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NAA AI AIAAS- 4 Ven lal ann = i ~~ aanannannannannnnnn MalalalalalalelV asgasaaaeas anne vaeneee fam ENN AAAAARye ~*~ aaanaaaae POIIII IIR ERAGE ES AARAAAeane nasatss AAA AANaAARaaaannaans Annare FEES PARAAIaG aR ARAAAs we SN mm PN epee annnnen Aan aaanaeiaaee Sanaepeeee nner — a a. a oe TIES — (= = am Ips aS) VEN 5A NAN ANA RA mm mm % 5 a |e Ve i = - XRF (af on [A ms fe pam A A pl en fll fi i pe yn 7 ~~ a Fy ae ot et ek: enn, A A . aoe =a ~zaMeaa pn Yeo ~ > re ae anne = uM PB 20 DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. U. 8. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION. J. W. POWELL, Gronoaist In CHARGE. CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY, ie eo 8) 1894 LIBRARY. VOLUME: &. WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFIOGE. 1877. a — q & FI C1GX% eet | ANTH jd ——_ te a i ; j DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, U. 8. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVEY or THE Rocky Mountain Region, Washington, D. C., October 15, 1876. Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith Volume I of the Contribu- tions to North American Ethnology, comprising a report on the tribes of Alaska by W. H. Dall, and a report on the Indians of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon by George Gibbs. I am, with great respect, your obedient servant, J. W. POWELL, In charge. The Hon. Secretary or THE INTERIOR, Washington, D. C. 1 wu ItI—IV PREFACE. During the past ten years much of my time has been spent among the Indians of the Rocky Mountain region. In the earlier years I collected many short vocabularies of the various tribes with whom I met. From time to time, as opportunity afforded, many of these vocabularies were enlarged. I soon learned to enlist Indians in my party, and to seize every opportunity of conversing with them in their own language, in order that I might acquire as much knowledge of their tongues as possible. A large number of vocabularies were collected, some embracing but a few hundred words, others two or three thousand each. These Indians, among whom I traveled, belonged chiefly to one great family—the Numas, a stock embracing many languages, and several of the languages having more than one dialect. I also made notes on the grammatic characteristics of these languages to the extent of my opportunity. In the mean time some of my assistants collected vocabularies furnish- ing important additional material. Much of this related to families other than the one in which I was making especial studies. In such a hasty review of the general literature of this subject as I was able to make, my attention was attracted to some interesting publica- tions in the Overland Monthly, from the pen of Mr. Stephen Powers, and soon a correspondence was begun, which finally resulted in my receiving from that gentleman a large amount of linguistic and other ethnographic material, the results of his labors for many years among the Indians of California. From time to time other vocabularies were sent me from various per- sons throughout the Rocky Mountain region. Up to this time I had not expected to publish anything on this subject in my reports, but it was my intention to turn over the whole of what I had collected, through others and by my own labors, to the Smithsonian Vv vl PREFACE. Institution. to be consolidated and published with a still larger amount collected from various sources, through the officers and collaborators of that Institution. The materials collected by the Smithsonian Institution, together with a part collected by myself, were placed in the hands of Mr. George Gibbs, that eminent ethnologist and linguist, to be published in the Smithsonian Contri- butions under his editorial management. By his death this plan of publica- tion was necessarily delayed. By this time the materials in my hands had increased to such an extent that it seemed but justice to my assistants and myself that it should be published with as little delay as possible. I there- fore laid the whole matter before Prof. Joseph Henry, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, that I might have the benefit of his advice on the subject. He kindly gave consideration to the matter, and a full review of the subject led to the following correspondence : ‘* DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, “U.S. Groc. anp Grou. Survey Rocky Mounrtary Recion, “J. W. PowELi, GEoLoaist IN CHARGE, “Washington, D. C., October 2, 1876. “Sir: Knowing that the Smithsonian Institution has been for many years making collections of vocabularies of various North American lan- guages and dialects, I beg leave to make the following statement and sug- gestion : ‘“T have myself been collecting vocabularies of many of the same tribes, in which work I have been assisted by several gentlemen who are making studies of North American Indians, and thus I have on hand a large amount of linguistic material, consisting of vocabularies, grammatie notices, &c., which I desire to publish at.an early date. In the continuance of this lin- guistic work it will be of very great advantage to have the material in the hands of the Smithsonian Institution published immediately, so that in the future there will be no duplication of what has already been accomplished. It would also seem wise to consolidate the Smithsonian material with my own. I therefore beg leave to suggest that the material in your hands may be turned over to me for publication. : PREFACE. vii “Should you consider it wise to thus intrust me with this material I will proceed with the publication as rapidly as the matter can be prepared, and when published I shall be pleased to give the proper credit to the Institu- tion for the great work performed in the collection of the material, and to those who have taken part in the work. “T am, with great respect, your obedient servant, “J. W. POWELL. “Prof. JosepH Henry, “Secretary Smithsonian Institution, “Washington, D. C. “ SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, “Washington, October 10, 1876. “Dear Sir: Your letter of October 2, proposing that the Smithsonian Institution should turn over to you for publication all the material it has collected in regard to Indian linguistics, has been received, and after due consideration I have concluded, on the part of the Institution, to accept your proposition, and to place in your hands all the materials of the kind mentioned now in our possession, it being understood that full credit will be given to the Institution for the materials thus received by yourself, and also to the several contributors. “Among the latter, we would especially call your attention to the claims of George Gibbs, whose elaboration of the materials in his possession you will find of importance in the preparation of the vocabularies for the press. “This transfer is made in accordance with the general policy of the Smithsonian Institution of doing nothing with its income which can be equally well done by other means. “Yours, very truly, “JOSEPH HENRY. “J: W. Powe tt, “In charge U. 8. Geographical and Geological Survey, “Washington, D. C.” This threw into my hands several hundred manuscript vocabularies, with extensive grammatic notes collected from tribes scattered throughout vill PREFACE. the greater part of North America. Examination proved that I probably had in my hands valuable linguistic material relating to every family, and perhaps every language but two within the limits of the United States. After a somewhat hasty review of the subject, a selection from this material was made, to be published as the first volume of ‘‘ Contributions to North American Ethnology ”. In order that the great number of collaborators throughout the country might have an earnest of the speedy publication of the results of their labors, this volume was rather hurriedly sent to the press. Perhaps, had a little more time been taken to the proper digestion of the subject, a somewhat different arrangement would have been made. I at least hope to improve on the methods of presenting the subject in subsequent volumes. The contributions in this volume from the pen of Mr. Gibbs will, it is believed, be found to be of exceeding value. On every page are exhibited evidences of his thorough and conscientious work, and it must ever be a matter of deep regret to American linguists that Mr. Gibbs was not spared to complete his labors, and to give to all this great collection of linguistics that better finish that would have resulted from his editorial skill. It seemed proper that a biographie notice of Mr. Gibbs should appear in the introduction to this volume, and I had commenced the preparation of such a notice ; but when I learned that a ‘“‘ Memorial of George Gibbs” had been written by John Austin Stevens, jr., and published by the New York Historical Society, and subsequently republished in the Smithsonian Report for 1873, I recognized that this task had been performed far better than I could do it myself. To Mr. W. H. Dall I am indebted not only for his valuable contribu- tions, but also for his kindly painstaking assistance in the general prepara- tion of the volume. The valuable contributions from the pens of Dr. William F. Tolmie and Rey. Father Mengarini are but a part of the material in my hands col- lected by these gentlemen. I hope that the method of publication adopted will meet with their approval. Mr. J. C. Pilling has rendered me valuable assistance in his proof- PREFACE. 1x reading of the greater part of the volume—a work which he has performed with care and skill. For the last ten years I have habitually laid before Professor Henry all of my scientific work, and have during that time received the benefit of his judgment on these matters, and to a great extent I am indebted to him for advice, encouragement, and influence. In expressing my gratitude to the Professor, I beg also to express the hope that the results of my work will not wholly disappoint him. J. W. POWELL. j ee a a DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. U. 8. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF TIE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION. J. W. POWELL, GroLoGist IN CHARGE. TRIBES OF THE EXTREME NORTHWEST. BY Wis Es Dt Ag E:. TRIBES OF WESTERN WASHINGTON AND NORTHWESTERN OREGON, BY BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY, 4350 1894 LIBRARY. GHO: GirBES. WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFLPICE MiG Ge XI—XII TABLE OF CONTENTS. ° PART I. On the distribution and nomenclature of the native tribes of Alaska and the adjacent territory, YIN GYM 555550 sore c2seSs canosd ooonso SSses6 se Ssessse cosas Vivo lib 10 en oecnccs 655se5 6656 On succession in the shell-heaps of the Aleutian Islands ..--.. ---- Vivo Lb WU sagneasa accoadocse Remarks on the origin of the Innuit ..........-.-. .---.-.---..--- \i/R SID eae Sea Sen esnoosaces APPENDIX TO PART I. Notesion the natives of Alaska: --. .-5.c--c-2--0--ess~-5 = -- o---6 J. Boge SABO SOSA OS CONE Terms of relationship used by the Innuit............-.----..-.--W.H. Dall ..........--..----. Comparative vocabularies .-----. Saaeee nae oa ee soe sone eee aoe Gibbs‘and!Dalli:.---..--.--..-.-- PART II. Tribes of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon, with map.George Gibbs. ..-....----.---- APPENDIX TO PART II. Comparative vocabularies ...--...-.---.---------------.-------- Gibbs, Tolmie, and Mengarini.. Niskwalli-Pimolish) dictionary=-.2-. ---2-~ <=. --0--0 + -- -- --\-- == -- GOOTEO GIDbS)---- enn o= e-=--- English-Niskwalli dictionary. -..-------------.----.------------- George Gibbs ........-....---- XIMI-XIV Page. 7 41 93 a DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. U. S. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION, J. W. POWELL, Grouocisr iN Citarce. PAC a? le TRIBES OF THE EXTREME NORTHWEST. ye We. Get. A Te, are 5 = =) al 7 ‘ eo. x . < = s ‘ 4 ; ‘ - a! ee a = , ; . 4 — oi 9 er $ i é ; (yan 2 a, el cs, |e Mian na oe P ax oa = ¢ - 7 : = “57 = - : k : fil Wiyroet’ ge 2 ” ‘ey _ Pe mr ; ¥ ; = 9s : SMITHSONIAN LystTITUTION, Washington, D. C., June 14, 1876. Dear Sir: In conformity with your suggestion, I have the honor of transmitting to you herewith a manuscript containing information in regard to the distribution, population, origin, and condition, past and present, of the native races inhabiting our extreme northwestern territory, the material for which has been gathered during some eight years of study, exploration, and travel in the region referred to. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, yours, WM. H. DALL. Prof. J. W. Powe 1, Geologist in Charge, United States Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, Washington, D. C. 3 } aia ee eo gD apna ob es f pee nee as Neri at es who myer weary uf eae ie loyae Any 7G heat Pel Sb -_ 1 . ; ; peg PL) ut aS We hi wary | CON SE Ee ING ES: Page. AnvicLé I.—On the distribution and nomenclature of the native tribes of Alaska and the adjacent LELLELOLY) 7 WAUNGINAP Wes a aasns antares ccs em's cise dlecise sos smee a2 eczcuteece seeceecewes te cemc 7 AnvicLe II.—On succession in the shell-heaps of the Aleutian Islands...........--..--..-.---- AL ARTICLE JI-—Remarks on the origin of the Innuit..............-. i S-26 ie ne - et ea i = i , ON THE DISTRIBUTION AND NOMENCLATURE OF THE NATIVE TRIBES OF ALASKA AND THE ADJACENT TERRITORY. With a Map. BS Wie ELS IAI: The information contaimed in this article forms a summary of investigations which I have pursued since 1865, while engaged in duties which took me, at one time or another, to nearly the whole of the coast herein mentioned and over a considerable portion of the interior. As a digest of the present state of our knowledge in regard to the tribal and ter- ritorial boundaries of these people, it may form a not unfitting appendix or supplement to the great mass of similar information in relation to more southern tribes, which is by no means the least among the many results obtained during the progress of the United States Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region under the direction of Prof. J. W. Powell. The accompanying map, in addition to affording the ethnological information for which it was compiled, has also been brought up to date geographically, and thus presents, far more fully than any other extant, the latest and best data in regard to the geography of the region represented. The names of tribes of Orarian stock are in leaning letters, those of the various Indian tribes are in upright lettering. The investigations from which the ethnological features are derived were concluded in the summer of 1874. It is probable that, with the exception of the interior tribes of Indians, the tribal and territorial limits assigned will require but little future revision. : 7 8 Apart from my own investigations, the principal authorities from which information has been derived are Wrangell,* Holmberg,+ Ross and Gibbs,t{ Bendel,§ and various minor papers by Erman and Markham, Rink, and others in the Arctic Papers|| of 1875, and especially a most satisfactory and lucid paper by Dr. John Simpson, R. N., which bears not only internal evi- dence of care and accuracy, but is confirmed by what I have individually been able to learn of the people treated of by the author. Several papers of interest have appeared from the pen of M. Alphonse Pinart in relation to Alaska natives, but these convey little new information, excepting from a philological standpoint. The work of Mr. H. Bancroft, which has lately appeared, on the ‘“ Native Races of the Pacific Coast”, so far as it relates to the people with whom I am familiar is chiefly valuable for its numerous references to other works. Its arrangement is purely geo- graphical, and unwarranted by the characteristics or kinship of the people described. : A sketch not materially differing from the arrangement now proposed was given by me in the Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Salem meeting, 1869, and amplified with fuller vocabularies in 1870 in Alaska and its Resources. Numerous additions and corrections, as well as personal observation of much before taken at second hand, have placed it in my power to enlarge and improve my original ‘arrangement. ‘This is the object of the present paper. Jn 1869, 1 proposed for the Aleuts and people of Inniit stock collectively the term Orarians, as indicative of their coastwise distribution, and as sup- plying the need of a general term to designate a very well-defined race, which, though acknowledged as such by some ethnologists, had not received the general recognition which it called for. In referring to the various groups of people under particular stocks, I have introduced as far as prac- ticable a system of synonymy, showing approximately the various names applied to the same group by other authors, which may be of service in * Baer and Helmersen, Beitr. St. Petersburg, 8vo, 1839, t Ethnogr. Skiz. Act. Hels., 4to, 1855. {Smithsonian Report, 1866. § Proc. Agassiz Inst., Sacramento, Cal., 1873. || Royal Geogr, Soe., London, 8yo, 1875, i) correlating information from various sources in relation to their habits and customs. The Orarians are distinguished, 1, by their language, of which the dia- lects in construction and etymology bear a strong resemblance to one another throughout the group, and differ in their homogeneousness (as well as the foregoing characters) as strongly from the Indian dialects adjacent to them; 2, by their distribution, always confined to the sea-coasts or islands, sometimes entering the mouths of large rivers, as the Yukon, but only ascending them for a short distance, and as a rule avoiding the wooded country; 8, by their habits, more maritime and adventurous than the Indians, following, hunting, and killing not only the small seal but also the sea-lion and walrus. Even the great Arctic bowhead whale (and anciently the sperm whale) falls a victim to their persevering efforts; and the patent harpoon, almost universally used by American whalers in lieu of the old-fashioned article, is a copy, in steel, of the bone and slate weapon which the Inniit have used for centuries. Lastly, they are dis- tinguished by their physical characteristics, a light fresh yellow complexion, fine color, broad build, scaphocephalic head, great cranial capacity, and obliquity of the arch of the zygoma. ‘The patterns of their implements and weapons and their myths are similar in a general way throughout the group and equally different from the Indian types. The Orarians are divided into two well-marked groups, namely, the Inniit, comprising all the so-called Eskimo and Taskis and the Aleuts. Taking the tribes in fheir geographical sequence, we may commence with The Major Group, or = INNUIT. Syn.— Lsquimaur. Eskimo, &c., of authors. Eskima‘ntzik of the Abenaki Indians. Uskee'mi of the Northern 'Tinneh. His‘ky, Hudson Bay jargon—‘ Broken Slave”. In‘niit, the name applied by these people to themselves. containing the following tribes : 10 KOPA’G-MUT. Syn.” = Mackenzie River Eskimo, Richardson, and authors, = Kopdn'g-mein (plural), Dr. Simpson, R. N. < Kang-ma'li-inniin, Richardson. ? Tarréor-meut, Abbé Petitot. The terminations gy and m indicate the plural form of the collective noun. As we should say American in the adjective sense, meaning the American people, and Americans, meaning a small number of individuals of that race, so the Inntit say Innit, the. whole people of their race, and Inniin, some individuals of that race (Yut being the word for a man); or Kopag'-mit, the tribal designation, and Kopdn'g-meiin, some individuals of the tribe. Ko-pdg comes from Wok, river, and pdk, great—the designation meaning people of the great river, just as Kweekh and pak, form the desig- nation of the Yukon-mouth Innuit, from the same roots. The number of these people is comparatively few, and they are little known. They have a tattooed band across the face, and occasionally travel with the next tribe as far west as Barter Point in longitude 144° west of Greenwich. Details in regard to their manners and customs are given by Richardson, Franklin, and other travelers in the Mackenzie River District. They formerly extended two hundred miles up the Mackenzie River, but have been driven out by the Indians. KANGMALI‘GMOT. < Kangmdali-inniin, Richardson, Dr. Simpson. These people live along the coast, between Barter Island or Manning Poimt and the Mackenzie; their principal settlement being near Demarca- tion Point. They appear to be very few in number, and known principally as the most active agents in the inter-tribal trade between the Inntit of Point Barrow and those to the eastward. From Barter Island, the coast to the westward is uninhabited for nearly three hundred miles, except during the temporary summer trading excursions. One of the articles furnished by them is stated by Dr. Simpson to be skins of the narwhal (A7dl-lél’-li-a), which he speaks of as being used for covering kyaks. *Strickland’s convenient notation for synonymy,—of =, eqnal to, <, ineluding less, and >, = including more, than the author referred to,—has been adopted here, IL NOWUK-MUT. x= Niwun'g-mein, Dr. Simpson, Richardson, &c. Dr. Simpson’s paper, before referred to, is a monograph of the habits, customs, and appearance of these people who inhabit Point Barrow, Cape Smyth, and have smaller villages at Wainwright Inlet and Icy Cape. The name nuwuk means point, or The Point, and the appellation Niawik-miut is properly confined to the inhabitants of the village at Point Barrow; but those of the other villages mentioned,—though doubtless having other local names as do the people of all settlements, however small; are not differ- entiated in' any way of importance, as far as we know, from those of the principal settlement at Point Barrow. This had, in 1853, a population of about three hundred, and the other settlements perhaps half as much more. It is probable that since that time they have materially diminished in num- bers. These people have been more fully described than most of the Innuit of the Arctic coast, owing to the fact that several exploring vessels have wintered at Nawik. From Simpson, we learn that they travel on their summer excursions for barter as far east as Manning Point (or Barter Island), partly along the coast and partly through the numerous inlets and intersecting lagoons which border the continent not far from the sea-coast. The journey is an annual one, and is usually made in sixteen days. 'The party starts about the 5th of July, and spends a portion of the time in trading with the Nuanattin’g-meun, at the mouth of the Colville River, and return about the middle of August. NUNA-TO’G-MUT. == Nina-tin'g-menn, Dr, Simpson. These people inhabit specifically the mouth and shores of the Nan‘atok River, which enters the western extremity of Hotham Inlet, with outlying villages to the north and west, the principal of which is that at Point Hope, called Noo-na. They number some three or four hundred souls, as far as known. The character of those who meet the traders annually at Point Hope is bad. They are reported as very ingenious and persistent thieves, and exhibit a great degree of assurance, and even insolence, when their 12 numbers give them confidence and the whites are not numerous. These people ascend the Nanatik to a point where an easy portage can be had to the upper waters of the Colville, and have an annual barter at the mouth of the latter river with the eastward-bound Innuit from Point Barrow. The Nuanatok is also known as the Inland River, which is a translation of its Inniit name. ne fy KOWAG’-MUT. = Kowdn'g-méin, Dr. Simpson. Falling into Hotham Inlet, near its eastern extremity, is a river known as the Kowak, on the banks of which graphite and galena are found. A few Inntit inhabit the region near its mouth, and bear the above local name, while others somewhat to the eastward, on the Séla’wik River, are called Selawig'-mut. The latter have some trade with the Koyakak Indians. Most of the names above mentioned are merely local, and indicate no special peculiarities of language or habits. 'They may, for convenience, be correllated as follows: WESTERN MACKENZIE INNUIT. Kopd'gmiit, Kdng-mali'g-mit. WESTERN INNUIT. Nuawith'-mut, Nunato'g-mat, Kowdag'mat, Selawig'-miut. We now come to a series of tribes better known than any of those previously mentioned, and on which I have had the opportunity of personal observation. I have already given a somewhat full account of them in Alaska and its Resources, as well as some notes in my summary of 1869. The following general headings will be strictly tribal, and the local village names will be subordinated in a list by themselves. For convenience’ sake, I shall commence at the extreme westward.* * Although not strictly within the limits of this paper, I mention here, as bearing on'the relations of the Inniit tribes above mentioned, the “CHUKCHIS”. = Reindeer Chakchis of authors. < Chaukchis, Wrangell and others (variously spelled). = Reindeer men of adjacent Inntit. == Tsutsin, or Tchekto, of some authors, said to be their national name. Although the very existence of such a people as these has been of late denied, and the name I have provisionally used is doubtless based on some misconception, I believe that the evidence of the existence of a tribe of people different from the Orariaus of the coast, but in constant communication with them, is overwhelming. I have myself seen two of these people, in 1865, at Plover Bay. They are of a tall and CHUKLU’K-MUT. = Ndmollos, Pritchard and other older authors. = Tchouktchi Asiatiques, Balbi, Atlas Ethn. = Tiski, Hooper, Markham, and Dall 1. ¢., prov. ? Onkilon, Wrangell, Polar Sea. < Kokl'-lit-innain of the American Innuit, Dr. Simpson. = Chik'-chi, with various etymology, of authors, erroneously. > Chuklik'mit, Stimpson, MSS. = Sedentary or Lishing Chukchis of- authors. The name I have here adopted is probably quite local, and it is very likely that the Inntit who at present inhabit the Asiatic coast near Bering Strait have no special tribal name, resembling in this respect the people from the Selawik River to Point Barrow, who have been previously men- tioned. But I have given up the term Tuski, proposed by Lieutenant Hooper, for the reason that I am convinced that it is due to some miscon- ception. It is not an Innuit word, and these people are purely Innuit, as several vocabularies in my possession testify. They are in no respect dif- ferentiated from the ordinary western Innuit, except in such features as the character of the country and climate compels, and in not wearing labrets ; in this respect resembling the eastern Innuit. Of their origin, I propose to treat hereafter, and postpone that portion of my remarks for the present. They extend from the Gulf of Ana‘dyr to Cape Serdze, and formerly to Cape Shelagskoi. Their distribution is invariably coastwise ; they have no reindeer, and live by trading with the interior tribes, and by hunting the lean habit, with a coppery tinge in the complexion, nomadic in their habits, with sharp noses, and hav- ing a language apparently allied to the Korik tongue. I think it probable that they are a branch of that stock. They wander with their deer from the Arctic Ocean to the Anadyr River, following the best pasturage, and in sammer trading with the coast Innuit. The parties of the International Telegraph Company, during 1865 and 1866, were freqently brought into contact with these people, and the result of their observations was that they were not dissimilar to the Koriiks in their habits and customs, though speaking a somewhat different dialect. A few of them, having lost their reindeer, have been obliged to adopt a precarious mode of existence, depending upon the products of the sea-shore and fish from the rivers. The existence of these quasi-settled bands and their identification as Innuit has given rise to much confusion. No region is more in need of unbiased and careful ethnological investigation than this part of Eastern Siberia. What little knowledge is ex- tant, resting upon a sound basis, is too frequently ignored by ethnological writers. Ihave recently heard it stated, by a noted philologist and traveler, that the Koriks are Innuit, and the Inniit stock a branch of the Turkish race! Mr. Markham also tells us that the Tiinguses and Yukagirs “have so wholly disappeared that even their names are hardly remembered”. Yet in 1860 there were existing some five or six thousand of these people in Eastern Siberia, according to the Russian cen- sus; and I have a Tinguse portrait taken from life in 1865. The Tunguses are believed to be Tatars, and the Yukagirs related to the Koriks, yet Mr. Markham would make the former, among other tribes, the ancestors of the Innuit. 14 seal, walrus, various whales, and other arctic marine mammals. No group of people have given rise to so much confusion, erratic theorizing, and unfounded generalization as this small band of Innuit exiles. They have been most commonly confounded with the impoverished sedentary bands of the Chakchis, if I may be permitted to use a term of which Erman says, “I am of opinion that the word Tchikchee is a corruption of the word Chau-chi, which is used in the language of the Koriaks (Koraks) to ” indicate the settled branches of their race.” Certainly, if I ean believe the words of one of their own number, they are, and hold themselves, totally distinct in language and race from the nomadic ‘reindeer people” with whom they trade. The language is totally distinct, and there is not a single word in the vocabularies of the ‘‘Chakchis” which resembles, or even has a similar construction to, those of the Innuait. These two stocks do not intermarry; their intercourse is purely commercial; but as is inva- riably the case with tribes so situated, and having distinct languages, they use, in trading, a jargon composed of words, or corruptions of words, belonging to both. As no living white man knows either language, the intercourse with the whites on the coast is also carried on in this, or partly in this, jargon; and unreliable and erroneous vocabularies have thus been collected. But where the vocabularies have been obtained from the nomadic people on their western boundaries where there are no Inniit, or from the Inniit on points of the coast not reached by the “reindeer men ”, we find no such mixture and no connecting links between the languages. The largest village of these people is on East Cape; but settlements are dotted along wherever it is possible to wrest a living from the desolation which surrounds them. Among those of more particular importance are the villages on Kayne Island; Seniavine Strait; Chaklik Island (whose inhabitants assume the name I have provisionally adopted for the whole people); Indian Peint; Plover Bay; and Holy Cross Bay. A somewhat full account of these people will be found in Alaska and its Resources, Part II, Chap. II, but, unfortunately, at the time of my visit other duties prevented me from collecting vocabularies, of the importance of which I was not at that time fully aware. Since then I haye received several from different localities, but, with few exceptions, they have been disfigured by the introduction of the trading jargon, which contains corrup- tions not only of Inntit and Chakchi, but also of English, Russian, and even Hawaiian words. The only pure vocabularies I have received have been from East Cape and Seniavine Strait; the latter very scanty. OKEK-OG’-MUT. < Kokh’lit innuin of the Western Innuit, Dr. Simpson. == Okee-og'-mut of the Norton Sound Innuit. < Malemiut of Tikhmenief. Local names: : Indklig‘dmut of Ratmanoff Island, Diomedes, or Imdklit. Ingal'igmut of Krusenstern Island, Diomedes, or Ingaliik. Kikhtog'amiut of St. Lawrence Island, which is called Iwo'rien by the Plover Bay Innuit, teste Hooper. Ukivog'-mut of King’s Island, or Ukivok. These people inhabit the islands between Asia and America north of latitude 63°, and, as might be expected from their habitat, are among the most agile and hardy of the northern canoe-men. They are great traders, and do most of the intercontinental trading, in summer reaching St. Michael’s and Kotzebue Sound on the east and the shores of Siberia on the west. They are practically middle-men, living to a great extent on the profits of their trade. The trade from America is chiefly in deer-skins and sinew and wooden ware, the material for which does not exist on the Asiatic shore. From St. Lawrence Island, especially, frames of kyaks and tmiaks are transported to Plover Bay and exchanged for tame-reindeer skins, walrus-ivory, and whale sinew and blubber. The distance traveled is about forty miles, occupying nearly twenty-four hours, and the voyage is never undertaken except under the most favorable circumstances and with all possible precautions. The Okee-og’mit wear labrets, and in habits and appearance are more like the American Innuit than those of Asia. They are obstinate and courageous, and have given serious trouble to the traders on more than one occasion. Those of the island of St. Lawrence are said to be unusually immodest and filthy in their manners. The dialect of the Okee-og’mit is hardly distinguishable from that of the following tribe. 