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Bust of an Inca

AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY

OLD CIVILIZATIONS

OF

INCA LAND

By CHARLES W. MEAD
ASSISTANT CURATOR OF PERUVIAN ARCHEOLOGY

HANDBOOK SERIES No. 11

NEW YORK
- 1924

@® AMERICAN-MUSEUM:-PRESS @&

W-ybisyr - Kre xy

PREFACE.

HEN viewing the exhibits in any museum hall

NV the visitor is apt to derive much more informa-

tion and pleasure, than he otherwise would, if

he has some knowledge of the subject illustrated by the

objects in the cases. This little book is written to

furnish such information, rather than to be a complete

guide to the Hall of Prehistoric Peru. Herein the

Peruvians will tell quite a part of their own story

through drawings and photographs of the works they
have left behind.

The story such objects tell is always reliable, which is
more than can be said of the accounts of the earliest
Spanish chroniclers, in whose narratives one is astonished
to find so little information regarding the daily life of the
Indians: their houses, dress, food, customs, etc. It
seems that the conquerors cared nothing for these
things, nor could they possibly imagine that future
generations would be interested in them. Seemingly
they were actuated by only two motives: the acquisi-
tion of gold and the propagation of Catholicism. When
killing, or despoiling heretics of their property, they un-
doubtedly believed they were doing God an acceptable
service, for such was the spirit of the time of the Con-
quest (1532), and it is probable that the Conquistadores
were above the level of the average Spaniard of that
time.

The Peruvian collections in the American Museum of
Natural History are largely the results of excavations
made by Adolph Francis Bandelier, who was in Peru
and Bolivia continuously from July 1, 1892 to April 1,
1903. For the first two years Mr. Bandelier worked un-
der the patronage of Mr. Henry Villard, after which the
work was taken over by the Museum.

1

i)

OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

Among the many donors who have helped to make the
prehistoric Peruvian collection in the American Mu-
seum one of the largest and most valuable in the world
are: the Guggenheim Brothers, Morris K. Jesup, A. D.
Juilliard, E. P. Mathewson, J. P. Morgan, and Henry
Villard.

June, 1924. Charles W. Mead.

CONTENTS

PREFACE
INTRODUCTION

Megalithic Period. Inca Period. Beginning of the Historical

Period. Physical Type.

CHAPTER I
HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES

Food, Fishing, and Hunting. Agriculture. Household Uten-

sils. Pottery. Baskets. Dress. Personal Ornaments. Tex-
tiles. Feather-Work. Metallurgy.

CHAPTER II
BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE .

Houses and Shelters. Stone Work. Architecture. Roads.
Bridges. Cities and Towns.

CHAPTER III
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION .

Inheritance. Army. Transportation. War Trophies.
Peruvian Women.

CHAPTER, IV
RELIGION AND CEREMONIES

Ceremonies and Festivals. Sacrifices. Folk Customs and

Mythology.
Burial Customs.

CHAPTER V
DECORATIVE AND RELIGIOUS ART

Musie and Dancing.

CHAPTER VI
ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE

Astronomy. Quipu or Peruvian Knot Record. Medi-

cines and Surgery. Narcotics. Sayings of the Wise.
Language.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

INDEX .

PAGE.

bo
ol

~J
Or

88

97

110

113

ILLUSTRATIONS
Text FIGURES

_ PAGE.
Bust of an Inca Frontispiece
1. Archeological Map, West Ggasr of South ‘Agaatian Facing 7
2 Topographical Map of South America. 8
3. Extent of the Ancient Inca Empire . 10
4. <A Portion of the Great Fortress of Baceetutaniens eee ; 11
5. Painting on a Pottery Vessel depicting Rushes and their
Roots, Fish swimming among the oe and Birds
flying above them. 12
6. A Portrait Vase in Terra Cotta from a fens in hepa Seni 13
7. A Brilliantly Colored Pottery Vessel from Nazca, Peru . 14
8. The Central Figure on the Great Stone Gateway at Ak-
kapana, Tiahuanaco; Examples of Puma Heads on
Textiles and in Pottery 15
9. Typical Inca or Cuzco Forms in Pottery . 17
10. An Inea Poncho from the Island of Titicaca 19
11. A Water Vessel in the Form of a Guinea Pig Sh 25
12. Agricultural Implements of Copper 26
13. Reproductions of Squashes in Clay. Trujillo Galette 31
14. A Woman’s Work Basket, containing Yarns, Spindles,
Needles, ete. 32
15. A Water Vessel in the Bupa of a Hata Foot, bes ing Ty ne
of Sandal worn and the Method of fastening to the Foot 34
16. Peruvian Costume depicted on a Pottery Water Vessel 34
17. A Pre-Inca Tapestry Poncho. Pachacamac 37
18. Weaving Methods painted on a Pottery Vessel from Trujillo
(After Tello) . 38
19. Part of a Feather Poncho 40
20. Feather-work Technique 41
21. Implements of Copper and Bronze 42
22. Silverwork: Hollow Figures in Thin Silver ; 43
23. The Method of Working Gold and Silver (After Barat
1541-1556) 45
24. Model of a House on a Poitery Wears 47
25. The Type of Shelter used by Herders—a Clay Model 47
26. Inca Wall Construction 48
27. Doorway in a Ruined House, Ciahoo (tte E. G. eee 50
28. An Inca Bridge (After E. G. Squier). 52
29. The Church and Convent of Santo Denne Canes (After
EK. G. Squier) 54

46.

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE.
Painting on a Pottery Vessel showing a Masked Warrior. 61
Warclubs and a Battle Ax : 62
Forms of Throwing Sticks used in Peru 62
Killing a Deer with a Lance and Throwing Stick 63
A Deer Hunting Scene on a Water Vessel 63
Pottery Vessel showing Manner of carrying Bearers sup-
ported by a Forehead Strap 64
Paying Homage to the Inca 66
Figure of a Warrior on a Prehistoric Shawllike Garment
from Iea, Peru Sa eg Th
War Trophies: a, Human head fmt N on eure b,
Shrunken human heads from the Jivaros Indians of
Eastern Ecuador 68
A Modern Peruvian Woman from Bune s spinning Maun: oe
Mythological Beings: Puma, Fish, and Bird Gods 81
A Mummy Bundle with a False Head 85
Burial Towers. a, Acora; b, Sillustani 86
Conventionalization in Ancient Peruvian Art . 89
Conventionalized Animal Figures in Peruvian Art 90
Musical Instruments 93
A Double Whistling Jar 94
A Circular Gold Ornament, “ice the ies of the cera 94
Dancing Figures modeled in Relief on Two Pottery Water
Vessels 95
A Quipu from @nancay, Per u 100
Diagram of Quipu from Chancay, Peru 101
Peruvian Lancet . 103
A Case of Trephining, the ners Seamer Skull 104
Prehistoric Surgery: Sieh Vessels showing Amputation
of the Foot 105
Pottery Figure of a Man examining the Sole a his Foot an
which the Eggs of a Small Sand Flea have been extracted 106

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ARCHEOLOGICAL MAP

WEST COAST
SOUTH AMERICA

COMPILED WITH REFERENCE TO THE COLLECTIONS
IN THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY, NEW YORK.
SY CHARLES W. MEAD

SCALE IN STATUTE MILES
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Fig. 2. Map of South America, showing the Remarkable Topography
of the Territory occupied by the Ancient Peruvians.

INTRODUCTION

F one turns to a map of South America, he will notice
| that a strip of land averaging perhaps forty miles

in width runs along the west coast between the sea-
shore and the base of the mountains. The parts of this
narrow strip falling within the geographical limits of
Peru form a desert where rain rarely falls. But high up
in the mountains it does rain, sending numerous streams
down their western slopes through narrow valleys in the
desert belt below.

The mountains, for the most part, run in two parallel
ranges: the eastern known as the Andes, the western,
or coast range, as the Cordillera. To the north and east
of Lake Titicaca is the great chain of the Bolivian Andes,
or Cordillera Real. All of these ranges are pierced by
deep valleys through which flow most of the waters
collected between the two ranges, forming uncounted
streams and rivers converging into the Amazon, the
Orinoco, and the Plata.

There are said to be fifty mountain peaks over 18,000
feet above the sea, in the region occupied by the old
Peruvian Empire. A few of these are marked on the
map (Fig. 2). Of these, the heights of Huascaran and
Aconcagua appear to have been accurately determined;
the others are variously given by different authorities.

Hugo Beck’s classification of the mountains of Bolivia
is the one generally accepted. He divides them as
follows :—

The Coast Cordillera

The Cordillera de los Andes

The Cordillera Real or Bolivian Andes
Isolated ranges between 2 and 3
Ranges east of the Cordillera Real

9

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Fig. 3. Extent of the Ancient Inca Empire.
10

INTRODUCTION LI

Thus we see that, in the main, the land of the Peruvians
is a succession of narrow valleys, some well watered and
so, fertile, while others are barren wastes.

When Peru was visited by the Spaniards under Pizarro
in 1532 the entire country was under the domination
of the Inca of Cuzco. But previous to their ascendancy
there was a long period of development which is usually
spoken of as the Megalithic Period.

Fig. 4. A Portion of the Great Fortress, Sacsahuaman, Cuzco.

Megalithic Period. Allour knowledge of the Peru-
vians before the rise of the Inca Empire is derived from
such of their works as are still extant. They were the
builders of Tiahuanaco and the similar megalithic re-
mains found in many parts of the country. Among the
best known of these megalithic structures are Sacsa-
huaman, on the hill above Cuzco, Ollantaytambo, at
Coneacha near Apurimac, Huifiaque, Chavin, Huaraz
and Quecap (Kuelap) in Chachapoyas. Remains of

12 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

this type are widely distributed over the whole country,
suggesting that the megalithic people were a more or
less homogeneous people. Prescott (Vol. 1, 33) well
says of them :—

Who this race were and whence they came may afford a tempting
theme for inquiry to the speculative antiquarian. But it is a land of
darkness that lies far beyond the domain of history.

Yet due to painstaking archeological research we
know there were three great centers of culture in Peru
in prehistoric times: the regions about Trujillo, Nazea,

Af

(

Fig. 5. Painting on a Pottery Vessel depicting Rushes and Their
Roots, Fish swimming among the Rushes, and Birds flying above them.

and Tiahuanaco. ‘There is every reason to believe
that they flourished, at least in a portion of their
duration, at the same time, for we find forms in pottery
and ornamental motives in each that also appear in the
other two. Notwithstanding this, the characteristics of
their arts were entirely different. In the northern coast,
or Trujillo art, realism prevailed to a greater extent
than in any other part of the Empire: animal and
vegetable forms in terra cotta, without conventionaliza-
tion, vases that were evidently intended as portraits,
and even well executed landscapes and scenes from their
daily life occur. These paintings are generally in red-

INTRODUCTION 13

dish brown on the cream-colored slip which was
commonly applied to their pottery. Sometimes a num-
ber of colors were used.

The art of the Nazea region does not show the
wonderful modeling found at Trujillo; in fact, in this
respect, it is inferior to that of many parts of Peru,

Fig. 6. A Portrait Vase in Terra Cotta, from a Grave
in Chepen, Peru. Trujillo Culture.

but in the wealth of color it surpasses all other re-
gions. Conventionalization runs riot in their painted
decorations.

The art of Tiahuanaco is best illustrated in work in
stone. Perhaps the best and most characteristic ex-
ample is the carving on the great monolithic gateway at
Ak-kapana. The central figure will be found in Fig. 8.
It has been much injured by time and vandals, especially

14 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

about the head. A few words about the decorative
designs on the representation of this god will be in place,
as these and variants of them are met with in nearly all
parts of the country. The motives are the human fig-

Fig. 7. <A Brilliantly Colored Pottery Vessel from Nazca, Peru.
The design shows conventionalized humming birds gathering honey

from six-pointed flowers.

ure, the condor, and the puma, each highly convention-
alized. The central ray of the headdress, above the god’s
head, terminatesina human head. Those atthe extreme
right and left, both top and bottom, and the central ray
on either side represent a puma head. Human, puma,

Fig. 8. The Central Figure on the Great Stone Gateway at Ak-
kapana, Tiahuanaco. The two puma heads at the top have been added
for comparison, the one at the left, from a textile; at the right, one
modeled in clay as a handle for a pottery vessel.

16 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

and condor heads decorate the poncho and the belt which
confines it terminates at both ends with a puma head.

In either hand the god holds some sort of ceremonial
staff. The lower end is carved to represent the head of
the male condor while the upper end is bifurcated and
has two female condor heads. Whether or not Tia-
huanaco art, as many believe, is the oldest in western
South America, its influence extended over the greater
part of the region later occupied by the Inca Empire.
This is particularly the case in some coast localities.
The decorations on textiles and pottery from Ancon and
Pachacamac abound in these queer puma and condor
heads of Tiahuanaco.

Inca Period. While nothing is definitely known
about the rise of the Inca Empire it seems probable that
in the beginning it resulted from a Joining of two
Andine megalithic cultures, that of Tiahuanaco and
the Urubamba Valley. This seems to be borne out by
forms and ornamental designs on pottery from ancient
burial places in the Coast valleys which are often in the
styles of both Cuzco and Tiahuanaco.

The Incas domesticated the llama which they used as
a beast of burden. This gave them a great advantage
over their enemies, as it enabled them to transport
supplies to a great distance. By conquest and con-
federation they gradually overran the entire country.
It was probably about 1400 A.D. that they finally
conquered the northern coast region. So, finally, the
Empire of the Incas, included what is now Ecuador,
Peru, Bolivia, and Northern Chile, and extended from
the second degree of north latitude to the Maule River,
in Chile, a distance of 2200 miles along the coast.

The government, however mild in character, was a
pure despotism. The Inca, or chief ruler, as the
representative of the Sun, was at the head of the

INTRODUCTION 17

priesthood and of the army, making all the laws, and
appointing judges to enforce them. In short, he was a
superior being, owning everything, and the source of all
power in the Empire. No one could approach him un-
less barefoot and carrying some token of homage.

The amount of credit that can be placed in Indian
traditions or in statements of the earliest Peruvian
historians, gathered from such traditions, is again made

i

aan |

Se ea U RE as are

Fig. 9. Typical Inca or Cuzco Forms in Pottery.

clear if we attempt to give a list of the reigning Incas.
The list of Blas Valera contains one hundred names.
Now if we assume that each reign lasted twenty-five or
twenty-seven years it takes us back to 950 B.C. Other
authors give much smaller numbers, and one, only eight
names. A number of authors who have written during
‘the last decade believe that the first Inca began his
reign during the twelfth century.
From the foregoing it is evident that the time is not
yet ripe to fix dates with any degree of certainty, and

18 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

that we must wait until much more intensive field-
work and study of the available literature has been
accomplished. Even then, from the nature of the prob-
lem, its solution is doubtful.

Bandelier (p. 288) says:—

Inca chronology is far from trustworthy previous to the time of the
chief Tupac Yupanqui, but from that time on a reasonable approxima-
tion to the dates becomes possible.

Tupac Yupanqui was succeeded by Huayna Capac
who died in 1525, only seven years before Pizarro began
his conquest.

Sir Martin Conway made his successful attempt to
climb Mount Illimaniin 1898. On his way down he met
Mr. Bandelier, whom he describes as the Flinders Petrie
of prehistoric Peru and Bolivia. Mr. Bandelier was
engaged, at the time, in excavating ruined houses on the
flanks of Illimani, for the American Museum. Sir
Martin asked him :—

“Were the ancient dwellers on Illimani Incas?:’’ I ignorantly asked.
.... I don’t know. I have no theories. I know nothing about
Incas. All I know is that throughout Peru and Bolivia there were
ancient inhabitants, for whom I have noname—prehistoric Peruvian,
if you like. These people left remains which exist, and descend-
ants—the Indians we see about us. The remains show that there
were great varieties of local habit and custom—whether the result
of racial variety or merely of different conditions of life, 1 don’t know. .
What we do is to investigate the remains and discover facts; we record
the facts and leave inferences and generalizations to other people.
There are not facts enough discovered yet to warrant very general
inferences. Some day there may be, but it will need much more excava-
tion first. Our investigation is twofold. We dig into the ground, and we
dig into the minds of the living people. The Indian to-day is very little
altered by European influence. He carries a thin varnish of Christianity,
but below it are the pre-Columbian beliefs and superstitions practically
entire. ...’’ (Pp. 147-148.)

