances the latter are broken, splintered, and modified by reshaping until the original form, excepting the groove, which was protected by the hafting, was lost. The discovery of a longitudinally grooved gouge-form implement (fig. 111) in the Rose Hill quarry near Wash- ington is a noteworthy occurrence, since specimens of this type are ‘are outside of New England. Connecticut iy \\ Fic. 130, Ilammerstones used in the quarry work befere the acquirement of steel tools, HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES PART I 26] Fic. 151. Grooved sledges of the Plains tribes found on the shop sites. (One-half actual size.) Any | i joel i) i NN ini) ; Mi i AU PH cel Fig, 1382, Examples of worked bits of the pipestone from the camp sites, 262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BuLL. 60 There is a general impression among those who have written on the subject that the discovery and use of the red Antiquity pipestone by the tribes is of comparatively recent date, and this is no doubt correct; but it is equally certain that it was in use before the arrival of the whites in the Northwest. This is made clear not only by history and tradition but by the appearance of the ancient quarry excavations, and especially by the presence in burial mounds in various sections of the country of pipes and other objects made of the stone by aboriginal methods. This quarry is usually referred to as the sacred pipestone quarry. According to statements by Catlin and others, the site was held in much superstitious regard by the aborigi- nes. Traditions of very general distribution lead to the belief that it was, in the words of Catlin— The Quarry Neu- tral Ground held and owned in common, and as a neutral ground amongst the different tribes who met here to renew their sacred calumets under some superstition which stayed the tomahawk cf natural foes always raised in deadly hate and vengeance in other places.’ Nicollet states? that Indians of the surrounding nations made an annual pilgrimage to the quarry unless prevented by wars or dissensions. Since the earliest visits of the white man to the Coteau des Prairies, however, the site has been occupied exclusively by the Sioux, and Catlin met with strong opposition from them when he attempted to visit the quarry about 18387. The following facts regarding the historic occupancy and owner- Property of the Sioux ship of the pipestone quarry are extracted from a statement very generously furnished by Mr. Charles H. Bennett, of Pipestone: Government Con- trol On April 80, 1808, the region was acquired by the United States through the Louisiana purchase. On July 28, 1851, the lands, including the quarry, were relinquished to the United States by the Sisseton and Wahpeton Sioux, and on August 5 they were relinquished by the Mdewakanton and Wahpekute Sioux, and 64 chiefs and head warriors who had also a claim. A treaty with the Yankton Sioux, ratified April 19, 1858, specifies that “the said Yancton Indians shall be secured in the free, and unrestricted use of the red pipestone quarry, or so much thereof as they have been accustomed to frequent and use for the purpose of procuring stone for pipes; and the United States hereby stipulate and agree to be caused to be surveyed and marked so much thereof as shall be necessary and proper for that purpose, and retain the same and keep it open and free to the Indians to visit and procure stone for pipes, so long as they shall desire.” In 1859, 1 square mile, including the quarry, was surveyed as a reservation. 1 Catlin, North American Indians, 11, 201, “Report to Illustrate a Map of the Hydrographical Basin of the Upper Mississippi River, p. 15. HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 263 The Sioux have no other legal claim to the quarry site than that of quarrying the pipestone, a privilege of which they yearly take advantage to a limited extent. The Yankton Sioux, sometimes accompanied by their friends, the Flandreau Sioux, continue (1900) to visit the quarry and dig pipestone, coming usually in June or July. They establish their lodges on the reservation near the excavations, and stay from Recent Work of the Sioux Fig. 1388. Commercial pipe and trinket maker at work near the quarries. one to two weeks, procuring the pipestone, which they manufacture into pipes and trinkets of great variety. The Indians sell much of the stone to the whites, who have taken up the manufacture of pipes and various utensils and trinkets, using lathes and other devices to aid in the work, and in a letter by Mr. Bennett dated 1892 it is stated that not 1 per cent of the pipes then made and disposed of were of Indian manufacture. White traders began the manufacture of pipes from the pipestone many years ago, and according to Dr. I’, V. Hayden these were used by the fur companies in trade with the Indians of the Northwest. At a meeting of the American Philo- sophical Society in 1866 Hayden stated that in the two years just passed the Northwestern Fur Co. had manufactured nearly 2,000 pipes and traded them with the tribes of the upper Missouri. The pipe maker shown with his lathes and drills in figure 133 was established near the quarry at the time of the writer’s visit in 1892, 4 Machine-Made Pipes 264 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [Run. 60 and produced a great variety of articles supplied to the trinket market of Pipestone and neighboring towns. An important feature of the quarry site is a group of large granite bowlders called the maidens (fig. 134), brought from the far north by glacial ice, about the base of which, engraved on the glaciated floor of reddish quartizite, were formerly a number of petroglyphs, representing no doubt mythological beings associated with the lo- cality. Additional interest attaches to the locality on account of an inscription left by the Nicollet exploring party in 1838. The name of Nicollet and the initials of five other persons, including those of John C. Fremont (C. F. only) are cut in the flinty quartzite rock face near the “leaping rock” at the falls. The principal explorers of the site are Nicollet, Catlin, Hayden, Winchell, and the writer. N PART f Ss) = q vy ICAN ANTIQUITII aR AMI INAL ABORI( HOLMES | ‘DOT [BIDVIF Aq Yitou Avy oy} wor WSnoiq ‘somaenb oy} Iva SIop[MOod o}laeRIs JRaIyH ‘PET “OIA XXV. HEMATITE ORE AND PAINT MINE, MISSOURI ARLY in the first decade of the present century traces of an- cient excavations were observed by miners engaged in opening an iron mine near Leshe, Mo. ) Chipping thin-edged bits of stone held in one hand with a pincerlike or a notched bone tool held in the other hand and moved with an “impulsive twist,” thus specializing an implement. REST PRESSURE PROCESSES (a) Chipping thin-edged bits of stone held in a fixed position by pres- sure with a bone tool held in the hand, thus specializing an implement. (6) Chipping thin-edged bits of stone held in a fixed position by pressure with a pincerlike or a notched tool held in the hand, thus specializing an implement. (c) Chipping thin-edged bits of stone held in a fixed position by pressure with a bone- pointed implement = ae. mounted in a long Je shaft, which is set un- — der the arm of the 4 Ff operator to increase the pressure, thus shaping an implement. (d) Flaking brittle stone held on a rigid surface or otherwise fixed by pressing off flakes with a bone- pointed implement \ mounted in a_ long shaft, which is set Fic. 171. Pree-hand pressure chipping with a bone against the chest or as shoulder of the operator to increase the pressure, thus producing flake knife blades. (e) Chipping thin-edged bits of stone by pressing the edge against a sharp-edged bone or other like object at rest, thus specializing an inplement. Free-hand pressure, next to free-hand percussion, is the most important and generally useful of the primitive im- Free-hand Pressure plement making fracture processes. It is adapted to the shaping of small objects of brittle stone, and par- ticularly to the specialization and finish of projectile points, knives, drills, scrapers, and the like. The piece of stone shaped, always thin- edged, was usually held between the end of the thumb and the tips of two or three fingers of the left hand, as indicated in figure 171, or 306 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 grasped by the finger tips of the left hand against the thumb or the ball of the thumb of that hand, as illustrated in figure 