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CONTRIBUTIONS TO NORTH AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 


VOL. li PART | FRONTISPIECE 


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Scale: 15 miles to 1 inch 


MAP OF THE HEADWATERS OF THE KLAMATH RIVER. 


By Aveert S. GATSCHET. 


DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR 


U. S. GEOGRAPHICAL AND GEOLOGICAL SURVEY OF THE ROCKY MOUNTAIN REGION 


J. W. POWELL In CHARGE 


OF 


SOUTHWESTERN OREGON 
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 
OE Z 
1891 
LIBRARY. 


BY 


i. 
ALBERT SAMUEL GATSCHET 


WASHINGTON 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
1890 


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CONTENDS: 
PART I, 
Page. 

Metbenotgiran gs mibtale «caterstsisse sacra terete rere = ne wiisieraial e Gisiate vote x se areieeeisiciei siee’s vii 
SWNT SH DHO AIRG KON 2a% Soca boon aceeBOaanes EP oHnTaA bom hOSesas to ASeeeneane ix 
IIGEIS, esis OOOO OD EE SIERO SCO G Sern SOE OO ne eee aa eee ee 1 
GUAM Bere caw torscl mane cis orci scone nists wees ecclehe te Seapine seat emeieeee 199 

PART ITI: 

Dictionary—Klamath-English .......... .-.--.-.-..----- BOB an Aare nee sete il 
Dictonary—brelishsKlamatDys =. ot aie, sia -15, cis yale osc eiclole s/t esis eieseee o/s.c s/e.s.e 493 
LhLwS LRAT ON: 

Map of the headwaters of the Klamath River..............-..-......- Frontispiece. 


LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL. 


SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, 
Bureau or ETHNoLoey, 
Washington, D. C., June 25, 1890. 

Sir: I have the honor to transmit to you my report upon the Klamath 
Indians of Southwestern Oregon, the result of long and patient study. It 
deals with their beliefs, legends, and traditions, their government and social 
life, their racial and somatic peculiarities, and, more extensively, with their 
language. ‘To this the reader is introduced by numerous ethnographic 
“Texts,” suggested or dictated by the Indians themselves, and accompanied 
by an interlinear translation and by “Notes,” a method which I regard as 
the most efficient means of becoming acquainted with any language. In 
this report I have given prominence to the exposition of the language, 
because I consider language to be the most important monument of the 
American Indian. Archzeology and ethnography are more apt to acquaint 
us with facts concerning the aborigines, but language, when properly inves- 
tigated, gives us the ideas that were moving the Indian’s mind, not only 
recently but long before the historic period. 

Repeated and prolonged visits to the people of the northern as ive as 
of the southern chieftainecy have yielded sufficient material to enable me to 
classify the language of both united tribes as belonging to a distinct family. 
In their territorial seclusion from the nearer Indian tribes they show anthro- 
pologic differences considerable enough to justify us in regarding them as 
a separate nationality. 

There is probably no language spoken in North America possessed 
of a nominal inflection more developed than the Klamath, although in 
this particular, in the phonetic elements and in the syllabic reduplication 


pervading all parts of speech, it shows many analogies with the Sahaptin 
vil 


vill 

dialects. The analytic character of the language and its synthetic character 
balance each other pretty evenly, much as they do in the two classic lan- 
guages of antiquity. 

Concerning the ethnography of both chieftaincies and the mythology 
of the Modoe Indians, I have gathered more material than could be utilized 
for the report, and I hope to publish it at a later day as a necessary sup- 
plement to what is now embodied in the two parts of the present volume. 

Very respectfully, yours, 
ALBERT S. GATSCHET. 

Hon. J. W. Powet1, 

Director of the Bureau of Ethnology. 


rk 


ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH 


KLAMATH PEOPLE. 


THE KLAMATH INDIANS OF SOUTHWESTERN OREGON. 


By Avsert S. GatscHet. 


ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH OF THE PEOPLE. 
INTRODUCTION. 


The Klamath people of North American Indians, the subject of this 
descriptive sketch, have inhabited from time immemorial a country upon 
the eastern slope of the Cascade Range, in the southwestern part of the 
territory now forming the State of Oregon. That territory is surrounded 
by mountain ridges and by elevations of moderate height, and watered by 
streams, lakes, marshes, and pond-sources issuing from the voleanic sands 
covering the soil. The secluded position of these Indians within their 
mountain fastnesses has at all times sheltered them against the inroads of 
alien tribes, but it has also withheld from them some of the benefits which 
only a lively intercourse and trade with other tribes are able to confer. 
The climate of that upland country is rough and well known for its sudden 
changes of temperature, which in many places render it unfavorable to 
agriculture. But the soil is productive in edible roots, bulbs, berries, and 
timber, the limpid waters are full of fish and fowl, and game was plentiful 
before the white man’s rifle made havoc with it. Thus the country was 
capable of supplying a considerable number of Indians with food, and they 
never manifested a desire to migrate or ‘‘be removed to a better country.” 

The topography of these highlands, which contain the headwaters of the 
Klamath River of California, will be discussed at length after a mention of 
the scanty literature existing upon this comparatively little explored tract of 
land. : 


xI 


xii ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. 


The list below contains titles of books and articles upon the two tribes 
of the Klamath people, which are of scientific interest, whereas others, also 
mentioned in this list, are of popular interest only. Several of the latter I 
have never been able to inspect personally. During the Modoc war a large 
number of articles appeared in the periodical press, expatiating upon the 
conduct of that war, the innate bravery of the Indian, the cruelty of the 
white against the red race, and other commonplace topics of this sort. As 
the majority of these were merely repetitions of facts with which every 
reader of the political press was then familiar, I did not secure the titles of 
all of these articles. 


ARMY AND NAVY JOURNAL: 
A weekly periodical published in New York from 1863 to 1880. 4°. During the 
Modoe war of 1872-1873 many strategic articles appeared in it upon the con- 


duct of that war, composed by a specialist. 


» 
ATWELL, WILLIAM: 


War correspondent of the periodical “Sacramento Record” at the time of the 
Modoc war. Mentioned in Note to Texts (p. 48). 


BANCROFT, HUBERT HOWE: 

(1) In section: “The Northern Californians” (Vol. I, pp. 326-361) of Native 
Races,” where the Klamath Lake and Modoc tribes are referred to in connec- 
tion with other tribes. Notes and literature, pp. 445, 444. 

(2) Remark on the Klamath language; list of numerals. In “Native Races,” 
Vol. III, p. 640. (San Francisco, Cal., 1882. 8°.) 

BLAND, T. A.: 

Life of Alfred B. Meacham, together with his lecture, ‘The tragedy of the lava 
beds,” delivered in Park Street Church, Boston, Mass. Illustrated by seven 
portraits. Washington, 1883. 8°, 48 pp.’ (Published by the author.) 

CLARK, W. C.: 

Vocabulary of the Modoc of Southern Oregon. Manuscript, 12 pp. 4°. Collected 

in 1878 at Yaneks. In the Library of the Bureau of Ethnology. 


CLARKE, WILLIAM J.: 
Rock piles and ancient dams in the Klamath Valley. American Antiquarian, 
1885, pp. 40, 41. (Refers to the obstructions in the river at Linkville, ete.) 
DRAKE, SAMUEL G.: 
The Aboriginal Races of North America, ete. Fifteenth edition. By Professor 
Williams. New York, 1880. 8°. Appendix: The Modoes and the Modoc 
War, pp. 707-714. 


; 


BIBLIOGRAPHY. xill 


FIELDS, CAPTain, U.S. ARMY: 
The Modoc War. The causes which led to it and the results. Correspondence 
of the Constitution, Atlanta, Ga., Sundays, October 13 and 20, 1889. 


FREMONT, CoOL. J. C.: 

The Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains, Oregon and California, ete. 
New York and Auburn, 1856. Small 8°. 456 pp. and map. (May, 1842, to 
August, 1844.) Klamath Country of Oregon, pp. 283-294. Snake Indians, 
p. 297. Summer Lake, p. 290. Abert Lake, p. 292. (Passed only through 
the eastern part of the country and from Klamath Marsh northward.) 


GABB, Dr. WILLIAM M.: 
Vocabulary of the Klamath of Southern Oregon. MS. 10 leaves. 4°. 150 words. 
Collected by means of the Chinook Jargon in 1864. In the Library of the 
Bureau of Ethnology. 


GATSCHET, ALBERT S.: 

(1) Adjectives of color in Indian Languages. In American Naturalist, XIII, pp. 
475-485. Philadelphia, 1879. 

(2) The same was, with few changes only, publisbed in German under the head- 
ing: “ Farbenbenennungen in nordamerikanischen Sprachen.” In Zeitschrift 
fiir Ethnologie, Vol. XI, Berlin, 1879. ‘The first of the seven languages spoken 
of is the Klamath of Oregon. 

(3) Sketch of the Klamath language of Southern Oregon. In Amer, Antiquarian, 
I, pp. 81-84. (i878-1879.) 

(4) Mythologie text in the Klamath language of Southern Oregon, with transla- 
tion and comments. Tbid., I, pp. 161-166. 

(5) The numeral adjective in the Klamath language of Southern Oregon. Jbid., 
II, pp. 210-217. (1879-1880.) 

(6) Volk und Sprache der Maklaks im siidwestlichen Oregon. In Globus, illustr. 
Zeitschrift f. Liinder- und Vélkerkunde, Vol. 35, No. 11, pp. 167-171 und 
187-189. 4°. Braunschweig, 1879. 

(7) Three short texts were published in tke First Annual Report of the Bureau of 
Ethnology, Washington, 1831. Imp. 8°. pp. 582-587, with commentaries: 
Details of a conjurer’s practice; The Relapse; Sweat Lodges. (They are also 
embodied in the author’s Report, under “Texts.” 5 

HADLEY, LEwIs F.: 

Vocabulary of the Modoc. Manuscript in three blank books, on 34 unpaged 

leaves. 4°. In the Library of the Bureau of Ethnology. 


HALE, HoRATIO: 

Ethnography and Philology of the United States Exploring Expedition during 
the years 1838-1842, under the command of Charles Wilkes, U. S. Navy. 
This work forms Vol. VI of the report of that expedition, and was published 
Philadelphia, 1846. 4°. It contains about 190 words of the “Lutuami” or 
Klamath language, pp. 570-629. The words which Mr. Hale obtained for 
father, nine, yes, dead show that his informant was a Klamath Lake and not 
a Modoe Indian. 


XIV ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


JACKSON, WILLIAM HENRY: 

Photographs of Klamath Lake and Modoo. Indians were taken by him, and the 
subjects described in his Descriptive Catalogue of the Photographs of the 
U.S. Geological Survey of the Territories, from 1869 to 1873, inclusive; I. V. 
Hayden in charge. 8°. 

LATHAM, ROBERT G.: 

Comparative vocabulary of the Lutuami, Shasti, Palaik, and Yakon, In * Kle- 
ments of Comparative Philology,” London, 1862, pp. 407-408. Compare with 
it the list he gives in “Transactions of Philological Society of London,” 1856, 
pp. 74-76. 

MATTHEWS, Dr. WASHINGTON: 

Notes and Vocabulary of the Modoc. Obtained from Slulks or George Denny, 
prisoner at Alcatraz Fort, in the harbor of San Francisco, Cal. Manuscript, 
pp. 50, fol. 

MEACHAM, A. B.: 

(1) Wigwam and Warpath, or the Royal Chief in Chains, with portraits, ete. 
Boston, John P. Dale & Co.; second edition, 1875, 8°. 700 pp. 

(2) Winema and her People. Hartford, Conn., Bliss & Co., 1876. 12°. 160 pp. 

MILLER, JOAQUIN: 

Life amongst the Modoes: Unwritten History. London, Bentley, 1873. 5°. 400 
pp. Also with the title transposed: Unwritten History: Life amongst the 
Modoes. Illustrated from new designs. Hartford, Conn., Amer. Publishing 
Co., 1874. 8°. 445 pp. 

Movocs, THE, AND DEATH OF GENERAL CANBY: 

In the ‘ Republic,” of Washington, D. C., Vol. I, 118. (1878.) 
Mopoco MASSACRE, THE: 

In Harper’s Monthly, Vol. 47, p. 139. (1873.) 
MULLER, Dr. FRIEDRICH: 

Grundriss der Sprachwissenschaft, Vol. Il. (Wien, 1852.) P. 451, the numerals 
of the “Lutuami.” 

NEWBERRY, J.S., M. D.: 

Geology of Pit River and Klamath Basins. In ‘Report upon Explorations for a 

Railroad Route from the Sacramento Valley to the Columbia River; made by 
” Lieut. R. S. Williamson.” Washington, 1855, Vol. VI, Part If, pp. 34-39. 
NEW York HERALD, THE: 

J. G. Bennett, the proprietor of this daily paper, had dispatched a special corre- 
spondent to the seat of the Modoe war, who sent home many long and graphic 
accounts, which were published in the Herald, accompanied by maps. 

POWERS, STEPHEN: 

(1) Vocabulary of the Modoc Language. Manuscript, 1 fol. sheet, 31 words. In 
Library of Bureau of Ethnology. 

(2) The Modok. Forms Chapter X XVII of his “ Tribes of California,” printed in 
J. W. Powell’s Contributions to North American Ethnology. Washington, 
1877. Quarto. Vol. ILI, pp. 252-266; numerals also on p. 45. 


THE HOME OF THE KLAMATH PEOPLE. XV 


(3) The Modocs. Forms No. 8 of a serial of Powers’s articles: “The Californian 
Indians” (1872-1874), and is contained in the Overland Monthly, San Fran- 
cisco, Carmany & Co., 1873, June number, pp. 535-545. With a myth, “The 
woman of stone” (at Nilakshi mountain). 


RUSSELL, ISRAEL C.: 
A Geological Reconnaissance in Southern Oregon. In Powell’s Fourth Annual 
Report of U.S. Geological Survey, Washington, 1884. Imper. octavo; pp. 
433 to 464, with maps and illustrations. This article has furnished several 
data to ny “ Ethnographic Sketch.” 


SHASTAS, THE, AND THEIR NEIGHBORS. 1874: 
A manuscript in the possession of Mr. H. H. Bancroft, Sati Francisco. 
TURNER, W. M.: 
Scraps of Modoe History. In Overland Monthly of San Francisco, Vol. XI, 
21-25. (1873.) 


Victor, Mrs. FRANCES FULLER (of Salem, Oregon): 
(1) History of the Modoc War. In manuscript. 
(2) Indians of Oregon. In Overland Monthly of San Francisco, Vol. VII, 344-352, 
especially p. 348. (1871.) 
(3) All over Washington and Oregon. San Francisco, 1872. 


WILLIAMSON, LIEUT. R.8., and Crook, LIEUT. GEORGE H.: 
Vocabulary of the Klamath Language. In Reports of Explorations, Vol. VI, 
Part 1, pp. 71-72, Washington, 1857. 49. 


GEOGRAPHY OF THE KLAMATH HIGHLANDS. 


The first part in the historical and social study of a tribe or nation 
must be a thorough examination of the country and of the climate (in the 
widest sense of this term) in which it has grown up, for these two agen- 
cies give character to peoples, races, languages, institutions, and laws. 
This principle applies equally to the cultured and to the ruder or less 
developed populations of the globe, for none of them can possibly hold 
itself aloof from the agencies of nature, whether acting in a sudden man- 
ner or gradually, like the influences of climate. The races inhabiting coasts, 
islands, peninsulas, jungles, plains, prairies, woodlands, foot-hills, mountains, 
and valleys differ one from another in having distinguishing characteristic 
types indelibly impressed upon their countenances by their different envi- 
ronments. That upland and mountaineer tribes have made very different 
records from those of nations raised in plains, lowlands, on coasts and islands 


is a fact of which history gives us many well-authenticated instances. 


XVl BTHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


THE HOME OF THE PEOPLE. 


The home of the Klamath tribe of southwestern Oregon lies upon the 
eastern slope of the southern extremity of the Cascade Range, and very 
nearly coincides with what we may cali the headwaters of the Klamath 
River, the main course of which lies in Northern California. Its limits 
are outlined in a general manner in the first paragraph of the treaty con- 
cluded between the Federal Government and the Indians, dated October 
14, 1864, which runs as follows: ‘The Indians cede all the country included 
between the water-shed of the Cascade Mountains to the mountains dividing 
Pit and McCloud Rivers from the waters on the north; thence along this 
water-shed eastwards to the southern end of Goose Lake; thence northeast 
to the southern end of Harney Lake;* thence due north to the forty-fourth 
degree of latitude; thence west along this same degree to Cascade Range.” 
It must be remarked that the homes and hunting-grounds of two “bands” 
of the Snake Indians were included within these limits, for these people 
were also made participants to the treaty. 

Here, as with all other Indian tribes, the territory claimed must be 
divided into two parts, the districts inclosing their habitual dwelling-places 
and those embodying their hunting and fishing grounds, the latter being 
of course much larger than the former and inclosing them. The habitual 
haunts and dwelling-places of the tribes were on the two Klamath Lakes, 
on Klamath Marsh, on Tule Lake, and on Lost River. Some of these 
localities are inclosed within the Klamath Reservation, of which we will 
speak below. 

The Cascade Range is a high mountain ridge following a general 
direction from north to south, with some deflections of its main axis. The 
line of perpetual snow is at least 10,000 feet above the sea-level, and the 
altitude of the highest peaks about 12,000 to 14,000 feet. On the west side 
the sloping is more gradual than on the east side, where abrupt precipices 
and steep slopes border the Klamath highlands and the valley of Des 


Chutes River. The range is the result of upheaval and enormous voleanic 


* Harney Lake is the western portion of Malheur Lake, and now united with it 
into a single sheet of water. 


THE HOME OF THE KLAMATH PEOPLE. Xvii 


eruption, the series of the principal peaks, as the Three Sisters, Mount 
Jefferson, and Mount Hood, marking the general direction of the ridge. 

The formation consists of a dark and hard basaltic and andesitic lava, 
which also forms numerous extinct volcanic cones and basins lying on the 
east side of the range (Mount Scott, Crater Lake, craters in Sprague River 
valley, etc.). This formation underlies the whole of the Klamath River 
headwaters, but stratified deposits cover it at many places, consisting of 
sandstone, infusorial marls, voleanic ashes, pumice-stone, etc. Prof. J. S. 
Newberry* describes this volcanic rock as ‘‘a dark vesicular trap”. 

East of the basin of the Klamath Lakes and south of the Columbia 
River water-shed lies an extensive territory extending to the east towards 
Owyhee River, and having its largest area in Nevada and Utah. It has 
been called the Great Basin of the Interior, and has an average altitude of 
5,000 feet. The numerous fault-fissures intersecting it from north to south 
form its principal geologic feature. In the Quaternary period long and 
narrow lakes marked those faults on the obverse side of their dip; and 
even now, when evaporation has left these depressions almost dry, small 
bodies of water mark the site of the fissures even where erosion has oblit- 
erated most traces of a fracture of the earth’s crust. The most conspicuous 
of these fissures in the basaltic formations are in Oregon, northern Cali- 
fornia and Nevada: the valley of Quinn River, Alvord Valley with Pueblo 
Valley, Guano Valley, Warner Lake with Long and Surprise Valley, Abert, 
Summer, and Silver Lake Valley. A geologic reconnaissance of the country 
west of this northwestern portion of the Great Basin, the central parts of 
which were once filled by the Quaternary Lake Lahontan, with its enormous 
drainage basin, would probably prove a similar origin for the two Klamath 
Lakes with Klamath Marsh, and for Goose Lake Valley. 

These two secondary basins lie nearest the base of the great mountain 
wall of the Cascade Range, and therefore receive a larger share of the 
rain precipitated upon it than the more distant ones. The supply of water 
received during the year being thus larger than the annual evaporation, 
the excess flows off in the streams which drain the basin. There is much 
analogy between the basin of the Klamath Lakes and that of Pit River; 


* Pacific Railroad Reports, 1854~'55, vol. 6, part 2, pp. 34-39. 
ii 


XVili ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


both form elongated troughs, and the waters escaping from them reach the 
lowlands through deep cuts in the resistant material. The difference lies 
only in this, that the drainage of the Klamath headwater basin has been 
less complete than that of the Sacramento and upper Pit River; and large 
portions of its surface are still occupied by bodies of water. 

The lakes which show the location of longitudinal faults are the more 
shallow the more distant they are from the Cascade Range, and those which 
possess no visible outlet necessarily contain brackish water, as the alkaline 
materials in them are not removed by evaporation. It is a noticeable fact 
that those lakes which were nearest the seats and haunts of the Klamath 
Indians are all disposed in ane large circle: Klamath Marsh, Upper and 
Lower Klamath Lakes, Rhett or Tule Lake, Clear or Wright Lake, Goose 
Lake, Abert Lake, Summer Lake, Silver Lake with Pauline Marsh. Be- 
sides this several other depressions now filled with marshes and alkali flats 
show the existence of former water-basins. 


TOPOGRAPHIC NOTES. 


The most prominent object of nature visible from the level parts of the 
Klamath Reservation is the Cascade Range with its lofty peaks. Seen from 
the east shore of Upper Klamath Lake, it occupies nearly one hundred and 
fifty degrees of the horizon. Though Shasta Butte, visible on the far south, 
does not properly belong to it, the ridge rises to high altitudes not very far 
from there, reaching its maximum height in the regular pyramid forming 


Mount Pitt. This pyramid is wooded on its slopes, and hides several mount- 


ain lakes—Lake of the Woods, Buck Lake, and Aspen Lake—on its south- 
eastern base. Following in a northern direction are Union Peak, Mount 
Scott, and Mount Thielsen, with many elevations of minor size. At the 
southwestern foot of Mount Scott lies a considerable lake basin about twenty 
miles in circumference, and at some places two thousand feet below its rim. 
The water being of the same depth, this ‘Crater Lake” has been pointed 
out as probably the deepest lake basin in the world (1,996 feet by one sound- 
ing), and it also fills the largest voleanie crater known. At its southwestern 
end a conical island emerges from its brackish waters, which is formed of 


scorie—proof that it was once an eruption crater. The altitude of the 


TOPOGRAPHIC NOTES. xix 


water’s surface was found to be 6,300 feet; and this remarkable lake is but 
a short distance south of the forty-third degree of latitude. Capt. C. E. 
Dutton, of the U. 8. Geological Survey, has made an examination of the 
lake and its surroundings, and gave a short sketch of it in the weekly 
“Science” of New York, February 26, 1886, from which an extract was 
published in the “Ausland” of Stuttgart, 1887, pp. 174, 175. 

On the west side of Mount Scott and Crater Lake rise the headwaters 
of the North Fork of Rogue River, which run down the western slope, and 
a narrow trail crosses the ridge south of the elevation. Northeast of it and 
west of Walker’s Range lies a vast level plain strewed with pulverized 
pumice-stone, and forming the water-shed between the affluents of the 
Klamath and those of Des Chutes River, a large tributary of the Columbia. 

Upper Klamath Lake, with its beautiful and varied Alpine scenery, 
verdant slopes, blue waters, and winding shores, is one of the most attractive 
sights upon the reservation. Its principal feeder is Williamson River, a 
water-course rising about thirty miles northeast of its mouth. After passing 
through Klamath Marsh it pursues its winding course south through a canon 
of precipitous hills, six miles in length; then reaches a wide, fertile valley, 
joins Sprague River coming from Yaneks and the east, and after a course 
of about sixty miles empties its volume of water into Upper Klamath Lake 
near its northern end. The elevation of this lake was found to be about 
eighty feet higher than that of Little Klamath Lake, which is 4,175 feet. 
Wood River, with its affluent, Crooked River, is another noteworthy feeder 
of the lake, whose shores are partly marshy, partly bordered by prairies and 
mountains. The lake is embellished by a number of pretty little islands, 
is twenty-five miles long in an air-line, and varies between three and seven 
miles in width. On the eastern shores the waters are more shallow than on 
the western, 

The waters of the lake first empty themselves through Link River 
(1-ulaléna), and after a mile’s course fall over a rocky ledge at the town of 
Linkville. From there onward the stream takes the name of Klamath 
River. Passing through a marsh, it receives the waters of Little Klamath 
Lake, then winds its circuitous way towards the Pacific Ocean through a 
hilly and wooded country, canons, and rapids, innavigable for craft of any 


x ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETOH. 


considerable size.* Hot springs of sulphuric taste flow westward east of 
Linkville, one of them showing a temperature of 190° Fahy. 

The Klamath Reservation is studded with a large number of isolated 
and short voleanic hill ridges, with a general direction from northwest to 
southeast. South of Klamath Marsh there are elevations culminating at 
5,650 and 6,000 feet, and in Fuego Mountain 7,020 feet are attained. 
Yadmsi Peak, between Klamath Marsh and Sykan Marsh (5,170 feet) reaches 
an altitude of not less than 8,242 feet, thus rivaling many peaks of the 
Cascade Range. The Black Hills, south of Sykan (Saikéni) Marsh, rise to 
6,410 feet, but are surpassed by several elevations south of Sprague River, 
near the middle course of which the Yéneks Agency (4,450 feet) is situated. 
Sprague River (P’laikni kéke), the most considerable tributary of William- 
son River, drains a valley rich in productive bottoms and in timber. 

The basaltic ridge, which forms a spur of the Cascade Range and passes 
east of Fort Klamath (I-ukak), slopes down very abruptly toward the Qua- 
ternary lake basin, now forming a low marshy prairie and watered by Wood 
River (E-ukalkshini kéke), which enters upper Klamath Lake near Kohashti 
and by Seven Mile Creek, nearer the Cascade Range. This basaltic spur, 
called Yanalti by the Indians, represents the eastern side of a huge fault- 
fissure. Its altitude constantly decreases until it is crossed by a rivulet one- 
eighth of a mile long, called Beetle’s Rest (Tgtlutcham Kshute’lsh), which 
issues from a pond, drives a. mill, and then joins Crooked River (Yanalti 
kéke, or Tutashtaliksini kéke). This beautiful spring and stream were 
selected by the Government as the site for the Klamath Agency buildings. 
The old agency at Kohashti (Guhuashkshi or “Starting-place”) on the 
lake, three miles south, was abandoned, and a subagency established at 
Yineks. The agency buildings are hidden in a grove of lofty pine trees. 
South of these the ridge rises again and culminates in an elevation, called 
Pitsua (4,680 feet). The junction of Sprague and Williamson Rivers is 
marked by a rock called Ktai-Tupakshi, and described in Dictionary, page 
149, as of mythic fame. South of Sprague River the ledge rises again, 
and, approaching close to the lake shore, forms Modoe Point, a bold head- 


*[ have not been able to visit personally other parts of the Klamath highlands 
than the eastern shore of Upper Klamath Lake, from Fort Klamath to Linkville. 


TOPOGRAPHIC NOTES. XXxi 


land, which culminates in an elevation east of it, measuring 6,650 feet, in 
Nilaks Mountain (Nilakshi, Daybreak”), on the lake shore, and in Swan 
Lake Point (7,200 feet), about eight miles from Klamath Lake. A deep 
depression south of this height is Swan Lake Valley (4,270 feet), and a 
high hill north of the two, near Sprague River, is called Saddle Mountain 
(6,976 feet). Yadneks Butte, with a summit of 7,277 feet, lies midway 
between the headwaters of Sprague River and the Lost River Valley. A 
long and steep ridge, called the Plum Hills, rises between Nilaks and the 
town of Linkville. 

We now arrive at what is called the “Old Modoc Country.” The main 
seat of the Modoe people was the valley of Lost River, the shores of Tule 
and of Little Klamath Lake. Lost River follows a winding course about as 
long as that of Williamson River, but lies in a more genial climate. The soil 
is formed of sandstone interstratified with infusorial marls. Nushaltkaga is 
one of its northern side valleys. At the Natural Bridge (Tilhuantko) these 
strata have been upheaved by a fault, so that Lost River passes underneath. 
The sandstone is of volcanic origin, and contains pumice and black scoria 
in rounded masses, often of the size of an egg. The largest part of Tule 
Lake, also called Rhett Lake and Modoe Lake (Méatak, Méatokni ¢-ush), 
lies within the boundaries of California. It is drained by evaporation only, 
has extinct craters on its shores, and the celebrated Lava Beds, long inhab- 
ited by the Kémbatwash Indians, lie on its southern end. 

Clear Lake, also called Wright Lake (by the Modoes, Tehapszo), is a 
crater basin, with the water surface lying considerably below the surround-. 
ing country. Its outlet is a tributary of Lost River, but is filled with water 
in the cooler season only. Little or Lower Klamath Lake (Aké-ushkni 
é-ush) is fed by Cottonwood Creek, and on its southern side had several 
Indian settlements, like Agawesh. It has an altitude of 4,175 feet, and 
belongs to the drainage basin of Klamath River. South of these lakes 
there are considerable volcanic formations, which, however, lie beyond the 
pale of our descriptive sketch. 

Peculiar to this voleanic tract is the frequent phenomenon of the pond 
sources (wélwash, nushaltkaga). These sources are voluminous springs of 
limpid water, which issue from the ground at the border of the ponds with 


xxii ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


a strong bubbling motion, without any indication of other springs in the 
vicinity. They are met with in soil formed of voleanic sands and detritus, 
have a rounded shape with steep borders, and form the principal feeders 
of the streams into which they empty. Ponds like these mainly occur in 
wooded spots. Some of them have a-diameter of one hundred feet and 
more, and are populated by fish and amphibians of all kinds. 

The lake region east of the Reservation was often visited in the hunting 
and fishing season by the Klamath Lake, Modoc, and especially by the 
Snake Indians. Goose Lake was one of the principal resorts of the Snake 
and the Pit River Indians; and even now the numerous rivulets flowing 
into it make its shores desirable to American stockmen and settlers. Warner 
(or Christmas) Lake, fully thirty-five miles in length, was once enlivened 
by the troops camping at Fort Warner, on its eastern side.* Chewaukan 
Marsh (Tchuazé’ni) has its name from the tehud or ‘water potato”, the 
fruit of Sagittaria, and is by its outlet connected with Abert Lake. 

The Indians of the Reservation annually repair about the month of June 
to Klamath Marsh (K-ukshi) to fish, hunt, and gather berries and wékash 
or pond-lily seed, which is one of their staple foods. Its surface is some- 
what less than that of Upper Klamath Lake. Its shores are high on the 
southeastern, low and marshy on the northwestern side. Water appears at 
single places only, insufficient to warrant the marsh being called, as it often 
is, a lake. 

The Oregonian portions of the country described belong politically to 
* Klamath and to Lake Counties, the county seats of which are Linkville 
and Lakeview, on the northern end of Goose Lake. The latter place also 
contains a United States land office. 


FLORA AND FAUNA. 


Vegetation usually gives a characteristic stamp to a country, but in 
arid districts, as those of the Klamath highlands, it is rather the geological 


features which leave an impress on our minds The further we recede from 


* Goose and Warner Lakes are described in Lieutenant Wheeler’s Report, Annual 
Report of Chief of Engineers, 1878 8°. Appendix NN, pp. 115-120. Goose Lake, 
by Stephen Powers, in ‘*A Pony Ride ou Pit River,” Overlaud Monthly of San Frau- 
cisco, October, 1274, pp. 342-351. : 


FLORA AND FAUNA. Xxiii 


the Cascade Range and its more humid atmosphere the less vegetation is 
developed. The lake shores and river banks, when not marshy, produce 
the cottonwood tree and several species of willows, and the hills are covered 
with the yellow or pitch pine and the less frequent western cedar. In the 
western parts of the Reservation large tracts are timbered with pitch pine, 
which seems to thrive exceedingly well upon the volcanic sands and de- 
tritus of the hilly region. These pines (ko’sh) are about one hundred feet 
in height, have a brownish-yellow, very coarse bark, and branch out into 
limbs at a considerable height above the ground. They stand at intervals 
of twenty to fifty feet from each other, and are free from manzanita bushes 
and other undergrowth except at the border of the forest, leaving plenty of 
space for the passage of wagons almost everywhere. A smaller pine species, 
Pinus contorta (kapka, in Modoc kiga), which forms denser thickets near the 
water, is peeled by the Indians to a height of twenty feet when the sap is 
ascending, in the spring of the year, to use the fiber-bark for food. Up high 
in the Cascade Range, in the midst of yellow pines, grows a conifera of taller 
dimensions, the sugar-pine (ktéleam ko’sh). The hemlock or white pine 
(wa‘ko), the juniper (ktii’‘lo), and the mountain mahogany (yttkmalam) are 
found in. and south of Sprague River Valley. 
The lake shores and river banks produce more edible fruits and berries 
than the marshy tracts; and it is the shores of Klamath and Tule Lakes 
which mainly supply the Indian with the tule reed and scirpus, from which 
the women manufacture mats, lodge-roofs, and basketry. The largest tule 
species (ma-i) grows in the water to a height of ten feet and over, and in 
the lower end of its cane furnishes a juicy and delicate bit of food. Woods, 
river sides, and such marshes as Klamath Marsh, are skirted by various 
kinds of bushes, supplying berries in large quantities. The edible bulbs, 
as camass, ko'l, I’ba, ipo, and others, are found in the prairies adjacent. 
Pond-lilies grow in profusion on lake shores and in the larger marshes, 
especially on the Wékash Marsh west of Linkville, and on Klamath Marsh, 
as previously mentioned. The Lost River Valley is more productive in 
many of these spontaneous growths than the tracts within the Reservation. 
It is claimed by the Klamath Lake Indians that they employ no drugs 
of vegetal origin for the cure of diseases, because their country is too cold. 


XXIV - ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


— 


to produce them. This is true to a certain extent; but as there are so many 
plants growing there that narcotize the fish, how is it that the country 
produces no medical plants for the cure of men’s diseases? Of the plant 
shlé’dsh, at least, they prepare a drink as a sort of tea. 

The fauna of the Klamath uplands appears to be richer in species than 
the vegetal growth. What first strikes the traveler’s attention on the eastern 
shore of the Upper Lake is the prodigious number of burrows along the 
sandy road, especially in the timber, varying in size from a few inches to a 
foot in diameter. They are made by chipmunks of two species, and others 
are the dens of badgers, or of the blue and the wore common brown squirrel. 
The coyote or prairie-wolf makes burrows also, but this animal has lately 
become scarce. No game is so frequent as the deer. This is either the 
black-tail deer, (shud-i, Cervus columbianus), or the white- tail deer (mushmush, 
Cariacus virginianus macrurus), or the mule-deer (pakélesh, Cervus macrotis). 
Less frequent is the antelope (tchdé-u, Antilocapra americana), and most other 
four-legged game must be sought for now upon distant heights or in the 
deeper canons, as the elk (vin), the bear in his three varieties (black, ein- 
namon, and grizzly; witii’m, naka, 1i’k), the lynx (shléa), the gray wolf 
(kii’-utchish), the silver or red fox (wan), the little gray fox (kétechkatch), 
the cougar (tislatch), and the mountain sheep (k6-il). Beavers, otters, 
minks, and woodchucks are trapped by expert Indians on the rivers, ponds, 
and brooklets of the interior. 

The shores of the water-basins are enlivened by innumerable swarms 
of water-fowls, (mii’miikli), as ducks, geese, herons, and cranes. Some can 
be seen day by day swimming about gracefully or fishing at Modoe Point 
(Nilakshi) and other promontories, while others venture up the river courses 
and fly over swampy tracts extending far inland. Among the ducks the 
more common are the mallard (wé'ks), the long-necked kilidshiks; among 
the geese, the brant (ldlak) and the white goose (waiwash). Other water- 
birds are the white swan (ktsh), the coot or mudhen (tuhush), the loon 
(taplal), the pelican (ydmal or kamal), and the pinguin (kuftsia). Fish- 
hawks and bald-headed eagles (yatizyal) are circling about in the air to 
eatch the fish which are approaching the water’s surface unaware of danger. 


Marsh-hawks and other raptores infest the marshes and are lurking there 


THE ASPECTS OF THE COUNTRY. XXKV 


for small game, as field-mice, or for sedge-hens and smaller birds. ‘The 
largest bird of the country, the golden eagle, or Californian condor (p'laf- 
wash), has become scarce. Blackbirds exist in large numbers, and are very 
destructive to the crops throughout Oregon. Other birds existing in several 
species are the owl, lark, woodpecker, and the pigeon. Migratory birds, as 
the humming-birds and mocking-birds, visit the Klamath uplands, especially 
the Lost River Valley, and stop there till winter. 

The species of fish found in the country are the mountain trout, the 
salmon, and several species of suckers. Of the snake family the more fre- 
quent species are the garter-snake (wishink), the black-snake (waménigsh), 
and the rattlesnake (ké-ish, ki’sh). Crickets and grasshoppers are roasted 
and eaten by the Indians, also the chrysalis of a moth (ptlzuanteh). 


THE ASPECTS OF THE COUNTRY. 


Elle est riante ainsi que l’Italie, 
Terrible ainsi que les rives du Nord. 


The Klamath plateau presents very different aspects and produces very 
different impressions, according to the observer's condition and the character 
of the localities he enters or beholds. Travelers coming over the monoto- 
nous rocky or alkaline plains extending between Malheur Lake and the 
Reservation are gladdened at the sight of rivulets and springs, imparting a 
fresher verdure to the unproductive soil, and greet with welcome the pine- 
ries which they behold at a distance. Feelings of the same kind penetrate 
the hearts of those who enter the highlands from the Pit River country of 
California when they come to the well-watered plains of Lost River after 
crossing the desolate lava formations lying between. The scenery can be 
called grand only there, where the towering ridge of the Cascade Mountains 
and the shining mirrors of the lakes at their feet confront the visitor, sur- 
prised to see in both a reproduction of Alpine landscapes in the extreme 
West of America.* The alternation of jagged and angular outlines with long 
level ridges on the horizon suggests, and the peculiar lava color retained by 


*The large pyramidal cone of Mount Pitt is a rather accurate duplicate of the 
celebrated Niesen Peak in the Bernese Oberland, Switzerland, as seen from its north- 
“ern and eastern side. 


XXvi ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


~~ 


the highest peaks confirm the eruptive origin of these mountains. The pure 
azure sky and the perpetual silence of nature reigning in these uplands add 
impressions of grandeur which it is impossible to describe. The sense of 
the beautiful has no gratification in the austere forms of these mountains, 
but the blue and limpid waters of the lakes, their numerous islands, and 
the lovely green of the shores, delight it in the highest degree. 

The other eminences perceptible on the horizon lack the boldness of 
outline seen upon the main ridge, and with their dusky timbers deeply 
contrast with it. They seem monotonous and commonplace, and people. 
easily impressed by colors will call them somber. The open country, whether 
marshes, plains, clearings, meadows, or bare hills, presents an extremely 
bleak aspect, especially when under the influence of a hot summer sun. 
Its unvarying yellowish hue, produced by the faded condition of the coarse 
grasses, renders it monotonous. 

The solitude and serenity of these places exercise a quieting influence 
upon the visitor accustomed to the noisy scenes of our towns and cities. 
Noiselessly the brooks and streams pursue their way through the purifying 
volcanic sands; the murmur of the waves and the play of the water-birds, 
interrupted at times by the cry of a solitary bird, are the only noises to 
break the silence. Beyond the few settlements of the Indian and away 
from the post-road, scarcely any trace of the hand of man reminds us of the 
existence of human beings. There Nature alone speaks to us, and those 
who are able to read history in the formations disclosed before him in the 
steeper ledges of this solitary corner of the globe will find ample satisfaction 
in their study. 

The Klamath plateau, though productive in game, fish, and sundry 
kinds of vegetable food, could never become such a great central resort of 
Indian populations as the banks of Columbia River. The causes for this 
lie in its secluded position and chiefly in its climate, which is one of abrupt 
changes. The dryness of the atmosphere maintains a clear sky, which ren- 
ders the summer days intensely hot; the sun’s rays become intolerable in the 
middle of the day at places where they are reflected by a sandy, alkaline, 
or rocky soil and not moderated by passing breezes. Rains and hailstorms 
are of rare occurrence, and gathering thunder clouds often dissolve or ‘blow 


LIST OF CAMPING PLACES. XXVIl 


over,” so that the running waters never swell, but show the same water level 
throughout the year. Nights are chilly and really cold, for the soil reflects 
against the clear sky all the heat received from the sun during the day, and 
the dry night air pervading the highlands absorbs all the moisture it can. 
Winters are severe; snow begins to fall early in November, and in the later 
months it often covers the ground four feet high, so that the willow lodges 
(not the winter houses) completely disappear, and the inmates are thus shel- 
tered from the cold outside. The lakes never freeze over entirely, but ice 
forms to a great thickness. The cold nights produce frosts which are very 
destructive to crops in the vicinity of the Cascade Range, but are less harm- 
ful to gardening or cereals at places more distant; and in Lost River Valley, 
at Yaneks—even at Linkville—melons, turnips, potatoes, and other vegeta- 
bles rarely fail. The mean annual temperature.as observed some years ago 
at Fort Klamath was 40.47° Fahr. 

There are several instances in America where highlands have become 
centers of an aboriginal culture. Such instances are the plateaus of Ana- 
huac, Guatemala, Bogota, and of Titicaca Lake. They contained a dense 
population, more cultured than their barbaric neighbors, whom they suc- 
ceeded in subjugating one after. the other through a greater centralization 
and unity of power. The Klamath highlands can be compared to the pla- 
teaus above named in regard to their configuration, but they never nour- 
ished a population so dense that it could exercise any power analogous to 
that above mentioned. Moreover, there was no intellectual and centralizing 
element among these Indians that could render them superior to their neigh- 
bors, all of whom maintained about the same level of culture and intelligence 


TOPOGRAPHIC LIST OF CAMPING PLACES. 


To form a correct idea of the dissemination of Indians in this sparsely 
inhabited country, the following lists of camping places will furnish service- 
able data. The grounds selected by the Maklaks for camping places are 
of two kinds: either localities adapted for establishing a fishing or hunting 
camp of a few days’ or weeks’ duration or for a whole summer season, or 
they are places selected for permanent settlement. Winter lodges (lulda- 
maliksh) or slab houses are often built at the latter places; whereas the 


XXVill ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETOH. 


transitory camps are marked by frail willow lodges (latchash, stina’sh) or 
other light structures. Indian camps are as a rule located near rivers, 
brooks, marshes, springs, or lakes. Hunters generally erect their lodges in 
convenient places to overlook a considerable extent of territory. 

In the lists below the order in which the localities are mentioned indi- 
cates the direction in which they follow each other. I obtained them from 
the two interpreters of the reservation, Dave Hill and Charles Preston; 
and as regards the old Modoe country, from Jennie Lovwer, a Modoc girl 
living in the Indian Territory, who remembered these places from her youth. 
The grammatic analysis of the local names will in many instances be found 
in the Dictionary. 


CAMPING PLACBS ON KLAMATH MARSH. 


The permanent dwellings upon this marsh have all been abandoned; 
but the Modoes and Klamath Lakes, together with some Snake Indians from 
Sprague River, resort there annually, when the pond-lily seed and the ber- 
ries ripen, for a period of about six weeks. Its shores were permanently 
inhabited in 1853, when visited by the United States exploration party under 
Lieutenants Williamson and Abbott, and even later. Dave Huill’s list below 
follows the localities in their topographic order from northeast to southwest 
and along the southeastern elevated shore of the marsh, which at some places 
can be crossed on foot. A few rocky elevations exist also on the northeast 
end of the marsh. 


Kata/gsi “stumpy bushes.” Sudlsyéni “at the rock-pile.” 
Taktaklishkshi “reddish spot.” Luilpakat “chalk quarry.” 
Yattkélam Lashi “eagle wing.” Kapega’‘ksi “ dwarf-pine thicket.” 
Yash-Lama/ds * projecting willow.” Waptasyiini “water moving through ponds 
Spuiklish Lawish “sweat lodge on promon- perceptibly.” 

tory.” Tchokeam Psish ‘“ pumice-stone nose.” 
Mbakualsi ‘at the withered tree.” Kaksi ‘ raven’s nest.” 


Kmoutchuyaksi “at the old man’s rock ;” | [wal “land’s end.” 


a man-shaped rock formation near the | Luydnsti “ within the eirele.” 
open waters of the marsh and visible at ; Yaikélam Snolash “ eagle nest.” 


some distance. Tehikas-Walakish “ bird-wateh;” secreted 
Lalawasye’ni “slaty rock.” spot where hunters watch their feathered 
Taktyish “cricket noise.” game. 
TsA4sam Péwas “skunk’s dive.” | Tuilkat ‘at the small rail pyramid.” 


Ktai-Wasi “rocky hollow.” | Awaluashyé’ni ‘at the island.” 


LIST OF CAMPING PLACES. XXix 


Tyalamgiplis “back away from the west;” Lgi’m--A-ushi ‘coal lake,” witb waters 
probably referring to a turn of the shore- | looking as black as coal. 
line. | Stiimde “at the mouth or outlet.” 
WaAk-Taliksi “white pine on water-line.” | Nasksi “skull-place;” a human skull was 
Wishinkam Tinuash “drowned snake ;” once found there. This is one of the spots 
place where a garter snake was found wherethenativessubmerge their dug-out 
drowned in the open waters of the, canoesinthe mud or sand at the bottom 
marsh. of the lake for the wintry season. 


Some of the above places near the outlet are also mentioned in Pete’s 
Text om the ‘Seasons of the Year,” and the following additional may be 
inserted here from it (74, 15-17): 

Lémé-isham Nuté’ks “impression of thun- | St6palsh-tama/ds ‘peeled pine standing 


derbolt.” | alone.” 
Lallaks ‘steep little eminence.” Kak-Kshawaliiksh “raven on the pole.” 


CAMPS ALONG WILLIAMSON RIVER. 


In this list Dave Hill enumerated old camps and present locations of 
lodges (1877) on both sides of Williamson River, from the lower end of 
Klamath Marsh (4,547 feet) to Upper Klamath Lake. The river runs for 
six miles or more through a ravine about two hundred feet deep, and the 
road follows it on the east side, leading over the hills. The wigwams are 
built in proximity to the river course. At its outlet Williamson River forms 
a delta, projecting far out into the lake, and filled with bulrushes.* 
Kakago’si ‘at the ford.” | Ktaltam Wa/sh ‘“otter’s home.” 
Samka-ushya/ni “cliffs in the river;” a Stilakgish “place to watch fish.” 

fishing place. Yaaga “little willows.” Here the road 
Yale-alant ‘clear waters.” _ from Linkville to Fort Klamath crosses 
Ténua-Lutilsh “flatrocksunderthe water.” | Williamson River on a wooden bridge 
Kiéi/k-Taliksh, or Kii/k-Talish “twin rocky built by the United States Government; 


| 
pillars.” | here is also the center of the Indian set- 


Awalokaksaksi ‘‘at the little island.” tlements on Williamson River. 

Mbtshaksham Wa/sh “where obsidian is Kitls-Tgé-ush, or Ktlsam-Tgé-us ‘‘ badger 
found.” | standing in the water.” 

Tyalmakstant (supply: Ktai-Tupaéksi) ‘on | Witii/mamtsi ‘‘ where the black bear was.” 
the west side of (Standing Rock).” | Kuyam-Skia-iks “crawfish trail.” 


Tchpinoksaksi ‘“‘at the graveyard ;” ceme-  Slankoshksoksi, or Shlankoshkshi/kshi 
tery and ancient cremation ground of | “where the bridge was.” 


the B-ukshikni. | Kokaksi “at the brooklet.” 
Kta-iti ‘place of rocks.” | Kuyaga, a former cremation place in the 
Tchikési ‘at the submerged spot.” | vViemity of Ya aga. 


*Compare Professor Newberry’s description, pp. 38, 39, and Lieutenant Williamson’s report (part I), p. 68, 


XXX 


ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


CAMPING PLACES AND OTHER LOCALITIES AROUND UPPER KLAMATH LAKE. 


Places situated on the lake are as follows: 


- Skohudshki, commonly called Kobashti, 
Kuhudashti by Americans and Indians, 
“starting place of canoes, boats.” For- 
merly location of the United States 
Agency; uow numbering four or five 
Indian lodges. 


Tulish, fishing place near the outlet of | 


Williamson River: ‘spawning place.” 

Té6kua or Tikua, near the outlet of Will- 
iamson River. From this the neighbor- 
ing part of the lake is sometimes called 
Tikua Lake. 

Nilakshi: lit. ‘dawn of day ;” is now used 
to designate Modoe Point also, though it 
properly refers to the Nilaks mountain 
ridge only. 

A-ushmé, an island in the lake near Modoe 
Point. 


| Shuyake’ksi or “jumping place.” 
I-ulal6na, or Yulalonan, Link River above 
the falls at Linkville; lit. “rubbing, mov- 
ing to and fro.” The name was after- 
wards transferred to the town of Link- 
ville, which is also called Tiwishyé/ni 
‘‘where the cascade noise is.” 
Uyotuash, name of an island near Link- 
ville. 
Wakaksi Sptklish, a ceremonial sweat- 
lodge on west side of the lake. 
Kumbat ‘‘in the rocks.” Locality on west- 
ern side of lake, called Rocky Point. 
| Likuashti “at the hot water.” Name for 
the hot sulphuric springs about half a 
mile east and northeast of the town of 
Linkville, and of some others west of 
that town. 


EMINENCES AROUND UPPER KLAMATH LAKE. 


Of the majority of these names of hills and mountains I could not 


obtain the English name, the usual excuse being that they had only Indian 


names. 
In Cascade Range: 
Giwash, or Géwash, Mount Scott; Giwash 
éush, Crater Lake, in a depression west 
of Mount Scott. 


Kukume’kshi “at the caves or hollows; 


northwest of the Agency. 


Kakaésam Yaina “mountain of the great 
blue heron;” northwest of Agency. 


Mo/dshi Yaina or Long Pine; lit. “on the 


large mountain;” m0/dshi or mii/nptehi | 
is a compound of the adjective mini, | 


great, large. 
Mba-ush Shnékash “bosom burnt through,” 
legendary name of a mountain located 


west southwest of the Agency; mbé-ush | 


“ here refers to a piece of buckskin serv- 
ing to cover the bosom. 


) Ké’sh yainatat, Mount Pitt, a high mount- — 


| ain lying southwest of the Agency. The 
Modoes call it Mélaiksi “steepness ;” the 
Klamath Lake term signifies “snow on 
the mountain,” snow-capped peak. Only 
in the warmest months Mount Pitt is free 
| of snow. 
Tilyo-it, an eminence south of Mount Pitt; 
| lit. “drip water.” 
| Wakakshi, Kii/kiishti, Tchiutchiwiisamtch, 
mountains bordering the southwestern 
portion of Upper Klamath Lake. 
es On the east shore of the lake: 
Watanks, a hill on southeastern side of the 
lake. 
Kalalks, hill near Captain Ferree’s house, 
south of the Nilaksridge. A ceremonial 
| sweat-lodge stands in the vicinity. 


LIST OF CAMPING PLACES. XXxi 


Nilaksi, lit. “‘daybreak;” a point of the | Yanalti or Yénaldi, a steep volcanic range 
steep ridge of the same name extending stretching due north from the Agency to 
from Modoc Point, on east side of lake, Fort Klamath and beyond it. It is the 


along the shore, and thence in the direc-| continuation of the Pitsua ridge. 

tion of Lost River Valley. E-ukalksini Spt/klish is an ancient cere- 
W alpi, Miyant, Toplaméni, Layit: other) monial sweat-lodge near Wood River, 

elevations of the Nilaksi hill ridge. _ and not very distant from Fort Klamath 


Pitsua, hill ridge extending north of Will-— (I-ukak). 
iamson River. 


CAMPING PLACES IN SPRAGUE RIVER VALLEY. 


Of this portion of the reservation I submit two separate lists of local 
nomenclature. The more extensive one I obtained from Charles Preston, 
who remembered more place names because he then was employed at the 
Yaneks subagency, which lies near the center of the Sprague River settle- 
ments. Both lists follow the course of the river from east to west. Both 
Sprague River and the settlements above Yaneks are frequently called 
Plat, ‘‘above”. 


Charles Preston’s list: | Yainaga “Little Butte,” a hill at the sub- 
Tsuitiakshi “‘dog-rose patch,” near head- agency. 
waters. | : 


Yainakshi, Yaneks, ‘at the Little Butte;” 
location of subageney buildings, two 
miles from Sprague River, on left-hand 
side. 

Tatatmi, a butte or hillock in the vicinity. 

Lamkosh “willows;” name of a creek, 
called by Americans “‘ Whiskey Creek.” 

Skiiwashkshi, or Skii/wash, ‘projecting 
rocks ” 

Ka’tsi, name of a little water spring. 


Ulalkshi “cottonwood.” 

Pélan E-ush “dry lake;” a large flat rock | 
is near the river. 

Welékag-Kouklékshakshi “at the stoop- | 
ing old woman,” called so from a rock 
suggesting this name. 

Aish Tkaliks “column rock.” 

Tsdayeak Tkawals “standing boy,” from a 
rock of a boy-like shape. 


Suitstis. : : 

7 : 7 ; cuashti * P . ” 
Waksi “fire-place;” at same place as Suit- eras ti “at the warm spring 

Bhin Tcehakaweteh. 

rereta ee I 5 Ka see] ing?” inhabi 
Teha‘kéle Tsiwish “running with blood;” ACE spring;” inhabited by Modoes 


a little spring with reddish water; a set- 
tlement of Snake Indians. 

Kos Tuéts “standing pine;” settled by 
Snake Indians. 


Uyasbksh “in the coomb.” 

Kaktsamkshi, name of a spring and creek 
at the subagency. 

Kawamkshi/ksh “eel fishery.” Té-unolsh ‘spring running down from a 

Suawati ‘ford, crossing-place.” hill.” 

Lildam Tehi’ksh “ winter village.” Uyade ush “planting a willow.” (?) 

Spawatiksh, on bank of Sprague River. | Shloképashkshi “at the house cavity.” 


XXXxil 


Awalékat ‘at Little Island,” in Sprague 
River. 

Né-ukish “confluence.” 

Dave Hill’s list: 

Hishtish Luélks “Little Sucker Fishery,” 
on head waters. 

Kailu-Talam, for Ktai/lu Tkalamnish “ju- 
niper tree standing on an eminence.” 

Hopats “passage” to the timber. 

Lialdam Tchi/ksh “ winter houses.” 

Tsiinédanksh “confluence.” 

Yainakshi ‘“‘at the Small Butte.” 


ETHNOGRAPHIO SKETCH. 


Staktaks “end of hill.” 

Kémtitebam Latsaskshi “at the old man’s 
house,” name of a hill; kémuatcham is 
said to stand here for K’mukamtsam. 

Kawam yini “eel spring.” 

Kokayini, or Kokiksi “at the creek.” 

Kuma/ksi “at the cave.” 

Katsuiits ‘rocks sloping into the river.” 

Nakosksiks “river dam, river barrage,” 
established for the capture of fish. 

Ktai-Tapaksi, or Kta-i-Topoks, “standing 
rock,” situated near junction of Sprague 
with Williamson River. 


CAMPING PLACES OF THE MODOC COUNTRY. 


On Lost River, close to Tule Lake, were the following camping places: 
Wa-isha, 
the lake, 


where Lost River was crossed, three or four miles northwest of 
and near the hills which culminate in Laki Peak; Watchamsh- 
rash, a village upon the river, close to the lake; Nakoshzé/ni “at the 
dam,” at the mouth of Tule Lake. 

On Tule Lake, also called Modoe Lake, Rhett Lake: Pashza, or Pasza, 
name of a creek and a little Modoc village on the northwest shore, whose 
inhabitants were called Pashyanuash; Kalelk, camp near Pasza, on north- 
ern shore; Lé-ush, on northern shore; Welwashzé’ni “‘at the large spring,” 
east side of the lake, where Miller’s house is; Wukayé’ni ‘“‘at the coomb,” 
one mile and a half east of Welwashye’ni; Ke’sh-Laktchuish ‘‘where ipo 
grows (on rocks),” on the southeastern side of the lake; Kumbat ‘in the 
caves,” on the rocky southern side of the lake, once inhabited by about 
one hundred Ktmbatwash, who were mainly Modocs, with admixture of 
Pit River, Shasti, and Klamath Lake Indians. 

On Little or Lower Klamath Lake: Agawesh, a permanent Modoc 
settlement upon what is now called ‘Fairehild’s farm,” southwestern shore; 
Ke-utchishzé'ni “‘ where the wolf-rock stands,” upon Hot Creek; Sputuish- 
ze ui “at the diving place,” lying close to Ke-utchishyé’ni, where young men 
were plunging in cold water for initiation; Shapashzeé’ni ‘where sun and 
moon live,” camping place on the southeastern shore, where a crescent- 
shaped rock is standing; 
of the lake. 


Stuikishyé’ni “at the canoe bay,” on north side 


TRIBAL SUBDIVISIONS. XXxiil 


TRIBAL NAMES AND SUBDIVISIONS. 


The two bodies of Indians forming the subject of the present report 
are people of the same stock and lineage through race, language, institutions, 
customs, and habitat. In language they radicaily differ from the neighbor- 
ing peoples called Snake, Rogue River, Shasti, and Pit River Indians, as 
well as from the other inhabitants of Oregon, California, and Nevada. 

For the Klamath people of Southwestern Oregon there exists no general 
tribal name comprehending the two principal bodies, except Maklaks, Indian. 
This term when pronounced by themselves with a lingual k has a reflective 
meaning, and points to individuals speaking their language, Modoes as well 
as Klamath Lake Indians; when pronounced with our common k it means 
Indian of any tribe whatsoever, and man, person of any nationality. The 
derivation of mdklaks will be found in the Dictionary. I have refrained 
from using it in the title and body of my work to designate these Oregon 
Indians because it would be invariably mispronounced as mii‘kliiks by the 
white people, and the peculiar sound of the k would be mispronounced also. 
To call them simply Klamath Indians or Klamaths would lead to confusion, 
for the white people upon the Pacific coast call the Shasti, the Karok or Ara, 
the Hupa, the Yurok or Alikwa Indians on Klamath River of California, the 
Shasti upon the Siletz Reservation, Oregon, and our Maklaks all Klamaths. 
it was therefore necessary to select the compound appellation, ‘the Klamath 
Indians of Southwestern Oregon.” The Warm Spring and other Sahaptin 
Indians possess a generic name for all the Indians living upon this reserva- 
tion and its vicinity: Aigspaluma, abbr. Aigspalo, Aikspalu, people of the 
chipmunks, from the innumerable rodents peopling that pine-covered dis- 
trict. This term comprises Snake, Payute, and Modoc Indians, as well as 
the Klamath Lake people. The name of Klamath or Tlimat, Tlamet River, 
probably originated at its mouth, in the Alikwa language. 

The two main bodies forming the Klamath people are (1) the Klamath 
Lake Indians; (2) the Modoc Indians. 


lll 


XXXIV ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


THE KLAMATH LAKE INDIANS. 


The Klamath Lake Indians number more than twice as many as the 
Modoe Indians. ‘They speak the northern dialect and form the northern 
chieftaincy, the head chief residing now at Yaé-aga, on Williamson River. 
Their dwellings are scattered along the eastern shore of Upper Klamath 
Lake (E-ush) and upon the lower course of Williamson (Koketat) and 
Sprague Rivers (P’lai). They call themselves E-ukshikni maklaks, abbre- 
viated into K-ukshikni, K-ukskni, A-uksni people at the lake. The Shasti 
near Yreka, Cal., call them Atksiwash, some western Shasti: Makaitserk; 
by the Pit River Indians they are called Alammimakt ish, from Alammig, 
their name for Upper Klamath Lake; by the Kalapuya Indians, Athla- 
meth; by the Snake Indians, Sayi. 

According to locality the Klamath Lake people may be subdivided into 
the following groups: The people at the agency; the people at Kohashti, at 
Ya-aga, at Modoe Point and upon Sprague River. Their settlements at 
Klamath Marsh, at Nilaks and at Linkville are now abandoned; the last 
named (Yulaléna) was held by them and the Modoes in common. 


THE MODOC INDIANS. 


The Modoc Indians speak the southern dialect, and before the war of 
1872-1873 formed the southern division or chieftaincy, extending over Lost 
River Valley (Kéketat) and the shores of Little Klamath and Tule Lake. 
Of their number one hundred and fifty or more live on middle course of 
Sprague River; some have taken up lands in their old homes, which they 
cultivate in their quality of American citizens, and the rest are exiles upon 
the Quapaw Reservation, Indian Territory. They call themselves Méatokni 
maklaks, abbreviated Méatokni, Mo’dokni, Mo‘dokish, living at Moatak, this 
being the name of Modoc or Tule Lake: ‘in the extreme south.” A portion 
of the Pit River Indians calls them Lutudmi, “Jake,” by which Tule Lake is 
meant; another, through a difference of dialect, Lutmawi. The Shasti 
Indians of Yreka call them Pyadnai, the Sahaptins upon and near Columbia 

tiver call them Méwatak, the Snake Indians, Saidoka. 

The more important local divisions of this people were the groups at 


Attle Klamath Lake (Ageaweshkni), the Kdimbatwash and the Pasyanuash 
Little Kl h Lake (Ag hkni), the Kimbatwasl l the Pasz | 


TRIBAL SUBDIVISIONS. XXXV 


at Tule Lake, the Nushaltyagakni or “Spring-people” near Bonanza, and 
the Plafkni or “‘Uplanders” on Sprague River, at and above Yaneks. For- 
merly the Modoes ranged as far west as Butte Lake (Na-uki) and Butte 
Creek, in Siskiyou County, California, about sixteen miles west of Little 
Klamath Lake, where they fished and dug the camass root. 


THE SNAKE INDIANS. 


A body of Snake Indians, numbering one hundred and forty-five indi- 
viduals in 1888, is the only important fraction of native population foreign 
to the Maklaks which now exists upon the reservation. They belong to 
the extensive racial and linguistic family of the Shoshoni, and in 1864, when 
the treaty was made, belonged to two chieftaincies, called, respectively, the 
Yahooshkin and the Walpapi, intermingled with a few Payute Indians. 
They have been in some manner associated with the Maklaks for ages, though 
a real friendship never existed, and they are always referred to by these with 
a sort of contempt, and regarded as cruel, heartless, and filthy. This aver- 
sion probably results from the difference of language and the conflicting 
interests resulting from both bodies having recourse to the same hunting 
grounds. (Cf. Sa’t, sha’t, Sha’tptchi.) They are at present settled in the 
upper part of Sprague River Valley (P’laf) above Yéneks. They cultivate 
the ground, live in willow lodges or log houses, and are gradually abandon- 
ing their roaming proclivities. Before 1864 they were haunting the shores 
of Goose Lake (Néwapkshi), Silver Lake (Kéalpshi), Warner Lake, Lake 
Harney, and temporarily stayed in Surprise Valley, on Chewaukan and 
Saikiin Marshes, and gathered wékash on Klamath Marsh. They now 
intermarry with the Klamath Indians. As to their customs, they do not 
flatten their infants’ heads,* do not pierce their noses; they wear the hair 
long, and prefer the use of English to that of Chinook jargon. Before 
settling on the reservation they did not subsist on roots and bulbs, but 
lived almost entirely from the products of the chase. 


Among other allophylic Indians, once settled outside the present limits 
of the Klamath Reservation, were a few Pit River and Shasti Indians, 


* By the Modoes they are called conical-headed (wakwaklish nish gi‘tko). 


XXXvi ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


staying before the Modoc war among the Awmbatwash-Modocs (q. v.) in the 
lava beds south of Tule Lake. . 

A few families of hunting Molale Indians, congeners of the “Old 
Kayuse” Indians near Yumatilla River, were formerly settled at Flounce 
Rock, on the headwaters of Rogue River, and farther north in the Cascade 
range. The Klamath Indians were filled with hatred against them; they 
were by them called Tchakii/nkni, inhabitants of Tchakzé‘ni, or the “service 
berry tract,” and ridiculed on account of their peculiar, incorrect use of the 
Klamath language. In former times Molale Indians held all the northeastern 
slopes of the Willamét Valley, claiming possession of the hunting grounds; 
the bottom lands they left in the hands of the peaceably-disposed, autoch- 
thonic race of the Kalapuya tribes, whom they call Mékai or Moke. 


CHARACTERISTICS OF RACE. 


These are either bodily or mental. To ascertain the former no meas- 
urements were made by me by means of instruments when I was among 
the Klamath Lake Indians, and hence all that follows rests upon ocular 
inspection. For Modoe skulls some accurate data are on hand, published 
by the United States Surgeon-General’s Office, Washington, D. C. 

The Mongolian features of prognathism and of high cheek bones are 
not very marked in this upland race, though more among the Modoes than 
in the northern branch. If it was not for a somewhat darker complexion 
and a strange expression of the eye, it would be almost impossible to dis- 
tinguish many of the K-ukshikni men from Americans. The forehead is 
compressed in the tender age of childhood and looks rather low, but does not 
recede so acutely as might be expected from this treatment. Prognathism, 
where it exists, does not seem to be a consequence of head flattening. ‘The 
cheek bones are more prominent than with us, but less than with the Central 
Californians. The fact that the head-man, Tatapkash, who was among the 
signers of the treaty of 1864, was called after this peculiarity shows that 
high cheek bones are rather uncommon, The nasal ridge is not aquiline, 
but very strong and forms an almost continuous line with the forehead. 
Convergence of the eyes is perceptible in a tew individuals only, and anat- 


omists have shown that it is nowhere produced by the structure of the skull 


RACE CHARACTERISTICS. XXXVil 


itself, but it is the result of the mother’s manipulation on the baby’s eyes, 
and causes them to look sleepy, the opening of the eyelids becoming nar- 
rower. (Cf. Texts 91, 5-8.) 

These Indians have a piercing look and their eyeballs are of the deepest 
black, a circumstance which accounts for their great power of vision. In 
many Indians, namely in children, the white of the eye shows a blue tinge, 
perhaps the result of head flattening. The mouth is small and the teeth 
good; but with many Indians the thyroid cartilage, or Adam’s apple, is very 
prominent. The hair upon the head is straight and dark. I did not find 
it very coarse, but with many Modoc women it is said to be so and to 
grow to anextreme length. On other portions of the body the hair is short 
and scarce, the natives doing their best to weed it out, the beard especially, 
with metallic pincers or tweezers (hushmoklo'tkish), which they always 
carry with them. As among most American aborigines, the beard is of 
scanty growth. The late chief Lelékash wore a beard, but I never saw any 
Indian wearing one except Charles Preston, the Yaneks interpreter. The 
contents of the song 185;44 should also be noticed in this connection. 
Baldness is rare, and in fact it appears that the dearth of hairy covering of 
the skin is fully compensated in the Indian race by a more exuberant 
growth of hair upon the head, to protect them against excessive colds and 
the heat of the sun. 

Among the Lake people the complexion is decidedly lighter than among 
the cinnamon-hued Modoes, and a difference between the sexes is hardly 
perceptible in this respect. Blushing is easily perceptible, though the 
change in color is not great. Those most approaching a white complexion 
like ours are numerous, but their skin is always of a yellowish lurid white. 
Owing to their outdoor life in the free and healthy mountain air, these 
Indians are well proportioned as to their bodily frame, and apparently 
robust; but their extremities, hands and feet, are rather small, as the 
extremities are of the majority of the North American Indians. 

The average of Modoc men appear to be of a smaller stature than 
that of the Klamath Lake men, but in both tribes a notable difference 
exists between the length of body in the two sexes, most men being lank, 


XXXViil ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


tall, and wiry, while the women are short and often incline to embon- 
point. Nevertheless obesity is not more frequent there than it is with us. 
No better illustration of their bodily characteristies can be had than a col- 
lection of their personal names. These sketch the Indian in a striking and 
often an unenviable light, because they generally depict the extremes ob- 
served on certain individuals. ‘The sex.can not, or in a few instances only, 
be inferred from the name of a person. We frequently meet with designa- 
tions like “Large Stomach,” “Big Belly,” ‘Round Belly,” “Sharp Nose,” 
“Grizzly’s Nose,” ‘“Spare-Built,” “Grease,” “Crooked Neck,” ‘Conical 
Head,” “‘ Wide-Mouth,” “Small-Eyes,” ‘“Squinter,” “Large Eyes,” ‘Half- 
blind,” or with names referring to gait, to the carriage of the body, to 
habitual acts performed with hands or feet, to dress, and other accidental 
matters. 

With all these deformities, and many others more difficult to detect, 
these Indians have bodies as well formed as those of the Anglo-American 
race, and in spite of their privations and exposure they live about as long 
as we do, though no Indian knows his or her age with any degree of accu- 
racy. A very common defect is the blindness of one eye, produced by the 
smudge of the lodge-fire, around which they pass the long winter evenings. 
With the majority of the Indians the septum of the nose hangs down at 
adult age, for the nose of every Indian is pierced in early years, whether 
they afterwards wear the dentalium-shell in it or not. 

Stephen Powers, who had good opportunities for comparing the Modoes 
with the tribes of Northern California, says of them: 


They present a finer physique than the lowland tribes of the Sacramento, taller 
and less pudgy, partly, no doubt, because they engage in the chase more than the 
latter. There is more rugged and stolid strength of feature than in the Shastika 
now living; cheek bones prominent; lips generally thick and sensual; noses straight 
as the Grecian, but depressed at the root and thick-walled; a dullish, heavy cast of 
feature; eyes frequently yellow where they should be white. They are true Indians 


in their stern immobility of countenance.* 

Passing over to the psychic and mental qualities of these Oregonian 
natives, only a few characteristics can be pointed out by which they differ 
from the other Indians of North America. The Indian is more dependent 


* Contributions to North Amer. Ethnology, 11, 252, 253. By Shastika he means 
the Shasti Indians of middle Klamath River, California. 


RACE CHARACTERISTICS. XXXIX 


on nature, physically and mentally, than we are. What distinguishes th> 
civilized man from the primitive man of our days and of prehistoric ages is 
his greater faculty of turning to account the patent and the hidden powers 
of nature, or the invention of handicrafts, arts, and sciences. In this the 
savage man lags far behind the man of culture, and although we often have 
to admire the ingenuity and shrewdness displayed by the American native 
in his hunting and fishing implements and practices, the art of agriculture, 
without which there can be no real human culture, has never been pursued 
to any considerable extent by the Indians living north of the thirtieth par- 
allel of latitude. 

The climate of their home compels the Maklaks Indians to lead an 
active and laborious life. Except in the coldest days of winter they are 
almost always engaged in some outdoor work, either hunting, fishing, or 
cutting wood, gathering vegetal food, or traveling on horseback. Pursuits 
like these and the pure, bracing air of the highlands render their constitu - 
tions hardy and healthy, their minds active, wide awake, and intelligent. 
They are quick-sighted and quick in their acts, but slow in expressing de- 
light, wonder, astonishment, or disgust at anything they seé. Often they 
do not grasp the meaning of what they observe being done by the white 
people, and thus appear to us indifferent to many of the highest attainments 
of modern culture. Children and adults are prone to reject or slow to adopt 
the blessings of civilization, because many ‘of these are of no practical use 
to a hunting and fishing people, and others are past their understanding. 

The first things they generally adopt from the white people are the 
citizen’s dress and handy articles of manufacture, as beads, tobacco, knives, 
guns, steel traps; also wagons and other vehicles; for when in possession 
of these last the horses, which they had obtained long before, can be put to 
better account They are also quick in adopting English baptismal names, 
sometimes discarding but oftener retaining their descriptive or burlesque 
nomenclature from the Klamath language. Gradually they adopt also with 
the money of the white man the elements of arithmetic, and learn to compute 
days and months according to his calendar. After another lapse of time 
they introduce some of the white man’s laws, discard polygamy and slavery, 


xl ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


bury their dead instead of cremating them, and commence to acquire a 
smattering of English. Indian superstitions, conjurers’ practices are not 
abandoned before the white man’s ways have wrought a thorough change 
in their minds; and a regular school attendance by children can not be 
expected before this stage of progress has been reached. 

In his moral aspects the Klamath Indian is more coarse and outspoken 
than the white man, but in fact he is not better and not worse. He has 
attacked and enslaved by annual raids the defenseless California Indian 
simply because he was more aggressive, strong, and cunning than his vie- 
tim; his family relations would be a disgrace to any cultured people, as 
would also be the method by which the chiefs rule the community. But 
the passions are not restrained among savages as they are or ought to be 
among us, and the force of example exhibited by Indians of other tribes is 
too strong for them to resist. 

The character of men in the hunter stage depicts itself admirably well 
in the mythic and legendary stories of both chieftaincies. Low cunning 
and treacherous disposition manifest themselves side by side with a few 
traits of magnanimity hardly to be expected of a people formerly merged 
in a sort of zoolatric fetichism. There is, however, a considerable power 
of imagination and invention exhibited in these simple stories, and many of 
the ferocious beasts are sketched in a truly humorous vein. 

Man’s morals are the product of circumstances, and the white man who 
judges Indian morals from the Christian standard knows nothing of human 
nature or of ethnologic science. The moral ideas of every nation differ 
from those of neighboring peoples, and among us the moral system of every 
century differs from that of the preceding one. The fact that the Modocs 
showed themselves more aggressive and murderous towards the white ele- 
ment than the Klamath Lake Indians may thus be explained by the different 
position of their homes. The latter being more secluded have not molested 
Americans sensibly, whereas the annals of the Modoces, who lived in an open 
country, are filled with bloody deeds. They are of a more secretive and 
churlish disposition, and what Stephen Powers, who saw them shortly after 
the Modoe war, says of them is, in some respects, true: “On the whole, 


TRADITIONAL FOLK LORE. xli 


they are rather a cloddish, indolent, ordinarily good-natured race, but 
treacherous at bottom, sullen when angered, notorious for keeping Punie 
faith. But their bravery nobody can deny.”* 


THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD. 


Before the middle of the nineteenth century the Maklaks people was 
unknown to mankind except to the nearest neighbors in Oregon and Cali- 
fornia. We are therefore justified in beginning its period of documentary 
history at that time, and in relegating to the domain of prehistorics all that 
is known of their previous condition. The information upon these points 
is furnished by three factors: tradition, archzologic remains, and language. 


A. TRADITION BEARING UPON HISTORY. 


Traditional folk-lore, when of the mythic order, generally dates from 
an earlier epoch of fixation than historic traditions. The remote origin of 
genuine mythic folk-lore is sufficiently evidenced by the archaic terms em- 
bodied with it, by the repetition of the same phraseology for ages, and by 
the circumstance that all nations tend to preserve their religious ideas in an 
unchanged form. I am laying peculiar stress upon the term genuine, for 
Indians have often mixed recent ideas and fictions with archaic, original 
folk-lore and with ancient mythic ideas, the whole forming now one inextri- 
cable conglomerate which has the appearance of aboriginal poetic prose. 

