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Far Ht oeriaitie wie a " Sosorratt ts polnay ubits y: nested Tones sheet * sve bey Hah hedtie enna oh Phat ol Pabedan! it apa Patel) t wi Seas ae at * Gt thetrrten of ins bats es aat } bah aot iy an ‘ A orvesrapsh Sane em ftvaevy 7 terol PRE ns real bireat Over! ibicy inl aruba sleet) Mousa tah ie eee Ss tes MA Medeor Pe sanatrnea ere Soria aaa eo aoa os. Ceertiteets ibe See oped rapeneb-aeateg Parade ati tick ice) Asi cm nd dag sneney ie aaltg teens eedetese ahs is seeenteneoanaetrasetttoaat hee Sesh) my NE ean aha pees Hand subcpariey “hee ¥6) i ras) “jade rnb rat ey ; 8 tt rr sthynapatsort teat onde stnahdane tener a aatay ete ieee “ Bs) - sateen ag HOA ps ee Ab of hat sh otal) aosebtele iret Mit wicitieadtseeersn-garst THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY ~ S77 205 “FA MIS a PUBLICATIONS OF FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES VotumEe XII | CHICAGO 1912-18 THE LIBRARY OF THE FEB 17 1938 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS CONTENTS PAGE 1. Coxe, Fay-Cooper and Laurer, BrERTHOLD, Chinese Potinry mm the Phitipnines 3 ost ea gt ee I 2. Corn, Fay-Cooprr, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, SOI ts Care he hurgil ihe “eel WERE NUT) Chay: Gnd eam i ve al fast Ry \ eB OP “om . a FieLp Musrum or NaTuRAL HistTorvy. PUBLICATION 162. ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES. Vou. ALECNO YX. CTH EoOR, POTTERY is THE PHILIPPINES UNIVERs boul Y OF:,, 25 iy fy BY AP 13 "0 Fay-CoorerR COLE WITH POSTSCRIPT BY BERTHOLD LAUFER The Robert F. Cummings Philippine Expedition GEORGE A. DORSEY Curator, Department of Anthropology Cuicaco, U.S. A. July, 1912.” 3) fare a Aas | PUBLICATIONS OF FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES VOLUME XII Zr? 7 USEN NATURAL . HISTORY S\ CHICAGO 1912-18 44 0748 reese ih yen; rd ae ray bia a ss ft joe Mees bt es : Paar Ne, Ks ee fa i cy Be O15 as CONTENTS PAGE 1. Coxe, Fay-Cooper and Laurer, BEeRrtTHOLD, Chinese Pottery in the Philippines) 2. 28 oe I 2. Coz, Fay-Cooper, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, ES er cen IVC REM ie DSi” TeUO RDU EMAUA TN Ieah net Gy a — * FN oh 57 a = a ae 2 ad aoe In the spring of 1906 Mr. Robert F. Cummings of this city expressed his intention of providing the Field Museum of Natural History with funds to defray the expenses of an extended series of Ethnological | bisa, anions in the Philippine Islands. » Working under this liberal endowment the following expeditions — shave been in the field: In 1906 Mr. S. C. Simms visited the Igorot of Benguet, Lepanto Yand Bontoc, and the Ifugao of Nueva Viscaya. During 1907-8 Mr. \F. C. Cole worked among the Tinguian, Apayao and Kalinga tribes of ‘Northern Luzon, and the Batak of Palawan. The late Dr. William Jones reached the Philippines in the fall of 1907 and proceeded to the Ilongot of the Upper Cagayan river, Luzon. After residing a year in that district he was murdered by members of a hostile village. Following Dr. Jones’ death Mr. Simms returned to the Philippines, secured the material gathered by Dr. Jones and com- pleted the Igorot and Ifugao collections, visiting for this purpose the Mayayao and Amburayan I[gorot, in addition to certain points touched on the first expedition. In the fall of 1909 Mr. Cole returned to the Islands and devoted nearly two years to the study of the pigmy blacks of Bataan province, the Bukidnon of North Central Mindanao, and the several tribes residing about the Gulf of Davao in Southern Mindanao. | While the primary object of these expeditions was to gather museum collections, much time was given to the study of the mental and material culture, as well as of the language, folklore and anthropometry of the tribes visited. The results of these studies will appear from time to time in the Anthropological Series of this Museum. The present paper forms the first issue of Mr. Cole’s researches. GeorGE A. Dorsey. AECL 2 SOV NN yoy APE RN IE EAE)) Whlotey! | DEPARTMENT CHINESE POTTERY IN THE PHILIPPINES When the Spaniards first set foot in the Philippines, they found evidences of trade with an advanced nation. When near Leyte, Magellan stopped for a time at a small island whose chief ‘“‘embraced the captain-general to whom he gave three porcelain jars covered with leaves and full of rice wine.’”’?! Later when Pigafetta and his com- panions went ashore, they were treated to wine taken from a large jar, and when the meal was served, “‘two large porcelain dishes were brought in, one full of rice, and the other of pork with its gravy.”? When they reached Cebu (April 7, 1521), they were informed by the king that they were welcome “but that it was their custom for all ships which entered their ports to pay tribute, and that it was but four days since a junk.from Ciama (i. e. Siam) laden with gold and slaves had paid tribute.’’ The tribute was refused but friendly relations were estab- lished, whereupon the king “‘had refreshments of many dishes, all made of meat and contained in porcelain platters, besides many jars of wine brought in.”? . When Pigafetta visited the king of Zubu (Cebu), he found him “seated on a palm mat on the ground, with only a cotton cloth before his privies. . . From another mat on the ground he was eating turtle eggs which were in two porcelain dishes, and he had four jars of palm wine in front of him covered with sweet smelling herbs and arranged with four small reeds in each jar by which means he drank.’ Later they were conducted to the house of the prince “where four young girls were playing, one on a drum like ours, but resting on the ground; the second was striking two suspended gongs alternately with a stick wrapped somewhat thickly at the end with palm cloth; the third, one large gong in the same manner; and the last, two small gongs held in her hand, by striking one against the other, which gave forth a sweet sound. . . These gongs are made of brass and are manufactured in the regions about the Signio Magno which is called China.”® After the death of Magellan, the fleet sailed to the south 1 BLair and Rosertson, The Philippine Islands, Vol. XX XIII, p. 15. 2 [bid., p. 119. 3 [bid., p. 139. a A om p. 149. This is still the method of drinking in Mindanao (compare § BLAIR and ROBERTSON, (PIGAFETTA) Vol. XXXIII, pp. 149-151. - 3 4. Freco Museum or Naturat History—Antu., Vor. XII. until they reached Mindanao. There they made peace with the king, and Pigafetta went ashore with the ruler, in order to see the island. He describes the country, people, their customs and foods, and did not fail to note that “in the house were hanging a number of porcelain jars and four metal gongs.’”’! Here they also learned more of the large island of ‘“‘Lozon”’ (Luzon) lying to the northwest, ‘‘where six or eight junks belonging to the Lequian (Liukiu) people go yearly.” Pro- ceeding further to the south, they encountered the island of Borneo where they found many evidences of an advanced civilization and an active trade with neighboring countries. Here they saw beautiful porcelain jars, cups and dishes, silks and carpets. * The chronicles of succeeding expeditions left many references to Chinese articles and trade.4 In the account of Loaisa’s Expedition, we are told of the Island of Bendenao (Mindanao) where two junks from China come each year for purposes of trade. ‘‘ North of Bendanao is Cebu, and according to the natives it also contains gold, for which the Chinese come to trade each year.””> Again in 1543, Alvarado says of Mindanao: ‘‘Upon capturing this island we found a quantity of porcelain and some bells. They are well supplied with perfumes from the Chinese who come to Mindanao and the Philippinas.’’® The first (recorded) encounter of the Spaniards with the Chinese seems to have been during a trip from Panay (May 8th, 1570) to Luzon and Manila. When off the Island of Mindoro they learned that ‘‘two vessels from China, the inhabitants of which the natives call Sangleys (i. e. merchants), were in a river near by.”’ Salcedo was dispatched to reconnoiter the ships, and to request friendship with them, but the Chinese made a warlike display, whereupon they were attacked by the Spaniards who after a short fight took possession of the junks. ‘‘The soldiers searched the cabins in which the Chinese kept their most valuable goods, and there they found silk, both woven and in skeins, gold thread, musk, gilded porcelain bowls, pieces of cotton cloth, gilded water jugs, and other curious articles, although not in a large quantity considering the size of the ships. The decks of the vessels were full of earthen jars and crockery, large porcelain vases, plates and bowls, and some fine porcelain jars which they call sinoratas.’”’* They also found iron, copper, steel and a small quantity of wax which the Chinese had 1 Thid., p. 205. 2 Ibid., p. 207. * Tbid., p. 215. 4 BLarR and RosBeErtson, Vol. III, p. 42; Vol. II, p. 72; Vol. III, p. 57. 5 BLAIR and RoBertson, Vol. II, pp. 35, 69. § BLAIR and RoBertTsSON, Vol. III, p. 74. JULY, 1912. CHINESE POTTERY. 5 purchased. From their captives they learned that three more Chinese boats were trading only three leagues away. Later, on crossing to Luzon, at a point near the town of Balayan, they found that two Chinese ships had just been trading there, and that in a quarrel two Chinamen had been made captives and others had been killed. Proceeding to Manila bay, the Spaniards found four Chinese vessels, with earthenware jars and porcelains, trading. In the city they learned that forty Chinese and twenty Japanese were regular residents there. Friendly relations appeared to have been established when the Moro raja treacherously attacked the Spaniards. In return the Spaniards burned a part of the city, in the ruins of which they found many objects of porcelain. After the Spaniards had become established in Manila, the trade with China steadily increased, ! not only in that city but in other ports of the Islands. At first the articles dealt in were of little value to the Spaniards, for ‘“‘they brought some trifle, although but a small quantity, as the natives with whom they come principally to trade commonly use, and for them are brought only large earthen jars, common crockery, iron, copper, tin and other things of that kind. For the chiefs, they brought a few pieces of silk and fine porcelain.” ? Of such little use were these articles to the newcomers that it was proposed, in 1574, to stop the trade.* However, the Chinese were quick to accommodate themselves to the new conditions, and we soon find them supplying many articles, such as ‘‘sugar, barley, wheat, and barley flour, nuts, raisins, pears, and oranges; silks, choice porcelains and iron; and other small things which we lacked in this land before their arrival.”’4 Each year this trade increased until the number of the traders was in the thousands, and the Spaniards became dependent upon them for their sustenance. Even the natives relied on this trade to such an extent that the old industries languished and the colony became each day less able to support itself. However, in addition to the foodstuffs which the colony needed they brought silks and other articles which entered into direct competition with the products of the mother country, and this resulted in the royal decree of 1586, which prohibited all such trade. ® This edict failed of its purpose, and in hopes of devising a plan whereby the competition would be eliminated, the outflow of gold to China be stopped, and the return of the natives to their old pursuits be accom- plished, a meeting was called, and leading Filipino were summoned 1 Ibid., pp. 167, 172, 181, 225. * BLAIR and Rosertson, Vol. II, p. 238; Vol. III, pp. 243-5. 3 Ibid., Vol. III, p. 226, note. * Letters of Lavezaris, Ibid., Vol. III, p. 276. 5 BLarr and Rosertson, Vol. VI, pp. 28, 29, 90, 150, 283, 286. 6 Frerp Museum or Natura History—Anru., Vor. XII. to give evidence under oath concerning the extent and nature of Chinese trade. It was believed that if trade in Chinese cloth and the like could be stopped, the natives and Chinese would continue to trade without using money; “for if they should wish to barter in the Islands— which is not forbidden them — they can and will obtain goods as they formerly did, in exchange for such articles as siguey (a small white snail), dye wood, and carabao horns; to this mode of trading the Chinese will adapt themselves and the outflow of money will cease.””! The nine Filipino chiefs, from villages near Manila, agreed that before the Spaniards came to the Islands the people raised cotton, which they made into cloth for their own garments and did not depend on the Chinese, ‘‘for although one or two ships came from China each year at that time, these brought no cloths or silks, but only iron and earthen- ware and camanguian, ? while since the arrival of the Spaniards, often twenty or thirty ships come each year.” ! The inquiry was without result, and the Chinese increased in numbers and power until 1596, when about twelve thousand were expelled from the Islands. Despite hostile laws and massacres, they continued to increase and spread out over the Islands throughout the time of Spanish rule, and to-day they dominate the trade with the natives of the Archipelago. The commerce with the Spaniards, whom the civilized natives imitated, was so much more lucrative than that previously carried on with the various villages that the old trade in pottery and the like seems practically to have ceased. Despite the constant references of the early writers to the Chinese and their trade the importation of earthenware and common glazed pottery seems not to have been mentioned after about the year 1600. : While the greater part of the Chinese wares doubtless entered the Islands through direct trade, a considerable amount came in through trade with ‘“‘Borneo, Maluco, Malacca, Sian, Camboja, Japan and other districts.” 4 ‘‘A few years before the Spaniards subdued the Island of Luzon, certain natives of Borneo began to go thither to trade, especially to the settlements of Manila and Tondo; and the inhabitants of one island intermarried with those of the other.’’® ‘“The cargoes of these traders consisted of fine and well made palm mats, a few slaves for the natives, sago, and tibors; large and small jars, glazed black and very fine, which are of great service and use.”’> Legaspi tells of captur- 1 BLarr and RoBertson, Vol. VIII, pp. 82-84. 2 Incense. 3 BLAIR and ROBERTSON, (MorGaA). Vol. IX, p. 266. 4 BLAIR and RoBERTSON, Vol. III, p. 298; Vol. V, pp. 73, 105; Vol. XVI, p. 176; Beccari, Wandering in the Great Forests of Borneo. 5 MorGaA, Ibid., Vol. XVI, pp. 134, 185. rae aA eee! eS JULY, 1912. CHINESE POTTERY. 7 ing, near Butuan, a junk’ whose crew were Borneo Moors. They had with them silk, cotton, porcelain and the like. They also traded in bells, copper and other Chinese goods.! Inter-island trade among the Filipino seems to have reached con- siderable proportions prior to the arrival of the white man. Some of their trips carried them to the ports of Borneo, and one account credits the Tagalog and Pampango with sailing ‘‘for purposes of trade to Maluco, Malaca, Hanzian (Achen?), Parani, Brunei, and other king- doms.”? Pigafetta tells of their party seizing a junk in the port of Borneo in which ‘‘ was a son of the king of Luzon, a very large island.’’ ® In 1565, Legaspi learned that two Moro junks from Luzon were in Butuan trading gold, wax, and slaves. These Moro from Luzon also came to Cebu to arrange with Legaspi for the right to trade, and when they met with success, two junks from Mindoro were induced to go there also. ‘‘They carried iron, tin, porce- lain, shawls, light woolen cloth and the like from China.” # It will thus be seen that pottery and other articles of Chinese origin might have had a rapid spread along the coasts of the Archipelago, from whence they slowly penetrated into the interior by means of. trade. It seems, however, that even upon the arrival of the Spaniards, some of this ware had assumed great value in the eyes of the natives, and in 1574 we find the native chiefs sending ‘‘jewels, gold, silks, porce- lains, rich and large earthen jars, and other very excellent things” in token of their allegiance to the King of Spain. It was also the custom at that time for the family of the deceased to bury with the body “their finest clothes, porcelain ware, and gold jewels,” 7 and when this became known to the Spaniards they began to rifle the graves in order to secure these valuable objects. This continued until it became necessary for Legaspi to order that “henceforth no grave or burial place be opened without the permission of his Excellency.” ® There is some evidence that burial in jars was early practiced in the - Philippines. ApuaRTE, writing in 1640, describes the finding, by a crew shipwrecked on the Batannes islands, of ‘‘some jars of moderate size covered with others of similar size. Inside they found some dead 1 BLarr and Ropertson, Vol. II, p. 207; Vol. III, p. 57, note; Vol. XXXIV, p. 224; BARRows, History of the Philippines, pp. 99-101. ? BLAIR and RoBertson, Vol. XXXIV, p. 377. 