\e\d Natural History Publicationsjan tViropological LI B R. A FLY OF THE U N IVERSITY Of ILLl NOIS 5*7 2. OS FA cop.2 . ^ Field Columbian Museum Publication 103 Anthropological Series Vol. IX, No. 2 THE CHEYENNE BY George A. Dorsey Curator, Department of Anthropology II. THE SUN DANCE Chicago, U. S. A. May, 1905 THE LIBRARY OF THE APR 25 1949 tiliWZTC •.Lt.,u.S FA THE SUN DAXCE By George A. Dorsey CONTENTS. Page Introductory note ---------- xiii PART I.— GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. Name of the ceremony --------- 57 The vow ------------ gy Interval between the vow and the ceremony ----- 58 Time and duration of the ceremony ------- ^g The assemblage and formation of the camp-circle - - - . 61 The participants -...-----. 62 Synopsis of the ceremony by days ------ g^ PART II.— THE CEREMONY. Preliminary days --.....--. 66 July eighth -- -- 66 July ninth ----------- 66 July tenth ..-- 66 The First Day 67 The Warriors '-tipi --------- 67 The Priests '-tipi ---------- 68 Selection of chief priest ------- 68 The Second Day ---------- 69 The morning feast --------- 69 The Lodge-maker invites the priests ------ 70 The Cheyenne and Arapaho social dance ----- 70 The office of Crier -.-..---. 7J The Lone-tipi - - - - -- - - - - 72 The barren earth --------- 72 Assembling of the Lone-tipi priests ----- 7^ The pipe -tamper and cleaner - - - - - - - 73 The first earth --------- 7^ Smoking the red pipe -------- 7^ Filling the sacred pipe ------- 76 Painting the sacred pipe - - - - - - -- 78 The second earth -------- 7^ Painting the Crier --------- 80 The announcement -------- 81 Sacrifice of food and the feast 82 Events outside the Lone-tipi ------- 8a The Spy for the center- pole -- 82 Selecting the site of the lodge - 83 V vi Contents Page The Third Day ----- 83 Secret rites outside the Lone-tipi ------ 84 Wolf-Face selects the center-pole tree, 1901 . - - . 84 The priests search for a larger earth ----- 84 The third earth --------- 85 The return to the Lone-tipi ------- 87 Secret rites in the Lone-tipi ------- 88 The fourth earth --------- 89 The sacrifice and feast - - - - - - - - 89 Spy for the center-pole chosen ------ qq Smoking the red pipe -------- qq The buffalo skull --------- 91 The fifth earth - - - - - - - -- 91 The Rehearsal --------- q2 The Fourth Day ---------- ^2 Secret rites in the Lone-tipi ------- ^3 The Lodge-maker's robe ------- g-^ The feast and preparation of the priests - . - - g^ The woman's belt --------- g^ The Lodge-maker's head-dress ------ g^ The woman's skirt --------- 95 The Lodge-maker's whistle ------- 96 Preparing the buffalo skull ------- q6 The center-pole image -------- 97 The drum-stick rattles -------- gg Filling the sacred pipe -------- 98 Painting the sacred pipe - - - - - - - 100 The earth-peg and fire-spoon - - - - - - loi The noonday feast - - - - - - - - 102 The enemy arrow - - - - - - - - 102 Painting the earth-peg - - - - - - - - 103 The arrow and the earth-peg ------ 104 Painting the Lodge-maker and his wife - - - - - 104 The priests prepare to leave the Lone-tipi . . - - 106 The Lone-tipi is abandoned - - - - - - - 107 Public rites of the forenoon ------- 108 Counting coup at the site of the center-pole - - - - 108 Timbers for the Sun Dance lodge ----- 109 The Lodge-maker invites the warrior societies - - - - 110 The center-pole - - - - - - - - - jii The hole for the center-pole - - - - - - - 112 The completion of the Sun Dance lodge - - - - - 113 Painting the lodge poles - - - - - - - 114 The fork of the center-pole - - - - - - - 116 Raising the center-pole - - - - - - - 11 8 The completion of the lodge - - - - - - - 120 The priests enter the lodge - - - - - - - 120 Contents vii Page Evening rites in the Sun Dance lodge - - - - - - 121 Rehearsal and informal smoking -- - - - - 121 The dedication of the lodge - - - - - - - 122 Preparation ---------- 124 The dancers assemble - - - - - - - - 124 Filling the sacred pipe - - - - - - - 125 Thurification - - - - -•- - - - 126 First songs --------- 126 Second songs --------- 126 The rawhide parfiesh - - - - - - - - 127 Third songs - - - - - - - - - 127 Hand and arm drill - - - - - - - - 127 Fourth songs - - - - - - - - - 127 Fifth songs --------- 128 Sixth songs ---------129 Seventh and eighth songs - - - - - - 129 The Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker's wife - - - - - 130 The beginning of the dance - - - - - - - 131 The Fifth Day ----- 132 The erection of the altar - - - - - - - - 132 The excavation - - - - - - - - - 133 Preparation of the altar sticks ------ 134 Securing the sods --------- j^j The semi-circle and altar foliage ----- 140 The dry sand painting - - - - - - - - 142 The rainbow sticks -------- i^^ The men sticks - - - - - - - - - 145 Filling the sacred pipe ------- 147 The dancers are painted, first paint ------ 147 The feast and sacrifice of food - . - - - . j^g Piercing the children's ears - - - - - - - 150 Final preparation of the dancers - - - - - - 151 Thurifying the rawhide - - - - - - - - 152 The first dance - - - - - - - - - 152 The second paint - - - - - - - - - 154 The Sixth Day 156 The sunrise dance - - - - - - - - - - 157 The third paint - - - - - - - - - 157 The fourth paint - - - - - - - - - - 160 The fifth paint - - - - - - - - - 161 The Chief Priest dances with the Lodge-maker - - - - 161 The final dance ---------- 162 Breaking the fast --------- 163 Smoking the sacred pipe -------- 164 The sweat bath - --------- 165 The fate of the Sun Dance lodge ------ 166 viii Contents PART III.— PAINTS WORN BY THE DANCERS. Page Paints worn by the Lodge-maker's wife - - - - - - 167 Paints worn by the Lodge-maker - - - - - - - 168 Prescribed or regular paints - - - - - - - - 169 1. The Yellow paint - - - - - - - - - 169 2. The Pink paint - - - -- - - - - 170 3. The White or Hail paint - - - - - -- 170 o. The green-White paint - - - - - - - 170 b. The white-White paint - - - - - -- 171 4. The Black, Cyclone, or Dragon- Flj' paint - - - - 172 a. The green-Black paint - - - - - - - 172 c. The white-Black paint ------- 17^ Special paints worn in 1903 -----... ij^ Paints worn by the Arapaho - - - -.-.- - 1^4 PART IV.— TORTURE. Ancient forms of torture - - - - - - - - - 175 The torture incidents of 1903 -- - - - - - 177 PART v.— CONCLUSION. Plate XVIII. XIX. XX. XXI. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII. XXIX. XXX. XXXI. XXXII. XXXIII. XXXIV. XXXV. XXXVI. XXXVII. XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL. XLI. XLII. XLIII. XLIV. XLV. XLVI. XLVII. XLVIII. XLIX. L. LI. LII. LIII. LIV. ILLUSTRATIONS. The Lodge-maker, on the Fourth day The camp-circle ---... Sun Dance priests ..... Arrival of bands at the camp-circle . - . Cheyenne and Arapaho social dance Cheyenne and Arapaho social dance . . . The Lone-tipi ...--. Filling the sacred pipe - - - . . Preparing the fire-spoon and earth-peg Priests abandoning the Lone-tipi - . - Leaders of societies in ceremonial attire Counting coup at site of center-pole Warrior societies parading - - - - Bringing in the timbers for the lodge The Lodge-maker inviting the societies Building the Sun Dance lodge . . . Building the Sun Dance lodge . . - Painting the lodge poles . . . . Painting the lodge poles . - . . The earth-peg and the Thunder-Bird's nest Raising the center-pole . . . . Raising the center-pole . . . . The priests entering the Sun Dance lodge The bed of the Lodge-maker's wife Priests making the excavation . . . Priests going after the altar sod . . . The priest preparing the hands of Sage- Woman Priests inserting the altar foliage The altar ....... The grandfathers painting the dancers A costumed dancer ..... Women bringing food for the feast Fig. a. Woman bringing bed into the lodge Fig. b. The Lodge-maker offering food Thurifying the rawhide .... Fig. a. Priest folding the rawhide . . . Fig. b. Lodge-maker with fire-spoon - Fig. c. Lodge-maker carrying the rawhide Scenes inside the lodge .... Fig. a. Exchanging presents Fig. b. Chief announcing a present Fig. c. Old chief and wife making love - Line of dancers at noon, last day General view of the Sun Dance lodge 134, Page 57 62 63 66 67 71 72 98 [OI to8 [09 [09 10 15 15 17 '9 19 21 24 [33 '35 '35 [40 [46 148 '49 '49 149 150 ■52 '52 152 '52 [57 157 :57 57 160 t6o Illustrations Plate LV. LVI. LVII. LVIII. LIX. LX. LXI. LXII. LXIII. LXIV. LXV. LXVI. LXVII. LXVIII. Fig. a. Lodge-maker's wife, first paint Fig. b. Lodge-maker's wife, second paint Fig. a. Lodge-maker's wife, fourth and fifth paints Fig. b. Lodge-maker, second paint Fig. a. The Yellow paint ----- Fig. b. The Pink paint - - - . Fig. a. The green-White or Hail paint Fig. b. The white-White or Hail paint Fig. a. The green-Black or Cyclone paint Fig. b. The white-Black or Cyclone paint Fig. a. Special paint ----- Fig. b. Special paint . - - . . Fig. a. Special paint - - Fig. b. First paint of the Arapaho Fig. a. Second paint of the Arapaho - - - Fig. b. Third and fourth paints of the Arapaho Sun Dance torture, to center pole Torture by means of skulls attached to back Torture by skewers in cheeks . - - - Torture, fulfilling a dream - - - - Ancient tribal torture marks - - - - Torture incident of 1903 - - . - . Figure The Lodge-maker, 1901 Section of the camp-circle - - . - Section of the camp-circle, 1901 Arrival of a band at the camp-circle Parade of the Dew-claw Rattle society - The Warriors '-tipi ------ The Lodge-maker inviting priests Social dance ------- Spectators at social dance - - - - War-bonnets exposed to the sun - - - Women removing Warriors '-tipi - - - The cleared earth in the Lone-tipi - - - A priest on his way to the Lone-tipi Diagram of Lone-tipi - - - - . Sacred pipe ------ Lone-tipi priest smoking sacred pipe Chief Priest preparing to form the earth The Chief Priest preparing Lodge-maker's hands The pipe-tampers and new earth - - - The Lodge-maker taking up the sacred bundle The Lone-tipi priests in line - - - Chief Priest assisting the Lodge-maker Diagram of Lodge-maker's robe - - - Cedar-Tree preparing the woman's belt The buffalo skull . - - . - The buffalo-skull altar in the Lone-tipi The rawhide human effigy - - - - Page 167 167 168 168 169 169 171 171 172 172 173 173 174 174 174 174 176 176 176 177 177 179 58 60 61 61 67 68 70 71 71 71 72 72 73 75 76 85 85 86 87 87 94 95 97 97 Illustrations , xi Figure Page 28. Filling the sacred pipe ....-.-- qq Picking up the bowl of the sacred pipe ----- 99 Painting the sacred pipe - - - - - - - - 100 Painting the sacred pipe - - - - - - - loi The fire-spoon - - - - - -. - - - loi The earth-peg - - - - - - - - - 102 The Lodge-maker, in ceremonial costume - - - - 105 The Lodge-maker's wife in ceremonial costume - - - 106 The Lodge-maker's wife carrying buffalo skull - - - - 107 The priests abandoning the Lone-tipi - - - - - 107 Lodge-maker's wife depositing the buffalo skull - - - 108 The Lone-tipi priests -------- 108 The Lodge-maker at end of line of priests - - - - 108 Women with head-dresses and lances of willow - - - 109 A warrior society en route to the timber - - - - - no Preparing the timbers for the lodge - - - - - m Erecting the lodge - - - - - - - - - m The chiefs bringing in the center-pole - - - - - 112 Digging the hole for the center-pole - - - - - 112 Spectators making offerings - - - - - - 113 Making an offering to the buffalo skull - - - - - 113 Priests smoking offering pipes - - - - - - 114 Painting the center-pole - - - - - - - - 115 Placing the brush in the fork of the center-pole - - - 117 Making offerings to the fork of the center-pole - - - 118 Lodge-maker's wife picking up the pipe - - - - ,118 Raising the center-pole - - - - - - - - 119 Completing the Sun Dance lodge - - - - - 119 The Lodge-maker's wife carrying the skull - - - - 120 The priests entering the Sun Dance lodge, 1901 - - - 120 Musicians within the Sun Dance lodge - - - - - 121 The chiefs selecting leaders ------- 123 Diagram of lodge - - - - - - - - - 125 Priests decorticating altar sticks - - - - - - 134 Priests leaving the lodge for the sods - - - - - 135 The Lodge-maker's wife and Sage- Woman - - - - 136 Diagram of sods - - - - - - - - - 136 Priest outlining sods - - - - - - - - 137 The fifth piece of sod - - - - - - - - 137 Sage- Woman and the Lodge-maker's wife - . - . 138 The Lodge-maker's wife placing the sods - - - - - 138 Diagram of position of sods and skull ----- 139 Priests making the semi-circle of earth - - - - - 139 Chief Priest directing the Lodge-maker - - - . 1^0 Lodge-maker's wife picking up the digging stick - - - 141 Lodge-maker's wife with the altar foliage - - - - 141 Lodge-maker's wife completing altar foliage - - - - 142 Preparing the dry-sand picture ------ 143 Preparing the rainbow sticks - - - - - - - 144 Inserting the rainbow sticks - - - - - - 145 xii Illustrations Figure Page 78. Decorticating the men sticks ------- 145 79. Attaching downy feathers to the altar sticks - - - - 146 80. A dancer receiving his paint - - - - - - - 147 81. Priest repainting the Lodge-maker's robe - - - - 148 82. The bed in the lodge - - - - - - - - 149 83. Women removing the bed from the lodge - - - - i^o 84. A dancer sacrificing food - - - - - - - - 150 85. Costumed dancers, 1901 --.--.- 151 86. Costumed dancer - -- - - - - - - 152 87. Dancers whistling toward the center-pole, 1901 - - - 153 88. Dancers washing off the paint - - - - - - 153 89. Dancers washing off the paint .-_--- 1^4 90. Arapaho dancer taking up willow pole - - - - - 154 91. Pipes carried by the Arapaho dancers - - - - - 155 92. Arapaho dancers in line - - - - - - - - 156 93. Lodge-maker sacrificing to the altar - - - - - 158 94. Woman removing bed from the lodge - - - - - 159 95. Diagram of lodge showing positions of sage - - - - 160 96. Chief Priest wearing gifts of blankets - - - - - 161 97. Chief Priest dancing by side of Lodge-maker - - - 161 98. Chief Priest and Lodge-maker dancing by center-pole - - 162 99. Altar, after partial destruction by Lodge-maker - - - 162 100. Final dance, line facing the east - - - - - - 162 loi. Final dance, led by Chief Priest ------ 163 102. The emetic ---------- 164 103. The abandoned lodge -------- 165 104. Dancers wearing the white Cyclone paint - - - - 173 105. Diagram showing method of attaching torture thongs - - 179 106. Individual with thongs attached to back - - - - - 179 107. Dragging buffalo skulls attached to back - - - - 179 108. Priest removing the skewers - - - - - - - 180 INTRODUCTORY NOTE. This account of the Cheyenne Sun Dance is the second of a series of reports resulting from a study of the Sun Dance of the Plains tribes, that of the Arapaho having been the first. The method of treatment of the ceremony under consideration follows somewhat closely that of my account of the Arapaho ceremony.* I first witnessed the Cheyenne Sun Dance in 1901, at which time it was held on the north fork of the Washita River, a few miles from Watanga. The second Sun Dance which I witnessed, in 1903, was held a few miles east of Eagle City, also on the north fork of the Washita. The Sun Dance held in 1902 near the town of Calumet I did not witness. The ceremony was not pledged for the year 1904, and it is possible that it will never again be pledged, owing to the unwarranted and unjust notoriety given the ceremony of 1903 by false reports concerning certain events of the ceremony, made by John H. Segar, United States Indian Agent, of Colony, Oklahoma, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. During the performance of 190 1 I was given authority by a council of chiefs to witness all the rites of the ceremony, and I remained throughout this performance, using De Forest Antelope as inter- preter and Bushy-Head, a well-known medicine-man from the King- fisher district, as chief informant. At that time my knowledge of the Cheyenne was slight; it was impossible, therefore, for me to make close observations of the rites in the Lone-tipi. I spent the greater part of the three preliminary days of the ceremony in obtaining from Bushy-Head such information as to the meaning of the cere- mony as he could furnish. The ceremony of 1901 was unsatisfactory from the facts that the rites of the Lone-tipi were much hurried and that the number of dancers was small, and the ceremony came to an abrupt end. The ceremony of 1903 was, from the point of view of the Indians themselves, entirely satisfactory; for, although the United States Agent at Cantonment had made the foolish threat that he would stop the ceremony by calling out the troops, yet the assurance given them that they had a legal right to their ceremony and that no one could lawfully interfere with a religious performance caused them to feel at ease and the priests and dancers entered into the *Cf. The Arapaho Sun Dance, Field Columbian Museum, Anthrojxjlogical Series, Vol. IV. xiv Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX. ceremony with enthusiasm. In connection with neither the first nor second ceremony was there any disturbance by either spectators or by the Indians themselves ; in fact, it would be difficult to conceive of a gathering of white people, even for religious purposes, of such large numbers, conducting themselves in a more orderly manner. The true spirit of the ceremony of 1903 was especially heightened by the fact that the Indians restricted the number of white spec- tators, and the ceremony was therefore largely devoid of the element of a spectacle for pay, such as is characteristic at times of certain large Indian gatherings of this nature. By the time of the ceremony of 1903 I was much better acquainted with the leading men of the tribe and was given every facility for observing the rites of the ceremony, both secret and public, under very favorable circumstances. My interpreter at this time was Richard Davis, who proved competent, and who manifested great interest and enthusiasm in his work. The priests of the Lone-tipi, at their first session and at my request, appointed one of their num- ber, a well-known chief and Sun Dance priest, by the name of Roman- Nose-Warrior, who should devote his time to me. This arrangement proved quite satisfactory, and to the interest manifested by him and to his effort that I misunderstand no detail of the ceremony, I am greatly indebted. Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of Ethnology, was also present at this cereinony, and he improved the opportunity for obtaining information from the chiefs for use in certain inves- tigations which he was conducting for this Institution. All the photographs herewith produced, except a few made by Mr. Carpenter, the photographer of this museum, or by Mr. Mooney, were made by myself during the ceremony. When not otherwise indicated, it will be understood that the illustrations are from photo- graphs made by me in 1903. The narrative part of this account will follow the ceremony of 1903, which was far more complete than that of 1901, and which was studied in greater detail. Where the 1901 ceremony differed materially from that of 1903 it will be noted. George A. Dorsey. May I, 1905. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XVIII. PL. XVIII. The Lodge-maker, on the Fourth Day. ^m^jmmm^:^^m^d.^^ ■: ,^;*,ism:mk. PART I.— GENERAL OBSERVATIONS. Before considering the detailed rites of the ceremony as they are enacted during the successive days that constitute the performance it is necessary to explain briefly certain preliminary events connected with the ceremony, such as its name, time, duration, etc. NAME OF THE CEREMONY. The name given by the Cheyenne to the Sun Dance is the New- Life-lodge. According to the interpretation of the priest, the name means not only the lodge of new life, or lodge of new birth, but it is also the new life itself. The performance of the ceremony is sup- posed to re-create, to re-form, to re-animate the earth, vegetation, animal life, etc. ; hence it would not be inappropriate to speak of the Sun Dance as the ceremony of rebirth or of the renaissance. Addi- tional information as to the significance of the name of the ceremony may be found in the following remarks made by a priest in answer to a question as to the meaning of the word: "Formerly this dance represented only the creation of the earth. The Cheyenne grew care- less and combined other things with the ceremony. At the time of the Lone-tipi, though everything is barren, the earth is beginning to grow. Now it has grown. Thus they make the earth, buffalo wal- low, grease, wool, and sinew to make growth. By the time of the end of the lodge things have grown, people have become happy ; the world has reached its full growth, and people rejoice. When they use the bone whistle they are happy like the eagle, which is typical of all birds and of all happiness." THE VOW. The Sun Dance of the Cheyenne, like that of the Arapaho, but unlike that of the Siouan tribes, is the direct result of a vow or pledge made by a single individual. The ceremony of 1903 was pledged by an individual by the name of Little-Hawk (see PI. XVIII.), whose wife is one of the medicine-women of the tribe. It seems that shortly after the ceremony of 1902 Little-Hawk's child was taken suddenly and violently ill, and at that time he vowed that he would, on the fol- lowing year, give the ceremony. The ceremony of 1901 was the direct result of a vow made by 57 ( ■^.^iijf^^' '^''\ \.. ' V^N ^ ^^ "" .' r^'^ ^L^K. % Hh^m^ \ y^' 'i ^^^^^^^K*r> imi^Jk IHIHw' ^ ^ /i *^\ ■ ^1 HE^sMk ■i A V iB P^vpMg^^^^B M^SBB^ i I'j HRh iH m y ^H 1 58 Field Columrian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. the wife of Pappai (see Fig. i), who, during a thunderstorm, saw a bolt of lightning coming directly toward her. It appears that vows for the preservation of the life of a member of the pledger's family is now the chief reason for the pledge, and this prob- ably has been the most fre- quent occasion of the vow in the past. Other reasons, how- ever, are assigned as causes for making the vow. Thus it is said, for example, that when men have been hard pressed while on the war-path, and it seemed not possible for them to escape the enemy, they have vowed to give the ceremony should they be permitted to escape. Again, it is said that on certain occasions men have been out in a stcrm and it seemed as if the light- ning were about to strike them, and in fact, so it is believed, the lightning would have struck them had they not instantly pledged the ceremony. A man may pledge the ceremony more than cnce. It is said of one individual that he made the lodge four times. Tall-Man, the Chief Priest in 1901, made the ceremony three times. The name given to the pledger is "reproducer," or "multiplier"; for through him the tribe is supposed to be reborn and to increase, and, as the name of the ceremony itself applies, through his act all nature is supposed to reproduce her kind. Fig. I. The Lodge-maker, igoi. INTERVAL BETWEEN THE VOW AND THE CEREMONY. Shortly after making the vow, Little-Hawk asked the members of the warrior society to which he belonged, the Dew-clan Rattle, to assemble at his lodge, for they were to prepare the feast. On this occasion he appeared before them with his face and hands painted red, the painting having been done by a medicine-man. Thereafter he would continue to wear red paint until the last day of the ceremony, although the time might be ten or twelve months or even longer. After the warriors were gathered in the lodge he presented to the head man of the society a pipe which was passed about the circle May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 59 and smoked. He then formally asked* them to dance with him and assist him in the ceremony. At this time Little-Hawk's fellow- warriors made him many presents, such as ponies, moccasins, blan- kets, calico, and money. It is the custom that should it not, for any reason, be proper for the wife of the Pledger to take part in the Sun Dance, he should at this time, with the advice of the men of his society, appgint a woman to take her place. After this meeting Little- Hawk went from place to place visiting the different camps in his district and the camps of the other districts, informing all that he encountered that he had made the pledge, and inviting them to participate in the ceremony. Later in the year Little-Hawk again made a feast and invited the members of his own society, at which meeting they conferred and decided on a time and place for the ceremony. After the meeting he continued gathering presents to help him defray the expenses of the ceremony, and he gave his special attention to the securing of certain objects which would be required in the ceremony, such as paints, the sacred pipe, feathers, rattles, jerked meat, medicinal roots, buffalo robe, buffalo skull, etc. In this the members of his society assisted him. During the time between the making of the vow and the cere- mony, the Pledger and his wife discontinue relationship as man and wife, for should they have connection, one or both of them would die. A similar fate would follow in case either proved untrue and com- mitted adultery. During this time, also, no one of the tribe may pass in front of either the Pledger or his wife, either within or out of doors; for should this happen one or both of them would die, and the person who committed the offense would meet with misfortune. TIME AND DURATION OF THE CEREMONY. As among the Arapaho, I have been unable to find that any one of the summer months among the Cheyenne is peculiarly appropriate for the Sun Dance. It may not be held, however, until the grass has reached its full growth and the willows and cottonwoods are in full leaf. It is more than possible that formerly the time of the beginning of the dance was regulated by the phase of the moon. All the cere- monies of which I have record were held either in July or August, the majority of them in July. •The reason of this request is that the dancers, in the Cheyenne ceremony, participate, not because they also have vowed to dance, but because they belong to the warrior society of the one who has pledged the ceremony. 6o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. As already noted, the occasion of the ceremony is a vow or pledge ; consequently, should no vow or pledge have been made, there would be no Sun Dance. The ceremony is not, therefore, necessarily annual, as it is, so far as I have been able to ascertain, among the Ponca and the other tribes of the Sioux. With but a single excep- tion, it is said the ceremony has never been held more than once in a single year. On this occasion an epidemic in the tribe was respon- sible for a second performance, which took place with only a single day intervening between it and the first performance, the same camp-circle being used for both. As pointed out in another place, the duration of the ceremony varies to a slight extent. I have found a considerable amount of discrepancy among the priests themselves as to what actually consti- tutes the first day; but it is easy to establish the fact that the day on which the altar is erected is at least the fourth day, possibly the fifth. This is the first day of the fasting and on this day the first paint is worn by the dancers. The duration of the ceremony beyond this day depends entirely upon the number of days which the Chief Priest fasted when he himself was Lodge-maker. It is said that there is no Sun Dance priest now living who, as Lodge-maker, fasted four days. Two Cheyenne who recently died are said to have fasted four days. Of these Maple-Tree was reputed to have lived to the age of io8 years and Black-Man to the age of 98 years. The most common period of fasting is two days, this being the duration of the fasting in both 1 90 1 and 1903. It seems, therefore, that originally the dura- tion of the ceremony, should the so-called altar day be regarded as the fourth day, was eight days. It should be noted, however, that in consider- ing the altar day as the fourth day, this omits in the reckoning both the erec- tion of the Warriors '-tipi and the formation of the camp- circle. The majority of my informants are inclined to re- gard the altar day as the fourth day, and the ceremony therefore would vary from five to eight days' duration, ac- cording to the number of P'lG. 2. Section of the camp-circle. fasting or dancing days. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 61 THE ASSEMBLAGE AND FORMATION OF THE CAMP-CIRCLE. Formerly when the agent was not insisting that they assemble promptly, hurry through their ceremony, and return to their homes, much time was consumed in the formation of the camp-circle. In the formation of the circle in 1903, however, less haste was shown than in that of 1901. On July 8th the first band arrived, consisting chiefly of the Dog-men Warriors. They pitched their tipis in the plain on the right bank of the river, which had been selected as the site of the ceremony. (See Figs. 2 and 3.) Formerly it was customary for the bands as they arrived to pitch their tipis without reference to the camp-circle ; for as yet it was assumed that the circle had not been definitely marked out. This task fell to the members of the warrior society of the Pledger who, when they had erected their tipis and had laid out the circle and placed their tipis in the proper place in the circle, were supposed to go out and drive the remainder of the tribe into the camp. When the entire tribe had appeared and a tipi known as the "War- riors'-tipi" had been selected, the camp-circle was formed. On the following day addi- tional bands arrived, chiefly from the Kingfisher and Dar- lington districts (see Fig. 4) , and the circle was marked out. On July loth additional bands arrived, and the circle was fairly well filled, there being a ' sufficient number of each band present to give the ircle the appearance of completeness. The camp-circle was more than a mile in diam- eter, with an open space or entrance on the eastern side, probably a quarter Fig. 3. Section of the camp-circle, iqoi. - • J^a'^* ^i ^ WfB'- ^^Pr^'^-'' ; .■'■■ ' '•* -^ • ^-ivaS k ""r: ' ■ ' ' '■^m Fig. 22. Chid J'ricsi . - Lodge-maker. the SECRET RITES IN THE LONE-TIPI. After resting a few moments, the knife and a stick were passed to the Chief Priest, who held them out in his right hand in front of him. He touched the finger of his left hand to the ground, put it to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat five times upon the knife and the stick, holding them in the direction of the assistant Chief Priest. Then the latter turned away his head, shut his eyes, and held out both hands. The Chief Priest again touched his finger to the ground, put it to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat five times in the hands of the assistant Chief Priest, into which he then placed the knife and stick. The assistant Chief Priest decorticated and fashioned the stick. Deafy lighted a pipe and held it out in both hands with the stem pointing upwards, pointing it first towards his right, towards his left, straight ahead, up, out again, and down. He lighted the pipe, smoked it, and started it around the circle. As the Chief Priest received the pipe he directed the stem toward the ground in front of him. The Lodge-maker was directed by Lone-Wolf to go after cer- tain objects. He returned bringing a black pipe, live coals, and a stick, which he gave to Cedar-Tree. The latter made of the stick two pipe cleaners for the black pipe. The Lodge-maker gave the assistant Chief Priest some wool from his robe, which the latter placed May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 89 in front of himself. The Lodge-maker moved up by the side of the assistant Chief Priest and the Chief Priest prepared his hands as before and he wrapped one of the two sticks in the buffalo wool. The Fourth Earth. They formed the earth anew, as on the preceding day, making a circular motion first, then five motions down, the first being to the .southeast, the fifth in the center. The assistant Chief Priest took up the pipe, and placed it by the side of the new-formed earth, and by its side the two cleaners, the one bearing the buffalo wool being next the pipe. The Lodge-maker took up the coal which he had dropped at random on the cleared space when he brought it in, and placed it by the end of the pipe stem. The assistant Chief Priest picked up the pipe and pointed the stem toward the earth, he lighted the pipe, took a few whiffs, made a circular motion with the stem of the pipe over the "earth" and one pass with t^ie stem toward the "earth," smoked and handed the pipe to the Lodge-maker, who had resumed his seat next to the door on the south side. He smoked, first pointing the stem to the ground ; then the pipe was passed around the circle until it was smoked out, and was passed to the assistant Chief Priest, who cleaned it and put it down. After clean- ing it he stood it up and moved it toward the Lodge-maker four times, whereupon the latter grasped it with both hands and took it to his body, where he pressed it on his right side, then on his left, then on his right, then on his left, and then along the median line of his body ; he then rubbed his hands over it and laid it down, then took it up and filled it, and passed it back to the assistant Chief Priest. The Sacrifice and Feast. The Lodge-maker gave the assistant Chief Priest a piece of meat from the feast which had been brought in. The latter tore off a small bit and handed it to the Lodge-maker, who raised it aloft, and then deposited it under the two pipe-cleaners, and pressed his palms over them and the pipe. The Lodge-maker's wife entered and squatted down in front of the Chief Priest. He took up a piece of meat from the bowl of food in front of him, touched his finger to the ground, and put it to his tongue, took a bite of root, spat upon the meat five times, and gave it to the Lodge-maker's wife. She moved it toward her mouth four times, then ate it, and drank some water. She left the lodge. The Lodge-maker went up and received a piece of meat from the Chief Priest in the same manner, then the food was distribu- 90 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. ted among all those present. The priests ate. After the feast the pipe was lighted as before. While they were smoking, the Lodge- maker made the following prayer: "Now, my friends, priests, I pray for you and all your children and relatives. Have pity this day and help me perform the ceremony in the right way, and we will have good weather if we do so." The assistant Chief Priest distributed pieces of calico which had been brought in with the feast, and the dishes were passed out of the lodge to the women awaiting to receive them. Spy for the Center-Pole Chosen. Big-Baby was warned to be on hand early on the following morn- ing to locate the site of the big lodge, and also to dig the hole for the center-pole.* One of the priests now told the Lodge-maker to take a pipe either to Mad-Wolf or to Wolf-Face who, as already explained, were the only two who had acted as spies when the whole tribe went out on the war-path, and so one or the other of these two had the right to act as spy for the site of the lodge-pole. Smoking the Red Pipe. The red pipe was filled by the Lodge-maker, and lighted by the assistant Chief Priest, who blew one puff and directed the point of the stem toward the "earth." He smoked, and the pipe was passed around the south half of the circle. The Chief Priest made a short speech, asking the remaining priests to help him and to support him. Again the wife of the Lodge-maker brought into the tipi a pail of water. She went over by the Chief Priest and he touched his finger to the ground, then put it to his tongue, took a bite of root and spat upon the water five times. She drank from the pail, which, however, was held by the Lodge-maker, while she knelt over it and did not touch it. It was then carried to the Lodge-maker, who took the pail to the Chief Priest to drink, placing his left hand, as before, upon his head. After some discussion, the priests decided to discontinue further preparation until later in the afternoon. This, as already explained, was largely due to the fact that certain necessary raw material which should be prepared on the afternoon had not yet been secured. * When a man becomes too old to locate the center-pole, some young man may obtain the privilege by payment of a pony or a present of equal value, and thus obtain the right, and the old man retires. The one who gets the right must have been a Sun Dance Lodge-maker. He is given the same name as that given to a pile of stones which is placed on a hill to mark the vicinity of a spring of water. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 91 The Buffalo Skull. By the time the priests had returned in the afternoon for the continuation of the secret rites, certain material had been provided by members of the warrior society and placed at the back of the lodge. An old buffalo skull had also been placed upside down in front of the tipi, facing it and at a distance of about fifty feet. The skull had been brought to the camp by Bushy-Head, a promi- nent medicine-man of the Kingfisher district. When the Lone-tipi was erected, the Lodge-maker's wife had taken it from Bushy-Head's tipi and carried it west of the Lone-tipi, where she placed it on the ground upside down. There it had remained until Little Hawk, at noon on this day, carried it in front of the Lone-tipi, where he mo- tioned it toward the ground four times, then rested it on the ground on its side and moved it back and forth four times and left it. The assistant Chief Priest went up to the skull, rubbed both hands four times over the north half of the skull from the east toward the west, putting his hands on the ground in front of the skull after each movement.* Thus he ceremonially cleaned off the element of age from the skull. He made a prayer. He then made four passes toward the skull with his hands and grasped it at the base of the horns, lifted it up, pausing while lifting four times, and turned it toward the south. Stooping well over it, he lifted it up and carried it slowly toward the tipi. Having approached the entrance he halted and motioned the skull toward the tipi four times, thus drawing four herds of buffalo. Within, he proceeded by way of the south to the west, and moving the skull four times he placed it so that the anterior half rested on the cleared space, and faced the center of the tipi. The Fifth Earth. The assistant Chief Priest sat down on the south side of the skull and just in front and at the south side of the jaw formed a new "earth," representing a buffalo wallow. The Chief Priest handed the sacred bundle to the assistant Chief Priest, who placed it to the south of him, while the Chief Priest placed the buffalo chip behind the skull. The latter sat down behind the bundle, unfastened the tie strings, and removed the pipe which had been tied up in buffalo hair and calico. He then untied the bundle proper, and from a calico wrapper, inside of which was a large quantity of buffalo hair, he took out a sack made of the pericardium of a buffalo heart. He made four passes * Formerly the lofj bone of a buffalo was actually rubbed over the skull to ceremonially purify it. 92 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. toward the sack, took it up slowly, and moved it toward the newly formed "earth." Then, with four lowering motions, he rested it on the earth and opened it. It contained herbs of some sort, to be used for thurifying. The Chief Priest tied up the bundle and the assist- ant Chief Priest placed it on the south side of the sack. The Rehearsal. There now followed a pause, during which time the priests talked and smoked informally, awaiting the time when the Crier should call the members of the Dew-claw Rattle society to come to the tipi to rehearse. The Lodge-maker got a live coal, and placed it in the center of the cleared space. He knelt in front of the Chief Priest, turned away his head, and closed his eyes, while the Chief Priest touched his finger to the ground, then to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat upon the Lodge-maker's hands five times. The Lodge- maker rubbed the palms of his hands together and rubbed himself. He knelt on the south side of the skull and in front of the Chief Priest. The stick was passed by him to the Chief Priest, and with it he placed the coal on the "earth" or wallow, which, as will be remem- bered, was made under the tip of the jaw of the skull. He then made five passes toward the bag, and from it took a pinch of incense, which he placed on the coal, first making a downward movement four times. He then sat down in his accustomed place. This was the last formal rite of the evening. Shortly after the Dew-claw warriors entered the tipi, where they spent the greater part of the night in informally rehearsing songs. THE FOURTH DAY. Before beginning the account of the secret rites in the Lone- tipi, which in the ceremony of 1903 took place on July 14th, it may again be noted that all the rites about to be described, and which took place on that day, should have taken place on the pre- ceding day. SECRET RITES IN THE LONE-TIPI Early in this morning a rawhide, folded like a parfiesh, the skin of a rabbit recently killed and which had been brought from the Northern Cheyenne, a bowl of lime paint, a long strip of sinew, and ten pipes were taken into the tipi. The rites began at about six o'clock in the morning, and the same priests, with one or two ex- ceptions, were present as during the rites of the preceding day. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 93 The Lodge-Maker's Robe. After a short period of smoking, Big-Baby took up the rabbit skin, because symbolic of food in general, and cut it into nine pieces. Through each piece he inserted a piece of string. The Lodge-maker passed to him his buffalo robe, and Big-Baby with an awl made nine holes in the robe. Eight of these holes were around the border, one being at the head, one at the tail, four at the four extremities, one in the middle on each side of the robe, and the ninth hole in the center. Holding the hair side of the robe out, Big-Baby attached to each of these holes a piece of the rabbit skin. The Lodge-maker left the tipi and soon returned bringing with him ten dried rawhide objects, each in the shape of a rattle. They were new, and as yet contained neither pebbles nor handles. He also brought a new hatchet and a piece of wood. By that time Big-Baby had fastened the last piece of rabbit skin to the robe. Next he mixed some white lime paint in a bowl and smeared the wool side of the robe with the paint, drawing a sun symbol on the right and a moon symbol on the left of the piece of rabbit skin at the center of the robe.* The paint of the buffalo robe, the location of the pieces of fur, and the method of inserting the string through the pieces of rabbit skin may be seen in the diagram. (See Fig. 23.) The Chief Priest stooped down with his back to Big-Baby and took up the robe with his two hands, grasping it along the median line. Thus holding it, he lifted it, pausing four times, completely from the ground, and put it on the Lodge-maker. The Feast and the Preparation of the Priests. The wife of the Lodge-maker brought into the tipi the usual amount of food for the feast, the first bowl being placed in front of the Chief Priest. Deafy, after having his hands prepared by the Chief Priest by the usual rite, began working on the piece of sinew, which, it has been noted, was brought into the lodge early in the morning. The Lodge-maker's hands being prepared in the same manner by the Chief Priest, he sat down in front of the Chief Priest and ate. The assistant Chief Priest moved and sat south of the buffalo skull while his hands were prepared by the Chief Priest. The Lodge-maker •The robe thus decorated represented a buffalo : of the nine pieces of fur, four represented the medicine spirits, one the sun, one the moon, one the mominK star, one the evening star, and one the spirit star. The privilege of paintinjj the Lodge-maker's robe and his wife's belt is obtained by purchase, and may be owned by but one priest at a time. It is now owned by Big- Baby. 94 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. left the tipi and returned with some live coals, which he placed in the center of the cleared space. The assistant Chief Priest reached toward the skull, moved his hand four times and picked up the sack containing the incense, which he tied up in a bundle. Then, with four more passes, he picked up the sacred bundle and placed it back of the buffalo skull, first moving it four times toward the "earth." The bundle was so placed that the stem of the pipe was pointing toward the south. A large bundle of fresh, long swamp Fig. 23. Diagram of Lodge-maker's robe. grass was brought into the lodge and placed by the side of the assistant Chief Priest and between him and the bundle. Red-Cloud and Black-Man had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest, and then the preparation of the objects to be used in the afternoon and on the following morning began in earnest. The Woman's Belt. Cedar-Tree took the rawhide outside the tipi in order to straighten it out, for, on account of its having been folded, it could not be opened. Having straightened the rawhide he returned with it, and, making four motions toward it, cut a belt for the woman. (See May, 1905. The Cheyexxi-: — Dorsey. 95 Fig. 24.) This was about four inches wide and long enough to go around her body. At the corners of each end he made, with a sharp knife, small holes for the inser- tion of the tying strings, which he cut from the remaining rawhide. He then cut a long strip of raw- hide to be used in the fork of the center-pole. The Lodge-Maker's Head- dress. ! I 1 •< ( preparing the woman's belt. Big-Baby began the prepara- '" " tion of the head-dress for the Lodge-maker. He took a goose feather, some horsehair, a piece of sage, the scalp of a red-headed woodpecker, and a piece of the windpipe of a buffalo. Having assembled the parts and combined them, he was ready to trim off the loose ends, but before beginning he related the following war story: "A party went many years ago against the Shoshoni, who were on Rosebud River. There was one tipi which we charged, and we killed all, and Little-Shield counted coup first, Porcupine-Sioux second, and I was the third to strike, and I took the scalp." He related the war story because he was "scalp- ing" the head-dress. Before painting the head-dress he fashioned the skirt to be worn by the woman. After this he motioned four times to the base of the head-dress and took it up, and on the right side of it he painted a white line, then a line on the left, another on the right, and another on the left. He then handed it to the Lodge-maker, who grasped it in both hands and drew it back against his body on his right side, then on his left, then on his right, then on his left, and then to the middle of his body. He then gave it a circular motion four times around his head, beginning first at the southeast comer. He then brought it against his breast again and finally placed it on his head. The Woman's Skirt. Having finished the head-dress, Big-Baby began to make a buck- skin skirt for the woman. Formerly this was made of buffalo hide, but as it is impossible to secure buffalo it is now made of buckskin. This was cut in rectangular shape, about three feet wide and four g6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. feet long. It was folded so that the two narrow ends were brought together and along these edges holes were made so that it could be laced. Having fashioned the tying strings, he thrust his fingers in the white lime paint and drew them irregularly over both exposed faces of the skirt, the markings being symbolic of rabbit tracks. The Lodge-Maker's Whistle. Deafy now prepared the eagle wing bone whistle to be used by the Lodge-maker. He attached to it a buckskin thong by which it could be suspended about the neck, and tied to it a piece of sage. Preparing the Buffalo Skull. While the priests under the direction of the Chief Priest were preparing the ceremonial costumes of the Lodge -maker and his wife, the assistant Chief Priest had been working continuously for over an hour on the buffalo skull. First he took up the bundle of swamp grass and began to fashion three large plugs for the two eye sockets and the nasal cavity. These finished, the Lodge-maker was re- minded that before he painted the skull or proceeded further he should have his compensation for the service. Consequently the Lodge-maker prayed as follows: "Please do this right; all of you will be happy; have pity on me and if you will perform this as you ought you will receive benefits from the ceremony," and left the tipi. He soon returned, bringing a gun, which he presented to the assistant Chief Priest. The latter made four moves with his hand and picked up one of the grass plugs and moved it four times toward the eye socket and inserted it. He repeated these motions while he placed in position the second plug. He then completed the piece which was to be placed in the nasal cavity; attempting to insert it, he discovered that the nasal bones were in the way. As he broke these out, one of the priests remarked that work of that nature should be done outside of the lodge. He knelt down behind the skull and painted a black line along the median line of the skull from back to front. The line was about an inch in width and represented the road to the four medicine spirits. Parallel with this and on each side he painted a narrower line in white, which also extended from the base to the anterior part of the skull. He then painted the remainder of the skull, including the horns, red. The white lines represented day, the black night, the red of the skull the earth. He then painted the two grass plugs in the eye and nasal sockets red; they represented May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 97 the vegetation of the earth. He next painted on the right jaw a large circle in solid red, representing the sun, and on the left jaw, in black, a crescent, or moon symbol, making four passes with his finger be- fore he began painting these two symbols. (See Fig. 25.) He then wrapped up the paints and placed the bags by the side of the sacred bundle, and the temporary altar was complete. (See Fig. 26.) V.J Fig. 25. The buffalo skull. The Center-Pole Image. Cedar-Tree, from the piece of rawhide remaining after he made the woman's belt, cut out the image of an armless man about twelve inches in length, fashioning it so that it had a membrum of undue proportions. Both sides of the posterior half of the figure, from the union of the legs to the top of the head, he painted black, with charcoal. The anterior half of the figure on both sides was left plain or white. Then he fastened to the top of the figure an eagle breath feather. (See Fig. 27.) The image was called a "person," or, more strictly speaking, a Pawnee ; that is, it represented in general the enomie?; of the Chevenne, V)ut the Pawnee especiallv, l)era\ise Fig. 26. The buffalo-skull altar in the Lone-tipi. Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. Fig. 27. The rawhide human effigy. they were the enemies that they most hated. The white represented the earth ; the black the clouds ; hence the figure also represented their enemies, both above and below. Later the same priest took two long pieces of sinew and twisted them, and with the rope thus made he suspended the figure from the center fork. The Drum-Stick Rattles. It has been noted that ten rawhide objects, to be used as rattles, had been brought into the tipi on this morning, together with a bundle of cottonwood sticks about four feet long. Deafy and another priest began to prepare the sticks and to trim and cut them into equal lengths; one of them was decorated. These were inserted in the mouth of the body of the rattles into which had first been placed pebbles. The place of union of the handle with the rattle was wrapped with sinews and the drum-stick rattles were complete. Filling the Sacred Pipe. It was then time to refill the sacred straight black pipe that had been smoked on the previous night. As the operation differed somewhat from the first, it is again described in full. (PI. XXV.) The assistant Chief Priest took his place by the side of the sacred bundle, moved his hands toward it four times, picked it up and placed it in front of him. (See Fig. 28.) He untied it and took out the pipe, stem, braided sweet- grass, and piece of sinew, and retied the bundle. He Jb xg. 28. Filling the sacred pipe. Pl. XXV. Filling the Sacred Pipe. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXV. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 99 took the sinew and tore from it five shreds and placed them across his hands as in the rite already described, the act of closing the hand now representing people coming together to be united. The Lodge-maker moved toward the west and sat between the assistant Chief Priest and the Chief Priest. He opened out his buffalo robe and placed on it some tobacco. The Chief Priest then prepared the hands of the Lodge- maker by the usual method; then the assistant Chief Priest, taking the two hands of the Lodge-maker with his own, caused him to pick up the bowl of the pipe (see Fig. 29), draw it toward him, pausing four times, and stand it on end. He then caused him to pick up the sinew, make a circular motion with it over the pipe bowl, and four passes toward the bowl, and then the sinew was placed in the pipe. Next the assistant Chief Priest caused him to make four passes and grasp the tamper, with which he caused him to make the circular motion and the four passes, and then to push the pellet of sinew half-way down the pipe, measur- ing with the tamper itself to locate the exact division. Contin- uing to grasp the hands of the Lodge-maker, the assistant Chief Priest caused him to make one circular motion over the tobacco, and four toward it, whereupon' a small pinch was placed in the bowl at the southeast side, the Lodge-maker's hands circling the bowl and being directed toward it four times. Again the circular motion was made, and the four passes, and another pinch of tobacco was picked up, which was again circled around the bowl of the pipe and motioned toward it four times and placed in the southeast corner. With similar movements a pinch was placed in the northwest and north- east corners and in the center of the bowl. The circular motion and the four passes were made to pick up the tamper. The circular motion and passes were made toward the bowl and the tobacco was tamped. These movements were continued three additional times. The pipe was then completely filled without further formality and smoothed down at the top with the thumb. A circular motion was made over the tobacco, and, with the assistant Chief Priest still directing the Lodge-maker's hands, he brought the bowl forward Fig. 29. Picking up the bowl of the sacred pipe. loo Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. and placed it in front of the stem, and by similar movement inserted the stem. The assistant Chief Priest then applied a bit of tallow over the mouth of the bowl to prevent the tobacco from spilling out, and greased the stem. He grasped the hands of the Lodge- maker and caused him to pick up the buffalo wool, put it on the end of the stem and wrap it around.