The Klamath people possess no historic traditions going further back 
in time than a century, for the simple reason that there was a strict law 
prohibiting the mention of the person or acts of a deceased individual by 
using his name. This law was rigidly observed among the Californians no 
less than among the Oregonians, and on its transgression the death penalty 
could be inflicted. This is certainly enough to suppress all historic knowl- 
edge within a people. How ean history be written without names? 

Many times I attempted to obtain a list of the former head chiefs of 
the two chieftaincies. I succeeded only in learning the names of two chiefs 
recently deceased, and no biographic details were obtainable. 

This people belongs to the autochthonic nations of America, called so 
because they have lost all remembrances of earlier habitats or of migrations. 


* Contributions to Amer. Ethnology, ITI, p. 253. 


xlii ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


As a result of their seclusion, all their geogonic and creation myths are 
acting around the headwaters of Klamath River and in Lost River Val- 
ley, and the first man is said to have been created by their national deity, 
K’mukamtchiksh, at the base of the lofty Cascade Range, upon the prairie 
drained by Wood River. I have obtained no myth disclosing any knowl- 
edge of the ocean, which is scarcely one hundred and fifty miles distant in 
an air line from their seats. They have no flood or inundation myths that 
are not imported from abroad; and what is of special importance here, their 
terms for salt (a’dak, sho'lt) are not their own, but are derived from foreign 
languages. 

There is an animal story embodied in the Texts, page 131, forming 
No. Il of the “Spell of the Laughing Raven,” containing the sentence: 
‘‘Hereupon the Klamath Lake people began fighting the Northerners.” I 
believed at first that this contained a historic reminiscence of some inter- 
tribal war, but now am rather doubtful about it. The song 192;1 was 
supposed by some Indians to be a very old reminiscence, while others 
referred it to the presence of the Warm Spring scouts in the Modoe war. 

I conclude from the foregoing facts that historic traditions do not exist 
among these mountaineer Indians. If there are any, I was unable to obtain 
them. The racial qualities of the Modoes, and still more those of the 
E-ukshikni, indicate a closer resemblance with Oregonians and Columbia 
River tribes than with Shoshonians and Californians. 


B. ARCH ®OLOGIC REMAINS. 


The Klamath people have not evinced any more propensity for erect- 
ing monuments of any kind than they have for perpetuating the memory 
of their ancestors in song or tradition. In fact, structures the probable 
age of which exceeds one hundred years are very few. Among these may 
be particularized the three ceremonial sweat-lodges and perhaps some of 
the river-barrages, intended to facilitate the catch of fish, if they should 
turn out to be of artificial and not of natural origin. In the Lost River 
Valley is a well, claimed by Modoes to be Aishish’s gift—probably one of 
the large natural springs or wélwash which are seen bubbling up in so 


many places upon the reservation Stephen Powers reports that near the 


LINGUISTIC AFFINITIES. xiii 


shores of Goose Lake, chiefly at Davis Creek, a number of stone mortars 
are found, fashioned with a sharp point to be inserted into the ground, 
and that in former times Modoc, Payute, and Pit River Indians contended 
in many bloody battles for the possession of this thickly inhabited country, 
though none of them could obtain any permanent advantage.* Since the 
manufacture of this kind of mortars can not be ascribed with certainty to 
the Modoes, we are not entitled to consider them as antiquarian relies of 
this special people. The three sudatories and the river barrages are regarded 
as the gifts of Kmukamtch, a fact which testifies to their remote antiquity. 
Excavations (wash) forming groups are found on many of the more level 
spots on the Reservation, near springs or brooks. They prove the existence 


of former dug-out lodges and camps. 


C. LINGUISTIC AFFINITIES. 


Anthropologie researches upon the origin of a people do not always 
lead to decisive results as to the qualities of the primitive race of that 
people, for the majority of all known peoples are compounds from different 
races, and thus the characteristics of them must be those of a medley race. 
As to antiquity, language is second to race only, and much more ancient 
than anything we know of a people’s religion, laws, customs, dress, imple- 
ments, or style of art. Medley languages are not by any means so frequent 
as medley races, and less frequent still in America than in the eastern hemi- 
sphere; for in this western world the nations have remained longer in a state 
of isolation than in Asia and Europe, owing to the hunting and fishing pur- 
suits to which the natives were addicted—pursuits which favor isolation and 
are antagonistic to the formation of large communities and states. This 
explains why we possess in America a relatively larger number of linguistic 
families than the Old World when compared to the areas of the respective 
continents. It also explains why races coincide here more closely with lin- 
guistic families than anywhere else on the surface of the globe. Instances 


when conquering races have prevailed upon other nations to abandon their 


* Contributions to North Amer. Ethnology, ILI, p. 252. Davis Creek enters Goose 
Lake from the southeast. The U.S. Geological Survey map marks ‘Old Indian Vil- 
lages” in latitude 41° 37’ and longitude 120° 36’, to the southwest of that basin. 


xliv ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


own languages are scarcely heard of on this hemisphere, but the annals of 
the eastern parts of the globe make mention of such. 

Whenever it is shown that the language of some American people is 
akin to the language of another, so that both are dialects of a common 
linguistic family, a more cogent proof of their common genealogic origin 
is furnished than lies in a similarity of laws, customs, myths, or religion. 
To decide the question of affinity between two languages is generally an 
easy, but sometimes a very difficult task. When a relatively large number 
of roots and affixes having the same function coincide in both, this argues 
in favor of affinity. The coincidence of single terms in them is never for- 
tuitous, but we have to find out whether such terms are loan words or 
belong to the stock of words of the languages under process of investigation. 
Other terms show an external resemblance which is not based on real iden- 
tity of their radicals, but only on a deceptive likeness of signification. 

From all this the reader will perceive that we can not expect to steer 
clear of shoals and breakers in determining by the aid of language the 
affinities of our Klamath Indians. But the inquiries below, whether suc- 
cessful or not, will at least aid future somatologists in solving the problem 
whether linguistic areas coincide or not with racial areas upon the Pacific 
coast between the Columbia River and the Bay of San Francisco. In 
making these investigations we must coustantly bear in mind that the track 
of the migrations was from north to south, parallel to the Pacifie coast, 
which is sufficiently evidenced by the progress of some Selish, Tinné, 
Sahaptin, and Shoshoni tribes in a direction that. deviates but inconsiderably 
from a meridional one. 

To establish a solid basis for these researches, a list of the Pacific coast 
linguistic families is submitted, which will assist any reader to judge of the 
distances over which certain loan words have traveled to reach their present 
abodes. ‘The country from which a loan word has spread over a number 
of other family areas is often difficult to determine, because these languages 
have not all been sufficiently explored. The families below are enumerated 
according to the latest results of investigation. Some of them may in the 
future be found to be dialects of other stocks. The Californian tribes have 
been mapped and described in Stephen Powers’s “Tribes of California”; 
yy, Vol. TE. 


Contributions to North American Ethnolo 


oO 
5 


ILNGUISTIC FAMILIES ON-THE PACIFIC SLOPE. xlv 


The Shoshoni family extends through eastern Oregon, Nevada, southern 
Idaho, Utah, parts of Wyoming and California, and embodies the tribes of 
the Snake Indians, the Shoshoni, from whom the Comanches separated 
centuries ago, the Pavidtso and Bannok (Panaiti), the Pai-uta, Uta, Moki, 
and the Kawtiya branch of California. This family occupies an area almost 
as large as the Selish stock, but the population is very thinly scattered over 
the vast territory of the inland basin. 

Washo Indians, near Carson, Nevada, inclosed on all sides except on 
the west by Shoshoni tribes. 

Selish Indians occupy Washington, portions of the Oregon coast and of 
Vancouver Island, northern Idaho (from which they extend into Montana), 
the Fraser River Valley, and the adjoining coast of British Columbia. Some 
dialects of this family are remarkable through a profusion of consonantic 
clusters. Chinook dialects show many Selish affinities. 

Sahaptin family, dwelling around middle Columbia and Lower Snake 
River. An offshoot of it—the Warm Spring Indians—settled in Des Chutes 
Valley, Oregon. 

Wayiletpu is a Sahaptin name given to the Kayuse people on the 
Yumatilla Reservation, which has abandoned its former tongue, called the 
“Old Kayuse,” to adopt the Yumatilla dialect of Sahaptin. Molale is 
related to old Kayuse; its former area was east of Oregon City. 

Tinné or Athapaskan tribes, wherever they appear near the Pacific coast, 
are intruders from the northern plains around Mackenzie River and the head- 
waters of the upper Yukon. Those still existing on the Pacific coast are the 
Umpqua and Rogue River, the Hipa and Waildki Indians, whereas the 
Tlatskanai and Kwalhioqua have disappeared. 

The following three families on and near the Oregon coast were explored 
by Rev. Owen J. Dorsey in 1884 (Amer. Antiquarian, 1885, pp. 41, 42): 

Yakwina, subdivided into Alsi’, Yakwina on the bay of the same name, 
Ku-itch on the Lower Umpqua River, and Sayusla. 

Kus, Coos Indians on Coos Bay and Mulluk on Lower Coquille 
River. 

Takilma or Takelma Indians, south of the Kus, on middle course of 


Rogue River. 


xlvi ELHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 

The Kalapuya Indians once occupied the entire Willamét River Valley 
save its southeastern portions. Its best studied dialect is Atfalati, also 
called Tudlati and Wapatu Lake. 

On the lower Klamath River, California, and in its vicinity, there are 
tour tribes of small areas speaking languages which require further inves- 
tigations to decide upon their affinities. At present their languages are 
regarded as representing clistinct families, as follows: 

Ara, Ara-ara or Karok, on both sides of Klamath River. 

Alikwa or Yurok, at the mouth of Klamath River. 

Wishosk or Wiyot, on Humboldt Bay. 

Chimariko or Chimalakwe, on ‘Trinity River and environs. 

The Pomo dialects are spoken along the California coast and along its 
water-courses from 39° 30’ to 38° 15’ latitude. 

Yuki dialects were spoken in the mountains of the Californian Coast 
Range upon two distinct areas. 

Wintun (from wit, wintti man, Indian) is spoken in many dialects upon 
a wide area west of Sacramento River from its mouth up to Shasta Butte. 

Noja, spoken near Round Mountain, Sacramento Valley. 

Maidu (trom maidu man, Indian) dialects are heard upon the east side 
of Sacramento River from Fort Redding to the Cosumnes River and up to 
the water-shed of the Sierra Nevada. 

Shasti dialects properly belong to the middle course of Klamath River 
and to the adjoining parts of Oregon; the language of Pit River or Acho- 
mawi, southeast of the Shasti area, is cognate with it. 

Mutsun dialects, north and south of San Francisco Bay, are cognate 
with the Miwok dialects, which are heard from the San Joaquin River up 
to the heights of the Sierra Nevada. The littoral tamily of the Lsselen is 
inclosed upon all sides by the Mutsun dialects. We have vocabularies 
from the eighteenth century, but its existence as a.separate family has been 
put in evidence but lately by H. W. Henshaw in American Anthropologist, 
1890, pp. 45-50. 


RADICALS HELD IN COMMON. xlvil 


RADICALS WHICH KLAMATH HOLDS IN COMMON WITH OTHER 
FAMILIES. 

A number of radical syllables occur in the same or in cognate signi- 
fications in several linguistic families of the Northwest, and some of. them 
extend even to the stocks east of the Rocky Mountains and of the Missis- 
sippi River. This fact is of great significance, as it proves certain early 
connections between these Indians, either loose or intimate. If the number 
of such common radices should be increased considerably by further re-— 
search, the present attempt of classifying Pacific languages into stocks 
would become subject to serious doubts. From the quotations below I have 
carefully excluded all roots (and other terms) of onomatopoetic origin. I 
have made no distinction between pronominal and predicative roots, for a 
radical syllable used predicatively in one stock may have a pronominal 
function in another family 

-im, -@m, -am, -m frequently occurs as a suffix for the possessive case 
in the Pacific coast languages. Thus in Klamath -am is the usual suffix of 
that case, -lam being found after some vowels only; ef. Grammar, pages 
317 et seq., and suffix -m, page 355; also pages 474-476. On page 475 I 
have called attention to the fact that -am occurs as marking the possessive 
vase in the Pit River language; itéshézam ydnim deer’s foot-prints ; -am, -im 
in Molale: pshkainshim, possessive of pshkainsh beard. The Sahaptin dia- 
lects use -nmi, -mi, ete., to designate this case. 

Ka occurs in many languages as a demonstrative radix, though it often 
assumes an interrogative and relative signification and changes its vocaliza- 
tion. In Apache-Tinné dialects it is interrogative: zate who? in Navajo; 
in the Creek ka is the relative particle, a substitute for our relative pronoun 
who. In Yuki kau is this and there; in Y6kat (California) ka- occurs in 
kahama this, kawto here, yokau there. East of Mississippi River we have it 
in Iroquois dialects: ké’™ in ké™t’ho here (tho place); in Tuskarora: kya’ 
that or this one (pointing at it), kyii’ nit" this one; tho i-kiin that one is.* In 


the Klamath of Oregon this root composes kank so much, kani somebody, 
* My authority for quotations from Iroquois dialects is Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, of the 
Tuskarora tribe. 


xlvill ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


kani? who? and kat who, pron. rel. As a suffix -ka, -ga is forming factitive 
verbs and is of great frequency (ef. Part I, pp. 841, 342); ka-d, ka-a, ka 
is adverb: greatly, strongly, very. 

Kai and similar forms are serving to deny statements and to form 
negative and privative compounds. In Shoshoni dialects g’ai, ka, kats, 
karu-u, ete., stand for xo! in Zuni kwa is the real negative particle, like 
akaf! no! in Tonkawé. In Kwakiutl no! is kets and kie; in Pani kaki; it 
also occurs in some northern dialects of Algonkin as ka, kawine ete. In 
Klamath ka-i is no! and not; it composes kiya to lie and such words as are 
mentioned in Grammar, p. 633; cf. also p. 644. In some of the Maskoki 
dialects -k6, -g6, -ku is the privative particle in adjectives and verbs. 

Mi is a pronominal demonstrative radix, like nu, ni, and also serves to 
xpress personal and possessive pronouns. In Creek ma that points to dis- 
tant objects and also forms istii’mat who (interrogative). In many western 
{families it expresses the second person: in Mutsun dialects men is thou, in 
Miwok mi; in Winttin mi, me is thou, met thine, thy; in Maidu mi is thou, 
mimem ye, mo’m, mti-um that one; in Yuki meh, mi is thow and in Pomo ma 
is ye (me this); in Ara and Sahaptin mi is transposed into im, thou. Shasti 
has mayi and Pit River mih, mi for thow; Sahaptin im, imk thou, ima, imak 
ye. In Klamath mi stands for thy, thine, mish for thee, to thee, but i for thou; 
-ma is a verbal suffix, q. v. There are languages where mi, ma makes up 
‘the radix for the first person and not for the second, as Sioux and Hidatsa 
of the Dakotan family; while in the Shoshoni dialects thow is omi, umi, um, 
em, etc., and in Yuma ma-a, ma. In the Nez Pereé of Sahaptin ma is the 
interrogative pronoun who? and which? and also forms plurals when suf- 
fixed to nouns. 

naka, the K1. term for cimamon bear, probably related to nakish sole, 
as the bears are Plantigrade, has many parallels in American languages. 
The Yuma dialects have nagéa bear in Hudlapai, nakatya, nogudia in Tonto; 
Yékat has nohého bear, Alikwa nikwiz grizzly bear. If the yaka of Sahaptin 
is from nydka, it belongs here also. East of Mississippi River there is only 
one species of the bear, the black bear. The radix nak-, nok- oceurs in the 
Tonica language nékushi, and in the Maskoki dialects: nék’husi in Creek, 


nédzusi in Hitehiti, but nikta in Alibamu. 


RADICALS HELD IN COMMON. xlix 


nKOL, vki'l, nzol in Klamath designates the gray white-tailed rabbit, and 
the same radix appears in ko‘lta, kélta fish otter and in ki'lsh badger. In the 
San Antonio language of Southern California the radix is represented by 
k6l hare (rabbit is map), in Kasuaé (Sa. Barbara dialect) by kw’n, in Tonto 
by akola, kulé, in Hualapai by gula. Even in the Inuit dialects we find 
for rabbit: ukalik (Hudson Bay), kwélluk (Kotzebue Sound). 
nu or ni, A pronominal demonstrative radix n- followed by almost 
_any vowel (na, nu, ni, ete.) is of great frequency in America as well as in 
the eastern hemisphere, where it often becomes nasalized: nga, ngi, ete 
In American languages it forms personal possessive and demonstrative pro- 
nouns, prefixes and suffixes of nouns and verbs. In South America nu, ni 
designates the pronoun J or me so frequently that the explorer K. von der 
Steinen was prompted to call Nu-languages a large group of languages north 
and south of Amazon River, including Carib dialects. In America nu, ni 
designates more frequently the first person of the singular and plural (J, we) 
than the second thou, ye. It stands for the first person in Quichhua, Moxo, 
Tsoneka, in Nahuatl, the “Sonora” and Shoshoni languages, in Otomi, 
Yuma, the Tehua and Kera (no in hi-no-me J) dialects of New Mexico; in 
Wintun, Maidu, Wayiletpu, Sahaptin, and the numerous Algonkin dialects. 
For the second person it stands in Yakwina, Tonkawe, Atakapa, and in 
Dakota and Tinné dialects. As a demonstrative pronoun we find it used in 
many languages, e.g.,in the Onondaga of Iroquois, where na‘ye’ means that, 
that it is, and na’ (% long) this. In Klamath nf, ni is J, nitoks myself, 
nish me, to me; nat, na we, ndlam ours; -na is case suffix and transitional 
verbal suffix; n- prefix refers to objects level, flat, sheet- or string-like, or 
extending towards the horizon. 
shtim, sti’m is the Klamath term for mouth of persons, of animals, 
and of rivers. Forms parallel to this are disseminated through many of the 
Pacific coast languages. In Kayuse it is simzaksh, in Molale shimilk, in 
Nishinam and other Maidu dialects sim, in Yokat sama, shemah.*  Inti- 
mately connected with mouth are the terms for beard: shi, shdé, shw6 in 
Sahaptin dialects, shimkémush in Kayuse, and for tooth: si, shi in the 


* It occurs even in South America: ’sini in Kechua is mouth and word; shim in 
the Patagon of Brazil, lip; Martius, Beitriige, II, 211. 
iv 


] ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH, 


~ 


Wintiin dialects, siiz in Yuki, sit, si-it in Mutsun (coast dialects), sa in 
Santa Barbara, tehawa in some dialects of Maidu. It is justifiable to regard 
KI. shtim as an ancient possessive case of the si, sa tooth of Central Califor- 
nian languages; ef. what is said concerning the suffix -im. 

tut tooth appears related to tuzt tooth of Sayusla, a dialect of Yakwina 
and also to tit of the Sahaptin dialects; ititi “‘his tooth” in Walawala. 

tchi-, fsi- is a radical often used on the Pacific coast referring to 
water or liquids, their motions, and the acts performed with or within the 
watery element. While in Klamath it figures as a prefix only, q. v., other 
tongues make use of it as a radical. Tchi is water in Yakwina, in Takilma, 
and in the Yuchi of the Savannah River; in Zuni ’tchawe is water (’t alve- 
olar) in Nédja tehtidshe. The Sahaptin dialects show it in Warm Spring 
tchii’sh water, ata-tchash ocean; in Klikatat tchawas water, atd-tchis ocean, 
tehawat to drink; while in Nez-Pereé tchi’sh changes to kish. Chinook 
has ‘Itchtikwa water, Ch. J. salt-tchuk ocean, but the Selish languages employ 
a radix se-u'‘l, si-u‘l, sh4-u instead to designate any liquid. 

wai to exist, live, to be within, and to grow or generate is a radix to be 
traced in many of the Western tongues. In Klamath we refer to wa and 
its numerous derivatives, as wawdpka to sit or be on the ground, wa-ish pro- 
ductive, wa-ishi, wéwanuish, wé’k arm and limb of tree, lit. “what is growing 
upon,” wé'ka offspring, wékala, wash hole to live in, wa'shla (a) to dig a bur- 
row, (b) ground-squirrel, and many others. In Kwakiutl wats, watsa is dog, 
but originally ‘living being, animal,” and is represented in Klamath by 
wish prairie-wolf, watch horse, watchiga dog, lit. “little animal,” the idea of 
“domesticated” or “belonging to man” to be supplied. In Chinook the 
suffix -uks (for -waks) points to living beings also. The Sahaptin languages 
show this root in wash to be, exist, in Nez Pereé wazosh alive, watash place, 
field, earth, in Yakima wakzash living, and in other terms. 


AFFINITIES IN WESTERN LANGUAGES. 


Many of the Western families exhibit but little or no affinity in their 
lexicon with the Klamath language, the reason being undoubtedly that they 
are but little explored. Thus in Mutsun a single term only was found to 
correspond: tchiya shallow basket in the dialect of Soledad; cf tehala and 


LINGUISTIC AFFINITIES. li 


tchakéla, by which two kinds of root baskets are specified in Klamath. 
The Saytisla tséokwa /eg answers to tchi’ks, Mod. techékash leg and to 
sho’‘ksh, Mod. tehé-o’ksh crane, this bird being called after its long legs. 
The Shoshoni stock, with its extensive array of dialects, spoken in the closest 
vicinity of the Klamath people, is almost devoid of any resemblances; ef. 
ka-i not, and napal egg, compared with nobive in Payute, nobavh Cheme- 


huevi; népavh Shoshoni. This probably rests on no real affinity. In the 
Noja language, spoken near Redding, California, putsi hwmming-bird corre- 


- sponds to K1. pi’shash, and tchashina, tchashi, a small skunk species, to K1. 


tchashish. For Wintin may be compared K1. pan to eat with ba, bah; kalo 
sky (from kalkali, round, globiform) with k’dltse sky. 

From Selish saiga field the KI. saiga, satka prairie, field, meadow was 
certainly borrowed, and t’'taze grasshopper of Kalispelm reappears here in 
twhta-ash and in Mod. kamtata. Katikawak yellow of Chinook is kauké-uli, 
kevkévli brown of K1.; and ténas young, recent reappears in KI. té-ini new, 
young, te-iniwa-ash young woman; cf. ténase infant in Aht dialect of Van- 
couver Island. The long array of words which Klamath has borrowed from 
Chinook jargon are enumerated in Grammar, pages 220-222. 

Maidu.—An uncommon number of affinities are found to exist between 
Klamath and the Maidu dialects east of the Sacramento River. Of these 
terms some are not loan words, but appear to be derived from some common 
stock. 

hala slope of mountain; Kl. lala, hldla to slope downwards. 

kala hot-water basket; Maidu, kdllo cup-basket. 

kawe eel; Maidu, kowé. 

ngtlu, kilu, kilo female animal; Maidu dialects: kiile, kii‘le, kila, 
woman, wife, and female animal. This word also composes the terms father 
and child, and hence means ‘‘to generate ” 

pan to eat: Maidu, d. pen, pap, pa, pepe to eat; pan to smoke in Matdu, 
corresponds to Kl. paka; pani, pan is tobacco in Matdu. 

pen, pa’n again, a second time; Mafdu, péne two. 

villal, vlal cottonwood tree; Maidu, wilili. 

From the Shasti language Modoc has borrowed more than Klamath 


Lake, and the terms as far as known are all mentioned in the Dictionary. 


hii ; ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETOH. 

They are {pd, ipshtina, etchmii’nna, a’dak, hapush (cf. also hapa kangaroo 
rat and striped squirrel in Noja) and probably also kala hot-water basket, 
miadna sunflower. 

Its southeastern or Pit River dialect shows a number of terms probably 
not loaned, but resting upon some indefinite common affinity. Thus édshash 
milk, breast, udder is in Pit River fdshit female breast (cf. Ara: uitchis milk), 
wan silver fox, dim. winaga, in Pit River kwan silver fox and wan- in 
wanekptisha fox; kiiila earth is in Pit River kéla, taktakl red is taztaze, 
tidshi good is tissi, tlishi, k6’sh pine tree is kashu. 

The only families in which a considerable number of terms possibly 
rests upon a real and not fancied kinshiv are those of Wayiletpu and 
Sahaptin. 


WAYILETPU DIALECTS. 


Wayiletpu, of which two dialects only are known or accessible to us, 
Kayuse and Molale, shows the following affinities: 

KI. gi to be, to exist, Molale, gisht he is, gishlai he will be. Compare to 
this in Mafdu: bishi alive and dwelling place; Winttn: bim to be (present 
tense). 

Kl. ké, kék this; Kayuse, ka, ke, ke, kai this, this one. 

KI. gu, ki, kuné that; Kayuse, ku, ka, ku ytwant that man, kappik 
they. 

Kl. ina, d. yana downward, yaina mountain; Molale, yangint elevation. 

KI. lak forehead; Molale, lakunui face. 

K1. la’pi, lap two; Molale, lapka two, lapitka seven; Kayuse, liptiyi, 
liplint two; Ifphil teins. 

Kl. likua to be hot, warm, lékuash warm, hot, and heat, liluks fire; 
Kayuse lokoyai warm, hot. 

KI. mukmutkli cinnamon-complexioned (originally “downy”), teh’muka 
fo be dark (as night); Molale, méka dark, mukimuki dark compleaioned ; 
mukimuk’-wai “black man,” xegro. 

Kl. mpato, pato cheek, ef. patpatli; Molale, paktit cheek. 


Kl. na’dsh one; Kayuse, na one; Molale, nanga one, composes napitka 
sin. 


LINGUISTIC AFFINITIES. . liii 


Kl. nanuk all, nanka some, a part of; Kayuse, nang, nangina-a all; 
Molale, nangkai ail. 

KI. ndpal egg; Kayuse, lipil, laupen egg. 

KI. pan to eat; Kayuse, pitanga; Molale, pa-ast to eat. 

Kl. pawatch tongue; Kayuse, ptsh; Molale, apé-us. 

Kl. pii’ztgi to dawn, the dawn; Molale, pakast morning. 

KI. pila on one’s body, on the bare skin; Kayuse, pi‘li meat; Molale pf‘l 
body. 

KI. shuat black-tailed deer; Molale, suaf deer and white-tailed deer. 

KI. tami many, much; Molale, tam many. 

KI. waita to pass a day and night, or a day, waitash day; Kayuse, 
ewé-iu or uwaya, wéya day, u-Awish, huéwish su; Molale, wash day and 
sun, wasam summer-time. 

Kl. wako white pine; Molale, wakant, wakint, wakunt og. 

KI. wek limb of tree; Kayuse, pasiwii’ku limb of tree. 

Kl. wekétash green frog; Molale, wakatinsh frog. 

In the morphologic part we also detect a number of close analogies 
between the two families: 

hash-, hish-, is a prefix forming a sort of causative verbs by anathesis 
in Molale, like h-sh of Klamath; e. g., ishi he said, hishashi he replied. 

-gila, -kala, a Molale case-suffix to, toward, corresponds to -tala toward 
of Klamath. 

-im, -am forms the possessive case in Wayileptu; am in Klamath. 

p- is prefix in terms of relationship in both families, and -p also occurs 
as suffix in these and other terms; cf. Sahaptin. 

Distributive forms are made by syllabic reduplication in Kayuse exactly 
in the same manner as in Klamath: yamua great, d. yiyimu; lahayis old, 
d. lalhayis; ludstu bad, d. laluastu; sudyu good, d. sasuayu. 


SAHAPTIN DIALECTS. 


The Sahaptin dialects coincide with Klamath just as strikingly in some 
of the words and grammatic forms as do those of Wayiletpu, and it is sin- 
gular that in a number of these all three mutually agree, as in likua, muk- 

aaee 
mtkli, and two numerals. 


liv ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 

Kl. ka-uké-uli, kevkévli, ke-uké-uli brown; Nez-Pere¢é, ka-uyk4-uz 
drab, light yellow, dark cream. 

Kl ke, kék this ; Nez-Pereé, ki, pl. kima this ; adv. kina here, kimtam 
near. % 

KIL. kitchkéni little, adv. kiteha, kéteha; kuskus, Nez Pereé, small, little ; 
ikkes, Yakima; kiskis, Warm Spring. 

Kl. kta-i rock, stone; ktii't hard, Yakima. x 

KI. la’pi, lap two; lapit, lépit two, Nez Pereé; napit, Walawala; ni’pt, 
Warm Spring. 

KI. likua to be warm, hot, l6kuash and lushlishli warm; Tiluks fire ; 
luézuts warm, Nez Percé; iliksha fire in Nez Percé and Walawala; ilksh, 
Warm Spring; elusha fo burn, ldkautch cinders, Yakima; laguiz, lahoiz 
warm, Yakima; lagwai, Warm Spring. 

Kl. mukmukli, makmakli cinnamon-colored ; maysmazys, Nez Pereé, 
yellow; mazsh, Yakima and Warm Spring (also as mutksh blonde, auburn, 
Warm Spring). 

KI. ma’lk worm, maggot, mank, fly; muzlimuyli fly, Warm Spring. 

KL mtshmush cattle, cow, originally meant “lowing like cattle,” from 
the Sahaptin mii cattle; cf. Texts, Note to 13, 13. 

Kl. na’dsh one; na’zs, la’ys, Yakima; nii’ysh, Warm Spring. 

KI. nanka some, a portion of; iwanka some in several Sahaptin dialects. 

K]. pawatch tongue ; pawish, Nez Percé. 

Kl. pé-ip daughter ; pap, Nez Percé, Warm Spring, daughter (not one’s 
own). 

Kl. pi he, she, p’na, m’na him, her; pina self, oneself, himself, ete., Nez 
Percé; pini he, this one, Warm Spring. 

KI. taktakli /evel, even, flat; tikai flat, Yakima; cf. tii-i’h bottom land. 

Kl. tataksni children; (na)titait man, Yakima; titdkan people, Nez 
Percé. 

KI. techémiika, tsmtika to be dark, ct. mukmukli; tsémuztsémuy dark 
brown (prieto), of dark complexion, black, Nez Pereé; shmuk, Yakima; tchmi’k, 
Warm Spring, dark ; shmukaktsha to blacken, Yakima. 

Kl. vi/nsh, u-tinsh boat, canoe, dug-out ; wassas boat, Yakima, Warm 
Spring. 


THE KLAMATH A SEPARATE FAMILY.. lv 


Of agreements in the morphologic part of grammar we notice consid- 
erable analogy in the inflection of the Sahaptin substantive with its numer- 
ous case forms: 

Reduplication for inflectional purposes is syllabic.also, but not so gen- 
erally in use as in Klamath; Nez Percé tayits good, abbr. ta’hs; plur. tita’hs. 

Kl. -kni, ending of adj. ‘coming from;” -pkinih, subst. case, from ; 
init house, initpkinih from a house, in Nez Percé. 

p- prefix forms most names of relationship: pika mother, piap elder 
brother, pet sister ; -p as suffix appears in Nez Percé asyap younger brother, 
asip sister (fsip Walawala). The prefix pi- forms reciprocal verbs; hak-, 
hah-, radix of verb éo see, forms pihaksih to see each other. 

KI]. -na is transitional case-suffix; cf. Nez Percé kina here, from pron. 
ki this. 

CONCLUSIONS. 

The conclusions which can be drawn with some degree of safety from 
the above linguistic data and some mythologic facts, concerning the pre- 
historic condition of the people which occupies our attention, are not unim- 
portant, and may be expressed as follows: 

Although it is often a difficult matter to distinguish the loan words in 
the above lists from the words resting upon ancient affinity, the table shows 
that the real loan-words of the Maklaks were borrowed from vicinal tribes 
only, as the Shasti, and that those which they hold in common with other 
tribes more probably rest on a stock of words common to both, as the pro- 
nominal roots. The affinity with Maidu appears more considerable than 
that with other Californian tribes only because the Maidu dialects have 
been studied more thoroughly. Scarcely any affinity is traceable with the 
coast dialects of Oregon and California, and none with the Tinné dialects, 
though the Umpkwa and Rogue River Indians lived in settlements almost 
conterminous with those of the Maklaks. The latter were acquainted with 
the Pacific Ocean only by hearsay, for they have no original word for salt 
or tide, nor for any of the larger salt-water fish or mammals, and their term 
for sea is a compound and not a simple word: mini ¢-ush ‘great water-sheet,” 
just as the Peruvians of the mountains call the ocean ‘‘mother-lake,” mama- 


cocha. The scanty knowledge of the sea, which was scarcely one hundred 


lvi ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETOH. 


and fifty miles distant from the mountain homes of the Klamath people, 
proves more than anything else their protracted isolation from other tribes 
and also their absence from the sea-coast during their stay about the head- 
waters of the Klamath River. 

No connection is traceable between the languages of the Klamath and 
the Shoshoni Indians, both immediate neighbors, nor with the Kalapuya, 
Chinook, and Selish dialects north of them. They must have remained 
strangers to each other as far back as language can give any clue to pre- 
historic conditions. The Sahaptin and Waytletpu families are the only 
ones with whom a distant kinship is not altogether out of the question. 
Some of the terms common to these languages could have been acquired 
by the Maklaks through their frequent visits at the Dalles, the great ren- 
dezvous and market-place of the Oregonian and of many Selish tribes. 
Friendly intercourse with the Warm Spring Indians (Lékuashtkni) existed 
long ago and exists now; friendly connections of this kind are frequently 
brought about by racial and linguistic affinity, just as inveterate enmity is 
often founded upon disparity of race and language.* 

The resemblances in the lexical part of the three families are not unim- 
portant, but in view of the small knowledge we have of either and of the 
large number of words in these languages showing neither affinity nor 
resemblance, we have to maintain the classification prevailing at present and 
to regard their dialects as pertaining to three linguistic families. Sahaptin 
shows more likeness in phonetics and in morphology with Wayiletpu than 
with Klamath. 

Nowhere is syllabic reduplication so well developed in Oregon and 
about Columbia River as in the three families above mentioned and in 
Selish, the distributive as well as the iterative. The latter exists in every 
language, but of the former no traces could be detected in the Kalapuya 
and Northern Californian languages, and but few in Shoshoni dialects, 
though in Mexico it is frequent. This point will prove very important in 


tracing ancient migrations. 


* We may compare the long-lasting friendly relations once existing between the 
Lenape and Shawano, the Shoshoni and Bannock (Panaiti), the Chicasa and the 
Kas?’hta (a Creek tribe), the Illinois and the Miami Indians. 


EARLY HISTORY. lvii 


The numeration system of a people is a relic of a remote age, and 
therefore of importance for tracing the ancient connections of tribes. The 
quinary system is the most frequent counting method in America, and often 
combines with the vigesimal. The pure quinary system prevails in Ara, in 
the Chimariko, Yuki, and in the Shasti-Pit River family, in Sahaptin and 
Wayiletpu, and it is also the system found in Klamath. Curiously enough, 
the Maidu Indians count by fifteens, and the decimal system forms the basis 
of the Winttin, Mutsun, and Selish dialects. The mystic or “sacred” 
number occurring hundreds of times in mythologie stories is five among all 
the Oregonian tribes. 

To sum up the result of the above linguistic inquiry, it may be stated 
that our present knowledge does not allow us to connect the Klamath lan- 
guage genealogically with any of the other languages compared, but that 
it stands as a linguistic family for itself. It has adopted elements from the 
tongues spoken in its neighborhood; and a common element, chiefly pro- 


nominal, underlies several of these and the American languages in general. 


THE HISTORIC PERIOD. 
'Ex 62 Tov KAI MIOTA MAVTA HaAMiEAMTA Viyverai. 


On account of the superstition previously alluded to, the traditional 
historic lore which forms so attractive a feature in the unwritten literature of 
the nations east of the Rocky Mountains and of Mexico is wanting entirely 
among the Maklaks, and we have to rely upon the meager reports of trav- 
elers and Government agents for accounts of the condition of the tribes in the 
earlier part of this century. Such notices of historic events are as follows: 

According to a tradition recorded by Stephen Powers, an epidemic of 
small-pox broke out among the Modoc Indians in 1847, by which one hun- 
dred and fifty individuals perished. 

The earliest historic conflict which can be ascertained with some chro- 
nological accuracy is the massacre of eighteen immigrants to Oregon by 
individuals of the Modoc tribe, and Ben Wright’s massacre, consequent upon 
that bloody deed. The massacre of the immigrants occurred at a place on 
Tule or Rhett Lake, since called Bloody Point. Undoubtedly this was only 


lvill ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 
one in a series of similar butcheries. Apparently it occurred in 1852, and 
the particulars are all given in Texts, pages 13 and 14. ' 

One of the earliest reports upon these tribes made to the Bureau of 
Indian Affairs at Washington is that of Joel Palmer, Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs for Oregon, dated Dayton, Oregon, September 11, 1854. 
Palmer states that the lands of the Klamath Indians extend upon the east- 
ern base of the Cascade range for about thirty miles east, and that east of 
them live the ‘‘ Mo-docks,” who speak the same language as the Klamaths; 
and east of these again, extending farther south, are the ‘ Mo-e-twas” (Pit 
River Indians). These two last-named tribes have always evinced a deadly 
hostility to the whites, and the Modocs boasted of having within the last 
four years murdered thirty-six whites. Palmer entered into an agreement 
with the Klamath Indians to keep the peace with the white people, and also 
sent messengers to the Modoes and Pit Rivers, believing that henceforth 
the immigrants would be spared from their attacks. The Klamath Lakes 
were then enfeebled by wars with the surrounding tribes and by conflicts 
among themselves, and were said to number but four hundred and fifteen 
souls. He counted seven villages on Upper Klamath Lake, two on Pliock 
Creek (P'laikni or Sprague River), three on Toqua Lake (Ttkua), and one 
on Coasto (Kohashti) Lake.* The Indians had some guns, horses, camp 
equipage, and the aboriginal war-club and ‘“ elk-skin shield” (kakno‘lsh). 
Little Klamath Lake he calls An-coose, a corruption of Agawesh. 

Neither Klamath Lake nor Modoc Indians have taken any part in the 
great Oregon war of 1854—56, although their sympathies were of course 
strongly in favor of the aboriginal cause. 

For the year 1854 Powers recerds a battle fought by Captain Judy 
against Modoe and Shasti Indians on the Klamath River, north of Yreka, 
in which some women of the Shasti were killed. 

The Report of 1859 speaks of continued hostilities on the side of the 
Modoes against passing immigrants and of the murdering of a party of five 
white men in Jackson County, Oregon. Two of the murderers belonged 
to the tribe of Chief Lelékash, and three of the perpetrators were seized and 
killed by the Klamath Indians (page 392). 


*This would make only six, not seven, villages. 


EARLY HISTORY. lix 


Alexander 8. Taylor has the following passage in his “California 
Farmer” of June 22, 1860: “Cumtukus, Lalacks, Schonches, and Tertup- 
kark are names of chiefs among Klamath Lake Indians of the Oukskenah 
tribe. The big Klamath Lake is called Toakwa.” Except the first, the 
above head-men were all identified in the Dictionary with the well-known 
names of Lelékash, Skéntchish (a Modoe chief) and Tatapkaksh. Cum- 
tukni, who died about 1866, is mentioned by Stephen Powers as a great 
orator, prophet, and rain-maker.+ 

Whether the two incursions made upon the Klamath Lake people by 
the Rogue River Indians of Tinné lineage, across the Cascade range, of 
which detailed accounts were furnished in our Texts by Dave Hill, took 
place about 1855 or earlier I have not the means of ascertaining. The 
Lake tribe were not slow in inflicting vengeance upon the attacking party, 
for they crossed the mountain pass and fell upon the camps of their enemies, 
making sad havoe among them. 

Frequent disputes and encounters occurred between the two chieftain- 
cies and the Shasti Indians around Yreka, California; but the warlike quali- 
ties of the latter were often too strong for the aggressors, and the conflicts 
were not very bloody.t With the Pit River or Méatwash tribe the matter 
was different. They were not, like the Shasti, possessed of the warrior 
spirit, and therefore had to suffer terribly from the annual raids perpetrated 
upon them. In April and May the Klamath Lakes and Modoes would 
surround the camps, kill the men, and abduct the women and children to 
their homes, or sell them into slavery at the international bartering place 
at The Dalles. Some of these raids were provoked by horse-stealing, 
others by greed for gain and plunder, and the aggressors never suffered 
heavily thereby. When they began is not known, but the treaty of 1864 
put an end to them. The recitals in the Texts, pages 19-27 and 54, 55, 


* Overland Monthly, 1873, June number, page 540. His appearance had some- 
thing fascinating for the Indians, and some are said to have traveled two hundred miles 
to consult him. His name appears to be Kimétakni=“ coming from a cave,” or “liv- 
ing in a cave.” 

tOne of these fights took place between the Shasti, Modoc, and Trinity River 
Indians for the possession 0 an obsidian quarry north of Shasta Butte, mentioned by 
B. B. Redding in American Naturalist, XIII, p. 668, et seq., and Archiv f. Anthropol- 
ogie, XLV, p. 425. 


Ix ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


give us graphic sketches of these intertribal broils. Some of the eastern 
Pit Rivers seem to have lived on friendly terms with the Modoes; but the 
bands farther south, especially the Hot Spring and Big Valley Indians, 
were the principal sufferers by these incursions. In a raid of 1857 fifty-six 
of their women and children were enslaved and sold on the Columbia River 
for Cayuse ponies, one squaw being rated at five or six horses and a boy 
one horse.* 

The Pit River Indians were a predatory tribe also, and very dangerous 
to the immigrants passing through their country to northwestern Oregon. 
Their continued depredations made it a duty of the Government to inflict 
upon them a heavy chastisement, and Maj. Gen. George Crook, command- 
ing the Colorado Department of the United States Army, was intrusted 
with its execution. This campaign of 1867 is described by him as fol- 
lows :t 

I continued the campaign into the Pit. River country with Company H, First 
Cavalry, Lieutenant Parnelle; Company D, Twenty-third Infantry, Lieutenant Madi- 
gan, First Cavalry, commanding; and Archie MelIntosh, with his twenty Fort Boisé 
Indian scouts. We found on Pit River a party of warriors in camp. They fled. 
The next day we discovered a large party of warriors in the bluffs on the river. We 
had a severe fight, lasting two days and nights. They effected their escape by means 
of holes and crevices in the ground. <A great many were killed, among whom were 
some of note; how many could not be ascertained. Our loss was Lieutenant Madigan 
and three men killed, and eight soldiers and one citizen wounded. 

The more unruly portion of these Indians were subsequently removed 
to the Round Valley Reservation, California, and about two hundred are 
still in their old homes. 

Between the Klamaths and the neighboring Snake tribes there was 
always a sort of disaffection, based upon difference of race, language, and 
habits; but whether their earlier relations were always those of open hostility 
or not is past finding out.{ The wording of the treaty makes it probable that 
the hunting grounds north and east of their present seats on Sprague River 
were shared in common by both, and that the Snake Indians frequently 


*Alex. S. Taylor, ‘California Farmer,” May, 1859. 
t Report of the Secretary of War, 1868~69, Part I, p. 69, dated August 22, 1867. 
Stephen Powers refers to this fight in Contributions ILI, p. 268. 
tOne of the Texts, p. 28, shows that the Snakes in one instance attacked and 
massacred in a yery cowardly way some women near the outlet of Williamson River. 


THE TREATY OF 1864. ~ Ixi 


changed their settlements, as hunting nations are in the habit of doing. 
Thus Pauline Marsh, near Silver Lake, and Pauline Lake, on one of the 
head springs of Des Chutes River, were both named after the Snake chief 
Panaina of our Texts. The bands established upon the Reservation since 
the treaty was concluded are called Walpapi and Yahushkin. At first they 
ran off and committed depredations in the vicinity, whereupon the Goy- 
ernment was compelled to force them back. General Crook made several 
expeditions in the execution of the task. These campaigns were short and 
decisive, and the Klamath Lake scouts engaged in them did good service, 
as evidenced by General Crook’s reports * and Dave Hill’s Text, pages 
28-33. Upon the defeat and killing of Panaina, the Walpapi chief, the 
tribe finally quieted down and remained neutral in the commotion caused 
by the Modoc war of 1872-73. 

No indications are at hand of the number of Indians formerly inhabit- 
ing the headwaters of the Klamath River. Before the first census was 
taken estimates deserving no credence were made, varying from one thou- 
sand to two thousand Indians. In those times the scourges of small-pox, 
syphilis, and whisky did not inflict such terrible ravages as they do now 
among the Indians; but instead of these the continual tribal quarrels, 
family vengeance, the ordeals of witchcraft, dearth of food, and the inhu- 
man treatment of the females must have claimed many more victims than at 
present. Emigration and intermarriages with other tribes were rather the 
exception than the rule, and are so even now. 


THE TREATY OF 1864. 


During the ten years following Wright’s massacre the country began 
to assume a somewhat different aspect through the agricultural and stock- 
raising settlements of white people that sprung up in Lost River Valley, 
around Little Klamath Lake and in other places. The cession of lands to 
the “Oregon Central Military Road Company” from Eugene City, in Wil- 
lamet Valley, through the Cascade range, across the Klamath Marsh, to 


* Contained in the Report of the Secretary of War, 186869, Part I, pp 69, 70, 
dated September 2, 1867, and March 19, 1868. The troops killed twenty-fonr Snake 
Indians in the expedition of 1867. See also Texts, Note to 28, 14, 


Ix ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


Warner Lake, and thence to the boundary of Idaho, with its ‘six miles 
limit” grants on both sides, took place before the conclusion of the treaty. 

In order to subject the troublesome Snake and Modoc tribes to a 
stricter control, and to secure more protection to settlers and the immi- 
grants traveling through Oregon, Fort Klamath was established north of 
Upper Klamath Lake, in Lake County, and garrisoned with several com- 
panies, who were of great service in preserving order in these sparsely 
inhabited tracts. The Klamath Lake Indians were more inclined to keep 
up friendship with the white people than the other tribes, nevertheless 
some turbulent characters among them necessitated military restraint. 

The Superintendent of Indian Affairs of the Northern District of Cali- 
fornia, Judge E. Steele, adjusted some erave difficulties between the Shasti 
and the Maklaks Indians, which threatened to break out into a terrible war 
of devastation against the Shasti and the white settlers alike. Some of the 
Maklaks “braves” had been killed upon the lands of white settlers, and the 
injured Indians had begun retaliation already. Colonel Drew, stationed at 
Fort Klamath (who fought marauding bands of Shoshoni and Bannocks 
during the summer of 1864), had arrested and executed ‘Captain ” George, 
a Klamath Lake chief, for criminal acts, and killed an Indian commonly 
known as Skukum John. The chiefs and some representative Indians of 
the contending tribes met Judge Steele near Yreka, California, on Febru- 
ary 14, 1864, and for some trifling consideration agreed to forego all further 
hostilities among themselves, to allow free passage to anybody traveling 
through their territories, and to maintain terms of friendship with all whites, 
negroes, and Chinese. The Modocs also made the special promise to 
harass no longer the Pit River Indians by annual raids. It also appears 
from Mr. Steele’s allocution to the Indians that they had been selling to 
whites and others Indian children of their own and of other tribes, and also 
squaws, the latter mainly for the purpose of prostitution.* 

The establishment of Fort Klamath, the increase of white men’s settle- 
ments, the possibility of Indian outbreaks on account of the greater vicinity 
of the farms to the Indian villages, and the desire of the Indians themselves 


to obtain rations, supplies, and annuities brought the opportunity of a 


* Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1864, pp. 84, 85 and 108-110, 


THE TREATY OF 1864. xii 


treaty with these Indians more forcibly before the Government than ever 
before. In compliance with instructions from Indian Commissioner Will- 
iam P. Dole, Superintendent J. W. Perit Huntington, accompanied by 
Agent Logan, went through the Des Chutes Valley to Fort Klamath, and 
found there a large number of Indians of both sexes assembled, seven hun- 
‘dred and ten of whom were Klamath Lake, three hundred and thirty-nine 
Modoc people, and twenty-two of the Yahuskin band of Snake Indians. 
They unanimously concurred in the desire that Lindsey Applegate, a settler 
of Jackson County, Oregon, be appointed as their agent. The treaty was 
concluded on the 14th of October, 1864, and duly signed by the contract- 
ing parties, including twenty-six chiefs and principal men of the tribes. 
Huntington’s estimate of funds necessary for fulfilling treaty stipulations 
and subsisting the Indians the first year amounted to a total of $69,400. 
The text of the treaty being too long for insertion entire, I restrict myself 
here to the contents of the principal paragraphs : 

Article 1 stipulates the cession of the territory described above (/. xvi), 
and sets apart as a reservation for the tribes referred to the tract included 
within the limits following: Beginning upon the Point of Rocks, about 
twelve miles south of the mouth of Williamson River,* the boundary follows 
the eastern shore north to the mouth of Wood River; thence up Wood 
River to a point one mile north of the bridge at Fort Klamath; thence du3 
east to the summit of the ridge which divides the upper and middle Klamath 
Lakes (now called Klamath Marsh and Upper Klamath Lake); thence 
along said ridge to a point due east of the north end of the upper lake; thence 
due east, passing the said north end of the upper lake to the summit of the 
mountains on the east side of the lake; thence along said mountain to the 
point where Sprague’s River is intersected by the Ish-tish-ea-wax Creek 
(probably Meryl Creek); then in a southerly direction to the summit of the 
mountain, the extremity of which forms the Point of Rocks; thence along 
said mountain to the place of beginning. The tribes will remove to this 
reservation immediately after the ratification of the treaty and remain 
thereon. No whites, except employés and officers of the United States 
Government, are allowed to reside upon this tract, and the Indians have 


*At the foot of Nilakshi Mountain. 


Ixiv BHYTHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


the exclusive right of taking fish and gathering edible roots, seeds, and 
berries within the reservation. Provision is made by which the right of 
way for public roads and railroads across said reservation is reserved to 
citizens of the United States. 

Article 2. As a payment for the ceded lands the Indians shall receive 
$8,000 per annum for a period of five years, $5,000 per annum for the next 
five years, and the sum of $3,000 per annum for the five years next suc- 
ceeding. 

Article 3 provides for the payment of $35,000 for removing the In- 
dians to the reservation, subsisting them during the first year, and provid- 
ing them with clothing, teams, tools, seeds, ete. 

Articles 4 and 5 provide for the establishment of a saw-inill, a flouring- 
mill, a manual-labor school, and hospital buildings, all to be maintained 
and sapplied with working material at the expense of the United States for 
the period of twenty years. Employés for running these establishments 
shall be paid and housed by the Government also. 

Article 6 reserves the right to the Government to provide each Indian 
family with lands in severalty to the extent of forty to one hundred and 
twenty acres, and to guarantee possession to them. Indians are not allowed 
to alienate these lands. 

Article 9. The Indiaus acknowledge their dependence upon the Gov- 
ernment of the United States, and pledge themselves to be friendly with 
all citizens thereof, to commit no depredations upon the persons or property 
of said citizens, and to refrain from carrying on any war upon other Indian 
tribes. 

Article 10 prohibits the sale and use of liquors upon the Reservation, 
and Article 11 permits the Government to locate other Indian tribes thereon, 
the parties to this treaty not losing any rights thereby. 

The treaty was proclaimed February 17, 1870. 

Like most of the treaties concluded between the United States Gov- 
ernment and the Indian tribes, this compact was made much more to the 
advantage of the white man than of his red brother. Not only were the 
stipulated annuities rather small for a body of Indians, which was then 


considered to number about two thousand people, but these annuities were 


THE TREATY OF 1864. Ixv 


to be paid only after the ratification of the treaty by the President and the 
Senate, which did not take place till five years after the conclusion, viz, 
February 17, 1870. Meanwhile the Indians were always subject to the 
possibility of being removed from the homes of their ancestors by the stroke 
ofa pen. The bungling composition of the document appears from the fact 
that a grave mistake was committed by inserting the term ‘ east” instead 
of west (italicized in our text above), and by not mentioning the land 
grant made to the Oregon Central Military Wagon Road Company before 
1864, which, when insisted upon, would, with its twelve-mile limits, take 
away the best parts of the Reserve, the Sprague River Valley, for instance. 
At the time when I visited the country, in the autumn of 1877; the Klamath 
Lake Indians showed much animosity against the settlers establishing them- 
selves within their domain. The company having left many portions of 
their projected wagon road unfinished, Congress, by act approved March 2, 
1889, directed the Attorney-General to cause suits to be brought within six 
months from that date, in the name of the United States, in the United 
States Circuit Court for Oregon, to try the questions, among others, of the 
seasonable and proper completion of said road, and to obtain judgments, 
which the court was authorized to render, declaring forfeited to the United 
States all lands lying conterminous with those parts of the road which were 
not constructed in accordance with the requirements of the granting act. 
(Cf. on this subject Ex. Doc. 131, House of Representatives, Forty-ninth 
Congress, first session, and Ex. Doe. 124, Senate, Fiftieth Congress.) 

The first representative of the Government, Subagent Lindsey Apple- 
gate, erected some buildings at the northwest point of Upper Klamath 
Lake, called Skohuashki (abbr. Kohashti); but as early as 1866 he called 
attention to the fact that the place had no suitable water-power, but that 
three miles above the little creek at Beetle’s Rest was a most excellent 
inotor for driving a saw-mill and a grist-mill, and, being on the edge of the 
pine woods, was a well-fitted and shady place for the agency buildings. 
This advice was followed in 1868, two years before the ratification of the 
treaty. In the same year the old practice of cremating dead bodies was 
abandoned and inhumation introduced. The grave-yard was established 
around the ash-pile of cremation, still visible in 1877, and in 1878 a second 

Vv 


Ixvi ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


cemetery was inaugurated between the Williamson River and Modoe Point, 
one mile and a half south of the bridge. 

President U. 8S. Grant’s peace policy in regard to the Indians was 
inaugurated by act of Congress dated April 10, 1869. The supervision of 
the Indian agencies was placed in the hands of the authorities of religious 
denominations, a board of commissioners appointed,* and the spiritual in- 
terests of that reservation turned over to the Methodist Church. 


SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES ON THESE INDIANS. 


The study of the ethnography of a tribe usually precedes that of its 
language; sometimes both are pursued simultaneously, and this is undoubt- 
edly the correct method. In the ease of the Maklaks, Horatio Hale,t the 
linguist of Ch. Wilkes’s United States Exploring Expedition (1838-1842), 
and still holding forth as a pioneer in his lines of research, took down a. 
vocabulary from a Klamath Lake Indian whom he met on the Columbia 
River in 1841. No ethnographic remarks upon the tribe accompany this 
vocabulary, probably because information obtained. from interpreters, who 
speak the Chinook jargon only, is notoriously unreliable. 

Next in time follow the extensive explorations of John Charles Frémontt 
of the interior basin west of the Rocky Mountains and of the Pacifie coast 
from 1843 to 1844, and again from 1845 to 1846, during which the 
Klamath Lakes and Klamath Marsh were visited and explored. His re- 
ports contain graphic sketches of all that was seen and observed by his 
parties; but scientific accuracy is often wanting, and many countries are 
described without giving the Indian local names, which are indispensable 
to identification. 

The acquisition of the Pacific coast by the United States (California 
in 1846, Oregon in 1848) naturally suggested projects of connecting the 
two oceans by a transcontinental railroad, starting from the Mississippi 


River and reaching to the Bay of San Francisco. The Central Govern- 


*Cf. Revised Statutes of the United States, second edition, 1878, p. 339. 

+ Born in Newport, New Hampshire, in 1817. 

t Born at Savannah, Georgia, January 21, 1813; candidate for the Presidency of 
the United States in 1856; died in New York City, July 13, 1890. 


SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH. Ixvil 


ment sent out in different directions army officers and engineers to survey 
the proposed routes, and to publish the results in a series of volumes.* For 
this purpose the Thirty-second Congress appropriated, by an act passed 
May 3, 1853, the sum of $150,000, which was by two later appropriations 
in 1854 increased to a total of $340,000. <A branch of this railroad was to 
run up the Sacramento Valley to the Columbia River. In this portion the 
Klamath headwaters were principally concerned, and it is that which was 
surveyed by Lieut. Robert Stockton Williamson,t assisted by Lieut. Henry 
Larcom Abbot, both of the Corps of Topographical Engineers. Their joint 
report, together with the reports of specialists on zodlogy, botany, geology, 
etc., is contained in Vol. VI (1855) t These reports are valuable and on a 
level with the condition of science as it was in those days; but the use of 
the volumes is inconvenient when reference has to be made to the bulky 
maps, all of which are contained in other volumes than the reports them- 
selves. Lieutenant Williamson, assisted by Lieutenant Crook, when on the 
border of Klamath Marsh (August 22, 1855), obtained one hundred and 
two terms of the Klamath Lake dialect, which are published in Vol. VI, 
Part I, pp. 71, 72. This vocabulary is brimful of mistakes, not through any 
want of attention of these officers, but because they questioned their inter- 
preter through the imperfect mediums of gestures and the Chinook jargon. 
The vocabulary taken in 1864 by Dr. William M. Gabb at Kohashti 
shows the same defects, and was obtained through the “jargon” also ; 
other collections were made by Dr. Washington Matthews, W. C. Clark, 
and Lewis F. Hadley. The words of Modoc as quoted in the publications 
of A. B. Meacham are misspelt almost without exception. From Stephen 
Powers we possess a short Modoc vocabulary, as yet unpublished. 
Whosoever inspects these word collections will see at once that the 
study of the Klamath language had never gone beyond the vocabulary 


* Reports of explorations and surveys to ascer jain the most practicable and eco- 
nomical route for a railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, made in 
1853 and years following. Washington, 1855-1860. Quarto; illustr. with plates and 
maps. Thirteen volumes. 

t Williamson was born 1824 in New York, and died 1882 in San Francisco. 
Abbot, a native of Beverly, Massachusetts, was born in 1831. 

t The first part of Vol. VI contains Abbot’s revort, and is chiefly topographical. 


Ixvill ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


stage before the publication of the present volume. Even the author expe- 
rienced considerable difficulties before he could pass beyond that limit. 
When he reached the reservation agency he found not over three or four 
individuals who were able to speak a tolerable Knglish, and the knowledge 
of this tongue is absolutely necessary to any one who aspires to the posi- 
tion of an interpreter of his own language in those parts. The Indians 
were nearly all pure bloods, and most of them knew scarcely more than a 
dozen English terms. Many could converse in Chinook jargon, but the 
majority, especially the females, were not acquainted even with this preca- 
rious means of intercourse. Indeed, these people must be slow in acquir- 
ing an Aryan language like English, for it presents so many character- 
istics entirely opposite to those of Klamath. English is not provided with 
reduplication, prefixes of form, nor with the multiple suffixes of Klamath ; 
it differs from it also by its more complex syntactic structure, its imperfect 
nominal inflection, by its distinctive form for the nominal plural, the grada- 
tion of the adjective and adverb effected by suffixation, its personal inflec- 
tion of the verb, and a long array of irregular and auxiliary verbs. 

- Thus it will be easily perceived that the obtaining of correct and reli- 
able ethnographic and linguistic information in such a tribe is fraught with 
many difficulties. Sometimes it is practicable to get the terms for visible 
objects by making gesture signs or by pointing at the objects, but it just as 
often misleads; and if the investigator has to do with people who know no 
other language than their own, he must revise his notes with many of them 
before he can place any trust in what he has written down from dictation. 
The Indians and mixed bloods who have made some progress in the acquisi- 
tion of English pronounce fas p, v as b, r as —are modeling English after 
their own language, using he for our he, she, it, they, him, her, them; all this 
being ht’k, hit, hi’nk for them. They do not know how to use our conjunc- 
tions, a defect which makes all the tales, myths, and other textual informa- 
tion unintelligible. The only means of obtaining results is to pick out the 
best people from the crowd and to train them for awhile for the purpose 
wanted, until they are brought so far as to feel or understand the scope of 
the investigator. Women will be found more useful than men to inform 


him about myths, animal stories, the gathering of vegetable food, house- 


SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH. ]xix 


hold affairs, and terms referring to colors; men more appropriate than 
women in instructing him about their hunts, fishing, travels, their legal 
customs, wars and raids, house-building, and similar work. Omit asking 
them about the deceased, for it makes them angry and sullen. They do not 
as a rule willfully lead the investigator into error when they see that he is 
in earnest. Errors often originate in preconceived notions or theories and 
inappropriate questions of the investigator, sometimes also in the want of 
abstract terms in the interpreter’s language. ‘To insure correctness in an 
Indian myth, animal story, or any relation whatever, it should first be 
taken down in Indian, and of this a verbatim translation secured. 

Ethnographic sketches of both tribes, but chiefly of the Modocs, were 
published in the newspapers of the Pacific coast at the time of Ben 
Wright’s massacre, but they were not accessible to me; more circumstantial 
were those written at the time of the Modoc war (1872~’73), and specimens 
of these may be seen in A. B. Meacham’s publications, in the “ Overland 
Monthly” of San Francisco, and in Stephen Powers’s ‘The Modok,” in 
Contributions III, pp. 252-262. 

Ethnographic objects manufactured by and in actual use among both 
tribes were purchased at different periods by collectors. The National 
Museum in Washington owns several of them; but the most complete col- 
lection is probably the one made in 1882 by the Swiss naturalist, Alphons 
Forrer, a native of St. Gall, which was partly sold to the Ethnographic 
Museum of St. Gall, partly (eighty-five articles) to that of Berne, the capi- 
tal of Switzerland. Forrer lived several months among the Klamaths, 
and thus was enabled to secure the best specimens. There are two hiniisish 
or “ magic arrows,” an implement which has probably become very scarce 
now. The majority of these objects are manufactured from wood, fur- 
skin, and basket material. There is no suitable clay found in the Klamath 
River Highlands, hence these Indians never made any pottery. 

The report of Lieutenants Williamson and Abbot contains a large 
array of astronomic positions and of meteorologic observations made during 
the expedition, which will prove useful to later observers. The zoélogic, 
botanic, and geologic reports made by different scientists were considered 


of high value at the time they were first published. It will be remembered 


Ixx ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


that these explorations were the starting-point of all further researches upon 
the Pacific coast, and as such they are creditable to the men with whom 
aud the epoch at which they originated. 

The topographic map of the Klamath headwaters is now being pre- 
pared by the U.S. Geological Survey. It is laid out upon a scale of 1 to 
250,000, with contour intervals of 200 feet, the rivers and water sheets in 
blue. The sheets are named as follows: Ashland, Klamath,* Shasta, 
Modoe Lava Bed, Alturas—the last three belonging to California. The 
surveys were made from 1883 to 1887 by Henry Gannett, chief geographer, 
A. H. Thompson, geographer in charge; triangulation by the George M. 
Wheeler survey, by Mark B. Kerr; and topography, by Eugene Ricksecker 
and partly by Mark B. Kerr. 


THE MODOC WAR OF 1872-1873. 


The well-known maxim, ‘“‘it is cheaper to feed the Indians than to 
fight them,” has forced itself upon the governments of all American coun- 
tries in such indelible characters that it has become a rule for them to con- 
clude treaties with the different ‘‘ nations” to keep them at peace, feed them 
by rations or annuities, and confine them within the limits of certain terri- 
tories. The treaty of 1864 was not attended by all the favorable results 
expected. The Snake Indians ran off from the Reservation during April, 
1866, the Modoes in 1865. The latter tribe were not compelled to leave 
their old domain, now ceded to the United States, till 1869. Moreover, it 
always takes several years to gather straying Indians upon a reservation 
after a treaty has become an accomplished fact. The Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs in Oregon, Mr. Meacham, on December 30, 1869, after a 
long and excited ‘ talk,” succeeded in bringing two hundred and fifty-eight 
Modoes to Modoc Point, upon the reservation allotted to them. On April 
26, 1870, the supply of rations was exhausted, and the more obstinate half 
of the tribe left the Reservation again for the old domain upon Lost River 
and the lakes, whereas the other half, under Skéntchish, went to Yaneks, 
on Sprague River, where the Superintendent located them. All Modoes 


* The name for the sheet east of Klamath has not yet been determined. 


THE MODOC WAR. lxxi 


had become disgusted at the close neighborhood and secret enmity of the 
Klamath Lake Indians, their congeners. 

The presence of the Modoes in their “old country,” though contrary 
to the letter of the treaty, was tolerated by the Government until the 
autumn of 1872, when the complaints of the white settlers against the 
Indians became too frequent and serious to be further disregarded. A 
struggle to secure the enforcement of the treaty could no longer be post- 
poned. The Modoes’ open defiance to the authorities could no longer be 
endured, and this brought on the Modoe war. 

Space does not permit me to give more than an outline sketch of this 
bloody contest of a small, sturdy people of mountaineers against the regu- 
lar army and a large body of volunteers; but many references in detail 
have been made to it in the Texts and Notes, to which the reader may 
refer. A monograph of the Modoc war doing full justice to the importance 
of this event and to its ethnographic features would alone fill a volume of 
considerable size. Here, as well as in all other Indian wars, the result was 
that the strong conquered the weak, which is always the case in the end, 
especially when the former has the law on his side. 

According to the war chronicle obtained by me in the Modoc dialect 
from the Riddle family the war originated in a petition sent by the settlers 
to the President to have the Indians removed from their old homes to the 
Reservation, in fulfillment of the treaty stipulations. The President agreed 
to this, and sent an order to the commander at Fort Klamath to have them 
removed—“ peaceably if you can; forcibly if you must!” In the morn- 
ing of November 29, 1872, Major Jackson surrounded the Modoc camp 
upon Lost River, near its mouth. When he tried to disarm and capture the 
men they escaped to the hills. The soldiers and the settlers of the neigh- 
borhood then fired upon the unprotected women and children of another 
Modoc camp farther north, for which brutal act the Modoc men retaliated 
in the afternoon by killing fourteen settlers upon their farms. Hereupon 
the Modoes retreated with their families to the Lava Beds, south of Tule 
Lake, the home of the Kuimbatwash, and there they strengthened some 
select positions, already strong by nature, through the erection of stone 
walls and earth-works. Kintpuash or Captain Jack, who now was not the 


Ixxil ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


chief only but also the military leader of the Modoes, selected for his head- 
quarters the spacious cavern called Ben Wright’s Cave, and there the tribe 
remained, unattacked and unharmed, until the 17th of January of the year 
ensuing. 

The wintry season and the difficult condition of the roads, or rather 
trails, in these mountainous tracts delayed the concentration of the troops 
and provisions to the Lava Beds for nearly two months. On the day 
above mentioned Colonel Frank Wheaton, then in command, resolved to 
attack from two sides the seventy* sturdy warriors in their stronghold. 
Many of the troops were fresh from Arizona, and had fought against 
Apaches armed with bows and lances only. The Modoes carried the old 
octagonal small-bore Kentucky rifle with the greased patch and small ball, 
which within its limited range had a very flat trajectory, and consequently 
a large dangerous space.t The fog was so thick that men could not see 
their right or left hand comrades, but i spite of this the commander ordered 
the attack. Scarface Charley, a leader possessed of the best military and 
engineering capacity in this war, claimed that he held his station, with three 
squaws to load, against a platoon of cavalry. The troops counted in all 
about four hundred men. One corps had to attack from the north, viz, 
the shore of Tule Lake, the other from the west, and without connecting 
both by a field telegraph the commander ordered them to unite upon the 
top of the hills after storming the Indian positions. The fog annihilated 
these plans entirely, and the decimated troops were in the evening with- 
drawn to Van Bremer’s farm, west of the Lava Beds. 

” After this signal discomfiture another officer, General Alvin C. Gillem, 
was assigned to the command, and the troops were reinforced by four com- 
panies of the Fourth Artillery from San Francisco. Instead of attacking 
the Modocs again on a clear day and bombarding their positions, it was 
deemed proper to negotiate with them for peace. There was a party of 
extremists for war in the Modoc camp and another inclined to listen to 
peace overtures, and upon the latter the body of the Peace Commissionerst 


*For the later period of the war, beginning April 16, Frank Riddle states the 
number of the Modoc warriors to have been fifty-one; 42, 20, 

tCaptain Fields, The Modoe War.” 

tAppointed by the Secretary of the Interior, C. Delano. The particulars in 
Texts; note to 38, 1, page 48, 


THE MODOC WAR. Ixxiii 


principally relied. Several attempts at parleying were unsuccessful, but 
finally the parties were appointed to convene on April 11, 1873. The 
capture of Kintpuash’s ponies by the troops, in spite of General Canby’s 
promise of a total suspension of hostilities, had exasperated the chief to 
such a degree that he and his aids resolved upon murder by treachery. 
The dark deed was successfully perpetrated upon two members of the 
Peace Commission. ‘The others fled, and henceforth, after the dastardly 
murder of General Canby, a new plan was adopted for a speedy termina- 
tion of the war. 

Wright’s Cave and surroundings were bombarded with heavy shells 
on April 16, 17, and 18, and attacks made by the troops simultaneously. 
By this time about ninety Indian scouts had joined the Army, two-thirds of 
whom were Warm Spring, one-third Wasco Indians, all under the com- 
mand of Donald McKay. The Modoes vacated the cave on April 19, and 
were met by a detachment of regulars and thirty scouts at Sand Hill, four 
miles from the cave, on April 26. This engagement was more disastrous 
to the troops than to the Modoes; but at the Dry Lake fight, May 10, the 
latter were forced to retreat. This was the beginning of the dissolution of 
the Modoe forces; their provisions commenced to give out, and one portion 
of the warriors became dissatisfied with Kintpuash’s leadership. This party 
surrendered May 25 to the commander-in-chief, General Jefferson C. Davis, 
who had on May 2 relieved Colonel Gillem, the intermediate commander. 
Soon after this, on June 1, Kintpuash, with the few men who had remained 
true to him, gave himself up to a scouting party of cavalry, led to his hid- 
ing place by the treacherous Steamboat Frank,* who, it must be acknowl- 
edged notwithstanding, had been one of the most valiant defenders of the 
Modoe cause. 

The captured Modocs, numbering with their women and children 
about one hundred and forty-five persons, were for awhile fed at the ex- 
pense of the Government, and then brought to the northeastern corner of 
the Indian Territory, where their remnants live at the present time. Before 
their departure a number of them, while being conveyed in a wagon to 
some place near Tule Lake, were fired upon and some females killed by 
the revengeful settlers. The murderers of General Canby and Dr. Thomas 


* Cf. Texts 55; 14, 15, and Note. 


Ixxiv ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


could not remain unpunished. Brought before a jury at Fort Klamath, 
Kintpuash, Chief Skéntchish, Black or Hika Jim, and Boston Charley 
were condemned to the gallows and hung at the Fort October 3, 1873, 
while two accessories to the deed—Bantcho and Slt’lks (now George 
Denny)—were condemned to incarceration at Fort Alcatraz, San Fran- 
cisco Bay.* 

Thus ended the long-contested struggle of the little Modoc band 
against the Oregon and California volunteers and the regular troops of the 
United States Army. Certainly the heroism and ingenuity displayed by 
the Modoes would have been worthy of a better cause, and would have 
passed down to posterity in the brightest colors of patriotism had not the 
murderous “‘entreacte” and Canby’s death deprived the struggle of its 
heroic luster. The unworthy termination of this war is well typified by 
the fact that the skeleton of the Modoc captain is now dangling as an ana- 
tomical specimen in the museum of the Surgeon-General’s Office, at Wash- 
ington, District of Culumbia. 


STATISTICS. 


From the end of the Modoc war to the present year the condition of 
affairs has not changed much in the Klamath Highlands. The reports of 
the United States agent repeat the same story of progress towards civiliza- 
tion every year; but in view of the difficulty of bringing a hunter tribe 
into the high road of Christian culture and industrial progress we can not 
attach much credence to such reports so long as they are couched in gener- 
alities and do not contain special facts attesting mental improvement by 
schooling. 

In agriculture success is possible only in the Sprague River Valley, 
but pasturing will succeed almost on every spot of the Reservation. The 
report of 1888, compared with that of 1880, shows a considerable improve- 
ment in this direction. The 2,500 horses and mules counted in 1880 had 
increased to 4,532 in 1888; the 200 head of cattle to 2,201. In the latter 
year the number of swine figured 208, of domestic fowl, 1,000. Of the 
20,000 tillable acres of land 1,400 were cultivated by the Indians in 


*Sla‘lks was released, and stays now at the Modoe Reservation, Indian Territory, 
with Searface Charley and some other warriors of that war. 


TRIBAL STATISTICS. Ixxv 


1888 and 500 broken by them; 10,000 acres were inclosed by fences. 
The crops of 1888 amounted to 8,000 bushels of wheat, 4,000 of oats and 
barley, 1,000 bushels of vegetables, 3,000 tons of hay; and 500 pounds of 
butter were manufactured. Of lumber 100,000 feet were sawed. The 
Indians transported with their own teams 500 tons of freight, and thereby 
earned $1,500. The two boarding-schools, one at the Klamath Agency 
and the other at Yaneks, in the same year boarded 215 pupils at a cost to 
the Government of $18,764—about $10.40 a month per capita. 

The number of acres contained within the Klamath Reservation is 
1,056,000, and of these only about 20,000 acres are considered to be tilla- 
ble land. The rest is occupied by woods, marshes, rocks, and other hin- 
drances to cultivation. 

The school and church interests are in the hands of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, which also has a vote in the appointment of the United 
States agent. 