172. In the latter method the hand was always protected from injury by a pad of buckskin or other like device. Typical examples of the chipping tools are shown in figure 173 and the relation of the bone point to the implement edge operated on in figure 174. The point of the tool was set against the margin of the stone, as here shown, and the chips were forced off by a spas- modic push. It appears that when the point of the tool was rounded, the push was sometimes accompanied by a slight rocking motion. In skilled hands the bone point was quickly moved to the proper point on the margin of the stone for the next flake, and so on until the shaping was complete. The positions illustrated in most of the Wig. 172. Sharpening an arrow point by chipping with a bone point. accompanying drawings are those taken by the writer in demon- strating the various methods recorded by observers of the aboriginal work. It was the good fortune of Maj. J. W. Powell to witness the opera- tion of this and other processes of shaping stone, as employed among a number of tribes in the Colorado Valley, and his photograph (made by Millers) of an aged Painte man demonstrating the manner of holding the chipping implement and the blade under treatment is probably the only record of its kind in existence. This photo- graph is reproduced in figure 175, and an enlarged drawing of the HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 307 1) EURAIL Iie. 173. Examples of pressure chipping tools. <> Al quer ail y - ut i am . < : \ IN Vi a oc 5 yn é LY) h Rn 5 oO lo) i=" e E HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 309 ig, 175. Paiute Indian chipping a knife blade with a bone point. (Powell.) a0 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 hands, showing the position of the implements, appears in figure 176. The flaker held in the right hand is a bone point of usual type, and the implement held in the left is the blade of a hafted flint knife of the kind still in use at that time among the canyon tribes. Major Powell’s reference to the arrow maker’s demonstration of the process is as follows: In alittle valley north of the Uinta Mountains a tribe of Shoshoni Indians were found still manufacturing stone arrowheads, stone knives, and [Powell’s Account] Stone spears. Although a few of them were armed with guns purchased at far-distant trading stores, a greater number of the men and boys were armed with bows and arrows. In the valley which they occupied chaleedony is found in the form popularly called moss-agate. In 1869 the writer often saw these Indians manufacturing stone arrow- heads and stone knives. These were made from masses of moss-agate weathering out of the sandy shales of the district. The implements were made by breaking the masses with rude stone hammers, and selecting favorably shaped fragments to be further fashioned by the use of [Shoshoni Arrow Makers] Fic. 176. Relative position of the implements in the hands of the Paiute Indian, figure 175. little stone hammers. 7 a n ‘“e - : : = ‘ ae the flake, frequently the entire western United States tribes as described by depth of the block of stone, Gatlin: sometimes as much as 10 or 12 inches. The tooth or tusk of the walrus was highly prized for the tips of the flakers.? Figure 182 shows the two implements described by Catlin and illustrated by Sellers, and also the figure of a workman using one of the implements in the manner described. This figure presents equally well the method of making obsidian knives by the Aztecs, as de- scribed by Torquemada : They had, and still have, workmen who make knives of a certain black stone or flint, which it is a most wonderful and admirable [ Aztee Method] thing to see them make out of the stone; and the = in- genuity which invented this art is much to be praised. They 1 Sellers, Observations on Stone-chipping, pp. S74—S875. 324 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 are made and got out of the stone (if one can explain it) in this manner: One of these Indian workmen sits down upon the ground and takes a piece of this black stone, which is like jet, and hard as flint, and is a stone which might be called precious, more beautiful and brilliant than alabaster or jasper, so much so that of it are made tablets and mirrors, The piece they take is about 8 inches long, or rather more, and as thick as one’s leg or rather less, and cylindrical, They have a stick as large as the shaft of a lance, and 8 cubits, or rather more, in length, and at the end of it they fasten firmly another piece of wood 8 inches long, to give more weight to this part, then pressing their naked feet together, they hold the stones as with a pair of pincers or the vise of a carpenter’s bench, They take the stick (which is cut off smooth at the end) with both hands, and set well home against the edge of the front of the stone, which also is cut smooth in that part; and then they press it against their breast, and with the force of the pressure there flies off a knife, with its point and edge on each side, as neatly as if one were to make them of a turnip with a sharp knife, or of iron in the fire. Then they sharpen it on a stone, using a hone to give it a very fine edge; and in a very short time these workmen will make more than 20 knives in the aforesaid manner. They come out of the same shape as our barbers’ lancets, except that they have a rib up the middle, and have a slight graceful curve toward the point. They will cut and shave the hair the first time they are used, at the first cut nearly as well as a steel razor, but they lose their edge at the second cut; and so to finish shaving one’s beard or hair, one after another has to be used; though indeed they are cheap, and spoiling them is of no consequence. Many Spaniards, both regular and secular clergy, have been shaved with them, especially at the beginning of the colonization of these realms, when there was no such abundance as now of the necessary instruments and people who gain their livelihood by practicing this occupa- tion. But I conelude by saying that it is an admirable thing to see them made, and no small argument for the capacity of the men who found out such an invention.’ The Mexicans are said to have held a piece of cbsidian in the left hand and pressed it against the point of a small goat’s horn held in the right; moving it gently in different directions, they chipped off small flakes until the arrow was complete. This is a mere variant of the simple free-hand method of pressing the bone implement against the edge of the stone. This work corresponds closely to the process employed by the Australians as described by Balfour, which, how- ever, is a rest process and is thus classed with the rest pressure processes. The Australians, according to Balfour, used— (2) a water-worn pebble of some hard, close-grained rock, of irregular shape, rounded on one face, flattened on the other; the upper end is rounded and fits the hollow of the hand comfortably, the lower end is blunt edged. The shape is purely natural. The weight of the pebble is 83 ounces, (b) A piece about 4 inches long, of the leg bone of a sheep, which has been roughly broken across. The stone is abraded at the lower end, the abrasions extending some way up the convex face of the pebble. It was used for striking off and pressing off 1Torquemada, quoted by Wilson, Arrowpoints, Spearheads, and Knives of Prehistoric Times, p. 988. HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 325 flakes from the glass, presumably during the earlier stages in the fashioning of the spearhead. Such abraded stones frequently occur amongst neolithic finds. The bone was used in the final shaping of the spearhead, and to some extent at least in the manner which is represented in the photograph [fig. 183]. This was not taken on the spot, but was arranged in accordance with a sketch which Dr. Clement gave to me. The developing spearhead was held in both hands in the position shown in the photograph, and the edges pressed with a slightly rotary movement against the edges of the broken end of the bone, which was held down with the fingers of the left hand. ' In this manner flakes were detached with considerable accuracy, and the serrated edges of the blade were formed by flaking deeper at regular intervals. The edges of the bone have been partially smoothed by rubbing, presumably to improve their shape for the process of flaking the glass.? The observer