* Then, the hands in the same position, the pipe bowl was drawn toward the stem. The hands were released and again the bowl of the pipe was drawn forward as before. With two more movements the bowl was in contact with and ready for the insertion of the stem. This was done by the assistant Chief Priest without formality. Painting the Sacred Pipe. The Chief Priest went to the Lodge-maker's side and took up the pipe, rested it on the buffalo chip,t and wiped it from end to end four times, thus purifying the pipe, and so all people, and draw- ing the buffalo to them, and handed the pipe to the assistant Chief Priest. A coal, symbolic of heat and light for all animals, people, etc., was placed in front of the assistant Chief Priest by the Lodge- 1^^) I ,- t'- p I 1 HF 1 m '' ™^ ai # ^- , , « maker and he laid the pipe down, pausing before placing it on the ground, four times. The assistant Chief Priest again took the two hands of the Lodge-maker, and with four passes picked up a pinch of red paint, and with four passes l)laced it in the palm of the Lodge- maker's left hand; four similar passes and tallow was added ; four passes and a pinch of sweet-grass was placed upon the coal. The Lodge-maker then rubbed and mixed the tallow in his hands, and bathed them four times, as already described, in the incense. He then made four passes, picked up the pipe in his left hand, made four passes with his right hand, and drew it up the pipe twice. (See Fig. 30.) He transferred the pipe to his right hand and repeated ♦Thus in smoking the pipe they would draw the buffalo to them. fThe chip is symbolic of the food of the buffalo and hence of life in general. Fig. 30. Painting the sacred pipe. PL. XXVI. Preparing the Fire-spoon and Earth-peg. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. the motions twice with his left hand. He grasped the pipe with both hands and moved them slowly upward, each time rubbing his hands around the stem. By con- tinuing this movement four times he reached the end of the bowl, where he rubbed his hands over the end of the tobacco. (See Fig. 31.) The assistant Chief Priest laid the pipe down by the side of the skull, first making four passes, the stem point- ing toward the east. The tamper was put between the pipe and the skull. Fig. 31. Paintint; the sacred pipe. The Earth-Peg and the Fire-Spoon. As the earth-peg, or digging stick, and the fire-spoon could not be made within the tipi, Good-Man and Medicine-Bundle left the tipi and began work outside on two cottonwood sticks about five feet long, which had been placed there for that purpose; the former preparing the peg, the latter the spoon. (See PI. XXVI.) Before applying a knife to the wood both priests motioned it towards the stick four times. Then Medicine-Bundle measured on his stick from his left elbow to the finger tip of his right hand. The spoon (see Fig. 32) when finished was five feet eight inches in length, had a - 1 11 iiA iinim Fig. 32. The fire-spoon. long, straight handle and a narrow bowl ten inches in length, the distance being measured by doubling the length from the wrist to the finger tip. It is used only in the Sun Dance lodge by the Lodge-maker in carrying coals, and is so constructed as to prevent fire from dropping as he carries it.* The stick to be used as the peg was measured by Good-Man from his left shoulder to the finger tip of his right hand. When •This action is symbolic of fire in the tipi, which he wishes to bum as the lodge fire does, for they formerly took fire to their homes and it burned and gave them health. They surrounded the fire with bent sticks, or tongs, each eager to get ahead of the other. I02 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. finished (see Fig. 33) it meas- ured three feet ten inches in Fig. 33. The earth-peg. length, was pointed at one end, and at the other had five cup-shaped figures three inches in length; these were produced by making deep notches around the stick at regular intervals, and are symbolic of the four medicine spirits and the sun. It is to be used later in locating the altar, etc., and finally finds a permanent resting- place in the center fork, from which the four medicine spirits look down. Their work concluded, the priests took the peg and spoon in- side the tipi. The spoon was placed on the cleared space and the peg was handed to the assistant Chief Priest, who carefully placed it behind the skull, with its point directed toward the west. The Noonday Feast. Food and water were brought into the tipi by the wife of the Lodge-maker and her friends. This time she sat down and remained during the meal. The Lodge-maker made the usual sacrifice, the priests ate, and the food bowls and remaining food were removed. The Lodge-maker went out and secured live coals which he placed in front of the Chief Priest, taking his seat between him and the assistant Chief Priest. The latter prepared his hands in the usual manner, while the Chief Priest prepared those of the Lodge-maker, who lighted a pipe, and after the customary offerings the pipe was passed about the circle. The Enemy Arrow. About the middle of the forenoon Red-Cloud unwrapped a bundle which he had brought into the tipi in the morning and took out four arrows, which he handed to the assistant Chief Priest, who placed them behind him. At the same time there had been given him a piece of dried meat which had been cut from the ribs; this he had placed by the side of the arrows. He took a pinch of sweet-grass and placed it in front of the Chief Priest. Then he turned and took up one of the four arrows from behind him, carrying it west of the point of the earth-peg and directing the point toward the door of the tipi. He rested it by the Lodge-maker and held it so that the point was directed upward. The Lodge-maker prepared red paint and tallow and incensed the paint by making the four passes with his closed and open hands, as already described, and May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 103 rubbed his palms together.* The assistant Chief Priest took the Lodge-maker's right hand in his and caused him to make four passes toward the arrow from the point to the tip. The Lodge-maker rubbed his hands together, and he drew his hand up on the north side of the arrow, thus raising the people. He reversed the point and drew his left hand up on the south side of the arrow. Then the Lodge-maker grasped the arrow with both hands and extended his hands upward, making four pauses, as when painting the pipe. As he grasped it the last time each thumb was extended to the end of the wooden shaft. He did this four times. He then carefully painted such portions of the arrow as had not already been painted, including the feathers. During this time the point of the arrow had been directed upward. The arrow was reversed and the point was directed toward the ground. In this position it was carried backward, south of the skull, south of the "earth," and west of the earth-peg, laid down and pushed forward four times, until it rested by the three unpainted arrows. Painting the Earth-Peg. The assistant Chief Priest turned, made four passes toward the earth-peg, lifted it and stood it up in front of him. He took the index finger of the Lodge-maker's right hand, and with four passes caused him to draw a circular line around the peg, about two-thirds of the way up from the point. He caused the Lodge- maker to paint a similar band just above this in red, the red paint being about four inches below the lowest medicine symbol. Then, without formality, the assistant Chief Priest deepened the color and made it more regular, and the Lodge-maker, without further for- mality painted the lower two thirds of the stick in solid red, thus imitating the painting of the center-pole of the great lodge, and in fact the whole lodge and the people. Then, in the same manner, the Lodge-maker was caused to paint a black circle about an inch above the red, making first four passes, the assistant Chief Priest holding the peg. As the red circle represented the earth, so this white or unpainted part represented the day, while the black was symbolic of night. Then the Lodge-maker, without further assist- ance, painted the remainder or upper third of the peg, black. Then the peg was replaced by the assistant Chief Priest, the point being turned toward the west, and the peg being given four forward move- ments before it was laid down. •His hands represented the earth, while the incense went to the sun and to the four medicine- spirits; thus the earth was made to grow. I04 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. The Arrow and the Earth-Peg. The assistant Chief Priest took up the side of jerked beef and cut from the center a circular-shaped flap about three inches in diam- eter. Lone-Wolf touched the ground with his finger, spat in his hands five times, and said: "Whenever you perform this ceremony for your 'father' you will do this, and when you do this, do it in this way." The assistant Chief Priest took up the single painted arrow from the bundle of four and ran it through the opening to about one-third of its length, and then he took the earth-peg and ran it through, repeating what Lone- Wolf had told him.* Then he made four motions and laid the objects down south of the pipe, the point of the earth-peg pointing east and projecting out on the bare cleared ground. The side of beef and the three unused arrows were carried out of the tipi. Painting the Lodge-Maker and his Wife. With the above performance the last of the Lone-tipi rites was at an end; it only remained to paint and dress the Lodge-maker and his wife and abandon the tipi. As the priests, according to custom, were to receive the garments which the couple wore at the time of the beginning of the painting, they both had left the tipi shortly before this time and had returned, each completely clad in a fine buckskin suit. Both took a sip of water, which was to be the last until the end of the ceremony. f The Lodge-maker sat down in front of Big-Baby and his wife sat down in front of Black-Man, both priests having had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest. The Lodge-maker and his wife removed their outer garments. Big- Baby made four passes toward the Lodge-maker's hair and handed him a comb with which he combed his hair back of his ears. Black- Man at the same time made four passes and combed the Lodge- maker's wife's hair. Big-Baby dipped the tips of his fingers in the white paint, rubbed his hands together, and with the fingers of each hand made in the palm of the other hand a figure like the one here given > < This was to draw presents to the Lodge-maker and his wife. He then passed his hands down over her breast, up her *Thus the desire was expressed that their arrows while on the hunt should be as effective as this arrow. fFrom that time they were to imitate the g^eat medicine-spirit who long ago fasted forty days and then took pity on the world and made it. He sent a messenger to the Cheyenne and told the messenger how long he was to fast, and he told him to fast four days each time, each period to represent ten of the forty which the great medicine-spirit fasted. Thus they were to imitate him and fast forty days, in order to learn how to make the earth. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey 105 arms to the top of her head and down her legs, for the four medicine- spirits and the sun, for the Lodge-maker and his wife desired to be supported by those beings. As the hands were passed down the legs, the tips of the fingers were placed in such a manner as to give the painting a grained appearance. This represented straight roads, which they desire them to follow. The legs, breast, and back of both Lodge-maker and his wife were thoroughly coated with paint. Then the entire bodies were both completely painted and grained. The white gypsum paint is said to be endurable, sound, hard, heavy, and never dies; it represents the white earth. Thus the Lodge- maker and his wife express the desire that their life may be pro- longed until old age. Both priests next painted on their subjects the symbols of the medicine-spirits, sun and moon. The first, or medicine-spirit of the south, was represented by a black circular line encompassing the right ankle; the west spirit by a line around the right wrist; the north spirit by a line around the left wrist; and the east spirit by a line around the right ankle. The sun symbol, a circular black disc, was placed on the breast, and a crescent representing the moon was placed on the back of the right shoulder. Next a black circle was painted around the face, representing the earth, the circle being begun at the chin and continued to the left side of the face, and on around. Projecting from this circle toward the center of the face were four short lines, one in front of each ear, ^ one in the center of the forehead, and one on the chin. These represented the four medicine-spirits. On the nose was painted a black dot representing the sun. Small wreaths of sage were fastened on the right ankle and right wrist, and on the left wrist and ankle, being so fashioned as to project for several inches back- ward on the ankles and downward on the wrists. The wreaths repre- sented sacrifices and growth, and were also symbols of medicine-spirits, for now the time of growth is approaching. Next the head-dress of each was placed in position ; then a whistle was put over the Lodge- FiG. 34. The Ludge-maker, in ceremonial costume. io6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. maker's head, the priest making first four passes. (See Fig. 34.) Black-Man tied a bunch of sage in the hair over each ear of the wo- man to express the desire that the grass should come. (See Fig. 35.) The Lodge-maker put on a long buckskin kilt which was tied on his right side. Big-Baby placed five bunches of sage in the Lodge- maker's belt, one being attached at each side, both in front and behind, and one in the center, in front. Black-Man painted the wo- man's hair white, and Big-Baby painted the Lodge-maker's white. The white hair was indicative of the desire that they might come to be gray haired, and thus live to old age. Fig. 35. The Lodge-maker's wife in ceremonial costume. The Priests Prepare to Leave the Lone-Tipi. Black-Man folded the robe of the woman so that the hair side was out and fastened it around her, holding it in place by the belt, which he drew tight in front of her, the robe being placed like a skirt, and reaching up under her arms. Big-Baby passed the paint to Cedar-Tree, who painted the under half of the image which he had made. The point was taken out of the arrow and the feathers were stripped down, and it was painted white. Cedar-Tree then held up the image and the arrow, and said: "I went on the war- path on the Arkansas River as a scout, and spied the enemy. Again I went as spy, and while out I killed an enemy." The Lodge-maker went over to Cedar-Tree and after four passes received the image and arrow. He took them close to his body, first to his right, then to his left, to his right, to his left, and to the middle of his body, thus receiving the power which had enabled Cedar-Tree to be victo- rious. The arrow was broken, because it was the enemy's arrow, thus indicating that so it shall be with all of their arrows if they come against the Cheyenne. The arrow and image were placed by the side of Cedar-Tree and all smoked. The Lodge-maker and his wife were barefooted. Deafy left the lodge and brought in two pairs of moccasins, which they put on. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey 107 THE LONE-TIPI IS ABANDONED. The priests arose, and all except the Chief Priest, the Lodge- maker and his wife passed around by way of the north of the tipi and passed outside, where they circled the lodge by way of the east, north, west, and sat on the south. A large bowl of water was passed within the lodge. The Chief Priest took a bite of root, spat on the water as before, and both the Lodge- maker and his wife stepped over and drank copiously, making four nods with their heads toward the water and four movements with their lips before drinking. This was to be the last time they were to drink until the ceremony should end. The woman took a position behind the buffalo skull. The Chief Priest placed the bundle on one side and the buffalo chip on top of it. He took the woman's hands in his, made four passes toward the skull, and she grasped it just in front of the horns, gently lifted upon it four times, then raised it from the ground and carried it slowly forward by way of the north or left toward the center of the tipi and passed on outside the tipi. (See Fig. 36.) The Lodge-maker took up the black and red pipes and followed. The other priests re- turned within the tipi and took a drink out of the bowl. The priests took up the re- maining objects, one the rattles, another the earth- peg, another the altar brush, etc., and passed out- side and formed in line behind the Fig. 37. The priests abandoning the Lone-tipi. (Mooney.) woman carrying Fig. 36. The Lodge-maker's wife carrying buffalo skull. io8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. •^T^ the buffalo skull. (See Fig. 37 and PI. XXVII.) The woman pro- ceeded toward the Sun Dance lodge and about a hundred feet from the tipi stopped, and the whole line halted. She deposited the skull on the ground (See Fig. 38), and the others walked forward and placed the objects they were carrying by the side of the skull. Then all fell back about twenty feet and sat in a semi-circular line facing the center of the camp-circle (see Fig. 39), the Lodge-maker being at the south end (see Fig. 40), his wife at the other. Fig. 38. Lodge-maker's wife depositing the buffalo skull. Fig. 39. The Lone-tipi priests. PUBLIC RITES OF THE FORENOON. Before proceeding further with a descrip- tion of the rites about to follow, it is ne- cessary to relate the events which were publicly performed on this day, especially those which have to do with the erection of the Sun Dance lodge. Counting Coup at the Site of the Center-Pole. It will be remembered that Big-Baby was charged with the responsibility of the per- formance of certain rites in connection with Fig. 40. The Lodge-maker at end of line of priests. .mmj&. 'S^PWi-'^L PL. XXVII. Priests Abandoning the Lone-tipi. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXVII. H FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXVIII. Pl. XXVIII. Leaders of Societies in Ceremonial Attire. yM3»^0 Ml earraiooe 'to e«30A3j .fllVXX .j«l <*^: PL. XXIX. Counting Coup at Site of Center-pole. (Mooney.) .Y3HOOM) •^ TA qUOv. ^V<.> v'.j- ^3iVi /^ ' -r,fri. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 109 the center fork. On the night of the second day he had decided on a spot suitable for the center-pole and there had erected a few boughs. Early on this morning the two old spies, Wolf-Face and Mad-Robe, rode around the camp-site, entered the camp-circle at the east door, and rode up to the site of the medicine-lodge and struck the sticks and grass which had been erected by Big-Baby, each first relating his war story. This is supposed to awaken enthu- siasm in the rest of the tribe to ^o after the lodge poles. By striking the boughs each indicated that he was still active and had struck the enemy inside of his tipi. One of these two spies, it will be remembered, is sup- posed to have located the cen- ter-pole in the woods and to have counted coup on it. In the mean time all the members of the different warrior socie- ties had been assembling at the lodges of their leaders, all gayly dressed in full and elab- orate costume, or in the spe- cial regalia of their order, and all were mounted on their best ponies. (See PI. XXVIII.) Those who had been warriors had painted their horses in appropriate war medicine paint. As fast as each society was ready, the members entered the camp-circle on horseback, riding at full speed and yelling and shouting. Each bore a long willow pole to represent a lance, and a shield of cotton wood boughs. They rode directly toward the site of the center-pole, passed on and, still on the run, counted coup on the boughs. (See PI. XXIX.) Bands of women gayly attired and provided with long willows also counted coup, and then set off to assist the men in the timber. (See Fig. 41.) Timbers for the Sun Dance Lodge. All the poles to be used in the formation of the lodge, except the center-pole, are brought to the site of the lodge by the warrior societies, each society being supposed to bring to the lodge a certain Fig. 41. Women with head-dresses and lances of willow. (Mooney.) no Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. pole, which is to form one of the four poles to be decorated and painted, and which are to represent the four medicine-spirits, and in addition at least four uprights and four rafter poles and four cross- beams. Thus the Dew-claws brought in a pole for the southeast, the Coyotes a pole for the southwest, the Red-Shields a pole for the northwest, and the Dog-Men a pole for the northeast. All timbers for the lodge are provided on the day of its erection, and the assem- bling of the poles by the societies is always the occasion of good fellow- ship and merriment. The various organizations, after they had counted coup, returned to the entrance or eastern gateway of the camp-circle where, still on the inside of the circle, they turned toward the south and paraded entirely around the circle, always being careful to pass to the east ■ of the Lone-tipi, and not between it and the camp- circle. (See Fig. 42.) They continued on around to the west and north to the en- trance, where they passed outside of the circle and made another circuit of the circle, this time on the out- side. Then they returned to the northeast corner of the circle and there awaited the other warrior societies. When they all had arrived they went to the timber as before to bring in the tim- bers for the lodge. (See Pis. XXX. and XXXI.) This work occupied nearly all the forenoon and was accom- panied by the utmost hilarity and enthusiasm. After a sufficient number of the timbers had been brought to the site of the lodge, the societies gathered in groups, some in tipis especially erected near by for this purpose, and awaited the arrival of the Lodge-maker. The Lodge-Maker Invites the Warrior Societies' Assistance. At about the middle of the afternoon the Lodge-maker left the Lone-tipi, carrying with him ten pipes, one of which he presented to the leader of each of the warrior societies, which were now Fig. 42. A warrior society en route to the timber. :i8 «0ih«a7/ ~< XX ..1 PL. XXX. Warrior Societies Parading. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXX. il«dOJ IHT NO") /I »M40Mma .C Pl. XXXI. Bringing in the Timbers for the Lodge. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXI. 5^57*•:x^/lttW^ffl^ ^S:tm ff^^"SM\\^^'mii . x^r^'f? FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXII. m^ '%iti..i:.' :J 'wlf«h'^-'. «■■ Pl. XXXII. The Lodoe-maker Inviting the Societies. p:;iTa,'%,-iP 3,jr oi'"i ■Vuil fl3>-t.;Vi,\\A'\» IB hands a pipe which they offered to one or another of the priests, thus asking the priests to pray for them.* Many also came and offered bits of calico to the skull, holding it up first by two corners •In presenting their pipes to the various priests at this time they were guided in their selec- tion by their belief in the individual ability of the priest to make a good prayer for them, and especially by the life which the priest had led. lu offering to the hi 114 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX. just back of the skull and praying over it. (See Fig. 48.) Others came up to the skull and held up their hands over it and prayed. (See Fig. 49.) This rite, including the offering of calico to the lodge- pole to be made later, and the offering of calico to the skull, is in the nature of a prayer that their children may grow up and be under the favor and protection of the medicine-spirits. The atmosphere of the whole assembled multitude at that time was one of supreme religious fervor and enthusiastic happiness. The warrior societies were singing encouraging songs, and in another place were heard the chiefs beating upon the drums and singing, while one after another of their number arose and related some episode of his war experience. The wives and rela- tives of the men who were to dance and fast in the ceremony began to ap- proach the line of priests bearing food in pans and The Lodge-maker took a piece of food from one of these vessels, and stepping forward, that is, toward the north and in the direction of the lodge, he held it aloft and dropped it upon the ground, thus offering it to the medicine-spirits. He then returned to the line of priests. Painting the Lodge-Poles. The Lodge-maker was joined by Bull-Tongue and they together left the line of priests and went toward the lodge, where they made a complete circuit, passing beyond the reach poles which radiated out from the sides of the lodge. This circuit was symbolic of the circular symbol which was reproduced later by means of a small black circle on the breast of the dancers. Again they began to circle the lodge and its outlying poles. Having reached the southeast corner of the lodge they encountered one of the four reach poles* which had been decorticated and which represented the medicine spirit of the southeast. Bull-Tongue approached it at its base, for its small end was directed toward the lodge. Here Bull-Tongue moved ♦These reach poles or rafters are given the same name as is given to the poles of a tipi. Fig. 4g. Priests smoking offering pipes. pails. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXV. Pl. XXXV. Painting the Lodge Poles. ^ ¥r ■HiA9 .V~. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXVI. PL. XXXVI. Paintinq the Lodge Poues. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 115 his right foot toward the base four times and placed his foot upon it; then he stepped aside, and his movements were imitated by the Lodge-maker. They continued on around the lodge, completing the circuit. Continuing, they stopped at the southwest reach pole, where they went through the same motion again, Bull-Tongue first, the Lodge-maker following, as before. Then they made the fifth and last circuit of the lodge. This time they halted at the north- east reach pole, where the same movements were performed. Thus they had made five complete circuits of the lodge, their movements having the same symbolism as the forming of the "earth" with the thumb in the Lone-tipi. At the first pole they made one step, at the second pole two steps, etc., four steps being made at the fourth pole. From the northeast pole they continued toward the east, where, at the entrance of the lodge, they turned in and approached the base of the center-pole, which at this time was lying by the side of the hole which had been excavated to receive it. Here Bull- Tongue moved his foot toward the base four times, then stepped upon it and walked five steps. Then he stepped back while the same movements were gone through with by the Lodge-maker. They then passed outside of the lodge and returned to the line of priests. Bull-Tongue and the Lodge-maker, carrying black and red paint, again left the line of the priests and approached the lodge toward the southeast reach pole. (See Plates XXXV. and XXXVL) Bull- Tongue lay down on the ground and placed his right arm at the base of the pole and extended his left arm upward on the pole as far as he could reach. He then moved his body up toward the pole until the center of his breast was ex- actly over the point of the pole indicated by the fingers of his left hand. From this point he measured to the tip of forefinger of his out- stretched left hand. (See Fig- 50) Having thus measured off on the pole one and a half times his total finger reach, he laid his right hand on the pole at this point and extended his thumb upward and placed Fig. 50. Painting the center-pole. ii6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. his left hand still further up on the pole, the thumb of the left hand being outstretched and in contact with the thumb of his right hand. This was to represent the width of the band to be painted by the Lodge-maker, who then stepped forward and rubbed his hands in the black paint, rubbed them together and made four passes toward the pole. Then he first lightly rubbed the pole at this point and then painted a band entirely around the pole. They turned toward the west and went to the southwest pole, which was again measured by Bull-Tongue, as was the first pole. The location of the place to be painted having been found, it was also painted black by the Lodge- maker. They passed around the lodge to the pole on the northwest corner, which was again measured and painted as before, red being used instead of black. They went to the northeast pole, which was measured as those preceding, and painted. Thus the lodge bore the same symbolism, theoretically, as the so-called scalp or piece of jerked meat which was to be placed in the center-pole, and was symbolic of the earth divided into day and night. Bull-Tongue and the Lodge-maker continued around the lodge in sunwise circuit until they came to the east entrance; here they entered and Bull-Tongue threw himself by the side of the center- pole and measured as before. The band beneath his outstretched hands was painted red by the Lodge-maker, who moved his hands four times toward the pole before he painted it. Then Bull-Tongue measured with his two hands a space equal in width just above this red band, and, taking the ball of black paint, the Lodge-maker besmeared his hands with it and painted a black band. Thus was added to the sun and full moon symbolism of the center fork the symbols of day and night, or, according to another informant, of the earth and the heavens. The center-pole now is called variously the enemy, the backbone, and the cleansing pole. The Fork of the Center-Pole. Bundles of dogwood brush were carried down to the fork of the center-pole. Certain Sun Dance priests left their position in the line and went to that point. Bull-Tongue took hold of the fork and turned it so that the prongs of the fork projected upward and downward and at right angles to the earth. Bull-Tongue took the Lodge-maker's hands in his, made four movements toward the first bundle of dogwood brush, and the latter took it up, and turning it so that the butts projected north, made four movements with it and placed it in the fork. Another bundle was picked up with FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXVII. Pl. XXXVII. The Earth-peg and the Thunder-Bird'8 Nest. / May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 117 the same movements and placed in the fork, the butts being directed toward the south. (See Fig. 51.) Several additional bundles were taken up and placed in the fork, the butt of the third bundle being directed toward the north, that of the fourth toward the south, and so on, the same movements being performed each time. A larger bundle of cottonwood was taken up in similar manner and placed in the fork on top of the dogwood brush, the base being directed toward the north. A second bundle of cottonwood was taken up in Ik;. 51. I'lacin;.; the brush in the fork of the center-pole. like manner and placed so that the butts were directed toward the south. Over these were placed other bundles of dogwood. The Lodge-maker took up a rope and the rawhide lariat which had been made in the Lone-tipi and tied the bundles firmly into the fork, using first the rope, and covering the wrappings with the rawhide lariat.* This lariat was fastened in a peculiar manner and its various wrappings collectively were said to form the image or symbol of the morning star. Bull-Tongue and the Lodge-maker took up the digging stick, or earth-peg, made four passes with it, and thrust it through the bundle of foHage (see PI. XXXVII.); then one of the priests took the damaged arrow and thrust it into the bundle from the under side, where it remained with the piece of dried meat, which represented a buffalo. To the fork near this point the small rawhide human image was next attached. f Formerly a live captive, it is said, was suspended here as a sacrifice. Many ♦The whole bundle of vegetation represented the nest of the Thunder-Bird who controls the sun and the rain. Hence clouds and hailstones are painted on the dancer's body later in the cere- mony. The Thunder-Bird is also considered the chief of all birds, and is thought to be the chief medicine spirit of the west. t In 1 901 a rawhide image of a hti£Falo was also suspended here ii8 FiEi-D Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. Fig. 52. Making ofiferings to the fork of the center-pole. from the crowd of spectators, especially women, came forward and tied at various points of the center-pole small ofiferings of calico representing prayers. (See Fig. 52.) The wife of the Lodge-maker, under the guidance of the assistant Chief Priest, made four passes (see Fig. 53), picked up the sacred pipe, and moved forward to a point half-way down the length of the center-pole. Raising the Center-Pole. By this time all the priests were present in line, and the members of the warriors' societies had gathered around the pole. The priests with their wives were in two lines by the side of the pole. All re- FiG. 53. Lodge-maker's wife picking up the pipe. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXVIIl. PL. XXXVIII. Raising the Center-pole. •■*'■• ysasjhs.-, -!(,'. ;i!««K" n ui Pl. XXXIX. Raising the Center-pole. I JIIR-VAV^"* '*«•> * May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 119 ceived the spittle on their hands in the usual manner from one or another of the priests who had the authority to perform this rite. Then the lines were reformed, and as the wife of the Lodge- maker raised the sacred pipe in front of her, they sang the first traditional song. At the end of the song she again raised the pipe aloft and the warriors took hold of the pole, shouted, and dragged the pole forward a little, so that its base rested nearer the pole. Then the second song was sung, the participants maintain- ing the same relative position. Again the Lodge-maker's wife raised the pipe aloft, the war- i" k;. 54. Raising tiie center-pole. riors shouted and moved the pole slightly forward. The third song followed in the same manner, and with the same action. Then began the fourth song, at the end of which all shouted vociferously and raised the pole until it was in an upright position, and then lowered it into the hole. (See Plates XXXVIII. and XXXIX.. and Fig. 54.) Fig. 55. Completing the Sun Dance lodge. I20 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. The songs are said to relate to the growing earth. Thus in the song the pipe was directed to the great medicine-spirit overhead, who took it to the four medicine-spirits, who drew to it the Hght by the light of the day. The medicine- spirit of the north, who smoked the pipe in the night, received it first, and the medi- cine-spirit of the east is supposed to finish it. The Completion of the Lodge. The warriors, with the greatest enthu- siasm and rivalry, lifted the remaining cross-bar into place, and then the sixteen rafters or reach-poles were placed in posi- tion, over which they spread canvas tipis.* This work, owing to the great eagerness of the men, consumed an almost incredibly short space of time, during which the Sun Dance priests, who had retired a short way toward the south after the raising of the center fork, remained seated. It was then half-past five o'clock. Fig. 56. 1 lie i^i^idi^e-inakei's wife carrying the skull. The Priests Enter the Lodge. When the lodge had been completed, the Chief Priest with his two hands took the two hands of the Lodge-maker's wife and caused her to make four passes toward the skull and then pick it up. (See Fig. 56.) She started in a stooping posture, , ' ' and carried it slowly and deliberately by way of the south to the east of the entrance of the lodge, where she stopped, motioned the skull four times, and proceeded into the lodge by way of the south, until she came to a point half-way between the wall of the lodge and the center-pole. There she stopped, motioned the skull four times toward the ground, and put it down, groaning all the while as if in travail. The Chief Priest, just after she had taken up the skull, took up 4f-: Fic. Sun Dance lodge, 1901. ♦Formerly brave warriors vied among themselves for the privilege of using their valuable buffalo skin tipis for this purpose which, of course, after the ceremony were useless. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XL. Pl. XL. The Priests Entering the Sun Dance Lodge. ^m^fm. aowAQ >"u i eT83W<1 3HT JX May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey 121 the bundle, while the other priest took up the objects which they had brought with them from the lodge. They followed the wo- man into the lodge (see PI. XL. and Fig. 57) and placed the objects by the side of the skull. The long-handled fire-spoon was placed about three feet south of the skull. Big-Baby and another priest re- moved the sage head-dress from the Lodge-maker and his wife. They also removed from the latter the belt, thus loosening the buffalo robe which she had gathered over her shoulders. The belt was placed by the side of the skull on the east side, and the sage wreaths were placed at the foot of the center-pole. EVENING RITES IN THE SUN DANCE LODGES. Rehearsal and Informal Smoking. In the mean time a big crowd of women and children had gathered, and one of the warrior societies had assembled in the southeast of the lodge around a large drum. (See Fig. 58.) This place, it may be mentioned, was hereafter occupied by the musicians, including the drummers and singers. The priests had gathered in a circle south and west of the skull, where they engaged in informal smoking. During this time the Lodge-maker sat in front of Big-Baby, who took a bunch of sage and rubbed it upon those portions of the Lodge- maker's body which had been painted black. Black-Man, the priest who had painted the wife of the Lodge-maker, performed the same office for her. The Lodge-maker took the bunches of sage which had been used in this operation and placed them upon the wreaths Fig. 58. Musicians within the Sun Dance lodge. 122 P'lELD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. of sage which they had worn on their bodies, and deposited all at the foot of the center-pole. Roman-Nose lighted a pipe and pointed the stem to the southeast, southwest, northwest, northeast, to the four rafter poles which had been painted, toward the center-pole, the skull and the ground, and handed the pipe to the Lodge-maker, who smoked and passed it along the line of priests. The wife of the Lodge-maker at this time wore only her calico dress, which she had kept on and arranged in the form of loose trunks beneath her buffalo robe in the Lone-tipi at noon. During this time the chiefs were at the drum rehearsing. Some of their number arose and sang a song, at the end of which they sat down. The priests continued smoking until they had consumed four pipes. The Dedication of the Lodge. The chiefs and singers about the drum all arose, holding the drum in their midst and singing. The crowd within and without the lodge was very dense; all were standing. The Lodge-maker took a filled pipe to the assistant Chief Priest, who laid the pipe down, touched his finger to the ground, to his tongue, took a bite of root, spat, and picked up the pipe, motioned the stem to the four rafter poles in the usual order, to the center-pole, to the skull, and to the ground. He lighted the pipe and again offered the stem to the four lodge poles, to the center-pole, to the skull, and to the ground. He offered the stem to the Lodge-maker, kneeling in front of him, who took four whiffs, blowing the fourth whiff into his two hands, which he rubbed together and over his body. The pipe was then passed along the line of priests. The musicians began the third song. The crowd, for all in camp were glad to express their joy that so much had been done and that the lodge was complete, was denser than ever, all being attired in their gayest costumes. The number of buckskin garments that were worn was surprisingly great, and the warriors all wore appropriate head-dresses, many of them wearing the long eagle feather war bonnets, while others wore shields. The warrior societies, in a semblance of order, filed around the center-pole, many of them being on horseback. At the beginning of the fourth song the warriors took their proper places by societies and formed in lines, extending half-way around the north side of the lodge, and danced up and down, shouting and yelling. The women pressed about the drummers and crowded all sides of the lodge, and with their shrill cries encouraged them. As the fifth song began others crowded into the lodge, and the warriors and others again circled around the center-pole, this time three rows deep, all carrying guns May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 123 or clubs. Then followed a period of considerable confusion, with much rejoicing and gayety on the part of the great crowd, while the four head chiefs went through the ancient performance of select- ing certain men for certain positions, the basis of the selection being supposed to depend upon the part which they had taken in the various sham battles which had taken place while they were count- ing coup on the site of the center-pole or otherwise in erecting the lodge. As each man was chosen he was brought forward near the center-pole, and his relatives gave away presents to express their joy at the honor shown to their family. (See Fig. 59.) One of Fig. 59. The chiefs selecting leaders. the four head chiefs, who had led war parties and who had assisted in selecting the warriors, addressed the chosen men as follows: "We have picked you because we know you are brave. We have brought you here. We have picked you so that the people may see you, so that the people may know you are brave. We have picked you out for some particular purpose. In times of war or hardship we want you to stand by your people and to protect them, especially the women and children. In times of famine do not pass by your people, but help them." As the warrior societies entered the lodge they went around toward the south; as they departed, after this dedication ceremony, they halted four times, the four pauses repre- senting the four societies and paving the way for the dance. 124 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. At the end of the performance the crowd inside the lodge was very great. The drumming and singing was resumed and the crowd moved backward toward the entrance, their faces being directed toward the center-pole. The musicians continued to drum and sing. The crowd advanced toward the center-pole, their faces always directed toward the west, four times, the intervals between the singing being occupied by shouting and yelling. The dedication ceremony of the Sun Dance lodge was now con- cluded, and there followed an intermission, during which nearly all left for their evening meal, the priests and those immediately con- cerned in the ceremony remaining. Preparation. During the intermission, which lasted from the conclusion of the dedication until about nine o'clock in the evening, a large pile of wood was placed just inside of the lodge near the entrance in the north- east. A bed had been erected on the south side of the tipi next to the wall, consisting of willow mattress with willow leanbacks and blankets. (See Plate XLI.) A rawhide folded roughly in the form of a parflesh was brought into the lodge by one of the priests and placed at the foot of the center-pole on the south side. Slowly the priests returned to the lodge and took up a position in a semi-circle on the south side, half-way between the wall of the lodge and the center- pole, which they faced. Members of the warrior societies also re- turned in increasing numbers and a crowd of drummers and singers gathered about a large drum in the southeast of the lodge.* One of the old warriors arose and related a war story, in order that the fire might be rebuilt. It was lighted and wood was thrown upon it at the conclusion of the war tale, whereupon the drummers beat upon the drum and shouted. The Dancers Assemble. Immediately after, the Crier was heard outside calling for the members of the Dew-claw Rattle society, who, as already noted, were to begin dancing and fasting on this night. Soon they began to enter the lodge, singly or in small groups, each having been painted and properly costumed in his own tipi. Each one bore the usual Sun Dance whistle, made of the wing bone of an eagle, suspended upon his breast from a buckskin thong passing around his neck. Each also wore on his head a wreath of sage, and all were com- pletely painted, even to the feet, with white earth. *Formerly it is said, each musician was provided with a small hand drum, such as the medi- cine men use now. Pl. XLI. The Bed of the Lodge-maker's Wife. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 125 As each priest entered the lodge he went to the Chief Priest, who touched his finger to the ground, took a bite of root, and spat upon the new-comer's hands five times, the latter rub- bing his hands and pass- ing them over his body. ^- _^ * He was thus prepared to ''^,*.t. °^ ^^^^^^y^-^ • take part in the rites which were to follow. The Lodge- , maker and his wife were the last to receive the rite /'j'**.' t~ '" w from the Chief Priest. < • ^^^ • Fully an hour was consumed ^^ in the assembling of the • priests and the dancers. The relative position at ^ this time of the priests • ^^-^J^f DA.r^^c.^"^ • who had formed in a circle, and the dancers, may be • seen in the diagram. (See Fig. 60. Diagram of lodge. Fig. 60.) Filling the Sacred Pipe. The Lodge-maker followed the assistant Chief Priest to the bundle, which was lying by the side of the skull. They opened the bundle and took out a piece of sinew and the Lodge-maker took up the bag of incense which was lying by the skull. The two re- turned to the Chief Priest, who occupied a position to the north- east of the center-pole and near the circle of priests. The Lodge- maker put the bag of incense down and his hands were again treated in the usual manner by the Chief Priest. The Lodge-maker again went to the bundle and brought the ceremonial straight pipe, while the assistant Chief Priest untied the bag of tobacco. The Lodge- maker then spread out a corner of his robe upon the palm of his left hand, and making four passes toward the tobacco sack, took up a pinch of tobacco. Thereafter the pipe was filled in the same manner as already described, the pipe being held upright by the Chief Priest, and the sinew being added by the assistant Chief Priest. Then the tampers were prepared; one was wrapped with the buffalo wool and in the manner already described the tobacco was tamped. The Lodge-maker then made four passes toward the pipe with both hands, took it from the Chief Priest and placed it horizontally on the ground. He then moved it back to its original position by the side of the 126 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. buffalo skull, halting four times on the way, and placed the tampers between the skull and the pipe. Thurification. The assistant Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker took their places in the circle of the priests. The Lodge-maker soon left his place and got the fire-spoon and without formality took a coal from the fire, carried it slowly in a stooping manner and placed it just under- neath the tip of the jaw of the skull. He sat down upon his heels with his right knee drawn up in front of him. He made four passes toward the bag of incense lying by the side of the skull, and took a pinch from it in his fingers. First Songs. The priests began a slow chant, the first of several groups of traditional sacred songs which recount the origin of the ceremony, and which are supposed to be of great potency in bringing about a new life and freedom from disease and famine. During this song the Lodge-maker held the incense straight out in front of his body in his right hand, his elbow resting upon his right knee. He main- tained this same position during the second song and also during the third. As the fourth song commenced he began to lower his hand and arm slowly and gradually toward the skull, until at the end of the song his hand rested just over the coal. He opened his fingers and placed the incense upon the coal, thus sacrificing to the four medicine-spirits and the sun. He resumed his place in the circle. Second Songs. Again the Lodge-maker received the spittle in his hands from the Chief Priest, arose and went to the skull and resumed his posi- tion as before by the side of the skull. He then made four passes toward the bag of incense and took from it another pinch. They began another song, during which time he gradually lowered his hand toward the coal, his elbow this time not resting upon his knee, and placed the incense upon the coal. He resumed his position in the circle of the priests, who had not yet finished the song. While they were singing the dancers left the lodge for a moment. By the end of the second song of this second set the dancers had returned. Then followed the third song, without movement on the part of any one. As the fourth song began the Lodge-maker arose and handed the rattles which had been lying near the buffalo skull to the priests. During this time the dancers were trying their whistles to see if they were in proper condition. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 127 The Rawhide Parflesh. At the end of the fourth song of the second set, the Lodge- maker and Black-Man went by way of the south to the rawhide. The priest took the Lodge-maker's hands, drew them toward the rawhide four times, and the Lodge-maker took the rawhide and held it out in front and to one side, its lower edge resting on the ground. Third Songs. The priests sang the first song of the third group, during which Black-Man and the Lodge-maker slowly advanced the rawhide by the corner as before. At the end of the song they stopped, but con- tinued to hold the rawhide. During the singing of the second song they advanced slowly. The third song was begun and they con- tinued, still keeping the rawhide on edge and near the ground. At the beginning of the fourth song they were very close to the circle of priests, and as the end of the song approached the Lodge-maker moved the rawhide back and forth toward them four times, and as they reached the end of the song he threw it in among them, and they beat upon it with their long-handled drum stick rattles rapidly and without unison.* The Lodge-maker without formality filled two ordinary pipes, which he started about the circle of priests, and they engaged in smoking. Hand and Arm Drill. During this time the dancers, who had remained in two semi- circles on the southeast and northeast sides of the lodge, arose and adjusted their kilts. The priests continued to smoke and the dancers, having made sure that they were in readiness, sat down. Fourth Songs. The priests again beat with their long-handled rattles upon the rawhide and began the first of the fourth set of songs. During this time Black-Man secured the wreath of sage from the place it had been occupying at the foot of the center-pole, and arranged it on the Lodge-maker's head, first circling it over and moving it toward his head four times. The Lodge-maker handed him his whistle and Black-Man also circled it over his head once and motioned it toward his head four times and placed the carrying thong about the Lodge- maker's neck. At the end of the first song one of the priests arose •This rite represents the raising and calling of the buffalo. The noise made by the priests as they beat on the rawhide with their rattles represents the sound made by the hoofs of the buffalo as they left the cave, according to the myth. All songs are believed to be efficacious in drawing the buffalo to the lodge. 