The statistics of population have furnished reliable data only from the 
time when annuities were first distributed among these Indians. This ne- 
cessitated an annual count of each family, giving the number of the indi- 
viduals belonging to each. One of these was made during my presence on 
the reserve on October 30, 1877, before the winter supplies were dealt out 


to the tribe. The summary is as follows: 


David Hill, chief, at Agency and on Williamson River ........---...-...------ 225 
Plu, head chief, at the bridge, Williamson River. -..-...---------..------ +---- 122 
Long John, GNIS Le ae se an Re BC etc 2 OO Sn Ie Oe CREE aries TEC array Se ici 103 
Jacky chiehers te "OU es A eae ORS Ss A RST Ae ee Ce EI eh is Perret eee 92 . 
Tnilowehietep eae. pines = soe sy - srs arecions es ciane Acie ee ee or om Pap eee tr 3 
DUNS. odes o Seat oolee Deas See Cees Bo amen are Ee aeee ace or raries 565 


The census taken in the Sprague River Valley, Yaneks subagency, 
furnished the following figures, Klamath Lake indians and Modoes being 
indiscriminately included: 


ILIA ON ONT £5 aonb. Con aonoess Caos o ab RoE Sebop cee eo Sa pepeae cpp Gaanc cuboac 14 
SIRGHICMD Onsite se6 saa seh ao eeetoroeoUacnanaeer Se ey Rn ad Se eee 18 
Modocolhnsonmheaguchieh ares a. setae eeciet es t= er - SC ages Hea Oo eee 71 
BO, ONG cecacoonocceuaselee Bese Gudes eDoquossuGE> pon UCD BUS aT ten ae eotr 61 
IS; GN ooon coactadcdscd0GEdO 1 0Od06 060s Dae AU OOOO DOGO COU ono epou ncaa 30 


Ixxvi ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


The Snake Indians were not counted at that time, but were assumed 
to have the same population as in 1876: 137. This gives a total of Indians 
for the Reservation of 896. This count included about eight mixed bloods 
and seven Warm Spring Indians from the Des Chutes River. The board- 
ing-school at the Klamath-Agency then had eighteen pupils of both sexes. 

The reports of the Indian Commissioner for 1880, 1881, 1882, 1883, 
and 1884 can not be fully relied on, since they give the same figures for 
each of these years with an unvarying total of 1,023 Indians—Klamaths, 
707; Modoes, 151; Snake Indians, 165. 

The report of 1888, Joseph Emery agent, gives 788 Klamath Lake and 
Modoc Indians and 145 Snake Indians, a total of 933 individuals. 

Probably the most reliable data were furnished by the Indian census 
made in 1881 for the United States Census Bureau, from March to August : 


Klamaths. | Modoes. | Molale. | Snakes. | Totals. 

Total of tribes on Reservation. ..--.-----.----- 676 122 55 165 1,018 
Nomberiotnialesi(eseetesas).sasene si Seeee re eeee 286 58 30 80 454 
Nomberjotfemales co. q-0- meee ses = eee ee 390 64 25 85 564 
Unmarried at fourteen years and upwards -... - 109 6 Y) 11 135 
Nimibenim arrled Gere -ae ees eae siaai eo <'ale 286 55 14 65 | 420 
Number of full bloods.......--.-.------------- 664 122 53 165, 1, 004 
Number‘ofimixed' bloods)--- = ---<-. <-0.--)----.. ZI eicmreypeerar= a eae aeicmcme 14 
Number below twenty-one years .....----.---- 291 58 30 | 89 473 
Number above twenty-one years .....----..--- | 385 | 64 20 | 76 545 
Supported one half or more by civilized indus- | 

AITIOS® cs asyococee sachs sea-=0 eee Crete reeees 36 6 Uf |\Sossob.coe = 49 
Supported one-half or more by Government-.--.! 33 BS CEO See 2 | 43 
Number wearing citizens’ dress - ..--...----..-. 630 112 55 | 165 | 962 
Acresiunder cultivation. css.-2 sseeclssseececes 140 36!1| foceooesee | 2, 425 


Number attending school - .-- 


This enumeration is remarkable on account of the large number of 
Molale Indians mentioned in it, an element of the population which is no- 
where else designated as such in the periodical reports made by the agents. 


NATURAL PHILOSOPHY. Ixxvil 


NATURAL PHILOSOPHY. 


In the manner of considering the transcendental world and in view- 
ing the problems of the supernatural we perceive enormous differences 
among the various races of mankind. ‘These differences mainly arise from 
the degree of animism and anthropomorphism applied to the deities sup- 
posed to represent the powers of nature and to rule the world. The primi- 
tive man regards everything showing life or spontaneous motion as ani- 
mated by a spirit and endowed with certain human faculties; whereas 
among the more advanced nations these same gods and genii appear more 
fully anthropomorphized, and their moral and intellectual attributes more 
accurately defined. In monotheism all the physical and moral powers sup- 
posed to rule the universe become unified into one “Supreme Being.” 

A people’s religion always rests upon a basis laid down in remote 
ages, and faithfully depicts the intellectual and moral qualities of its spirit- 
ual leaders at that period. Were they ferocious and cruel, the gods whom 
they imposed upon the people are barbaric also; were they kind and mild- 
mannered, then their deities show these same mental qualities. Deities act 
by miracles, and are miracles themselves; for a miracle or act contraven- 
ing the laws of nature is the only causality which the mind of primitive 
man is able to imagine to solve the difficult problems of physics, meteorol- 
ogy and other processes of nature. As there is no connected system in 
any of the savage religions, it is by no means difficult to overthrow the 
beliefs of a primitive people and to substitute others for it, provided the 
new ones are resting upon the same fundamental principle of spirits, dei- 
ties and miracles. Dreams are to the savage man what the Bible is to us— 
the source of divine revelation, with the important difference that he can 
produce revelation through dreams at will. The more thoughtful religions 
of Asia establish a thorough distinction between spirit and matter, and thus 
dualistically establish idealism as opposite to materialism; but in America 
no religion goes any further than to attempt such a distinction. The higher 
Asiatic religions establish priesthoods, idols, ceremonial worship, divine 
oracles, prayer and sacrifice, and attempt to elevate man’s character by 


moral teachings; here in the western hemisphere ceremony is magic and 


Ixxvili ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


witchcraft only, religious feasts are orgies, divine revelation is human hal- 
lucination, and the moral element, when present in religion, is not urged 
upon the community. While in the religions of the white man the gods 
originally representing nature’s powers gradually become teachers or 
examples of morality and mental improvement, those of the other races 
remain the stern and remorseless deities of the sky, the atmosphere, and 
the earth, whose good will has to be propitiated by sacrifice. 

As zoodemonism is the most appropriate form of religion for man in 
the animistic stage, the majority of the mythic characters in American relig- 
ions are animals, especially quadrupeds; and even the fully anthropomor- 
phized deities sometimes assume, in Oregon and elsewhere, the masks of 
animals. The earlier Indians firmly believed that such animals as were 
the prototypes of their own species had human faculties, and talked and 
thought as men do; in whatever tribe there are totemic gentes or clans 
the members of these are supposed to have descended from that prototype 
of a bear, deer, alligator, eagle, or whatever animal a gens is called after. 
Certain qualities of man, physical and intellectual, found their closest analo- 
gies in those of animals, and the animal world is much nearer akin to man 
in the mind of the Indian than in the white man’s mind. Scurrilous and 
grotesque acts ascribed to so many Indian deities were not intended for 
derision, as with us, but for faithful portrayings of the habits of typical 
animals; and zoodemonism—not exactly zoolatry, as in Egypt—is the form 
of religion existing among the wild Indians of America. 

The large amount of mythologic and transcendental material obtained 
among the Indians requires subdivision into several chapters. I present it 
under the following subdivisions: a. Elementary deities; 6. Spirit deities ; 
c. Animal deities. 

Of the mythologic data embodied in the present article the larger part 
were obtained by myself, but not all. The others were gathered by 
Messrs. Stephen Powers and Jeremiah Curtin, mainly by the latter, who 
obtained over one hundred Modoe myths in 1883 and 1884, now forming 
part of the unpublished collection of the Bureau of Ethnology. 


K’-MCUKAMTCH. IXx1x 


THE ELEMENTARY DEITIES. 


In the Klamath theology the deities of the elements have preserved 
almost intact their character as representatives of the powers of nature. 
Imperfectly anthropomorphized as they are, they appear rather as spirits 
than as gods; all of them, the Earth perhaps excepted, are of the male sex. 
Like the animal genii they assume the adjectival suffix -imtchiksh, abbr. 
-amtch bygone, ancient, belonging to the past,* though less among the Modoes 
than in the northern chieftaincy. The splendor, power, and awe-inspiring 
qualities of these superhuman beings is not diminished in the least by the 
grotesque exterior and acts ascribed to some of them. The sky gods were 
more plastically defined by popular imagination than the subterranean 
deities, and hence we begin our sketch with the former. 

K’MUKAMICH. 


Ile mihi par esse deo videtur, 
Ille, si fas est, superare divos. 


The chief deity of the Klamath people, the creator of the world and 
of mankind, is K’muikamtch, or the ‘Old Man of the Ancients,” the ‘“ Pri- 
meval Old Man.” The full form of the name is K’muk’=amtchiksh, and 
Modoes frequently use the shorter form Kémush, K’mush, an abbreviation 
of k’mttcha, he has grown old, he is old, or of its participle k’mutchatko, 
old. He is also named P’tish-amtch nadlam, owr old father. He was also 
designated P'laitalkni, the one on high, though the term is now used for the 
God of the Christians. In every way he is analogous to the “old man 
above” or the ‘chief in the skies” of the Indians of Central California. 

What the Indians say and think of their chief deity I have outlined 
in the Dictionary, pages 138-140, and what follows here will substantiate 
the data given there. Though K’mukamtch is reputed to have created 
the earth, what is really meant is only the small portion of the globe 
known to and inhabited by this mountaineer tribe, and not the immense 
terrestrial globe, with its seas and continents. Neither have these Indians 


an idea of what the universe really is when they call him the creator and 


*In Nahuatl we may compare the reverential suffix -tzin, and in Shoshoni dialects 
the parallel one of -pitch, -bits; e. g., maibu owl! in Bannock is mt/mbits owl in the 
Shoshoni of Idaho. 


Ixxx ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH, 


maintainer of the universe. The Indians do not claim that he created 
the world with all in it by one single and simultaneous act, but when he is 
creating, metamorphosing, or destroying, his acts are always special, directed 
towards certain objects only. After making the earth, the lakes, islands, 
prairies, and mountains he gave a name to each locality (p. 142, 1 sqq.). 
Some of these names must be regarded as giving indications as to the ear- 
liest places inhabited by these Indians, especially when they designate fish- 
traps and ceremonial sudatories. Thus on Upper Klamath Lake we find 
Kia’mbat, Tukwa, Tulish, Kohashti as fishing places, Kté-i-Tupdksi and 
Yulaléna as fish-traps, the special gifts of the deity to the people. Other 
places of this kind are Shuyake’kish and Kta-i-Tupdksi. In the old Modoe 
country, on Lower Klamath Lake, there is a rock shaped like a crescent 
and called Shapashze’ni, because ‘sun and moon once lived there.” .On 
Sprague River there is a hill called “at K’mikamtch’s Lodge”—K’mttcham 
Latsashkshi. Other legendary residences of the deity were at Yadmsi, 
“ Northwind’s residence,” a high mountain east of Klamath Marsh; others 
on Tule Lake, at Nilakshi Mountain; and finally K’mtikamtch was changed 
into the rock Kta-iti, which stands in the Williamson River (q. v.). The 
old people of both chieftaincies remember many localities alleged to have 
been the theater of his miraculous deeds. 

K’mukamtch creates the Indians from the purplish berry of the service- 
tree or shad-bush (Amelanchier canadensis, in KI. tehak), and the. color of 
both has evidently suggested this idea. He also provides for man’s suste- 
nance by supplying him with game and fish and the means to capture them; 
also with the necessary vegetal products. Objects noticeable through their 
peculiar shape are called after him, e. g., the thistle, the piercer of K’mt- 
kamtch, K’mukamtcham kii’k. A peculiar haze sometimes perceptible in 
the west or northwest, shnttish, is regarded as his precursor or that of his 
son Aishish. 

Although but a passing mention is made of a wife or wives of his, 
K’mikamtch has a family. The myths speak* of a father, of a daughter, 


and of Afshish, his son ‘by adoption,” as members of it. The name of his 


* Cf. Texts, pg. 100, 2: skiiki/sh p’tislilsham. Mention is made of one-eyed wives 
of Ské/l and of Tehashkai. 


K’MUKAMTCOH. lxxxi 


daughter is not given, but she represents the clouded or mottled evening 
sky. When she leads him to the under-world they meet there a vast crowd 
of spirits, who for five nights dance in a large circle around a fire, and on 
each of the intervening days are changed into dry bones. K’mukamtch 


takes with him some of these in a bag 


g, and when reaching the horizon at 


daybreak throws the bones around the world im pairs and creates tribes 
from them, the Modoc tribe being the last of these. Then he travels in the 
path of the sun till he reaches the zenith, builds his lodge, and lives there 
now with his daughter. 

K’mikamtch also figures as the culture-hero of his people; but since 
he does so only in one of the myths which came to our knowledge, this 
myth may be borrowed from some neighboring tribe. In that myth the 
primitive arts and practices, as hunting and bow-and-arrow making, are 
taught by him to men, as was done also by Quetzalcoatl, by Botchika, and 
in Oregon by the Flint-Boy of the Kalapuyas, in whom the sun’s rays were 
personified. 

What the national myths relate of him is not of a nature to make 
him an object of divine veneration. He resembles men in every particular, 
is born and dies, acts like other Indians, travels about with companions, 
starts on gambling jaunts, is indigent and often in want, and experiences 
more misery throughout his eventful career than Zeus ever did on account 
of his illicit love-making. Like the chief gods of other Indian nations, he 
is the greai deceiver and trickster for all those that have dealings with him, 
is attacked and drubbed repeatedly for his meanness and crimes; but after 
coming out “second best” or being killed over and over he recuperates 
and comes to life again just as if nothing had occurred to disturb him. 
Compared with other fictions representing powers of nature, he is fully the 
equal of such characters as Nanabozho and Gluskap, or of the Kayowe 
demiurge Sinti, ‘‘the Deceiver.” Some of the most attractive fictions de- 
scribe the various tricks and stratagems by which K’muikamtch allures his 
son Aishish into perilous situations, from which rescue seems impossible. 
Prompted by him to climb a tall pine-tree, he would have perished on it 
by hunger had not his charitable wives, the butterflies, suecored him in 


time. The general conflagration by which the earth and its inhabitants 
vi 


Ixxxii ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


were consumed through a rain of burning pitch was also brought about 
by K’mikamtch’s hatred for his son. Aishish escapes from this inhuman 
persecution, and subsequently seeks to revenge himself upon his father. 
Aishish’s son jerks off the glowing tobacco-pipe from his grandfather’s neck 
and throws it into the fire; Aishish pushes it farther into the flames until 
burnt, and thereby K’mttkamtch’s death is brought about. 

It is singular that when he and his son Aishish are expected to join 
social or gambling parties the other participants always experience some 
difficulty in recognizing the one from the other. The camp-fire which 
K’mikamtch made on approaching the meeting-place was burning badly, 
the smoke seeming almost to stifle the flames; but that of his son, purple- 
blue in color, sent the smoke straight up, while the fire of Silver Fox, the 
companion of K’mtkamtch, was yellow. When shooting at the mark, Aish- 
ish’s arrow hit it every time, but the arrow of K’mtikamtch struck the ground 
short of the mark. While gambling, Aishish became the winner of all his 
companion’s stakes. 

Assuming the mask of the Marten (Ske’l, Ské’lamtch), K’muikamtch 
sends out his younger brother, Weasel (Tchashkai), to look out for one- 
eyed women and to bring them home as wives (Texts, pp. 107-118). 
Both try to stop the Northwind and the Southwind at the very orifice 
whence they are blowing. Weasel loses his life in the attempt, but Marten 
kills both winds. After Weasel has come to life again, both proceed to the 
lodge of the five brothers, the Thunders: When inside of the lodge Marten 
puts on the head-cover of the dead Northwind, and the Thunders feel his 
gigantic power. At night an internecine fight takes place between the 
brothers, and while their lodge is on fire their hearts explode in succession. 

From the almost infinite wealth of Klamath folklore many more par- 
ticulars about this chief deity could be adduced, but what stands above is 
amply sufficient to indicate the powers of nature which he represents. 
The facts that Wan or Wanaka, the sun-halo, is his constant companion* 


and that the seat in the sky which he constantly holds is that of the sun at 


*The sun-halo is an important factor in some Indian mythologies. The Zuni 
Indians say that when a storm is brewing the sun retreats into his house, which he 
bnilt for his safety, and after the storm he leaves it again. Among the Zunis the sun 
Is the principal deity also. 


K’MUKAMTCH. Ixxxili 


noontime, would alone suffice to show that he represents the sun, the most 
potent, we may say unique factor in giving life, nourishment, and health 
to living organisms, the most important of the sky-gods, and the great 
center of myth production among all nations of the world. In one of the 
Modoc myths it is stated that “at the call of the morning star K’mish 
sprang from the ashes (of the fiery sky or aurora) as hale and as bright as 
ever, and so will he continue to live as long as the (solar) disk and the 
morning star shall last, for the morning star is the ‘medicine’ (mtluash?) 
of the disk.” In other myths he appears in the form of the golden or 
bright Disk, inhabiting the higher mountain ridges and becoming the suitor 
of females afterwards deified. Thus, like Hor, Ra, and Atum, he appears 
sometimes as the morning sun, at other times as the noonday and evening 
sun, and in the myths referring to weather he is either the summer or the 
winter sun. The burning pipe which Aishish’s son takes from his grand- 
father and destroys in the camp-fire represents the sun setting in a glowing 
red evening sky. As the summer sun with his gigantic power he brings 
on a conflagration of the world and as a cloud-gatherer he causes an inun- 
dation. In the warm season he appears wrapt up in haze and fogs, which 
the myth in its imagery represents as ‘‘a smoky camp-fire,” almost impen- 
etrable to the sun-rays: “his arrows fall to the ground before they reach 
the mark.”* ‘To typify his sagacity and omniscience, K’mukamtch appears 
under the symbolic mask of a quadruped, the pine-marten or Ske’l, in Modoc 
Techke'l, which changes its black winter fur to a brown coating in the hot 
months of the year, and thereby became a sort of portent to the Indian. 
Similar changes occur with all the fur animals, but with the marten the 
difference in the color appears to be greater than with others. Skeé’l sends 
his brother Tchashgai, or Weasel, to obtain one-eyed women for both, these 
being sun and moon, which the Eskimos also represent as one-eyed, deified 
persons.t The North wind, which is blowing in alternation with the South 
wind, is attacked and killed by Ske’l. Here Ske’l represents the sun of the 
summer months, for the summer's heat defeats the cold blasts of the wintry 


* Texts, pp. 99, 4 (shlayaks ak), and 5, 
+Cf. the Maidu myth of Kodo-Yampé in Stephen Powers’s “California Tribes ;” 
Contributions to North American Ethnology, IIT, 293. 


Ixxxiv ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


and equinoctial seasons; when he places the North wind’s hat upon his head 
he puts an end to the noise of the Thunder brothers and then represents 
the wintry sun. 

The attitude which K’mtkamtch observes toward his son Aishish will 
be spoken of under the next heading. It is necessary to add that the former’s 
position is by no means restricted to that of a solar deity; several of his 
attributes make him also a god of the sky, or at least of the clouds, for 
clouds and the weather’s changes are due to the sun’s agency. When the 
sun is environed by lamb-clouds, or a mottled sky, this is figuratively ex- 
pressed by: “ K’mtikamtch has taken the beaded garments of Aishish and 
dressed himself in them.” <A peculiar red smoke or haze appearing in the 
northwestern or western sky, shnuish, announces his arrival; he is also 
recognizable by his bulky posteriors, or, as the Modoes say of him: ‘‘ K’mt- 
kamtch munish kuttlish gitko.” By this they evidently refer to the white 
and heavy, mountain-shaped summer clouds. 

Greek mythology depicts the fecundation of the earth by rain showers 
and thunder storms as the illicit amours of the sky-god Zeus with the wives 
and daughters of mortal men. Exactly in the same manner K’mtkamtch, 
as sky-god, seeks to approach illicitly the numerous wives of Aishish, of 
whom the majority refuse him, though he has by some stratagem previously 
removed their husband from the scene. 

In the aboriginal mind the creation of organisms, vegetal and animal, 
seems to be in connection with the fecundation of the earth, whereas the 
creation of the earth, world, or universe implies an act entirely different. 
All the names of Klamath localities are said to come from K’mtkamtch. 
The manner in which he created plants and animals was, as we are told in 
one Modoe myth, by thinking and by wishing, this probably implying that 
after forming an idea of some creature he made that idea a reality by the 
strong energy of his will. Many creatures, especially birds and quadru- 
peds—even men—the myths tell us, were brought forth by him in this 
manner. The moral qualities ascribed to this deity are in keeping with 
what is known of his physical and intellectual powers. He provides for 
mankind, which he has created, but does not tolerate any contravention of 


his will; for he punishes bad characters by changing them into rocks or by 


AISHISH. lxxxv 


burning them. Our ideas of justice, equity, protection, or love towards men 
do not and can not enter into the spiritual range of a god whose prototype 
is constituted of physical powers only. 


AISHISH. 
PaAivEeTtar [Lol KHVOS 1605 HEorory. 


Aishish, or Aishishamtch, the second in importance among the Klamath 
deities, and certainly the most popular of all, is the son of the world-creator, 
K’mikamtch, and also his companion and rival. He is beautiful in appear- 
ance, beloved and admired by men, and is the husband of many wives, 
selected by him among the birds, butterflies, and the smaller quadrupeds. 
His name signifies the one secreted or concealed, and was given him at the 
time of his birth; and since “The Birth of Aishish” myth explains the 
nature and position of this deity better than any other myth, I translate it 
in full from the Indian text obtained from a Modoc woman at the Modoe 
Reservation, Indian Territory.* The name of Aishish’s mythic mother, as 
other natives informed me, is Le-tkakawash. ‘This is an Oregonian bird of 
the size of the tcho’kshash, or blackbird, with a brilliant red or yellow 
plumage, colors rarely found in birds of that western State. Ornithologists 
identify it with the Louisiana tanager: Pyranga ludoviciana. Thus the bird 
is an appropriate symbol of the bright sky at moonrise or sunrise, which 
phenomenon Aishish’s mother is representing. The myth runs as follows: 

In order to cremate the body of an old sorceress, Le-tkakawash gath- 
ered wood while carrying her baby son on the back, piled up the wood and 
set up the ceremonial mourning wail. Proposing to leap into the fire her- 
self, she was uncertain what to do with her son. She fastened him tightly 
to her back, and when she had applied the fire K’mtkamtch perceived that 
she was in tears and ready to leap into the burning pile. ‘‘ What on earth 
is this pretty woman going to do?” said he to himself; and when he saw 
her retreat more than once before accomplishing the dangerous leap he ap- 
proached, intending to reach her in time to restrain her; but she rushed 


*The myth of Aishish’s birth forms a portion of a long cyclus of related myths, 
with the title: Aishisham shapkali’-ash wiulamnutlashti. I obtained them from Lucy 
Faithfal, wife of Stutilatko, or “ Faithful William ;” ef. Dictionary, p. 412. 


Ixxxvi ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


into the fire, and K’mikamtch, regretting to have arrived too late, man- 
aged, however, to withdraw from her back the baby, and to rescue it. He 
wept as he carried the child off in his arms. But where should he place it? 
If he placed it on his forehead it would look quite ugly, thought he; there- 
fore he placed it on his knee and went home. He complained that he had 
an ulcer upon his knee, and asked his daughter to open it, for it pained him 
excruciatingly. She spread a sheet under the knee and another over it, to 
squeeze the ulcer open He exclaimed: “It hurts me terribly! Go easy! 
Be careful!” Then she replied: ‘‘What is the matter with you? Some- 
thing like hair comes out in a bunch from the core. Why does it look like 
hair?” And when the baby appeared on the surface and began to ery she 
said: “What have you been doing? I have suspected you for quite a 
while before!” And the babe cried and cried, until the “father” proposed to 
give a name to him. None was found to answer, for the child cried on and 
on. Then he proposed to eall it Aishilam’nash (‘‘the one secreted about the 
body”). ‘This stopped its cries somewhat, but not entirely; so he proposed 
the name Aishish, and then it became restful and quiet. So the child grew 
up with this name, then lived in the company of K’mukamtch, became an 
expert in making shirts, and when gambling won all the stakes, even from 
his father, who became jealous on account of his superiority.* 

This is the extent of the myth so far as needed for our purpose. The 
jealousy of the grim and demoniac K’mukamtch against his more popular 
son forms the subject of a considerable number of Aishish myths, which 
are highly imaginative and interesting. By various stratagems based on 
lew cunning he brings his son into perilous positions, from which he is res- 
cued only with the utmost difficulty by others, or is perishing in the attempt 
to save himself. Meantime he is robbed of his garments by his “father.” 
These constant persecutions finally force Aishish to revenge himself upon 
his father, who is killed by him repeatedly, but not by any means so often 
as he is killed himself. 


*Tne connection of the mythic pyre of self-sacrifice with the dawn is not only 
based on similarity of nature, but also on etymological grounds; for the verb ni‘lka, 
it dawns, with slight vocalic change turns into nélka, nélya, to be on fire. Cf. the 
Latin aurora, which is a derivative of urere, to burn, and Appendix VI to Grammar, 
pp. 706. 707. 


AISHISH A LUNAR DEITY. Ixxxvil 


Aishish’s camp fire is of a clear, bright purplish-blue color (yamnash- 
ptchi); he makes his shirts with his own hands and ornaments these and 
his leggings with all sorts of beads As a marksman he excels all his 
companions, whose arrows do not even strike the target (Texts, pag. 99, 
4-6). According to the Modoe story his wives are Mole, Badger, Poreu- 
pine, Bitch, Crane, Mallard, two Maidiktak-birds, Wren, Tchektiti-bird, 
Yauliliks or Snowbird, Butterfly, and a host of others; the Klamath Lake 
myth (Texts, p. 99, 9. 10) names five: Coot, Long-tailed Squirrel, Crane, 
Mallard, Chattinch. Tchashkai or Weasel, the younger brother of Ské’l, 
scmetimes plays the part of Aishish, but he is not found in this quality so 
constantly as his brother Ské’l is in that of K’mikamtch. 

The various attributes ascribed to this deity by the myths show Aishish 
to be in many respects similar to Quetzalcoatl of Nahuatl mythology, who 
has been made alternately the genius of the morning star, of the calendar 
and of the atmospheric changes. As to Aishish and the personal beauty 
invariably ascribed to him, it may appear doubtful, in view of so many 
other complex attributes, which idea was the starting-point that created this 
mythic figure, and subsequently gathered other but less material attributes 
about this son of the sun. He could represent originally the morning star, 
or the rainbow or the moon, but after mature reflection upon his complex 
attitudes I now believe him to be a lunar deity. The splendor of the full 
moon is of a yellow hue, like Aishish’s camp fire (kikii’kli) and the shadow 
of the famished Aishish, as seen from below through the pine-trees of the 
forest, is the narrow crescent of the waxing moon following its disappear- 
ance at the new moon period. At the new or ‘“‘dead” moon Afshish is fam- 
ished or dead, to revive again on the days following, and this, like other 
phases of the moon, which result from her changeable position in regard to 
the sun, are represented to be the result of the jealousy and enmity of 
K’mtkamtch against Aishish—and whenever Aishish succeeds in killing his 
father, this implies the decrease of sun-heat during the winter season. No 
myth shows a more striking analogy to the “Birth of Aishish” than that of 
the birth of Bacchus from the thigh of Zeus after the destruction of his 
mother Semele by a thunder-stroke caused by Zeus, the Sky-god. 

The moon is the originator of the months, and the progress of the 


Ixxxviii ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


months brings on the seasons with the new life seen sprouting up every- 
where during spring and summer. So the quadrupeds and birds which are 
the first to appear after the long winter months are considered as the wives 
of Aishish, and the flowers of summer vegetation are the beads of his gar- 
ments. He enjoys more popularity than his father, for the moon’s light is 
mild, not burning nor offensive, nor does it dry up vegetation and make 
men and beasts drowsy like the rays of the midday sun. Many nations 
also believe that the changes of weather are partly due to the phases of the 
moon. Although the “Birth of Aishish” myth obtained by me represents 
Aishish rather as the adopted than as the real son of K’mtkamtch, other 
myths state him to be his son resulting from the union of the sun-disk to 
the red sky of the morning or evening, symbolized by the woman Le-tka- 
kawash. We must recall to mind that the term for father, p’tishap, in 
Modoe t’shishap, is really the nourisher, feeder, and not the progenitor, for 
it is a derivative from t’shin fo grow.* Most other mythologies consider the 
relation of sun to moon as that of man to wife, or of wife to man (cf. Deus 
Lunus), but here the thing is different. There are no female characters of 
importance in Klamath mythology, nor does the language distinguish 
grammatically between the sexes. 

The difficulty which we experience to distinguish solar end lunar dei- 
ties from each other in some of the American religions is caused by the 
circumstance that in many languages of this western hemisphere the term 
for sun and for moon is the same. In such languages both orbs are distin- 
guished from each other by being called day-luminary, or night-sun, night- 
luminary, and with some tribes the belief has been found, that both are 
actually the same celestial body, one being merely the image or shadow of 
the other. In the Maskoki languages hasi answers for both, but the moon 
is commonly called ni‘li hasi or ‘night sun.” In the Tonica language taz- 
tchiksh, abbrey. taztchi stands for sun, moon, and star, but the moon is 
usually named la-u taztchi “night luminary,” the stars taztchi tipuld, 
while the sun is either ayshukun taytchi, ‘day luminary” or simply taz- 
tchi. Of the Tinné languages many have tsa, sa, of the Algonkin langua 


ges 


kisis or parallel forms for both celestial bodies, separate distinctions being 


* Cf. the Grammar, in Appendix VI, p. 710. 


TERMS FOR SUN AND MOON. Ixxxix 


added for “day” and “night.” In the T’simsiain and in some of the Selish 
dialects the terms for both also agree, but in the Shoshonian and Pueblo 
languages they differ entirely. In Utah and other Shoshonian dialects the 
term for moon shows the archaic or reverential suffix -pits, -piits previously 
noticed (ma-atdwa-pits in Utah), which closely corresponds to zada/paros 
as used in the Homeric poems. 

While the sun divides time into days, seasons, and years, our sections 
of time called weeks (quarters of the moon) and months (lunations, moons) 
are due to the revolutions of the moon. This is what caused the Klamath 
Indians to call both orbs by the same name: shdpash the one who tells, 


“which tells the time,” or ‘‘time measurer.” For the moon 


which signifies: 
a parallel form exists in the Timucua, once spoken in Florida: acu-hiba star 
which tells, viz: “star measuring the time” and in the name of the Egyptian 
moon-god Tehuti, called Thoth by the Greeks,* also in our Germanic mdn, 
English: moon, Germ. Mond, ‘the measurer.” 

Here as elsewhere the moon appears under different names, for in 
Klamath she is also called ukatizosh “the one broken to pieces.” This 
term never applies to the sun, but only to the moon in the four phases, as a 
changeable body.t Originally this was only an epithet of the moon, but in 
course of time it gave origin to a separate deity, for Ukatzosh distinctly 
appears as moon-god in a myth, which relates his marriage to Wekétash, a 
frog-woman living with ten beautiful sisters on the west side of Upper Kla- 
math Lake. Ukatzosh now carries her, the frog, in his heart, and this is 
what we are wont to call “the man in the moon.” Should only a little bit 
be left of him when in the bear’s mouth (referring to eclipse), she would be 
able to bring him to life again. 


LEME-ISH OR THUNDER. 


All elementary deities in the Klamath religion, except K’mtkamtch 
and Aishish, are mysterious, shadowy beings, not sufficiently anthropomor- 


* Various functions are assigned to Tehuti; his symbol is the ibis-erane, whose 
long, pacing steps evidently suggested to the myth makers of Egypt the idea, that 
he was measuring the earth. The name Tehuti is derived from the Egyptian verb 
teyu to be full, for the measuring of liquids, grains, ete., is effected by jilling vases 
possessed of certain cubic dimensions. 

| Derived from uké-ukua to knock to picces. 


xe BTHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


phized and too dimly defined to deserve the name “gods.” Those among 
them that are most frequently mentioned in myths and popular stories are 
the genii of the Thunder and of the Winds. 

The genius of the Thunder, Lémé-ish, is sometimes mentioned as a 
single person, or abstract mythic being, but more frequently as a company 
of five brothers, the Thunders or Lémelémé-ish. At times they make them- 
selves formidable, for their terrible weapon is the lightning or thunderbolt; 
they cleave the mountains, rocks, and trees, kill, roast, and devour human 
beings, in which character they are called maklaks-papish. The interior 
of their lodge is dark, for a sky obscured by a thunderstorm is lacking the 
full daylight. K’mtkamtch entering the lodge, disguised as the “ strong 
man” under the mask of Ské’l or pine-marten, annihilates them, for the 
winter sky with its cold blasts is antagonistic to the display of celestial elec- 
tricity. The eldest of the Thunders is married to Sktle, the meadow lark, 
who is the sister of pine-marten. After having made themselves thoroughly 
odious upon the earth, they were, as the myth tells us, relegated to the far- 
off skies, where they can frighten the people by their noise only and do no 
further harm. 

The parents of the Thunders are supposed to live in a small hut or 
kaydta, and in their stead two dogs are often mentioned as accompanying 
the Thunders. Of these there are five, because the thunder rolling along 
the mountains is heard in repeated peals, and these peals are in the myths 
likened to repeated explosions of the Thunders’ hearts. The shooting up 
of lightnings from the earth to the skies gave rise to the idea that their 
home is underground, and that the lightnings coming down from the skies 
are simply the Thunders returning to their homes. As the spirit of the 
Thunder Yayaya-ash is mentioned in a mythic tale. 

The Thunder-bird, which plays so prominent a part in the myths of the 
Eastern and Northwestern tribes, does not appear here under this name, 
but is represented in some stories by the Raven or Kak.* 


*The belief in the Thunder-bird is found more frequently among Northern than 
among Southern Indians, Cf. “The Thunder-bird amongst the Algonkins,” by A. 
F. Chamberlain, Amer. Anthropologist, Jan., 1890, pp. 51-54; and my ‘* Migration 
Legend of the Creek Indians,” vol. 2, 49. 


THE WINDS AND THE EARTH. Xel 
YAMASH AND MUASH. 


North wind (Yamash) and South wind (Miuash) are more important to 
the inhabitants of the Klamath highlands than any of the other winds, and 
therefore are mentioned more frequently. Winds always appear in con- 
nection with K’mikamtch or his representative among the animals, Ske’l. 
Thus when Skeé’l visits his sister, Meadow Lark, who is married to the 
oldest of the ‘Thunders, he is accompanied by Kak (the Raven, or storm- 
bird), Yamash, Tehakinksh, Yéwash, Mtash, Tkalamash, and Gii’pashtish. 
The Thunder receives and feeds them with the blood of the people slain by 
him. 

The conflict between Ske] and Tchashkai on one side and the Winds 
on the other is related on page 111 of the Texts and is purely meteorolog- 
ical. The South Wind obscures by clouds the face of the moon, and thus 
kills him temporarily; but when the summer sun appears in the form of 
Ske] both winds disappear at once to make room to an unclouded sky. 
The hat of the dead Yamash afterwards serves to frighten the Thunders, as 
related on the same page. Which was the southern home of Mtash is not 
pointed out in the myths, but that of Yamash was Yamsi Mountain, which 
is called after him. Yamash corresponds to some extent to the Kabibo- 
nokka or Northwind of the Ojibwe Indians, and is as much an object of 
folklore as he is. In other mythologies of America the winds are the 
blasts of monsters or big beasts; for the animism prevailing in all the 


ancient myths requires them to be the manifestation of some living being. 
KAILA OR THE EARTH. 


The Earth is regarded by these Indians as a mysterious, shadowy 
power of incalculable energies and influences, rather mischievous and 
wicked than beneficial to mankind. The Indians ascribe anger and other 
passions to it, but never personify it in clearer outlines than the ancients 
did their "Epa and Tellus; and it never appears as an active deity in the 
numerous mythic tales gathered by Mr. Curtin for the collection of the 
Bureau of Ethnology. I know of it only through the song-lines gathered 
by myself from individuals of both tribes. 

Among all nations of the world we find the idea, which is real as well 


Xcil ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


as poetical, that the Earth is our common mother. “She is dealing out her 
bountiful gifts to her children, the human beings, without envy or restraint, 
in the shape of corn, fruits, and esculent roots. Her eyes are the lakes and 
ponds disseminated over the green surface of the plains, her breasts are the 
hills and hillocks; and the rivulets and brooks irrigating the valleys are the 
milk flowing from her breasts.” This is the poetical imagery in use among 
the Eastern Indians when the Earth is mentioned to them.* The idea that 
earthquakes and unaccountable tremors or noises within the body of the 
earth, also the malarial fevers, are the utterances of threat or displeasure 
at the misdoings of mankind, is as general among Indians as among other 
nations, and a consequence of the animistic tendency of primitive nations. 
The Indian prophet Smiuzale at Priest Rapids, on Middle Columbia River, 
and his numerous followers, called the “Dreamers,” from the implicit faith 
these Sahaptin sectarians place in dreams, dissuade their adherents from 
tilling the ground, as the white man does; ‘‘for it is a sin to wound or cut, 
tear up or scratch our common mother by agricultural pursuits; she will 
revenge herself on the whites and on the Indians following their example 
by opening her bosom and engulfing such malefactors for their misdeeds.” 
This advice was probably caused by the common observation that ground 
recently broken up exhales miasmas deleterious to all people dwelling near. 

That the Earth was regarded as an animate if not personified being is 
shown by the form kiiilash of the objective case (125, 1), this case being 
formed in -ash only in terms applied to man and quadrupeds. Their myth 
of the earth’s creation of course does not refer to the whole globe, but only 
to the small part of North America known to these Indians. The earth’s 
interior is also the home of the Thunders, because lightnings are often 
observed to shoot up from the earth into the skies. 

Special songs referring to the Earth are contained in 175; 16: kiila 


nti shuindlla; 176; 3 kifla ai nai walta; 158; 48 kiflanti na shilshila— 

* After Tecumseh had delivered a speech to Governor Harrison at Vincennes, in 
1811, he was offered a chair by the interpreter, who said to bim: “ Your father 
requests you to take a chair.” To this Tecumseh made, with great dignity of expres- 
sion, an answer which has since become classical: ‘ The sun is my father, and the 
earth is my mother ; and on her bosom will T repose,” and immediately seated himself, 
in the Indian manner, upon the ground. 


MUNATALKNI. Xclll 


the two latter alluding to rumblings below the earti’s surface. In the song 
192; 3 the term hiimdla should be changed to thiimdla, temdla, was covered 
with haze or mist, a phenomenon often producing malarial and other fevers, 
and therefore regarded by these Indians as of bad augury. Other passages 
mentioning the Earth, personified or not, are quoted in Dictionary, p. 123; 
in one of these, K’mukamtch is threatening to “ whirl the earth around” in 
a dance, and probably this song forms part of some mythic story. (‘Texts, 
pg. 192; 9.) 


MUNATALKNI. 


Besides the Earth there is another chthonic deity known to the Kla- 
math people, Munatalkni or the Genius of the Underworld. I have met his 
name in one story only, which is that of the creation and first sojourn 
of the people around Wood River, between Fort Klamath and the Upper 
Klamath Lake. English-speaking Indians readily identify him with our 
devil; but no wicked or immoral qualities are ascribed to him, as morals 
enter into the religious ideas of the hunter tribes but sporadically. There 
is something of the aboriginal in him, and he is also called Lémundkni, the 
signification of both names being analogous. 

He appears in the following tale: When K’mtkamtch created this 
world, he made one man, and one woman intended to be the man’s sister. 
The creator placed them in a garden (hashuash) studded with trees produc- 
ing sweet fruits and built a house for them. The adjoining stable con- 
tained domestic animals for their use. All this was upon the prairie 
watered by Wood River. Man and woman were both blind, and had to 
remain so until the fruits would be ripe. K’mtkamtch told them he would 
visit them on a Sunday and would knock at the top of their house. Should 
anybody knock at the door, the knocks would be those of Munatalkni and 
they must not open. Munatalkni came and knocked at the door, informing 
them that the fruits were ripe and that he brought them all kinds of berries. 
The woman said to the man: ‘Open the door, K’mikamtch is here!” but 
the man said: ‘Don’t open; it is not K’mitkamtch who stands at the door!” 
The woman opened; Munatalkni put one sweet berry in her mouth and she 
tasted it. He was wearing a long head-dress of feathers tied to the top of 


his hair, his emblem as conjurer, and this strine of feathers was so lone as 
? =! ? D oD 


XClV ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


to touch the ground. He then stole all the fruits in the garden and went 
with them to his underground abode. 

Then K’mtkamtch, who had observed all this from a distance, arrived 
and knocked at the top of the house. This time if was the man who opened. 
When asked what had become of the fruits he excused himself by stating 
that Munatalkni had taken all of them. This put K’mukamtch into such a 
rage that he threw the woman out of the house and whipped her to death. 
Then he cut open the eyelids of both, which previously had been fastened 
together, and the man said: “I can see the sun.” K’mtkamtch then 
instructed the man how to make his livelihood by using the bow and arrow, 
and how to manufacture sinew-strings and obsidian arrow-heads. Upon 
this he brought the man’s sister into life again and both went into the 
mountains to hunt, for they had nothing to eat. Ever after this K’mu- 
kamtch remained angry with them. 

This is but the commencement of a long tale designed to show the 
miraculous growth of the family which sprang from the first man and 
woman, and their progress in the life-sustaining arts and manufactures. 
There is no doubt that the above is a singular distortion of the Bible tale 
concerning Adam and Eve in paradise. The question which remains to be 
solved is this, whether or not Munatalkni himself is borrowed also from the 
Jewish story. If he is, then in connection with him we may recall Aishish, 
who, according to some Modoes, is nobody else but Jesus Christ, who two 
thousand years ago passed through Lost River Valley and dug a deep well 
there which he presented to the Modocs—all this on account of a phonetic 
similarity between the names Aishish and Jesus. 

The remainder of the story is exactly like what other Oregonian myths 
relate concerning the origin of mankind and is incontestably of Indian 
origin. No further mention is made in it of Munatalkni. 


SHU/KASH OR WHIRLWIND. 


Another of the numerous elementary deities is the Whirlwind or 
Shi‘kash. An interesting mythic tale about it, which I have obtained 
among the Modoes in the Indian Territory, makes of the Shi’kash an 


engine brought into play from time to time with tremendous effect by the 


SPIRIT DEITIES. XcevVv 


genius presiding over it. This genius is called Tchitchatsyi’-ash or “Big 
Belly;” he is represented to be an old man whose vigor of life is on the 
decrease. When he leaves his lodge, his appearance embodies the rain- 
laden, dark-hued, thick nimbus clouds overhanging the earth. When his 
engine* comes into action, he attracts by it all the objects within reach, he 
oppresses the earth with his weight, and forces wayfarers to walk in other 
paths than they intended to travel lest they may incur danger to life. 
When he has spent his force by this wanton display, he is rent by a stroke 
of lightning or a strong gust of wind; he is dissolved into atoms, and the 
bones filling his big paunch, which had produced the rattling noise attend- 
ing the course of whirlwinds, fall down to the ground. Tsdskai, the Wea- 
sel, the brother of Marten, wrestling with the old man and conquering him 
after a hard struggle, is the mythic agent who brings about his final dis- 
comfiture. 


SPIRIT DEITIES. 


'Exréranar poSepav gpéva, deiuate TaAAwr. 

No people has ever been discovered that did not believe in the return 

of human souls after death to their former homes in the form of ghosts. 
Ghosts or spirits hovering through space are invisible and may inflict dam- 
age to anybody without danger of being recognized; therefore they usually 
inspire awe and terror, and wherever the existence of these fanciful beings is 
recognized imagination fills the earth, the atmosphere, and the waters with 
such spooks. Not all of these are necessarily supposed to be the souls of 
the deceased, but they may also represent the souls of animals, the spirits 
of mountains, winds, the celestial bodies, and so forth, for animism has its 
widest sway in this sort of superstition. Very different qualities are 
ascribed to each of these hobgoblins or spooks. They are either gigantic 
or dwarfish in size, powerful or weak in body, attractive or repulsive, of 
beneficial or wicked influence. They chiefly appear at night or in stormy 
weather; some are seen single, others in crowds, and a few of their number 


*Sha’‘kash is the substantive of sh’ht/ka to whirl about, this being the medial 
distributive form of hika to run about: sh’huhdka, sh’hi-oka, sWhi’ka “to run about 
by itself in various directions.” 


xevl ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 
‘an be perceived only by the trained eye of such as are initiated into the 
conjurer’s profession. 

The classes of specters mentioned more frequently than others in 


mythology are the spirits of the dead, and giants, dwarfs, and fairies. 


The Sko'ks, or spirits of the deceased, occupy an important place in the 
psychologic marvels of the Klamath Indian, and are objects of dread and 
abomination, feelings which are increased by a belief in their omnipresence 
and invisibility. The popular idea of a ghost is suggested in all climates 
and historic epochs by that of a shadow of somebody’s former self, and in 
several Indian languages the same word is used for shadow, soul, and ghost.* 
The proper signification of sko‘ks, shki’ksh is “what comes out of;” like 
ské‘hs, ské spring of the year; it is derived from skéa to come out of, to 
emerge from, sprout up. 

In the mind of the Indian the appearance of a sko’ks comes pretty near 
the popular idea of a witch or spook as held by the uneducated classes of 
our population. The soul of a man becomes a sktiks as soon as the corpse 
has been buried or consumed by fire. It hovers in the air around its former 
home or the wigwams of the neighbors and at night-time only. Its legs 
hang down and produce a rattling noise, and the whole appears in a white 
or a black shade of color. Usually nobody sees them, they do not harm 
anybody, nor do they produce any dreams; they appear to the senses and 
sight of the living only when they come to presage death to them. They 
undergo no metempsychosis into animals or plants; after hovering awhile 
around their former homes they retire to the spirit-land in the sky, ‘some- 
where near K’mtkamtch.” Their arrival there is afterwards revealed by 
dreams to the surviving relatives, who express in songs what they have 


seen during their slumbers. 


*In the Tonika or Tiniyka language of Louisiana télia or télia’htch signify 
shadow, soul, and reflection in the water; in the Cha’hta, State of Mississippi, shilambish 
is shadow and soul, while a ghost is shilup. The Egyptian ka and the Greek edwiov, 
the soul after death, really signify image, and to this we may compare the use made of 
the Latin imago. The Cherokees, as Mr. James Mooney informs me, distinguish 
between adanta soul in the living being, u"dali’ secondary soul of an animal killed once 
before, and asgina an ordinary specter, ghost of malevolent disposition, which last term 
served the missionaries for transcribing the word “devil.” 


SPIRIT DEITIES. xevli 


The common belief of the Oregonians is that after death the soul 
travels the path traveled by the sun, which is the westward path; there it 
joins in the spirit-land (@’ni) the innumerable souls which have gone the 
same way before.* If the deceased was a chief, commander, or man of 
note, his “heart” can be seen going west in the form of a shooting star. 
The Egyptian belief was that the soul of the dead was following Atum, 
the sinking sun, to the west; and since then innumerable nations and tribes 
have adhered to the same belief. 

From the Texts obtained from Dave Hill, pp. 129, 130, we learn that 
other abodes of dead men’s spirits are the bodies of living fish. Perhaps 
Hill learned of this belief among the maritime and river Indians with whom 
he lived on the Columbia River, where the idea of fish eating corpses could 
suggest itself more readily than upon the lakes of the Klamath highlands. 
The Notes which I added to these curious texts give all the explanations which 
it is at present possible to give. It appears from them that such spirits can 
enter the bodies of ‘‘spirit-fish,” that one sktiks can see another, and that 
Indians, not white men, sometimes see the skuks, but at the peril of their 
lives. A distinction is also made between good and bad sktks, the latter 
being probably those who render the Indian’s sleep uncomfortable by 
unpleasant dreams. 

Some natural phenomena often appear to these Indians in the form of 
specters or hobgoblins, as clouds, water-spouts, snow-storms, columns of 
dust, ete Noisily and rapidly they pursue their lonely path, and their 
gigantic, terrific frames reach up to the skies; whoever meets them una- 
wares is knocked down senseless or killed outright, or must exchange his 
body for another. Some of these specters look dark on one side and light 
on the other. 

In northern latitudes, where polar lights are frequently visible, they 
are supposed by the Indians to represent the dance of the dead, and when- 
ever Christianity is introduced among them they identify this beautiful 
spectacle with the last judgment, when the spirits of the deceased move 
about in the expectation of the coming Christ. 


* Cf. Dictionary, sub voce @/ni and Grammar, Appendix VI, p. 702. The Warm 
Spring Indians call the spirit-land; ayayani. See also Texts, p. 174; 11. 
vil 


x¢eviil ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


From a Klamath myth we gather the information that there is a 
guardian over the spirits wafting through the sky, called Wash k’mush, or 
the gray fox. This name is evidently borrowed from the coloring of the 
sky, as it appears before or during a polar light, and must be compared with 
another beast name, the wan or wandka, the red fox, which is the symbol 
of the sun-halo. 

Another class of spirits embodies the spirits of those animals which 
have to be consulted by the kfuks or conjurer when he is called to treat a 
ease of disease. Such persons only who have been trained during five 
years for the profession of conjurers can see these spirits, but by them they 
are seen as clearly as we see the objects, around us. To see them they have 
to go to the home of a deceased conjurer, and at night only. He is then 
led by a spirit called Yayayd-ash appearing in the form of a one-legged man 
towards the spot where the animal-spirits live; this specter presides over 
them; there the conjurer notices that each appears different from the other, 
and is at liberty to consult them about the patient’s case. Yayayé-ash 
means “the frightener,” and by the myth-tellers is regarded as the Thunder 
or its spirit. 

Giants.—The imagination of every primitive people has been busy in 
producing monsters of all qualities and shapes, human and animal, even 
walking mountains and trees. What we call giants are generally personifi- 
cations of irresistible powers of nature, which are supposed to perform feats 
impossible for man’s utmost strength; by dwarfs are symbolized powers of 
nature which achieve great and wonderful things by steady and gradual 
work unnoticed by the generality of human beings. 

Giants are often the originators of geological revolutions of the earth’s 
crust. Thus the giant Léwa represents the circular, lofty island lying 
within the waters of Crater Lake or Giwash. He went by an underground 
passage (fissure?) from his seat over to Yamsi Mountain to wrestle with 
Ske], the all-powerful pine-marten, whose home is at Yamsi. After con- 
quering him, he carried him through the same passage again to Crater Lake 
for the purpose of feeding him to his children, and his daughter, Léwam 
pip, struck him with a heavy flint-stone. 


Like the walls of that lake and the whole Cascade range, the island in 


SPIRIT DEITIES. Xclx 


question is of voleanic origin. The natives avoid going near the lake or 
even ascending the surrounding heights.* Earthquakes are often ascribed 
by foreign nations to giants stretched out below, who are shifting their 
underground position. Giants often appear also as ravishers, ogres, and 
man-eaters, like the Scandinavian Yittur, and two giant-women of the 
Elip tilikum or “Primeval People,” were changed into two columns of 
sandstone, near the Yakima country, on Middle Columbia River, for having 
preyed upon the human race.t 

Dwarfs.—A miraculous dwarf is mentioned under the name of na’hnias, 
whose foot-prints, as small as those of a child, are sometimes seen upon the 
snow-clad slopes of the Cascade Range by the natives. But the dwarfish 
creatures who make them can be seen only by those initiated into the mys- 
teries of witchcraft, who by such spirit-like beings are inspired with a 
superior kind of knowledge, especially in their treatment of disease. The 
name is derived either from néna to swing the body from one to the other side, 
or from nainadya to shiver, tremble 

Another dwarf genius, about four feet high, Gwinwin, lived on Will- 
iamson River, where he habitually sat on the top of his winter lodge and 
killed many people with his black flint hat. He is now a bird. 

The Klamaths appear to know about certain spirits having bodies of a 
diminutive size, but the characteristics of such are not distinct enough to 
permit identification with the fairies, Krdmiinnchen or Kabeiroi of Euro- 
pean mythologies. 


ANIMAL DEITIES. 


The deification of animals in the primitive forms of religion is highly 
instructive, and instances are so numerous that it would take a series of 
volumes to comprehend its details. Animal stories and shamanism are 


* Among the summits of the San Juan Mountains, New Mexico, there is to-day a 
lake bounded by precipitous walls, and there is a little island in the center of the lake 
with a hole in it, and something sticks out of the hole that looks like the top of a 
ladder, and “this is the place through which our ancestors emerged from the fourth 
into the fifth or present world.” The Navajos never approach near to it, but they 
stand on high summits around, and view from afar thei. natal waters. (From Navajo 
Creation Myth, Am. Antiquarian, V, 1883, p. 213.) 

tG. Gibbs in Pacific Railroad Reports, I, 411. 


c ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


chapters of ethnology which afford us the deepest insight into the thoughts 
which guide the untutored reasoning of the so-called savages. 

Wherever we find deities in the stage of imperfect anthropomorphism 
we are likely to find also deified animals in the stage of zoodemonism and 
not in that of zootheism or zoolatry. Where gods and goddesses have 
reached a fully anthropomorphic shape, which occurred in a few American 
nations only, there we also find priests, temples, ceremonies, oracles, sacri- 
fices, and prayers; but where deities remain in the undeveloped condition 
of spirits and demons, propitious or malevolent to mankind, we may expect 
to see the natives deifying quadrupeds, birds, or snakes, instead of giving 
their gods the human form, which is the most perfect form of this world’s 
creatures. For in many physical qualities animals surpass the human being. 
This excites the admiration of man in his ruder stages; he wonders at their 
cunning and shrewdness, and thinks them his equals in more than one 
respect. Why should he not express such feelings as these by reverencing 
them and including them in his unpolished and naive, but pictorial and 
candid folklore stories? 

It would be a mistake to assume that the animals which the folklore 
of the Indian in the hunter stage chiefly celebrates are game animals or 
such as are of material advantage to him. Folklore selects for its purpose 
such beasts which the hunting and fishing Indian, with his great practical 
knowledge of animate creation, admires above others for such qualities as 
their surprising sagacity, their wonderful agility, the love for their offspring, 
the help afforded by them by discovering the hidden causes of disease, the 
beauty of their skin or other covering, and the change in the coloring of 
their fur-skins wrought by the alternation of the seasons—or such animals 
as he dreads on account of their ferocity, their nightly habits, their power 
of bringing about storms, thunder, or rain-fall, and last, but not least, for 
their demoniac power of presaging future events, especially war, disease, 
and death. The great scarcity of certain animals is also a sufficient cause 
for introducing them into the popular stories. 

The animals which form the subject of mythic stories and beast tales 
are pretty much the same as those mentioned in the magic songs of the 
medical practitioners, of which I have brought together a considerable col- 
lection in Texts, pp. 153-181. The birds get an unusually large share in 


DEIFIED ANIMALS. Cl 


these curious song lines; the loon (tdplal) is noticed there for being the 
best diving bird of these upland waters; the yellow-hammer, or tché-ush, a 
woodpecker, for its beautiful red plumage; the kiliwash, another woodpecker, 
for its precious scalp. The ducks are well remembered in these songs on 
account of their ubiquity, their numerous species, the elegance of their 
exterior. Birds renowned for their influence upon the weather are the 
wihuash and the tsiutsiwiish, who can produce snow-fall; the ka’ls or 
kalzalsh, who possesses the power of making fogs (166; 22. 23). 

The amphibians, insects and the organisms standing below these in the 
zoogenetic scale, are also reputed to possess magic powers; the songs of the 
toad and of the spider are supposed to be especially effective. That the 
plants did not impress the mental capacity of these Indians to such a point 
as to make them objects of reverence can not be wondered at, as the mind of 
the Indian in cold climates is not turned in this direction Plants in which 
the Klamaths were interested are all mentioned, p. 180; 19, and the pond-lily, 
with its seeds, stands at the head of them. Even among the totem nares 
of Eastern tribes only a few plant names are represented, maize being the 
most frequent among these; but in tropical countries, with their luxuriant 
vegetal growth, many trees, bushes, and stalks become objects of worship, 
like the copal and the ceiba tree of Central America. 

The deified animals of Klamath mythology are all capable of assum- 
ing the predicate amtchiksh, abbr. -Amtch, -amts primeval, of which mention 
has been made previously, and many also appear collectively, as five (or ten) 
brothers or five sisters, sometimes with their old parents (titchka-dga). 
This is the ease only with gregarious animals, and also applies to the Thun- 
ders. Many of the larger quadrupeds appear constantly with fwo young 
only. 

The personified animals which receive the most frequent attention in 
Klamath Lake and Modoc myths are the marten, the weasel and the prairie- 
wolf or coyote. 

Marten or Sk@'1, Ské'lamtch always appears in connection with Weasel 
or Tchashkai. Weasel is reputed to be the younger brother (tdpiap) 
of Ske’l and acts as his servant and errand-boy. In the execution of the 


dangerous errands he is intrusted with, Weasel is often killed, and Ské’l 


cil ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCH. 


sometimes also, but they manage to revive again and to revenge themselves 
on their enemies. What brought these two beasts into mutual connection 
in the popular mind has been already pointed out: both change their furs, 
more than other animals, from a darker hue in summer to a lighter one 
in winter, when the weasel’s fur becomes white. They are both supposed 
to live at Yamsi, ‘‘Northwind’s Home,” a high peak east of Klamath Marsh, 
To act like Ske‘lamtch is to do something not meaning to do it apparently. 
Ske'l is a great wrestler, and like K’mtikamtch has the faculty of changing 
himself into a bird, beast, dog, old woman, ete., at will. To a certain 
extent he is the counterpart of K’mikamtch and performs the same deeds 
as he does, if appearing as if K’mikamtch acted under the mask of Marten 
and Tchaskai under that of Aishish, in whom we recognize a lunar deity. 
But there are other acts by which the two pairs differ considerably, and 
where Marten and his brother appear to represent the wintry season only 
and the rough weather attending it. 

Another deity of the same type, and far-famed over all the Pacific 
coast, is the prairie-wolf, little wolf, or coyote. This quadruped belongs 
rather to the genus jackal than to the wolves, looks as smart as a fox, carries 
a beautiful fur, and does not attack people unless united in packs of a dozen 
or more. His habit of living in earth holes, and his doleful, human-like, 
whining ululation, heard especially during moonlit nights were probably 
what set him up in the esteem of certain Indians, like the Eastern Selish 
and the Central Californians, so high as to make of him the creator of the 
world and of man. In Modoe stories he appears more frequently than in 
Klamath Lake folklore, and at present there are but few of these animals 
left on the headwaters of Klamath River. Wash, or Washamtch as the 
Klamaths call him, always appears in sun and moon stories, and is, like 
Ske’l and Tchashgai, a substitute for the sun-and-moon deities. When he 
ran a race with the clouds he thought at first that. there were two of him, 
for he always saw another person, his shadow, going by his side. When 
he stayed in the lodge of the Firedrill brothers he took the fire-sticks of 
these in his hands and they all blazed up. In the lodge of the ten Hot- 
Water Basket brothers he was burnt terribly by the inmates, and when 


repairing to the Ants’ lodge the inmates punished him fearfully by their 


DEIFIEBD ANIMALS. cil 


savage bites. Once when caught in the act of ‘‘stealing” a woman, he was 
captured by the two husbands of the same, who skinned him and hung up 
the skin to dry, after which the woman was abducted by the five Bear 
brothers. The female prairie-wolf also appears in folklore with her progeny, 
e. g., in the tale of the ‘Creation of the Moons,” page 105, which exists in 
several variations. Such stories and others represent the coyote-wolf as a 
being which has many points of contact with K’mukamtch, but is distinct 
from him. Both are regarded simultaneously as sky-gods and as funny 
clowns. As traits distinguishing the one from the other, we notice that the 
wolf’s body is believed to harbor wicked spirits (Texts, page 128, 4) and 
that his lugubrious voice is the presager of war, misfortune, and death (133, 
1 2). A distinction has to be made throughout between the coyote as an 
animal and the coyote as representing powers of nature in a deified, abstract 
form 

Of the three varieties of the bear species, the grizzly bear is the most 
popular, but also more dreaded than the others on account of his enormous 
physical force. What makes him popular is a peculiar bonhomie which he 
exhibits in his behavior, and which forms a peculiar contrast to his bodily 
strength. In the myths he, or rather the female bear, is called Lik, Lik- 
amtch, Shashapamtch, Shashapsh, and her two young Shashapka, the 
latter name probably referring to the fact that this beast was at one time 
more than other quadrupeds made the subject of mythic and folk-lore tales 
(shapkéa, shapke-ia, shashapkaléa fo narrate a story, shapkaléash, distr. 
shashapkéléash legend, tale). The tale of the ‘“‘Bear and the Antelope” is 
perhaps the most attractive of our collection of Texts. Generally the bear 
is the aggressive party in these stories, and he also gets generally worsted 
whenever a fight occurs or a stratagem is played on him. Sometimes there 
are five bear brothers acting in unison. In the “old yarn,” narrated p. 131, 
this bear is killed by Gray Wolf near Modoe Point, and in his magie song 
(157; 46) he is made to say that he has five springs which are all dried up. 
He is often mentioned in the song-lines, but always under the name Lik, 
not as Shashapamtch. 

Gray Wolf or Ké-utchish, Ké-utchiamtech is another of the carnivores 


which sometimes appear prominently in folklore stories. Gray Wolf. is 


ClV ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETCA, 


reputed to be a relative (sha-amoksh) of Marten, and consequently of 
K’mukamtch; he stayed at the lodge of the five Thunders at the time when 
it was burnt down, pp. 112.113. One of his residences is at Mount Shasta. 

Other quadrupeds frequently mentioned in these stories are the skunk 
(tchashash), the three different kinds of deer, the antelope (tehé-u), the elk 
(vin), the mole (mink, Mod. mii-tie). Men or Indians appear but inei- 
dentally in beast stories, as pshe-utiwash, a plural noun, and are engaged 
only as a passive element in every occurrence where they are mentioned. 

Among the birds the most prominent part is assigned to the raven (Kak, 
Kakamtch), for he is Mate personified, and his office is to punish by death 
all those who act antagonistically to his or his allies’ interests. This is done 
by changing them into rocks. In all nations the croaking, doleful cries 
of the raven leave a deep impression on the human mind, and hence in 
mythology the raven fulfills the function of a soothsayer and messenger of 
woe. In British Columbia and farther to the northwest he is (as Yehl) 
considered the creator of all organisms, and almost all the folklore centers 
around him as the main figure. 

The golden eagle or the one ‘floating in the skies” (P’laiwash) is in the 
Klamath lore mentioned as often as the raven, either alone or as a family 
of five brothers, but does not command so much respect as the raven does. 

The water birds, as cranes, ducks, geese, coots, form the light infantry 
of the mythologic make-up, and mostly figure in crowds of five or ten, 
the coot representing the Ojibwe Shingibis so well known through Long- 
fellow’s Hiawatha. Some of the lower organisms rise to an unexpected 
dignity, like the woodtick or shko’ks, which becomes the wife of the tricky 
Marten, and a caterpillar of beautiful colors, whose exterior makes him the 
rival or “master of the sun” (shapsam ptchiwip). Aishish counts among 
his plural wives two butterflies of the gayest colors. 


PRINCIPLES OF MYTHIFICATION. 


The idea tiiat every phenomenon and every change observed in nature 
and mind is caused by some spirit, ghost, genius, god, or other mysterious, 
generally invisible agent, embodies what we call animism, and forms the 


foundation of all religions of the world, however abstract they may have 


PRINCIPLES OF MYTHIFICATION. CV 


become in course of time. The working of animism can best be traced in 
polytheism and polydemonism, in the shamanistic ideas as well as in the 
religious. The principles traceable in the myth-making of the Klamath 
Indians, which differs in some points from those of other Tndians, may be 
summed up as follows: 

The sky-gods, as sun, moon, winds, thunder, etc., here as elsewhere 
surpass in importance and strength the other deified powers of nature, for 
“theology is meteorology.” Some of these chief gods assume the mask 
of animate beings and inanimate things when they appear among men. 

Creation myths do not generally mention the material from which or 
the mode by which objects were created, but simply state that K’mtkamtch 
produced them by his thinking and will power. 

The spirit, life, or heart of a deity is made distinct from the deity itself 
and can live at a distance from it. Cf. the pipe of K’mikamtch burnt in 
the fire, which in another myth figures as a small ball (ké-iks) and is his 
spirit or life. 

The burlesque element, which the religions of Asia and Europe have 
banished almost entirely, appears here as an almost integral attribute of a 
god or genius. This appears to form an offset for the dire cruelties ascribed - 
to the same demons, and is also characteristic of the religions studied east 
of Mississippi River. 

The element of obscenity is only incidental to the burlesque element, 
but is sometimes very pronounced, especially in the beast stories. It was 
added to cause merriment only, and not for such immoral purposes as we 
see it applied to in the Decameron of Boccaccio and other products of a 
corrupt age. 

The deified beings of a lower order, as animals, etc., appear sometimes 
as one person, but just as often in the mystic number of five, if not.of ten. 
Fire, waters, springs, and plants are not deified, but lakes are sometimes. 
Clouds do not appear here deified as witches, as they do among the Eastern 
Indians. 

_ Certain miracles are here achieved by bodily contact and symbolic 
acts; so dead animals are brought to life again by jumping three or five 


evi ETHNOGRAPHIC SKETUH. 


times over them or by blowing at them, an act which is supposed to impart 
life. 


CONCLUDING WORDS. 


The limited space allowed for this ethnographic sketch forces me to 
suppress the larger part of the matter for the present and to relegate it to a 
future volume. A few points characteristic of the two tribes may, however, 
be added on the last page of this Report. 

The Klamath Indians are absolutely ignorant of the gentile or clan 
system as prevalent among the Haida, Tlingit, and the Eastern Indians of 
North America. Matriarchate is also unknown among them; every one is 
free to marry within or without the tribe, and the children inherit from the 
father. Although polygamy is now abolished, the marriage tie is a rather 
loose one. This tribe is the southernmost one of those that flatten their 
infants’ skulls, this practice continuing about one year only after birth. 

Cremation of the dead has been abolished since 1868, though during 
the Modoe war these Indians burned several of their dead. The custom of 
suppressing the personal names of the dead is rigidly kept up at the present 
time. Art never had any encouragement or votaries among the Klamaths, 
and the only objects seen that could be regarded as art products were a 
few rock paintings and a head-board on a grave near the Agency build- 
ings, which was painted in the Haida style and represented a human face 
flattened out to the right and left. Some baskets are artistically formed. 
As there is no clay to be found on or near the reservation, pottery could 
never become an art among these Indians. Their songs and poetry are also 
artless, but nevertheless instructive, and several songs have beautiful tunes 
that should be preserved. The musical and sonorous character of the lan- 
euage fits it well for poetic composition; but a national poetry, to be of 
success, would not have to adopt the rhyme as a metrical factor. Allitera- 
tion, assonance, or the prosody of the ancients would be more suitable to 
this upland language, with its arsis and thesis, than the artificial schemes 
which poets are devising for the modern European tongues. Who will be 
the first to teach the Muses the Klamath language? 


‘TEXTS OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


“WITH EXPLANATORY NOTES. 


evil 


he 


THE KLAMATH INDIANS OF OREGON. 


By ALBERT S. GATSCHET. 


INTRODUCTION TO THE TEXTS. 


The most important and valuable monument of itself which a people 
can transmit to posterity isa national literature. But to answer the require- 
ments fully, the literature of a people must possess a certain degree of 
completeness in portraying the national peculiarities. It should embrace 
not only sketches of contemporaneous history, of national habits, customs, 
and laws laid down in the native idiom, but we expect from it also a truth- 
ful rendering of the spiritual side of national life, of its physical and meta- 
physical speculations as we find them embodied in its myths, beliefs, 
superstitions and conjurers’ practices, and of speeches and discourses of 
its representative men held on solemn occasions. The most fragrant flow- 
ers in any national literature are certainly the poetic productions, if a 
full account of their origin and purport is added to make them easily 
comprehensible. 

While cultured nations are constantly engaged in perpetuating the 
memory of their thoughts and achievements by means of some alphabetic 
or syllabic system of writing, the uncivilized hunting or fishing tribes pos- 
sess none, or only the most imperfect means of recording their affairs. 
All of them possess mythic tales, traditional history, and songs for various 
incidents of life; not a few are even originators of didactic folklore, of 
proverbs, and of versified rhythmic poetry. Many of these mental pro- 
ductions are remarkable for artistic beauty, others for a most interesting 
variety of detail; but all of them will, if collected with accuracy and sound 


2 INTRODUCTION TO THE TEXTS. 


judgment, throw a profusion of light upon the physical and mental charac- 
teristics of the natives and on their past and present condition. 

The task and care of fixing the unwritten mental productions of un- 
cultured races and tribes thus devolves upon the white man. It is by no 
means an easy undertaking, and success can be attained only when the 
investigator is favored by circumstances. Ethnologic texts taken from an 
uncivilized people are of much intrinsic value only when the scientific 
collector is lucky enough to secure the services of intelligent and well- 
informed individuals whose veracity is above suspicion, and who have 
constantly resided among their own people. 

Considerations of this nature guided me when I endeavored to commit 
to writing the strange mythology of Oregonian tribes, replete with the most 
fantastic stories of their elementary deities and tricksy animal daimons; 
and when the weird and unearthly strains of their war-whoops and dance- 
yells first struck my ear, I considered even these worthy of notation. I 
have not hesitated to assign the first and foremost place in this linguistic 
volume on the Klamath language to the “ Texts” obtained from trustworthy 
Indians of the Klamath Lake and Modoc tribes, for I know that they faith- 
fully portray the characteristic features and idiosyncrasies of these dusky 
denizens of a secluded upland region. These literary specimens are the 
foundation and basis upon which I have rested my investigations. 

The language of these specimens, as the organ of transmission of the 
national ideas, had to be carefully sifted and overhauled before it could 
become the basis of linguistic and ethnologic investigation. Numerous 
revisals and comparisons were needed to eliminate involuntary mistakes of 
Indian informants, who never elevate themselves above a purely empiric 
mastery of their native idiom. That an accurate grammar can be composed 
upon the solid foundation of faultless texts only, nobody will contest. Nei- 
ther will it be doubted that the more copious the specimens are the safer 
the conclusions of the linguist will be concerning the principles governing 
the forms of speech. 

Literary productions enlarging upon national and ethnologic matters 
are of much greater importance for the scientific study of the language in 
which they may be composed than any other texts. How poor and frag- 


eu 


IMPORTANCE OF RECORDING UNWRITTEN LITERATURES. 3 


mentary would our knowledge of Latin and Greek be, if the poets, orators, 
and historians who wrote their compositions in these sonorous idioms were 
lost, and if nothing in them had come down to our age but versions of 
foreign books and reproductions of foreign speculations and ideas! <A 
writer or informant is most capable of acquainting us with matters concern- 
ing his own people, country, and epoch, because he feels more interested in 
these topics than in any others, and he will select from the national stock 
of words the proper term for each object or idea he desires to express. 
Investigators will therefore, when they address themselves to intelligent 
natives for national, tangible and concrete topics of every-day life, gener- 
ally obtain correct and trustworthy information on their objects of research, 
but will meet with disappointment when inquiring for equivalents of terms 
or ideas totally foreign to the simple understanding of the native pop- 
ulation. 

An experience of short duration will convince any linguistic investi- 
‘ gator that a multitude of characteristic, quaint, and unfrequent expressions, 
idioms, phrases, and inflectional forms can never be obtained by mere ques- 
tioning. The natives must be allowed to speak out their own free minds, 
without bias or trammelling; after a short acquaintance they can easily be 
induced to recount popular stories, myths, incidents of history, or intertribal 
wars, to reproduce speeches and national songs from their own reminis- 
cences, and thus they will spontaneously use peculiar forms of language 
which often yield a deeper insight into the genius of their vernacular idiom 
than pages of information gathered after the usual method of the scholarly 
lexicographer or the pedantic verbal translator. 

Legends, myths, and lyric productions, when obtained in their original 
shape from unsophisticated relators, furnish us with the best material for 
inquiries into a far remote antiquity, even when the historic horizon of the 
informant’s tribe does not exceed the limit of two generations. If facts and 
dates do not, words and radical syllables will tell us a tale, and may enable us 
to trace ancient migrations or intertribal connections, teach us the origin of 
certain customs, habits, or national ideas, and inform us of the shaping, the 
material, or uses of old implements. In some instances they will guide us 
into remoter periods than prehistoric archeology can, and supply us with 


4 INTRODUCTION TO THE TEXTS. 


more useful dates and facts. Such results as these may be confidently 
looked for when several dialects of one linguistic family can be compared; 
and a careful comparison of one language with others spoken in the 
vicinity, belonging to the same or a different family, will always be at- 
tended with beneficial results for the increase of our scientific knowledge. 


The aboriginal literary monuments printed below are authentic national 
records of a brave and industrious mountain tribe of Indians. Ethnologic 
notices have at a comparatively early period been gathered concerning the 
Modoes and Klamath Lake Indians, but most of them were of doubtful 
scientific value, because the information was gathered from them in the 
English language, which they understood but very imperfectly. Even now, 
the dates and facts recounted by them, as well as by Indians of many other 
tribes, in English, are so extremely confused, that only texts written in 
their own language can give us a clear insight into their traditions, myths, 
and mode of thinking. 

No Indian tribe possesses a history of itself reaching back further than 
two or three generations, unless it has been recorded by whites at an early 
date, and what goes beyond this limit is tradition, on which we must be 
careful not to place any implicit reliance. But mythology records in a 
certain sense the intellectual history as well as the metaphysical ideas of a 
people, and thus by the gathering of the numerous mythic tales and legends 
of the Maklaks a start at least is made for the investigation of their intellec- 
tual development. A very moderate estimate puts at several hundred the 
more generally circulated myths of the Klamath Lake or K-ukshikni alone, 
and the number of their popular song-lines, so interesting and unique in 
many respects, may be called infinite, for their number is increased every 
day by new ones. The bulk of their mythic folklore is of great poetic 
beauty, freshness, and originality, and, like that of other tribes, full of 
childlike “naiveté.” This latter characteristic forms one of their greatest 
attractions, and the animal myths of every uncultured people will prove 
attractive, because they were invented for religious or poetic and not for 
didactic purposes. To some of the myths given below we may confi- 


dently ascribe an antiquity of over three centuries, for their archaic terms 


LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS. a 
and locutions, repeated from generation to generation, are not always under- 
stood at the present day by the young people, who most attentively listen to 
the aged rhapsodists, when they expound these miraculous stories in the lurid 
glare of the nocturnal campfire. Nothing in them indicates a migration of 
these upland tribes from any part of the country into their present homes, 
and hence the Maklaks must have had undisturbed possession of the head- 
waters of Klamath River for some centuries prior to the advent of the 
white population. 