Historians agree that the Inca was of a different
physical type from the common people of his time, or the

; bddnad
AssAAiAN "| Fete

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P\yerverciil |
bb Al ees 1ViT 1
bi ;

Fig. 10. An Inca Poncho from the Island of Titicace

19

20 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

Peruvian Indians of today: a result of generations of
culture and rule. The color of his skin was many shades
lighter than the present Peruvian Indians, nose only
slightly aquiline, chin and mouth firm, and the whole
face majestic and refined. The ceremonial headdress of
the Inca was a golden semicircular mitre, under the
front of which was the red fringe on his forehead. Over
the golden mitre rose two white and black feathers and
in the lobes of his ears were very large golden earplugs.
Over his poncho the Inca wore a sort of mantle, both
garments made of vicuha wool. <A broad belt confined
the poncho at the waist. His breast ornament of gold
represented the sun. The breeches terminated in loose
folds at the knees. On his feet he wore a kind of sandal.

The Inea, equipped for war, carried a shield and
either a warclub or battle ax of copper or bronze. The
royal prince was well trained for the position of Inea.
At about sixteen years of age, he, with other princes of
the blood, was obliged to undergo a severe training and
military probation to prove his strength, courage, and
general fitness to govern the empire. The masters and
judges were men famous in war and well versed in all
matters of government.

To test their strength and endurance they were made
to fast for six days, with only a few handfuls of unbaked
corn with a small jar of water, as such a fast might be
necessary 1n times of war. Among other tests they were
obliged to run a race over a distance of a league and a
half. Garcilasso (Chap. XXIV-XXV) says their
parents and relations would intercept the runners,
encouraging them, and telling them it was better to
break their hearts in the race than to come off with
dishonor.

One day the novitiates would be divided into two
equal parties; one to garrison the fortress, and the

INTRODUCTION 21

other to assault it. The following day they changed
stations. By the outcome of these trials their strength,
agility, and understanding of the art of war was judged.
Their reputations being at stake they fought with such
heat that, although they used blunted weapons, many
were wounded, and often some were killed. ‘Those who
successfully passed these trials were obliged to show
their dexterity in archery, throwing stones at a mark
with the sling, casting the lance, and dart, and in short,
the use of every war weapon. They were also obliged
to learn how to make, with their own hands, all imple-
ments of war, and their clothing.

Beginning of the Historical Period. If we
divide the range of the world’s culture into enlightened,
civilized, barbarous, savage, and pre-savage, as sug-
gested by many writers, the Peruvians, at the time of
the Conquest, come under the head of barbarous peoples,
if one defines barbarism as a stage in which powerful
nations were founded and systems of record developed.

It is not uncommon for a barbarous people to reach a
high development in one of the arts, as for instance, in
basketry, but the Peruvians excelled in many direc-
tions. They produced great architects, as shown in
many of their structures, and great engineers, who built
aqueducts hundreds of miles long for irrigating the
desert coast lands. They made pottery with beautiful
lines and colors, and textiles which, in technique and
decorations, have never been excelled, if indeed, they
have ever been equaled. They invented the quipu, an
efficient instrument for keeping their accounts. They
had a well organized government.

These things seem to entitle them to be classed as a
civilized nation; but the other side of the picture is not
so agreeable. We are told in one paragraph that the
Inca was a most beneficent ruler, and in the next, that

22 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

he was a savage, who being offended at an individual,
immediately proceeded to destroy the village to which
the offender belonged, killing men, women, and children.

After reading Prescott’s ‘‘Conquest of Peru” one is
left with the impression that the Incas, at the time of
the Spanish invasion, were making remarkable strides
toward becoming a highly enlightened nation. Wenow
suspect that they had reached the highest development
it was possible for them to attain, and were, in fact,
beginning to go backwards at the time Pizarro entered
the country.

Historical contact with almost every eastern nation
has been claimed for Peru. In this manner it has been
sought to account for many of the arts of the Peru-
vians; but none of these claims have been substantiated.
So it is now generally conceded that they developed in
their awn country and owe little to any outside in-
fluence. Every artifact so far taken from old graves in
Peru bears the distinctive native mark. For instance,
place a Peruvian pottery vessel with a hundred vessels
from as many other localities, and one familiar with
native Peruvian work could pick it out at a glance.

Again Mexico and Peru flourished at the same time,
but it is improbable that they knew of each other’s
existence. Certainly their arts developed along very
different lines. The character of their civilizations was
entirely different, for while the Peruvians were much
superior in agriculture, the textile arts, and in the
construction of such public works as roads, canals, and
aqueducts, they fell far short of the Maya in the higher
intellectual culture; more particularly in astronomy,
and in the invention of hieroglyphs as a means of com-
municating thoughts by visible symbols.

As stated before, the rule of the Incas extended over
the present borders of Ecuador on the north and of

INTRODUCTION 23

Chile on the south. Unfortunately, we have no satis-
factory knowledge as to what peoples inhabited Chile
and Ecuador before the Incas came to rule, for though a
number of the old Spanish chroniclers have made state-
ments on this subject, their sources of information were
native traditions. Naturally their accounts do not
agree and are otherwise unreliable. However, our
archeological knowledge of Ecuador and Chile indicates
that the pre-Inca megalithic people of Peru did not
extend so far. It is true that occasionally in old graves
both to the north and the south of Peru one finds a
piece of megalithic Peruvian pottery that had been
carried along by trade, but the usual finds in Ecuador
are quite different from those in Peru and also in Chile.
The indications are, therefore, that from the beginning,
Ecuador, Peru, and Chile, were three fairly distinct
culture provinces.

Physical Type. It is obvious that the physical
type of the prehistoric Peruvians can be determined
only from the skeletal remains in their graves. Al-
though there is an abundance of such material in
museums not much somatological work has been
done; even the present Indians have received but little
attention. After a visit to Peru, where he collected
several thousand skulls and skeletons, Dr. Ales Hrdlicka
says :—

It can now be positively stated that the whole coast of Peru, at least
from Pisco well south of Pachacamac, to Pacasmayo north of the valley
of Chicama, was peopled by one and the same type of natives, the
brachycephalic (short-headed) Indian of moderate stature. (Smithso-
nian Miscellaneous Collections, vol 56, No. 16, p. 10).

In the same paper Dr. Hrdlicka states that the present
Indians show this type as far south as the southern
confines of Peru; but farther south at Arica and along
the Chilean coast there is found an increasingly large

24 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

proportion of dolichocephalic natives. From the north-
ern extremity of the central part of the Chilean terri-
tory and southward this latter type is the only one
encountered.

In the Aymara region of Bolivia the skulls in the most
ancient graves show but one form of artificial deforma-
tion, the ‘‘flathead” type. Although occipital flatten-
ing seems to have been the general form in the north,
quite a number of the ‘‘flathead” type have been
found in the very early graves. Such deformation of
the skull was probably brought about by means of
boards and ligatures placed on the infant’s head shortly
after birth, and not removed for a very considerable
length of time.

The present Indians of Peru and Bolivia may be
described as of moderate stature, the men measuring
between 5 feet 2 inches and 5 feet 3 inches, the women
about 2 inches less.

CHAPTER |
HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES

Food, Fishing, and Hunting. The flesh of the
deer, llama, and the guinea pig, and in some localities, the
tapir, peceary, and the vischacha, a large rodent, ducks,
geese, and the yutu, a kind of partridge, constituted the
principal animal food. The coast peoples subsisted
quite largely on fish. The sea all along the coast
‘abounded in a great variety of excellent fish. The in-
land lakes and rivers also furnished an abundant supply.

Fish were captured in nets,
by hook and line, and with
spears having barbed stone or
copper points. Many of these
spears were made with stout
shafts and detachable points to
which were fastened long cords
or strips of llama skin, by
which the points, after they left
the shaft, could be recovered.

Hunting implements were
the same as those used in war:

Fig. 11. A Water Vessel in
the Form of a Guinea Pig.
In many localities the flesh of
the bow and arrow, the club the guinea pig is the only

with stone or copper head, a meat. It is roasted or made
heavy spear, sometimes cast ‘™to 4 thin stew, highly sea-

with a throwing stick, and pee i pepe

the bolas.

In many parts of the country, the only large animal
that the common people could hunt was the deer. The
herds of wild vicufia and alpaca on the mountains be-
longed to the Inca who caused the people to assemble
once every four years and drive these animals into an
enclosure, where they were captured by thousands.

25

26 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

They were sheared for their wool; a certain number
were killed and their skins and flesh divided among the
people; the rest were allowed to escape.

Agriculture. Agriculture may be said to have been
carried on in a strictly scientific way, often under great
natural difficulties. Arable land, in many parts, was
not to be had for all. To remedy
this shortage the hillsides were
made into terraces and soil labor-
iously carried up.

To prepare the soil for plant-
ing a stout stick was used, some-
times provided with a cross piece
by which the foot could force it
into the ground. They had no
plough-share, but early histor-~
ians tell us that this pointed stick
was sometimes drawn through
the earth by a number of men
on arope, the women following
to break up the clods. Stone
clod-breakers and stone hoes will

Fig. 12. Agricultural Im- be found in the Museum collec-
plements of Copper. Wood- tion. On the northern coast,
en handles were driven into the digging-stick was shod with
the sockets. copper. This copper point,

shaped much like a chisel, had a
socket at the upper end into which the handle was driven
(See Fig. 12).

The prehistoric Peruvians were well versed in the use
of manures, using guano, from the islands off the coast,
and small fish for this purpose, particularly a sardine
which they could procure in immense numbers.

They had a remarkable system of irrigation which
brought into existence fertile fields in the desert coast

HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 27

region where otherwise no vegetation could exist.
Water from mountain streams and lakes was brought by
canals from a great distance and carried down into the
lowlands where it was distributed in all required direc-
tions in small streams. The ruins of these irrigation
works still exist. An old reservoir in the Valley of
Nepefa is three-fourths of a mile long by more than half
a mile broad and has a massive stone dam eighty feet
thick. At Chimbote, a short distance inland from the
Bay of Ferrol, was an aqueduct from the Santa River,
sixteen miles distant. The greater part of this fine work
still exists, and is computed to have a capacity of sixty
million cubic feet of water daily.

Besides maize, potatoes, sweet potatoes, tomatoes,
beans, mandioca, squashes, oca, quinoa, and two varie-
ties of cotton, we know that other vegetables and quite a
variety of fruits were cultivated, because they are either
found in graves, or exact representatives in pottery are
extant.

No one has compiled a complete list of these products,
nor has it been possible to identify all the fruits and
vegetables reproduced in ornamental pottery forms, but
areasonably complete list is given in the table on page 28.

Yet, clearly to understand the agricultural resources
of Peru one must take note of the fact that the high
narrow mountain chains, with their narrow deep
valleys, bring close together different ranges of tem-
perature and moisture, and that, in consequence, the
agricultural products of Peru as a whole will be rich in
variety and form. Quinoa, for example, can be raised
upon very high ground, where the bleak winds and low
temperatures make the growing of maize impossible.
Further, one may reasonably expect that the homely
agricultural arts of the present are not materially differ-
ent from what they were in prehistoric days. Thus,

List of Important Plants Cultivated in Peru before the
Discovery of America by Columbus in 1492

Agave
Alligator pear
Bean, kidney
Bean, lima

Coca (cocaine)
Cherimoya
Chili Pepper
Cotton

Guava

Maize or Indian corn
Manioc, bitter
Manioc, sweet
Peanut
Potato

Oca

(uinine
Quinoa

Sweet potato
Squash
Tobacco
Tomato

Agave americana, Linn.
Persea gratissima, R. P.
Phaseolus vulgaris, Linn.
Phaseolus lunatus, Linn., var.
macro carpus, Benth.
Erythroxylum coca, Lamarek
Anona cherimolia, Miller
Capsicum annuum, Linn.
Gossypium barbadense, Linn.
Psidium guayava, Raddi
Zea mays, Linn.
Manihot utilissima, Pohl.
Manihot avpi, Pax.
Arachis hypogea, Linn.
Solanum tuberosum, Linn.
Oxalis tuberosa, Molina
Chinchona officinalis, Linn.
Chenopodium quinoa, Wild.
Ipomosa batatas, Poir.
Cucurbita maxima, Duchesne
Nicotiana tabacum, Linn.
Lycopersicum esculentum, Mall.

HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 29

about Lake Titicaca is grown a variety of small potato
which the natives freeze and then press, to free it from
water. Thus prepared, it is called chunu. It is a taste-
less food, but the only way the potato can be preserved
in that climate. Again, the present-day Indians gen-
erally take no other food with them, when starting on a
journey, than corn, roasted and ground. A spoonful
of this meal and a swallow of water, now and then, is all
they require. That both these foods were popular in
prehistoric times is indicated by their presence in graves,
especially the latter, which is often found with the dead,
as if to sustain the departed upon a long journey.

Household Utensils. The list of objects, found in
old burial places, that come under this head, is short.
We find the stone metate with its hand stone, used in
grinding corn; also stone mortars and pestles. The
ancient Peruvians had gourd vessels, many of them
beautifully decorated in pyrography, but pottery vessels ~
were in more common use.

All the cooking, except such as could be done on the
coals of a fire, seems to have been done in these vessels. In
the Museum’s collection are many cooking pots with
soot still adhering to their bottoms. One notes also a
large number of saucer-shaped vessels and spoons of
terra cotta, wood, silver, and copper. They had no
substitute for knives and forks unless we except the
topu, or shawl pin of copper or bronze, whose large thin
head is often used by the present Indians as a knife.

Large pottery vessels were used for holding water or
for storing corn, the largest of the jars in the Museum
collections being four feet high and nearly as much in
diameter. From this size they range downward to a
tiny pot half an inch high. This great range in size, as
one may suspect, accompanies a multiplicity of pottery
forms.

30 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

Drinking cups, bowls, and saucer-like vessels of gold
and silver are frequently met with in collections. These
were undoubtedly used by the Inca or his nobility, in
religious ceremonies, or buried with the dead for use
in a future life.

Pottery. As just noted, the Peruvians reached a
high degree of skill in the potter’s art, though the
potter’s wheel was unknown in pre-Columbian America.
Their vessels were largely made by the coiling process:
a long strip of prepared clay was coiled round for the
foundation, and as successive coils were added, the
material was pressed down to make the mass adhere,
and the fingers, a shell, smooth pebble, or other small
implement, employed to mould the vessel into the
desired shape, and to obliterate all outward signs of the
coiling. The vessel was next dried in the sun, polished
with a smooth pebble, painted, and fired. In some parts
of the country pottery vessels were cast in moulds. Two

~ moulds were used, one for the upper half and another for

the lower. After the two parts had been joined the
place of contact was so nicely smoothed over that it
cannot be found on the outside, but is plainly: seen if a
vessel is broken. Peruvian pottery has always been
admired for the beauty of its lines, and for the forms and
colors of its decorative designs. Further, we owe to the
old potters of Peru much of the information we have
concerning things familiar to them in their daily life,
as the illustrations in this book show. Thus, the vessels
shown in Fig. 13 are clear evidence that the squash was
cultivated. Many other examples of vegetable and
animal forms could be given if space permitted.
Baskets. In the graves of women are generally
found their work baskets. These were used to hold
weaving, netting, and sewing implements; needles of
thorn or copper, cones of cotton, spindles, balls

~

Ls

‘ounypny oyna, “AvpO ur sot

ee
.

Ga ee
aor s co Lo ~
“, Bia ?; - 2 ae

32 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

of thread, and also various nicknacks. Other forms of
baskets have been found, but apparently the Peruvians
did not use baskets for many purposes.

Most of the work baskets are shaped like the one
shown in Fig. 14, but occasionally a rectangular one is
found. The original of the illustration was made by plait-

mm ————— +
SSS — ——s= etre SF a ge

Fig. 14. A Woman’s Work Basket, containing Yarns, Spindles,
Needles, etc., exactly as buried with the Owner.

ing rushes over thin slats of split cane. These slats are
so placed that they form horizontal bands around the
basket, and cross it lengthwise on top and bottom. Over
the slats five parallel rush strands pass diagonally, and
reverse their diagonal direction. Between the bands:we
have a regular two-leaf twill plaiting. At the edge one
set of diagonal rush strands turns out, and at right angles

HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 33

runs back into the body plaiting, while the second set
turns in at right angles and enters the body plaiting.