3 Ibid., Vol. I, p. 265. 4 Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 117, 142. 5 Ibid., Vol. V, 121; BARROWS, History of the Philippines t p. 182. § BLarr and RosBertTson, Vol. III, p. 249; Vol. IV, p. 290. 7 [bid., Vol. II, p. 139. 8 Ibid,, Vol. II, p. 173. 8 Fretp Museum or NaturaAt History— AntTu., Vor. XII. bodies dried, and nothing else.””!_ Dr. Merton MILLER of the Philip- pine Bureau of Science recently opened a number of mounds found on the Island of Camiguin lying north of Luzon. In them he found jars placed oné over the other, in the manner just described, and containing some human bones as well as a few beads.2,_ Mr. Emerson Curisty, also of the Philippine Bureau of Science, while exploring ancient burial caves in the Subuanan district of Mindanao, found a number of large Chinese jars, some containing human bones and accompanied by agate beads. Fragments of large jars were also found in the burial cave of Pokanin in Southern Mindoro* (compare Pl. II). Dr. FLETCHER GARDNER, who first visited the place, described the cave as follows: 4 “Tt is situated about half way between the towns of Bulalacao and Mansalay in Southern Mindoro. It is on the seaward face of a cliff about 500 feet high and 200 yards wide and is about 200 feet above high water mark. In the summer of 1904, while hunting for guano, I accidentally discovered this cave and procured the skulls and other bones which I am sending you. The nearest inhabitants, who live within half a mile of the cave at the little sitio of Hampangan Mang- yans, have known that these remains were there but deny that the bones are those of their ancestors. As two or three members of the sitio assisted me in procuring and carrying away the bones I am satisfied that they believe the statement to be true, but as will be seen from the remains of basketry and fabrics enclosed with the bones these products are practically the same as those of the inhabitants of the sitio above mentioned. I believe that during the great Moro raid of 1754 when seventy-five slaves were taken from Manol and Mansalay the Mangyan at that time inhabiting the neighborhood were driven into the interior and abandoned this cave for burial purposes. . . The bones were covered with about three inches of dust and nitrous earth, which argues a very long time without disturbance.” From this evidence it seems not at all unlikely that jar burial may have been practiced by the Filipino, especially those in direct trade relations with Borneo, in which country such burials are common.° In this connection it is interesting to note that Dr. Hirth believes jar burial to have been introduced into Borneo by the Chinese traders from Fukien, and its introduction was probably later than the lifetime of Chao ee Ibid., Vol. XXXI, p. 115. Jacor, Travels in the Philippines, pp. 259-01. tg 2 Philippine Journal of Science, Feb., 1911, pp. 1-4. 8’ The contents of this cave are now in the Field Museum of Natural History. 4 Extract from letter to Field Museum. 5 Linc Rotu, The Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, Vol I, pp. 150- 154; FURNESS, Home Life of Borneo Head- hunters, p. 139. RS Even ee re ee \ ~ (eS JULY, 1912. CHINESE POTTERY. 9 Ju-kua, in the early part of the thirteenth century.! Ancient remains other than those just cited are of rare occurrence in the Philippines; so I shall quote somewhat at length the very interesting account, given by JAcor, of excavations in Ambos Camarines, Luzon. “In 1851, during the construction of a road a little beyond Libmanan, at a place called Poro, a bed of shells was dug up under four feet of mould, one hundred feet distant from the river. It consisted of Cyrenae (C. suborbicularis, Busch.), a species of bivalve belonging to the family of Cyclades which occurs only in warm waters, and is extraordinarily abundant in the brackish waters of the Philippines. On the same occasion, at the depth of from one and a half to three and a half feet, were found numerous remains of the early inhabitants, skulls, ribs, bones of men and animals, a child’s thigh-bone inserted in a spiral of brass wire, several stags’ horns, beautifully formed dishes and vessels, some of them painted, probably of Chinese origin; striped bracelets, of a soft, gypseous, copper-red rock, glancing as if they were varnished; small copper knives, but no iron utensils; and several broad flat stones bored through the middle; besides a wedge of petrified wood, embedded in a cleft branch of a tree. The place, which to this day may be easily recognized in a hollow, might, by excavation systematically carried on, yield many more interesting results. What was not immediately useful was then and there destroyed, and the remainder dispersed. In spite of every endeavor, I could obtain, through the kindness of Sefior Focifios in Naga, only one small vessel. Similar remains of more primitive inhabitants have been found at the mouth of the Bigajo, not far from Libmanan, in a shell-bed of the same kind; and an urn, with a human skeleton, was found at the mouth of the Pérlos, west of Sitio de © Poro, in 1840. “Mr. W. A. Franks, who had the kindness to examine the vessel, inclines to the opinion that it is Chinese, and pronounces it to be of very great antiquity, without, however, being able to determine its age more exactly; and a learned Chinese of the Burlingame Embassy ex- pressed himself to the same effect. He knew only of one article, now in the British Museum, which was brought from Japan by KAEMPFER, the color, glazing and cracks in the glazing of which (craquelés) cor- respond precisely with mine.2? According to Kaempfer, the Japanese 1 F. Hirta, Ancient Chinese Porcelain (Journal of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXII, N.S., pp. 181-3, 1888). ? Referring to this paragraph Dr. C. H. Read of the British Museum says: ‘‘ There must be some mistake in Jagor’s book. No such jar given by Kaempfer is in the Museum, and I cannot understand my predecessor, Sir. A. W. Franks, making such astatement. I may mention that I knew Dr. Jagor intimately and regard him as more than usually accurate.” 10 Fretp Museum oF NaturaAt History—AntTu., Voi. XII. found similar vessels in the sea;! and they value them very highly for the purpose of preserving their tea in them.” Morea writes: “On this island, Luzon, particularly in the provinces of Manilla, Pampanga, Pangasinan, and Yldécos, very ancient clay vessels of a dark brown colour are found by the natives, of a sorry ap- pearance; some of a middling size, and others smaller; marked with characters and stamps. ‘They are unable to say either when or where they obtained them; but they are no longer to be acquired, nor are they manufactured in the islands. The Japanese prize them highly, for they have found that the root of a herb which they call Tscha (tea), and which when drunk hot.is considered as a great delicacy and of medicinal efficacy by the kings and lords in Japan, cannot be effectively preserved except in these vessels; which are so highly esteemed all over Japan that they form the most costly articles of their showrooms and cabinets. Indeed, so highly do they value them that they overlay them externally with fine gold embossed with great skill, and enclose them in cases of brocade; and some of these vessels are valued at and fetch from 2,000 tael to 11 reals. The natives of these islands purchase them from the Japanese at very high rates, and take much pains in the search for them on account of their value, though but few are now found on account of the eagerness with which they have been sought for. “When Carletti, in 1597, went from the Philippines to Japan, all the passengers on board were examined carefully, by