The various texts obtained clearly exhibit the character of the lan- 
guage actually spoken and the difference existing between the two dia- 
lects, but they do not all possess the same linguistic value. The texts of 
Dave Hill and others are worded in the conversational language of the 
tribe, which in many particulars differs from the more elaborate and cir- 
cumstantial mode of speech which appears in the mythic tales given by 
Minnie Froben. The ‘‘Modoc War” and some of the shorter pieces could be 
obtained only by putting down the English first and then getting sentence 
for sentence in the dialect, whereas the best worded stories and specimens 
were written in continuous dictation. All texts obtained were carefully 
revised first with the informants, then with other natives, and all the neces- 
sary explanations added at the time. 

From a purely linguistic view the popular songs or song-lines are the 
most valuable contributions. The melodies of some of their number deserve 
to be called pretty, according to our musical taste. To the natives all of 
them appear harmonious; but when the Western Indian calls some melody 
“pretty,” guided by his musical principles, he very frequently does so in 
opposition to what our ear tells us to call by this predicate. 


The Klamath Lake dialect was spoken by the majority of the con- 
tributors to my linguistic anthology. I obtained these specimens, with the 
exclusion of the Modoc texts, in the autumn of 1877, at the Klamath 
Reservation, Lake County, Oregon. Though many of these natives speak 
the Chinook jargon more fluently than English, I never availed myself, for 
obtaining any information whatever, of that imperfect and hybrid medium, 
through which the Indians of the Northwest carry on so much of their 
intercourse. 


6 INTRODUCTION TO THE TEXTS. 


The following is a list of the most important contributors : 

1. The hiddle family, consisting of Frank Tazewell Riddle, a native of 
Kentucky, born about 1836; his wife Toby, a pure-blood Modoc woman, 
who was, as stated in her biographic notice, born in 1842, and their son 
Jeff. C. Davis Riddle, born about 1862. Among several texts of linguistic 
importance I obtained from them a circumstantial chronistic account of the 
Modoe war of 1873, in which Mr. and Mrs. Riddle had served as interpre- 
ters of the Peace Commission. Having been introduced to them in Decem- 
ber, 1875, in New York City, by Mr. A. B. Meacham, late Superintendent of 
Indian Affairs in Oregon, when they travelled with him in the eastern States 
in connection with the Meacham Lecturing Company, I took down the 
contents first in English from Mr. Frank Riddle, then added the transla- 
tion from the other members of the family. Mr. Riddle had no intention 
of giving a full and authentic account of that desperate struggle, but merely 
wished to render his own impressions, and to relate in the plainest words 
the events witnessed by himself. Here we have the opportunity of hearing 
also the Modoe side of the contest. 

The wording of the other Modoc texts was the almost exclusive work of 
the boy Riddle, who speaks the language perfectly well, and only in the more 
difficult portions was he assisted by his mother. From the Riddles I obtained 
also several hundred sentences, over sixty songs, and about two thousand 
three hundred vocables, which were twice revised with their assistance in 
New York City, and twice again with the efficient help of such natives at the 
Klamath Lake Agency as were conversant with the Modoe dialect. 

2. Dave Hill, a dusky, pure-blood Indian, subchief of the Klamath Lake 
tribe and interpreter, born about 1840. Having been a prominent war- 
rior of his tribe up to the treaty of 1864 and a scout in subsequent expedi- 
tions against hostile Indians, he has also seen much of the white man’s ways 
by staying for years in Northwestern Oregon and by traveling East with Mr. 
A. B. Meacham on his lecturing tourin 1875. How he was then kidnapped 
in New York City, confined in a cellar, restored to liberty, and how he 
worked his way home, is related with full particulars in Meacham’s Winema, 
pages 95-102. In the Modoc war (1872-73) he was put in command of 


the auxiliary forces of his chieftaincy, which were detailed to observe the 


‘=a 


LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS. 7 


belligerent Modocs and to check any dangerous movements which they 
might have undertaken against the settlers or the Indian Reservation. 
Hill’s father, Skaftitko, or the “‘ Left-Handed”, was for some time a guide 
to General Frémont on one of his expeditions through Oregon, Nevada, 
and California. 

Readers of Hill’s texts will notice that his diction is very concise, preg- 
nant and to the point, and so is the speech of these Indians generally. 
But since that conversational language, or popular jargon, as we may not 
improperly call it, moves along in contractions, elisions, metatheses and 
ellipses, I have had to revise his texts many times with him and other Indians 
before I could make them practically available. In the myths, Dave Hill 
is not so pictorial and graphic as Minnie Froben, but in narrating his feats 
of war he readily furnished all the points that could be expected. Con- 
cerning the conjurers’ practices and national beliefs, he was more communi- 
cative than the majority of the Klamath Indians, whom superstitious awe 
still deters from revealing all that the investigator desires to know.  Hill’s 
list of topographic names is a very important addition to aboriginal topog- 
raphy, since he has added the correct etymology to the majority of these 
local designations. 

3. Minnie Froben, born about 1860, the daughter of a pure-blood Kla- 
math woman, who lives on the Williamson River, and of a (deceased) French 
settler Froben or Frobine, was, at the time of my visit, the assistant of Mrs. 
Nickerson, the matron of the boarding-school for native children at the 
Agency. She and the subchief Hill were the most important contributors 
to my mythic and other ethnologic anthology, and the pieces dictated by 
her excel all the others in completeness and perspicuity. Moreover, I 
obtained from her a multitude of popular songs, the names and uses of 
esculent roots and plants, the Klamath degrees of relationship, a large num- 
ber of words and sentences, a good deal of grammatic information, and 
revised, with her assistance, the whole of the Modoc contributions, as well 
as the majority of Klamath Lake texts. 

If any further books should be composed in or about the Klamath Lake 
dialect, her assistance would perhaps be preferable to any other native help 
to be found at present in the tribe; for during her stay with white people 


8 INTRODUCTION TO THE TEXTS. 


she has succeeded in acquiring more mental training than Indians usually 
acquire on reservations. 

4. Charles Preston, a pure-blood Klamath Lake Indian, born about 1840, 
is now stationed as interpreter at the subagency of Yaineks. Preston had 
previously sojourned five years at Oregon City on the Willd4met River and 
vicinity, and there he learned to converse in English quite fluently, acquir- 
ing also the idiom of the Wasco Indians, of which he has furnished me over 
three hundred of the most usual terms. During a stay of three weeks 
which he made at the Klamath Lake Agency, I obtained from him valuable 
grammatic and lexical information, texts, popular songs, and proper names, 
and revised with him the Modoe dictionary. 

5. Sergeant Morgan, a pure-blood Indian, living at Kohashti, born about 
1830, and jocosely called “ Sergeant” on account of his wearing an old 
sergeant’s uniform which he had obtained from soldiers at Fort Klamath. 
From this good-natured, intelligent old Indian I obtained a few short texts 
and some ethnologic information especially relating to mythologic and 
shamanic subjects. 

6. “ The Captain” or “Captain Jim”, a pure-blood Indian, living at the 
Junction of Sprague and Williamson Rivers, about five miles from the Agency 
buildings. When I saw him he was about fifty years old, and as he spoke 
but Klamath and Chinook jargon, all the mythology which he remembered 
was obtained through Minnie Froben. He received his nickname “Cap- 
tain” from having been a help on a steamboat plying on the Willdmet 
River, Oregon. 

7-11. Other informants of whose assistance I have availed myself are 
mentioned at the head of the texts. They were Johnson, the head chief of 
the Modoes at Yaineks; the conjurer Kdkash or Doctor John ; and several 
young Indians then scarcely over twenty-five years of age: Pete, Frank, 
and Long John’s Ben. All of them are pure-blood Indians. 


To facilitate the study of the Klamath language, and to increase the 
popular interest in the acquisition of Indian languages in general, I have 
inserted with the texts an interlinear translation, and subjoined to them a 
variety of commenting notes of linguistic, ethnographic, and historic im- 
port. The large majority of the Indian words could be rendered in their 


literal meaning ; but in some instances, where literal translation was nearly 


HINTS FOR THE STUDY OF THE TEXTS. 9 


impossible, the sense of the word or phrase was reproduced as faithfully as 
could be done within the narrow space allotted. Words in brackets were 
inserted only to render the sentence complete. 


But to the student striving after a thorough understanding of the texts 
all these helps will prove of partial assistance only. A thorough study of 
the Grammar ought in fact to precéde their perusal, and reference to all 
the three portions of the work will frequently be necessary. 


The material portion of a language can be faithfully conveyed to our 
understanding only by the correct pronunciation of its words, sentences 
or texts. Hence all that is said of Klamath phonetics must be studied first, 
and more especially the alternating processes, the proclisis and enclisis, the 
sounds not occurring in English (as the linguals, the aspirate z, the vowel 
aw), and first of all the pronouncing list of alphabetic sounds, which is sub- 
joined. To initiate readers into the distinction, empirically obtained from 
the mouths of the natives, between the clear vowels a, e, 7, u, and the 
dumb or deep-sounding d, 2, 7, a, the earlier pages of the texts contain 
more indications than are given in the later. In certain terms long vowels 
can turn into short, and short into long ones. Special attention must be 
paid also to the study of elisions, apocopes, metatheses, ete. 


In the morphologic part of the Grammar, the verbal and nominal 
paradigms are particularly recommended to the student’s attention, and a 
previous knowledge of the mode of forming the distributive reduplication 
from the absolute form is indispensable to the reader of my Texts, not only 
for their full comprehension, but even for the use of the Dictionary. ‘The 
suffix of the future tense is written -wapka, to distinguish it from a homony- 
mous form -wapka, of different signification. The apocopes occurring in the 
conversational style of language will soon be recognized as such by the 
reader; for example, -tk for -tko, -ks for -kshi, dropping of -a, -ash, ete. 


To make the study of the Texts too easy by a flood of notes would be 
as obnoxious to the true interests of science, as to present unsolved too 
heavy grammatic difficulties to intellects yet untrained in the modes of 
Indian speech. Scholars may decide to what degree I have succeeded in 


avoiding both extremes. 


10 


INTRODUCTION TO THE TEXTS. 


LIST OF SOUNDS OCCURRING IN THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


oR 9O of 


=a 


_e 


—_ 


iam 


as in alarm, wash; German, Mann, hat; French, pas, gras, flance. 

longer sound of a, as in far, father, smart, tart; German, schaden, 
lahm, Fahne. 

as in law, all, fall, tall, taught. 

as in hat, man, fat, ass, slash. 

as in blab, bold; German, beben; French, barbe. 

as in dread, did; German, das, dirfen; French, de, darder. 

as in judge, julep, George, dudgeon. 

as in then, swell, met; German, schwebt; French, belle, selle. 

as in last syllable of preacher, butler, tippler; German, Biicher ; 
French, le, je, me. 

as in they, fade, jade, shade; German, stehlen; French, chaire, maire. 

as in gig, gull; German, gross; French, gros, grand, orgueil. 

lingual guttural produced by bending the tip of the tongue back- 
ward, resting it against the palate, and when in this position 
trying to pronounce g in gag, gamble, again. 

as in hag, haul, hoot; German, haben, Hals. 

as in marine; German, richten; French, ici, patrie. 

langer sound of i, as in bee, glee, reef; German, spiegeln, Stiefel. 

as in still, rim, whim, split; German, jfinster, schlimm, Wille; when 
long, it is iin German thn, schielen. 

as in year, yolk; German, Jahr; French, yeux; not used as a vowel. 

as in kick, kernel; German, Kamm, Kork; French, soc, coque, quand ; 
Spanish, guedar, quizd. 

lingual guttural produced like g by bending the tip of the tongue 
backward, holding it against the palate, and then trying to 
pronounce &, ¢, in kindness, killing, cool, craft. ‘The tongue must 
be placed more firmly against the fore portion of the palate 
than in the g, in order to allow less breath to escape. 

the aspirate guttural in lachen, trachten, Rachen, Sache, as pronounced 
in Southern Germany; not occurring in English, French, or 
Italian; Spanish, mer, dejar; Scotch, loch. It has nothing in 
common with the English «. 


teh 


=> 


u 


ALPHABETIC NOTATION. 11 


as in lull, loon, lot; German, Lilie; French, lance. 

as in madam, mill, mimic, mum; German, Memme. 

as in ramble, gamble, nimble. 

as in sample, thumping. 

as in nun, net, noose; German, nein; French, nuire. 

as in ring, bang, singing; German, singen, hangen. 

as in prank, rink, spunk; German, Schwank; French, cinquante. 

a combination of n with k. 

a combination of n with x. 

as in home, lonely, most; German, Molken; French, sotte. 

longer sound of 0, as in note, rope; German, I’loh, Boot, roth; 
French, sauter. 

as in bird, burn, surd; German, bléde, Rémer; French, deuil, caur. 

as in pipe, papa; German, Puppe; French, pied. 

as in sad, sale, soul, smell; German, Seele, Sichel; French, sauce, 
seul. 

as in shaft, shingle; German, Schale, schén; French, chercher. 

as in trot, tell, tiptop; German, Tafel; French, tour. 

as in church, chaff, choke; German, hdtscheln; Italian, cicerone ; 
Spanish, chaparral, chicha. 

as in smooth, truth; German, Fuss; French, loup, poutre, outrage. 

longer sound of u, as in crude, flume, fool; German, Stuhl, Ruhr, 
Blume; French, lourd, sourd. 

as in full, pull; German, Flucht, Kluft, Russland; Italian, lungo. 

not in English; German, kiihl, Gefihl; French, lune, puce. 

as in valve, veer, vestige; German, Wolke, Wasser, weben; French, 
vautour, veut. ’ 

the ti before vowels; water, waste, wolf, wish, wayward; in German 
it corresponds nearest to short uw, not to w; nearly as French 
ou in our, ouate. 

as in zeal, zone, frozen; German, Hase; French, zéle, rose. 


The English x is rendered by gs or ks, the German z by ds or fs, all 
being compound articulations. The two points on a, 0, u (d, 6, u%) are 


not signs of dizresis; they mark softened vowels. 


12 


INTRODUCTION TO THE TEXTS. 


The pronunciation of the diphthongs may be easily inferred from their 


component vowels; it is as follows: 


al 


as in life, mine, sly, die, dye. 


au as in mouse, loud, arouse. 

el a combination of e and 7 resembling the vowel sounds in 
the word greyish, united into a diphthong. 

yu or iu as in pure, few, union. 

ol as in loin, groin, alloy. 

wa or ua as in watch, wash; French, loi, roi. 

Wi or ul as in squid, win, switch. 


All the diphthongs being of an adulterine character, they can generally 


be separated into two vowels, and then are hyphenized, as in i-w, 0-4, d-1, a-t. 


- 


GRAPHIC SIGNS. 


arrested sound: ské2hs, spring time ; tchiitka, to swim up stream. 

apostrophe marking elision of a vowel, of & or any other sound: 
heshudmp’li for heshudmpéli, to recover one’s health. 

hiatus, separating two vowels as belonging to two different 
syllables: pala-ash, flour ; lémé-ish, thunder ; or two consonants: 
tsiiils-hii’mi, at salmon-time. 

separates the parts of compound terms: sktks-kiii’m, spirit-fish or 
letiferous fish. 

acute; the only accent used for marking emphasized syllables. 

vowel pronounced long: mii‘ni, large, great. 

vowel pronounced short, except &, to which a distinct sound is 
given: yumialtka, to return from berry-harvest. 


EARLY TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF MODOCS AND CAPTAIN 
WRIGHT’S MASSACRE. 


GIVEN IN THE Mopoc DIALEcT By ToBy RIDDLE. 


K-ukshikni Moédoki’shash sheggdtya lapgshaptankni tatiniip illd’la at; 


The Klamath Lakes from the Modocs separated seven times ten years now; 


tanktchikni k4-i pén nadsha’shak tchia. Gumpatiash E-ukshikni’shash 
(they) since then not again together lived. The Kémbatuash from the Klamaths 
sheggatza viinépni tatiniap illo’la at. 

separated forty , years now. 


Ka-iu maklakshash shéllualsht, ti/mi Béshtin Ya’matala médshantko 


Before the (Modoc) people had fought, a number of Americans to Oregon emigrating 


ké-idsha welekipkash Moédokfshash shnika, yéwish ktéktaknan tuntish 


an ugly old woman Modoc caught, (both) heels having cut through a rope 


shtinka, topitan wiig’n shlitchta, shpukd’gatchnan shiika, Shatash Béshti- 


passed behind a@ wagon tied (her), by dragging killed (her), Snakes Ameri- 


nash shuénksht pallo’tan hé’/nkélam Béshtinim sha-A4makshash. Bdshtin 


cans having murdered (and) robbed of this of Americans party. Americans 


tankt lipidéna hin wel¢éksim tchékéli kititchna. 


at that firstly of this old woman the blood spilled. 
time 


Shalam 1852, nash Bédshtin Capt'n Wright shéshatko shi’ldshash 


(In the) fall (of) 1852 one American, Captain Wright named, soldiers 


f-amnatko Mo’doka kiifla gdétpa, maklikshash shana-uliédka shishdédkash. 


having with him (tothe) Modoc country came to the (Modoc) people _— because he desired to make war. 


Ka-i méaklikshash shléa. Modokishash snawédshash lutatkatki pish 


Not (any) Modocs ne saw, A Modoc woman going to interpret for him 
‘ound. 


sha’téla; sha’‘téla hink snawédshash: maklaks gatpdntki, shu-utanktgi pi’sh 
he hired; heinstructed this woman (to say): eat ine should come to meet in council mags 
odocs im 


gitga makliks; shapiya, maklakshash nash mii’‘nish wishmish shiukiéstka. 


the Modocs; heannounced (for) the Modocs one large ox he would kill. 


Maklakshash shapiytilan Té-uni shpattish shnidktcha. At ti’m Mo‘dokni 


The Modocs having notified, to Yreka poison he sent for. Then many Modoes 
town 


gdtpa; at techek hank wishmish shiuktlan shpattish ité. Na’sh tche’k 


arrived; then forthwith the ox having butchered the poison heputon. One then 


hank Ydmakni Béshtinash tchawinatko Mo’dokishash shapiya ké-i 


Warm Spring Indian the Americans having lived among the Modocs notified not 


tchi’leksh paétki, shpattish itampkash gi’sht. At tankt ka-i tidsh hem- 


(any) meat they should poison paton it having been. Now at that not well it was 
eat, time 


kinka, Mo’dokni at gii’mpéle. 
talked, the Modoes then left for home. 


13 


9 


18 


14. HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


Pen snawédshash hi’/nk shgttyue: “at nti k’léwi shishii‘kash, sht/- 
guy , 


Again woman this he sent: now | quit fighting, meet 
fitanksh shané-uli p’laiki’shim palpdlish shil k’-hi'weézan.” Vtinépni tatiniip 
in council I desire God's white flag raising. Forty 
pen nadshgshdpta makliks sht-titanktpa. Laki p’nd hink shit’ldshish 

and six Indians met (him) in council. The cone his soldiers 
mander 


hihashudlyan shi’Idshish shapfya: ‘“staldlashtak a ntish péksh, mdklak- 


placing in ambush, to the soldiers said ; “having filled when I the pipe, the Mo- 

shash tashuitak!” Madklaks hink nénuk wawdapkan shi-fitanko’tkish- 

docs you attack!” The Mod cs all seated of general council= 

paksh paka, shlishlald’lan i-alya ndinuk nte’sh. Bdshtin laki pdékshtga 

the pipe smoked having unstrang had laid all bows. The com- with (his) pipe 
down American  mander 


lakpeks shuyéga; pakshtga shuyegétan shikénitki’shtka shildshash yate- 


ashes lifted up; with the pipe — while lifting up with pistols the soldiers com- 
timpka, at ndnuk maklaks ngé’sha. Bédshtin nanuk maklakshash shuénka; 
ees to then all Modocs (they) were The Americans all Modocs killed; 

re, wounded, 


tiinep toks kshi‘ta. 


five however escaped. 


NOTES. 


13, 1. There is no pretense that the number of years given here is accurate, and 
the slight difference existing between the two dialects proves that the separation of 
the tribes is of recent date. The separation never was a thorough one, for even the 
latest raids made on the Pit River Indians were made by Modoes joined to Klamath 
Lake Indians under the same war-chief. The Kimbatuash lived on southeastern end 
of Tule (or Rhett) Lake, California. 

13, 1and 3. For illola at, ‘years elapsed now”, Klamath Lakes would say: ilolola, 
or illolélatko. 

13, 4. K4-iu m. shéllualsht refers not only to a period anterior to the Modoe war of 
1873, but to the massacre of a party of eighteen white settlers, emigrants to Northwest- 
ern Oregon, by Modoe warriors, who had watched them, lying in ambush, on the eastern 
beach of Rhett Lake. This terrible wholesale butchery of defenceless whites was the 
immediate cause of Captain Wright’s massacre in the ensuing year. 

13,6. Shatash, ete. The informant intends to say: Americans, immigrating to the 
Rogue River or Willémet River Valley, dragged to death an old Modoc squaw behind 
their wagon, thinking her to be a Snake squaw; they did so in retaliation for a robbery 
committed by Snake Indians on their party, and for murders perpetrated on immigrants 
by the same Indian tribe. 

13, 9. An article in the “ Overland Monthly” of San Francisco, July, 1873, page 21, 
signed Wm. M. Turner, gives the following particulars concerning Wright’s massacre : 

In 1852 a train of eighteen emigrants attempted to reach Oregon by the Rhett 
Lake route. They had encamped for dinner at the eastern shore of Rhett Lake, under 
a bluff since called “Bloody Point”. Suddenly the sage-brush around them stood in 
a blaze of fire; they started up in terror, and were at once surrounded by swarthy 
and painted savages, who greatly outnumbered them, and dealt out the deadly blows, 
which destroyed their whole numbers in inconceivably short time. One man alone 


i ie 
o ” 
ria 

4 


TRADITIONS, BTC. 1h 


escaped on horseback to Yreka, which is over eighty miles distant, to tell of the dis- 
aster. The general indignation aroused by his recital prompted Capt. Ben. Wright to 
organize a force of fifty-one volunteers at Yreka into an independent company in the 
ensuing spring, and to make the tribe atone for the bloody deed. The spot selected 
by Wright for the council was on the north bank of Lost River, a few hundred yards 
from the Natural Bridge (Tilhudéntko), and this was also the scene of the massacre. 

Concerning the time of Wright’s massacre, Turner differs from our informant 
about one year.* 

13, 13. For the Modoe wishmush, t’/shmush, the Klamath Lake dialect has the 
original Sahaptin term, miishmush, the primary signification of which is, “lowing lik* 
cattle.” The Lower Chinook has emtsmus, the Kalapuya, amittsmus. The Nez Peres 
dialect of Sahaptin has m% for ox, cov, cattle. 

13, 13. shiukiéstka is the verbal desiderative of shiukia, to kill for somebody, to 
butcher for somebody’s benefit. 

13, 14. ti’m Mo/dokni instead of: ti’mi Mo’‘dokni. This language favors elisions 
of short and single vowels standing between two consonants pronounced with the same 
vocal organ. 

13, 16. Yamakni is ‘Northern Oregonian, Northern man”, in general. But this 
informant was, in fact, a Warm Spring Indian from Des Chutes River. 

13, 17 and 18. tidsh hemkénka means: to discuss an arrangement resulting in 
good to both parties; this is, in most cases, equivalent to ‘conclude peace”. 

14, 4. shtalalashtak is a contraction of shtalalasht tak, both particles tak being 
correlative to each other, and referring here to the future.—shtalalasht is verbal con- 
ditional of stalala, to jill, derived from sténi, full, through assimilation of consonants: 
shtalala for stanala. 

14, 6. i-4lya, distributive form of the verb ilya, élya: every one had unstrung and 
laid down his own bow. 

14, 7. The lifting-up of ashes from the council-fire by Wright was the signal for 
the soldiers to fire at the forty-six Modoes. Forty-one were killed on the spot. 

14, 9. kshita not in use among the Klamath Lakes. 


* Captain Wright was shortly afterward killed by the bullet of an Indian, who saw him standing 
un‘ler the door of his house, ulear the outlet of Rogue River, Oregon. 


9 


12 


15 


16 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


Ji-UKSHKNI SHGLLUAL WALAMSKi‘SHASH, 


FIGHTS BETWEEN KLAMATH LAKE AND ROGUE RIVER 
INDIANS. 


GIVEN BY WAWALIKs, OR DAVE HILL, SuBcHIEr, IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


Lap’ni’ sha shéllual Walamski’sas E-ushkni. Tind sha luludgsla 


Twice they fought the Rogue Rivers the Lake tribe. One time they enslaved 
Al hd a LJ A 
ti’m, tinatoks a ké-i luludgsla, puedsa’mpéli sa hfi’nk. 
many, but the second not they made slaves, put to flight they. 
time 
Titnd K-ukskni ktakli’sh géna Walamsi; tstti slid ti’ma tchi’pksh. 
The first time the Lake tribe arrayed for war went to eo River and found many encamped. 
alley 


Tsti gaki4mna tehi’sh (ni’shtak gdkiamna), tsi ni‘lka, tsti Waélamskni 
Then they surrounded the lodges (the same night they surrounded) then itdawned, and the Rogue Rivers 
papatkal shiishidshapélish. Tchtii E-ukskni shui/Ipka, tsi ti/ntkal sa, 


rose from sleep (and) built their fires again. Then the Lake men laidthemselves then  startedup they 
on the ground, 


yo'ta sha, tehtii ngii’-isa ti’m Walamski’shash, lakiash a si’figa; ‘“Taktakli” 
“shot they, and wounded many Rogue River Indians ana} ene killed “The Red” 
chie 
tehi/huk si’satk Waélamskni laki. Tsti sa neli’na ldkias hi’/nk, nanzateh 
so was called the Rogue River chief. Then they  scalped chief the some others 
sha neli‘na; ti’m tankt hushtchédka sa, liluagsla ti’m wéwanuish ndénd- 
they scalped a good many killed they, made slaves of many women cbil- 
gan’s tehi’sh. sti gépgap’l EK-ukskni, tsti gatpampéli sa; tsi sikd’Iki 
dren also. Then withdrew the Lake men and home went they, ater eney cs 
wards led 


yakanuapkuk lak hi’/nk, tsti sa yii'ka, tsti sa walas tsi’s tawaé lak ipma’- 
: for dancing over the and they sangand and they a pole also. setup the sticking on 
scalps danced scalps 

tsank, tatzélam talaag ti’shtoks gaki‘ma sd-atchtik. Tiinepni sd-atsa 

its top, in the midst just of the place where they moved scalp-dancing. Five (nights) scalp- 
in a circle 3 danced 

sa ni’shta, gi’tak hai’nk sa lt’luags wii‘k shni’shnézank shnikshii’lza 

they all night finally them they slaves by the seizing forced to dance 

arms 


Idloks wigeta 


fire close by. 
Titndé li’ks t’shi’n spt’ntpisham; tstyuk gtikaka gii’mpéle. Tstiyuk 
Some aslave grew up in the power of his then escaped (and) returned. Then he 
(other) time abductors, 
sapiya gatpampalank, tsdi sas hi’k a’pka sayudktant hi’k kiila giug. 
made dis- ~ after getting home, and (his that man brought well acquainted this with ~ being. 
closures tribe) country 
Tsti gdétpa tumi’ maklaks Mbf’saks-sdwals tsials-hii’mi, tsti gikua Koke, 
And arrived many Rogue Rivers to the ‘“Obsidian-Place” at salmon-time and they crossed Will am- 


sou River, 


tsi gakiamna ldtehas. Kiéi’gi hfhassuaks tankt; @éna sa nénuk A’-uksi 
and surrounded the lodges. There warriors (there) had gone all of them to Klamath 
were no that time Marsh 


ROGUE RIVER RAIDS. i 


gélédanktsuk Ydmakisas. Tapi’ta sha gdtpa Wdlamskni tchi’shtat. Tsti 


to bid welcome to Des Chutes Afterwards (they) came the Rogue Rivers to the camps. Then 
River Indians, 


nélka: tsi sa gt’Iki, at sa sendétank. Tankt hushtsédka; ti/nipni hak 
it dawned, then they attacked, now they fought. That time they killed (some) ; five only 


mikléka Ni‘lakskni tankt, tsii hi’k sa sendtank kpfi’tsampéli sas kiklo’s 
were encamped men from Nilakshi that time, and these they fought, put to flight them eee 

fi et i war-fury 
hi’k ti’nepni. K4-i hi’nk vii’sa tumé maklaks kakakndlatk gfug. 


these five men. Not they feared many Indian (foes) elkskin-cuirassed being. 


Tstti gdtpampéli nénuk K-ukskni’ hak, at sa haitsna Walamski’sas. 
After this returned the whole Lake tribe, now they pursued the Rogue Rivers. 


Tsui sa slid hi’nk ti’nipnis hihassuaksas, tstti sa wi’la hé’nkiast ti/nipiins, 
And they met those five men, and they asked those five men, 


kat htik tankt mak’léza: “tatatuk maklaks gitpa?” Tsti huk si’gsa nfl 


who there thattime had encamped whereto ibe Hogue had gone? And replied LR 
ivers 

“kaé-i ni vii'ssa; shawigank giiké ni mfi’msh tumi’.” Tchui ni né-ash gi sa- 

“not I am afraid; in my fury startout I (even against) a large Then il so spoke to 
number.” 

walini ash gé-u: “giikan a na't! fi’tch na‘Ish hushtchd‘ktgi! gekudnapka 

fellow-fighters mine: “will start out we! nee us they may kill. I will proceed 

mind! 
kani!” A na’t giika, at nash sha ngé-isha, tsti ndt shawi’ga ka-a, 
outside And we proceeded, now us they wounded, and we became furious very, 


(our camp).” 


tsi nat kpfi’dsa hi’nkiash Walamski’shash. 


and we drove back those Rogue Rivers. 
Tstii viissé na‘Ish, kokii‘tat gewd sa, udoddmkua sa; tstti sa sii’ksa 
There- they took at us, intothe river leaped they, swan over they; and they reported 
upon fright 

na-ast hi’ksa ta’nepni. Tsti E-ukskni nd-asht gi: “haftsnat sas pii’n, 

thu: (tous) these five men. Then the Lake men thus said: “pursue ye them once more, 


hushtchéktat haftsnank.” 'T'sti sa peno’dsa, tsti nénka gaggidha pend’- 


kill ye (them) pursuing.” And _ they pursued, and some hid themselves before the 
dsasam, tii’mishtka tstii nanka hétkak tséka, nanka toks gii’mpéle. Negefsiitk 
pursters, by starvation then some rightthere perished, some however returned home. Wounded 
hi’nk sa shléshla tsdkapks teha. 
(on s) they found dead ones also. 
Tchissa Walamskish séllual titnd a. K4-i sa tud sttika E-ukski’sas, 
In this man- the Rogue Rivers made war- atone Not they any killed Lake men, 
uer (they) fare time. 
tankakak sitka wewali’ksas k’mutchdpkas tchi’sh. At gii/tak ni sAyuakta, 
only a few (they) old women old men too, Thatisall I “ know 
killed 
hii’masht sa’lual A’-ukskni Walamski’shash ; k4-i taté lf/luagsla A’-ukski’- 
how fought the Lake tribe against the Rogue Rivers; never they made slaves of the Lake 
shash wuini’ziank selldlok nanukash-kiiflakni, E-ukskni pi’la Ifi‘luagsla 
tribe conque: ing by war those from tribes all-around; the Lake men alone enslaved 
nanukash-ki’sas gii/nta kiaflatat, k4-i tataé yuydlks-sitk sfi’ta mdklaks 
all surrounding Indians in this country, never sorry=alike rendered _ the Indians 
A-ukski’sas. 
the Lake tribe. 


2 


12 


15 


18 


21 


18 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


Sa-adas tsi’s Moatudsas tsi’s fidtiyua, Sastidsh tsis Walamski’sh tsis 
The Snakes too, the Pit Rivers too (they) whipped the Shastis too, the Rogue Rivers too, 


Mokeash tsi’s fidtyua A’-ukskni. Wiitiingi’sham tsi’s ti/tatna téméska 


the Kalapuyas —_ too whipped the Lake tribe. From toa Spring also. atvarions took away 
ians 


2 . times 
wats J-ushkni. 


horses the Lake men. 


NOTES. 


16. Dave Hill took part himself in one of these skirmishes. His historical accounts 
are all given in the conversational style, which almost throughout substitutes the 
simple s for sh. I have not been able to determine the exact dates of these Rogue 
River raids; but they must have occurred before the end of 1855, when the Oregon war 
broke out, for after its termination most of the Rogue River Indians were removed from 
their old homes to the coast reservations of Northwestern Oregon. The raids occurred 
in the early youth of Dave Hill, who was born about 1840; so they may be placed be- 
tween the years 1848 and 1855. 

16, 2. tinatoks forms antithesis to tina of the preceding clause. The literal 
meaning of both is: ‘‘one time..... the other time.” 

16, 3. Walamsi. The suffix -i, -i, is the adverbial particle hi, and forms a locative 
case, mainly found in local and topographical terms, as in Yamsi, Kakagosi, Ktaiwashi; 
also in a few generic nouns designating localities, encampments, mountains, ete. 

16, 5. shfishf/dshapélish. The suffixed -sh is the pronoun sha, they, and in this 
suffixed form also appears as -teh,-s. This verb stands in the distributive form; 
shidshapéli, to rebuild a fire, being the absolute form. 

16, 7. ndnyatch, for nanya tchish, “others also”. 

16,10. yékanuapkuk, verbal causative of the future of yékna. The forms ya/kna, 
yii/ka, yékna, yéka, are preferable to yakna, yaka. 

16, 11. sd4-atsa. It is a common custom among western, and some eastern, wild 
tribes to force their captives to dance in honor of the victory gained over their own 
tribe. This is done especially during the scalp-dances. 

16, 14. Titnd li/ks, ete. Here begins the account of a raid made by the Rogue 
River Indians upon the Klamath Lake settlements. It may have occurred one year 
after the raid previously narrated. 

16, 15. sapiya, ete. After escaping, he informed his own countrymen of all the 
local conditions of the Klamath Lake people and their country, and used all his topo- 
graphical knowledge in guiding their warriors to the attack. 

17, 1 and 2. Tsti né‘Ika. Indians and uncivilized races in all portions of the world 
begin their raids upon the enemy before dawn, or at the earliest appearance of daylight. 

17, 9. giikdn and gekudnapka, inflectional metathesis for giikna and gekanuapka. 

17, 14. hushtcho/ktat for hushtcho/kat at, at (ye) being repeated twice. 

17, 16. ts6kapks teha is a contraction from tsoképkash tchi/sh a. 

17, 17. Tchissa, for tchi sha: thus they. 

17, 20. sell6lok: synizesis of the longer form shellualuk, shellualiga: through 
fighting. 

17, 21. yuydlks=sitk, abbreviated from yuyalkish=shitko, looking like persons 
mourning over their lost companions, or made sorrowful hy bondage to Indians of a 


foreign tribe. 


PIT RIVER RAIDS. 19 


Ei-uKsKNI shLLUAL MoaruAsuHasu. 


PIT RIVER INDIANS RAIDED BY KLAMATH LAKE WARRIORS. 


GIVEN BY Dave HILu In THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


E-ukskni titatna séllual Sdstias; tstissak toks séllual, tfi’m hii’shtchoy 


The Lake men notoften warred = againstthe continually how- fought, (and) killed 
Shasti; ever many 

Méatuashash. A’-ukskni lfluagslats tG’m ndnuk sko’hs. Ka-i hié’k 

Pit River men. The Lake men enslay, d also many every spring-time. Not they 

(are) 

ki/llitk, ké-a w0’sés shlid’tak A-ukski’sas ti’nsna, ké-itat sa nelli’nat 

bellicose, very despondent atthe meresight of Lake men they ran away, never they scalped 
ht’stchok-huya hak sa; ti’m tat sa hustsdka Méatuash. Ké-itata si/ukat 
killed only they; many then they killed Pit River men. Never massacred 


A-ukskisas Méatuash. 


the Lakemen the Pit Rivers. 


WAWALIKS LUPY’ SHELLUAL MoATUASHASH. 


DAVE HILLS FIRST FIGHT WITH THE PIT RIVER INDIANS. 


Kitchkaénin tankt nti géna sikénitgi’k pi‘la tyamnatk. Tsti nad 
Being a boy I thattime I went a small pistol only carrying. And we 
K-ukskni gelo‘la pa-uk Kokaéksakshi, na’sh na‘ds Béshtin tila. Tsti 
Lake men dismounted tor repast at Little River, one withus American (coming). Then 
hishtchékta hatakt; wdéts mbdé-uta na-ii/nam; sawfka hfshuaksh hunkdénti 
they had a contest there; (one man’s) was by another became angry the man thereat 
horse wounded (man); 
watch m’na mbdé-utisht, tsti hushtépakta sha Idloksgish: tehi sha hatokt 
horse his having been shot, and pulied out they (their) guns: so they there 
gelo‘lank shewdtyastka. Tstti géna, ti’ pé’n makléza sha, tsti sa mbii’- 
dismounted about noop-time. Then traveled, far again camped they, then they in the 
sant géna pin, tsii sa mak’léya Wt'ksalks, tsi sa pi’n géna mbisant, 
morn- trav- again, and they camped at Wo6kas-Place, then they again wenton next morning, 
ing elled 
tsi pii’n sa mak’léya Titno'lsh; gitaks p’laikishtka sdppish. T'stti sa 
and again they encamped at Tiunolsh ; then (was) near culmination the sun. And they 
point 
kakta, tsti sa mi’lua li’tyi, tsti sa psin géna, ni’shta sha géna 
heldsiesta, then they made ready in the and they atnight travelled, all night they wenton 
evening, 
taklaktsnank. 


stopping at intervals. 


Tsti mbi’sant shli& Méatuashash tehi’pksh, tsti gi/lki nad, tchtti 
And next morning Wwe saw the Pit Rivers encamped, and attacked we, and 
ti’nsna Médatuash, vusso’k sas tillindsa wéwanuish; tstti sa Ili’luagsla. 


ran away the Pit Rivers, frightened them they abandoned (their) women; then they (thee) made 
aves, 


12 


15 


( 


12 


18 


20 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


Na’sh ni It’gsla snawii’ds. Shiii’popkan hatakt shiinétanksht nddnni 
One I captured female. Noticed I there engaged in fighting three 
hihassuaksh Méatuash; T-ukskni toks Japik. Tstti wigdbini shendtank- 

; i 2 

men Pit Rivers; Lake men bnt two were And a short while skirmished 
liiya shash, tstii kii’ktsna sha, tsi hd’pelitsnank 4mbutat géna; ki-idsi 
with them, then fled they, and dodging missiles into the water went; impracti- 

cable 
ambu hatakt hiuhiuatk. sti nish ka-a ka‘dshika, tsti ni kaki’dsapéle, at 

the water there giving way. And me greatly it fatigued, and =I went by turns, 

tchtti kéléwi; tt’ géna Méatuash k’liwisham at. Tséi E-ukskni gi pgapéli 


then Imade halt; away went the Pit Rivers when (sbooting) Then the Lake men returned 
had ceased. 


kahhiank tchipkash wéwanuish, tsti sa shlia ydstat li‘ukaipksh. Tsti sa 
looking out for the assem- women, and they ound (them) in crowded. And they 
bled the willows 


shnt'shnza, n@i’ts nash shni‘ka, tsti gepgdpéli E-ukskni k4-i shash tud 


seized them, T also one took, then withdrew the Lake men and of them none 


shlit, Méatuashash pi’la sa sifiga tankak. 


was shot Pit Rivers only they killed a few. 
Nash sé’gsa tankt K-ukskni sikoTkipaluk. Tsti Tiuno‘leshtat mak’lak- 
Allof ordered then the Lake men to reassemble. Then at Tiunolsh they camped 


us 


péle,. tsti sa piin shnikshd/lya li’luags hdétakt maklaksksdksi. Tsti 


again, and they also made dance each slave there before the Indians. And 


eépgapéli sha mbtsant, tsti sha Méatak maklakpéle, tsi hatokt maklaks- 
Weul away they next day, and they ey Monee encamped, and just there Indians 
AKE 


ksdksi gfki‘kak Iiluags. Ja4-i sa hi’nk haftchant; undk ta‘ds mfi‘luapéle 

to} Fo) cones ’ 
(away from) ran away captives. Not they them pursued ; early however got ready oguin. 
Tsti sa guhudshktcha, tsti sa gelo‘la Kokii‘ksaks; tsti sa sakatpampélé- 
And they started out, and they dismounted at Little River; ihen they wanted to perform 
astka gi: ‘‘Kélam mdlam tidsi’ wats gi, hi’k at lupi’ gatpampéli-uapk ! 


to) 
a race: “To whom of ye fleet horses are, those ye _ first shall return home! 


ksi utakiank at e¢nuapk!” 
t=) 


fuster (than we) ye travel!” 
Tstii sa géna, tsti ludlualy ndnka watch, ndnzatoks gatpampéle 
Then they went and gave out some horses, some others returned 


ahead, 


K-uksi li’tyi. Tsti sa tchfa gdtpampélank, tsi gé-u gtikak hié’k lf’gs 


to Klamath at niebt- Then they stayed after return, then byme ran away the slave 
Marsh fall (there) : 
A , . 4 A . Ce er0 
spuni’sh; na-ens hissudksas spuni’n hé’nk. > Tstyuk hunkélamskni gtikak, 
the transferred to another man I had given her. And she from his lodge ran away, 


one; 
se . . A (ed / Al 
nanyatoks sa éna Ampzii’ni sésatui tehi’k watchat; tsti sa i’tpa téi’m 
but others they bronght to the Dalles, traded there for horses ; and they brought many 
(them) 
watch hi’nk lti’gs sesatui’tkuk. 
horses those slaves having sold. 
Tsin sAyuakta tina Méatuashash sélualst H-ukskni. 


ThnsI know (how) once with the Pit Rivers fought the Lake men. 


PIT RIVER RAIDS. 21 
WAWALIKS TAP!’ SHELLUALSHA MoATUASHASH. 


DAVE HILL'S SECOND FIGHT WITH THE PIT RIVER INDIANS. 


Na-intka ské’shtka nfi géna; tankt nté-ish ni i’-amnatk géna Idéloks- 


Next spring-time I set out; then bow and carrying started a ri- 
arrows 
gish tchish. Ti’ nad makléya; tstii ndd hdtokt mfi’shmish lvela, Béshtin 
8 also. Far off we camped ; and we there an ox butchered, an Ameri- 
can 
tpi-6k nash hishtchiktnuk Moatudshash. Tsti nat shenotankdkska hatak. 
inviting us, for he had become angry at the Pit Rivers. Then we almost fought there. 
Nanka tchillik Ndashaltyagaki’shash kakno’ls téméshka; nat hfinkantt 
Some men siding with the Headwater-Modocs cuirasses abstracted; we thereat 
sawikank Ja’p nat kakno’lsh shlétza. Tsti nat ka-i hié’nk sl¢-ipéle 
getting angry two we cuirasses took away. And we nob then returned 
ne-uzalplish gi’ntak lakiim H-ukski’sham; tsti nat ma’ns-gitk sli’-ipéle. 
the repeated orders inspiteof of the chief of the Lake men; but we at last returned them. 


Hii’masht nat hatokt maékléyank; tchti nat géna mbi'sant, tchti nat 


Thus (did, acted) we there while camping; then we traveled next day, and we 


ti’ mdkléka Mi’atak. Tsti nat mbf’sant géna, tsti nat ti’ maklék’ 


over camped on Modoe Lake. And we in the morning startedout, and we over camped 
there there 


Tiund'Ish. Méatokni nanka sé-ulantchna, tstii sa ksi‘uléy ki’uks suawinuk 


at Tiunolsh. Modocs some went with (us), and they danced a conjurer when examined 


sas kdnts sliudpkst: “hi sliuapkst, tchii ma/Ish ngdétuapk né’hlis”; tsti 


them who might be shot: by ye will be shot, then to you will snap the bowstring”; “and 


la’p ngdta nvhlis. Tsti nat mbi’sant géna, ti’ nat ati’ ¢éna lupi’ nalam 
two snapped bowstrings. Then we next morning started far we off travelled first our 
- out, 


hé’nk séllaluish guni‘ta. Tstii nat waita yainatat télhapkank kmakok 


war-expedition further. Then we passed from a mountain overlooking to spy 
the day 


Moatuashash; tchii nat shliid tchi’pksh ; kititsant tchia ktdyat. 


the Pit Rivers; and we saw encamped ; inaccessible they in rocks. 
(them) stayed 


Tsui ndd pia’ktgist gdkiamna, tsti gt’Iki; tsti na’ts shld Médatuash, 
And we at dawn surrounded, then nenicleedt and us discovered the Pit Rivers, 
(them) ; 


tsui weto'li lali’shtat; kokalam hik palkuish mind ti. Hatokt gakayapguk 
and slid down the slope ; of ariver ay the dry bed deep-down. At that place entering the woods 
(was ‘ 


naénya Méatuash li’wank i-6’ta; tii’m shash ngii’-isha Moatoki’shash, Lank- 


some PitRivermen gathering shot(atus); many (them) they wounded Modoc men, Long- 


Tsénash tchish sli‘ksga nyak-ksaksi’na; ngii’-ish hi’k ngak-ksiksh 
John also they came near on head-top right there; bullet that ou the head-top 
wounding 
nti‘kshtcha. Nd-ends tchish nish shlin Méatokish. T'stti nat 1é wak ka-a: 
grazed. Another too inthe wasshot (a) Modoc man. And we (were) un- very: 
« head decided 


li’‘wa hi’k ti mii’na sha léméwaliékshtat f-utila; ndnuk wéwansni hatokt 


were those down-below they driftwood-Leap under ; all women and all there 
crowded 


15 


18 


12 


18 


21 


22 HISTORICAL TENTS. 


li’-upka ti’ mi’na. Tehti ni ti’ hatokt p’léntant tehi’wishksaksi gi; tehti 
were uoped deep _ below. Then I just there above their camping-place was; and 
together 


hatokt ni’sh a gishi’: “ Li’ anat wak ka-d; li’ nat w4k galdsawid-a!” tsf sa, 


there T while stayed: “Not we know iets not we (now) to approach closely!” so they 
do, (said), 


hatokt ni’sh gi’shi. sti ni hi’tzi, tsti lap nish nté-isalta ha’tyipsh. Tsti 


there I while was. There- I leaped then two at shot arrows as I leaped. Then 
upon down, men me 
ni hi’'tsna ta’, tsii ni hi’tpa hihassuaksas hatokt li-uké-isi hatakt techtyunk 
ran ov en and I reached the (Lake) men there collected there then 
there, ronping 
sendtankash. ‘T'stii ni’sh sa liwii’-tila hi’kuapksht kf’kalam palkui’sham ; 
fighting. But me they not allowed to run across the river’s dry bottom ; 
hatakt guni’gshtant nanka E-ukskni lé-uptcha; sendétank ktéyat li’uptsank. 
that spot opposite some Lake men had gathered they were fight- rocks hiding bebind. 
bebind ; ing 
Tsti nish ninka: “ké-i gi; ké-i hi’tsa, shliudpka m’sh!” tsf n’s sa 
And to me a few: “Don’t doit; don’t run, they will shoot you!” so tome they 
hataktk. sti ni: “ha’tchanuapk” tehi ni ki’, “wikdé an’ gdldsuish sdna- 
there said. Then ifs “T shall rush over” 80 I said, ‘closely 1 to approach I 
holi” tehin hataktk ‘“K4é-i kilank pila i-i’ta, ti’m at ngii’-isha; i’ts 
want”’ thus I there said. “Not in quick they pont many are wounded; never 
succession 
gint, shli’tki ntish!” tsin at gi. A ni ho’tsnan at, tsti nish kAkiha, tsi 
mind, abe abe me!" sol now said. Then I ran towards (them), and me they missed, and 
shoot 


hutapéno'Ishi n’s nayéns Méatokni shli’n pii’n nish; tsti kaéhaha shli’shim 


after I had reached another Modoe wasshot also inthe and he ached through bis 
there running head ; wounding. 


Tsui nat léwak ni/-uléka, tsti ni nd-astg: “hdgei! i’sh ktiyuiaki‘at!” 
Then we  wereata for arranging, and I so spoke: ‘look here! me lift up there ye!” 
loss 


tsi’ ni gi. ‘i'stti ni’sh sha ktiwi’zi, tsti ni ktsi’tsa, techui ni gfta Moatudshash 


so. I said. And mo they placed ontop, and I crept forward, then I there the Pit Rivers 
ni télshapka wika li‘wapksh; ndnuk ni tids shlii’popka shash. Tsti ni 
perceived close by crowded in one all I perfectly saw (of) them. And I 
body ; well 


ktchigi‘dsapéli ta’ stildsampélék sas; tsti ni: “ktfwalyat na-éntch 


crept back over to report tothem; and 405 “‘nost ye up another man 
yonder 
tchkash” tehi’ ni gi. Ktchi’tpampalank shapfya sas, tchti sa: “wak 
besides” so I said. Having crept back I reported to them, and they: “how 
haitch i gi?” tchi n’sh sa gi. Tchui ‘ni ndnukash shli’shki” tchi’ ni gi; 
there is it?” 80 to me they said. Upon this ‘I all of them can see” 80 I said; 
shapiya shash, tstti sa ktiwi’zi na-ii’nds tchkash. T'sti nat 1a’p k’lé’ka, tsti 
I told them, and they liftedup another (man) too. Then we two werethere, and 
nat ktsi’ktsa, tsii nat sas ta’ shli’popk, a ni ndé-asht gi: “hdgga shli’k!” 
we crept along, and we them down perceived, and I 80 said: “let me shoot!” 
there 


Tsti ha’k na-as hatokt, ta’shtik Méatuash li’wa, nénuk sa hfi’nk ngii’-is 


And to one man there, where the Pit Rivers were _ all (others) to him (their) 
gatlered, arrows 
ee . A . Af . A 
siwana, nd-adsiak hi’nk i-d’'ta satslydmitk li’paks. Tsti tehin a ni 
handed, none but he was scratch-painted with chalk. And thusI now I 


shooting 


PIT RIVER RAIDS. 2a 


shléwal Idloksgish, tsi ni shlin ha’nk, kat hak yii'ta, tsi ndéwanga; tsi 
cocked (my) gun, and ue shot him, theone who wasshoot- and he fell; thus 
ing, 


tankt at nat siuga hi’nkst. 


at last we killed _ that fellow. 
At hé‘ksa Ifwatk tfi’m waltka tankt. Tsti Muatokni ndnya ti/ménatk 3 
Now they, crowded much talked then. And Modocs some understood 
together, 
Moéatuasam hémkanks; tsti hé’k ti’ména at Méatuasam waltoks. Hi'‘k 
of the Pit Rivers the language ; and they understood of the Pit Rivers the discourse. They 


shapiya na‘tch: ‘“Aténen gakdyoluapka, nen sa skuyokayd’/la wewdani- 
ply pa, y 


notified us: “presently they will get away, they send ont of the bush the fe- 
shash; nd-asht nen waltka.” Tsti gakaytluk E-ukskni  shishatya 6 
males; so they say.” Then leaving the woods the Lake men picked out 
wéwanuish, tsi hi’k ki’nualk sa; ndnya huhashtlina kaftua shni’kuk. 
women, then poutee the they; some quarrelled none having obtained. 
i 
Tsui nits hiiméze “shni’kshtkan na’sh siwak hi’nk ati’nsh hik 14k gitk!”; 
And I too said: “want to get I one girl this long hair wearing!”’; 
tsi ni’sh sha kdé-i wi’-ula. sti ni ké-i sim wii’walsh shlin, tsti hak 9 
but tome they not allowed (her). Then I not they conceding shot, and she 
nde-ukuii‘ lap’; ha’nk n’ink shlin siwdga. 
rolled down (the hill) ; that I killed girl. 
Tsui tankt at hihassuaks at tinkaydla, tsii ni shlin pii’n nds hatakt, 
Thereupon the (Pit River) ran one os the and I shot another (man) there, 
men ush, 


tsi at ndnga tini’zi. Shté tok sa E-ukskni hash4mpka; tstii sas gawi’na 12 


when some rene up Compactly they the Lake men encircled (them) ; then them rejoined 
hill. 


hiv’ksa, kak at tini’yi tsa, nddénni hfhassuaks, na‘sh gitsgdnits hissudkga. 


those, who just had gone (viz:) three men, one young also boy. 
up the hill, 
Tstyunk vi’ssa E-ukskni, tsti ha’k Méatuash ti/nzansha; ti’ ati yafnatat 
Then were fright- the Lake men, as the Pit Rivers ran out ofthe cir- over-yon- to the moun- 
ened cle ; der tains 
tishtampkank 4-dho-udtchna, tsui shnishnata. Tehti ni na ha’‘lipéli, tsti 15 
coming near they halloed while run- and built fires. Thereupon I I enteredagain § and 
ing, (the cation), 

ni hopélansa, tsui ni hupdkléya ldp?a hihassuaksas. Tsti ni’sh hi’k 

I followed up (the and ue encountered two men. And at me they 

dry creek), 

lapukantka shlatampk, tsui na’s téwi, kahhia n’s; wiggd n’s hi’nk kdibha, 

both at a time drew the bow, and one shot, (but) missed me; bya bhair- me he missed, 

breadth 

naé-ins tsi’n shlin nepni‘ni nguldshétan, nté-ish tchish nzii’wa. Tsti 18 
the other then I hit, about the hand Istruck (him), the bow also broke. And 

man 
gutalya hik ng@’-ish tékstala; tsi ndé-uly. Nashtoks hukayapk, tsti 

entered tho bullet in the navel; and he fell. ‘Lhe other rushed into the and 

thicket 

tiintpa sa E-ukskni tankt, tsi sa hi’nk sfuga kandan hi/nk shlin. Tsti 
arrived (they) the Lakemen atlast, and they him killed whom I had shot. Then 
hé’k na’s hukayapk ma‘ns hé’k tchakiyank i-fi’ta; tsti sa shlin ttii’kni 21 
theone who went into the for some (he) sitting down was shoot- then they shot (him) from 


woods time ing; 


12 


18 


21 


24 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


pli’ntankni kinshakpkank. Tssni’pal sa shlin; né-iins shlin, hf’k tehaké- 


the hill-top poinung guns downward. In the they shot (him); another he had he who sitting in 
: shoulder (Lake) man shot, was the 
oes A 
yan, wiik E-ukski’shas. 
woods, in the a Lake man. 
arm 


Tsui nat at gii’‘tak, a nat suki’lkip’ tf/shtok spuké shli’tk E-ukskni. 
After this we ceased (fighting),and we reassembled where lay a wounded Lake man. 


Natak hé’nk hi’shlan Méatuashash ksdpok ; liki ngti’mshka ngii’-ish hi‘k. 
Ourselves him we shot at a Pit River man thinking (bim (his) had fractured” bullet the. 
each other, to be); forehead 
Tsui nat watsat shutii’la m4-i skf‘lhash pet; tsi nat ksii‘lapk hii’nk shlipks; 
) PS; 
Then we pan a prepared a tule-mat ambulance-bed ; and we liited into (it) that wouided 
orse mel; 


kayutds hak kli’kat. Tstti nat guhdshktcha shewatyt’lsi; tsti nat gii’-tina 
nos yet he had died. And we started out in the atternvon ; and = we slowly 
géna hi’nk ngi’-isapksh ii’nok ndénna: nas nish shli’tk Méatokni 
went on those wounded carrying three (men): oue inthe head wounded a Modoe 
ngii’-ishtka, ndshtoks wii’k shli’‘tk ha’mtsantkak, ndshtoks hi’k luluksgii’- 


by an arrow, another in the shot in the same manner another one this witha 
arm was, 


ishtka, kanda nat ha’nk watsat shutii‘lank f’na. Techti nat mak’lakp’l’ 


gun, whom we upon a horse imbedding brought. And we camped on our 
return trip 


hi’‘uhiush tyAlamta. 


of the marsh westward. 
Tstyuk pii‘ktgish la’pia wénga; tchti nat mbi’sant at ksi‘utakiank 
Then they daylight before died ; and we in wisiearly now fast-gcing 
ours 
eépgapéle, lap’ni hak gdtpampéle K-uksi. Na’sh nat hdétaktak kékélam 
returned, in two from we returned to Klamath One we right there of river 
days there Marsh. 
ntt’/Idsanuish wigdta gdawal hissuaks; tst’tskam snt’lash_ sikiilalo’nank 
the dry bottom close by found a man; squirrel's a hole having covered up 
kshfi’sha taludlyan. Kiabatyo’le sa, telhui wétta hissuaks kibatzo'lsham; 
he layinside lying on back. Uncovered ubey then langhed the man while ey unearthed 
(hin), im; 


tsui sa shpi’tkal, tsi sa spi’nshna wikahak; tsii sa ndnka A’-ukskni 
and they raised (bim) and they took (him) to a short dis- then some Lake men 
up, tance ; 
ldgsalshtkak, ndnya siukstkak (la’witchta sha mf’/ns lé’gsalsh), ndnya 
) ? 4 
make a slave wanted, some wanted to kill (not wanted they an adult toenslave), afew (were) 
man 


ma’‘sa nit stainas hishl4a-uk. chi nanya gi’ank siukshtka; tehtti sa sfuka, 


sor.owful (of)  atheart to bave shot at Thus some saying wanted to kill and they killed, 
us companions. (him); 
at kléka hak. Wa4ak tehihuk pii’tch gitk! stikshui-shitk ha‘k tuti’la stakélins- 
and died he. How so (curious) he feet had! boot=like they projected at the 
ksaksi. T'sissa hfi’nk hatokt tankté nat ha’nk tataténat suko‘lkip’] spt’ks- 
heel. Thus they ee when we that time we formeda crowd where the 
place 
ksaksi, tankt sa hi’/nk gawal kikaskdénkatk. 
man lay, then they that (Pit River man) while walking about. 
found 
Tsi ni taméno’tka tind tapi’ a ni tchdi tankskni ké-itata gé‘nt 
Thus I was out there once _ for the I from that time never went 


last time, 


PIT RIVER RAIDS. 25 


selludlshuk. Nddnnitaksni taménd’tka; tind nat kayak shendtankatk, 


fighting. Three times I was there; once we not at all were fighting, 
kinkék i nat liluagsla. Tchin at nat at gii’tak nddni tdménotk. 
few only there we enslaved. SoI, when we _ gnit (fighting), three times had been there. 
NOTES. 


19. The long and fertile valley of the Pit River, an eastern affluent of the Saera- 
mento River, is inhabited by several tribes of Indians who speak dialects of the same 
language family. Of the peculiarities of these tribes, Stephen Powers has given the 
first comprehensive sketch in the Overland Monthly, 1874, pp. 412-416, and in Contribu- 
tions to North American Ethnology, vol. III, pp. 267-274. The various tribes greatly 
differ in their physical and mental qualities. The Pacamallies, on Hat Creek, at the 
lower end of the valley, were much dreaded by peaceable travellers on account of their 
sudden attacks from an ambush. The Indians in Big Valley are a fleshy, stout, and 
physically well-made people, while the Hot Spring Valley people has become deterio- 
rated through prolonged national misfortune. Against both of these the slaving raids 
of the Klamaths and Modoes were mainly directed. 

19, 2. The raids were undertaken by the Klamaths and Modoes just before w6kash- 
time; that is, in April and May. They had no other purpose than to make slaves of 
the females and children of the unwarlike, poor, and suffering Pit River Indians, and 
to keep them either at their homes or sell them for ponies, provisions, beads, ete., at the 
Dalles to the Columbia River tribes. Adult men were not enslaved, but killed outright 
if captured. Similar instances of suppression of weaker tribes of the West by war- 
like Indians who were their neighbors are those of the Kayuses on Middle Columbia 
River, of the Yuki between Sacramento River and the Pacific Ocean, of the Hapa on 
Trinity River, Cal., all of whom were, at the advent of the whites, the terror of the 
districts surrounding their homes. 

19, 3. shléétak for shliota ak; the Pit Rivers ran away at the mere sight of the 
Klamath men; ké-i tata sitkat, the Pit Rivers never killed any Klamath men. Both 
statements are exaggerations; Hill’s own account and Toby Riddle’s biographie notice 
tend to prove the contrary. 

19, 3. nellinat, or neli/nat. When they had killed an enemy, they did not follow 
the custom of the Oregonians of taking the scalp. This custom is not found among 
any of the Central Californian tribes. 

19, 4. hii’stchok-huya; by the suffix -huya, -uya, the action of the verb is shown to 
take place at intervals, or in a small degree. ‘They did only little damage by killing 
or massacring.” Cf. shendtank-huya, 20, 2, and -uya in the “List of Suffixes”. 

19, 4. ti’m tat sa. Change of the subjects introduced by the pronoun sha, sa, in 
consecutive sentences, is sometimes observed, as here and in 19, 16; 20, 3. Hill often 
uses sha when speaking of the Klamath Lake men, where nat, we, would be more 
appropriate. 

19, 6. Kitchkanin na for kitchkani nf (or ni) nf. Pronouns and particles are 
repeated quite frequently. 

19, 11. Wuksalks is a camping-place distant about six miles from Linkville. It 
was not possible for me to obtain definite information about the trail followed most 
generally in those raids, but Dave Hill said that from there they went due south. He 


26 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


was born about the year 1840, and since he was a boy then, carrying only a pistol, this 
raid may have taken place about the year 1858. His second raid, which was under- 
taken the year afterward, was made when he was nearly twenty years old. After this 
he stayed five years in Oregon City, on the Lower Willaémet River. 

19, 16, and 20, 1. What is said here up to the word snawii/ds is evidently an anti- 
cipation of what follows in 20, 6. 7. 

19, 16. sas tillindsa, or shash tilindsha: shash is apposition to wéwanuish, which 
stands here, as frequently, for wewanuishash ; 23, 5, we find: wewanishash. 

20, 2. lapik for lapi gi: “two are, two were.” 

20, 9. Tiundleshtat. The distance between Klamath Marsh and the Pit River 
country was estimated at three days’ Indian travel; but it often took four days to reach 
there on horseback. 

20,10 and 11. maklaksksaksi refers to the encampment and immediate surround- 
ings of the Indian captors, the Jdamath Lake men and the Modoes, who had gone with 
them. 

20, 135. guhudshktcha. They seem to have retuned home over the sane trail 
which they had followed in going south. They passed between Little Klamath and 
Rhett Lake, which latter is also called Tule and Modoe Lake. 

20, 17. tsti gé-u, ete. This sentence has to be construed as follows: tsti guikaka 
hivk lti’gs spunish gé-u: “ hereupon that slave, transferred by me, ran away.” 

21, 2 and 3. Boshtin tpii-ok. This man was an American settler on Lost River, 
who, with other settlers, had previously attacked one of the Pit River tribes, in punish- 
ment for depredations committed. In the fight which took place, some whites were 
killed by the Pit Rivers, and this prompted the abovementioned settler to slaughter an 
ox for the Lake men, in order to raise their spirits for deadly revenge on the common 
enemy. The beef was slaughtered and eaten at his farm. 

21,5. Tsti nat, etc. This incident was explained to me by Dave Hill, as follows: 
The famous Captain George was at that time war-chief both of the Klamaths and the 
Modoes. He had ordered Kiukamtch, the lhead-man of the Nushaltkaga=Modoes, to 
join the expedition against the Pit Rivers. His refusal to go prompted Dave Hill 
and others to deprive him of his elk-skin cuirasses; but finally, to secure success to 
the expedition, the parfleshes were returned to their owners. 

21, 7. Himasht nat. A verb like gi or shiita has to be supplied. 

21, 12. séllaluish, translated here by ‘“war-expedition”, still retains its verbal 
nature; for it is connected with two temporal adverbs: lupi/ and hink. More cireum- 
stantially the sentence can be rendered: “we rode far beyond the terminal point of 
our previous raiding campaign.” 

21, 18. léwak, a verb composed of two particles. Gétak and kanktak, formed 
almost in the same manner, are also used as verbs. Below, léwak is separated into 
its two components by a pronoun: lié nat wak ka-4; la! nat wak galdsawia-a. 

21,19. wéwansni. The terminal -ni turns the wéwanuish into a kind of adjectival 
phrase. See the peculiar use made of this ending in the Dictionary and in the Grammar. 

22,8. hataktk. The final k is the verb gi, ki, “said”; tehin hataktk is: tehi nt 
haétakt gi. 

22, 21. shatchlyémia is one of the various modes of painting face and body in use 
among the western Indians. White paint was put on in this manner (see Dictionary) 
only when the Indians were on the war-path. From the same verbal base is derived 


PIT RIVER RAIDS. 27 


shatcholgi, to contract the half-opened hand or fingers. Compare also: shatya/dsha, 
shatuaya, shatélakish. 

23, 6. gakayuluk refers to the women, not to the Klamath men. These latter 
retired with the captured females to the top of a hill, to secure themselves better against 
further hostile attacks. shishatya, distributive form of shiatya. 

23, 11. tinkayaila. The Pit River men ran out of the timber to flee from further 
attacks, and some ran up the steep bank from the dry river-bed. While they did so, the 
Lake men surrounded them and completely closed the circle (shta hashampka). Never- 
theless, some of them managed to break through the intervals; this frightened the 
Klamath men, and then the other Pit Rivers also escaped towards the hills. 

23, 12-14. The three men and the boy who went up the hill belonged to the Pit 
Rivers. The Klamath Lake warriors were so surprised at their sudden return to their 
surrounded companions, that the Pit Rivers had an opportunity to escape during the 
confusion. 

24,4. Natak. The sentence bas to be construed: natak hishlan hi/nk, Moatua- 
shash hi/nk ks4pok. “None others but ourselves shot at him; though he was one of 
our men, we thought him to be a Pit River man”. 

24, 4. laki. He had been shot in the eye-bone. 

24, 6. kli/kat stands for klii/ka at; cf. 28, 12. gatpant for gatpna at. 

24, 6. shewatyi/Isi: for shewaty0/lash i, or shewaty0/lish i; the i appearing here 
not as a local, but as a temporal case-suflix. shewatya, noon; lit.: the day divides 
itself in two; shewatyo/la, afternoon, the day has divided itself in two a while ago. 

24, 8. Inluksgii/-ish, uncommon form for liluksgish, l6loksgish, rifle, gun, lit. “fire- 
maker”. 

24, 17. siukshtka stands for the full form siukshtka gi. 

24, 18. tuti/la. By inadvertence the distributive form is used here instead of the 
absolute form tuila, for the Pit River man spoken of had an abnormal fleshy excres- 
cence on one foot only. 

25, 1. shéllualshuk: he means fighting with the Pit River Indians. 

25, 1. ndannitaksni, incomplete grammatic form for ndannitankshni. 

25, 2. kinka-ak i, only a few; meaning females of the Pit River tribes. 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


1891 
LIBRARY, 


28 " HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


E-UKSNI sbLLUAL SATas. 


HOW THE LAKE MEN FOUGHT THE SNAKE INDIANS. 


GIVEN By Dave HILL IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


Lupfi sbkuLuAL. THE FIRST FIGHT. 


Sa’t gdtpa tind ti E-uksi; Kéketat slid wéwanuish E-ukski’sas 


Snake went once over to Klamath on William- they saw females of the Lake tribe 
Indians Marsh ; son River 
vi’/nshatk gépkapsh. chu sdkatlank ¢épka wewanuishash mak’lakuapkst; 
in canoes approaching. Then going along they came (waiting till) the had gone to their camp; 
the trail up women 


3 tsi mak’léka wéwanuish, tsti hdtakt gatpa Sa‘t, tsii ngii’-isa wéwaliiks - 
then went to camp the women, and near(them) came ee and wounded the old women 
nakes, 


pila. Téankt A’-ukskni, hiktoks hissuaks gépka, k’lewidshaépka ltela gfug 
only. That time the Lake tribe, (when) these (hostile) men arrived, had gone away for killing 
kiii’m. 
fish. 

6 Tstti at hushtsédy hi’nk wewali’ksas Sa’t, tchii gimpéle; tanktak 


And massacred those aged females the Snake then returned ; pretty soon 
men, 


tehtu A’-ukskni hihassuaks gasdktsna. sti mak’léy hik Sa’t laki Nyitsé- 
after this the Lake the men pursued, And encamped that Snake chief Dried- 
Tst/ks (na’sht hi’k sésatk Sa’t laki kilt’s); tsi E-ukskni slid mak’lézapks. 


Leg * (so he a Snake (the) chief-bero) ; then the Lake men _ espied him to be encamped. 
called 


9 Tsti gi’lgi sha, tsti ti’nsna Sa‘t, tsti siuka hi’nk Nyits4-Tsfi‘ksas Sa’tas 
Then charged they, and ranaway _ the and they killed him Dried-Leg the Snake 
Snakes, 
lakias. Tchii nanka Sa’t giimpéle, nanyatoks ht’shtchok. 
leader. Upon this some Snake went home, but others were killed. 
men 


Tehi séllual titnd Sha’tash. Kpudsdmpéli sha hi’nk Sa’tas, tehti 


Thus they fought onetime the Snakes. Drove back they those Snakes, and 
1 —/ A 
12 ké-itata gdtpant Sha’t; at vushé E-ukski’shash. 
never again came _ the Snakes; (for) mey the Lake tribe. 
fearec 


LO’‘LDATKISH BOSHTINASH 'T0/LA SHENOTANKA SHATASH. 


DAVE HILL FIGHTS THE SNAKE INDIANS ON THE SIDE OF THE 
AMERICANS. 


Shitlka na‘Ish ké-ag Mr. Huntington; Sd-atas i’tpa Moadoki’sh tchish 
Collected us long ago Mr. Huntington ; the Snakes he the Modocs also, 
: brought, 
nalsh tchi’sh i’tpa gi’ta, tchui tchid nat na’dsag Tchiui ti’na illdlolatk 
us likewise nr here, then lived we in one spot. Then one year-elapsed 
rought 


FIGHTS WITH SNAKE INDLANS. 29 


Sha’t guikak. Ha’k lapi lalaki: Sa’t na-as Techatchdéktchaksh né- -asht 


the went away There two chiefs: | Snake one Tchatchéktchaksh 

Snakes (were) man 
sésatk, na’sh tchig: Panaina tchi’ sésatk. ‘Tchui sd’Idshas shawiga, tsti 
named, one (man) besides: Panaina 80 named. Uponthis the military was Eronset and 
géna; ti’ Spa-ish Valley gatpa shd’lsash hu‘k, tsti sakemawank hatokt 
set out; far off to Surprise Valley marched the soldiers, and rendez-vousing there 
milua; la’p mépoks géna sht’ldshash; na’sh Lieutenant Oatman nd-asht 
got ready ; two companies went (of) soldiers ; one Lieut. Oatman thus 
shéshatk laki shi’Idshash, na‘sh tchik Lieutenant Small né-asht shéshatk 
named (was) chief of soldiers, one besides Lieut. Small thus named (was) 
laki shi’/Idshash. Tt’ nat talaaks yamtital géna. 

chief of soldiers. Cseom) we straight northwards proceeded. 

there 


Tstii nat €-ushtat géluandsa, tsui nats shli’pka Sha’t; ki’lilks shlia; 


Then we a lake went around, and us noticed the Snakes; thedust they re 
celvec 
tchuii yainatal kakdlakpka, nanza ¢-ushtat gi’-upkapk (Warner Lake, tchi 
then Warner Ridge we climbed, some ehronen the waded (Warner Lake, 80 
ake 
hak na’sh hi’k sésatk é-us). Tchti Camp Warner mak’lék tind nat waita; 
that one named lake). Then at Camp Warner camped one we day and 
one (was) night ; 
tsti nat guhdshktcha talaat tzalamti’tal Tchui nat telo‘li “Tchéwam 
then we started out directly towards west. And we looked down “ Antilope’s 
Sti’”, tehthuk sésatk kiila; tsti nat lapi guli‘ndsa (skuy@’i natch hi’k 
Trail”, so this named (is) locality; then two of us went down (detached us the 
(into it) (two) 
lalaki), tsti shné’-uldsha nat. Tchui nat talo’li; gilo‘la nat k’makuapkuk 
command- and galloped off we. And we sconted; dismonnted we to reconnaitre 
ers), 


Sitas maklaksas, tsti nat wawapk k’makka nat, tsti ma‘ntsag gi'tk la’pi 


the Spake Indians, and we sat down (and) spied we, then shortly afterwards two 

Sa't ti’kni gepgapéle: kokagtalkni gépgap’. Tsti tilo’dshipk nat, tsti 

Snake from a returned : over a rivulet they came back. And sawthemcoming we, then 
men distance 

talaak gutilapkap’li nats; tsii nat wal’hha kawaliii‘kuapk sa’-ug. Tchti 
towards they descended waoile us; and we watched they would ascend believing. But 

(as) rounding a hill (them) 
ka-i gawalii’ga, hi'tok ti’ gatpampéle tchi’-ishtat m’na; nat ma‘nts-gi’tk 
not they came up, bap from away they returned to camp theirs ; we after a while 
there 


gi‘lapgapéle shtilshampéli-uapkuk. Tsti nat gii’mpéli, tsi nats gaya- 


rode back to report again. When we came back, (in front) had 
of us 


itsampk shi’Idshash huk, lupiak nats giilzalgi’pka. 
advanced the military, before we had folly ei 
from the hill. 


Tsti ti’-hak nats a gépksi at shli’pka, tsi tassuipk, tsti ktaital 


Then along way when we came down they saw (the and charged (them), and _ tothe rocks 
behind (the Snakes), 
soldiers) 
tinshampk Sa-at htik. Siindtanksi nat sash gatpa, tsui ta’ shlikshgan’s 
scampered off the Snakes. Atthe moment of we them _ reached, and nearly shot me 
fighting (the soldiers) 

a Sa’‘t. Tu’taks hak sho’ldshash néouk ga-dléka kpi’lyuk Sa’tas; li-mi’l- 
the Far up the soldiers mairabed up todislodge the Snakes; the packer 


Snakes. 


6 


12 


15 


18 


21 


9 


18 


21 


50 . HISTORICAT, TEXTS. 


miin pila yana shlaka watch hi’nk. sti sa sendtank; watch na‘sh hitakt 


of army alone below guarded horses (theirs). Now they fought; horse asingle over there 

baggage 

tk4lamna, tstti na’sh E-ukskni shnuktsd4stkak hi/nk watch. Tsti ni 

stood on a hill, when one Lake man started to catch that herse. And I 

lewé-ula: ‘shli-uapkaém’sh sha, liukéyank a i-fi'ta!” tehin ei; “hufya!” 

tried to dissuade “will shoot you they, lying in ambush they are sol said; “don’t go!” 