16 KAVIAG’-MUT. = Kavidg'-mit, national appellation, > Anlig-mit, Holmberg, Wrangell. < Malegmjuti, Erman. Aziag'-mut of authors, in error. < Malemiut, Tikhmenief. > Tschnagmit, Wrangell. Local names: Kwaik'-mut of Kwaik settlement on Norton Bay. Kniktag’emit of Golofnin Bay. Kavidzd'gemit of Kaviazak River. Aziag'-mit of Sledge Island, or Az‘iak. Nik'-mit of settlement at Port Clarence. Iingee'ga-mit of Cape Prince of Wales. The peninsula between Kotzebue and Norton Sounds and Bering Strait is called by these people Aavi-i’ak, and they inhabit the whole of it, and also Sledge Island, off the coast. There is a large village of them, inhabited in winter only, at Unalaklik’, on Norton Sound. Among’ the members of this tribe, the tendency to theft, incest, and violence forms a strong contrast to the character of their southeastern relatives, and is probably due to contact with traders and the use of alcoholic liquors. They travel extensively and have a large trade. They have been described in Alaska and its Resources. MAH’LE-MOT. ?> Tschuagmuti, Erman. = Maliegmit, Holmberg. < Malmiut of Tikhmenief. > Malimiut, Wrangell. < Malegmjuti, Erman. Local names : Al'tenmut at the Attenmut village. Shakto'ligmut at the Shaktolik village. Koyitig'mut on the Koyik River. Kiingiigemit on the Kingtk River. Ingliutal’igemut on the Inglitalik River. These Innait inhabit the neck of the Kaviak Peninsula, from Shakto’lik on the south, east to Attenmiut, their principal village, west to the river falling into Spavarieff Bay, and north to Kotzebue Sound at Eschscholtz Bay. They also have a winter village at Unalaklik. They are described in full detail in Alaska and its Resources. 17 UNALIG’MUT. > “Tschnag'mit” Holmberg, Wrangell. > Pastolig’mit, Holmberg, Wrangell. = Aziagmit, Worman in Tikhmenief. > Tatschigmit, Wrangell. Local names: Pastolig'mut at the Pasto/lik summer village. Kegiktowrig’emut at Kegiktow’rik village. Undlaklig'emut at Unalaklik’ village. Pikmikta'lig-mit at Pikmiktal/ik village. These oecupy the coast from Pastolik to Shaktolik, and easterly to the crest of the coast-hills. They are sometimes called Undlect by other natives, and the name Azidg’miut has been erroneously applied to them. They are few in number, and much altered by intercourse with traders. EKOG’MUT. > Kwikhpag'emit, Holmberg. > Kwithlidg'emit, Holmberg. = Premorski of the Russians, meaning ‘ people by the sea” > Primoski, Whyinper, Captain Raymond. > Agilmitt, Worman in Tikhmenief, Wrangell. ? Kaniulit, Zagoskin, ? Kangjulit, Erman. Local names: Angechag'emit, Telateg’mit, Chikehag'emit, Koshkog’emit, Tkoklag'mit, \ Ukag'emit, , inhabitants of various villages within fifty or sixty miles of the Yukon-mouth. Makag'mit, J The Lkég’mit, or Kwikhpag-miut, inhabit the Yukon delta from about Kipni‘tik to Pastolik, ascending the river to a short distance above the mission. The former is their own name, the latter the name applied to them by the Unaligmat Inniit. They exhibit a marked change in personal appearance, customs, and dialect from the whole group north and east of Norton Sound. Their most noticeable personal peculiarity consists in their hairy bodies and strong beards. They are more nearly allied to the tribes to the south of them. 9 18 : MAG‘EMOUT. iN Vv Inkaliten, Wrangell. Magimit, Wrangell. Magag'-mit, Holmberg. Mag'emit or S’ Mag'emit, their national name, > Magmiitt, Worman in Tikhmenief. > Ninivak people, Worman in Tikhmenief. These people call themselves ‘‘ mink people,” in allusion to their most abundant fur-animal, the mink, magemia'tik; and they extend from the vicinity of Kipnitk southward along the coast to Cape Romanzoff, includ- ing several villages at the north end of Nanivak Island. The women wear C-shaped labrets on the main-land, though the younger ones at Nunivak, seen by me, were destitute of this ornament. I purchased there several labrets of this peculiar form, but did not see them worn, though one of the older women had five holes for the purpose in her under lip. I had pre- visusly supposed that all the inhabitants of Nanivak belonged to the next tribe, but these declared themselves to be Mag’emit. They are a poor, filthy, and not modest people, but excel in ivory-carving. KUSKWOG’MUT. Inkaliten, Wrangell in part only. ? Agilmut, Holmberg ; Dall, 1. c., pars. > Kusch-kuk-chwak-mut, Wrangell. > Kiskitchewak of Richardson, Ludewig, and other authors. > Kiskokwimtsi, Worman in Tikhmenief. > Kiskokwig’-mit, Holmberg. = Kiskwog'-mit, Lukeen and other traders, as their own tribal name. = Kuskokwimjuts, Turner in Ludewig, App. Zagoskin. = Kuskokwimes, Ludewig. These people inhabit the shores of Kuskokwim Bay and westward to Cape Avinoff. According to Wrangell, the southern part of Nuanivak Island is also inhabited by them, and as I have mentioned that we found the people of the north coast in 1874 to be Magemut, it would seem as if there was no room left for the Agtlmat of Holmberg, of which I have not been able to find any trace. On account of shoal water, much of the coast between Capes Vancouver and Avinoff is not habitable for a maritime people, and we may therefore assign the boundaries of the present tribe as being from 19 Cape Avinoff to Cape Newenham, with possibly part of Nimivak Island and the banks of the Kuskokwim River at least as far north as latitude 61°. The trading-jargon in use between them and the Indians has contaminated some of the vocabularies. They do not intermarry, and some of the state- ments in regard to this tribe quoted in Baer and Helmersen bear the impress of romance. They are said by Wrangell to differ more from the following tribes than from those just mentioned. They are said to number over five thou- sand souls. NUSHAGAG’-MOT. > Kijdtaigmut, Holmberg, Wrangell. < dglegmiut, Worman in Tikhmenief. > Kijaten, Wrangell. = Nishdagdag'mut, their own name for themselves. These people inhabit the shores of Bristol Bay west of the Nashagak River to Cape Newenham, and also the banks and headwaters of that river and the numerous lakes and water-courses of the tundra to the westward of it. They number about four hundred souls, very widely distributed, with their principal settlement near Fort Constantine on the Nishagik. OG’ULMUT. = Oglemit, Dall 1. c. = Aglég'mit, Holmberg, Turner in Ludewig. = Agolégmiut, Wrangell, Turner 1. ¢. < Aglégmiut, Worman in Tikhmenief, Erman. = Svernofftsi, or Northerners of the Russians. < Tehouktchi americani, Balbi. Local names : Ugas'hig-mut on the Ugashik or Stlima River. Ugagog'-mut on the Ugaktik River. Kwichdg-mit on the Kwichak River. These Inniit inhabit the north shore of Aliaska Peninsula (whence their Russian name), north to the mouth of the Nashagak River, southwest to the valley of the Salima or Ugashik River, and eastward to the high land of the crest of the peninsula, including the Hiamna Basin. 20 KANIAGMUT. < Kddiakski of most Russian writers. > Kadiakia of Worman in Tikhmenief. < Kaniagist, Early Russian voyagers in Coxe. > Kaniagi, Holmberg. = Ultschna of Kenai Indians, meaning “ slaves” = Kaniagmit, Dall |. e. < Kodjakzy, Erman. = Konages, Ludewig. The name of this tribe, the first of the restricted Innuit stock met by the Russians in their eastern explorations, has often been applied by Russian writers to all the western Inntit known to them. It is said that the origi- nal name of Kadiak was Mdnidg’, from which the former word has been derived by corruption; but I wish to call attention to the remarkable simi- larity between the name of the peninsula east of Cook’s Inlet (which does not appear to be an Indian word) and the root of the name of the Kadiak people. From Kenai we would have Kenai-ag'-mit by ordinary inflection; which I venture to suggest is the original if not the present and correct form of Kaniag’ nuit. These people inhabit the island of Kadiak, the southeast shores of the Peninsula of Aliaska, from Cape Kuprianoff (or Ivanhoff) to Tiamna Peak in Cook’s Inlet, and the islands adjacent to the shores described. At one time, until driven out by the Indians, they undoubtedly occu- pied the northern shore of Kenai Peninsula as well as the southern shore, which is still held by an allied community of Innuit. The Kaniig’mait number some fifteen hundred people, and were form- erly much more numerous. They have become much altered by constant intercourse with the Russians for nearly eighty years, and are nominally Christians. They have been frequently confounded with the Aleuts, even in modern times, by voyagers and travelers. CHUGACH'IG-MUT. = Tschugatschi of Holmberg, Worman in Tikhmenief, Erman. = Tschigatchik, Wrangell. = Chugach'igmit, their own appellation for themselves. =: Tschugatschi, Ludewig. = Tchougatchi-Konaga, Balbi. These people occupy the shores of Chugach Gulf, or Prince William’s peo} ps g ) 21 Sound, and the southern and eastern shores of Kenai Peninsula. Those at Port Etches (Niuchek) call themselves Nichig'miut. There are some half a dozen small settlements containing not over six hundred people, and probably a less number. UGALAK’MUT. = Ugalentsi’ of the Russians, Turner in App. Ludewig. = Ugalentze, Holmberg, wrongly placed among the T’linkets ? Ugalachmjuti of Erman. -= Ugalenskoi, Worman in Tikhmenief. = Ugaljakmjuts or Ugaljakhmutst of authors, Turner 1. c. = Ugalak'mut, their own tribal name according to the traders. = Chilkhak'maf, their own tribal name according to the Nutchigmut Innuit. This people has long been one of the stumbling-blocks in the ethnology of the northwest coast. On my visit to Port Etches in 1874, I learned from the natives definitely that the Ugalak’mut of the traders were, like themselves, Innuit, and called themselves Chilkhak-mit, and had formerly occupied the coast continuously with themselves; but the Ah-tena Indians forced their way between the two tribes and hold a small part of the coast near the Copper River mouth. Ugal’entsi is the Russian name for these people, and is formed by adding a Russian termination to the root of their supposed tribalname. It follows that the distinction formerly drawn by me between the Ugalak-mat and the Ugalentsi falls to the ground, though at the time it seemed warranted by the vocabularies furnished by the Russians to Mr. Gibbs. The older errors, as to this tribe being T’linkets or Tinneh, arose probably from a confusion of vocabularies, obtained either of the Alitena, or some wandering band of Yakutats, who sometimes come from Bering Bay in canoes to trade at Port Etches. The Ugalakmat reside on Kayak or Kaye Island in winter, and pursue the salmon fishery at the mouth of the Atna River and along the coast nearly to Icey Bay in summer. They comprise only some two hun- dred families, and are the most eastern of the Innuit tribes now occupying territory on this coast. It is probable, however, from shell-heap remains obtained by Lieutenant Ring, U. 8. A., at the mouth of the Stikine River that at one period the Innait extended at least to that point, if not farther east and south. iw Li) Second Group. UNUNG'UN. (Aleuts.) = Aleutans, Ludewig. = Uniing'iin, their own national name, teste Erman and my own repeated observations. = Ti-yakh'anin, Pinart, Mém. Soc. Ethn. Paris, 1872, p. 158. < Aleuts of the Russians. = Kagataya Koungns, Humboldt (the corrupted name of the Eastern Aleuts erroneously applied to the whole people according to Pinart). Local names (teste Pinart 1. ¢.): Khagan'-taya-khin'-khin, Eastern people, the inhabitants of the Shumagins and Aliaska. Nikhi-khnin or Namikh'-hin’, Western people, the inhabitants of the Andreanoff Islands. Kigikh-khin, Northern Western people, of the Fox Islands proper. The name Aleut, applied by the Russians indiscriminately to the Kaniagmat and the inhabitants of the Catherina or Aleutian Archipelago, has gradually become restricted among writers to the latter group, while its original meaning or derivation, the source of much controversy, is now lost in obscurity. The term U-niing'in, I have satisfied myself by repeated inquiry, at Unalashka, Atka, Attu, and Unga, is a generic term, which these people apply to themselves, and which means simply “people” of their race, as distinguished from others. Erman says the original meaning of it is lost, but this is not borne out by my inquiries. According to my observations, Tiyakh-khinin, given by Pinart, means Aleutian men, in contradistinction to Uniing'in, which means all Aleutian people, without distinction. The local names given from Pinart are doubtless authentic, but I have no means of verifying them. On a previous occasion I quoted Humboldt’s term, now shown by Pinart to be improperly extended in its range, but without intend- ing to use it as a point in argument of their eastern origin, as he seems to have understood me. These people have lost almost entirely their tribal distinctions indicated by the above local names, though small local jealousies are not entirely extinct. They have been transported from island to island, and even to Sitka and California, by traders, and are so thoroughly reclaimed from barbarism by long contact with Russian civilization that of their original condition only traces exist. They occupy the entire chain of the Aleutian Islands, the Pribiloff 23 Islands, the Shumagins and adjacent islands, and various parts of Aliaska Peninsula west of 160° west of Greenwich. They have been, perhaps, more thoroughly monographed than any y ) ? guy 5 other branch of the Orarian stock, except the Greenlanders. To recapitulate, the Orarians of Alaska and the adjacent coast of Asia comprise the following groups, and approximate population : I—INNUIT. A.— Western Mackenzie Innit. y Ue _ a. Kopag’-mut b. Kangmalig’-mut a. Na’ wik-mut b. Nanatog’-mut c. Kowag’-mut : ce. Selawig’-mut d. Chak‘lak-mit e. Okee-6g’-mut e*. Kikhtog’amut f. Waviag’-mut g. Mah‘lemit . Unaligmat . Ekég’mut . Mag’emat . Kiskwog’ mut . Nushagag’-mit Og’ tilmut Ry SS Gr Sy SS . Kaniag’mut a, Chagach’ig-mut b. Ugalak’mut 150 1,000 500 500 3,000 600 300 24 Il—UNUNG'UN. Aleuts. a. Kastern or Unalashkans, b. Western or Atkans, : of which belonged to the eastern division........-...---- 707 tothe middle division =42- sense] 24. 940 to the -Pribilott islands yee ae a ee 33 to the western division*® ............-- 470 In all about 2,450 people, in 1871, nearly equally divided between males and females. There were in that year 44 births, and 57 deaths, mostly from asthma and pleurisy. Total approximate Orarian population ..-.....--..------ 14,054 INDIAN TRIBES. The Indian tribes of Alaska and the adjacent region may be divided into two groups, with possibly a third, which just impinges on the southern border of the Territory. These groups are: T—TINNEGS = Tin‘neh, Kennicott, Hardisty, Ross and Gibbs, Dall 1. c. = Thnaina, Holmberg. = Kenaizer, Holmberg. = Chippewyans of authors. == Athabascans of authors, Ludewig, &c. * There are also a number of Aleuts, chiefly Atkans, living on the Commander’s Islands in Russian territory. tIn his paper in the Bulletin of the Paris Geographical Society for September, 1875, Father Petitot discusses the terms dAthabaskans, Chippewayans, Montagnais, and Tinneh as applied to this group of Indi- ans, and in several eases falls into serious error, apparently from want of familiarity with the literature of the subject, which has of late years assumed such unwieldy proportions. He is in special error in regard to the term “tinnch”. This he erroneously derives from a verb, “osttis, je fais”, and writes otinné. It is indeed strange that he should not have recognized in “tinnch” a direct derivation, or, more properly, a correct orthography (for the western tribes, at least), of the word he does adopt, namely, “Déné”, meaning “landsmen”, as a German would say, the o being merely an inserted eupbonic. He takes “ Déné”, ““neople of the country ”, aud ‘‘ dindjié” (correctly, tinjee), the Kutchin word for “aman”, and compounds them into a term for designating all the Tinneh tribes, and then goes entirely eff the track to seek a derivation for Tinneh which is identical with his Déné as correctly written. Hardisty, Ross, Kennicott, and Gibbs are sufficient authority for the true meaning of the word, leaving my own personal and pretty conclusive investigations out of account. There can be no manner of doubt as to the word ‘‘tinneh” and its representative term “ Kutchin”, meaning ‘ people native to the 1egion ” respectively indicated by its various prefixes. The erroneous nature of some of the reverend father’s statements in regard to native words is sufliciently indicated by his confusion of the Eskimo salutation, teymo, or, in the west, chammi, with the word tayma, = enough (p. 257, 1. ¢.). bo or > Kolshina of the Russians. = Thynné, Pinart. > Déné, Abbé Petitot. (Not otinnd, Petitut.) Not Dindjié, Abké Petitot (= “man” of Kitchin tribes). < Itynai, Erman. > It-kalyi of Nawtkmut Innuit of Point Barrow. > It-kal-ya’-rain of Nawtkmiut Innuit of Point Barrow. > In’-kal-ik of Mab’lemut and Unalig/muit Innuit. > Ing‘aliki of the Russians; not of Wrangell. = Tlynai, or Tanai, of Zagoskin. = Tinné, or Diinne, Ludewig. This great family includes a large number of American tribes extend- ing from near the mouth of the Mackenzie south to the borders of Mexico. The Apaches and Navajos belong to it, and the family seems to intersect the continent of North America in a northerly and southerly direction, princi- pally along the flanks of the Rocky Mountains. The northern tribes of this stock extend westward nearly to the delta of the Yukon, and reach the sea-coast at Cook’s Inlet and the mouth of the Copper River. Eastward they extend to the divide between the watershed of Hudson’s Bay and that of Athabasca and the Mackenzie River. The designation proposed by Messrs. Ross and Gibbs has been accepted by most modern ethnologists. The northern Tinneh form their tribal names by affixing to an adjective word or phrase the word tinneh, meaning “people”, in its modifications of tin'neh, ta'nd, or tend’, or in one group the word kiit-chin', having the same meaning. The last are known as the Kvitchin tribes, but, so far as our knowledge yet extends, are not sufficiently differentiated from the others to require special classification by themselves. The following are the tribes of the Tinneh, beginning at the westward and ascending the Yukon toward the north, east, and south: KAI’-YUH-KHO-TA‘NA. = Kaiyithkho-tand, Dall 1. e. = /ng‘aliki of the Russians, Worman in Tikhmenief. = In'-kal-ik of the Mahlemut Innuit. ( Inkiliicen, | + Ulukdgmits, __ | 4 Lakajaksen, ~ \ --Jiigelniiten, (ieee +Thijegonchotana, &c., &c., of Holmberg, from Zagoskin. > Inkiiliichliiate, Wrangell and Ludewig, Triibn. Bib. Glott., ed. 1, 1858, = Ingaleets, Whymper and Raymond. < Inkaliten of Wrangell = Ekogmut, &c., partly. Local names: Uli kadkhotan’a on the Ulukak River. 26 Niula'to-kho-tan'a at Nulato. Kaiytk'd-kho-tan’@ on the Kai'yuk River. Takai'-yakho-tan'@ on the Shig’eluk River. Tai-ydydn'o-khotan'a, Upper Kuskokwim River. The name of this great tribe means Lowlanders, and as they occupy for the most part the low tundri on and about the Yukon and Kuskokwim Rivers, it is not inappropriate. It comprises a great many settlements, extending over a large extent of country, and having each its local name of course, but presenting hardly any marked change in the dialects spoken and the general characteristics of the people. All these people intermarry, and do not appear to have adopted a totemic system. Their habits vary with their environment, and those who live by fishing differ somewhat from those who hunt the moose and deer, as might be expected, while the tribes most adjacent to the Ekogmut Innuit have followed their fashion in having more festivals and dances than those to the northward. On the Yukon, the southernmost settlements live principally by their abundant fisheries, and trade dry fish, wooden ware, in making which they are very expert, and strong birch canoes, with the Upper Yukon and Shagelak people. Those on the Kuskokwim live more especially by hunting, and those on the Upper Yukon above the Shagelak about equally by either pursuit according to circumstances. These people are most commonly called Ingaliks or Ingaleet by the Russians, a corruption of the Innuit word meaning “ Indians”. Holmberg, in his summary, was misled by the untruthful and imagi- native Zagoskin, many of whose fables were exposed by the parties of the International Telegraph Expedition when exploring in this region. Hence, his undue multiplication of tribes, intended to enhance the discoveries which he made principally, not by traveling, but by questioning the natives. I feel quite confident, from my own intercourse with these people, that, until further knowledge is attained, no division of this group or tribe is necessary or even desirable. They extend from near Kolmakoff Redoubt on the Kuskokwim River to its headwaters, on the Yukon above the mis- sion on the left and above the Anvik River on the right bank, west to the Anvik River and Iktig’alik on the Ulakak River, north to Nulato, and east to the mountains or the Kuskokwim River. 27 They build permanent villages, though they sometimes leave them during the summer, and originally wore the pointed hunting-shirts, which gave name to the Chippewyans, but which have been, to some extent, put aside where trade with the whites or Innuit gave them opportunities for procuring more durable clothing. They are fully described in Alaska and its Resources. The Nulato settlement is nearly extinct, and numbers have died on the Lower Yukon from asthma, produced by inhaling tobacco- smoke into the lungs, and other causes. KOYU’-KUKH-OTA‘NA. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY, = Koyukikhotand, Dall 1. e., meaning “ Koyakik River people”. = Junndikdchotana, Holmberg, Zagoskin. 1894 = Ketlilk-Kiitchin of the Fort Yukon Kitchin Indians, LI , = Koyukins, or Koyukinskoi, of the American and Russian traders. a R A R Y : = Coyoukons, Whymper, Raymond. = Kuyukantsi, Worman in Tikhmenief. These people inhabit the watershed of the Koyw’kik or Koyuka'kat River, and that of its tributaries, the Kwthlat'no, Kotel’no, and Khotelka'kat. They are a fierce and warlike tribe, and principally distinguished from the Kaiyahkhotana by being in a chronically hostile attitude toward them. I see no strong differences in language or habits; but as a tribe they consider and keep themselves markedly apart from the others, and, as such, I have retained them separately. Misled by Zagoskin and bad vocabularies, Wrangell (in Baér) has mingled Innait and Indians in his account of these people. His Inkaliten appear to have been considered by him as an Innuit people, though he includes several subtribes of the Lowland Tinneh, and the same appears to have been the case with his Inkalichliaten. The result is that it is not easy to refer to his nomenclature of these people without giving occasion for misconception.* These people also build houses, and occupy more or less permanent villages. They seldom intermarry with the Lowlanders, and live princi- pally by hunting the deer and Rocky Mountain sheep. They also act as middle-men in trade between the Mahlemat and the Lowland Tinneh. a hey do not seem to have any system of totems. * The same is to some extent true of Erman’s papers in the Zeitsehr. far Ethnologio. 28 UN’A-KHO-TANA. = Un'akhotand, Dall 1. c., meaning “ Distant” or “ Far-off people”, a name applied to them by other Tinneh, = Jinnachotand, Holmberg, Zagoskin. = Yukon'ikhotand, among themselves. < Inkiliki, Worman in Tikhmenief. ? Inkiiliichliiaten, Wrangell in part. These people inhabit the Yukon from the Sanka‘kat River to the mouth of the Tananah’ River. They call themselves Yukonikhotana, men of the Yukon, but so also do some of the Kutchin people living on the river above the Tananah mouth, so I have preferred to keep the original term, which is the name by which the Lowlanders call them, rather than risk confusion by achange. They are few in number; their prifcipal village is at the mouth of the Nowikakat River. Their houses are less solidly built and less permanent than those of the Lowlanders. They seem to acknowl- edge no totems; rarely intermarry with the Lowlanders, from whom their dialect differs slightly ; deposit their dead sometimes in an erect posture, the sarcophagus looking like a roughly-made cask; have no draught-dogs like the tribes previously mentioned, but have a small breed for hunting; and meet on the neutral ground of Nua-klik-ah-yét’ every spring to trade with the Kutchin tribes from the Upper Yukon and 'Tananah. The three previously-mentioned tribes differ less among themselves than they do from those which follow, and I have elsewhere designated them as ‘Western Tinneh”. The bodies of the dead are always placed by them above ground in a box or wooden receptacle. They have no marriage- ceremony ; take and discard wives at their pleasure; have often more than one, but rarely more than three wives; practice shamanism, but have no idea of any omnipotent or specially-exalted deity, though believing in a multitude of spirits good and bad; have similar festivals and songs, and a tolerably uniform language. They are of tall and rather slender build, with faces varying from square to oval; their hue is an ashy olive, never cop- pery; their hair coarse, straight, and black. Those near the Innait have, in some places, adopted the fashion of wearing labrets, and the inland tribes very commonly wear a nose-ornament. Their noses are small but aquiline, or rarely Roman. They vary in hairiness, but rarely have a beard, and 29 seldom any amount of mustache. In habits and dress, the people of periph- eral settlements show usually some influence of the differing, but adjacent, people with whom they are brought in contact. Their manners and dress are now rapidly altering by intercourse with traders. I am informed that many of the peculiarities noted by me, when the International Telegraph Expedition first brought its explorers into contact with these people, have become obsolete or are rapidly passing away. TENAN’-KUT-_CHIN’ = Tenan'-Kiitchin, Dall |. ¢., their own tribal name. ? Tschinkaten of Wrangell, hairy men. = Kolchaina of the Russians (among other tribes). = Gens des Buties of Wort Yukon Hudson Bay men. = Mountain-men of authors. The name of this people signifies ‘mountain men”, as that of their river, the Tananah’, signifies the river of mountains. They occupy the watershed of the Tananah’, which has been visited very recently for the first time by Ketchum and other white men, but is not, properly speaking, yet explored. When we met them in 1866, this tribe was almost in a state of nature. Once a year, without their women, they descended the Tananah’ in birch canoes, in full accoutrement of pointed coats, beads, feathers, and ochred hair, to trade at the neutral ground of Naklakayét; or, failing to be pleased there, ascended the Yukon to Fort Yukon, and there awaited the arrival of the annual bateaux. With the goods purchased, they then retired to their fast- nesses, and were seen no more until another year. No white man or Indian of other tribe had penetrated the wilds in which they pursued the deer and trapped the fox and sable. Their reserve, fierce demeanor, and the mystery which surrounded their manner of life had its effect on the imagination of the adjacent tribes, who seemed to fear the strangers, and had many tales, smacking of the marvelous, to tell of them. This is now changed, and the account which I have elsewhere given of them will have a kind of historical interest. They appear to have certain localities where they establish huts of very flimsy construction, but move about a large part of the year, and cannot be said, therefore, to have strictly permanent villages. They live chiefly by 30 hunting the deer, the broken nature of the country not attracting the moose into that region. They also trade from the headwaters of the Tananah’ with the Han Kitchin of the Upper Yukon. They are supposed to have a totemic system similar to that of the Loucheux. TENNUTH’-KUT-CHIN’. Gens de Bouleaux, or Birch Indians, of the Hudson Bay men. These people, with the Tatsah’-Kutchin', comprised a few bands of Indians allied to the Kitcha—Kiut-chin’, who formerly wandered in the region between the rapids of the Yukon and the mouth of the Porcupine River, having their principal hunting-ground near the Small Houses. About 1863, however, they were all swept off by an epidemic of scarlet fever, introduced through contact with the whites, and there is now not an indi- vidual living of these two tribes. KUTCHA’ KUT-CHIN‘’. = Kiutcha-Kitchin, Ross, Kennicott, Gibbs, their own name. = It-ka-lya-riin of the Niwitk-miut Invuit, Simpson. < Loucheux of the Hudson Bay men. < Kitchi-kiteh, Ludewig. < Kolchaina of the Russians. Not Kwilchia Kiitichin of Petitot. These Indians inhabit both banks of the Yukon from the Birch River to the Kotlo River on the east and the Porcupine River on the north, ascend- ing the latter a short distance. They are nomadic, polygamous, and live principally by hunting and trapping. They formerly burned their dead. They have a totemic system with three totems—Chit-che-ah, Teng-rat-si, and Nat-sahi, according to Stra- chan Jones, esq., late commander at Fort Yukon. They are described by me elsewhere. Their name means “ Lowlanders”. NATSIT’-KUT-CHIN’. = Natsit-kiitchin, or = Natsik-kittchin, Hardisty and Hudson Bay men. = Natche'-kitchin, Ross, MSS. map; Dall]. e. = Loucheux, or Gens de Large, of the voyageurs. These extend from the Porcupine, near Fort Yukon, north to the Romanzoff Mountains. Their name means ‘strong people”, and is vari- ously spelled by different authorities. They are migratory, few in number, ol generally resemble the last tribe, and are chiefly notable from their trade with the Kang-malig-mit Innuit, and the fine, strong babiche, or skin-twine, which they manufacture. VUNTA’-KUTCHIN’. = Viinta’-kiitchin, Ross, MSS. map, Dall 1. ¢. = Loucheux, or Quarrellers, of the Hudson Bay voyageurs = Gens des Rats of the Canadian voyageurs. ? Tdha-kuttchin of Petitot. Another tribe of Kitchin, occupying the region north of the Porcu- pine, east of the last tribe, and south of the Innuit on the Arctic shores. Little is known of them. Their name signifies ‘‘ Rat people”, and is taken from the Rat or Porcupine River, one of their boundaries. TUKKUTH’-KUTCHIN’. = Tikkith-kiitchin, Ross, Dall 1. ¢. == Rat Indians of the Hudson Bay men. ? Tdhd-kiittchin of Petitot. These Indians inhabit the region east of the headwaters of the Porcu- pine as far as Fort McPherson, and including the district of La Pierre's House and all the southern headwaters as far west as the next tribe. It is uncertain whether to this or the last tribe the appellation of Father Petitot properly belongs. I have preferred to retain that of Mr. Ross, who is excelled by none in his knowedge of this region. A small river falling into the Mackenzie is named Rat River on Petitot’s map, but this should not be confounded with the Porcupine River, which is most commonly called the Rat River by the Hudson Bay people. The present tribe is also sometimes called Rat Indians, but the exact signification of their name is not known to me. In all respects, as far as known, this people does not differ mate- rially from the other and better known tribes of the Kitchin Indians of the Yukon. 