who has knowledge only of the processes required in the making of arrowheads of cbsidian may be very far from hav- ing any adequate conception cf the methods required and used in QS = : a = = Tig. 183. Australian method of chipping as described by Balfour. shaping like forms from tough and hard material, as quartzite or diorite, and he will be still further from understanding the processes required in evolving the long spearheads, and knives, and the highly specialized blades and other objects found in many sections of the country. With obsidian the hammer makes the flake and thins down thick edges, and the bone point shapes the arrowhead with ease; with the tougher materials, especially when the objects are large, the range of the stone hammer’s work is much greater, and, indeed, the bone point by free-hand methods is often available only in the refine- iments of finish and in many cases not at all. A most valuable contribution to our knowledge of the native methods of working brittle stone is furnished by Nels C. Nelson.? He records with the greatest fullness the work of Ishi, a Yahi Indian of southern California, who kept up the practice of the art until his 1 Balfour, On the Method Employed by the Natives of N. W. Australia in the Manu- facture of Glass Spear-heads, p. 65. *Vlint working by Ishi, pp. 398-402. PAG: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 death in 1916, not, however, with the original tools, which were of bone, but with tools of iron, which he found to have certain ad- vantages, the rate of wear doubtless being a first consideration. The chipping work is described by Nelson as follows: Given a nodule of flint or a lump of obsidian, Ishi, in making a notched arrow point, let us say, employs three distinct processes, for each of which special tools ordinarily are required. The first process involves the division or breaking up of the obsidian mass to obtain suitable thin and straight flakes ; the second process consists in chipping the selected flake to the size and shape of the arrow point desired; and the third and final process embodies, among other thines, the notching of the base of the point to facilitate its attachment to the arrow shaft. lor the first process, that of dividing the obsidian mass, an ordinary hard, water-worn bowlder may do, especially if only small flakes are wanted, the obsidian being broken up or a flake struck from it by a direct blow. But if a large spear point or knife blade is ultimately desired, an intermediate tool is needed. This is apparently (Ishi never made one for me to see) a short, stout, blunt-pointed piece of bone or wood serving as a sort of punch and sometimes as a lever. As au matter of fact, what is wanted in the case of producing a large implement is not the division of the obsidian mass, but the trimming down of this mass by the detachment from it of all unnecessary portions. , ce Bl cy G Hl = Ul y ) (\ ic 7 SS ee = = Nan —— = . ay WiC ; AED eC, | eal I Ny Al ys WN / == Se A j Fic. 196. Three forms of the crumbling-carving process—with mallet and chisel, with hafted pick, and with pick held in the hand. 338 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL, 60 writer’s companion, Mr. Edward H. Thompson, encountered traces of more extended work where the great blocks had been cut out of the face > Zeb a LS el) ipl “af TAG i Bie ra a KAN = Fig. 197. Partially dressed blocks of stone in an ancient quarry at Mitla, Mexico. of the living rock, to be transported, no one knows how, and built into the temples and tombs of Mitla. The time and labor involved in Tic. 198. Rude stone-cutting (crumbling) implements found on a quarry site at Mitla, Mexico, this initial phase of the stone-using arts can hardly be justly esti- mated by those who know only the methods of civilization. Figure HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 339 141 represents a life-size group, recently constructed in the National Museum under the direction of the writer, to illustrate graphically our understanding of the methods of stone working practiced by the more civilized peoples of Middle and South America. The marvel grows when gradually we come to realize the vastness of the monumental remains of hewn stone which mark the culture centers of the ancient peoples of Middle and South America. Not only did the huge blocks employed in the building of a hundred cities have to be pecked out and hewn and fitted into their places, but the countless sculp- tured embellishments, the massive stele, and the individual sculp- tures in relief and the round, which are the marvel of the western world, had to be wrought into shape by the tedious process of crum- bling. When the imagination traverses the field from Central Mexico to Argentina and recalls the traces of former enterprises in such centers as Chichen Itza, Uxmal, Palenque, Quirigua, Copan, Tiahuanaco, Cuzco, Machu Picchu, and the rest, the magnitude of the industrial achievement of a Stone Age people is borne in on us with almost overwhelming force. At Tiahuanaco the writer gazed with wonder on the huge monoliths assembled on the site, brought no one knows whence or how far, but apparently never built into the structures for which they were in- tended, for if once placed in orderly form what force or agency could have arranged them as they appear to-day? All had to be hewn from the quarry with picks of stone or bronze, a work followed by transportation in which marvelous difficulties were overcome, and finished by crumbling and abrasive methods. The vast achievements of the ancient Peruvians in quarrying and dressing the great stones employed in their Cyclopean structures, as described by Squier and others, attest the efficiency and possibilities of the crumbling process. Describing the fortress of Olantaytambo, Squier writes as follows: Monumental Works The stones composing it or lying scattered over its area are of a hard red porphyry, brought from quarries more than 2 leagues distant, upward of 3,000 feet above the valley, and on the opposite side from the fortress. They are nearly all hewn into shape and ready to be fitted, and among them I noticed several having places cut in them for the reception of the T clamp, which I have mentioned in describing the remains of Tiahuanuco. One of these por- phyry blocks, built in the wall of what appeared to be the beginning of a square building, is 18 feet long by 5 broad and 4 deep, not only perfectly squared but finely polished on every face, as are also the stones adjoining it, to which it fits with scarcely perceptible joints. The most interesting series of stones, however, are six great upright slabs of porphyry supporting a terrace, against which they slightly incline. It will be observed that they stand a little apart, and that the spaces between them are accurately filled in with other thin stones, in sections. The sides of these, as well as of the larger slabs which they adjoin, are polished. The following 340 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 table gives the dimensions of the slabs in feet and tenths, commencing with the one at the left: 1 2 3. 4 5 | 6 - = ee a He (cee FPOIGHG scsi cis tck Sects 2odec ge op treree aesinteemeeewist Soeis case Bicccer HW 5) | LOS 258 125) 124 13.3 Wiadthiat base: = 2: 2252 satossseeteteceee rete eeces ace EE ee oe O42 ||, cAeh) | eeSerkie| ee Oeadan de (eal Wadthiat tops:-S2.6 <2 - te tn ese ee Sesto eee ee 5.4 4.4 452 6.0 6.8 | 6.4 "THIGKMOSS 2s 55 Adee acc cere ches ee ee ee eae eee ee eee ee ASOu 3e5ul) 2adaleen a) 5.9 The faces of these slabs are not hewn entirely smooth, but have several projections, indicating that the work of accurately facing them was never completed. No. 4 shows traces of the same kind of ornamentation observed on some of the blocks at Tiahuanuco, only here the ornament is in relief. But gigantic as are these blocks, they are small in comparison with the ‘ Tired Stones ” lying on the inclined plane leading to the fortress or at its foot, as if abandoned there by the ancient workmen. One of these is 21 feet 6 inches long, by 15 feet broad. It is partly embedded in the ground, but shows a thick- ness of 5 feet above the soil.’ The traces of the ancient work at Cuzco as described by Squier are equally marvelous: The stones composing the walls are massive blocks of blue limestone, irreg- ular in size and shape, and the work is altogether without doubt the grandest specimen of the style called Cyclopean extant in America. The outer wall, as I have said, is heaviest. Each salient terminates in an immense block of stone, sometimes as high as the level of the terrace which it supports, but generally sustaining one or more great stones only less in size than itself. One of these stones is 27 feet high, 14 broad, and 12 in thickness. Stones of 15 feet length, 12 in width, and 10 in thickness are common in the outer walls. They are all slightly beveled on the face, and near the joints chamfered down sharply to the contiguous faces. The joints—what with the lapse of time, and under the effects of violence, earthquakes, and the weather—are not now, if they ever were, so perfect as represented by the chroniclers. They are, nevertheless, wonderfully close, and cut with a precision rarely seen in modern fortifications. The inner walls are composed of smaller and more regular stones, and are less impressive.” Garcilasso de la Vega, as quoted by Squier, writes of the marvelous structures of Cuzco as follows: This was the greatest and most superb of the edifices that the. Incas raised to demonstrate their majesty and power. Its greatness is incredible to those who have not seen it; and those who have seen it, and studied it with attention, will be led not alone to imagine, but to believe, that it was reared by enchant- ment—by demons, and not by men, because of the number and size of the stones placed in the three walls, which are rather cliffs than walls, and which it is impossible to believe were cut out of quarries, since the Indians had neither iron nor steel wherewith to extract or shape them. And how they were brought 1 Squier, Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas, pp. 500— 501, *Ibid., pp. 471-472. HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 841 together is a thing equally wonderful, since the Indians had neither carts nor oxen nor ropes wherewith to drag them by main force. Nor were there level roads over which to transport them, but, on the contrary, steep mountains and abrupt declivities to be overcome by the simple force of men. Many of the stones were brought from 10 to 15 leagues, and especially the stone, or rather Fie, 199. a,b, Marvelous mural masonry of the ancient Peruvians. the rock, called Sayeusea, or the ‘‘ Tired Stone,” because it never reached the structure, and which it is known was brought a distance of 15 leagues, from beyond the river of Yucay, which is little less in size than the Guadalquivir at Cordova. The stones obtained nearest were from Muyna, 5 leagues from Cuzco. It passes the power of imagination to conceive how so many and so great stones 342 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 could be so accurately fitted together as searcely to admit the insertion of the point of a knife between them. Many are indeed so well fitted that the joint can hardly be discovered. And all this is the more wonderful as they had no squares or levels to place on the stones and ascertain if they would fit together. lic. 200. Carving of the massive rock in place by the ancient Peruvians. How often must they have taken up and put down the stones to ascertain if the joints were perfect! Nor had they cranes, or pulleys, or other machinery whatever. ... But what is most marvelous of the edifice is the incredible size of the stones, and the astonishing labor of bringing them together and placing them.’ 1 Squier, Peru: Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of the Incas, pp. 468-469, HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 848 The perfection of the mural masonry of the Incas is shown by the examples illustrated in figure 199, a, 6. This superb work, executed by the crumbling process, supplemented by the abrading process, 1s not confined to a few limited examples, but extends to great build- ings, fortresses, embankments, aqueducts, and bridges of vast extent. This marvelous hewing of mural surfaces was not all. The build- ers of the Cuzco Valley extended their passion’ for sculpture to the elaborate carving of the massive rock in place, a good specimen of this work being shown in figure 200, selected from numerous equally noteworthy examples illustrated by Bingham. The purpose of the carving of great rock masses and even the massive outcrops of the mountain sides is not determined, but that it was the result of a most serious purpose and executed with primitive tools and at the expense of great labor is beyond dispute. Hardly less to be wondered at as products of primitive handicraft than these strange traces of sculptural and architectural enterprise are the multifarious products of the lapidarian art—the personal ornaments, amulets, idols, and the like, made of jade, agate, turquoise, emerald, and other precious and semiprecious stones recovered by tens of thousands from dwelling sites and burial places throughout America, all or nearly all of which had to pass through the crumbling stage of elaboration before the abrading-polishing processes could proceed with the work. XXXII. ABRADING PROCESSES HE abrading processes, as employed in stone-shaping by primitive peoples, are very generally supplementary to frac- turing and crumbling. They may be assembled for de- scriptive purposes in seven principal groups: 1. Grinpinc, WHETTING Simple manual abrasion, the stone abraded being held in the hand and rubbed on another stone or abraded by another stone held in the hand. In large work the abrader may have been in some cases hafted or otherwise mounted to increase its efficacy. 9. SAWING Simple manual abrasion with edges, plain or notched, or filaments employed, often with the aid of sand, in channeling and dividing. 3. SCRAPING Abrasion of comparatively soft stone with scraping implements of various types held in the hand. 4, ENGRAVING Abrasion with a point as in engraving. 5. Driiiine Abrasion with simple manual or machine revolved drill points, solid or tubular. 6. Scourrne, Rasprne Abrasion by scouring with sand moved beneath or held embedded in a somewhat yielding surface, as of leather. 7. PowisHine Abrasion with hard or soft surfaces variously applied to give finish and polish. 344 HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 345 The abrading crafts employ a wide range of implements and mechanical appliances and are of vast importance in the economy of all peoples in all stages of progress. It is observed that they are applicable in the treatment of all materials in degrees varying with the nature of the material. Abrasion in its simplest form con- sists of rubbing one object, as of stone, against another with such force as to remove small particles from one or both, but in the prac- tice of the art for ages, abrading implements and devices of many kinds have been evolved and their operation is expressed by such terms as grinding, whetting, scraping, scratching, engraving, saw- ing, drilling, boring, and rubbing. Even the polishing arts, how- soever delicate, act by the removal of exceedingly minute particles. All varieties of stone are abradable, and all stones can be made to serve in the active operation of abrading. Gritty textured varieties serve for the rougher reducing and surfacing, and the finer-grained, even agates, jades, and the like, for whetting and smoothing, and sand and finely pulverized minerals of many kinds are employed in various ways as shaping and finishing agents. Many forms of abrading work have been observed in actual oper- ation among the tribes, and not a few are in use to-day; in fact, the processes are In use among other than primitive peoples, and the higher forms of abrading arts in use among lapidaries, sculptors, and builders of to-day do not differ from the primitive forms in principle but rather in the improved mechanical devices employed. Grinding and whetting implements are exceedingly numerous among prehistoric relics, and their use and manner of use can be inferred in many cases from their shape and the traces of use which they bear. _ It can not be said with certainty, however, whether a particular form was em- ployed exclusively or even partially in the shaping of stone, and many of the implements probably served for the treatment of other materials, as shell, bone, wood, and metal, as occasion required, and even in the manipulation of pliable materials, as Trincipal Use hides and filaments, but their greatest field of useful- ness was, no doubt, in the shaping and finishing of minor artifacts and in giving surface finish to sculptures generally and to building stone. Grinding and whetting stones of three dis- tinet types are shown in figures 201, 202, and 203. An instructive series of illustrations of the use in abrading work of Flake Abraders simple spalls struck from bowlders by the ancient occupants of the shores of Lake Michigan is given by Phillips.t. The various positions and movements are determined by observing traces of the work and wear displayed by the specimens themselves (fig. 204). Grinding, Whet- ting 1 Phillips, Stone Implements from the Southern Shores of Lake Michigan, p. 587. 