(him): firing!" 

na‘st ni hémkank: “hutya!” Tsti géna ki’likankank, tsti Sa’t htik téwi 

so I spoke: “don’t go!” And he went speeding off, avd 3 the athim fired 
Snakes 


gatpankshkshi hank wats. sti Kidstiksaksina li’kshktsa gii’-ish hii‘k. 


when he bad almost the horse And right on the chin took (his) skin off bullet that. 
reached 
Tsti nat ka-i hi’nk sni’kat watch hank; tsti hik Sa’t tinsna kat hi’k 
And we not caught horse that; and the Snakes ranaway who him 
shli‘kshga. sti nat kptlaktsa ta’ ati ga-i/lza; ninuk hak Sa’t gdktsui 
bad almost shot. Then we pursued (them high up we ascended; all the Snakes went into 
and) (in the hills) 


wali’shtat, ki’mets hatakt guli’ ti’mi hihassuaks. Tstti hatokt gi’ank 


the rock-cliffs, the caves also there entered many men. And in there staying 
sawika hik Sa‘t, suashudla sa hi/nk kta-i, tsi vii’ssa sht/Idshash. At 
became the Snakes, (and) piled up they rocks, and became the troops. Then 
angry afraid 
yana tilya shappash, tstti nat eémpéle. 
down- inclined the sun, and we returned 
wards (to camp). 
Kayaktsna shildshash wéwanuish; u-i’tsna sha, tsi ni shliid 
Porsued the soldiers women ; they marched in front file, then I perceived 
hissuikshas Ktayat tsutia. Mini kilo hdtakt tiya; hinkant. tsfg 
aman the rocks underneath. A tall juniper-tree there stood below; against it then 
tsShdlamnank layipk liluksgishtka. sti ndé-ulyan shli-ank hii/nkt layi- 
sitting close he poirted with his gun. And T let me fall seeing him point- 
(at me) 
pakst, tsti ni si‘ktsaslan wika; tstti ni shli’wal nanuyank tyiilya; tehiui 
ing, and I crawled aside a little ; and I cocked making ready (and) stood up; and 
nish lés’ma geé’tal ta’ds, layipk tt’shtal lupi’ shli-o’lan’s. Tsti ni shli’n; 
me he did not at that he where at first he had seen me. Then T fired; 
see spot, pointed c 
paté n shli‘n, tsti ndéwanka; tsti ni ho’tye, tsii ni pan shlin ni’sh 
inthe I hit (him), and he fell; then 1 sprang to- and I again shot (him) in the 
cheek wards (him), head 
Ch pee ee ifn af </ . * =/ 
sikéni’'tkstka. sti so’ldshash ti’ntpa, tstti neli‘na nd, tsti kiizan Sa’tas 
with a pistol. Then the soldiers arrived, and scalped I and recognized Snake 
(bin), I man 


hink, kéndan hi’/nk shi‘uga. Gitakni hi’k P'lafkni; E-ukskishash 


that, whom I had killed. Hailing he from Sprague toa Klamath Lake 
River ; (woman) 
, L A * al - ¢ 46 a r 
mbushéaltk; né-asht hi’k shésatk Laépa-Kiu-gi’tk; tchihuk shésatk. At 
he was married; 80 he (was) Two-Rumps-having ; thus he (was) Now 
cated named. 
A ? Al oo r ye , ws 
nat neli/nulank at gémpéle mak’laktstk, at ti’nniiga. sti nat mak’léz; 
we having done sealp- ~retnrned for encarmping, and (the sun) was Then wo camped ; 
ing (him) setting. 
kékae hatakt ti’msna, safgataks hétokt ki; hti/nkant tehi’k hi’k kokae 
“a brook there was running a prairie right there was; throngh it then that stream 


by, 


FIGHTS WITH SNAKE INDIANS. 31 


ti’nsyantsa ydshaltk. Tchiti kissi’mi sht’dsha Sa’t; ti’ wali’sh i-utila 


was running studded with Then at nightfall made a fire the there the cliffs below 
willows. Snakes; 
ti/shtuk ki’/mme. Mi’ ska tankt sli’wi; tsi psin gatpa Sa’‘t irita. 
there (was) a cave. Very cold thattime (the wind) and in the came the (and) fired. 
blew ; night Snakes 
Tsti shildshash vii'ssa, tsti nat mf’lua, a nat guhudshktsa, psinak 
And the soldiers took fright, and we gotready, and we marched, pienee 
nig) 
int/atan nat géna; nishté nat eéna Ti’ nat yainatat piiktgi, tsf’i nat 
southwards we went; the whole we marched. Far we on the moun- were at then we 
night away tains dawn, 

ni‘lka. 


stopped there 
in the early hours. 


Liluagslash tankt l4pksapt wéwanuish; fina nat hi’nk, tsti nat pan 
They enslaved that time seven women ; brought we those, then we again 
mak’léy Ni/wapksh yamakstan gii’dsa tydlamna. Tstii kokag hatakt 
encamped from Goose Lake rorth side of a little to the west. And a brook there 
ta/nsna; tstii psin gatpa Sa't, tsii ké-i nat kaktant; ni’shta nat ka-i 
is running; and = at night came the and not we slept; all night we not 
Snakes, 
kaktant. Tsti mbusant piin gdtpa Sa’t; yaina-ag kuita nats hik ti’pka, 
slept. And nextmorning again came ane a hillock back of — us stood, 
nakes; 


tsui hatakt li’wal Sa’t, tsii kaki’hha sho’ldshash; ati ba’nk kaki’hha. 


and there gathered the and missed (them) the soldiers ; by a them they missed. 
Suakes, long way 
Tstti nat watsdtka tiiluak-hiya; tsti gaya-a na‘ts hi’k Sat. Mbusant 
Then we on horseback rode after them ; and were hiding before us the Snakes. In the morn ng 
nat g¢épegap'li; at eii’tak Satas slid, tsti nat g4tpampéle. T'sti shi’ldshash 
we returned ; no longer any found and we went back home. And the military 
Snakes we, 


hai’k shiiwéna wewan’sh na’ls hank, Sa’‘tas wats tchish la’p. A nat gat- 


gave wowen to us those, of the Suake horses also two. Then we Te- 
tribe 
pampéle gi’ta E-ukaék; hi’ktoks Lieutenant Small tii’ shipi’tk Na’wapksh 
turned here to Fort Kla- but he Lieut. Small over separated Goose Lake 
math ; there 
gunigstant gémpaluk Spa-ish Valleytala. La’p Sdtas wéwanuish ii’na. 
opposite for returning to Surprise Valley. Two Snake females betade 
with him. 
NOTES. 


28. The various bands of Snake Indians inhabiting Oregon east of the Cascade 
Mountains are gaining their sustenance chiefly by the chase. This accounts for their 
constant wanderings and ubiquitous presence sometimes at Camp Harney, or the 
Owyhee and Snake River, at other times near Warner Lake, or the Klamath Marsh. 

The date of this raid could not be determined; it may have preceded the fight 
related below by ten or twenty years. 

28, 1. B-uksi, “to Klamath Marsh”; on Williamson River (Koke), which fornis 
the outlet of the Marsh, the Snakes saw women of the Lake tribe crossing or passing 
down the river in their dug-out eanoes, which they use for gathering w6kash (the seed 
of the pond-lily) on the Marsh. 


12 


je 
or 


32 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


28, 2. gépkapsh, formed by syllabic elision from gepkapkash ; cf. 29, 19. 

28, 2. sakatla, to come up, to arrive by the trail. 

28,35 and 4. wéwaliiks pi/la, the old women only; the younger ones, on whou prin- 
cipally devolves the work of wokash-gathering, found time to escape in their canoes 
from the raiders. 

28, 4. Wlewidsh4pka. The men had gone fishing to distant places, leaving their 
females in the camp, not apprehensive of any hostile attack. 

28, 8. kild’s, or kilt’s, is the epithet given to “‘ Dry-Leg”, the Snake chief; it means 
a bold tighter, leader of a fighting band; literally: “irate, wrathful”, and may be here 
taken as an equivalent to “war-chief” (sessal6lish lal). 

28, 15. Moadoki/sh, apocopated for Moadokishash; also 28, 1: wéwanuish (wé- 
wash) for wewanuishash (shlia gépkapsh). Na/Ish tehi/sh, ws also; that is, we of the 
Klamath Lake tribe, were gathered by Mr. Perit Huntington into one district, the newly 
established Klamath Reservation. A large number of the Lake People were then seat- 
tered about Klamath Marsh, which is visited by them now in summer only for fishing, 
gathering wokash and berries, and for hunting. 

28, 14. Dave Hill, now interpreter (laldatkish) at the Klamath Lake Agency, took 
a part in this short but interesting expedition, in the capacity of an Indian scout. He 
fixes himself the date of it by the words “tina illololatko”, or a full year after the 
Indians had been gathered on the Reservation by Mr. Perit Huntington. The treaty 
was concluded on October 14, 1864, and the campaign was undertaken in 1866 by a small 
body of American troops for the purpose of bringing back to the Reservation a band 
of Snake Indians who had run away from it. This unruly tribe, jealous of its former 
independence, has left the Reservation even since then, and could only after much 
exertion be induced to return. The fights took place west of Warner Lake, and north 
of the border-line between California and Nevada, within the former haunts of these 
western Shoshonis. 

The Report of the Acting Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1867, page 99 sq., 
mentions this expedition in the following laconic terms: ‘ October 27, 1866, trcops 
consisting of 21 men, First Oregon infantry, and five Indian Klamath scouts, under 
Lieutenant Oatman, and 27 men, First Oregon cavalry, under Lieutenant Small, had a 
fight with a band of hostile Snake Indians near Lake Abbott [should read: Abert], in 
the Klamath country, Southern Oregon. The Indians had so chosen their position 
that the troops were obliged to dismount to attack them. The fight lasted one and a 
half hour, and 14 Indians were killed and many wounded.” 

On page 109 of the same Report, another fight against Snake Indians is spoken of: 
“Late in November, 1866, in a contlict between the troops and Snake Indians near 
Fort Klamath, 10 Snake Indians were killed by the troops, and three more by the 
friendly Klamath and Moadoes who accompanied them.” This may have been the same 
fight as the one above, reported with much less accuracy of detail. 

29, 3. Spa-ish Valley, name corrupted from Surprise Valley. This valley is situated 
in the northeastern angle of California, and on the shore of its two alkali lakes several 
Anetican settlements have sprung up. A few Snake Indians live peaceably around 
Fort Bidwell, which is located at the northern extremity of the valley. 

29,10. talaat tyalamti’tal, consonantic assimilation for talaak tzalamti’tal, due west. 

29, 17 and 19. na/ts, natch, for nals, na/Ish, na/lash, ws; nats a gépksi, for na/lash 
a gépkash 1. 


THE MODOC WAR. 33 


29,17 and 18. gay4-itsampk. ‘The advance of the troops was ordered in conse- 
quence of Hill’s report that Snake Indians had been seen by him and his fellow-scout. 

29,19. ta/=hak; hak means: on this side of something or somebody, referring to an 
object located between the speaker and something more distant. 

29, 19 and 20. shla/pka (for shlé/apka) and tassuipk (for tassui-apk) “they saw and 
attacked them in Hill’s absence”; tinshampk “ they scampered off unseen by Hill”. If 
the simplex verbal forms shli/a, tassui (or tashui), tinshna were used, they would imply 
that Hill then saw the Snake Indians himself, that he was among the troops charging 
them, and that he had seen them in person scampering off. 

30, 3. lewé-ula really means: not to permit, not to allow, to forbid. 

30, 5. tchin gi, short for tchi ni gi: “so I said.” 

30, 5. Instead of gatp4nkshkshi could also stand in the text: gatpanuapkshi; the 
final -i being used in a temporal sense in both terms. 

30, 8. kii/mets, contr. from kt/mme tchish, or from ki/metat tehish. 

30, 9. suashudla, ete. They piled up rocks to serve them as barricades to shoot 
from behind. 

30, 11. u-i/tsna, distributive form of 6-itchna; see Dictionary. 

31, 7. Na/wapksh, ete. Transcribed into the fuller and more explicit grammatic 
forms, this phrase would read: Na/wapkash yamakishtana kétcha tydlamna, “to the 
northwest of Goose Lake.” For Ni/wapksh, Né-uapksh, see Dictionary. 

31, 13. This campaign terminated in a decided victory over the runaway Snake 
warriors, but failed to accomplish its real purpose of bringing them back to the 
Reserve. Nevertheless, these Indians had been severely chastised by losing quite 
a number of men killed and wounded, and seven women of their tribe captured by the 
military. 


Mo’poxnt MAKLAKS SHELLUAL. 


THE MODOC WAR. 


OBTAINED FROM THE RIDDLE FAMILY IN THE Mopoc DIALEcT. 


Shalam 1869 A. B. Meacham shuashuldliampkish nénuk maklakshash 


Intheau- of 1869 A. B. Meacham the superintendent over all “Indians 
tumn 


shualaliampka Tyalamtala; Modoki’shash hushtanka ne-ulékshgishi Kéke- 


kept watch in Oregon ; the Modocs he met at the council- ae on Lost 
tat wigdtan tchussni‘nish slankosh; nish snawédshash gé-u tila shatéla 
River eee the Natural Bridge ; wife mine together he hired 
lutatkatki. 


to be interpreters. 


At na nanuk ne-ulakgishyé’ni gdtpa; nanuk maklaksh wawd4pka, 


Then we all to council-ground went; the whole tribe was sitting there, 
vini’pni hundred pén nda‘ni té-unep pén vinip pé-ula hihashudtchyish, 
four hundred besides _— three tens besides four men, 


3 


6 


6 


“« 


34 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


we-ulékash tata‘ksni tehi’sh. Meacham shapi’ya tui gatpamndka: “at 


old women children also. Meacham told (them) what he had come for: “now 


mi‘lash nti shidlkishyéni itchanudpka K-ukshitala.” 


ye I to the reservation T shall remove to Klamath Lake.” 
Captn Jack, maklaksim laki, heméye: “Ka-i nt tita gé-u kifla 
Captain Jack, of the Indians the chiet, said: “Not I ever my country 


sheshii’tui; hemkénka nti Boéshtinash, hii shand-uli medshdpkash, tehfa. 
did sell ; have said I to Americans, if wished to emigrate (there), ; hey court 
ive (there). 


Ka-itoks nai gn tata kiila sheshii’tui, hai’toks Skéntchish sheshi’ tui.” 
Not I this ever country did sell, but he Skéntchish sold (it).” 


Meacham kat hii pipa itpa sha’-titanksh haménitiga, héshl’a hai pena 
(Then) Meacham himself the pa- brought an arrangement wishing, showed (that) his own 
per he 
she’shash shimaluash ; pén nanukash ti shand-uli itchampélish shit/lkish- 
name had written on it; again all people oxar he wanted to take back to the reserva- 
there 
kiila. Ki-uks ka-i shand-uli gémpélish; hai gé-u léwitchta tpéwash. At 
tion. The conjurer not wanted to go back ; he (to) mine objected talk. Then 
maklaks léwitchta ké-ish shit Tkish-kiifla. Meacham killctana nalaish géntge; 
the tribe refused to go to the reservation. Meacham foreibly told us to go; 
at tineii‘ga makloks i-amnan Idloksgish. Béshtin tchi’sh. Toby hotamsza 
then sprang up the Indians seizing (their) guns. The Ameri- also. Toby Rid- rushed be- 
cans dle tween 
hemkanka kie: ‘“ Hi-itékat! ké-u hémkanksh matchatkat, ké-i a hin pi- 
(and) spoke thus: “Ye be quiet! to my speech listen ye, not ye this on 
thing 
pélanegshta samtchatka. Meacham ma‘lam ht shi'tchlip, hemkanka tidsh, 
both sides understand well. Meacham yours heis the friend, he spoke to your 
5 benefit, 
mal tidsh tchitki gidga. Kanktak gin wawaélkan matchatkat; ka-i kiluat, 
ye comfort- to live for the Quietly here sitting down listen (to him) ; not be wrath- 
ably purpose, ful, 
Béshtin, at nv talaak shu’ta! Naéanuk wawalyan i‘lkat ma‘lam Idloksgish ! 
ye Americans, then I straight will make All (of ye) sitting down lay ye your guns! 
(it)! down 
at toks ma’‘l pe’n shand-uli maklaks hassasudkish.” 
now with ye again desire the Indians to debate.” 
(whites) 
Keédsha pén hemkankatko tind‘li; at nanuk hémkanka, mbi’shan 
For some time again after talking the sun ~—_— then all agreed, next day 
went down; 


genuapktiga shitlkishy éni-kaila. 


to remove to the reservation. 
Mba’shan nanuk shitlkishyéni géna Mo’dokni; Meacham tila géna. 
Next morning all to the reservation went the Modoces ; Meacham with traveled. 


(them) 


Shitlkishyéni ‘“Mo’dok Point” shéshash gishi gatpa; at Meacham M6‘doki- 


Within the reserva- to Modoc Point” (its) name they went ; then Meacham to the 
tion 

shash shulo’tish nanukénash shéwana shapfya, tidsh p’nalash shualaliampa- 

Modocs the clothing to every one distributed (and) said, well for them he would 


kudpeasht. At Mo’dokni K-ukshikishash tala wawaltka; at hatak hish- 


provide, Then the Modocs the Klimath Lakes together conferred ; now here they 


THE MODOC WAR. a5 


talta at kayak hishtchaktnan nadsha’shak tchi-uapkiiga, Béshtinash shitch- 


promised at no getting incensed inacommon home _ they would live, (and) to the Ameri- they would 
time cans 
laluapkiga. At lapi lalaki shatashi hishtaltniga. Meacham Capt'n Knap- 
keep friendship. Then the chiefs shook hands for promise. Meacham to Captain Knapp 
two 


pash shénuidsha maklakshash shualaliampatki gitiga. 


turned over the Indians to be their See 


At Mo’dokni ktchinksh ntchayetampka shtishtnad’tan; ndankshap- 
Gem the Modoes rails to split-commenced to build houses ; eight 
this 


tankni tousand ktchinksh shaishata. At htimashtgitlan E-ukshikni k6-i 
times thousand rails they made. Now after achieving this ihe Klamath Lakes “is 
edly 


né-ulya, nanuk ktchinksh Mo’dokishash téméshka, hemkankoéta: ‘“kiifla 
acted, all the rails from the Modocs they took away, declaring : “the land 
Mmalam”, kshapa; ‘‘Modokishash Iédloaksh”, kshapa; ‘“Béshtin kléksht”, 
’ ’ ’ pa; ps 
ig peo ees so they sald; “the Modoes (are) bondsmen ”, xo they said; “white people they will be- 
ongs), come”’, 


kshapa. Mo’dokni laki ka-i yamtkin Meachalam hémkanksh, Béshtinash 


80 they said. The Modoc chief not ~ forgetful of Meacham’s word, (that) the Ameri- 
(was) can government 


(hink hii Meacha shapiya), tidsh shlepakuapkasht Modokishash, Béshtin 
rae he Meacham said), well would protect the Modocs, the Ameri- 
thing can 


lakiash shléa sbapiya, E-ukshikisham ktchinksh téméshkash ka-i Mo’- 


“agent visited (and) told the Klamath Lakes the rails had taken away (8 (and) to the 
(him), not 


dokishash shewandpélish shand-uli. Fi-uksbikni hémkank: “na/lam a btn 

Modoes (them) to return wanted. The Klamath Lakes said : “our ye 

kiiflati ktehinksh vul6‘dsha.” Béshtin lakf ké-i tpéwa E-ukshikishash Mo- 

cece te the rails (ye) have cut.”’ The Ameri- agent not ordered the Klamath Likes to the 
an can 


dokishash ktchinksh shewanapélitki, ké-i E-ukshikishash tpéwa tala gin 
Modocs the rails tu return, “not the Kiama.h Lakes ordered money 
(he) 
Modokishash shewanatki. Pén Béshtin laki Modokishash wénni shidshla ; 
to the Modoes to pay (for them). Again the Ameri- agent the Modocs elsewhere removed ; 
can 

pen Mo’dokni ktchinksh tunépni tousand shi’ta, pen K-akshikni gatpam- 
again the Modocs rails five thousand made, once the Kiawath Lakes coming to 

more their lodges 


nan Modokishash nanuk ktchinksh papalla. 


the Modocs of all rails robbed. 
Mo'dokni laki pen géna Agency laldam, pen heshégsha K-ukshikisham 


The Modoc chief again ewent to the agency in winter, once complained the Klamath Lakes 
more 
ktchinksh pén pdallash, ké-i shand-uli E-ukshiki’shash pélpéliash hunashak; 
the rails again to pave not (did he) want for the Klamath Lakes to work gratuitously ; 
stolen, 
shand-uli kitchdkélan pi’sh ktchinksh shnt’‘ktgi. At agent pén nadshash 
he wanted to be paid to himself rails for having taken. Then the agent again in one batch 
shidshla Modoki’shash, at Mo’dokni nda/nash pen pelpeltampka. Pen 
removed the Modoves, Low the Modoes atathird place again to work-commenced. Once 
more 


Ww-ukshikni ktchinksh Mo‘dokishash nanuk papdila, Captn Jack pen 
the Klamath Lakes the rails from the Modocs all atole, (and) Captain Jack again 


12 


15 


18 


Sis) 


6 


18 


21 


36 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 

Béshtin lakiash shapfya E-ukshikishash pi’sh tala shewandtki ktchinkshtat. 

the Ameri- agent toid the Klamath Lakes tohim money should pay for (his) rails. 
can 

Béshtin lak{ at kiLhuan heméze: “Hi i fin pen gépktak, teht/i mish ni 

The Ameri- agent now gettingen- spoke; “Tf you again come here, then you 1 
can raged 

tn tish shpulaktak k4-i mish E-ukshiki’shash shnumatchkatgi.” At Mo’- 
there willlock up (where) you the Klamath Lakes will bother (any longer).” Here- the 

not upon 


dokni laki gémpélan p’na shne-ipakshtat, nénuk p’na mékloksh shit/lagian, 
Modoc chief returning to his hearth, all his people (he) collected, 


Kéketat dmtch tchishtat gémpéle lapkshaptankni tainepni miles mdat. At 


to Lost River, (to the) old settlement he returned seventy miles south. Then 
tydlampanki mdkloks sheggdtyan likiash tchti lipitala médsha Yafnakshi 
the half tribe separating from the subse- eastward migrated to Yaneks 
chief quently 
sheshapkash gaptchétka tyalampdéni 1870, hataktok tchfa Médokfshash 
so-called in May the middle 1870, at that place stayed the Modocs 
shéllualsht. 


while fought. 


Capt'n Al’pa Yafnakshi-gishi’ Modokishash mdaklikshash Kéketat 


Captain Applegate at Yéneks the Modoe Indians on Lost River 
shlédsha itchampelish shandé-uliuga. M6/dokni laki heméze: “Hi nish tin 
visited to take (them) back wishing. The Modoc chief said: aay me 
Béshtin lakf tidsh shualaliampaéktak, géntak nfi fin Agency; hii tchish fin 
the Ameri- agent well will protect, would go I totheagency; if also 


can 


Tehmi’tch laki gitak.” Shayudékta hi/nk, Tchmi’tchim tilaak shlepa- 


Frank Riddle agent would be.” He knew, (that) Frank Riddle with justice would ad- 
kuapkash. Bédshtin lak léwitchta humashtgish, Mo’dokni lakf léwitchta 
minister. The American agent refused to assent, the Modoc chief declined 
gé’sh, ndani Béshtin lakiim kiyan ne-ulkiash; shan4-uli kénash délaak 
to go, three the Ameri- Government deceiv- having compacted; he wanted somebody rightly 
times can ingly 
push shlepaktgi; hai shayuakta Tchmi’tchim dalaak shlepakuapkash. 
for bim to care ; he knew Frank Riddle rightly would protect him, 
Pnatak kiilatat tehi/sh h4méne shtildshash pi’sh shiukdtki; ké-i pt’sh 
His own in country to stay he preferred the military him inorder to kill; not him 
shp@nshnan shitilkishyéni, hashtawan shiukatki pi’sh. 
taking forcibly away to the reservation, by starvation in order to kill — him. 

Kaitua shi’ta tchi’sh pdni shalam 1872. Béshtin hatak-tchi’tko 
Nothing was done further till autumn 1872. The white settlers 
shanabuli makliksham kiila, m&klakshash shand-uli kifla tpdilinash ti’m 
desired the Indians’ land, the Indians they wanted arom one to drive off wide 

anc 


kshundlpash kifla shana-ulidga. Makliksam wewanfshash ké-i shi‘ta 


pasture-lands coveting. Of Indians the females bad outraged 


Béshtin. Kéketat-tehitko Béshtin pipa shumdluan mitini ldkiash shnigéta, 


the whites. On Lost River-settled Americans 2 peti setting up to the President sent (by mail), 
tion 


THE MODOC WAR. 37 


ké-i shana-uliéga maklikshash hi tchi’tki. M@’ni laki walya: ‘“Idsha 


wanting the Indians there to remain. The President replied: “Remove 


méklskshash Agency kayak hishtchaéktnan ; ka-i gé-isht, t tpidshéntak. 


the Indians totheagency not boisterously ; “hot (they) mars ive (them there)."” 


Viinépni tatinep shi'Idshash, Capt'n Jackson lakf, la4péni tatinep Boéshtin 


Forty soldiers, Captain Jackson ae twenty white 
manding, 


hatak-tchitchish tila ina’k gaki4mna. Bédshtin laki heméze: “i lakf gépki!” 
settlers with early surrounded (the The Ameri- com- eried: ‘you, chief, come here!"" 
(them) camp). can mander 


Scarface Charley géknan heméye: “Jack k4-iu patkal!” Béshtin lakf Bar- 


Scarface Charley coming out said : “Jack not yet has got up!” Lieutenant Bar- 


tell heméye: “i pfishpushli watch4gilim wéash, Iéloksgish mi hin ¢élk!” 


tell said: “you black ofa bitch the son, rifle~ yours this A lay 
own !"" 


Scarface Charley heméze : “ni ‘toks ké-i watchdga gi; hishudkshash-shitko 


Scarface Charley said: “not a dog am; to a man-alike 


ish hémkank!” Bartell ee: “4 pishptshli watchdkilam wéash, 16- 


to me speak!” Bartell said: “vou black of a bitch the son, ri- 


lokshgish mi ély!” Jackson heméze: “Iéloksgish hinkish fi'tzi.” Lapok 


yours _ lay Jackson said: “the gon fromhim take away.” Both 
down!” 


nadshashak shikén{tkish shushpdshkan shétui; l4pok shaki’ha. Tank hin 


at the same mo- revolver drawing fired ; both missed. Hence 
ment 


shellualtampka. 


the war commenced. 


Tanktak Béshtin ta’gshta Kéke yutetémpka; at nanuk shellualtampka. 


Just then the whites onopposite of Lost toshoot-commenced; then all to fight-commenced. 
shore River 


Tankt lépi tatinep maklaks tchia, tunépni tatnep shi’ldshash Béshtin tchi’sh 


That time twenty Modoc war- stayed fifty soldiers American settlers 
riors (in camp), 


shakaltko. Lapgshapta shfii‘ldshash ltela, kanktak ngé’she-uiya. Maklak- 


mixed with. Seven soldiers en as many were wounded. Of the In- 
kille 


sim wewdanuish tatoksni na’sh tatinep kshfkla shuénka ngé@‘she-uiya. Ki- 


dian women (and) children eleven were killed and) wounded. Of the 


uksim méklaksh Kéke gunigshta y4mat taménuod’ta hatakt-tchitchishash 


conjurer the band Lost River across northwards while running the settlers there 


shuénka, ké-i na’sh gin snawédshash tatakiash ké-i liela. Makliks laki 


massacred, (but) not one there woman children not they killed. The Modoc chief 


ktayalshtala géna, pen nanka gaptdéga géna tila; hataktok tchia 17th Jan- 


to the lava-beds went, then others joined (himand) went with there they January 


(him) ; stayed 
uary 1873 tche’k. 


17th 1873 until. 


Tankt vinépni hundred pén vinip shii’ldshash, Béshtin shfikaltko, 


That day four hundred and four soldiers, with settlers mixed, 


gut4mpka. Waita shéllual, kelidnta ké-ishtat, tindlo’lish tchék kéléwi; 


attacked (them). All day they fought, without snow kon the at sundown finally they ceased; 
ground), 


shi'Idshish gémpélin at viini’pni tatinep stéwa lueldtan ngéshdétan 
the military retreating, then forty they missed (in) killed wounded 


6 


12 


18 


21 


12 


15 


38 HISTORICAL TEXTS 


tchish. Tinep tulina késhgtiga idshi’sh kéyak wenggé apiehy tankt 


also, Five they left being unable to take not yet dea after 
behind, (them) 
shi’ldsham génuish méklaks shuénka hi’nk. 
the soldiers’ retreat the Indians killed them. 


At mtni laki né-tlya: Modokishash shutankuapkiga, A. B. ‘Meacham- 


Then the President peas a with the Modocs to conclude peace, A. Meacham 
decree 
ash tpéwa maiklakshash shutanktgi; General Edward Canby tila shasht- 
he ap- with the tribe to confer; General Edw. R. S. Canby" along the Peace 
pointed with 

tanki’shash géna, tila Meachash Toby, Techmt’techam snawédshash, lu- 
Commissioners went, with Meacham Toby Riddle, Frank Riddle’ wife, 1u- 
titka. Shdshutankish naéanuk John Fairchild4mkshi gaétpa Vdalalkshi 
terpreted. The Peace Commissioners all (to) Jobn Fairchilds’ farm came at C -ttonwood 
gishi’, na‘lam kiilatat, Febr. 20, 1873. At maéklaks Béshtinash hemkank- 
Creek, in our country, on Febr. 20, 1873. Then the Indians to the Americans to talk-com- 


timpka, Tchmii’tch Toby tchi’sh lutatka. Béshtin maklakshash ne-ulzia, 


menced, Frank Toby Rid- also interpreted. The Ameri- with the Modocs convened, 
dle cans 


k4-i Béshtin sheliualuapkiga maklakshash sht’-ttanksh né-ulaksh pani’. 


not the whites should make war with the Modocs the peace-contract was being made while. 


Maklaksim Jaki shewé-ula hemkank6éta Béshtinash ne-ulyia kaé-i pi ltipi 


The Modoc chief agreed (and) declare |, (while) the Ameri- were making not he first 
cans peace 
léloksgish tewiuapktiga. At nanka maklaks gatpa Fairchilda4mkshi; at 
a gun would fire off. Then some Indians Sarctvedl at Fairchilds’ farm ; then 


hassasuakitampk: 
negotiations began. 


Tankt Skuii’ Stil, Atwell, nai tehish Toby tchish géna Mo’dokisham 


Then Squire Steele, Wm. Atwell, I also Toby also ane of the Modoc 
lAkiam tehi’shtat shushotanki’sham né-ulaksh shtiltechnt’ka; makl’ya teh. 


chief to the camp, of the Peace Commissioners a message to carry ; (we) passed then. 
the night 


Maklaksh nal tidshéwan tilétpa, hemkanka: “palpal-tcholeks-eitko lipi kt’-i 
K | pay g pik 


The Indians us friendly received, (and) said: “the palefaces at first outrage 


shiishata, Béshtin tehtshak gi’yan maklakshash shti’lshga, sht/Idshash htink 


committed, the whites continually lying on the Indians reported, troops 


miklakshash htnashak gttampka, maklaksh ka-i képa ti’sh p’ndlam ki’-i 


the Indians for no reason (had) attacked, the Indians (did) not think overthere their folks wrongly 


giwish; Béshtin maklakshash ktayat tpali’ yutetampka ktayat gfpkash.” 


had acted ; The Ameri the Indians into the drove (and) firing-com- in the them staying.” 
cans rocks menced at rocks 
Maklaksh hémkanka: “hii a tidsh shutankudpka na‘lash, k’lewiuapka na 
The Indians declared: “if ye will negotiate peace with us, stop will we 


shéllualsh; hi pén na shellualudpka, Béshtin lipi shellualtampkuapka ; 
fighting; if again we should fight, the Ameri- first war-start-would ; 
cans 


miaklaks ké-i lipi’ tewiudpka.” 
the Indians not at first will fire.” 
Stil at hemézye: ‘“Ma‘lam nénap Béshtinam tehékeli nénukash ginta- 


Steele then said : “Your hands of the whites’ blood all over stained 


ce 


THE MODOC WAR. 39 


natké gi Canby ma’lash killetanuapka gékish tchék k’lewiudpka; Canby 


are. Canby on ye will insist to him until ye will give it up; Canby 


ma‘lash tchii tidshantala katla idshanuApka gen weli’tan, ti’sh mal ki’- 


ye then to a good land will remove eon distant, where ye the 
ere 


idsha Yamaki’shash ka-i shuénktgi. Ha a gita tehiudpka, shuénktak mal 3 
wicked Oregonians not will murder. If ye here would remain, they would kill ye 
tin nanukii/ nish.” 
every one.” 
Mo’dokni laki heméye: ‘“Ka-i nfi shand-uli gé-u kiifla kélewidshash, 


The Modow chief said; “Not I want my country to leave, 


ka-i ktm pen kifla shayuaktnt’ga tchi’sh. Gé-u t’shi’shap, pefshap, 6 


it any besides country as I do know to live in. My father, mother, 


tyé-unap tchish gita vimi’, shandhuli p’natak kiitlatat tehian kéléksh. 


brother also here are buried, I desire in my own country living to die. 


Nit’toks kaitua k6-i gita shi’ta, ka-i tehik lish kani’ tat shpinshanuapka ; 


Myself nothing wrong here havedone, not so that any one hence — should take away (me) ; 
eétak mish ni vila wakaktoks ha ndénuk tchia.” 9 
thisonly of you I request, in the same manner as all to live.” 

Hemkanktlétak Capt. J. Biddle nanuk watch Modokishim lékiaim palla. 
Just after that talk Captain James Biddle all horses of the Modoc chief captured. 


Nad Cambiaimegshi géna shana-ulit’ea watch Modokfisham shewanapélitki 
to} 5 fo) 
We to General Canby went (and) requested the horses Modoc to return 


lakiam tibakshish. Canby léwitchta shewandpélish hemkankota: ‘tidsh 12 


the chiefs’ to the sister. Canby refused to return (them) declaring : “very 


toks ni fin hin watch shualaliampaéktak, shd-titankilash tehék Modokti- 


well I those borses will care for, (and) after making peace then to the Mo- 
shash watch shéwanap'lishtka gi” At Meacham heméze: ‘“tpé-u i she- 
docs the horses (I) intend to return.” Here- Meacham said: “give to re- 
upon orders 
wanap litki shash maklaksim witch! ni’a i hémkanka kéitua k6-i ne-ul- 15 
turn to them of the Indians the horses! just you promised nothing —outra- to 
now (to them) geous 
kuapktga, kaitua ké-i shtite-uapkiga.” 
order, nothing outra- to perform.” 
geous 
Canby shidshna shi’ldshish ttimepni hundred tindlishyéni, tinéyish- 
Gen. Canby moved soldiers five hundred on west side, on east 


zéni pen ttinepni hundred lap miles pipelangshta Modokfshish ldkiash; 18 


side again five hundred two miles on both sides of the Modoc chief ; 
, = 

gita pen hemkanktampka. 

there again negotiating-commenced. 


Toby lakiash shtiltchna, tiiména t@ shushutanki/shash shuénkuapkasht; 


(While) to the chief reported, she learned there the Peace Commissioners were to be assassinated ; 
Toby Riddle 


tehtti lakiash shaptya: “hii i tm shd’tanktak, ti’dsh mish tin shualaliampak- 21 


then to the chief said: “if you make peace, well of you will take care 


tak Canby.” Laki heméze p’nina p’na: “tat gé-u mdklaksham kdézpash 


Canby.” The chief said to cousin his: “where of my people the heart 


18 


21 


40 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


genudpka, nf tila genudpka.” At mdkloks né-ulya; nda’‘n pé-ula shi’- 


goes, with it shall go.” Then the tribe took a vote; thirteen to make 
tanksh Pee nda‘ni tatinep shéllualsh h4méne. Lak{f heméye hi’nkish: 
peace wished, thirty warfare wished. The chief said to her: 
“Shépi mi lakiash: Gfta nish shle-udpka ktayat, kaftoks ni’sh ti’-una 
“Tell your general: Here me he will find in the rocks, “(and) not for me around 
Lémaikshina kéyaktgi, ké-i -i Yainakshina kdévaktgi. Gita hak ni’sh tin 
Shasta Butte he must hunt, no about Yaneks he must hunt. Here only me 
shlétak ; ndiuléksht ni'sh fin ti’mi shfi’ldshash ginti‘Itak.” 
he will find; a Havin many soldiers et fn) will 
allen 


At shishotankish4mgshi gatpampélan shaptya mékliksham hemkank- 


Then to the Peace Commission having returned she related of the Indians the atter- 
uish. Toby pén heméze: ‘‘tud nfi mish nen shapiyash haméne.” Meacham 
ances. Toby then said: u aeaRs I to you to tell wish.” Meacham 

thing 


hemé€ze : “nd fin ké-i kanash shapftak”, Dya tchish né-asht gi ka-i kanash 


said: “not to anybody will divulge”, Dy ar also agreed, “hot to anybody 


Meee en Doctor Thomas heméze: ‘“mfi’ni lakiash, na’lam t*shisha 
to divulge (it). Doctor ‘Thomas said: “the great Ruler, our Father 
shandé-uli ni nedsht gi; na‘lam t’shisha nti hushtankudpka; kdé-i ni tn 


desire I to agree with; our Father I have to meet; not I 


kaAnash shapitak tud mi shapfyash.” At Toby timénash p’na shapiya shash. 


toanybody will relate ene you will tell (me now). Then Toby, what she had heard, told them. 
thing 


Kaé-itua shi’tan mbfi’shan tchek. Bogus Charley shuldshamkshi 


Nothing was done next morning until. Bogus Charley to the soldiers’ camp 


gitpa; Doctor Thomas vini’pni tatnepni yards hushtankan hémkanka: 


came ; Doctor Thomas forty yards (away) meeting (him) said: 


“Wak lish 8&8 nal shtishotankishash shuénksh ha4méne? Na’lim mf‘/ni 


“Why ye us Peace Commissioners to kill want? Our 


t’shishap nal shgiyuen mal shiitanktgi tidshantala kifla ma‘lash idshantki, 


President us sent with ye to make Teaee) (and) toa good country ye to bring, 


Béshtinash shitko mal tchi’tki. Gdtpa na tchékéli vudshoyalkitki ma‘lam 


to the whites alike ye _ tolive (in). Come wo the blood to wash out on your 


néptat gintandpkash, Oreginkni Béshtinash mal ké-i shuénktgi.” Bogus 


hands sticking, (and) the Orego- settlers ye no to kill.” Bogus 
nian (more) 


Charley vila: “kant! shapiya, ma’lash na‘lam shuenkuadpkash ?” Thomas 
Charley asked: “who says, ye (that) we are going to murder?” Thomas 
hémkanka: ‘Toby, Riddlim snawédshash, shapiya.” Bogus Charley 

said: “Toby, of Riddle the wife, Says (80).”’ Bogus Charley 


hémkanka: “hd lish snawédshash kiya.” Kémutchatko ki-uks hémkanka: 


said: “this woman lies.” The old doctor said: 


“ky shéwa nti hi’nkesh.” 


“to tell thought I her.” 
lies 


At Bégush pélak maklakshamkshi gii’mpélé, pélakig pin makloks 


Then eae quickly to the Indian camp returned, ina ne again an Indian 
while 
shtfltpa shtldsh4mkshi, Tobiiish shana-dlitga maklikshamkshi gatpantki: 
brought a _ into the soldiers’ camp, Toby bidding to the Indian camp to come: 


message 


THE MODOC WAR. 4] 


“kanim, mi hi’nk shapfyash lalakiish, shapfyat” At gatpisht vila: “kani’ 


‘who, you what (you) reported to the o Baiceras Then after arrival ey aated “who 
er, 


mish shapfya?” Toby heméze: “K4-i na fn mi’lash shapitak!” At 
toyou told (of this)?” Toby said: “Not I to ye will tell!” Then 


gakidmna shlishlolélan: “he i nal fn ké-i shapi’tak, shiuktak mish na 


they pu rounded cocking guns: “if you tous hot will tell, will kill you wel” 
(her) 


fin!” Toby valé: “Na tehish Mo6‘dokni gi; i, nfi shapfya shishotanki- 

Toby replied : a3) U also a Modoc am; yes, I told (it) to the Peace Commis- 
shash; k4-i na tin mal taté shapi’tak. Shli’sh haméniiga, i’sh shla’t!” 
sioners ; not 1 toye whence will tell. To shoot if you want, me shoot ye!” 


Lak k4-i shand-uli ki-ukshish snawédshash shiukatgi: “snawédshash hii’-0 


The not wanted (that) the conjurer (this) woman should kill: “a woman she 
chief 


gi, kaitua shayuaksh.” 


is, nothing she knows.” 


At lityi gémpéle, shuldshamkshi gatp4mpéli; pin lalakiash shapfya, 


‘hen inthe — she returned, to the soldiers’ camp she came back ; again the Commis- she told, 
evening sioners 


ké-i maklakshish hushtanktgi. 
not the Indians to meet in council. 


Mbd’shan Meachash kélianta makliksh gdtpa. Doctor Thomas Canby 


On the next day Meacham being absent some Modocs came. Dr. Thomas (and) Gen. Canby 


maiklakshish shend’lya mbi’shan hushtankuapkiga. Tunépni maklaks 


with the Indians arranged the next day to meet. Five Indians 


hushtankudpka mbi’shan, nanuk kéliak Idloksgish. Pshin ht at gatpam- 


were to meet the next day, all without rifles. That even- when had re- 
ing 


péle Meacham, Doctor Thomas shapiya pind shendlakuish. Meacham 


turned Meacham, Doctor Thomas mentioned his promise. Meacham 


heméze: ‘Doctor, hi i fin nen hak né-ulaktak, k4-i i fin pén tata né- 

said: “ Doctor, if you (ever) this compact-keep, not you again ever will 
ulaktak. Tébiash nf Iédla, maklaksh nal shuenkudpka; kaé-i kini mish fin 
compact-keep. Toby I believe, the Indians us intend to kill; nobody to you ever 
shapitak, Tébiash ki’-isht.” Doctor Thomas himéze: “ht mish maklaks 


will tell, Toby to have told Doctor Thomas said: “this you Indian 
lies.”” 


snawédshash hushpatchta; kdé-i i p’laikishish ldéla tidsh.” 
woman has frightened ; not you in God trust enough.” 
Mbi’shan la’pi maklaksh shfishotankishamkshi gatpa vala: ‘tami’ lish 
Next morning two Indians to the Peace Commissioners’ tent came (and)iin: “ (are) 
quired: 


a mulo’la méklakshash haishtankuapktiga?” H1ti’dsha heme’ze: ‘‘i-i.” Na- 
ye ready the Indians to meetin council?” They replied: “ves.” All 


nuk lalayi shugt’laggi at, Tchmii’tch himéze: “shand-uli nd nen shapiyash 


the Peace Com- Pathered a Frank Riddle said: “want to tell 
missioners 


mal, ké-i g¢énat, shuénktak mal fin maklaiks, k4-i nfi shandhili nish sha- 


ye, do not go, will kill ye the Modocs, not 7 wish me tohave 


akaktantgi.” Doctor Thomas vilé: “nfi’toks p’laiki’-ishash lolatko gi”; 


a blame cast apart Doctor Thomas said: “‘as for me, in God Iam trusting Ue 


gthuashktcha. 


he started. 


12 


18 


21 


it~) 


18 


42 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


At na‘lash gdtpisht nda’‘nkshaptani maklaks wawapka. Meacham l|ipi 


When we ~ had come, eight Indians were sitting Meacham first 
there. 

hémkanka: “‘M@’/na gen shé’tanksh hemkankelgi’.”. Laki at hémkanki: 

spoke: “Tmportant — this peace-treaty we will talk over.” canes then said: 

Jack 

“at nti kédshika hémkanksh; nii’shtoks ma‘lash nti tidsh shlépaktgi wikak- 
“now I (am) tired of talking; myself ye I well to care for sane 
toks a hain nanukénaish Béshtinash; shand-uli ni Canby shkuyuepélitki 
as ye these all Americans ; want I Gen. Canby to move away 


shi/ldshash, tankt nti tin shiitanksh hemkanktak.” Gen. Canby heméze: 
; \ ZX 


the troops, after- MW the peace-treaty will talk over.” Gen. Canby said: 
wards 
4 Eve ) 
“késhoa ni hin humasht kish.’ 
“ cannot I to this assent.” 


Makloks laki heméye: ‘‘k4é-i nti shandhuli pén hémkanksh!” teo-tilyan 
K K Xx K l g x 


The Indian chief said: “not I want further to talk!" rising up 


at Canbyash shlin; skétish Ip shlin. Tankt nanuk huhiégan maéklaksh 

then at Canby he fired; on the left eye he shot Simulta- all springing up Modoes 
(him). neously 

yutetimpka. Canby wigd hi’tchna, pen nish tapi’tan shlin; nde-ulzap- 


to fire-commenced. Canby “not far ran, then in head back-side was shot; atter he 


kash idshi’pa shdlo’tish laktcha. Boston Charley skctigshta vushé Dr. 
fell they stripped coat (ang) cut his Boston Charley ~ in the left breast Dr. 
throat. 


Thomasash shlin; ha’tehna wigd, maéklaks shnukén vutod’lya, hémkanka: 


Thomas shot ; he ran a short the Indians seizing (him) threw (him) (and) said: 
distance, down, 
re . Fn OY x A . A 2 , A w , 
“ké-idshi ué i Sunday ki-tks gi!” Skéntchish Meachash lupi katha; 
“not good now you a Sunday’ doctor are!” Skontchish Meacham at first missed; 


Toby htitamsyan shash ktéleshkapka Meachash Skoéntehish, hishtehish 


Toby rushing between them, pushed away from Meacham Skoatchish, to save 


haménitiga Meachash. Pen lapantka Meachash yita, lapkshaptankni shlin, 


intending Meacham. Again twice at Meacham they shot, at seven places he was 
shot. 
Meachash ndi-ulézapkash maéklaks shana-uli nelinash, Toby toks hi’tehnan 
Meacham when fallen the Indians attempted to sealp, Toby ; but raunning 


nkéna: “Shit’ldshash g@épka!” At maéklaks hoi’tchna. Tehmit’teh Dy: 
halloed : “The soldiers are coming !”’ Dyn the Indians ran away. Frank Riddle (and) Dyar. 
this 


shuashualidmpkish kshita nkian hiho’tehna. 


the agent escaped — quick-movy- Tran away. 
ing 


Shuktampkan ndaéni watta shéllual; pipelantan lakiam tehi’sh sht‘ld- 

To fight-commencing forthree days they battled; on both sides of the chiefs’ quarters the 

shash wiwédlya, pipelantan ki’mme lalatshaltko. Shand-uli kakiamnash 
troops took position, on both sides of the cave rocky, They tried to surround 

tunépni taunepanta nash kshiklapkash, 4mputala kaydhia. Wewanuish ta- 

the fifty one, the water-from cutting off. The women (and) the 

ti’ksni kf’metat tehia; huk wewanuish tata’ksni kd’meti kéktchanudpka. 


children in the cave were; the women (and) — children from the will be withdrawn. 
cave 


THE MODOG WAR. 43 


Mo’dokni nda‘ni wafta shelludltko la’p hashzé’gi hishudtchyish; mt’ne 


Modoc for three days waging war two were killed men ; a big 


shawalsh mbéwan shuénka. 
shell bursting _killed (them). 


Ké’kga mbi’shan kfi/metat; ke’ktgal f’nash, wigd ktaftala géna, wigd 3 


They want next morning from the care vacated (it) early shies not Far into the lava nee Hot? far 
out beds went, 


gin pen tehfa. Pén ténkni waitd‘lan lépi lilaki maklaksash kéyaktcha 
from again they Again (in) a few days two officers the Indians hunted 
there stayed. 


nadshaptankni tatiniip shf/ldshash f-amnatko. Nda‘ni_tatinip Yamakni 


sixty soldiers having with them. Thirty Warm Spring 
Indians 


shi/ldshish tila géna. Bédshtin Ydémakni Modokishash shléa wigdtan 6 


the troops-with went. The Ameri- (and) the Warm the Modocs found a short dis- 
cans Springs tance 


ki’metat. Scarface Charley lipéni tatinep pan la’p pé-ula Modokishish 


from the cave. Scarface Charley twenty two Modocs 


iyamnatko, taktaklénta hushténka Wrightash shenotanka. Mantch sheno- 
having under him, in an open field encountered Diente Tbe F. (and) fought. Long time they 
right 


t=) 


tinka. Charley na’sh makliks sténodshna; ndnka Béshtiniish IWiela, nanka 


fought. Charley one man lost; some Americans they some 
killed, 


ngé-ishe-uya; l4péni tatmep pén nda’n pé-ula shildshash nashkshaptani 


they wounded ; twenty and three soldiers six 


lalaki tehish k4-i shuénka. Maklaks walhh’kan ye aina-dga-gishi Béshtinash 


officers also not were kilied. The Modocs standing on a little Ti near the Americans 
watch 


wawapkapkash gt'Iki. Gité hi shéllual K’laushdélpkash Yaina-dga-gishi. — 12 


seated on ground charged. Here they fought Sand-covered Hill at. 


Lapéni sundé kaitua shi’ta. Capt'n Hasbrouck maéklakshash haftchna. 


¥or two weeks “nothing was done. Captain Hasbrouck (then) the Indians followed. 
Shléa maklakshish Pahapkash E-ush-gi’shi. Haédokt shendétanka, Bdésh- 
He found the Indians Dried-up Lake at. There they fought, Ameri- 


tinish lapksh4pta méklaks shitka, nda’n Yamaki’shish; ttimep pé-ula 15 


cans seven the Modocs killed, three Warm Springs; fifteen 
ngéshe-tiya. Modokishash htitchampkash nash standtchna. 
they wounded. The Modocs on their flight of one they deprived. 
At Mo’dokni sheggdtka tankt. Lapéni waitélan Pahatko E-ush 
The Modoes separated then. Two days after Dried-up Lake 
shellilo/lash, Capt’n Hasbrouck taunepanta tinep pe-ulapkash Modokishash 18 
fight, Captain Hasbrouck fifteen Modoes 
shléa wigdtan Fairchildim (Pidshdyim) shtina’sh; ma/ntch shisho’ka tak- 
found ea Fairchilds’ farm-house ; a long time fought on 


taklanta kiflatat la‘p’ni taunépni tatnep shf’Idsbish pén nadshksaptankni 


level ground two hundred soldiers and SIX- 

tatimep Yamakni. K4-i kAnash na/sh snawédshash shitka, Yamakni neli’na. 21 

ty Warm Springs. Not anybody (but) one woman they killed, the Warm scalped 
Springs (her), 


Hifi snawédshash stiltechna shti/tanksh h4ménisht Modokishish. 


‘That woman had reported, to surrender that desired the Modocs. 


6 


44 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


Lapéni waitdlan nadshgshdpta tatinep pé-ula Md‘dokni Gen. Davis 


Two days after sixteen Modoes to Gen. Jeff. C. Davis 
gawina; hinkidsh tunepii’nash sha‘tla kayaktcha maklaksim lakf. At tina 
surrendered ; of them tive he hired to hunt of the Modocs _ the chief. One 

3 sundé kfulan shni’ka Nfshaltkiga p’ldé-itan; shnepii’mpema: “hi ké-i 
week over they caught the head (of Willow above; they entrapped (him): Dy li not 
(him) Creek) (longer) 
shishika k4-i mish kshaggayudpka.” 
you fight, not you they will hang.” 
Naénuk mékliks at Fort Klamath fdsha. At hashudtko lékiim shti- 
All Indians then to Fort Klamath were A talk washeld judge's in 
brought. 
na’sh; hai laléki hémkank tchéks, nadshksaptanni: lakf, Skéntchish, Black 
house ; the judges declared —_ after a while, Captain Skéntchish, Black 
ack, 
Jim, Boshtinaga, Sli‘Iks, Ba‘ntcho maiklaks kshaggd4ya. La’p fshka ati 
Jim, Boston Charley, Slalks, Bantcho Indians to hang. Two they took ina 


9 


distant 


kifla illiuapkiga tchishni; vini’pa at Fort Klamath Yamatala iggaya. 


land to imprison for ever ; four then at Fort Klamath in Oregon they hung. 


At ati kiifla ndnka éna makliks tii Maklaksim Kiifla, Quapaw mak- 


Then toa land aportion they of Modocs far off to the Indian Territory, (to) Quapaw 


distant brought there 
laksim shii’/lkishgishi; nanka Yaneks Ydémak tchia wigdtan ma/ntchnish 
dians’ reservation ; some at Yaneks in Oregon live close by the former 
Modokishim kifla. Kank shé’sha nénuk maklakshim shéllualsh vinepni 
Modoc country. So much did cost the whole Modoc war four 


millions tala. 


millions of dollars. 


NOTES. 


33, 1. Shalam, etc. The return of the Modocs to the Klamath Reserve was not 
accomplished by Meacham before winter (laldam); but he had located about 300 Snake 
Indians on Sprague River in the latter part of November, 1869. Ind. Aff. Rep. 1870, 
p. 68. 

33, 2. shualaliampka means, in official parlance, to administer or superintend a 
district ; to be agent for. 

38, 2. Kéketat. This appears to be the same locality where Ben Wright had met. 
the Modoes in council (1852) and where his volunteers, placed in ambush, massacred 
over forty of their number. The Natural Bridge, or, as the Modoc has it, the “ Perpet- 
ual Bridge”, is a low and flat natural arch overflowed during a part of the year by the 
swelling waters of Lost River. Mr. A. B. Meacham, then superintendent of the Indian 
reservations of Oregon, met the Modoes on that spot to induce them to settle again 
within the limits of the Klamath Reservation, a large tract of land assigned to the 
tribes of this section by treaty of October 14, 1864. They had left the reservation in 
1865, and in April 1866 the Walp4épi band of Snake Indians, under their chief Paulini, 
followed their example. 

34, 4. The treaty of October 14, 1864 shows the names of twenty Klamath chiefs 
and headmen, of four Modoc, and of two Snake chiefs and subchiefs as signers. The 
Modoe names are: Schonchin, Stakitut, Keintpoos, Chucke-i-ox. Keintpoos is Captain 


THE MODOC WAR. 45 


Jack, and the original forms of the other three names are Skéntchish, Shlakeitatko, 
Ndsakiaks. (See Dictionary.) Captain Jack denied having put his name to the treaty 
of sale, his refusal being from repugnance to quitting the ancient home of his tribe on 
Lost River and on the lakes, where the remains of so many of his ancestors had been 
buried. Moreover, the Modoces abhorred the vicinity of the Klamath Indians at Modoc 
Point. That Jack should have bimself signed his name to the treaty is simply an im- 
possibility, for none of the Modoes was able to write. The treaty preserved in the 
agent’s office at Klamath Agency does not even show crosses, other marks, or totemic 
signs, as substitutes for signatures; but the proper names are written by the same 
clerical hand which engrossed the text of the treaty. 

34, 6. The words kai hi, itpa and hi pé/na would in the Klamath Lake dialect be 
substituted by: a hi’t, épka, hi’k p’na. , 

34, 8. The conjurer (ki-uks), who objected to the presence of Riddle (gé-u) in the 
capacity of an interpreter, was Skéntchish, called John Schonchin by the whites. He 
was the brother of the present Modoc subchief at Yaneks, seems to have exercised 
more influence over his tribe than Jack himself, and through his unrelenting fanaticism 
was considered the leader of the faction of extremists in the Modoe camp. 

34, 9. géntge stands for the more commonly used géntki. 

34, 10. i-amna, tyamna, to seize, grasp, refers to a plurality of objects of long 
shape, as guns, poles; speaking of one long-shaped object, ttyamna is used. 

34, 11. kie, so, thus, stands for kek or ke’ of the Klamath Lake dialect. 

34, 16. kédsha, kitcha, the adverb of kitchkéni, little, small, refers to hemkank- 
atko, and not to tind‘li. 

34, 18. Mbi/shan, etc. The return of the Modoes is referred to in Agent Knapp’s 
report in the following terms (Ind. Aff. Rep. 1870, p. 68): ““On Dee. 18, 1869, the super- 
intendent (Mr. Meacham) and myself, accompanied by Dr. McKay, J. D. Applegate 
and others, visited the Modoes off the reservation at their camp on Lost River, for the 
purpose of inducing them to return to the reserve. After talking for ten days they 
consented to return, and on Dec. 30 we returned to the reserve with 258 Indians. 
Blankets, &c., were issued to them, the same as to the other Indians, on Dee. 31. They 
remained quietly on the reserve until April 26, when I stopped issuing rations; then 
they left without cause or provocation ; since that time they have been roaming around 
the country between Lost River and Yreka..... The old Modoe chief, Schowschow 
[should read: Sk6ntchish], is still on the reserve, and has succeeded in getting 67 of 
his people to return and I have located them at Camp Yia-nax..... The Kla- 
maths have made a large number of rails for their own use, also 5,000 for fences re- 
quired at agency.” The old Modoe chief alluded to is the brother of John Sk6ntehish. 

34, 19. The locality assigned as the permanent home of the Modoes was near the 
base of a steep promontory on the eastern shore of Upper Klamath Lake, since called 
after them ‘“Modoe Point”. It is an excellent spot for hunting water-fowls and for 
fishing in the lake, but the compulsory presence of the rival Klamath tribe made it 
hateful to the Modocs. Many excavations made for the Modoc lodges are visible there 
at present. Here they lived first in the lodges of the Klamath Indians, after Meacham 
moved them to this spot in 1869. After the first complaint made by Kintpuash or Capt. 
Jack, Agent Knapp removed them about 400 yards from there, away from the lake ; 
and the third locality assigned to them was about one mile further north. Then, after 


46 HISTORICAL, TEXTS. 


Jack’s band had run off, the remainder went to Yaneks, over thirty miles inland, to 
settle there. 

34, 19. shéshash is here placed between Mo/dok Point and the adessive case-post- 
position -gishi, which corresponds to -ksaksi in the northern dialect. We have here 
an instance of incorporation of a whole word into a phrase, and the whole stands for: 
Mo/dok Point-gishi sheshapkash gatpa. 

34, 20. shulo’tish. Articles of clothing, blankets, ete., form a portion of the an- 
nuities distributed to treaty Indians before the commencement of the cold season. 

35, 2. lapi instead of lapéni, lap’ni; also 41, 18. 

35, 5. shénuidsha, ete. Captain O. C. Knapp, U.S. A., had assumed charge of the 
Klamath Ageney, under the title of subagent, on Oct. 1, 1869, relieving Mr. Lindsay 
Applegate. 

35, 5. ktchinksh. The timber-land lies north of Modoc Point on Williamson River, 
and hence was regarded by the Lake People or Kdamath Lake Indians as their ex- 
clusive domain. This served them as an excuse or justification for taking to them- 
selves the rails which the Modoes had split. In addition to this, they taunted them 
with the remark that they were in the power of the Americans as their bondsmen, and 
would soon adopt all the customs of the white population. 

35, 8. Mo/dokni laki. My Modoe informants constantly avoided giving the name 
of Captain Jack by which his tribe called him. Western Indians regard it as a crime 
to mention a dead person’s name before a certain number of years has elapsed. The 
Kalapuya Indians, who never cremated their dead, are allowed to speak out their names 
fifteen years after their decease, for then ‘the flesh has rotted away from the bones”, as 
they say. The real name of Captain Jack was Kintpuash, which is interpreted as ‘one 
who has the waterbrash ”. 

35, 15. gatpamnan, coming to their camps, stands for the Klamath gatpénank. 

35, 18. pélpeli (first syllable short) means: to work; pé/lpeli (first syllable long): 
to work in somebody’s interest. 

35, 19. kitchakla, to pay a suin owed, to repay a debt, cf. syi’kta, to pay cash.— 
pi‘sh: to himself, as the chief of the Modoe tribe. 

35, 21. papalla. The subchief Dave Hill positively denies that such an amount of 
rails was ever abstracted by his people from the Modoes, and declares it to be a gross 
exaggeration. 

36, 4. shné-ipaksh and shné-ilaksh are two terms for “ fire-place, hearth”, differing 
only little in their meaning. 

36, 5. amtch, former, previous, is not often placed in this manner before the substan- 
tive which it qualifies. 

36, 5. gémpéle, etc. The former Modoc encampments on the lower course of Lost 
River were distant from Modoc Point about 25 to 30 miles, those on its headwaters 
about 50 miles, and those on Modoe Lake and Little Klamath Lake about the same 
distance. 

36, 6. tyalampanki, or -kni, Modoe for tatzalampani in Klamath. 

36, 9. Yainakshi-gishi’ implies that Applegate was living at Yaneks at that time; 
the Klamath Lakes would say instead: Yainaksaksi, or Yainakshi, Yainaksh. Super- 
intendent Meacham had then temporarily divided the reservation, leaving the Klamath 
Lakes under the control of the acting agent at Klamath Agency, Captain O. C. Knapp, 


THE MODOG WAR. 47 


and placing the Modoes and Walpaépi under the management of Commissary J. D. 
Applegate at Yaneks. This was done to prevent further broils and stampedes of the 
tribes. On account of his tall stature, which exceeds six feet, the Modoes called Ap- 
plegate “‘ Grey Eagle” (p’laiwash), this being the largest bird in the country. 

36, 11. géntak nt tn Agency; Capt. Jack meant to say: “I would go on the re- 
servation again with all my Modoes to settle there, if I had the certainty of being pro- 
tected.” 

36, 14. A verb like shayuaktan, “knowing”, has to be inserted between gée/sh and 
ndani, from which ne-ulkiash is made to depend: “he declined to go, knowing that the 
government had compacted with the Modoes deceivingly”, ete. 

36, 15. shlepaktgi could be connected here with pi’/sh just as well as with pi/sh. 

36, 17. Subject of shpt/nshnan and of shinkatki is shildshash. 

36, 19 and 20. tti’m kshunalpash kiiila, “land producing plenty of grasses (kshin)” 
for the cattle. The Lost River country contains the best grazing lands in all Lake 
County ; this explains the unrelenting efforts of the American settlers to get rid of the 
roaming and sometimes turbulent band of Captain Jack. Could also read: kiiila ti/’m 
kshunalpkash gi/sht shana-ulitga. 

36, 20. wewanishash syncopated for wewanuishash. 

37, 1. hi implies the idea of vicinity to their settlements; ‘“‘on this ground here”, 

37, 2. kayak h.: not through arousing their anger. 

37, 3. Major John Green, First Cavalry, was then commander of the troops garri- 
soned at Fort Klamath, which consisted of Company B, First Cavalry, and Company 
F, Twenty-first Infantry; aggregate present, 4° commissioned officers, 99 enlisted men. 
Major Jackson, of Company B, left Fort Klamath on Noy. 28 for the Modoc camps, 
near mouth of Lost River. In the attack on the Modoes, Lieutenant Boutelle, who 
tried to disarm Scarface Charley, had his coat-sleeves pierced by four balls. 

37, 7. The Klamath Lake form hishuakshash-shitko is here used instead of the 
Modoe form hishuatchyash-shitko. 

37, 10. All the verbs in this line are reflective verbs. shakiha for Klamath shash- 
kihan; tank for Klamath tankt. 

37, 12. ti’gshta Koke. The Modoes had a camp on each side of Lost River, one 
of them quite a distance below the other. On Noy. 29, the soldiers and settlers fired 
across the river at the unprotected lodges of the northern Modoc camp, thus killing 
about 15 squaws and children, while the Modoc men first retreated to the hills, but 
returned in the afternoon and recommenced the fight. The “doctor's” band (87, 16), 
also called Black Jim’s band, visited the farms of the vicinity and killed 14 settlers, 
but did not molest women and children. On the Tule Lake settlement three men were 
killed. 

37, 15. Eleyen may be expressed also by nash kshikla taunepanta. 

37, 17. Inela can only be used when a plurality of objects is spoken of, and therefore 
in a better wording this sentence would run thus: ka-i na/sh gin snawédshash shiuga 
sha, tatakiash ka-i Mela. 

37, 18. ktayalshtala. Captain Jack with his warriors and their families retreated 
to the lava beds. They quartered themselves in the spacious subterranean retreat 
called Ben Wright’s cave, or, since the war, “Capt. Jack’s cave”, and began to fortify 
their stronghold. 


48 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


37, 21. gata means: came near (them); hence gutampka: attacked (them). 

37, 21. shéllual. The battle of Jan. 17, 1873 was the result of a combined attack 
of the troops on the lava beds from two sides. Owing to a thick fog, which prevailed 
through the whole day, the troops had to retreat with heavy losses and without gain- 
ing any advantages. 

38, 1. tankt, although adverb, has here the force of a pre- or postposition in con- 
nection with génuish. . 

38, 4. shutanktgi. The Peace Commission, as appointed by the Secretary of the 
Interior, Hon. C. Delano, consisted of A. B. Meacham, Superintendent of Indian Affairs 
in Oregon; of Jesse Applegate and Samuel Case. They met in Linkville on Feb. 15, 
and were rejoined there by Brigadier-Gen. Edward R. S. Canby, commanding the De- 
partment of the Columbia, as the representative of the army in this commission. O. 
P. Applegate was appointed clerk of the commission. 

38, 6. Vilalkshi. The Klamath Lake Indians eall that rivulet Kawé-utchaltko 
kokaga, or: Eel Creek. 

38, 7. na/lim kailitat: on Californian territory; the place being a few miles south 
of the Oregon State border. 

38, 12. hassasuakitampka. This interview had not the desired result, and no other 
authority mentions the conclusion of an armistice. From the second peace-meeting 
Steele, Fairchild, and the Riddles returned on March 1; they had been in Jack’s head- 
quarters in the cave and found the chief sick. No result could be obtained then nor 
by any of the subsequent negotiations. 

38, 15. Squire, or Judge Elijah Steele, a pioneer, and citizen of Yreka, Siskiyou Co., 
Cal., in 1864 Superintending Indian Agent for the Northern District of California, a 
steady protector of the interests of the Indians, and therefore most popular among the 
Klamath Lakes, Modocs, Pit Rivers, Shastis and Wintoons.—Mr. William Atwell, of 
Sacramento, Cal., correspondent of the “ Sacramento Record” at the time of the Modoc 
war. 

38, 15. The term palpal-tcholeks-gitko is very little in use among the Klamath 
Lakes and Modoes, for the Americans are most generally named by them Béshtin, 
Boshtin maklaks. 

38, 17. k6pa for the Klamath Lake term hushkaénka. 

38, 18. Other forms for ktayat are: kté-itat, distributive: ktaktiyat, ktaktiyatat; 
in the Klamath Lake dialect: ktaikséksi, distributive: ktaktikséksi. 

39, 1. gékish or gékiash k’lewiuadpka: until you will yield to his entreaties; until 
you will give yourself up to him. 

39, 3. Yamakishash: “The wicked Oregonians” are the white settlers on Lost 
River. 40,17, they are called Oreginkni Béshtin. Yamakishash, being the subject of 
shuénktgi, has to stand in the objective case. 

39, 10. palla. The location of the possessive case after the governing substantive 
(here: watch, horses) is rather unfrequent. The horses, 54 in number, were captured 
during a raid or reconnaissance, which Capt. Biddle, of Camp Halleck (Nevada), made 
with fifty men of Troop K, First Cavalry, on March 13, 1873. His men met four Indians 
herding the horses. While bringing the horses to Van Bremer’s ranch, on Willow 
Creek, the troops were not attacked. 

39, 11. shewanapélitki. The language likes: to form inverted sentences like this, 


THE MODOC WAR. 49 


where a more regular position of the words would be: shewanapélitki watch Modoki- 
sham lAkiam tibakshash. 

39, 15. nia: quite recently, a short while ago. 

39, 15. shash refers to tpé-u and is at the same time the grammatic subject of 
shewanap'litki, though standing in the objective case: “give orders to them (viz. to 
your soldiers), that they return the horses of the Modocs!” 

39, 17. shidshna. The troops located on west side were only half a mile distant 
from Jack’s camp. The army took up these positions on April Ist and 2d, 1873 
(Meacham, Winema, p. 45). 

39, 17 and 18. The numbers of men stated here are not quite correct, since there 
were at no time more than 600 soldiers on duty around the lava beds in the Modoc 
war, exclusive of the Warm Spring scouts. 

39, 22. p’nana p’na, to his cousin. Toby was the cousin of Captain Jack, as both 
descended from brothers. 

40,1. nda’n pé-ula. t4-unep is sometimes through neglect omitted in numbers run- 
ning from eleven to nineteen, pé-ula, or any other of the “classifiers”, supplying its place. 

40, 3 and 4. Notice the local suffix -na in these names and in ti-una. 

40, 4. kayaktgi is not here verbal intentional, but exhortative form of k4-ika, k4-iha, 
kaiha, to hunt, pursue. 

40, 5. ni/sh ought to stand after ginti/ltak also: “ will lie under me.” 

40, 6. A new Peace Commission had been formed, composed of the following gen- 
tlemen: A. B. Meacham; Rey. Elder Eleazar Thomas, D. D., of Petaluma, Sonoma 
Co., California; Leroy Sunderland Dyar, acting Indian Agent at Klamath Agency 
(assumed charge of agency May 1, 1872); and Gen. Edw. R. 8S. Canby. 

40, 6. hémkankuish, the spoken words; -u- infixed gives the form of the preterit. 

40, 8 and 11. shapitak stands for shapiya tak. 

40, 9, 10. né-ashtgi for the Klamath n4-asht gi, na/sht gi, “to agree with”; na/lam 
t?shisha shanahuli nti ne-Asht gi: I desire to go with God, to act in harmony with his 
will, to agree with him. 

40, 12. The participle shi’/tan answers to our English: ‘Nothing doing that day”, 
since both stand for the passive form. : 

40, 12 etc. To bring on the desired opportunity for the murder of the Peace Com- 
missioners, Bogus Charley was shrewd enough to avail himself of Meacham’s absence, 
for he knew him to be opposed to a meeting with Indians when unarmed and unattended 
by troops. He succeeded in capturing the mind of the good “‘Sunday-Doctor” or min- 
ister, who was unacquainted with the wily and astute character of the savage, by de- 
claring that: ‘‘God had come into the Modoc heart and put a new fire into it; they 
are ashamed for having attempted intrigue, were ready to surrender, and only wanted 
assurance of good faith.” (Meacham, Winema, pp. 52, 53.) Upon this, Dr. Thomas 
promised that another council of peace should be held, and thus, unconsciously, signed 
his and General Canby’s death-warrant. 

40, 13. 19. 20 ete. A quotation of spoken words in oratio recta is more correctly 
introduced by heméze than by hémkanka, as it is done here. 

40, 15. idsha, idshna, is in Modoe used only when many objects are spoken of. 

40, 20. kiya, ki’a, gia. This verb is pronounced in many ways widely differing 
from each other; ef. ki, 40, 21. 

+ 


5O HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


41, 3. shliwala: to cock a gun; shliwaldlan, after having cocked his gun; distr. 
shlishloalélan, contracted: shlishlol6lan, each man after having cocked his gun. 
Shliul6la means to take the string off the bow; to uncock the gun. 

41, 4.5. According to Meacham (Winema, p. 50), Toby delivered these plucky 
words, pistol in hand, from the top of a rock, which raised her above the heads of the 
angry mob. 

41, 5. tata, “whence, from whom”, is composed of tata? where? and the interro- 
gative particle ha. The sentence is incomplete, though intelligible to the Indians; the 
full wording would be: tata nf tfi/ména, or: tat hé ni tuménatko gi: “from whom I 
have heard it”. 

41, 7. kaitua shayuaksh: “she has not the ability or intellectual disposition to do 
us any harm.” 

41, 14. hak, short for hak; although rendered here by “this”, it has to be taken in 
an adverbial sense: “this time”. The adverb corresponding to the hak of the incident 
clause is the tata in the principal one. 

41, 18. tami’ lish ete.: “have ye made yourselves ready ?” 

41, 20. shugtlaggi. See Dictionary, s. v. shukt/Iki. 

41, 21. After nish kanash may be supplied: “I do not want that anybody east a 
blame upon me.” 

42, 1 etc. The party, on arriving, were greeted by the Indians with extreme cor- 
diality, and General Canby gave to each a cigar. Hight men were there, instead of 
the five unarmed leaders, as promised by Boston Charley. The parts for the bloody 
work had been allotted as follows: Skontchish had to kill Meacham; Boston Charley, 
Dr. Thomas; Black Jim, the agent Dyar; Bantcho, Riddle; and if Gen. Gillem had 
been present, Huka Jim would have fired on him. Chief Jack had undertaken the 
assassination of Gen. Canby. The two other Modoes present, completing the number 
eight, were Shacknasty Jim and Ellen’s man. Scarface Charley also appeared on the 
scene, but not with hostile intentions. The date of the assassination of the Peace Com- 
missioners is the 11th day of April. 

See full account of the massacre in Meacham’s Wigwam and Warpath, and (much 
shorter) in his Winema, pp. 57-62. 

42,2. hemkankelgi/ is probably: hemkanko/la gi: “has to be talked over to the 
end.” 

42, 3. After shlépaktgi there is ellipse of shandhuli, “TI desired”, or “desire”. 
The rights alluded to were such as would be equivalent to American citizenship. The 
sentence has to be construed as follows: na shand-uli ma/lash tidsh nush(-toks) 
shlépaktgi, wakaktoks, ete. 

42, 4. shkuyuepélitki. Capt. Jack’s condition for further peace-negotiations was 
the removal of the troops from the Modoc country by General Canby. 

42, 7. Modoc tgo-tlya for Klamath tgélya. 

42,9. When Gen. Canby had been killed and stripped of his uniform, he was 
turned with his face downwards and his scalp taken. The scalp was raised on a pole 
in the lava beds and dances performed around it, which lasted several days. 

42, 11. Dr. Thomas was killed by a second bullet, which passed through his head ; 
he was stripped of his garments and turned upon his face, after his murderers had 
taunted him with not believing Toby’s statement. 


aa. 