128 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. and made a short prayer. Again the priests began beating upon the rawhide with the long rattles and started the second song, during which, as during the first song, they continued beating the raw- hide, but not keeping time with the song. At the end of this song another priest got up and made a spirited prayer, asking that the priests might be guided aright by the medicine-spirits. The third song was begun, at the end of which was another prayer, and the fourth song followed, with the same irregular accompaniment of the rattles. At the end of each of these four songs, as well as at the end of each of the prayers, some one outside the lodge gave a cry imitating that of the wolf. Again followed a brief intermission, during which the Lodge- maker filled two ordinary pipes as before, one of which was handed to the priests and smoked around the circle, he and Black-Man smoking the other one. At the end of the informal smoking some one called out and the dancers on both sides arose, those on the north side of the lodge moving around toward the south until the end of the north line joined the north end of the south line. This was the first opportunity to judge of the number of men who were to feast and dance during the ceremony, and it was found that there were thirty-nine in the line. Of this number all were members of the Dew-claw organization except Bull-Tongue, who had made a vow to fast and undergo torture to restore his wife to health, and two Arapaho, the reason for whose presence has already been noted. Fifth Songs. The priests began the first of the fifth series of songs, while the dancers began the first movement of the so-called "hand and arm drill." Placing their whistles in their mouths they raised their right arms toward the center-pole and slowly lowered them. This they did six times, the palm of the hand being held downward each time. Again they raised their hands toward the center-pole and lowered them slowly for the seventh time, accompanying the move- ment by whistling long and loud. The line turned on itself. The south extremity started toward the north and in front of the line of dancers, until there were two equal lines on the north side of the lodge. The rattling began, followed by the second song, and the dancers slowly raised and lowered their left hands toward the center-pole, keeping the palm side down. This movement was per- formed eight times. Black-Man now stood at their head as leader and dancer. Led by Black-Man the inner line turned back toward the south again, where the dancers formed in two lines, and during May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 129 the singing of the third song, accompanied as before by the irregular rattling, they performed the right arm movement as during the first song. Then they went back to the north side, where the same movements were performed eight times with the left arm. During the fourth song the criers outside were calling for the relatives of the dancers. Sixth Sougs. Led by Black-Man, they went back to the south side of the lodge and faced the center-pole, raising the right arm four times. Main- taining the same position and in double line, they revolved and faced toward the southwest and passed toward the northwest comer of the lodge and again faced the center-pole. During this first song they raised their left arms four times. Again they turned in their tracks, and led by Black-Man, went to the southwest side of the lodge, where they faced the center-pole, and during the singing of the second song raised their left hand eight times. The line passed back to the north side of the lodge and with their backs toward the center-pole they raised their left arms seven times. They wheeled and faced the center-pole and the line moved, stepping side wise and toward the east. Black-Man and the Lodge-maker left their places and went to the center of the line. They all faced the center- pole. In this position the third song was begun, and they moved both arms toward the center-pole nine times. Maintaining that position, they wheeled and faced east; the fourth song was sung and they moved both arms seven times. Seventh and Eighth So)igs. Still maintaining the same position, they turned toward the center-pole; the first song was sung and they raised their hands toward the center-pole seven times. Occupying the same place, they turned their backs to the center-pole and the line opened out in length, and with the second song they blew their whistles at short intervals, both arms swinging back and forth, first to the right and then to the left, each man's hand joining that of his neighbor. This movement continued throughout the third, a very long song, the swinging motion being slight. The fourth song was begun and this same motion continued, as it did during the first three succes- sive songs of the eighth group. At the end of the fourth song the priests beat more rapidly than before upon the rawhide, and the dancers blew vociferously and long upon their whistles and then resumed their places either on the north or south side of the lodge, according to their former positions, and sat down. 130 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. TX. In explanation of these movements, the following brief account was obtained: In the arm movements, as they raised both hands and face to the center-pole, they gave thanks to the four medicine- spirits and to the great medicine-spirit. The right hand was for the southeast, the left for the northeast, etc. When they faced west they prayed to the great medicine-spirit to unite strength in them that they might travel through this world as the man sun traveled from east to west over the world. THE CHIEF PRIEST AND THE LODGE-MAKER'S WIFE. It was midnight, and though the moon was nearly overhead, it was obscured by clouds, and as a consequence the notes which follow must be regarded as possibly incomplete. First is presented an account of what transpired, obtained from Roman-Nose Warrior at the close of the ceremony. Before leaving the lodge the Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker's wife stooped over a live coal upon which had been placed incense, and drew a bufifalo robe closely about them that they might confine the incense within the robe, and thus cause it to go over their bodies. Then they left the lodge, the woman first, followed by the Chief Priest, then the other priests, in the same order as when they went after the sods for the altar on the following day. They went directly east and halted a short distance from the medicine lodge, where one of the priests prayed to the great medicine-spirit, and the four medi- cine-spirits, the sun and the heavenly bodies, for the whole world, for its growth, for animals, for birds, for people, for grass, for stones, for earth of all kinds, and that the sun should shine and the clouds should give rain. Then all returned to the lodge except the Chief Priest and the Lodge-Maker's wife. They then came together under one robe, bathing their bodies in incense of sweet-grass dropped upon a coal. Thus they prayed that their bodies might grow straight and strong. Then they sang the sacred pipe song and raised the pipe, as if they were raising the world, and lifting upon it four times, they simulated the movement made in raising the center-pole. This song should have been sung on their return, but was overlooked by the priests. Each priest's wife had shown the Lodge-maker's wife what to do, and after this the Chief Priest and his wife and the Lodge- maker and his wife united as one family. The Crier, who was the Chief Priest, now said: " I announce to the whole world that when I made this (that is, the Sun Dance) I gave two guns to (the man who was Chief Priest at that time) , and he showed me and my woman and gave me the right to perform this ceremony." May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 131 As he made this cry he was supposed to call upon all the people to listen, and to ask the world to listen. As they sat together under one robe over the incense they simulated having connection. Thus people should unite. They had connection only at this time.* Should other priests have connection with their wives during the ceremony they would not live long. To return to what was observed on this night. The Chief Priest secured a piece of braided sweet-grass and his buffalo tail or sweat lodge brush, and the Lodge-maker took from the fire-place a live coal. The Chief Priest then left the lodge, followed by the Lodge-maker, his wife, and all the other priests. Soon all returned except the Chief Priest and the woman, and resumed their places in a circle. There followed a brief pause, at the end of which the Lodge-maker arose from his place in the circle of priests, took up the rawhide and carried it slowly, and as before, to the drummers sitting in the south- east of the lodge, toward whom he motioned it four times and threw it in amongst them, whereupon they beat upon it rapidly with the rattle drumsticks which had been passed to them without formality. At the end of the song the Crier was heard outside. At the end of the speech of the Crier the drummers all beat upon the drum. THE BEGINNING OF THE DANCE. The drummers began shouting and soon began the first of the dancing songs. The dancers arose, and formed two great semi-circles on the north and south sides of the lodge, the Lodge-maker being directly in front of the buffalo skull, and Sage- Woman sitting in the center on the bed behind him. During the second song the dancers began the regular dancing. The movement consisted of a slight swaying forward of the body, raising the two heels from the ground simultaneously, and blowing on the eagle bone whistle in unison with the singing. At this time the Chief Priest and the wife of the Lodge-maker returned and passed to the south of the center-pole. The Lodge-maker's wife sat down on the bed just south of Sage- Woman, and the Chief Priest took his place in the circle of priests. The drummers began beating upon the drum and soon began the third song, and the dancers who had remained standing continued the regular movement which they were to keep up with but slight intermissions until the close of the cere- mony. There followed a pause, during which time the dancers remained •There is reason to believe that this rite was in whole or in part performed on the night the priests entered the Lone-tipi. 132 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. standing. Another song was begun and the dancers continued whisthng and dancing, but during all this time, however, without moving their arms. The Lodge-maker continued to stand about four feet south of the skull. At the end of the song there was much rejoicing and shouting on the part of priests, drummers, and specta- tors, who at that time consisted almost exclusively of the near kin of those actively engaged in the ceremony, for it was about two o'clock in the morning. The shouting marked the end of the preparation for the ceremony and the real beginning of the dancing, for hence- forth the dancers occupied their time almost continuously, until they were painted, by dancing; they fasted from this night until after the last rite at the close of the ceremony. THE FIFTH DAY. This may not inappropriately be termed "altar day," as the erection of the altar is the chief event of the day. It may also be termed the first day of the dance proper. It is the first fasting day, for after the feast of the previous night the dancers refrain from eating until the close of the ceremony. As will be seen, there are five distinct features connected with the erection of the altar, of which the buffalo skull serves as the center. The events of the building of the altar are the cutting of the sod and the formation of the half circle, the insertion of the brush and the willow and plum bushes on this half -circle, the digging and painting of the ditch, the erection of the rain-bow sticks and the erection of the sticks represent- ing the people. During the erection of the altar the dancers take their pipes to their grandfathers, who paint them. Before each dance, that is, before each ceremony in which a new paint is worn, the rawhide is incensed and carried around the altar. Formerly, on this day the children placed at the foot of the altar pole clay images of animals, chiefly of the buffalo, which they had made in pairs at the river. The paint of this day is known as the "Yellow-Paint." THE ERECTION OF THE ALTAR. After the events noted in the account of the preceding night the dancers spent the few remaining hours wrapped in their blankets, sleeping on the ground. There was no special dance at sunrise, though in 1901 the Lodge-maker and his wife sat outside the lodge and watched the sun rise. By seven o'clock all were awake and the principal priests were present, sitting about the buffalo skull in no special order. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLII. Pl. XLII. Priests Making the Excavation. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 133 The Excavation. The Chief Priest spat in the hands of Cedar-Tree, Big-Baby, and the assistant Chief Priest, and with similar rites spat upon an axe five times. In the mean time the Lodge-maker brought in the bundle of dog-wood sticks which had been lying outside of the lodge. Big- Baby and the assistant Chief Priest without formality cleared the ground for a considerable distance around and especially in front of the buffalo skull, removing all trace of vegetation. They next pre- pared to mark the site of the excavation to be made in front of the skull. The assistant Chief Priest took a slender rod and placed one end of it upon the upper side of his lower arm bent at right angles to his upper arm. He measured with the stick in this position to the base of his middle finger. Having cut the stick this length, he roughly indicated on the ground in front of the skull the length of the excava- tion. Big-Baby with his two hands took the hands of Black-Man and caused him to touch an axe and make a circular motion over the space thus indicated ; then he caused him to direct the axe downward five times and touch the ground with the axe in four different places, beginning with the southeast, thus indicating a rectangular figure. Continuing to hold his hands he again caused him to make a circular motion and to direct the axe four times and touch the ground in the center, thus indicating the place to be cut. The space was again measured with the stick, preparatory to its excavation, the width now being determined by the assistant Chief Priest, who placed the tips of his two thumbs together with his palms downward and out- ward.* By this time the heat of the sun was excessive, and women brought poles and a piece of tipi cloth with which they formed a shelter over the priests working at the altar. Before actually beginning the work of excavating, although its size had been indicated, Big-Baby passed around behind the buffalo skull and sighted over the median line of the skull, in order to make sure that the space was in a direct line between the center of the skull, and the center-pole. Thereupon, Black-Man, without further formality, began loosening the earth in the rectangular area. Big-Baby, with his right hand, took the right hand of Black-Man, made a circular motion with it over the loosened earth, directed his hand toward it four times, and the latter took up a handful of earth and placed it upon an old blanket which had been spread out by the side of the excavation as a receptacle. The cir- ♦It will be remembered that the same measure was used in indicating the width of the bands on the four poles and the center-pole of the lodge which were to receive bands of paint. 134 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. cular motion and the four passes were repeated three additional times, Black-Man each time taking up an additional handful of earth. Big-Baby released Black-Man's hand and the latter, using his right hand only, gathered up the remaining loose earth and placed it upon the blanket. When the space had thus been cleaned Big-Baby and Black-Man seized the blanket by the four corners, lifted on it four times, carried it to the center-pole and waved the blanket toward it four times, and emptied the earth at the foot of the center-pole on the west side. (See PI. XLIV.) Preparation of the Altar Sticks. During this time other priests, especially Cedar-Tree and the assist- ant Chief Priest, the number of priests working being gradually in- creased, were decorticating and fashioning the dogwood sticks into requisite shapes, to be used either in the construction of the rainbow or to be placed upright along the sides of the excavation. (See Fig. 6 1.) Before beginning work on these sticks, however, all had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest in the customary manner. The priests worked on these sticks until they were all prepared. Fig. 6i. Priests decorticating altar sticks. Pl. XLIII. Priests Going After the Altar Sod. PL. XLIV. The Priest Preparing the Hands of Sage-Woman. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 135 Securing the Sods. It was now time for the priests to go after certain pieces of sod to be used in the construction of the altar. Sage-Woman, the wife of the Chief Priest, who had been the constant companion of the Lodge-maker's wife since they had taken up their position in the Sun Dance lodge, erected a small curtain in front of the bed and cos- tumed the Lodge-maker's wife as on the preceding day. When she emerged from behind the curtain it was seen that her face, hands, and body were painted red, and that she wore her buffalo robe and belt. Fig. 62. Priests leaving the lodge for the sods. Sage-Woman selected from the poles which had been brought that morning for the shelter over the priests a short tipi pole and cut it about the length of the so-called earth-peg, inserted in the willow bundle in the fork of the center-pole on the preceding day. The point of this she sharpened after the manner of a digging stick. This she gave to the Lodge-maker's wife, who started out of the Sun Dance lodge toward the east, followed first by Sage-Woman carrying an axe and then by all the Sun Dance priests. (See PI. XLIIL and Fig. 62.) They went to the east of the lodge and halted at a distance of about a hundred feet, where the priests formed in a simi-circle facing the west, the two women sitting in the center of the half-circle. Big- Baby with an axe cleared the grass and weeds from a rectangular piece of earth about two feet square. The digging stick was handed to the Chief Priest, who touched his finger to the ground, to his tongue, took a bite of root, spat five times toward the stick, and handed it to the Lodge-maker's wife. She and Sage-Woman now had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest. (See PI. XL IV.) Sage-Woman took the two hands of the Lodge-maker's wife and caused them to make 136 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX. I'lG. 63. The Lodge-maker's wife and Sa-c-W uman. four passes toward the digging-stick and to pick it up. They moved forward to the cleared spot, pointed with the stick toward the cleared spot four times, once to each of its four corners. (See Fig. 63.) One of the priests took a small twig /^OI^T/~\ which he had brought with him from the Sun Dance lodge and measured upon the cleared space. Then the assistant Chief Priest, Big-Baby, and Roman- Nose held their hands for the Chief Priest to prepare, and they measured on the side a rectangular figure, each side being equivalent to the ex- tended span of the second finger to the thumb. The out- lines of this area were now lined or traced by means of the digging-stick. Cedar-Tree desired to assist in the meas- uring and had his hands prepared by the Chief Priest.* The succession of movements which now followed in loosening the sod may best be understood by refer- *At this point two boys starting across the camp-circle were about to pass between tha priests and the Sun Dance lodge. One of the priests at once called out, directing them to go either west of the Sun Dance lodge, or east of the priests, for to pass between the priests cutting the sod and the lodge was to court misfortune. 1 2 4 s5 3 Fig. 64. Diagram of sods. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorse y. 137 ence to the diagram (see Fig. 64), which shows the order in which the pieces were cut and the order in which they were Hfted from their places. The priests, still measuring with their fingers, divided the :_...'.-:. 1::.- -::_:-_ i.^ds. Space, bounded by the four straight lines first indicated, as on the accompanying diagram; the one on the north and marked (i) being outlined first. Then without formality one of the priests took the axe (see Fig. 65) and inserted the blade along all of the lines, passing the axe first around the rectangular piece on the north, next the piece on the east, the piece on the south, and the piece on the west. Before beginning to mark the inner lines, that is the boundaries of the fifth piece, he moved his axe back, around by way of the east and south, and reaching over the sod marked the west line from north to south. He marked the east line from north to south; the north line from east to west. He then took up a spade, brought to the scene by one of the priests, and gently loosened all five pieces of sod, inserting the point of the spade along all edges. The two women now went to the Chief Priest who again prepared their hands. Two of the priests did likewise. The latter moved up to the sods and placing their hands along the line which separated the first piece from the fourth and fifth pieces they lifted it up and placed it toward Fig. 66. The fifth piece of sod. 138 P'lELD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. mfi'j ''^.'"'-j*. :~.j1Lj. Fig. 67. Sage-woman and the Lodge-maker's wife. the north, upside down. They placed their hands in the groove, separated the second piece from the fifth, and threw it out in the same manner, upside down, and so on until the four pieces forming the outer area were thrown out. (See Fig. 66.) When these four pieces were all thrown out Sage- Woman took the hands of the Lodge-maker's wife and caused her to make four passes toward the first piece and assisted her to get it on the palms of her hands. (See Fig. 67.) She carried it, in stooping pos- ture, into the lodge, walk- ing slowly. There she was directed to move it toward the ground four times and place it down south of the skull. She returned to where the priests had continued to sit in a semi-circle, and Fig. 68. The Lodge-maker's wife placing the sods, again with the assistance May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 139 of Sage-Woman, took up the second piece and carried it to the lodge. She returned for the third, fourth, and fifth pieces. The second piece was placed just west of the first piece, or at the southeast corner of the skull, the third and fourth pieces on the northwest and northeast cor- ners respectively, and the fifth piece (see Fig. 68) at the back of the skull; the positions of the five pieces may be understood by ref- erence to the ac- companying dia- gram. (See Fig. 69.) The sods are now symbolic of Fig. 6g. Diagram of position of sods and skull. the four medicine-spirits and the sun. As she brought in the fifth piece she was followed by Sage-Woman and all the priests, though it was observed that no particular order was followed in the return to the lodge. Within the lodge the priests took up their accustomed places, except one who took up his position immediately behind the central piece of sod. Fig. 70. Priests making the semi-circle of earth. I40 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. The Semi-circle and the Altar Foliage. Without formality the priests began working down the pieces of sod (see Fig. 70), so that they caused the inner ends to meet and thus form a complete semi-cricle around the skull. Three-Fingers at this point brought in a large bundle of small bushes bearing red berries, the ends of all of which had already been trimmed.* (See Fig. 71.) From this bundle the assistant Chief Priest selected five. He took the Lodge- maker's right hand and together they made a circular motion and four passes toward the bushes. The Lodge-maker was directed to pick up one of the bushes, make four passes toward the sod semi-circle, and in- sert it at the north- east end, that is into what was the first piece of sod. With similar movements the four other bushes were picked up and inserted in the semi-circle, the order of their insertion being the same as that followed in placing the five pieces of sod about the skull. Thus the second piece was inserted in the second piece of sod, and so on. The assistant Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker retired, and the remaining bushes were inserted without formality by the other priests in the semi-circle, so that when finished it bore a closely set row of bushes. (See PI. XLV.) Black-Man brought into the lodge a young cottonwood sapling, two young plum trees, and finally a second cottonwood. Without formality he sharpened the bases of these, so as to make easier their insertion into the ground at the proper time. The Lodge-maker's wife donned her robe and belt, which she had laid aside when she had resumed her place on the bed. She secured the digging stick used to loosen the sods and with the usual assistance of Sage-Woman she was directed to make the circular motion and the four passes, to take up the digging stick (see Fig. 72) and with it to make a circular move- ment and four passes and then to prepare the holes to receive the ♦These bushes are symbolic of all vegetation, especially of all fruits. Fig. 71. Chief Priest directing the Lodge-maker. PL. XLV. Priests Inserting the Altar Foliage. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLV. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 141 l-'i{.. 72. Ludgc-maker's wife picking up the digging stick. four saplings which had just been brought in. She made the first hole at the southeast, the next at the southwest, at the northwest, and at the northeast of the skull, each hole being just outside the semi-circle, and corresponding in position with the first four bushes. She laid aside the digging stick and without further formality took up an iron bar and proceeded to deepen and enlarge the holes. At Fig. 73. Lodge-maker's wife with the altar foliage. 142 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. this point Iron-Shirt, a famous Cheyenne warrior who probably holds the longest coup record in the tribe to-day, related the usual war story attendant upon the building of the fire. Sage-Woman took the two hands of the Lodge-maker's wife in hers and made the usual four passes, and the latter took up one of the two plum-trees (see Fig 73), and inserted it in the first of the two holes on the south side of the altar. t4'l^|yfi|!l^ll^^^^''^''^tl^^i^HHHii With like move- ments , and being similarly direct- ed, she oicked up one of the cottonwoods and placed it in the second of the two holes on the south. With similar move- ments the sec- ond plum-tree was placed in the first hole on the north side of the altar and then the second Cottonwood in the second hole (See Fig. 74.) The symbol- ism of the bushes with red berries has been noted. The plum bushes are symbolic of vegetation in general, especially of all herbs, etc., which are good for medicinal use. The cottonwoods are symbolic of all large vegetation, especially of timber useful for fire, etc. "In the Lone-tipi they made things as if they were going to come. Now things are coming to pass." The Dry Sand Painting. One of the priests entered the lodge with a bag of sand which Black-Man emptied by the side of the excavation, whereupon those who were to take part in the dry sand painting to be made in the excavation had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest. They gathered around the excavation and one of them removed from it Fig. 74. Lodge-maker's wife completing altar foliage. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 143 the pieces of leaves, etc.. which had fallen upon the floor. One of the priests took the two hands of the Lodge-maker in his and caused them to make four passes toward the sand. His hands still being held by the priest, the Lodge-maker took up a double handful of sand, circled it over the ditch, and directed it toward each of the four corners and deposited a portion of it in the southeast, the southwest, the northwest, and the northeast corners, and the remainder in the center. The field was now completely covered to the depth of about half an inch by the Lodge-maker, without further formality. The remainder of the sand was gathered up and placed upon the earth mound from the excavation at the foot of the center-pole on the west side. The Lodge-maker returned to the excavation. One of the priests took a small stick and directed it toward the ditch four times, and with the point of the stick first directed toward the sand field, along the border next the buffalo skull, divided the field by four short lines into five equal divisions. The assistant Chief Priest, with the same stick, completed the lines by continuing them across the field to the opposite side. The Lodge-maker was handed four bags of paints which he untied ; the first contained red, the second black, the third yellow, and the fourth white dry paint. His two hands were grasped by one of the priests, and were directed toward the black paint four times; at the fifth time the Lodge-maker took up a pinch and he was caused to direct it toward the beginning of the first, or left, of the four parallel lines; at the point nearest the skull the paint was di- rected four times and dropped. (See Fig. 7 5.) With similar move- ments and in the same man- ner a pinch of red paint was placed at the beginning of the second line; yellow at the third, and white at the fourth. The Chief Priest, without formality, completed these four lines. Taking up 144 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. the second pinch of black paint he made a dotted line on each side of the black line ; a dotted line in red on each side of the red line ; a dotted line in yellow on each side of the yellow line; and a dotted line of white on each side of the white line. The dotted or broken lines of colored sand represented stars — the white first, because the white stars come first in the morning. The continuous lines represent roads ; the white is that of the Lodge- maker and his wife; the red is the road of the Cheyenne; the black is the trail of the buffalo; the yellow is the path of the sun. The entire sand picture is a symbol of the morning star. Fig. 76. Preparing the rainbow sticks. The Rainbow Sticks. The four sticks or bows for the rainbow which had been prepared (see Fig. 76) were brought to the altar by the assistant Chief Priest. He moved his hand over the smallest of the four and motioned toward it four times, took it up, and inserted the two ends of it in the ground at the south extremity of the excavation and between it and the anterior end of the buffalo skull. With similar movements he inserted the second, third and fourth bows over the first one, the fourth or largest being so placed that it was immediately over the third one, which, in turn, was over the second, etc. (See Fig. 77.) Red-Cloud took a piece of tallow, mixed it with black paint, and painted the first or inner bow black. He then daubed downy feathers with black paint and tallow and attached them to this bow. He painted the second bow red and gave it a coat of red painted downy May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 145 feathers; the third bow he painted yellow and gave it a coat of yellow painted downy feathers; the fourth, or upper and outermost bow, he painted white and gave it a coat of white painted downy feathers. The bows now are symbolic of the rainbow or of rain; if these sticks were not put up a flood would come. The Men Sticks. The assistant Chief Priest took up the nine* so-called "man sticks," the lower two-thirds of which had been decorticated, and inserted them in a row at equal distances apart, near the southern border of the excavation. (See Fig. 78.) Galloping in the mean time erected seven completely decorticated sticks on the north side. The assistant Chief Priest then painted the decorticated surface of the sticks on the south side red and the upper surface black, and attached red and black downy feathers to them, while Galloping painted the seven on the north side white and attached white downy feathers. (See Fig. 79.) The white sticks are symbolic of the same tribe as the human effigy in the center-pole, i. e., the ♦These sticks may varv from seven to nine. The red and black sticks are symbolic of a human body with black hair, and represent the bands of Cheyenne Fig. 78. Decorticating the men sticks. 