Some objects found in these baskets give us some
insight into the character and tastes of their owners.
For example, they often contain a child’s doll in process
of making. This would seem to confirm the statements
of early writers that the Peruvians were very fond of
their children. Again, the basket shown in the illustra-
tions contains a handful of peanuts, which brings to our #
mind the picture of a woman sitting at her loom eating
these nuts.

Plaited mats are very common, ranging from very
coarse to very fine weaving. ‘They were used as sleep-
ing mats, as partitions in their houses, as outside wrap-
pings for mummy bundles, and, in the desert coast
region, to cover the sticks placed across the tops of graves
to protect the body from falling sand. The weaving
technique of these mats is twilled plaiting.

Dress. Among the old historians Father Bernabé
Cobo and Cieza de Leon have left us the most complete
descriptions of the clothing worn by Peruvian Indians
at the time of the Conquest. From their accounts it
appears that the dress of a man consisted of a breech-
cloth, over which a poncho, a sort of shirt, with or
without sleeves, called wncu, was worn. The outer
garment, shaped like a blanket, was thrown over the
shoulders. This was called yacolla. When dancing or at
work two of the corners were tied together at the left
shoulder. The men carried cloth bags hung by a strap
about the neck. This took the place of a pocket and
was usually filled with coca leaves.

In some localities the women wrapped themselves in a
large piece of cloth which hung under the arms. The
edges were pulled up over the shoulders and fastened
with a pin (topu). <A broad belt (chump?) encircled the

ys"

Z|

\
N

A+
;

Fig. 15. A Water Vessel in
the Form of a Human Foot,
showing the Type of Sandal
worn, and the Method of fast-
ening to the Foot.

Fig. 16. Peruvian Costume depicted on a
Pottery Vessel. The man wears a poncho with
sleeves and a shaw]-like garment (yacolla) over it.

34

HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 39

waist. The outer mantle was thrown over the shoulders
and fastened over the breast with a pin. ‘This shawl-
like garment was called lliclla.

The bronze pins that fastened their clothing had very
large heads; some were in the form of spoons with which
they ate their roasted and ground corn; others had flat
heads, sharpened on the edge, and were used as knives.

On going to sleep at night they never undressed; the
men merely threw off the yacolla and the women the
lliclla. When any foot covering was used it was a sandal
made of llama hide or of braided vegetable fiber. (See
Fig. 15.)

Personal Ornaments. The Spaniards called the
Inca and his relatives orejones (big ears) from their
custom of piercing their ears and enlarging the hole
until the lobe hung down nearly to the shoulders. The
material of which the ear ornament was made and its
size varied according to the rank of the wearer and was
regulated by law. These ear ornaments are common
objects in collections from the old graves. They are of
all sizes and variously made of gold, silver, clay, wood,
and canes. (For ear ornaments in use, see the Frontis-
piece. )

They used an endless variety of beads made of various
kinds of stone, bone, shell, seeds, and berries. Gold and
silver beads were common; we also find them made of
precious and semiprecious stones, emerald, lapis lazuli,
amethyst, turquoise, smithsonite, agate, and quartz.

Broad bands of very thin gold, often with embossed
decoration, were sometimes worn as wrist ornaments,
and circular or square pieces of silver pierced near the
edges with holes, were sewed to garments and belts.
Finger rings were not uncommon. A mummy hand and
forearm, with a ring on the second finger and a bracelet
on the arm will be found in the Museum collection.

36 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

Combs were worn as hair ornaments and many will
be found on exhibition. The teeth in these combs, which
are either of thorns or cane, are held in position by
interwoven yarns, forming a tightly woven fabric,
ornamented usually with bird or fish figures.

In collections of gold and silver objects are many
human figurines. Some of these representing women
have the hair in one braid and others in two. Ulloa
(Vol. 2, p. 13) in describing the Indian women of
Sechura, says:—

The condition of everyone may be known by their manner of dressing
their hair, maids and widows dividing it into two plaited locks, one hang-
ing on each shoulder, whilst married women braid all their hair in one.
The prehistoric figurines would seem to show that this
custom survived from pre-Spanish times.

Textiles. Thousands of pre-Inca graves in the dry,
nitrous sand of the Peruvian coast have perfectly pre-
served for us textiles woven more than a thousand years
ago. Many of these webs are as strong and their colors
as bright as they were when taken from the primitive
looms. These textiles appeal to the artist on account of
the great beauty of their color schemes and their strange
conventionalized animal figures. Designers and design
students, have long sought inspiration from them for
designs for silks, carpets, wall papers, book covers, ete.
Furthermore, textile manufacturers and experts are
astonished at the perfect spinning of the yarns, the great
variety of techniques, andthe unusual skill of the weavers.

William $8. Murphy in his standard work, Teztile
Industries, says of Peruvian threads :—

It may be that the makers of Cashmere shawls, Dacca muslins,
Aztec veils, and Peruvian robes inherited the long labors of a thousand
generations; but so far as the spinners of what we call modern civiliza-
tion are concerned the ideal has been realized, and belongs rather to the
past than to the present or to the immediate future. The perfect thread
is not to seek; it has been made. (Vol. 3, 83.)

HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 37

Considering that the Peruvians reached this high
standard without direct contact with any outside people
we may well endorse the statement that ‘‘It is the
most extraordinary textile development of a prehistoric
people.”’

The Peruvians had two kinds of native cotton; one ~
pure white, the other a golden brown. The white fiber

BZ es GA! yy

eS)

Soosse

-

Fig. 17. A Pre-Inca Tapestry Poncho. Pachacamac. The
warps are cotton, the wefts, vicufa wool. The three human
figures in the center are surrounded by eat, bird, and fish designs.

is very even in diameter, has a greater number of con-
volutions per inch than the brown, and averages from 1 to
3 inches in length; the brown # inch less. Carding
was probably accomplished with the fingers; the spin-
ning with a spindle weighted by a whorl.
In addition to cotton, wool was used. For the most
part, the wool came from three members of the camel

38 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

\family: the alpaca, the vicufia, and the llama. Most
of us are familiar with alpaca wool. That of the vicufia
is much finer, very silky in appearance, but that of the
llama is coarse, and only used in garments of the poorest
class of people.

Fig. 18. Methods of Weaving from a painting on a Pot-
tery Vessel, Trujillo (After Tello). A tapestry is being woven.
On the ground beside the weavers may be seen, the weaving
pattern, spindles with yarns of various colors, and water Jars.

Finally, the old Peruvian weavers used a bast fiber
made from the maguey plant.

The Peruvian loom consisted of two sticks, one at the
top, the other at the bottom, over which the warps
were stretched. In the common type of loom a heald

HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 39

rod lifted every other thread, forming the shed or open-
ing for the passage of the spindle carrying the weft or
filling thread. The only other implement used was the
weave sword for beating up the weft threads. When
tapestry was to be made the warps were stretched in
the same way. No heald rod was used, a weave dagger
opening the small sheds and pressing down the wefts.
As many bobbins had to be used as there were to be
colors in the finished web. Mr. M. D. C. Crawford,
the well known textile expert, is our authority for many
of the statements made here. After a long and careful
study of the Peruvian textiles in the Museum’s collec-
tion he says:—

In tapestry Peru reached its highest textile development. The
harmony of color, the beauty and fastness of the dyes, and the perfection
of the spinning and weaving, place these fabrics in a class by themselves,

not only as compared to other textiles of this land, but as regards those
of any other people.

A painting on a pottery vessel (Fig. 18) from the
Valley of Chicama (Trujillo culture) shows women
weaving. The cords of the upper loom bar are fastened
to one of the house posts, the lower to the belt around
the weaver’s waist. The technique employed here has
been called bobbin weave, which differs from ordinary
tapestry in that the weft goes over and under unequal
instead of equal groups of warp. In this weave the only
implement required is the bobbin and there must be as
many bobbins as there are colors in the finished web.
Thus on the ground beside the weaver (the painter knew
nothing of perspective) are the bobbins required for the
work in hand, a board or other object bearing the pat-
tern she is weaving, and also cups and jars for water or
chicha, a kind of beer, which was the common drink of
the country.

ig. 20.

.*

Part of a Feather Poncho. The technique of feather attachment is shown in F
40

rig. 19.

HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 41

Feather=Work. Many of the headdresses and
ponchos of feather-work found on mummies and in
graves are works of art. The feather poncho is a shirt
of cotton cloth, decorated with designs made by attach-
ing differently colored feathers to it. These feathers
are strung on strings that are as long as the poncho is
wide. A string so prepared is placed horizontally across ~
the garment and sewed to it. The second string of
feathers is added to overlap in shingle
fashion, andsoon. The design had to
be carefully planned out from the
beginning, and the variously colored
feathers so strung on the strings as to
form the design very crudely.

In the feather poncho shown in Fig.
19 the groundwork is yellow. The
chief decoration is the row of scrolls
in black; the others are narrow lines Las aoe

ethod of attach-
of red and blue. When the garment ing feathers to the
was completely covered with feathers poncho in Fig. 19.
many of the black scrolls would be
covered in places by the yellow feathers. These over-
lapping ends were trimmed away, by some cutting instru-
ment, leaving the lines sharp and clear. Again, beautiful
mosaic work was done by glueing small bits of feathers
to cloth and wood.

Metallurgy. The state of metallurgy is usually
taken as an index of the degree of civilization attained
by a people. However this may be, a glance at a good
museum collection from Peru reveals work in gold,«
silver, copper, and lead. Further, the objects fashioned
of these metals show that casting in moulds, beating up
tall cups from a single piece, soldering, and even plating
or gilding one metal with another were understood. All
this indicates a high level of achievement in the metal

Fig. 20. Feather-

‘uid pavys a0 ‘ndoy 19ddoo

ve pus fpostyo ezuoaq v fsoAtuy Joddoo OM4 fpouIquod Xv o[VJVq pUB pRoY qnypo ozuOIq v ‘oJTUY ozuUOIq B

‘soypoou woddood OM} foJtUy ozZUOIG Ve 2YYSII 0} JJo] Wor ‘ozuorg puw roddoy jo syuomfduy = "TZ “Sty

HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 43

arts. Gold was mined, but it is probable that the great-
er part was washed from the gravels of rivers that flowed
from the Cordillera. In the dry season, when the water

Fig. 22. Silverwork: Hollow Figures in
Thin Silver. The upper figure represents an
alpaca; thelower,allama. Island of Titicaca.

was low, stone dams were laid across a section of the
stream thus retaining much of the gold brought down
when the rains and melting snow turned it into a raging

44 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

torrent. The washing was done during the next dry
season.

Silver was mined in great quantity. The chief supply
seems to have come from the Potosi region. Hundreds
of partly filled excavations in various parts of the
country, particularly in Bolivia, attest to the extent of
these mining operations. These excavations are merely
pits in the earth, as the prehistoric Peruvians had no
means of sinking deep shafts.

In addition to the metals noted above some use was
- made of quicksilver and vermilion. However, it does
not appear that they employed quicksilver to form
amalgams in their mining operations until after the
coming of the Spaniards but they did use vermilion as a
red paint. Acosta (238) says:—

I speak for the Inguas Kings of Peru, and for the natural Indians,
which have laboured and digged long in these mines of quicksilver, not
knowing what quicksilver was, seeking only for Cinabrium, or vermilion,
which they call Limpi, the which they esteem much for that effect that

Plinie reports of the Romans and Ethiopians, that is, to paint the face
and bodies of themselves and their idols.

Copper is found in almost every part of the country.
Bolivia is very rich in tin, ranking second only to the
Malay Peninsula in its output of this metal, though
Bolivian tin is mostly in the form of cassiterite. Some
use was made of lead, especially in making bolas, but
no iron, before the coming of Europeans.

The Peruvians had discovered, in prehistoric times,
the art of making bronze. They found that a combina-
tion of copper and tin made a much harder and more
serviceable tool than one of copper alone. A great
number of these bronze implements are exhibited in the
Museum collections and over two hundred of them
have small labels attached which give the exact amount
of copper and tin in the specimen.

nr

HOUSEHOLD ARTS AND INDUSTRIES 45

For smelting metals cylindrical pottery furnaces
called guayras were used. The furnace tenders had no
bellows, but used copper pipes through which to blow
the fire. When the ores were refractory, a number of
these pipes were used at the same time. In the Potosi
region, where there was most of the time a high wind,

= 7
< 717 1 ere Ss ear
NA ST aT
glece Veaeeleenl oe | oT et
Lea e

MI ASS

Fig. 23. The Method of Working Gold and Silver. (After
Benzoni, 1541-1556.)

the guayra was placed on some elevated spot to take
advantage of this natural blast. If one is disposed to
doubt the efficacy of such smelting equipment he should
note the statement of W. Gowland, Professor of Metal-
lurgy at the Royal School of Mines, England :—

Then as regards the metallic ores which were within the reach of
prehistoric man, they were undoubtedly those which occur at the surface

46 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

of the ground, i.e., when a mineral vein outcrops or is exposed. Now
the ores which occur in this part of a vein are as a rule oxides and car-
bonates, which are of all ores the most easily reducible to metal, and
from all these metals can be obtained without any difficulty whatever
by treating them in the primitive ‘hole in the ground’ furnace. (Journal
of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. XLIX,
p. 76.)

This seems the proper place to call attention to a
widespread error since many people seek tempered
copper tools in the Museum collections. They may even
have read of the lost art of tempering copper in Peru.
The truth is that there never was such an art. The
Peruvians often smelted tin with copper, forming bronze.
Since this compound is much harder than copper it
undoubtedly gave rise to this old belief. Yet when one
subjects these old tools to chemical analysis, they prove
to be alloys. So one can safely say that the Peruvians
were at least on the threshold of a bronze age when con-
quered by Spain.

CHAPTER II
BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE

Houses and Shelter. Peruvian houses were of
various kinds. On the coast and in the warm valleys
they were mostly low huts of cane, generally supported
by posts of algarroba wood, and often plastered with a
coating of mud. The roof was a mat of reeds or thatch
of ichu grass laid over sticks. Sometimes the huts were
built of adobe instead of cane, but these were roofed

Fig. 25

Fig. 24. Model of a House on a Pottery Vessel.
Fig. 25. The Type of Shelter used by Herders—A Clay Model.

in the same way. In the cold districts stone was gener-
ally used as building material. Commonly these huts
had but a single room, but occasionally were divided
into several compartments by walls of cane or adobe.
Fig. 24 shows a model of a house on a pottery vessel.
When possible the old Peruvians liked to build their
houses on terraces. The step form figures on the side of
the jar in the illustration denote such terraces.

47

48 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

Simple shelters were erected by shepherds, in the
fields, to protect themselves from the elements while
watching their flocks. Similar shelters are still used by
the present Indian shepherds, and are a familiar sight in
Bolivia (Fig. 25).

Stone Work. While the Peruvians were skilled in
stone work and did, on occasion, construct massive
walls, they have left behind no
such elaborate structures, or
such ornate sculptures as did
the natives of Mexico and Cen-
tral America. Their chief dis-
tinction lay in the ability to
dress and handle immense
blocks of stone. Yet, none but
stone tools have ever been
found, if we except bronze,
with which the immense blocks
of such hard stone as granite
and andesite could have been
worked into form. Some of the
bronze tools in the collection,
like small crowbars in shape,

Fig. 26. Inca Wall Con- are bent, and the points are
signe cores It is poe to very dull and turned up, while
note how the stones were cut
and fitted into each other. the upper ends are spr ead out

by blows of stone hammers.
These may have been used in working stone. There is,
however, little doubt that the chief reliance for the
greater part of the work was on stone tools, as the bronze#
implements were not hard enough, and would have to
be re-sharpened after a few hammer blows. Yet, not-
withstanding this lack of proper tools, or any instrument
in the nature of a derrick to hoist the blocks into position,
the old Peruvians have left us walls and immense struc-

BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE 49

tures of unsurpassed masonry. In many of these the
stones have been so exactly fitted together that it is im-~
possible to insert the blade of a penknife between them.
Sometimes the blocks were laid in regular courses. Often
they were cut in many angles. One in the Palace of the
Inca Rocea, in Cuzco, called by the old historians ‘‘ La
piedra famosa de doce angulos,” or ‘‘the famous stone
of twelve angels,’ weighs several tons. All its angles
fit nicely into or are fitted into by other stones. Squier
(435, 487) says:—

The world has nothing to show in the way of stone cutting and fitting
to surpass theskill and accuracy displayed in the Inca structures of Cuzco.
All modern work of the kind there—and there are some fine examples of
skill—looks rude and barbarous in comparison. . . The Inca architects
knew as well how to cut their stones for circular buildings as for rect-
angular ones. One portion of the Temple of the Sun (Cuzco) is circular,
or rather the section of a flattened circle. The stones must have been
cut to conform to this shape, for their sides of contact are true radii of
the double circle, and the line of general inclination of the wall is perfect
in every block.