THE MODOC WAR. 51 


42,12. A “Sunday ki-uks”, or Sunday Doctor, stands for preacher, and the mean- 
ing of the sentence is a mockery, contrasting Dr. Thomas’ vocation of preacher and 
mediator between the two contending powers with his ignoble death brought on by 
cowardly murderers. 

42, 12-16. Skéntchish’s bullet passed through Meacham’s coat- and vest-collar ; he 
retreated forty yards, while walking backwards; Toby in the mean time tried to save 
him by grasping the arms of his pursuers. He fell from exhaustion on a rock, and 
there was shot between the eyes by Skontchish and over the right ear by Shacknasty 
Jim.* This Indian despoiled the unconscious man of his garments, and prevented an- 
other from shooting him in the head, declaring that he wasa corpse. These two left, and 
Toby stayed alone with him. Then Boston Charley came up, holding up a knife to 
scalp him. Toby prevented him by force from doing so, and in the struggle which ensued 
she received a heavy blow on the head from the end of his pistol. Boston Charley had 
completed one-half of the scalping operation, when Toby, though stunned by the blow, 
shouted “Shiildshash gépka!” Though no soldiers were in sight, this caused the des- 
perado to take to his heels immediately and Meacham’s life was saved. Riddle escaped 
the Indian bullets, being covered by Scarface Charley’s rifle, and agent Dyar was res- 
cued by running fast, though hotly pursued by Huika Jim. 

42, 18. After the massacre of the Peace Commissioners, the services of the Riddles 
as interpreters were no longer required. From this date, the report given by them 
becomes meagre in details, because they withdrew from the immediate vicinity of the 
battle-fields. 

42, 18. One of the two divisions was commanded by Colonel Mason, the other by 
General Green, and the three days’ fight took place on the 16th, 17th, and 18th of 
April. A heavy bombardment of Capt. Jack’s headquarters in the cave (ki’/mine 
lalatishaltko) went on at the same time. 

42, 19. ki/mme lalatishaltko, the rocky cave, forms epexegesis to lakiam tchi’sh, 
42, 18: the refuge, or stopping place of the Modoc chief. 

42,20. 4mputala. The troops cut the Modoes off from the waters of Tule Lake, the 
only water they could obtain to quench their thirst. 

42, 20 and 21. Wewdnuish, etc. The meaning which the author wanted to convey 
by this sentence is: ‘“‘the women and children remained in Ben Wright’s cave, though 
a portion of them were to be moved out from it.” See kii/ktsna (in Dictionary). 

43, 1. Mo/dokni is here an adjective, qualifying the substantive hishudétchzash, and 
shelludltko is participial phrase determining the verb temporally: ‘‘two Modoc men, 
after the fight had lasted three days, were killed.” 

43,1. hishyé’gi is a “plural” verb used only in the Modoe dialect; Klamath: hush- 
tchéya. To kill one, the singular form, is shiuga in both dialects. The two Indians 
killed by the explosion were boys, who were playing with an unexploded shell which 
they had discovered on the ground. One of them was named Watchnatati. 

43, 3. ké/ktgal, ete. The Modoes vacated their cave in the lava beds on April 19 
on account of the terrible losses experienced by the three days’ bombardment, and 
retreated, unseen by the troops, to the vicinity of Sand Hill, about four miles SSE. 
of Ben Wright’s cave. The two officers who followed them with about 75 regulars and 
30 Warm Spring scouts were Capt. Evan Thomas, Battery A, Fourth Artillery, and 
"_ *This is indicated in the text by the instrumental case of 14pni: lépantka, by two shots, which 
were fired by two men. The five other wounds he had received before. 


57 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


First Lieut. Thomas F. Wright, Twelfth Infantry. The Sand Hill fight took place on 
April 26, and lasted about three hours; the troops were surrounded by the enemy and 
lost 21 men killed, 18 wounded, and 6 missing. The Modoc loss amounted to four 
men, aS supposed, 

43, 5. wigé gin for wikaé gen: not far from there they made another stand. 

43, 4. tankni waitdlan can also mean: “the next day” in the Klamath dialect. 

43,5. Yamakni. The Warm Spring Indians occupy, in common with Wasco In- 
dians, a reservation on Lower Des Chutes River, Oregon, and are congeners of the Nez 
Percés, both being of Sahaptin race. Being the inveterate enemies of the Shoshoni or 
Snake Indians, the U. S. Government formed a corps of scouts from able-bodied men 
of that tribe, which did good service in the numerous hard-contested fights with the 
Snake Indians. At the outbreak of the Modoe war, these useful allies naturally sug- 
gested themselves as the best auxiliaries against the revolted tribe. Donald McKay 
organized a corps of 72 scouts and rejoined -with them Col. Mason’s camp April 10, 1873. 
A few later accessions carried them up to an effective force of about ninety men. 

43, 8. To taktaklanta supply kiilatat. 

43, 10. lapéni tatnep, ete. Instead of giving the numbers of killed and wounded, 
our informant simply gives the number of the survivors. The Warm Spring scouts 
are not included. ; 

43, 13. Capt. Hasbrouck, of the Fourth Artillery, was then in command of a 
mounted battery, and accompanied by Capt. Jackson, in command of B troop, First 
Cavalry, and by sixty Warm Spring scouts. 

43, 14. The fight at Dry Lake or Grass Lake occurred on May 10. Thirty-four 
Modoes attacked the troops at dawn, but were forced to retreat. The troops sustained 
a comparatively trifling loss. 

43, 15. tinep pé-ula stands for taunepanta tinep pé-ula: fifteen. Cf. 40, 1 and 
Note. 

43, 16. Changes of grammatic subjects, and even their omission, are not unheard 
of in incoherent Indian speech. Thus Boshtin has to be supplied here between nash 
and stanotchna, and the meaning is: ‘‘the troops killed one of the retreating Modoe 
warriors.” 

43, 17. Pahatko B-ush stands for the more explicit form Pahapkish E-ush-gi/shi; 
cf. 48, 18. 

43, 22. shitanka properly means: “to negotiate”, but stands here euphemistically 
for “to surrender”. The same is true of gawina, 44, 2, the proper signification of 
which is “to meet again”. 

44,1. General Jefferson C. Davis was the officer whom the President had, after 
Gen. Canby’s assassination, entrusted with the conduct of the Modoc war. He assumed 
command on May 2, relieving the intermediate commander, Col. Alvin C. Gillem, of 
Benicia Barracks, California. 

44, 2. shatla kd4yaktcha stands for shatéla kayaktchtki and was preferred to this 
form to avoid accumulation of consonants. 

44,2. laki for lakiash. When speaking fast, Klamaths and Modoes sometimes sub- 
stitute the subjective for the objective case in substantives which are in frequent use, 
as maklaks for maklaksash, 44, 9. 55, 4.; wéwanuish for wewanuishash, ete. 

44,5. sundé=giulan, over a week; lit. a week elapsed”. On June 1, 1875 Capt. 


THE MODOG WAR. 53 


Jack and his last warriors surrendered to a scouting party of cavalry, not to the five 
Modoes sent after him. 

44,5. Fort Klamath idsha, or better: Fort Klamathyé/ni idsha. The national 
name for this locality is lukaéka, lukak, E-ukak. 

44,5. hashuatko, uncommon Modoc form, contracted from hashashuakitko, by 
elision of two syllables. 

44, 6. stina/sh for shtina/shtat. Generic nouns of places, dwellings, ete., easily 
drop their locative case-suffixes and case-postpositions; cf. kiiila for kiilatat, 44, 8 and 
9. Yamak, 44, 10, is an abbreviation of Yamatkshi or Y4mat=-gishi. 

44,7. kshaggaya is incorrectly used here instead of iggaya, which is said when a 
plurality of long-shaped objects (including persons) is referred to. z 

44, 8. iggaya. The execution of the four malefactors took place at Fort Klamath 
on the 3d of October, 1873, under an immense concourse of Indians and whites living 
in the vicinity. It is estimated that the whole Klamath Lake tribe was present, men, 
women, and children. The gibbet constructed for this purpose, of enormous magnitude, 
stands there at the present day. Bantcho and Slilks were sentenced to imprisonment 
for life. Bantcho died some time in 1875 in the fortress and prison of Alcatraz Island 
in the harbor of San Francisco, California, and Slilks is serving his term there at the 
present time. 5 

44,9. ati kiila. The approximate number of Modocs brought to the Indian Ter- 
ritory for having participated in the revolt, was 145, women and children included ; 
they were first placed on the Eastern Shawnee reserve, and afterwards removed to 
that of the Quapaw Indians. Owing to the moist and sultry southern climate of their 
new home, many of their children died during the first years after their arrival, and 
the Report of the Indian Commissioner for 1878 states 103 as the whole number of 
the Modoes remaining in the Territory. 


To facilitate a prompt reference to the historical events described in this long 
article, I present the following division of its contents : 

33, 1. Negotiations terminating in the return of Capt. Jack’s Modoes to the Kla- 
math Reservation. 

34, 18. Difficulties causing a split in the Modoc tribe. Capt. Jack returns to the 
Lost River country with one half of the Modoes. 

36, 9. The Government of the United States called to the rescue by the Lost River 
settlers. 

37, 3. The massacre on Lost River, and the attack on the lava beds. 

38,5. President Grant appoints a Peace Commission. Negotiations progressing. 

39, 10. The capture of Modoc horses makes further negotiations impossible. 

39, 20. Toby Riddle reveals her terrible secret. 

40, 12. A Doctor of Divinity among the Modocs. 

40, 22. Toby Riddle tried by her countrymen. Last warnings given to the Peace 
Commissioners. 

42, 1. Assassination of the Peace Commissioners. 

42, 18. Bombardment of the lava beds and the Sand Hill fight; the fights at Dry 
Lake and near Fairchild’s farm. 

44,1. The closing scenes of the tragedy. 


12 


18 


54 HISTORIOAL TEXTS. 


BIOGRAPHIC NOTICES OF MODOC CHARACTERS. 
GIVEN By J. C. D. RIDDLE IN THE Mopoc DIALEctT. 


I. TOBY RIDDLE. 
Toby ketchkane maklaiksh gdtpa Ya-4ga kéke Yamatkni’shim kifla 


Toby a little Indian became on William- River of the Oregonians in coun- 
e son uy 
pidshit sko’ 1842. Hinkélim t’shi’shap T’shikka; hinkélam p’ki’shap 
just then inspring 1842. Her father (is) T?shikka; her mother 
kKléka hi nda‘ne illdlatko. Hi p’nd t’shisha té-uniipni illdlash tila tchfa, 
died she three years-old. She (with) father ten years together lived, 
(being) her 
at ta génan TA-uni wigdtan p’yadsha p’na tula tehia. 
then a going Yreka close by cousin herown with she lived. 
0 
Ndankshaptankni té-unip Méatuash makliks Modokishash watch 1857 
Eighty Pit River Indians from the Modoes the horses —_ 1857 
illo‘lash palla. Mo’dokni watch haitchna, at pshi‘n maékléka; mbdfi’shan 
in the year stole. The Modocs _ the horses pursned, and atnight they camped out; next day 


pil ktgisht Méatuash gi’/lki. Mo’dokni tchdmptakian htihatchna; Toby 


in the dawn the Pit Rivers aeoked The Modocs frightened started to flight; Toby 
(them). 
hemkanka: ‘ké-i haihdtchantgi”, nda’ni té-unepni Mo’dokni  shellual- 
cried: “not they must run’’, (and) thirty Modoes to fight- 


tampka. Ma‘ntchtoksh shisho’ka, at Méatuash tptidsha, li’luagshla vi/nipni 


recommenced. For a long time they fought, then the Pit Rivers they repulsed, (and) captued for 


té-unep Moatudshaish i’pkan lt/ltagshlan. Péin pshi’‘n Méatuash gi'lki, 


ty Pit Rivers keeping (and) enslaving (them). Again at night the Pit Rivers attacked, 


ti’mi tchii Méatuash. i-ukshikni at Modokishash shidshla, pén vuize 
many (more) Pit Rivers. Klamath Lakes then the Modocs helped, again they Cone 
quere 


yimeshgapalan p’ndlam watch, Méatuasham tchi’sh watch fdsha. Lapéni 
taking back their own horses, of the Pit Rivers also the horses they drove Twen- 
away. 


té-unep pain tunep Méatuash shuénka, ti’m kaé-i shléa; lap Modokishash 
ty and five Pit Rivers were killed, many not found; two Modocs 
shuénka, ndan shlfuiya, tinep E-ukshikishash ngé’she-uiya. At mdaklaks 
they killed, three they wounded, five Klamath Lakes they wounded. Then the Indians 
Tébiash sheshaloli’shash shayuakta. 


Toby a fighter knew her to be. 


Shalam illdlash 18°9 at hai hishuatchkdshla Tchmi’tchash. Illélash 


Inthe autumn in year 1859 then she married Frank Riddle. In the year 


1862 at shahmi’lgi Shashtiish H-ukshikishas Modoki’shash tchi’sh, at 


1862 she called together the Shastis the Klamath Lakes the Modocs also, when 


l4péni waitd’lan hemkdénka nénuk makliks: “at naénuk tehékéli vii’ 


after two days declared all the tribes : “now all blood is buried 


BIOGRAPHIC NOTICES. 55 


pnalam shelludluish”, At shi-utanka Té-uni Skui’ Sti‘limgshi, Skuii’ 


of their hostilities”. Then they made the treaty at Yreka in Squire Steele’s office, Squire 
Stil na‘lam lakf. 
Steele our manager 
(being). 
Té-uni hank hushténkan makliksh Oregon Dick shéshitko hi’tnan 3 
Near Yreka encountering an Indian Oregon Dick by name attacking 
shishéka palpal-tchf'leks-gitkish J. Hendricks shéshapksh; hii maklaks 
fought a white-skinned (aaa) Hendricks by name; he the Indian 
vuto'lya. Maékliksim snawédshish shikéni’tkish uwyamndtko hfitchipke 
threw down. The Indian’s wife a pistol holding ran eels 
Hendricks shliuapkiga. Toby shntika shikénitkish fi’tya, hink kuata 6 
Hendricks to shoot (him). Toby seized the pistol (and) wrencbed her “firmly 
(it from her), 
shnukpapka maklakshash shiukdélasht, tchék tashka. 
she held ‘the Indian until was killed then let (her) go. 


(or beaten), 


I. STEAMBOAT FRANK. 


Tchimiantko shellualshé’mi lapéni ta-unepanta lap pé-ula illo‘latko gi. 


Steamboat Frank at the time of the war twenty two years-old = was. 


Hi’nkelim t’shishap Shashti maéklaiks gi, hinkélim p’gi’shap Mo’dokni gi. 9 


His father a Shasti Tndian was, his mother a Modoe = as. 


Mai litchlitch shishéka shellualshé’mi; hak nda‘ni keké-uya shit'Tkishyéni 
Very bravely he fought during the war ; he thrice tried into the reservation 
géshtga git’ea Fairchildim kiifla gishi’kni, ta-unepdnta tinep kshiklapkash 


to enter Fairchild’s trom farm (coming), ten (and) five 


maklaksh hishudtehyash i’-amnatko; tchi’i hfnk tpugidshapélitamna. 12 


Indian men having with him; (but) him they drove back every time. 


Ka4-i hak lalakiash shuénksh hdméni, shéllualsh tads hi shand-uli. At 


Not he the Commis- to kill wanted, to make war however he wanted. Then 
sioners 


hi’kshin shayuakta hink lalakiim shtiltish ké-i kshaggayudpkash hik 
surrendering he was informed of this of the officers’ promise not they would by hanging him 
shit’ga, Mo’dokni likiash kaigiiga shé’/Idshish. Kailiaktoks ht tupaks 15 
execnte, the Modoc chief if he hunted for the soldiers. Without he sister 


gi t’yiitmaip tchish, weweshaltko pila; lapéni hii snawedshala.  Lupi‘ni 


is brother also, having children only ; twice he married. First 


htinkélim snawédshash shéshatko Steamboat, mt’-sttity4mpkash gisht. 


his wife was called Steamboat, of strong voice possessed being. 


Lupi’ hank kuihégshash shitko shpunkanka, tchi'i lakiala. 18 


Firstly him . orphan-alike she kept, afterwards married (him). 


Ill, SCARFACE CHARLEY. 


Tchigtchiggim-Lupatkuelatko Modoki’shash shishukshé’mi lap’ni ta 


““Wagon-Scartaced”’ Modoc at the war-time (was) twon- 
agua lap pé-ula illélatko. Hutnkélim p’gi’shap t’shi’shap ketchkant- 
and two years-old. His mother (and) father 
Seach 6 gisht wéngga. Hié’nkélaim t’shi’sha Béshtin kshaggaya. Koike 21 
fant he being died. His father the Ameri- ine When a 


cans 


56 HISTORICAL TEXTS. 


ganiénash 6 wiig’n lupatkfidla. Shellualshé’mi hak kad shéllual; hakt 


small boy he ) a wagon passed over the face. In the war he bravely fought; he 
(was 
nanukénash laldkiash wi’niayian shéllual. Moddoki’shash shuénksht lalé- 
all the chiefs surpassing he fought. (When) the Modocs murdered the Peace 

kiash Tchigtchi’geim-Lupatkuélatko ké-i shand-uli t@l& shuénksh. Ha 
Commis- “Wagon-Scarfaced ” not wanted along to assassinate. He 
sioners (witb them) 
la‘p Béshtin lalékiash vi'izin Kéla-ushdlpkish-Yaindkishi, lipéni ta4-unep 
two American officers defeated Sand-covered Hill-at, twenty 
pin la’p pé-ula makliks f-amnatko; lapik Béshtin laldkiish shuénka. Pén 
and two Indians having with him; both American commanders he killed. Again 
na‘dshash shelludlshgishi pnd mdklikshash hi/ushga ké-i ndnuk shi'ld- 

(on) one (of the) battle-fields his Indian men he ordered not all the sol- 
shash na’sh waitak shudénktgi. 
diers on one day to kill. 

NOTES. 


54, 1. ketchkane or kitchkdéni m. g. is a queer way of expression for the more 
common gitilya: “was born”. 

54, 1. Ya-aga koke is the present name of the locality on Williamson River where 
the Government bridge was built since her infancy, about one mile from the mouth of 
the river. Williamson River is simply called Koke, “river”, and on its lower course 
resides the largest portion of the E-ukshikni or Lake People. 

54,1. Yamatkni/sham, E-ukshiknisham, ete., are forms often met with, though 
ungrammatic ; the correct forms are Yamatkisham, E-ukshikisham, Modokisham, ete. 

54, 2. T’shikka means simply “old man”. He was still living in 1876. 

54, 5 ete. The event described in these lines took place on one of the raids which the 
Klamaths and Modocs undertook every year before the gathering of the pond-lily seed 
against the California tribes on Pit River, for the purpose of making slaves of their 
females. If the numbers of Indians enslaved, wounded, and killed are correct, the raid 
of 1857 must have been of unusual magnitude, as will be seen by comparing the state- 
ments of Dave Hill in another portion of our texts. Among the horses stolen was a 
fine saddle-horse belonging to Toby, and this theft may have stirred her personal feel- 
ings of revenge to the utmost degree. After her successful charge at the head of her 
braves, she did not allow the fallen Pit River Indians to be scalped. 

54, 9. tpfiidsha. The accent rests on the last syllable because the particle ha has 
coalesced with the terminal -a: tpi/dsha ha. Ha is equivalent to “with their own 
hands”; ha liyamna, I hold in my hand. Many other verbs are occasionally accented 
in the same manner, as itd, shnfika, lakiala. 

54, 12. yimeshgépalan; through a difference in the prefix, the Klamath Lake 
dialect would say ttmeshgapalank. 

54, 13. See Meacham, Winema, p. 32 sq., who speaks of three dead enemies only. 

55,1. 2. Mr. Elijah Steele, Superintending Agent of Indian Affairs for the Northern 
District of California, met in council the Klamath Lakes, the Modoes, and three tribes 
of Shasti Indians, with their chiets, near Yreka, on April 14, 1864 (not 1862), and to his 
mediation was due the peace-treaty between these tribes, including also the Pit River 
Indians (who had not sent any deputies), published in Ind. Aff. Report for 1864, pp. 
109, 110. Toby does not figure among the interpreters at this council; but there are 


BIOGRAPHIC NOTICES. AT, 


two other names of “interpreter for the Modocs”: H. K. White and T. S. Ball. The 
raids on the Shasti Indians were mainly undertaken for horse-stealing, and the hostile 
feeling between them and the Klamaths and Modoes was never very intense, since 
frequent intermarriages took place. Cf. Steamboat Frank’s biographic notice: 55, 9. 

55, 1 and 3. Ta-uni. Every town is termed so, as Linkville, Ashland, Yreka; San 
Francisco or Portland would be wiVni taé-uni. In this connection, Yreka, Siskiyou Ce., 
Calitornia, is meant. Cf. also 54,4. T-uni has the inessive postposition -i suffixed, 
and means in a town, near a town, or: the country around a town. 

55, 4. =gitkash is an ungrammatic form standing for -gipkash. 

55, 3-7. Meacham, Winema, p. 34, speaks of an affray in which Toby interfered in 
a perfectly similar manner, though the names of the combatants differ, and the end of 
the fight was not extermination, but personal friendship. 

55, 8. Tchimié/ntko means “ widower”. 

55, 10. Had Steamboat Frank, with his fifteen warriors, succeeded in entering from 
the south across Lost River into Klamath reservation, near Yaneks, and in surrender- 
ing there, this would have saved him from further prosecution, as he thought. 

55, 12. For tyamnatko and iyamnatko, see Notes to Modoe war, 34, 10. 

55, 15. The sentence shéllualsh tads etc., refers to the vote taken by the tribe a 
few days before the ominous eleventh day of April. Thirty warriors voted for continu- 
ation of the war, thirteen voted for peace; cf. 40, 1. 2. 

55, 13. hi means in the interest of the tribe and its independence. See Notes to 
Modoe war, 37, 1. 

55, 14. He went with the American troops in the quality of a scout. Nothing illus- 
trates the real character of some Indian wars as well as this instance: an Indian who 
has fought with the most decided bravery against the enemy of his tribe, is ready, as 
soon as the chances of war run against his chief, to sell himself for a few coins to the 
enemy, body and soul, and then to commit upon his own chief the blackest kind of 
treason. Cf. Modoe war, 44, 2. 

55, 14 etc. From the verbal stiltish depends the sentence: ka-i kshaggayuapkash 
hak shii’/ga (or: shiugétki), and from ké-i shit’/ga depends kaigitga. This is the 
verbal causative of kaihia, to hunt for or in the interest of somebody, and the indirect 
object of it is shi/Idshish: “for the troops”. Hik in hik shit/ga refers to Steamboat 
Frank, not to Captain Jack; were it so, hink would be the correct form, pointing to 
somebody distant. 

55, 17. stitty4mpkash, to be derived from sti, st6: way, road, passage; meaning 
passage-way of the voice through the throat. 

55, 21. 56, 1. The pronoun hi’, he, appears here under the form of 0’. 

56, 1. Scarface Charley was run over by a mail-stage, and obtained his name from 
the scar resulting from that casualty. For shellualshé/mi there is a form shelluashé/mi 
just as common. 

56, 1. 2. Scarface Charley surpassed all the other Modoe chiefs in skill, strategy 
and boldness; he was the engineer and strategist of the Modoc warriors, and furnished 
the brains to the leaders of the long-contested struggle. 

56, 3 etc. Ha 1a’/p etc. The two commanders referred to were Capt. Thomas and 
Lieut. Wright. Cf. Modoe war, 48, 7-12 and Notes. 

56, 7. na/sh waitak for: na/sh waita ak: on one day only, on a single day. 


58 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


E-UKSHIKSSHAM MAKLAKSAM N&-ULAKS. 


LEGAL CUSTOMS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 


GIVEN By SuBcHrer DAvE HILL IN THE KiamMaTH LAKE DIALECT. 


li 
K-ukskni na‘d tehi tchia gité: Plu lakf titasyénini, né/ds Dave 
Lake-people we thus live here: Blow is chief general, and I Dave 
Hill lakf P'luash tapi’tan, Lank-Tchan Davish tapi’tan, tché’k tehish Link 
Hill amchief to Blow second, Long John Dave after, then too Link 
3 River Jack Lank-Tchdnash tapi’tan, Lilu ts. 
River Jack Long John after, and Lilu. 
Pit River Charley Méatuasham Jaki E-ukshi’. 
Pit River Charley ~ of Pit River people isthe at the Lake. 
chief 
Ben Littlejohn lalaki, Skéntchiesh laki Yainaksk{shim md4klaksam. 
Ben (and) Lituejobn are the Skéntchish is (sub-) of the Yaneks people. 
chiefs, chief 
6 Johnson lakf Moadoknisham Yainakshi. George Kuati/lak ts Médokni 
K 2 
Jobnson is chief of Modocs at Yaneks. George Knuatilak also is Modoc 
lakf tapi‘tan Jéhnsonash. 
chief after Johnson. 


Tchaktot Sdtam lakt. 


Tchiktot of Snake is chief. 
Indians 


i. 


9 Nanuk lalaki A’-uksi na‘dsant shitlgishtat ts{ sa hémkank: 
All the chiefs on amet on one and reservation thus they speak: 
ake same 


Kaé-i i shli-uapk shash: ksaggayuapkaé m’s ni; kaé-i i palludpk sas 
Not you shallshoot each other: would hang you I; not you seduce en 
others 


sndwedsh: sptlhi-uapka m’s ni, hii’ i sas pdlluapk. K4a-i i watsam tchi’k- 
Wives: would imprison you I, if you them seduce. Not you ahorse shall 

12 luapk wainniki’sham; hii’doks i tchikluapk, spulhi-uapké m’s ni. Ké-i i 
ride of another man; but if you should ride, would imprison you I. Not you 
palluapk sas nanuktua, hii’doks i pélluapk sas sptlhi-udpka m’s ni. 


shall steal from anything, for if you should steal from would imprison you I. 
each other each other 


(Nanuktua ké-i i pdlluapk; hii/doks i yekii/-uapk nii’-ulaks, hunkanti’ 
(Nothing you ust steal; for if you “ should break the laws, thereat 

15 m’s nishetchaktanuapk.) Hii’doks i snawii/dsh Béshtinash shi’/tolakuapk, 
at you I would get angry.) Tf you, asa female, with a white man should sleep, 

ktétchkuapka m’s ni. Hii‘doks ¢ hii’syalp’luapk n4nuktua shéshatuish m’na, 


will eut offhair to you L. If you should Lave returned the whole marriage fee hia, 
to yourself 


LEGAL CUSTOMS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 59 


syéktnank i hisydlp’luapk, hunkantchi’ mish ni ké-i né-ulakuapk: wakeé- 


paying you should reobtain it, on account of that you I “not shall try; per- 


anhua spi'lhi-uapk. Ha i hfshuaksh pdlluapk snawi’dshash, hii’ doks 


haps (I) will imprison. If you, asamarried man, seduce a@ married woman, 


i nd-iint snawii’dshash sheto’lakuapk, ni-ulakuapk4 m’s ni. Hii i a 


you another with wife cohabit, shall punish you 1G If you should 


uapka ts, né’-ulakuapka m’s ni. 
lie also, would punish you I. 


Hii'toks i na’s liliksaluapk k’li’kapksh, mi’ mish ni nii’-ulakuapk. 


Andif you a per- should cremate, who is dead, heavily you I shall punish, 
son 


Hi’ i kitks tsis tawi-uapk, ma’ mish ni ni/-ulakuapk. Hii i shishédkuapk 


If you asa should bewiteh, hard you I shall chastise. If you have a fight 
copjurer 


illi-uapka m’s nénukins; hii i snawi’dsh mi sissékuapk, ilhi’-uapka m’s 
I will lock up all of ye; if you (and) wife your should fight, will lock up you 
ni lapuk sumsedlémamks. Hii i shuhdénk-sitk sissékuapk, lapuk mish ni 
I both married folks. If you evenly whip each other, both of ye I 
na’-ulakuapk ; hi’toks snii’wedsh i mi udépkuapk, tehvi mish ka-i sekak- 

will punish ; but if wife you your beat, and to you not returns 


tsuapk hak snawiidsh, ka-i ni nii’-ulakuapk snawii’dshash, mi’sh ni hissuak- 
blows the wife, not 1 will punish the wife, you I, the hus- 


shash spiThi-uapk. Ha i tudnkst wudshayuapk ht’ os mi’sh ni mé’ak 


band, will imprison. If you anywhere bruise you It more 
heavily 


nii’-ulakuapk; hii‘toks laki @’dopkuapk snawii’dsh m’na, sniikéluapka ni. 
shall punish ; but if a chief bruises wife his, shall remove (him) I. 


Ha’ toks i hi’hashuaksh shishékuapk, lapuk mish ni ilhi-uapk. Hii’ ‘toks 


you with men should fight, both of ye I will lock up. 
n shni lyuapk latchash mii’ mish ni nii/-ulakuapk. 


you set on fire a lodge hard you I will chastise. 


Ha laki shishdkuapk humashtak ni shnikélui-uapka ; ha tehik laki 


If achief starts a fight, in the same man- I shall remove (him) ; a chief 
ner 


hintsak a mdaklaksas shishékuapk, lapéni, ndanni, tankni shishékuapk, 


for no reason people should beat, twice, thrice, many times should beat, 


tankt ni snii’kélui-uapka ni. Hai tehik i’-alhish tchish kii gi’uapk, shnii- 

then I shall remove (him) a6; a guardian wrong does, shall 
kélui-uapka ni; ha nanuktua ti ei/uapka, tankt ni shnikélui-udpkan 
remove (him) I; if in everything wrong does (he), then I will remove qd) 


i’-alhishash; hia’toks i’alhish tids, nanuktudnta tidsh gi’uapk, ké-i ni shnii- 


the watchman ; but if watchman well, all through well shall act, “not I will 


kéluf-uapk. Lakidsh tchish tidsh gisht ké-i ni shnakélii-uapk ; hii Béshtin 


remove (him). A chief also doing his duty not ue will remove; if white-man- 


yalank nii’-ulapkuapk, ti’dsh hank gi’uapk, kaé-i ni hfink wutédshanuapk. 


alike he deals, right Te shall act, not — 1 him will cast away. 


K4-i i hussi/nuapk; hi’toks i hussi/nuapk nt hi’nk i’-amnuapk i’yaks 


“Not you must run horse- butif you run horse-races uA the will take away gain 
races; 
A , =s/ 
mi. Techi laki ni’-ulza. 
your. So the orders. 


chief 


oo 


15 


18 


15 


18 


60 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


Ha i kii'liak hishuaksh né-inds siitédlakuapk, hi’k tchish hissuaks 


If you, not having a husband, with another should cohabit, this also man 


kaliak snawiidsh, spf‘lhi-uapka na ki’lish snéwedsh. Hii hi’ksa heshtdé- 


(is) without a wife, shall imprison the unmarried (man). If they should live 


lakuapk, ha’nk ni timénuk nii’ ane sptlhi-uapka nu hishudks hia’nk. 


in concubi- of it I hearing will punish (and) will imprison I man that. 
nage, 


Tchi’ A’-ukskni laldki nii’-uléka tehi’ huk kiflatat m’ndlam; tsti kilitk 
So pe chiefs order so they in district their; and severe (is) 
Lake . 
ni’-ulaks lalakiam. 


the law of the chiefs. 


Hi’‘toks i st’'msealstka giuapk si-i‘huapk i Jépuk, snawii’dshash 


And if you on the point of mar- should be and should agree you both, female 
riage 


hissuiksh tchi’sh, tsti i gépkuapk lakiamksi; tsti mi’sh lakf sni/mpsii- 


male also, then you must come to chief's pees ; and you the will unite in 
chief 


aluapk, ti‘nep i n’s tala ski’ktanuapk hi’nk pil mf’yiins pi‘la lakiash ; 


wedlock, five you'to me dollars shall pay only to the principal only “chief; 


hi’toks i vualks, tsi hu’k i ndan tala, wakidnhua 1Ja’p téla ska’ktanuapk. 
butif you (are) poor, then you three dollars, may be two dollars have to pay. 
Hii i yualks tsi giuapk stmsii-aluapk, git i n’s ski’ktanuapk. Hits i 


ff you poor should be (and) intend tomarry, that you to have to pay. Andif you 
much me 


ski’ktish himéniuk ti’ma watch gitk, tinip i ski’ktanuapk snawii‘dshash; 
to pay want of many horses pos- five you can give in payment for the wife ; 
sessed, (horses) 


hi’toks ytalks tsi i lapi watch ski’ktanuapk, wakidnhua nddén watch, 


and if poor you two horses can pay, or perhaps three horses, 


tt’ma-kans watch gi’tkiug. 


many horses when having. 
Ha’ tchi m’s snawi/dsh gii’/skuapk, k4-i i watch shni’kp’li-uapk 
And if you (your) wife should leave, not you the horses can take back 


ka-i teh snawii’dsh hak watch spuni’-uapka m’sh; i pi’l i hissudksh pil 


and not (your) wife a horse need transfer to you; you alone, you husband only 
shii/wanuapk snawii’dshash gii’shkank. 
must give (them) (your) wife when leaving. 
Ka-i i lap snawii‘dsaluapk; na’sak i snawii‘dslank giuapk; hi’toks i 
Not you two wives shall marry; one only you marrying must live; batif you 
lap snawii‘dsaluapk, nii’-ulakuapka m’sh. Hi’ tchik wéwanuish 1a’pi giug 
two wives marry, shall punish (I) you. If the wives double for being 


hishtchaktanuapk, tankt mi’sh ni skuyi’shkuapk sndwiidsh na’sh; tsfishni’ 


should quarrel, then from you I shall divorce wife one; forever 


m’sh ni skuyfi’shkuapk, ké-i i taté mbushidlp’luapk. Hii‘toks ¢ mbusedl- 


from you I shall sever her, not you ever can marry her again. Andif you associate again 


pluapk spdlhi-uapké m’sh ni. Hits na‘dsiak mi snawii’ds tsfi’ssak i 


(with her) shall imprison you I. And if monogamic your with wife constantly you 
hishtchéktanuapk, tankt mish ni skuyt’shkuapk, ampkéak i hishi‘kat; 
should quarrel, finally fromyou I shail separate (her), or else ye may kill each 


other; 


LEGAL CUSTOMS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 61 


, 


hi’masht mish ni giug skuyt’shkuapk. Ha ni skuyt’shkuapka m’sh, 


therefore ye I will separate. should separate (her) from you, 
tst’shni m’sh ni skuyti’shkuapk. 
forever from yon I shall divorce (her). 
K4-i mish ni hé’nk ki’tgik; nanuktuanta kéktak pila m’s n ha’nk hém- 
Not you I that to telllies about everything totellthe alone to you I that to 
told ; truth 


kanktgik; nii’-ulakt gi’tki i snawi’dshash tchi’sh kaktak pil. Kaé-i n 
tellsaid; to observe the laws you wife also to eallthe only. Not I 
trut 


hi’nk gi’tkik m’s pila, hihashudkshash tchish nénukiinsh. 


this SF do tell to you only, (but) to men too all (others.) 


In 


Snawedsh tchik sht’ldshash shetdélya, tsi nat ktéktatska; at hink 
A female (if) with a soldier copulates, then we cut her hair off; she 
yaka’wa nii’-ulaks, ké-i hi’nk ti’ména shuni’kanksh ndélam_lalikiam. 
broke the law, not she listens to the behests of our chiefs. 
Tchui tchik titatna heshsyalpéli sésatuish m’ndlam, tsti szo’ktnank tchii’k 


Also sometimes she reobtains the price paid to them, and by paying 
through barter (for her) 


héshsyalpéli. Tsui snawii’dsh tchish nésh hishuaksh wutédshish m’na pii’n 


she reobtains it. And wife one husband who repudiated his again 


hé’nk snikp’la, tsti na’-ulékan titatnan hi’masht-gisht shnii’kp’lisht 1a’p 


her takes up, then chastiseI (him) sometimes I because he took her back for two 


shappash spw'lhi, titatnatéks ni ndan shappash, titatna tchin nash shappash 


months imprison, butsometimes I for three months, at times andI for one month 


spt'lhi. Tstti tech’ hishtchakta hi’k kat laldpa wii’wans gitk; tstti tsin nii’- 


imprison And quarrel they who two wives have; and thus I or- 
(him). 


ulka skuyi’shkan. Ka-i ni na’-uléza, sguyushkuydé ni; gi’‘tak. Titatna 


der (and) separate (them) I. No more I try (them) in separate just Tt that’s the Sometimes 
court, end of it. 


tch pdélla shash nd-ints hihassuéksas sndwiidsh, tehui ni né’-ulkan ndén 
also seduces (them) other married men a female, then ag try (her) I fan) for 

hree 
sdppash spt'lhi. 


months imprison. 


Tchui shishéka titatna, tchtii nayiins wudsaya; ; hi/nkst ni nash sti’/ndé 


And they fight sometimes, and others they injure ; him a one week 


spu'Thi, kat sas hi’k wudshéya. Titatna tch shishdéka shipapéldnkstant hak, 


imprison, who them has whipped. Attimes also Severe ameng each other only, 
ghts 

ka-i shii’'tka, sissukttya hak; tstti ni né-uléka hi/nkiasht kakat hik sisséka. 

not injure, buat scuffle merely; then I try those who had the row. 

Lap st’/ndin lapukayiins ilhi’. Titatna udii’pka hissuéksh snawii/dsh m’na; 


Fortwo weeks I both parties lock up. Sometimes whips a husband wife his ; 


ha’nks ni hissuaksas spi’Thi ndén sii’ndé; hii kia udépkpakuapk snawedsh 
that I husband lock np  forthree weeks; if roughly he should whip wife 


m’na, hai’masht n’unk efuge nddén stndé spul Vb. Titatna teh sndwiidsh 


his, on that account JY him forthree weeks imprison. Sometimes also a wife 
(other #) 


1 


15 


1 


2 


8 


il 


62 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


hishuiksh m’na wuddpka, tstii ni snawi/dshash hié/nk nii/-uly, ké-i hii’nk 


husband hers whips, then I wife that punish, not the 


hishudkshash, lap stindeé. 


husband, fortwo weeks. 
Tstti tchik kiuks tchi’sh titatna tawi shash, tsii hik k’léké tawi’sh. 
Then a con- also attimes bewitches them, and dies the bewitched 
jurer one. 
Tsui ni ni’-ulza, tsti ti’nip shAppash spd’lhi siukst; tsi tehik watch nish 
Then I try (him), and for five months imprison for man- and (if) horses tome 


slaughter ; 


szokta ti’/nip, tsi ni ké-i spi’lhit szokti’sht nish. 'T'sdi teh laki ts ktf’pka 


he pays five, then I not ey oeea a he having paid me. And (if) a chief beats 
(him), 
m’na snawiidsh, tstti ni sna’kélua; gii’tak laki ot hfik. 
his wife, then I remove (him) ; nolonger chief _re- he. 
mains 
NOTES. 


58-62. The legal practices, regulations, and ordinances given here by a subchief of 
the Klamath Lake tribe are observed by all the chiefs, and are apparently fashioned 
after American models. The principle which seems to guide most of the judicial de- 
cisions of the chiefs, is given in one (59, 20. 21) of these regulations: “If a chief makes 
law like white people, that will be right.”* This article is composed of three parts: 

Part I. List of the chiefs acting as judges on the reservation in 1877. 

Part II. Legal customs governing the Klamath Lake people. 

Part III. Instances of application of these legal customs; amount of fines, terms 
of imprisonment, etc. These are the “novella” of Klamath legislation. 

58, 1-3. P’lu, Lilu, and some other headmen mentioned here have signed the treaty 
of Oct. 14, 1864. 

58, 4. Moatuash. There are only two Pit River families living on the whole 
reservation. 

58, 8. Tehaktot belongs to the Yahtskin tribe of Snake Indians. Cf. Ind. Aff. 
Report 1873, p. 324. 

58, 10 etc. The future tense employed in these behests, regulations and defenses 
recalls the French future used in an impressive manner instead of the imperative: tu 
ne tueras point, tu ne déroberas point. 

58, 10. shliuapk shash. The pronoun shash has here almost the force of a reci- 
procal pronoun, for the meaning of the sentence is: ‘do not shoot at people of your own 
tribe.” The same is true of sas in palluapk sas, 58, 10; 58, 13 (twice); palla shash, 
61, 14. 

58, 10. ksaggayuapkaémsni is pronounced as one werd, as the removal of the accent 
from the syllable -uapk demonstrates; and so in many of the following verbs standing 
in the future tense. For the sake of clearness, I have preferred to resolve these forms 
graphically into their component elements. 

58, 11. watsam, etc. The possessive watsam stands here instead of the instru- 
mental case watsatka through attraction from winnikisham. Tchikla here means to 
ride away on another’s horse, the horse being missed by his owner. 


* Dave Hill introduces himself in the first person as chief; but many of these decisions can be 
given by the headchief only, not by any of the subchiefs, to whose number Dave Hill belonged. The 
Modoes at Yéneks claim to observe these regulations; the Snake Indians do not. 


LEGAL CUSTOMS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 635 


58, 15. shetchaktanuapk stands for the more common form: shitchaktanuapk 

58, 16. nanuktua shéshatuish m’na: ‘all what your husband has transferred to 
your parents to obtain your hand”; m’na stands for hishuaksham. Cf. 61, 8. 

59, 7. mish, you, to you, is often used in this article for malash, malsh, ye, to ye, in 
allocutions to two or more persons. This is a way of expressing what may be called the 
‘“inelusive plural of the second person”. This mode of speaking is observed in m’s 
lapuk, 59, 7; lapuk mish, 59,7. In the same manner i stands for at, 59, 8: i sissék- 
uapk, if ye whip each other; also 60, 22. 

59, 9. i mi stands for mish mi. 

59, 17. hi kii gi/uapk: if he should fail to do his duty; 59, 19. ha tidsh gi/uapk : 
if he does his duty well; nanuktuanta: in every respect. 

59, 22. i/yaks mi: what you may win by betting on the horses engaged in the race. 

60, 2. kii/lish is the objective case of ki/liak, kéliak, “not having”, the simple 
form of which, without -ak, would be ki/li or ka/liu (ka‘li hi). 

60, 11. tama watch gitk. The horses have, of course, to be transferred to the 
parents of the bride and not to any of the chiefs. 

60, 12. watch. The horses owned by the Klamath Lake and Modoc people are 
valued from 20 to 25 dollars each; they descend from the hardy, enduring race of 
Cayuse ponies, and were originally obtained by bartering commodities with the Colum- 
bia River Indians at the Dalles, Oregon. 

60, 15. watch spuni/-uapka; watch refers to one horse only, for the verb spuni’, to 
transfer, is used of one (living) object only; shiwana is: to give many objects. ‘“ Not 
even one horse your wife has to give to you, if she leaves you; but if you leave her, 
you must give her several.” 

60, 17. lap snawa/dshla. Polygamy was abolished by the headmen of the tribe 
shortly after the establishment of the reservation, and this ruling was one of the great- 
est benefits ever conferred upon that tribe by the progress of civilization. But those 
who had several wives then were not compelled to dismiss all but one, and so in 1877 
two or three men were still polygamists. The irascible and excitable disposition of the 
Modoe and Klamath females must have produced many chin-music intermezzos with 
their husbands at the time when polygamy was predominant. 

61, 3. K4-i mi’sh etc. In this paragraph, in: ki/tgik, kaktak, hemkanktgik, gitkik, 
the terminal k contains the abbreviated gi, which joined to the foregoing nu, 1 means 
I said. The construction runs as follows: Hi’nk ni gi ka-i mish ki/tgi; nanuktuanta 
kaktak gi pila m’s n hi/nk hémkanktki gi; na/-ulakt gi/tki i snawaé/dshash tehi’sh 
kaktak gi pil. Ka-i ete. 

61, 6. tchik. This particle does not mean if, but cannot be rendered here (and 
below) with a more appropriate word. It is identical with tchek, then. A subordinate 
clause is here expressed by a co-ordinate one. Cf. 61, 9. 10. 12. 62, 4. 

61, 6. ktoktatska: ‘“‘we clip their hair in every instance”, is the distributive form 
of ktétchka, ktotska, occurring in 58, 16. 

61, 9. Tsii ete. This inverted sentence has to be construed as follows: Tsui tehisL 
nash hishuaksh wutédshish snawi/dsh m’na pii/n ht’nk snikp’la, tsti né/-ulékan ete. 


9 


15 


64 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


HOGMASHT LALAKI NE-ULAKTA KAKASHASH. 


DOCTOR JOHN TRIED BY THE CHIEFS. 


OBTAINED IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


I. ACCOUNT OF DAVE HILL, SUBCHIEF. 
Shillalsh hi’t gt’ta. Tchti sa tehi’ta nanka kukiaks, Tiitématchi’sh 


A disease him invaded. Then they ed several conjurers, (and) Aunt Susie 
(him) 
tehtita; tchui siimtsalya Doctor John a gén tawi; ti’ tawipk, tata Doctor 
treated then (she) discovered (that) Dr. Jobu him bewitched; over he bewitched when Doctor 
(bim) ; there (him), 
Johnam snawedsh shi/la. Ténkt tawi’pk; tehi hank sémtsaly 'Tétématsis, 
John’s wife was sick. That time he had be- 80 found out Aunt Susie, 


witched (him) ; 
na-ast sémtsaly. sti Doctor John: ‘“ki-i-A a nen Tétématsis”, nd-ast 


thus she discovered And Doctor Jobn (said): ‘this lies Aunt Susie”, so 
(it to be). 


Doctor John hémkank. Sdkamka: “bt’nk ké-i mat pi’sh sitkat; ki’ya 


Dr. Jobn spoke. He denied it: “that man not him I killed; lies 
mat hai’/nk Tetématsis!” nd4-ashtak Doctor John hémkank. 


this Aunt Susie!” so again Dr. John said. 


Tsti sa spa’lhi l4p’ni illélash ; nanuk hi’nk méklaks Iédla Tetématsi- 
Then thoy locked (him) for two years; about all the Indians believed Aunt 
up 
shash. T'stii vilé lalaki, tsti hémkank Doctor John, ti’m hémkank na-asht: 
Susie. Then inquired the chiefs, and said Dr. John, atlength he spoke thus: 
of (him) 


“Tua ni wik giug shiukuapk? Tidshi a ha’t hishuaksh, ka-itudlash shish- 


Cont wherefore —_ should have killed Honest cer- that man (was), with nobody quar- 
(him)? tainly 
tchaktnish; wak lish i’k 16li a nen Tetématchishash? At lalaki hii’ntsak 
relling; how is it ye all believe Aunt Susie? Now (ye) chiefs without rea- 
sons 
i nen ldéla, kélamtsank si’tk li’dshna; ka-i nti ht’nk sitgat. Katak ni nen 
ye believe, closing your eyes-alike walk along ; not I him killed, Witk vera- I 
city 

hémkank, p'laitalkni ni’sh shli’popk hii/mkankst. Tuaé ni shutii’-uapk 

speak, the Most High me sees, as I speak. What I would have profited 
shiigok? nti yé ké-i nia kikamtchish gi’-uapk shiugok; tud ni tala i’shka? 
by murdering I Cer- never I an old man would become, had I killed what I money made? 

(him) ? tainly (him); 


my 


tud nia tala ya i’shka shfugok? Tidsii’wank tehia, k4-i ni kants shiuksh 
what I money ver made by killing (him)? Tam glad to beliv- not I anybody to kill 
ing, 
sanaho'li; hia’ ni klié’kuapk, himashtak i tsdkuapk klaikui’sh gint nt’sh, 
desire ; if I shall perish, equally ye will perish as I have died. 
Ka-i na’d tehdssni‘ni mdéklaks nanuk kiiflandkant. Hi’ndsak tehi fnsh 


Not we (are) immortal men all world all over. For no eanse thus mo 


DOCTOR JOHN TRIED BY THE CHIEFS. 65 


spa lhi: ké-i tehin wak o’skank. Unds&’ ni né-ulakuapk; la’nwak nii’- 
(ye) im- not I about it am angry. Sometime I shall arraign (her) ; notI know tobave 
prison ; hence how 


wéya Tétmatchishash wk hii’nk nen sémtsalka; li ni wak ni’-ulaktanuapk 


tried Aunt Susie for the manuer by she found out; not I know how to proceed against 
whic (her) 


sheshamtsalyfshash hi’‘nk. Tankt malsh ni shé’gsuapk malash lalakiash. 
for discovering all about it. Thattime toye I will ehosk ont my to ye chiefs. 
nln 


K4-i nt shayudktant Tetématsi’sas; hda’nk p’liitélkni shayudkta Tetémat- 


“Not I know about Susie; it the Most High knows, Aunt Su- 


sisas wdk gisht sii’mstsalkst, wik ta ni’sh tchish katak  shii’gshasht 


sie in which manner discovered (it), (but) how me also the truth to have told 


sli’popka n’sh hi’nk. Sakémkst pi tsi n’sh hi’nk né-ulakuapk, ha ni 


has seen me (he). For haying she thus me must punish, if I 
denied it 


siki‘tnank sii’gsuapk. Katok ni gé-u siigsii’wa; tchi ni hi’skank.” 


falselyreporting should speak. Trath I my think Tsay; thus I think.” 
Tétémadshish hi’nk né-asht k’lékuish at gi: ‘ Katak am’sh ni sémt- 
Aunt Susie 80 afterthedeath hadsaid: ‘Truly you I have 
(of Paikish) 
salya, suis mi’sh gé-u slid; i’ hin sfuga, nii‘nsak toks i nen sakamka. 
foundout, tamanu- you my hasseen; you that murdered, in vain you give a denial. 
ash song man 
Na-asht kukfaks tsii’ssak siukik; kiya hf’nk na-asht giug; tids taks mi’sh 
Thus co jurers always after killing; lie when so saying; pretty well you 
(say) (they) 
ni kuizd m’s ni. Gdhak hi’k ni/-ulaks K’mukdémtsam: né-asht hi’nk 
I know you i Long years this (was) the law of K’mikamtch: in this manner 


s10ce 


hi/mkanktgi sfukuk maklaksas. Htimasht tchi nen hémkanka i’, Doctor 
to speak after mur- @ person. That way so talk you, Dr. 
dering 
John!” Tsi ha’‘mkank Tétématsis shapuk. 


John!” So spoke Susie when sneak- 
ing (about it). 


Tsti lal4ki waltka. ‘ Sfuga i’”, tchi nanka waltk lalaéki; nanya ts 


Then thechiefs deliberated. Tees woul some uttered chiefs; others 
(him) 
“k4-i shfuk i” si’wa; tsi tchi’k sa waltakuapk. 
“hot killed you” thought; and afterward they were to deliberate 
(him) again. 


Il. ACCOUNT OF MINNIE FROBEN. 


Tétémadshish hii’nk shiunt’/tnuk shémtchalya tawi’sht Doctor Johnash 


Aunt Susie by singing tamanuash- discovered that had bo- Dr. Jobn 
songs witched 
E-ush guni’gshta maklakshash tehi’pksh. Tékmal géna Doctor Jéhnamksh 
Upper Kla- on opposite an Indian living. Tékmal hadgone  toDr. John's lodge 
math Lake shore 
shudikidshuk tehi’tantki giug hi’nk shillalpksh, kant sha Doctor Jéhn- 
cailiug (him) to treat that (man) who fell sick, whom they Dr. Jobn 
ash tawiank shi’uks gishapa. Tebdi hi’/nk Doctor John tchitanhu ka 
to have be- (and) killed said. him Dr. Jobn treated a while 
wiiched 
kdyak tidsh wémpélank k’leké, tehti sa shtina k’lékuish tuti’ks m’ndlam. 
never recovering “he died, then they sang ater hisdeath dreams their. 


2 


15 


18 


6 


12 


15 


66 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


Tsti Tét@madshish hfi’nk shemtchalya tawi’sht Doctor Johnash klekap- 
Then Annt Susie discovered that. pad be: Dr. Jobn the de- 
witchec 


kash; tsti mbii’shant waitdélank né-ent waitashtka ilktcha; Doctor Johnash 
Ce4se |; and next day being over on other day buried (him) ; Dr. Jobnu 
tchi’sh sha shpimshna, at kléwiank sha Doctor Johnash shpinshampélank 
also they conveyed, now after their return Dr. Jvbn taking along 
shptlhi, tehti sha ka-ishnank skikum-house mpampatkia tchikéminatka. 
imprisoned, aud thy locking the strong-house nailed (it) down with (iron-) nails. 
Tehikéskni Shkélaksh tt’la shptlhi Doctor Jobnash. Tchti tehiwi’za 
Tebikéskni Skélag with imprisoned Dr. John. And he sat in 
hatokt, tehti hi’ksha gii’mpéle spulhi‘tkuk. Pin nda‘ni tehék waitédlank 
? fo) 
therein, and these men wenthome — aiter imprisonment. Again three at last days past 


Shzélag gatpa ktd’tp’nuk pa’sh; tehvi Syélag ga’mpéle kayak hassasudkiank 
Xelag gatp I I § ga mp y 


Skélag came to bring (him) food ; and Skélag returned not at all having spoken 


Doctor Johnash. Pin géna Szélag ndani waitélank pash tinfyuk; sht’lip- 
to Dr. Jobn. Again went Skélag three days elapsed victuals to bring; hand- 
kank p’laikni hak shéwana Doctor Johnash, P’li toks japéni shéwana 
ing trom above there he gave (tbem) — to Dr. John, Blow however twice gave 
nayant waitashtat. Ha'‘kt pil na’dshek; ha’ksha toks, nanka ké-i hd/masht 
another on day. This one (was) the only one; those (men) (did), other (men) not like (him) 
shéwanat shi’ukshtka giug Doctor Johnash. Tehushak lipi sha shikénitksh 


gave (any food) kill in order Dr. Jobn. Constantly two they a pistol 
to (men) 


shishi’tilatk shliutuapkug ha’nk. Ageney tehti gépksht tapi’ ti’ta shash, 

were carrying in to fire on “ him. To the Ageney (they) bad after awhile they, 
their dress gone 

ktiugiulank ka-ishtish, tehui watch hatokt tki’tkapksh shla4ank g@hlap- 
he kicked open the door-cover, and a horse there standing finding (he) mounted 

tchapka, m’na tmakam gatpénotash. 'Tchii gi’ta hushdétpa agency, tehti 


it, his son having come (with Then here herodeup totheageney, and 
the horse). 


yd-uks-ménamksh gatpénank guli’. Tehdi agenci’nish ldkiash hashashu- 


” in the physician's house coming entered. And to the agent he ap- 
akia, Minniash shahamtyank shnintatka lakiash hashashuakitki giug. 
pl ed, for Minnie sending” to interpret the agent for conversing witb. 

NOTES. 


64, 1. In September 1877 Pukish, an elderly Indian, died after a very short illness 
on the western side of Upper Klamath Lake. The rumor that he had been bewitched 
and thereby feloniously killed by Kakash, one of the conjurers who treated him, soon 
gained credence, and the excitement in the tribe ran high. The first account of the 
occurrence was obtained by one of the subchiefs, who, with his colleagues, passed 
sentence over the unfortunate Kakash. 

64, 1. hit, “this one”, forms one of the substitutes for names of deceased persons, 
which no Indian dares to pronounce. Hu’t refers to a person standing visibly before 
the speaker, and it is remarkable that the dead are referred to by this pronoun, and not 
by a pronoun marking distance out of sight, like hakt, hi/kta ete. Cf. hi’t hishuaksh, 
64, 9., gén, 64, 2., ht’nk pi’/sh, 64, 5., 68, 11. ete. The subject nanka kukiaks does not 
exclude the use of the subject pronoun sha, they, the account being worded in the eon- 
versational style. 


DOCTOR JOHN TRIED BY THE CHIEFS. 67 


64, 1. Tetémadshish or Aunt Susie is one of the numerous female “ doctors”, who 
eke out a scanty living from some patients of the Klamath Lake tribe. She received 
the above name for having been a washerwoman to the soldiers stationed at Fort Kla- 
math, and the nickname Witya-ak was bestowed on her on account of her predilection 
for small sucker fish. 

64, 2. simtsdlya. The means employed by her to discover that Dr. John had 
cast upon the patient a spell of a deadly character, were the singing or recital of taman- 
uash songs, and the dreams which she had on that subject. Her tamanuash songs had 
seen those of the accused conjurer. See 65,9. The great majority of the tribe still 
believes in the possibility of witcheraft. 

64, 7. The two sentences contained in this line anticipate the result of the whole 
trial, and the popular verdict. The proper place for them would be after 65, 15. 

64, 9. Tua ni ete. The defense made by Dr. John in his own ease is not an unable 
one, nor is it devoid of oratorical powers. But if the arguments were delivered in the 
order as given by Dave Hill, they ought to have followed each other in a more logical 
order to attain their full effect. 

64, 10. wak lish ete. The logical connection existing between this sentence and 
the foregoing has to be supplied by: ‘“ why should he have been my personal enemy ?” 

64, 10, 11, 15 ete. i, ik stands here for at (ye); because, when the headchief is ad- 
dressed in council, all the others are addressed also. Loli stands for lola i, The trial 
took place on Williamson River. 

64, 13. kikamtchish. The distributive form is used here instead of the absolute 
verbal k’mttchish, because old age comes on gradually, by degrees. 

64, 16. tchi insh instead of tchi nish; the language likes juxtaposition of two short 
equal vowels, even when a metathesis is required. 

65, 8. Katak ete. Aunt Susie’s opinion, given just after Pukish’s death and some 
time before the trial, did not fail to have a striking effect on the superstitious judges 
and tribe, for her arguments perfectly agree with the national ideas. But to us the 
arguments seem so weak, that no conviction seems justified, if not based on other 
evidence. 

65, 9. nii/nsak ete. “‘ Your defense does not disprove any of the points advanced 
against you.” 

65, 11. K*mukamtsam nii/-ulaks: “the old customs of the people.” 

65, 16. The second account of this tam4nuash-case was obtained a few weeks after 
the trial; Dr. John was present at the agency buildings at the time of the dictation, 
furnishing the facts to my informant. 

66, 4. ka-ishnank ete. This underground jail was in such an unhealthy condition 
that Dr. John could not have lived in it through the tenth part of his long term of 
imprisonment. 

66, 5. Tchikéskni and Skélag, names of two watchmen (i-Alhish); the chiefs appoint 
watchmen from time to time. Skélag is “‘the young weasel” and Tchikéskni ‘man 
living at Tchikési camping-place”. They were armed with pistols to foil any attempt 
at escape. 

66, 10. na/dshek for na/dsh ak: “the only one”. Compare naédshiak, 60, 21; waitak, 
56, 7. and Notes. 

66, 12. shishi’tilatk. The past participle often stands for forms of periphrastic 
conjugation: shishitilatko gi, they were carrying in their dress. Cf. illolatko, 55, 20. 


=r) 


68 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


66, 13. g@’hlaptchapka. The verb gelépka means to step on, to mount, ascend ; 
with ’h infixed, to mount upon something by using one’s hands; ge’hlaptcha is to per- 
form this while on the way, while going or travelling; gé@hlaptchapka, to perform this 
at a distance from other people and unseen by them. Doctor John escaped, aided by 
his son, in the midnight hour. 

66, 14. m’na uinakam gatpénétash. Gatpénéta is a derivative of gatp’na with a 
durative signification, the suffix -6ta pointing to an action performed while another is 
going on. ‘ His son having arrived close by, while he was imprisoned.” 

66, 16. shnai/ntatka, verbal intentional of shni/nta, the suffix -tka being sometimes 
substituted for the usual -tki, -tki ging. 


PUNISHMENT OF MANSLAUGHTER THROUGH WITCHCRAFT. 


OBTAINED FROM ‘‘SERGEANT” MORGAN IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT, 


Tina maklaks ma‘ntch-gi’tk na-asht gi: “ti salyi’ta snawédsh gé-u 


Once man long ago thus spoke: “over is bewitched wife my 
there 
shillalsht! i a-i tawi!” Tsui tehikash skiyui sudkitsatki gfug; tsuii gena 
having fallen you bewitched Then anoldman_ he sent out to call a conjurer; 
sick; (her) !”" ea 
tchika sudkitsuk, tstii shudkiuk ndéna, tstyuk tiména shuishuk, kiuksam 
theold to fetch the con and tocallhim ont  halloed, and he heard the magic aoe conjurers’ 
man jurer, 
yainatat shui’sh; Ati ha shuishuk. Tstti géna kiuks tsutansuk, ti’shtaks a 
on the moun- songs; far (are) songs Then goes the con- to treat (her), to the spot 
tain away these. jurer where 
salyita. At shfi’ta hii’nk, tchui héntsna. Gétpa mia’‘ns simmatka, shui’shuk 
she lies Now he works on her, and sucks. Comes out a bigthing through (his) to sing 
bewitched. mouth, 
tpéwa, summatka hantsantkiug. sti hantchipka, tsti puta, tsii hisatchip- 
heorders with (bis) mouth while he would suck Then he sucks ont, and feels and throws up 
(those present), on. choked, 


gapéle hanshish m’na; syfi’dya litatkish. At ha’k szétka, ku-i huki’ tsutish 


again sucked-out his; swallows (it) (his)expounder. Now he hasswal- worse’ that being 
article (after) lowed (it), (patient) freatadl 


ei’ntak, ki-i gi, wigd telsampka k’li’ksh. Kitks hi’k tché-ulya shii’kpal- 


in spite of, worse is, almost she looks towards the Conjurer the starts to leave wanting to 
(she) spirit land. 
takiug ku-i gi’sht k4-i gi/lyisht pash; tchui hf’k na-asht gi kalamtak 
retire worse because (and) passing enrol the food; herenpon he thus speaks whose own 
sheturned not (bowels) 
snéwedsh shi’la shalzi’tnuk, kfukshash: ‘i a-i tawi himksh.” Tchtyuk 
wife issick for being bewitched, tothe conjurer: ‘‘you hare : her.” But 
bewitche 


sakamka kfuks: “kdé-i a nf tawit! shi’laka hit!” kiuks tehwi na’sht 
opposes denial the con- “not I did bewitch had become she!" conjurer then 80 
jurer: (her)! sick (before) 


12 hémkank. At k’léka snawédsh. 


said. Now dies the woman, 


PUNISHMENT OF MANSLAUGHTER. 69 


Wudoka hushtséya sha kiuksas sdlyitnuk kléksht hink snawédshash. 


Struck (and) killed they theconjurer forbeingbe- having died this Woman. 
witched (and) 


Tsti sa liluksla snawédsh kiuksam siuks; hi’nk sa kiuksas i’mpéle 


And cremated the woman by the conjurer killed; him they theconjurer brought back 
tchi’shtal, tstii sa liluksla mdklaks. 
to (his) lodge, and cremated the people. 
(him) 
NOTES. 


68, 1 ete. This is a pretty good illustration of the method of doctoring by suction 
adopted in similar tamfnuash cases. Persons sent out to call for the conjurer do not 
enter his cabin, but loudly halloo outside till he appears; in this instance he is sup- 
posed to sing his medicine songs amidst the solitary wilds of the mountain slopes. 

68, 1. ma/ntch-gi/tk. This temporal adverb places the mode of punishment de- 
scribed by the informant among the ancient customs of the people. Compared to what 
is stated here, the trial of Doctor John shows a material modification in the dealings 
with suspected conjurers, attributable to the influence of the white population. 

68, 1. 10. salyita is always used in a passive signification, ‘to be afflicted with the 
tamanuash spell or bewitching power”, which conjurers can send out at will. 

68, 1. 2. The words inclosed in quotation marks anticipate all that follows up to 
68, 10. 

68, 2. 8. a-i. This particle has the signification: ‘undeniably, evidently”. 

68, 5. shi/ta hi/nk. The “working” of a conjurer on a patient’s body consists in 
rubbing, pressing, magnetizing, in blowing on it, and in pouring water over the face or 
other parts. Sucking out the object which caused the disease is of course the principal 
operation called for to effect a cure. 

68, 5. mins; it is not stated whether this hanshish was a frog, a worm, a small 
stick, or any such thing; this is immaterial, for the Indian strictly believes that the 
article was removed from the patient’s body and that it caused the disease. 

68, 6. hantsantkiug and 68,8: shukpaltakiug stand for hantchantki giug and 
shukpalitki giug; ef. shai’kpéli. 

68, 6. hantchipka properly means: “he sucks towards himself”; husatchipgapéle 
‘‘he throws up again to himself”; viz. into his mouth, so as to be able to take it out 
with his hands. 

68, 7. litatkish is the conjurer’s assistant. His office is to repeat his tunes or 
speeches before those present in the lodge, to expound or explain his sayings, to start 
songs and tunes in his stead, and to perform such manipulations as mentioned here. 

68, 8. k’li/ksh, contracted from k’laikapkash, the dead, the deceased ; k’lekaépkash 
telshampka, to be on the point of death. 

68, 8. tché-ulya: he rises from his seat on the ground, or on a blanket near the 
patient’s couch, for the purpose of leaving. 

69, 1. hushts6za. The killing of a doctor or doctress by the relatives of the pa- 
tient who died under his or her treatment was nothing unusual in the Columbia Basin 
until quite recently. In some tribes the third failure in curing brought certain death 
on the conjurer, especially when he had received his reward in advance. 


70 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


SHAMANIC DANCE-DIRECTIONS. 


GIVEN BY Dave HILt IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


“Walok mat ti’nepni waitélat nat génuapka kshiulaktsudpkuk we- 


“ For sweating during five days we shall go to have a dance the 
wala’ksh tchish. At géntak i/lksat pan a. Wd’sa ni liskuapkug. Kflank 
old women also. eer shall go ona feast to eat. I fear I may get too warm. Loud 

(men 
3 at tsufnmuapk; tinepni at niitish tsui/‘nuapk. At tchish hfhashuaksh ksfu- 
ye must sing; at five ye _ fires ye have to sing. Ye too (women and) fellows begin 
laktampka litstakiank; untsii’g nii‘tnag pé-uapk ti’m mbi’shant. ‘“Silalsh 
to dance with exertion; by and by then yeshalleat plenty to-morrow. “ Disease 
mat ni’bakuapk” kfuks n4-asht shépa, yayaydé-as mat nd-asht sApa; “Ikt’t- 
will come on” the sha- thus says, some tamdnuash- (tohim) ‘itis so” says; ‘‘of small- 
man medicine 
6 kaks mat sissalaluapk” yayayd-as mat ndé-ast shapa. Sudssuaktch mak- 
pox itsays will a (the peo- the tamanuash just so says. Are weeping peo- 
ple)” 
laks nanuk wusséga ki’tyaks. Na-ast kfuks wdlok s4pa: “Anni ilksh 
ple all afraid of smallpox. So the sha- before speaks: ‘“Howmany  food- 
man sweating buckets 
shii‘tu at? tankéni at i/lksh? Lapni ta-unepanta pi’n tinep pé-ula; 
do ye count? how many already buckets? Twice ten and five; 
9 kank a ni sii’td.” 
so many I count.” 
NOTES. 


70, 1 etc. This is a fair specimen of the careless, jargon-like conversational style 
in vogue among the B-ukshikni, and without commentaries and glosses it would be 
impossible to get at the true meaning. 

These directions are intended to gather the people at the communal dance- 
house for a dance lasting five nights. The dance is performed around the fires with 
almost superhuman exertions, in order to produce profuse perspiration and to prevent 
thereby any infection by disease. The conjurer or shaman is charged with the inaugu- 
ration of all dances, most of which are of a religious character. This kind of sweating 
is called “wala”, while sweating ina temazcalli or sweat-house is “spakli”. The kiuks 
is introduced as speaking all these words. The particle mat indicates that the words 
given are those of another than of the narrator. 

70, 1. waitolat; in common parlance: ténepni waitash gi/ulank, or: téinepni giu- 
lank, or in Modoc tinepni waitdlan. 

70, 1. kshiulaktcha different from ksiuléya; see Grammar (List of suffixes). These 
dances take place in winter time and are held from two to four times every season. 

70, 2. wewala/ksh. This is one of the festivities from which old women are not 
excluded ; they often take part in the dance themselves. 


DETAILS OF A CONJURER’S PRACTICE. TA 


70, 2. VIks (from elya, ilya, to lay down) is the full dish, basket, or bucket (kala), on 
which the victuals are brought in ; but it means also the food itself, and the dance-feast 
on which they are eaten. Locative case: i/lksat. 

70, 3. shuina is often incorrectly pronounced tsuina. 

70, 3. nuti/sh; verbally: while burning fivefold; while five fires are blazing. 

70, 35. At tchi/sh: the young men, who strip themselves naked down to the hips 
during the performance, begin their dance after the women have had one turn. 

70, 5. na/bakuapk: see népka, in Dictionary. 

70, 5. yayay4-as means a certain tamanuash witchcraft which inspires the conjurer : 
the conjurer tells the people just what (na-ast) the yayay4a-as said to him. 

70, 6. 7. s, sh is here in three words doubled to ss: shishalaluapka, shuashudéktcha, 
and wusdga; ki’/tyaks forms the indirect object of the first of these verbs. 

70, 7. walok sapa. The kiuks gets the inspiration from the yayaya-as only after 
sweating ; then he can tell (sapa) the people, when the disease will come. 

70, 8. tankéni: after tankéni at i/lksh supply itpa? (did ye bring in 2). 

70, 8. 9. shii/tu, si/tu for the more usual form shii/tua; pii/n atter ta-unepanta is 
incorrect and unnecessary ; this conjunction should stand there only after ta-unépni or 
ta-unep. 


DETAILS OF A CONJURER’S PRACTICE. 


GIVEN IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DiALECT BY MINNIE FROBEN. 


Maklaks shudkiuk kiuksash ké-i gfi’’hi hinkélam lAdshashtat, ndéna 


Indians in calling the conjurer not enter his into lodge, they 
halloo 


sha’hmoéknok; kiuksh toks win kiukéyank mé’luash m’na kanita pi‘sh. 
to call (him) out; the conjurer red fox Baveing out ona as sign his outside ‘of him”. 
pole. 


Kukiaks tchi'tanish gétp’nank wigdta tchélya ma’shipksh. Liutatkish 


Conjurers when treating approaching close by sit down the patient. The expounder 


wigata kiukshésh tcha’hlanshna. Shuyéga kiuks, wéwanuish tchik windta 


close to the copjurer sits down. Starts choruses the con- females then join in 
jurer, singing 
liuki4mnank nadsha’shak tehitchtnishash. Hdénshna ma/shish hii/nk 
crowding around him simultaneously while he treats (the sick). He sucks diseased that 
hishudkshash, tatktish i’shkuk, hantchipka techi’k kukudga, wishinkdga, 
man, the disease to extract, he sucks out then a small frog, small euaked 
mi’lkaga, kako gi’ntak, kahaktok ndnuktua nshendshkane. Ts’ti’ks toks 
small insect, bone afterwards, whatsoever anything small. A leg 
ké-usht tcehékéle itkal; Iilp toks ma’shisht tchékélitat lgii’m shii’kélank 
being frac- the (bad) he ex- eyes but being sore into blood coal mixing 
tured blood tracts ; 
ki’‘tua ld'Ipat, kda’tash tchish kshéwa Iilpat pd’‘klash tuizampgatk 
he pours into the eyes, a louse too introduces into the the white of protrading 
eye eye 


Ittizaktgi gfug. 


for eating out. 


es MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


NOTES. 


71, 1. shudkia does not mean “to call on somebody” generally, but only “to call on 
the conjurer or medicine nan”, 

71, 2. wan stands for wanam nil: the fur or skin of a red or silver fox; kanita 
pi’/sh stands for kanitana latchash m’ndlam: “outside of his lodge or cabin”. The 
meaning of the sentence is: they raise their voices to call him out. Conjurers are in the 
habit of fastening a fox-skin outside of their lodges, as a business sign, and to let it 
dangle from a rod stuck out in an oblique direction. 

71, 3. tchélya. During the treatment of a patient who stays ina winter-house, the 
lodge is often shut up at the top, and the people sit in a circle inside in utter darkness. 

71, 5. liukiamnank. The women and all who take a part in the chorus usually sit 
in a circle around the conjurer and his assistant; the suffix -mna indicates close 
proximity. Nadsha/shak qualifies the verb windéta. 

71, 5. tehtitchtnishash. The distributive form of tchi/t?na refers to each of the 
various manipulations performed by the conjurer on the patient. 

71, 5. ma/shish, shortened from mashipkash, ma/shipksh, like k’lii/ksh from k’lik- 
apkash, 68, 8. 

71, 6. 7. There is a stylistic incongruity in using the distributive form only in 
kukuaga (kue, frog), kahaktok, and in nshendshkéne (nshekaéni, ndshékani, tsékani, 
tchékéni, small), while inserting the absolute form in wishink4ga (wishink, garter-snake) 
and in kako; mit/Ikaga is more of a generic term and its distributive form is therefore 
not in use. . 

71,7. kahaktok for ka-akt ak; ka-akt being the transposed distributive form kakat, 
of k&t, which, what (pron. relat.). 

71, 8. lgi’m. The application of remedial drugs is very unfrequent in this tribe ; 
and this is one of the reasons why the term “ conjurer” or ‘‘shaman” will prove to be 
a better name for the medicine man than that of “ Indian doctor”. 

71, 9. ki/tash ete. The conjurer introduces a louse into the eye to make it eat up 
the protruding white portion of the sore eye. 


KAvak. 


THE RELAPSE. 


GIVEN IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT BY DAVE HILL. 