146 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. enemy in general, which are conceived of as scalped. The Cheyenne name their chief enemies in the following order: Ute, Pawnee, Crow, Assinaboin, Shoshoni, and Ponca. The assistant Chief Priest painted with red, and added a coat of red downy feathers to the upper part of the plum-tree and the cotton- wood-tree on the south side, and painted their bases black and applied black downy feathers; Galloping painted the two trees on the north side with white and coated them with white downy feathers. These feathers are symbolic of all birds and of all food. Now they must come forth with the growth of the earth. The altar (See PI. XLVI.), and consequently the lodge, was now complete. It is often spoken of as the willow lodge because all wear willow wreaths. Formerly all the warriors at this time hung their shields and medicine bundles on the lodge and it was called the Growth or New Birth lodge. While the altar as a whole represents this earth, the fifth in the series, and symbolizes the supreme medicine being, the lodge itself represents the heavens, or universe. No men- struating woman may come within the lodge now, for the dancers are Fig. 79. Auaching downy feathers to the ahar sticks. flATjA 3hT .IV PL. XLVI. The Altar. (Carpenter.) FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLVI. kJ^pT^!^^ ^' May, 1905. The Chkyexxe — Dorsey. 147 considered sacred and they are strictly required to refrain from the presence of unclean women. Filling the Sacred Pipe. The altar having been finished, the Lodge-maker filled the sacred pipe. His immediate instructor this time was Three- Fingers, who, in turn, was directed by the assistant Chief Priest. As the loading of this pipe has already been described, the operation need not be described again. After it was filled and greased it was replaced by the side of the buffalo skull. THE DANCERS ARE PAINTED. FIRST PAINT. The Lodge-maker got from the fire a coal in the long-handled fire-spoon, placed it in front of the assistant Chief Priest who was to paint him thereafter during the ceremony, and sat down behind him, near the altar. During the time occupied in constructing the altar, the dancers had been sitting in their proper places, each being provided early in the morning with a pipe. In front of the dancers sat their grand- fathers, that is the men who were to paint them. Each dancer now gave his pipe to his grandfather, who lighted it and smoked. While the grandfathers were smoking, the dancers went in turn to the Chief Priest who spat upon their hands after the usual fashion, where- upon they rubbed their hands together and passed them down over their head, face and body. The first to receive the spittle were the Lodge-maker and his wife, for, in theory, they are always painted first. The grandfathers were now provided by relatives of the dancers with small bowls and boxes or bags of paints which they were to use in painting the dancers. The assistant Chief Priest began to paint the entire body, face, and head of the Lodge-maker with red, while Sage-Woman, the Chief Priest's wife, painted in a similar man- ner the body of the Lodge-maker's wife. In applying this paint the Fig. 80. A dancer receiving his paint. (Mooney.) 148 Field Coluxmbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. same motions were performed and the same order of application was maintained as when they were painted in the Lone-tipi on the pre- ceding day by the same priests. As soon as the assistant Chief Priest was well advanced in painting the Lodge-maker, the other grand- fathers began painting the dancers under their charge (see PL XLVII. and Fig. 80), going through the same motions; that is, rubbing their hands together and making in their palms the marks which have already been described. The character of the paints applied will be treated in another Fig. 81. Priest repainting the Lodge-maker's robe. (Mooney.) section, but it may be said here that theoretically the first paint should be uniform for all the dancers. In the succeeding paints additions to the prescribed paint may be applied, these additions being usually the property of the painter, and known as "dream paints." An exception to the rule that all should be painted in a uniform manner was noted in the case of two dancers on the south side of the line who bore paints different from the others. These were Arapaho, who had asked permission to fast during this ceremony, as provision had not been made for the Sun Dance in their own tribe. Big-Baby painted the head-dress of the Lodge-maker red, directing his hand toward it four times, and then upward, and giving it a coat PL. XLVII. The Grandfathers Painting the Dancers. (Carpenter.) FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLVIII. PL. XLVIII. A Costumed Dancer. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLIX. Pl. XLIX. Women Bringing Food for the Feast. fm0.7 • ^^^Hl sa«3M' .3- m Fig. 87. Dancers whistling toward the center-pole, 1901. (SeeFig.87.)The dancing consist- ed chiefly of rais- ing the heel from the ground, thus signifying their desire that the earth may be blessed that all may live. This perform ance was repeated four times and the last course of the Sun Dance proper may be said to have begun. The crowd now scattered out, some of the dancers sat down and the painters removed the bunches of sage from their belts, each handing them to the dancers, who placed them at the foot of the center-pole. The lancers passed by the Chief Priest and received the spittle in their hands "to give them permanent homes," whereup- on they made a motion as if rub- 1 )ing their hands together, down their arms, legs, over their breast and head. Some of the dancers in- stead of receiving the spittle from the priest, performed the rite for themselves, first touching their finger to the ground, then to their tongue, and placing their tongue to a root which was attached to the base of a buffalo tail, held out to them by the Chief Priest. The grandfathers now re- FlG. Dancers washing off the paint. (Mooney.) 154 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX. moved the eagle breath- feather from the hair of their subjects, and gave each one a bunch of sage, whereupon the dancers went, without formahty, to buckets of water, provided for this pur- pose, and with the sage thor- oughly drenched themselves from head to foot. (See Figs. 88 and 89.) It was now about four o'clock. No further rites were performed in the lodge, nor was there any further movement until about seven o'clock in the evening. THE SECOND PAINT. Dancers washing off the paint. (Mooney.) The dancers were painted as in the afternoon. First each dancer handed his grandfather the pipe. After smoking, the grand- fathers made for each of the dancers a willow wreath into which was inserted a red stained eagle breath-feather, symbolic of the eagle, — as the whistling represents his cry when he is in the air. After painting it the willow sage wreath was placed on the dancer's head, and in his belt were inserted the usual five bunches of sage. After all had been painted, the order of procedure as well as the manner being the same as in the forenoon, food was provided, the dancers made the usual sacrifice of food, and the feast followed. Coals were provided for the priests and they painted the dancers and prepared their feet, hands, etc., as in the afternoon. The fire was replenished with accompanying war storv, and the dancers made ready for the evening performance, which did not differ from that Fig. go. Arapaho dancer taking up willow pole. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 155 of the afternoon. The Lodge-maker carried in his right hand, in addition to a bunch of sage, an eagle wing feather. The two Arapaho were painted diflferently from the others. They now went to the center-pole to receive certain special objects with which they were to dance and which had been placed there bv their grandfathers. These objects were slender wil- low boughs about ten feet in length, to the upper end of which was attached strips of calico (see Fig. 90), and a pipe, to the stem of which was attached a small bunch of sage. (See Fig. 91.) They then walked back and joined the line of dancers. (See Fig. 92.) Again the grand- fathers stood by their subjects and moved their arms back and forth in accompaniment to the time of the singing on the part of the musicians about the drum. At this time, however, each grandfather stood in front of his subject and grasped his left arm, lifted it aloft, and shook it so that the long fringe of the sage wreath about his arm swayed back and forth. Then they took the right arm of the dancer in the same way, holding it out straight, and shaking it. The grandfathers continued this for a few moments and then sat down; the dancers continued whistling and dancing. The movement of the dancers now varied somewhat from the first dance, for they held up first one arm and then the other. The dance now continued with slight intermissions late into the night. At about ten o'clock occurred the incident relating to the torture to be described later in these pages. Before the dancers lay down for the night, the so-called " sweet- water " was made for one or two of them. This could be made only by the assistant Chief Priest and Three-Fingers. It is believed that the drinking of water thus made does not violate the vow to fast. At the conclusion of the last dance of the night, all the wreaths and pieces of sage, etc., worn during the dance were deposited at the foot of the center-pole, by the side of the cups of paint, etc., which had been placed there immediately after the grandfathers had finished painting the dancers. Fig. 91. Pipes carried by the Arapaho dancers. 156 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. Fig. 92. Arapaho dancers in line. THE SIXTH DAY. As already explained, the number of days devoted to dancing and fasting depends upon the length of time fasted by the one chosen as Chief Priest. In the ceremonies of both 1901 and 1903 the time devoted exclusively to dancing, and not including the altar day, was one day ; This naturally involved either the omission of certain pre- scribed paints or the use on the altar day and the day following of more paints than are supposed to be appropriate to any one day. Both the description of the paints which are supposed to be worn on each individual day and what happened in the ceremonies witnessed is set forth in the proper place. The rites, in the full ceremony of eight days, of each day following the altar day are practically the same. On each morning there is the sunrise dance, followed by a period of rest. Then the dancers are painted and given their wreaths; the feast is provided, the sacrifice is made, the priests eat, the remnants of the food are removed, the rawhide is passed over the incense and thrown among the musicians, and the dancers dance to the accompaniment of the music at irregular intervals throughout the day. Formerly there were certain times during these three days following the altar day when certain forms of torture were practiced. This subject FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. Lll B?i8^^^-_:^'>^^^SZ kr*^' J \_ 157/. -iS^^^ ^jV^* »-i i .^C"^ ' n Jk<3^f^M "^m.! 1 r1 1- ;'■ V.' r'-^^ 1-^; 'i iHl^S^I ^'^!Si! --■'if ;^^' '^^T"^^^ ^MEt^ >flfl n / '»^Jal. -. ' s:^-,' ■■„. f A»«^.. m. Fig. C. Pl. LII. Scenes Inside the Lodge. Fig. a. Exchanging Presents. Fig. B. Chief Announcing a Present. Fig. C. Old Chief and Wife Making Love. .3V0l omjmaM May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 157 is treated in another place. The sacred pipe is smoked, refilled, and painted with every change of paint. It remains, therefore, to enumerate the successive events and to describe those which took place early in the morning and late on the afternoon of this day and which brought the performance to a close. THE SUNRISE DANCE. The dance was continued with but slight intervals throughout the night until near morning, when the dancers lay down in their blankets for a brief period of sleep. Shortly after five o'clock the musicians were sitting around the drum, and the dancers formed in line in their usual places. Then they proceeded in one long line toward the eastern entrance and stood half-way between the doorway and the center- pole, where they danced until the sun appeared above the horizon. It was noticed that as the line formed toward the east only twelve dancers had survived the ordeal, all the remainder having dropped out except one old man over seventy years old, who remained sitting in his usual place. It seems probable that the majority of those who left the line during the night did so on account of inability to withstand the heat, fatigue, and continued fast. The claim was put forth, however, by the priests that many left because their families had not made sufficient provision to furnish the food necessary for the feast which precedes each paint. THE THIRD PAINT. There followed a period of rest until about seven o'clock in the morning, when preparations were made for the painting of the dancers, etc. In accordance with the program already stated, the Lodge-maker and his wife, as on all previous occasions, were painted first. During this day, as well as on the previous day, women occasion- ally replaced the men around the drum and led in the singing. It is claimed that all women who are supposed to have excelled in mat- rimonial affairs are privileged to serve at the drum. At times all the women about the drum were wives of the members of one or another of the warrior societies; at other times they were all wives of the chiefs. During the day the exchange of presents was kept up, almost without intermission. Ponies, blankets, etc., were brought into the lodge, the crier announcing the gift; at other times grayheaded married couples stood up together and openly made love and ex- patiated on the beauties of married life. (See PI. LI I.) A few women also entered the lodge on this day, during the singing, each bearing a 158 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. sheep scapula,* attached to a stick which she held upright; with these they danced, keeping time to the beating of the drum. Such women are supposed to have held out for a long time when they were courted. In case of one woman it was said that a certain old man of the tribe was still trying to win her, and to the great amusement of the whole crowd she related the story and gave the name of her old lover. To return to the discussion of events of the day, it may be noted first, that after the period of rest above mentioned, certain dancers quenched their thirst by drawing sage which had been dipped in water across their mouths. When the time came for the first of the three paints which were worn on this day, the painters proceeded to wash their bod- ies, as they had on previous occasions, the symbols being touched with sage by the painters, for the blessing of the paint, it is as- sumed, had struck into the body. Then the grand- father went to the Chief Priest to re- ceive the spittle. The dancers pro- vided coals for the grandfathers to incense their hands and then followed the painting. Dur- ing its progress the food was brought. After the Lodge-maker was painted, his robe was painted as it was in the Lone-tipi, it being repainted with each change of paint. After it had been painted the priest made the same movements that were made in the Lone-tipi; first shaking it as the buffalo does on getting up to shake the dust from his body — thus the priest * Formerly a human scapula. Fig. 93. Lodge-maker sacrificing to the altar. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 159 shakes the disease from the people, as the dust rises so disease rises and passes away. In making the sacrifice, the Lodge-maker took a small piece of meat and offered it to the small earth under the jaw of the buffalo skull first making four passes; after depositing the meat he held his palms over it four times. (See Fig. 93.) Then the assistant Chief Priest dipped the tips of sprigs of sage in several bowls, rose, and gave it to the Lodge-maker who went around by way of the south to the altar and touched the tips of the arrows representing the Cheyenne, and laid the bunch of sage down by their side, the offering of sage expressing the desire that vegetation in general may come. Other dancers took pieces of sage, dipped them in a bowl of food, and offered them to the four painted reach-poles. Thus, on the first day, it may be said that the sacrifice is to the altar; on the second day, to the lodge itself. After the sacrifice came the feast, the removal of the food, the exchange of presents, the renewal of the bed (see Fig. 94), and the placing of the sage in the belts of the dancers. Then the dancers brought coals with which to light the pipes for the grandfathers. All being in readiness for the begin- ning of the dance, Big-Baby placed the buffalo robe upon the shoul- ders of the Lodge-maker, directing it toward him first four times. During the dance the Chief Priest stood beside the Lodge-maker and danced with him, thus encouraging him. At times during this and the following dances the Lodge-maker stood on five bunches of sage which had been placed on the floor of the excavation. Thus he stood Fic. 94. Woman removing bed from the lodge. on the four medicine-spirits and the sun. It was during this dance that one of the women who held a scapula aloft on a stick cried out to the dancers: "Do not be afraid to look at it; it is the moon. You will be like this some day." i6o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. At the end of the dance, the two Arapaho, as usual, placed their pipes and long willow poles by the side of the center-pole, and all the dancers removed their wreaths of willow and the five bunches of sage and deposited them at the foot of the center-pole and removed their paint. THE FOURTH PAINT. Again the Chief Priest spat into the hands of the grandfathers for the second paint of this day. Food was brought into the lodge and the sacrifice followed. This time the Lodge-maker took five pieces of meat, sacrificed one beneath each of the painted reach poles, begin- ning with the one on the southeast, then the northwest, etc., and finally a piece to the altar, thus feeding the four medicine-spirits and the earth. Before Big-Baby placed the robe upon the Lodge-maker for this dance, the Lodge-maker got a coal with his fire-spoon and placed it in front of his seat. Big- Baby gave him a pinch of sweet-grass and he made a circular motion with it and four passes toward the coal and placed it on the coal. Over the rising smoke he stooped, gathering his robe about him to retain the incense ; thus uniting the tribe. Iljll Now began the dance. On account of the . intense heat the grandfathers labored over their men, blowing the "medicine" upon their ^f • 95- Diagram of ^ hands, back, and head, shaking them, lodge showing posi- i- i • r tions of sage ^^^ otherwise attemptmg to relieve their suf- fering. It was noticed at this time that of the thirteen dancers who had held out until this morning, two had left the lodge, so that at the beginning of this dance there were but eleven of the original thirty-nine remaining, and of these two were Arapaho. (See PI. LIII.) Nevertheless, the enthusiasm of the ceremony at this time was at its height. The old men and women at the drum shouted in their happiness, while other old couples openly made love, to the immense satisfaction and amuse- . ment of the crowd, which now was greater than at any time during the ceremony. (See PI. LIV.) At the end of the dance the dancers sat down. The two Arapaho placed their staffs behind the altar. One of the Arapaho took his pipe to the assistant Chief Priest who pointed the stem toward the four painted rafters, toward the center-pole, to the fork, to the ground, to the buffalo skull, turned PL. LIU. Line of Dancers at Noon, Last Day. (Carpenter.) Pl. LIV. General View of the Sun Dance Lodge. (Carpenter.) May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey 161 the stem downward and pointed it toward the earth; then he hghted it and went through the same movements, offering the smoke. THE FIFTH PAINT. The grandfathers put on the last paint. The Chief Priest took a large bunch of sage and going toward the altar divided it into five bunches. He then arranged four of the bunches in front of and around the altar, their butts being directed toward it, placing them so that each bunch was distinct from the others. The first was southwest of the altar, the second and third in front, and the fourth on the southeast of the altar. The fifth bunch he placed four feet north of the center-pole. (See I'^ig- 95-) Upon these the Lodge- maker was to dance, praying to the four medicine-spirits and to the sun. Many women now came for- ward with offerings of calico, blankets, etc.: all these were tied around the waist of the Chief Priest, who wore them during the next rite. (See Fig. 96.) Fu;. 96. Chief Priest wearing gifts of blankets. THE CHIEF PRIEST DANCES WITH THE LODGE-MAKER. After the dance had continued for a while all sat down except the Chief Priest and the Lodge- maker; the musicians continued to sing while these two stood and danced. (See Fig. 97.) During the first song the Lodge-maker stood on the sage at the southwest of the altar, during the r- /"u- r Ti • J • L- J r second song he stood at r iG. 07. Chief Pnest dancing by side of ° Lodge-maker. ^^^ second bunch of sage. i62 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. Fig. g8. Chief Priest and Lodge-maker Fig. 09. Altar, after partial destruction by dancing by center- pole. Lodge-maker. during the third song on the third, during the fourth song on the fourth, and during the fifth song on the sage near the center-pole. (See Fig. 98.) From this point the Lodge-maker and Chief Priest danced or hopped stiff legged, one foot being slightly in advance of the other, back and forth to the altar four times. As they approached the altar the fourth time the Chief Priest pushed the Lodge-maker toward the white arrows, causing some of them to fall. (See Fig. 99.) Thus they gave thanks to the four medicine-spirits, and as he knocked the white arrows down, their enemies are informed that they are through dancing. The Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker then went to their seats and sat down. THE FINAL DANCE. The Lodge-maker and all the other dancers arose again and began dancing and whistling with the beginning of a new song. At this point the Arapaho and their grandfathers left the lodge, for except the final rite about to be noted the dance was over, and they had fulfilled their vow. The curtains surround- ing the lodge were now removed sufficiently to make doors or openings on Fig. 100. Final dance, line facing the east. the south, west, and north May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey, 163 sides. With the beginning of a new song the dancers formed in a long single line facing the east (see Fig. 100), dancing and whistling. At the end of the second song they moved forward one step. Thus they danced through the third and fourth songs, moving forward at the end of each song. At the end of the fourth song they ran, led by the Chief Priest, outside of the lodge, turned sharply, and rushed toward the center-pole, still led by the Chief Priest, who waved in their faces a breath-feather fastened to the end of a stick which represented flying birds. They raced around the center-pole twice, then out again through the eastern door- way. Then they rushed back toward the center-pole and made a dash toward the south entrance, turned again and ran around the center-pole twice, rushed out toward the west entrance, rushed back, circled around the cen- ter-pole twice and rushed toward the north en- trance. Again they re- turned, circled around the center-pole twice, still being led by the Chief Priest. By this time the dancers were fairly reeling and stag- gering and panting for breath. (See Fig. loi.) They turned back and rushed toward the altar, in front of which they stopped and the dance was at an end. By this rite they march out to the four medicine- spirits of the four directions; thus also they represent the people going to their homes, full of life and animation. During this exciting performance the musicians sang and shouted to a degree not hitherto noted during the ceremony, while all the spectators, except the priests and chiefs, shouted and encouraged the dancers. BREAKING THE FAST. The dancers took their places by the grandfathers who removed their wreaths, which the dancers placed in a heap at the foot of the center-pole. Then the grandfathers touched the symbols of the dancers with sage dipped in water, and the dancers washed as before. While Sage-Woman, the Chief Priest's wife, was preparing water for Fig. ioi. Final dance, led by Chief Priest. 164 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. the Lodge-maker's wife, the Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker sat down by a bowl of water. The former touched his finger to the ground, to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat into the water five times, first to the southeast, then in the southwest, the northwest, and the northeast corners, and finally in the center. The Lodge-maker moved his head gently toward the water four times, and then a fifth time, but with a much more decided movement, and drank from the water. As soon as the dancers had washed themselves they drank, without formality, from pails of water which had been brought by their relatives. Then each one caused violent vomiting by tickling his throat with a grass stem (see Fig. 102), after which each one was Ik;. 