LIBRARY 'NIVEHJSITYOF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ r. BCU Source 15oofe0 of american tyistotv. BURNABY TRAVELS. SOURCE BOOKS OF AMERICAN HISTORY. Edited with Notes and Introduction by RUFUS ROCKWELL WILSON Andrew Burnaby. Travels Through the Middle Settlements of North America, 1759-60. Reprinted from the last (the third) edition of 1798. Small 8vo, cloth, with map. $2.oo net. William Heath. Memoirs of the Ameri- can War. Reprinted from edition of 1798. Small 8vo, cloth. $2.50 net. W. W. Canfield. Legends of the Iroquois. Small 8vo, cloth, illustrated. $1.50 net. IN PREPARATION : William Moultrie. Memoirs of the Ameri- can Revolution. Freiin von Reidesel. Letters and Journal. Thomas J. Dimsdale. Vigilantes of Mon- tana. AND OTHERS. A. WESSELS COMPANY, NEW YORK. BURNABY'S TRAVELS THROUGH NORTH AMERICA REPRINTED FROM THE THIRD EDITION 0 F 1798 WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY RUFUS ROCKWELL WILSON A. WESSELS COMPANY 1904 Copyright, 1904, by A. WESSELS COMPANY, NEW YORK Printed August, 1904 The Plimpton Press Norwood Mass. CONTENTS. Page EDITOR'S FOREWORD (new) 7 PREFACE to the Third Edition 15 INTRODUCTION 21 TRAVELS 29 APPENDICES ; viz. N° i . Catalogue of Trees, Plants, Birds, Fishes, Animals, &c. mentioned in the Course of this Work ; with their com- mon Names, and the Names given them by Catesby and Linnaeus . . 157 N° 2. Tables and Statements relating to the Commercial Situation of the United States, both before and since the American War 162 N° 3. Anecdotes of the Indians . . . 189 N° 4. of several Branches of the Fairfax Family, now domiciliated in Virginia 197 N° 5. Diary of the Weather . . . . 215 EDITORIAL NOTES (new) 253 INDEX (new) 263 t IU EDITOR'S FOREWORD. THE author of the volume to which this serves as introduction was born in 1734 at Asfordby, in Leicestershire, the eldest son and name- sake of the Reverend Andrew Burnaby, a well-to-do clergyman of the Church of England, who served successively as vicar of St. Margaret's, Leicester, rector of Asfordby and prebendary of Lincoln. The younger Burnaby was admitted into West- minster School in 1748, and proceeded thence to Queen's College, Cambridge, where he took the de- gree of Bachelor of Arts in 1754, and three years later, that of Master of Arts. In 1759 and 1760, he travelled through the American colonies, and from 1762 to 1767, having in the meantime taken orders, he was chaplain to the British factory at Leghorn. During his sojourn in Italy he explored all parts of that country and travelled in Corsica, of which, in 1804, he published an account. In 1769, soon after his return to England, he was nominated to the vicarage of Greenwich, and in 1786 he was pre- Foreword sented to the archdeaconry of Leicester. He suc- ceeded to large estates in Huntingdonshire on his father's death in 1767, but Baggrave Hall, Leicester- shire, the inheritance of his wife Anna, daughter of John Edwyn, whom he married in 1770, was his favorite place of residence. He died at Blackheath, on March 9, 1812, and within a fortnight his wife followed him to the grave. One of his descendants in the fourth generation was Frederick Burnaby, the soldier and traveller, who was killed in 1885 at the battle of Abu Klea in the Soudan. Burnaby tells in his introduction how the record of his travels through the American colonies found its way into print. First published in 1775, it reached a second edition within a year and was speedily translated into French and German. The original was reissued in much enlarged form in 1798, and from that edition the present reprint is made. Burnaby's book well deserves a new lease of life, for he was an acute though kindly observer, and his visit to the colonies fell in an interesting and critical time: the Seven Years' War which wrought the downfall of the French power in America was just drawing to a close, and in the political sky was heard the low, insistent rumblings of the storm which was to break at Concord and Bunker Hill. It should be remembered that the author's point of view was that of a devoted minister of the Church of England and loyal supporter of the crown. Thus [8] Foreword his religious and political inclinings color his impres- sions of country and people. There is evidence on every page, however, that he was moved by a sincere purpose to be truthful and just, and he helps not a little to a fuller and more accurate knowledge of a confused and troubled period in our history. The editor has conformed the author's spelling of proper names to present usages, and has added such notes as seemed necessary to make certain of his allusions clear to the average reader. R. R. W. [9] TRAVELS THROUGH THE MIDDLE SETTLEMENTS I N NORTH AMERICA, IN THE YEARS 1759 AND 1760; WITH OBSERVATIONS UPON THE STATE OF THE COLONIES BY THE REV. ANDREW BURNABY, D. D. ARCHDEACON OF LEICESTER AND VICAR OF GREENWICH. EDITION THE THIRD; REVISED, CORRECTED, AND GREATLY ENLARGED, BY THE AUTHOR. LONDON PRINTED FOR T. PAYNE, AT THE MEWS-GATE. I798 [Facsimile Title Page, Third Edition.] TO SIR JOHN DICK, BART. THIS THIRD EDITION OF TRAVELS THROUGH THE MIDDLE SETTLEMENTS IN NORTH AMERICA, is, IN TESTIMONY OF THE SINCEREST AFFECTION AND GRATITUDE, MOST RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED, BY HIS EVER FAITHFUL AND OBLIGED HUMBLE SERVANT, ANDREW BURNABY. GREENWICH, August 27, 1798. PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. THE two former Editions of these Travels were published, one immediately after the other, at a moment, when events of the greatest magnitude, and importance to this country, were depending; and when the minds of men were extremely agitated and alarmed for the fate of the British Empire. A rupture between Great Britain and her American Colonies was seriously appre- hended: and as men foresaw, or at least fancied they foresaw, very calamitous consequences arising from so disastrous an event, it was generally wished that the evil might, if possible, be prevented; and a recon- ciliation happily effected, before matters were carried to extremity. The Author, flattered by his friends, and perhaps a little also by vanity, presumed to hope, that the publication of his tour through the Middle Settlements in North America might, in some de- gree, conduce to this desirable end : and as the meas- Preface ures to be adopted by Government were at that time under the deliberation of Parliament, it was thought expedient to submit it to the Public, before any reso- lutions were formed that might eventually be de- cisive of the fate of the British Empire. There was not time, therefore, to publish the Work in so full and correct a manner, as the materials in the Author's possession would otherwise have enabled him to do. He confined himself to general, and what he judged leading, circumstances; and postponed the insertion of others to more favourable and tranquil times. The two former Editions, however, being now en- tirely out of print, he deems it expedient to publish a third Edition, revised, corrected, and greatly en- larged by the insertion of new matter; particularly by several statistical tables referring to the Com- merce of America; and some authentic Memoirs of Thomas late Lord Fairfax, and of the several branches of that noble house now domiciliated in Virginia, both of which have been derived from the best and most unquestionable authority. - - The Work for these reasons, and from its being almost the only account of the Middle Settlements, during the period of their happiest and most flourishing state, may possibly, notwithstanding the separation that has since taken place, be still interesting, at least to individuals: and the Author offers the present Edition to the Public, with the same assurance as he did the former ones; viz. that he believes the con- [16] Preface tents to be strictly and literally true. If, however, some slight errors may accidentally and undesignedly have been committed, and any one will have the goodness to point them out, the Author will think himself highly obliged by the information, and will avail himself of the first opportunity to acknowledge and correct them. The astonishing events that have taken place since the publication of the two former Editions, will probably expose the Author's opinion concerning the termination and final issue of the American con- test to animadversion: but in vindication of himself, he must be permitted to observe, - That it was not within the sphere of calculation to suppose, ist. That the British ministry would persist in requiring unconditional submission from the colonies, till it was too late to recede; and the opportunity was lost, and for ever gone by : 2dly. That when coercive measures had been re- solved upon, they would have been enforced in so ruinous and so ineffectual a manner: 3dly. That, during the war, any member in opposition would have declared publicly, that he corresponded with, and wished success to, the Americans, then in arms against the king: Still less was it within the sphere of calculation to suppose, That France, though it might be expected that Preface she would so far interfere in the contest as to en- deavour to distress and embarrass this country, would send troops to America, to the irreparable ruin of her own finances, in order to make the Ameri- cans free and independent states: Least of all was it within the sphere of calculation to suppose, That Spain would join in a plan inevitably lead- ing, though by slow and imperceptible steps, to the final loss of all her rich possessions in South America. There were indeed enlightened minds both in France and in Spain, who foresaw what has since happened, and who deprecated any interference in the dispute, and recommended the observance of a strict neutrality: And the unfortunate Lewis the sixteenth himself is said to have shewn the greatest repug- nance to the treaty with the Americans, and to have declared in the bitterness of sorrow, when he signed it, that he had signed the warrant for his own ruin and destruction. In August, 1792, the Author was at Cologne; and there accidentally falling in with the Duke of Bour- bon, and several French noblemen of his suite, the conversation naturally turned upon the situation and affairs of France; and the author expressing his sur- prise at the impolicy of the French ministry in en- gaging so deeply in the American war, and deducing from thence the present miseries of France, one of the courtiers with great emotion exclaimed, — "Ah, [18] Preface "monsieur, c'est bien vrai; nous avons mal calcule!" — But the die is cast, and it is too late to moralize. The reader will doubtless be surprised, when the Author declares, that he has not altered his senti- ments since the year 1775, in regard to the American war and its consequences. He still thinks, that the separation might, in the first instance, have been prevented: that coercive measures, when resolved upon, might have been enforced, comparatively speaking, without bloodshed; and with great prob- ability of success: that the present union of the American States will not be permanent or last for any considerable length of time: that that extensive country must necessarily be divided into separate states and kingdoms: and that America will never, at least for many ages, become formidable to Europe; or acquire, what has been so frequently predicted, universal empire. The Author thinks he could as- sign plausible reasons at least for these various opinions; but it is better that they should be con- signed to oblivion. The wise Disposer of events has decreed, that America shall be independent of Great Britain; that she is so, may ultimately perhaps be advantageous to both countries; at least it will be owing to excess of folly if it be highly disadvan- tageous to either. Let us supplicate Heaven to unite them in permanent friendship and affection; and to preserve inviolate that alliance, that harmony and connection, which religion, moral habits, Ian- Prefc ace guage, interest, origin, and innumerable other con- siderations, can never cease to point out and recom- mend to them. INTRODUCTION. A FEW days before I embarked for America, being in a coffee-house with some friends, and discoursing of things relative to that country, an elderly gentleman advancing towards the box where we were sitting, addressed himself to me in the following manner: "Sir," said he, "you "are young, and just entering into the world; I am "old, and upon the point of leaving it: allow me "therefore to give you one piece of advice, which is "the result of experience; and which may possibly, "some time or other, be of use to you. You are "going to a country where every thing will appear "new and wonderful to you; but it will appear so "only for a while; for the novelty of it will daily wear "off; and in time it will grow quite familiar to you. "Let me, therefore, recommend to you to note in "your pocket-book every circumstance that may "make an impression upon you; for be assured, sir, "though it may afterward appear familiar and un- " interesting to yourself, it will not appear so to your [21] Introduction "friends, who have never visited that country, for "they will be entertained by it." The following observations were the result of this advice; they were written upon the several spots to which they refer; and were intended for no other purpose, than that of serving as memorandums. They appeared, by the time I returned to Europe, according to the gentleman's prediction, so very familiar to me, that I scarcely thought them deserv- ing of the perusal of my friends. Some of these, however, were so obliging as to bestow upon them that trouble; and it is by their advice, and the con- sideration of the present critical situation of affairs, that I now submit them to the judgment of the pub- lic. — Whatever may be their merit, which I fear is but small, I can assure the reader of one thing, I be- lieve they are generally true. They are the fruit of the most impartial inquiries, and best intelligence, that I was able to procure in the different colonies which I visited. If I have been led into any error, or have misrepresented any thing, it has been unde- signedly: a spirit of party is universally prevalent in America, and it is not always an easy matter to arrive at the knowledge of truth; but I believe, in general, I have been pretty successful. I conversed indiscriminately with persons of all parties; and en- deavoured, by allowing for prejudices and collating their different accounts, to get at the true one. If I have any doubt myself about any particular part of [22] Introduction the following observations (and it is one in which I wish I may be found to have been misinformed), it is that which relates to the character of the Rhode Islanders. I was exceedingly ill at that place, and had not the same opportunity of procuring informa- tion as elsewhere. I conversed with but few gentle- men, and they were principally of one party; but they were gentlemen of such universal good character, that I could not but rely in some measure on the accounts with which they favoured me. Some allowance, however, I did make for prejudice; and I am desirous that the reader should make a still larger one; indeed, I should be happy to stand cor- rected in regard to what I have said of that people, as no one can have less pleasure in speaking un- favourably of mankind than myself. I have studiously avoided all technical or scientific terms; such to the informed reader are unnecessary, to the uninformed one they are unintelligible and perplexing: in relations of this kind they have always an appearance of affectation and pedantry. For the most valuable part of the following collec- tion, I mean the Diary* of the Weather, I am en- tirely indebted to my esteemed friend, Francis Fau- quier, esq., son of the late worthy lieutenant-governor of Virginia, who very obligingly transmitted it to me from Williamsburg, while I resided, as chaplain to * See Appendix, No. i. Introduction the British factory, at Leghorn; and has allowed me to make the use of it which I have here done. The present unhappy differences subsisting amongst us, with regard to America, will, I am sen- sible, expose the publication of this account to much censure and criticism; but I can truly aver, that I have been led to it by no party motive whatsoever. My first attachment, as it is natural, is to my native country; my next is to America; and such is my affection for both, that I hope nothing will ever hap- pen to dissolve that union, which is necessary to their common happiness. Let every Englishman and American, but for a moment or two, substitute them- selves in each other's place, and, I think, a mode of reconciliation will soon take effect. — Every Ameri- can will then perceive the reasonableness of acknowl- edging the supremacy of the British legislature; and every Englishman, perhaps, the hardship of being taxed where there is no representation, or assent. There is scarcely any such thing, I believe, as a perfect government; and solecisms are to be found in all. The present disputes are seemingly the re- sult of one. — Nothing can be more undeniable than the supremacy of Parliament over the most distant branches of the British Empire: for although the king being esteemed, in the eye of the law, the original proprietor of all the lands in the kingdom; all lands, upon defect of heirs to succeed to an inheritance, escheat to the king; and all new discovered lands vest [24] Introduction in him: yet in neither case can he exempt them from the jurisdiction of the legislature of the kingdom. He may grant them, under leases or charters, to individuals or companies, with liberty of making rules and regulations for the internal government and improvement of them; but such regulations must ever be consistent with the laws of the kingdom, and subject to their control. On the other hand, I am extremely dubious, whether it be consistent with the general principles of liberty (with those of the British constitution I think it is not) to tax where there is no representation: the arguments hitherto adduced from Manchester and Birmingham, and other great towns, not having representatives, are foreign to the subject; at least they are by no means equal to it; — for every in- habitant, possessed of forty shillings freehold, has a vote in the election of members for the county: but it is not the persons, but the property of men that is taxed, and there is not a foot of property in this king- dom that is not represented. It appears then, that certain principles exist in the British constitution, which militate with each other; the reason of their doing so is evident; it was never supposed that they would extend beyond the limits of Great Britain, or affect so distant a country as America. It is much to be wished, therefore, that some expedient could be thought of to reconcile them. The conduct of the several administrations that [25] Introduction have had the direction of the affairs of this kingdom, has been reciprocally arraigned; but, I think, with- out reason, for, all things considered, an impartial and dispassionate mind will find many excuses to allege in justification of each. — The fewest, I am afraid, are to be pleaded in favour of the Americans; for they settled in America under charters which expressly reserved to the British Parliament the authority, whether consistent or not consistent, now asserted. Although, therefore, they had a right to make humble representations to his majesty in Par- liament, and to shew the impropriety and inconven- ience of enforcing such principles, yet they had certainly no right to oppose them. Expedients may still be found, it is to be hoped however, to conciliate the present unhappy differ- ences, and restore harmony again between Great Britain and her colonies, but whatever measures may be adopted by Parliament, it is the duty and interest of America to submit. — But it is impertinent to enter any further into the discussion of a subject which is at this time under the deliberation of the supreme council of the nation. I will, therefore, conclude with a sincere prayer, that whatever meas- ures may be adopted, they may be different in their issue from what the fears of men generally lead them to preconceive; and that, if they be coercive ones, they may be enforced, which, I am persuaded, is practicable, without the effusion of blood : if lenient [26] Introduction ones, which are preferable, and which I think equally practicable, conceded without any loss or diminution of the dignity or interest of this kingdom. Greenwich, Jan. 29th, 1775. TRAVELS THROUGH THE MIDDLE SETTLEMENTS IN NORTH AMERICA. ON Friday the 2Jth of April, 1 759, 1 embarked, in company with several North American gentlemen, on board the Dispatch, Captain Necks, for Virginia; and the next day we set sail from Spithead, under convoy of his majesty's ship the Lynn, Captain Sterling, commander, with thirty- three sail of trading vessels. We came to an anchor in the evening in Yarmouth Road, and the next day sailed with a fresh easterly wind through the Needles. April 30. We passed by the Lizard, and in the evening discovered a sail, which proved to be an English sloop laden with corn. She had been taken by a French privateer, and was steering for France: there were three Frenchmen and one Englishman on board. The commodore sent some hands to her, with orders to carry her to Penzance. May i. Thick, hazy weather with a fair wind. [29] 'Travels Through A large ship passed through the fleet about four o'clock in the afternoon: and in the evening another vessel bore down upon the sternmost ships, and spoke with them. May 2. Fair, pleasant weather. The next day we found by our reckoning that we had made a hun- dred leagues from the Land's End. May 4. Strong, violent gales at north-and-by- west. In the evening the Molly, Captain Chew, had her maintop-mast carried away, and hoisted a signal of distress. May 5. From this time to the I4th, nothing re- markable happened: the wind was seldom fair, but the weather being moderate, we made frequent visits, and passed our time very agreeably. May 14. Captain Necks fell ill of a fever, and continued indisposed several days: he began to mend about the iyth. May 19. In the afternoon, a sudden and violent squall from the north-west obliged us to lie-to under our reefed main-sail: it continued to increase, and blew a storm for about thirty-six hours, when it be- gan to moderate. May 21. We made sail in the afternoon, with four ships in company; and the next day in the evening were joined by eighteen more. From that time to the 28th, nothing remarkable happened: we had gen- erally pleasant weather, but adverse winds. We frequently visited; and were much entertained with [3°] North America seeing grampuses, turtles, bonetas, porpoises, fly- ing and other fish, common in the Atlantic.* May 28. We discovered a large sail; she directed her course towards the east. We supposed her to be an English man of war going express. She carried three top-gallant sails. May 31. We spoke with a sloop bound from Antigua to London. She acquainted the commo- dore with the agreeable news of his majesty's forces at Guadaloupe having reduced that whole island under subjection to the British government. The wind still continued unfavourable. June 5. We spoke with a snow from Carolina which informed the commodore that a French frigate was cruising off the capes of Virginia. From that time to the nth, we had nothing remarkable. The wind was generally from west to north-west, and there were frequent squalls with lightning. We saw several bonetas, grampuses, albicores, and fish of different kinds. June ii. The water appeared discoloured; and we concluded that we were upon the Banks of New- foundland: we cast the lead, but found no ground. The weather was thick and hazy. Nothing re- markable happened from this time to the 3d of July: we had pleasant weather, though now and then squalls with lightning. We fell in with several cur- rents and had variable winds. * See Appendix, No. I. [31] Travels Through North America July 3. We had fine weather, with a gentle breeze at N. W. We were now, according to the commodore's reckoning (which we afterward found to be true) about sixty leagues from land. The air was richly scented with the fragrance of the pine- trees. July 4. We saw a great many sloops, from whence we imagined that we were near the coast. The wind was at east-by-north. July 5. About six in the morning we caught some green fish: upon this we sounded, and found eighteen fathom water. At ten we discovered land, which proved to be Cape Charles; and about three hours afterward sailed through the capes into Chesa- peake Bay. The commodore took his leave to go upon a cruise; and at eight in the evening we came to an anchor in York river, after a tedious and dis- agreeable voyage of almost ten weeks. The next morning, having hired a chaise at York, a small inconsiderable town, I went to Williamsburg, about twelve miles distant. The road is exceed- ingly pleasant, through some of the finest tobacco plantations* in North America, with a beautiful view of the river and woods of great extent. * The tobacco growing upon York river, is esteemed superior to any other in North America; particularly that which is raised upon the plantations belonging to Colonel Edward Diggs, which is said to have a flavour excelling all others. Of the growth of one plan- tation, distinguished from the rest, the tobacco is in such high esti- mation, that Colonel Diggs puts upon every hogshead in which it ) Virginia Williamsburg is the capital of Virginia: it is situ- ated between two creeks, one falling into James, the other into York river; and is built nearly due east and west.