order of the governor, and threatened with capital punishment if they endeavoured to conceal ‘certain earthen vessels which were wont to be brought from the Philippines and other islands of that sea,’ as the king wished to 1 This is not a fact but a legend. ENGELBERT KAEMPFER (The History of Japan, Glasgow reprint, Vol. III, p. 237) relates a story, told him by Chinese, regard- ing an island Maurigasima near Formosa famous in former ages for its fine porcelain clay. ‘‘The inhabitants very much inrich’d themselves by this manufacture, but their increasing wealth gave birth to luxury, and contempt of religion, which in- censed the Gods to that degree, that by an irrevocable decree they determin’d to sink the whole island.”” Then follows the long story of the virtuous king who managed to escape the disaster miraculously, and to flee into the province of Fukien. The island sank, and with it all its ceramic treasures. They were subsequently taken up by divers and sold to Chinese merchants of Fukien who traded them to Japan at immense sums. There is consequently a double error in the above state- ment of Franks: it is not the Japanese who found jars in the sea, nor does Kaempfer say that they were celadons or similar to them; on the contrary, he describes them s ‘transparent, exceeding thin, of a whitish color, inclining to green,’’ which is almost the opposite to a celadon. That legend, as far as I know, has not yet been traced to a Chinese source. BRINKLEy (Japan, Vol. VIII, p. 267) shows little under- standing of folklore, if he calls it a foolish fable; it doubtless ranks among the category of familiar stories of sunken isles and towns in Europe. Brinkley’s explanation that the story was probably invented by some Japanese Swift to satirise the irrational value attached to rusty old specimens of pottery is decidedly untenable, if for no other reason, because, according to Kaempfer’ s statement, the legend is Chinese ‘ in origin. The pottery in question is, in my opinion, Cavers ware of Fukien, and the legend emanates from the potters of Fukien. [B. L JULY, 1912. CHINESE POTTERY. II buy them all. . . ‘These vessels were worth as much as 5, 6, and even 10,000 scudi each; but they were not permitted to demand for them more than one Giulio (about a half Paolo).’ In 1615 Carletti met with a Franciscan who was sent as ambassador from Japan to Rome, who assured him that he had seen 130,000 scudi paid by the king of Japan for such a vessel; and his companions confirmed the state- ment. Carletti also alleges, as the reason for the high price, ‘that the leaf cia or tea, the quality of which improves with age, is preserved better in those vessels than in all others. The Japanese besides know these vessels by certain characters and stamps. They are of great age and very rare, and come only from Cambodia, Siam, Cochin China, the Philippines, and other neighbouring islands. From their external appearance they would be estimated at three or four quatrini (two dreier) . . It is perfectly true that the king and the princes of that kingdom possess a very large number of these vessels, and prize them as their most valuable treasure and above all other rarities and that they boast of their acquisitions, and from motives of vanity strive to outvie one another in the multitude of pretty vessels which they possess.’ “Many travellers mention vessels found likewise amongst the Dyaks and the Malays in Borneo, which, from superstitious motives, were estimated at most exaggerated figures, amounting sometimes to many thousand dollars. : “St. John relates that the Datu of Tamparuli (Borneo) gave rice to the value of almost £700 for a jar, and that he possessed a second jar of almost fabulous value, which was about two feet high, and of a dark olive green. The Datu fills both jars with water, which, after adding plants and flowers to it, he dispenses to all the sick persons in the coun- try. But the most famous jar in Borneo is that of the Sultan of Brunei, which not only possesses all the valuable properties of the other jars but can also speak. St. John did not see it, as it is always kept in the women’s apartment; but the sultan, a credible man, related to him that the jar howled dolefully the night before the death of his first wife, and that it emitted similar tones in the event of impending misfortunes. St. John is inclined to explain the mysterious phenomenon by a prob- ably peculiar form of the mouth of the vessel, in passing over which the air-draught is thrown into resonant verberations, like the Aeolian harp. The vessel is generally enveloped in gold brocade, and is uncovered only when it is to be consulted; and hence, of course, it happens that it speaks only on solemn occasions. St. John states further that the Bisayans used formerly to bring presents to the sultan; in recognition of which they received some water from the sacred jar to sprinkle over their fields 12. Fretp Museum or Naturat History — Antu., Vor. XII. and thereby ensure plentiful harvests. When the sultan was asked whether he would sell his jar for £20,000, he answered that no offer in the world could tempt him to part with it.”’! This desire for old jars was by no means confined to the traders and Japanese, for the tribes of the interior had secured a great number of them at a very early period, and later when the supply from the coast had ceased, they began to mount in value until a man’s wealth was, and still is, largely reckoned by the number of old jars in his possession (compare Pl. III). As they were handed down from one generation to. another, they began to gather to themselves stories of wondrous origin and deeds, until to-day certain jars have reputations which extend far beyond the limits of the tribes by which they may be owned. While among the Tinguian of Abra, the writer continually heard tales of a wonderful jar called Magsawt (P1.IV). It was credited with the ability to talk; sometimes went on long journeys by itself; and was married to a female jar owned by the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte: A small jar at San Quintin, Abra, was said to be the child of this union and partook of many qualities of its parents. The history of this jar as related by its owner, Cabildo of Domayco, is as follows: ‘‘Magsawi, my jar, when it was not yet broken talked softly, but now its lines are broken, and the low tones are insufficient for us to understand. The jar was not made where the Chinese are, but belongs to the spirits or Kabonian, because my father and grandfather, from whom I inherited it, said that in the first times they (the Tinguian) hunted Magsawi on the mountains and in the wooded hills. My ancestors thought that their dog had brought a deer to bay (which he was catching), and they hurried to assist it. They saw the jar and tried to catch it but were unable; sometimes it disappeared, sometimes it appeared again, and, because they could not catch it they went again to the wooded hill on their way to their town. Then they heard a voice speaking words which they understood, but they could see no man. The words it spoke were: ‘You secure a pig, a sow without young, and take its blood, so that you may catch the jar which your dog pursued.’ They obeyed and went to secure the blood. The dog again brought to bay the jar which belonged to Kabon- ian (a spirit). They plainly saw the jar go through a hole in the rock 1 JaGor, Travels in the Philippines, p. 162. In Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, Vol. I, 1869, pp. 80-82, JAGoR describes an ancient burial cave in Southern Samar. In it were found broken pieces of crudely decorated pottery associated with human remains. 2 Other jars credited with the ability to talk were seen by the writer, and similar jars are described by travelers in Borneo. See Linc Rotu, Natives of Sarawak and British N. Borneo, Vol. II, p. 286; Hern, Die bildenden Kiinste bei den Dayaks auf Borneo, p. 139; also St. JOHN, Life in the Forests of the Far East.— The idea of sex in jars is widespread throughout the Archipelago. JULY, 1912. CHINESE Porrtery. 