346 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [BULL. 60 The abrading work was by no means limited to hand-wielded im- i . . \y si Al i My eG, S Yj} Y 4 Wy Y Mnf; Fig. 201. Common forms of abrading stones from the Atlantic States. plements as applied to artifacts under treatment. Hand-held ob- jects in process of manufacture were rubbed on stationary grindstones (fig. 205), and numerous examples have been observed where depressions and grooves are worn in the surfaces of rock bodies in situ (fig. 206). Edged scraping tools of varied forms were in univer- Scraping sal use by primitive peoples, but little can be said regarding their use in the treatment of stone. There can be no doubt, however, that stone scrapers as well as knives of stone and metal served in shaping the softer stones, as ‘atlinite, soapstone, cannel coal, and fireclay. Artifacts made of these ma- terials bear unmistakable traces of the employment of implements of this type. Sharp- pointed Engraving implements were em- ployed in engraving : Fig, 202. Type of whetstone of jade figures on stone surfaces, as countless in common use among the western examples indicate, but the particular er ihe tools employed are not readily identified. HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 347 Fic. 203. Grooves produced by the abrasion of implements, Fic. 204. Series of positions illustrating abrading work with a small hand implement. 848 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 60 The primitive shaping crafts, classed for convenience under the term “sawing,” were in universal use by the abo- Sawing Processes rigines for dividing bits or masses of the raw material intended for further elaboration. The process does not necessarily imply a saw—a toothed or notched implement—but rather any thin-bladed implement employed in grooving or dividing Fic, 205. ) Chiseling the stone to be shaped with a terminally-edged implement, hafted or unhafted, held in the hand and pushed. Percussion INcIsine (a) Chiseling the stone to be shaped with a terminally-edged implement, hafted or unhafted, forcibly driven with a hammer or mallet. (>) Chopping the stone to be shaped with a terminally-edged tool, as an ax or adz, a chisel, hatchet, pick, or gouge, hafted or unhafted. IIE incising processes shape material by means of a cutting edge, which implies the use of a hard, edged implement and a substance to be shaped of decidedly inferior hardness. Generally speaking, stone is not well adapted for the making of cutting implements, yet edged tools of stone were of Incising Tools necessity a chief reliance of Stone Age peoples in their diversified manual activities. They included knives, axes, hatchets, adzes, chisels, and gouges, and are much diver- sified in form, ranging in each type from selected natural forms to implements of wholly artificial conformation. The edge was ob- tained by chipping, crumbling, or grinding, or by the one supple- mented by one or both of the others. Simple fracture of glassy stone, as obsidian, gave the keenest possible edge, and all the finer grained stones were capable of taking an excellent edge by grind- ing, as is well illustrated by the slate and jade knives of the Arctic peoples, The grooved ax, celt-hatchet, chisel, and gouge were given edges by grinding capable of cutting and dressing wood and Soapstone Working the softer stones, but very ineffective as compared with steel tools of corresponding type. The flint blade, sharpened by chipping, was in universal use by the tribes, but was little adapted to the shaping of stone. Soapstone, the principal and most generally available mineral readily worked by incising methods, was hewn out of the quarry and shaped into implements, 358 HOLMES ] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 359 utensils, and other artifacts chiefly by means of the pick, gouge, and « chisel, the incising edge being generally quite narrow and merging into the pointed pick, the process at the same time merging into the crumbling type. These tools were used hafted or unhafted and were operated by pushing and striking or by indirect percussion, as with the aid of a mallet. Our principal information regarding the shaping of stone by in- cising methods is obtained from prehistoric sources, especially from the soapstone quarries, which are found in great numbers in the Appalachian Ranges and to a lesser extent in other regions through- out Northern America. The quarry excavations where the stone was hewn from its native bed and the refuse of manufacture left on the shop sites near at hand furnish ample data for the student, and the utensils made of this material and left on dwelling sites where used and abandoned, bear traces of the methods employed in their production, often obscured, however, by reshaping and wear. But the quarry faces from which the material was cut and the refuse of the shops left practically un- touched since abandoned by the workmen afferd traces of the most satisfactory kind. The markings are so perfectly preserved that the size and kind of cutting edges employed are at once apparent. The tools themselves scattered about, often in large numbers, serve to complete the story. We are even able to say with reasonable cer- tainty that the work of blocking out the articles made was often done with hafted rather than unhafted implements, since the deep, direct incisions (fig. 223, a) could hardly have resulted from less forcible methods. There is no doubt, however, that the tools were on occa- sions held in the hand and wielded chisel fashion merely, producing effects such as appear in figure 223, b. Many of the implements em- ployed in the quarries and shops were improvised natural forms, while others were made especially for the particular purpose. Some were edged tools employed originally for other purposes, as the ax, celt, and gouge. No clear distinction is to be drawn between the implements used in quarrying and cutting out the soapstone masses RNS eg in the quarry and those employed in shaping the eaten artifacts made of these masses, yet it may be assumed that in general the heavier, ruder tools associated with quarry sites were used in excavating and quarrying, and that the more delicate sharp-edged and pointed tools served for shaping and finishing. One variety of pick is roughly grooved by chipping and pecking, while another has a plain shaft, in many speci- mens slightly curved, as if to be attached to a handle, somewhat as are our picks and adzes, In several of the quarries there have been 860 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [ BULL. 60 Wig. 223. a, Use of strong strokes by a broad-pointed implement, probably hafted. b, Use of a narrow-pointed implement, probably unhafted. HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 361 found ordinary grooved axes, most of them remodeled or resharp- ened by chipping to increase their efliciency as cutting tools; then there is a large class of chisel-like tools of varied sizes and shapes, some improvised from stones of approximate proportions shghtly flaked or ground to effective points, some chipped out of the inchoate raw material and well finished by grinding. These steatite working tools are very numerous in places. Around a single pit located in a plowed field on Patuxent River, Md., and nearly obliterated by successive plowings, the writer found during a single visit some 30 entire and broken implements, and from the excavation in the quarry near Clifton, Va., cleared out by Mr. William Din- widdie, nearly four dozen of the chisel-like tools, some broken and some entire, were found. There are three or four ways in which these cutting tools were utilized. The simplest was that of using the imple- ment as a chisel or gouge held in the hand or hands. Another suggested method was that of set- ting