The Fortress of Sacsahuaman, overlooking Cuzco,
is built of irregular blocks of different sizes. It is said
to be the grandest specimen of cyclopean masonry in
America. One of the stones is twenty-seven feet high,
fourteen broad, and twelve feet in thickness.

Architecture. Inca architecture is of a peculiar
character; its most~striking features are simplicity,
symmetry, and solidity. The Incas had no knowledge
of the true arch, with its keystone, and did not use
columns. Timber was not available in most localities
where their structures were built. When wood was used
no mortise joints were made, and as they did not know
the use of iron, the beams were tied together by ropes of
vegetable fiber. As just stated, the ancient builders
were able to transport bulky masses of porphyry and
granite, and cut them with the greatest nicety, but the

Fig. 27. Doorway in a Ruined House, Cuzco. (After
E. G. Squier.)

BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE 51

magnificent walls so raised were roofed with sticks and a
thatch of reeds or grass.

The rooms in these buildings had no communication
with one another, but generally opened into a court by a
doorway, nor had they windows, but were lighted only
through their doorways. That these buildings were
suited to the character of the climate and were well
fitted to resist the terrible earth convulsions that occur
repeatedly in that land of volcanoes, is proved by the —
number which still survive, while many modern struc-
tures set up by the Conquerors have toppled over in
ruins.

When we turn to details of structure several peculiari-
ties are noted. Thus, Inca architecture is characterized
by the form of the door, always much wider at the bot- ~
tom than at the top (Fig. 27). Again the inner walls of
rooms often abound in niches. In describing such
niches found in Inca ruins on the Island of Titicaca,
Bandelier offers the suggestion that they were used as
closets and cupboards. However, other writers look
upon them as the recesses in which idols and fetishes
were kept.

Roads. Many of the early chroniclers speak of the
Inca roads as the greatest achievement of that remark-
able people; particularly the road that passes over the
great plateau from Cuzco to Quito. For this galleries
had to be cut through the solid rock; rivers crossed by
swinging bridges; precipices scaled by steps cut into
their sides; and ravines filled up.

Pedro de Cieza (p. 64) says:—

The empire of Peru is so vast, that the Incas ordered a road to be
made, as I have already stated on many occasions, from Chile to Cuzco,
and even from the river Maule as far as the river Angasmayu.

The rivers mentioned by Pedro de Cieza are near the
southern and northern boundaries of the Inca Empire,

2 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

a distance of about 2200 miles. The road ran between
the Cordillera and the coast and crossed many extensive
deserts of shifting sand where no permanent road could
be built, but in such places stakes were set up as guides
to the travelers. When solid ground was reached, a road
about fifteen feet wide was leveled and paved with

“ N

s
JB \e

t

Wt ge

Fig. 28. An Inca Bridge. (After E. G. Squier.)

stones. In the first part of Cieza’s Chronicle he describes
a journey he made for the greater part over this coast
road, and is continually mentioning that he is on the old
Inca road. As?since’?the coming of the Spaniards,
nothing has been done to keep these roads in repair,
only small sections now remain, leading many modern
travelers to question that such roads ever existed.

BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE 53

Bridges. Many of the Peruvian rivers run in deep
gorges. The roads were carried over these by suspen-
sion bridges constructed in the following manner. Two
or more, generally four, very stout cables were made of
creeping vines or braided withes which were anchored
on either side to a pair of heavy stones. Across these
cables, at right angles, were laid stout twigs to form a
roadway. ‘Two smaller cables were stretched across,
several feet above the platform, as hand rails. These
supports were necessary as the bridge swung badly
during the passage over it (Fig. 28). Hundreds of these
bridges are still in use and notwithstanding their un-
stable appearance are crossed by loaded horses and
mules which have largely superseded the llama as
beasts of burden in many parts of the country.

Cities and Towns. Such engineering works as we
have just cited, suggest a well organized government.
The Inca empire, overthrown by the Spanish invaders,
was essentially a city-state, or a country held in military
subjection by a single city and its environs. This was
the city of Cuzeo. Cuzco was then the capital of the
Old Inca Empire and the royal residence and also the
Holy City. Here was the temple of the Sun to which
pilgrims resorted from all parts of the Empire. Prescott
says this temple ‘‘ was the most magnificent structure in
the New World, and unsurpassed, probably, in the
costliness of its decoration by any building in the Old.”
(Vol. 1, pp. 35-36.) The present city of Cuzco covers the
original site and stands in a valley surrounded by high
and snowy mountains. The elevation of the city is
11,380 feet above the sea, but being in the tropics enjoys,
on the whole, an equable and salubrious climate. About
the huacapata, or central square, now the Plaza Prin-
cipal, were the twelve wards of the ancient city. These
wards were inhabited by natives of as many principal

5A OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

provinces of the Empire. The people of each ward
wore their distinctive dress which made the city a micro-
cosm of the Empire.

The royal residence, the Convent of the Virgins of the
Sun, and the homes of the great nobility are described
by the old historians as large and imposing structures.

Fig. 29. The Church and Convent of Santo Domingo,
Cuzco. At the left, may be seen some of the ancient stone
work which has been incorporated into the structure. (After E.
G. Squier. )

This is borne out by the remains of some of them, and
by the massive fragments of others that have been in-
corporated in many of the modern edifices of Cuzco.
Thus, the present church and convent of Santo Domingo
occupies the site of the Temple of the Sun, and the illus-
tration in Fig. 29 shows a portion (on the left) of the

BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE 55

old Sun Temple which has been incorporated in the
modern edifice.

On the north side of Cuzeo, commanding the city, is
the fortress of Sacsahuaman. We get some idea of the
vast size and strength of this fortress when told that
the wall facing the city is twelve hundred feet long and
of great thickness. All the walls are of heavy blocks of
stone, nicely fitted together without mortar. One of
the largest of these stones is thirty-eight feet long by
eighteen broad and six feet thick (Fig. 4). When we
consider that these enormous blocks were hewn from
quarries four to fifteen leagues distant; fashioned and
transported across rivers and over ravines, raised to
their elevated position, and adjusted with the nicest
accuracy, our respect for these ancients increases.
Further, this work was accomplished by a people who
had no knowledge of iron or of machinery such as
would be used by Europeans.

Pachacamac, some twenty miles south, and Ancon,
about the same distance north of Lima, and near the
seacoast, are familiar names on account of the im-
mense quantity of material in museums from their pre-
historic burial grounds. Most of this material was
buried many generations before the coming of the
Spaniards and the thousands of graves observed testify
to a numerous population. Dr. Max Uhle estimates the
number of burials to have been between sixty and eighty
thousand. The famous temple of Pachacamac, now in »
ruins, was visited in prehistoric days by native pilgrims
from the whole coast of Peru. Here was the shrine of
the god, Pachacamac, the chief divinity of the Indians
before their conquest by the Incas, who later built a
Temple of the Sun, a House of the Virgins near it; but
do not appear to have interfered with the religion of
the conquered people.

56 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

Of Ancon, little can be said, as such structures as
once existed there were in complete ruins or had dis-
appeared before the Conquest. It is an interesting
fact to archeologists that the custom of attaching a
false head to the mummy bundle was first brought to
light by finds in the Necropolis of Ancon. Some re-
markably beautiful textiles and pottery, particularly
those in the style of Tiahuanaco, have come from the
ancient graves of Ancon and Pachacamac (Fig. 17).

The city of Trujillo was founded by Pizarro in 1535,
on the site of Chan Chan, the capital and center of the
Chimu territory, which extended from near Tumbez on
the north to beyond Huaymay on the south. Through-
out this stretch of country notable monuments are so
numerous and extensive that it will only be possible to
give a brief description of a few of them. Squier
describes the plain of Chimu as being thickly covered
with ruins of the ancient city. They consist of a wilder-
ness of walls, forming great enclosures, each containing a
labyrinth of ruined stone dwellings and other edifices,
relieved here and there by gigantic hwacas. These
huacas or truncated pyramids, are built of compact
rubble of broken stones and tenacious clay which forms
a hard indurated mass. They are surrounded by high
walls of the same material. Obisco huaca is 162 feet
square and 50 feet high. From another, the huaca of
Toledo, one Don Garcia Guierrez, in 1577 and 1578,
recovered gold and silver objects to the value of
4,450,784 Spanish dollars. The law was that a fifth of
all treasure found belonged to the Crown, and the “Book
of Fifths of the Treasury of the Trujillo Municipality ”
states that Gutierrez presented himself at the royal
treasury to deliver a fifth of this sum to the royal chest.
There is an old legend that two immense treasures
were buried somewhere in Peru. These are known as

BUILDING AND ARCHITECTURE 57

the peje grande or big fish, and the peje chica or little
fish. The Indians and treasure hunters consider the
Gutierrez find to be the little fish, and are still searching
for the big fish.

A league from the City of Trujillo are the ruins of a
great aqueduct, which tapped the Rio Moche, many
miles up towards its source among the mountains, for
the water supply of the ancient city. This was carried
across the valley on a lofty embankment which is still
more than sixty feet high, built of stones and earth with
a channel on top.

The Chimu, although nominally at least under the
Inea, were flourishing when first discovered by the Span-
iards, but Markham says:—

The cruelty of the Spaniards extinguished the Chimu civilization
before even a few years have passed. Cieza de Leon tells us of the rapid
depopulation of the valleys, and in his time vast tracts were becoming
waste for want of people to cultivate the land.

CHAPTER III
SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

E know far more of the material arts of the Peru-
Ny vians than we do of their government and social
life. The first Europeans to arrive here were
fired with a religious zeal to destroy all pagan works and
to eliminate all social customs sanctioned by paganism,
so it isnot strange that our knowledge of native Peruvian
life is but fragmentary. It seems, however, that under
the regime of the Incas, the country was administered
under four subdivisions. Each of these four provinces
was under a viceroy or governor, under whom were
numerous lesser officers who had jurisdiction over
petty offences. There seem to have been few criminal
laws, and few were needed by a people who had no
money, little trade, and almost nothing that could be
called fixed property. Theft, adultery, murder, blas-
phemy against the Sun, malediction of the Inca, or
burning a bridge were punished by death. A rebellious
city or province was laid waste and its:inhabitants ex-
terminated. Rebellion was an offence against the Child
of the Sun and therefore sacrilege.

The land was divided into three parts, one for the
Sun, another for the Inca, and the third for the people.
The proportion differed in each province. The lands
assigned to the Sun furnished a revenue to support the
temples and the multitudinous priesthood. The Inca’s
portion supported the royal establishment and the re-
mainder was divided, per capita, among the people. The
tenant’s lease of this land expired at the end of the year,
and he had no power to alienate or add to his possessions.
All lands were cultivated by the people; that belonging
to the Sun was attended to first; next came the lands of

58

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 59

the old, the sick, widows and orphans, and of soldiers
in actual service. The people were then allowed to
work their own grounds, and lastly, all joined together,
and with many ceremonies cultivated the Inca’s portion.

As has already been said everything in the Empire
belonged to the Inca. The mines were wrought ex-
clusively for his benefit. At the time of shearing the
wool was all put in public magazines and, by direction of
the Inca, dealt out by officers appointed for that service,
to the women of each family to spin and weave into
clothing. In lke manner cotton was divided. Accounts
of these things were accurately kept by means of the
quipu, a simple device by which any given number
could be registered by tying knots in strings. The
quipu was also useful in connection with the collection of
revenue. Each province was required to furnish a
certain amount of the things grown or manufactured
there, and the amount assessed to each locality was
regulated by the quantity it produced of which an in-
ventory was taken every year and the results recorded
on knotted strings, which were taken to the capital and
submitted to the Inca.

In Book V, Chapter XII, of the Royal Commentaries,
Garcilasso says :—

The Policy and Arts which the Incas used in their Conquests, and the
manner and methods they pursued in civilizing the People, and reducing
them to a course of moral living, is very curious, and worthy to be
observed.

He tells us that the Inca never made war without a
just cause, but that barbarity and ignorance furnished
a sufficient motive.

The first act after a province was conquered was to
seize its principal idol as a hostage, and carry it to
Cuzco where it was supposed to be held as a prisoner
until the conquered people realized that their god had

60 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

no power to help himself or them, and would be ready
to adopt the worship of the Sun, the Inca’s god. The
Inca had the cacique, his sons, and principal officers
brought to Cuzco where they were féted, and treated
according to their rank in their own country. They
were instructed in the religion, laws, and customs of the
Incas, and after a time permitted to return to their
people, who were ordered to obey, as formerly, their
cacique, as their lord and prince. The Inca caused
banquets to be prepared and feasting for his new sub-
jects that they might be reconciled with their conquer-
ors. All of which indicates a high order of intelligence
and efficiently organized government.

Inheritance. According to the old chroniclers, if
the Inca left no male issue by his legitimate wife, the
next of kin succeeded, provided he was descended from a
father and a mother who were both of the blood royal.
A son of the Inca by one of his concubines could not
inherit. This law was not observed in many of the
conquered provinces, where the eldest son, or the one
most beloved, must succeed, or the one most esteemed
by the people for qualities that fitted him for the posi-
tion. Differences existed between the laws and civil
customs in the countries subjugated by the Incas and
their own, because but few changes were required of the
conquered people, their internal government remaining
untouched, except for the payment of a certain amount
of taxes to the Lord of Cuzco. There was, however,
enforced recognition of the state religion.

On the other hand, there was no such thing as in-
heritance of real estate, as all the land belonged to the
Inca, who was supposed to allot to each person or each
fami'y sufficient for their support, who could not part
with any of it, nor could they acquire more from their
neighbors.

"=, ieee eee,

oo

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 6]

Army. Such accounts as we have of the number of
soldiers in the army of the Inca vary greatly. The most
reliable say that the monarch could bring into the field
a force of two hundred thousand men. The levies were
drawn from all parts of the Empire; more being taken
from localities where the people were hardiest than from
others. The Inca or one of his nobles of royal blood
was in general command, and under him were various
officers in command of what we may call battalions and
companies.

Their arms consisted of
bows and arrows, long heavy
darts which were sometimes
thrown with an adtlatl or
throwing stick, a warclub
which consisted of a stone
or copper star-shaped head
and wooden handle, two or
three feet in length, and a
copper or bronze battle ax.
When fighting in open coun-
try the sling was an effec- Fig. 30. Painting on a Pot-
tive weapon, as they could, tery Vessel showing a Masked
by its use, throw a stone see Trujillo. In_ his right

, and he carries a warclub, in his
with great accuracy. For de- left a shield, spears, and throw-
fensive armor, they carried _ ing stick.

a shield, and sometimes wore
a poncho of quilted cotton much like that of the ancient
Mexicans.

The uniqueness of the atlatl, or throwing stick, may
justify further comment. In numerous hunting and
war scenes, painted on pottery vessels, men are repre-
sented in the act of throwing spears or heavy darts
with this instrument. This device practically extends
the length of the arm and the spear is discharged with

62 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

i
ITU ANY
Wii ian

Fig. 31. Warclubs and Battle Ax.

much greater force. It is, however, a very simple
affair; a stick with a projection at the distal end,

Fig. 32. Forms of Throwing Sticks
used in Peru. Drawn from examples
depicted on pottery vessels.

against which the butt
end of the spear rests
when being thrown. Fig.
32 shows several forms
of Peruvian atlatls. In
still another form repre-
sented, a cord takes the
place of a stick. This
cord had a hook, prob-
ably of copper, on one
end, against which the
spear rested. The other
end was wound about
the fingers, while the

Ee

————<————— eo

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 63

thumb and first finger held the spear. The use of the
atlatl in hunting is shown in Fig. 33.

Magazines filled with grain, mostly maize, were
scattered all over the country for the use of the army.

b See a ae =

REMI Y BSOOAG
ieee SH AIDS y
SRIBSESSSIE SSsSon

Fig. 34

Fig. 33. Killing a Deer with a Lance and Throwing Stick.

Fig. 34. A Deer Hunting Scene on a Water Vessel. The deer have
been driven into a net, where they are being killed with clubs and heavy
darts. Here a metal hook and cord is used instead of the usual spear
thrower.

Pizarro often fed his followers for a considerable time by
robbing these storehouses.