4 x HAN-KUTCHIN’. = Han-kiitchin, Ross, the H. B. Co.’s traders, Ketchum, Dall ]. c. = Gens des Bois of the Hudson’s Bay voyageur.. < Kolchaina, or Kolshina, of the Russians. This is a small tribe, inhabiting both banks of the Yukon above the Kotlo River for over a hundred miles, to the Deer River, and sometimes F Bs) extending their wanderings north to the banks of the Porcupine, east of the Kiitcha’-kitchin’ and west of the Tikkith’-kitchin’. Their name signifies “Wood” or “Forest people”, and they are comparatively but little known. They trade at Fort Yukon. i TUT-CHONE’-KUTCHIN’. = Tiitchone Kitchin, Ketchum, Dall]. ec. == Gens des Foux of the Hudson’s Bay yvoyageurs. =“ Nehaunee”, Caribou, or Mountain Indians, of various Iudson Bay officers, Ross and others. < Kolichanes, or Galzanes, Ludewig (north of Atna River), Wrangell. < Koltchanskoi, Worman in Tikhmenief. ? Titlogat (Titlokakat?) people, of Ah-tena Indians, fide Wrangell. This is an extensive and widely-distributed tribe, whose amiable man- ners have gained them the name of Gens des Foux from the yoyageurs, and whose name signifies “‘Crow people”. They occupy the banks of the Yukon from the Deer River nearly to the site of Fort Selkirk and the watershed of the small streams flowing into the Yukon from the north, especially on the Stewart River about Reid House; the basin of the White River, heading in the glaciers of the St. Elias Alps; and perhaps the Lewis River to some extent. These are, with little doubt, the natives with whom the Ahtena Indians trade from the headwaters of the Atna and Chechitno Rivers, called Kolchaina by the Russians, who apply that term to all the interior Indians with whom they are unfamiliar. ‘‘Titlogat”, mentioned by Wrangell as one of the settlements of the Kolchaina, is possibly some mutual trading- ground which has an Indian name of Titlo-kakat or something similar. We now come to a group of Indians but little known, and which ean- not be differentiated with any certainty into tribes. The names I give for them are on the authority of Mr. Ross’s manuscript map, lately in the possession of the late George Gibbs, and for an opportunity of examining which I am indebted to his kindness. NEHAUNEES. = Nehaunees, Ross, Dall 1. e. ? Naa’‘anee of Petitot. Including the following people: A.—ABBATO-TENA’. = Abbato-tena’, Ross, Dall 1. c. ? Dsba-va-o-tinné of Petitot. A very low grade of Indians inhabiting the basin of the Pelly and 33 Macmillan Rivers. The very erroneous character of this part of Petitot’s map renders it impossible to identify his names geographically with any known tribes. They have also been called Gens des Bois by some of the Hudson’s Bay people. B.—MAUVAIS MONDE. == Mauvais Monde, or Slavé, Ross, Dall 1. ¢., H. B. Co.’s officers. Inhabit the region of Frances Lake. Very few in number, and little known. C.—ACH# TO-TIN NEH. = Acheto-tinneh Ross 1. ¢. On the western headwaters of the Liard River, occasionally visiting Dease House and Lake. D.—DAHO’-TENA’. == Dahotend, Ross 1. e. Below the last, on the Liard River. Sometimes called Sicances by the traders; or else there is another tribe in the same region to which this name has been applied. E.—TAH’KO-TIN NEH. —= Tahko-tinneh of some of the traders. Inhabit the basin of the Lewis River; are very few in number, and scarcely known to the whites. F.—NEHAUNEES OF THE CHILKAHT RIVER. Chilkaht-tena, Dall 1. ¢., nom. prov. Indians of Tinneh stock, inhabiting the shores of a river heading near the Chilkaht, but flowing in an opposite direction, and falling into the Lewis River near Lake Lebarge. These people are bold and enterprising, great traders, and of great intelligence. They carry goods bought from the Chilkaht-kwan (who do not allow them to descend the Chilkaht River) to the Yukon, where they trade with the Crows and Nehaunees. I erroneously applied the term Chilkaht to them, which I have since discovered is a T’linket word. My informant must have been led into error in assigning it to a Tinneh tribe. They appear to be a numerous people, but have never mixed with the whites, except on a few occasions at Fort Selkirk, which they are said to have had afterward a hand in burning. 3 o4 It will be seen from the above that the term Nehaunee covers a large number of bands, some of which are probably independent tribes, and the only thing whieh can be said to be known about them is that they all belong to the ‘Tinneh stock. To the westward of the Nehaunees and Crows are the following two tribes, which complete the list of Alaskan Tinneh. AH-TENA’. = Ah-tena, Dall 1. c., their own tribal designation. = Atnaer, Wrangell. = Atakhtans, Erinan. = Ketschet-naer (1ce-men) of the Russian traders, fide Wrangell. = Miednoffskoi, Worman in Tikhmenief. = Atnaxthynné, Pinart, Rey. Phil. et Ethn., Les Atnahs. = Ainas, Ludewig, in Triibner Bib. Glott., ed. 1, p. 14, 211. = Yellowknife or Nehaunee Indians, Ross, MSS. map. Not Ainah, Ludewig, Flatheads of the Frazer River. Not Yellowknives of the Coppermine River, H. B. Terr. These Indians, known principally by report, occupy the basin of the Atna or Copper River, and reach to the sea at its mouth, having pushed themselves between the Ugalakmat Innit and their relations of Chugach Bay. I was fortunate enough to be present in 1874 at their annual trade at Port Etches, to determine definitely their own name for themselves,* and to recognize in their speech many of the 'Tinneh words with which | had become familiar on the Yukon. I also obtained from them a piece, weighing about five pounds, of the celebrated native copper, found in the bed of the river on which they live. They resembled strongly the Koyukuns in appearance, and wore the original pointed coats trimmed with beads, such as I had seen on the persons of the Tenan-kitchin. ‘Their faces were oval and of pleasing and intelligent expression. On a visit to the vessel in my charge, they showed unusual tact and discretion in their behavior, which could hardly have been improved, though she was to them an object of the greatest curiosity, the only sea-going vessel they had ever seen. * Father Petitot, by a curious misreading of my text in Alaska and ils Resources, has arrived at the conclusion that I have confounded the Copper or Atna River with the Coppermine River of Hearne and Franklin, because (on Ross’s authority) I stated that the Ah-tena were sometimes called Yellow- knife or Nehaunee Indians by the English, while the Yellowknives that he knows are residents of the Coppermine River. It would appear, apart from his misconception, that he has forgotten that the trad- ers frequently apply the same name to widely different tribes, and that in quoting them, then as now, I could not vouch for the proper application of any names except those I have personally verified. oD They were tall and rather slender, but of good physique, of a clear olive complexion, and with straight black hair, arched eye-brows, and with- out hair upon the face. They appear to be not very numerous, but rather widely distributed on the river, trading with the interior Indians at its head- waters. The signification of their name has some relation to the glaciers which are found in their territory, but I could not make out its exact Eng- lish equivalent. I noticed no traces of T’linket words in their speech, and it is a question whether those noted by Pinart, in this as in other cases, were not due rather to the defective knowledge or memory of his half-breed inter- preter than to their actual existence as words incorporated in the language. TEHANIN’-KUTCHIN’. = Tehanin-Kutchin, Ross }. ¢., as applied to them by the Yukon Indians. = Kenayern, Wrangell, as of the Russians. = Tnaina or Tnai, Wrangell, as of themselves. = Kinajut of the Kaniagmut Inniuit, fide Wrangell. = Kenaitse, Worman in Tikhmeuief. = Kinai, Buschmann. == Kinai, Kenai, Kenaitze, Ttynai, Ludewig in Triibner. = Ougagliakmuzi-Kinaia, Kinaitsa, Balbi, Atlas Etbn. = Kenai-tend, Dall 1. ¢., nom. prov. (erroneous). = True Thnaina, Wolmberg. = Mnai‘a-khota'nd, their own name according to the Ah-tena Indians. No satisfactory vocabulary, nor even a trustworthy statement of the name by which these people call themselves, has yet been published. By some words of Wrangell’s and Lisiansky’s vocabularies, and by the fact that they possess a totemic system, it may reasonably be surmised that they are more closely related to the Kitchin tribes than to the western Tinneh. The word Kenai I have strong reasons for believing is an Inniit word, and hence any application of it to them is erroneous. On the other hand, I cannot reconcile the form Tnaina with any of the forms in use among the Tinneh for denominating themselves as a tribe. I have some doubts of the correctness of the name supplied to me by the Ah-tena, and so I have pro- visionally adopted the name supplied by Ross. This is that by which they are called by the Tenan-Kitchin of the Tananah’, with whom they are said to occasionally trade. They are among the least known of the tribes which reach the sea- coast. They are said to occupy the Kenai Peninsula on its northwest side from Chugachik Bay to its head, and the shores opposite as far south as the 36 bay near Hiamna Voleano, the basin of the Knik and Suchitno Rivers, and their headwaters. They bury their dead in boxes above ground, on which they pile up stones. They are said to be more intelligent than the adjacent Innit, from whom they purchase kyaks and other articles. They kill large numbers of the Rocky Mountain goat and use the skins for clothing. This completes the list of the Tinneh tribes of Alaska and the adjacent territory, and we now come to the stock or family of 2.—T’LINKETS. = Thlinkets of most Russian and German authors. i = Koloshes or Koloshians, Ludewig, and most English*‘and French authors. = Kolouches, Balbi. = Koloches, Pinart, Bull. Soc. d’Anthr. 1873, Erman. = T'linket, their own name for people of their stock. > Sitkhinskoi, Worman in Tikhmenief. These people as a whole are remarkably well differentiated from the Tinneh, and have been very fully described by Veniaminoff, Wrangell, Bendel, Pinart, and the writer. Of the tribes on Norfolk Sound especially, the material, vocabularies, &c., are remarkably complete. There are several outlying tribes, however, of which the affinities are not positively deter- mined. The principal of these is the Kygani or Haida tribe, which has been very generally united with the T’linkets, but which I am disposed to so refer only provisionally ; and the Chimsyans or Nasse Indians, who very probably belong to a distinct family. The Billecoola are Selish; the Hailtzuh belong to the Vancouver Island family, though both have been referred to the Nasses. The language of the latter is, according to Gibbs, quite distinct from that of the Tacullies or Carriers, to which Ludewig com- pared it. The Yakutats in many respects, also, are differentiated from the other T'linkets, though they belong, without doubt, to the same stock. The T’linkets may be divided as follows, into five groups: “VAK/UTATS.” = Yak/utdats, Dall 1. e., Pinart, and most authors. = Yakitatskoi, Worman in Tikhmenief. = Yakoutats, Erman. These Indians inhabit the region between the coast-mountains and oT the sea, from Bering Bay to Litwya Bay, occasionally traveling in canoes farther west or southeast for purposes of trade. On my visit to Bering Bay in 1874, I endeavored to get their own name for themselves, but had no interpreter, and neither the natives nor myself spoke much Chinook, so that I do not feel sure that they understood my inquiries. At all events, I could get no other answer than “Yakitat”, which is evidently the name they give to the country they inhabit, but must, in all probability, have some other suffix or termination when applied as a tribal name. Their principal settlement is on a large stream, abounding with salmon, and emptying into Bering Bay or Yakutat. They fish and trade at Port Mulgrave in the spring before the salmon arrive, and hunt seal near the glaciers of Disen- chantment Bay. The women do not wear the kalushka, or lip-ornament They are said not to adopt the totemic system, so much in vogue among the other T’linkets, and eat the blubber and flesh of the whale, which the other tribes of their stock regard as unclean. CHILKAHT’-KWAN. The Chilkaht'-kwan inhabit the valley of the Chilkaht River, which is of moderate size, and falls into the head of Lynn Canal. They are inti- mately related to the inhabitants of Norfolk Sound, and some of them may almost always be found sojourning at Sitka. They consider themselves, however, a distinct tribe, and have on some occasions been involved in hos- tilities with the Sitka people. They are a wild and untamable people, and said to be very numerous. They trade with the whites on the sea-coast, and with the Timneh of the interior, by means of numerous small lakes and streams near the head of the Chilkaht River. In all essentials, they do not seem to differ from the Sitkans. SITKA-KWAN. == Sitha-kwan, their own appellation at Sitka. = Antou-kwan, fide Pinart, for the tribe in general. < Sitka-kwan, Pinart. == Chitgagancs, Sanditort, fide Pinart. = Tehinkitaniens of Marchand. = Sitkans of Erman. 38 Local names: Hudsini at Hood’s Bay and Hoochent Rapids. Ahk on Frederick Sound. Kehk on Frederick Sound. Eklikheeno, Chatham Strait. Kw iti near Cape Decision. Henneega on Priuce of Wales Island. Tomgass near Fort Tomgass or Tongass. Sitka-kwan at Sitka on Norfolk Sound. These names may require some revision hereafter, except the last. These people inhabit Baranoff Island and its vicinity, Chichagoff, Admiralty, Kuit, Kuprianoff, and Prince of Wales Islands (the latter only in part), and the archipelago, of which these form a part. They are among the best known of the Northwest American tribes, and information in rela- tion to them may be found in the works referred to under the head of Tlinkets. The nickname of Koloshes, which has been extensively applied to them, arises, according to some authorities, from a Russian word meaning to pierce, in allusion to the perforations made for labrets in the lips of the women, and is asserted by others to be derived from “kalushka”, a Russian word, meaning a little trough, in allusion to the trough-like shape of the labrets themselves. The latter would seem to be the more probable deriva- tion, as the custom of piercing the lip was common among tribes familiarly known to the Russians before they met the T’linkets; while no North American tribe in historic times has worn any labret at all comparable, in size and grotesque appearance, to the kalushka. The latter would have struck the observer at once as a remarkable ornament, and was therefore more likely to be remembered and spoken frequently of in referring to these people. The Sitka-kwan have numerous large villages with large houses, often ornamented with carvings, and capable of standing quite a siege. They are a fierce and independent people, and of late years much demor- alized from the use of alcoholic stimulants, which they have even learned to distil from molasses for themselves. STAKHIN’-KWAN. These are a T’linket tribe, little differentiated from the last, occupying the mainland near the mouth of the Stikine River (a corruption of Stakhin). They consider themselves distinct from the Sitkans, and the two tribes have 39 frequently been involved in hostilities. They do not penetrate far into the interior, but extend along the coast from the Lynn to the Portland Canal. Here they are bounded on the south and east by the Nasses and the Chim- syans. We now come to the last group of Alaskan Indians, the— KYGAH'NI. = Kygal‘ni, their own appellation. ° == Kaiganskoi, Worman in Tikhmenief, = Kaigans, Erman. < Kyganies, or Kigamies, Ludewig. = Haidahs, Ludewig, and authors. = Hydahs of authors. = Kyga@'ni, Dall 1. e. These people, which I refer with doubt to the T’linket stock, have their headquarters on the islands of Queen Charlotte’s Archipelago, but there are a few villages on the islands forming the southernmost portion of Alaska Territory, south of Prince of Wales Island. hey are a tall, hand- some, fierce, and treacherous race, not improved by the rum sold them by the Hudson Bay Company, and noted for their skill in carving wood and slate, and their chasing and other work on silver which they obtain from the whites. In Alaska, they are very few in number. The Nasses and adjacent Chimsyan and other tribes are in so much confusion, from an ethnological point of view, that I am glad to avail myself of the fact that they do not, strictly speaking, come within the limits of this paper. The following is a recapitulation of the different Indian tribes of Alaska, with an approximate estimate of their numbers. I omit the population for those exterior to the Territory. TINNEH. (WESTERN. ) Rain iotanaras gery se ele mee ta. UM Lite rae peed 2, 000 oy ulkculshe teaneacer es eer 9 earners deg te 1 82 apt w alias wie 500 inalsina tances Meee ee ee em NN HDA abe lee 300 OB Stacy ie steve nine ee eee eee ea ee is a 400 Tennith-kitchin, extinct. Tatsah-kitchin, extinct. Kiuteha-kutcehin 250 Naitsitskuitehin ce sscse: set aoe eet Se eset ee er ees 150 Vinta-kiitchin. Takktith-kttehin. Han-kitechin. Tutchone-kitchin. Vehanin-kutehim's Ses. Seo ea = ee ee ee ee ee eee ~ 1,000 (ZASTERN. ) Abbato-tena. Mauvais Monde (Nehaunees). Acheto-tinneh. Daho-tena. Tahko-tinneh. “ Chilkaht-tena.” PASE CINE wesc 5.8 ee NE ee talon alae Re ee 1, 500 TLINKETS. (YAKUTATS. ) CO Vraeut ats? io 22083. fa see Seaver ek eee eee ae ae 250 (KWAN. ) Chilkaht-kwan Sitka dewama, <¢ a.2 2:4 eae eis Bagh ee Set gan Reo 2, 200 Stakhin-kwan +. 5356 Us4j. 2.1 ye tee ieee, fee See 1, 500 (KYGAHNI. ) Kyealini 2-25 aster pS tee ie ae ee eee 300 (NASSES. ) Nasse Indians. Chimsyans. otal Alaska Indians .2"- <= .%_ 32-2 eee ee 11, 650 Total: Alaska“Oranians: <5 S522) oe eee 14, 054 otal native population. 215.232 oe ee eee 25, 704 Add: Russians 2. 2°42 92... Rae eee eee ie 50 Add half- breeds: or’ Creoles. ..256 45 sees ee eee 1, 500 Add citizens (including 100 mulitary) . 22. ...225-2--2-- 250 1, 800 Total’ population of the Memitorye = =. = 9---a eee 27, 504 This estimate is probably over rather than under the real number, except for white citizens, whose number fluctuates, and who, during the mining-season, may number as many as fifteen hundred. BGS ae ON SUCCESSION IN THE SHELL-HEAPS OF THE ALEUTIAN ISLANDS BY W.. EH. DALE. The notes of which this paper is the result were made while engaged in a hydrographic and geographical reconnaissance of the Aleutian Islands, under the auspices of the United States Coast Survey. They were made at enforced intervals of leisure, occasioned by weather which would not permit the ordinary surveying operations of the party to be carried on; a circumstance which will explain the limitations by which our observations were necessarily curtailed. Notwithstanding this limitation, however, it is believed results of value have been obtained. The character of the islands is tolerably well known, and a sketch of them, which gives all the details necessary for a comprehension of this paper, will be found accompanying the paper on the distribution of the Indian tribes on the general map of Alaska Territory. Their topography, with few exceptions, is high and rugged; their shore-lines very irregular, and mostly rocky; their vegetation rich and abundant, but confined to herbaceous plants and small species of Vaccinium and Salix, none as a rule attaining to a greater height than four feet, and often creeping along the surface of the soil. The climate is moist and not cold, but inclement from the abundance of cloudy weather, fog, rain, and at certain seasons the prevalence of severe gales. The harbors are rarely closed by ice, and then only for a few days or until the first fresh breeze. 41 42 The invertebrate fauna of the shores is abundant in individuals, but sparse in littoral species. Fish are abundant to the eastward, but more and more scanty west from Atka Island. Sea-birds are everywhere found in myriads. The sea-lion, the sea-otter, fur-seal, and varieties of hair-seal, once very abundant, are now scarce or even entirely extinct in some localities. There is yet an abundance of small whales; some land-birds, including the ptarmigan (Lagopus albus); the blue fox has been introduced into many of the islands, and flourishes; lemmings of small size are said to exist on Kreesa or Rat Island to the westward, and, from Unalashka eastward, are, with Spermophilus Parryi, abundant. This comprises the indigenous vertebrate fauna of the present day. Wood is not abundant on the beaches, but is more plenty to the eastward, where the westerly current throws it on the eastern and northern shores of the islands. From an examination of the drift-stuff, it is evident that the larger portion of it comes from the east and south. The Sitka spruce, cedar and fir, Panax horridum, cocoa-nut shells, and acacia-nuts are all from the western shores of America, either indigenous or as refuse thrown overboard by the merchantmen. The Yukon spruce, willow, birch, and poplar are much less common and rarely occur. The islands are washed by two seas, both notoriously stormy and foggy. There are no currents, on their north shores, proper to Bering Sea. In the Pacific, the great easterly current passes entirely to the southward of the islands, not grazing them, and not affecting the water north of latitude 50°. It strikes the northwest coast of America at or near Dixon’s Entrance, and here a strong but narrow branch is deflected to the northward, and, follow- ing the trend of the coast, finally to the westward; passing south of the islands, and being evident as a current as far west as Atka, when it gradu- ally spends its force, and is not perceptible in the extreme western islands. The tide in this region rises in the east and sets toward the west, adding to the force of the current during the march of the tide. It rushes into Ber- ing Sea through the numerous passes and straits, carrying its burden of drift-wood, and generally forming a severe rip or tide-bore during its pas- sage; this, with the set of the Bering Sea tide, tends to form an occasional westerly drift or set, north of the islands. The northerly branch of the 45 Kuro Siwo passes far to the westward of the westernmost island, and between it and the warm current a broad strip of water, with a temperature of 35° Fahrenheit, intervenes. This is strikingly evident in the fauna of shoal water about Attu, where Arctic forms prevail almost exclusively. The strait between Kamchatka and the Commander’s Islands is, at its narrowest part, one hundred and twenty nautical miles wide; and, between them and Attu, it is two hundred and twenty miles wide. Between the Commander’s Islands and the end of the Aleutian chain is a great gulf of four thousand fathoms in depth, cutting off the fauna of Asia from that of America, except such portion as has spread from the Arctic along the shores southward on both sides of Bering Sea. I have been thus explicit in stating the physical features of the region, because they have a very important bear- ing on the subject of migration, and are usually wholly ignored in ethno- logical papers which treat of that topie. Shell-heaps are found on nearly all the islands of the Aleutian group. They are most abundant and extensive in the islands east of Unalashka, and on the few islands from Amchitka eastward, which are less high and rugged than the others; or on those where the greater amount of level land ‘is to be found. The two necessaries for a settlement appear to have been a stream of water or a spring, and a place where canoes could land with safety in rough weather. Where these are both wanting, shell-heaps are never found, and rarely when either is absent. The favorite spots appear to have been on narrow necks of land, across which an easy portage could be made from one body of water to another. Safety from hostile attacks also governed the selection of village-sites, and hence the mouths of streams abounding with salmon, but offering no protection, were seldom made a place of settlement. The earliest inhabitants, however, appear to have been less particular in this respect than their more modern successors. On the islands west of Amchitka, shell-heaps are less abundant, the shores being less fully provided with food and drift-wood, and less acces- sible for canoes. We observed shell-heaps in the following localities: Attu Island—1. At the head of Chichagoff Harbor, east of the present village; extent about three acres and a half; the shell-heaps covered with 44 an ancient village-site of subsequent occupation. 2. On the western shores of Saranna Bay. We were informed of similar deposits on Massacre Bay, and two other localities on the western and southern shores of Attu. Agattu Island—We were informed that some old village-sites exist on this island, which was inhabited at the time of its discovery. Kyska Island—On the south shore of Kyska Harbor, near a small portage, is a rather modern shell-heap. A modern village-site exists at the west end of the harbor, and one, quite extensive, on the bay on the west side of the island, opposite the harbor. Little Kyska Island—Afforded no evidences of fell -heaps. Amchitka Island—A flat and low island abounding with birds. Shell- heaps excessively abundant wherever a convenient cove presented a good site. A large settlement at the head of Constantine Harbor; another, smaller and apparently more modern, on the eastern shore of the harbor. Numerous large village-sites on the north shores of the island, west to Kiriloff settlement, the latter being quite modern, and abandoned in 1849. On the south shore, very extensive evidences of settlement, and a large resident population. Adakh Island—Near the Bay of Islands were several small village- sites on shell-heaps, and this island is said at one time to have been very populous. Atka Island—At Nazan Bay, only comparatively modern burial-places, rock-shelters, and a village-site were noticed. On Korovin Bay, there are several village-sites, but no old shell-heaps were seen. Amlia Island.—Said to have numerous old village-sites. Islands of the Four Craters—Were in comparatively modern times occupied by a considerable population, especially on Kagamil, but no shell- heaps are reported, and the former activity of the volcanoes, not yet quiet, would hardly have invited early settlement. Umnak Island.—Extensive evidences of early settlements and numerous village-sites reported. Unalashka Island—On this and the adjoining islets, on every practi- cable site, shell-heaps or village-sites are to be found, with numerous more 45 modern rock-shelters utilized for burial-places. There are nine village- sites on Captain’s Bay alone. Chika Rocks, Akutan Pass.