102. The emetic. (Mooney.) taken by his grandfather to a sweat-lodge which had been erected by relatives during the close of the ceremony. This sweat bath did not differ from the ordinary sweat bath. It is merely a purification rite, and is said to depend for its efficacy on the sage on which the bathers sit. SMOKING THE SACRED PIPE. The lodge was now completely deserted except by the Chief Priest, the Lodge-maker, and two priests who sat on the northeast side of the altar. The Lodge-maker removed the sacred pipe from the altar, got a live coal from the fireplace and placed it in front of the Chief Priest, who lighted the pipe and offered the stem to the four painted reach poles, to the center-pole, to the altar, to the earth, and then smoked. The pipe was passed from the east end of the line toward the west, each priest smoking it ; it was handed back unsmoked to the east end May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 165 of the line ; thus it passed back and forth four times. The ashes were removed without formaHty by the Chief Priest, who rubbed his hands up and down the pipe on each side of the stem and handed it to the Lodge-maker, who took the pipe to himself twice on each side, then along the median line of his body. The Chief Priest cleansed the bowl more thoroughly and tied the pipe and the buffalo chip up in the bundle, which all this time had been lying at the south side of the altar. THE SWEAT BATH. The Lodge-maker went with his wife to their tipi, where he filled a pipe. They went to the tipi of the Chief Priest, to whom on entering the Lodge-maker handed the pipe. Then the Chief Priest made a small "earth" two inches in diameter, lighted the pipe, and made the usual sacrifices. The Lodge-maker took a piece of meat, blackened it with charcoal, and placed it in the Chief Priest's mouth. Then they smoked four pipes full of tobacco and ate. The Chief Priest's wife and his relatives have received during the ceremony many presents; these were now given to the Lodge-maker and his wife. In the mean time a sweat bath had been erected by the friends of the Chief Priest, diflfering in no way from the ordinary sweat bath. The Chief Priest and his wife and the Lodge-maker and his wife went into the sweat-lodge for the purpose of purifying themselves, especially with the belief that thus they may retain all the medicines which they have received during the lodge. There were no rites or singing connected with this bath. After the bath the Chief Priest gave to the Lodge-maker five different kinds of roots to be used as med- FiG. 103. The abandoned lixige. i66 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. icines. These roots were similar to those used in the Sun Dance cere- mony. THE FATE OF THE SUN DANCE LODGE. As with the Arapaho, the lodge is not supposed to be molested after the termination of the dance. Everything is left as a sacrifice by the tribe to the great medicine-spirit. (See Fig. 103.) The omission by the Cheyenne of the sacrifice of clothing to the center-pole and the lodge in general is in marked variance with the custom of the Arapaho. While no one is supposed to molest the lodge after the ceremony, the Chief Priest may claim the right to take anything from the lodge, bless it, and give it to any one who is in trouble, the gift being supposed to be efficacious in removing the trouble. PART III.— PAINTS WORN BY THE DANCERS. As the successive events of the ceremony make for progress toward a certain definite result, so the paints also progress in character toward a definite end. Unlike the paints worn in the Arapaho cere- mony, which showed great variation, and which to a considerable ex- tent may be characterized as "dream-paints," those of the Cheyenne, with one or two exceptions about to be noted, were uniform for all the dancers, including, for the greater part of the time, that worn by the Lodge-maker himself. The paint worn before the erection of the altar, that is by the Lodge-maker and his wife when they left the Lone-tipi, and by the dancers themselves when they entered the lodge on the night of its erection, has already been described. It may be repeated here that the white paint worn by the dancers on enter- ing the lodge is in a certain sense of a purifying nature, it covers all disease, bodily imperfections, etc., which, when the paint is re- moved, are washed away with it. There is a prescribed method for painting the dancers on each of the four days during which they are supposed to fast. As a matter of fact, however, in neither the ceremony of 1901 nor of 1903 did the ceremony last four days; as a consequence, in the effort to represent all the regular paints before the ceremony closed, a certain amount of confusion resulted. In the ceremony of 1901, not all the pre- scribed paints were represented. All but one were represented in the ceremony of 1903 ; but the time during which each paint was worn was much curtailed. The theoretical scheme of the paints, the days being numbered in accordance with the Cheyenne system, when FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LV. Fig. a. Fig. B. Pl. LV. Fig. A. Lodqe-maker's Wife, First Paint. Fig. B. Lodqe-maker's Wife, Second Paint. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 167 speaking of the paints, of calling the altar day the first day, is as follows : Day Number of Paint Name of Paint First First Yellow Second Second Pink Third Third White (Hail) a Green b White Fourth Fourth Black (Cyclone) a Green b White It will be seen that this scheme takes no notice of the fact that all the dancers were painted white on their introduction to the lodge on the night of its erection. In comparing the paints worn in the ceremony of 1903 with the scheme given above, it will be noticed that on the first da}'" the Yellow-paint and the Green-Hail-paint were represented, although, as will be seen, on the second day the white-Hail paint and the green and white Cyclone paint were represented. Consequently, in describ- ing the paints I shall speak of the first and second paints of the first day, and the first, second, and third paints of the second day, in order that they may be localized as regards particular events which have already been described. It should be borne in mind, how- ever, that while the first paint of the first day is the first paint, the second paint of the first day should be the second day's paint. The first paint of the second day, the Hail-paint, should belong to the third day, while the second and third paints of the second day, the Black or Cyclone-paint, belong properly to the fourth day. It is also to be noted here that part of the time the Lodge-maker's wife wore paints not represented by the other dancers ; also that one individual wore paint different from the others; and finally, that the two Arapaho, being painted by Arapaho, wore paints which were quite foreign to the general scheme of the Cheyenne ceremony. It remains, there- fore, to describe in order the paint worn by the Lodge-maker's wife, certain peculiarities of the Lodge-maker's paint, the regular paint, the paint worn by a single individual, and finally the paint worn by the two Arapaho. PAINTS WORN BY THE LODGE-MAKER'S WIFE. First Paint. The paint about to be described was worn by both the lodge-maker and his wife on the morning of the erection of the altar, and hence may be considered as the first paint of the first day. The entire bodies of both individuals (see PI. LV., Fig. a) were 1 68 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. painted solidly in red, the color being so applied that the marks of the fingers were as much as possible obliterated. A straight black line passed down the center of the face, over the middle of the nose, across the center of the mouth, and terminated at the end of the chin. On the middle of the right cheek was a round, black spot or sun sym- bol, while on the left cheek was a black crescent or moon symbol. On the center of the breast was a similar, but larger, black circle ; it also represented the sun. On the back of the right shoulder was a large black crescent or moon symbol. A black line encircled both wrists and ankles. Second Paint. The second paint (see PI. LV., Fig. b) worn by the woman, and which in the ceremony of 1903 was worn in the afternoon of the altar day, was as follows: The body, except the face, as before, was painted solidly red. The face was painted black, the color being applied with the palm side of the wrist by Sage-Woman, who always painted her. On the center of her breast was a black sun symbol, and her wrists and ankles were encircled with black bands. On the back of her right shoulder was a moon symbol. Third Paint. The third paint of the woman, worn as the first paint of the second day, was exactly like the paint which she wore on the preceding evening, and which has been called her second paint. Fourth and Fifth Paint. Her fourth and fifth paints, the second and third of the second day, were the same. (See PI. LVL, Fig. a.) Her body was painted red and the black sun symbol was applied on her breast and a black moon symbol on her right shoulder, black bands encircling her wrists and ankles. About the face was a band of red, lighter in color than that of the body, and so applied as to form the symbol of the morning star. The space within this red line was filled solidly in green. PAINTS WORN BY THE LODGE-MAKER. The Lodge-maker's paint in general was like that worn by all the dancers, the only exception being his first and second paints; that is, the first and second paints of the first day, and of these the first was like that worn by his wife, and already has been described. Second Paint. The second paint of the Lodge-maker was a modification of the first variety of the so-called Hail-paint, and was worn as the second or afternoon paint of the first day. (See PI. LVL, Fig. b.) A band of red was drawn around his waist at the line of the naval, forming a boundary between the lower half of his body, which was painted solidly in red, and the upper half, which was painted solidly in black. On the black ground on the breast was Pl. LVI. Fig. A. Lodge-maker's Wife, Fourth and Fifth Paints. Fig. B. Lodge-maker, Second Paint. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVI. I ''i 1/ I i Fig. a. Fig. B. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVII. Fig. a. Fig. B. PL. LVII. Fig. a. The Yellow Paint. Fig. B. The Pink Paint. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 169 drawn a circular symbol, outlined first by a red line, then by an en- circling black line; the area within the red line was filled solidly in green. Radiating from points equidistant apart on this breast symbol were four green lines, two of which passed upward toward the shoulder and down to a red line surrounding each arm, corresponding in position to the red line about the waist and which separated the black of the upper arm from the red of the lower arm. Two other lines of green passed downward from the circular breast symbol and terminated in the red line about the waist. A similar circular sym- bol was placed upon the face, the region about the eyes, nose, and mouth first being painted green and surrounded by a red line within the black space which occupied the remainder of the face. On the back of the right shoulder was a crescent-shaped symbol of similar color, that is with a green center, inclosed within a red and a black line. At various places over the black field of the upper part of the body were green dots an inch in diameter, made with the end of a round stick. Around the wrists and ankles wer** black encircling bands. A straight black line joined the bands around the wrists to the red band just above the elbow. Over the red field of the lower part of the body, including the legs and forearm, after the paint had dried, the priest applied here and there designs made by slapping the body with willow leaves which had been dipped in red paint. With this paint the Lodge-maker wore a willow wreath around his head, a bandoleer of willow over his left shoulder and under his right arm, a willow band about his waist, and willow wreaths about his wrists and ankles. Third, Fourth, and Fifth Paints. The remaining paints worn by the Lodge-maker, namely, the third, fourth, and fifth, and includ- ing those worn on the second day, were, with one exception, to be noted later, exactly the same as those worn by the other dancers, and will be described with the prescribed paints. PRESCRIBED OR REGULAR PAINTS. Before giving a detailed description of the regular paints, it may be noted that when they are given in full they fall into four groups, which originally were worn on the four days. The first is known as the Yellow-paint ; the second as the Pink-paint ; the third as the White- or Hail-paint; the fourth as the Black-or Cyclone-or Dragon-fly-paint. I.- THE YELLOW-PAINT This is the first paint, and is worn on the morning of the altar day. The entire body (see PI. LVIL, Fig a), including the face and hair, were lyo Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. painted yellow ; the paint on the face and body was given a ribbed or grained effect by drawing the tips of the fingers over it before it was dry. Over this yellow paint across the face just above the mouth were laid two parallel rows of ten green dots. Upon the breast was placed a cir- cular symbol of the sun, made of two concentric circles of green dots; a similar arrangement of dots was made to form the crescent-shape moon symbol on the back of the right shoulder. Around the wrists and ankles were also two parallel rows of green dots. According to one of the priests, this paint, as above described and worn on this day, was incorrect; he contended that the sun and moon symbols and the lines about the wrists and ankles should not have been made by means of dots, but of narrow, black, continuous lines. With this paint were worn a waist-band of sage; wreaths of sage about wrists and ankles ; and the usual five bunches of sage inserted in the waist-band. Thrust into the hair at the back of the head was a stem of sweet-grass. 2.— THE PINK-PAINT. The appropriate paint of the second day is known as the Pink- paint. It was not worn by any of the dancers of the 1903 ceremony, although the Lodge-maker wore a modification of it. The illustration here given"(see PI. LVII., Fig. b) and the description are from the 1901 ceremony. The entire body was painted pink, over which were mark- ings of fine, small willow leaves made by sharply slapping the body with young willow boughs which had been dipped in paint. Upon the breast was a large black sun symbol ; around the face was a black line passing over the middle of the forehead, across the chin, and just in front of the ears ; on the back of the right shoulder was a large moon symbol in black ; around each wrist and each ankle was a black encir- cling band. With this paint were worn a willow leaf head-band and waist-band, and willow wreaths about the wrists and ankles. 3.— THE WHITE- OR HAIL-PAINT. The White or Hail paint is known as the third paint and in a cere- mony of four fasting days belongs to the third day. There are two varieties of this paint, one known as the green-Hail, the other as the white-Hail; the first should be worn in the forenoon, the second in the afternoon. a. The green-White-, or Hail-paint. Owing to the crowding of the events of the ceremony in 1903 this variety of the Hail-paint was worn on the afternoon of the first day, as the second paint of that day. It closely resembled the paint worn by FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVIII. Fig. a. Fig. B. Pl. LVIII. Fig. A. The Green-White or Hail Paint. Fig. B. The White-White or Hail Paint. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 171 the Lodge-maker. The chief difference was that a rectangular-shaped or morning star symbol was worn on the breast, with the usual circular sun symbol on the face ; thus reversing the order of the symbols as worn by the Lodge-maker. (See PI. LVIIL, Fig. a.) Another difference lay in the fact that the black road or trail marks extended from the ankles to the waist line. The same wreaths were worn as already de- scribed for the Lodge-maker. b. The white-White- or Hail-paint. This was worn as the first paint of the second day. (See PI. LVIIL, Fig. b.) Around the waist and arms, just above the elbows, were red bands; all above this was painted black, all below white. Around the wrists and ankles were black lines ; extending upward from the ankles were black lines which joined the waist-band; similar lines joined the bands around the wrists and arms; on the breast was the morning-star symbol and on the face the circular-sun symbol. Both these symbols were outlined in red and filled solidly in green. From the sun symbol a green line passed upward on each side to the shoulder and downward on the arms to the red elbow band, and two green lines extended to the red waist-band. On the black upper surface of the body were large white dots ; on the white lower surface of the body were willow leaf marks in red. The black upper body with its white dots is symbolic of black clouds and white hail lying about the white earth ; while the marks in red upon the white extremities made by the willow leaves, symbolize the vegetation of the earth. It may be noted that while the morning star was represented on the preceding day as above the sun, on this day it was represented as below, for "it moves, now up, now down. The color of the morn- ing star and of the other stars varies as does that of the sun ; hence the different colors." In connection with this paint was worn a willow wreath about the head, symbolic of the sun, which causes growth, and around the neck a willow wreath passing under the left arm. The band around the waist typified the moon, while that of the extremities was symbolic of the four medicine-spirits. The pink earth of the first paint is also contrasted with the white earth of to-day. The lines of the body lead to the heart, and are roads of prayers — " Go to my heart and make me strong. " 172 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. 4.-THE BLACK-, CYCLONE-, OR DRAGON-FLY-PAINT. This is the last paint of the ceremony, and in a performance with four fasting days belongs to the fourth day. Like the White or Hail paint there are two varieties, the green and white, which should be worn on the forenoon and afternoon respectively. In the ceremony under consideration they were the second and third paints of the second day. a. The green-Black-, or Cyclone-paint. This was the second paint of the second day. About the waist and elbows were red encircling lines, the entire surface above these lines being painted black, while the surface below was pink. (See PI. LIX., Fig. a.) On the breast was a circular sun symbol in green, sur- rounded by a red line, from the upper surface of which radiated upward toward the shoulders and down the arms a green line, which ter- minated in the red bands about the elbows. From the lower surface of the sun symbol passed two green lines which terminated in the red line around the waist. On the face was painted the large symbol of the morning star in green, surrounded by a line of red. On the back of the right shoulder was a large moon symbol in green bordered with red. Scattered irregularly over this upper back surface of the body were symbols of dragon-flies in green, averaging about three inches in length. Thus there were in all eight or ten of these on the black outer surface of the face, two on each side of the forehead, and two or three on the jaws. The green dragon-fly symbols were also thickly scattered on the back. On the lower pink surface of the body were the black road lines connecting the red band about the waist with the ankles and the red bands about the elbows with the black bands about the waist. Over the pink area were the markings made by willow leaves dipped in red paint. With this paint was worn a willow wreath on the head and waist, and small willow wreaths about the wrists and ankles. Before the wreaths were put on they were directed toward the east, south, north, then upward. In this paint the pink represented the earth, especially its growth, such as flowers, etc. The four roads, as usual, led from the medicine-spirits to the heart. The black was symbolic of the clouds, while the green dragon-flies symbolized the wind, cyclone or whirlwind. They are supposed to bring the streams, hence water, and hence rain to make the water. The kilts worn with this paint were painted with symbols of rabbit tracks, the kilt first being :'v;,-**. '■^m iM Pl. LIX. Fig. A. The Green-Black or Cyclone Paint. Fig. B. The White-Black or Cyclone Paint. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LIX. Fig. a. Fig. B. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LX. -J ^^^/ Fig. a. Fig. B. Pl. LX. Fig. A. Special Paint. Fig. B. Special Paint. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 173 painted brown so as to make it look old, thus expressing the wish that the dancers will grow old. b. The white-Black-, or Cyclone-paint. This variety of the so-called Black-paint, and representing the white cyclone, was the third paint of the second day. (See PI. LIX., Fig. 6.) It differed from that described in the color of the dragon-flies, which were now white instead of green, and in the color of the body below the waist and the elbow lines, which was now white instead of pink; the mark- ings made by the willows were pink instead of red. (See Fig. 104.) According to one of my informants the upper part of the body in this variety should have been blue instead of black. A variation in this paint may be worn by those who have missed none of the paints during the dance ; they have the privilege of having their right arm painted entirely black with an extra large sun symbol on the breast, and an extra large moon symbol on the back. SPECIAL PAINTS WORN IN 1903. A certain individual whose name was not learned, for the first paint of 1903 was decorated differently from the other dancers. (See PI. LX., Fig. a.) This was due to the fact that his grandfather, or the one who painted him, possessed a certain kind of dream-paint. The dancer's entire body was painted yellow. Around his face was a line in red passing over his eyebrows and across the middle of his chin; beneath each eye was a forked symbol representing lightning. On his breast was a large circular sun symbol, and on his right shoulder was a large red moon symbol. On the outer upper and lower arms and outer and upper and lower legs were short red lines about four inches in length. A red band encircled his wrists and ankles. 1 U . 1 O ) . tanccrs wearing thf wliilc Cyclimc-painl. 174 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. The same individual on the afternoon of this day was painted as follows: His whole body (see PI. LX., Fig. b) was painted yellow. On his breast was a large black sun symbol and on the back of his right shoulder was a large black moon symbol. His face was painted red, surrounded by a black line. Beneath each eye was a forked zigzag lightning symbol. Black bands encircled his wrists and ankles, and straight black lines were drawn upon his outer, upper, and lower arms. Scattered irregularly over his body, both front and back, were marks made by striking his body with willow leaves dipped in red paint. The remaining paints of this dancer were regular. Another individual for the second paint of the first day had the whole surface of his body, including his face, painted yellow. (See PI. LXL, Fig. a.) Over this were the imprints of willow leaves in white. On his breast and back were the black sun and moon symbols respectively. Black bands encircled his wrists and ankles. Upon his upper and lower arms were two carefully made and realistic symbols of buflEalo hoofs. Abouthisface was a black encircling line, and under his eyes were forked zigzag lightning symbols. This same individual wore this same paint as the first on the second day, except that he had a red line around his face, red bands on his wrists and ankles, and a large sun and moon symbol on his right breast and back of the left shoulder respectively. PAINTS WORN BY THE ARAPAHO. The presence of the two Arapaho in the ceremony has already been noted. A description of their paints is here given; it was not found possible to obtain an explanation for them. For the first paint (see PI. LXL, Fig. b) of the first day the whole body was painted red. Around the face, wrists, and ankles was a band of black. On the center of the breast and at the back of the right shoulder was a black sun and moon symbol respectively. On the nose was a black dot. For the second paint of the two Arapaho on the first day (see PI. LXIL, Fig. a) the entire body, including the face, was painted a dull deep red; on the nose was a black dot. About the face, wrists, and ankles were black lines. On the breast was a black sun symbol. Just above and on each side of this were two realistic symbols of pipes in black. On the back of each shoulder was a smaller symbol of a pipe in black. Under the pipe symbol on the right shoulder was the cres- cent-shaped moon symbol. The first and second paints of the two Arapaho on the second day were almost the same. At both times the entire body was painted >;<&.. Pl. LXI. Fig. A. Special Paint. Fig. B. First Paint of the Arapaho. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXI. Fig. a. Fig. B. / !l^^^. PL. LXII. Fig. A. Second Paint of the Arapaho. Fig. B. Third and Fourth Paints of the Arapaho. FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXII. i^M ■^ ^^ -^ Fig. a. Fig. B. May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 175 yellow, and a red band encircled the face, wrists, and ankles. A black spot was made in the center of the bridge of the nose. There were two large pipe symbols in red, their bowls facing, on the upper part of the chest and on the back; they surmounted a symbol of the sun on the breast and of the moon on the back. For the second paint of this day the sun symbol was placed much lower from the pipes than it was in the first paint. The third paint worn by the two Arapaho on the second day dif- fered from that just described (see PI. LXII., Fig. b) only in that the pipe symbols were replaced by solid rectangular figures. PART IV.— TORTURE. The rite of sacrifice by means of self-inflicted torture was com- mon to many of the Plains tribes, and was practiced by no tribe to a greater extent, so far as known, than by the Cheyenne. In treating the subject as it bears upon the ceremony under considera- tion, two points of view appear: torture as it was practiced before it had been discontinued through the intervention of the whites ; the torture incident of the ceremony of 1903. ANCIENT FORMS OF TORTURE. The individual who was to undergo torture during the Sun Dance in former times may or may not have been one of the number of the dancers, for torture did not depend, as may be inferred from what has already been said, upon the particular warrior society to which the subject belonged, but rather upon a vow taken voluntarily. A cer- tain amount of discrepancy prevails in accounts given by different informants as to whether certain days were reserved exclusively for certain kinds of torture. It would seem that as a rule torture was not performed on the day that the altar was erected, but on one or more of the three following fasting days. Two distinct forms of Sun Dance torture were recognized, each form being capable of ex- tensive variation. Still another form of torture was practiced, soon to be noted, the infliction of which, however, was not necessarily dependent upon the Sun Dance. Probably the most common form of torture and the one most intimately connected with the Sun Dance, was by attachment in one form or another to the center-pole. In the simplest form of torture of this kind, two small skewers about two and a half inches in length were inserted by a medicine man in the breast of the subject, just 176 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. above the nipples. In performing this operation the subject sat down upon the ground, leaning back on his hands, thus permitting the priest freedom of access to his breast. The latter then would take the loose skin of the breast betAveen thumb and forefinger, and slightly extending it, would pierce it, either with a large awl or with an old knife which had been ground down almost to a point. Through the hole thus formed was inserted a skewer, over which was lapped a buckskin thong, the ends of which were tied to the two ends of a long rawhide lariat. The free end of this lariat had already been attached to the bundle in the fork of the center-pole, and its length was so fixed that it permitted the one about to undergo tor- ture to stand a short distance from the center-pole. Thus he could either dance all night, when at morning one side of the skin about the skewers would be cut and he would be freed, or he would jerk away at once.