13 which is a cave, and there it was cornered so that they captured the pretty jar which is Magsawi, which I inherited.” ! Other jars of equal fame ‘‘were found in caves in which the spirits dwelt,’’ or were called into being by supernatural agencies. References to these wonderful jars abound in the folktales, the following quotations from which will serve to show the character of all.? *“Not long after he started, and when he arrived in the pasture, all the jars went to him, and all the jars stuck out their tongues; for they were very hungry and had not been fed for a long time. The jars were somadag, ginlasan, malayo, and tadogan, and other kinds also. When Aponitolau thought that all the jars had arrived, he fed them all with betel-nut covered with Jawed leaves. As soon as he fed them, he gave them some salt. Not long after this they went to the pasture, and they rode on the back of a carabao. As soon as they arrived, all the jars rolled around them and stuck out their tongues, and Aponibolinayen was afraid, for she feared that the jars would eat them.. The wide field was full of jars. Aponitolau gave them betel-nut and awed wine and salt. As soon as they fed them, they went back home.” (Extract from the tale about Gimbangonan.) ‘“‘And they took many things to be used at the wedding. So they agreed on the marriage price, and Bangan and his wife said, the price must be the dbalaua* nine times full of different kinds of jars. As soon as the balaua was filled nine times, Daluagan raised her eyebrows, and immediately half of the jars vanished, and Aponibolinayen used her (magical) power, and the balaua was filled again, so that it was truly filled. When they had danced, all the guests took some jars, before they went home.” (From the Kanag tale.) “‘‘Now we are going to pay the marriage price according to the custom,’ said Aponibolinayen, ‘our custom is to fill the balaua nine times with different kinds of jars.’ So Aponibolinayen said ‘Ala, you Alan® who live in the different springs, and Bananayo' of Kadanan 1 Similar stories of jars turning to animals and vice versa are encountered in the Southern be, and in Borneo. See Linc Rots, Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo, Vol. II, p. CLXXVI; Hern, Die bildenden Kunste bei den _ Dayaks auf Borneo, pp. 132-134. 2 The following are extracts from Tinguian folktales. During the dry season _ bonfires are built in various parts of the village and around them the men and _ women gather, the former to make fishnets, the latter tospin. Meanwhile some good story-teller chants these tales. * Each type of jar has its particular name. 4A small spirit house built during a certain ceremony. 5 Lesser‘spirits. 14 Fretp Museum oF Natura. History —Anrtu., Vor. XII. and you Liblibayan,' go and get the jars which Kanag must pay as the price for Dapilisan.’ As soon as she commanded them, they went and filled the balaua nine times.”’ (Tale of Dumalawi.) _ “So they danced and the big jars which she had hung about her neck made a noise, and the earth shook when she moved her body. The people did not agree, and they said: ‘Five times full, if you do not have that many (jars) he may not marry Aponibolinayen.’ He was so anxious to marry her that he told his parents to agree to what they said. As soon as they agreed, Langaan used magic so that all the jars which the people wanted were already in the balaua. The day came when they agreed to take Linggiwan to Aponibolinayen, and he carried one jar. As soon as they arrived there, they made the rice ceremony.’’? (Extracts from tale of Ginambo and Gonigonau.) ‘Soon after they started, they met the doldoli (a jar) in the way. ‘Where are you going, young men,’ it said. ‘Where are you going,’ you ask; we are going to secure the perfume of Balewan, for though we are still far from it we can smell it now.’ The jar replied: ‘Ala, young men, you cannot go there, for when anyone goes there, only his name goes back to his town,’ (7. e. he dies), but the boy replied: ‘We are going anyway. That is the reason we are already far from home, and it is the thing which the pretty maiden desires.’ ‘If you say that you are going anyway, you will repent when you reach there.’ So they left the jar and walked on.”” (From BalewA4n tale.) “The food was of thirty different kinds, and they were ashamed to be in the house of Ilwisan which had in it many valuable jars, for the Alan (spirit) had given them to him.’’ (Aponibolinayen tale.) Great prices are offered and sometimes paid for the more renowned jars, and successful war parties are accustomed to return home with numbers of such trophies. Every wild tribe, encountered by the writer, in the interior of Luzon, Palawan and Mindanao, possesses these jars which enter intimately into the life of the people (Pl. V-VIII). Among many the price paid by the bridegroom for his bride is wholly or in part in jars (Pl. [X- X). When a Tinguian youth is to take his bride, he goes to her house at night, carrying with him a Chinese jar which he presents to his father-in-law, and thereafter he may never address his parents-in-law by name. The liquor served at ceremonies and festivals is sometimes contained in these jars (Pl. XI-—XVI),. while small porcelain dishes 1 Lesser Spirits. : 2 This is still the custom when the groom finally claims the bride. JULY, 1912. CHINESE POTTERY. 15 contain the food offered to the spirits. Porcelain plates are used by the mediums when summoning the spirits, and having served in such a capacity are highly prized; so much so that they are never sold during the lifetime of the medium, and after her death only to an aspirant for mediumship honors (Pl. XVII). When about to call a spirit into her body, the medium sets herself in front of the spirit mat, and covering her face with her hands, she trembles violently, meanwhile chanting or wailing songs in which she bids the spirits to come and possess her (Pl. XVIII). From.time to time she pauses, and holding a plate on the finger tips of her left hand, she strikes it with a string of sea shells or a bit of lead, in order that the bell-like sound may attract the attention of the spirits. Suddenly a spirit takes possession of her body and then as a human the superior being talks with mortals (PI. XIX). In districts where head-hunting is still in vogue, a.Chinese jar is readily accepted as payment in full for a head, and many feuds are settled on this basis. In 1907 the writer accompanied a war party from Apayao to a hostile village several days’ march distant. The two villages agreed to make peace on the terms of one jar for each head the one town held in excess of the other, and on this basis the Apayao paid eleven jars to their erstwhile enemies. Most tribes of the interior have pottery of their own manufacture. These generally bear distinctive names according to the uses to which they are put. Thus among the Tinguian a jar used for greens or vegetables has a definite name, while another in which meat is cooked has its own designation. In Northern Luzon the women of certain towns have acquired such fame as potters that their wares have a wide distribution, and the industry has almost vanished from neighboring villages. The general method employed by the potters (Pl. XX—XXI) is as follows: The clay after being dampened is carefully kneaded with the hands, in order to remove stones and bits of gravel. A handful of the mass is taken up and the bottom of the bowl roughly shaped with the fingers. This is placed on a wooden dish, which in turn rests on a bamboo rice winnower — forming a crude potter’s wheel. The dish is turned with the right hand while the woman shapes the clay with the fingers of the left or with a piece of dampened bark cloth. From time _ to time a coil of fresh clay is laid along the top of the vessels and is _ worked in as the wheel turns. Further shaping is done with a wooden _ paddle, after which the jar is allowed to dry. In a day or two it is hard _ enough to be handled, and the operator then rubs it, inside and out, with stone or seed disks, in order to make it perfectly smooth. The jars 16 Fretp Museum or NaturaAt History—Anru., Vor. XII. are placed in dung or other material which will make a slow fire and are burned for a night, after which they are ready for service... Some tribes understand the art of glazing with pitch, but this is not generally prac- ticed throughout the Islands. These jars are generally red in color, and in form quite distinct from those of Chinese manufacture. They are in daily use and have a value of only a few centavos. 