—Here are remains of a small, but populous, settlement, but no shell-heaps. On the islands to the eastward of Unalashka these remains are so numerous as not to be practicable to enumerate, except such as we actually visited or have been specially reported to us, namely: Sannakh Islands, village-sites very numerous; False Pass, two localities for village-sites; Port Moller, Aliaska Peninsula, shell-heaps extending over twenty acres, village- sites much less extensive. Unga Island, at Delaroff Harbor; Korovin Island, Nagai Island and Simeonoff Island, among-the Shumagins. Chiachi Islands; Chignik Bay, Aliaska Peninsula, extensive village-sites; Chirikoff Island; and so on to Kadiak Island and Cook’s Inlet. The population of the islands was estimated at fifty thousand by Shelikoff, and, in view of the evidences of habitation, the estimate could not have been excessive at one time, though perhaps too great at the time he visited the islands. The present population is about two thousand. The village-sites or shell-heaps are indicated, as far as the eye can distinguish vegetation, by their brilliant green covering of herbage, which is only dimmed when covered by snow, and even in the height of spring is brighter and more verdant than the adjoining slopes. This is the result of the fact that the shell-heaps are great mounds of the most fertile material, which thousands of years would not suffice to exhaust by the ordinary draughts of nature. Bones, shells, and all varieties of rejectamenta having been deposited here for centuries, the covering of soil which has accumulated over them is incomparably rich, and it has even been suggested that the solid beds of compacted fish-bones, which are to be found in some localities, might be quarried and exported as a fertilizer. Nothing is to be got from these deposits without extensive excavation and patient search. Our usual method in investigating these accumulations was as follows: The shell-heaps, especially those surmounted by village-sites, usually pre- sent an undulating appearance, which from some neighboring elevation is at once seen to result from the following cause: The method of house- 46 building in vogue among the ancient inhabitants was to excavate slightly, to build a wall of flat stones or of bones of the larger whales, and bank this up on the outside with turf and stones. In these ancient houses, there was usually a door at one side, as in most Innuit houses, and as many of the Aleuts practice even now. The enormous yourts, entered only by a hole in the top and accommodating a number of families, were of more modern invention, and are rarely found among the ruined villages. From throwing out débris, and the gradual accumulation of material in the course of years, the house being more or less resodded every autumn, the outside embank- ment in the course of time became elevated from four to six feet above the level of the floor. The roof was formed of whales’ ribs in default of wood, covered with wisps of hay tied together and laid on grass-mats across the rafters; and all this was turfed over. Hence, when the house was aban- doned the straw and mats decayed, the earth and finally the rafters fell in (the latter being often removed to use in some new house), the rain and storms diminished the angles of the embankment, and, finally, the only evidence remaining would be a roundly rectangular pit, with steep sides, somewhat raised above the surface of the external soil. This might endure for generations without any practical alteration, as the stone walls within would prevent caving in at the sides, and the filling-up of the pit by the accumulation and decay of subaérial deposits would progress very slowly. As the ancient Aleuts built their houses as close together as possible, the surface which is left by the disappearance of the structures above described is irregularly pitted all over with depressions from four to six feet in depth, and varying from ten feet square to dimensions of forty by twenty feet, or even much larger. There is usually, on the highest point of the bank or knoll where the village stood, a pit much larger than the others, which was probably the workshop or kashim’ of the settlement. Around this we usually found tools and implements more abundantly than about the smaller pits or remains of houses. We also found that the floors of the pits hardly afforded anything until we reached the strata of the shell-heap upon which the houses had been erected; while the outer embankment, containing everything which had been thrown away, was correspondingly rich. We therefore adopted two methods of procedure. ‘When stormy 47 weather prevented surveying work, we would muster six or eight men with picks and shovels, clad in-storm-proof rubber-coats, boots, and sou’westers, and attack a shell-heap. Having, if possible, detected the kashim, one party would enter the pit which represented it, and dig away the embankments from the inside, having first cleared away the superficial covering of vege- table mold, often a foot deep, and the rank herbage upon it. This gave them a good “face” to work on, and was the easier part of the work. The others would start near the edge of the shell-heap, if possible taking a steep bank bordering on the sea or on some adjacent rivulet, and run a ditch into the deposit, going down until the primeval clay or stony soil was reached, and this was steadily pushed, even when quite barren of results in the shape of implements, until the day’s work was done. This latter gave us a clear idea of the formation and constitution of the shell-heaps; enabled me to distinguish between the different strata and their contents; to make the observations repeatedly; to fully confirm them by experience in many localities; and thus to lay the foundation for the generalizations suggested in this paper. While this work was barren in “finds” compared with the excavations in the superior and more modern accumulations, implements and utensils were by no means entirely wanting; on the contrary, several hun- dreds were collected in the period from 1871 to 1874, though I do not doubt that we moved half a ton of débris for every specimen found. Thirty specimens from all sources we considered a good day’s work, though we frequently obtained a larger number and often fewer. We excavated in this manner in Attu, Amchitka, Adakh, Atka, many localities in Unalashka, Amaknak Island, and the Shumagins, and made casual examinations or slight excavations in numerous other localities. In order to give a clearer idea of the arrangements of the village-sites, I subjoin a sketch, not representing with exactness any special site, but not dissimilar to one examined at Constantine Harbor, Amchitka. This represents the outlines of the houses as more distinct than they are in reality. The village had been built at the top of a steep bank, overlooking the broad sandy beach of the harbor, and a small stream divided the base of the bank from a marsh to the north of it. The absence of any differentiation into stone, iron, and bronze ages in 48 the archzeology of America is well known, as is the fact that the conditions of the stone age and the most advanced civilization exist simultaneously in the social state of living inhabitants of the North American continent in different regions. Hence it follows, in our archeology as well as in our paleontology, that we must break away from received ideas and nomen- clature, which fulfill their purpose in accel- erating the study of the successive epochs in Europe, but which, when applied to the differing conditions of America, to a certain extent at least, fetter and confuse. Even in America, the conditions are by no means so uniform as to authorize a single system Sketch of village-site. 2 3 K, oe eae of nomenclature in archeology. For intel- ligent study we must separate at least three regions, the Mississippi Valley, the Pacific Slope, and the Mexican Region, and perhaps to these should be added an Atlantic Region, extending from the Chesapeake to Labrador. The generalizations in this paper, however, cannot claim even so extended a range as might be implied by one of these regions. They refer only to the past conditions of life, as the facts in evidence show to have existed in the Aleutian Islands and the immediately adjacent shores of the continent. It is probable that the insulated condition and the narrow range of subsistence within which the ancient islanders were confined had much to do with the sharpness of the contrast between the successive stages which the strata of the shell-heaps reveal. From the observations and collections about to be enumerated, it appears to me probable that the following generalizations are well founded : I. That the islands were populated at a very distant period. II. That the population entered the chain from the eastward. II. That they were, when they first settled on the islands, in a very different condition from that in which they were found by the first civilized travelers. 49) IV. That it is possible that the later population was partly a distinct wave of emigration from the first; that is, that the emigration did not take place gradually and with a steady progress, but that a later influx may have taken place, of people who (while related to the firstcomers) may have had some opportunities for development in manners and arts while tempora- rily resident on the adjacent continent, while at the same time the firstcomers had been developing under different and more restricted conditions on the islands. V. That the people who first populated the islands were more similar to the lowest grades of Innuit (so-called Kskimo) than to the Aleuts of the historic period; and that while the development of the other Innuit went on in the direction in which they first started, that of the Aleuts was differentiated and changed by the limitations of their environment. VI. That a gradual progression from the low Innuit stage to the present Aleut condition, without serious interruption, is plainly indicated by the succession of the materials of, and utensils in, the shell-heaps ot the islands. VII. That the difficulties by which they were surrounded and the necessity of coping with natural limitations, by which the continental Innuit were not restricted, led to a more rapid and a greater intellectual development on the part of the Aleuts in certain directions; and that this progress is shown, among other ways, in the greater development of the possibilities of their language, in its more perfect grammatical structure, and in a much more thorough system of numeration, as compared with that of the continental Innuit. VIII. That the stratification of the shell-heaps shows a tolerably uniform division into three stages, characterized by the food which formed their staple of subsistence and by the weapons for obtaining, and utensils for preparing this food, as found in the separate strata; these stages being— 1. The Littoral Period, represented by the Echinus Layer. u. The Fishing Period, represented by the Fishbone Layer. im. The Hunting Period, represented by the Mammalian Layer. IX. That these strata correspond approximately to actual stages in the development of the population which formed them; so that their 4 D0 contents may appropriately, within limits, be taken as indicative of the condition of that population at the times when the respective strata were being deposited. To make clear the succession of the strata in the shell-heaps, I subjoin an ideal section of one of them, with one of the house-pits ~_ of a subsequent village surmount- ing it; the section showing the Section of shell-heap. i stone-walls of the latter still in A. Original hardpan. B. Echinns layer. C. Fishbone layer. D. Mammalian layer. E. Modern deposits and vegetable mold. place beneath the covering of vegetable mold and debris, A—THE LITTORAL PERIOD. In most of our excavations, especially in Attu, Amchitka, and Adakh, we found the first stratum of the shell-heaps, above the primeval soil or hardpan, to be composed almost exclusively of the broken test and spines of Echinus (Strongylocentrotus) Drébachiensis, (Miill.) Agassiz, recently described by E. Perrier under the name of Lowechinus violaceus. This is at present the common and only species of the family found living in the Aleutians. With it were found sparingly the shells of the following edible mollusks, all found living in the adjacent waters at the present time: Modiola vulgaris, Fleming. Mytilus edulis, Lin. Purpura lima, Martyn. Purpura decemcostata, Mid. Litorina sitkana, Phil., and vars. Tapes staminea, Cony. Saxidomus squalidus, Desh. Macoma nasuta, Conr. Acmea patina and A. pelta, Esch. The list is given in the order of the frequency of their occurrence, but they do not form altogether more than one-tenth of one per centum of the D1 stratum. Bones of all vertebrates, except very rarely those of fish, seemed totally absent in this stratum. Shells were not sufficiently abundant to modify the appearance of the layer, which was totally free from any admixture of earth or extraneous matter, and presented the aspect, until closely examined, of fine, pure, uni- form, greenish-white sand. This bed varied in thickness from a total of two feet to three feet in a vertical direction. The deposit extended everywhere underneath the shell-heaps, covering an area of three acres and a half at Attu, about four and three-quarters acres at one of the Amchitka vil- lages, and at Adakh half an acre or more, by measurement. Traces of it were found in all the shell-heaps examined, though its depth and extent were less fully determined at other points than those above mentioned. _ The echinus, though possessing no edible tissues of its own, is furnished with ovaries on the inner side of the dome of the test, radiating from the center. These, when in full condition, which occurs in some individuals at all seasons of the year, offer two or three tablespoonfuls of really palatable minute eggs, tasting like an oyster, and of a bright-yellow color. It would require forty or fifty adult individuals to afford a good meal for a man. They are eaten to this day in a raw state by the Aleuts. We may arrive at some slight idea of the length of time it must have taken to have formed such enormous deposits of this material, by a simple calculation. It is not at all likely that a community of natives could constantly obtain a sufficient supply of this kind of food at any one locality for any great length of time continuously. It is probable that they migrated from place to place within a certain area, subsisting at one place until the supply became short, and then going to another, and so on until the original locality had become restocked, which might readily occur, such is the abundance of this animal, in two or three months. It is also probable that at some seasons other kinds of food might be resorted to, such as birds’ eggs in the spring, &c. We may suppose that one locality might supply them with echini for three months of the year, at different periods during the year. It is probable, also, that at that time, with the limited amount of food to be obtained, the communities would be small, probably not exceeding twenty persons each on the average. 52 Upon these theoretical considerations as a basis, we may proceed to make a calculation.* Taking the least thickness of the beds at two feet, which I consider a fair average for the ordinary shell-heaps, the amount required to cover an acre two feet deep would be 87,120 cubic feet, using the United States statute acre (= 43,560 square feet) as a basis. Admitting that each person consumed one hundred echini per day, a community of twenty persons would consume two thousand per day, or, in three months, 184,000 echini. Having taken an echinus of the largest size, dried, and reduced it to coarse grains, such as those of the layer in question, I find that it occupies a cubical capacity of one and three-quarters cubic inches. The specimen was unusually large, not one in fifty, as seen on the shores, attaining its size. Furthermore, it was not practicable for me, without reducing it to dust, to make the dry fragments as compact as they are in the Kehinus layer; so, if there be any error in this part of the calculation, it will be on the side of prudence. At this rate, it would take 988 echini to make one cubie foot of the layer, and for the sake of convenience, it not being likely that an estimate of 1,000 to the cubic foot will be excessive, I shall adopt that number. This would give over eighty-seven millions of echini to a stratum two feet deep and covering anacre. Under the cireum- stances previously assumed, this would be formed by a community of twenty persons visiting one locality for three months in each year and eating one hundred echini four inches in diameter per diem per head in a little more than four hundred and seventy-three years. To form a deposit like that at Amchitka under the same circumstances would require over twenty-two hundred years. It would matter practically little whether one hundred large echini or eight hundred of half the diameter were eaten, the contents, either of nutri- ment or of solid material, in each case being about the same. The individuals not containing ova are rarely found except ata depth of several fathoms. They seem to enter the shallower water when gravid and to retire to the deeper water after discharging their eggs. This has probably some connec- *I must disavow any intention of proving anything absolutely by this calculation. It is merely intended to give a clearer idea than could otherwise be conveyed of the length of time which would be occupied in forming such a deposit under circumstances not in themselves improbable, and which may not materially differ from those under which the particular deposit mentioned was actually formed, Do tion with the mode of fecundation. Hence the tests of barren echini would not form an important factor in the accumulation of débris. Judging by the abundance of echini, as they exist to-day, it is not probable that more than twenty people could find sustenance from that source at any one place, no1 at that place for more than a quarter of a year, and then only at intervals The size of the specimen I selected was four inches in diameter; the average size will not exceed two and a half inches. Then birds’ eggs, occasional stranded seals and whales (whose bones would be left on the beach and finally washed away or destroyed), young birds, and the various edible orchidaceous roots, the Fritillaria root, and that of the Archangelica,—all these would be consumed and leave no trace. The various mollusks, apparently scarce at that period, would leave a much smaller cubical waste material in proportion to the nutriment they afforded than the echini. Indeed, of the Modiola and Mytilus, hardly anything but the horny epidermis remains in these beds, and these are the most nutritious and abundant mollusks of the region. J account for the absolute absence cf bones of any kind, except those of fish, from the Echinus layer, by some superstition like that which necessary economy has forced upon the minds of the present Innuit of Norton Sound. These people, believing that the guardian spirits of the beluga and salmon will be angry if any part of their gifts is wasted, carefully preserve all the bones in a store-house, and at times take the accumulation of years away and secrete it in some secure place where the dogs and wild animals cannot reach it. The Indians have a similar notion on the Yukon. It would seem impossible to doubt that dead carcasses at least of some sea- animals must have been obtained and utilized for food by the littoral people, and their bones may have been similarly treated. Food from all of these sources would have diminished the increase in depth of the Echinus layer in proportion to the amount of nutriment they afforded, and the time represented by it would be thus increased. On the whole, I am disposed to assign a time of not less than one thousand years for the accumulation of this stratum. When we reflect how long the savages of Tierra del Fuego, living in a very similar climate and in a not dissimilar manner, have been known to exist without any perceptible change in their mode of life, this does not seem an excessive estimate. That these savages were anthropophagi I do not doubt, though there are no evidences of it in the shell-heaps. rn D4 No human remains distinctly referable to this period have been dis- covered by us. Their mode of disposing of their dead remains in doubt. It is not impossible that they exposed them on the surface. Their houses, if they had any, must have been temporary structures of drift-wood, straw, and mats; at all events, they have utterly disappeared and left no sign. The littoral settlements appear to have almost always been situated upon some bank or hillock near the beach, but beyond the reach of storms or the highest tides. There are no evidences of any changes of the level of the land since the stratum was formed. ‘The western islands, where it is most strongly marked, are metamorphic, not volcanic or eruptive like many of the more eastern islands. We find in the Echinus layer no evidences of fire in the shape of char- coal (one of the most indestructible of substances when buried); and we know that the Aleuts of the historic period were accustomed to eat fish and most of their other food raw. Indeed, such is, and probably always has been, the scarcity of drift-wood on the western islands and its value for other purposes, that little of it has ever been used for making fires. No lamps have been found in the Echinus layer, nor any baking-stones or hearthstones, so we may reasonably conclude that these ancient people were not in the habit of using fire for domestic purposes, even if they were acquainted with its use. The climate, though inclement from a Caucasian point of view, is no more so than that of Magellan Strait, where the natives still go nearly naked. The total absence of awls, bodkins, knives, needles, or buttons, in fact of any bone utensil whatever which might be used in making clothes, and of any bone or stone implements for dressing skins, leads to the conclusion that these people did not wear much clothing; and what they might have worn was probably of a very simple character, such as a rude mantle of skin, softened by rubbing between the hands or with an ordinary pebble from the beach, like that of the Fuegians. It is not unlikely that they might have made some coarse fabric of straw or grass wkich would require no implements to sew, and would, if cast off, decay and leave no trace. No weapons of any kind were found in the tons of this pulverized Kchinus-shell which we examined. There is no evidence that they were DD acquainted with the use of the hand-lance or spear, though they may have had slings and weapons resembling a “‘slung-shot”. How low in the scale of humanity must these creatures have been who were content to pick up sea-eggs for a living! It may be asked, What is found in this layer to distinguish it from an accumulated wash from the sea? I may answer as follows: It must be noted that the Echinus layer always occurs under later deposits full of implements, and unmistakably human in their origin. It usually is situ- ated on some small knoll or other natural elevation of the original soil. It extends usually over a less area than the subsequent shell-heaps, and is thickest where they are thickest, 7. ¢.; in the most central portion of the remains of the settlement. These facts appear to prove conclusively that no other agencies than those referred to above could have been concerned in the formation of this layer, even if implements had been entirely absent. But we do find hamfher-stones, round pebbles from the beach with an in- dentation formed on either side for the finger and thumb, and bruises on the periphery, where the ancient had cracked his sea-eggs and shell-fish. We find heavy sea-shells broken, evidently for extracting the animal; and toward the top of the layer we begin to find net-sinkers of very rude patterns. These, how- ever, occur only near the uppermost surface, where the Echinus layer joins the stratum which I have termed the Fishbone layer. And now we mark a sudden, sharp, and extraordi- nary change in the whole character of the deposit. We have seen that a people have existed here, which, sO far *No. 13074 (241). —Hammer- stone from Echinus layer, at Constantine Harbor, Amchitka Island. Scale 4 linear. as discovery of vestiges or relics informs us, were without houses, clothing, fire, lamps, ornaments, weapons (unless of the most primitive kind), implements of the chase, for fishing, or even for cooking what they might have found upon the shore. If any of these things were possessed by them, they must have been formed of such rude or perishable material as to have.entirely passed. away. It would appear * The larger numbers refer to the number of the specimen in the Ethnological Catalogue of the United States National Museum, the smaller number to my own field-catalogue, and the fractions to the relative linear size of the figure to the specimen. D6 that they must have had rafts or rude canoes of some kind, but no trace of them is left. On the whole, it is eminently probable that they were sunk in the lowest depths of barbarism. Are we to ascribe the sudden change in their food, and the sudden increase in the kind and number of imple- ments found in the deposit, to the stimulating example of some genius who had invented a seine, or is it to a new incursion of people who had devel- oped in a less restricted field the ingenuity which led to the invention and manufacture of new and varied implements? Probability would seem to point to the latter explanation. B.—THE FISHING PERIOD. On the uppermost surface of the Echinus layer are found a few rude net-sinkers, indicating that to the primitive hand-nets or scoop-nets, with which the echinus-eaters might have secured their food, had been added the larger, more elaborate, and more effective seine. No, 13007.—Rude net-sinker from bottem of No. 16403 (406) —Modern net-sivker, village- Fishbone layer, Amaknak Cave, Amakuak Island, site, Chirikoff Island, 4 linear. Unalashka, # linear. While the rude character of the early sinkers, and the better-formed and more carefully-finished character of modern ones, would he evidence of progress in ofe direction, yet it must be noted that rude sinkers occur in all, even the most modern, deposits. Yet the fact that all the more ancient ones are rudely fashioned, and it is enly among the modern ones that we find any attempt at finish or symmetry, indicates that there was a progression, even if this was not attested in other ways. D7 It may be remarked also that the use of the seine would tend to knit the interests of the community together, as individuals could use hand-nets or gather echini, but the united labor of several would be required not only to use, but to make, the seine. Better material than the twisted grass, which might serve for hand-nets, would also be required to make a seine efficient. If this were supplied by sinew or raw-hide line, it would require the culti- vation of a new industry to utilize the raw material. The sinew from stranded whales was the probable source of supply. “Whatever might have been the cause of the change, it is a fact that we find immediately surmounting the Kchinus layer, in all cases, a bed composed of fish-bones, intermixed with molluscan shells, and rarely the bones of birds. Traces of Echinus test or spines may be occasionally seen, but these and the other materials mentioned form so small a proportion of the whole mass that to casual inspection it presents the appearance of a solid bed of fish-bones compacted and forced together by time, the tread of those ancient “feet, and the weight of the accumulations above. Here, as in the Echinus layer, we find a remarkable absence of earth, decayed vegetable material, or carbonized wood. The bones are clean and free from detritus. Had the people built houses, at least like those of the modern Aleuts, depressions in the strata of fish-bones, masses of earth from their turfy walls, or stones, would somewhere present themselves. There is no doubt that the fish were eaten raw, as that has been the custom until very recently among the historic Aleuts, and has not entirely died out to this day. But had fire been commonly used, we should anticipate some remains of charcoal in the deposits, or lamps, if fish-oil had been their fuel. These, however, have not occurred in all our researches. It is probable that these people lived in temporary huts of mats or skins, retiring and rising with the sun. The fish-bones composing the layer are those of species still commonly found in that region. They are chiefly the bones of the head and vertebree of two kinds of salmon (hoikoh’ of the Russians, and another, Salmo sp.), and similar parts of the cod (Gadus macrocephalus, Tilesius), the halibut (Hippoglossus vulgaris?, Cuvier), and several species of herring, sculpins, and flounders, which I cannot, at the date of writing, specifically identify. The 58 layer is so hard that a bar and pick-ax are required to disintegrate it. The beds vary in thickness, being in different places from one to three fect in depth, and at least two feet being about an average. This layer is well developed at Attu, Kyska, Amchitka, Adakh, most places examined on Amaknak Island, and in the various shell-heaps examined on the island of Unalashka. To this period I refer also the lowest stratum excavated in a remarkable cave situated on Amaknak Island, Captain’s Bay, Unalashka. A short account of our excavations in this cave (which we entirely cleaned out in the seasons of 1872 and 1873) has been published in the Proceed- ings of the California Academy of Sciences, from which the subjoined section and topographical sketch have been reproduced. This cave is situated under a large isolated mass of porphyrite, which stands up like a low tower on a flat, composed of old shingle-beaches, raised a few feet above the present sea-level. This flat unites higher areas of Amaknak Island to the north and south. The Cave Rock stands close to the beach, and is probably a portion of an old reef, an obstruction to which is probably due the formation of the flat. The rock is about twenty-five feet high from the level of the flat to its summit. Its sides teduced chart of the locality of the cave, showing the low isthmus between the higher portions of the island north and south, are abrupt, and it is covered with grass 25 feet. Vertical section of the Amaknak Cave, showing the rock, the beach southwest of it, and the flat isthmus formation northeast of it. A, upper stratum of brown mold, most modern deposit. B, layer of shingle or beach-worn stones. ; C, stratum of ‘kitchen refuse”, shells, &c. (Mammalian layer). D, lower stratum of organic mold with skeletons (Fish- bone layer). above. The greatest height of the eave inside is perhaps ten feet. The 12985 (267).—Chipped stone knife from bottom Fishbone layer, Constantine Harbor, Amechitka Island, #. : 12986 (428).—Stone knife, with hande indicated by dotted line, edge ground, and hole for lashing chipped through ; Fishbone layer, Amaknak Caye, Amak- nak Island, Captain’s Bay, Unalashka, #. 13058 (120).—Rude fish-spear of gray porphyrite, npper Fishbone layer, Chichagoff Harbor, ' Attu Island, } 59 entrance is not more than four feet in height from rock to rock, and is on the side opposite to the beach. It was originally walled up, and the upper border was, when first examined, only a foot or two above the level of the outside soil. We enlarged it by excavating to its full dimensions for convenience in working and to light the interior. Disregarding the order of excavation, it may be briefly stated that we found the floor of the cave to be an irreg- ular concave bed of soft porphyritic rock, covered first by a layer of organic mold, two feet in thickness in its greatest depth, and inclosing skel- etons and some stone implements. This layer I refer to the Fishing Period. Above this was a layer, six or eight inches thick, of kitchen refuse, indicat- ing that the cave had been used as a temporary camping-shelter by occa- sional hunting-parties, rather than as a dwelling-place. This layer, evidently of much later date, I refer to the early part of the Hunting Period. Above it was a layer of beach-worn shingle, apparently deposited by water. Then came another layer, from 18 to 20 inches thick, of fine organic mold, con- taining many implements and human remains, apparently referable to the period extending from the later part of the Hunting Period to the time immediately preceding the discovery of the islands by civilized people. Probably during this later period, while used as a burial-place, the roof of the cave had received a coat of red ochre or clayey ore of iron, and, per- haps to avoid desecration by the Russians, the doer had been walled up with stones, in which condition it remained until a few years before the time of our investigations. The details of each layer will be mentioned under the period to which I have referred them. I will only remark here that no evidences of civilized influence of any kind were discoverable in any of the articles found in the caye, and it unquestionably in its latest contents antedates the Russian occupation of the islands. The invention or introduction of the seine, judging by the remains found, worked a revolution in the economy of these savages. Fish, when raw, is a substance which cannot be conveniently dismembered by teeth and nails The use of sharp chips of stone as knives, doubtless of great antiquity, was soon superseded by the introduction of much more artistic implements of rhomboid or semi-lunar form. These at first had merely the edges ground instead of chipped; but later the entire surface was ground GO smooth, and sometimes holes were deftly formed by chipping, in order that the fashing of the knife, to a wooden handle like that of a furrier’s or chop- ping knife, might be made more secure. The finest-ground knives of the most artistic shapes do not, however, appear in this stratum, but above it. The first rude and rough lance-heads, such as might be useful in secur- ing salmon in shallow water, now begin to appear; and toward the upper surface of the fish-bone layer, bone implements begin to be introduced. This application of an easily-obtained substance, namely, the bone and ivory of the sea-animals, which then frequented these shores in the greatest abundance, seems to have stimulated the aboriginal mind much as in later days the invention of the printing-press and telegraph have affected modern races. The first forms were notably rude and roughly shaped, as the stone tools with which they were made must have been of the most primitive character, and the art was anew one. Still these rude objects have their counterparts, of more artistic shape and smoother and more delicate finish, in the weapons of the continental Innuit of to-day. As may be seen by fig. 13,000, at the termination of the Fishing Period, the manufacture had already much progressed beyond the rude forms figured with it; though this is indicated rather by the sharpness of the finish than by the shape. The latter is variable for different uses, though the form 13,000 does not appear in the stratum until long after the others. When the skin-canoe first came into use, or how the present indis- pensable and artistic bidarka was gradually elaborated from the first crude conception of a boat, we have no means of knowing, as the materials of which the earlier canoes must have been .composed are liable to decay. It is not improbable, however, that this improvement was coéval with the Fishing Period. The canoes of this epoch, however, were probably less highly ornamented and less perfect than those of the Hunting Period, as we find none of the little ivory paddle-rests and other ornaments which are now in use, and which are not uncommon in the Mammalian layer. But, with the invention of the hand-lance of stone and the application of bone to the same use, a multitude of new wants and appliances sprang ———— Sa 13063 (125).