We are told that the standing army of the Inca was
not large, but that additional troops could be mobilized
in a very short time, through an admirable system of

64 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

runners. The command having been given, a runner
started at top speed for the next post, and delivered the
message, which the second man carried to the third,

Fig. 35. Pottery Vessel showing Man-
ner of Carrying Burdens, supported by
a Forehead Strap.

and soon. These posts were but a few miles apart and a

runner was always stationed on duty at each of them.
Transportation. No such military operations as

we have described could be maintained without adequate

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 65

transportation facilities. Yet, the prehistoric methods
were simple and primitive. For example, the greater
part of transportation today, as it was before the Con-
quest, is on the back of the Indian, the load being sup-
ported by a strap which passes over the forehead or
around the chest. The only beast of burden possessed
by the prehistoric Peruvians was the llama. This
animal ean carry a load of 100 pounds, a distance of ten
or twelve milesaday. In present day Peru it is common
to see many llamas with their loads marching in single
file over the mountain trails, in charge of their Indian
arrieros, or drivers. Presumably it was thus in pre-
historic times.

On the water, the balsa, a curious raft-like boat, was.
and still is used. In constructing this boat or raft,
cigar-shaped bundles of rushes are tied together. Two
or three of these bundles are bound together with the
front end turned up, something after the fashion of a
gondola. The balsa is very buoyant at first, but after a
time becomes water-logged, and must be taken from
the water and dried in the sun. Some of the larger ones
were fitted with a mast and a sail made of rushes.

All accounts agree that when the Inca, Atahualpa,
went to meet the Spaniards in the great plaza at Caja-
marea he was carried in a sedan by his attendants.
Historians say this sedan was decorated with feathers
and large plates of gold and silver. The men whocarried
the Inca were especially trained for this work. Other
carriers were always beside them to catch the pole in
case one stumbled or fell. Such an accident would cost
the bearer his life.

These sedans were used by others beside the Inca, as
is shown in Fig. 36. This drawing is from a pottery
water vessel from Trujillo and it tells quite a story. At
the left we see the Inca in a house built on terraces

99

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SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 67

(indicated by the step form figures). ‘wo runners
mount the terraces followed by a man who, judging from
his throne-like sedan, seems to be the chief of some con-
quered tribe. The second man is evidently inferior in
rank to the first, as he rides in a plain sedan, the third
man has a rope around his neck, indicating that his
position was inferior to the other two.

War Trophies. All barbaric peoples collect grue-
some trophies from the battlefield and the Peruvians
were no exception. The prehis-
toric people of Nazca preserved
the heads of their enemies as
trophies of war. Fig. 37 shows
a design on a shawl-like garment
from an ancient grave. The
decoration is in embroidery,
done with a thorn or copper
needle. Each figure carries a
poleon which hang two of these
human heads.

Dr. Julio Tello has made a___ Fig. 37. Figure of eas

special study of such examples ft Preston: Shon
of these preserved heads as are (Nazca Culture.) The war-
found in museum collections, rior carries two human heads,
and the process of making them, as trophies, and a war club.
according to him, is as follows.
After the skin has been taken off the whole or part of
the occiput is removed, the foramen magnum enlarged,
and all the soft parts taken out. Then, a perfora-
tion is made in the frontal bone close to the hair of
the head. Through this perforation a cord is passed,
and a cross piece of wood is tied to the end inside to
prevent its pulling out. The orbits and all cavities are
filled with cotton, and the skin replaced. Generally two
sticks are passed up through the lips (Fig. 38a).

‘LOPVNIGT ULOISVGT JO SUBIPUT SOLBATL!
oy} Wor Spvoy UBUINY Voy, “q indo ‘wozeN wold ‘pwoy uvuInyy “9 ‘sorypdory Iw “8 “BHT

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 69

The shrunken heads made by the wild Jivaros Indians
are familiar objects in museums. ‘These Indians, who
are now divided into a number of small groups, are
located in the eastern part of Ecuador. The present
Jivaros are as ardent head hunters as were their ances-
tors many centuries ago. The standing of aman in the
tribe depended on his courage and ability as a warrior,
as shown by the number of the tribal enemies he had
killed. The possession of these heads (war trophies)
would be accepted as proof of his prowess (Fig. 38b).

The details of preparing these ghastly trophies are as
follows: After the head is severed from the body a cut
is made from the base of the skull down through the skin
of the neck. Through the opening thus made the bones
of the head are carefully removed, and the skin and re-
maining soft parts are dipped into the juice of the huzto
fruit, which stains them black. The skin is now ready
for the shrinking process. In some Jivaro groups a
number of hot stones are put into the skin which is
constantly turned in order to bring them in contact
with all parts of it. In other localities a single stone,
nearly the size of the head, is first used, then a smaller
one, and so on until the skin is reduced to the desired
size, usually that of a small orange. In still other locali-
ties, hot sand takes the place of stones. Long pendent -
cords fasten the lips together, and one is run through the
top of the head by which it is suspended. The cut in the
back of the neck is then sewed up and the trophy is
finished.

As soon as the Jivaros learned that these shrunken
heads were in demand by white men, as curiosities, they
began to prepare them for traders, who usually carried
them down the Amazon to Para where they found a
ready market for them. After this, the Indians were by
no means particular as to whether the head was that of a

70 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

friend or an enemy. So even in early times Peru and
other South American countries passed laws with severe
penalties for anyone who was known to have prepared
these heads, but it is difficult to reach the transgressors,
and nothing has been accomplished towards stopping
the practice.

We have gone into this detail regarding a modern
practice, because there seems to have been some histori-
cal connection between the trophies of the old Peruvians
and these modern savages.

Peruvian Women. The traditional manner of
judging a people is to note the status of their women.
At least, knowledge of the woman’s lot in Peru, will give
some idea of the social life of the time. So, from the old
chroniclers we learn that the women, when not employed
in necessary household work, or in planting or gathering
crops, were engaged in spinning and weaving. On visits
to neighbors, or on journeys, they carried a supply of
eotton or wool and their spindles, and spun as they
walked along. Each one had to weave enough cloth for
herself and her family.

Conditions have not changed much, since it is a com-
mon occurrence to see a present day Peruvian Indian
woman spinning as she walks. She generally carries
some burden, perhaps a Jar of water or a reed sleep-
ing mat on her back, held by a strap passing over
the forehead or around the chest, while her hands
are employed in spinning. We cannot be sure as to the
methods of spinning in prehistoric time, but the later
Spanish accounts of contemporary methods state that
the material to be spun was sometimes carried on a
distaff, but more usually in a cone-shaped bundle, under
the left arm. A certain amount was first drawn out and
both hands were used to clear it of any irregularities,
and to reduce it to the desired thickness. It was then

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION 71

attached to the spindle by a slip knot, so that*the
spindle could be recovered after being twirled between
the thumb and forefinger of the right hand, and allowed

Fig. 39.

ning Yarn as She walks along the Street.
sleeping mat of reeds on her back.

A Modern Peruvian Woman from Puno, spin-

She carries her

to drop. The spindle, revolving rapidly as it fell, gave
the proper twist to the thread. This reads very much
like the European way of spinning.

72 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

When a woman in the common rank of life visited a
Palla, a woman of the royal blood, she did not carry her
spinning with her, but asked for some work to do. This
showed that she did not come as an equal, but to pay
her respects to a superior. The Palla was usually
courteous enough to allow her to help in the work in
which she or her daughters were engaged. This was a
great compliment as it implied that the visitor was on a
social level with her hostess. To have allowed the
visitor to assist the servants in their work would have
been considered as ranking her with them.

Garcilasso (Chap. XIV) says:—

The Spanish women which came afterwards to live in Cuzco imitated
this custom, after the manner of the Indian women, carrying always their
work whensoever they came to make their visits; and this fashion was
in use amongst them to their great commendation until such time as
Francisco Hernandez began his civil war, which as it introduced nothing
but tyranny and cruelty, so it abolished this laudable custom, and dis-
countenanced all virtuous and innocent practices.

Garments with holes, either from wear or from fire,
were not patched, but were put into a loom and yarns
of the color originally used in the cloth were woven in.
To repair a simple tear, the edges were sewed together
with thorn or copper needles. In the Museum collec-
tions are several ponchos that have undergone such
repairs.

The women took part in all public assemblies, religious
or otherwise, and to them fell the labor of preparing the
‘large amount of corn beer (chicha) drunk on these occa-
sions. Whatever the nature of the assembly, it always
resolved itself into what Cieza de Leon called drinking
bouts. This is true of all Indian gatherings today;
both men and women generally continue drumming,
singing, dancing, and drinking until completely in-
toxicated, or until the supply of chicha is exhausted.

~]
= +
—_

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION

KK. G. Squier was at Tiahuanaco, in 1875, during the
celebrations of the potato festival and of Corpus Christi,
which took place at the same time. His description of
these ceremonies presents a vivid picture of Indian
gatherings at that time. He says:—

Each group danced vigorously to its united music, which made up in
volume what it lacked in melody—wild and piercing, yet lugubrious;
the shrill pipe and dull drum, with frequent blasts on cow’s horns by
amateurs among the spectators, filled the ear with discordant sounds.
Every man seemed anxious to excel his neighbor in the energy of his
movements which were often extravagant; but the motions of the
women were slow and stately. The music had its cadences, and its
emphatic parts were marked by corresponding emphatic movements in
the dance. The ‘devilish music’ that Cortez heard after his first repulse
before Mexico, lasting the livelong night, and which curdled his blood
with horror, while his captured companions were sacrificed to Huitzli-
pochtli, the Aztec war god, could not be stranger or more fascinating,
more weird or savage, than that which rung in our ears during the rest of
our stay in Tiahuanuco. All night and all day, still the festival went on,
growing wilder and noisier, and only culminating when the feast of the
Church commenced. It was an extraordinary spectacle, that of the
symbols of Christianity and the figures of our Saviour and the saints
carried by a reeling priest and staggering Indians through the streets of
Tiahuanuco, while the Chufio (potato) revellers danced and drummed
around them. . . We left the scene with a clear conviction that the
savage rites of the Aymaras had changed in name only, and that the
festival we had witnessed was a substantial rehearsal of ceremonies and
observances antedating the Discovery. (pp. 306-807).

We are told that on the death of an Inea, or great
chieftain, his wives and favorite women struggled for the
privilege of burial with him, that they might accompany
him into the other world and continue their services in
the other life. Cieza de Leon says that more than 4,000
souls, women, pages, and other servants, together with
immense riches were buried in the tomb with the Inca,
Huayna Capac. The following quotation is from the
same authority, but must be taken with the proverbial
grain of salt.

(Ce OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

As soon as Huayna Capac was dead the lamentations were so great
that the shouting rose up to the clouds, and the noise so stupefied the
birds that they fell from a great height to the ground. (Chronicles of
Peru, Second Part, p. 222.) ;

As the women were always the chief mourners on such
occasions Cieza pays a great compliment to the strength
of their voices.

CHAPTER IV

RELIGION AND CEREMONIES

E come now to the most interesting aspect of
; XV ancient Peruvian life, but one concerning which
our knowledge leaves much to be desired. That
these people had a highly complex system of philosophy
and beliefs is obvious, it is also clear that their ritualis-
tic ceremonies were elaborate and that there was an
official priesthood. Thus, from the accounts of the
early Spanish writers, such as Blas Valera, Cieza de
Leon, Molina, and Garcilasso, we learn that the Inca
were Sun worshipers, but that they worshiped numer-
ous minor deities, as the Moon, the sister-wife of the
Sun, Venus as the page of the Sun, Thunder and
Lightning as his dread ministers, and the Rainbow as a
beautiful emanation of the deity. The Coast peoples
worshiped the Sea; and the fish, being the natural
emblem of the sea, it is no wonder that we find so many
of the works in stone and textiles decorated with various
fish forms. The evil god, or personification of sin,
they called swpay. But the peoples of the coast and of
the highlands held in veneration a great variety of idols
and charms, concerning which Acosta (p. 339) quaintly
says :-—

The Devil has not been contented to make these blind Indians to
worship the Sun, Moon, Stars, earth and sea, and many other general
things in nature, but he hath passed on further, giving them for God, and
making them subject to base and abject things.

Where maize grew, every household had its Sara mana
which represented the spiritual essence of the maize, to
which prayers were offered. Vessels ornamented with
ears of corn will be found in every large Peruvian collec-
tion, and it is natural to assume that these are for the
most part household idols.

75

76 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

Again, the so-called Llama Mana in stone, wood, or
pottery is the figure of a llama with a cavity in its back.
An offering, in the form of grains of corn, or coca leaves,
was placed in the cavity and the figure buried in the
field where the llamas grazed, as a prayer for the increase
of the flock. '

Then, each family, and for the most part, every per-
son, had a number of sacred objects, called conopas.
Those belonging exclusively to the individual were
buried with him at death. These were any small object
that took his fancy. Thus, long after the advent of the
Spaniards, if an Indian found an odd-shaped pebble,
particularly if it bore some resemblance to some
familiar animal form, he would often take it to the priest
and ask if it were a huaca, or a holy object. If the
priest answered yes, it was carefully preserved as his
personal conopa.

Among the religious buildings of the Peruvians were
the temples for the Virgins of the Sun. The inmates of
these institutions, or convents, were girls taken from
their homes at a very tender age and their lives dedi-
cated to the service of their deity, the Sun. They were
under the care of the mamaconas, or elderly matrons,
who instructed them in the nature of their religious
duties, and in spinning and weaving. In fact, their chief
occupation seems to have been the making of fine
garments of vicufa wool for the Inca and his family.
Specializing in this work all their lives, they naturally
became very expert weavers, and doubtless we are in-
debted to them for many of the best specimens shown in
the textile cases. It is also well to note that the motive
back of their excellence was religious.

Chastity and purity in life was the motto of these
institutions, and any transgression by an inmate was
punished by burying her alive. Her lover was strangled,

RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 77

and the village to which he belonged was razed to the
ground. These maidens were considered as spiritual
brides of the Sun, and the Inca, being the son of the
Sun, and his representative on earth was allowed to
choose his concubines from among them. When he
tired of them they were sent to their homes, and abun-
dant provision made for them. Then they passed the
remainder of their lives in great state, universally
reverenced as brides of the Inca. They could never
marry, as it would be profane for the wife of the Inca to
own any other husband.

The above describes these institutions in general,
but there seems to have been a convent at Cuzco with
a different order of nuns. These virgins were carefully
selected as to their lineage; both father and mother
were of pure royal blood, and they were never accepted
if over eight years of age. These selected virgins were
espoused to the Sun, and it was believed he would have
children by them. No outsider, man or woman, was
allowed to enter the convent with the exception of the
queen, through whom they made their wants known to
the Inca. .

Such accounts as we have concerning the religion of
the Peruvian coast peoples before the Inca conquest,
are very unreliable. It would seem that their chief
divinity was Pachacamac, the creator of the world. His
shrine was in the temple at Pachacamac, about twenty
miles south of Lima; in the valley of the Lurin, and but
a short distance from the present small town of Pachaca-
mac. From all parts of the coast the Indians came to
worship at this shrine, for it was to them what Mecca is
to the Mohammedan world. When the Incas conquered
the country they built a large Temple of the Sun, and
House of the Virgins of the Sun side by side with the
Temple of Pachacamac, but it does not appear that they

78 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

suppressed or in any way interfered with the ancient
worship of Pachacamac.

Pizarro early heard stories of the immense wealth in
this old temple of Pachacamac, and after he had taken
Atahualpa prisoner, he sent his brother, Hernandez,
from Cajamarca to seize the treasures reported to exist
there. Hernandez caused the vault in which the idol
was kept to be destroyed, and the idol to be broken into
pieces. It is reported that he secured a large amount of
gold and silver.

Ceremonies and Festivals. The most magnifi-
cent religious festival of the Inca period was held at the
time of the summer solstice. Indian nobles gathered in
Cuzco from all parts of the empire. The people had
fasted for three days previous, and no fire was allowed
to be lighted in the houses. At the appointed time, the
Inea arrived, followed by the whole population of the
city. All were dressed in their gayest garments, the
nobles vying with each other in the display of ornaments
and gaudy feather-work. They watched impatiently
for the rising of their deity, the sun, and as his first
rays were seen, a great shout broke forth from the mul-
titude, accompanied by songs and barbaric instruments.
After various ceremonies of adoration, the Inca offered
a libation to the sun from a large golden vase filled with
the fermented liquor made of maize. He then drank
from the vase himself, and gave what remained to his
royal kindred. This ceremony over, they all went in
order of procession toward the Coricancha.