* The distance of each landing-place is something more than a mile from the town; which, with the disadvantage of not being able to bring up large vessels, is the reason of its not having increased so fast as might have been expected. It consists of about two hundred houses, does not contain more than one thousand souls, whites and negroes; and is far from being a place of any consequence. It is is packed, the initials of his name; and it is from thence called the E. D. tobacco, and sells for a proportionally higher price. Some time ago, Colonel Diggs having a tract of land, seemingly of the same quality, and under the same exposure and aspect as the plan- tation producing the E. D. tobacco, from which it was separated only by a small rill of water, he directed it to be planted; and as the produce was apparently similar in quality, colour, flavour, and every other particular, he thought himself warranted to delineate E. D. upon the hogsheads in which it was packed. Accordingly, it was sent to market with this recommendatory mark or token. But some time after, he received a letter from his factor or mer- chant in London, informing him that his inspector or agent had been guilty of some great oversight or error, as the tobacco con- tained in certain casks, which he specified, though marked with E. D., was of a different and very inferior quality to that com- modity; and that if the same fault should be again committed, it would ruin the reputation and sale of the E. D. tobacco. It is to be observed, that the soil or mould had been carefully analysed and examined previous to its being planted; and that not the smallest difference could be perceived between that of the old and new plantation. The experiment, it will easily be believed, was not re- peated. * See Note I. [33] Travels Through North America regularly laid out in parallel streets, intersected by others at right angles; has a handsome square in the center, through which runs the principal street, one of the most spacious in North America, three quarters of a mile in length, and above a hundred feet wide. At the opposite ends of this street are two public buildings, the college and the capitol: and although the houses are of wood, covered with shingles,* and but indifferently built, the whole makes a handsome appearance. There are few public edifices that deserve to be taken notice of; those, which I have mentioned, are the principal; and they are far from being magnificent. The governor's palace is tolerably good, one of the best upon the continent; but the church, the prison, and the other buildings, are all of them extremely indifferent. The streets are not paved, and are con- sequently very dusty, the soil hereabout consisting chiefly of sand: however, the situation of Williams- burg has one advantage which few or no places in these lower parts have, that of being free from mos- quitoes. Upon the whole, it is an agreeable resi- dence; there are ten or twelve gentlemen's families constantly residing in it, besides merchants and tradesmen: and at the times of the assemblies, and general courts, it is crowded with the gentry of the country: on those occasions there are balls and other * These are formed in the shape of tiles, and are generally made of white cedar or of cypress. [34] Virginia amusements; but as soon as the business is finished, they return to their plantations; and the town is in a manner deserted.* The situation of Virginia (according to Evans's map) is between the 36th and 4Oth degree of north lat. and about 76 degrees west long, from London. f It is bounded on the north by the river Potomac, on the east by the Atlantic Ocean, by Carolina on the south, and, to include only what is inhabited, by the great Alleghany on the west.f The climate is extremely fine, though subject to violent heats in the summer: Fahrenheit's thermome- ter being generally for three months from 85 to 95 degrees high. The other seasons, however, make ample amends for this inconvenience: for the autumns and springs are delightful; and the winters are so mild and serene (though there are now and then excessively cold days) as scarcely to require a fire. The only complaint that a person can reason- ably make, is, of the very sudden changes to which the weather is liable; for this being entirely regulated * Since the revolution, the seat of government has been removed to Richmond, a town situated just below the falls of James river. f Mr. Ebeling, of Hamburg, in a note to the German transla- tion of this work, says, "Virginia is situated between 37 and 40 "degrees of north latitude, and extends from 77 to 81 degrees west "longitude from London;" but I believe he is mistaken, for the latest and best maps generally agree with Mr. Evans in regard to the situation he has given to this country; at least, they approxi- mate nearer to the account here given than to that of Mr. Ebeling. } See Note II. [35] Travels Through North America by the winds, is exceedingly variable. Southerly winds are productive of heat, northerly of cold, and easterly of rain; whence it is no uncommon thing for the thermometer to fall many degrees in a very few hours; and, after a warm day to have such severe cold as to freeze over a river a mile broad in one night's time.* In summer there are frequent and violent gusts, with thunder and lightning; but as the country is very thinly inhabited, and most of the gentry have electrical rods to their houses, they are not attended with many fatal accidents. Now and then, indeed, some of the negroes lose their lives; and it is not uncommon in the woods to see trees torn and riven to pieces by their fury and vio- lence. A remarkable circumstance happened some years ago at York, which is well attested: a person standing at his door during a thunder gust, was un- fortunately killed; there was an intermediate tree at some distance, which was struck at the same time; and when they came to examine the body they found the tree delineated upon it in miniature. Part of the body was livid, but that which was covered by the tree was of its natural colour.f I believe no country has more certainly proved * On the iQth of December, 1759, being upon a visit to Colonel Washington, at Mount Vernon, upon the river Potomac, where the river is two miles broad, I was greatly surprised to find it en- tirely frozen over in the space of one night, when the preceding day had been mild and temperate. f I have related this circumstance upon the authority of the [36] Virgin ima the efficacy of electrical rods, than this: before the discovery of them, these gusts were frequently pro- ductive of melancholy consequences; but now it is rare to hear of such instances. It is observable that no house was ever struck, where they were fixed: and although it has frequently happened that the rods themselves have been melted, or broken to pieces, and the houses scorched or discoloured along the sides of them, which manifested that they had received the stroke, but that the quantity of light- ning was too great to be carried off by the conductor, yet never has any misfortune happened; such a direction having been given to the lightning as to prevent any danger or ill consequence. These cir- cumstances, one would imagine, should induce every person to get over those prejudices which many have entertained; and to consider the neglect, rather than the use, of them as criminal, since they seem to be means put into our hands by Providence for our safety and protection. The soil of Virginia is in general good. There are barrens where the lands produce nothing but pine trees; but taking the whole tract together, it is certainly fertile. The low grounds upon the rivers and creeks are exceedingly rich, being loam inter- mingled with sand: and the higher you go up into Honourable John Blair, President of the Council of Virginia, who mentioned it as a well-known fact: but it appears so improbable and unphilosophical, that I do not pledge myself for the truth of it. [37] Travels Through North America the country, towards the mountains, the value of the land increases; for it grows more strong, and con- sists of a deeper clay. Virginia, in its natural state, produces great quantities of fruits and medicinal plants, with trees and flowers of infinitely various kinds. Tobacco and Indian corn are the original produce of the country; likewise the pigeon-berry, and rattle-snake- root so esteemed in all ulcerous and pleuritical com- plaints: grapes, strawberries, hickory nuts, mul- berries, chestnuts, and several other fruits, grow wild and spontaneously. Besides trees and flowers of an ordinary nature, the woods produce myrtles, cedars, cypresses, sugar- trees, firs of different sorts, and no less than seven or eight kinds of oak; they are likewise adorned and beautified with red-flowering maples, sassafras-trees, dog-woods, acacias, red-buds, scarlet-flowering chest- nuts, fringe-trees, flowering poplars, umbrellas, mag- nolias, yellow jasamines, chamoedaphnes, pacoons, atamusco-lilies, May-apples, and innumerable other sorts, so that one may reasonably assert that no coun- try ever appeared with greater elegance or beauty.* Not to notice too the almost numberless creeks and rivulets which every where abound, it is watered by four large rivers of such safe navigation, and such noble and majestic appearance, as cannot be ex- ceeded, perhaps, in the whole known world. * See Appendix, No. I. [38] Virginia James river, which was formerly called Pow- hatan, from its having been the seat of that emperor, is seven miles broad at the mouth, navigable to the falls (above 150 miles) for vessels of large burden, and thence to the mountains for small craft and canoes. The falls are in length about six or seven miles; they consist of innumerable breaks of water, owing to the obstruction of the current by an infinite num- ber of rocks, which are scattered over the bed of the river; and form a most picturesque and beautiful cascade. The Honourable Colonel Byrd,* has a small place called Belvedere, upon a hill at the lower end of these falls, as romantic and elegant as any thing I have ever seen. It is situated very high, and com- mands a fine prospect of the river, which is half a mile broad, forming cataracts in the manner above described; there are several little islands scattered carelessly about, very rocky, and covered with trees; and two or three villagesf in view at a small dis- tance. Over all these you discover a prodigious extent of wilderness, and the river winding majesti- cally along through the midst of it. York river, for about forty miles, to a place called West Point, is confined in one channel about two miles broad: it flows in a very direct course, making * See Note III. f Amongst the rest, Richmond, the present seat of government. [39] Travels Through North America but one angle, and that an inconsiderable one, dur- ing the whole way. At West Point it forks, and divides itself into two branches; the southward called Pamunky; the northward Mattapony: each of these branches, including the windings and meanders of the river, is navigable seventy or eighty miles, and a considerable way of this space for large ships. The Rappahannock is navigable to the falls, which are a mile above Fredericksburg, and about no from the bay. Vessels of large burden may come up to this place; and small craft and canoes may be carried up much higher. The Potomac is one of the finest rivers in North America: it is* ten miles broad at the mouth, navi- gable above 200 miles, to Alexandria, for men of war; and, allowing for a few carrying places, for canoes above 200 farther, to the very branches of the Ohio. Colonel Bouquet,f a Swiss gentleman in the Royal Americans, came down this autumn from Fort Cumberland \ to Shenandoah with very little * The Potomac, according to Mr. Jefferson, is only yj miles broad at its mouth, and perhaps his account may be founded upon better authority than my own. I had no opportunity of ascer- taining the fact, and the statement which I have made rests entirely upon the credibility of those Virginian gentlemen, who favoured me with the information, and who, I am persuaded, did not inten- tionally mislead me; though it is possible they might be mistaken. f See Note IV. \ The distance from Fort Cumberland to Shenandoah is above 100 miles; from Shenandoah to the great falls about 60; and from the great falls to Alexandria about 17 or 18. [40] Virginia difficulty; whence to the great falls, I have been told, a navigation might easily be effected: so that this river seems to promise to be of as great consequence as any in North America. In all these rivers the tide flows as far as the falls, and at Alexandria it rises between two and three feet. They discharge themselves into Chesapeake Bay, one of the finest in the world, which runs a great way up the country into Maryland; is from ten to twenty miles broad; navigable near a hundred leagues for vessels of almost any burden; and re- ceives into its bosom at least twenty great rivers. These waters are stored with incredible quantities of fish, such as sheeps-heads, rock-fish, drums, white perch, herrings, oysters, crabs, and several other sorts. Sturgeon and shad are in such prodigious numbers, that one day, within the space of two miles only, some gentlemen in canoes, caught above 600 of the former with hooks, which they let down to the bottom, and drew up at a venture when they per- ceived them to rub against a fish; and of the latter above 5,000 have been caught at one single haul of the seine. In the mountains there are very rich veins of ore; some mines having been already opened which turn to great account; particularly Spotswood's iron mines* upon the Rappahannock, out of which they smelt annually above six hundred ton: and one of * See Note V. [41] Travels Through North America copper upon the Roanoke, belonging to Colonel Chiswell. This last mentioned gentleman is also going to try for lead upon some hunting-grounds belonging to the Indians, towards New River, and the Green Briar; where, it is said, there is fine ore, and in great plenty, lying above ground. Some coal mines have also been opened upon James river near the falls, which are likely to answer very well. The forests abound with plenty of game of various kinds; hares, turkeys, pheasants, woodcocks, and partridges are in the greatest abundance. In the marshes are found soruses, a particular species of bird, more exquisitely delicious than the ortolan; snipes also, and ducks of various kinds. The American shell-drake and blue-wing exceed all of the duck kind whatsoever; and these are in prodi- gious numbers. In the woods there are variety of birds remarkable both for singing and for beauty; of which are the mocking-bird, the red-bird or night- ingale, the blue-bird, the yellow-bird, the humming- bird*, the Baltimore bird, the summer-duck, the turtle, and several other sorts. Insects and reptiles are almost innumerable. The variety of butterflies is not greater than is that of the * The humming-bird is the smallest and most beautiful of all the feathered race: its colours are green, crimson, and gold; it lives chiefly by suction upon the sweets and essences of flowers; and nothing can be more curious than to observe numbers of them in gardens, where there are honey-suckles or trumpet-flowers, flying [42] Virginia rich and vivid colours with which each particular species is distinguished and beautified; and such is the number and appearance of the fire-flies, that on a summer's evening the whole air seems to glow and to be enlightened by them. Several snakes of this country are harmless and beautiful; such as the black snake, the wampum-snake, the bead-snake, the garter-snake, and some others: but the rattle- snake and vipers are exceedingly venomous and deadly. There are two curious species of frogs here: one is called the bull-frog, which is prodigiously large, and makes so loud a noise, that it may be heard at a great distance; the other is a small green frog, which sits upon the boughs of trees, and is found in almost every garden. Of quadrupeds there are various kinds; squirrels of four or five different species*, opossums, raccoons, foxes, beavers, and deer: and in the deserts and un- inhabited parts, wolves, bears, panthers, elks or and sucking out the sweetest juices. The motion of their wings is incredibly swift and produces a humming noise, not unlike that of a large humble bee. They are frequently kept in cages, but seldom live longer than two months. The food which is given them, is either honey or sugar, mixed with water. Repeated at- tempts have been made to send them alive to England, but always without success. * Of the several species of squirrels, the ground and flying squirrels are much the smallest and most beautiful. The former are of a dusky orange hue, streaked with black; the latter grey or ash-coloured, and elegantly formed. These have a spreading or fan-tail, and two membranes adhering to their sides; which, when they spring or leap from a tree, they expand, and are thereby en- [43] 'Travels Through North America moose deer, buffaloes, mountain-cats, and various other sorts. Such are in general the natural pro- ductions of this country.* Viewed and considered as a settlement, Virginia is far from being arrived at that perfection of which it is capable. Not a tenth of the land is yet culti- vated: and that which is cultivated, is far from being so in the most advantageous manner. It produces, however, considerable quantities of grain and cattle, and fruit of many kinds. The Virginian pork is said to be superior in flavour to any in the world; but the sheep and horned cattle being small and lean, the meat of them is inferior to that of Great Britain, or indeed, of most parts of Europe. The horses are fleet and beautiful; and the gentlemen of Virginia, who are exceedingly fond of horse-racing, have spared no expence or trouble to improve the breed of them by importing great numbers from England. The fruits introduced here from Europe succeed extremely well; particularly peaches, which have a very fine flavour, and grow in such plenty as to serve to feed the hogs in the autumn of the year. Their abled to fly through a considerable space. The former are of a very wild nature; but these may be easily, and are frequently tamed. There is a species of polecat in this part of America, which is commonly called a skunk. This animal, when pursued, or assailed by its enemy, ejects its urine; which emits such a fetid and insupportable stench, as almost to stifle and suffocate what- ever is within the reach of it. * See Appendix, No. i. [44] Virginia blossoms in the spring make a beautiful appearance throughout the country. Virginia is divided into fifty-two counties, and seventy-seven parishes, and by act of assembly there ought to be forty-four towns*; but one half of these have not more than five houses; and the other half are little better than inconsiderable villages. This is owing to the cheapness of land, and the commo- diousness of navigation : for every person may with ease procure a small plantation, can ship his tobacco at his own door, and live independent. When the colony shall come to be more thickly seated, and land grow dear, people will be obliged to follow trades and manufactures, which will necessarily make towns and large cities; but this seems remote, and not likely to happen for some centuries. The inhabitants are supposed to be in number between two and three hundred thousand. There are a hundred and five thousand titheables, under which denomination are included all white males from sixteen to sixty; and all negroes whatsoever within the same age. The former are obliged to serve in the militia, and amount to forty thousand. The trade of this colony is large and extensive. Tobacco is the principal article of it. Of this they export annually between fifty and sixty thousand hogsheads, each hogshead weighing eight hundred or a thousand weight; some years they export much * These numbers have been since greatly increased. [45] Travels Through North America more.* They ship also for the Madeiras, the Straits, and the West Indies, several articles, such as grain, pork, lumber, and cider: to Great Britain, bar-iron, indigo, and a small quantity of ginseng, though of an inferior quality; and they clear out one year with another about fton of shipping. Their manufactures are very inconsiderable. They make a kind of cotton cloth, with which they clothe themselves in common, and call after the name of their country; and some inconsiderable quantities of linen, hose, and other trifling articles: but nothing to deserve attention. The government is a royal one: the legislature consisting of a governor appointed by the king; a council of twelve persons, under the same nomina- tion; and a house of burgesses, or representatives, of a hundred and eight or ten members, elected by the people; two for each county, and one for each of the following places, viz. the College of William and Mary, Jamestown, Norfolkborough, and Wil- liamsburg. Each branch has a negative. All laws, in order to be permanent, must have the king's ap- probation; nor may any be enacted, which are re- pugnant to the laws of Great Britain. The courts of judicature are either county, or general courts. The county courts are held monthly * In the year 1758, it is said that seventy thousand hogsheads were exported. f See Appendix, No. 2. [46] Virginia in each county, at a place assigned for that purpose, by the justices thereof; four of them making a quorum. They are appointed by the governor, and take cognizance of all causes, at common law, or in chancery, within their respective counties, except criminal ones, punishable with loss of life, or mem- ber. This power they are not permitted to exercise except over negroes and slaves, and then not without a special commission from the governor for each par- ticular purpose.* The general court is held twice a year at Williamsburg. It consists of the governor and council, any five of which make a court. They hear and determine all causes whatsoever, eccle- siastical or civil, and sit four and twenty days: the first five of these are for hearing and determining suits in chancery, appeals from the decrees of the county or inferior courts in chancery; and writs of supersedeas to such decrees. The other days are for trying suits or prosecutions in behalf of the king; and all other matters depending in the said court; appeals are allowed to the king in council, in cases * How necessary it may be that they should have such a power, even in this case, I will not pretend to say; but the law which trans- fers it to them seems so inconsistent with the natural rights of man- kind, that I cannot but in pity to humanity recite it. "Every slave committing any offence, by law punishable by 'death, or loss of member, shall be committed to the county gaol, 'and the sheriff of the county shall forthwith certify such com- 'mitment, with the cause thereof, to the governor, or commander 'in chief, who may issue a commission of oyer and terminer to 'such persons as he shall think fit, which persons, forthwith after 'the receipt of such commission, shall cause the offender to be [47] Travels Through North America of 500 1. sterling value. The governor has a power of pardoning criminals in all cases, except of treason or murder: and then he can only reprieve till he knows the king's pleasure. The established religion is that of the Church of England; and there are very few Dissenters of any denomination in this province. There are at present between sixty and seventy clergymen; men in general of sober and exemplary lives. They have each a glebe of two or three hundred acres of land, a house, and a salary established by law of 16,000 weight of tobacco, with an allowance of 1,700 more for shrink- age. This is delivered to them in hogsheads ready packed for exportation, at the most convenient ware- house. The presentation of livings is in the hands of the vestry, which is a standing body of twelve members invested with the sole power of raising levies, settling the repairs of the church, and regu- lating other parochial business. They were origi- nally elected by the people of the several parishes; but now fill up vacancies themselves. If the vestry does not present to a living in less than twelve months, 'publicly arraigned and tried at the court-house of the said county, 'and take for evidence the confession of the offender, the oath of 'one or more credible witnesses, or such testimony of negroes, 'mulattoes or Indians, bond or free, with pregnant circumstances 'as to them shall seem convincing, without the solemnity of a jury, 'and the offender being found guilty, shall pass such judgment 1 upon him or her as the law directs for the like crimes, and on * such judgment award execution." — Mercer's Abridgment of the Virginian Laws, p. 342. [48] Virginia it lapses to the governor. The diocesan is the bishop of London; who has a power of appointing a com- missary to preside over, and convene the clergy on particular occasions; and to censure, or even suspend them, in cases of neglect or immorality. His salary is 100 1. sterling per annum; and he is generally of the council, which is of equal emolument to him.