1The writer found this process both in Luzon and Mindanao. Dr. JENKS found a slightly different method of production at Bontoc (see JENKs, The Bontoc Igorot, pp. 117-121). This process is illustrated by a life sized group in the Field Museum of Natural History. Pl. XXII. POSTSCRIPT By BEerRTHOLD LAUFER At the request of Mr. Cole I take the liberty to append a few notes on the subject of Chinese pottery in the Philippine Islands. From the very interesting information furnished by Mr. Cole on the subject, it becomes evident that two well-defined periods in the trade of Chinese pottery to the Islands must be distinguished. The one is constituted by the burial pottery discovered in caves, the other is marked by the numerous specimens still found in the possession of families and, according to tradition, transmitted as heirlooms through many genera- tions. Let us state at the outset that from the viewpoint of the Chinese field of research a plausible guess may be hazarded as to what these two periods are,— the mortuary finds roughly corresponding to the period of the Chinese Sung dynasty (960-1278 A. D.), and the surface finds to that of the Ming dynasty (1368-1643).1 By this division in time I do not mean to draw a hard and fast line for the classification of this pottery, but merely to lay down a working hypothesis as the basis from which to attack the problem that will remain for future investiga- tion. There is the possibility also that early Ming pieces are to be found in the graves or caves and, on the other hand, the existence of Sung and After-Ming specimens, say of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, in the hands of the natives will no doubt be established with the advance of search and research. But these two cases, if they will prove, will surely remain the exceptions, while the formula as expressed above carries the calculation of the greatest probability. It is well known that during the middle ages a lively export trade in pottery took place from China into the regions of the Malayan Archi- pelago, India, Persia, Egypt, the east coast of Africa, and Morocco. Quite a number of ancient specimens of China ware have been discovered in all those countries and wandered into collections of Europe. The curiosity of investigators was early stimulated in this subject, and to _ A. B. Meyer, Karabacek, Hirth, A. R. Hein, F. Brinkley and others, _ we owe contributions to this question from the ceramic and trade- 1 Certainly I have here in mind only those specimens prized by the natives as heirlooms and looked upon by them as old. There is assuredly any quantity of modern Chinese crockery and porcelain spread over the Philippines, which, however, is of no account and not the object of legends and worship on the part of the natives. 17 18 Fretp Museum or Naturat History —Antu., Vor. XII. historical standpoint, while active explorers, particularly on Borneo, have brought to light considerable material in the way of specimens. For the Philippines, little had been done in this direction, and it is the merit of Mr. Cole to render accessible to students a representative collection of that pottery which may be designated as ‘‘second period,” and which is of the highest interest as palpable evidence of the inter- course between China and the Philippines during the Ming period. The establishment of the two periods is reflected also in the tradi- tions of the Malayan tribes. Mr. Cole (p. 12) relates that the Magsawi. jar was not made where the Chinese are, but belongs to the spirits or Kabonian. There are other jars clearly recognized as Chinese by the natives. In regard to the latter, the tradition is still alive; the former are of a more considerable age or were made in a period, the wares of which could no more be supplied by the Chinese, so that the belief could gain ground that they had never been made by the Chinese, but by the spirits. Among the Dayak of Borneo, this state of affairs is still more conspicuous. There, the oldest jars have been connected with solar and lunar mythology. Mahatara, the supreme god, piled up on Java seven mountains from the loam which was left after the creation of sun, moon and earth. Ratu Tjampu, of divine origin, used the clay of these mountains to make a great number of djawet (sacred jars) which he kept and carefully guarded in a cave. One day when his watch was interrupted, the jars transformed themselves into animals (compare Cole, pp. 12, 13) and escaped. Whena fortunate hunter kills such game it changes again into a jar, which becomes the trophy of the hunter favored by the gods. According to another tradition, the god of the moon, Kadjanka, taught the son of a Javanese ruler, Raja Pahit, to form jars out of the clay with which Mahatara had made sun and moon; all these jars fled to Borneo, where they still are. I do not believe that these traditions point to Java as a place from which pottery found its way to Borneo; Java has merely become a symbol for the mysterious unknown. This mythical pottery attributed to the action of gods, it seems to me, is to be identified with Chinese pottery of the Sung period, while that accompanied by mere narrative traditions seems to correspond to that of the Ming period. This sequence of myth and plain story has its foundation in long intervals of time and in many changes as to the kinds and grades of pottery introduced from 1A. R. HEIN, Die bildenden Kiinste bei den Dayaks auf Borneo, p. 134 (Wien, 1894), and F. S. Grasowsky, Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, Vol. XVII, 1885, pp. 121- 123. Grabowsky is of the opinion that Perelaer, to whom the second tradition is due, can never have heard it from the lips of a Dayak, but simply ascribed to them this tradition originating from Java. JULY, 1912. CHINESE POTTERY. 19 China. This does not mean that a piece ascribed to the spirits will necessarily be a Sung, and one credited with a tale always a Ming, for interchanges, adjustments and confusions of traditions are constantly at operation. As no material regarding the earlier period of burial pottery (except a small fragment) exists in the Field Museum, I must be content with a few suggestive remarks regarding the latter. Chinese-Philippine trade must have existed early in the thirteenth, and very likely in the latter part of the twelfth century, as I tried to establish on a former occasion,! chiefly guided by the accounts of a Chinese author, Chao Ju-kua, who around 1220 wrote a most valuable record of the foreign nations then trading with China. His work has been translated and profusely commented on by Prof. Hirth.2 Chao Ju-kua mentions three times the export of porcelain, by which also pottery not being porcelain must be understood, in the barter with the Philippine tribes. Unfortu- nately he does not tell us of what kind, or from which locality this pottery was, but one interesting fact may be gleaned now from a com- parison of the Philippine place-names known to him with those re- ported by Mr. Cole as having yielded finds of burial jars. Dr. Miller, Mr. Cole informs us, discovered jars containing human bones and beads in mounds opened by him on the Island of Camiguin, lying north of Luzon. This name is doubtless identical with Ka-ma-yen mentioned by Chao Ju-kua as forming the “‘ Three Islands” with Pa-lao-yu (Pala- wan?) and Pa-ki-nung,’ and he gives a lively description of the barter with the Hai-tan (Aéta) living there, with the express mention of porce- lain. Fragments of large jars, says Mr. Cole, were also found in the burial cave of Pokanin in southern Mindoro; now Chao Ju-kua describes a country in the north of Borneo which he calls Ma-yi(t) and identified by me with Mindoro, the ancient name of which was Mait. Mindoro, where Spaniards and Chinese met for the first time in 1570, was an old stronghold of the latter, and probably at an earlier date than Luzon. These coincidences cannot be accidental, and must further be taken in connection with the fact to which Mr. Cole justly calls attention, that jar burial may have been practised, especially by those Filipino in direct trade relations with Borneo. It seems to me that we are bound to assume an historical connection between the two and an influencing 1 The Relations of the Chinese to the Philippine Islands, p. 252 (Smithsonian _ Miscellaneous Contributions, Vol. L, Part 2, 1907). ? A complete translation of the work jointly edited by Hirth and W. W. Rockhill has been printed by the Academy of St. Petersburg and is soon expected to be out. 3 See Hirtu, Chinesische Studien, p. 41. 