As they entered the street leading to this sacred
edifice, all except the Inca removed their sandals, and
this he did before passing through the portals of the
temple. After the ceremonies in the temple, the high
priest offered a sacrifice, generally a llama. He opened
the body, and sought, from the appearance which it
exhibited, to read the future.

RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 79

Sacrifices. All accounts agree that the Incas held a
great festival once a year, in Cuzco, where all the idols
were brought together, some from a considerable dis-
tance. They were accompanied by the priests who had
charge of them. ‘There were present the Inca with his
Orejones, the principal men of the city, and a multitude
of men and women from all over the empire. , The object
of this meeting was to obtain forecasts of the coming
year from the idols, whose answers to the questions put
to them were delivered by the priests. The questions
asked of the idols were whether the Inca would have a
long life; whether the crops would be large or not; if
enemies would come, and if so, from what direction.
Many young llamas and guinea pigs were sacrificed
before the idols were consulted. The Incas did not
sacrifice human life. On these occasions the Orejones
inaugurated a succession of festivals and drinking bouts
for which the Virgins of the Sun had prepared an im-
mense amount of chicha, their favorite intoxicating
beverage.

Further descriptive details concerning this and other
ceremonies will be found in the special works listed in
the bibliography.

Folk Customs and Mythology. Under this head
will be given information as to the social procedures and
folk customs best known to us and while they are ex-
tremely fragmentary, they will nevertheless give a
general idea of this phase of native culture.

As in other parts of the world every important act
was in conformity to a ritual. Thus, when the earth
had been prepared for planting, the people sang certain
songs. The substance of these songs was taken from
the word hayllis, which means triumph, as if they
triumphed over the earth and took fruit from it. Also
among the highland people a festival was held when the

80 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

corn first appeared above ground. At this time sacri-
fices of young llamas were offered and the deity peti-
tioned not to allow the crops to be destroyed by frost.

Garcilasso dela Vega has given us descriptions of many
of these festivals, among which is one held when a great
plague, which had killed many people, came to an end.
This always took place on the fifth day of the moon,
after the equinox in September. For several days pre-
vious the people ate but little. The women prepared a
certain kind of bread, moistened with blood, which was
but half baked. During the night, those who had
fasted applied some of this bread to their heads, mouths,
breasts, shoulders, arms and legs, believing that by so
doing they had cleansed their bodies of all infirmities.
Bread was then applied to walls of the houses as a
ceremony of purification.

As soon as the sun arose the people prayed to it to
deliver the city from all calamities. Presently an Inca,
of the royal blood, appeared. He was elegantly dressed
and bore a lance in his hand. He ran to the market
place, where four other Incas, each carrying a lance,
met him. The messenger, on meeting the four Incas,
touched the heads of their lances with his, told them that
the sun commanded them to purify and cleanse the city
of all infirmities and diseases, and gave them the power
to do it.

Garcilasso has given us some account of the ancient
marriage ceremonies :—

It will now be proper for us to treat of their marriages, and how they
were joined together in the kingdoms and provinces subjected to the
Inca. In order hereunto it is to be noted that every year, or every
two years, the king commanded his officers to take an account of such
young men and maidens, of his lineage, as were marriageable within the
city of Cuzco, that so they might be matched together: the maidens

were to be of eighteen to twenty years of age, and the young men from
twenty to twenty-four and upwards; under that age they were not

RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 81

esteemed to be of years of consent, for that it was necessary they should
be of a ripe age and judgment to govern their families.

At the ceremonies of matrimony the Inca stood between the two
persons, and casting his eyes upon them both, he called the man by his
name, and then the woman, and taking their hands into his, joined
them together, which being the bond of matrimony, the function was
performed. They went to the house of the bridegroom’s father, where
the wedding was kept for four or six days with great rejoycing.

The next day officers appointed for the purpose per-
formed the marriage ceremony in other localities.

There was even a ceremony at
the weaning of children according
to Garcilasso. This took place
when the child was two or more
years old. First the hair of its
head was cut off with flints, and
a name given to it. After the
godfather had cut off a lock, the
rest of the kindred did the same,
in order of age and rank. All
taking part in the ceremony
brought a present for the child.
Drink was then brought in, and
singing, dancing, and drinking
were continued for three or four
days.

Of mythological characters
they had many. Three of these Fig. 40. Mythological
are frequently represented on Beings: Puma, Fish, and
the textiles and pottery of the Bird Gods.
time. A figure, part man and part
puma, is called the puma god. We know also that they
worshiped the puma. A being part man and part fish is
known as the fish god. The inhabitants on the coast
worshiped the sea; the fish was the natural emblem of
the sea and was much used as a decorative motive.

82 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

Another being, part man and part bird, is called the
condor god.

Examples of these gods are shown in Fig. 40. Each
has human arms and legs, and the kind of animal com-
bined with man is easily recognizable. The raised back
and tail of the puma, the fins of the fish, and the feathers
in the wing and tail of the bird identify them. Of course,
all parts are highly conventionalized. The puma god
shown here is from Nazca pottery, and wears a face
mask as do most figures in the art of that locality.
However, it must not be understood that these gods
were always represented exactly as shown here, for in
different localities the conventionalization of the same
form was different.

It is a curious fact that in the folklore of many
primitive peoples of South America there are at the
present time, or have been in the past, mythological
fables that resemble the Biblical accounts of the great
flood and of the virgin birth. A Peruvian account of
virgin birth was recorded by Francisco Avila, the cura of
San Damian, in the province of Huarochiri, Peru, in
1608, which runs as follows:—

The god, Uira-cocha caused the virgin goddess,
Cavillaeca, to conceive by dropping before her the fruit
from a lucuma tree. To her own astonishment she gave
birth to a son. She assembled all the gods to find out
who was the father, by the test of the child recognizing
him. Uira-cocha came disguised as a wretched beggar.
The child went at once to him. Cavillaca was so
ashamed and enraged at the thought of such a character
being considered the father of her boy that she snatched
up the child and fled to the sea. Uira-cocha resumed his
godlike form and pursued her, calling to her to turn back
and look at him. She was soon out of sight, and when
she reached the shore of Pachacamac she entered the

RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 83

sea with her child, and immediately they were turned
into two rocky islets, which may still be seen.

The Inea variant of the story of the great flood, as
given by Christoval de Molina, was written between
1570 and 1584. Molina was priest of the hospital for
natives at Cuzco, and was a master of the Quichua
language. His statement is as follows:

In the life of Manco Ceapac, who was the first Inca, and from whom
they began to be called the children of the Sun, and to worship the Sun,
they had a full account of the deluge. They say that all people and all
created things perished in it, insomuch that the water rose above all the
highest mountains in the world. No living things survived, except a
man and a woman, who remained in a box, and when the waters sub-
sided, the wind carried them to Huanaco.

If we attempt to go much deeper into the mythology
of the Peruvians, through the writings of the early
Spanish historians, we meet with little but contradic-
tory statements, and make no progress. This seems to
have been the opinion of Paul Rycaut, who says (1568)
in the introduction to his translation of The Royal Com-
mentaries of Peru by Garcilasso de la Vega:—

However, being, as our author says, delivered by tradition, and com-
monly believed amongst their people of the better degree, it may contain
divers truths mixed with abundance of fictions and foolish inventions.

As has been stated before, the religion of the Inca
period centered around Lake Titicaca. Thus, according
to a tradition of the Incas, the children of the Sun,
Manco Ceapac, and Mama Ocllo, his wife, who was also
-his sister, were sent from the sacred island of Titicaca
to instruct the savage tribes who inhabited the country,
in religion and the arts. Manco was given a golden
wedge and told to establish his capital city wherever it
should leave his hand and sink intotheearth. They trav-
eled northward along the western shore of Lake Titi-
eaca, and still northward, until they reached the site of
the present city of Cuzco, when the wedge sank into

84 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

the earth. Here they settled and began teaching the
savages to worship the sun. Manco also taught the
men how to cultivate the earth, hunt, and to catch fish;
and Mama Ocllo the women to spin and weave. And
here, in time, arose the capital of the Inca empire.

Another account of the founding of Cuzco is to be
found in the Poccari-Tampu myth. Tampu-Tocco was
supposed to be a hill with three openings or windows.
Thelegend runs that from one of the windows atribecame
forth and from the central one, four august men with their
wives. The four men were children of the Sun, and they
decided to seek more fertile regions, thinking no doubt
that with the help of the tribe they could conquer
the savages and take possession of the country. They
traveled slowly, even stopping to plant crops and
harvest them; but being always dissatisfied with the
locality they moved from time to time.

During the migration, Manco contrived, in some way,
to get rid of his three brothers, and so become sole
leader. After many years they reached Matahua, at the
edge of Cuzco Valley. From here Manco hurled his
golden staff as far as Huanay-pata, where it sank into
the earth, and there he founded the city of Cuzco.

Burial Customs. Inthe burials of the dead we find
that much the same distinction obtained then as now.
The bodies of the wealthy were wrapped in many pieces
of beautiful tapestry, and if that of a man, in the grave
beside him were placed his implements used in war,
hunting, and fishing; also a number of the finest pottery
vessels, and sometimes objects of gold and silver. With
these an abundant supply of food, coca leaves, and chicha
(a beer made from maize) were left near the body.
The body of a poor man was thrust into a hole in the
nitrous sand of the coast, or into a crevice of the rocks
in the mountains. His vestments were poor and mean,

Fig.41. Mummy Bundle with a False Head, from a grave
at Santa Rosa, 14 miles from Ancon. Attached to the bundle are
dolls, cloth bags, and sticks wound with colored yarns. The
false head has eyes, nose, mouth, and forehead ornaments of
silver. The true head isin the bundle.

85

86 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

as his friends could supply none better. Beside him,
we generally find an ear of corn, a vessel of gourd or
pottery for water, and often a few odd-shaped stones, his
amulets or charms. (Fig. 41)

In the coast region, particularly at Pachacamac, the
dessicated bodies, generally called mummies, are often
found in little vaults of adobe which are covered with
sticks and a layer of rushes. The bodies are in a sitting
position, the knees drawn up, and the head resting

"tram I
Cu atin
uu 1] Vl

iy

Halli
Ute
die

I
i

U

—

AT

ci a

a b
Fig. 42. Burial Towers. a, Acora; b, Sillustani.

upon them. With the body of a woman is generally
found her work basket (see Fig. 14). In some localities a
false head was attached to the mummy bundle. The
significance of this custom is unknown.

At Sillustani and Acora, in Peru, in the Collao, a part
of the Titicaca basin, and in a number of localities in
Bolivia hundreds of burial towers may be seen. Some
are still in perfect condition, but the greater part are
more or less in ruins, having been shaken down by
earthquakes or demolished by treasure hunters. They

RELIGION AND CEREMONIES 87

vary in shape, some are quadrangular, and others are in
the form of an inverted truncated cone. On the rocky
peninsula of Sillustani, which extends out into the lake
of Umayo are many of these Chullpas, and hundreds
more of the ruins of these structures can be seen on the
neighboring hills. One of the largest and best preserved
towers on this peninsula (Fig. 42%) is in the form of an
inverted truncated cone, thirty-nine feet high, sixteen
feet in diameter at the base, increasing, until at the
spring of the dome, the diameter is eighteen feet and
teninches. It is built of admirably cut and fitted blocks
of hard basalt. The entrance, just large enough to
admit the body of a man, is cut through a solid block.
The vault inside is ten feet in diameter and twelve feet
high with an opening leading into asmall chamber above.

There has been much speculation as to how the
ancient Peruvians managed to raise immense stones
into position in many of their structures. The answer is
found on the peninsula of Sillustani, and I give it in the
words of E. G. Squier, who says :—

Some of the unfinished Chullpas enlighten us as to the manner in
which their builders, and those of other Peruvian monuments, con-
trived to raise heavy stones to considerable heights without the aid of
derricks and pulleys. We find, built up against the Chullpa, inclined
planes of stone and earth, up which the stones were moved, probably
with levers, and possibly with the aid of rollers. As the structure rose
in height the plane was raised accordingly; and when the structure was
finished, the plane was dug away (pp. 380-381).

It is altogether probable that the great Pyramids of
Egypt were built in this same way.

CHAPTER V

DECORATIVE AND RELIGIOUS ART

in metal of Peru, and since sculpture in stone
was not well developed, except in a very few
localities, there remain only textiles and pottery to be
discussed under the head of art. The decorations upon
cloth and pottery were carried to a level of excellence
rarely reached by any people. In viewing museum col-
lections, one observes that the types of designs are the
same whether upon pottery or cloth, and that for the
most part there are but four motives: the human figure,
\the bird, the fish, and the puma. Sometimes we find
realistic representations of these forms, but in the
majority of cases they are more or less conventionalized.
Often these are so far degenerated as to be recognized
only by one familiar with the art motives, and this may
proceed until only a geometrical figure remains. What
has been said about the prevalence of these four motives
\ applies more particularly to the decorations of the pre-
Inca people whose works constitute the greater part of
most Peruvian collections. About Cuzco, before the
Incas had extended their reign over other sections of the
country, their pottery was generally sober in color,
with mostly geometric decorations; depending for
beauty on form and line. Later, the Incas adopted
some of the anthropomorphic forms of the older
peoples. The older Peruvians represented their gods
and various mythological beings by combining parts of
the human figure with those of some animal.
We have treated Peruvian art at some length in
another place, making it unnecessary to give an extended
account here; but afew examples of their conventional-

W: have taken note of the architecture and work

88

Fig. 43. Conventionalization in Ancient Peruvian Art.

89

m n ° p q r s
t u Vv w x y z
Fig. 44. Conventionalized Animal Figures in Peruvian Art.

Those on the lower half of the plate and similar figures have
frequently been mistaken for hieroglyphs.

90

DECORATIVE AND RELIGIOUS ARTS 9]

ized figures will not be out of place (see Fig. 43). These
black and white drawings give us only forms, and no
suggestion of the color schemes which constitute their
beauty.

Fig. 44 deals with the curious glyph-like figures so
common on pottery vessels from the Island of Titicaca,
Copacabana, and Tiahuanaco. While many of these
figures might easily be mistaken for hieroglyphs we shall
see that most, if not all of them, are parts of conven-
tionalized animal forms, or the markings on such forms.
Several of these designs are usually grouped together
on a vessel without, as far as can be seen, any relation-
ship; sometimes they are turned one way and some-
times another.

Beginning at the upper left hand corner of Fig. 44,
the first is a broken kero or cup of terra cotta from Tia-
huanaco. The puma figure has on its legs the same
markings as will be found in Fig. 44f, and the feet as in
Fig. 44p. These two figures make clear my meaning
when I said above that they were sometimes turned one
way and sometimes another.

The second is a large painted potsherd from Tia-
huanaco. It will be seen that quite a number of the
glyph-like figures are depicted on it. On the upper
curved line of decorations are two llama heads. The
one on the extreme left shows a part of the ring nose
(Fig. 44s), the divided eye (Fig. 44w), and the form of
mouth shown in Fig. 44x. The llama on the right has the
ordinary form of eye. Another llama head is seen on
the lower line to the left.

The third is a puma head on a woven fabric from
Pachacamac. The divided eye is like Fig. 44w and this
way of representing the mouth will be found in Fig. 441.

The fourth, a puma figure painted on a clay cup from
the Island of Titicaca. Its ring nose is like Fig. 44s, its

92 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

mouth like Fig. 44g, and the four designs on the tail will
be found in Figs. 44a, e, 1, o.

The fifth, is from a painted cup, Copacabana. The
mouth is shown in Fig. 44a’, ce’, the eye and nose in
Fig. 44s. While studying the various conventionalized
animal figures I have noticed that the eye is often repre-
sented as in Fig. 44d, i, m, s, w, and z; the mouth as in
Figs. 44a’, ec’, c, g, h, j, 1, n, 0, z; the ear as in Fig. 44k;
and the feet asin Fig. 44p. Spots on the tips of feathers
are shown as in Figs. 44e, d, e, i, m, and z.

These glyph-like figures were copied from decorations
on pottery vessels, but they are also common to the
textile fabrics, as we should expect to be the case where
freehand drawings were copied in woven designs, and
woven figures, with step form lines from the technique
of weaving, were in turn copied in decorations on their
pottery vessels.

Music and Dancing. Instruments of percussion
included the drum, bell, rattles, and large shells used as
a cymbal. The wind instruments were the panpipe
or syrinx, end-blown flute, resonator whistles, trumpets
of clay and shell, a great variety of simple whistles, and
the double whistling jar. (Fig. 45).