Hii ndyins hissudksas ma‘shitk kdélak, tsii kiuks ni’-ulakta tehutdn- 


When another man fell sick asarelapse, then the conjurer coneludes to treat 
uapkuk. Tehtti tehtta; tehai ya-uks huk shléa kélak a gek. Tehf huk 
(him). And he treats; and re remedy this findsout (that) relapsed he. Thus’ the 
shui’sh sdpa. sti na’sh shui’sh sdyuaks hi’mtcha kélak, tehdi ndnuk hik 

song-rem- indicates, And one song-rem- baving found (that) of the kind of re- then all those 
edy edy out lapsed (he is), 


shui’sh tpi’wa hi’nksht kaltchitchikshash heshuampélitki gfug. Tehuti 


remedies indicate (that) him the spider (-remedy) wonld cure. Then 


THE RELAPSE. US 


ha’k kaltchitchiks ya-uka; ubdé-us hfik kéltchitchiksaim tehuténd’tkish. 


the spider _ treats him; a piece of of the spider (is) the euring-tool. 
deer-skin 
Tsti hinkantka ubd-ustka tchuta; tataktak huk kdélak ma’sha, gii’tak 
Then by means of that deer-skin he treats just the size that relapye isinfected, so much 
(him) ; of the spot 
ubé-ush kti’shka tié’tak huk ma’sha. Tsti hik kaltchitchiks siunéta 
of deer-skin he cuts ont as where he is suffering. Then the ‘‘spider” song is started 
nii/dskank hi’nk ubé-ush. Tchié’yuk p’laita nétatka skutash, tsti sha hi’nk 
while applying that skin-piece. And he overit hestretches a blanket, and they it 
udt’pka_ hiini’shishtka, tsii hi’k gutii’ga tsuli’kshtat; gii’tsa lipi kiatéga, 
strike with conjurer’s arrows, then it enters into the body ; a particle firstly enters, 
tsui tsulé’ks k’liika, tchvi at pushptishuk shle’sh htik uba-ush. sti ma‘ns 
then (it) body pesca and now dark it tolook at that skin-piece. Then aere 
while 


tankéni ak waftash hé’k paishptshli at ma‘ns-gitk tsulii’ks-sitk shlii’sh. Tsi 


after so and days that black (thing) at lets (is) flesh-like to look at. Thus 
so many 
ni sdyuakta; timi hi’nk shdyuakta hd’masht-gisht tchuti’sht; tsiiyuk 
I am informed; many men know, (that) in this aon were effected and he then 
cures ; 


tsushni wii’mpéle. 


always was well again. 


NOTES. 


72, 1. nayiins hissudksas: another man than the conjurers of the tribe. The ob- 
jective case shows that ma/shitk has to be regarded here as the participle of an imper- 
sonal verb: ma/sha nish, and ma/sha niu, it ails me, I am sick. 

72,1. kalak, relapse. Relapse is not substantive, but adjective in the sense of a 
person having fallen back into the same disease by which he was afflicted before ; 
kalkéla, to fall sick. 

72, 2. ya-uks is remedy in general, spiritual as well as material. Here a taman- 
uash song is meant by it, which, when sung by the conjurer, will furnish him the cer- 
tainty if his patient is a relapse or not. ‘Chere are several of these medicine-songs, but 
all of them (nanuk hfi’k shui/sh) when consulted point out the spider-medicine as the 
one to apply in this case. The spider’s curing-instrument is that small piece of buck- 
skin (ubé-ush) which has to be inserted under the patient’s skin. It is called the 
spider’s medicine because the spider-song is sung during its application. A spider- 
song in use among the Modoes is given below. 

73, 5. hii/nishish appears as the subject of an incantation song in the song-list of 
Sergeant Morgan. 

73, 5. gutii/ga. The whole operation is concealed from the eyes of spectators by a 
skin or blanket stretched over the patient and the hands of the operator. 

73, 5. kiatéga. The buckskin piece has an oblong or longitudinal shape in most 
instances, and it is passed under the skin sideways and very gradually. 

73, 7. tankéni ak waitash. Dave Hill gave as an approximate limit five days’ 
time. 


74 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


THE MONTHS OF THE YEAR. 


OBTAINED FROM ‘‘ PETE” IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


Gaptsatka E-ukshikni maklaks pa&ha udsiks; Iiela kapto Yd-ag; 
In the month of the Lake Indians dry the large kill gudgeons at the 
the small finger sucker; Bridge ; 


Ktaf-Tipakshi tkalmakstant oti‘lks tela ho’ank. At sa ké-izaktchuapka, 
of Standing-Rock to the westward fish-dam kill when jump- Now they will leave home (soon), 
ing. 


3 at kamals pahd; ké-iyaga, kii’shla sa, koldlsuapk mat sa, tawiksdlsuapk 
and dry fish they pre- they leave, goafteripos they, will gather kol they, will gather tawiks 
pare; 


mat s at, po’ksalsuapk mat sa, at sa pédpakuapk sAtnalhuapka sa, suaftlal- 
they, will dig camass they, they — will bake (it), roast it (3 days) they, roast it 
uapk; saka a po‘ks. 
(1 day) ; eat raw camass. 
6 Tyépowatka paha at po’ks iwidshat, at E-uksi génuapka woksalsuap- 


Inthe thumb-month dried then camass theyputun- now for Kla- they will start to gather 
der ground, math Marsh 


katki giug; kayudsh ni’ka wékash. At nf’ka wékash, wéksalsha at ttnepni 
lily-seed ; not yet is ripe pond-lly seed. Now has 4 lily-seed, they gather (it) for five 
ripene 


waitash, kanktak wokslat Eukshikni. Snfkanua nadshgshaptankni waiftash; 


days, so long may gather the Lake people. ‘They let it ripen during six days; 
(it) 


9 nadshgshaptankni waitash wékash shutii’shlat, awo’lat, péksat, shiulina, 
during six days the nuphar- they grind, cook, rub fine, winuow, 
see 


lulina. Na’sh willishik palasham-wazoksh lap tala, lzdlyamnishti lulinash 
make flour. One sack of the flour-bags two dollars, ina long, heavy sack the ground-up 
wokash 
timep tala. Nda’yatk wékash iwizi’e ka-itua ni kifla. “Tank a iwiza 1? 
five dollars. Roasted lily-seed filled in none in tke “How many did fill yout 
sacks country. 
12 lapkshapta kan iwi’ya willfshik?” “nda té-unip willi’shik iwi’ya!l” Weé- 
seven who did fill sacks?” sO ten sacks have Hled Wo- 
up!” 
wan’sh pi’la wo’kshla, hi/hassuaks ginkanka pazo'les, tchii’-u. At sa héwi- 
men only gathor w6kash, the mer hunt mulk-deers, antelopes. Now they will haul 
uapk, skiya wékash. At a sha i hi’wi-uapk; dwalues skéna, maktsina 
(it) home, crush lily-seed. Just they home will bring it; to the island they row, camp there 
15 Niti’shkshi, wo’ns i‘lktsat Lémé-isham Nuté’ks, Vushi/nkam Tinuash, Lal’laks, 
at Skull-place, canves they put away at Thunderboit, at ‘‘Snake-Drowned”, at ‘*Slope- 
in lake bottom steps” 


Lko’m A’-ush; kdkokish Idloksgish ktélya, Stépalsh-Tama‘dsh, T6-ilkat 


at Black Lake; at the ford the rifle drop, at Peeled-Pine, at He as 
mi 


pila wifhla; tehia nanuk Kak-Kshawaliiksh; nanka tehfa Tehfkass- 
stops every one at Raven's Place ; some (will) stop at Bird's 
18 Walakgishtat. 


Lookont. 


THE MONTHS OF THE YEAR. 15 


Spéluishtka at héwi, iwi-idsha wokash. Nat a génanuapk! nanuk 


In the index-month they haul, take home the lily-seed. We will go there! all 
nat éna! natoks waituapk, wewalha watch, hi’masht nat gi waita wéwal- 
ofus carry it! but we will ait one are sore (our) Ronecn therefore we walt one because 

ay, ay 

hasht watch ki/mat. Nad gita piénuapk pdlokuantch, ktalowalshudpka 
are sore horses on back. We Sens will scrape up moth-chrysalids, gather pine-nuts 
nad. Tchatchapélu, hdllaksh, tatanksham, hahashkemdlsham, loldloisam, 

Sweet resin, wiuged pine- blackberry, black cherry, wild ener 

nuts, 
tsinéyam, kld-ads, washlalam fwam na‘d std-ila. K46-idse, shtéaltk ktii’lo. 
sort of wékash, prunes, squirrels’ hnckle- we gather. Of bad taste, full of resin pine-nuts. 
berries (are) 
Tyé6powatka i-umiimi watch lald-a; e@épgapéle madklaks kéli’wiank, 
In the thumb-month at berry-time mares foal; ~ return the Indians having done 


(gathering), 


at wéwanuish o-olaléna, at sa i’-umaltka. Bdt’nuapka tchi’kéle i/wam, 


the females dry berries by they return from berry- They will drink red juice of huckle- 
the fire, gathering. berries, 
tchilalat hain i‘wam. Anshat dnika shash i/wam; wi’dsika nanka i’wam. 
boil the berries. You may go and ask them tor huckle- retentive some (are) of berries. 
eLTies ; 
Tupeluish ani‘k télfi’ks, tchakéla n’s skai tak; tsakélatka u’s skaftki sta. 
’ ’ 

To next lodge Isend tule-basket, willow-basket to me to give in; inthe basket tome togiveit filled. 

Pahapk tchish jwam luitki n’s léwitchta 4. Ka-i sheshiitui’shtka. 
Dried too huckle- togive tome they did not want. Not LT intend to sell them. 
berries 

Spéluishtka spt’klishtat kshiwalza, papiii‘na Iuldamalakstat. At ha’‘k 

In the index-month in the sweat-house they dance, inaugurate by the winter-house. Now sucha 

feast man 

kshi’n hiwidshuapk, at hd’t hi’wi; tinepni na‘d shdépelakuapk. ‘Tish 

hay will haul hone, and that hauls (it) in five (stacks) we will stack (it) up. “ Where 

man in; 
nf shépelakuapk”? “lapash i‘lzat, ati’sh shui’nshnank i/lyat; i’ tchkash i 
I shall stack it” ? “in two heapit ina long- (stack) stacking hea ap. it you also you 
stacks ye, stretching ye! 


nish shatu4yuapk mbisant. Unipni waitash 7 n’s shatudyuapka.” 


me must help to-morrow. Four days you me must help.” 
Tatzélam hehatye tapak. 
In the midfinger- fall the leaves. 
month 
Gaptchélam shinaktishtka kina. 
In the ring-finger month itis snow- 
ing. 


Gaptsatka mii ka’na. 


In the month of heavily it snows. 
the small finger 


Tyépowatka wétko é-ush; kéna. 


In the thumb-month is frozen thelake; it is snow- 


ing. 
Spéluishtka kto’tsa mi; wala kshitlgishtat. 
In the index-month itrains much; they in the dance-honse. 
dance 
Tatyélam tsuim ltela Nilaksi Tsuyake’ksni. 
In the m dfinger- large kill at Nilaks — the Linkville Indians. 
month suckers 
Gaptsélam shindktishtka udsdksalsha Kokétat, kii’shla sa. 
Tn the ring-finger month they take large in Lost River, (and) get ipos. 


suckers 


oo 


12 


15 


18 


76 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


NOTES. 


This text intends to give a sketch of the various occupations of the northern tribe 
or E-ukshikni in every month of the year, and is partially worded in a form which 
may be called dramatic. These statements are not always arranged in logical order, 
but a profusion of ethnologic details gives intrinsic value to them. 

The months of the Maklaks year do not coincide with the months of our calendar, 
for they extend from one new moon to the next one, and therefore should be more 
properly called moons or lunations. Twelve and a half of them make up the year, and 
they are counted on the fingers of both hands. The first moon of their year begins 
on the first new moon after their return from the wokash-harvest at Klamath Marsh, 
which is the time when all the provisions and needful articles have been gathered in 
for the winter. Work is then stopped and the communal dances begin, the doctor- 
dances as well as those conducted by the chiefs, and everybody participates in them 
except those who are out hunting in the mountains during the latter part of the year. 
This mode of counting the moons on the digits was once popular, but on account of its 
imperfections it is now forgotten by the majority of the tribe. Instead of it they reckon 
time by the seasons in which natural products are harvested, as: udsaksii/mi, “in the 
big sucker time”; i-umii/mi, “in the berry season”, or they use our calendar months. 

The first moon mentioned in our text, gaptche, answers generally to our May. 
The two next moons are counted on the thumb and forefinger of the hand not used 
immediately before; with this last moon their year has come to an end. The next 
five moons are counted again on the digits of the first hand, and so forth. The half 
moon making up their full year is not accounted for in this text. 

74, 2. Ktai-Tupakshi is a locality of renown in the folklore of the Klamath tribe. 
It lies near the confluence of Sprague and Williamson Rivers, on the property of an 
Indian named Tchéloyins. The otilks is the fish-dam (from utila), where the Indians 
wade in the water with their dip-nets and catch the fish while it ascends the river in 
spring-time in enormous quantities. This fish-dam does not reach the water’s surface. 

74, 2. The direct object of liela is kapto, its subject maklaks hd/ank. 

74, 3. kamalsh pah&é means: they dry the fish which they have just caught by 
exposing it to the sun on limbs of trees, and. then make kémalsh by pounding it. 
Kémalsh is a derivative from gama, to pound. 

74, 3. k6-iyaga is identical with gtikaka; derived from kui, “away, far off”; gui- 
yatchka is: to start out annually to the prairies where roots ete. are harvested. 

74, 5. saka a po/ks: they eat sometimes the camass raw, but only at the time when 
digging it. Bulbs, roots, pods, chrysalids and berries are gathered by women only. 

74, 6. paha at p.; this is equivalent to pahdtko po/ks iwidshat. They bake the 
camass and put it in their cachés at the place where they intend to stay next winter. 

74,8. shnikanua. During the time when a pause is made in the gathering-process, 
the conjurer carefully watches the ripening of the pods not yet harvested and arranges 
public dances. When the sun has done its work, he solemnly announces it to the 
women, and tuey go to work again in their canoes. 

74, 9. shiulina. From the preceding we should expect shiulinat, lulinat. 

74, 10. willishik is the generic term for larger kinds of provision-sacks; it means 
here a sack of fifty pounds seed or grain, while the w4yoks holds hundred pounds. In 
paélasham-wazyoksh, however, the latter word is taken in its generic sense of sack, bag. 


a 
aa 


A SKETCH OF BALL'S MARRIED LIFE. dedi 


All these different kinds of sacks or bags were originally made of bulrush-stalks (tule) 
and the tayash was made of straw. 

74,11. kaituant ka/ila. The sense is incomplete. Probably shayuakta is left out: 
“JT do not know of any in the whole country”, kiiila often standing for kiilatat. 

74,14. awalues. There are several islands in the shallow waters of the vast 
extent of Klamath Marsh, but only one is neant here. 

74,15. wo/nsilktsat. They submerge their dug-outs at several places on the beach, 
where they are certain to find them in the next wokash-season. 

74, 17. pila wi’bla (or pila willash) contains perhaps a proper name of a locality, 
or stands in connection with Toilkat, “at the Rail-Pyramid”; wilhaslash means top, 
apex. Thestations from the “ Ford” to “ Bird’s Lookout” are passed by the tribe when 
they return home with the lily-seed harvest-crop. “They drop the rifle” is: they take 
a rest. All these localities are either on the open waters of Klamath Marsh or on 
Williamson River, which forms its outlet. } 

75, 1. iwi-idsha wokash. The distance between Klamath Marsh and the William- 
son River is from 20 to 25 miles, and horses carrying wokash can make it in one day. 
The next day they return to carry another load. 

75, 2. natoks waituapk: we will lie over one day to Jet our horses rest, or recover 
from the swellings on their backs. Natoks stands for nat toks. 

75, 5. kla-ads is probably a kind of wild prunes. See Dictionary: kélatch. 

75,8. widsika iwam. ‘Some are economical with their own berries, and prefer not 
to scatter them in the hands of others”; iwam, huckleberry, has become the generic 
term for all berries, and i-umii/mi is “‘ berry-season”. 

75, 11. spt’/klish here means the large communal sweat-house; it is used frequently 
for dances and kshiuwalyishtat, contr. kshit/lyishtat might stand instead of sptklishtat. 
75, 11. papiii/na, vocalic dissimilation for papa-éna; derived from pan, to eat. 

75, 13. ati/sh ete. ‘Heap ye up that hay in two stacks, which must have a lengthy, 
long-stretching, and not a high, cone-shaped form!” For, heaping up long stacks 
one verb is here used, and another for making the high, round ones. 


PO/LAM SHUMSHE-ELSHTAT SHASHAPKELEASH. 
A SKETCH OF BALU’S MARRIED LIFE. 


GIVEN BY Dave HILL, SUBCHIEF, IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


Péluk ké’liak snawiids t’shin. sti snawii’dshla Pampiam pii’-ia lupi’; 


Ballhe without a wife grew up. Then he married Pampi's daughter at first; 
tsti wii‘kala, tsui tat’ mantsak mbusii’lan gi. sti kii’tsa, tsti mbusii’- 
and shehadababe, and then quite a while he lived with (her). Then he left (her), and lived with 

Ga ee pp tics ° x + a0 Pe ia = 
alpéli pin, tsti piin kétsa sissti’kuk tsfi’ssak. Nash wii’ka sham klika, na’sh 
(her) again, and again left (her) quarreling continually. One babe to them died, another 

oS af s ~ - a. a. . , - L 
tchia; at sa sipi'tya, tsi na’s shnawii’dshla piin Laétsam pii’-ia; wats siiwana 
lived; still they separated, then one he married after Latchneh’s daughter; horses he gave 


(woman) (this) 


w) 


15 


18 


78 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


sas tinkak. sti wige@ditak tehia, tsi wii’/kala, tsti hak mukaék klika. 
to them not many. Then together they lived, and ekobeana and the babe died. 
mother, 


Tsti hank piin wutddsna, tsi pin mbusé-alpéle. Ku-idshi ha’k snawéds; 
Then her again he gave up, and again lived with (her). Mischievous (is) that woman; 
tsfi’ssak sti’la sha, hissuaks hi’k wi’lantana: “tam mi’sh sett/lya kant? 
constantly haggled they, husband the used to ask (her): “(did) = with you consort anybody? 
sigs’ ish, kd-i sa-i’shiank.” Tsi sa hi’n ki ndnuk spunii‘ks; tstti si’sstika 
tell me, not concealing.” So they said every night; then they fiu ht 
nai-asht giug. sti sa ki-i sti'ta pipélangshtan stainas, tsti sa ku-i tchfa. 


for saying so. And they embittered mutually hearts, and they wretch- lived. 
edly 


Hi’masht-efug ti’méni laléki nii’-ulza, timéni huskit’tankpéle. Tina 
On this subject often the chiefs ruled, many times made them live together Once 
again. 
snawiids hak palla hishuiks m’na sht’ldsisas  shiito’lz; vi’nsatka hank 
woman that «deceived husband her (and) with a soldicr copulated; in canoe (she) 
skii’na pillank sas sfldsimkshi. 'Tsi hak shi’ta titna huk snawii‘ds; tsti 
rowed abstracting from to the troops. Thus acted atatime that woman ; and 
away (it) them 
lalaki nii’-ulya hi’nksht Pt’lam snawii’dsas; ktt’tsea sa haik lalaki siité- 
the chiefs tried that Buall’s wife ; eut hair off they the chiefs for hav- 
lakst st’ldsisas. Tehtti piin kédsa Patil; Waitiingi’shash tsi’s seto‘ly tankt. 
ingslept with soldier. Then again left (her) Ball; witha Warm Spring man too he lodged then. 
Tsti piin mbusé-alpla, tsi sas wits skékta pin, tsi sha piin ak sissd’ka; 
And again helived with (her), and to horses he paid onee and they again quarreled ; 
them over more, 
at sa ki-i hak tsia tstissak, tsti lalaki piinak ht’skittka. Tsui piin 
they wretchedly lived always, and thechiefs once more made them live And again 
together. 
mbii'se-alp'l, ta’sh spungatgapéle K-ustat tchi’pkshi hink snawii’dsas. Pdt'l 
he lived with (her), ove r he brought back on Lake shore home the wife. Ball 
there M 
toks hi’'wi himboks tankt, tehdi hi’-i lélktcha tchi’ktchik spi/nktchapaluk. 
hauled logs then, and there abandoned the wagon to bring (her) back. 
Tstii spi’/ntpampéle, tsti nii’-ulya sha pin, spt’lhi sa Pi’lash, tsti sa 
And he brought (her) back, and tried they again, imprisoned they Ball, and besne 
she 
, = oof , ye Z , a oe fe oe Af 
szokta sas pin watch, tsti sa spunkampéle pin, tsti sa piin hi’nk 
paid them once horses, and they set (him) free again, and they again 


more 


sumsii’-alank tsfa. 


marrying lived. 
Wakak tsik sa tehia, ké-i ni tti/ménat. 
How since they have not I learnt. 


lived, 


NOTES. 


Matrimonial reverses like the one given in this narrative are by no means un- 
common among the Klamaths of the present day. They are one of the unavoidable 
consequences of the gradual emancipation of the females from the former rule of their 
brutal husbands through the advent of the whites, and also of the obnoxious and 
corrupting neighborhood of the soldiers at Fort Klamath. 


GAMES OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 79 


77, 1. The name Pil is pronounced in very different ways, and most people think 
it is the English name Ball; Poluk is Po/l hi’k; tchia, “lived”, would be preferable to 
t’shin in this connection. 

77, 2.3. kii/tsa, kétsa properly means to cast away; here: to abandon, leave; 
almost identical with wutodsna occurring below, 78, 2. 

77, 4. siiw4na sas: he did not give many horses for her to her parents. 

78, 8. pallank sas. This shash properly refers to Pampi and his family, for Pal’s 
wife took the dug-out canoe of Pampi and rowed with it to the soldiers. This was in 
the northeastern part of Upper Klamath Lake, and occurred in the winter of 187677. 

78, 13. H-ustat is the location of the old agency buildings at Koh4shti, in northeast 
corner of Upper Klamath Lake. 

78, 14. hi/-i. On that occasion Ball left his wagon in the midst of the woods; hi, 
hi-i means ‘‘on the ground”. 

78, 15. nii/ulya sha pii/n. About the middle of September 1877 a strong escort of 
Indians brought Ball and his wife to the “law-house” at the Klamath agency to be 
tried by the chiefs. A delay cf several days occurred before he was confronted with 
the judges, and during the time he was imprisoned at the ‘skikum-house”, a strong log 
cabin at the agency serving as jail. He is still a very young man, and on being 
brought there he was allowed to ride on horseback with a rifle on his shoulders. His 
father is an Indian from the Spokane tribe, and Spukiin is his name. 

78, 16. syokta, to pay a fine; to be fined (by the chiefs). See: “Legal Customs”, 
62, 5. 


GAMES OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 


OBTAINED IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT FROM MINNIE FROBEN. 


1G 
E-ukshikni shékéluk  shi-i’yaga ydmnash, watch, skutash  tchish. 
The Lake people in gambling win from each beads, horses, blankets also. 


other 


Vi’/nip shulshéshlank; l&p mfi’méni, szt’tash tchish lapi ndshekdne. 
With four they play the stick-game; (there thick (sticks), | skin-covered also two slender. 
(sticks) are) two sticks 


Ndshékansh sha szétchashtka shlin, mda’ménish toksh a yt'shakénank 
At the slender they with index and mid- guess, atthe thick (ones) however (they) “ with index finger 
(sticks) dle finger 


shlin; vi/ish sha kl4tchnank shlin, tzopowatka tch Iénank shlin. Wv'ishtka 
guess ; atthe they moving hand side- guess, with the thamb also makinga they guess By the viish 
viish ways side move at. 
toks sha na’‘shak kshé’sh wi-uka; szétchashtka sha lap wi-uka kshe’sh, 
they only one counting- (can) win; withindex andmid- they two win counting- 
stick dle finger sticks, 
yt'shzish spélshisht. Tehtti sa kéléwi udtiwisham i’yaguk nanuk. 
” the index having put for- Then they stop, from the losers when they all (stakes). 
ward. have won 


9 


oO 


6 


12 


80 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


iE 
K-ukshikni wéwanuish skf’sha pti’mam tttatka lématchat kéItamank. 
The Klamath Lake females play a game beavers’ with teeth, onarnbbing letting (them) 
stove drop. 
Shishmalua-kipksh p’laitala tit n4nuk ni’kualksht la’p kshé’sh yénkua. 
Where they are marked upside teeth all having fallen, two checks “they win. 
Kukaluék taksh takanikuk gélya, tsti sha na’sh kshé’sh wi-uza. 
Both femalo (teeth) (if) falling right side comedown, then they one check win. 


ouly up c 


Lalakiak tehish takani‘lyuk gélya, hi’nkant tehish a na’sh wi-uka kshé’sh. 


Both male (if) falling right side come onthat account also one (they) gain check. 
(teeth) only Pe up down, 


Kshawinasht tiksh kaitua wi-uyant; tchui sha nanuk héshktsh shi-i’zaguk 
Falling unequally however nothing they win; and they all the stakes HAE wou from 
each other 


kéléwi. Weéwanuish pila ska’sha, hihashuaksh pil shékalsh. 


quit. Women only play (this men only play the stick- 
game), game. 


IN 


E-ukskni wéwanuish tchi’mma-uk tinkanka nanuk shuéktish shésham- 


The Klamath wornen in playiig techim- run forthand every one (willow-) poles hold- 
Luke mit-ash back, 


tchantk. Pipélangshtant yt’ashlank tatyélam shalyzudtgish téwa aénku, 
ing. On either side “for fixing bases in the middle of the starting-places (they) sticks, 
plant 


tchtiti sha wuti’walya shueko’shtka tehimma-ash. Kawi‘tank sha vu- 
then they throw up with (their) poles the game-string. Having caught (it) they throw 


ti’dshna, tehti sha tinshna hatoktala, shii/dshnuk tchimma-ash shttualsha. 


(it to others), then they rao over there, while chasing each the game-string they throw. 
other 


Taikni wWhikish witt-ipéle shiwakuash m’na; tehti sha kiudshna léna, 


One party the poles throw back to the girls (on) their and they run off run 
(side) ; aside, 


shi’dshna ytashtala sha tehti. 


chase each other tothe bases they then. 


NOTES. 


I. The game described in this paragraph is played with four shilshesh-sticks. From 
this term is formed a denominative verb, shulshéshla: to play the stick-game. Itis a 
guessing game, and the guesses are made known by putting fingers forward, a gesture 
which is called spélshna. Hence spélshna, sometimes corrupted into spéldshna, is used 
as a term equivalent to shulshéshla, to play the stick-game; and a third verb for this pas- 
time is shakalsha. More minute descriptions of the three games will follow elsewhere. 

79, 1. shi-i/yaga is the reciprocal form of i/yaga to win, gain, occurring below. 
These terms mainly refer to gains made in gambling. 

79, 2. shulshéshlank stands here for the periphrastic shulshéshlank gi, or the 
simple shulshéshla. Derived from shailshesh, and this from shila, to hand over, to pass 
to another. 

79, 2. syi’tash, not to be confounded with skitash, blanket, forms apposition to 
lapi ndshekane. The two slender game-sticks are wrapped in narrow strips of buck- 
skin leather (sktitta, to wrap in). 


GAMES OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 81 


79, 3. szétcha, to extend two fingers, viz. the index and the middle finger; the instru- 
mental case of the verbal substantive, syétchashtka: by extending these two fingers. 

79, 3. shlin, to shoot, to shoot forward, to hit; figuratively used for the rapid 
motion of the hand in guessing at the location of the sticks lying under the tray or 
pvhla. yi/shakna, yishkéna, or yu’sya, to put forward, to use the index finger. In 
this game that finger is called yi/shyish, and not by its usual name, spéluish. 

79, 4. vivish is the location of the thicker sticks coupled on one side, and of the 
thinner ones on the other; the gesture for guessing at it is to make a side motion with 
the hand, thumb included. In the text, the sense would become clearer by wording 
it thus: vi’ish sha népatka tyopowdtka tch lénank shlin, ‘they guess at the viish, 
whirling around with the hand, thumb included.” Léna is to perform a circular 
motion; klAétchna, a side motion. 

79, 5. syétchashtka sha lap wi-uka. Syétchashtka collides here apparently with 
yt’shzish spélshisht; it seems to stand for: ‘they win two checks, it they have guessed 
right at the slender sticks”. 

79, 5. wi-uka. They win one (na/shak) of the six checks or counting-sticks, if the 
party opposite did not guess correctly. 

Il. To play at dropping beavers’ teeth (shkt/sha) is the subject of this paragraph; 
the game itself is skishash. The four teeth of the beaver are marked for this game 
by the incision of parallel lines or crosses on one side, and a small piece of woolen or 
other cloth is inserted into the hollow to prevent breaks in falling. The two longer or 
upper teeth of the beaver are called the male (laki), the pair of lower and shorter the fe- 
male teeth (gtilo, kulu; distributive form: kikalu). The teeth are dropped on a hard, 
level substance, as a metate or grinding stone, to make them lie flat. The marked 
side of the teeth wins, if it is turned up after dropping. The teeth of the woodchuck 
(mi-i, méi) serve for the same purpose. 

80, 2. Shtishmalua-kipksh stands for shishmaluash-gipshtka or =gipkashtka, the 
instrumental case of the participle gitko, possessed of: ‘(if they fall down) on that 
side, where each is possessed of marks” (shtimaluash). 

80, 2-4. kshé/sh. In this game of beavers’ teeth (pimam ttt), or woodchucks’ teeth 
(miiyam ttt) they use twelve check-sticks to count their gains with. The game is 
played by two persons, or by two partners on each side. 

80, 5. Kshawinasht tiksh. Kshawina means several teeth to fall down, but, as the 
prefix ksh- indicates, only one tooth with the marked or winning side up. 

Ill. The tchimm4é-ash game is played almost exclusively by females. The tchim- 
ma-ash is a string about 2-3 feet long, to the ends of which sticks or pieces of cloth are 
tied; it is taken up and thrown forward by two flexible willow rods (shuékish, wa’hl- 
kish) to playmates, who divide themselves into two parties. Before the commence- 
ment of the game, two limits (yiiash) are meted out on the ground, which serve as 
bases. Both of them are located between the lines of starting (shalyuétgish). 

80, 7. shuékfish: two poles; players hold one of them in each hand. 

80, 9. Kawi/tank refers to the playmates of the opposite party, who are bound to 
catch the flying tchimmé-ash. 

80, 11. shiwAkuash seems to be a dissimilation of shiw4ka-ash. 

80, 11. kiudshna léna, or better: kiudshnank Iéna. 


6 


12 


82 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


SWEAT-LODGES. 


GIVEN IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT BY MINNIE FROBEN. 


K-ukshkni l4pa spai’klish gitko. Kukiuk kéleképkash spi’klishla yé- 
The Lake people two  sweat-lodges have. To weep over the deceased they build sweat- “dig- 
(kinds of) lodges 


pank kaila; stutilantko spd’klish, kiiila waltchétko. Spd‘klish a sha shi’ta 
ging up the ground; are roofed (these) sweat- with covered. (Another) sweat- they build 
lodges, earth odge : 
kué-uteh, kitchikan’sh stindga-shitko ; ské’tash a waldsha spt‘klishtat tata- 
? oD ’ 
of willows, a little cabin looking like ; blankets they spread over ihe Byeating: when 
odge 


tak sé spaiklia. Tdtataks a hi’nk wéas lila, tatataks a hishuaksh tehiména, 
init they sweat. Whenever children died, or when a husband became wid- 
ower, 
snawedsh wénuitk, ki’ki kélekatko, spii’klitcha ttimi shashamoks-ldlatko ; 
(or) the wife (is) widowed, they for cause of death, go sweating many relatives ha have 
weep lost; 


ttnepni waitash tchik sa hi’nk spi’klia. Shitlakiank a sha ktai hiiyuka 
five days then they sweat. Gathering they stones, (they) eek 
(them) 


skoilakuapkuk; hiitoks ktdi ka-i tat’ spuklid’thuish. Sptiklish lipia 
to heap them up (after those stones never having been used for Sweat-lodge in front 
se) ; sweating. of 


hiyuka; kélpka a at, ilhiat dtui, kidshna aii dmbu, kliuldla. Spda’kli a 
they heat heated (being) when, they bring at once, pour on water, sprinkle. Sweat then 
(them) ; (them) inside them 

sha timéni “hours”; kélpkuk géka shualkéltchuk péniak k6’ks pépe-udshak 

they several hours; being quite they (and) to cool them- without dress only to go bathing 

warmed up leave selves off 

éwagatat, kdketat, ¢-ush wigata. Spukli-uapka ma‘ntch. Shpdtuok 
in a spring, river, lake close by. ‘They will sweat for long hours. To make them- 

selves strong 
i-akéwa kapka, ska’tawia sha wéwakag kni‘kstga. Ndshiétchatka kni’ks 
she bend young pine- (they) tietogether they small Wpulliey with ropes. Of (willow-)bark the ropes 
down trees, wooc 


a sha shishata. Gatpampélank shkoshki/lya ktiktiag hf’shkankok kéle- 


they make. On going home they heap up isto small stones in remembrance of the 
cairns 
kapkash, kté-i shishuankaptcha i’hiank. 
lead, stones of equal size selecting. 
NOTES. 


No Klamath or Modoc sweat-lodge can be properly called a sweat-house, as is the 
custom throughout the West. One kind of these lodges, intended for the use of mnourn- 
ers only, are solid structures, almost underground; three of them are now in existence, 
all believed to be the gift of the principal national deity. Sudatomes of the other 
kind are found near every Indian lodge, and consist of a few wiltow-rods stuck into 


LAMENT OVER A WIFP’S LOSS. 83 


the ground, both ends being bent over. The process gone through while sweating is 
the same in both kinds of lodges, with the only difference as to time. The ceremonies 
mentioned 82, 4—-13., all refer to sweating in the mourners’ sweat-lodges. The suda- 
tories of the Oregomans have no analogy with the estufas of the Pueblo Indians of 
New Mexico, as far as their construction is concerned. Cf. Notes to 70, 1. 75, 11. 

82, 1. lapa spivklish, two sweat-lodges, stands for two kinds of sweat-lodges. 

82, 5. shashamoks-ldlatko forms one compound word: one who, or: those who 
have lost relatives by death; ef. ptish-ltlsh, pgish-ltlsh; hishuakga ptish-lWatk, male 
orphan whose father has died. In the same manner, kélekatko stands here as a par- 
ticiple referring simultaneously to hishuaksh and to snawedsh wénuitk, and can be 
rendered by “bereaved”. Shashdamoks, distr. form of sha-amoks, is often pronounced 
sheshamaks. Tiimi ete. means, that many others accompany to the sweat-lodge, into 
which about six persons can crowd themselves, bereaved husbands, wives or parents, 
because the deceased were related to them. Cf. le’pk’leza, le’pl’lekatko. 

82, 6. Shitlakiank ete. For developing steam the natives collect only such stones 
for heating as are neither too large nor too small; a medium size seeming most appro- 
priate for concentrating the largest amount of heat. The old sweat-lodges are sur- 
rounded with large accumulations of stones which, to judge from their blackened 
exterior, have served the purpose of generating steam; they weigh not over 3 to 5 
pounds in the average, and in the vicinity travelers discover many small cairns, not 
over four feet high, and others lying in ruins. The shrubbery around the sudatory 
is in many localities tied up with willow wisps and ropes. 

82, 10. Spukli-udpka ma/ntch means that the sweating-process is repeated many 
times during the five days of observance; they sweat at least twice a day. 


LUATPiISHLA SNEWEDSH M’NA. 


LAMENT OVER A WIFE’S LOSS. 


OBTAINED FROM DAVE HILL IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


Snaweds k’leké. Tstti tsik shpdéti hissuakstik, pa’wa tsui, pané 


A wife dies. Upon this streugihens (her) husband alone, plunges then, again 
himself 
makual, sta-dtank kaftua pdt; tsti titi’y yainatat ti’tshna. Tsti shlaa 
camps out, fumished nothing eats; tien (he) dreams, on the mount- he dozes. Then he sees 
(and) ains 
maklaks, titi’z hfink nd-asht; tstti gi’mpéle ladsashtat, tsti psin hishti’k- 
people, dreams (he) thus; then he returns to (bis) lodge, and +#tnight he frequently 


tamna, tsti shli’popk, tsti at shli’popk siunoti’sh tchkash. Tsui at shui’sh 
dreams, and has visions, and then he has halluci- of (female) also. And magic songs 
natious choruses 


hi’k na’sht ki: “tehi’kéli gékanuapka, simat tstk at géka tehakéle”! tsti 


these thus say: “blood will come up, tu tho in time comes up blood”! then 
throat 


84 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


huk tehékél a gépka. Tsti wéwan’sh gfili’ wind’tnish; shashuaki’sh tchi’sh, 


the blood comes up. Then women enter who form chorus; people who call the too, 
conjurer 
lutatki’sh tchish, shuashudktchish matchatgi’sh tchish guli’ ldtchashtat 
the song-repeater too, bewailers, listeners also enter lodge 
m’na. 
hia. 
NOTES. 


The ascetic performances and ceremonies here described are going into disuse at 
the present time. When they were fully observed, the bereaved husband wandered 
alone through the woods and wilds (spotu) for five days, but to the widow these ob- 
servances extended over a shorter time. For this purpose both sexes wore warm 
clothing, but took to worn-out blankets or old. articles of raiment, and used wisps of 
the serviceberry-bush as belts. 

83,1. shpottii: strong and unusual bodily exercise, running up hill, plunging ete. 
was and is still considered beneficial to the body, and is much in favor with the 
Indians. Cf. 82, 10. 11. 

83, 1. hissuéksik for hishuaksh ak; the husband alone, not in company of others ; 
pi/né for pii’n a, pén a, ef. Aténen for at a nen; and sé for sha, they, 82, 4. 

83, 2. ka-itua pat or p’at: he eats nothing at the time while wandering; pank, 
p’ank might stand here instead of pat; ti’tshna: for dozing they did not lie down, but 
tried to catch a little sleep while walking and wandering. 

83, 2. shladé, and tchakéle 83, 5, forms sometimes used in conversation instead of 
shlaa, shlea; tchii/kéle, tchékéli. Cf. yaka for yii/ka, yéka: Note to 16, 10. 

83, 3. hishti/ktamna; the suffix -tamna shows that pshin stands for naénuk pshi/n 
gi/sh: “nightly, every night.” 

83, 4. siund/tish and shui‘sh are both tamanuash-songs, but of a different character. 
See Dictionary. Shlii‘popka: he sees in his dreams what he has heard mentioned in 
the songs. To sing or repeat songs started by the conjurer devolves almost exclusively 
on the women present at the ceremony. 

83, 5. simat: into the mouth; their blood, disturbed by the constant excitement 
produced by the night rambles, ascends to the throat, and is sometimes spit out by 
them. 

84, 2. shuashudktchish. By their loud and noisy lamentations (shuaktcha, to ery, 
to weep) they expect to avert from the bereaved husband the effects of the taménuash- 
spell (shui/sh). which he has seen in his dreams. 

84, 2. matchatgish: those listening to the words uttered by the conjurer and his 
repeater or expounder; they are of both sexes and also act as bewailers. 


OREMATION OF THE DEAD. 85 


CREMATION OF THE DEAD. 


OBTAINED FROM J. C. D. RIDDLE IN THE Mopoc DIALECT. 


E-ukshikni Mo’dokni tutenépni waitdlan kéléksht viimi’. At idshi’sht 


The Klamath (and) Modocs on the fifth day after decease bury. When bringing out 
Lakes (the bodies) 


la‘pi géna tidsh shutedshnéka. At gitpamnan kiflatat wawalya wawatha 
two go (ahead), well to make (all) ready. Then having arrived onthe ground theysitdown (and) wait 
(men) 


kélekApkash itpand’pkasht. Skentandpkash at itpano’pkasht kshet’liyfp- 


the dead person to be brought. Sewed up for transportation (and) tied trans- 


kash watchtat at tchpint’tat itpa. Hekshatlekitko k’lezapkash lipi’ watch 
versely on a horse to the Baek fan) Carrying transversely the deceased ahead the horse 
groun' ring. 


géna; k’leyApkim ndnuk shé-amoksh tapi’ galampaga. 


marches; of the deceased all relations behind follow in a file. 


Tankni makliks kshélya k’lekApkash, watch shitka, kshawal at hank 


The ancient Indians laid down the corpse, the horse they killed, deposited then the 


Klekdpkash Anko kedshlikstat, watch hfink tehii ktedéga, watchim 


deceased of wood on a pile, the horse then cut up, the horse’s 


tchi’leks nanukash k’leképkash i’dshya. Lakiam tpéwash vuni’pi hihas- 


flesh all over the corpse strewed. Chief’s by orders four 

sudtchyash Idloksh shnuitémpka. Pipéldntan luelualéyan shnuitampka 
men the fire were keeping up. On both sides standing by they kept (it) up 
tchi/shak pfitchash tehék, tchii sha k’léwi. Li‘laksh shpitcht tchii tzalam 

constantly, it went out until, then they quit. The fire being ont then inthe midst 
ltikslakshtat hibéna, likslaksh néwisht tchi’sh sheké’lke, kiila ké’la-unan 

of the ashes (a hole) they the ashes, the remains also they raked into earth throwing over 

ug, (it), 

tchti kt4-i Iképpa. Vimi-t’lan ndinuk tchi’shtala kikantchampéle. Ge- 

then stones (they) piled After burial all towards home they mierehed back single Hav- 

up. e. 

luipgdp’lin p’na/lam tchi’-ishtat Kleképkam tchi’sh shnélyan tchai nanuk 
ing returned to their settlement, of deceased thelodge burningdown then all 
makliks shemdshla. K’lek4pkam tchfwishtat ktdi lélktcha; k’leyapkam 

Indians removed elsewhere. Of deceased on the late dwell- stones they left; of deceased 

ing-place 

shd-amoksh hadaktna gend’ga kt4-i hadakt nutola’ktcha. 

(any) relative by this spot passing a stone on it threw. 

Hi kani ti’ma weweshaltko k’léya, pén hinkélam wé-ash k’léka 
If somebody much offspring-having died, again his children after death 


hatéktok hfink viimi’ ; nénka ati’ fdshnan hata’ktok pén vimi’. 


rightthere them they buried; some from bringing atthis very again they buried. 
afar (ther) spot 


12 


15 


86 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


NOTES. 


Cremating the dead is a practice which was abolished by the chiefs on the terri- 
tory of the reservation in or about 1868, At the Indian graveyard north of the Wil- 
liamson River a hill of 12 feet altitude, where the corpses of Indians of the Klamath 
Lake (not Modoc) chieftainey were burnt, is still visible and untouched since then. 
With the exception of the sentence from Skentanapkash to itpa, the first paragraph 
refers to the present as well as to the former mode of funeral, while the second describes 
the ancient mode of cremation. Cremation prevaiied also among the Snake and Pai-Uta 
Indians, living in the vicinity of the Maklaks; cf. Dr. W. T. Hoffman, Pahute Crema- 
tion; Cremation among the Digger Indians, in Proceedings of the Am. Philosophical 
Soc., Philadelphia; vol. XIV, p. 297 sq., 414 sq., (1876). According to Stephen Powers, 
cremation prevailed among the Pomos of Northern California, west of the Sacramento 
River, and the Erio, a tribe living at the mouth of Russian River, believe that all 
deceased Indians will become grizzly bears if not disposed of in this manner. The 
Indians inhabiting the shores of Middle and Lower Columbia River placed their dead 
on platforms erected on hills, or into the canoes of which they had been the owners; the 
Kalapuyas on both sides of the Willamet River buried their dead by inhumation. 

Our notice makes no mention of the mourning ceremony among the Modoes, by 
which widows had their long hair cut off at the funeral of their husbands, then dripped 
the resin from the pyre, liquefied by the heat, upon their bared heads, vowing not to 
marry again before this ghastly head-cover had worn off by length of time. The 
Modoes cremated their dead on any day from the first to the fifth day after decease, 
according to choice. 

85, 1. tutenépni. Here we have again the sacred number five occurring so often 
in the traditions, myths and customs of the Oregonian tribes. Cf. 70, 1. 3. 82, 6. 88, 4. 

85, 1. Instead of idsha may be used Klamath Lake ilya (or éna) lulukshaldshuk, 
to bring out for cremation. The northern dialect uses vumi only in the sense of putting 
dried provisions into the ground. A funeral is ilktcha in the Modoe dialect. 

85, 2. shutédshna: they remove obstacles upon the road or trail, such as fallen 
trees or logs; they clear the passage. kiéilatat means here the same as tchpinivtat, 
85, 4. 

85, 2. wawaiha. Another form of the verb waiha is said to exist in the Modoc 
dialect: wawaiha; its distributive form: wawawaitha. 

85, 5. itpano’pkasht is the synizesis of itpanuapkasht. 

85, 6. Tankni; the term ma/ntchni is often used instead. 

85, 7. anko for ankuam kedshlakstat. 

85, 10. pitchash for Klamath Lake pitchkash, “until it has gone out”. 

85, 11. Modoe hibéna or ipéna for the Klamath Lake yépa, yépona: to dig a hole. 

85, 11. néwisht. Of this term the original meaning seems to be * thrown by hand 
into the air”, a manipulation resorted to by some Indians, though not here, with the 
burnt ashes of the deceased. 

85, 12. Ikappa. These piles of stones evidently were, as well as the piles erected 
on the spot of the burnt lodge, intended as monuments of the deceased. These cairns 
are of considerable size, and can be seen in the old Modoc country at the present time. 

85, 16. pen hinkélam ete. Pen introduces the verb vimi’, and k’léka is a verb co- 
ordinate to vimi’: “his children die, right there again they bury them.” 


PRESENT MODE OF INHUMATION. 87 


PRESENT MODE OF INHUMATION. 


GIVEN BY MINNIE FROBEN IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


Hishudkshash snawédshash gintak k’lé’ksht tehii sha ht’nk béxtka 


Male or female upon having died then they (himorher) in a coffin 
isha himkantka waitashtka A4mpka waitdlank tchish. Papkashti shi’tank 
bury on the same day or one day past also. Of lomber they are mak- 

ing 
box, sbnutchli’ktagiank kayak tadsh talakank Bodshtinam-shitko. Pu- 
a coffin, planing (it), not however they are paint- in the American shape. Small 
ing (it) 
pakuak gi’ntak a sha ndnuktua ilyéta, shuldtish gintak, kma’ tchi’sh, 
drinking-cups thereupon they of Sren kind bury with clothing hereupon, skull-caps too, 
(him). 
yamnash tchish, talatoks ké-i. Hi’ nen wii’g’n kii’git, watchatka sha hi’nk 
beads too, but money not. If awagon is not on on horses they them 


hand, 


énank i/lytcha.  Ti’mi shasha’moks ilksyé@’ni shash, timi wéwanuish 
carrying bury. Many relatives to the grave them, many women 
out 


tchi’sh, hihassudksh tchi’sh, ké-i tatiksni, gashdktsina shash ilksyé‘ni. 
too, men also, (but) ne children. follow them to grave. 
[lksgish yépontk tt/nep nadshgshapt pé’teh ati gintégatk. 
The graves are dug five (or) six feet deep into the ground 
going. 

Wii'g’n a la’pi géna ilksyéni, shdshamoks tehi’k ki’nshaksna; hi‘d- 

The wagon first goes to the grave, relatives hereupon walk in file ; those 
shatoks atikni gatpa, watchatka gdétpa. Ilkshyé’ni a sha shnika né’p 


who from afar come, on horses come. At the grave they seize by the 
hand 


klakapkash, a tchiks h@’nk unégank kélua kiiila ilyuk, tanktak tchiksh 
the deceased, then him lowering fillup the earth toibury, simultaneously also 
(him), 


a hé/nk luatpishluk shitina. Gakiimnank ti’k sha tyélamtana gt’hliank 


over him for mourning they sing. Forming a circle from it they through the middle passing 
shni’ka stélapksh né’p, lupi’tal tchik sha gékampéle; télishtoks wudamatko 
shake (his) right hand, to the first then they return ; (his) face is covered 
place 
handkerchipatka: ‘‘Tché shékug mi’sh nti: shnika né Dp; tcha at tchi’ m’sh 
by a handkerchief: Now to Bid good to you I shake (seize) hand; now thus toyou 
ye 
ni shéka gén waitash; géna mi at huki’sh !” 
I bid fare- this day ; gone is your spirit!” 
well 
Titatnatoks flags mdklaks ki’utchna ilksyéni wii’ginat; shashamoksh 
Sometimes flags an Indian sticks up at the grave on the wagon; the relatives 


lap ki‘mbaks gashdktchna, wéwanuish ndash ki’mbaks, hthashuaksh tchi’sh 


in two files tollow, the women in one file, the males too 


15 


88 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


nish tinshish. Na’sh kiiflatoks nadshdshak tehpi/nualank, nAnuk titads- 


in one row. On one ground all together the, are burying, every provided 
zatko pil ilktch spfishpaktch4mpka, shushtedshy4tko wAshash wuwatudp- 
with boards grave they make mound-shaped, fenced in prairie-wolves 1o keep 
kasht ké-utchishash tchi’sh. K4-i ma/ntch gftko sha ht/nk spii’klitcha 
off grey wolves also. Not long after this they go to sweat 
tiiteniipni waftash. Watch a liluagsh tchi’sh k4-i taté ma’ntch ginkanka 

for five days. Horses Siaves also no longer they bring 

th: re 

luélkish, m’ndtoks sha watch shéshatui shkitashtat i/lyatehlik. 

to kill, but hisown they horses trade off for blankets to bury him in, 

NOTES. 


This short notice describes a funeral (isha) of the Klamath Lake tribe in the mode 
as adopted from the Americans not long after the treaty of 1864, when cremation of 
bodies was abolished. Whatsoever of the ancient customs in disposing of the dead is 
still observed, the reader will easily gather from the present sketch. 

87, 3. talaka means to go forth and back with the hand; hence to rub with the 
palm of the hand, to rub paint on, to paint. 

87, 5. Hi’ nen wii’g’n. In this conneccion they can also say: hii’ nem wii/g’n; and 
for watchatka: watchetka. 

87, 11. tanktak, in this connection, is a compound of tankt and ak, not of tank and 
tak: “just at that time.” 

87, 17. lap kimbaxs gashaktchna: they follow the corpse, which is placed on the 
wagon, in two files on horseback ; kimbaks is apposition to shashamoks. 

88, 1. Na‘sh etc. The appearance of their graveyard (tchpinfi) near the William- 
son River does not differ much from that of our cemeteries; it lies in the midst of the 
woods. Kpr titadsyAtko see Dictionary. 


FUNERAL OF WARRIORS. 


GIVEN IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT BY “SERGEANT” MorGAN, AN INDIAN FROM KOHASHTI. 


Ni’shta hi’ma mii’kash tyi’tyuk: ‘maklaks k’li’k!” Tsti gatpa 


at night secreeches the big owl presaging: “people die!” Then come 
ong 
maklaks ktakh’sh, tstti shneshnalzo’ta hushtsédyok. Na’s wipka ha Ambotat, 
men parflesh- and while burning down murder they. One escaped into the water, 
cuirassed, lodges (man) 
ae /s A s . : ye 
tsi shti‘ldshna ti’ sa-amoks4mkshi m’na; gena shti/Idshnuk. sti gépka 
and reported over at relative’s house his; he went to announce. Then came 
there (there) 
tumi’ maklaks wa-whtakiug; tsii shendtank gé’kshta tinip hushtsédz shend- 
many people to disperse (them) ; and while fighting on one side five were killed in 


tankok. Gé’kshta tchkash hushtséza tim, nanka géna ka’ktsnuk vii‘shuk ; 


battle. On other side also were killed many, some atarted to run away from fear; 


FUNERAL OF WARRIORS. 89 


tsui sha shid’lgip’l tsézapksh, tsti sa Ankuala ti’m, tsii sa kshiiwal lt’- 


then they collecte the fallen, and they cut limbs many, and _ they laid on the pyre to 
(of trees) 
lukshaluapkug. Tsti sa nuté hi’k, ndnuktua nita; pualdla sha hi‘nkélam 
cremate (him). Then they fired it, the whole pie castinto they his 
red ; 
ti’kanksh. Stityishla sha yutatkug; k’léksht shtityishla. At hi’k nanuk 
quiver. Sorrowfully wept they in mourning; at his death they wept. Now that whole 
natspka tchulii‘ks, at sa ndnuk gii’mbéle Idlokshaltkuk. Gatpampéle 
was burnt up body, then they all returned from cremating. They came back 
tchi’shtat shishdshka sha lak hfé’k sndwedsh hi’nkélam wendéya; hissudksh 
to homes (and) cut off they hair to wife his, who was husband 
widowed ; 
m’na k’léksht wendya. Shtfé shupéléka nt’ss wendyuk, tsi spuklitch. 
her havingdied she became Resin she laid on (her) because widowed, then went sweating. 
widow. head 
Tunipni spukéli, k’la’wi at; at gii’mbéle, kii’m pan. At gii’tak. 
Five (days) shesweated, stopped then; and returned home, (and) fish ate. That’s the end. 
NOTES. 


The style of this little piece is far from what we would call accomplished, and of 
incongruencies and unnecessary repetitions there are a score. The fight in which the 
five warriors were killed is imputed to the presaging, night-long ery of an ear-owl, and 
in ancient times Indians seem to have been justified by universal custom in attacking 
and killing their neighbors if an owl or raven was vociferating at night in close prox- 
imity to the lodge or lodges of these unfortunate people. 

88, 7. hushtsozok for hushts6za hik. 

88, 9. 10. hushts6ya is used here in an active sense, but is better translated by the 
passive form. 

89, 1. kshtiwala has for direct object tsozapksh, the dead body. For the same 
operation the verb kshawala, kshawal is also frequently used: 85,6. From here the 
informant begins to speak of one body only, as if only one warrior, not many, had been 
killed in this battle. Cf. Note to 80, 5. 

89, 2. hankéiam stands in this line for hunkélamsham or p’nalam: ‘their, theirs”. 

89, 5. lak. After their return they cut off the hair of the widow and then she 
put pitch or resin on the head. In most tribes they did it at the time of cremation, 
while they witnessed the action of the flames upon the body. 

89, 5. huk snawedsh: one widowed wife only is mentioned here instead of many: 
“pars pro toto”-construction. This sentence, if built regularly, would run as follows : 
shishéshka sha lak ht/nkélam snawédshash, kat hik wenoya; hissuékshash m’na 
kléksht wendya. 

89, 7. spt’kéli, to sweat in the sweat-lodge, viz. in one of the three sweat-lodges 
given by K’mukamtch to the Klamath Lake people: spi/klitcha, spt’/klidsha, to start 
out for sweating there. Cf. lumkéka and wala. To eat fish only, and no meat, means 
to fast on fish. 


18 


90 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


VARIOUS ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTICES. 


ie 
K-ukshikni vunépni lalaki gitko. ‘lind hundred ndankshaptaénkni 
The Lake people four chiefs have. Once hundred (and) eight times 
té-unip hihashuatchyash pé-ulatko E-ushtat, tinepni ti-unep mdaklaks 
ten men (are) at the Lake, five times ten persons 
E-ukshikni Yainakshi. Tind hundred pén lap pé-ula latechash. Tumantka 
of the Lake people at Yaneks. Once hundred and two (are) lodges. By the crowd 


shute-udpka laki. 
will be elected a chief. 
K-ukshikni hushmo‘kla hushmoklo’tkishtka; kinkéw’ smd’k  gi’tk, 


The Lake men remove the beard with bair-pincers ; spare beard they 
have, 


atinsh lak gi’tko. Shiashgatko lak; snawédshash kailish pan lik gitk. Ha 


long hair having. Is cut (their) a womau belt down hair wears, If 
hair ; to 
snawedshash hishuatchyash mbi’shni, htink kti’tchka; hishudkshash watch 
a female with a man consorts, they erop (ber) hair; the man for horses 
syOkta: ti’m watch wuyd-we. 
they fine: many horses he has to give up. 

Shi’dsha léloks slikufshtka; tstissak m’nalamtana lAitchash shd‘dsha. 

They kindle the fire by fire drill; constantly close to their lodges they havea 

fire. 


Lakt kshiulakgishyéni géna nanukii‘nash udéna: “ tids ul wéwal- 


A chief to the dance-house goes (and) to all eries ont: “straight stand 
gat! tchi‘lyet nanuk! wawalyat! shiinat! hishuaksh pil shtinat! Na 
up! sit down ye all! stand up! sing! the men only must sing! My- 

self 


tehtinuapk! i tehui‘n! tila shuin! Tii/mantk shui’sh. Aténish ewd 


I will sing! you sing! with (ine) sing! (Lam) hungry for songs. Now I have 
enough 
shui’sh; aténi kéléwi shui’sh.”—‘‘Slamuapk i nanuk! shudktchuapk i nénuk! 
of songs; now T quit singing.” “Stop singing ye all! ery and weep ye every one! 
Ka-ii shlamuapk, shuinuapk i nanuk. Nanuk tids wawalzat! shli-udpkat 
Not ye cease to sing, but sing all of ye. All straight stand up! (and) look at 
k’lekapksh!” 
the corpse!” 
ie 
Ka-iu Béshtinash gaétpish, Mo’dokni mba-ush shuld’tantko, pupuit- 
Before the Americans arrived, the Modocs in buckskins (were) dressed, with 
lantchampkash — ka-ilalapsh-kitko, vinim mba-ush — tchutchi-eshaltko. 
fringes on in leggings dressed, (of) elk’s skin dressed in caps. 
Sheléluka shtétmashtka ngé’shtka shendtanka;  tehiktchikashtka — sna- 
(When) fighting with poisoned ~ arrows they fought; for hatchets a WO. 
wédshash shkéa. Hii’ tchilloyéga 16’k shitka amka taslatch, 4t hak 
man they bought. It a young man a : killed or a cougar, then 
grizzly 


sheshaldélesh kéléya. 


a warrior he became. 


VARIOUS ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTICES. 91 


Nka’‘kgiuga t’shi’shap p’ki’shap tatinipni waita ké-i tehii’leks pan, 
After a childbirth the father (and) the mother ten days no meat eat, 


shapéle maklaksim tchi’sh paésh pAn; ttnepni wiiita lomkdéka, nadshksap- 


bread, the Indians also food eat; five days they sweat, sixth 


tankni at wiitdélan shuldtish p’ndélam nanuk ptiedsha. 


then day over, garments their own all cast away. 


Tishiwapkash wi’k gitko shuentchiga p’gi’shap ha’nkélam wii‘k tkuya; 
Crooked limbs having a babe mother its aaa rubs; 
imbs 


ha lish kaa kalkélish lW’lp gitko hi’/nkélam p’gi’shap li’Ip tkuyé nepatka, 
if too rounded eyes having its mother the eyes rubs with hand, 
kikannéga li‘Ipait nepatka, tehui shishatchélo’tka; at tidsh tehék shiti’lan 
aot 5 ? ’ 
applies totheeyes the hands, then spreads (them) apart; then well finally after arranging 
kéléwi. Hiimasht taks hii Mo’dokni gitga ktaktanapdtko shitko shlé-ish 
she stops. Therefore the Modocs sleepy- alike to look at 
nanuki. Ha lish ké-idshi wawakish gi suéntcham, p’ki’shap taks tidsh 
all are. 16% misshaped the ears are of the babe, the mother aright 
shi’ta, patadsha suéntchiam wawakash, nenpaga, peptchaga. Naishlashlak- 
shapes she stretches the babe’s both ears, Jittle hands, little feet. Toads- 
(them), 
gish-gitko ktchdyash tchi’sh wéktat itd ni’sh tehi’sh. 


horned beetles with fangs also on the she on the also. 
arms lays, neck 


NOTES. 


With the exception of the first, these ethnographic notices concern the people com- 
posing the southern chieftainey as much as those of the northern. 

I. The four items of section I are worded in the Klamath Lake dialect, and were 
obtained from Frank, a young Indian settled at Kuyamskii/-iksi, “the Crab’s River- 
Trail,” on the Williamson River. 

90, 1 etc. The census figures given in the first paragraph refer to one of the latest 
counts made of the individuals in the tribe, probably to that of 1876. 

90, 1. vunépni lalaki gitko. Correctly worded, this phrase would read vunepii/nash 
Jalakiash, or vunépnish, or at least vunépni lalakiash gitko. 

90, 2. pé-ulatko ought to be used only when units are mentioned after the decads 
of figures. If the relator wanted to say, 180 men were counted, the verb sha/tui, 
shétui would be the proper term. Cf. Note to 70, 8. 9. 

90, 35. Tumdéntka, “by the many”, by the crowd: by the majority of the men in 
the tribe. 

90, 7. hishudétehzash is a form for the word man, male, common to Klamath Lakes 
and Modocs, but more frequently used among the latter. The reverse is true of the 
form hishuaksh. 

90, 10-13. Part first of the fourth notice refers to dances at the communal dance- 
lodge, organized and directed by chiefs. The chief starts the songs; sometimes the 
men, sometimes the women sing in chorus; or a song may be sung by all present. 
When the chief sees one, who does not sing, he cries out: “i tehuin; tila shuin i!” 
All dances are accompanied by songs or other music. 

90, 10 ul probably stands for an, tn, i/na, a conjunction more frequently used in 
the Modoc than in the Klamath Lake dialect. 


st) 


6 


92 MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 


90, 11. tehii/lyet for teha/lyat! sit ye down! 

90, 11.14. wéwalyat, wawdlyat. Walya means: to look out for, to be expectant; the 
dancers are commanded to make ready for the next song, which implies that they have 
to rise upon their feet. 

90, 12. tehtinuapk. See Note to 70, 3. 

90, 15-15. The words from Slamuapk to k’lekapksh are commands of the chiefs or 
subchiefs heard at the solemn ceremonies held in or around the lodge of a deceased 
person the day before the funeral. Chiefs are entrusted with the leadership of choruses 
sung by those who mourn over the defunct, and in presence of the corpse. 

90, 13. 14. shl4muapk for shlami-uapkat, or shlami-uapk’ i! See Dictionary. 

Il. The items contained in section II were obtained from J. C. D. Riddle, and are 
worded in the Modce dialect. 

90, 17. The Klamath Lakes wore a kind of elk-skin hat, wide brimmed, high and 
painted in colors, which they called pikalsh tchuyésh. Leggings were called kaila- 
lapsh, because they reached to the ground (kéaila). 

90, 18. 19. Shel6luka and sheshal6lish; both derived from the verb shéllual, to 
make war, to fight. 

90, 18. shtétmashtka. All Indian tribes of the border region between California 
and Oregon are reported to have fought with poisoned arrows in early times. 

91, 1. Nka’/kgiuga, literally: on account of a childbirth. That the father denies 
to himself the use of meat during ten days is a custom not unlike the world-renowned 
couvade; the sweating has the effect of keeping him at home in such a time when his 
family stands most in need of his protection. 

91, 2. shapéle is flour of any kind of grains and the bread made from such; mak- 
laksam pdésh, Indian food: edible roots, berries, wokash ete.; lomk6ka for the Kla- 
math Lake: sptkli: to sweat in a sweat-house. Cf. Note to 89, 7. 

91, 3. p’nalam shulotish, the dress which they wore at the time of the childbirth. 

91, 4. Tishiwapkash. The Modoc tishiwatko, crooked, stands for Klamath Lake 
tishilatko, to which compare tikiwatko and tisyantko. 

91, 5. kalkélish. This adjective is variously pronounced kaélkali and kélkoli. 

91, 6. In its signification lalpit approaches very near to lilpat,as the Klamaths 
would say; lilpit, however, involves the idea: she raises her hand up to the eyes. 
This manipulation probably contributes to some extent to the oblique convergency of 
both eyes towards the nose or mouth and approaches the Oregonians to the Mongolian 
type of mankind. All the manipulations described are frequently repeated by mothers 
and other females inhabiting a lodge, and they often do it without any necessity. 

91, 8. nénuki stands for nanuk gi. suéntchim: in the Modoe dialect suéntch 
means a baby, infant, while carried on the baby-board; the Klamath Lakes, however, 
use this word in its original sense of baby-board, cradle-board, to which the infant is 
strapped or tied. 

91, 10. ktch4yash. The application of insects ete.,is certainly done for the pur- 
pose of rendering children fearless against danger and unmoved by sudden fright in 
after-life. 


AN OPINION ABOUT THE WASCO INDIANS. 93 


AmpyANKNI MAKLAKS. 


AN OPINION ABOUT THE WASCO INDIANS. 


OBTAINED IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT FROM CHARLES PRESTON. 


Ampgiinkni gatpa mi shandholiuk snawedsh, ka-i sptini vushuk; 
One Wasco came Serv desiring a wife, (but) not gave from fear; 
mance 


Ampyiinkni shawigatk; kfya Ampziinkni. Génuapk tami E-ukskni 
the Wascoes are irritable ; liars are the Wascoes. Would go many Lake men 


Ampziini sheshatufkuapk lf’ksh ma/ntch-gitko; skitash shandholiuk 


to the Dalles, would trade off slaves formerly ; blankets (they) wanted 


pa/niak, skitash i’ktsa Ampziini yémnash tchish. Nash sapash gépgapé- 
eae blankets ee ; at theDalles beads also. In one month they would 
clothed, etchec 


liuapk, tsialsh épkuapk, kéwi tehish épkuapk. 'Tanni sha géna? té-unipni 
return, salmon they would lamprey- too bring. How many of did go? ten men 
bring, eels them 


a-i sha géna, snawedsh tchish géna, k4-i sha i-a vi'sha Ampziinknishash. 
they went, (a) woman also went, not they of feared the Wascoes, 
course 


Ampzinkni ak sas hushtséguapk; sassd4gank i gi! (Kaé-i nfi shtinta 
The Wascoes them wight kill; imperilled ye are! Not I like 


Ampzainknishash, ké-i tidshi, ké-i tidsh hi’shkank. Ha’ tidshi gitk 


the Wasco people, not good (they not well intentioned. If good-hearted were 
are), 


maklaks Ampziinkni, tankt ni gé/nt, sassiguk ké-i géna. Tidshi hii’k 
people the Wascoes, then I may go being in peril I will not go. Good if to be 
there, 


timénank génuapka ni. 


I hear (them) shall go I 
(there). 


NOTES. 


The Wasco Indians form a portion of the Upper Chinook Indians of Columbia 
River. Their ancient homes were around and at the Dalles, and a few of them still 
live there, while others now inhabit a section of the Warm Spring Indian reservation 
on Des Chutes River, Oregon. The Dalles formerly were, and are still to a certain 
extent, the locality, where all the tribes of the Columbia River Basin sold and bartered 
their products and commodities. The Warm Spring Indians call the Wascoes: Was- 
kopam, “men of the grass region”; the Klakamas-Chinooks call them Guithlasko. The 
Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians also were among the frequenters of the intertribal 
market, exchanging there the slaves caught ou their raids for ponies, provisions ete., 
when they went down to the Dalles on their annual trips. My Indian informant, 
Charles Preston, had lived long at the Dalles, and also gave me a list of Wasco 
words and sentences. 


lop) 


9 


94 MYTHOLOGIO TEXTS. 


93, 1. ké-i spini vushik: the subject of spinf, B-ukskni mdklaks, is left ont by 
inadvertence. Some Wascoes wanted to marry into another tribe; for “one Wasco 
man” stands here for ‘some men of the Wasco people.” 

93, 3. 4. Ampzii/ni, contraction of ambuye/ni “thither, where the water is”, where 
the waters rush down in a cataract, or in rapids. ‘The rapids of the Columbia River at 
the Dalles impede navigation. 

93, 7. sassagank i gi! ye are in peril, when going to the Dalles and being Indians, 
therefore take care of yourselves! i stands for at; cf. 64, 10 and Note; 90, 13. 14. 

93, 7.9. Instead of ka-i ni shtinta may be said also, in this connection, ké-i ni 
shanahole; instead of tankt ni gént: gé/nténi, gent a ni; instead of Tidshi hi/k: 
tidshik, tidshi hii gi. 


K’mukAmMTcHaM AfsHISHAM TCHISH SHASHAPKELEASH. 


K’MUKAMTCH ATTEMPTS THE DESTRUCTION OF HIS SON 
ATISHISH. 


BTAINED IN THE AMATH LAKE D1ALEC INNIE FROBEN. 
oO Ku { LAKE DiaLECT FROM MINNIE FROB 


Lipi na‘Ish hink K’mikamtch shutiyéga; na-asht na‘Ish htink ga-ag 


At first us K'muikamtch began to create ; so to us long ago 
kéemiaitchatk shashapkéli-i’a génta kiiilatat. Tehia ha’k la’pi shé-tngaltk 
an old man told the myth ~ this world about. Lived the two related as son and 
father, 
Aishish K’mi’‘kamtchish; né-ulya hink gé’n, nanuktua ka-akt hi’k giie, 
Aishish (and) K'’muikamtch ; resolved this one, (that) all things, whichever (are) here, (and) 
nanuktua kii’m démbutat wa, gitki giug. Tchtyunk pii’n I-ulalénan 
all kinds of fish, in the water (which) should come into Then again at the outlet at 
live, existence. Linkville 
tehkash né-ulya paplishash gi’tki giug, ma’ gint nkilipsh ti’wish ndda‘l- 
also he caused a dam tocome intoexist- very there rapidly the rushing running 
ence, waters 
shampksh paltki, mt’ash shlé-uyuk, tehtiyunk maklaksash kiii’m i’tklank 
down to Tear movers when blows, and hereupon the Indians the fish scooping up 
dry, win . 


palshtat patki pi. 
on the bottom should feed 
lett dry upon. 


Tehui piin himasht giulank K’mukémtch tnaka tehkash m’na Aishi- 
Hereupon having performed this K’mtkamtch son then his Aishish 


shash shtilta p’latwasham shni’lash, shléank kéndwatat shkilelam wewéka 


sent after an eagle's eyrie, perceiving up ona kénawat- of a Jark the young 
s stalk ones 


ni’nk shi’kayank, shnepé’mpemuk vunaké m’na. Sndwedsh spii’ntyashtka 


hanging (on it), in order to entrap son his. A wite to abduct (from him) 


K’MUKAMTCH ATTEMPTS THE DESTRUCTION OF ATSHISH. Ss) 


giug tchiyunk K’mi’‘kamtch spinshna. K’mi’kamtch heméze_ shi’ash- 
then K'mikamtch took (him) along. K’mukamtch told (him) to take 


kank hia’n tehdlish, kailish tchish shtkatonolo’tch. Tchti Aishish gi’ka 


off (his) shirt, belt also (and) hair-ribbon. Then Aishish climbed 
kapkagatat; tehiyunk ki’ga, ati kédsha. Afshish shataldi‘ldamna guke- 
on the low tree; and while) he climbed, high mit grew. Aisbish steadily looked down while 
ni’ta, ati at kédshisht; at ht’nk tchii shliid tehitchili‘léka_ pii’-wapksh 
climbing, highuntil it had grown; and then he saw little birds lying 


shntlashtat shkilelam. 'Tchti Aishish g@hlapka shnilashtat kii’sheug 


in the nest of the lark. Then Aishish went into the nest being unable 
gt'tgapélish; hi’-itak tchui tchi’-uapk. 
to climb back; there then he was going to 
stay. 
1 mAleamich toksh hf/nk nanuk Afshisham shildétish shnika; shit’- 
Kmukamtch however the whole of Aishish’s clothing took away; dressing 
luatehnank gii’mbéle k’léwidshnank m’na tmaka. Snéwedsh példshapéluk 
himself in it he returned relinquishing his son. (His) wife to abduet 
hdtokt gdtpampéle Aishisham  tchi’shtat; tchii Aishisham wéwanuish 
over there he went back of Aishish to the ceeline then Aishish’s wives 


kaiyema K’mukamtchish; ‘ké-i a ha’k gée ndlam hishuaksh” tchi’ hank 


suspected K’mukamteh; “not (is) this here our husband” thus 
hi/ksha ei. Na‘dshak hak hishudkshlank K’mukamtchash, nanka toks 
they said One only consorted with K’mtikamtch, but the others 


ka-i shanahdo'li. 
not wanted (him). 
At toks htik Aishish sht’isha, nanuk kako pil Kléké tii’muk kaitua 
But now Aishish became lean, all over bones corning became for starving and) 
vat nothing 


pa-uk. Tehti lapi wa’kwak-wewanuish gépkatk shléa Aishishash shni’- 


eating. Then two butterfly-females soaring by saw Aishish in the 


lashtat kshi/klapksh. Nd-iti m’nalam sha skdyamtch pdsh dmbutch 


nest lying. In basket their they carried on back food water also 


kugank, tehti sha Aishishash shéwana pash, ambu tchi’sh sha tehtiya. 


putting into, herenpon they to Aishish gave food, water also they gave. 


Ki'shga teha, p'lt’ i‘tchuank shuldtish sha pin lé’viita. Aishish heméze: 


They combed oil putting on him in clothes they again dressed (him). Aisbish inquired: 
(bim) 


“wak haitch at nish gi’-uapk a?” tehii hi’ksha nd-asht gi: “ g@énta a-i 


“what ye with me intend to do?” then they thus said: ‘into this 


mish na‘d hishtchazi’gank skatzipéli-uapka.” Afshish tdksh shash hi’/nk 


you we placing into (we) shall carry down.” Aishish but to them 


ndnuk shé’gsha: “ pi’ nt’sh gén géntch né-ulakta p’ti’shap gé-u K’mukam- 


allaboutit explained: “he me in this ranner treated badly father my K’miuk- 


tehiksh!” hi’nk na-a’sht gi Aishish. 

amtch!”’ thus said Aishish. 
Tehui yapalpiléash mi’lua skatzipéli-u4pkuk Aishishash kiilant ; 
Hereupon ~ the butterflies got ready to take down again Aishish to the ground; 


wéwanuish toks hfi’k Afshisham méya la’pi, Klétiamtch tehi’sh Tchi’ggash 


(and) wives of Aishish dug roots two, (called) old also Tchika 
Kilétish 


15 


18 


15 


18 


96 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


tila. Wiikaltk hi’/kt ki. Tchéi Afshish eéna me-ishyéni, tapi’tankni 


withal. Child-having this was. Then Aishish went to the digging- keeping behind 
prairie, 


gAldshui Tchikash; Tchfkalam wii’ka shléa méhiash Afshisham, tchii 
he walked up to Tehika; of Tehika the child perceived the shadow of Aishish, and 
pti’shalpka. Kti’pka Tchi’ka m’na wéka shlamiuk; tehii Afshish hiiméze: 
cried: ‘‘father!" Slapped Tchika her child in wrath; whereupon Aishish said: 
“wak i tn gitg’ kti’pka?” Shatalkidmna Tchi’ka, shlai Afshishash 
“why you (it) slap?” Looked around Tchika, saw she Aishish 
huyégank, hi’/tan ku-ishéwank shli’péle; tehui Aishish spfinshdmpéle 
gank, ; Pp P 
sitting down, ran she rejoicing tomeet(bhim)again; then Aishish took home again 
Techi’kash stiya pil ni’sh gi’pksh  Kletishash pé’n galdshtyank shatma- 
Tchika pitch onher head having. Klétish also approaching he called Ther) 
péle; tchti shash ldpok ii’mpéle tchi’shtal m’na. Techtti shash tchi’shyeni 


home; then them both he brought towards home his. to them to his home 


i‘tpampélank ydémnash shéwana, tchélish hi’nk lielank yamnashla; ndan- 


having brought back neck-wear he gave, porcupines killing he made necklaces ; to 


né‘ntch ha’nk wéwanshish yamnash shéwana. 


three (of his) wives neck-wear he gave. 