—Rude stone hand-lance head from upper Fishbone layer, Chichagoft Har- bor, Attu Island, ¢. 13000 (432).—Bone hand-dart head, lowest Mamma- Jian layer, Amaknak Cave, Amaknak Islaud, Captain’e Bay, Unalashka, @. (897).—Bone lance-head, upper Fishbone layer, shell-heaps, Unalashka Island, 3. 12999 (423)—Bone hand-dart head, upper Fishbone layer, Amaknak Cave, Amaknak Island, Captain’s Bay, Unalashka, +. a 6L into being. The savage mind was awakened and stimulated by many new applications for their rude weapons or for the results of the chase. Unlike subsisting on echini, which cannot be kept for future use, but must be eaten the day they are secured, the possibility of laying up a store of dry fish would ease the gnawings of necessity, give time for mechanical work and invention, and would often preserve life, which must, under similar exigen- cies in the preceding epoch, have been lost by famine or sacrificed to avert the starvation of other individuals. A store of provisions necessitates a store-house, a protection against the ravens and the weather. Here we have the first intimations of that enforced progress which is the result of preceding progress, and which, in the present instance, may have been the compelling cause which finally led to the construction of permanent winter- dwellings and villages. But the absence of means for lighting such dwellings, drift-wood being too valuable and searce to use for fires, and lamps not being invented, would retard the savages’ progress in that direction. The boldest of them would hesitate to immure himself in unnecessary darkness, which his animism would not have failed to people with innumerable evil or mis- chievous spirits. At that time, and before the blubber of the sea-animals was utilized for oil, it would doubtless have seemed the extremest extrava- gance to devote to burning, the fish-oil which was their greatest luxury. The right of the strongest being then in all probability the only law, and their stores being a coveted prize, the necessity of watchfulness and self-defense or ready escape would tend to determine the savage against putting himself in an underground house, where he might be killed “like a rat in a hole” without hope -of defense or escape, or in which he might sleep undisturbed while his hard-earned stores—necessarily kept for dryness above ground—were carried off by a thief in the night. Add to this the probability that it was only about this time that the opportunities for subsistence would have rendered it possible to congregate large communities in one locality for mutual protection, a work of time, slowly-growing confi- dence, and mutual trust, and it may readily be seen that the fishermen were only approaching the social state which made fixed villages possible. At the same time, the increasing means of subsistence with the improved methods of capture would obviate the cruel necessity of cannibalism, if it had pre- 62 viously existed, and in the ceaseless struggle by which the northern barbarian wrests his sustenance from a niggardly environment, a surplus store of food would give him now and then a breathing spell. This would render it possible for an occasional inventive or zesthetic idea to germinate and grow. The sharp line of definition between the Echinus layer and the Fish- bone layer, which suggested an incursion of fishermen upon the echino- phagi, is not paralleled in the line between this and the Mammalian stratun. The distinction is readily marked in an actual section of a shell-heap, but the uppermost portion of the Fishbone bed contains some mammalian bones, and the Mammalian bed throughout, but particularly at its base, con- tains a fair proportion of fish-bones. In fact, the change is what we might expect in the progress of a race stimulated by new invention or application of means which placed new, valuable, and eagerly-accepted powers within their reach. Unlike the previous stratum, the limitations of population and con- sumption, of demand and supply, are so vague that even the most lax hypothesis will not permit us to attempt any computation of the length of time which it might take to form a layer like the Fishbone layer. I believe it to have been nearly as long as the time required for the Echinus layer, but this is only an assumption. The earliest remains of man found in Alaska up to the date of writing I refer to this epoch. These are some crania found by us in the lowermost - part of the Amaknak Cave, and a cranium obtained at Adakh near the anchorage in the Bay of Islands. These were deposited in a remarkable manner, precisely similar to that adopted and still practiced by most of the continental Innuit, but equally different from the modern Aleut fashion. At the Amaknak Cave we found what at first appeared to be a wooden inclosure, but which proved to be made of the very much decayed supra- maxillary bones of some large cetacean. These were arranged so as to form a rude rectangular inclosure covered over with similar pieces of bone. This was somewhat less than four feet long, two wide, and eighteen inches deep. The bottom was formed of flat pieces of stone. Three such were found close together, covered with and filled by an accumulation of fine vegetable and organic mold. In each was the remains of a skeleton in the last stages of decay. It had evidently been tied up in the Innuit fashion to get it into its narrow house; but all the bones, with the exception of the skull, were reduced to a soft paste, or even entirely gone. At Adakh, a fancy prompted me to dig into a small knoll near the ancient shell-heap ; and here we found, in a precisely similar sarcophagus, the remains of a skeleton, of which also only the cranium retained sufficient consistency to admit of preservation. 'This inclosure, however, was filled with a dense peaty mass not reduced to mold, the result of centuries of sphagnous growth, which had reached a thickness of nearly two feet above the remains. 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ical ie} i=l i] ty oat l=! i> jee} ie] ie} is Q °o > eal 2A) ca CS BS EM g Bailes Bie (ee Be fae eS Wg 4 BLE We FS S oy] 2 | og 5 be s S) EL Wey et 14 © 33 3 B | 3 5 8 ah Es ra 5 | & i= Se S fe = a s ta n I o = = 8. o) 5 See coe PSN EE EE EE Sta TM Sl ata eae fel ee | eS eae arls pee (ge sci les : “‘BHIVMLAY alSeise ed on) | ace = = p eh Ss = ae lee ca B B *A]T[RIO[ OY) WO sajON ee se SS lesed sales eek We) Pe EP Se = B| g - = te) = = : : 2 Palle at EN oka leah | =| 2 E Bom = 2/ 2 |] & & Eee ee s tba Wicks ‘dOIded ONIINOH GHL FO SLOATV GHL FO NAXCTIHO AO VINVYO—IA 69 The crania of Orarian tribes of Northwest America and Eastern Siberia, when compared with those of Greenland, show a greater cubical capacity ; a head of about the same length, but proportionately much broader in its broadest part and with a broader forehead. The skull is also proportion- ately not so high. The coronal ridge, [typical to a certain extent of all Orarian crania, and from which it occurs that the terms ‘ roof-shaped” and “scapho-cephalous” have been applied to them,] which is very strongly marked in some Greenland skulls, is less apparent in the majority of the Northwestern Orarians, and the decrease in cranial capacity occurring from a diminution in this particular is made up for by a broadening of the cranium. The following table shows the facts alluded to. The number of crania from the Northwest affording the means used range from 56 to 42, being taken from the preceding tables, and compared with a series of means from 99 to 101 Greenland skulls measured by Dr. Bessels. = Breadth of reas ll) oHeiehe Locality. Capacity. | Length. Breadth. frontal. Northwesterits--.---..-- Bese noeeenasocedooudtosceke Cogse 1401 176 144 Vit 150 (Greenlanders see: ape soe fas oe sesia= sae a eee eee seer 1250 175 127 102 138 Among the northwestern people, the crania of the Aleuts collectively, compared with the Northwest American and East Siberian Innuit crania, show differences precisely similar to, but less in degree than, those which have been pointed out as distinguishing the northwestern people from the Greenlanders; the Aleuts, as might be expected, showing the greater special- ization, while the continental people tend more toward the Greenland type. é Breadth of p Capacity. Length, Breadth, | frontal Height. Slots ieee eee ee ee eee ele ei 3 1409 176 143 | 120 126 PMN DG esos toe eee Ce etna eee ae eee Sos ta Ae 1388 W7 138 | 103 131 In obtaining these means, an average of twenty-five Aleut crania have been employed, and an average of fifteen of Asiatic and Northwestern American Innuit. The people of the Aleutian Islands were formerly divided into two principal groups or tribes according to some authorities on the subject, 70 namely, the Atkans and (Eastern or) Unalashkans. A comparison between about the same number of Aleut crania, from the east and from the west, shows the differences to be very trivial, if, indeed, they ure not such as would disappear entirely with the examination of larger numbers of specimens, or under mensuration by a different person. Breadth ot | Capacity. | Length. Breadth. 5 Height. frontal. ISPS aN a ese) eS eC Scab Sune sabn -eAacnedaaa oe cobesesSaan se 1434 177 150 115 128 Western ...-.-.---- 5 Ge sbe nce bon escecsosseecsoucsccsooese 1400 176 149 115 131 The crania supposed to belong to the era of Fishermen have not been included above. Indeed, they are so imperfect, for the most part, that it would be worse than rashness to attempt any generalizations upon them. Compared with the twenty-two more modern crania referred to the epoch of Hunters, they stand as follows: Capacity. | Length. Breadth. Breadth of Height. frontal. ISHETME ye cees ses aae ie eee eae ceine nae cesar eee 1320 172 145 117 132 IS GSN) bao soa cee RSH Be cece ac soSSeOoreesiocortes aaaasendee 1418 176 148 115 130 A slightly smaller capacity might have been expected of the ancient Fishermen, but it may not have existed, and, except for the few individuals concerned, the above comparison does not prove it. The other differences are of the most trivial description. The average facial angle among the Aleuts appears to have been about 72°. In this connection, I may venture to remark that, while not a professed craniologist, I have had the opportunity of examining a very large number of aboriginal crania, and have become impressed with the great range of variation which occurs in cases where no hybridity can be reasonably asserted. It has appeared to me that while certain features, hardly defina- ble, are to be recognized in crania from a single locality, yet when a com- prehensive series of crania of any race to the number of several hundred are examined, if the people be widely distributed in area, and subjected to vari- ous conditions of diet and surroundings, it will invariably be found that nearly all the so-called characteristic types of crania may be recognized, and 71 that from dolichocephaly to brachycephaly a series of individual variations will be found closing up apparent gaps. I am far from denying that bra- chycephalic or dolichocephalic crania may be found to be characteristic of races restricted to a limited area or uniform conditions, but that craniology, any more than odlogy, is an exact science, seems yet to be proved. That arace can be identified by cranial characteristics, though often assumed, has never been satisfactorily established, and the practice of characterizing a people from the examination of half a dozen skulls, as has occasionally been done, seems little short of absurdity. I cannot refrain from suggest- ing that much of the apparent confusion in certain departments of American archeology is likely to be cleared up when its full measure is allowed to the factor of individual variation. When such extremes in difference of form, for instance, as 199"™ and 165™™, with respective breadths of 137™" and 144™™, are on record among Eskimo crania, and by no means very excep- tional, a little hesitation in accepting world-wide theories, based on a few narrow or broad skulls of a given people, seems not unreasonable. C.—THE HUNTING PERIOD. With the ability to kill, by means of bone weapons, and aided by some kind of skin canoes, not only fish from the shores, but sea-animals, and even birds, many new instruments were required. Many new wants and applications of material sprang into being. To utilize the results of the chase, many new contrivances were necessary. With this expansion in their powers, and this change in the habits of the aborigines, the stratum which I have termed the Mammalian layer began to be deposited. This was eminently an epoch of hunters. The Mammalian layer has been recognized wherever we have made excavations. It attains a varied thickness in different localities, due to differences in population and abundance or scarcity of the animals hunted. Many refuse or kitchen heaps were entirely deposited during this epoch. It is evident that the population, whose increase had begun during the last period, now that the means of sustenance were so greatly enlarged, might expand until the food supply and consumption were again in equilibrium. 72 That it did increase very largely, there is hardly any room to doubt. To show this, the increased number of shell-heaps of this period is sufficient. They extend over all the islands, the Peninsula of Aliaska, and we have in the National Museum bone implements of pattern similar to those of the Mammalian layer, obtained near the mouth of the Stakhin or Stikine River. These last are dissimilar to Indian weapons, and the modern Indians of that region never use bone for arrow-points. I am tolerably well satisfied that the deposit whence these were obtained is also an Innuit shell-heap. Where we have made excavations we have found the Mamma- lian layer varying from two or three feet to eight or ten feet in thickness. The combined thickness of the shell-heaps (including the deposits of the Fishing and Hunting Periods), on Hiulink Spit, Unalashka, is about fifteen feet. The difference is chiefly due to the differences in population and length of occupation of the various localities. We have no means of esti- mating the length of time required to produce these accumulations, but we may obtain hints of it from the facts relating to the Amaknak Cave. Here we have the three skeletons deposited some time during the Fishing Period. These were then gradually covered by an accumulation of mold, resulting from the decay of vegetable matters and organic refuse, possibly brought in by foxes who might have had their nests in the cave, or partly from material which might have gradually worked its way in from the exterior by the aid of the weather. This would have been a very slow process, when we note that the cave is so protected by its contracted aperture that hardly anything could be carried in by the wind; the bottom not being below the natural surface of the outer soil, it would receive little or no wash from the flat outside. Considering the great antipathy, exhibited by the Innuit generally, to approaching a burial-place of this kind, to say nothing of camping on it, the covering of the remains buried there must have been complete, and the original use forgotten, before the deposition of the next layer could have been commenced. The Cave Rock, as shown in the sketch, stands on a narrow isthmus, and, being a damp place, presents no qualifications for a dwelling. The layer C is composed of kitchen refuse, bones, broken arrow-heads, odds and ends of carvings half finished, &e., &e. Tt seems evident to me that it was made by occasional parties of (ic) natives forced to seek shelter from storms until the surf subsided, so that they might launch their bidarkas from the stony beach beyond. The material, as a whole, is that of a temporary camp of traveling hunters rather than that of a dwelling, and the cave is situated close to a frequently- used portage or cut-off. The six inches of débris from the repasts of ocea- sional visitors (who unquestionably were men of the Hunting Period) must have accumulated very slowly. Then it would seem as if some tidal or earthquake wave was instrumental in forcing a layer (B) of heavy shingle- stones from the adjacent seca-beach into the cave. After this had been accomplished, the use of the cave was again changed, and it became a second time a refuge for the dead. The upper layer (A) was exclusively composed of decayed organic matter, from which refuse was excluded, apparently only the bodies of the dead, and articles placed with them, contributing to its formation. This material is free from any taint of civilized influences, and, as I have previously mentioned, unquestionably antedates the advent of the Russians. The length of time taken to form the layer of eighteen or twenty inches of this mold cannot have been small. About the time of the Russian advent (in all probability) the mouth of the cave was walled up, perhaps to avoid its desecration by the bigoted Greek missionaries. In this condition it remained until 1870, or thereabouts, probably about a century after its being closed. While estimates may differ largely as to the actual time occupied in all this, few will be melined to dispute its being very considerable. If we allow a thousand years for the duration of the Littoral Period, or deposition of the Echinus layer (and I am disposed to do so), then I think that fifteen hundred or two thousand years is not an excessive estimate for the duration of the Fishing and Hunting Periods. It must be recollected that the proportion of the refuse to the food-supplying material in fish, and especially in mammals, is much less than in the case of the echini; consequently, the population being similar, the time required to form a layer of fish-bones or mammalian bones would be greater than that required to form an equally deep layer of echinus shells. But the population undoubtediy increased considerably, which would vitiate the proportion if it were not that the area of the shell- heaps also increased very greatly in the later epochs. On the whole, [am 74 inclined to think that three thousand years is a moderate estimate for the time required to form these mounds of refuse. The constitution of the Mammalian layer is, as would naturally be expected, much more heterogeneous than that of either stratum previously deposited. The contents, besides the remains of shells, fish, and occasionally of echini, which have been previously enumerated, are principally as follows: LOWER MAMMALIAN LAYER. Bones of the following mammals: Callirhinus ursinus, fur-seal. Eumetopias Stelleri, sea-lion. Phoca, or hair-seals, two species. Ltosmarus obesus, walrus; rarely in the eastern islands. Phocena vomerina, pufling-pig. Orca ater, the killer whale. MIDDLE MAMMALIAN LAYER. The above, and the following mammals and birds : Megaptera versabilis, the hump-backed whale. Diomedea brachyura, the mottled albatross. Mormon corniculatus, the horned puttin. Mormon cirrhatus, the tufted puffin. Uria sp., several of the divers. Phaleris sp., several of the smaller auks. Lagopus albus, the ptarmigan. Larus leucopterus or glaucescens, the larger gulls. Lissa tridactyla, the kittiwake. And bones of several species of eiders and other ducks. UPPER MAMMALIAN LAYER. All the preceding, and also the bones of— Balena Sieboldii, Pacific right whale. Dalana mysticetus, bowhead or Polar whale. 16058 (889).—Stone dart-head from lower Mammalian layer (C), Amaknak Cave, Unalashka, chipped quartzite, +. 16062.—Obsidian dart-head, upper Mammalian layers, shell-heaps, Port Méller, Aliaska Penin- sula, }. 12995 (287).—Quartzite dart- point for bone hand-lance, upper Mammalian layer (A), Amaknak Cave, Unalashka, +. 14918 (439).—Head of. whaling-lance, }, from upper Mammalian layer (A), Amaknak Cave, Unalashka. Green slate, ground sharp on both edges; the other side flat. 79 Lthachianectes glaucus, the California gray whale. Sibbaldius sulfurcus, the sulphur-bottom whale. Balenoptera velifera, the fin-back whale. Physeter macrocephalus, the sperm whale. And various species of birds not identified. Also in the most eastern islands, and rarely even there, the following introduced species : Vulpes lagopus, the Arctic fox (afterward introduced by the Russians into many other islands). Canis familiaris var. borealis, the Eskimo dog. All these remains are largely mixed with organic matter in a perfect state of decay, such as would result from the decomposition of grass and other vegetable fibers, turf, drift-wood, and all the soft rejectamenta of a savage people. Remains of houses of the half-underground type, afterward so univer- sal, appear only in the middle stratum, showing that not until then had the population so multiplied and mutual confidence sufficiently matured, for the more ancient, temporary, above-ground houses to begin to be supplanted by more substantial and comfortable structures. With the new resources at their command, the invention of new forms of implements and entirely new tools greatly multiplied, rendering it nec- essary to attempt a sort of classification in considering them. WEAPONS. These were greatly improved, and forms multiplied, and were made often in more artistic fashion, with some attempts at ornamentation. They consist of hand-lance heads of stone, obsidian, and bone, or both combined. The later forms for seal-hunting had bone barbs and obsidian tips, combining thus sharpness for incision and toughness for retention. The later whale harpoons were always slate-tipped, the modern Aleuts ascribing some poison- ous quality to that stone, which they assert will invariably kill the whale in a few days, providing the slate-tip remains in the wound, even if the dart has penetrated but slightly. It would be impossible, without figuring hundreds of these weapons, to show the gradual progress in finish and 76 adaptations of form which, as a whole, characterizes the weapons of the successive portions of the shell-heaps. I have therefore contented myself with a selection of the more characteristic types. These seem to show not only a gradual progress, but a remarkable similarity in type of the earlier weapons of the Aieuts to the modern types i use among the Eskimo of the adjacent region. These Eskimo types are very ancient and have been handed down, with some improvements but not much alteration of form, from a period probably contemporaneous with these Aleut weapons. ‘The stone dart soon ran its course among the Aleuts, and became with them merely an appendage of the bone dart-head. This was owing to the lesser facilities which it affords for retention in a wound when compared with the bone barbs. When bone was first applied to this purpose, the weapons were of a most primitive character. No. 16083 exhibits one of these rude and clumsy forms. At first, all the weapons seemed to have been barbed on one side only, and this type persists to the present day;- but points barbed on both sides were introduced at a very early stage, and also still persist, each type being in some respects better fitted for some special purpose. The bone points were first made to be permanently attached to the shaft of the dart. But an improvement was soon intro- duced, by which it was detached, but not lost, being still made fast to a cord attached to the shaft, when a wounded animal had worked it out of its socket. This saved the shaft from breaking, an important consideration with the Aleuts, from the scarcity of wood suited to the purpose. But the oldest form still persisted, and is now in use among the Eskimo, but chiefly as children’s toys for shooting at a mark or at small birds. Various modifi- cations of the type represented by No. 16079 were found in various parts of the shell-heaps above the lower Mammalian layer, on the whole improvy- ing much in finish as we pass to the specimens from the upper strata. None of them, however, carried this form. to the perfection which has been reached by the modern Eskimo, a specimen of whose work is shown in No. 16413. When the double barbing was introduced, we have no means of deciding ; but none of our specimens are from a greater depth than the middle Mamma- lian stratum. At first, the barbs of one side were longer than those of the other, and a tendency to this may be noted in most modern Eskimo dart- 16083 (897) —Primitive bone dart-head, lowest Mammalian layer, Ulakhta Spit, Unalaskka, 4. 16063 (897).— Lower Mammalian layer, Ulakhta Spit, Unalashka, bone dart-bead, 4. 16079 (759).—Bone dart-head, lower Mammalian layer, Port Moller, Alias- ka Peninsula, #. (Grooved for poison 2) 13004 (358).—Bone dart-head, lower Mammalian, ancient rock- shelter, Atka Isiand, }, 16083 b (897).—Primitive bone dart-head, low: r Mammalian layer, Ulakhta Spit, Unalashka, #- 16214.—Modern Eskimo bone dart-head, Cape Etolin, Nunivak Island, Bering Sea, 3. Introduced to show similarity of type combined witb artistic finish in the modera Eskimo weapon. Bey we hs : . e J - 3 a ¢ . Wii fa iJ i wale ‘ a4 = » pe eee - i oe ¥ ia ate 13024 (357).—Aleut bone dart-head, middle Mammalian layer, Nazan Bay, Atka Island, 3. 13023 (328).—Aleut bone dart-head, middle Mammalian layer, Adakh Island, 3. This cut isengraved alittle too smoothly to show the roughness of the original compared with the next figure. 13023 a (328a).—Aleut bone dart-head, upper Mammalian layer, Adakb Island, }. 15673.—Modern Eskimo dart-head, Cape Etolin, Nunivak Island, Bering Sea, +. Introduced to show similarity of type with greater finish in the modern weapon. 16083 a (897).—Aleut bone dart-head, to hold obsidian point, up- per Mammalian layer, Ulakhta Spit, Unalashka, 3. 14937 (459).—Ditto of later part of Hunting Period, burial-place, Amaknak Island, Una- lashka, $. 1568.—Modern Eskimo dart-head, Cape Etolin, Nunivak Island, Bering Sea, ¢. Intro- duced to show identity of type of the prehistoric Aleut weapon with the better finished modern one of the continental Innuit. 77 points of the same type. But with the Aleuts the form soon became nearly symmetrical, as figured in 13023 and 13023 a. Some of these points from the middle and upper parts of this stratum are beautifully finished and sym- metrical. They are always thinner than the Eskimo weapon of the same type, and for this reason probably, were not weakened by a hole in the butt. If secured by a cord it was probably made fast to the haft just in advance of the butt. Again, however, as a general proposition, the modern Eskimo weapon of the same type is more cleanly and sharply finished, and always stouter and stronger. Instead of being flattened, like the Aleut weapon, it is carinated on each side, thereby much increasing its strength. The Eskimo weapons more generally have a conical haft, while the Aleuts made theirs more commonly with a wedge-shaped square haft. The final improvement in dart-points was made, as far as we can judge, about the time of formation of the uppermost Mammalian strata, none of the examples occurring in the lower or middle layers. This was the pointing of the bone-dart with obsidian or stone. As compared with the rude implements of the Fishing Epoch previously figured, Nos. 16058 and 16062 show'much better workmanship, and the final type to which the stone points gravitated is shown by No. 12995. Stone dart- points, except the small ones for bone hafts, are not abundant after the early part of the Hunting Epoch. The bone article served the purpose much better, and hence was universally used. Still we find occasional specimens of stone heads, even to nearly historic times. An unusual modification, offering many objections to its general use (and asa type, I believe, unique), was found in the uppermost stratum at Port Moller, and is figured with the others (No. 16083 a). The final form of the stone-pointed bone dart is shown by figure 14937, while the Eskimo weapon of the same type is represented by 1568, below the first. The Eskimo have worked out the same type of weapon, finely finished, but their less restricted environment made its use less universal than it became among the Aleuts. A specimen of one of the slate whale-harpoon heads carefully ground is also figured (No. 14918). It came from the later deposits of this period. In the middle Mammalian layers at Ulakhta Spit, I was puzzled by certain round bone or ivory articles which I found. They were made of that part of the walrus tusk or sperm- 78 whale tooth which has a central hollow or core, which had been reamed out. Some of the old Aleuts explained to me that these things were placed on the point of a dart when practicing at a mark, in order that it might not 12215 (263)—Button for dart, of sperm- hecome blunted. The annexed figure shows one whale-tooth ivory, upper Mammalian e : layer, Constantine Harbor, Amehitka, |. Of these, which I found in the uppermost layer at Amehitka, very nicely finished and much more artistic than the older speci- mens of Unalashka. IMPLEMENTS. Use relating to dress. With the ability to kill sea-animals affording skins for clothing, and the utilization of these skins, which we have some reason to think took place about the latter part of the Fishing Period, came the necessity for new implements to adapt the skins to their proposed use. Accordingly, in the lowest beds of the Mammalian period we begin to. find, for the first time, various implements of this kind. The most common (as the least valuable and most likely to be lost or thrown away) are pumice-stone skin-dressers or rubbers, of variable shape, but always with flattened sides and rounded edges, and usually longer than wide. These do not materially alter in ap- pearance in the different strata. The coarse grain of the pumice, which floats on the sea and may be found on most of the beaches, is admirably adapted for removing the remnants of flesh and tendinous matter from a dry, raw skin. Then we find rude bone skin-dressers, more or less chisel- shaped, and hardly to be distinguished from the wedges hereafter to be described, except by not being hammered at the thicker end. These bone dressers, however, improved greatly in form and finish. One from the lower stratum is figured (16079) above, and another from the upper stratum (16088) is remarkable for the care with which it is finished and the excava- tion of one side clear to the tips of the horn-processes, which afforded a secure grip to the prehistoric tanner. This implement is even better finished than most of the modern Eskimo tools of the same kind which have come under my notice. In addition to these implements, small, sharp stone scrapers, usually ground flat, and with chipped edges, are found throughout the Hunting 16028 (903).—Deer-horn skin-dresser, up- per Mammalian layer, Port Miller, Aliaska Peninsula, 4. 14910._—Pnmice-stone skin-dresser, upper Mammalian layer (A), Amaknak Cave, Unalashka, 4. Side view. ° 16079 (759).—Bone skin-dresser, lower Mammalian layer, Port Mller, Aliaska Peninsula, +. 16057 (889).—Stone skin-scraper, lower Mamma- lian layer, Ulakhta Spit, Unalashka, }. 16054 (885).—Ground slate skin-knife, middle Mammalian layer, Amaknak Cave, Unalashka, 4. 16084 (898).—Bone sewing-awl, lower Mammalian layer, Ulakhta Spit, Unalashka, 4. ; 12995 a (287).