* An unhappy disagreement has lately arisen be- tween the clergy and the laity, which, it is to be feared, may be of serious consequence. The cause of it was this: Tobacco being extremely scarce from a general failure of the crop, the assembly passed an act to oblige the clergy and all public officers to receive their stipends in money instead of tobacco. This the clergy remonstrated against, alleging the hardship of being obliged to take a small price for their tobacco, when it bore an ex- travagant one; seeing they never had any kind of compensation allowed when it was so plentiful as to be almost a drug. They sent over an agent to England, and the law was repealed. This greatly exasperated the people; and such is their mutual animosity at this time, that, I fear, it will not easily subside, or be forgotten. f With regard to the law in question, it was certainly * The commissary is commonly president of the college, and has the parish of Williamsburg, or some other lucrative parish, which render him about 350 1. a year: so that his annual income is be- tween 5 and 600 1. f See Note VI. [49] Travels Through North America a very hard one; and I doubt whether, upon prin- ciples of free government, it can be justified; or whether the assembly can legally interpose any farther, than, in cases of necessity, to oblige the clergy to receive their salaries in money instead of tobacco, at the current price of tobacco. They may, I am persuaded, in cases of exigency, always make, and might then have made, such a law, without any considerable detriment to the colony: for, supposing the price of tobacco to be, what it was at that time, about fifty shillings currency per hundred, what would the whole sum be, were the clergy to be paid ad valorem ? Not 20,200 1. sterling. There are in Virginia, as I observed before, about sixty-five clergymen; each of these is allowed 16,000 weight of tobacco; which, at the rate of fifty shillings cur- rency per hundred, amounts to 400 1.; 400 1. mul- tiplied by 65, is equal to 26,000; which, allowing 40 per cent, discount, the difference of exchange, is about 18,571 1. sterling. Now what is this sum to such a colony as Virginia ? But to this it will be said, perhaps, why should the clergy be gainers in a time of public distress, when every one else is a suf- ferer ? The clergy will doubtless reply, and why should the clergy be the only sufferers in plentiful seasons, when all but themselves are gainers ? However, as on the one hand I disapprove of the proceedings of the assembly in this affair; so, on the other, I cannot approve of the steps which were taken [50] Virginia by the clergy: that violence of temper; that disre- spectful behaviour towards the governor; that un- worthy treatment of their commissary; and, to men- tion nothing else, that confusion of proceeding in the convention, of which some, though not the ma- jority, as has been invidiously represented, were guilty; these things were surely unbecoming the sacred character they are invested with; and the moderation of those persons, who ought in all things to imitate the conduct of their divine Master. If, instead of flying out in invectives against the legis- lature; of accusing the governor of having given up the cause of religion by passing the bill; when, in fact, had he rejected it, he would never have been able to have got any supplies during the course of the war, though ever so much wanted; if, instead of charging the commissary with want of zeal for having exhorted them to moderate measures, they had followed the prudent councils of that excellent man, and had acted with more temper and modera- tion, they might, I am persuaded, in a very short time, have obtained any redress they could reason- ably have desired. The people in general were ex- tremely well affected towards the clergy, and had expressed their regard for them in several instances; they were sensible, moreover, that their salaries were too scanty to support them with dignity, and there had been some talk about raising them: had the clergy therefore, before they applied to England, Travels Through North America only offered a memorial to the assembly, setting forth that they thought the act extremely hard upon them, as their salaries were small; and that they hoped the assembly would take their case into con- sideration, and enable them to live with that decency which became their character; I am persuaded, from the knowledge which I have of the people in general, and from repeated conversations with several mem- bers of the assembly, that they might have obtained almost any thing they could have wished; if not, they undoubtedly would have had reason to appeal. But, instead of this, without applying to the as- sembly for relief, after the act was passed, (for be- fore, indeed, some of them did apply to the speaker in private) they flew out into the most violent in- vectives, immediately sent over an agent to England, and appealed to his majesty in council. The result has been already related. The progress of arts and sciences in this colony has been very inconsiderable: the college of William and Mary is the only public place of education, and this has by no means answered the design of its in- stitution. It has a foundation for a president and six professors. The business of the president is to superintend the whole, and to read four theological lectures annually. He has a handsome house to live in, and 200 1. sterling per annum. The pro- fessor of the Indian school has 60 1. sterling, and a house also; his business is to instruct the Indians in [5*1 Virginia reading, writing, and the principles of the Christian religion: this pious institution was set on foot and promoted by the excellent Mr. Boyle.* The pro- fessor of humanity has the care of instructing the students in classical learning: he has an usher or assistant under him. The four other professors teach moral philosophy, metaphysics, mathematics, and divinity. Each of the professors has apartments in the college, and a salary of about 80 1. per annum. f The present chancellor of the college is the bishop of London. From what has been said of this colony, it will not be difficult to form an idea of the character^: of its inhabitants. The climate and external appear- ance of the country conspire to make them indolent, easy, and good natured; extremely fond of society, * See Appendix, No. 3. t They have since been raised, I believe, to 100 I. | General characters are always liable to many exceptions. In Virginia, I have had the pleasure to know several gentlemen adorned with many virtues and accomplishments, to whom the following description is by no means applicable. Amongst others, I cannot resist the inclination of mentioning George Wythe, Es- quire, who, to a perfect knowledge of the Greek language, which was taught him by his mother in the back woods, and of the ancient, particularly the Platonic philosophy, had joined such a profound reverence for the Supreme Being, such respect for the divine laws, such philanthropy for mankind, such simplicity of manners, and such inflexible rectitude and integrity of principle, as would have dignified a Roman senator, even in the most virtuous times of the republic. This gentleman is, I believe, still living.^J U See Note VII. [53] Travels Through North America and much given to convivial pleasures. In conse- quence of this, they seldom show any spirit of enter- prise, or expose themselves willingly to fatigue. Their authority over their slaves renders them vain and imperious, and entire strangers to that elegance of sentiment, which is so peculiarly characteristic of refined and polished nations. Their ignorance of mankind and of learning, exposes them to many errors and prejudices, especially in regard to In- dians and negroes, whom they scarcely consider as of the human species; so that it is almost impossible, in cases of violence, or even murder, committed upon those unhappy people by any of the planters, to have the delinquents brought to justice: for either the grand jury refuse to find the bill, or the petit jury bring in their verdict, not guilty.* * There are two laws in this colony, which make it almost im- possible to convict a planter, or white man, of the death of a negro or Indian. By the first it is enacted, that "if any slave shall die "by reason of any stroke or blow, given in correction by his or her "owner, or by reason of any accidental blow whatsoever, given "by such owner; no person concerned in such correction, or acci- dental homicide, shall undergo any prosecution or punishment "for the same; unless, upon examination before the county court, "it shall be proved by the oath of one lawful and credible witness, "at least, that such slave was killed wilfully, maliciously, and de- "signedly; nor shall any person indicted for the murder of a slave, "and upon trial found guilty only of manslaughter, incur any for- feiture or punishment for such offence or misfortune." See Mercer's Abridgment, p. 345. By the second, "No negro, "mulatto, or Indian, can be admitted into any court, or before "any magistrate, to be sworn as a witness, or give evidence in any "cause whatsoever, except upon the trial of a slave for a capital " offence." Mercer's Abridgment, p. 419. [54] Virginia The display of a character thus constituted, will naturally be in acts of extravagance, ostentation, and a disregard of economy; it is not extraordinary therefore, that the Virginians outrun their incomes; and that having involved themselves in difficulties, they are frequently tempted to raise money by bills of exchange, which they know will be returned pro- tested, with 10 per cent, interest.* The public or political character of the Virginians corresponds with their private one: they are haughty and jealous of their liberties, impatient of restraint, and can scarcely bear the thought of being controuled by any superior power. Many of them consider the * By an act of assembly, if any bill of exchange is drawn for the payment of any sum of money, and such bill is protested for non- payment, it carries interest from the date thereof, after the rate of 10 per cent, per annum, until the money be fully satisfied and paid. A very curious anecdote relative to this law was mentioned to me at Williamsburg, of which I am persuaded the reader will excuse the relation. An usurer, not satisfied with 5 1. per cent, legal in- terest, refused to advance a sum of money to a gentleman, unless, by way of security, he would give him a bill of exchange that should be returned protested, by which he would be entitled to 10 per cent. The gentleman, who had immediate occasion for the money, drew a bill upon a capital merchant in London, with whom he had never had any transaction, or carried on the least correspondence. The merchant, on the receipt of the bill, observing the name of the drawer, very readily honoured it, knowing the gentleman to be a person of great property, and concluding that he meant to enter into correspondence with him. The usurer upon this became en- titled to only 5 1. per cent. He was exceedingly enraged, there- fore, at being, as he supposed, thus tricked: and complained very heavily to the gentleman of his having given him a good bill in- stead of a bad one. [55] Travels Through North America colonies as independent states, not connected with Great Britain, otherwise than by having the same common king, and being bound to her by natural affection. There are but few of them that have a turn for business, and even those are by no means expert at it. I have known them, upon a very urgent occasion, vote the relief of a garrison, without once considering whether the thing was prac- ticable, when it was most evidently and demonstra- bly otherwise.* In matters of commerce they are ignorant of the necessary principles that must pre- vail between a colony and the mother country; they think it a hardship not to have an unlimited trade to every part of the world. They consider the duties upon their staple as injurious only to themselves; * The garrison here alluded to, was that of Fort Loudoun, in the Cherokee country, consisting of a lieutenant, and about fifty men. This unfortunate party being besieged by the Cherokee Indians, and reduced to the last extremity, sent off runners to the governors of Virginia and Carolina, imploring immediate succour; adding, that it was impossible for them to hold out above twenty days longer. The assembly of Virginia, commiserating their unhappy situation, very readily voted a considerable sum for their relief. With this, troops were to be levied; were to rendezvous upon the frontiers 200 miles distant from Williamsburg; were afterward to proceed to the fort 200 miles farther through a wilderness, where there was no road, no magazines, no posts, either to shelter the sick, or cover a retreat in case of any disaster; so that the unfor- tunate garrison might as effectually have been succoured from the moon. The author taking notice of these difficulties to one of the members, he frankly replied, " Faith, it is true: but we have had an opportunity at least of showing our loyalty." In a few days after arrived the melancholy news, that this unfortunate party was entirely cut off. [56] Virginia and it is utterly impossible to persuade them that they affect the consumer also. However, to do them justice, the same spirit of generosity prevails here which does in their private character; they never refuse any necessary supplies for the support of government when called upon, and are a generous and loyal people. The women are, generally speaking, handsome, though not to be compared with our fair country- women in England. They have but few advan- tages, and consequently are seldom accomplished; this makes them reserved, and unequal to any in- teresting or refined conversation. They are im- moderately fond of dancing, and indeed it is almost the only amusement they partake of: but even in this they discover want of taste and elegance, and seldom appear with that gracefulness and ease, which these movements are calculated to display. Towards the close of an evening, when the company are pretty well tired with country dances, it is usual to dance jigs; a practice originally borrowed, I am informed, from the negroes.* These dances are without method or regularity: a gentleman and lady stand up, and dance about the room, one of them retiring, the other pursuing, then perhaps meeting, in an irregular fantastical manner. After some * The author has since had an opportunity of observing some- thing similar in Italy. The trescone of the Tuscans is very like the jigs of the Virginians. [57] Travels Through North America time, another lady gets up, and then the first lady must sit down, she being, as they term it, cut out: the second lady acts the same part which the first did, till somebody cuts her out. The gentlemen perform in the same manner. The Virginian ladies, excepting these amusements, and now and then going upon a party of pleasure into the woods to partake of a barbecue,* chiefly spend their time in sewing and taking care of their families: they seldom read, or endeavour to improve their minds; how- ever, they are in general good housewives; and though they have not, I think, quite so much tender- ness and sensibility as the English ladies, yet they make as good wives, and as good mothers, as any in the world. It is hard to determine whether this colony can be called flourishing, or not; because though it pro- duces great quantities of tobacco and grain, yet there seem to be very few improvements carrying on in it. Great part of Virginia is a wilderness, and as * Mons. de Willd, in his French translation of these travels, makes the following observation upon the word, barbecue: "Get amusement barbare consiste a fouetter les pores jusqu'a "la mort, pour en rendre la chair plus delicate. Je ne sache pas "que les cannibales meme le pratiquent." In justice to the inhabitants of Virginia, I must beg leave to observe, that such a cruel and inhuman act was never, to my knowledge at least, practised in that country. A barbecue is nothing more than a porker, killed in the usual way, stuffed with spices and other rich ingredients, and basted with Madeira wine. It is esteemed a very great delicacy; and is, I believe, a costly dish. [58J Virginia many of the gentlemen are in possession of immense tracts of land, it is likely to continue so. A spirit of enterprise is by no means the turn of the colony, and therefore few attempts have been made to force a trade; which I think might easily be done, both to the West Indies and the Ohio. They have every thing necessary for such an undertaking; viz. lumber, provisions, grain, and every other commodity, which the other colonies, that subsist and grow rich by these means, make use of for exports; but, instead of this, they have only a trifling communication with the West Indies; and as to the Ohio, they have suf- fered themselves, notwithstanding the superior ad- vantages they might enjoy from having a water carriage almost to the Youghiogheny, to neglect this valuable branch of commerce; while the industrious Pennsylvanians seize every opportunity, and struggle with innumerable difficulties to secure it to them- selves. The Virginians are content if they can but live from day to day; they confine themselves almost entirely to the cultivation of tobacco; and if they have but enough of this to pay their merchants in London, and to provide for their pleasures, they are satisfied, and desire nothing more. Some few, indeed, have been rather more enterprising, and have endeav- oured to improve their estates by raising indigo, and other schemes : but whether it has been owing to the climate, to their inexperience in these matters, or their want of perseverance, I am unable to deter- [59] Travels Through North America mine, but their success has not answered their ex- pectations. The taxes of this colony are considerable, and the public debt amounts to at least 400,000 1. currency; this they have been driven into by the war, having seldom had less than a thousand or fifteen hundred provincial troops in pay, exclusive of the expenses of some forts. The ways and means employed for raising the money have been generally the same: they have first made an emission of so much paper currency as the exigency required, and then laid a tax for sinking it. This tax has been commonly upon lands and negroes, two shillings for every titheable; and a shilling or eighteen-pence upon every hundred acres of land. This mode of taxa- tion has occasioned some divisions in the house; for the owners of large tracts being unable, perhaps, to cultivate a tenth part of their possessions, and every man's real income arising from the number of his negroes, have thought it very hard to pay a tax for what they pretend is of no value to them: but much better arguments may undoubtedly be urged in sup- port of the tax than against it. The taxes for the present debt are laid till the year sixty-nine, when the whole, if they add nothing more to it, will be discharged. The use of paper currency in this colony has entirely banished from it gold and silver. Indeed, the introduction of it was certain in time to produce this effect; but lest [60] Virginia it should not, the Virginians fell into a measure, which completed it at once: for by an act of assembly they fixed the exchange between currency and ster- ling debts at five and twenty per cent, not consider- ing that the real value of their currency could only be regulated by itself. The consequence was, that when from frequent emissions, the difference of ex- change between bills upon merchants in London and currency was 40 per cent., the difference be- tween currency and specie* was only five and twenty. So that the moneyed men collected all the specie they could, sent it to Philadelphia, where it passed for its real value, purchased bills of exchange with it there, and sold them again in Virginia with fifteen per cent, profit: and this they continued to do till there was not a pistole or a dollar remaining. During my stay in Virginia, I made several ex- cursions into different parts of the country: one in particular to the great falls of Potomac; of which, as I expected to be highly entertained, I kept a journal. I departed from Williamsburg, Oct. i, 1759, in company with another gentleman ;f and we travelled that day about forty miles, to a plantation £ in King * Fixing the difference between currency and sterling debts, was, in reality, fixing it between currency and specie. f Col. Bernard Moore. \ Belonging to Col. Symes. This gentleman's lady, a very beautiful woman, was said to have just attained her 2ist year. [6,] Travels Through North America William county, beautifully situated upon a high hill, on the north side of Pamunky river. A little below this place stands the Pamunky Indian town, where at present are the few remaining of that large tribe, the rest having dwindled away through in- temperance and disease. They live in little wig- wams or cabins upon the river; and have a very fine tract of land of about 2,000 acres, which they are restrained from alienating by act of assembly. Their employment is chiefly hunting or fishing for the neighboring gentry. They commonly dress like the Virginians, and I have sometimes mistaken them for the lower sort of that people.* The night I spent here, they went out into an adjoining marsh to catch soruses; and one of them, as I was informed in the morning, caught near a hundred dozen. The manner of taking these birds is remarkable. The sorus is not known to be in Virginia, except for about six weeks from the latter end of September: at that time they are found in the marshes in prodigious numbers, feeding upon the wild oats. At first they are exceedingly lean, but in a short time grow so fat, as to be unable to fly: in this state they lie upon the reeds, and the Indians go out in canoes and knock them on the head with their paddles. They are She was at that time the mother of seven children, all living. The women in general, in this country, arrive at maturity very early. Some are marriageable at eleven, many at thirteen, and the gen- erality at fourteen or fifteen years of age. * See Appendix, No. 3. Falls of Rappahannock rather bigger than a lark, and are delicious eating. During the time of their continuing in season, you meet with them at the tables of most of the planters, breakfast, dinner and supper.* Oct. 2. We went to another plantation about twenty-four miles distant, belonging to a private gentleman,f upon Mattapony river. We staid there all that and the next day on account of rain. Oct. 4. We traveled twenty-five miles to another gentleman's \ house; and from thence, the day fol- lowing, about twenty-five miles farther, to a town called Fredericksburg. Fredericksburg is situated about a mile below the Falls of Rappahannock: it is regularly laid out, as most of the towns in Virginia are, in parallel streets. Part of it is built upon an eminence, and commands a delightful prospect; the rest upon the edge of the water for the convenience of warehouses. The town was begun about thirty-two years ago, for the sake of carrying on a trade with the back-settlers; and is at present by far the most flourishing one in these parts. * In several parts of Virginia the ancient custom of eating meat at breakfast still continues. At the top of the table, where the lady of the house presides, there is constantly tea and coffee; but the rest of the table is garnished with roasted fowls, ham, venison, game, and other dainties. Even at Williamsburg, it is the custom to have a plate of cold ham upon the table; and there is scarcely a Virginian lady who breakfasts without it. f Major Henry Gaines. \ Col. Bailors. [63] Travels Through North America We left Fredericksburg the 6th instant, and went to see the Falls. At this place is a small mercantile town called Falmouth, whose inhabitants are en- deavouring to rival the Fredericksburghers in their trade. It is built upon the north side of the river, and consists of eighteen or twenty houses. The Falls of Rappahannock are similar to those of James river, except that they are not upon so large a scale. The whole range scarcely exceeds half a mile, and the breadth not a hundred yards. At the time of our going to see them, there was a fresh in the river, which added very much to their beauty. The center of view was an island of about an hun- dred acres covered with trees; this divided the river into two branches, in each of which, at regular dis- tances of fifteen or twenty yards, was a chain of six or seven falls, one above another, the least of them a foot perpendicular. The margin was beautifully variegated with rocks and trees, and the whole formed a pleasing romantic scene. At this place we met with a person who informed us of his having been, a few days before, a spectator of that extraordinary phenomenon in nature, the fascinating power of the rattle-snake. He observed one lying coiled near a tree, looking directly at a bird which had settled there. The bird was under great agitation, uttered the most doleful cries, hopped from spray to spray, and at length flew directly down to the snake, which opened its mouth and swallowed it. [64] The Northern Neck From hence we ascended up the river, about fifteen miles, to Spotswood's iron-mines; and in our way had a fine view of the Appalachian mountains, or Blue Ridge, at the distance of seventy miles. At this place I was much affected by the following in- cident. A gentleman in our company, which was now increased, had a small negro boy with him, about fourteen years of age, that had lived with him in a remote part of the country some time as a ser- vant; an old woman who was working in the mines, and who proved to be the boy's grandmother, acci- dentally cast her eyes on him; she viewed him with great attention for some time; then screamed out, saying that it was her child, and flung herself down upon the ground. She lay there some seconds; rose up, looked on him again in an ecstasy of joy, and fell upon his neck and kissed him. After this, she re- tired a few paces, examined him afresh with fixed attention, and immediately seemed to lose herself in thoughtful and profound melancholy. The boy all this while stood silent and motionless, reclining his head on one side, pale and affected beyond de- scription. It would not have been in the power of painting to exhibit a finer picture of distress. We returned from this place the next day to Fredericksburg; and ferrying over the Rappahannock into the Northern Neck, travelled about seventeen miles to a gentleman's house in Stafford county: in the morning we proceeded through Dumfries, and [65] Travels Through North America over Occoquan river to Colchester, about twenty- one miles. These are two small towns lately built for the sake of the back trade; the former* on the Quantico, the other upon Occoquan river, both of which fall into the Potomac. About two miles above Colchester there is an iron furnace, a forge, two saw-mills, and a bolting-mill: at our return we had an opportunity of visiting them: they have every convenience of wood and water, that can be wished for. The ore wrought here is brought from Maryland; not that there is any doubt of there being plenty enough in the adjacent hills; but the inhabitants are discouraged from trying for it by the proprietor's (viz. Lord Fair- fax) having reserved to himself a third of all ore that may be discovered in the Northern Neck.f * In the preceding editions of this book, Dumfries is mentioned as situated upon Acquia Creek: but this is certainly erroneous; for all the maps describe it as situated upon the Quantico. The error probably arose from the author's having passed the Acquia, the Quantico, and the Occoquan rivers in the same day; and his want of perfect and correct recollection, when he wrote his journal in the evening. f An occurrence happened to me in the course of this day's travelling, which, though it made a considerable impression upon me at the time, I should not have thought of sufficient moment to be recorded, had not the intellectual powers of the African negroes been frequently, of late, made the subject of conversation, both by the friends and the opposers of the emancipation of that unhappy race. In passing either Acquia, Quantico, or Occoquan rivers, I do not recollect which, I was rowed by an old gray-headed negro who seemed quite exhausted and worn down by age and infirmity. I inquired into his situation, and received for answer, that he had [66] Falls of Potomac From Colchester we went about twelve miles farther to Mount Vernon. This place is the prop- erty of Colonel Washington, and truly deserving of its owner.