the sharpened stone or chisel in a short handle of buckhorn and striking this with a stone or billet of wood. The chisel marks left in many cases suggest this method, and the heavy end of the tool was found in cases furnished with a short and rough-chipped point or stem suitable for setting in a haft socket. Many specimens of these implements found in the quarry shops are too minute to be utilized unhafted. A third method is that of hafting the pointed stone as an adz or ax is hafted. The grooved tools were undoubtedly used in this way, and many of the grooveless forms could have been at- tached as in the ordinary primitive adz. That incising tools were used in the shaping of other of the softer materials is amply indicated by the traces left on unfinished speci- mens of pipes and other objects carved from slate, catlinite, cannel coal, chalk, tufa, and the various indurated clays, and sheets of mica were neatly cut into ornamental forms for personal embellishment. Catlinite was employed in the manufacture of many articles of use and ceremony. When first extracted from the quarry this stone is soft enough to be cut or shaved with a keen edge, but on exposure it becomes too hard to be cut effectively except with tools of steel. The same is true of various kindred materials employed to a lesser extent by the tribes. The black slates of the northwest coast, of which material a vast number of interesting carvings have been made, may be cut with comparative ease when fresh from the bed, but it does not seem probable that in this case or even in that of catlinite the incisive methods were much employed before the introduction of iron; fracture, crumbling, and abrasion, in the absence of efficient keen-edged tools, served every purpose. Indurated clays, clay slates, Manner of Using the Tools 362 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [RuLL. 60 cannel coal, and fire clay are readily carved with stone tools while fresh from the ground. Cutting tools of copper were doubtless in general use among the more advanced peoples, but were not effective for the working of hard stone. Bronze was in use in Middle and South America, and the Incas especially understood the manufacture and use of this alloy; yet to what extent cutting tools of this material took the place of stone in the great work of hewing building stone and of sculpture can not now be determined. It is observed that the processes employed in stone cutting and sculpture generally, where hard stone is employed, are mainly the fracture and crumbling processes. The chisel used in working marble, granite, and the like, although a keen-edged tool, does not cut the stone but fractures or crumbles it. XXXIV. PIERCING PROCESSES (a) Piercing comparatively soft stone by simple pressure with a hard, pointed tool, hafted or unhafted, as with an awl or punch. (>) Piercing comparatively soft stone with a hard, pointed tool, hafted or unhafted, by twirling under pressure. (c) Piercing comparatively soft stone with a hard, pointed tool, hafted or unhafted, by direct percussion, as with a pick. (d) Piercing comparatively soft stone with a pointed tool driven by a mallet or hammer. HE needle, awl, punch, and pick penetrate by direct pressure or by direct or indirect percussion. The distinction between the operation of these tools and that of a drill is that the latter accomplishes its results by the removal of particles how- soever minute, torn from the substance bored, while the piercing im- plement is forced through the substance bored without necessarily removing particles, although portions of the stone may be dislodged. A pointed or edged pick may perforate thus simply, but in its ordi- nary use it crumbles or cuts. Piercing implements may be operated by simple direct pressure, by twirling under pressure, or by direct or indirect percussion, the latter implying the use of a driving implement. In general the pierc- ing implement is of harder material than the stone pierced, but a thorn or a pointed bone may be made to penetrate soft stone or in- durated clay or sheets of mica. Such implements may pierce but would not be expected to abrade or crumble. This process has little value as a shaping agent, its use being con- fined to simple penetration. It is in a sense related to incising, since an edge may penetrate a soft substance without removing particles, the result being an oblong, instead of a round or somewhat round, puncture, 363 XXXV. FIRE FRACTURE PROCESSES HE use of fire in fracturing stone is well known and was widely practiced by the aborigines. The process was employed ex- tensively in quarrying, as in the copper and flint mines, to break up large bodies of rock and also in fracturing smaller masses for the purpose of obtaining fragments and spalls, for use as imple- ments or for the manufacture of implements. In general, however, the action of fire is destructive to stone, and if not very discreetly ‘employed will so flaw the stone as to make it unfit for most uses. Fowke tells us how this destructive tendency was probably avoided by the ancient quarrymen of Flint Ridge.t According to his deter- mination, fire was built upon the surface of the flint body, such portions of the purer stone as were desired for use being protected from the action of the heat by layers of moist clay. References to the employment of heat in shaping stone, which is a very different matter from merely breaking it up, are numerous but generally lacking in fullness, and very few of the available accounts appear to be based on first-hand observation. Speaking of the Klamath Indian method of fracturing stone, Schumacher says that in obtaining suit- able fragments of stone for arrow making, ‘ The rock is first exposed to fire and after a thorough heating, rapidly cooled off, when it flakes readily into sherds of different sizes under well-directed blows at its cleavage.”* Although this author had the good fortune to meet the last arrow maker of the tribe, it does not appear that he witnessed the use of fire as described. Mabel L. Miller states* that the Diggers (Maidu) on the eastern side of the Sacramento River heated the stone and then chipped it “with a spikelike stone implement, which was dipped in cold water, placed quickly on the hot flint, and the necessary stroke given.” A rough stone was used to grind points and edges into shape. A remarkable account of the use of fire in chipping flint imple- ments is furnished by Thomas H. Fraser, who states in a recent publication that he— Fire or Heat Frac- turing was informed by Chief Paul, the head of a remnant of the Mic-mac tribe, resident on the northern coast of Nova Scotia, that in his grandfather’s time, flint arrow-heads were made by the systematic application of fire and water, and I still have in my possession an arrow-head made according to the process described by him, 1Powke, Archeological History of Ohio, pp. 622-623. 2 Schumacher, Methods of Making Stone Weapons, p. 547. 3 Miller, The so-called California ‘‘ Diggers,’ p. 207. 364 HOLMES] ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I | 365 This author also describes in detail a method of arrowhead making employed by the Seri Indians of western Sonora, Mexico: I watched this particular artist for several hours, until he had completed an arrow-head that now reposes in my desk, and here is a description of the manner of his labor. Putting three small pieces of flint among the coals of a hot fire on the ground, he places a small stone basin containing a little water within his reach; beside this are placed several straws or reeds of different sizes, together with a few smaller stems of native grass. Presently the first piece of flint placed in the fire is dragged out upon a flat stone by means of a hooked stick, and as the end of the larger straw or reed is dipped in the basin, it will be observed that a drop of water clings thereto; this is lightly touched to the thoroughly heated stone and a small chip flies from the surface. This performance is repeated with astonishing rapidity, until the stone refuses to respond to the touch, when it is returned to the fire and the second stone is treated in the same way, the chips always flying fast and furious. As the work progresses, and the stones are reduced in size and begin to assume the required shape, smaller straws are used, until the final pointing, sharpening, and smooth- ing is done with the small grasses that pick up a very tiny drop of water and safely remove a very diminutive chip.’ That several hours should have been consumed in the work is difli- cult to understand, considering the rapidity with which the work was carried forward. A much shorter time would ordinarily be required in producing a lke result with hammerstone and bone flaker. A small arrowhead can be made from a good quality of stone in a few minutes, while larger ones usually require a somewhat longer time. According to Wilfred Powell, a most remarkable process was em- ployed in perforating stone club heads by the natives of New Britain. His account is as follows: The native first takes a piece of suitable granite, which he places in a slow fire of cocoa-nut shells, which give an immense heat, and allows it to become red hot. He then, by the aid of a split bamboo in the place of tongs, removes it from the fire and begins to drop water on it drop by drop, each drop falling exactly on the same place. That portion of the stone on which the water falls begins to fly and crack off, until the ‘heat has gone out of the stone. He then repeats the operation, until an irregular hole is formed through the center; he then fixes a stick through it and takes it off to a place where there is a large granite rock in which is a dent like a small basin. He hits the stone upon the rock until all the rough corners are knocked off and it is worn fairly round; then takes the end of the stick, and pressing the stone down into the hollow of the rock makes the stick revolve rapidly between his hands, weighting it with other stones fastened to the top of the stick, until that side of the stone is worn perfectly smooth and round. He then shifts the other side of the stone downward and works at that until both are smooth and even, choosing a handle of tough wood, about four feet long, on to which he fixes the stone with gum from the bread-fruit tree, leaving about four inches protruding at one end beyond the stone.? 1Fraser, Touching Aboriginal History, p. 68. ? Powell, Wanderings in a Wild Country, pp. 161-162. XXXVI. CUSHING’S ACCOUNT OF SHAPING PROCESSES HE following very interesting account of the fiint-working processes is extracted from F’. H. Cushing’s memoir entitled “The Arrow.” It appears that this account does not relate to the stone-shaping work of any particular tribe but is rather a composite account, embodying all the processes familiar to Mr. Cush- ing, who had intimate acquaintance with the aboriginal handicrafts, and experimented extensively and with exceptional acumen in every kind of process known to him. Long before I went to the Smithsonian or lived in Zuni I had elaborated from the simple beginning I have chronicled here, some seven or eight totally distinct methods of working flintlike substances with Stone Age apparatus, and subse- quently have found that all save two of those processes were absolutely similar to processes now known to have been sometime in vogue with one people or another of the ancient world. ... They first sought the material, mined it arduously from buried ledges with fire, mauls, and skids, or preferably, when the country [Quarrying ] afforded, sought it in banks of bowlder pebbles, digging such as were fit freshly from the soil, if possible, and at once blocking out from them, blanks for their blades by splitting the pebbles into suitable spalls, not by free-handed percussion, but by holding them edgewise on a hard base and hitting them sharply and almost directly on [Making Spalls] the peripheries, but with a one-sided twist or turn of the maul or battering stone with each deft stroke. The spalls, sometimes 20 from a single cobble or block of moderate size, were with almost incredible rapidity trimmed to the leaf-shape basis of all primitive chipped tools by knapping them with a horn, bone, or very soft, tough, granular stone hammer mounted in a light handle. For this the spall was [Roughing Out] placed flatwise on the knee or on a padded hammer stone, so called, and held down by the base of the thumb of one hand and rapidly struck along the edge transversely and obliquely to its axis lengthwise, with the outwardly twisting kind of blows used in the splitting. The blanks thus formed were then carried home for leisurely or opportune finishing, and carefully buried in damp soil, not to hide them, as has been usually supposed, but to keep them even-tempered or uniformly [Transportation] saturated (“full of sap and life” these ancients thought) ; whence the so-called caches of numerous leaf-shape blades which are now and then found, for example, throughout old Indian ranges. In finally forming arrow points from these trimmed blanks, the smallest of them only were chosen. The first care in fashioning one of these was to remove protuberant points from its edge and sides and to thin it down by 366 HOLMES | ABORIGINAL AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES—PART I 367 means of a pitching tool of buckhorn. This was effected in several ways, usually by clamping it in a folded pad of buckskin under the knee against a hammer stone (anvil stone) or notched wooden block, so that the projecting edge rested over the margin or else over the pit of the stone, or notch if a block or log were used and with one hand holding the point of the pitching tool very lightly and slantingly and at a wide angle against or just over the points to be chipped, sharply tapping the tool with a maul or with a knapping hammer. Thus the blade was quickly thinned down and made almost even edged. It was now further shaped, sharpened, nocked, or barbed or serrated, according to intended use, and tanged with a rounded, flat bodkin of horn (seized to a stick or handle for leverage at one end and tapering therefrom to a curved, blunt point), either by laying it on a folded buckskin, over the hollow of a hammer stone or the palm of the left hand, pressing it downward along the edges at nearly right angles, and always slantingly to its length, or else holding it edge up between the thumb and all the fingers of the left hand and freely flaking it, with the rod held in the right hand, with handle braced against the ribs for steadying, by pressing the sharp edges until they caught in the point or blade of the bodkin, and twistingly wrenching them off by a most dextrous motion, which I can exhibit but not adequately describe or illustrate. All this sounds complicated and tedious, but I have succeeded, from the time I found a suitable pebble of fine-grained, ringing, cold, and fresh quartzite, in making seven finished knife and arrow blades in exactly 38 minutes, and I have often made from obsidian or glass a very small and delicate arrow point—the most easily made, by the way—in less than 2 minutes.* [Use of Hammer and Punch] [Specializing with a Bone] 1 Cushing, The Arrow, pp. 205-210. 388657°—19—Bull. 60, pt 1 25 BIBLIOGRAPHY ApgotT, C. C. The Stone Age in New Jersey. Smithson. Rept. for 1875, pp. 246-380, Washington, 1876. ATWATER, CALEB. Description of the antiquities discovered in the State of Ohio. Trans. and Colls. Amer. Antiq. Soc, (Archologia Americana), vol, I, pp. 105-267, Worcester, 1820. Bassitt, FrRaANc E. Vestiges of glacial man in Minnesota. Amer. Nat., vol. xviiI, nos. 6 and 7, pp. 594-605, 697-708, Phila., 1884. BAEGERT, JACOB. An Fecune of the aboriginal inhabitants of the California peninsula. 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Twelfth Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Hthn., Washington, 1894, UPHAM, WARREN. Primitive man and his stone implements in the North Amer- ican loess. Amer. Antiquarian, vol. xxiv, pp. 418-420, Chicago, 1902. Man in the Ice Age at Lansing, Kansas, and Little Falls, Minnesota. Amer. Geol., vol. xxx, no. 8, pp. 1385-150, Minneapolis, 1902. VoLK, PrNest. The archaeology of the Delaware valley. Papers Peabody Mus. Amer. Archaeol. and Hthn., vol. v, Cambridge, Mass., 1911. WARREN, S. HAzzLepINE. The experimental investigation of flint fracture and its application to problems of human implements. Journ, Royal Anthrop. Inst., vol. xiv, pp. 412-450, London, 1914. Wutrney, J.D. esses XVI ARCHEOLOGY OF WESTERN HEMISPHERE— sources ofintormation =~ -22--.se-2s-ee 1,9 sources of misinformation................ 10 ARCHITECTURE OF THE INCA PERIOD........- 138 See Building; Dwellings. ARGENTINA, explorations conducted by-.....- 16 ARGILLITE, significance of use of......--.--.. 