—Upper Mammalian layer, Constantine Harbor, Amchitka, 3. (1) Period. These were used for remoying the remnants of flesh and muscle from the edges and corners of the skin in places not reached by the larger implements. ‘To cut and sew the skin, when dressed, other implements were required. The knife figured under the Fishing Period had been by this time much improved in its general finish by being ground smooth over its entire surface, instead of merely at the cutting edge. No. 16054 shows a fine example of this type. These knives, of course, were used for many other purposes besides cutting the dressed skins; but for this they were better than scissors, not cutting the hair. Something similar is used by all furriers. or piercing the skin, in order to insert the thread, an awl was used. This, from the earliest times, was preferably of the wing- bones of birds. They answered the purpose better than other bones on account of the hollow in them, and their harder texture, which made it easier to keep them sharp. The more modern awls are the better finished, but the general form is not changed from that of the primitive type. One is figured above from the lower, and one from the upper, Mammalian layer. With these things are found a great variety of whetstones of all shapes and sizes, on which the bone and stone tools were brought to a sharp edge. The thread was twisted, of whale-sinew, and attached by a little resin, from the bark of pine or spruce drift-wood, to a bit of quill or bristle, like a cobbler’s “‘ waxed end”, in lieu of aneedle. In the remains of a woman’s work-basket, found in the uppermost layer in the cave, were bits of this resin, evidently carefully treasured, with a little birch-bark case (the bark also derived from drift-logs), containing pieces of soft haematite, graphite, and blue carbonate of copper, with which the ancient seamstress ornamented her handiwork. There were also a multi- tude of little bone splinters, used as needles or awls. Among the modern Aleuts, the fibers of baleen were formerly made use of for a similar purpose. These things were once inclosed in a basket of woven grass, which had shared the fate of its owner, and passed away. I suppose that the birch- bark was also used by these natives as tinder, for which its resinous prop- erties peculiarly adapt it. Up to the close of the Fishing Period, though it is incredible that they should not have been acquainted with the use of fire, yet there are no evidences of its having been used in any way. We 80 may safely conclude that it did not come into general use until the absence of woody fuel was made up for by abundant supplies of oil and blubber from the slaughter of sea-animals. Not only must there have been an abundant supply for savage appetites, but there must have been an abun- dant surplus to induce them, habituated to cold and exposure, to use such valuable food as fuel. This had also an important bearing on the use of half-subterranean houses, where light would be needed a large part of the time in winter, and on the employment in mechanical and other labor of time which would otherwise have been devoted to sleep or idleness. This brings us to utensils of— Use in mechanic arts, &e. The use of oil for lighting and cooking purposes necessitated a lamp of some kind. All the Innuit use a lamp of similar construction. It bears a slight resemblance to the ancient Greek lamp, being merely a saucer or dish of stone or clay, with a wick, usually of sphagnum, arranged along the edge. Some Innuit tribes have elaborated this conception, and form large semi-lunar dishes of steatite for this purpose. Most of the tribes, however, use a lamp entirely similar to that of the ancient Aleutian hunters, an oval or circular shallow dish of stone or baked clay. Clay suitable for pottery is exceedingly rare in the Aleutian Islands, and hence does not appear to have ever come into general use. No pre- historic pottery has ever been found there. Many of the continental Innuit, however, make rude pots and cups, as well as lamps, of burned clay. The annexed figures show a typical stone lamp from Unalashka, and a unique form from the upper beds. The latter was probably carved by some storm-bound hunter in his temporary shelter, as it was broken in several pieces when found, and had never been used. Fire other than in lamps was never used in their houses by the early Aleuts, and even in historic times the same is reported by the old voyagers, who say that when the natives were cold they folded their long robes about them, “ built a fire of grass, and stood over it”. Small lamps a couple of inches in length are sometimes found, suggesting toys; but these were carried in their kyaks by the natives, who used them to warm themselves in winter, or when chilled 13022 (270).— Bone wedge fromlower Mam- . 7 = 14896 (232).—Ston hyri malian layer, Constantine Harbor, Amchitka lower Sharan a ee aoe som Island, 2. thea yer, akhta Spit, Una- » 2. I} Ih mi 13034 (355).—Adze of green 13021.-—Lamp carved from unbaked clay, upper Mammalian layer, quartzite, Upper Mammalian, old rock-shelter, Nazan Bay, Atka, 4. barial-place, Nazan Bay, Atka, 4. _— + > - + > e ‘ 2 > o~ a ‘ ~ « # : _s . -! & «= ee P * ™ J 4 ? wo : ; = “ 2 fs r : 5 es ie ie i a ‘ina ' 7 , = os fe } t -~ ‘ * i] ry N ' - a , : . re , a é - P) : . ’ y — 3 " 4 P % - a ' e¢ oe! - ‘ - 7 i ; r = = r re a : ‘ aT Z < S ee ie te ' « , y fa Ata Se Dita : i . ' ’ > A 4 7 ane a -_— fee 0a? “Fie ( m if we ‘ 7 . 4 oho ; “a a a ew Ac ie sant pa (Yee = - epee il Roms, 2090 es, 81 by long contest with the icy-cold waters. They were lighted and held under their garments until the heated air, confined by the gut-shirt or kam- layka, had served its purpose. In the course of time, however, wood from the shores, when unsuited for other purposes, was used as fuel, the fires being made in the open air, on stone hearths, built for the purpose. Many of these hearth-stones were found by us bearing the marks of fire. They were preferably somewhat concave on the upper surface, but otherwise irregularly shaped. The natives also used the bones of cetaceans, spongy and full of oil, for fuel. They sometimes placed fish or meat between two concave stones, plastered the chinks with clay, and baked the whole in the fire until done. Much of their food, including algze, shell-fish, most true fish, the octopus or cuttlefish, and blubber, was eaten raw. The old men, to this day, ascribe the various com- plaints, which have afflicted later generations, chiefly to the pernicious prac- tice of cooking food. Wood was prepared for various uses by splitting it with a maul and bone wedges. These latter articles are among the most common relics of the Mammalian layer. They are to be distinguished from skin-dressers of similar shape by their ruder outline and by being ham- mered at the broader end. A specimen is here figured, which had received much hard usage. They were usually cut from the jaws or ribs of whales. The cutting of the bone, from the marks left on fragments found in the shell-heaps, was usually done with a sharp-edged stone used as a saw or file, and very rarely with any other tool. There is hardly any stone on the islands, such as serpentine, fit for making celts or adzes. They were probably imported from the continental Innuit at great cost, and very highly valued. We know that small thin iron chisels, shaped like the native celt (which was always attached like an adze to a wooden kiee or handle), were among the most profit able trading goods of the first discoverers. Fifteen and even twenty of the finest sea-otter skins were cheerfully paid for one. To the great value which they attached to them I refer the absence of these implements from the shell-heaps. Not one was found in all our excavations. And in only one case, that of a comparatively modern, though prehistoric burial-place, has an adze or celt been found in the Aleutian Islands. This is one of the ethnological peculiarities of the 6 82 region. The fact that among the thousands of implements, weapons, &e., that we have collected in this region, there should be but one celt, shows their extreme rarity and the high value probably placed on them. This solitary specimen is here figured, No., 13034. There are also no axes, grooved or otherwise, hammers, gouges, or hollow chisels, found in this region. The intertribal traffic I have referred to is universal among the Innuit. Among other articles which were found in a prehistoric burial-place, on Kagamil, were a number of the kantags, or wooden dishes and receptacles, made by the Nushagak and other continental Innuit, and undoubtedly imported before the advent of the whites. Many other articles of use and ornament, which we know these people possessed, and which were in part imported, I have left unmentioned, as this paper relates merely to the relics of the shell-heaps, village-sites, and rock-shelters of the prehistoric time, and to admit articles which are not indicated by the deposits in question, except by way of illustration, would too greatly expand this paper. These points may be hereafter treated of elsewhere. The “fiddle-bow drill” was an instrument largely used in their cary- ing and working bone and ivory ; but for obtaining fire, two pieces of quartz were struck together over some down obtained from the wild cotton-grass or rush, which had been sprinkled with sulphur from the crevices of the volcanos. In the upper layers alone we begin to find the ivory ornaments and appendages, which now form part of every kyak or bidarka; and the thin strips of bone with which was ornamented the wooden visor used by the Aleuts to protect themselves from the glare of the sun when in the kyak. Various little nondescript carvings, which we found in the top stratum, were without doubt used as appendages to the peak of the visor, which was further ornamented with the long translucent bristles of the sea-lion. Among other articles found in these strata only are bone handles for dishes or baskets, bone spoons, and needle-cases of the bones of birds’ wings. These were sometimes rudely ornamented with a tracery of lines, dots, and circles, all strictly of the Innuit type. Chips of quartz and obsidian were used to finish the shafts of their darts, and the throwing-board was invented 83 to give a better aim to the hunter, whose moist habitat precluded the use of the bow with its hygrometric string of sinew. Doubtless, many of the small, sharp pieces of sandstone which we found were used as files in finishing their bone and wooden implements and weapons. In fact, the number and variety of the tools and implements used could only be illustrated by a very large series of figures; hence I can only offer here, for this epoch, a brief review. DWELLINGS. Whatever may have been the character of the huts or dwellings of the more ancient islanders, they were at least of so temporary and perishable a nature that they have left no traces in the shell-heaps. The first evidences of permanent dwellings appear in the middle and upper Mammalian layers. It is probable that at first they were comparatively small, and resembled the present houses of the continental Innuit ‘As the communities became larger and the builders more skillful, larger houses were built, of the com- munistic type characteristic of most American aborigines ; but the accumu- lation of long logs for the support of the roof must have been in such cases a work of years. In all the village-sites I have examined, a large propor- tion of the houses were small and of the strict Innuit type, namely, with a door at the side, and probably a hole in the roof for ventilation. The houses were built with the floor somewhat below the level of the outside soil, the walls of whale-ribs, sticks of wood, or upright stone walls, covered outside with mats, straw, and finally turf. Rude bone picks, for excavating, were not uncommon in the shell-heaps. The roof was formed by arching whale-ribs, or long sticks of drift-wood, matted, thatched, and turfed like the sides, with a central aperture. A platform, somewhat raised, around the sides of the house afforded a place for sitting and sleeping. Later, each village had a large house, or kashim, which served as a common work-shop, and a lodging for strangers, as well as for a town-hall for their discussions and festivals. In all this, they agree precisely with the present Innuit. Still later, in a period not very greatly antedating the historic, the Aleuts began to build large communistic dwellings with features peculiar to themselves, without doors, and entered by the hole in the roof, the inmates descending on a notched log placed upright. These large yourts were divided, by par- - 84 titions of wood, stone, or matting, into small rooms like the state-rooms of a steamer, but without doors; open toward the center of the yourt, and each accommodating one family. Sometimes the dead were inclosed in the apartment they had occupied when living, which was filled with earth and walled up, while the other inhabitants retained their apartments as_ before. We found, in the course of our excavations on Ulakhta Spit in one of these old yourts, three skeletons thus interred. The bodies were tied with the knees brought up to the chin, as is now customary among the continental Innuit. The building of houses and lighting them with lamps must have exer- cised a powerful modifying influence on these people. Rising and _ retiring with the sun, their progenitors relied on heaven for their light and warmth. Now the lamp formed at once a center of attraction for the members of a household, prolonged their available hours of labor, and cheered the dreary nights of winter. Not only would the utilitarian side of the native mind become developed, but it might begin dimly to experience sensations of the beautiful. Probably the greater comfort and mutual confidence in which they existed would tend to modify for the better the dreary animism which characterizes all of the most degraded and savage races. This brings us to the consideration of those objects found in the shell- heaps, and solely confined to the uppermost strata, which may be fairly denominated— ARTICLES OF ART OR ORNAMENT. The expression of zsthetie feeling, as indicated by attempts at orna- mentation of utensils or weapons, or by the fabrication of articles which serve only for purposes of adornment, is remarkably absent in the contents of the shell-heaps. As a whole, this feeling became developed only at the period directly anterior to the historie epoch. It was doubtless exhibited in numerous ways, of which no preservation was possible, so that the early record, even for a considerable period, would be very incomplete. We know that great taste and delicate handiwork were expended on articles of clothing and manufactures of grass fiber, which would be entirely destroyed in the shell-heaps, and of which only fragmentary remains have been preserved on the mummies found in the latest prehistoric burial-caves and 8D . rock-shelters. I have elsewhere treated this part of the subject in extenso, and will pass it by here with the foregoing allusion. There can be no doubt also that, by the insertion of feathers, hair, and whisker-bristles of the seal, as well as in other ways, the bidarka or kayak was tastefully ornamented. The double or two-holed bidarka, peculiar to the Innuit of Kadiak and the Aleuts, became a necessity from their method of hunting, which necessitated two persons, one to hurl the dart and the other to steer and manage the bidarka. The single kayak, common to all the Innuit, is comparatively inefficient in sea-otter hunting. The three-holed bidarka appears to have been a Russian innovation. The bidarra, or umiak, does not seem to have been as extensively used among the Aleuts as it is among the ordinary Innuit; and it is noteworthy that on the whole west coast it has not the special character of a ‘‘woman’s boat”, which is characteristic of it among the Greenlanders and eastern Innuit. There are some articles used on the kyak which are usually made of bone, and often preserved in the upper Mammalian stratum, and upon which some attempts at ornamentation were bestowed. These are little pieces of bone or ivory, in general shape resembling a kneeling figure, with one or two holes, through which cords were passed. These cords were made fast at the outer angles of the kyak, passing over the upper ridge of it, and drawn taut. On each side, one of the bone append- ages was placed, to raise the cord a little, so that a paddle or dart might be slipped under the latter, and so made fast to the kyak. There are usually at least two of these transverse cords placed in advance of each seat and two behind the stern seat, making six in all, in a double kyak, and requiring twelve appendages. The latter were, in some cases, carved to represent figures of animals. Another species of ornamentation has already been alluded to in the flat, thin strips of bone which were fastened to the wooden visor worn in hunting. These were frequently ornamented with typically Innuit patterns of parallel lines, dots, concen- tric circles, with zigzag markings between them, and radiating lines. All these were in black on the white basis of the bone or ivory. These bone ornaments also served the purpose of strengthening the visor against a blow. At the tip, there was usually suspended a small bone carving, bead, or figure, 86 attached to a sea-lon whisker. Most of the small nondescript carvings found in the shell-heaps can be referred to this species of ornament. Vari- ous utensils and the bone heads of darts often received a few rude lines by way of ornament, or sometimes the patterns above mentioned. Everything of this kind that we obtained from the shell-heaps was very crude. Some of these articles, from the later prehistoric burial-places, were much move ornate. The markings can seldom be accurately described as marks of ownership. I have never seen any definite mark or ornament of this nature among the Aleuts or Western Innuit. They readily recognize their own utensils and weapons without any such aid, and I believe the theory of “marks of ownership”, ‘batons of command”, and such like, has been stretched far beyond the point of endurance or accuracy, at least among writers on the Innuit. Drawings, engravings on bone or wood, and pictures of any kind, so far as I have observed, are all subsequent to the period covered by the shell-heap deposits. They are invariably quite modern, though the taste for them is now widely spread among the Innuit, especially those of the regions where ivory is readily procured. The coloration of wooden articles with native pigments is of ancient origin, but all the more elaborate instances that have come to my knowledge bore marks of com- paratively recent origin. The pigments used were blue carbonates of iron and copper; the green fungus, or peziza, found in decayed birch and alder wood; haematite and red chalk; white infusorial or chalky earth; black charcoal, graphite, and micaceous ore of iron: . ie ON THE ORIGIN OF THE INNUIT. The question of the origin and migrations of the Innuit, particularly those inhabiting Greenland, has been the subject of a good deal of discus- sion. It is only within afew years, however, that material has accumulated sufficiently to admit of any well-founded generalizations. Among the various papers on this subject, the most recent are those of C. R. Markham and Dr. Henry Rink, printed in the ‘Arctic Papers” of 1875, by the Geo- graphical Society of London. The former paper was printed long ago, but has received revisions and additions in the present volume, which seem to entitle it to be considered as a fair representation of the author’s present views. The paper by Dr. Rink is also not new, but unfortunately only an abstract of it is given in the volume mentioned, and the original is not accessible to me. It was, however, much later in its publication than Mr. Markham’s.* In 1870, the present writer offered a brief réswmé of his own views on the subject in a work on Alaska and its Resources (page 374 et seq.), in which an opinion similar to that of Dr. Rink was maintained. Subsequent observations, extending over three years, in the Aleutian Islands, have not altered this opinion. Mr. Markham sketches out the following programme for the migrations of the Innuit: “ During the centuries preceding the appearance of the Innuit in Green- land (1349 A. D.), there was a great movement among the people of Central Asia.” “The pressure caused by these invading waves (of population) on *I have, since this paper was written, had an opportunity of perusing “Tales of the Eskimo”, by Dr. Rink, in which the same views are enunciated more at length. 93 94 the tribes of Northern Siberia drove them still farther to the north.” ‘ Year after year, the intruding Tatars continued to press on.” ‘Their descend- ants, the Yakuts,* pressed on until they are now found at the mouths of rivers falling into the Polar Sea. But these regions were formerly inhabited by numerous tribes, which were driven away still farther north over the frozen seat ‘‘ Wrangell has preserved traditions of their disappearance,$ and in them I think we may find a clue to the origin of the Greenland Iiskimos.” ‘The Yakuts were not the first inhabitants * * of the Kolyma.” ‘The Omoki,» * * ‘the Chelaki, * * the Tunguses, and the Yukagirs were their predecessors. These tribes have so wholly disap- peared that even their names are hardly remembered.”{| “The Onkilon, too, once a numerous race of fishers on the shores of the Gulf of Anadyr, are now gone, no man knows whither. Some centuries ago, they are said to have occupied all the coast from Cape Chelagskoi to Bering Strait; and the remains of their huts of stone, earth, and bones of whales are still seen along the shores.” “The Omoki are said to have gone northward over the Polar Sea. The Onkilon, too, fled away|| north to the land whose mountains are said to be visible from Cape Jakan.” ‘‘ Here we have prob- ably the commencement of the exodus of the Greenland Eskimo,” &e. Mr. Markham goes on to elaborate his theory to the effect that the wanderers “without canoes” pushed on from the Siberian Capes to the Parry Islands, an unknown region of 1,140 miles in breadth, the march to Melville Island occupying probably more than one generation. He then mentions various Innuit remains found at different points in the Parry group between Banks Island and Baffin’s Bay, as illustrations of the supposed march. He considers that they kept marching steadily eastward along and-north of Barrow Strait, finally arriving in Greenland on the *The Yakuts are Scythians, allied to the Turks, not Tatars. + No proof of this proposition is adduced ; vide postea. § The tribes to which Wrangell refers belonged to a much later era than that mentioned. {The Tunguses, still numerous in Eastern Siberia, are a Tatar race. So far from the other tribes having wholly disappeared, Wrangell states that there were in 1820, in the Kolyma cireuit alone, 1,139 Yukagirs and others, related to the Koraks. In Eastern Siberia, in 18€0, by the Russian census obtained by me from the governor of Kamchatka in 1865, there were in all about five thousand of these people. I havea Tunguse portrait taken from life in 1865. || Wrangell, page 178, states that the Omoki and Schelagi disappeared from their wars with neigh- boring tribes, small-pox, and devastating sickness. The Onkilon still exist, according to Wrangell, on Anadyr Gulf (page 372). 95 eastern shore of Smith’s Sound. Thence, as new parties arrived, he supposes they may have separated, some to the north, others remaining as the Arctic Highlanders’ ancestors, others still going south, driving out the Norsemen, and peopling Greenland. Further on, he assumes it as certain that the Arctic Highlanders came from the north. He also makes the point that there are people speaking an Innuit dialect on the coast of Asia at the present day. Still another theory, largely held by those who have less knowledge of the subject than Mr. Markham, is that these and other people came into America via the Aleutian Islands. Before entering into the subject in detail, it may be as well to premise that in the far and distant past, a period so ancient as to lie wholly without the scope of this paper, it seems probable that the first population of America was derived from the west. KE. G. Squier and the late George Gibbs believed in different lines of immigration, one from the southwest in the direction of Polynesia, and another from the north. That this is probable cannot be denied, but it will always remain doubtful. The fact that the home of the highest anthropoid apes is in Africa, and also that of some of the least-elevated forms of man; that we have none of the higher anthropoid animals, recent or fossil, in America, and none are known anywhere outside of the Asiatic and African regions, tells forcibly against any hypothesis of autochthonic people in America. I see, therefore, no reason for disputing the hypothesis that America was peopled from Asia originally, and that there were successive waves of emigration. The northern route was clearly by way of Bering Strait; at least, it was not to the south of that, and especially it was not by way of the Aleutian Islands. Linguistically, no ultimate distinction can be drawn between the American Innuit and the American Indian. There are no ultimate or fundamental grammatical distinctions in the formation of their respective languages. Both are agglutinative. So, also, are classed some tribes of Eastern Asia by Max Miiller. Consequently, theories of remote origin apply equally well to both Indians and Innuit. But secondary distinctions are abundant, and the Stiimme of the Eskimo is as clearly separated from 96 that of the Indian and from all others as any stock of similar culture known to philology. The Innuit stock is eminently characterized by uniformity, and the Indian races, so-called, by diversity in secondary characters. The question before us, however, is not of this ultimate character. We have the well-defined Innuit or Orarian stock, with a known distribution. Whence and why did they come there? What was their original condition? These are the queries awaiting a solution. I shall assume, what is also assumed by Mr. Markham, that the original progenitors of the Innuit were in a very primitive, low, and barbarous condition. I think that for one locality at least, the Aleutian Islands, this is sufficiently proved in Part II of this paper. The prehistoric inhabitants of Perigord seem to have been little better off, and it is not improbable that man, when he first began to spread over the earth, was everywhere, as far as culture (and possibly language) is concerned, in much the same condition. It may be suggested that the men of the Fishing Period were the real progenitors of the Innuit, and the Echinophagi were an older and different race. But this does not practically affect the question. Assuming that the Fishermen were the true ancestors, their culture was still so low as to offer no appreciable objection to the assumption. Now, to the enthusiastic theorist, on regarding the maps, drawn usually to a most minute scale, the Aleutian Islands form a convenient and natural bridge from Asia to America. But on examination of the facts we find that a gap of one hundred and thirty-eight statute miles separates the Commander’s Islands from Kamchatka, and another of two hundred and fifty-three miles exists between the former and Attu. Here is one of the deepest gulfs known in any ocean, over which rolls a rough, foggy, and tempestuous sea. Is it probable that over this sea, without compass or chart, and with what must have been the rudest of canoes, the ancient barbarians could have found their way to, and landed on, a rocky and inhospitable shore in safety in sufficient numbers to have peopled America or even the Aleutian chain? There can be but one answer. When Bering and his party landed on the islands named after him, they-found no inhabitants, but the shores abounded with herds of a sea- SHE cow (Itytina) not known to have existed anywhere else, which were killed without any great difficulty, and which afforded abundant and not unpalatable food. Had these islands ever been inhabited by savages, would they have unanimously left this unfailing supply of food for explorations on an unknown and stormy sea, and finally settled in preference on islands nearly bare of all food except echini? I do not think it conceivable. Finally, the Tatar, Japanese, or Chinese origin of these people, so favorite an hypothesis with many, finds no corroboration in their manners, dress, or language. M. Alphonse Pinart, who has carefully studied the language with unusual facilities for comparison, finds in it no trace of these foreign tongues. Much has been made, with some show of plausibility, of the casting up, by the great easterly Pacific current, of Japanese junks on the coast of America and the Aleutian Islands. But it must be recollected that these junks (the construction of which implies a people already far advanced in the arts), which have undoubtedly been thrown up in this manner, are first carried clear to the coast of America in latitude 50° before the northerly returning branch of the current would throw them on the islands. Then they are as likely to be carried south as north by the southerly arm of the current. In point of fact, many more are known to have been cast on the continent than have ever been known to reach the islands. The drift by which a Japanese junk, on which three persons (all men) remained alive, was finally cast on the south shore of Adakh in 1871 occupied nine months. During this time, the men lived on rain-water and the cargo of rice, and when cast on the shore would inevitably have starved if they had not been discovered by an Aleut hunting-party. Continents are not peopled, nor do whole races emigrate, in this manner. I conclude, therefore, that the Aleutian route is totally indefensible, and should be rejected from any hypothesis intended to be reasonable. I learn from whalers, familiar with the Arctic Sea and Bering Strait, that, at present, in winter, the natives are accustomed to cross the strait on the ice. There are, therefore, no a priori reasons why they might not have done so in the past. In fact, as between the route by way of Bering Strait and fs 98 any other which might be suggested, there is no satisfactory comparison to be made in point of facility. ' T assume, then, that the larger part of North America may have been peopled by way of Bering Strait. Mr. Markham’s proposition that popula- tion may have reached the Polar Archipelago by way of Wrangell Land and the unknown Polar region, does not involve any weighty objections except our ignorance of the region indicated. Iam told by the whalers that in cruising near Wrangell Land they have noticed on the shore vivid green spots, like those that are the peculiar characteristics of the Aleutian Kjokkenmédden; and that they believe that land to be, or to have been, inhabited. With the greater facility afforded by the Strait route, however, we may doubt whether the majority of emigrants would select that by way of the Polar Sea. But with these points I have little to do. I believe that this emigration was vastly more ancient than Mr. Markham supposes, and that it took place before the present characteristics of races and tribes of North American savages were developed. For confirmatory testimony I refer the reader to Part II of this paper. While the Innuit at present are almost exclusively maritime, it is by no means certain that all branches of their stock have always been so. Indeed, we have occasional instances, like that of the Arctic Highlanders, where we find a strictly Innuit tribe without the means of navigation. It is known that, ata period not very remote, the Innuit occupied territory much farther to the south or east or inland than they do now. Franklin records the existence of Innuit two hundred miles farther up the Mackenzie, in his time, than they range at present. There are many facts in American ethnology which tend to show that originally the Innuit of the east coast had. much the same distribution as the walrus, namely, as far south as New Jersey.