* The house is most beautifully situated upon a high hill on the banks of the Potomac; and commands a noble prospect of water, of cliffs, of woods, and plantations. The river is nearly two miles broad, though two hundred from the mouth; been a slave from his youth, and had continued to work for his master till age had rendered him unfit for service; that his master had then kindly given him a small piece of ground, and the profits of the ferry, which were indeed very inconsiderable, for his main- tenance; and that with these means of subsistence he awaited the hour when it might please God to call him to another life. I ob- served that he must naturally wish for that hour, as it would re- lease him from his present sufferings. His answer was, no; for he was afraid to die. On my questioning him, why he was afraid to die: whether he had any thing upon his conscience that gave him uneasiness; or whether he had not been honest and faithful to his master? He answered, yes; I have always done my duty to the best of my power: but yet I am afraid to die: and was not our Saviour himself afraid to die ? The answer was so unexpected, and so far beyond what I supposed to be the intellectual capacity of the poor negro, that it sunk deep into my mind, and I was lost for a moment in silence. * I cannot omit this opportunity of bearing testimony to the gallant and public spirit of this gentleman. Nov. I, 1753, Lieut. Gov. Dinwiddie having informed the assembly of Virginia, that the French had erected a fort upon the Ohio, it was resolved to send somebody to M. St. Pierre, the commander, to claim that country as belonging to his Britannic Majesty, and to order him to withdraw. Mr. Washington, a young gentlemen of fortune just arrived at age, offered his service on this important occasion. The distance was more than 400 miles; 200 of which lay through a trackless desert, inhabited by cruel and merciless savages; and the season was uncommonly severe. Notwithstanding these dis- Travels Through North America and divides the dominions of Virginia from Mary- land.* We rested here one day, and proceeded up the river about twenty-six miles, to take a view of the Great Falls. These are formed in some respect like those of the Rappahannock; but are infinitely more noble. The channel of the river is contracted by hills; and is as narrow, I was told, as at Fort Cum- berland, which is an hundred and fifty miles higher up. It is clogged moreover with innumerable rocks; so that the water for a mile or two flows with ac- celerated velocity. At length coming to a ledge of rocks, which runs diametrically across the river, it divides into two spouts, each about eight yards wide, couraging circumstances, Mr. Washington, attended by one com- panion only, set out upon this dangerous enterprise: travelled from Winchester on foot, carrying his provisions on his back, exe- cuted his commission; and after incredible hardships, and many providential escapes, returned safe to Williamsburg, and gave an account of his negotiation to the assembly, the I4th day of Feb- ruary following. * A very curious sight is frequently exhibited upon this and the other great rivers in Virginia, which for its novelty is exceedingly diverting to strangers. During the spring and summer months the fishing-hawk is often seen hovering over the rivers, or resting on the wing without the least visible change of place for some minutes, then suddenly darting down and plunging into the water, from whence it seldom rises again without a rock fish, or some other considerable fish, in its talons. It immediately shakes off the water like a mist, and makes the best of its way towards the woods. The bald eagle, which is generally upon the watch, instantly pur- sues, and if it can overtake, endeavours to soar above it. The hawk growing solicitous for its own safety drops the fish, and the bald eagle immediately stoops, and seldom fails to catch it in its pounces before it reaches the water. [68] Falls of Potomac and rushes down a precipice with incredible rapidity. The spout on the Virginian side makes three falls, one above another; the first about ten feet, the next fifteen, and the last twenty-four or twenty-five feet perpendicular: the water is of a vast bulk, and almost entire. The spout on the Maryland side is nearly equal in height and quantity, but a great deal more broken. These two spouts, after running in sepa- rate channels for a short space, at length unite in one about thirty yards wide; and as we judged from the smoothness of the surface and our unsuccessful endeavours to fathom it, of prodigious depth. The rocks on each side are at least ninety or a hundred feet high; and yet, in great freshes, the water over- flows the tops of them, as appeared by several large and entire trees, which had lodged there. In the evening we returned down the river about sixteen miles to Alexandria, or Belhaven, a small trading place in one of the finest situations imagin- able. The Potomac above and below the town, is not more than a mile broad, but it here opens into a large circular bay, of at least twice that diameter. The town is built upon an arc of this bay; at one extremity of which is a wharf; at the other a dock for building ships; with water sufficiently deep to launch a vessel of any rate or magnitude. The next day we returned to Colonel Washington's, and in a few days afterward to Williamsburg. The time of my residence in this colony was ten [69] Travels Through North America months, and I received so many instances of friend- ship and good-nature, that not to acknowledge them would be an act of ingratitude. It would not be easy to mention particular instances, without being guilty of injustice by omitting others: but, in general, I can truly affirm, that I took leave of this hospitable people with regret, and shall ever remember them with gratitude and affection. May 26, 1760. Having procured three horses, for myself, servant, and baggage, I departed from Williamsburg, and travelled that night to Eltham;* twenty-five miles. May 27. I ferried over Pamunky river at Dan- sies, and went to Todd's ordinary upon Mattopony, or the northern branch of York river; thirty-two miles. May 28. I went to a plantation in Caroline county ;f twenty-seven miles. May 29. To Fredericksburg; twenty-five miles. As I was travelling this day, I observed a large black-snake, about six feet long, lying cross the stump of a tree by the road side. I touched it with my switch several times before it stirred; at last it darted with incredible swiftness into the woods. On look- ing into the hole, where it had fixed its head, I observed a small bead-snake about two feet long; beau- tifully variegated with red, black, and orange colour, * The plantation of Col. Bassett. f Belonging to Col. Bailor, mentioned above. Virginia which the black-snake was watching to prey upon. I took and laid it, half stupefied, in the sun to revive. After I proceeded about a quarter of a mile, it oc- curred to me that it would be a great curiosity if I could carry it to England; I therefore sent my ser- vant back with orders to fetch it: but, at his return, he acquainted me that it was not to be found, and that the black-snake was in the same position where- in I had first discovered it. I mention this as an instance of the intrepid nature of the black-snake, which, though not venomous, will attack and devour the rattlesnake; and, in some cases, it is asserted, even dare to assault a man. May 30. I left Fredericksburg, and having ferried over the Rappahannock at the falls, travelled that night to Neville's ordinary, about thirty-four miles. May 31. I passed over the Pignut and Blue Ridges; and, crossing the Shenandoah, arrived, after a long day's journey of above fifty miles, at Winchester.* The Pignut ridge is a continuation of the south- west mountains. It is no where very high; and at the gap where I passed, the ascent is so extremely easy, owing to the winding of the road between the mountains, that I was scarcely sensible of it. * Greenway Court, the seat of the venerable Lord Fairfax, is situated a few miles on the left of the road, about halfway between the Appalachian mountains and Winchester. His Lordship being absent, I was prevented from paying my respects to him. — See Appendix, No. 4. [71] Travels Through North America The tract of country lying between this ridge and the coast, is supposed, and with some appearance of probability, to have been gained from the ocean. The situation is extremely low, and the ground every where broken into small hills, nearly of the same elevation, with deep intermediate gullies, as if it were the effect of some sudden retiring of the waters. The soil is principally of sand; and there are few, if any pebbles, within a hundred miles of the shore; for which reason the Virginians in these parts never shoe their horses. Incredible quantities of what are called scallop-shells are found also near the sur- face of the ground; and many of the hills are entirely formed of them. These phenomena, with others less obvious to common observation, seem to in- dicate that the Atlantic, either gradually, or by some sudden revolution in nature, has retired, and lost a considerable part of that dominion which formerly belonged to it. The Blue Ridge is much higher than the Pignut: though even these mountains are not to be compared with the Alleghany. To the southward, I was told, they are more lofty; and but little, if at all, inferior to them. The pass, at Ashby's Gap, from the foot of the mountain on the eastern side to the Shenandoah, which runs at the foot on the western, is about four miles. The ascent is no where very steep; though the mountains are, upon the whole, I think, higher than any I have ever seen in England. When I got [72] North Ridge to the top, I was inexpressibly delighted with the scene which opened before me. Immediately under the mountain, which was covered with chamce- daphnes in full bloom, was a most beautiful river: beyond this an extensive plain, diversified with every pleasing object that nature can exhibit; and, at the distance of fifty miles, another ridge of still more lofty mountains, called the Great, or North Ridge,* which inclosed and terminated the whole. The river Shenandoah rises a great way to the south- ward from under this Great North Ridge. It runs through Augusta county, and falls into the Poto- mac somewhere in Frederick. At the place where I ferried over, it is only about a hundred yards wide; and indeed it is no where, I believe, very broad. It is exceedingly romantic and beautiful, forming great variety of falls, and is so transparent, that you may see the smallest pebble at the depth of eight or ten feet. There is plenty of trout and other fish in it; but it is not navigable, except for rafts. In sudden freshes it rises above forty or fifty feet. The low grounds upon the banks of this river are very rich and fertile; they are chiefly settled by Germans, who gain a comfortable livelihood by raising stock for the troops, and sending butter down into the lower parts of the country. I could not but reflect with pleasure on the situation of these people; and think * All these ridges consist of single mountains joined together, and run parallel to each other. [73] Travels Through North America if there is such a thing as happiness in this life, that they enjoy it. Far from the bustle of the world, they live in the most delightful climate, and richest soil imaginable; they are everywhere surrounded with beautiful prospects and sylvan scenes; lofty mountains, transparent streams, falls of water, rich valleys, and majestic woods; the whole interspersed with an infinite variety of flowering shrubs, con- stitute the landscape surrounding them: they are subject to few diseases; are generally robust; and live in perfect liberty: they are ignorant of want, and acquainted with but few vices. Their inex- perience of the elegancies of life precludes any regret that they possess not the means of enjoying them: but they possess what many princes would give half their dominions for, health, content, and tranquillity of mind. Winchester is a small town of about two hundred houses. It is the place of general rendezvous of the Virginian troops, which is the reason of its late rapid increase, and present flourishing condition. The country about it, before the reduction of Fort du Quesne, was greatly exposed to the ravages of the Indians, who daily committed most horrid cruelties: even the town would have been in danger, had not Colonel Washington, in order to cover and protect it, erected a fort upon an eminence at one end of it, which proved of the utmost utility; for although the Indians were frequently in sight of the town, they [74] Winchester i never dared to approach within reach of the fort. It is a regular square fortification, with four bastions, mounting twenty-four cannon; the length of each curtain, if I am not mistaken, is about eighty yards. Within, there are barracks for 450 men. The materials of which it is constructed are logs filled up with earth: the soldiers attempted to surround it with a dry ditch; but the rock was so extremely hard and impenetrable that they were obliged to desist. It is still unfinished; and, I fear, going to ruin; for the assembly, who seldom look a great way before them, after having spent about 9,000 1. cur- rency upon it, cannot be prevailed upon to give another thousand towards finishing it, because we are in possession of Pittsburg; and, as they suppose, quite secure on this account; yet it is certain, that, in case of another Indian war on this side, which is by no means improbable, considering our general treatment of that people, it would be of the utmost advantage and security. There is a peculiarity in the water at Winchester, owing, I was told, to the soil's being of a limy quality, which is frequently productive of severe gripings, especially in strangers; but it is generally supposed, on the other hand, to be specific against some other diseases.* * Professor Haller, in his notes to the German translation of this book, supposes that the water at Winchester may be impreg- nated with Vitriolic Magnesia, Sal Amarum. [75] Travels Through North America During my stay at this place, I was almost in- duced to make a tour for a fortnight to the south- ward, in Augusta county, for the sake of seeing some natural curiosities, which, the officers assured me, were extremely well worth visiting: but as the Chero- kees had been scalping in those parts only a few days before; and as I feared, at the same time, that it would detain me too long, and that I should lose my passage to England, I judged it prudent to decline it. The curiosities they mentioned to me, were chiefly these: 1. About forty miles westward of Augusta court- house, a beautiful cascade, bursting out of the side of a rock; and, after running some distance through a meadow, rushing down a precipice 150 feet perpendicular. 2. To the southward of this about twenty miles, two curious hot springs, one tasting like alum, the other like the washings of a gun. 3. A most extraordinary cave. 4. A medicinal spring, specific in venereal cases. A soldier in the Virginian regiment, whose case was thought desperate, by drinking and bathing in these waters, was, after a few days, entirely cured. This fact was asserted very strongly by some officers, who had been posted there: but Colonel Washington, of whom I inquired more particularly concerning it, informed me that he had never heard of it; that he [76] Winchester was not indeed at the place where it is said to have happened, but that having had the command of the regiment at that time, he should probably have been informed of it. What credit therefore is to be given to it, the reader must judge for himself. 5. Sixty miles southward of Augusta court-house, a natural arch, or bridge, joining two high moun- tains, with a considerable river running underneath. 6. A river called Lost river, from its sinking under a mountain, and never appearing again. 7. A spring of a sulphurous nature, an infallible cure for particular cutaneous disorders. 8. Sixteen miles north-east of Winchester, a nat- ural cave or well, into which, at times, a person may go down to the depth of 100 or 150 yards; and at other times the water rises up to the top, and overflows plentifully. This is called the ebbing and flowing well, and is situated in a plain, flat country, not contiguous to any mountain or running water. 9. A few miles from hence, six or seven curious caves communicating with each other. A day or two before I left Winchester, I discovered that I had been robbed by my servant: he confessed the fact, and pleaded so little in justification of him- self, that I was obliged to dismiss him. This dis- tressed me very much, for it was impossible to hire a servant in these parts, or even any one to go over the mountains with me into the lower settlements. However, by the politeness of the commander of the [77] Travels Through North America place, the Honourable Colonel Byrd, and of another gentleman* of my acquaintance, I got over these difficulties; for the former, while I continued at Winchester, accommodated me with his own apart- ments in the fort, ordering his servants to attend and wait upon me; and the latter sent a negro boy with me as far as Colonel Washington's, eighty miles dis- tant from this place. On the 4th of June, therefore, I was enabled to leave Winchester, and I travelled that night about eighteen miles, to Sniker'sf ferry upon the Shenandoah. The next morning I repassed the Blue Ridge at William's Gap, and proceeded on my journey about forty miles. I this day fell into conversation with a planter, who overtook me on the road, concerning the rattle-snake, of which there are infinite numbers in these parts; and he told me, that one day going to a mill at some distance, he provoked one to such a degree, as to make it strike a small vine which grew close by, and that the vine presently drooped and died.:j: My accommodations this evening were extremely * Colonel Churchill. f Called in Fry and Jefferson's map, Williams's Ferry. | Several persons to whom I have mentioned this fact, have seemed to doubt of the probability of it. But were it not true, a question will naturally arise, how an idea of that nature should occur to an ignorant planter, living remote from all cultivated society; and, more particularly, how he should happen to fix upon that tree; which, supposing the thing possible, is the most likely to have been affected in the manner described. [78] Virginia bad; I had been wet to the skin in the afternoon; and at the miserable plantation in which I had taken shelter, I could get no fire; nothing to eat or drink but pure water; and not even a blanket to cover me. I threw myself down upon my mattrass, but suffered so much from cold, and was so infested with insects and vermin, that I could not close my eyes. I rose early in the morning, therefore, and proceeded upon my journey, being distant from Colonel Washing- ton's not more than thirty miles. It was late, how- ever, before I arrived there, for it rained extremely hard, and a man who undertook to shew me the nearest way, led me among precipices and rocks, and we were lost for above two hours. It was not, indeed, without some compensation; for he brought me through as beautiful and picturesque a scene, as eye ever beheld. It was a delightful valley, about two miles in length, and a quarter of one in breadth, between high and craggy mountains, covered with chamcedaphnes* or wild ivy, in full flower. Through the middle of the valley glided a rivulet about eight yards wide, extremely lucid, and breaking into in- numerable cascades; and in different parts of it stood * The chamoedaphne is the most beautiful of all flowering shrubs: Catesby in his Natural History of Carolina speaks of it in the following manner: "The flowers grow in bunches on the 'tops of the branches, to footstalks of three inches long; they are 'white, stained with purplish red; consisting of one leaf in form 'of a cup, divided at the verge into five sections. In the middle 'is a stilus, and ten stamina, which, when the flower first opens, ' appear lying close to the sides of the cup, at equal distances; their [79] Travels Through North America small clumps of evergreens, such as myrtles, cedars, pines, and various other sorts. Upon the whole, not Tempe itself could have displayed greater beauty or a more delightful scene. At Colonel Washington's I disposed of my horses, and, having borrowed his curricle and servant, I took leave of Mount Vernon the i ith of June. I crossed over the Potomac into Maryland at Clifton's ferry, where the river is something more than a mile broad; and proceeded on my journey to Marl- borough, eighteen miles. I here met with a strolling company of players, under the direction of one Douglas. I went to see their theatre, which was a neat, convenient tobacco-house, well fitted up for the purpose.* From hence in the afternoon I pro- ceeded to Queen Anne, nine miles; and in the evening nine miles farther, over the Patuxent to London- town ferry; I staid here all night, and early in the morning ferrying over South river, three quarters of a mile in breadth, I arrived at Annapolis, four miles distant, about nine in the morning. Annapolis is the capital of Maryland; it is a small, neat town, consisting of about a hundred and fifty ' apices being lodged in ten little hollow cells, which being promi- 'nent on the outside, appear as so many little tubercles. — As all 'plants have their peculiar beauties, it is difficult to assign to any 'one an elegance excelling all others; yet considering the curious 'structure of the flower, and beautiful appearance of this whole ' plant, I know of no shrub that has a better claim to it." Catesby, Vol. II. p. 98. See Appendix, No. I. * See Note VIII. [So] Annapolis houses, situated on a peninsula upon Severn river. The peninsula is formed by the river, and two small creeks; and although the river is not above a mile broad; yet as it falls into Chesapeake bay a little be- low, there is from this town the finest water-prospect imaginable. The bay is twelve miles over, and be- yond it you may discern the eastern shore; so that the scene is diversified with fields, woods, and water. The tide rises here about two feet, and the water is salt, though the distance of the Capes is more than 200 miles. The town is not laid out regularly, but is tolerably well built, and has several good brick houses. None of the streets are paved, and the few public buildings here are not worth mentioning. The church is a very poor one, the stadt-house but indifferent, and the governor's palace is not finished. This last mentioned building was begun a few years ago; it is situated very finely upon an eminence, and commands a beautiful view of the town and environs. It has four large rooms on the lower floor, besides a magnificent saloon, a stair-case, and a vestibule. On each side of the entrance are four windows, and nine upon the first story; the offices are under ground. It was to have had a fine portico the whole range of the building; but unluckily the governor and as- sembly disagreeing about ways and means, the exe- cution of the design was suspended; and only the shell of the house has been finished, which is now going to ruin. The house which the present gov- [81] Travels Through North America ernor inhabits, is hired by the province at 80 1. cur- rency per annum. There is very little trade carried on from this place, and the chief of the inhabitants are store- keepers or public officers. They build two or three ships annually, but seldom more. There are no fortifications, except a miserable battery of fifteen six-pounders. Maryland is situated between the 38th and 4 * rumentum Indicum, .......... Zea Mays. Corn, ........ ) 'a-n C [• Aristolochia Pistolochia, . . . Polygala Senega. Pigeon Plumb ) 0 , . r .. r> >• Lerasus latiore toho. or Berry, ..... ) TJ. ( Nux iuglans alba Virgini- ) T , Hiccory, ........ •< J. 6. 6 >-. . Juglans alba. ( ensis, &c ............. ) J { Pignut, ............ Nux juglans Carolinensis, &c. Cypress-Tree, ...... Cupressus Americana, . . Cupressus disticha. Sugar Maple, ............................. Acer Saccharinum. ,, w< S J Acer Virginianum, &c ...... Acer Rubrum. Candle-Berry ( Myrtus, Brabanticae simi-) ,, . ^ .r Myrtle, . ..... \ lis Carolinensis, &c. . . f Mynca Cerlfera' Virginian Cedar, . gmiana. Sassafras Tree, ..... Cornus Mas Odorata, . . .Laurus Sassafras, [157] Travels Through North America COMMON NAMES. GATES BEAN. LINN^AN. , ,- TV/T T7- . . ( Cornus Flor- Dogwood, Cornus Mas Virgmiana, &c. •< . , Pseudo-acacia ) . T> u- • r> j T > Acacia, Kobinia rseudo-acacia. or Locust-tree,. ) Honey Locust, Acacia, Gleditsia. Red-Bud, or Judas ) „... /-«•/-> j • r~ J > Sihquastrum, Cercis Canadensis. Tree, ) ^ . r^ A i i • T7« • • o ( Chionanthus fringe- Iree, Amelanchior Virgmiana, &c. •< y. . . ,_..,_ A t T- r •/• f Liriodendron Tulip-Tree, Arbor Tulipifera, &c | Tulipifera. TT , „ rr ( Magnolia amplissimo flore ( Magnolia Umbrella-Tree,. . . •{ ?, 0 ( albo, &c ( tnpetala. Sweet Flowering ^ Bay, or Swamp > Magnolia lauri folio, &c. . . Magnolia Glauca. Laurel } Trumpet Flower. . . .Bignonia fraxini foliis, &c. . •< T . ( Gelsominum sive iasminum ( Bignonia sem- Yellow Jasmine, j luteum> &c J | &per yirens> Catalpa, Bignonia Urucu foliis, &c. . Bignonia Catalpa. Chamaedaphne, or ) ~. , , r ,.. . . c ( Kalmia lati- T-^ rr i r Chamaedaphne foliis tini, &c. •< r ,. Dwarf Laurel . . ) ( folia. c . . ... ( Kalmia An- Chamaedaphne Semper virens angustis foliis, •< ^ ,| N. B. These are by the Virginians commonly called Ivy. May Apple, Anapodophyllon Canadense, &c. Chinkapin, Castanea pumila Virginiana, &c..Fagus pumila. ,. . ( Diospyros rersimon, -s ^7- • • ( Virgmiana. Scarlet Flowering ) p . Chestnut, ) \r- • • AT i r»i f~\ • i i- ( Platanus Oc- Virgima Maple, rlatanus Occidentals, •< ., ,. Appendix, N° I COMMON NAMES. CATESBEAN. LINN^SAN. Button Wood, { Wild Oat, Zizania Aquatica. Ginseng, Aureliana Canadensis, j T-kahoe Root, { Pacoon Flower. Atamusco Lilly, .... Lillio Narcissus Virginiensis. Pine Trees : White Pine, ' Pinus Strobus. „. ( Pinus foliis Pine, | singularibus. BIRDS. Bald Eagle, Aquila capite albo. Fishing Hawk, Accipiter Piscatorius. Wild Turkey, Gallo Pavo Sylvestris. Sorus, Gallinula Americana. Partridge, Perdrix Sylvestris Virginiana. Blue-Wing, Querquidula Americana fusca. Shell-Drake. Summer-Duck,. .Anas Americanus cristatus elegans. TV c ^ ( Columba mi- rigeon of Passage,. . . .ralumbus migratonus, . . •< v o ,, .. „. , ( Turdus minor, cinereo ( Turdus Poly- Mocking-Bird, -< ,, , , J ( albus non maculatus, . (^ glottus. XT- i •* i F^ nm r Coccothraustes ruber, . .Loxia Cardinalis. Nightingale, ) Blue-Bird, Rubicula Americana caerulea. .Motacilla Sialis. [-59] Travels Through North America COMMON NAMES. CATESBEAN. LINN^EAN. Yellow-Bird, Parus luteus, &c. Qu ? Baltimore-Bird, Icterus ex aureo nigroque varius. Humming-Bird, Mellivora Avis Carolinensis, \ T,rochilus ( Colubns. Turtle, Turtur Carolinensis. FISH. Grampus. Albecor,.. . j Scomber ( I hynnus. Boneta, .................................. Scomber Pelamys. Flying-Fish, .............. Hirundo, .......... } ^""""tlnl" Sheepshead. Rock-Fish. Drums, .............. Coracino affinis. Shad, .......... Turdus cinereus peltatus; Qu ? Black-Fish. Sea-Bass. Sturgeon, .................................. Acipenser Sturio. ANIMALS. Buffalo, Bison Americanus. Moose or Elk .... Alee maxima Americana nigra. Grey Fox, Vulpis cinereus Americanus. Flying Squirrel, Sciurus volans. Appendix, N° I COMMON NAMES. CATESBEAN. LINN^AN. Ground Squirrel, Sciurus striatus. Skunk or Polecat,. . Putorius Americanus striatus, ...... Putorius. SNAKES, REPTILES, INSECTS, &c. Rattle-Snake, . . . .Vipera caudisona Americana, Crotalus. Black-Snake, Anguis niger. Wampum-Snake,. .Anguis e caeruleo et albo varius. Bead-Snake, . . . j AnS.uis ?*?> maculis rubris } ( et luteis eleganter varius. ) Bull-Frog, Rana maxima Americana aquatica,. . . .Ocellata. Green-Tree Frog, .... Rana viridis arborea, Arborea. Fire-Fly, Lampyris. Mosquito, Culex pipiens. [161] Travels Through North America APPENDIX, N° 2 I HAVE not been able to procure any satisfactory ac- count of the tonnage cleared out of the different ports of North America, in the years 1759 and 1760; owing to the incorrect manner of taking the tonnage at that time, and the irregularity with which the accounts were generally transmitted to England: but having been favoured by G. Chalmers, Esq. first Clerk to the Committe of Council for the consideration of all matters relating to trade and foreign plantations, with an exact statement of the number of vessels and their tonnage, which entered inwards and cleared outwards, in Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and South Carolina, in the year 1770; at which time the colonies were in their most flourishing condition: — a probable con- jecture may be formed from it of the state of their commerce ten years before, by allowing for its increase during that period of peace and prosperity. The number of vessels and their tonnage cleared out from New York is not speci- fied in the statement; but by collating other accounts I have endeavoured to ascertain it as nearly as possible. Mr. Chalmers, with the greatest liberality and politeness, favoured me at the same time with several tables and state- ments relating to the commercial situation of the United States, both before and since the American war; which, as they are full of information, and cannot fail of being highly interesting to the reader, I have here annexed: and I am Appendix, NQ 2 happy to have this opportunity of publicly expressing my gratitude and obligation to that gentleman, for his indul- gence in permitting me to avail myself of such valuable information. Travels Through North America i. — A STATEMENT of the Number of VESSELS, with their TONNAGE, which entered Inwards and cleared Out- wards, in the following Countries, during the Year 1770. Massachusetts Pennsylvania Ships entered. Inwards. Ships entered. Outw'ds. Vessels. Tons. Vessels. Tons. 1,247 804 6l3 492 65,271 50,901 44,803 29,504 J>334 820 604 492 70,284 49,654 45^79 32,031 Virginia South Carolina In the same year, accord- ing to the best inform- ation which I have been able to procure, there cleared out from New York ..612 say 36,720 2. — VESSELS employed between GREAT BRITAIN and the Countries belonging to the UNITED STATES. Number and tonnage of the vessels clearing outwards, and em- ployed yearly in the trade between Great Britain and the coun- tries now belonging to the United States ships. Tons, of America, on an average of the years - 1770, 1771, and 1772 before the war 628 Number of ditto so employed, entering in- wards, on a like average 699 Medium of the average number and tonnage of the vessels entering inwards, and clear- ing outwards 663 86,745 [164] Appendix^ N' Number and tonnage of British vessels, and of vessels belonging to the United States, clearing outwards, so employed, on an ave- rage of the years 1787, 1788, and 1789, since the war Number and ton- nage of ditto, en- tering inwards, on a like average . . . Medium of the ave- rage-number and tonnage of Brit- ish and American vessels so employ- ed, entering in- wards and clear- ing outwards .... BRITISH. AMERICAN. TOTAL. Ships. Tons. Ships. Tons. Ships. Tons. 272 55,785 157 25,725 429 8l,5IO 251 49,405 169 27,403 420 76,808 26l 52,595 '63 26,564 425 79,'59 It appears from the foregoing averages, that the number of vessels employed in the direct commercial intercourse between Great Britain and the countries now belonging to the United States of America, has decreased since the war 238; and that the quantity of tonnage has decreased since the war 7,586 tons. The decrease of the tonnage appears to be much less than the decrease of the number of the ships, and the decrease of the tonnage inwards is much greater than that of the tonnage outwards. The reason that the quantity of the tonnage in general appears to be less decreased than the number of ships, is, FIRST. — That larger ships are now employed in this as well as in every other branch of commerce, than formerly. SECONDLY. — The imperfect manner of taking the ton- nage before the war, which, in order that the master might be charged a less sum for pilotage and lighthouse duties, Travels Through North America was generally estimated at about one-third less than it really was. The greater decrease of the tonnage inwards, compared with that of the tonnage outwards, is to be imputed to the diminished importation of the bulky articles of rice and tobacco. It appears by the foregoing account of the vessels em- ployed in this trade since the war, that the number of Ameri- can vessels so employed, 68 ships; and the quantity of British tonnage so employed, exceeds the quantity of American tonnage so employed, 26,031 tons. As there was no distinction before the war, between ships belonging to the inhabitants of the countries now under the dominion of the United States and the other parts of the British dominions, it is impossible to state with certainty, what was the proportion of each description of ships then employed in this branch of commerce. The vessels so employed, were then of three sorts: FIRST — Vessels belonging to merchants resident in the British European dominions. SECONDLY — Vessels belonging to British merchants, oc- casionally resident in those colonies that now form the United States. THIRDLY — Vessels belonging to merchants, who were natives and permanent inhabitants of those colonies that now form the United States. [166] Appendix, 3. — The following TABLE will shew the PROPORTION of each Description of Vessels, classed in the Manner be- fore mentioned, then employed in this Branch of Com- merce, according to the best Information that can be obtained: Proportion of Proportion of vessels belong- Proportion of vessels belong- ing to mer- vessels belong- ing to British chants, who ing to me r- merchants, oc- were natives and chants, resident casionally resi- permanent in- in the British dent in those habitants of European do- Colonies that those Colonies minions. now form the that now form United States. the United States. New England, i - 8th. i - 8th. 6 - 8ths. New York, 3 -8ths. 3 - 8ths. 2 - 8ths. Pennsylvania, 2 - 8ths. 3 - 8ths. 3 - 8ths. Maryland and Virginia, . . 6 - 8ths. i - 8th. i - 8th. North Carolina, 5 - 8ths. 2 - 8ths. i - 8th. S. Carolina and Georgia, 5 - 8ths. 2 - 8ths. i - 8th. From the foregoing table it is evident, that the propor- tion of vessels, classed under the before-mentioned de- scriptions, varied according to the different colonies, now forming the United States, with which the Commerce of Great Britain was then carried on; the quantity of shipping so employed, which belonged either to the inhabitants of Great Britain, or to British merchants occasionally resident in the said colonies, being much greater in the commercial intercourse then carried on with the southern colonies, than with the northern colonies, particularly those of New Eng- land. But upon the whole, there is reason to believe, from Travels Through North America calculations founded on the foregoing table, as well as from other information, that the proportion of tonnage, employed before the war in this branch of commerce, which belonged to the inhabitants of Great Britain, was about four-eighths and an half; and the proportion, which belonged to British merchants, occasionally resident in the colonies now form- ing the United States, was about one-eighth and an half, making together nearly six-eighths of the whole; and that the proportion of tonnage so employed, which belonged to merchants, who were then natives and permanent inhabi- tants of the colonies now forming the United States, was rather more than two-eighths of the whole. At present the proportion of tonnage, employed in this branch of con- merce, belonging to the merchants of Great Britain, is nearly six-eighths of the whole; and the proportion of ton- nage, belonging to the merchants of the United States, is rather more than two-eighths of the whole; so that in this view of the subject, though the quantity of shipping, em- ployed between Great Britain, and the countries now under the dominion of the United States, has since the war de- creased on the whole; yet, allowing for this decrease, the share of the shipping which belongs to the merchants of Great Britain, has increased in the proportion of one- eighth and an half; (the share of the shipping, which before the war belonged to British merchants, occasionally resi- dent in the colonies now forming the United States, being transferred to merchants resident in Great Britain); and the share of the shipping so employed, which now belongs to merchants, subjects of the United States, and permanent inhabitants thereof, is nearly the same as it was before the war. [168] Appendix, N° 2 4. — VESSELS employed between GREAT BRITAIN and the remaining BRITISH COLONIES in NORTH AMERICA. Number and tonnage of British vessels clearing outwards, and em- ployed yearly in the trade between Great Britain and the re- maining British colonies in North America, on an average of the years 1770, 1771, and 1772, before the war Number and tonnage of ditto so employed, entering inwards, on a like average Medium of the average number and tonnage of British vessels entering inwards, and clearing outwards Number and tonnage of British vessels clear- ing outwards, employed in this trade, on an average of the years 1787, 1788, and 1789, since the war Number and tonnage of ditto so employed, entering inwards, on a like average Medium of the average number and tonnage of British vessels entering inwards, and clearing outwards Ships. Tons. 250 9,582 273 12,857 26l 11,219 486 61,858 249 3°>355 367 46,106 By the foregoing averages it appears, that the number of vessels employed between Great Britain and the remain- ing colonies in North America, being all British ships, has increased since the war in the proportion of about one-half, being 106 vessels more than it was before the war; and the quantity of tonnage has increased 34,887 tons, being in the proportion of about four times more than it was before the war. [169] Travels Through North America 5. — VESSELS employed between the remaining BRITISH COLONIES in NORTH AMERICA, and the countries belong- ing to the UNITED STATES. Number and tonnage of British vessels clearing outwards, and em- ployed yearly in the trade between the remaining British colonies in North America, and the countries which were then British colonies, but now form the United States of America, on an average of the years 1770, 1771, and 1772, before the war Number and tonnage of ditto so employed, entering inwards, on a like average Medium of the average number and tonnage of British vessels entering inwards, and clearing outwards Number and tonnage of British vessels clear- ing outwards, and employed yearly in the trade between the remaining British colo- nies in North America, and the countries belonging to the United States, on an average of the years 1787, 1788, and 1789, since the war Number and tonnage of ditto so employed, entering inwards, on a like average Medium of the average number and tonnage of British vessels entering inwards, and clearing outwards Ships. Tons. 250 9,582 276 12,857 263 11,219 208 15^35 269 15,524 238 J5>329 The number of the vessels, so stated, includes their re- peated voyages, and it appears that the number has de- creased, since the war, 25 vessels, or about one-tenth: but the quantity of the tonnage has increased 4,110 tons, or about one-third. The vessels, employed before the war in this branch of trade, might lawfully belong to the inhabi- tants of the countries now under the dominion of the United States, it is certain they then owned much the greatest share Appendix, N° 2 of these vessels: but vessels so employed can now belong only to the inhabitants of the remaining colonies, or of some other part of the British dominions. 6. — VESSELS employed between the BRITISH ISLANDS in the WEST INDIES, and the Countries belonging to the UNITED STATES. Number and tonnage of British vessels clearing outwards, and em- ployed yearly in the trade between the British Islands in the West Indies, and the countries belonging to theUnited States, on an average of the years 1770, 1771, and 1772, before the war Number and tonnage of ditto so employed, entering inwards, on a like average Medium of the average number and tonnage of British vessels entering inwards, and clearing outwards Number and tonnage of British vessels clear- ing outwards, and employed yearly in the trade between the British islands in the West Indies, and the countries belonging to the United States, on an average of the years 1787, 1788, and 1789, since the war Number and tonnage of ditto so employed, entering inwards, on a like average Medium of the average number and tonnage of British vessels, entering inwards, and clearing outwards Ships. Tons. 2,172 I03>540 2,297 11 1,939 2,234 !07,739 510 57>9?4 579 67,573 544 62,738 THE account of the number of vessels from whence these averages are taken, includes their repeated voyages. It has decreased since the war 1,690 ships, or is three-fourths less than it was before the war. The quantity of tonnage has decreased 45,001 tons, or rather less than half what it was [171] Travels Through North America before the war: but five-eighths of these vessels, before the war, belonged to merchants, permanent inhabitants of the countries now under the dominion of the United States; and three-eighths to British merchants, residing occasion- ally in the said countries. At that time very few vessels belonging to British merchants, resident in the British European dominions, or in the British islands in the West Indies, had a share in this trade. The vessels employed in this trade can now only belong to British subjects residing in the present British dominions. Many vessels now go from the ports of Great Britain, carrying British manu- factures to the United States, then load with lumber and provisions for the British islands in the West Indies, and return, with the produce of these islands, to Great Britain. The vessels so employed are much larger than those in which this trade was formerly carried on, and for this reason the tonnage employed in it has decreased much less than the number of the vessels. 7. — VESSELS employed between the remaining BRITISH COLONIES in NORTH AMERICA, and the BRITISH ISLANDS in WEST INDIES. Number and tonnage of British vessels clearing outwards, and em- ployed yearly in the trade between the remaining British colonies in North America, and the British islands in the West Indies, on an average of the years 1770, 1771, and 1772, before the war Number and tonnage of ditto so employed, entering inwards, on a like average Medium of the average number and tonnage of British vessels, entering inwards, and clearing outwards Ships. Tons. 15 753 23 1,240 19 996 Appendix, N' Number and tonnage of British vessels, clear- ing outwards, and employed yearly in the trade between the remaining British colo- nies in North America, and the British islands in the West Indies, on an average of the years 1787, 1788, and 1789, since the war Number and tonnage of ditto so employed, entering inwards, on a like average Medium of the average number and tonnage of British vessels entering inwards, and clearing outwards Ships. Tons. 142 12,696 171 16,33! I56 H,5I3 The account of the number of vessels from whence these averages are taken, includes their repeated voyages. The number of vessels so employed has increased since the war 137 ships, being seven times more than it was before the war: and the quantity of tonnage has increased 13,517 tons, being thirteen times more than it was before the war. Many of these vessels, before the war, belonged to the in- habitants of the countries which were then British colonies, but are now under the dominion of the United States: they can now only belong to British subjects, resident in some part of His Majesty's present dominions. As the result of the foregoing deduction the following table has been prepared; in which allowance is made for the repeated voyages, which the vessels employed in these dif- ferent branches of trade are supposed to make in each year; and the number and tonnage of the vessels is reduced in due proportion. This table will shew, at one view, the increase and decrease of vessels and tonnage employed in these various branches of navigation; and how far the balance on the whole is at present in favour of Great- Britain. [173] •I:* 11* •0-° ^ •* fl Js P Jl« jr.?* 2^1 c£ G rt "c3 g » .a £g* IS te 00 Tp W) .^^ <2 IJ^I *£ "H- M -8J .y «r ° is5.! c- •s J^ CO 0) 8-5 8-138 — , « c ^ Z CU *•> 0 § § % rt OJ ^° - 'co ! cu ! *-" J2 *-• Sot! "M T ti ECAPITULA foremen dec Total increase Decrease on branch of freig CQ CO OJ -C T3 uJ ' O CJ rrt ** c -H ?r> o "§> x^.S M.g rt.2 S.S^ *J ^ pj J3 ^ P3 O , O £ •- •s .« 5 o ^ > ^ 5 SJ ' .5; S "3 > PJ o-S [175] 9. — AN ACCOUNT of the Tonnage of Vessels entered into the Ui October, 1789, to the 3Oth of September 1790, distinguishii of its Tonnage; and distinguishing the American from Fo STATES. AMERICAN. EUROPE W co II Jl Fishing Vessels. Vessels in the Oversea Trade . «— i M nj 03 '1 &c j_, -a III! x 2.c £ oj bo ^ fcfi 8 .S -n -2 > « M „• fl a 0 Q w 2 *i «£ -3-S * | 1 Massachusetts . . . Pennsylvania .... Virginia 53,073 6,055 9,9J4 6,203 16,099 508 5>723 6,330 1,090 1,670 1,626 1,061 3,429 24,826 55 60 473 838 99,124 5^594 33,56o 42,072 39,272 16,871 24,219 24,286 9>544 n,376 7,061 3,080 2,085 177,023 57M 43,529 48,275 55,43! 17,379 29,942 30,616 10,634 13,5*9 9,525 4,Hi 5,5H 19,493 24,605 56,273 36,918 23,339 18,725 4,94i 2,556 15,041 3,458 95 1,783 267 853 9,665 4,093 6,921 9,481 4,25^ 244 i,5?c 34 221 75 Maryland . . New York * South Carolina . . f North Carolina . Connecticut .... Georgia New Hampshire . . J Rhode Island .. Delaware New Jersey . Total. . 112,781 26,252 364,144 503,177 225,494 37,42C * In the Returns from Charles Town, one Quarter f The Returns from this State did not commence J The Returns from this State did not commence NOTE. — This Table contains an account of the tonnage of vessels ente period subsequent to any of those years on which the averages statec all the tonnage belonging to the subjects of the United States of Ameri their coasting trade, and their fisheries, which entered their ports duririj of it was employed in their foreign trade with the British dominions, the preceding tables, is only of so much of the tonnage of the Unitec the various branches of commerce, with such parts of the British i trade, in ships belonging to the said States. States of AMERICA, from the ist of h State according to the Magnitude Vessels. !"3 J369 1919 ;894 114 255 ,1360 ,127 172 245 .on 841 924 ,860 RECAPITULATION. Total Tonnage of each Country. Viz. Tons. United States 503»T77 Great Britain . . 222,347 Ireland 3,1471-225,494! France I3>435i Holland 8,815* Spain 8,551^ Portugal 2,924 Denmark 1,619! Germany 1,368 Prussia 394 Sweden 31 1|- Total 766,091 Citing, and not included. ith of March, 1790. [st of June, 1790. ^ jhe several ports of the United States, in a re were formed. It contains an account of nployed in every part of their foreign trade, : period; but does not distinguish what part he other hand, the account given above in les as was employed during those years in ,ions with which they are allowed now to Appendix, N' IO.-VALUE of EXPORTS from the UNITED STATES to dif- ferent Parts of the World, from the Commencement of the Custom Houses in August, 1789, to 3Oth September, 1790, viz. Dollars. Cents.* Provisions 5>757>4^2 Grain 2,519,232 Fish 941,696 Lumber 1,263,534 Live stock 486,105 10,968,044 Other articles 9,447,917 : 84 Dollars. Cents. Total 20,415,966 : 84 Of these the Exports To the Dominions of France 4*698,735 : 48 D°. Great Britain 9,363,416 : 47 D°. Spain 2,005,907 : 16 D°. Portugal 1,283,462 D°. United Netherlands 1,963,880 : 9 D°. Denmark 224,415 : 50 D°. Sweden 47,240 D°. Flanders 14,298 D°. Germany 487,787 : 14 D°. Mediterranean 41,298 D°. African Coast and Islands 139,984 D°. East Indies 135,181 D°. North West Coast of America 10,362 20,415,966 :~84 Exclusive of many packages omitted in the returns from the custom-houses, which were exported from the United States. * A cent is one hundredth part of a dollar, or about a halfpenny. [i79] Travels Through North America ii. — LIST of such VESSELS (and the respective TONNAGE of each Denomination) as entered the Port of PHILADEL- PHIA, from the 1st Day of September 1772, to the 1st Day of September 1775, distinguishing each Year; and also distinguishing those which were owned in GREAT BRIT- AIN, IRELAND, and such Parts of the BRITISH Dominions as are not now comprehended within the UNITED STATES (N°. i); those which were owned in the Port of PHILA- DELPHIA alone (N°. 2); and those which were owned in the Thirteen Colonies which now compose the UNITED STATES of AMERICA (N°. 3). N° i. BRITISH . 1772 to 1773. 23 Ships 30 Brigantines .... 4 Snows Tons. 3.508 2,925 170 1773 to 1774 N° 28 Ships 33 Brigantines . . . 12 Snows Tons. 4>3°4 2,853 1,246 1774 to 1775. N° 35 Ships 33 Brigantines . . 7 Snows Tons. 5.59° 7-20 22 Sloops 1,043 24 Sloops 1,142 22 Sloops i, 006 i 8 Schooners 822 22 Schooners .... 962 17 Schooners . . . 842 97 8,668 119 10,507 114 U.338 N° 2. PHILADELPHIA. 1772 to 1773. N°. Tons. 1773 to 1774. N° Tons. 1 16 Ships 17,569 1774 to 1775. N° Tons. 146 Ships . 23,406 140 Brigantines ...12,148 176 Brigantines . . 15,749 18 Snows 2,092 205 Brigantines . . 17,802 17 Snows \fffx 39 Sloops 1,806 4.2 Sloops . . 1*844 63 Schooners . . . 3,226 54 Schooners . . . 2>959 35 Schooners ... 1,834 3/6 36,467 406 4°>2I3 439 46,858 [180] Appendix, N° 2 N° 3. AMERICA. 1772 to 1773. N° Tons. 5 Ships 700 1773 to 1774. N° Tons. 6 Ships 860 1774 to 1775. N° Tons. 7 Ships . 902 46 Brigantines . . 3,856 I Snow 1 60 28 Brigantines . . 2,224 30 Brigantines . . 2,576 I Snow 80 i-iq Sloops 6 COT ncSlooDs c 876 80 Schooners . . . 3,899 8 1 Schooners . . . 3,962 78 Schooners . . . 