20 Fretp Museum or Natura History—Anrtu., Vor. XII. of the Filipino by the Borneo custom.! On both sides, we encounter almost the same kinds of Chinese ceramic wares, the same veneration for them, and a similar basis of folklore and mythology associated with them, so that the belief in an interdependence seems justifiable. The one fact stands out clearly: Chao Ju-kua, a reliable author of the Sung period, himself a member of the imperial house, relates the export of pottery to Borneo and the Philippines (in the case of Borneo also that of celadons) at his time, the beginning of the thirteenth century, a trade which may have set in at a much earlier date. This pottery can but have been the contemporaneous pottery of the Sung period, and we are, for this reason, entitled to look to the Philippines for Sung pottery. As the pottery found in the caves is, in all probability, older than that now possessed by the natives, there is the greatest likelihood of identi- fying this burial pottery with the productions of the Sung period. The investigations of the antiquities of the Philippines are in their begin- nings, and further results and more tangible material must be awaited before definite verdicts can be arrived at. The pottery fragments must be carefully gathered and examined; it is obvious that they will be of immense value in helping to make out the periods of these burial places. The terminus a quo is given by the eleventh century. The small vessel 1 The subject of jar-burial remains one to be investigated. It is still practised in China among the Buddhist priesthood and, according to the observations of W. PERCEVAL YETTs (Notes on the Disposal of Buddhist Dead in China, Journal R. Asiatic Society, 1911, p..705), occurs throughout the region of the Middle and Lower Yangtse. The same author informs us (p. 707) that the earthenware tubs required | for this purpose resemble those commonly used for holding water or for storage of manure. ‘Occasionally two ordinary domestic tubs (kang) joined mouth to mouth are made to act as a coffin, though usually tubs specially manufactured for funeral purposes are obtained. These are made in pairs, and are so designed that the rim of the lid of the uppermost tub fits closely over the rim of the other, producing a joint easily rendered airtight by the aid of cement. A pair thus joined together forms a chamber resembling a barrel in shape.’’ Most of these vessels are said to come from the kilns of Wu-si in Kiangsu Province. The ancient earthenware coffins, however, considered by Mr. Yetts in this connection, must be separated from these burial jars, as they are pre-buddhistic in origin; such a pottery coffin with green-glazed lid attributed to the T‘ang period, is in the Chinese collection of the Field Museum. E. BorRscHMANN (Die Baukunst und religiése Kultur der Chinesen, Vol. I, P‘u t‘o shan, p. 175) states that the cremation and preservation of Buddhist priests in large urns of glazed pottery is generally practised; that in the pottery kilns of all provinces such jars are made up to 1.50 m in height and shipped far away, and that a district on the Siang River in Hunan, a little north of the provincial capital Ch‘ang-sha, is a well-known place for their production. The jars are mostly glazed brown, concludes Boerschmann, and adorned with reliefs alluding to death, e. g. two dragons surrounding a dragon-gate and a pearl in the entrance, indicating that the priest has passed the gate of perception and reached the state of perfection. This information sheds light on the fact that it was dragon-jars which were utilized on Borneo for purposes of burial. An interesting practice of jar-burial is revealed by Paut PEe.iiot (Le Fou-nan, Bulletin de l’Ecole frangatse d’ Extréme-Orient, Vol. III, 1903, p. 279) from a passage in the Fu-nan ki, written by Chu Chi in the fifth century A. D. It relates to the kingdom of Tun-stin, a dependance of Fu-nan (Cambodja), which seems to have been largely under the influence of Brahmanic India. Over a thousand Brahmans JULY, 1912. CHINESE PoTTery. 21 mentioned by JAGoR is most probably a piece of celadon pottery. Prof. EpUARD SELER has been good enough to inform us that it is not preserved in the Berlin Museum, but he describes a similar piece extant there, a fragment of a plate or a flat bowl found by Dr. Schetelig in a cave of Caramuan, Luzon, on the Philippines. ‘‘Fhe material,’ Prof. SELER says, “is a red-burnt hard clay including small white bits of what is apparently calcareous matter. The well-known salad-green glaze exhibiting numerous fine crackles covers the entire surface except the circular foot. On the lower face, the marks of the potter’s wheel are visible. On the glazed surface shallow grooves are radially ar- ranged.” This description, beyond any doubt, refers to a specimen of celadon pottery of the Sung period, and I am especially interested in the fact that it is hard, red-burnt stoneware, and not porcelain. The former authors always spoke of celadon porcelains exclusively, an error first refuted by Captain F. Brrnxtey,! who justly says that all the choice celadons of the Sung, Yiian, and even the Ming dynasties were stoneware, showing considerable variation in respect to fineness of pate and thinness of biscuit, but never becoming true translucid porcelain. The majority of celadon pieces in the Sung period seem to have been stoneware, while the porcelain specimens increase during the from India were settled there, married to native women and engaged in reading their sacred books. When they are sick, says the Chinese report, they make a vow to be buried by the birds; under chants and dances, they are conducted outside of the town, and there are birds who devour them. The remaining bones are calcined and enclosed in a jar which is flung into the sea. When they are not eaten by the birds, they are placed in a basket. As regards burial by fire, it consists in leaping into a fire. The ashes are gathered ina vase which is interred, and to which sacrifices are offered without limit of time. The inference could be drawn from this passage that the practice of burial in jars is derived from India. ‘‘ Among the tribes of the Hindukush,”’ reports W. CRooKkE (Things Indian, p. 128), ‘‘cremation used to be the common form of burial, the ashes being collected in rude wooden boxes or in earthen jars and buried.”” This was the case also in the funerary rites of ancient India (W. CALAND, Die altindischen Todten- und Bestattungsgebrauche, pp. 104, 107, 108) when the bones after cremation were gathered in an urn; according to one rite, the bones collected in an earthenware bowl were sprinkled with water, the bowl was wrapped up in a dress made from Kuga grass and inserted in another pottery vessel which was interred in a forest, or near the root of a tree or in a clean place in a durable relic-shrine. Among the Nayars or Nairs of Malabar, the pieces of unburnt bones are placed in an earthen pot which has been sun-dried (not burnt by fire in the usual way); the pot is covered up with a piece of new cloth, and all following the eldest, who carries it, proceed to the nearest river (it must be running water), which receives the remains of the dead (E. Tuurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, p. 215, Madras, 1906). The latter practice offers a parallel to the burying of the jar in the sea, as related above in regard to Tun-stin. Nowadays, the bones _ after cremation are gathered on a gold, silver, or copper plate in Cambodja (A. _ LecLére, Cambodge: La crémation et les rites funéraires, pp. 76, 82, Hanoi, 1906). On jar-burial on the Liu-kiu Islands compare the interesting article of M. HABER- LaNDT, Uber eine Graburne von den Liukiu-Inseln (Mitteilungen der Anthropol. Gesellschaft in Wien, Vol. XXIII, 1893, pp. 39-42); the specimen figured is doubtless a Chinese production as used for the burial of the ashes of a Buddhist monk. 1 China, Keramic Art, p. 34 (London, 1904). 