* I have already mentioned that the National Museum has received relics, apparently of Innuit type, from shell-heaps near the mouth of the Stikine River, col- lected by Lieut. F. M. Ring, U.S. A. This is nearly four hundred miles south and east of the most southeastern Innuit of the northwest coast. And this is not, in my opinion, the most southern ancient limit of these people by any means. Whether the strange similarity of the skulls of the Northern *Dr. Leidy, since the above was written, reports a walrus tusk from the phosphate beds of South Carolina. 99 Mound-builders, and of certain tribes once inhabiting the coast and islands of Santa Barbara County, California, to those of the Innuit, has any real bearing on the subject or not, must remain in doubt. The facts, however, ave worthy of note in this connection. Dr. Rink, in his admirable paper, the abstract of which I should like to quote entire, arrives at this conclusion: That the ‘“Kskimo appear to have been the last wave of an aboriginal American race, which has spread over the continent from more genial regions, following principally the rivers and water-courses, and continually yielding to the pressure of the tribes behind them, until at last they have peopled the sea-coast. In the higher latitudes, the contrast between sea and land, as affording the means of subsistence, would be sufficient to produce a correspondingly abrupt change in the habits of the people, while farther to the south the change would be more gradual.” This last suggestion chimes in with what we know of the more eradual differentiation in characteristics between the ancient Innuit of Aliaska and Kadiak and the Indians of T’linket stock to the east of them; and a similar state of things which exists between the Indians and Innuit of the Lower Yukon as compared with those of the middle part of the Arctic American coasts. Dr. Rink suggests that the Yukon basin might have been the path by which the orginal inland Eskimo traveled toward the sea. Yet it is not improbable that they went by several roads. It is noticeable that those tribes now wearing labrets are those most adjacent to Indian tribes having a similar practice, and vice versa. The doctor further suggests that the uniformity of habits and development among the Innuit must have been promoted by the necessity of co-operating against hostile Indian tribes and the uniformity of the new region entered by them; “but as soon as a certain stage of development was attained, and the tribes spread over the Arctic coast toward Asia on the one hand and Greenland on the other, the further improvement of the race appears to have ceased, or to have been considerably checked.” One reason of this may be found in the fact that, as soon as the treeless and barren Arctic coast was occupied, the struggle for existence against cold and famine would have occupied all their powers, and the opportunity of further development afforded by an abundance of food and partial leisure, at times, such as was enjoyed by the 100 Hunters of the Aleutian Islands, would have been denied them. Dr. Rink further draws comparisons between the tales, language, customs, and espe- cially the traditions of different branches of the Innuit stock, and shows an astonishing uniformity, almost amounting to identity, between them. ‘This identity exists in the stories received from the people of Cape Farewell and Labrador, for instance, who appear to have had no intercourse with each other for upward of a thousand years. As the distance from Cape Fare- well to Labrador, by the ordinary channels of Eskimo communication, is as great as from either of these two places to the most western limit of the Eskimo region, it may be assumed that a certain stock of traditions is more or less common to all the tribes of Eskimo. Dr. Rink’s studies (and no one has investigated the subject of Innuit traditions more thoroughly or with greater success) lead him to the following conclusions: “TY. That the principal stock of traditions were not invented, from time to time, but originated in the stage of their migrations while they were making the great step, from habits of life which had matured inland, to those rendered necessary by an occupation of the coast. At this same period, the national development was going on in other branches of culture. The traditions subsequently springing up are more or less composed of elements taken from the older stories, and have only had a comparatively temporary existence. “TI. That the real historical events upon which some of the principal of the oldest tales are founded consisted of wars conducted against the same hostile nations, or of journeys to the same distant countries; and that the original tales were subsequently localized, the present narrators each pre- tending that the events took place in the country in which they now reside, as for imstance in Greenland, or even in special districts of it. By this means, it has come to pass that the men and animals of the original tales, which are wanting in the several localities in which the tribes have now settled, have been converted into supernatural beings, many of whom are now supposed to be occupying the unknown regions in the interior of Greenland.” I may add that the old tale of the half-human, half-supernatural beings which inhabit the interior is also common to the Aleuts, who call these 101 beings Veygali or Vaygeli; while it is hardly within the range of possibility that any living beings could ever have subsisted or existed in the rugged and contracted area which forms the interior of even the largest of the Aleutian Islands. Now as to the facts on which Mr. Markham bases his hypothesis; they are, when confirmed by consulting original authorities, about as follows: That there are numerous traces of inhabitants on the north shore of Asia and the archipelago in the Polar Sea north of America, where no people now live; that there were once numerous tribes in Kastern Siberia no longer existing; that Wrangell mentions that the Omoki (Sabine’s ed., p. 187), a “nation” possessing “‘a certain degree of civilization, and acquainted with ; “left the banks of the b] the use of iron before the arrival of the Russians’ Kolyma in two large divisions with their reindeer,” probably turning “to the west along the Polar Sea”, numerous yourts still existing ‘near the mouth of the Indigirka”, though no one remembers any settlement there, and the place ‘is still called Omokskoia Yourtovicha”. He mentions a tradition that they went northward, driven by the small-pox and other contagious diseases (exe) brought by Russians, and also a tradition that about two hundred years ag fifteen canoe-loads of Onkilon (Asiatic Innuit), in consequence of some feuds with the Chukchi, fled to Wrangell’s Land, and were perhaps followed by one Chukchi family; also that the Innuit invasion of Greenland in the fourteenth century proceeded from the north, and the Innuit tribe of “ Arctic Highlanders” still live in North Greenland, separated by some distance from any other Innuit tribe. All these facts can be explained without Mr. Markham’s hypothesis, which stretches them beyond their endurance, and contains statements and inferences not justified by the text of the works he refers to. This will readily be seen by consulting the notes I have appended to the extracts I have quoted from his paper. Certainly, emigration caused, according to Wrangell, in the seventeenth century, by the advent of the Russians, could not have produced an invasion of Greenland three hundred years previously, and there are no traditions recorded of any earlier exodus from Eastern Siberia on which to base an 102 hypothesis, though I would not be understood as asserting that such did not occur. Jertainly, the homogeneity of the Innuit stock in traditions, habits, and language is too great to have resulted from the modification in a few cen- turies of an incongruous horde of Mongols, Scythians, and Chukchi. We have no knowledge of the Arctic Sea to justify us in asserting that there is a bridge of ice and land, even in winter, between Wrangell’s Land and the Parry Archipelago, a distance of a thousand miles, in which no land is known to exist, and in some parts of which deep water and strong cur- rents, which we know to be there, would put a barrier of open water across the desert of a thousand miles of broken ice. The occupation of the Aleutian Islands by human beings, in all probability the ancestors of the present Aleuts, is, I think, shown by Part II of this paper to be of very ancient date. This is still further confirmed by the modifications in their language, which, though evidently of Innuit stock, has become greatly differentiated from the other Innuit dialects. For instance, the Aleuts can count up to two thousand by the decimal system, according to Veniaminoff, while their nearest neighbors, the Kaniagmut, can only count up to two hundred. The words, too, with few exceptions, are quite different in the two dialects, while all the other Innuit tribes have many words in common. It is noteworthy, too, that the tribes who have pressed upon the. Innuit people of the northwest coast have traditions of origin to the southeast, as, for instance, the T’linkets, who profess to have come from the Nasse River region. My own impression agrees with that of Dr. Rink that the Innuit were once inhabitants of the interior of America; that they were forced to the west and north by the pressure of tribes of Indians from the south; that they spread into the Aleutian region and northwest coast generally, and possibly simultaneously to the north; that their journeying was originally tenta- tive, and that they finally settled in those regions which afforded them subsistence, perhaps after passing through the greater portion of Arctic America, leaving their traces as they went in many places unfit for perma- nent settlement; that after the more inviting regions were occupied, the pressure from Indians and still unsatisfied tribes of their own stock, induced 105 still further emigration, and finally peopled Greenland and the shores of Northeastern Siberia; but that these latter movements were, on the whole, much more modern, and more local than the original exodus, and took place after the race characteristics and language were tolerably well ma- tured. It is also not improbable that the earlier Innuit built their iglu always of stone, a habit probably formed in a region where intense cold did not render this mode of construction undesirable. Mr. Markham says that the American Eskimo ‘never go from their own hunting range for any distance to the inhospitable north”; but during the voyage of the Polaris, Dr. Bessels saw, among the Arctic Highlanders, a couple of people who had made their way there from Cape Searle, Cum- berland Island, a northward journey of some thirteen hundred miles. Is it strange that the American Orarian should have followed where the peculi- arly American musk-ox and lemming led the way? It is probable that when our knowledge of the habits of these people shall be enlarged we shall find that such journeys are, even now, not rare. The point where the Eskimo are accustomed to cross into Greenland, Dr. Bessels informs me is at Cape Isabella. As to the Asiatic Innuit, Onkilon, or Tuski, which have so singularly served as a starting-point for many ethnologists and theorists in their delin- eations of the origin of the Innuit, I published, in 1870,* an account derived from one of themselves, which may fitly find a place here. At Plover Bay, Eastern Siberia, I was informed by Nokum, a very intelligent Tuski (Asiatic Innuit), who spoke English, that the inhabitants of the country were of two kinds, “deer-men” (7. ¢., true Chukchis or people allied to the Koraks), and “ bowhead-men” (‘Tuski or Orarians, who hunt the Aretic ‘““bowhead” whale). The ‘‘deer-men” were the original in- habitants, and the ‘“‘ bowhead-men”, to which class he belonged, had come, long ago, from the islands (the Diomedes) to the northeast. He said the reason why they came was that there was war between them and the people who wore labrets (the Okee-ogmut Innuit). The latter proved the stronger, and the former were obliged to come to the country of the ‘ deer-men”. The latter allowed the “ bowhead-men” to settle on the barren rocky coast, “Alaska and its Resources, Boston, 1870, p. 375. > 104 and formed an offensive and defensive alliance with them against the invad- ers from the eastward. On interrogating one of the Chukchi, or deer-men, who visited the vessel, he stated that the above was similar to the Chukchi tradition. Noticing, in Emma Harbor, and many other places, the remains of stone yourts or houses, s:milar to the wooden ones of Norton Sound, and like them half-subterranean, I asked Nokum who made them. He replied ‘that that was the kind of house which his people lived in very long ago, so long that his grandfather only knew of it by tradition; but wood being scarce (and the stone proving to make very cold houses), they had adopted a mode of building their habitations which was like that practiced by the ‘“‘deer-men” and much better adapted to the climate of the country. While I give little weight to the localizing and the stories of individ- uals, which may be found in the traditions of savages, yet in a general way this accords so well with the circumstances, independent of the tradition, that I consider it as probably founded on truth. It should be borne in mind that the Chukchis do not intermarry with the Innuit, and speak a totally different language, apparently allied to, if not identical with, that of the Koraks. Their complexion is darker and redder, and thei noses more nearly aquiline, or even Roman, than in the Innuit I have observed. They are taller, thinner, and more reserved in demeanor. Some impoverished bands of Chukchis, having lost their reindeer, have been obliged to take to the Innuit mode of life for a subsistence. This, and the common use of the trading jargon, containing words of both languages, as well as corrupted English and Hawaiian words, has led to the greatest linguistic confusion in regard to these people. In support of the above tradition, it may be noted that in 1648, when Simeon Deshneff sailed through Bering Strait from the north, he found natives wearing labrets who were at war with the Tuski. This report was confirmed by Shestakoff in 1730, and more fully in 1711 by Peter Popoff, who had been sent to collect tribute from the Chukchis. At the time of his visit, the Tuski were living “in immovable huts, which they dig in the ground”. He found among the Tuski ten islanders, prisoners of war, who wore labrets. 105 Sauer, in his journey from St. Lawrence Bay to the Kolyma Liver, saw Tuski still living in the ancient underground houses, which were built of driftwood. According to later travelers, and from the best informi.tion accessible, these huts are now entirely abandoned, and have formed subjects for speculation in most works relating to the region. From information, derived principally from masters of vessels in the whale-fishery, I conclude that at present the Asiatic Innuit range from Koliuchin Bay to the eastward and south to Anadyr Gulf. At the last-mentioned place, a party of them plundered the hut of the International Telegraph explorers during their absence in the spring of 1866. I have a portrait of a couple of them, taken from life, at the mouth of the Anadyr River, by the artist of the exploring party. Subsequently the robbery of the hut occurred, and one of them, mistaking a bottle of liniment for liquor, drank it, and passed to those regions where liniment is unnecessary. After this the explorers saw Lo more of them. The Innuit are everywhere at a standstill or diminishing. To the reflux of the great wave of emigration, which no doubt took place at a very early period, we may owe the numerous deserted huts reported by all explorers on the north coasts of Asia, as far east as the mouth of the Indi- girka. At one time, I thought the migration to Asia had taken place within a few centuries, but subsequent study and reflection has convinced me that this could not have been the case. No doubt successive parties crossed at different times, and some of these may have been comparatively modern. With regard to the disappearance of ihe Siberian tribes, of which Mr. Markham makes so much, I think we shall not be far wrong in accepting the views of Wrangell, that they were carried away chiefly by famine, internecine strife, and the contagious diseases introduced by the Russians. If the tradition be true that some of them departed for Wrangell’s Land, it is not improbable that they chose that course rather than that to the eastward across the Straits, because the pressure of ihe invading Innuit interposed an effectual barrier against their progress in the latter direction. Whether the views I have expressed be considered as well founded or not, it seems to me that they are on the side of probability; and if my remarks shall be the means of inviting attention to the region of which I 106 have spoken, and stimulating actual investigation of the facts in the field, a sufficiently satisfactory end will have been attained. The reports of the last few years as to the condition of the ice north of Bering Strait have been so favorable for explorations, and the ethnological and geographical points to be settled by such investigations are of such” deep interest, that the apathy which has prevailed among explorers is surprising. It would seem as if no part of the Arctic region offered so many inducements for investigation as this, and certainly nowhere would exploration be attended with less risk to life and danger to the vessels, or more interesting results for the explorer. DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. U. 8. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF TITE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION. J. W. POWELL, GroLoGist IN CHARGE. APPENDIX TO PART I. aN eUnhS Thess. 107 . , (ik igeieae Di) Gale; iG so Oy ; ‘ ot? » file Or 4 inf, cig Paes oy i if S , i 5 ne ’ i" «4 75 : +e CON THN Ts. . Notes'onithemativestof Alaska sc. atmse a sais ceeiee secre ence es = ( Terms of relationship used by the Innuit Comparative vocabularies J. FURUNELM 109 NOTES ON THE NATIVES OF ALASKA. (Communicated to the late George Gibbs, M. D., in 1862.) By His Exce.tency J. FurvHELM, Late Governor of the Russian-American Colonies. The customs of the different tribes inhabiting the coast from Puget Sound to Mount Saint Elias, as well as the islands known as the Prince of Wales and King George Archipelagos, resemble each other very much. These tribes are collectively called by the Russians ‘“IKalosh”, or “Ka- lashia”, the origin of which is now unknown. Generally, it is derived from Kalashka, which is the name of a wooden ornament usually worn by KXalosh women in the under lip. The Kalosh call themselves ‘'T’linkit”— man, to which word they add antikwan, i. e., an, village; tikwan, common— that is, man living everywhere, or man belonging to all villages. Besides this general appellation, they also call themselves by the name of the vil- lage in which they live; so, for instance, the Sitka Kaloshes would call themselves Sitka-kwan. The name Eskimo is given by Russian authorities only to those natives who inhabit the peninsula of Aliaska and the coast-line farther north, though it is evident that the Aleuts ought to be included in the list. A FEW WORDS ON THE SITKA, PROPERLY CALLED THE SITKA-KWAN DIALECT OF THE T’LINKIT LANGUAGE. There are more than thicty letters in this language, if every sound were designated by a separate letter. It has the same number of parts of speech as every European language, except the articles, for instance, tin’ kit, a man; ¢lizin’, strong; tshalmnak, one; hat, 1; stakhani’, do (imperative); ntuzini, done; geke’, well; tshitah, of, from; ash, if; a’h, exclamation. Most of the root-words are monosyllables, but are usually united with 11 112 + one another, as, for exan_ple, katshin, an arm; here the word ka means a man; tshin, a paw; tigitgata’, pregnant; here the word ¢# means him or her, kit, belly, gat, child, and a, is. There are two numbers, singular and plural. There are only two cases, nominatives and instrumental, for in- stance, te, a stone, of, from a stone, to a stone, and tet’ch, by a stone; tes, stones and so forth, tekich, by stones; in’, water, &e.; intch, by water; inh, waters; @nhtch, by waters. The plural is generally formed by adding the letters kh or kh-kh, and sometimes also ass, 7, hi, or kha, to a substantive. The instrumental case is formed by adding the letters tsh; for instance, nominative, ass, a tree; instrumental, asstsh, by a tree; plural, nominative, isk, and instrumental, assktsh. Adjective nouns are not declined, but have three degrees of com- parison. The comparative is formed by adding to the positive the word aganak, which means greater, much, more, or past; examples, iekhe, good; agan- akh-iekhe, better: tlekliiishke, bad; aganakh-tlekliishke, worse. The comparative, if in the negative, is formed by adding the word akin, backward. The superlative is formed by adding the word «itchiganakh, which means greater than both; examples, iitchiganakh iekhe, the best one. The superlative, if in the negative, is formed by adding the word ushkintiti, less. The method of counting is not founded on the decimal system, but on the first five numbers. The cardinal numbers are: tlekh, 1. ishinkatlekh, 11. tleka-hatshinkhat, 30. tekh, 2. ishinkhateh, 12. natz’kekha, 60. natzk, 3. ishinkat’-kanatzk, 13. natzkeka-katshinkhat, 70. iahun’, 4. ishinkat-katahun’, 14. tahunkha, 80. ketshin’, 5. ishinkat-kaketshin’, 15S Statshike 40. iletiisht, 6. ishinkat-katletisht’, 16. tatshka-katshinkhat,’ 50. iahatishi, 7. ishinkat-katahatiishi’, 17. tahunkha’-katshinkhat,90. netzkatishi’, 8. ishinkatkanetz-kattisht, 18. kitshinkha, 100. kishuk’, 9. ishinkat’-kattishik’, 19. chinkatkha’, 200. ishinkat’, 10. tleka, 20. 113 If they wish to count beyond two hundred, they must say two hundred and one hundred to it, or twice two hundred, &e. Ordinals are the following : talle’nah, single, tletashia’, sixth, shuki’, first, tahatishia’, seventh, taha’ second netz-kattshiia’ eighth ? > ? =} ? natzka’, third, ktshika’, ninth, tahitina’ fourth tshinkata’ tenth, &e. ’ 7 ’ ) kitshina’, fifth, Adverbial numbers are formed by adding ta’in’: examples, chatleta'in’, once ; tahta'in’, twice, &e. Personal pronouns are of two species: ~ I, hat and hatsh. thou, aa’e, ie, and @etsh. he, @, 7, and itsh. we, ian’ and tantsh’. you, tian’ or titantsh. they, ass _ 6 asstsh. en ‘ anhey The former are used with passive and neuter verbs, for instance: hat’iaa, I will; hatiinni, 1 became ; aa’e tikuka'ni, thou wilt become ; & eshtatani, he has become. The latter personal pronouns are used with active verbs, for instance: hatsh etahani, 1 do; netsh egisini, thou dost; atsh ekithseani, he will do. Possessive pronouns being also of two sorts, are always used in com- bination with a substantive. They are: ah,my; ig ori, thy; ti, his; a, our; a, your; assti, their. For instance: ahish, my father; igish, thy father ; tiish, his father; a-ish, our father; i-ish, your father; asstish, their father, &e. The second sort of possessive pronouns are: adhagi, mine; tagi, thine; tiagi, his; aagi, our; a-etiagi, their. For instance: ahagi ahish, my father ; iagi igish, thy father; tiagi tiish, his father, &e. The verbs are active and passive, and have three persons. The conju- gation in persons is effected by changing the middle syllable or beginning 8 114 of verbs. Examples: hatsh ehisini, I did; uétsh egisini, thou didst; utsh e-usini, he did. The letter h shows the first person singular; é or g indicates the second person. The omission of the above-named letters is also a sign of the third person singular, and the addition of s shows the third person plural. Moods are three, indicative, subjunctive, imperative; and there is also a participial form. Examples: hatsh hatliashet’, 1 hold; u-etsh itliashetin, thou heldest; hatsh enkusianigin, 1 do (subjunctive); enashii, do (imperative); ctini, doing (participle). There is no true infinitive, but the participle is often so understood. Tenses are six : Present, etahani, I do. Imperfect, etahanegin, I did. Perfect, ehiisini, I have done. Pluperfect, ehiisinigin, I had done. Kirst future, ekukasiant I shall do. Second future, enkiisint I shall have done. Present tense has no definite terminations. Imperfect is formed by adding the syllable egin or gin to the present. All past tenses are generally characterized by the termination in, which does not assume any modification in the second or third person, either sin- gular or plural. The future tenses have no definite terminations either; but sometimes the syllable ku or kuk or the letter n in the beginning of the verb denotes the future tense. EXAMPLES OF MODIFICATIONS OF VERBS. hatsh etahani, I do. hatsh etahane' gan, I did. it-etsh estagini’, thou dost. — @-etsh etaine’ gin, thou didst. ii-tsh stant, he does. ai-tsh ctane’gin, he did. ii-antsh’ etatiini, we do. -a'ntsh etagane’gin, we did. i-ti-antsh etagini, you do. iusa'ntsh etagine'gin, you did. astsh esatani, they do. astsh esitane’ gin, they did. Henahgati tlinkatanitakwi ashakun, with all men one God (supernatural being). 115 A FEW WORDS ON THE LANGUAGE OF THE ALEUTS OF UNALASHKA. The language has fifteen letters: a (Latin), g (as in Gabriel), d, i (Latin 2), k, kh, 1, m, n, ng, s, t, w (Latin 7), h, tsh. It has no articles. Numbers are three: singular, dual, and plural. Chief cases are three: nominative, dative, and prepositional, which is also possessive. They are divided into indefinite, possessive, and personal- instrumental cases, so that each substantive noun may have thirty-two dif- ferent terminations. Possessive cases are those which contain a possessive pronoun joined to a noun; as, for instance, adakh, father, is the indefinite nominative case, and adang, my father, adan’, thy father, adan'ing, my fathers, &e., are pos- sessive nominative cases. The latter are divided into unipersonal, polypersonal, and impersonal. Personal-instrumental cases are used when the impersonal pronoun one’s is used in the instrumental case, for example, by one’s arm. Adjective pronouns have three degrees. Numerals extend to 10,000 and more. Verbs have numbers, persons, moods, tenses, voices, forms, and conjugations. A verb is the most variable word of this language, so that it assumes more than 800 different terminations, or variations, in the active voice alone. Nay, the verbs are often combined with other words, as, for instance, with siga, perfectly, completely; ta, more than once; sigasiada, very much; tasiada, exceedingly, and so forth; so that in this way one and the same verb, kamgelik, to pray (to say one’s prayers), assumes more than forty different meanings. kamgasigalik, to pray fervently; kamgasigatalik, to pray fervently and many times; kamgasigasiadalik, to pray very fervently; kan- gasigatasiadalik, to pray very fervently and many times; kamgasigatasiada- talik, to pray with the utmost fervor and many times, &c. The verb to Lill, in the imperative mood, may be expressed by ashasa‘gana’n, ashasa' ganahthin, ashalaga'da, ashalagadakagan, ashada-uluik, &e. The third person is of two sorts in some tenses; for instance, “they take” is sitkung’, or sukitm’ang’. 116 Moods are the following: indicative, subjunctive, substantive, obliga- tory, and imperative. The participle, sometimes called the infinitive, has all numbers and all persons. Chief tenses are six, present, two past tenses, and three future. The degrees of verbs are formed by inserting the words diga, siaga, &e., as aforesaid. Voices are three, active, neuter, and passive. The gerund has three tenses, present, past, and future; three persons; three numbers; and two moods, indicative and subjunctive. The participle has every tense, three numbers, and all cases; it can both be conjugated and declined. Several adverbs and almost all preposi- tions have numbers. In long clauses, the verb is placed at the end. The peculiarities, or rather defects, of this language consist iIn— 1. The want of substantive verbs, so that, instead of ‘reading is use- ful”, you must say “he who reads is thereby improved”; and 2. In the want of abstract nouns, verbs, and adverbs, as, for example, to sanctify, to reason, to bless, the blessing, reasonably, &c. They have no word for “to suffer” and “to forgive”. The Aleut language contains two chief dialects, Unalashkan and Atkan. The last is divided into two branches. ; : The difference between the Unalashkan and Atkan dialects chiefly con- sists in the different ways of forming the plural of nouns, the first by add- ing ng, the latter by adding s or sh; as, for instance, the Unalashka Aleuts say tanging (islands) and the natives of Atka tangis. Diminutive words of the former language terminate in dak; those of the latter language in kutshak. TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP USED BY THE INNUIT: A SERIES OBTAINED FROM NATIVES OF CUMBERLAND INLET. By W. H. DALL. My great-grandparent (either sex, said by either sex), My grandparent (of either sex, said by male), My grandparent (of either sex, said by female), My father (said by son or daughter), My mother (said by son or daughter), My father’s brother (said by male), My mother’s brother (said by male), My father’s sister (said by male), My mother’s sister (said by male), My father’s brother (said by female), My father’s sister (said by female), My mother’s brother (said by female), My mother’s sister (said by female), My father’s brother’s wife (said by male), My mother’s brother's wife (said by male), My father’s brother’s wife (said by female), My mother’s brother’s wife (said by female), My father’s sister’s husband (by male), My mother’s sister’s husband (by male), My father’s sister’s husband (by female), My mother’s sister’s husband (by female), My father’s brother’s son (said by male), My mother’s brother’s son (said by male), shee-lil’-ai-ya. ee’-tu-ah. si’-kee-yih. ata’-tu-gtih. anan’-nu-gtih. tik’-tigtih. iing’-tigih. tt’-chi-gth. tt’-chi- gih. tik’-tigth. ai’-yiigtih. tne’-tietth. ai’-yiguh. ai’-ya. ai’-ya. wik’-waga. tk’-waga. ing’-au-gwa. ing’-au-gwa. ai’-ya. ai’-ya. eeth’-liia. eeth’-liia. 117 118 My father’s sister’s son (said by male), My mother’s sister’s son (said by male), My father’s brother’s son (said by female), My mother’s brother’s son (said by female), My father’s sister’s son (said by female), My mother’s sister’s son (said by female), My father’s brother’s daughter (said by male), My mother’s brother’s daughter (said by male), My father’s sister’s daughter (said by male), My mother’s sister’s daughter (said by male), My father’s brother’s daughter (said by female), My mother’s brother’s daughter (said by female), My father’s sister’s daughter (said by female), My mother’s sister’s daughter (said by female), My-elder sister (said by male or female), My younger sister (said by male or female), My elder brother (said by male or female), My younger brother (said by male or female), My brother’s wife (said by male), My brother's wife (said by female), My sister’s husband (said by male’, My sister’s husband (said by female), My brother’s wife’s brother, ] My brother’s wife’s sister, My sister’s husband’s brother, M My son’s wife’s brother, , sister’s husband’s sister, ca My son’s wife’s sister, My daughter’s husband’s brother, My daughter’s husband’s sister, J My son’s wife (said by male or female), My son (elder or younger, said by male or female), eeth’-liia. - eetl’-liia. eel-yii' ga. eel-yii'ga. eel-yi ga. eel-yii'ga. U--rii’-@a. t-i-rii’-@a. ang’-ai’-yiiga. ni kwaga. dinee’-yiih, kai-tting-it’-ta. aod ts ohne ning’-a’-ha-ga. tiki’-aga. shtiikee’-ti@a. shtikee’-tiga. For these there does not appear to be any specific term. v v My a ytth-gtin’tighth. My daughter (elder or younger, said by male or female), pitin’ee-gith. u-kua-a’-etth. 119 My son’s child (either sex, by male or female), yiing-w’-tagha. A person not of the family (a stranger), shau-a. Relatives by marriage. My daughter’s husband (said by either parent), ning’ auk’shau-a. My daughter’s husband's father (said by either parent), ing’ti tikshau-a. My daughter’s husband’s brother or sister (said by cither parent), tng’ttakshau-a. My daughter’s husband’s son by another marriage (said by either parent), ilik’-shau-a. Some of the peculiarities of these terms of relationship are, that the form of the term appears to depend in some cases more on the sex of the speaker than on that of the person to whom the term refers; and also that the relations instituted by marriage of a son appear to result in constituting the wife’s connections, so far as they are specifically named, as a part of the husband’s family, while the relations instituted by the marriage of a daugh- ter are distinguished by the suffix of shau-d, indicating literally that they are strangers, or do not belong to the family proper. These terms, or rather the relations of the various terms, are probably the same throughout the Inniit stock, which is my excuse for introducing them here. They were obtained from a native and his wife, well known in the United States as having made part of the company on board the Polaris, and both of whom spoke English with tolerable facility. The same terms were taken down repeatedly on several occasions, compared and corrected three times, and great care taken that they should be as free from errors as the circumstances would permit. Nevertheless, some misapprehensions may have crept in, for which the indulgence of the student is requested. This will be readily granted by those who have had personal experience in such difficult and tedious attempts with aboriginal languages. = ~ Te Pht te Han : ryiit | at inne She eet ade : iit estat TARE pie ES AF aise ae twin) dere ben sy Holter Maye Ni MRI Sale ica epee re . . tallered? 