4,025 271 I5>II8 250 12,922 246 13,426 12. — A TABLE, shewing what Proportion the TONNAGE of GREAT BRITAIN employed out of the Port of PHILADEL- PHIA bore to the TONNAGE employed out of that Port, and owned therein, upon an Average of three Years antecedent to the War, and what Proportion the Ton- nage of Great Britain so employed then bore to the Ton- nage of Philadelphia, united with the Tonnage of the other twelve American Colonies so employed. — Shew- ing also, what Proportion the British Tonnage now em- ployed in the Trade of Philadelphia bears to the Ton- nage of all the United States employed out of that Port, upon an Average of the last two Years. British Philadt American By the foregoing table it appears, that the tonnage of Great Britain employed out of the port of Philadelphia in the above years was not equal to i-4th part of the tonnage employed out of and owned in the port of Philadelphia; — [181] '773- 1774- 1775- TOTAL Tons. Tons. Tons. Tons. 8,668 IO.CO7 I 1,-3-Jl -?o,co8 phia 16,467 * WO / 4-0, 2. 1 \ * X'J J J 46,8 c8 JW5JV-"J i2-;,C';8 n JVJTV/ i ? 1 18 T > j 12,922 TTWI Jw 11 4.26 j O j 4.1 466 phia and American combined. j> ° 5M85 53>'35 J >T 60,284 T ?T u 165,004 Travels Through North America and that the tonnage of Great Britain then so employed, bore only a proportion as 2 does to ii to the tonnage of Philadelphia and the other twelve colonies combined, so employed. 1788. 1789. TOTAL Tons. Tons. Tons. British American . 23,004 28,028 29,372 17,728 5^376 6c,7<6 By the above table it appears, that the tonnage of Great Britain employed out of the port of Philadelphia in the years 1788 and 1789, amounted to within one-fifth part of the tonnage of all the thirteen United States combined, so employed. 13. — A LIST of BRITISH VESSELS which entered the Port of Philadelphia the following Years, viz. from 5th Sep- tember 1787, to 5th September 1788. FROM BRITISH WEST BRITISH AMERICAN GREAT BRITAIN. IRELAND INDIES. COLONIES. Vessels. Tons. Vessels. Tons. Vessels. Tons Vessels. Tons. 16 Ships 19 Brigantines 3 Snows .... 3 Sloops .... I Schooner . . 3>748 2,907 . 456 . 198 . 85 4 Ships.... i Brig .... i Snow. . . . i, 02 1 '35 90 i Ship .... 174 52 Brigs . . . 6,229 64 Sloops . . . 5,597 24 Schooners 1,695 i Ship 160 6 Brigantines 462 i Schooner . . 47 42 Sail. 7,394 6 Sail. 1,246 141 Sail. T3>695 8 Sail. 669 TOTAL. 22 Ships ~| 78 Brigantines .... | 4 Snows \ 197 Sail Vessels — 23,004 Tc 67 Sloops i 26 Schooners [182] Appendix, N° 2 A LIST of BRITISH VESSELS which entered the Port of Philadelphia the following Years, viz. from 5th Septem- ber 1788, to 5th September 1789. FROM GREAT BRITAIN. Vessels. Tons. *3 ShiPs 5>967 19 Brigantines 2,936 I Snow 104 IRELAND. Vessels. Tons. 15 Ships. . . . 2,961 5 Brigantines 63 1 I Snow. 1 08 BRITISH WEST INDIES. Vessels. Tons. T. Ships . . . . 600 BRITISH AMERICAN COLONIES. Vessels. Tons, i Ship 162 loBrigantines 1,060 2 Sloops .... 106 7 Schooners . . 544 20 Sail. 1,872 48 Brigantines 6,010 69 Sloops . . . 5,586 29 Schooners 2,332 149 Sail. 14,528 4 Sloops 223 i Schooner . . 42 48 Sail. 9,272 21 Sail. 3,7oo TOTAL. 42 Ships "] 82 Brigantines .... I 2 Snows r 238 Sail Vessels — 29,372 Tons. 75S1°°PS I 37 Schooners J 'Travels Through North America 14. — ACCOUNT of VESSELS belonging to other EUROPEAN NATIONS, which entered the principal Ports of the UNITED STATES in the following Years; viz. 1787. CHARLES TOWN. Spain . Ships. Brigantines. Schooners. Sloops. American Tonnage. o 0 I I 0 0 o o 2 2 4 4 o i i i i 39 2 O 0 O 0 o o 3 2 0 0 0 o o o 1,073 7*5 799 280 193 164 130 127 France United Netherlands. . Altona Bremen Denmark Hamburgh Austria 1788. France H 41 5 3,481 I O 7 o o o o PHI] 4 4 6 3 2 I 2 LADELPHI/ I 4 4 0 o o 0 L. 0 2 O 0 O 0 692 1,022 2,335 321 430 157 388 Holland Spain Portugal Sweden Denmark Prussia 8 22 9 3 5,345 [184] i789. Appendix, NQ 2 NEW YORK. France Hollam Spain Ships. Brigantines. Schooners. Sloops. American Tonnage. I 2 3 3 o 5 i 3 4 2 0 O I I O 0 o 4 o o 1,000 960 1,580 1,380 4OO ] Portug; Sweden 1789 I*J *O % c« %\> 6 ' gj o a, 'rt £ - ll To Virginia . . Maryland North Car Georgia . 9 15 2 4 5*320 2,664 2,348 3,OOO 2,500 1,758 olina Massachu Add to the re setts . . the ab< st of t Total >ve amour heUnited 5 amount it one-fourth for >tates 26,416 6,604 33,020 Which is little more than one-fourth of the tonnage of the vessels belonging to British merchants in all the different branches of this commerce, not allowing, in either case, for repeated voyages. Travels Through North America It is left to the intelligent reader to draw his own conclu- sions from the above tables and statements; and, in addi- tion to what has been said, I shall only further observe, that the total annual decrease in value, since the war, of British manufactures and other articles, exported from Great Britain to the countries belonging to the United States, has amounted to £. 39^,393 The total annual increase in value, since the war, of the like articles, exported from Great Britain, to the remaining British colonies in North America, has been 449,677 To the British West Indian islands 114,801 Total 564,478 So that upon the whole the annual increase in value, since the war, of British manufactures and other articles ex- ported from Great Britain to North America and the West Indies, has amounted to £. 166,085 The total annual decrease in value, since the war, of import in to Great Britain from the United States, has amounted to £. 843,506 The total annual increase in value, since the war, of imports into Great Britain from the remaining British colonies in North America, has been £. 96,986 From the British West Indian islands 671,066 Total £. 768,052 So that upon the balance total, the decrease has been 75454 This decrease has been chiefly owing to the decreased [186] Appendix, N° 2 importation of tobacco and rice (the Americans not being any longer obliged to ship their produce for British ports only) amounting in value, Upon 44,774,458 Ibs. of the former, to £. 582,987 Upon 259,035 cwt. of the latter, to 196,526 In the whole to £. 779,513 The value of exports to the countries now belonging to the United States, has exceeded the value of imports from thence, without including Ireland, in a much greater pro- portion since the war than before it; the balance of trade, therefore, is more in favour of Great Britain. It must be highly satisfactory to the reader to know, that the value of the British exports of 1789 exceeded those of 1784, to all countries, by £. 4,400,609 N. B. — The reader may possibly discover two or three trifling inaccuracies, none of them, however, (if there are any such) exceeding a fraction, or at most an unit, in the preceding computations; which the Editor has not thought it necessary to notice. Travels Through North America 15. — AN ACCOUNT of the Number of Ships and Brigs built in the Ports of the UNITED STATES, in the Year 1772, compared with the like Vessels building in the said States in 1789.* STATES. New Hampshire Massachusetts . . Rhode Island... Connecticut . Total of the N. England Provinces New York New Jersey Pennsylvania Maryland Virginia North Carolina South Carolina Georgia Total 1772. 1789. Vessels. Tons. Vessels. Tons. — — 6 — — 5 — I23 15 I 18,149 1,640 80 ii i o 200 18 8 2,897 1,626 H 5 2,966 1,200 7 933 — — 3 253 — — 2 213 — — 5 753 — — 182 31 * In the account of ships and brigs built in the ports of the United States in the year 1772, there is no specification of the num- bers built in each of the New England provinces, but a total only of the number and tonnage of vessels built in all these provinces; nor was any account given of the tonnage of the eleven vessels building in the provinces of New Hampshire and Massachusetts Bay in 1789. So that it is not possible to make a comparison of the quantity of tonnage of which the vessels in the foregoing table con- sists. [188] APPENDIX, N° 3. THE success of this institution has in no degree corre- sponded to the excellence of the design. The aborigi- nal Indians are from their infancy accustomed to an idle and roving life; they are chiefly employed in hunting, fowl- ing, or fishing, or, as soon as they are able to carry arms or a tomahawk, to war; and it is almost impossible to reclaim them from this savage and dissipated mode of life. Not many years ago, a remarkable instance happened at Wil- liamsburg, which greatly exemplifies the present observa- tion: The Cherokees had with difficulty been prevailed upon to suffer one of their children, a youth of nine or ten years of age, to be conducted to Williamsburg, in order that he might be educated in Mr. Boyle's school. The young In- dian soon shewed himself impatient of restraint and con- finement; he grew sullen, would learn nothing, and although every means were tried to please him (for it was the wish and interest of the colony that he should be pleased) ap- peared always dissatisfied and unhappy. One morning he was missed, and although every possible inquiry was made, no tidings could be heard, nor the least information re- ceived concerning him: he had not been seen by any one, either planter or negro; and as the distance of the Cherokee country was four or five hundred miles, separated by large rivers abounding with sharks, or immense forests full of venomous serpents or wild beasts, it was justly apprehended that he must inevitably perish; and as it would be impossible Travels Through North America to convince the Indians of the real truth of the case, it might unhappily occasion a war with the Cherokee nation, a circumstance of the most calamitous importance. It fortunately happened, however, that the young Indian got safe home; he headed or swam over the great rivers that obstructed his way; concealed himself in the woods during the day, travelled in the night, supported himself with the tuckahoe and other roots and berries, and by that natural sagacity which is characteristic of the Indians * explored his way through an immense extent of trackless woods and forests to his native cabin. At present the only Indian children in Mr. Boyle's school are five or six of the Pamunky tribe, who, being surrounded by and living in the midst of our settlements, are more accustomed to the manners and habits of the English colonists. A circumstance similar to the above I find mentioned by Mr. Catesby in his Natural History of Carolina; and it probably refers to the same event. The story, as I have related it, was communicated to 'me by the Hon. and Rev. Mr. Commissary Dawson, President of the College. The character of the North American Indians is not to be collected from observations upon the Pamunky, or any other Indian tribe living within the boundaries of the British settlements. These are in many respects changed, per- * A melancholy proof of the inferiority of Europeans to Indians in this respect happened in the year 1757, when Col. Spotswood, who was out with a party of rangers formed of Virginia gentlemen, for the protection of the frontiers, unfortunately strayed from his companions, could not find his way back either to them, or to any of our settlements, though constantly used to be out upon hunt- ing-parties, and miserably perished in the woods. Appendix, N° J haps not for the better, from their original customs and moral habits. In general the North American Indians re- semble each other in the great outlines and features of character, but intercourse with the Europeans, excessive use of brandy and other spirits, and, which is almost irre- sistible, the depravity and immoral example of our Indian traders and back-settlers, all these have concurred in a most unfortunate degree to corrupt and contaminate their minds. It is not my intention to enter into a dis- cussion of this subject, but the following anecdotes, for the truth of which I can answer, may possibly cast some light upon it, and may occasionally be of use to any future historian, who shall undertake to consider and treat of it more largely. Previous to my arrival in Virginia, a war had been upon the point of breaking out between the Nottoway and a tribe of the Tuscarora Indians, on account of a murder that had been committed upon the former by one of the latter nation; they were both of them in alliance with the English, and as the war raged at that time with incredible fury upon the frontiers, it was of great moment to prevent a rupture; and, if possible, to reconcile the differences between them. For this purpose frequent conferences had been held by the Lieutenant Governor of Virginia with the chiefs of the Nottoway nation, and several talks and negotiations had passed between them. The business was not entirely con- cluded when I arrived at Williamsburg; and very soon after a party of Indians arrived from the Nottoway country, which borders upon North Carolina, on the same errand. Amongst those who composed the train was a warrior, named Captain Charles; and as he was the principal per- Travels Through North America sonage entrusted by his nation with the commission, I en- deavoured to form an acquaintance with him, and to in- sinuate myself into his good opinion; with this view I in- vited him to my apartment, and by showing him some little civility I so far succeeded, that he expressed himself sen- sible of my attention, and promised when he next came to Williamsburg, which, he said, if his nation approved of his mission, he should do very shortly, he would bring me some present as a token of his acknowledgment and remem- brance. Accordingly some time after, walking in the streets of Williamsburg, I accidentally met him; and after accost- ing and saluting him in the usual manner, by giving him my hand, and making a few enquiries, I said, "Well, Cap- " tain Charles, where is the present you promised me?" — He immediately hung down his head, and said, "I have " forgot it." — I inconsiderately replied, "It does not much " signify; but I thought an Indian never forgot his promise." After this we separated, and I thought no more of the trans- action; but in the afternoon information was brought to the Lieutenant Governor, that the Indians had suddenly disappeared, without having received the presents intended for them by government; and that it was feared they had gone away in disgust, and that the negotiation would have an unfortunate issue. Two or three days passed under these alarming circumstances. At length, however, they returned, increased in number, and generally laden with presents, or curiosities intended for sale. It then ap- peared that Captain Charles, stung with my reproach, had gone back to the Nottoway country; or, which is more likely, as he was absent only two or three days, into the Appendix, N° J swamps or woods, to fetch the articles which he had promised me. The other anecdote is of a much more interesting and more striking nature. About the year 1756, Col. Peter Randolph, Col. Byrd, Mr. Campbell, and other persons, were sent upon an embassy by the Governor of Virginia to the Cherokee country, in order, if possible, to cement more strongly the friendship and alliance which subsisted at that time between our colonies and those savages, and to en- gage them more heartily in our cause. The business was in train, and likely to succeed, when unfortunately the following most flagrant and atrocious act of treachery im- mediately put an end to the negotiation, and eventually involved us in a new and bloody war with the very nation whose friendship and aid it was the object of the mission to cement and make more firm and lasting. The reader should be informed, that the cruel depredations and ravages committed by the Indians after General Braddock's defeat, had induced government to offer a considerable premium for every scalp of a hostile Indian, that should be brought in by any of our rangers : this unfortunately opened a door, and gave occasion to many acts of enormity; for some of the back-settlers, men of bad lives and worse principles, tempted by the reward, insidiously massacred several of our friendly Indians, and afterwards endeavoured to de- fraud government of the reward, by pretending that they were the scalps of hostile tribes. Amongst others, a back- settler in Augusta county, a captain of militia, whose name ought to be delivered down to posterity with infamy, treacherously murdered some Cherokee Indians, who had been out upon a military expedition in our behalf against [193] Travels Through North America the French, under a pretence that they had pilfered some of his poultry. He had received and entertained them as friends; and when they took leave of him to return to their own country, he placed a party in ambush, murdered several of the poor unsuspecting Cherokees, and then en- deavoured to defraud government, by claiming the pre- mium assigned for the scalps of hostile Indians. A few of those who escaped the massacre arrived at the Cherokee town with the news of this horrid transaction, just at the moment when the embassy was upon the point of conclud- ing a very advantageous treaty: a violent ferment imme- diately took place, and the Cherokees, in the utmost rage, assembled from every quarter, to take instant revenge by putting all the embassadors to death. Attakulla Kulla, or the Little Carpenter, a steady friend of the English, hastened to the ambassadors, apprised them of their danger, and recommended to them to conceal or bar- ricade themselves as well as they could, and not to appear abroad on any account. He then assembled his nation, over whom he possessed great influence, in the council- room; inveighed bitterly against the treachery of the Eng- lish; advised an immediate war to revenge the injury; and never to lay down the hatchet, till they had obtained full compensation and atonement for the blood of their country- men. "Let us not, however," said he, "violate our faith, "or the laws of hospitality, by imbruing our hands in the "blood of those who are now in our power; they came to "us in the confidence of friendship, with belts of wampum "to cement a perpetual alliance with us. Let us carry "them back to their own settlements; conduct them safely "within their confines; and then take up the hatchet, and [194] Appendix^ N° J "endeavour to exterminate the whole race of them." They accordingly adopted this counsel; they conducted the am- bassadors safe to the confines; and as they could not obtain satisfaction for the murder, by having the offender de- livered up to them, which they demanded, and which ought to have been done, a dreadful war ensued, in which the dif- ferent tribes of the Cherokee nation became gradually in- volved; and which did not cease, or relax from its horrors, till terminated by Col. Grant in the year 1761, with still more horrid circumstances than any that had been exer- cised during the carrying of it on. This account was communicated to me by one of the gentlemen engaged in the embassy. Mr. Jefferson, in his History of Virginia, page 99, has related the following circumstance, that occurred during this awful and interesting transaction. Speaking of the strict observance and fidelity of Indians in regard to their promises and attachments, he says, in a note: "A remark- "able instance of this, appeared in the case of the late Col. "Byrd, who was sent to the Cherokee nation to transact "some business writh them. It happened that some of our "disorderly people had killed one or two of that nation; "it was therefore proposed in council that Col. Byrd "should be put to death, in revenge for the loss of their "countrymen. Among them was a chief called Silouee, "who on some former occasion had contracted an acquaint- "ance and friendship with Col. Byrd; he came to him every "night in his tent, and told him not to be afraid, they should "not kill him. After many days deliberation, however, "the determination was, contrary to Silouee's expectation, "that Byrd should be put to death, and some warriors were [195] Travels Through North America "dispatched as executioners. Silouee attended them, and "when they entered the tent, he threw himself between "them and Byrd, and said to the warriors, This man is my "friend, before you get at him you must kill me: — on which "they returned, and the council respected the principle so " much as to recede from their determination." APPENDIX, N° 4. THOMAS LORD FAIRFAX, descended from a very ancient family in Yorkshire, was born towards the latter end of the last century; I believe about the year 1691. He was the eldest son of Thomas fifth Lord Fairfax, of Cameron, in the kingdom of Scotland, by Catherine, only daughter and heiress of Thomas Lord Culpepper; in whose right he afterwards possessed Leeds Castle, with several manors and estates in the county of Kent, and in the Isle of Wight; and that immense tract of country, comprised within the boundaries of the rivers Potowmac and Rappa- hannoc in Virginia, called the Northern Neck; containing by estimation five millions seven hundred thousand acres. Lord Fairfax had the misfortune to lose his father while young: and at his decease he and his two brothers, Henry and Robert, and four sisters, one of whom, named Frances, was afterwards married to Denny Martin, Esq., of Loose, in Kent, came under the guardianship of their mother and grandmother, the dowager Ladies Fairfax and Culpepper; the latter of whom was a princess of the house of Hesse Cassel. Lord Fairfax, at the usual age, was sent to the university of Oxford to complete his education; and was highly esteemed there for his learning and accomplishments. His judgment upon literary subjects was then, and at other times, frequently appealed to; and he was one of the writers [197] Travels Through North America of that incomparable work, the Spectator. After some years residence in the university, he took a commission in the regiment of horse, called the Blues, and remained in it, I believe, till the death of the survivor of the two ladies above mentioned; who had usually resided at Leeds Castle. Some time before their decease, a circumstance happened, that eventually occasioned him much serious chagrin and uneasiness. He had been persuaded, upon his brother Henry's arriving at the age of twenty-one years, or rather compelled by the ladies Culpepper and Fairfax, under a menace, in case of refusal, of never inheriting the Northern Neck, to cut off the entail, and to sell Denton Hall, and the Yorkshire estates, belonging to this branch of the Fairfax family, which had been in their possession for five or six centuries, in order to redeem those of the late Lord Culpepper, that had descended to his heiress, exceedingly encumbered, and deeply mortgaged. This circumstance hap- pened while Lord Fairfax was at Oxford, and is said to have occasioned him the greater vexation, as it appeared afterwards, that the estates had been disposed of, through the treachery of a steward, for considerably less than their value; less even than what the timber that was cut down to discharge the purchase money, before the stipulated day of payment came, was sold for. He conceived a violent disgust against the ladies, who, as he used to say, had treated him with such unparalleled cruelty; and ever after- wards expressed the keenest sense of the injury that had been done, as he thought, to the Fairfax family. After en- tering into possession, he began to inquire into the value and situation of his estates; and he soon discovered that the proprietary lands in Virginia, had been extremely mis- Appendix, N° 4 managed and under-let. An agent, who at the same time was a tenant, had been employed by the dowager Lady Fairfax, to superintend her concerns in that quarter of the world; and he is said to have abused her confidence, and to have enriched himself and family, as is too frequently the case, at the expense of his employer. Lord Fairfax there- fore wrote to William Fairfax, Esq., his father's brother's second son, who held, at that time, a place of considerable trust and emolument under government in New England; requesting him to remove to Virginia, and to take upon himself the agency of the Northern Neck. With this re- quest Mr. Fairfax readily complied; and, as soon as he con- veniently could, he removed with his family to Virginia, and settled in Westmoreland county. He there opened an agency office for the granting of the proprietary lands; and as the quit-rent demanded was only after the rate of two shillings for every hundred acres, the vacant lands were rapidly let, and a considerable and permanent income was soon derived from them. Lord Fairfax, informed of these circumstances, determined to go himself to Virginia, to visit his estates, and the friend and relation to whom he was so greatly obliged. Accordingly, about the year 1739, he embarked for that continent; and on his arrival in Virginia, he went and spent twelve months with his friend Mr. Fair- fax, at his house in Westmoreland county; during which time he became so captivated with the climate, the beauties and produce of the country, that he formed a resolution of returning to England, in order to prosecute a suit, which he had with the Crown, on account of a considerable tract of land claimed in behalf of the latter by Governor Gooch; (which suit was afterwards determined in his favour;) and, Travels Through North America after making some necessary arrangements, and settling his family affairs, to return to Virginia, and spend the re- mainder of his life upon his vast and noble domain there. I am not certain in what year this happened, or how long Lord Fairfax remained in England. He was present at his brother Robert's first marriage, which, according to Mr. Hasted, [see Hist, of Kent, vol. II. page 478.] took place in the year 1741; for he frequently mentioned the fatigue he underwent in sitting up for a month together, full dressed and in form to receive visits upon that occasion: nor did he go back to Virginia before the year 1745, be- cause, when he arrived there, Mr. William Fairfax had removed out of Westmoreland into Fairfax county, to a beau- tiful house which he had built upon the banks of the Potow- mac, a little below Mount