22 Frerp Museum or NaturaAt History—Anvtu., Vor. XII. Ming epoch. ‘To this conclusion, at least, I am prompted by a series of celadons gathered by me in China and including specimens of the Sung, Ming, and K‘ien-lung periods. It is somewhat a matter of sur- prise that a larger number of celadons has not been discovered on the Philippines. Judging from the account of a Japanese writer on ceram- ics, translated farther below, there must have been a large quantity of this fine and curious pottery on the Islands in former times, and the search of the Japanese for ceramic treasures there in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was chiefly prompted by their craving for cela- dons. Maybe the Japanese have taken hold of the best specimens, maybe these are still hidden away, in solitary caves or untouched burial mounds. We hope that these remarks will instigate present and future explorers on the Islands to keep a vigilant watch on celadons, and to pick up even small fragments, always with exact statements of locality, site, nature of the find (underground, surface, cave, mound, etc.) and traditions of the natives, if there are any, because they may be of great significance. Everything relating to celadons is of utmost historical importance; in almost every case, in my opinion at least, it is possible to define the age or period of a piece of celadon, and also the place of its production,— China, Japan, Korea, or Siam. The Sung celadons are inimitable and could never be imitated, and the varying character of this pottery through all ages affords a most fortunate clue to chrono- logical diagnosis. In glancing over the collection of pottery brought home by Mr. Cole, we are struck, first of all, by a certain uniform character of all these pieces, if we leave aside the three small dishes reproduced on Plate XVII, which in correspondence with their different ceramic char- acter enter also a different phase of religious notions. Only in the latter lot a single piece of porcelain is found (Pl. XVII, Fig. 3). All other specimens are characterized as stoneware of an exceedingly hard, . consistent and durable clayish substance; most of them are high and spacious jars of large capacity; all of them are glazed, and well glazed, and betray in the manner and color of glazing as well as in their shapes and decorative designs a decidedly Chinese origin; all of them have a concave unglazed bottom, most of them are provided with ears on the shoulders for the passage of a cord to secure convenient handling and carrying; none of them is impressed with a seal, date-mark, or inscrip- tion of any other kind. All of them are the products of solid workman- ship executed with care and deliberation, apparently with a side-glance at a customer who knew. On the whole, two principal types are dis- cernible,— dragon-jars and plain jars. Both groups are distinguished JULY, 1912. CHINESE POTTERY. 23 at the same time by different glazes, and it may be surmised at the out- set that they originate from different kilns. The three jars on Plates VI-VIII exactly agree with one another in shape and glaze (evidently an iron glaze) the color of which moves from a light-yellow to a dark-brown. In the form of rim, neck and shoulders, the identity is perfect. The shoulders are decorated with five massive lion-heads ! formed in separate moulds and stuck on to the body of the vessel, perforations running horizontally through the jaws. The designs, wave-bands and a couple of dragons with the usual cloud- ornaments, are incised in the body of the clay and in the two specimens on Plates VI and VII not covered by the glaze, while in the case of the specimen in Plate VIII the outlines and scales of the dragon have been overlaid with a glaze of darker tinge, resulting in a flat-relief design. The dragon-jar in Plate V differs from those three in form and technique, and is an extraordinary specimen. The clay walls are of much thinner build and covered with a fine dark-greenish slip. Six ears (two of which are broken off) rest on the shoulders; they are shaped into the very frequent conventional form of elephant heads ending in curved trunks. The two dragons are turned out in moulds and playing with the pearl (not represented in the illustration) designed as a spiral with flame. In this connection, attention should be drawn to the dragon-jars of a similar type discovered in large numbers on Borneo. The Tung si yang k‘ao, an interesting Chinese work describing the far-eastern sea trade of the sixteenth century and published in 1618 (Ming period) relates that the people of Bandjermasin on Borneo at first used banana leaves in the place of dishes, but that, since trade had been carried on with China, they had gradually adopted the use of porcelain; that they liked to bargain for porcelain jars decorated with dragons on the sur- face; and that they would keep the bodies of the dead in such jars in- stead of burying them.? Despite everything that has been written on the subject of these jars, their descriptions, from a ceramic and historical point of view, are still rather unsatisfactory. The illustrations referred to below are made from sketches, not from photographs. A. B. Meyer and Grabowsky describe the glazes as brown or mottled brown, one 1A. B. MEYER (Altertiimer aus dem Ostindischen Archipel, p. 7, Leipzig, 1884) describing similar jars from Borneo speaks of five Rakshasa or lion-heads. They are, according to Chinese notion, nothing but lion-heads. The Rakshasa heads are quite different in style, are always characterized by long protruding tusks, and never occur as decorations on Chinese pottery. ? HirtH, Ancient Chinese Porcelain, p. 182.— The Dayak designation rangkang for these jars seems to me to be suggested by the Chinese name lung kang (‘‘dragon- jar’’).— For illustrations of Borneo dragon-jars see F. S. GRABOwsKY, Zeitschrift fiir Ethnologie, Vol. XVII, 1885, Pl. VII, or A. R. HEIN, Die bildenden Kanste bei den Dayaks auf Borneo, p. 133 (Wien, 1890). 24 Fretp Museum or Natura History — Antu., Vor. XII. glazed white being the only exception. Not having had occasion to see any of them, I think I should not be too positive in my judgment, but can merely give it as my impression that the Borneo dragon- jars are very similar in shape, glaze and design to those from the Philippines, and that both seem to have originated from the same Chinese kiln. , Unfortunately, our knowledge of Chinese pottery is far from being complete, and anything like a scientific history of it does not yet exist. Our collectors have been more interested in porcelains, and the subject of common pottery has been almost wholly neglected. Porcelain is nothing but a variety of pottery and can be properly understood only from a consideration of the subject in its widest range. Porcelain and stoneware appear in China as parallel phenomena, that is to say, the same processes of glazing and decorating have been applied to both categories alike, and certain porcelain, glazes have their precedents in corresponding glazes on non-porcellanous clays. The study of this ware is therefore of importance for the history of porcelain, and it has besides so many qualities and merits of its own that it is deserving of close investigation for its own sake. If we had at our disposal such complete collections of pottery from China as we have from Japan, it . would presumably be easy to point out the Chinese specimens cor- responding to those of the Philippines, and to settle satisfactorily the question as to the furnace where they were produced. Such a collec- tion, whose ideal object it would be to embrace representative speci- mens, ancient and modern, of the many hundreds of Chinese kilns, will probably never exist, as it would require for itself a large museum to be housed. From my personal experience, restricted to the more promi- nent kilns of the provinces of Shantung, Chili, Honan, Shansi, Shensi and Kansu, I may say that dragon-jars of the Philippine type are not turned out there at the present day, nor can ancient specimens of this kind be obtained there. Both facts are conclusive evi- dence, for if: once made, some vestiges of them would have sur- vived in modern forms, in view of the stupendous persistency of traditions among the potters.