These double whistling jars are a rather curious
invention. They consist of two pottery vessels con-
nected near the bottom in such a way that water passes
freely from one to the other. Near the top of the front
or first jar (usually surmounted by a human or animal
figure) is the opening of the whistle. When the jars
have been partly filled and are swung backward and
forward, a series of whistling sounds is produced. As
the vessel swings forward and upward, the water is
lowered in the first jar and raised in the other; in the back-
ward motion it rushes back into the first, forcing the air
out through the whistle.

Fig. 45. Musical Instruments: Flutes, panpipe, trumpets
of wood, clay, and shell; double whistling jars, and human fig-
ures in clay, playing a panpipe and a drum.

93

Fig. 46. A Double Whistling Jar.

Fig. 47. A Circular Gold Ornament, showing
the Use of the Trumpet. The upper one at the left
is of shell; the lower, is of terra cotta.

94

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DECORATIVE AND RELIGIOUS ARTS

It has often been said that the sound emitted by
these jars resembles the ery of the animal represented on
the vessel. A careful examination of more than eighty
of them leads to the conclusion that this is the result of a
lively imagination, and that they are whistles pure and
simple.

We have many representations on pottery of the
manner of dancing which does not seem to have changed
up to 1649, when Alonso de Ovalle wrote this quaint
account :—

Fig. 48. Dancing Figures modeled in Relief on Two Pottery Vessels.
The musical instruments played by the dancers are the flute, panpipe,
and small drums. In the lower figure may be seen jars of chicha, a
fermented drink made of maize.

Their way of dancing is with little jumps, and a step or two, not rising
much from the ground, and without any capers such as the Spanish use;
they dance all together in a ring. (p. 122.)

The first and simplest element of music is rhythm. In
singing or dancing a desire for some sound that shall
clearly mark rhythm is universal; hence, the drum was
undoubtedly the most important instrument used in
dances. In the representations left us (see Fig. 48) some
of the dancers are shown playing the panpipe and the
‘end-blown flute. From what we know of these wind
instruments it is very improbable that any attempt was

96 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

made to play any tune in unison, but each player
made all the noise he could.

In 1895 Bandelier thus described an Indian dance on
the Island of Titicaca (p. 117) :—

Within a very short time the courtyard was filled with dancers, with
or without official costume, and with the same din and uproar, though
proportionally less than at other places and larger gatherings. The
wonted disregard for symmetry and harmony prevailed, showing that
discordant noise and irregular motions are inherent to most aboriginal
dances of Bolivia.

CHAPTER VI

ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE

a civilization, even when it is contemporary with
our own, but when, as in the case of the Peruvians,
all we have are archeological collections supplemented
by fragmentary documentary data, the difficulty is
greatly increased. Nevertheless, it is possible to show
that Peruvian culture was on a high level, by noting
their knowledge of astronomy, mathematics, ete.
Astronomy. While we know that the Incas knew
something of astronomy, their knowledge fell short of
that of the Mexicans and Central Americans who de-
vised a remarkably correct calendar. Yet, many of the
early chroniclers state that the Incas determined the
length of the solar year and the periods of the solstices
by noting shadows cast by specially constructed towers
and taking observations between them. They called the
sun, Ynti; the moon, Quilla; Venus, Chasca; and the
year, Huata. ‘Time was generally reckoned by moons.
Garcilasso says there was sixteen of these towers at
Cuzco, eight to the east, and eight to the west of the
city. Acosta gives the number as twelve, and Betanzos
asfour. The latter call them pyramids. Such structures
they called Inti-huatana, which was equivalent to the
place where the Sun was tied up. Squier describes the
Inti-huatana at Pisac at some length, and says that such
structures seem to have always been formed out of a
rock by making its top level, leaving only a projecting
cone in its center. He says (p. 529) :—
Making due allowance for the probable exaggerations and misinforma-

tion of Garcilasso, we may readily believe that the towers of which he
speaks—the pillars mentioned by Acosta, and the torricelli of Cieza—

.. is always difficult to form a satisfactory estimate of

97

9S OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

were simply /nti-huatana. This conclusion is supported by the negative
fact that no remains of such structures as he describes now exist on the
hill of Carmenca or any of the others around Cuzco.

Turning again to Garcilasso (Book IJ) we find this:—

They had likewise observed the equinoctials; for in the month of
March, when they reaped their maize or Indian wheat, they celebrated
their harvest with joy and feasting, which at Cuzco they kept in the
Colcan, otherwise called the Garden of the Sun. At the equinoctial of
September, they observed one of their four principal feasts, which were
dedicated to the Sun, which they called Citua Raymir; and then to
denote the precise day of the equinoctial, they had erected pillars of the
finest marble, in the open area, or place before the Temple of the Sun;
which when the sun came near the line, the priests daily watched and
attended to observe what shadow the pillars cast: and to make it the
more exact they fixed on them a gnomon, like the pin of a dial, so that so
soon as the Sun at its rising came to dart a direct shadow by it, and that
at its height or midday the pillar made no shade, but was enlightened on
all sides; they then concluded that the sun was entered the equinoctial
line.

The Quipu or Peruvian Knot Record. Professor L.
Leland Locke says:—

The use of knots in cords for the purpose of reckoning and recording
numbers seems to have been as universal as the figures of the cat’s
cradle in the practices of primitive peoples. Both may be said to be
indigenous to all lands in which the arts of spinning, weaving, and dyeing
have been cultivated. In China, knot records are said to have preceded
the knowledge of writing.

In more recent times the most remarkable development of knot records
took place among the Incas of Peru. Here is found the anomaly of a
people with a highly complex civilization, particularly in governmental
machinery, with a wealth of tradition, with a peculiarly rich and expres-
sive language, but with no system of writing, either hieroglyphic or
phonetice.

During his researches Professor Locke located forty-
nine ancient quipus, of which the American Museum
possesses forty-two, shown near the entrance to the ex-
hibition hall, with diagrams explaining how they were
used. The simplest form of the quipu may be briefly
described as a main cord to which a number of pendent

ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE 99

cords are attached. These cords, hanging from the main
cord, are usually of several different colors. The knots are
tied in these pendent cords. The system of tying these
knots varied, and if the quipu changed hands it had to
be explained. The contrivance is simplicity itself as a
supposed ease will show. Let us imagine that the owner
of a large number of llamas goes from home, for a
lengthy stay, leaving a shepherd in charge. In keeping
account of the changes in the flock the shepherd may
have the blue cord represent the old male llamas, and
the red, the old females. The increase and loss in the
flock may be shown by other colors, and so on.

All the knots denoting the same number are tied in a
horizontal line (parallel to the main cord) across the
depending strings. We will say that the line denoting
hundreds is two inches below the main cord; the one
for tens, two inches below that; and the line for ones,
two inches lower. Now, if it is desired to register the
loss of eleven old male llamas on our supposed quipu,
it would be done by tying a simple knot on the ten line,
and another on the one line of the blue cord. Diagrams
and labels with the exhibit explain the more compli-
cated forms of the quipu.

Some of the old Spanish historians tell us that history,
tradition, poems, etc., were recorded by the keepers of
these knotted strings. These statements, which have
been widely quoted, are responsible for the common
exaggerated notions of the possibilities of the quipu.
The truth of the matter is that the quipu was simply
used to record the numbers of persons, animals, the
quantity of grain, cloth, ete.

The quipu, as a means of keeping accounts, has not
entirely disappeared in Peru, as Uhle, Bandelier, and the
Countess von Bayern report finding it still in use by the
shepherds. These modern quipus are very simple affairs

Fig. 49. A Quipu from Chancay, Peru. See diagram

on opposite page.

The pendent strands are grouped in fours, each group being
tied with a top strand. The top strand sums the numbers on
the four pendent strands. In the diagram, Fig. 50, each dot
indicates one unit; each x, a ten; each O a hundred, and
©) indicates a thousand.

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102 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

consisting of a short cord with only a very few pendent
strands (Figs. 49, 50). It will be seen that in this par-
ticular quipu the pendent cords are grouped in fours,
each group having a top cord that sums the numbers
on the four pendent strands.

In the first group the second cord has one knot on the
ten line, the third has six on the one line, and the
fourth one on the one line; making seventeen in all.
The top cord shows seventeen also, viz., one on the ten
line, and seven above the one line. It is a sort of double
entry bookkeeping. Inthe second group, as will be seen,
there is a discrepancy of one hundred, which may be
due to a mistake of the keeper or to the age and condi-
tion of the specimen. One of the cords in the fifth
eroup is missing. ‘The others give the same sums on
their top and bottom cords. ‘This specimen may be
taken as the highest development of the quipu, as only a
few of them have the top cords. There is a great variety
in the grouping of the pendent cords, six occurring fre-
quently, while many have these strands attached to the
main cord singly.

Medicines and Surgery. Garcilasso, the old Inca
historian, quaintly says:—

They had gained so much knowledge in physic as to know that bleed-
ing and purging were necessary evacuation; the blood they drew from
the legs and arms or forehead; and because they were not acquainted
with the anatomy of the veins they opened that which was nearest to
the pain. . . Their lancet was made of a sharp-pointed flint set at the
end of a small cane, which being laid on the vein, with a gentle fillip
cuts it with less pain than our ordinary lancets do. (Book 2, Chapter
XIT.)

He further states that they used for a purge a small
white root resembling a turnip, which they beat to a
powder, and took with water. The sap of the molle
tree was used to heal fresh wounds; the herb called
Chillca when heated, for pains in the joints; tobacco in

ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE 103

the form of snuff for colds; the herb called matecclu
for the eyes. He says:—

The Indians who were my relatives used divers other herbs, but the
names and qualities of them I cannot remember. The bark and flowers
of the Chinchona plant were used as a febrifuge. The large number of
trephined skulls found in the graves and the pottery figures showing
men whose feet have been amputated attest to the advance they had
made in surgery.

Trephining was done with
a piece of obsidian or sharp
stone. After the advent of the
Spaniards the Indian medi-
cinemen used a piece of broken
bottle, a knife, chisel, or any
sharp implement. Fig. 52
shows the famous Squier skull
from an Inca cemetery in the
Valley of Yucay, in the E. G.
Squier collection, now belong-
ing to the American Museum.
Previous to this find, it was
not known to the scientific
world that trephining was
practised in Peru in ancient
times. M. Broca, after a criti-
eal examination of this skull,
presented a paper to the An-
thropological Society of Paris.
This paper is too long to quote
in full, but the following are the first three paragraphs :—

The walls of the skull are very thick, and it presents characteristics
which could only belong to an Indian of Peru. And I shall proceed to
show that the trepanning was practised during life.

Upon the left side of the external plate of the frontal bone there is a
large white spot, quite regular, almost round, or rather slightly elliptical,
forty-two millimeters long and forty-seven broad. The outlines of this

Fig. 51. Peruvian Lancet.

104 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

spot are not irregular or sinuous. The surface is smooth, and presents
the appearance of an entirely normal bone. Around this, to the edges,
the general color of the skull is notably browner, and is perforated by a
great number of small holes, caused by the dilation of the canaliculi.
The line of demarkation between the smooth and cribriform surfaces is
abrupt, and it is perfectly certain that the smooth surface had been
denuded of its periosteum several days before death. It is thus, in
truth, that denudations of the cranium behave. In the denuded points,

Fig. 52. A Case of Trephining, the
famous Squier Skull. The operation
was doubtless performed with a piece

of obsidian or a sharp stone.

the superficial layer of the external table, deprived of vessels, and thus
deprived of life, undergoes no change, and preserves its normal structure;
while the surrounding parts, in undergoing the effects of traumatic
inflammation, become the seat of the ostitis.

After considering the development of these perforations (porosites) of
the external table of the denuded surface, it seems to me impossible to
admit that the subject could have survived the denudation less than
seven or eight days. M. Nélaton, who examined the specimen, thinks
he,may have survived fifteen days. (Squier, Appendix A.)

ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE L105

In Peru, where clubs with star-shaped heads of stone
and copper, and slings for throwing stones were in
common use, fracture of the skull must have been of
frequent occurrence, and trephining often resorted to in
such cases. It is altogether probable that the operation
was also performed on account of some religious belief.

Amputation of the foot seems to have been a common
surgical operation in the coast region, as a number of

Fig. 53. Prehistoric Surgery: Pottery vessels showing ampu-
tation of the foot (at the left) and the placing of a cap over the
stump. In Fig. 48 one of the dancing figures wears such a stump.

pottery human figures in the Museum’s collection repre-
sent men who have lost one or both feet. These figures
show the skin drawn over the stump, as it would be by
a surgeon today (Fig. 53). It seems highly probable
that this operation was made necessary by asmall sand
flea (Hremita analoga), which is very common in the
desert parts of the Peruvian coast, and which burrows
into the sole of the foot to deposit its egg sack. This

106 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

must be extracted whole, for if it is ruptured serious
trouble will follow, even to the loss of the foot. The
pottery figure on Fig. 54 shows a man looking at the sole
of his foot, in which we see the depressions from which

egg sacks have been removed. ,

Fig. 54. Pottery Figure of a Man
examining the Sole of his Foot from
which the Eggs of a Small Sand Flea
have been extracted.

Fig. 53 also shows a man fitting a cup-shaped extension
to the stump to replace his lost foot. If we look at Fig.
48 we find one of the dancers wearing this same device.

Narcotics. The dried leaves of the coca plant (Ery-
throxylum coca, Lamarck), with the addition of a little
lime, were chewed exactly as is the betel nut in the East.

ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE 107

Indian carriers always have a coca bag slung at their
side, and if given a good supply of these leaves will
carry a heavy burden over the mountains for days with
little or no food. Around the necks of mummies we
generally find well-filled coca bags placed there by
thoughtful relatives, that the journey to the next world
may be pleasant. The very useful local anesthetic,
cocaine, is derived from coca leaves. ‘Tobacco was well
known to the Peruvians, yet, it seems to have only been
used as a medicine, in the form of snuff.

Chicha, a kind of beer, made from maize, was the
national drink when the Spaniards entered the country,
and has lost none of its popularity since that time. In
all the festive gatherings of the Indians the drinking of
chicha is still the chief feature of the occasion, and the
ceremonies, whether religious or otherwise, seldom end
until all are completely intoxicated. .

Sayings of the Wise. Inca traditions attribute
many wise sayings to the Inca Virachocha who is gen-
erally believed to have reigned about one hundred
years before the time of Huayna Capac. The following
is related by Garcilasso (Book V, Chap. X XIX) on the
authority of Blas Valera :—

Parents are oftentimes the cause of ruin to their children, when either
they educate them with such fondness, that they never cross them in
their wills, or desires, but suffer them to act and do whatsoever they
please, whereby they become so corrupt in the manners of their infancy
that vice grows ripe with them at the years of manhood. Others, on the
contrary, are so severe and cruel to their children that they break the
tenderness of their spirits and affright them from learning, discouraging
them in that manner by menaces and lectures of a supercilious pedant,
that their wits are abased, and despair of attaining to knowledge and
virtue. The way is to keep an indifferent mean between both, by
which youth becomes valiant and hardy in war, and wise and political
in time of peace.

108 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

If this saying is rightly attributed to Vira-chocha it
shows that the great problem now agitating parents, as
to the best way of bringing up their children, also
troubled the Incas many years ago.

Language. Many languages and dialects were
spoken in Peru, but on account of our very imperfect
knowledge of the subject, it will be possible to speak
of them only in a very general way. At the time of the
Conquest the languages used over the largest areas
were the Quichua and the Aymara.

Quichua, the language of the Incas, was spoken in
most localities, from Quito almost to the southern con-
fines of the empire, in the region about Cuzco, and to the
east of Lake Titicaca. It had also been introduced
among some tribes to the south into what is now the
Argentine Republic.

Aymara was the language of the Collao, the region
northwest, west, and south of Lake Titicaca.

A large and powerful nation on the northern coast,
having its capital and center at Chan Chan, near
Trujillo, spoke a language which is generally called
Chimu. Twenty years ago it was said that many of the
inhabitants of the little village of Santa Rosa, near
Eten, still spoke the original Chimu language.

Notwithstanding the remarkable cultural advance
made by the Peruvians they had no hieroglyphic or
other form of written language.