Vernon, called Belvoir; which he did not do previous to that time. In all probability there- fore, Lord Fairfax first went to America about the year 1739, returned to England the year following, and finally settled in the Northern Neck in 1746, or 1747. On his re- turn he went to Belvoir, the seat of his friend and relation Mr. William Fairfax, and remained several years in his family, undertaking and directing the management of his farms and plantations, and amusing himself with hunting, and the pleasures of the field. At length, the lands about Belvoir not answering his expectation, and the foxes be- coming less numerous, he determined to remove to a fine tract of land on the western side of the Blue Ridge, or Apa- lachian mountains, in Frederic county, about eighty miles from Belvoir; where he built a small neat house, which he called Greenway Court; and laid out one of the most beau- tiful farms, consisting of arable and grazing lands, and of [200] Appendix, N° 4 meadows two or three miles in length, that had ever been seen in that quarter of the world. He there lived the re- mainder of his life, in the style of a gentleman farmer; or, I should rather have said, of an English country gentleman. He kept many servants, white and black; several hunters; a plentiful but plain table, entirely in the English fashion; and his mansion was the mansion of hospitality. His dress corresponded with his mode of life, and, notwithstand- ing he had every year new suits of clothes, of the most fashionable and expensive kind, sent out to him from Eng- land, which he never put on, was plain in the extreme. His manners were humble, modest, and unaffected; not tinctured in the smallest degree with arrogance, pride, or self-conceit. He was free from the selfish passions, and liberal almost to excess. The produce of his farms, after the deduction of what was necessary for the consumption of his own family, was distributed and given away to the poor planters and settlers in his neighborhood. To these he frequently advanced money, to enable them to go on with their im- provements; to clear away the woods, and cultivate the ground; and where the lands proved unfavourable, and not likely to answer the labour and expectation of the planter or husbandman, he usually indemnified him for the ex- pense he had been at in the attempt, and gratuitously granted him fresh lands of a more favourable and promis- ing nature. He was a friend and a father to all who held and lived under him; and as the great object of his ambi- tion was the peopling and cultivating of that fine and beau- tiful country, of which he was the proprietor, he sacrificed every other pursuit, and made every other consideration subordinate, to this great point. [201] Travels Through North America Lord Fairfax had been brought up in revolution prin- ciples, and had early imbibed high notions of liberty, and of the excellence of the British constitution. He devoted a considerable part of his time to the public service. He was Lord Lieutenant and Gustos Rotulorum of the county of Frederic, presided at the county courts held at Winchester, where during the sessions he always kept open table; and acted as surveyor and overseer of the highways and public roads. His chief if not sole amusement was hunting; and in pursuit of this exercise he frequently carried his hounds to distant parts of the country; and entertained every gentle- man of good character and decent appearance, who at- tended him in the field, at the inn or ordinary, where he took up his residence for the hunting season. So unex- ceptionable and disinterested was his behaviour, both public and private, and so generally was he beloved and re- spected, that during the late contest between Great Britain and America, he never met with the least insult or molesta- tion from either party, but was suffered to go on in his im- provement and cultivation of the Northern Neck; a pursuit equally calculated for the comfort and happiness of in- dividuals, and for the general good of mankind. In the year 1751, Thomas Martin, Esq., second son of his sister Frances, came over to Virginia to live with his lordship; and a circumstance happened, a few years after his arrival, too characteristic of Lord Fairfax not to be re- corded. After General Braddock's defeat in the year 1755, the Indians in the interest of the French, committed the most dreadful massacres upon all our back settlements. Their incursions were everywhere stained with blood; and slaughter and devastation marked the inroads of these cruel [202] Appendix, N° 4 and merciless savages. Every planter of name or reputa- tion became an object of their insidious designs; and as Lord Fairfax had been pointed out to them as a captain or chief of great renown, the possession of his scalp became an object of their sanguinary ambition, and what they would have regarded as a trophy of inestimable value. With this view they made daily inroads into the vicinage of Greenway Court; and it is said, that not less than 3,000 lives fell sacri- fices to their cruel barbarity between the Appalachian and Allegheny mountains.* The most serious apprehensions were entertained for the safety of Lord Fairfax and the family at Greenway Court. In this crisis of danger his lordship, importuned by his friends and the principal gentry of the colony to retire to the inner settlements for security, is said to have addressed his nephew, who now bore the commission of colonel of militia, nearly in the following * It was at this crisis that the gentlemen of Virginia associated themselves under the command of Peyton Randolph, Esq., after- wards President of the first Congress, for the protection of the frontiers. The dismay occasioned by the ravages of the Indians was indescribable. Upon one day in particular an universal panic ran like wildfire through every part of Virginia; rumour report- ing that the Indians had passed the mountains, were entering Williamsburg, and indeed every other town at the same moment, had scalped all who came in their way, and that nothing but im- mediate flight could save the wretched inhabitants from destruc- tion. All was hurry and confusion, every one endeavouring to escape death by flying from his own to some other town or planta- tion, where the alarm and consternation were equally great. At length certain information was brought, that the Indians were still beyond the mountains at least 150 miles off: and then, every one began to wonder, as they did in London after the panic during the rebellion of 1745, how it was possible that such an alarm could have arisen; or whence it could have originated. Travels Through North America manner: — "Colonel Martin, the danger we are exposed to, "which is undoubtedly great, may possibly excite in your "mind apprehension and anxiety. If so, I am ready to "take any step that you may judge expedient for our com- "mon safety. I myself am an old man, and it is of little "importance whether I fall by the tomahawk of an Indian "or by disease and old age: but you are young, and, it is to "be hoped, may have many years before you. I will there- fore submit it to your decision, whether we shall remain "where we are, taking every precaution to secure ourselves "against the outrages of the enemy; or abandon our habi- tation and retire within the mountains, that we may be "sheltered from the danger to which we are at present "exposed. If we determine to remain, it is possible, not- "withstanding our utmost care and vigilance, that we may "both fall victims; if we retire, the whole district will im- " mediately break up; and all the trouble and solicitude "which I have undergone to settle this fine country will be "frustrated; and the occasion perhaps irrecoverably lost." Colonel Martin, after a short deliberation, determined to remain, and as our affairs in that quarter soon took a more favourable turn, and measures were adopted by govern- ment for securing our settlements against the carnage and depredation of the Indians, the danger gradually diminished, and at length entirely disappeared. From that time to the present little or no molestation has been given to the back settlements of the Northern Neck, extending from the Appalachian to the Allegheny mountains. Lord Fairfax, though possessed of innumerable good qualities, had some few singularities in his character, that occasionally exposed him to the smiles of the ignorant: but [204] Appendix, N° 4 they resembled the solar spots, which can scarcely be said to diminish the splendor of that bright luminary upon whose disk they appear. Early in life he had formed an attachment to a young lady of quality; and matters had proceeded so far, as to induce him to provide carriages, clothes, servants, and other necessary appendages for such an occasion. Unfortunately, or rather let me say for- tunately, before the contract was sealed, a more advan- tageous or dazzling offer was made to the lady, who thought herself at liberty to accept it; and she preferred the higher honour of being a duchess to the inferior station of a baroness. This disappointment is thought to have made a deep impression upon Lord Fairfax's mind; and to have had no inconsiderable share in determining him to retire from the world, and to settle in the wild and at that time almost uninhabited forests of North America. It is thought also to have excited in him a general dislike of the sex; in whose company, unless he was particularly acquainted with the parties, it is said he was reserved and under evident constraint and embarrassment. But I was present, when, upon a visit of ceremony to Lieutenant Governor Fauquier, who had lately arrived from England, he was introduced to his lady, and nothing of the kind appeared to justify the observation. He remained at the palace three or four days; and during that time his behaviour was courteous, polite, and becoming a man of fashion. He possibly might not entertain a very favourable opinion of the sex; owing partly to the above mentioned circumstance, and partly to the treatment he had experienced from the ladies of Leeds Castle; but this does not seem to have influenced his gen- eral behaviour in regard to them. He had lived many [205] Travels Through North America years retired from the world, in a remote wilderness, se- questered from all polished society; and perhaps might not feel himself perfectly at ease, when he came into large parties of ladies, where ceremony and form were to be ob- served; but he had not forgot those accomplished manners which he had acquired in his early youth; at Leeds Castle, at the university, and in the army. His motive for settling in America was of the most noble and heroic kind. It was, as he always himself declared, to settle and cultivate that beautiful and immense tract of country, of which he was the proprietor; and in this he succeeded beyond his most san- guine expectations, for the Northern Neck was better peopled, better cultivated, and more improved, than any other part of the dominion of Virginia. Lord Fairfax lived to extreme old age at Greenway Court, universally beloved, and died as universally lamented, in January or February 1782, in the Q2d year of his age. He was buried I believe at Winchester, where he had so often and so honourably presided as judge of the court. He bequeathed Greenway Court to his nephew Colonel Martin, who has since con- stantly resided there; and his barony descended to his only surviving brother Robert Fairfax, to whom he had before consigned Leeds Castle, and his other English estates. Robert, seventh Lord Fairfax, died at Leeds Castle in 1791, and bequeathed that noble mansion, and its appen- dages, to his nephew the reverend Denny Martin, who has since taken the name of Fairfax, and is still living. The barony or title by regular descent is vested in Brian Fairfax, third son of William Fairfax above mentioned, who lives in Virginia; and of whom more will be said in the sequel. [206] Appendix, N° 4 Having so frequently mentioned William Fairfax, Esquire, who came from New England, to take upon himself the agency of the Northern Neck, it may not be unacceptable to the reader, to learn something of the history of that worthy and respectable gentleman; and of the several branches of the Fairfax family descended from him, who are now settled in Virginia. William Fairfax, was the second son of the honourable Henry Fairfax of Towlston Hall, in Yorkshire. This gentleman's father Henry, fourth Lord Fairfax, left, besides other children, two sons, viz. Thomas, who succeeded him in the barony, and who married the heiress of the Culpepper family; and Henry, father of William, of whom I am now speaking. William, his father dying while he was young, was educated under the auspices of his uncle and godfather, the good Lord Lons- dale, at Lowther school, in Westmoreland; where he ac- quired a competent knowledge, not only of the classics, but of the modern languages. At the age of twenty-one he entered into the army, and served in Spain during Queen Anne's war, under his uncle Colonel Martin Bladen, to whom he was also secretary. At the conclusion of that war, he was prevailed upon to accompany captain Fairfax of the navy, who was also his relation, and other godfather, to the East Indies; but the sea not agreeing with him, he at his return took a second commission in the army, and went upon the expedition against the Island of Providence, at that time in possession of pirates. After the reduction of the island, he was appointed governor of it, and he there married, March the 27th, 1723-4, Sarah, daughter of Major Thomas Walker, who, with his family had accom- panied the expedition, and was afterwards appointed chief [207] Travels Through North America justice of the Bahama Islands. By this lady he had a son, born the 2d of January following, whom he named George William. His health suffering extremely at this place, from the intense heat of the climate, he applied to govern- ment for an appointment in New England, and he had removed to that country, and was there resident, when solic- ited by Lord Fairfax, to take upon himself the agency of the Northern Neck. During his abode in New England, he had the misfortune to lose his lady, by whom he had two sons and two daughters: George William, mentioned above, who was born in the Island of Providence; and Thomas, Anne and Sarah, born in New England. Mrs. Fairfax, upon her death-bed, requested her hus- band, after her decease, to marry a Miss Deborah Clarke of Salem, a lady of uncommon understanding, and her most intimate friend; from a conviction, which appeared to be well founded, that she would prove a kind step-mother, and faithful guardian to her orphan children. Accord- ingly Mr. Fairfax, in compliance with this request, some little time before he removed to Virginia, espoused this lady, and by her had three other children, viz. two sons and a daughter, named Brian, William, and Hannah; so that he had in the whole seven children, four sons and three daughters, most of whom survived him. He departed this life at Belvoir, the 3d day of September 1757, aged sixty- six years. Mr. William Fairfax was a gentleman of very fine accomplishments, and general good character. He was a kind husband, an indulgent parent, a faithful friend, a sincere Christian; and was eminently distinguished for his private and public virtues. Through the interest of two of his relations, Brian and Ferdinando Fairfax, who lived [208] Appendix, N° 4 in London, and of whom the former was a commissioner of the excise, he had been appointed Lord Lieutenant and Gustos Rotulorum of the county of Fairfax, collector of the customs of South Potomac, and one of his majesty's council; of which, in process of time, he became president, and continued in that honourable station many years. He was succeeded in his estate and employments by his eldest son, George William Fairfax. George William, at an early age, had been sent to England for education, and had been brought up in the same principles which had been professed by Lord Fairfax, and the rest of the family. At his return to Virginia, he married Sarah, daughter of Colonel Cary, of Hampton, upon James river, of the family of Hunsdon; and usually resided at his beautiful place at Belvoir, ex- cept during the sessions of the assembly and of the general courts, when his duty, as one of his majesty's council, obliged him to be at Williamsburg. In the year 1773, some estates in Yorkshire having de- volved to him by the death of Henry, his father's elder brother, he found it necessary to go to England to take possession of them. So critical was his arrival, that he passed in the river Thames the ill-omened tea, which eventually occasioned the separation of the American colo- nies from the mother-country. During the ten years contest, the consequences of which Mr. Fairfax early foresaw and lamented, his estates in Virginia were sequestered, and he received no remittances from his extensive property in that quarter of the world. This induced him to remove out of Yorkshire, from a house which he had recently furnished, to lay down his carriages, and to retire to Bath, where he lived in a private but genteel manner; and confined his ex- [209] Travels Through North America penses so much within the income of his English estates, that he was able occasionally to send large sums to the government agent, for the use and benefit of the American prisoners. He died at Bath, generally lamented on account of his many virtues and accomplishments, on the 3d of April 1787, in the sixty-third year of his age; and was buried in Writhlington church, in the county of Somerset, a few miles distant from that city. He left a widow, a very amiable lady, of distinguished merit, in great affluence; who has ever since resided in Bath. Having no issue, he bequeathed his Virginia estates to Ferdinando, the second son of his half-brother Brian, the present Lord Fairfax. Thomas, second son of William Fairfax, by Sarah Walker, and own brother to the above, entered into the navy; and was killed in an action in the East Indies on the 26th of June 1746. He was esteemed one of the handsomest men of his age. The following inscription to his memory was written by his disconsolate father, a few hours after he had received the melancholy account of his death: "To the memory of Mr. Thomas Fairfax, second son of "William Fairfax, Esquire; who died, fighting in his coun- try's cause, on board the Harwich ship of war, in an en- gagement with Monsieur Bourdenaye, commander of a "French squadron on the Indian coast, the 26th day of "June 1746, and in the twenty-first year of his age; beloved "of his commander, Captain Carteret, and highly favoured "by his friend Commodore Barnet, for his politeness of "manners. He was a comely personage; of undoubted "bravery; skilled in the theory of the profession; excelled "by few as a naval draughtsman; and gave early promises, "by a pregnant genius and diligent application, of a con- [2,0] Appendix, N° 4 "summate officer for the service of his country. But the "wisdom of Heaven is inscrutable: human life is ever in "the hands of its author: and while the good and brave are "always ready for death, resignation becomes their sur- "viving friends. Convinced of this duty, yet subdued by "the sentiments of a tender parent, this tablet was inscribed "and dedicated by his sorrowful father: "May, Britain, all thy sons like him behave; " Like him be virtuous, and like him be brave: "Thy fiercest foes undaunted he withstood, "And perish'd fighting for his country's good." Anne, eldest daughter of William Fairfax, by Sarah Walker, was married to Lawrence, elder brother of Colonel, now General Washington. Lawrence, who had been edu- cated in England, was a captain in the army, and possessed a very considerable landed property in Virginia. An in- fant daughter was the only fruit of this marriage, who died under seven years of age. At her decease, her father being also dead, General Washington succeeded to Mount Vernon, and several fine Virginian estates, the property of this branch of the Washington family. Anne, after the death of Lawrence Washington her husband, married George Lee, Esquire, the head of that numerous family in Virginia; and left behind her three sons, who are now living, viz. George Fairfax Lee, Launcelot Lee, and William Lee. Sarah, second daughter of William Fairfax by Sarah Walker, was married to Mr. Carlyle, a merchant of Alex- andria, in Fairfax county, and left two daughters; the eldest married to Mr. Herbert, a merchant of the same place; the younger to Mr. Whiteing, a private gentleman of good [211] Travels Through North America fortune. Mrs. Whiteing died in childbed of her first child, a son, who is now living. Brian, eldest son of the second marriage of William Fair- fax with Deborah Clarke, the present and eighth baron, married Elizabeth, youngest daughter of Wilson Gary, Esquire, of the family above mentioned, and lives upon his estate at a place called Towlston, in Fairfax county. He has, by this marriage, two sons, viz. Thomas and Ferdi- nando, and one daughter, named Elizabeth, married to Mr. Griffith, the son of an American bishop. He has also a daughter by a second marriage. Thomas has been twice married, but has had the misfortune to lose both his wives, precisely at the same period of time, viz. the end of three months, by sickness and other indisposition, attendant upon pregnancy. Ferdinando, heir, as was above mentioned, to George William Fairfax, married a daughter of Wilson Miles Gary, Esquire, brother to the widow of the said George William, which marriage made the fifth connection between the families of Fairfax and Gary, either in England or Virginia. William Fairfax, fourth son of William Fairfax, and the second by his second marriage, was educated at Wakefield school, in Yorkshire; served in the army, and was killed at the siege of Quebec. He was a young man of very promis- ing abilities, and much esteemed by General Wolfe. When the general landed, he saw young Fairfax sitting upon the bank of the river; and immediately running up to him, he clapped him on the shoulder, and said, "Young man, when "we come to action, remember your name." Alas! they unfortunately both fell in the space of a few hours. Hannah, youngest child of William Fairfax by his second [212] Appendix, N° 4 marriage, is married to Warner Washington, eldest son of General Washington's father's eldest brother, and the head of that now illustrious family. She has two sons and four daughters; all, except the youngest daughter, married to persons of condition and distinction in Virginia. These anecdotes of the several branches of the Fairfax family, now domiciliated in Virginia, may, perhaps, not be unacceptable to the reader, and especially to the friends of that noble family. They are, I believe, correct, and may be relied upon. I received them from unquestionable authority, from a person intimately connected with the family; who, from repeated conversations with Thomas, late Lord Fairfax; Mr. William Fairfax; his son George William; Mrs. Mary Sherrard, first cousin to Thomas Lord Fairfax, and aunt to the present Earl of Harborough; Lady Lucy Sherrard; and many noble relatives of the family re- siding in the north of England; was well qualified to give the information. Appendix, N° 5. DIARY OF THE WEATHER. Travels Through North America Fahrenheit's Thermometer. JANUARY, 1760. 96 85 75 65 55 45 32 20 12 Vital < Q il ws d H E H Q £ WEATHER. u i« I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 n 12 13 H 15 16 i7 18 i9 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 8 10 IO 20 26 34 36 49 36 23 19 25 30 25 40 24 34 34 24 N.W. N.W. N.W. N.W. s.w. s.w. S. E. N. E. N.W. N. E. S.W. S.W. S. E. S.W. S.W. N.W. S.W. N.W. Quite clear. Clouded. Snow. Rain and freezing hard. A thaw. A thaw. Rain. Rain. Quite clear. Quite clear. Quite clear. Quite clear. Quite clear. Rain. Quite clear. Little cloudy. Cloudy. Quite clear. heat. Very hot. Hot. Warm air. Temper- ate. Cold air. Frost. Hard frost. Frost 1740. Frost 1709. [216] Appendix, N° 5 FEBRUARY, 1760. I £s o o E£ «' H a H Q g £ WEATHER. *£ 11 I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ii 12 13 H 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 8 30 26 21 31 46 49 46 49 33 38 37 28 52 56 38 35 34 22 25 34 4i 49 36 40 45 53 59 49 42 s.w. S. E. N.W. S. E. S. E. S.W. N.E. E. N.E. N. S.W. S.W. S.W. N. N. N.W. N.W. S.W. S. E. S. w. N.W. S.W. S. E. S. N.E. N.E. N.E. Sleet and rain. Quite clear. Quite clear. Quite clear. Clouded. Little clouded 62 62 58 52 66 70 30 43 48 64 56 56 72 76 54 37 Quite clear Quite clear Quite clear. Clouded Quite clear. Quite clear. Little clouded Hazy Misting rain. Little cloudy. Clouded, little snow. Quite clear Quite clear Hazy Hazy Quite clear. Quite clear. Little cloudy. Quite clear. Hazy. Clouded Clouded Rain [217] Travels Through North ^America MARCH, 1760. I « rj D G £1 05 M X H Q g f WEATHER. IH fit £ §< I 2 3 4 5 6 8 9 10 ii 12 '3 H 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 8 32 34 40 5i 40 35 45 48 35 32 32 35 49 45 37 3° 26 27 39 4i 29 36 39 45 49 4i 43 53 64 57 66 E. N. N. E. S.W. w. S.W. S.W. S.W. N. W. N. E. S. E. S. E. N. E. N. E. N. N.W. N.W. S.W. N.W. N. E. N. E. E. E. S. E. N.W. S.W. S.W. S.W. S.W. w. Clouded. Little cloudy. Clouded . . 54 59 45 52 54 5° 38 45 43 54 54 43 39 32 32 38 52 38 34 39 50 52 56 48 54 70 74 67 64 Showery and windy .... Little cloudy and windy Quite clear Hazy. Rain Misting rain Clouded Little cloudy Clouded. . Rain Misting rain Clouded Thick snow Snow Quite clear Clouded Cloudy Snow Rain . Little cloudy Little cloudy Little cloudy Quite clear Quite clear Quite clear Hazy. ... Rain Showery 218] Appendix, N° 5 APR1 rL, 1760. CO >• < Q M E£ OS H a H Q 2 £ WEATHER. il Hi « I 8 40 N.W. Qjuite clear . cc 2 ro S. Quite clear 67 2 61 s.w. Clouded . 7O 4 6c S. E. Quite clear 76 5 6 7 8 g E 70 57 50 47 4^ w. E. N.W. N. E. N. E. Quite clear, thunder .... Clouded Thunder, clouded Thunder, clouded Clouded 79 60 65 50 CO 10 ii — 64 44 S.W. N. E. Little cloudy, thunder . . Small rain 85 C2 12 n — 53 jw 7T 71 7*> OA / • [220 Appendix^ N° 5 JUN1 ^, 1760. 