1%, Grimes Gale ete) b « j @ 3) g VOCABULARIES. rE. 1— Vocabulary of the Yak'utat, A tribe of the T’linkit Nation (living between Port Mulgrave, Alaska, and Cape Spencer), obtained from His Excellency J. Furuhelm, governor of the Russian Possessions in America, by George Gibbs. 2.—Vocabulary of the Taku-kwan, A clan of the Tlinkit Nation (occupying Taki Inlet, Alaska), obtained from Dr. Tolmie, of the Hudson Bay Company, by George Gibbs. 3.— Vocabulary of the Skat-kwan, A clan of the T’linkit Nation (Alaska), obtained from a half-breed at Port Townshend, Washington Territory, in May, 1857, by George Gibbs. Nore.—The within vocabulary, a dialect of the T’linkit or Sti- kine, was obtained at Port Townshend, June, 1857, from Henry Barker, a half-breed, said to be the son of an American shipmaster. He gave the name Skat-kwan as that of his clan, or wan. According to him, the Sit-ka-kwan and Tan-ta-kwan (Tongas) both speak the same. He was much less intelligent than Ozier, the T’simsian’ half- breed, but the vocabulary is believed to be reliable—G. G. 4.— Vocabulary of the Stakhin'-kwan, A clan of the T’linkit Nation (living on the coast of Alaska, near the Stikine River), obtained from Captain Dodd, of the Hudson Bay Company, at Victoria, Vancouver Island, in May, 1857, by George Gibbs. Nore.—This, I am informed, is reliable, and, indeed, making allowance for difference in spelling, nearly coincides in the same words with that obtained by me from Barker. It extends very con- siderably the means of comparison afforded by that, and is therefore retained.—G. G. 5.—Vocabulary of the Sit'-ka-kwan, A clan of the T’linkit Nation (inhabiting the Baranoff Archipelago, Alaska), obtained at Sitka, Alaska, in 1870, by Lieutenant E. de Meulen, United States Army, communicated by W. H. 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Lt POS SSIS TOME PSEEsSeSesscleR Ss UO] TST SrcaC Bes nisce u9}-TeAy-nG FOSS CSRS EOSCG3 Semen a tree ceerer esses: qoqs-qe pts eee aTOS Hep SIGH OD /TOYs-WU-) ATLL PISS OSIG CONAIOIG THEM [a corer esses RITBANANTY Sy TE sorces = CIVANT HCL "oo tres * qoqsvAny NT RIES GSS SS nyevqyne ei he ey ceress = To[vjuzy se ees anne +s ees e- 97} RaBcisRaScei aq naT BOOS PIRES COSSOO HUNG: ERSTERSTS SoS SOLU BITC See arp | ee Se ame eS OROTT OG = ree | pen ees BOAC| nos ‘yeorg wmeeee ai tO. fe) SRF EIGN SRS A SSIS RA |S HOSS SACLS = mae Sais. ysuvy BSE mee em ee ons cee wwe ecw cone cece ns cone EXN Es) seen es cee eee cee ees wee eee] ee SDEAIDOSEEO TOSI (079) ce ee eae (:121() eC le "cores HOT motte sees wouy 4,00p T trots stor oysuT] ONUTY tard pete eee tie aes Le ttt tecsee tere eees og secceaaser~e5=2 STON Test sesceascon sa AM Ce Ea Ts) Sree Reet DUELS emilee Sy Sa AS pi es anes ice | UO) BETAS Sass" HUBAK SED OORS OFS Oa5 "==" GAOT Saaoes Trsreesesnt QOg cee cen aten ss no& yvedg SE aang Soca ig Sag a Ne Os ES SO OTLU | RE IOBE BOOS SOSSOO FLY, “UAL UIT LIS ‘UVMY-1VIG | ‘UVAY-1y-/YRy “3UqD eX *ponnyuog—saranjngna04 | RYVSNGM HTP [egy “wey | RYDE QU TOITA nyRsNTAL 19 “* YITOSTSY-[1}-aNs! wsany BORO ASCO 4 alibi ( Tex -[sny-Youv-nv-sjom ung “qniyy-ue -[s9 0 ULILA-O-ueYs-I-T[9 “7 " YOONTOOH | CSULY-FLAN I] POO SIRI SISO 9 (SMBs At sereeess Golo-[Ay-CS-Uny sooo" TeyURr ‘MUIeYyLyeyIS trees SMS-T[99-12-T9-N8-N3] ESOS SOS ots jate (s}syaho (3 pie sea eearce en IIE Sache is her a eaten oa a yoo, wereeeeees quae fqoqn-qey i ee ee eS ee ee ‘y,uop | Aup-07 fesens -Uv[ URIPUyT oy} pues -ropun [ta [Aq puv Ag 49q5nev0 nok 9avy siapunop AuBUt AOPT Terchoe esa TES OOM to7> jp PUIAL TJIOU B 4L ST DOCS GOS IO SOHO A GOUT (90089 UL) ySuios nok ore oy AA sorse----doqs ‘ouop og sescre esses 5 pood 4I ST ------3stp Auvm MO seoses-uMop 4s ‘AqUeTd -- yqrgnd J [eqs ere] AN POCECOOT CH OOS} 4) (i pace occa pOUOte OOM sereer creo: -gI0T SULIG s-+° gAoTHOd ‘AUME OYVT, es Se piri AW 2 = a | al ‘oe ran a3 i. a “Ss siya es] a VOCABULARIES. ii 1.—Vocabulary of the Tongas, or Tanta-kwan. (Fort Tongas, Alaska.) A clan of the T’linkit nation, obtained from a vocabulary of the Hudson Bay Company, by George Gibbs. 2.— Vocabulary of the Kai-ga'-ni. (Southernmost Alaska.) A clan of the Haida nation, obtained from a vocabulary of the Hudson Bay Company by George Gibbs. 3.—Vocabulary of the Chiit'-sin-ni. (Queen Charlotte Islands.) A clan of the Haida nation, obtained from some women of the tribe at Olympia, Washington Territory, in 1854, by George Gibbs. Norr.—A dialect of the Haida. The following was chiefly col- lected from some women who visited Olympia in the summer of 1854. The words marked with an asterisk (*) were obtained in 1857 from a Haida Indian at Victoria, who professed to understand the language, and are less reliable. The principal difficulty experienced was from the nasal and indistinct utterance of the speakers, and many words are probably imperfectly written—G. G. 135 136 : 4.— Vocabulary of the Skit'-a-get. (Skit/-a-get Inlet, Queen Charlotte Islands.) A clan of the Haida nation, obtained from a woman of the tribe at Nana- aimo, British Columbia, September, 1857, by George Gibbs. Nore.—Skit-ta-get is on the western side of Queen Charlotte Islands, in the passage between the two large ones. It is, of course, one of the Haida family. The Haidas call the T’simsian, Kil-kat’. The Haidas call the Tongas, Kais-ha-deh’. Haida means ‘“people”.— Gs G. 5.—Vocabulary of the Kaniag' mat Inniiit. (Kadiak Island.) From a man and woman of the tribe (a division of the Inniit) obtained at Victoria, Vancouver Island, June, 1857, by George Gibbs. Notrr.—The natives from whom this was obtained were taken from on board a Russian vessel. The man was employed at Fort Victoria as a watchman.—G. 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Jeti. 1.—Vocabulary of T’sim-si-an’. Obtained through Capt. W. A. Howard, from Dr. Kennedy of the Hudson Bay Company, with additions by George Gibbs. 2.—Vocabulary of the Naas. (A dialect of the T’sim-si-an’.) Obtained from Celestin Ozier, a half-breed, at Port Townshend, Washing- ton Territory, in May, 1857, by George Gibbs. Norz.—Celestin Ozier, of Victoria, a T’sim-si-an’ half-breed, from whom the within was obtained, gives the name Kis-pach-lohts to the tribe at Fort Simpson; KV-kiis-kha-mo’-liks to that on the Naas River at old Fort Simpson, and Nis-kah to one farther north. Says the T’sim-si-an’ call the Tongas, Ki-dah’-nitts, and the Sebassa, Kit- haht’-la. According to Father Loetuis, the T’sim-si-an’ wants the letters w, r, 1, p,and f- The first becomes m in sounding English words, J is changed to, p to k, and f toc ork. I doubt this, however; / may be convertible with n, but neither that nor p are wanting. The lan- guage is, however, nasal.—G. G. 3.—Vocabulary of Kit-tist-zi. (A dialect of the T’sim-si-an’.) Obtained from Dr. Tolmie, of the Hudson Bay Company, by George Gibbs. 143 144 4.—Vocabulary of the Ha-ilt'-ztikh. (Bel-bella of Milbank Sound, British Columbia.) Obtained from an Indian known as “Capt. Stewart”, at Victoria, Vancou- ver Island, in April, 1859, by George Gibbs. Nore.—Hailt-ztk or Hailt-zikh is the name applied to them- selves by the Indians of Milbank Sound and vicinity. The name Bel-bel’-la is given them by others. This vocabulary was obtained from an Indian well known as “Captain Stewart”, through the medium of Frederick Minni, a Ca- nadian, who spoke the language. It may be considered as correct, as I subsequently used it in procuring that of the Bilikila, and was per- fectly understood. The analogy of several words with the same in different dialects of the Sound languages will be noticed.—G. G. 5.—Vocabulary of the Kwa'-kiit?. (A dialect of the Ha-ilt/-ztikh.) Obtained from two women of the tribe at Nanaimo, British Columbia, in September, 1857, by George Gibbs. Norr.—This agrees very well with another obtained from a boy in the summer of 1855.—G,. G. (N. B.—In these and other MS. belonging to Mr. Gibbs, and of which I have supervised the publication here, the original orthography has been preserved in all cases; except where the substitution was perfectly evident, as in dropping the ¢ in ck, replacing ow by au, w by ks, ete. This will account for the want of uniformity, to obtain which could not safely be attempted ; notwithstanding this, the material is too valuable to be lost, though less precious than if it had been arranged by its lamented wner,—W. H. 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(at “7° quo Seek ie ves" puvsnoty? sud POOF SOOO Ha HopafahelielelO) AQIUNL Ae See ey AQuaa T “OA[OAT, Se eee tag ee os DONO TE I GOOEGIISISOCOGDEO. ety | - OULN, Sorc trans amare Toh PBSBSISEIOOS CSSSEO TIE) 7, x18 OALT toes reese es nog “* O91] POTRGODOSASROSCIES! rayiyrp SOPIOOSHS OHI (oY) -- on pene c sees cee eee eens gga troteteeeees MOTIOM-OF, BeScince es AGT IO ION BIOCRPOO OOOO ALO) tS a ae ee So Cpe ONT See a ee oe ahaa tone CLVAG “E[-B -TJou-1e ( YAOAd ) iY fal Gt BI *‘YSB]-a-1vy, BU MEL OU *]]9944-qe 1), 99-TPDAN THEMEN RI ATP OT-A- pun -q yuu (guva) TAME HO “TR-yey-,/rrd Ty-pyn-/Tau "1}-,UD-sqpyMur vA- yn *ESs- Gey He es)-=) 9-5 =/-0-,000-G-/ OL ver oo5 ==" 0-990-B-0}-v-04 DOS COCO OCR PEI IGIIGI Fa (0 FIO YAN (0) pene Sra ae 8] CAT Coenen Tes ST SSeSa2 DIS STi nN gba shin nore 1 a-up-qrd sees = 9" TQU-MTA\-, Bly GAO G'5 sero =* VENA Y-/0} sos sses- si Bi-[RAa-OU sepa sree siarais Vly-gyeTd yy BODoOeS BOR Men TI-ld- 90 eesccosene= UC M-q WA o> SGT Hoses] siciniciniic s-= >" e-14-0ng so oeee seo" 8HT19-/LO-C1} “> 19.48 p-TUny ‘(dn purys) aex “greg, (-dunt) ex -qyeq-many SISRGOOIO HOSA Geile SPST ORE SIGS INS ese HUA) meas uad-/1s-t1n} toowees =o ==" §19900-MINY seen -o--==- 7994-18 WNy soos ress TOFS, TANF 1u-1j-m ny SISOS ISS OGS2 Sriy(aeencioagal > aeq-np-[e wn4 pa ida 22> MBL eU ts cr eeses* SBM-98,]-(ey Ceiigse aaise Sa Eotye taee se" O-TVY-3Ny-[} BEACIY HORIOIE ISOS 5 (sey eM soos eseee=== TI-184-70[y sacesteisicsin'si>- = 811-908) 101 PR IOSOOSCIOOO A Gi Ns la) SEES OBO GOGO Foqeyi (ake srr s"SH9)-10T 4-8 TB) POSPOS SOCIO FANT O) LOH sre" TQOH-JTIVT Tey DRO BORSOGR O20 fei Gail SEBOOS GIST ISS bs e(a) eka PSSOOG TSS Taio yp erie) teres sss" 7 paat Wey reslesichs cic ysur-1-[e mv} sores -ysnys-yone-wey RS eee cal el SSI Sasi ahere eed) ses e= =" T189-9]-[N We} DAB CGOO SONS RS ROU CORD OGIO DEGIIG DOCOO GOGOL SSIS COOIOG |g Wviis) Oe CORIG rooeo xmdieq ---> TBUL-901DIpayy so>sseeo=" TBUIGSILOUG, ‘(Sur -yvods uumi0a ) aq }OIg DAES O15 ---" mIsnog weet eeeeee sess gion * priqopariy eres" IQJOMIPUBID, ‘1-55 2== 5°" 1OqIBIPULIL) cieelatete BOOOS Oo (sh ietoy | spreecec t= TOOL, Bae ires miners oye ‘yO \4 ATA === =| @U04) sete rete teeere reese ony BEBO ISO SOO RSIS TF (HS, Sey] ap aan pel aecma™ og LDL Sin eneaie rt irene Anes coi LO OUT -- aay Saas OOO IONS Isls OCH ba aoe) *daatg weecgcinisiel soos POSS ws jnd¢s| crise cisiggcienieces.* 90M R(T De gee a nS & “LLY -/R AV yy AIR2Z VA Z-4S1F-MT *SURN * WB-1S-U1L8, J, *panu1}Uoy—sar4njnqnao 4 “qsipoagy SaTANTTOULLYLS]= UCL 11 >] | bi aan ured “TOUT ONS |e gain nie ain ae kn ce “4UM Y-TOUL *SSTTRY 153 Serre acte (iat eee sees cee eee ee eee ee ney SSS EG A SISOS DSSS OS Hayat (3 ere >" TO08-JUM ge ah hohe Selah ee /UB-18-[9 SCO AIRY OSS SEG (oles veeeeeneee sree Tp qeUl SAR RO 225892009259 5 tO ECHL BOSSIG OSS HIS IA TSS YPIN SSIS IOS I TG LeHe La A (5 -- eu =<=5== ==> Ti6[-e 0-8 pusu Sees Se are eS EET SES So 2 ECO EC itt sere ecceses* SSTB-O8-S13] sort rres = SUM-LBT-J8-SLY Soc e oe a eee aT sIOMOT] SO III = [2 0110) soees sea" DUTAL 989 AA seen eS HOTA ISR ‘(puras-urvI) PULA TNS corre sssss* DUTAL TION srcce es sseee: (yn ‘xIvd sre rre5 2908 LAT}VoT serserse so" " pBOy-MOILY trertees SULIS-MOg seree cers s2---"90} SIG cence eeeeee cesses atag Case a ae eeecseat SUH Ty weeeeee sees: youg ee seee-: AITOG 2 qm, ro teeresesssos JOPNOTS Le bees I or Ls ‘ne NOTE ON THE USE OF NUMERALS AMONG THE ’SIM SIAN’. By GeorGe Gibps, M. D. The numericals given elsewhere appear to be simply used in common counting. In counting men, a different set are used, as is the case in the Nikwalli. One (man), kohl. Seven (man), tup-htil-dohl’. Two ter-pa-dul’. Bight yuk-la-dohl’. Three kwutl-lohn/. Nine l’stim-ma-scehl’. Four Vhiilp-tohl. Ten k’pohl. Five k’stin-sohl’. Twenty kid-dohl’, Six kutil-dohl’. Thirty kid-dohl’ t?ke-pohl’. Once, kohl; kul. First, k’skokh. Twice, ki-pel. Second, ki-pel. Thrice, ka-li. The last, sthi-lan’. Four times, tkahlp. Before, hi-a-kokh’. And thence on like the cardinals. nd I suspect i unting salmon, still another; as the word “kig-geet t’de And I suspect in counting salmon, still another; as the word ‘“kig-geet t’de kep’h” is given for 30 in such a ease. CONJUGATION OF THE VERB. Work ?, tum-at-laltsi (? participle, working or come to work). Work, imp., aht-lalt-sin. Working, participle (?), yah-gwalt-lalst/-hu. I work, nu-it-at-laltsi. I worked, naht-lalt-si. Thou workest, nun-dt-laltsi. Thou workedst, nabt-lalt-sin. He works, kweet-at-laltsi. We work, num-at-laltsi. We worked, naht-lalt-stim. Ye work, nun-at-laltsi. Ye worked, aht-lalt-siim. They work, nun-stim-at-laltsi. I will work, trit-aht-lalt-sin-nt. Shall I work ? tsin-aht-lalt-se-nt-wie. Thou wilt work, — triu-alt-lalt-sin-ni. I do not work, alh’ker-habt-lalst-hi. We will work, triu-aht-lalt-sin-num. 155 I go there, Where do you go? Where do you come from? n’dah wil waht- From there, In the house, On the hill, What is his name? 156 PHRASES. kwee-da-ttim-roi. wdah tem - koi- jem. ken, kweet. tsin-i-waalp. Ja-ho’pa. nahtl-waht-ka. What is your name? My canoe, By and bye, Formerly, I want to drink, I am hungry, 1 am tired, Come and eat, nah-waan. nukh sob iu. pau-een. ke-kohtl. sah/-diim-ak-soh. kut-ti-nob. sin-nahtl/-nu. kitil-la-iau-kan DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR. U.S. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVHY OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION. J. W. POWELL, GroLoGist IN CITARGR. ) ces) is Len La TRIBES Or WESTERN WASHINGTON axp NORTHWESTERN OREGON. By GEORGE GIBBS, M. D. °4 «ft a - | li ms dS. pales ear, 4 pp > ee : ’ "ee Senay Pr a 1b “0 ine Rona 2) Yai 's Sot WOE to. pez) Aung ‘anh inves + ©) ‘tai Saeit SA aa ek ; é ; ; ss : real Ta er) pia : se HOF : a is HY iA UT rca Hiei pe : ne oe Se cE ES au nbek cae ear , ies DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, Orrice or InpIAN AFFatrs, Washington, October 13, 1876. Sir: I have great pleasure in transmitting herewith, for such use as you may deem proper, in connection with material of like nature collected by yourself, a copy of a paper prepared by George Gibbs, M. D., some years since, ‘On the Indians of Western Washington and Northwestern Oregon.” This paper appears to have an exceptional value, and I should be grati- fied if you could secure its publication. Very respectfully, 8. A. GALPIN, Acting Commissioner. Prof. J. W. Powe tu, Geologist in charge United States Geographical and : Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, Washington, D.C. CONTENTS. Geopraphicalidistribuvloneracmcdeseiseelesmes sient cing esemeslsa scl sesmes|sescienaos= cee cers se aee(eorees Notices of particular tribes....-.... Sed NESW OaSdoD HSCS ES aOhe Sade tes ooonas ConSES bebSco sane doosec TROT ENO oo5s6 Band 0900 BAGUIO B5SS CSCS EO CAS DAS SERRA OGD O CD ECOE CECH eDSOr See Emre eae mre Tribal organization and government.-.....---- SGooccd dance oauaconese Menisisceiscmesaeesteoassese TENG GH Gade oooa50 dS8Gcaso b600 cato na06 nasesdosonao peccSoondsen Soec- coscecsoaasp sSoccocases BIEMGIN? cocaod dated cbed enaR Nab OC OSCE GS RESIN OEOS SECU EEOGEC DOBSCE COSCED BSbS Hee Sco BHOnod posaod Retalanonesessece care coc sam tariece o]acietien two Saceccas rac cou icelsclesiccszecececitecses/ccsclescs MEUSRTESTO levallUlmUIMO nc Oso malseieaaistenineleaiaaiaey=e/=aiecislecsincloce slececrcinciecemiatisereseaiaa stmeisiecin sl Houses ....--- gococ neco WOndoacoacticiSsSccnod aaSGo00 abOSa0 Heap DosOebeSsobecoSesa gooseeaoassc eee Canoes eeccccrescceecscctscmciss ce Sclesicce slides wes cin soyecisdoce woe eGese cece etieddes ccceteceoneessss Clothing wutensilsyeccreaccseceeclecsnc sie scece scion ccrisceccinct dasccesacenjsssaccscccess dascgaenses Domestic animals..-.... BRC OI COSC COTES BESO ARDS USOC CT BORSA SADE SA OARE RASeES BEBO IAOOES pesocdecd Symbolichwiritin geen. pec. eoeacclacismncioaisisceieccins ciewicece/wcsinecinciece aroneese, See snelereeacssteaas Moundsjand\earthworks!< ee aaeestse Meseeectceeiss SeccaQu aECCaaaEcEd Migrations seen as seaateoe melas sein aeces Be weee wesae Dicweceatstenses siseteaceens Menno seasaee Noticesfotgentlysiravclerdimscete- sce cote cecreeersec soc cecal cnca nsns\s scnectciscse selesinnesscerucess Marly visitsOpew ol bermente secs cteecesicoe sec ace rete cco ac ccmsclaiec nas ccwetdecone coetlecinemce Mable shoring relations Of tribes MAMEM a oaaseeieceicc since civ winclecieSeiccccciccccjsecescicicor meses en 11 161 weno oO orf XS) ~ © © oO Ww Oo a ww w RSS hy D4 : perce ve ‘dabcannhiniee oe eaeeapeete Ce i : é nile Wk ss ¢, , a poled Se one nisl ee eo eer tye | sto Mab i reer + ne M . vs Sul Peat Cy ae fi “t cy tl GRE ary ee! A pargheagel - , Sita bedhead a3 anne OL aa" ake sta SiS Sal Saas os eet + See oeaim) SW ; em werreerir TT tyr resspane aH ’ fer Fs ' : : a tatty’ Ob tgeea ade Se “= bheeRus ene Pic . geese ees op i a oe ee ete © at - ee aece oii q eer 4 At} oie ee aro) - bile : 4 a 7 * b> sy ~ ahs ate See. oi oe ra MAGte To: i ; ries Jee ist 34 ai ae hades f ; > S = am DATO} ay wep +. «950 Wd dn vores oo aja fs evant’ page i bei a. rth chien tnd te oh abide 4 re Pere d — - Ue ee iw (oad 1 7 _ a rf) uP ted a 7 i) mh <7 ¥ wo) a i TRIBES OF WESTERN WASHINGTON AND NORTHWESTERN OREGON. 7a Cay) / st By GEORGE GiBBs, M. D. —lh ila a GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION. In the western district of Washington Territory,—that is to say, between the Cascade Mountains and the Pacific,—there is found, compared with the extent of country occupied, an extraordinary diversity in the aboriginal tongues. Mr. Hale, the ethnologist, who accompanied Captain Wilkes’s expedition, recognized among them eight languages belonging to five dis- tinct families, and to these are now to be added six other languages which escaped his observation. In addition, there are dialects of several but par- tially intelligible, even to those speaking the same general language. As might be inferred, the tribes inhabiting this district are divided into bands having far less connection with each other than is the case with the Indians of the prairie, where a more wandering life bringing them continu- ally into contact serves to keep up an identity in the common tongue. With all this diversity of speech, there is notwithstanding a general resem- blance in character, manners, and habits throughout the district, but modi- fied by geographical position and by other causes operating on both the physical and moral condition of the race. Among nations whose life is almost altogether sensual, the character is affected to a more perceptible degree by exterior circumstances than among the cultivated. Scarcity or abundance of food, its nature, the modes of obtaining it, the occupations and amusements of life, climate, dress, all, to a marked extent, operate not only upon individuals, but upon the tribe. Except upon the strongest evidence, it could hardly be believed that the 153 164 Flathead of the Rocky Mountains, whose virtues approach him more nearly to the ideal savage of romance than any other upon the continent, was the kinsman, if not the progenitor of the Niskwalli; or the ‘‘Comanche” a rela- tive of the Snake “ Digger”. In a geographical view, the district presents three natural divisions: the Columbia River, the Coast, and Puget Sound; to which might perhaps be added a fourth, in the prairie country between the Kowlitz River and the Puyallup. The Cascade Range, which separates the latter from the great interior basin has a general elevation of from five to seven thousand feet, much broken however by ridges and elevated points; the great volcanic peaks: four of which, Mt. Adams, Mt. St. Helens, Mt. Rainier, and Mt. Baker, lie north of the Columbia: towering far above all. The width of this range varies from fifty to seventy-five miles. It is timbered on the east side with pines and larch; on the west, with fir, spruce, and the white cedar or arbor vite. The forest country on the western side may be said to extend to the ocean, the prairies occupying a comparatively small area. © The skill of the Indians not enabling them to cope with the forest, they have been confined for the most part to the borders of the rivers and sound, to the coast, and the small prairies between the sound and the Columbia. The banks of the Columbia, from the Grand Dalles to its mouth, belong to the two branches of the *Tsinak nation, which meet in the neighborhood of the Kowlitz River, and of which an almost nominal remnant is left; upon the elevated plateau lying south of Mt. Adams and Mt. St. Helens, and upon the southern and western slopes of the latter, are the Klikatat and the Tai-tin-apam; on the Kowlitz, the tribe of that name, once numer- ous, but now almost extinct; and in the mountains north of the Lower Columbia, between Shoalwater Bay and the heads of the Tsihalis, the tribe of Willopah, (Owhillapsh,) or, as termed by Mr. Hale, Kwalhioqua, now reduced to a handful. These alone belong to four of the five families of languages above mentioned: the Tsinuk together forming one; Kura- rar and TarrinapaM belonging to the Sahaptin, of which the Walla- Walla and Nez Pereé are the leading types; the Kowxirz to the western branch of the Selish or Flatheads, and the WriLopau to the same division *Chinook of authors, 165 with the Tahkali or Carriers, living on the headwaters of Frazer River, and the Klatskanai, Umkwa, and Ta-taten of Oregon. The position of the Tsintk previous to their depopulation was, as at once appears, most important. Occupying both sides of the great artery of Oregon for a distance of two hundred miles, they possessed the principal thoroughfare between the interior and the ocean, boundless resources of provision of various kinds, and facilities for trade almost unequaled on the Pacific. From the Dalles to “Cape Horn”, below the Cascades, the river flows westward through a pass in the mountains, and with but a narrow margin occasionally intervening; but farther down it opens into what Lewis and Clarke denominated the Wappata Valley, connecting with the valley of the Willamette by that river, and by the Kowlitz with the Tsihalis country and the basin of Puget Sound. Through this district it runs northward, the course of the valley trending with it until it is again diverted by the Tsinak Mountains to its original westerly course. Toward the mouth it spreads into extensive bays, the north side lined with precipitous rocky bluffs of that range, while on the south the mountains which separate it from the Twallatti plains close in and unite with the Coast Range. From the Dalles to the Cascades, the navigation is uninterrupted. At the latter point, which is the dividing ridge of the mountains, a series of rapids occurs, below which the influence of the tides is felt, and the river may be considered as navigable to the sea. The immense quantities of deposit annually brought down during the freshet occasion, however, extensive sand-bars, which are scattered at intervals to its mouth, encumber its estuary, and to a great degree create the difficulties of its entrance. The banks of the Columbia, where elevated above the freshets, are clothed with evergreens, fir and spruce predominating, and the same vegetation extends over the general face of the surrounding country, which, joined to its rocks of basalt and volcanic conglomerate, throw an aspect of gloom over the landscape. It is only in the early summer when the cottonwood and maple of the low grounds are in fresh leaf that the prevailing monotony is broken. The freshets of the Columbia overflow not merely the low islands, but most of the alluvial country bordering the river. They take place during the summer commencing in May or June according to the mildness of the 166 season, and subsiding toward the end of July. Freshets also occur on its tributaries, but these are more directly the effect of raims and are highest in the winter, whereas those of the Columbia arise from the melting of snow in the Rocky Mountains. The two principal branches on the north, below the Cascades, are the Kathlapatl Wiltkwu, or Lewis River, and the Kow- litz. The floods of these rivers have an important influence upon Indian economy in their relation to the salmon fisheries, which furnish the most important staple of subsistence. The mouth of the Columbia might perhaps more correctly be consid- ered with the coast section, with which it is intimately connected; portages leading from Baker Bay to Shoalwater Bay, and thence to Gray Harbor. The first of these is an extensive but shallow piece of water, about twenty- five miles in length, separated from the sea by a narrow strip of lowland. Several streams flow into it, of which the most noticeable is the Willo- pah, which has a rich alluvial valley of some extent. The southern end of this bay is Tsinak territory, and it was formerly their principal winter quarters. The northern end belonged to the Tsihalis, and the Willopah occupied the mountain country lying behind it. It was a district admirably suited to Indian habits, furnishing great quantities of fish and clams, and the neighboring forest abounding in game.

) yout, ai/-sa'-yukh? ti dug/-we'. (Nove.—The Indian always puts himself first.) Jy (of! me?) opinion’ [is] so*, gutl* at/-sa? hutch® as-is’-ta*. [Are] you’ angry? with® me‘ ? o-hét-sil? chu-hu twul’ at-sat? I! comb? [this*] myself+, te’ at-sa* Op-klo-sub?-chid’. (Copulative prefix.)—In the simple form, the above are never used as nomina- tives to a verb, but in combination with the past or future particles they are so employed, and are then to be considered copulative prefixes; e. g., with the past, tets, tet-sa, tits, tuts, siats, stits, sttt, stuts. J came, tet-sa-hwutl J have often gone, kad tets-0kh; ka-hat-la-hu tuts 0o-Okh. I came from Port Townsend, tul ad KA/-TAI stits atld. Long ago I came, es’/-tu a’-go stut klut-chil. I have done eating, o-ho/-yo tits utld. With the future particle, tluts, kluts. J shall go to-morrow, da’- da-to ki tlits Okh-ho, or kluts 6kh-ho. (Independent nominative.)—Kets, kits, kuts, kwets. These forms precede verbs or words used as such, but never become copulatives. They seem to be compounds of the demonstrative pronouns (having the force of the definite article), ki and kwi, with at/-sa, ut’-sa, or Gt/-sa. J can’t find [it], hwe kits aid/-hwu. TI dow’t know, hwe! kits a-said-hu. Where shall I hide [it)? al-chad kuts chad-zil? I did not know I was drunk, hwe a kwéts a-sai-alt-hu kets as-hwul-ku (the pronoun here being duplicated). (Copulative suffix.)—Chid, chud, shid, shed, shut. This is by far the most common form in which the pronoun is used. T see, sla-la-bit/-shid. J work, o-yai'- us-chid. I return, o-ta’-shit-si chud. Yesterday I came here, to-datl-dot shids ovhlet-chi twul te’. Last night I said, &c., ash-tu slat-la’-hel-shut tat-Lot-hots-bid. It is sometimes duplicated, If I go, ho-la/-chid klo-okh-chid. It may also be used accusatively after the imperative, Teach me, o-gwa/-la-chid. In several of the above examples it will be seen that where the verb is preceded by an adverb or other part of speech directly relating to it, the pronoun is referred back to the latter. Ice, an icicle, skakhw, ska/-ko. See ‘ Water”. Idle, lazy, unwilling, as-che’-litsh, che/-litsh. Tf, ho-la’, a-mél, a-bel. Jf I go, a-bél-chid klo-okh ; hoJa‘-chid kle-okh. See also “Per- haps”. Ignorant, ast-zat/-lab. I do not know how, ast-zat/-lab-chid. See ‘ Mistake, to”, od- zat-lab. Initate, to, 0t-du-so-wél. In, into, within, dekhw, de/-ukh, as-dékhw, us-dékhw, as-de/-ukh, us-dukhw’, hud-de’-hu, had-dekhw’. We are within the house, as-dukw/-chil-ki-a/-lal. Come inside, ut-lat-li hud-dékhw’ o-hud-dékhw-chu (imperative adverb). To put into (as water into a basin), o-dug-wus. Indeed, very, is-shi-de’. Very long ago, is-shi-de’ ha/-go. Indians. See “ People”. Insects ;—beetles, bugs, de. (generic), st’klit-la-al/-kum, slit-lal-kub ; flies, hwai-o, hai- o/-hwa ; humble-bee, mau’-kwa-lush; yellow wasp, ‘sukh’/-sud-dub; mosquito, kwad ; ant, mit-chi-lo/-la ; spider, to-pel (Nisk.), ho/-bub-ta/-k wil (Sky.), its thread, kled-tid (see “Rope”); flea, cho’-tub; grasshopper, ke/-ko-wuts; lice, béskh’-chad ; maggot of blow-fly, shod-za ; sting of an insect, te’-sid (see “Arrow ”). doz Tndustrious, as-baltsh. Infant. See “ Child”. Tnland, the interior, up a river, kaiklw, skaikh, kekhw, tak, stax. These words are often used in combination, as mis-kai/-hwu, stak-ta/-mish, 7. e., people that live inland. Tn shore, towards the shore (when on the water), ta-tuk-tus (from tak, inland). It is also the word of command, ‘‘ keep in”, ‘make for the shore”. Tron, a knife, as the iron, suokw; uo-kwed, an arrow-head of iron. Island, sti-chi’; (dim.) sti/-ta-chi. Jt, sas, sa-hwas. This at least appears to be the meaning of the words, ¢. g., Js there anything ? (any it), a-o/-kwi sa-hwas. 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