Garcilasso (Royal Commentaries, Book VII, Chap. 1)
says that a policy of the Incas which conduced to the
regular government of their empire was a command laid
upon all their vassals to learn the language of the court
(Quichua). Certain masters were appointed to instruct
the people. The reasons for commanding the use of a
common language were, first, to avoid the multitude of
interpreters which would be necessary for understanding

ACHIEVEMENTS IN CULTURE | 109

the various languages spoken within the jurisdiction of
that great empire; second, the Inca took particular
satisfaction in addressing his subjects directly instead of
through an interpreter. This is interesting in many
ways; for one thing, it suggests how uniformity in
language may be brought about.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The following works are but a small part of the extensive bibliog-
raphy of Peru but will be found sufficient for anyone wishing to acquire
a general acquaintance with the subject.

Acosta, José de. The Naturall and Morall Historie of the Indies.
London, 1604.

Baessler, Arthur. Ancient Peruvian Art. 4 vols. Berlin and New
York, 1902-3.

Bandelier, Adolph Francis. The Islands of Titicaca and Koati. New
York, 1910.

von Bayern, Prinzessin Therese. Reisestudien aus dem Westlichen
Siidamerika. 2 vols. Berlin, 1908.

Beck, Hugo. Geographic und Statistik der Republic Bolivia (Peter-
mann’s Mittheilungen, 1865).

Bingham, Hiram. The Story of Machu Picchu. (National Geographic
Magazine, February, 1915.)

Boman, Eric. Antiquités de la Région Andine. 2 vols. Paris, 1917.

Cieza de Leon, Pedro de. Travels. Edited by Clements R. Markham.
London, 1864.

Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru. Edited

by Clements R. Markham. London, 1883.

Conway, Sir Martin. Climbing and Exploration in the Bolivian Andes.
New York and London.

Crawford, M. D. C. Peruvian Textiles (Anthropological Papers,
American Museum of Natural History, vol.
12, part 3, 1915).

Peruvian Fabrics (Anthropological Papers,

American Museum of Natural History, vol.
12, part 4, 1915).

Dorsey, George A. Archeological Investigations on the Island of La
Plata. Chicago, 1901.

Garcilasso de la Vega. Royal Commentaries of Peru. Ed. Rycaut.
London, 1688.

Holmes, W. H. Textile Fabrics of Ancient Peru (Bulletin 7, Bureau of
Ethnology, Washington, 1899).

Hutchinson, Thomas J. Two Yearsin Peru. 2 vols. London, 1873.

Joyce, Thomas A. South American Archeology. New York, 1912.

Lehmann, Walter. The Art of Old Peru. Berlin, London, New York,

1924.

Locke, L. L. The Ancient Quipu or Peruvian Knot Record (American

Museum of Natural History, 1923.)

110

BIBLIOGRAPHY tit

Markham, Clements R. The Ineas of Peru. New York, 1910.

Mead, Charles W. Prehistoric Bronze in South America (Anthro-
pological Papers, American Museum of
Natural History, vol. 12, part 2, 1915).

Peruvian Art (Guide Leaflet No. 46, American
Museum of Natural History, 1919).

Middendorf, E.W. Peru. 3 vols. Berlin, 1894-95.

Prescott, William H. Conquest of Peru. 2 vols. New York, 1847.

Raimondi, Antonio. El Peru. 3 vols. Lima, 1874.

Reiss, W. and Stiibel, A. The Necropolis of Ancon. 3 vols. Berlin,
1880-87.

Seler, Eduard. Peruanische Altherthumer. Berlin, 1893.

Squier, E. George. Incidents of Travel and Exploration in the Land of
the Incas. New York, 1877.

Stiibel, Alphons and Uhle, Max. Die Ruinenstatte von Tiahuanaco.
Breslau, 1872.

von Tschudi, Johann J. Reisen durch Siidamerika. 5 vols. Leipzig,
1868.

Uhle, Max. Pachacamac. Philadelphia, 1903.

Ulloa, Antonio and Juan, George. A Voyage to South America. London,
1760.

Wiener, Charles. Pérou et Bolivia. Paris, 1880.

INDEX

Agriculture, 26-29.

Ak-kapana, megalithic structure
at, 13-16.

Alpaca, hunting and use of, 25.

Altitudes, Peruvian mountain
peaks, 8, 9.

Amputation, practised by Peru-
vians, 105-106.

Ancon, 56.

Animal, food, 25; forms, conven-
tionalized in Peruvian art, 91.
Anthropomorphic forms, Peruvian

art, 88.

Aqueduct, 21;
Trujillo, 57.

Arch, unknown in Inea architec-
ture, 49.

Architecture, 21, 47-51.

Art, characteristics, Peruvian cul-
ture centers, 12; decorative and
religious, 88-92; Nazca region,
13; realistic, Trujillo, 12; Tia-
huanaco, 13-16.

Armor, defensive, 61.

Army, Inca, 61-64.

Arrow, 61.

Astronomy, Inca knowledge of, 97.

Ailatl, throwing stick, 61-63.

Autumnal equinox, festival after,
80.

Ax, copper or bronze, 20, 61.

Aymara, 24, 108.

Chimbote, 27;

Balsa, construction of, 65.

Bandelier, Adolph Francis, work
cen

Baskets, use of, 30, 32-33.

Bast fiber, used in weaving, 38.

Beads, materials used for, 35.

Bird god, 81-82.

Bobbin weave, technique of, 39.

Bolas, 44.

Bow, 61.

Bracelets, metal, 35.

Breast ornament, Inca, 20.

Bridges, suspension, construction
of, 53.

Bronze, art of making, 44, 45;
implements of, 48.

Building materials, 47.

Burial, customs, 84-87; towers,
Acora and Sillustani, 86-87.
Burials, near Pachacamac and

Ancon, 55.

Carding, weaving fibers, 37.

Carrying strap, 65, 70.

Ceremonial staff, Tiahuanaco art,
16.

Ceremonies, Peruvian, 78; parti-
cipation of women in, 72.

Chan Chan, Trujillo built on site
of, 56.

Charms, general, 75; individual, 76.

Chastity, requirement for Virgins
of the Sun, 76-77.

Chavin, megalithic structures at,
1

Chicha, drink made from maize,
39, 72, 79, 107.
Children, care and treatment of,
107; ceremony at weaning, 81.
Chimu, extent of territory, 56;
Inca domination of, 57; lan-
guage, 108.

Chronology, Inca, 17-18.

Chuiu, potato prepared for food,
29.

114 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

Cities, Inca, 53-57.

City-state, Inca government, 53.

Climate, Cuzco, 53.

Coca, chewed by Peruvians, 106-
107.

Coil process, in pottery making, 30.

Color, Nazca pottery, 13; pre-
Inca pottery, 88; Trujillo
pottery, 12-13.

Combs, method of making, 36.

Concacha, megalithic structure at,
11.

Conquered provinces, treatment
by Inca, 59-60.

Conquest, Spanish in Peru, 1.

Conventionalization in art, 88-
90; Nazca, 13.

Copper, use of, 44.

Corn, preparation and use as food,
29.

Corpus Christi, festival of, Tia-
huanaco, 73.

Costume, Inca, 20.

Cotton, Peruvian, kinds of, 37;
distribution of crop, 59.

Crime, punishment for, 58.

Cultivation of land, laws for, 58—
59; methods of, 26.

Culture, Peruvian, achievements
in, 21-22, 97-109; centers of,
12; compared with Mexican,
22; homogeneity of megalithic,
12.

Cuzco, description of, 53-54;
megalithic structures at, 11;
traditions of founding, 83-84.

Dancing, method of, 73, 95, 96.

Darts, use of, 61.

Death, Inca customs connected
with, 73.

Decorative art, 88-92.

Deformation, of head, 24.

Designs, on cloth and pottery, 88;
mosaic, on feather-work, 41;
motives, Tiahuanaco, 14, 16;
motives, 88, 89-92.

Digging-stick, use of, 26.

Divination, 78.

Domestication, of animals, 16.

Donors, Peruvian collections, 1-2.

Doors, form of, Inca, 51.

Dress, man’s, 33; woman’s, 33-34.

Drum, importance in producing
rhythm for dancing, 95.

Earplugs, 35; Inca, 20.

Endurance, tests of, Inca, 20-21.

Enemies, heads preserved, Nazca,
67.

Environment, Peruvian, 9, 11;
effect on agricultural products,
ai.

Feather-work, technique of, 41.

Figurines, gold and silver, 36.

Fish, god, 81-82; manner of
catching, 25.

Food, animal, 25-26; offerings, at
burial, 84, 86.

Furnace, pottery, for smelting
metals, 45.

Geometrical figures, Peruvian art,
88.

God, chief Peruvian, before Inca
conquest, 77.

Gods, Inea, 75.

Gold, methods of securing, 43-44.

Gourd vessels, decoration of, 29.

Government, Inca empire, 16, 53;
Peruvian, 21.

Glyph-like figures, Peruvian art,
91, 92.

INDEX

Hair dress, women’s, 36.

Headdress, Inca, 20.

Head form, Aymara, 24; Peruvian
Indians, 23.

Heads, human, method of preser-
vation, 67; shrunken, Jivaros
Indians, 69-70.

Heald rod, Peruvian loom, 38-39.

Hierarchy, Inca, 75.

Historical Period, Peruvian, 21.

Household, arts and industries,
25-46; utensils, 29-30.

Houses, construction and types of,
47-48.

Huaraz, megalithic structure at, 11.

Huifaque, megalithic structure
at, 11.

Hunting methods, 25-26;
used in, 63.

atlatl

Idols, 75; festival of, Cuzco, 79.

Implements, agricultural, 26;
hunting, 25; used in stone work-
ing, 48; weaving, 30, 32, 38-39.

Inca, position in government, 16—
17; power as ruler, 22; rulers,
17-18; training of the, 20.

Inca empire, administration of,
58; extent of, 10, 16, 22-23.

Inca period, 16-21.

Independent development, Peru-
vian culture, 22, 23.

Inheritance, Inca laws for, 60.

Irrigation systems, 21, 26-27.

Jivaros, shrunken heads of, 69-70.

Land, division and ownership of,
58; laws, Inca, 60.

Language, Aymara, 108; Quichua,
108-109.

Laws, Inca Empire, 58.

115

Lead, use of, 44.

Llama, beast of burden, 65;
domestication of, 16.

Llama Mana, offerings to, 76.

Loom, description of, 38-39.

Maize, prayers to representation of
spirit, 75; storage for use of
army, 63.

Marriage ceremonies, 80-81.

Mats, plaited, uses of, 33.

Medicines, knowledge and use of,
102-103.

Megalithic cultures, Inca empire
derived from, 16; extent of, 23;
period, 11-16; structures, dis-
tribution of, 11-12.

Metal work, 30, 35, 36; technique
of, 41-46.

Metate, use of, 29.

Mines, worked for benefit of Inca,
59.

Mining, of silver, 44.

Modeling, Trujillo center, 13.

Monuments, Chimu territory, 56.

Mortar, stone, 29.

Moulds, pottery vessels cast in, 30.

Mountains, Peruvian territory, 9.

Mourning customs, Inca, 73.

Mummy bundles, Ancon, 56;
description of, 85, 86.

Music, Peruvian, 73.

Musical instruments, 92—95.

Myths, resembling biblical ac-
counts, 82-83.

Mythological beings, 81-82.

Mythology, 79-84.

Naming ceremony, 81.

Narcotics, 106—107.

Narratives, of Spanish chroniclers,
I.

116 OLD CIVILIZATIONS OF INCA LAND

Nazca, characterization of art, 13.
Niches, in Inca walls, 51.
Nose form, Inca, 20.

Offerings, to idols, 75, 76.

Ollantaytambo, megalithic struc-
tures at, 11.

Ornaments, personal, 35-36.

Origin, Inca empire, 16.

Pachacamac, chief divinity of the
Peruvians, 77; temple of, 55.

Painting, on pottery, 12-13.

Panpipe, Peruvian, 92, 95.

Pestles, stone, 29.

Physical type, Inca, 18, 19; pres-
ent Peruvian Indians, 23-24.

Pin, copper or bronze, use of, 29, 35.

Pizarro, 11, 63.

Plaiting technique, in baskets and
mats, 32-33.

Plants, cultivated in Peru, 27-28.

Political organization, 58.

Poncho, feather-work, 41; Inca,
20; quilted cotton, 61.

Potato festival, Tiahuanaco, 73;
preparation for use, 29.

Pottery, Ancon and Pachacamac,
56; characterization of, 21, 22;
decoration of, 12; forms, 30;
fruits and vegetables repro-
duced in, 27; method of making,
30; models of houses made in,
47; pre-Inca, 88; uses of, 29.

Prayers, objects receiving, 75.

Property, ownership and rights in,
59.

Pyramids, construction of, 56,
97-98.

Pyrography, gourd vessels decor-
ated by, 29.

Puma god, 81-82.

Quecap, megalithic structure at, 11.
Quichua language, 108.
Quicksilver, use of, 44.

Quinoa, raising of, 27.

Quipu, knot record, 21, 59, 98-102.

Race, during training of Inea, 20.

Rainfall, Peruvian territory, 9.

Realism, Trujillo art, 12.

Realistic representations, Peru-
vian art, 88.

Rebellion, punishment for, 58.

Religion, 75-78, Inca, Lake Titi-
caca center of, 83.

Religious art, 88-92.

Reservoir, Valley of Nepena, 27.

Rings, metal, 35.

Ritual, planting, 79-80.

Ritualistic ceremonies, 75.

Roads, construction of Inca, 51-52.

Rooms, Inca buildings, construc-
tion, 51.

Sacrifice, first appearance of
maize, 80; summer solstice, 78;
festival of idols, Cuzco, 79.

Sacsahuaman, fortress of, 49, 55;
megalithic structures at, 11.

Sails, rushes, used on balsa, 65.

Sandals, 35.

Sara mana, spirit of maize, 75.

Sedan, use of, 65-67.

Shelter, types of, 48.

Shield, Inca used in war, 20, 61.

Shrine, of Pachacamac, 77.

Shrunken heads, Jivaros, 70.

Silver, mining of, 44.

Skin color, Inca, 20.

Sling, use of, 61.

Smelting metals, methods of,
45-46.

Social organization, 58.

INDEX

Solstices, ceremonies at, 78.

Songs, planting ritual, 79.

Spear, for capturing fish, 25;
thrown with atlatl, 61-62.

Spindles, 71.

Spinning, methods of, 37, 70-71.

Stature, present Peruvian Indians,
24.

Stone work, 48-49; Sacsahuaman,
55; Tiahuanaco, 13-16.

Sun worship, Incas, 75.

Taboos, summer solstice cere-
mony, 78.

Tapestry, weaving of, 39.

Tempering metals, unknown to
Peruvians, 46.

Temple of the Sun, Cuzco, 54-55;
Pachacamac, 55.

Temples, Peruvian, 76; Virgins
of the Sun, 76.

Terrace agriculture, 26.

Terraces, houses built on, 47.

Territory, extent of Peruvian, 9.

Textiles, variety and techniques
of, 36-39, 56.

Tiahuanaco, art of, 13-16.

Time, method of reckoning, 97.

Tin, use of, 44.

Tobacco, used in form of snuff, 107.

Topography, Peruvian territory, 9.

Topu, shawl pin, 29.

Towers, for astronomical observa-
tions, 97-98.

Traditions, Inca, 108; Peruvian,
56.

Transportation, methods of, 16,
53, 64-67.

117

Trephining, method of, 103-105.
Tribute, to the Inca, 59.
Trujillo, description of, 56.

Vegetable forms, in pottery, 30,
ol.

Vermilion, use of, 44.

Vessels, use of metal, 30; variety
for cooking, 29.

Vicuna, hunting and use of, 25.

Viracocha, sayings of, 107.

Virgins of the Sun, duties and
privileges, 76-77.

Wall construction, 48-51, 55.

War, Inca, causes for, 59; club,
20, 61; costume for, 20; train-
ing for, 20-21; trophies, 67—70.

Weapons, used in war, 20, 25, 61.

Weave sword, 39.

Weaving, fibers used in, 37-38;
methods of repairing, 72;
shown on pottery vessel, 39; by
Peruvian women, 70; by Virgins
of the Sun, 76.

Whistling jar, description of,. 92,
95.

Wind instruments, 92, 96.

Wise, sayings of the, 107—108.

Women, status of, ancient Peru,
70-73.

Wood, use in Inca architecture,
49,

Wool, distribution of, 59; use in
weaving, 37-38.

Worship, objects of Inca, 75.

Yarns, method of spinning, 36.

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