1 o o MS M H K Q g S WEATHER. li J 8 77 80 2 / / 77 8^ 80 88 go Thunder 88 c °J 62 Rain 70 f) 6c 62 U5 6r UJ 72 8 UJ 67 I j 78 9 10 — u/ 70 Rr Rain /" 75 7C 1 1 UJ 74. / j 81 12 /T 78 8q 13 80 87 * o 82 80 78 72 83 70 22 78 Rain 8^? 27 76 84 ^j 24 _ / w 77 84 2 S. E. S. Flying clouds Flying clouds ... . / J 80 8q 18 83 S. W. Cloudy, thunder 87 IQ 67 N.W. Flying clouds . 76 2O 60 N W 67 21 22 23 24. 80 S W v/ 80 25 26 27 28 CA Little rain .... °y 60 20 c8 N. E. Clouded . 64 2O 64. 8? Ju 71 81 N.W. Flying clouds °j Appendix, N° 5 JUNL ;, 1761 . 1 £s sl 05 H a H D >5 J WEATHER. « | §< ffi N J 8 60 N W 70 2 -j 64 7> < Q Ij ffiS a w 33 H Q 2 £ WEATHER. MJJ §< ffi cJ I 2 3 4 5 6 8 9 10 ii 12 13 H 15 16 17 18 J9 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 2? 28 29 30 31 8 88 85 81 85 s.w. s.w. E. W. Cloudy, thunder Clouded, thunder Flying clouds Flying clouds 91 89 85 91 93 97 93 93 94 94 94 95 74 76 77 70 7i 72 74 78 81 83 86 83 85 86 90 89 88 89 74 75 66 64 65 66 65 69 7i 78 72 75 S.W. s.w. s.w. s.w. s.w. s.w. N. E. N.E. N. E. N.W. N. N. N. N.W. N.W. W. S.W. N.W. Flying clouds Flying clouds Flying clouds Flying clouds . Cloudy Flying clouds, thunder . . Clouded Rain Clouded Rain Clouded . Clouded Cloudy Flying clouds Flying clouds [235] Travels Through North America SEPTEMBER, 1761. >• < Q £e £1 K as Q £ £ WEATHER. si 0< E M I 2 3 4 6 7 8 9 10 n 12 13 H 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 8 70 69 66 61 66 7i 67 64 7i 73 62 63 64 69 65 62 65 66 7° 70 68 65 75 72 81 72 74 76 72 74 N.W. N. E. N.W. N.W. W. s.w. N. N.W. S.W. s.w. N.W. N.W. N.W. S.W. N. E. N. E. S.W. N.W. S.W. S.E. N. E. N. E. S.E. S.E. S. s. S. s. S.E. S.E. Cloudy 78 73 68 7° 73 82 74 71 82 83 7° 73 75 80 74 67 77 75 81 76 73 78 78 87 76 85 84 82 80 80 Rain Clouded Clouded Cloudy Flying clouds Flying clouds, rain Cloudy Clouded Cloudy Cloudy Clouded Rain Rain Rain Cloudy Cloudy Clouded Flying clouds Flying clouds Cloudy [236] Appendix, N° 5 OCTOBER, 1761. CO p SS o o as at w & H Q z £ WEATHER. «§ §< I 2 3 4 6 7 8 9 10 ii 12 13 H 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 3° 31 8 70 67 67 63 65 67 70 73 63 53 53 5i 46 46 47 47 53 55 56 58 66 67 47 45 45 45 50 45 43 50 5i N. E. N. N. N. N. S. E. S. S. N. E. N. E. N. E. N. E. N.W. N. N.W. N. W. s.w. s.w. S. E. E. S. E. N.W. S.W. w. N.W. N.W. N.W. N. E. S.W. s.w. Small rain . 71 70 78 71 75 76 81 83 58 60 52 56 56 57 57 60 68 70 72 72 71 58 46 58 58 58 57 5i 59 59 65 Small rain Cloudy Cloudy Cloudy Rain Rain Clouded Rain Cloudy Flying clouds Flying clouds Cloudy Cloudy Rain Rain Flying clouds Clouded Clouded Clouded Flying clouds .... Cloudy . Cloudy Flying clouds [237] Travels Through North America NOVEMBER, 1761. 1 11 W£ C£ W X H Q g £ WEATHER. Mjj 0< K « I 2 3 4 5 6 8 9 10 ii 12 13 H 15 16 i7 18 J9 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 8 56 43 43 50 46 44 35 30 30 35 35 35 35 35 40 45 4i 36 35 35 34 5o 35 29 47 49 43 N. E. N.W. N.W. S. E. N.W. N.W. N.W. N.W. Rain 51 55 59 62 57 46 46 45 Flying clouds Flying clouds Rain Flying clouds Clouded Clouded Clouded 52 47 46 5i 49 56 42 49 49 54 50 54 43 45 62 61 53 — N.W. N.W. N.W. N.W. s.w. s.w. N.W. N. S.W. N.E. S. N.W. N.W. S. S.W. N.E. Rain Small rain Fo££V . 1 W66/ Rain Cloudy Ram Clouded Cloudy Appendix, N° J DECEMBER, 1761. ;* P ii « w 5C H a fc £ WEATHER. 1! i 2 3 4 5 6 8 9 10 ii 12 13 H 15 16 17 18 iQ 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 3° 31 8 41 32 35 36 38 3° 26 21 34 20 12 34 34 32 34 22 26 19 2O 26 30 36 2O 27 37 10 7 15 26 27 30 N.W. N.W. N. E. S. N.W. N.W. N.W. W. N.W. N.W. s.w. N. N. E. N. E. N.W. S.W. N.W. N. E. S.W. N.W. S.W. N.W. N.W. S.W. N.W. N.W. N.W. S.W. S.W. S.W. 49 48 45 45 52 34 34 34 20 32 47 38 38 37 30 43 25 30 39 49 30 4i 19 19 37 42 45 48 Clouded Cloudy Rain Rain high wind Little snow Rain and snow Clouded Rain Rain Clouded Clouded Little snow Clouded Clouded Cloudy Snow rain Flying clouds Flying clouds [239] Travels Through North America JANUARY, 1762. r* < Q §1 KS (2 W B H Q SB $ WEATHER. «ii g< B N I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ii 12 13 H 15 16 i7 18 i9 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 8 3° 15 13 30 39 39 45 5i 50 30 3° 25 34 35 40 50 40 40 55 33 26 3° 36 20 i9 N. N.W. N. E. N. N. E. N. E. N. E. S. s.w. N. N. N. S.W. N. S.W. N. E. N. E. N. E. S.W. N.W. N.W. N. E. W. N.W. N.W. 34 48 42 46 54 53 64 65 56 3° 39 45 5i 55 64 39 45 4i 54 45 40 4i 43 29 37 Cloudy Thick fog Clouded Thick fog Thick fog Thick fog Clouded Snow Clouded Misting rain Misting rain Misting rain Flying clouds Flying clouds Flying clouds Rain [240! Appendix, N° 5 FJ VBRUA r#r, 1762. 1 £s o o ffiS K w s H Q g f WEATHER. K 5 K I 8 Clouded 4.0 2 28 N. W. 4.O 2 77 S. W. Cloudy C7 o 4 5 6 — OJ 46 45 4-4. W. S. w. Flying clouds Flying clouds, thunder . . JJ 59 60 C? 7 4.O N E Cloudy thunder JO ro 8 Q — 39 72 N. N. W. Cloudy Cloudy 3^ 47 4.2 IO 3* or N E Snow rain 76 II OJ 72 N. W. Clouded ow 4-2 12 j* 72 N. W. 4.2 I? o-4- 71 N W 48 M H I c — o1 31 71 N. E. N. W. Cloudy 4-0 16 17 — OA 32 42 N. E. S. W. Flying clouds Small rain TV 47 46 18 4-2 N. W. 48 in 36 W. Hazy 48 2O AC W. Hazy 40 21 74. N.W. 22 26 N. W 7^6 22 76 S. W. Hazy jw 41 24 7C N.W. Clouded 4«r 2C 22 N.W. 26 26 27 — 24 22 N.W. N.W. Flying clouds 30 72 28 3O N.W. 71 241] Travels Through North America MARCH, 1762. i Q « a £> G o o tea K W ffi O g 5 WEATHER. *| §< w « I 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ii 12 13 H 15 16 r7 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 2? 28 29 3° 3i 8 28 34 26 36 32 35 39 37 33 33 37 4i 35 32 29 34 39 56 34 43 47 42 35 44 4i 38 44 53 58 44 4i N.W. N.W. N.W. W. N. E. N. E. E. N. E. N.W. N.W. W. S. E. N.W. N.W. N. s.w. s.w. N. E. S. E. S. N.W. N. E. S. E. N. E. N. E. S. S. s.w. N. E. N. E. Hazy rain 47 40 40 5i 43 40 43 4i 43 49 46 43 36 36 45 59 66 43 49 56 5i 42 53 47 48 58 59 65 55 45 Clouded Flying clouds Flying clouds Rain Rain Rain Cloudy Little snow Cloudy Small ram Flying clouds Rain Small rain Cloudy Cloudy Hazy Clouded Flying clouds Cloudy Rain Appendix, N° 5 APRIL, 1762. >* < Q £s 0 0 ffis M w X H Q £ £ WEATHER. jH I 2 3 4 6 7 8 9 10 ii 12 13 H 15 16 i7 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 8 44 43 52 44 46 61 45 46 45 49 52 61 63 45 45 50 50 50 56 A2 42 50 56 56 63 68 63 60 56 71 S. E. N. E. S. N. E. S. E. S. S. E. S.E. N.W. N.W. s.w. S. W. s.w. N. E. N. E. S.W. N.W. S.W. N. N. E. N.W. N.W. S.E. S.E. S. S.W. N. N. E. S.W. s.w. Flying clouds 5° 46 63 50 53 47 57 5i 58 70 73 73 43 5o 64 59 65 60 52 51 55 60 60 74 72 67 64 73 81 Rain Cloudy Clouded Clouded Cloudy . . Hazy ................ Hazy Hazy . Rain Cloudy Clouded Rain . . . Clouded Cloudy Hazy Hazy, thunder [243] Travels Through North America MAT , 1762. (x < Q Se o o WS « w BG H D g £ WEATHER. « $ £< E N I 8 72 s.w. Showers . 7C. 2 c8 N. E. Showers / J rr ? C? N. E. Rain Jj co 4 C? N. E. Cloudy c.8 c c6 S.W. 67 6 57 S.W. Cloudy, thunder ... . w/ 6c 7 56 N. Flying clouds 61 8 50 E. 64 0 __ 64 S. 60 IO 6? N. E. Cloudy 64 r6 12 I? — 5° 59 6q S. S.W. Flying clouds Cloudy 69 70 14 56 N. E. Clouded cc 1C H < Q Ss o o E£ K H 33 H Q J5 ^ WEATHER. il j 8 71 s. w. Clouded ... 74- 2 67 N. W. Cloudy 78 C7 N. W. Cloudy 60 x 60 N. W. Flying clouds . . . 66 11 6 7 — 75 7> < p H MS w w X H o g £ WEATHER. *ji §< i 2 3 4 6 7 8 9 10 n 12 J3 14 15 16 I? 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 3° 8 44 50 53 42 5i 36 34 32 40 35 38 39 36 3i 3i 4i 34 3i 42 4i 42 35 45 46 44 48 38 40 4i 43 S. E. S. N.W. N.W. S. E. N. E. N. E. N.W. W. N.E. N.W. W. N.W. N.W. N.W. s.w. N.W. N.W. N.W. N.E. N.E. N.E. N.E. S. E. N. E. N.E. E. W. Cloudy 58 66 61 65 43 34 4i 46 44 47 48 45 42 48 48 42 44 47 45 58 60 52 52 49 46 46 47 48 Flying clouds Flying clouds Rain Rain Clouded Cloudy Cloudy Clouded Cloudy Clouded Cloudy . . Flying clouds FoffPV • fofey Fo££V • "667 Formy * 667 Foggy F°ggy Clouded Rain Misting rain . Flying clouds [250] Appendix, N° 5 DECEMBER, 1762. m | i| KS K H a H Q fc $ WEATHER. ii w «• 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 ii 12 13 H 15 16 i? 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 8 31 33 43 44 43 36 37 33 32 34 35 52 44 40 3° 24 30 5i 42 40 1-0 50 4i 40 4i 3i 26 28 30 44 44 N.W. N. S. W. s.w. s.w. N.W. S.W. N.W. N.W. W. s.w. S. s.w. N.W. N.W. N.W. N.W. S.W. N. E. N. W. S.W. N. E. N. E. N. E. N.W. N.W. N.W. N. E. N. E. S.W. 44 45 46 56 45 44 42 42 47 52 56 62 55 4i 36 4i 49 44 43 42 47 59 4i 4i 43 35 34 4i 46 50 48 Clouded . Hazy Hazy Clouded . . . Small rain Clouded Cloudy . Clouded Flying clouds Clouded Clouded Cloudy Clouded Rain Misting rain , Clouded Cloudy Rain . Rain Rain FoprrV A W6b7 ' ...... Misting rain Fo£gv . 1 "fob/ EDITORIAL NOTES. NOTE I. THE present-day visitor to Williamsburg finds it one of the most charmingly antique towns in America. Duke of Gloucester, the main street of the village, broadens at its centre into an open square called Court House Green, where stands an ancient temple of justice, surrounded by fine colonial residences. Farther up Duke of Gloucester Street is another square, Palace Green, faced by other historic mansions, including the old palace of the royal governors. Thence a short walk takes one to the ancient church of Bruton parish, the oldest Protestant house of worship still in use in America; and at the end of the street stands the restored William and Mary College. The site of the old hall of the House of Burgesses is at the other end of Duke of Gloucester Street, but nothing remains of this famous structure save the foundation, and masses of broken plaster from its walls. NOTE II. The region beyond the Ohio, now the States of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, was a part of the province of Virginia under her charter, but in 1781 was ceded to the Federal Notes Government. See Hinsdale's "The Old Northwest, with a View of the Thirteen Colonies as Constituted by the Royal Charters," New York, 1899. NOTE III. Colonel William Byrd, of Westover, founder of the towns of Richmond and Petersburg, was one of the most brilliant figures in the history of the later colonial period. Born to an ample fortune, the epitaph above his grave at Westover records that he "was sent early to England, where he made a happy proficiency in polite and various learning; contracted a most intimate and bosom friend- ship with the learned and illustrious Charles Boyle, Earl of Orrery; was called to the bar of the Middle Temple; was chosen Fellow of the Royal Society; and being thirty- seven years a member, at last became president of the council of this colony." His epitaph also tells the way- farer that he was "the well-bred gentleman and polite companion, the constant enemy of all exorbitant power, and hearty friend of the liberties of his country." The famous "Westover Manuscripts," written by Byrd for his own amusement and first published in 1841, is one of the most delightful books that has come down to us from the colonial period. NOTE IV. Henry Bouquet, born in Rolle, Switzerland, in 1719, served in the armies of Holland and Sardinia, and in 1756 entered the British service with the rank of lieutenant- colonel. He took part in the expedition against Fort Duquesne in 1758 and was present at its capture. Five years later he successfully led an expedition to the relief [254] Notes of the same fort, then called Fort Pitt. In October, 1764, he marched against the Ohio Indians, who were harrying the border, and compelled the Shawnees, Delawares and other tribes to make peace at Tuscarawas. He was made colonel in 1762, and at the time of his death, which occurred at Pensacola in 1766, held the rank of brigadier-general. An account of Bouquet's expedition against the Ohio Indians, written by Dr. William Smith, then provost of the College of Philadelphia, and published in 1766, was reprinted at Cincinnati in 1868 with preface by Francis Parkman. NOTE V. Spotswood's iron works were located near the present Germanna Ford on the Rapidan. There is an engaging account of a visit to them in the " Westover Manuscripts." NOTE VI. The parsons were right both in law and in equity, but popular greed and prejudice were against them. It was as counsel for the defence in one of the suits growing out of this affair that, in 1763, Patrick Henry, then a young lawyer of twenty-seven, first proved his supreme powers as an orator, and at the same time startled his auditors with the bold declaration "that a king, by disallowing acts of a salutary nature, from being the father of his people, degenerated into a tyrant, and forfeited all right to his subjects' obedience." A full and satisfying account of the Parsons' Cause will be found in the first volume of William Wirt Henry's "Patrick Henry: Life, Correspond- ence and Speeches," New York, 1891. [»5S] Notes NOTE VII. George Wythe, described by Thomas Jefferson as "the Cato of his country without the avarice of the Roman," was born in 1726, and was early chosen a member of the House of Burgesses where he served until the opening of the Revolution. A leader from the first in the Patriot cause, he was, in August, 1775, appointed a delegate to the Continental Congress from Virginia, and as such signed the Declaration of Independence. He became speaker of the Virginia House of Delegates in 1777, and a little later was made chancellor of the State, which post he held for more than twenty years. For ten years follow- ing 1779 he was also professor of law in William and Mary College, and in 1787 served as a member of the con- vention that framed the Federal Constitution. His death in his eighty-first year was due to poison, administered, it was believed, by his nephew, who was tried for the crime but acquitted. NOTE VIII. David Douglas was from 1758 to 1774 manager of the American Company, the most important organization of players in the colonies. He also built the first permanent theatres in New York, Philadelphia and Charleston. At the opening of the Revolution he withdrew to Jamaica, where, following his retirement, he held the posts of master in chancery and magistrate. He died in 1786. NOTE IX. James Logan, born in Ireland in 1674, was from 1699 until his death in 1751 the business agent in Pennsylvania of William Penn and his heirs, and, Benjamin Franklin [256] Notes excepted, the ablest and most influential citizen of that province, serving at different times as member and presi- dent of the provincial council, justice of the court of com- mon pleas, mayor of Philadelphia, chief justice and gov- ernor. His library of 2,000 volumes which he bequeathed to the city of Philadelphia was in 1792 annexed to the Philadelphia Library, established in 1731 by Franklin and now housed at the corner of Locust and Juniper streets in that city, but has been kept separate under the name of the Loganian Library. NOTE X. St. George's Chapel stood at the corner of the present Beekman and Cliff Streets, New York. Built and opened in 1752, it was rebuilt after its destruction by fire in 1814, and was occupied until 1841, when it was demolished and its congregation removed to the present church in Ruther- ford Place. Warehouses now cover its site and the burial ground which aforetime surrounded it. NOTE XL The prison referred to by Burnaby stood in City Hall Park, New York, on the line of the present Park Row. Built in 1756, it was originally a graystone structure sur- mounted by a tower which was long a famous outlook for fires. During the Revolution and the British occupation of New York it was used as a Patriot prison. Then it became a place of detention for delinquent debtors, and served that purpose until 1829, when the common council decided to reconstruct it and devote it to the housing of the city records. It was accordingly cut down a story Notes and encased in new outer walls, and as the Hall of Records remained one of the historic landmarks of the city until 1903, when it was torn down because it obstructed the route of the underground railway. NOTE XII. The fort of Burnaby's time was the successor of the one built by the Dutch founders of New York. It stood just south of Bowling Green, but was demolished in 1790 to furnish a site, first for an official residence for the governors of the State, then for a row of dwellings, and finally for a custom-house. NOTE XIII. The history of New York's first public library is an in- teresting one. In 1729 a collection of books bequeathed by John Millington, rector of Newington, England, to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, was by that organization presented to the city for a public library. At the same time like disposition was made of a collection presented to the society in 1700 by the Reverend John Sharp, chaplain of Lord Bellomont, then royal governor of New York. A quarter of a century later a number of citizens organized themselves into a body, which in due time received a royal charter under the name of the New York Society Library. Its collec- tion of books housed in the old city hall in Wall Street grew steadily until the Revolution, during which it was scattered and almost totally destroyed by the British soldiery. The society reorganized, however, in 1783, and reviving its charter again began the collection of books. A building was erected in Nassau Street in 1793, but the [258] Notes collection soon outgrew its quarters, and removing to Chambers Street the society continued there until 1840 when it occupied a building of its own at the corner of Broadway and Leonard Street. Hardly was it settled here when the growth of the business section of the city forced it to seek new quarters. It established itself for a time in Astor Place, and then in 1857 removed to its present home in University Place. NOTE XIV. Money for the founding of what in Burnaby's time was King's College and is now Columbia University was raised by a public lottery set afoot by the provincial assembly of New York. Trinity Church gave it for a site the plot of ground now bounded by College Place, and by Church, Murray and Barclay Streets; and the three-story building of stone erected thereon was first occupied in 1760, six years after the college received its charter. Samuel John- son, who forty years before had helped in the founding of Yale College, was its first president, and had at the outset but a single assistant. The first graduating class, that of 1758, numbered only eight; but the college grew from year to year in numbers and efficiency, and when Dr. Johnson resigned the presidency, in 1763, he had laid a sure foundation for his successors. NOTE XV. Two Kissing Bridges have a place in the early history of New York. In the opening years of the last century, a small stream called the Saw-kill was spanned at the present intersection of Third Avenue and Seventy-seventh Street [259] Notes by a bridge which John Randel, Jr., declares was known to all the young men and women of his day as the Kissing Bridge. The Kissing Bridge of Burnaby's time, however, spanned a creek in what is now the Bowery, a little to the south of the present Chatham Square. NOTE XVI. The Redwood Library, chartered in 1747, takes its name from Abraham Redwood (1709-1788), a benevolent Quaker merchant of Newport, who was one of its founders. The building in which it is housed, a handsome Doric structure completed in 1750, was designed by Peter Harri- son, the architect of Blenheim Castle. NOTE XVII. In 1725, the famous George Berkeley, then dean of Derry, conceived the idea of converting the American Indians to Christianity by means of a college to be estab- lished in the Bermuda Islands. Sir Robert Walpole, at that time chief minister, opposed the enterprise, but Berkeley persuaded the British government to promise a grant of £20,000 in support of his plans, and in September, 1728, he sailed for America, expecting to found the college and assume its presidency. He reached Newport in January, 1729, where he bought a farm, erected upon it a small house, engaged in correspondence and study, composed "The Minute Philosopher," preached occa- sionally, and waited in vain for the expected endowment. Finally, wearied by long delays and reluctantly convinced that Walpole had no intention of giving him the promised support, Berkeley gave up his residence at Newport, and, [260] Notes after a short stay in Boston, in September, 1731, set sail for home. Three years after his return to England he became bishop of Cloyne. He died in 1753 at the age of sixty-nine. NOTE XVIII. John Smibert, who was to have been professor of fine arts in Berkeley's projected college, was born in Edin- burgh in 1684, studied painting in London, and then passed some years in Italy. Returning to England he became a portrait painter in London, and, in 1729, came to America with Berkeley. He painted for some months in Newport, and when the Bermuda enterprise was abandoned settled in Boston. When Berkeley became bishop of Cloyne, he asked Smibert to join him in Ireland, but the painter, who in the meantime had married a wealthy widow, declined his patron's invitation, and dwelt in Boston, prosperous and contented until his death in 1751. Smibert's most important American work is the painting of Berkeley and his family, executed in Boston in the summer of 1731, and presented to Yale College in 1808. NOTE XIX. A native of Sussex, England, and born in 1693, William Shirley at the age of forty-one settled in Boston in the practice of his profession — the law. He served as gov- ernor of Massachusetts from 1741 to 1745, and in the latter year planned the successful expedition against Cape Breton. He was in England from 1745 to 1753, but then returned to Massachusetts as governor, and at the opening of the French war in 1755 was commander-in-chief of the British forces in North America. He was made lieutenant- Notes general in 1759, and later served as governor of the Bahama Islands. He returned to Massachusetts in 1770, and died in the following year at Roxbury. NOTE XX. Under the name of " bundling " the custom described by Burnaby prevailed until a recent period in the sections of Pennsylvania originally settled by Germans. The curious will find the subject exhaustively treated in Henry Reed Stiles "Bundling: its origin, progress and decline in America," Albany, 1871. [262] INDEX Albany, 114 Alexandria, 69 Anabaptists, 90, 113, 121 Annapolis, 80 Apthorpe, Rev., 139 B Bahama river, 86 Bailor, Colonel, 63 Bassett, Colonel, 70 Belvedere, 39 Berkeley, Dean, 121, 260 Blair, John, 37 Blue Ridge Mountains, 71, Boston, 132-134 Bouquet, Colonel Henry, 254 Boyle, Mr., 53 Bristol, 103 Broadway, New York, 112 Brunswick, 104 Bundling, See Tarrying Burlington, 104 Byrd, Colonel William, 39, 254 C Carlisle, 92 Chesapeake Bay, 41 Chester, 88 Chester River, 86 Chew, Captain, 30 Chiswell, Colonel, 42 Church of England, 48, 84, 90, 95,103,104,116,121,139 Churchill, Colonel, 78 Colchester, 66 Congregationalists, 138 D Delaware, 87, 88 Delaware, Falls of, 103 Delaware river, 91 Derby, 88 72 Diggs, Colonel Edward, 32 Douglas, David, 80, 256 40, Dumfries, 65 Dutch Calvinists, 90, 113 Elizabethtown, 105 Elk river, 86 F 78, Fairfax, Brian, Lord, 206, 212 Fairfax, George William, 209 Fairfax, Thomas, 210 Fairfax, Thomas, Lord, 71, 197- 206 Fairfax, William, 200, 207 [263] Index Faneuil Hall, 133 Fauquier, Francis, 129 Franklin, Benjamin, 140 Fredericksburg, 63 Fredericktown, 87 Gaines, Major Henry, 63 Germantown, 92 Great Choptank river, 86 Greenway Court, 71 H Harvard College, 139 Hell Gate, 119 Henry, Patrick, 255 I Indians, Cherokee, 56 Indians, Pamunky, 62 j James river, 39 Jefferson, Thomas, 40 Jews, 113, 121 Johnson, Samuel, 117 K King's Chapel, Boston, 133 King's College, 112, 117, 259 Kissing Bridge, 118, 259 M Magotty river, 86 Maine, 134 Manokin river, 87 Marlborough, 80 Martin, Thomas, 202, 206 Maryland, 80—87 Massachusetts Bay, 132-145 Mattapony river, 40 Miles river, 86 Moore, Colonel Bernard, 61 Moravians, 113, 121 Mount Vernon, 67 N Nanticote river, 87 Nassau Hall, 103 Natural Bridge, 77 Necks, Captain, 30 Newark, 105 Newcastle, 87 New Hampshire, 146-149 New Jersey, 103-110 Newport, 1 20 New York, City of, 111-113 New York, Province of, no- 119 Northern Neck, 66 North river, 86 Occoquan river, 66 Lancaster, 92 Little Choptank river, 86 Logan, James, 90, 256 Long Island, 119 Loudon, Fort, 56 Lutherans, 90, 113 Pamunky river, 40 Parsons' cause, 49-52, 255 Passaic Falls, 105 Patuxent river, 86 Pawtucket river, 131 [264] Inde: Pennsylvania, 88-103 Smibert, John, 122, 261 Pennsylvania College (now uni- Smith, William, 96 versity), 96 Perth Amboy, 104 Philadelphia, 88-91 Pocomoke river, 87 Portsmouth, 146 Potomac, Falls of, 68 Potomac river, 40 Presbyterians, 90, 103, 104, 121 Princeton, 103 Providence, 131 Q, Quakers, 90, 96, 99, 103, 113, 121 Quantico river, 66 R Randolph, Peyton, 203 Rappahannock, Falls of, 64 Rappahannock river, 40 Redwood Library, 260 Rhode Island, 120-131 Richmond, 35 Roman Catholics, 84, 90, 116 S Society Library, 116, 258 South river, 86 Spotswood, Alexander, 41, 255 Staten Island, no Sterling, Captain, 29 Symes, Colonel, 61 Susquehanna river, 86 Tarrying, 141, 262 Tasco, Colonel, 85 Trenton, 103 Trinity Church, New York, 112 V Virginia, 32-80, 253 W Wampum, no Washington, George, 36, 67, 74, 76 Washington, Lawrence, 211 West, Benjamin, 96 West Point, 39 Whitefield, George, 90 StagGdeorg°eC'S Chapel, New York, ™!!lam and Mar^ College> Williamsburg, 33, 253 Wilmington, 88 Winchester, 74 Woodbridge, 105 Wye river, 86 112, 257 Sassafras river, 86 Schenectady, 114 Schuyler, Colonel John, 106 Schuyler, Colonel Peter, 107 Severn river, 80, 86 Shenandoah river, 73 Shirley, William, 133, 261 Sinclair, Sir John, 103 Slavery, Negro, 47, 54, 66, 114, York, 32 Wythe, George, 53, 256 Y Yale College, 122 124 York river, 39 THE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SANTA CRUZ This book is due on the last DATE stamped below. 3 DUE APR 2 2 1991 ?.PR 20 1991 REC'D lOOm-8,'65 (F6282s8)2373 E162.B972 1904 3 2106 00056 0216