* When the individual was to dance during the entire night, thus attached to the-center pole, he wore an eagle-feather war bonnet reaching to the ground, and carried in his right hand a staff. (See PI. LXIII.) In a similar form of torture whereby the dancer was attached to the center-pole, he bore suspended by means of buckskin thongs lapped over skewers in his back, a certain number of dried buffalo skulls, sometimes four in number, or there might be as many as six buffalo skulls, one being placed just over each shoulder, and four being hung at the back. (See PL LXIV.) Another form of torture, and practiced long ago, was similar to the forms already described, but in this case the skewers were inserted, not in the breast, but in the skin of the cheeks just under the eyes. (See PI. LXV.) The second form of torture was that practiced about the camp- circle rather than within the Sun Dance lodge. Of this form the com- monest method was for the dancer to drag one or more dried buffalo skulls attached to skewers inserted in his back, just as the skewers were inserted in the breast, as already described. It seems that in former times it was not uncommon for large numbers of men to make the entire circuit of the camp-circle, having started at the south side of the east opening, dragging from one to fifteen buffalo skulls. The number of skulls dragged depended, of course, upon the nature of the vow. This method of torture was commonly practiced by the Cheyenne on occasions other than the Sun Dance; and indeed, it is said that *In illustrating this and other forms of torture practiced there have been used, by direct reproduction, drawings made by Richard Davis, the interpreter. 'aQ mS .tUXJ js Pl. LXIII. Sun Dance Torture, to the Center-pole. FIE.LD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM. ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXIII. ^ Y -:;aM a.RUTfloT jAamT May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 177 whenever the Cheyenne came together in a body, it was a common sight to see men torturing themselves in this apparently popular manner. Torture by means of suspension by thongs attached to skewers in the breast was also common on other than Sun Dance occasions. Thus, frequently one or more individuals would go to a lonely hill and attach themselves by means of thongs passed over skewers in their breasts, to a long lariat, one end of which had already been fas- tened high up in a tree. Often the occasion for torture had its origin in a dream. PI. LXVI. is from a drawing illustrating a man undergoing torture in ac- cordance with a dream, during which he thought that he fasted all day and dragged eight buffalo skulls, four male and four female, around a high mountain. The time of making the circuit required an entire day. When he actually underwent the torture and was cut loose in the evening, he claimed to be in no way fatigued. He claimed there after to have received certain powers from the great medicine-spirit. It remains to note a form of torture which the Cheyenne believe always to have been practiced amongst themselves, and which in their estimation furnishes the basis for the tribal sign formerly made for the Cheyenne, which was indicated by repeatedly directing the index finger of the right hand across the left arm from above the elbow down toward the wrist. In the illustration (see PI. LXVII.)maybe seen the marks which are said to have been made by a sharp flint knife. It is claimed that all male Cheyenne were thus marked, and that most Cheyenne to-day who are eighty or more years of age still bear the scars. In the illustration it will be noted that above the elbow are seven gashes, while below are twelve. A similar form of torture is said to have been practiced in ancient times by removing four circular pieces from the arm above the elbow and eight pieces below the elbow. This method is also represented in Plate LXVI I. THE TORTURE INCIDENTS OF 1903. That one or two Cheyenne had long before the ceremony taken a vow to undergo torture during the performance of 1903 there is no doubt. That a greater amount of torture was not performed is, no doubt, due to the fact that the leaders of the ceremony believed that to indulge in torture would place the tribe in a false position. As a matter of fact, on the morning of the next to the last day, that is, on the morning of the erection of the altar, Roman-Nose made the following announcement: "For many years past it has been the custom of our people to celebrate a performance of this old ceremony. 178 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. Among our old beliefs and forms of worship was the idea that when a man made a vow to be pierced on the breast, that sickness would leave his family and that they would enjoy good health. To-night one of our number will perform this part of the ceremony ; in order that it may be done aright and that it may not injure our cause, no person will be allowed in the lodge after sundown. " According to the informant the individual referred to was Bull-Tongue, who had a sick daughter ; and before the ceremony he had vowed that he would dance all night partially suspended by a lariat from the center-pole. Some- time during the night, Bushy-Head, a well-known Cheyenne priest and medicine man, prepared a rawhide lariat and fastened a loop in each end and measured it so that it was sufficiently long to permit of any one attached to the ends of it to retire from the center-pole almost to the side of the lodge. He then rolled into a ball one-half of the lariat, placed it on a tipi pole, and threw it over one end of one of the reach poles, where it rested in the fork of the center-pole. Bull- Tongue took his blanket on the north side of the lodge and sat down, leaning back on his outstretched arms. Bushy-Head knelt down by the side of him and took up a pinch of the skin of his breast and en- deavored to push through it the blade of a knife which had been ground down until it was about the size of an awl. In this operation he was assisted by Bull-Thunder. Owing to the toughness of the skin, or the excessive bluntness of the knife, Bushy-Head did not suc- ceed in inserting the blade of the knife and it slipped, making a slight and insignificant wound upon the breast, whereupon he declared that thus Bull-Tongue had fulfilled his vow. It seems that it was not permitted Bushy-Head, by the custom of torture, to make a second at- tempt to make a hole for the skewer after he had once failed. Bushy- Head was selected by Bull-Tongue himself inasmuch as Bushy-Head had on two occasions danced thus suspended from the center-pole during the entire night. It was learned after the ceremony that two men had made a vow to undergo torture on that afternoon, namely, to have the two sides of their breasts pierced, be attached to the center-pole by means of a buffalo hide lariat attached to skewers, and jerk loose. They were dis- suaded, however, from making the attempt. The second torture incident of the 1903 ceremony was performed very early in the morning, following the conclusion of the ceremony, that is early on Friday morning, the dance itself having terminated Thursday afternoon. That torture was to take place on this morning was not known, so far as can be ascertained, by more than half a dozen members of the entire tribe. >* ( L«^,- ■■■ T^ HR^ J Wm g m- ^^il 1 di£u9 1 ■■■/^■' j 4 ^ 1 1 »*1 1 PL. LXVIII. Torture Incident of 1903. (Carpenter.) 1 "*/?'• May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsev 179 Before sunrise on this morning the young man who was to un- dergo the ordeal, with Bushy-Head, the medicine man, and an assist- ant, went to the south side of the eastern entrance. There two small skewers about two inches in length and an eighth of an inch in diameter were inserted in the subject's back by Bushy-Head after the manner Fig. 105. Diagram showing method of attaching torture thongs. Fro. 106. Individual with thongs attached to back. (Carpenter.) described. (See Figs. 105 and 106.) Over each of these was looped a short buckskin band, which in turn was made fast to one end of a lariat, to the other end of which were attached two fragments of old buflfalo skulls. (See PI. LX VIII. and Fig. 107.) These he dragged around the inside of the camp- circle and back to the starting-point. The time occupied in traversing the, ap- jjroximately , two miles, was from thirty-five to forty- FiG. 107. Dragging buffalo skulls attached to back. ^^^ minutes. Hav- (Mooney.) ing completed the i8o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. circuit he sat down and Bushy-Head's assistant with a sharp knife cut the skin on the upper side and released the skewers. (See Fig. io8.) The skewers, knife, and short buckskin thongs were depos- ited on the ground by the side of one of the buffalo skulls. Later they were pur- chased by an ob- server for a small sum from Bushy- Head. In this per- formance the man undergoing the tor- ture gave no evi- dence of suffering pain in the slightest degree, nor was it probable that he suffered much, owing to the scant supply of nerves in the skin of the back, as well as to the fact that the buffalo skulls were fragments and very light in weight. During the performance his body was naked except for a loin-cloth and moccasins. Before leaving his own tipi he had given his body a thin coat of white clay paint. Apparently there was no rite or rites of any sort connected with this performance, the mere ordeal itself, enacted in a matter of fact way, serving to fulfill the vow. Fig. io8. Priest removing the skewers. (Carpenter.) PART V.-CONCLUSION. Attention may be directed, first, to an inquiry as to possible changes which have taken place in the Sun Dance since the confine- ment of the Cheyenne upon a reservation. Inasmuch as no trustworthy detailed account of the ceremony of twenty or thirty years ago exists, it is not possible to make a comparison in the literal sense of the word. An estimate can only be made as to the amount, if any, of deterioration or change which has taken place in the ceremony during that time. Regarding the general features of the ceremony, it seems reason- able to believe that there has been no change. Whatever change there may have been has been one of degree and not of kind. The di- May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsev. i8r rection in which this change presumably has proceeded furthest, is in the general setting of the ceremony. Thus buffalo hide tipis, with their brilliantly painted heraldic devices and attending poles or tripods bearing medicine bundles or shields, and the travois, have been re- placed by canvas tipis, or even occasionally canvas tents, while ac- companying modern tipis or tents are wagons or carriages, which have entirely replaced the travois. Another direction in which there has been great change is in the costume of the participants, and even to a greater extent, of the spectators; buckskin and buffalo robes, in both cases, having been almost entirely replaced by gar- ments obtained from the trader. The greatest change in the ceremony itself is, unquestionably, the practically total absence of forms of torture and the shortening which has been gradually taking" place, through many years, of the period of fasting from four to two days. There is reason to be- lieve that formerly torture, in one form or another, during the Sun Dance, was extremely common, so common, indeed, that observers were often ready to believe that it formed the fundamental element of the drama. Coupled with the disappearance of the torture, has been the abolition of the custom of piercing the children's ears during the ceremony. That the ceremony is now devoid of certain minor features, some of considerable interest, there can also be no question. Thus children no longer make images or effigies of clay, especially those of the buf- falo, and deposit them at the base of the center-pole. There is no longer the boisterous hilarity and wild enthusiasm which seemed to have characterized the older performances. Bands of boys and young men no longer terrorize the camp at night, shooting every dog they encounter and frightening the women and children. Young men no longer seize the younger boys and compel them to submit to many practices by which formerly they must have suffered. It is reasonable to believe, also, that with the disappearance of these more strenuous forms of amusement, there disappeared also much of the more harmless forms of amusement in the camp. The participants, presumably, are more sober, give rein less freely to strong emotions, which formerly found vent in many dances, social or otherwise, especially those of love, war, etc. That the ceremony, however, still forms an important part in the social life of the tribe is evident. The Cheyenne, no less than other communities, of whatsoever color or nationality, require an opportunity, at least once a year, to exercise various social functions, and especially to give exercise to the inborn human desire to assemble in large numbers. This opportunity the i82 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. ceremony still gives to the tribe, in spite of the curtailment or abridg- ment of a certain independence which characterized the older per- formances. That the majority of Cheyenne of middle life, and even a very large number of the young men who have been educated in the reservation or non-reservation schools, still have faith in the power of the Sun Dance to continue the life and health of the tribe, there is no doubt. To illustrate the fact that the Cheyenne still believe in the ceremonies of the Sun Dance and in the danger of speaking disrespectfully of the lodge, may be cited the following statement of Roman-Nose, made during the ceremony of 1903 : "Agent White said that the Sun Dance was no good. Soon after that he was at the telephone and lightning stunned him for half a day. Again, Agent White said that the Sun Dance was all nonsense. Shortly after this one of his clerks received a shock from lightning. So it is proved that lightning or trouble of some sort is sure to befall any one who talks slightingly of the Sun Dance lodge, or who displeases the great medicine-spirit." That the Sun Dance has been given up in one tribe and not in another does not mean that the tribe which no longer continues the ceremony does not believe in its efficacy, for the history of the ceremony in such tribes reveals the fact that it was abandoned owing to pressure from without, and not from lack of desire to retain the ceremony within the tribe. In the second place, it will be of interest to compare the Sun Dance of the Cheyenne with that of the Arapaho. It may be stated at once that the ceremonies seem to be the same in their general con- struction; that differences such as exist are no greater, for example, than those in the performance of the same ceremony in villages on the different mesas among the Hopi. The Arapaho ceremony is, un- doubtedly, more complicated than that of the Cheyenne, due, pre- sumably, to the introduction of elements originally foreign to the ceremony. These introduced elements, and points of dissimilarity between the two ceremonies are not, however, so radical as to make it probable that the ceremonies are morphologically distinct. A brief comparative view of the two ceremonies brings out very clearly their fundamental unity. Thus each ceremony results from a vow, the one making the vow selecting a chief priest to conduct the rites of the ceremony, to whom, on either one or two nights of the ceremony, he offers his wife. Continuing the comparative view, from this point, it may be noted that the time and duration of the ceremony, the formation of the camp-circle, the position of the Lone-tipi, and the construction and general character of the Sun Dance lodge, are prac- May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 183 tically the same. In each lodge we find an altar, a common method of dancing, and in general a similar color scheme for the dancer's paints and costumes. The lodge in each case is appropriately dedi- cated and with similar rites; the actions of the dancers have much in common; at the conclusion of the ceremony each lodge, including its altar, is left to the elements. From this brief resume of the main points of similarity, details of difference may be noted. The dancers of the Cheyenne ceremony are, as a rule, not those who have pledged to dance as among the Arapaho, but they dance because they belong to the same social organization as the man who has pledged the ceremony. The secret tipi of prepara- tion in the Cheyenne ceremony, like that of the Arapaho, is car- ried into the open space in the circle, but the tipi is carried by women and not by men, as among the Arapaho, and is known, suc- cessively, as the Warriors '-tipi, the Priests '-tipi, and the Lone-tipi, whereas among the Arapaho it is known as the Rabbit-tipi. The taboos of the tipi of preparation are more severe and greater in number among the Arapaho than among the Cheyenne. The secret rites of the secret tipi of preparation among the Cheyenne comprise the making of successive "earths," the drum-stick rattles, and the center-pole image; these are not found in the Arapaho. In the Arapaho tipi of preparation there occurs the painting of a buffalo robe to be used on the center-pole. The buffalo skull is found in both secret tipis, and in each its eye-sockets and nasal cavity are provided with grass plugs. The painting of the skull in the Cheyenne ceremony differs materially from that of the Arapaho. During the preliminary days, but one important event is found in the Arapaho ceremony which is not found in the Cheyenne, viz. : the ceremonial killing of the buffalo, the painting of the robe of which has already been noted. The tem- porary altar for the secret rite of preparation in the Cheyenne cere- mony lacks the sacred wheel on its symbolic support, which plavs an important part in the Arapaho ceremony. The belt and head-dress of the wife of the Lodge-maker in the Arapaho ceremony are sacred and are handed down from one ceremony to another. In the Cheyenne ceremony the belt and head-dress are constructed anew for each performance. Women cut down the center-pole in the Arapaho ceremony, whereas this is done by men in the Cheyenne. In abandoning the secret tipi in the Cheyenne performance the wife of the Lodge-maker carries the buffalo skull; the Lodge-maker himself carries it in the Arapaho performance. The painting of the four rafter poles and the center-pole lack the interest in the Cheyenne ceremony this rite has in the Arapaho. The sacred pipe and the wheel play a 184 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. more important part in the latter ceremony. In the Cheyenne cer- emony the area to be painted is found by measuring, the one doing this work being accompanied only by the Lodge-maker, who does the painting. The remainder of the priests continue to rest half-way be- tween the secret tipi and the lodge. In the Arapaho ceremony all the principal Rabbit-tipi priests, including the wife of the Lodge-maker, take part in the rite of painting the poles, the places where the poles are to be painted being indicated by the chief priest with a pipe stem and by his wife with the feathers of the wheel. In the fork of the center-pole in the ceremony of each tribe is the Thunder-Bird's nest. That of the Cheyenne contains a digging-stick, a damaged arrow, and a small human image. That of the Arapaho contains a buffalo robe, with ceremonial attachments, and a digging-stick. The Thunder-Bird nest of the Arapaho is of willows ; that of the Cheyenne of dogwood and cotton-wood. The dance on the night of dedication the Cheyenne call the hand-and-arm drill, the Arapaho call it the dance to the Four-Old-Men. On the morning of the altar the Arapaho dance to the rising sun; the Cheyenne do not. The buffalo robe of the Lodge-maker, prepared in the secret tipi among the Cheyenne, is reinforced by nine bits of rabbit skin; among the Arapaho by an equal number of medicinal roots, each one of different magic power. In each performance the priests leave the lodge to secure sods. In the Arapaho performance the movement of the line of priests imitates that of the path of flying geese. The Arapaho require for their altar two ceremonial pieces of sod arranged one on either side of the buffalo skull. The Cheyenne require five, arranged about the skull, and broken up and connected so as to form a semi- circle. A comparison of the finished altar of the two ceremonies re- veals the following differences, in addition to the ones just noted, and the difference in the decoration of the skulls. The excavation in front of each skull was painted, that of the Arapaho half black and half red, that of the Cheyenne in four different colored lines; over the excavation in the Arapaho ceremony were seven rainbow sticks, half of each of which were painted black and half red; the rain- bow sticks of the Cheyenne altar were four in number, each painted differently, to correspond to the four lines of paint in the excavation; on each side of the excavation in the Arapaho altar were two billets of wood; these were absent in the Cheyenne altar; the nine sticks symbolic of men on each side of the excavation in the Cheyenne altar, comprising the Cheyenne sticks painted black and red, and the enemy sticks painted white, were replaced by seven sticks on each side of the excavation in the Arapaho altar, those on one side being painted May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 185 black and those on the other side red, the sticks being collectively typical of the seven periods of creation. The vegetation of the altar is represented by the Cheyenne by plum and cottonwood boughs, and small bushes set upright in the semi-circular ridge around the skull. In the Arapaho altar they are represented by small bushes inserted in each of the two circular pieces of sod and by seven boughs arranged in a straight row, four on the right and three on the left of the skull. Behind the Arapaho altar stands the wheel on its support and the secret bundle; on the Cheyenne altar the secret bundle only is present, and contains, in addition a black pipe similar in shape to the red pipe in the Arapaho bundle, a buffalo chip. In the final dance the Arapaho face the setting sun; the Cheyenne dance to the four directions, and are led several times around the center-pole by the Chief Priest. The manufacture of sweet or holy water in a bowl behind the altar is an important rite in the Arapaho ceremony; it is not found in the Cheyenne. The sacred pipe is smoked on the evening of the conclu- sion of the performance by the Cheyenne ; on the following morning by the Arapaho, preceded by a rite to the rising sun. On this same morning the Arapaho place many offerings of cast-off garments on the altar foliage and on the center-pole and uprights of the lodge ; the Cheyenne made no such offerings. The paint of the Arapaho was com- plicated by the introduction of so-called dream-paints. It was pro- gressive, however, and led to what may be termed a medicine rain- making paint; the paints of the Cheyenne were less complicated, and led more logically to the same end. Thus it will be seen that though there are many minor differences, none exist of fundamental importance. The conclusions already reached may be repeated ; the two ceremonies seem to be morpho- logically the same. It remains to consider the drama of the Sun Dance in con- nection with the ritual. To do this for the Arapaho is extremely difficult, as the connection between the drama and the ritual is never so apparent as to be convincing. The connection in the Cheyenne is much more striking and logical. The intimacy of this connection is at once suggested by the difference in the meaning of the name applied to the ceremony by the two tribes, the Arapaho calling it "The Ceremony of the Offerings-Lodge," the Cheyenne " The Cere- mony of Rebirth. " According to the Cheyenne ritual, the ceremony owes its origin to the fact that during a time of famine a certain man of the tribe, later known as Erect-Horns, and represented in the actual ceremony of to-day by the Lodge-maker, left the camp with a woman, not his wife, visited a medicine mountain, was re- i86 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX. ceived by the Great Medicine, represented in the ceremony by the Chief Priest, remained there four years, learned the ceremony, gave as payment his companion, returned to his tribe, performed the cer- emony, and rescued his tribe from starvation. It is thus apparent from this resume of the ritual that the ceremony which he learned was not of recent origin. The fact that the ceremony was per- formed in the mountain is brought out in other Cheyenne tales. It is not apparent from the tale itself that this ceremony was a drama epitomizing creation; but such, however, seems to be the underlying motive in the drama. It should be noted, however, that the creation here referred to and as conceived of by the Cheyenne is not the actual first creation, but is rather a renewal of creation, or of rebirth. As one of the priests expressed it, "The object of the ceremony is to make the whole world over again, and from the time the Lodge-maker makes his vow everything is supposed to begin to take on new life, for the Medicine-Spirit, having heard the prayer of the pledger, begins at once to answer it. When the man makes the vow, he does it not so much for himself or his family, as for the whole tribe. Attending upon his vow and its fulfillment is an abundance of good water and good breath of the wind, which is the same as the breath of the Medicine-Spirit who regards all things. At the time of the Lone- tipi, when the earth is first created, it is just beginning to grow. As the ceremony progresses, this earth increases in size, and when the lodge itself is erected we build a fire which represents the heat of the sun, and we place the lodge to face the east that the heavenly bodies may pass over it and fertilize it." On one point the Cheyenne priests of to-day seem to unite, and that is that the ceremony of the Sun Dance as they perform it was once the exclusive property of a single band, that of the Sutayo. This band differed, they say, from others in dress and language. Against the Sutayo the other bands of Cheyenne fought for a long time, the Missouri River between them. Finally peace was made; they exchanged medicines and the Sutayo were assimilated with the Cheyenne, bringing with them the Sun Dance. Whether the Sun Dance originated with the Sutayo, who were perhaps Crees, or with the Arapaho, or whether one or the other tribe, or both, borrowed it, is a subject for further investigation.