77 ARICANSASQUARRIES's sicccice cco cie Swiss ees 196 ARROWHEADS— CACHE Ofer ee nomic cst enincwce nec eos cues 111 method of making— by DenGiaencemeticer ose ss foncican ae 318 Ibyslskim oepeasemacee. teats ease 318 Dye pace sess sect oteeeesccccels 320 bykdlamathteeess.- ome seccacssccne 312 by, Pahvantee see eee escent. ss 311 by: Baiutese tees. ac can eae 310, 312, 313 byzRowhatan sesso. ee: sses access 316 IbyaShastanoc-ceaeeesee ss oeeeet neces 299 by; western tribes: 2.200 ---<--cssc56 322 Dys Wintoontso. seco cm ccemciesecaiccee 314 described by Cushing................ 366 Page ASIA— early intercourse between eastern and WESLED INE eee aoe erin ee eee = 27 origin of Ameriean racein..........-...- 20 ATLANTIS! IM ythtOle 5. 52cc52 cers selene cee soca 14, 33 AT WATER, CALEB, DAaper DY o<<+-.-s-<-s-255 15 AURIFEROUS GRAVELS OF CALIFORNIA, relics LOUNG IDs sess nsec lee aseeeecer ae ToS see See 61,116 AUSTRALIAN METHOD OF CHIPPING.......---- 324 Ax, Chinese: bronze... 2 355 --scedenscacuesees 28 AX, stone— Orilled'saiwscSec eee st tees ones 23 Miiteds. Steere sete weeeaeaccesseeeae es 109 methodior shaping s-s--seneemee sess ee 331, 333 Possible onleink= 2. aoe ceceeie nee eee nee 235, 236 of lncaiareases 4a we Soames: See 139 | CHRONOLOGY— ofstonein' Colombiasesces--ce= sess seene 135 classification of data bearing on.......--- 52 types of, in arid region............-.-.--. 112 goolosicalis 4: cae 8. sas sete eases See 16 BURIAL CUSTOMS— ely phicks. 202. tte oo ee acini eee ae 52 of Georgia-Florida area......--.-.------- 104 | CHuLPAS. See Tombs. of Middle Andean-Pacific area.........-- 13¢ || CLARISSA) MINE ® 22.22 ca28 stesso aeee eee ee 249 of Mississippi Valley region .--..-.-..-.. 106 | CLAYPOLE, E. W., quoted onimplementsfrom See Mortuary offerings. Ohio; Valleyz 22-3. Ses owes see caticecteeeemOONIse BURIAT: DEROSITS = ass eee eee ae ene eee 227,242 | CrrrrF DWELLERS, popular fallacy concerning. 13 BURIAL VASES OF MARAJO.........--------- 141 | CLIFF DWELLINGS OF THE ARID REGION...-.- 112 CACHES OF STONE IMPLEMENTS.....-..-.---. 107 early PeCOrdS Of- sans cae ese aewciesemtenets 16 at Aiton, OklasJ.-beseccos- see sete oe 111,208 | CLIFTON QUARRY........--.---. eee eae 231, 234 in Delaware County, Okla..........-.- 111,208 | Crineman, T. L., discovery ofmicaminesby. 242 IMiONiO/ wm OUNd see see sees ees 227 | CLuB, stone, of the Samoan Islands..-...-.-.- 29 CALENDAR, development of,in South Mexico. 129 | CLuB HEADS, method of perforating... -.----- 365 CALIFORNIA— COLLARS— ADMGUIty OLManinsesacececse- ese seers 61 sacrificial, of eastern Mexico........----- 127 caves, researchesin ssceeecsecees eeeeseee 92 stone,.of West.Indies..2..o2.-edeseeeaases 146 Indians, arrow making by............... 311, | CoLLEcTIONS, archeologic, of the National 313, 318, 320, 321, 326 MirS@UIN ocd aai-ss ce see anata eneeee XIV CANNIBALISM IN SOUTH AMERICA...--.-...... 142 | COMMUNAL HOUSES OF THE GEORGIA-FLORIDA CARIBICULTURE Sse eee eee esaceeeat eae 143, 145 ARWAS 205 Sencar ee ee eee oe 102 CARVING— COPAN, Quarriesiof. 23-22 ne nee ewesees 27 implements ised Ie s.-s2-0-5 esses 336, 337 | Cops, E. D., caveexcavations by........--- 90 mephod Si0f=...2.:22-.-Stenee 334 INcAs— Lyon, CALEB, on arrowhead making. .-....... 299 dominance of, in Middle Andean-Pacific McGEE, W J— AT RAisd Soe e aa ete oe ie tes 137 on findsin Trenton gravels..............- 77 MASOUTy Olaeeaes aap eeeee ee ae ees 342 on obsidian blade from Nevada..-......... 68 service to mummified bodies by.-......- s | McGuire, J. D.,experiments of— stone buildings of................------- 276 DUO LVM Bo ete a'elniejmiclclere = oeleleleisie cine selec 356 INCISING TOOLS, manner of using..-....... 358, 361 IN StOne ShapiN Fess ascere ccaceeespecaees 335 INDIAN MOUNTAIN QUARRY, map Of........- 197 | MADISONVILLE, OHIO, chipped stonefrom. . 82 INDIANA, flint quarries of.................--+ 185 | MAGNET COVE QUARRIES............-..--- “198, 199 Tsoi, flint working by 4. --c-sesens2se eee 317,325 | MARAJO BURIAL VASES.......----.---------+ 141 JADE— Mask, Chilcat, with Chinese coins..........-. 30 figurine bearing oldest date...........--- 127 | Masks, snouted, of Mayasculpture.......... 26 implements and ornaments in Northwest MASONRY— Codstarcaizc. seh ceceeeccessceeeeeeaees 119 ofthe Incas: 2. ctnce etme ccccceseciote 340, 342 TISGOL AT ATCC AreDiccecccceceseeceseuss UAE ofthe Maya - icc 22c5 scence csesscoseasccs 130 INDEX 377 Page | Page MASTERMAN, ELMER E., discovery of stone Morice, A. G., on Dené method of arrow implements D\eee eset eee eee cece se ces= &3 MAKIN Fi Fo ase walle Sess acesesssesosceciccs 318 Maya— ‘ MORTARS— culture affected by environment...-...-... 49 SUQUO aera eee ee elaine eeiees aes 65, 109 culture, decadence of...........-.-----+> 14 Wooden. -23 2. aloes a caccidewices seeeesce 104 culture, development of.......-...---- 129,131 | MORTARS AND PESTLES— history recorded in glyphs..........----- 52 from auriferous gravels. ...............-. 65 DOLLORY eee ne otis ce case teen ceca te oe 130 from Georgia-Florida area. ..........-.-. 104 SCUMPLUT Osea eck smiactsacet as ae nates cece 130 of California: ©. \acct'ocesciscnedeseeeene 115, 116 MIN GUATET TE Se ee errno Se tee ee tet 130c| MMORTUARY: OFFERINGS" 2. 2o5aesececsccsesce 107 MERCER, H. C.— Mosaic WorK, turquoise used for........... 114 exploration of, in Durham cave........- 02) eMOUND:BUILDERS= secs pe s-ens- sees aoe 105 on argillite implements of the Delaware effect of environment on culture of....... 47 Walléyase9s- 109, 253 PIPESTONE QUARRY, explorers of...........-- 264 POLISHED STONE ARTIFACTS, processes of Me alot an yar Stic ade oe Seno oe a SOone 332 POLISHING 25.2 Sac.c02 coset caehoee cesses 344 Port KENNEDY CAVE EXCAVATION........-- 91 * POSTGLACIAL,”’ significance of the term... 73 POTOMAC VALLEY, implement making in.... 334 POTTERY— head from Vera Cruz..........!...-. ee 408 of Amazon’ deltaarea 2. 255 2s escsen es 141 OlcATCLIC ATCA scm = see eee ies aoe 122 Olarid TeglONss 255-22 sao oe ee esos 113 of Céntral/Amernica 2.4220 --e- 525 see -== 132 Ob WCnadoreeescc sere mcceee. tea ace rce 136 Of Mayans 5. ccescccss Sees secen oeeteame ss 130 of Maya-Quiché area..................--. 130 of North Mexican area.....-.......-..--- 124 See Ceramics; Earthenware. POWELL, J. W.— on arrow making..<.....---.-.-.-. 906,310; 311 Studies ol. 2.2.5 ccc assests cecis cles o-oo ee eel POWELL, WILFRED, on perforating stone.... 365 POWERS, STEPHEN, on arrow making by Cal- ifornia Indians. ......... Santen. aceon ents 321 POWHATAN METHOD OF ARROW MAKING.... 316 PRESSURE PROCESS OF STONE FRACTURE... 304, 308 PROBLEMS OF ANTIQUITY...... seSeccane ata a) SN PUBLICATIONS RELATING TO COLLECTIONS OF NATIONAL . MUSEUM «ccc cciscticeccisece sindeee XIV PUEBLO CULTURE, infiuence of environment OD Bo eieraicse nis ve = eine aolaleiavemiola oie tersiaieicieioreiatete rae 47 PUEBLOS— @arly TeCOrds' Of ses sete. saseit accede eee 16 lowland, practically fortifications ........ 112 PUMP DRILD.. 3.5. U diss sieigie aowiicee sek eme ee -. 3854 PuTNAM, F. W. pareheoloric al work of..22..2 2242 PYRAMIDS, Middle Mexicamsares.2--....scn-- 126 QUARRIES— Classification) ol. 2 ....s.ccs-eceenes eee 158 Of Arkansast «8 sacstisicesecearn eeescers ca) 196 ObIndian as... asic tec see ee eee 185 Ol MissoumTIn 32 ce ssaen saeco eee eden, W195 of Piney Branch, D. C....... Meets ae 159 QUARRY WORKERS, group of, in National Museum) 252.22 assseeseoeeaesses ou 3 Sa epstes 168, 171 QUARRYING -6255222s55 as enisin,o sheers meee eene 155 implements used In... = s.2.-2- 22. - se ae LOO 250) methods:.0f..22 2255 sc0tecceueccecinee sees - 156, 160, 176, 196, 202, 228, 253, 255, 274, 276, 282, 337, 359 QUARTZ— objects from gravel deposits at Little Halis; Mann coe \aereaemincisieretern os agaeieey= = 84, 86 quarries in the District of Columbia. .... 101 use of, in its bearing on problems of age... 84 QUARTZITE QUARRIES, Wyoming..........-. 210 QUIPU (OF PERU or isisisatiec once setae eee ig, Rau, CHARLES— experiments of, in drilling.....-...-...-. 356 WOOP Ofc dinctec easiemicinsecsen- aoeeeuesences XIV RECORDS— fOLUUUG OMS sao arneale itera adams sats axe 51 Intentional 1.2. Saldot-s/eeiseets 51 ‘RED PAINT PEOPLE,’ origin of ae name: ..=— 100 REDDING, B. B., on implement making.... 296,314 REJECTAGE—of blade making.......- 165, 179, 196 Of (QUuarny SHOPS acc ee sce nactseemeeterte 205, 206 REJECTS MISTAKEN FOR PALEOLITHIC IMPLE- MENTS: Gee lce os slejniciwisie= ais tei=ie