Tehtiyuk K’mi’kamtch tiména m’na tinaka tchi’sht, mi’lua génuapkug 
Upon this K’ mikamtch heard (that)his son was ent (and) pe to proceed 
alive, pare 


hataktala. Techti Aishish unakdéka m/’na shttli pa’ks nutolalolatkiuk 1i’- 


there. Aishish to little son his enjoined the pipe to swing off into 
lukshtat K’mukaémtcham. Techii K’mtikamtch gdtpanank tchélya; Afshisham 
the fire of K’muikamtcb. Then K’mikamtch "arriving sat down ; Aishish’'s 


hi’k wéka ku-ishé-uk hdalladshuitamna p’lukshé m’na. Tehti ha’nk pa‘ksh 
son rejoicing ran forth to and back from his grandfather. Then the pipe 


pakakdleshtka K’mtikamtcham; pén hulladshui K’mtikamtchash. Hd‘nk- 
he tried to jerk off of K’muikamtch; again heran up to K’mukamteh. For 


anti K’mukaémtch kii-ashtiména: ‘“tehitchiks a hd’t gi.” Pa’n hi’‘ktag 


that K’mtkamtch reprimanded; “stop that matters” Again that child 


hillatchuyank pakakdédlank pa‘ksh nitoldéla 1t’likshtat; tehti Afshish 


ronning up to him jerking off the pipe threw it into the fire; then Aishish 


ke-uldlapka nddshpaksht, tchée’k kéléwi. K’mtkamtchash shi’uga tehti 


pushed (it) farther until burnt, then he quit. K’mikamtch he killed 
hii‘masht gink, tchii medsha. 


by so doing, then he moved away. 
Ma‘ntch-gitk pén K’mii‘kamtch wémpéle; pi’ tchkash né-ulakta m’na 
Long after again K'mtkamtch became alive ; he then proceeded against his 
tnaka. Gén hink ndnuk shti’ya pitli’ga kaéluat; tchvi shnatgdlka kdélo 
son. There (he) ali over pitch daubed on the sky; then he set on fire the sky 
ha’masht gitlank. Hi’nkanti Aishish tia kiuyiga; hiiméye: “ké-i né’sh 
80 after doing. For this reason Aishish a tray held extended; he said: “not me 


shiugat tata,” wéwanuish m’na shi’namshtisht  Sti’ya 4’-usheltkal hi’k 
he may kill ever,” wives his being afraid. The pitch turned into a Jake 


nénukash kiiila, Afshishamksh pil pahé. Tehtti Té’hfish talpatkéla, sti'ya 
t 


alloverthe world, Aishish's home only eee Then Mnd Hen put its head ont, the pitch 
ry. 


I’MUKAMTCH ATTEMPTS THE DESTRUCTION OF AISHISH. 97 


tehik ha’nk nzi’-uliga Jaki; kat huk ht’t tehui lali’ga Tahi’shash. Hi’n 


then to it dripped on ire which thing since stuo! on Mud Hen. This one 
ead; 
gétak ha’nk shkalkéla. 
only was hurt, 
NOTES. 


This is one of the most popular myths current. among the E-ukisbikni, and we 
shall find it partially repeated in another myth, recounted by Dave Hill. Aishish and 
his father K’mukamtchiksh represent powers of nature engaged in everlasting strife 
for mutual extermination. ‘In this myth K’muikamtch resorts to the following trick to 
destroy his offspring. Seeing young larks in a nest on the top of a sorrel-stalk, he 
informs him, that if he climbs up there, he can obtain a nest of eagles with all its 
inmates. Gladdened with the prospect of this capture, Aishish climbs up, but the 
insidious father causes the plant to grow miraculously fast under him, so that descent 
bee: mes impossible, and Aishish comes near perishing by hunger and exposure. 

In the recollection and wording of some portions of the myth my informant was 
assisted by “Captain Jim.” 

94, 1-7. The short fragment of a creation myth preceding the Aishish tale stands 
in no causal connection with it, and could as well be inserted elsewhere. Myths enter- 
ing upon the details of the creation of the world by K’mukémtchiksh do not, as far as 
ascertained, exist among this people, but in their stead we have many myths for 
special creations (of man, animals, islands, mountains ete.). A grammatic analysis of 
the terms occurring in this fragment (from Lupi na/Ish to patki gi) was inserted by 
me in the American Antiquarian, Vol. I, No. 3, pages 161-166, under the heading: 
“ Mythologie Text in the Klamath Language of Southern Oregon.” 

94, 1. Lapi shutiiyéga is not to be considered as a repetition, for it means: when 
K’mikamtch began to create the world he made us before he made the fish, other 
animals, and the dam at Linkville. This is, of course, only a small fragment of all the 
creation myths of this people. 

94, 2. shashapkélia: to tell or count stories, myths or fables in the interest or for 
the pleasure of somebody; the i is here doubled to obtain a rhetorical effect. 

94, 3. K’mt’/kamtchish is a contraction of K’mt’/kamtch tchish; Aishish, K’miik- 
amtch also. The longer form of the name of the deity occurs 95, 20. 

94, 3. ka-akt, metathetically for kakat; kat is pron. relat. which, what, the thing 
which. nanuktua ké-akt giig comprehends all animate and inanimate creation. 

94, 4. wa, ud, to stay, exist, live in; is always connected with an indirect object 
indicating the place, spot, locality or medium where the subject lives or exists. 

94, 4-6. The construction of the sentence runs as follows: Tehtyunk (K’mukamtch) 
né-ulya gi/tki giug paplishash Lulalonan, paltki ti/wish gint ndtilshampkash mi’ nkil- 
lipkash, mt/ash shlé-uyuk; “when a south wind blows, it will stop the waters from 
rushing down rapidly over the cataract.” The outlet of Upper Klamath Lake, called 
Link River, runs from north to south, over the falls at Linkville; hence a powerful 
south wind will stem the current of Link River above the falls, leave its bottom dry or 
almost dry, and enable the Indians to catch the fish swimming in the shallow water 
or wriggling in the mud. The rocky ledge under the cataract is supposed to be the 
gift of K’mtkamtch. 


lod 


98 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


94, 4. I-wlal6nan or Ywal6na is the Indian name of the cascade of Link River 
above the town of Linkville, and for that town itself. The origin of this name is ex- 
plained in 94, 5. 6, for the verb i-nlalona means to move forth and back, referring here 
to the waters of the river receding under the pressure of the south wind. 

94, 6. itklank, partic. pres. of itkal, means here: obtaining by basketfuls. 

94, 9. The kénawat is a plant growing high in the warm climate of Northern Calli- 
fornia, especially in the ancient habitat of the Shasti Indians, and in this myth it sug- 
gested itself to the Indians on account of its property of growing very fast. 

95, 5. g@hlapka: he swung himself into the nest by climbin'’g over the rim. Cf. 
Note to 66, 13. 

95, 10. kaiyema K’inukamtchish for the regular form K’mukaémtchash. Cf. 91, 8. 

95, 15. skaéyamtch ete. More plainly expressed this sentence runs as follows: sha 
skayamna pash tchish ambu tehish; the first tchish being placed before pash and 
appended to the apocopated skayamna. 

95, 16. shéwana here used differently from tehiya, which applies to liquids only. 

95, 17. pla’ itchuank seems to be a quite modern interpolation, for it smells of 
pomade and hair-oil; but it is as ancient as the myth itself. 

5, 25. 96, 2.3. 4. Tchika. I have rendered this bird-name elsewhere by ‘Chaf- 
finch,” and Klétish by “Sandhill Crane”. 

96, 5. shlamia, to feel insulted. She resented it as an insult that the child called 
her deceased husband by name; for it was a capital crime among the ancestors of the 
present Klamaths to call a dead person’s name for many years after his demise. 

96, 5. hi’tna is changed to hi’/tan on account of being followed by a word com- 
mencing with k. 

96, 6. stiya. The custom of widows to put pitch or resin on their heads at the 
death of their husbands was abolished only at the time when cremation became a thing 
of the past. 

86, 6. galdsha-tyank is a more explicit form of the participle; the verb géldshui 
being the contracted form of galdshawi. 

96, 8. yamnashla. He used the bristles of porcupines to make necklaces of. 

96, 11. unakAka m’na was the son of Aishish and of the above mentioned Tehika. 

96, 11.12. K’mukaéamtcham qualifies pa/ks, not lilukshtat. 

96, 14. pakakoleshtka, verbal desiderative of pakakola, to jerk away from. The 
suffix -6la indicates that K’mikamtch wore his tobacco-pipe tied to his body; he wore 
it on his neck. 

96, 15. tchitchiks is used when speaking to children. It signifies so, so! and 
means: be quiet, shut up, stop! 

96, 17. tehé/k kéléwi. In similar connections this phrase very frequently ends a 
whole narrative in Modoe and Klamath. Here it means that Aishish ceased to poke 
the pipe into the fire. Cf. 85, 10. 89, 7. 

96, 18. medshaé: he removed from that spot with all his wives and children. An- 
cient customs forbid the offspring to stay where the father had breathed his last. 

96, 20. Gén hink nanuk ete. This portion of the myth describes the destruction 
of all the living organisms on earth by a general conflagration caused by K’mtkamtch. 
Myths of this kind are suggested by intense heat experienced in summer. This mode 
of destroying life on earth is less frequently met with in myths than the drowning in a 


general flood. 


A MYTHIC TALE ABOUT AfSHISH. 99 


96, 21. kiuyiiga. Aishish held the tray over himself, his whole family, and his 
lodge. The same prefix ki- reappears in a nasalized form in nzi/-uliga: 97,1. It is 
nasalized there on account of the preceding -k in hi/nk. 

96, 25. kiifla. Where I have rendered this term by “‘ world”, as here and elsewhere 
in creation myths and myths of a similar character, it does not signify the whole sur- 
face of the earth as known to us, but only that section of country which is known to 
that tribe of Indians. Thus ancient creation myths only describe the creation of that 
part of country where these myths originated; the creation myths of coast tribes will 
include the ocean in their term for “‘ world”. 

96, 23. Tuhush talpatkéla. Mud Hen, one of Aishish’s five wives, looked out from 
under the roof of Aishish’s lodge or shed to see what was going on. This fiction ex- 
plains the round dark spot visible on the mud-hen’s head; its round form is indicated 
by the prefix la- in laliga. 


A{SHISHAM SHASHAPKELGASH. 


A MYTHIC TALE ABOUT A{SHISH. 


GIVEN BY DAvVr HILL IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


Shashapkéle-udépkan Aishishash : 


Iam going to tell a story about Aishish: 


Aishish mat sdkla ti’ma maklaks fyamnatko; shuédshnuk mat. sha 


Aishish, they say, gambled many peuple having with him; when gambling on sothey they 
the.r way, Say, 


shnéna liloks. Ydmnashptchi mat li’loks Afshisham, Wandkalam kiikii’kli 
built fires. Purple-blue (was), as Ue the fire of Aishish, of Silver Fox yellow 
p.rted, 
Iiloks, K’mikamtcham shlayaksak. Tsui sa slo’kla; Afshish shlin téilaak 
’ ’ ’ 
the fire of K mikumtch (it wa: ) smoke only. Then they sbot atthe Aishish hit (it) stra*ght, 
(was), mark ; 

Wanaka yi’tlansna. [K?mukdmts ti’ hak yi’l’ka, nanka toks ti’ hak a-ati 
Litt): Silver missed the mark. K mtkamtch this side of struck, the othe:s but far ths side of 
Fox mark the mark 
hak yaVka; tufsa himasht gfulank sdkaliiiga. Tim sa héshki, tstii sas 

struck ; light they after so dving commenced gam- Many they bet on, then over 

then bling. things them 

Aishish i‘kak; séwatkashtka ndénuk watchpka, tstti sa gii’mpéle. At ti’ 
Aishish won; about noun all men had lost alluhey then they went home. Ever 


tstissak i’yak ndanuk sas. 


since he wou them all. 
TWnipnish wéwan’s gitk Aishish: Taht’sh nash snaweds Aifshisham, 
Five wives had Aishish : Mud ilen (was) one wife cf Aishish, 
Stékua nish sndawedsh, Kli’tish ndash, Wii/ks ndash, Tsi’ka nash sndwedsh. 
’ ? ? 


Long-tail one wife, Siwnd-hill one, Mallard one,  Chaffinch one wife, 
Squirrel Crane 


6 


) 


12 


15 


18 


100 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


Tsti K’mutkamts na’-ulakta ; at undk nii’-ulakta Afsisas. Tsui 


Then K’mtkamtch plotted secretly ; a ay: he plotted against Aishisk. Then 
rea 
Kintkamts sudktsa, skiki’sh m’na ht’shik p’lifwash p’ti’s-lilsham m’na 
K'mtkamtch wept, dnkerie his remembering eagles dead father his 
place 
luélks. At sapi’ya Afshishash K’mukémts: “at ti’ Iuélkish p’lafwash 
where had Now declared to Aishish K'mtikamtch : “far away the killing- of (young) 
killed. place eagles 
yayakia nai’; ké-i luela ydyakiuk”, sndwedsas kii’ktakiuk K’mtkamts 
afraid of I (am); not I killed being afraid”, a wife coveting K’mikamtch 
(them) 
Afsisam, Stokua‘ks hi’nk. At géna lapuk: Aisis Kmukémts tchish géna. 
of Aisbish, Little Squirrel. Then set out both: Aishish K’mtkamteh also went 
(there). 


Tchti slid p’laiwash, tsti aldhia K’mukamts kokantki gitg; tsti 


Then saw the eagles, and pointed out, K’mikamtch (the pine) to climb up; then 
plaiwash hunkdéya kapkatat. Aisis kokdéntsa ti’; tsi kedsi hak; ata 
the eagles flew on the pine. Aishish climbed up; then grew it; far up 


kalé kapdita at kapka. Tstti hank gi’knank slia tchililiks ski’lelam, 


thesky touched now the pine. And (it) having climbed he saw the young ones of a lark, 


shntlas toks hi’k p’lafwasham. Attink at sudktcha Afshish shnildstat 


the eyrie though it (was) of the eagle. There now wept Aishish in the eyrie 


tehi‘klank ; K’mi’kamts gii/mpéle at, silt’tantsa Afshish-shitk sla’s. Gat- 


sitting ; K'mtikamtch went away, dressed himself to Aishish alike to appear, He 


pampéle ta’ tehi/shtat; tehvi shpdéniik, tehti shi’tipk Sti’kuaksh; tehui 


came back far to dwelling; then it was late, and he slept with Little Squirrel; then 

kaikéma Stukudg. Tsti nanuk wéwan’s ka-ikéma, tsi sa_k6-ika. 

suspected (bim) Little Squirrel. There- all the wives became suspicious, and they found out. 
upon 


“K’mukémts a ho’t ki!” tsi sa hiéi’n ki hé’ksa Afsisam wéwanuish. 
“K’mukamts this one is!” thus they said those Aishish’s Wives. 
Tsti shash at shuii’/tsna mbi’sant, tsti sa nanuk géna tila, kat 
Then from them departed for next morning, and they all went with those 
gambling (him) who 


Afshish tila shuetsantaména. At sha shnéna li’loks suétsnuk sas. Tsti 
with Aishish were in the habit of And they built fires while on their And 
gambling. gambling tour. 
K’mukamtsam sld4yaksak li’yiiga, at sa kayek’ma, at sa: “kd-i a ke’k 
to K’mikamtch smoke only curled up, now they suspected, and they “not (is) this 
s (gaid) : 
Aisis!” hi’ksa né-ast sa-ulankénkatk. ‘‘K’mtkamts a ke’k gi!”; na‘sht sa 
Aishish!"’ those (in the thus (his) followers. “K’mikamtch this is!"’; 80 they 
distance) (said) 


hi’ksa ti’kni; “kd-ia Afsis gi’/pkat, ka-i ha’t li’‘loks Aishisham nii’'ta”. 
(said) those far off; “not Aishish came, not (bere) the fire of Aishish is burning" 
Hivksa ti’ na’shtk tili’tankpkuk: “a’t gen slékalsht hi shla’papakuapk; 
Those afar _ thus said seeing him coming: “ye this after ue has phat at will find out then ; 
man the mar. 


Afshish toks shli/tam’na tdlaak!” At gdtpa at shlo‘kla, ti’ hak yt’lka 

Aishish however always hits straight!" Then teva and they shot, (but) far this side struck 
rive 

K’mikamts; Wandak tads yii'tlansna. Tsti sha sakaliiig, tsti sa K’mtikam- 


K'mikamteh ; Silver Fox missed a little. Then they commenced and they over K'mrti- 
gaming, 


A MYTHIC TALE ABOUT AISHISH. 101 


tsas i’kak; waitash a ti’m i’kak, tsi sa gii’mbéle, tsti sa gdtpampéle 


Kamtch won; all day long coral they won, then they returned, and they went back 
stakes 
latsastat. At sa tsti gii’tak sdkla salakiuk Afsisas. 
tothe lodges. Then they quit gambling, for they Aishish. 
missed 
Tsti Aisisam wéwanuish sudsuaktsa tsti’ssak, k’lewidsha m’ndlam 
And Aishish’s wives wept constantly, (and) left their 
latchash sté-fldshuk. Shti’a sa nfi‘shtat shi’dsho wenépi wéwanuish; ndash 
lodges to dig roots. Pitch they on heads put four wives ; one 
toks Wia’-aks ka-i hli’la Aisisas. T'stti ludtpislals Kliti’sam Afsis ti’ména, 
but Mallard not mourned Afishish. Then the weeping cries Sie Aishish heard, 
rane 
tsii Afshish shudktsa tfi/ménank. At Aisis ti’ kélo wika’t, at k’léknapk 
and Aishish wept hearing (them). Now Aishish (was) sky close to, then he was mori- 
ar away bund 
kaké béla; at shi‘tsa l4pi wékwak tt’ kalo wikdta; at shlid Aisisas. Tsti 
bones nothing then soared‘ip two butterflies far thesky closeto; and (they) Aishish. Then 
but; up saw 
shitshatyépéle shla-dlank, tsi gatpampélissa, tsi sapa, p’tisd m’na sapiya: 
they flew back having seen (him), and returned home they, and told, tofather their saying: 
“tidsi k’la’kuapk hi’ssuaks; ti’ ni kalé wigdta shlia ha’nk hissuéksas kaké 
‘‘a good will (soon) perish man ; far off I sky close to saw that man bones 
bélat; ti‘dsi hi’k kli’kuapk!” Tchissa shapiya p’tisa m’ndlam. 
nothing good this will perish!’ So they said to father their. 


bat; (man) 


Ht’k p’tissap sam shkiyui shash mbi’sant at indk gé-ulakuapk yaki 


The father their ordered them on next morning early ~ to soar up a basket 
shléyaménank. Tsui sha géna saptalaltk, tsi sa ti’ gatpa pads a i’yamnatk 
strung around (them). And went the sisters, and they a arrived food carrying 

there 


ambits i’yamnatk. Tsti Aisisas liwdtkal shni’lashtat hf/nkant, tsti wi’la 


water also carrying. Then Aishish they raised in eyrie that, then inquired 
up 
hi’ksa wékwak: “wak i gén gitk?” né-asht sha wi’la. Tchti Afsis 
these butterflies : “what are here doing?” sO they inquired. Then Aishish 
you 
haméze: “K’mukamts an’sh p’laiwash shti‘lta; tsi ni kdka kapka-dgatat, 
said: “K’'mtkamtch me after the eagles sent; and I climbed on the small pine, 
tsti_ kedsni'tan’s; kédsha kapka koki’sh gé-u Tsti ni hii’nk shlid 
then it grew up under me; grew up the pine during climb- my. Then I (those) saw 
ing 
‘laiwash, skfi’lilam ta’ds n’G/nk shia tsi’liliks.” Tsfhunk Afsis hii’mkank 
? 
eagles, of the lark only I found _ the young.” So Aishish said, 
sii’gsuk hi’nkies. 
giving ex- to them. 
planations 
At sa hfi’nk slankok shléa tchakélétat ksékoga sha Afshishas shewané- 
Now they spreading a tla in ae wiley: placed into they Aishish after giving 
cat’s skin asket 


lank pa’s ambuts, tsti sa skdétyidsa, kiflatat at gatpd4mpéle. Tsui i/pka 


(him) food water also, then they took him down onthe ground he returned. And he lay 
, in the basket sick 
= say 
ma‘nts, at wi’mpéle. , 


a longtime, then he recovered. 


oo 


12 


15 


18 


102 MYTHOLOGIC 'TEXTS. 


NOTES. 


Portions of the same myth, though differently connected, will be found in the 
mythic tale: K’mikamtch attempts the destruction of his son Aishish. Both narra: 
tives are complementary to each other in some important details. 

99, 3. shnéna. It is the custom of gamblers to build fires at every place where 
they stop on their road or trail. Any party of travelling Indians will do so when stop- 
ping on their way. Cf. 23, 15. 

99, 3. Yamnashptchi. Several adjectives designating colors are taken from arti- 
cles of dress in both dialects: tolaliptchi, green; tehyé-utchye-ushptehi, a shade ot 
blue; and spalptchi, light-yellow, is called after a face-paint made of a kind of clay. 

99, 3. Wandkalam lf/loks. The fire of Young Silver Fox was yellow or yellowish, 
not only because the fur of this fox-species turns from silvery white into yellowish by 
the change of seasons, but also, because this animal represents in mythic stories the 
halo around the sun. Cf. shakatchdlisb in Dictionary. Wanaka always figures as 
the companion of the principal national deity, K’mikamtch. 

99, 7. watehpka: to stake everything in one’s possession and then lose it all; 
wi-uka, to win all the stakes lost by the others. 

99, 10. 100, 5. Stokua or Stikuaga was, according to another of my informants, a 
fish of this name, and not a squirrel. The other wives of Aishish all have names of 
birds. 

100, 3. luélks: K’mikamtch had inherited a locality where his father was in the 
habit of hunting and killing the giant-eagle (p’laiwash). Thinking of this place, 
K’mukamtch went there with his son Aishish, after scheming a stratagem to let him 
perish there. To kill the eagles, it was necessary to climb a pine-tree; this K’mt- 
kamtch wus afraid of doing, and wanted to send up there his son instead. 

100, 9. shnilas toks ete. The lark had her young in the nest of an eagle. 

100, 10. sdlai’/tantsa. He dressed himself in Aishish’s garments, as appears from 
the foregoing mythic tale. 

100, 15. sas. Dave Hill often uses shash, sas in an almost reciprocal sense: while 
(or: tor) going to gamble among themselves. This pronoun does not depend here on 
shnéna, as we might assume. Cf. Note to 58,10. It refers to the playmates of Aishish, 
who set out with K’mtikamtch, whom they thought to be their beloved Aishish on ac- 
count of the dress he had abstracted from him. In 1€0, 14 shash was explained to me 
by “from them”, viz. from the wives of Aishish, in whose lodge K’mikamtech had 
passed the night. 

100, 18. gii/pkat for gépka at: did not come now, or: has not come yet. 

101, 2. gii/tak. This adverb gives to understand, that they were loth or too tired 
to play any longer for stakes, because their beloved Aishish was not present. ‘To cease 
or stop gambling” simply, would be expressed by saklola. 

101, 4. shti/a ete. Cf. Notes to 89, 5; 96, 6; and general Note, on page &6. 

101, 4. shi/dsho wenépi, rather unusual forms for shi/dsha hai yunépni. Ha, “up, 
above, on head,” has coalesced with shi/dsha into one word. 

101, 5. Kliti/sam. Aishish heard the cries of K1étish only, because of all the birds 
which are believed to be his wives, the long-necked sandhill crane is the loudest and 
noisiest. , 

101, 8. gatpampélissa for gatpampéli sha, as tebissa for tehi sa. 


ORIGIN OF HUMAN RACES. DURATION OF HUMAN LIFE. 103 


101, 8. p’tis4 m’na for p’tisha m’ndlam. 

101, 10. kako bélat for: kako pil at. 

101, 11. p’tissap sam. Sham, sam “their”, is found standing instead of m’naélam, 
pnalam, or hankélamsham in the conversational form of language. Cf. 107, 13. 108, 4. 

101, 13. liwatkal. They lifted up the famished Aishish, almost reduced to a 
skeleton, and seated him upright in the nest; they imparted new strength and life 
to him by feeding him. 

101, 16. kédsha, to grow, forms kédshna, kedshniita; n’s is: nish, to me, with me, 
under me; a sort of dativus commodi. 


ORIGIN OF HUMAN RACES. DURATION OF HUMAN LIFE. 


GIVEN BY ‘‘Capratn Jim” uy THE Kiamata Lake DIALECT. 


K’mi/kamtch hi/nk at né-ulya nd-asht gén: Hi’nk V-ukshikishash 
K’mikamtch ruled as follows: ‘The Klamath Lake 
tech4k maklaks shi’'ta; tchti pén Kia’kakilsh tchagsh maklaks sht'ta; 


fromaservice- people he made; hereupon the Kikakilsh from skunks people made ; 
berry bush 


yamatala géniita shfishtédshna. K-ukshkishash ktchalyishtat i/lya, Bésh- 


northwards v hile he he created (them) on The Klamath Lakes in the sun-heat he laid the white ~ 


had gone his way. down, 


tinash toks shitélank mdhieshtat i’lya; himasht giug na’d maéklaks mi’- 
people however aber crating in the shade laid down; therefore we Indians (are) 
(them) 


makmiakli, Béshtin toksh papdlpali. E-ush guni’gshta kiilali‘a. 
dark, the white race but light-com- The sea beyond he made a 
plexioned. world tor them. 


At sha pii’n ne-ulakiéga, K’mikamtch mi’nk tchi’sh shkishki’sh tchish 
Then they began to lezislate, K'mukamtch, mole also, fly-bug also, 
wishi/nk tchish. Mi’/nk hiiméye: “Na a gf’ggamtchishash maéklakshash 
garter-snake also. Mole said: Melt of old age the human beings 
gi’tki gi!” Htnkanti wishink nd-asht hiiméze: “nii’toks gémptcha 
to become want!” On that subject garter-snake thus spoke: “and I thus-made 
maklakshash gi’tki gi!” Tehfhunk wi'shink shkintchishzagéta: “gd-ash 
the men to become order!” Thus garter-snake while shedding its skin: ‘“this;way 
ni hé/nk maklakshash k’léktgi: ti’dshok nétnak git k’mi’tchatk gintak 
I 


the men to become having grown then to be of old age though 
(want): 


tchiltgipéletam’nik.” Hutnkanti mii’nk nd-asht heméze: “ni a gémptcha 


always to grow young again.” On that subject mole thus said: “bat I thus-made 


pshe-utiwashash gi’tki gi: gf’ggamtchishash!” Pi muimt’yuk: ‘“ga-asht 


the human beings to become want: decrepit by age!” (And) it shivering (said) : ‘thus 


ni pse-utfwashash gi’tki gi!” Ski’shkish tchish nd-asht tok nia’-ulza 


I the human beings to become want!” Fly-bug also thus voted 


12 


104 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


miinkash tilak. Pi ski’shkish né-asht: “kui tadsh ak hf’k tami pshe- 


mole along with. It the fly-bug thus (said): ‘very cruelly many uman 


utiwash giug ki/shtchkank hiétalt nish”. 


beings acting, when stepping (will) crush me”’. 
(on me) 
Tehi’‘hunk pa’‘t hashtaltal né-tlyig. Tchiti sha pilpeliéga; mi’nk 
Thus they mutually disputed for action. Then they began working; the mole 
yaina shutevéga; shti’ya yainaluk. At pi’pil hinta né-ulya K’mukdém- 
mountains began to make; it made to throw up Now alone thus (it) made after K’mtikamtch 
gang-ways mountains. 


tchim shutélash. 


had finished creating. 


NOTES. 


103, 3. techak. There is evidently a jeu de mots intended between tehak and tehaksh. 
Which northern tribe the Kikakilsh were, my informant and other Indians were unable 
to say; it is a nickname, derived from kii/k, of some Oregonian tribe held in contempt 
by the Maklaks, and any reference to it causes great merriment to the Klamath Lake 
Indians. Maklaks is in both places separated from the tribal name by inversion ; 
tchak and tch4gsh form apposition to these tribal names and to maklaks, and for 
tchagsh we would expect tchashish, which is the usual form of the word. 

103, 5. B-ush. The sea or ocean, which is meant here, is mini é-ush, while é-ush 
means a lake, lagoou or large pond. 

103, 6. ne-ulakiéga. Three of the lower animals are here brought together to confer 
with K*maikamtch to determine the duration of man’s life, and every one voted according 
to its own experience. Stephen Powers mentions a mythic story comparable to this, 
heard by him among the Pit River Indians (Contrib. to North Amer. Ethnology, vol. 
ILI, p. 273): “The coyote and the fox participated in the creation ef men and animals, 
the first being an evil spirit, the other good. They quarreled as to whether they should 
let men live always or not. The coyote said: “if they want to die, let them die”; but 
the fox said: “if they want to come back, let them come back.” But nobody ever 
came back, for the coyote prevailed.” 

103, 9. 10. After shkintchishyagota supply heméze, and after k’léktgi: gi. 

103, 10. ti/dsok, or tit’shok, distributive form of t?’shék, of the verb t’shin to grow. 
Cf. tit’sha, 107, 12. 

103, 12. pshe-utiwash, abbreviated pshé-utuash, an archaic word used only in the 
collective sense of people, human beings. It occurs only in mythic stories. Cf. 105, 8. 

104, 4. shtt’ya. This fiction was suggested by the manner in which moles throw 
up mole-hills and shows that the ancient myth-makers were not without a humoristic 
vein. 

104, 4. pi/pil. Every mountain was thrown up by the mole alone, each one sepa- 
rately. The special creation of K’mikamtch was man, and whatsoever stands in direct 
connection with his existence, welfare and customs, as fishing-places, islands, funereal 
sweat-lodges ete. 

104, 4. hanta, abbreviation of hintala: by proceeding in this manner, in the same 
manner. 


CREATION OF THE MOONS. 105 


H0O/mMAasur sHAPASH LU’/PI SHUTEYEGATK. 


CREATION OF THE MOONS. 


GIVEN IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT BY MINNIE FROBEN. 


Wash hfink lApéni té-unepant wi’nip pé-ula shapash shi’ta. Lalap 


The (female) twenty- four moons made. Twoata 
coyote time 


gé-upkatki gfug sha shipatzfikank; tehvi at vi/nank iggd-idshnank gékan- 


when coming up they covered each other; then finishing suspending (them) Sane went 


sha. K’mi’kamtch gt’bli’ kii’liant washash, wewéga pil tchi’shi; vi'la 


out. K’mikamtch entered, being absent the coyote, (ber) children only inthe lodge; he asked 


shas: “tat? né gémpka?” “Gé'ta geni’la!” K’mit’kamtch heméze: ‘“ti’sh 


them: “where did she go to?” “There she went!” K’mikamtch said: “where 
haftch mélim p’gi’shap tchia?” ‘“Hité tchia!” Tchti K’mt’kamtch hatakt 
(does) your mother sit?”’ “ Here she sits!” Then K’mikamtch there 
tehélyank shi’/shamka: “hi hii! hai hi?” wakash tétalyok hiha’tamna. 
sitting down hummed: “ha ha! ha ha?” bone-awls sticking (into he wenton grunting. 
the ground) 
Pin shash vii'la: “wakaitch hi’n gfug nii’g ti’m haktch sh4pésh shushata? 
Again of them he inquired: “why then the absont too many altogether moons did make? 
(mother) 
wakak hfink psé-utiwash tchi-uapk la’‘ldam? tehékat ak huk 1é’Idam hak; 
how then the people could live in winter? they would in sach (a long) winter; 
perish 
ati hak la’ldam gi’t ti’mi shapash giug.” Washa-wéka tyii’wag haiméze: 
toolongthis winter pen too many moons existing.” Coyote-child the oldest said: 
e, 
‘“‘wakai lalap a han shneki’pkashtkak i?” 'chii K’mikamtch heméze: 
“why not twoata time shining np there do you need?” Hereupon K’mikamtch said: 


“ké-i nti shanaho’le ta’ma shapash gi’tki giug.’ 


“not I want too many moons to exist.” 
Tgélya i’tye tatyélampani shdpash, tchui pekéwa K’mtikamtchiksh, 
Started up, took down one-half (of the) moons, then smashed (them) K’miikamtch, 
to pieces 
tehui gémbéle. Ma’ntch-gitk wash gétpampéle; ta’ wag shapfya pgi'sha 
then left again. Long after this the (mother-) returned home; the aldeate told aree 
coyote (child) 
mna: “K’mi’kamtch a gatpanii’la gi’ta.”. Wash vi’la: “ti’sh haitch 
its: “K’mikam‘ch has been here.” The coyote asked: ‘where (did he) 
tcehii‘lya?” ‘“Hi't a tchia/lya”, shapiya m’na p’gi’sha. Tehti hatokt tchél- 
sitdown?” “Here he sat down”’, said (it) to its mother. Then right there sitting 
gank ti‘lankanka talke-ug K’mikamtchiksh. Kiti’ta pitak nkash. 
down sherolled forth and joking ubout K’mikamtch. (Then) burst her own bowels. 


back 


12 


15 


106 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


NOTES. 


In preference to any other beast, the prairie-wolf, small wolf, or coyote (as he is 
called in the West after an Aztec term meaning ‘‘digger, burrower”) became con- 
nected in the mind of the Indian with the creation of the moon and the origin of the 
months or moons, because in moonlit nights he is heard howling from nightfall to 
dawn; sometimes alone, sometimes in packs of several dozen ata time. His querulous, 
whining howl is likened by the Indians with a “speaking to the moon”. Our tale 
above is based upon the double sense of moon and month, in which the term shapash (the 
“indicator,” from shapa to tell, indicate) is used. The idea of the creation of twice 
twelve moons originated in the delusion that in every period called new moon, moons 
were really made or manufactured new by the creator. The number twenty-four was 
perhaps suggested by the observation of lunar eclipses, or mock moons appearing in 
hazy weather. The coyote as the creator of the moons (and the creator of the universe 
among the Central Californians) naturally desired to have as many moons as possible, 
while K’muikamtch, as the wolf’s antagonist, thought it better for the benefit of his own 
creation, the human beings, not to make the year too long. If the winter had to last 
twelve months instead of six, how could they collect roots, bulbs, seed, fish, and game 
enough to live through such a length of time? 

105, 2. shipatyikanka. Two moons being on the sky simultaneously would neces- 
sarily often cover and thereby eclipse or hurt each other. 

105, 2. igga-idshnank. The mother-coyote had hung up the twenty-four moons 
made by herself around the walls and ceiling of her winter-lodge, which in this myth 
signifies the sky. The suffix -idshna points to her walking from one spot of the 
lodge to another while busy in suspending the moons. 

105, 3. givhli’. A great deal of shrewdness is ascribed to the principal deity of 
the Klamath Lake people as well as to those of other hunting tribes. He manifests 
his astuteness in entering, the coyote’s lodge in her absence only, and to prepare a trick 
for her there. 

105, 4. tat? né for tata nen. 

105, 5. Hita tchia! is pronounced as if it was one word only: hitatehia. 

105, 6. shi’/shamka, distributive form of sl’t/mka, to hum, grunt, to make hi ha. 
He grunted every time he planted another awl, sometimes in an interrogative tone 
of voice, and did it to disguise their secret planting into the ground. 

105, 7. wakaitch composed of wak haitch; washa-wéka composed of washam wéaga; 
tyéwag or tyéwaga, diminutive of tyé-u first, first in order, eldest; ef. ht/ktag. 

105, 7. ti’m haktch. This language has a term corresponding to our too much 
(ti’m tchatchui), but none which renders our too with accuracy. Adjectives or adverbs 
qualified by too are therefore pronounced with a higher pitch of voice and the quantity 
of their main vowel is increased when the Indian intends to express this adverb. 

105, 10. wakai, “why not,” a combination of wak and kai. 

105, 14. gatpantla gi/ta: he has come here and has left again. 

105, 16. Kiti’‘ta. The coyote-wolf, while rolling forth and back on the ground, as 
these animals are in the habit of doing, ran her belly into the bone-awls insidiously 
planted there by K’mikamtch, so that the entrails shed their contents on the lodge- 
floor. 


MYTH OF THE MARTEN AND THE WEASLET. 107 


SKELAMTCHAM T'CHASHGAYAKALAM SHASIAPKELEASH. 


MYTH OF THE MARTEN AND THE WEASLET 


GIVEN IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT BY DAVE HILL. 


K’mukdémtch Ydmsi tchfia. Sdtapealtk Tchdshgayaks; lapiak tchia 


K’miikamtch in the North lived. His younger brother Weaslet; only two they 
m’t'n (was) lived 


kiifliak wii’wans. T'stii sa saikiin géna wéwansh i’ktcha; tt’mi saikiin tchia 


without Wives. And they tothe went wives to bring in; many on the field were 
prairie 
maklaks tankt. Techti sgtiyue Skiilamts Tsdsgayaks i’ktchatki snaweds: 
Indians then. And dispatched old Marten Little Weasel to fetch a woman: 


“k4-i i labé-ld’lp-gipksh shpi’nshipk, shtchoképsh i ii’pka!” sti géna 


“not you a two-eyed une bring along, aone-eyedone youn bring!” Then went he 
nadshiak i’ktchuk wéwans, tsti ti’ mé-ipks gfldsui. Safgatat ti’mi 
alone to fetch women, and far off digging (roots) he met (them). On the prairie many 


wéwanuish méya; shtd saika; hihashuaksh ka’gi, gankanka sha. At 
females were digging; full the prairie the men were away, hunted they. Now 
was (of them) ; 


wéwanuish ikéyula ti’tatsa pi’la, k4-i hi’shkank K’mukamtsam sti’ledls: 


women he picked out pretiy ones only, not miuding of K'wikamtch the order: 


shtchi‘shtsyapksh K’mit’/kamts ¢pkatki gi’ulatki; at i’tpa ti ladsastat 


one-eyed ones to K’mikamtch to bring enjoining; “then brought over to the lodge 
(them) 


Tsdskai: “gén m’s ni spiinshipkia.” At hiiméye K’mukémts: ‘“‘kani na-asht? 


Weasel: ‘“thisone for you I brought.” And said K’wikamtch : “who (said) so? 


kanf né-asht tidsd ii/pkatki? shtchii‘shtskapksh mi‘sh ni ii’pkolatkik; kaftoks 
who _ so (said) preity to bring? one-eyed (unes) you I to bring told; and not 
ones 

mi’sh ni ti’dsa &’pkatki gi!” 
you I pretty ones tobring told!” 

Techui at wi/wanslank shash, tsti pélakak nydikgi lapuk; tchui tit’sha 

And took as wives them, and pretty soon Became both; and grew up 

mothers 


wewéas, at mat sa waslalé. Techuti si’/ssok hti’k wewéas sham; tsui stuli’ 
the children, and, it is they hunted And quarreled boys their; and = advised 
said, chipwunks. 
Tsasgdyak: ‘“shli’t i hi’nks!” taltsidgatat sa-fli’a. At sla’popk ht’nitak 
Weaslet: “shoot you him!” (and) on the little he put stone And was aware by himself, 
arrows heads. 
K’mukamts stili’sht pits. K’mukdmts stéli’ wii’ka m’nd: “shli’sht m’nalsh 


K'mtkamtch that had ad- him. K’mtkamtch ordered son his: “in case ho him 
vised shoots, 


i shlin!” At li’-udsha hit’k tataksni, tsti shli’‘n Tsasgaydkalam vi‘nakag; 


you shoot!” Then went to play the children, and shot Little Weasel’s Httle son ; 


108 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


shlin K’mukamtsim hi/nk tnakag; tchti sa hfshlan. Tsaskaydkalam 
shot of K'mtkamtch the little son; then they shot at each other. Little Weasel’s 


vinak htink shlin la’pi K’mukémtcham vundka; tehdi ha’nk hi’tkalpalank 


boy shot first at K’mikamtch’s son; then (thatone) jamping up again 
shlin Tchashg4yam naka, tchtti tséka l4puk. 
shot Weasel’'s son, then perished both. 
At saléki ptissisap sham. T'sashgdi at kéyaktsa, K’mukémts ké-i 
Then missed fathers their. Weasel went searching, (but) K'mikamtch not 
(them) 
kdyaktcha, skd’lya ta’dsh s4-utamank; sli’bopk hi‘nitak ti’ sas hishd’kst. 
searched (for them), laid himself —_ but, wrapped up; he knew by himself, out them to have killed 
on bed there each other. 
NOTES. 


Compare with this myth the first part of the “Mythic Tale of Old Marten” 
(Skélamtcham shashapkéléash), which contains the same subject-matter. 

107, 1. Yamsi, contraction of Yamashi. This is the name given at present to a 
mountain North of Klamath Marsh; from this direction the cold winds (ya4mash) blow 
over the highlands on Upper Klamath Lake. 

107, 1.3.9. Tchashgai sometimes occurs in the diminutive form Tchashgdyak, 
because the Weasel is regarded as the younger brother of the Marten. 

107, 2. saikiin, a contraction of saigayé/ni: they went to the prairie, where the 
women were digging the edible roots. 

107, 3. Skalamts. I have given this myth elsewhere in a longer relation, where 
the part played here by K’mtkamtch is played by Skélamtch. Even in Dave Hill’s 
relation the Marten is called, but once only, by its real name Skélamtch; K’mikamtch 
and Skélamtch are mentioned here as identical. The term ske/l, when not employed 
in its mythologie sense, means a long piece or strip of tanned otter or marten skin, 
used for tying the hair, or for other purposes. 

107, 3. 4. i/ktchatki snaweds etc. One woman only is mentioned here, instead of 
the two, whom Weasiet was ordered to bring home as wives for his brother K’mé- 
kamtch and himself. 

107, 5. wéwans a very common elision for wéwanuish. 

107, 9. kani na-asht? ellipse for kani na-asht gi? 

107, 10. na a/pkolatkik. Instead of this may be said also, ii/pkatki giula nf: “I 
strictly told (you) to bring in.” 

107, 15. sa waslala. The two boys went together hunting chipmunks. 

107, 14. shawala to adjust stone-heads; shawalia, sa-ulia to adjust stone-heads for 
or in the interest of somebody. Flint-, obsidian- or iron heads are placed only on war- 
arrows or on arrows used in killing large game (ngé-ish, ngii/-ish); but the taldshi or 
lighter arrow, used in hunting birds, and the taldshiaga, arrow used as boy’s plaything, 
are usually provided with wooden points only. 

107, 15. K’mukamts stali sht pits stands for K’mukémtchash stuli/sht pi/sh, the 
pronoun referring to the little son of K’mikamtch. 

107, 15. shli/sht. In this sentence m’nalsh is the subject of shli/sht, and the direct 
object of shlin is not expressed. 

107, 16. lii-udsha: they went out to play, from léwa, laé/wa to play. 


MYTHIC TALE OF OLD MARTEN. 109 


SKELAMTCHAM SHASHAPKELEASH. 


MYTHIC TALE OF OLD MARTEN. 


OBTAINED IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT FROM MINNIE FROBEN, 


Weéwanuish mat ti’mi méya kii’sh shaigatat yaki shka’shkatgaltk. 


Women, they say, many were dig- ipo on prairie, baskets earrying on back. 
emg 


Shki‘lamtch mat tchia shetyé-unalty Tchashgdyaks. Shkii‘lamtch shtdlt 


Old Marten, so they lived as the older brother of Little Weasel. Old Marten sent 
say, 
ta/pia m’na Tehdsgayaks i’ktchatki gfug kma’ shtchi’shtchyapkam. ‘T'chui 3 
younger his Weaslet to obtain the skull- of the one-eyed ones. And 
brother caps 
Tchasheayae eéna; geAtpnank i’tya shash nanuk kma’ ké-i shtcht’shtch- 
WIS eels K 
Weaslet went; coming theze, he took from them all skull-caps, (but) of the one- 
away no 


yapksham tchi’sh, itpampéli Tchashgdyak, shéwana Skélamtchash kma’. 


eyed (women) also, brought Little Weasel (and) gave to Old Marten the caps. 
Skélamtch hiiméze: “tata mi’sh ni tpéwa ké-i shtchiishzapkam epkatki 6 

Old Marten said: “when you I ordered not of the one-eyed to bring? 
eiug? ldpik mish nf épkatki gi’ula shtchi’shtchzapkam pi’l.” Weéwanuish 

- of both you I tobring had told of the one-eyed only.” Females 

ninuk gditpa Skélamtchamkshi shkashkatkaltk ka’sh. Skélamtch shewana- 

all came to Old Marten's home carrying on back ipo. Old Marten re- 
péle kma’ wéwan’shash, puiikimpéle ladshéshtat, hi/méta Tchashgdyaksh: 9 
turned the caps to the women, threw (them) back out of his lodge, (and) said to Weaslet: 
“tdta mish na tpi’wa tim kmi’ ii/pkatki giug? J&pok amsh ni a’pkatki!” 
“when you I ordered many eaps to bring? orkoen you I to bring (told)!"” 

® (only) 

Wéwanuish tchfk tchii gémpéle, l4puk shtchfi’shtchyatk tchi’dsha. 

The women after this returned, (but) both one-eyed ones remained. 

Tehii hfik shtchi’shtchyatk wéwanuish wewi’‘kala. Shi’hank-shitk 12 
‘Then the one-eyed women bore children. At the same time when 
mi/mkak gi/ulya Skélamtch nteyakaliya, m’na i/nakag mi‘ak t’shi’sht. 
the infants were born Old Marten made a little bow, for his little son, taller when he would 
grow. 

Tchashgdyak tchi’sh nteyakali’ya m’natak tmakag. Tchti tchatchdkiag 

Li tle Weasel also made a little bow for his own little boy. And the little boys 


lé-utcha; hi’shla nté-ishtka tataldshiak. Léwatkuk tatakshni gatpampéli; 15 


went to play; they shot with their bows little arrows. From the play the boys returned ; 
at the mark 


Tchdshkayagalam tnakag heméze: “hit dn’sh ta’ shli‘kshga.” Tchash- 


Little Weasel’s boy remarked : “he me out well nigh shot.” Little 
there 
giyag wi'la m’na tnakag: “tim hai tehi’ m’sh hé’nk layank téwi?” 


Weasel asked his young son: “really thus at you taking aim he shot” 


18 


21 


110 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


Tchakiak heméze: “hishfténkapksh pi’sh nish hi’n gi” (mshdshaltchatk 
The boy said : “approaching on the sly me it was" (squirreiing were 
sha hi’nk, shléank mshdsh hishlikshka). Techti Tehashgvyak shtuli’ 


they, discovering a squi rel they almost shot Then Little Weasel advised 
each other). 


tmakag m’na shli’tki Shkélamtcham wnakag, “hii hi’t mish piin shli/shtka 


little son — his to shoot of Old Marten the son, Pit he atyou again shooting 
giuapk.” Shkélamtch shiyuakta hink nénuk Tchashgdyakalam hém- 
sbould be.” Old Marten became aware (of the) whole - of Little Weasel’s dis- 
kanksh; tehti pi’ tehish shtuli’ m’na t/nakag shlitki giug Tchashgdyam 
course ; and he al o ordered his little son to shoot Weasi I's 
tmaka: “hi mish shli-uapk, kli’yatk gi’ntak i hi’tkalpalank shli-uapk 
son; Shay you he kills, dead though, you risiug up again must kill 


hi’nksh.” 
him.” 
Techti mbi’shan pii’n géna washlaltchuk; shlia sha washla, génta sha 


Then next day again they to huot chipmunks; saw they achipmunk, crept they 
went (at it) 


at. Skélam tnakag téwi, ki’hhian washla; wigedta i-ilya Tchashgayam 
then. Marten’s little son shot, missing the chip- close to he struck Weasel’s 

munk ; the ground 
f’naka. Tchashgayam tak hiiméze: “wak ta i gfug shli’kshga nish?” 


to the son. Weasel’s little son said: “wherefure you almost shot me?” 


Skélam tnak hémtchna: ‘“ shni’ulatechgankan hi’n gi.” Guhdshktcha pen 


Marten's child replied : “glancing off it was.” They started (and) 
again 


géna sha, shlaa sha washla. Lapuk pi‘pélantana gdnta shawaltdinkank 


travelled they, saw they achipmunk. Both from epposite sides creptup moving along the ground 


ti’wi; Skélim tmak shli‘kshga Tchashedyam tmaka. Tchashgdyam viinak 
shot; Marten’s  littleson almost hit Weasel’s - little son, Weasel's little son 
shlink shiuga Shkélam vinaka; tehti shpdka méntchak Tchashgdyam 


(then) killed Marten’s child ; then lay on ground for seme time Weasel’s 
shooling 


tmakag. Tgi’tsyank shlépapka, kékalmash wewatkuéla lt/Ip, k’mdka teti't- 
little son. Standins near he looked (at tears flowed from (his) he looked while 
hin), eyes, around 
gank hatkok. Skélam t’nak hd’tkal, shlin at Tchashgdyam vinaka 
standing there. Marten’s son jumped up, shot then Weasel’s child 
ishital; lapuk tehii k’léklyatk i’pka. 
in the breast; both then dead lay there. 
Tchashgai hém’ta Skélash: “wak ta ma/nshaktch tataksni kii’gi wafta? 


Weasel said to Marten: “Why for so long the children areab- the whole 
sent da, ? 


tti’sh ak nen hi’k wak kii’la?” Skélamtch ké-i kéktchank hi/nksh, shko/l- 
WwW. eTo (are) they aoe doing ?"" Old Marten not answering him, recum- 
what 


pkank ktina ~'Tchashgai géna kayaktchuk tatakiash, ké-i shléank gatpdm- 


bent slept Weasel “went to look out for the children, (and) finding returned 
not 


péle Mantch-gitk Skélamtch guhaéshktcha ti gawalpéli. Tchdégapksh 
home. After a while Old Marten started oat far to find (them). Murdered 

out 
titakiash gawalpalank itpdmpélé; shuashuaktchéta ]d/lukshalshok mi’lua, 


the children discovering he carried them with mourniug cries to cremute (them) they got 
home; ready, 


MYTHIC TALE OF OLD MARTEN. rl 


timip wuillishik i’-amnash Ske’l éna, Tchashgai tchi’sh timepanti wuilishik 


five bags of neck wear Marten took, Weasel too five bags 


j-Amnash éna. Tehti sha 1iluksla, ti’ténipni’ sha lapuk iwalpéle. Ski’lam 
of beads bronght. And they burnt (them), each five (bags) they both eapied on To Marten 
them. 


tehi’k i’amnash wewilina. Tchti sha gémpéle tehishze’ni k’léwiank. 
finally beads were left over. Then they returned totheirlodge after perform- 
ance. 


Skélamtch hém’ta Tchashgdyash géntki giug Md’shamkshi, pi gé- 
Old Marten said to Weasel, he should go tothe South Wind’s him- fro- 
house, self 
nuapkug Yém’shamkshi. Tchadshgai ké-i shand-ul’ Yamshamkshi gé-ishtka 
posing to go to the North Wind's Weasel not liked to North Wind’s lodge to travel. 
home, 


giug. Ské’l heméze: “ka-i i génuapk Yamshamkshi, nt'tak gésh shana- 
Marten said: “not you shall go to the North Wind, myself to go want 
uli Yamshamksh’; mi’sh nd géntki Mishamkshi.”  “Ka-i an Mi’shamkshi 


to the North Wind; you I (want) to go to South Wind's “Not I to Sonth Wind 
house.” 


gé’sh shand-ul’”, at pi hém’ta né-asht. Tchii géna Tchashgai Yam- 
to go desire”, now he said so. And went Weasel to the 


shamksh; gatpa hatokt efya Muash; eiyishtok Mi’shash k’léka Tchash- 
North Wind’s he came there, put the the South while bad put the South Wind, died ip Little 
lodge; (when) headout Wind; the head out 


gayak. Tchti Skélamtch Mi’sham ni’sh lalkadsha; pi’n Yamshamkshi 


Weasel. And Old Marten of the South the head cut off ; again, tothe North Wind’s 
Wind lodge 


géna Skélamtch, lalkadsha Y4mshamtcham niw'sh. 
went Old Marten, (and) cut off the Nortb Wind’s head. 


K’léwiank guhudshktcha Lémé-ishash géluiptchuk Tchashgayaksh 


Hereupon he set out the Thunders to visit, Little Weasel 


hakshaktehuitk. Lémé-ish hushtanka Skélamtchash, snéwedsh  ti’tash 


carrying in his dress. Oue Thunder fell in with Old Marten, 2 woman long shells 


hahashtamnipksh shilitanka. Sndwedsh hém’ta Skélamtchish: ‘“wak ish 


having as ear-ornaments he pursued, The woman cried to Old Marten: “somehow me 
shi’ti, gé-u sha-amoksh!” Tehti Skélamtch heméze: “wak hai tchi’ m’s 
protect, my friend!" Aud Old Marten replied: “how then you 
nti shuté-uapk?” pniudaktan tcha kdtchannat, tehti guhuashktcha. Tapitak 


I sball protect?” blew (her) inetantly into a picchpme and continued his way. auenE after 
0g, (him) 
Lémé-ish petégank hi’mboks kshatgatnt/lank shiuga snawedsh. 


the Chunder teuing up the log (and) extracting (her) killed the woman. 


Skélamtch ti’ at gitpa Lemé-isham lddshashtat. Lapi titsga-ak Lémé- 


Old Marten tben arrived of the ‘Yhunders at lodge. Two decrepit old Thun- 


ish tehia shuki‘kash ha/nkimsham. Skélamtch wa‘shi guli’ tehuyétk Yam- 


ders — lived the parents of them. Old Marten into the stepped hav ing as hat of North 
(there), room on 


sham nish; wayalpa nénuk wa’shin, wikish tchish lakélaka. Ka/-utchish 
Wind the head; froze toicicles everything inthe lodge the inside too became slippery Gray Wolf 
room, ladder with ice. 
ginkanktka, Ski’lam shé-amoksh, wawii‘kalam pi’l ht’k tchi’sh ké-i weétk. 
counnGe from the Marten’s kinsman, of his children alone pe ee in not froze up. 
nut, the lodge 


Lémé-ish gatpampéle, maklaks ti’m i’tpa. Titska-ak Lémé-ish sti/llidanka 
The Thunders returned home, Indians many ety The Old Thonders reported 
rought. 


12 


21 


12 


18 


21 


1a? MYTHOLOGIO TEXTS. 


shapiya m’na wantinga: ‘“wennini a tua gdtpa wa’shi ati’ ndlsh winizitk!” 
(and) said to their sons: ‘* stranger some hascome intothe largely tous superior |" 
room, 


Tyé-u Lémé-ish hemézye: “gd tudta shkainihaktch gétpa, nf’ ak ya hin 


The oldest Thunder said: ‘“ whosoever stronger (man) hascome, I (can) cer- 


tainly, 
shkayent gi’ntak ewhii’plit.”. Gékansha at, ga-ulapgapéle pitcho’le na’shak 
strong though enter (where he He went ont then, climbed up, stepped on one step only 
(he is), is).”” 

wakish, ki’shtehnank hui’yipéle.  ‘‘Tututu!” htitchampélita Lemé-ish 
of inside stepping on he hurried out (Crying:) “titutu!’ after running homewards (this) Thunder 

ladder, again. 
nd-asht gitita, pén na’sh heméze: ‘“‘tudtal shkainiaks tchezéga” Gékan- 
so reported, and another said: “some kind stronger one is sitting inside.” Going 

one ot a 


shiinank ti’ gd-ulapgapéle pii’patchle lapok waki’sh; pétchtnank huizipéle. 


out over he went on op (of put his feet on two of inside ladder; stepping on he ran out again. 
there winter lodge), steps only 

“Pututu”! huizipélita, gtlipélank shash katni shapiya: ‘“wennini tua 

“Trtota’’! he skipped away, entering again, those being in he told: “ stranger some 


the kayata 
edtpa.” ‘Tatzélamni’ tchkash heméye: “ka tudk shkaineaksh tehiwiza?” 
gat} x 7 


has come.” ‘The one intermediate too said: “what sort of a stronger (man) is inside?” 
in aga 
gekanshént’nk tt’ ga-ulapgdpéle pépatchle; tatyélam-pani gi'tzitkt li’‘lula 
(and) running out he went on lodge-top sand stepped down ; half-ways having climbed he rattled 
down up 


hi’kantchampélok. Sti‘lhipéli shash kaétni; na’sh tehkash gékansha tt’, 


to run.out again. He reported to those in the (another) also went out out 
kayata; one there, 
eA-ulapgapéli, guli’péle, gélyalgitk hi’kanshampéle titutu-t'ta. “Ya! ati’ 
mounted up the ladder, went in, having climbed he hurried ont again while tituta-crying. ‘‘Tobe by far 
down sure! 
a nalsh winni’zitk tua’ ki.” api‘ni tehkash gékansha: “kd tudta 
than we stronger ( ne) some __ itis.” The last one also rushed out: “what kind of 
shkainiaktch?” gilhi/pélank shéhiashtalé m’na tché'lkpéle hiti’tkalshnank 
a stronger one?” entering (the lodge) on couch his he sat down, (then) starting up 
hi’ kampéle. 


ran out again. 


Techii ma/ntch-gitk tche’k Ké-udshiamtch gatpampéle; lilhankshti 


Then some time after finally Old Wolf came home ; some venison 


i‘tpa. Lemé-ish hém’ta Kii-utchishash: ‘ati’ a na‘Ish tua winni’zitk gatpa”. 


“ ae The Thunders said to Gray Wolf: “by far than we some stronger (one) has come”. 

rought. 

Ki/-udshiamtch gdé-ulapgapéle, tchii hi’méle Skélamtchish: ‘shanatch- 

Old Wolf climbed the lodge, then shouted to Old Marten: “take 

villi tchtyesh!” Tchti Skélamtch shanatchvié’lank nélya m’na tchiyesh; 

off (yoar) hat!” And Old Marten, unbhatting himself, laid down his hat; 

nanuk hi’k waydlapsh ki’gipéle. Ka’-udshiamtch gulhipéle tchui, Lémé- 
all the icicles disappeared Old Wolf entered (the upon this, Thun- 

again. lodge) 

ish tehish hi’/k ndénuk gulhi’béle, tehii sha shi’tchapélank — pashota. 

ders too they all entered again, and they rebuilding a fire had « meal. 

Hi’yuka sha hf’nk kta-i at, tehii sha maklaks pfielhi’, md/nish sha kala 
Heated they stones now, and they people threw in, a large they flat 


bucket 


MYTHIC TALE OF OLD MARTEN. 113 


shlaltpa taluodsh maklaks. Techii sha ktai kélpokshtak i’kagank i’wa 


gave for use, to stew the people. And they thestones as svon as heated took out (and) stoned 
(them) 
kAlati 4mbo tchi/pgank; i’wa sha techti Nokshtak sha ktdi i’zakpéle, 
intoa kila water containing ; putin they then. As soon as stewed they the stones took out again, 
Lemé-ish hdshpa shash Skélamtchash, gaptchdtka Lémé-ish tchi‘lzia Ské- 
the Thunders handed them to Old Marten, with the small the Thunders placed on the for 
as food finger oor (the kala) 
lash. Skélamtch gaptchatka shitchdlshue maklaks kalati. Tchiti Skélamtch 
Marten. Old Marten with the little moved (more) Indians towards Then Old Marten 
finger the kala. 
patampka; Tchdshgayag tchligatchktcha Skélamtchash shako’tkug mdak- 
began to eat; Weaslet inched Old Marten insisting for human 
laksti tchiléksh. Tchti Shkélamtch ka-i shéwana; “kuidsha gisht”, leklek- 
flesh. (But) Old Marten “not gare (any); “it being bad”’, 
tchampka Tchatchgéyash ; ‘‘ undshé’k mish ni tehulé’ksh li’Thankshti tche’k 
whispered to Little Weasel; “by and by toyou I meat of venison at last 


shéwanuapk.” Techui nanuk wi’'ta kayak hi’nksht shéwanank. Shlé-ipéle 


will give.” Then all heateup notany to him giving. Returned 
shash kéla, Ké-udshiimtchkash nikaltampka tchulé’ks. Tchti nii‘kst 
tothem the bucket, Old Wolf also began roasting meat. When it was done, 
ti‘atat i’kélank shéwana Skélamtchash, tehui pi hi/nkanti tehe’k shéwana 
on aed putting it he gave (it) to Old Marten, and of it then gave 
e 
tchulé’ksh Tchashgdyaksh. Tchti sha lé’lalya pa-ulank; Skélamtch. ktan- 
meat to Little Weasel. And they went to bed having done eat- Old Marten fell 
ing; 


shan nanui shzolzétak. 


asleep as soon as lying down. 


Lémé-ish_ sheshni’lya_ shitkuapkuk Skélamtchash; ka-uloktantk- 


The (5) Thunders plotted (how) to kill Old Marten; walking up and down 


tim’na sha. Tchékag pil télshampka Lémé-ishash kayak ktanshna. Pén 


continued they. Blackbird only looked towards the Thunders (aud) not —was asleep. And 
Lémé-ish gakua shlé’dshuk Skélamtchash, tamt’‘dsh ktanshisht, shi‘uguap- 
the Thunders approached to look at Old Marten, whether he was asleep, proposing to 
kug hi’nk. Tchékaksh Lémé-ish mbi’shaksh yi’yuzoga la’Ipat; tehti 
kill him. To Blackbird the Thunders arrow-heads pushed into the eyes; then 


ha nk ka-i ktanuapkug ktampsh-shitk shléash gi’-uapk. Pshin tatzélam 


~ not going to sleep, asleep-alike appearing would be. At midnight 


Lamé-ish kaktansha; Skélamtch skishksho’lank pi tchkash kako’dsha 


the Thunders went to sleep; Old Marten awakening then weut over 


Lémé-ishamksh, hihashlitchtanka lik Lemé-isham, té’kish shash huhashli’- 


to Thunders’ place, tied together the hair of the Thunders, swords to them handed over 


amna; heshamkanko’ta: “Skélam tapia gén luelat”. Tchii Skélamtch 


to each ; they ordered each other: **Marten’s gounger him kill ye”. Thien Old Marten 
rot her, 


gékantei Ki-utchi’shash tpii’wa; tehai Ka’-utchish géka, wewéka m’na 


to go out Gray Wolf ordered ; Wolf went out, children his 


i‘ka. Skélamtch shnélya Lémé- ee latchash, tg4-ulank walya hfi’kén- 


took ont. Old Marten set on fire of the Thunders the lodge, (and) pending on he waited to rush 
ts top 


8 


9 


12 


15 


18 


21 


12 


114 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS 


uksht Lémé-ishash; shtéyakélakpa tgati’dnank; mi tchi’k nitisht szi’sh- 


out the Thunders; he hearkened standing outside; strongly at last a (the awoke 
fire) blazed, 
kshola Lemé-ish. Huhashtépka téki’shtka; “Skélam tépia gon ielat”! 
the Thunders. They stabbed each with the long “Marten’s yomneen him killye”! 
other blades; rother, 


patak huhashtapkuak. 


they stabbed each other only. 


Tehti nanuk ni/natank tehfi’‘ka; mbAwa stefnash nt/dshnuk. Ské- 
Then all by blazing up perished ; exploded (one) heart while flying off. Old 


lamtch wa’hlyank wi-ulal4péle stefnash 10 ‘lukshtat; pii’n na’sh mbéwa. 


Marten looking on struck (one) heart in the fire; again one exploded. 


Ski‘lamtch wi-ulalapéle ; pii’n na/sh mbéwa, pi’n wi-ulal4péle Skélamtch. 


Old Marten struck again; and another burst, again (when) struck Old Marten, 
one 


Tchashgayak himéye: ‘“Skélamtch! nf’ tehkash na’sh wi-ulalek!” tehti 


Little Weasel said: “Old Marten! I also one will strike!” then 
pi’n mbawa na‘sh. Tchti Tchashgdyak kéhhian, tehii stefnash hi’k nu- 


again burst one, (But) Weaslet missed, ~ and heart that went 
walya; Wékweks shi’ waltktcha Tchi’kaksh ti’la, shli’shlakshga shualzdta. 
to the sky; Magpie flew after it Blackbird with, and picked (it) to Pisces! while it flew. 
Shkélamtch hiiméye: “kdé-i i tué shayuaksh kiudpka, hi’nshak i pshe- 
Old Marten said; “nothing you good for will be, in vain you 
utuashash shnult’kuapkak.” 
people will frighten aes ” 
Tchti Skélamtch shnélya Lémé-ish titsk4-aksh. 
Then Old Marten burnt Thunders the Old. 
NOTES. 


This relation of the myths is more circumstantial than the corresponding one 
obtained from Dave Hill, which omits some of their characteristic features. We have 
here an interesting and probably the most popular part of the whole cycle of marten- 
myths known to the Klamath Lake people; the above is not a single myth, but a series 
of myths, some of them thrown together in a rather loose connection. _ What connects 
them allis the fact that Weaslet is the constant companion of his older and more saga- 
cious brother Old Marten, who combines the qualities of Reineke Fox with that of an 
elementary power of irresistible force (shkaini). The Skélamtch myths present them- 
selves in the following order: 

. Selection of the one-eyed females as wives. 

. The children of the two brothers destroy each other. 

. The fathers cremate their children’s bodies. 

. The Winds are exterminated by Skélamtch. 

. Skélamtch hides a woman before one of the five Thunders. 

Skélamtch enters the lodge of the Thunders; the hat on his head acts as a spell 
and prevents them trom entering it. 

7. Old Gray Wolf, Marten, Weasel and the five Thunders are feasting on human 
flesh in the lodge of the Thunders. 

8. Skélamtch sets the lodges of the five Thunders and of the two Old Thunders 
ov five and kills the inmates. 


oF &® be 


> 


ra 


MYTHIC TALE OF OLD MARTEN. 115 


109, 1. shkii/shgatkaltk. A verbal adjective of shk4tkéla, to carry on back; ka, 
ka is the radical syllable, found also in kié/mat, back. This distributive form is appar- 
ently due to vocalic dissimilation. Women carry conical baskets (ydki) on their backs 
when digging roots or bulbs, and throw them over their shoulders into these recep- 
tacles. 

109, 2. 6. 8. Skélamtch. See Dave Hill’s relation of the same myth; Note to 107, 3. 
In speaking of somebody who acts on the sly, and differently from what he professes 
and means to do, the Klamath Lake people will say: “He acts like Skélamtch.” This 
is one of the few proverbial locutions, or at least figurative modes of speech that can 
be traced in this tribe. 

109, 3. kmii/ is the rounded light cap usually worn by females, fitting tight to the 
skull. It is made of the stalks of aquatic plants, several species of them entering into 
the manufacture of each cap. The taking away of the skull-caps was intended as a 
signal for the women to go to their new homes. 

109, 6. tata. The words of reprehension addressed by Old Marten to Weaslet are: 
“ Did I ever order you to bring the caps of any other than of both the one-eyed women? 
I told you to get the caps of both one-eyed women only.” Lapuk belongs to shtchish- 
yApkam, though separated from it by the inversion of the sentence ; kma/ is left out. 

109, 6. shtchishy4pkam. The distributive form of shtchi’za is so difficult to 
articulate, that abbreviations of it like the above and others, have resulted. Shtchtza 
is evidently the medial form of tchéza, and its meaning is therefore “to suffer destruc- 
tion on oneself.” Of. shtchtiyampka. 

109, 10. ni #/pkatki. After i/pkatki supply gi: “said, told.” 

109, 11. The text forgets to mention the calling in of the two one-eyed women. 

109, 12. Shi’hank-shitk. In many mythic stories the newly-born children are 
made to grow miraculously fast, so that when a few days old they handle bow and 
arrows, and after a month or two they are adult people. 

109, 13. ntéyiila, to make a bow or bows (nté-ish), nteyakala, to make little bows 
(ntey4ga), nteyakalia or nteyakaliya, to make little bows for somebody. 

109, 13. tinak, son, is variously pronounced t/nak, vinaka, winak; and so is its 
diminutive Gnakag, Ginakaga, vinakak, little son, “sonny”. 

109, 15. hishla has two meanings, both reciprocal: to shoot at each other, and to 
shoot at the mark, rivalling to outdo each other in markmanship. Cf. 24, 17. 

109, 15. Léwatkuk for léwatko hik: they, after having played; participle of léwa 
to play. 

110, 1. haishitankapksh ete. ‘This was an approaching himself on the sly towards 
me” is the literal rendering of this sentence, in which the first term is a nomen 
actionis, a verbal indefinite. The two pronouns are governed by it. 

110, 3. mish shli/shtka gi/uapk, if he should want to shoot you; if he should shoot 
at you purposely. 

110, 4. Shayuakta, “he knew.” Omniscience and prescience are among the cha- 
racteristic features of Old Marten, who is the personification of K’mukamtch. Cf. 107, 
1. 3. 14. 108, 5. and Note to 107, 3. 

110, 6. hatkalpéli, to rise up suddenly, to jump up again (though killed before- 
hand). Cf. 108, 2. 

110, 11. “shni/ulatchgankan hi/n gi.” Marten’s son said, that his arrow, when 


116 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


dispatched after a chipmunk, struck a log or tree, glanced off from it and came very 
near killing Weasel’s little son. 

110, 11. 21. guhashktcha instead of guhudshktcha, ef. Dictionary. 

110, 17. va’sho, breast, chest, is also pronounced wi’shu, f’shu; fi/shutala, in the 
chest. ’leklyatko is the distributive plural of KlekAtko ; k’léka, to die. 

110, 18. ma/nshaktch, so long; stands for ma/ntchak tehi. The terminal -ak has 
to be taken here and in 110, 14. in the sense of the diminutive suffix: “a little long”. 

110, 19. kii’la to do or act in the sense of amusing oneself, playing, gesticulating, 
or acting in a loud, noisy, or grotesque manner. 

111, 1. tinepanti. The partitive case in -ti, if it stands for tinepanta, is used 
here, because the bags of neckwear brought by Skélamtch were counted on the digits 
of one hand, while those of Weasel were counted on the fingers of the other. 

111, 5. wewilina. Beads were left over to Old Marten, because he had brought 
more than five sacks full to the tchpina or family burying ground, emptying only five 
sacks on the child’s pyre. This was a fabulously extravagant expenditure, the beads 
standing high in price and the sacks or willishik being rated at more than one bushel 
each. 

111, 4. Ma/sh and Yamsh, syncopated from Mii/ash and Yamash. 

111, 9. eiyishtok Mi’shash. The South Wind had put his head out; that is, a 
south wind had been blowing when Little Weasel died and hence was supposed to be 
the real cause of his death. 

111, 12. Lémé-ishash. From the following it appears, that the five Thunders re- 
present more the flash of the lightning (Iuepalsh) than the roll of the thunder. There 
are many of them, because the thunder, when rolling over mountains and valleys, often 
increases again in loudness after having almost died out, and five is the often recur- 
ring “sacred” number of the Oregonian and other Northwestern Indians. The radix 
of lémé-ish is lam, which indicates a cireular, whirling motion. The five Thunders are 
brothers, living in a winter-lodge or earth-house: Lémé-isham tchi/sh, thought to be 
a dark cave; their parents, the two Old Thunders, live in a kayata or low, small hut 
covered with bulrush mats. The short episode 111, 12-17 does not refer to ali the 
five Thunders, but only to one of their number. 

111, 15. ti’tash is the long white marine shell, known as dentalium; it is one ot 
the most common Indian body-ornaments. The white resin flowing out of pine-trees 
seems to be symbolized in this myth by the dentalium-shell. 

111, 14. wak ish shiti, for wak shita i nish: “somehow do (something) for me.” 

111, 20. In wa/shin are combined two locative particles: 7 and n (for na). 

111, 22. maklaks ti’/m (for ti’ma). The Thunders brought home as food many 
human beings struck by lightning. 

112, 1. wantinga, the distributive plural of t/nak ; explained in the Dictionary. 

112, 1. wennini a tua gatpa ete. Here and throughout this paragraph tua means 
‘some kind of.” 

112, 2.3. shkaini combines the meaning of strong with that of bad or mischievous, 
and answers to our demoniac ; shkainiak or shkainihak stands for our comparative: 
stronger. The -tch, -s, -sh appended is an abbreviation of teha, now, and shkayent 
stands for shkaini at. 

112, 3. Gékansha. Old Marten bad entered the solid -‘earth-house” of the Thun- 


MYTHIC TALE OF OLD MARTEN. 117 


ders, while the Thunders stopped in the small kayata which was the abode of their 
parents. To enter such an earth-lodge a high ladder called ga-ulalkish must be climbed 
on the outside, and another ladder, as long or longer than the other (wakish) leads into 
the interior Piitchd/le na/shak, pépiitchle (for pépiatchdle) lapok wakish: “he had 
stepped once”, “twice” down on the inside ladder; that is, he had made one step, 
two steps on it commencing from the top. Each one of the Thunders, when trying to 
penetrate into their own lodge, gets a little further down than the previous one, but 
all are driven out by the chilling, powerful spell of Skélamtch’s headdress. 

112, 7. gilipélank. The second of the Thunders, frightened at the ill-success of 
his experiment, retired again to the low hut or kayata, where the other Thunders were 
and where their parents dwelt. This word has two accents on account of shash being 
enclitie; ef. 111, 2. 112, 13. 113, 9. 

112, 8. Tatyélamni refers in this connection to the relative age of the brothers: 
‘sthe third in age of the five Thunders.” 

112, 9. gekanshéné/nk: for gékanshna hi/nk. Cf. 118, 12. ktanshan nanui szol- 
7otak, for: kt4énshna nanui shyolz6ta ak. 

112, 9. gi’tyitkt, a contraction of gi tkitko at. 

112, 11. 12. “Ya! ati’ a na/Ish winni/yitk tua/ki.”. This was said by all the five 
Thunders simultaneously and wnisono. In tua’ ki, 4 is altered into 4’, almost 6. The 
inserted particle ha, i “in the distance, out there, over there” seems to have pro- 
duced this change. 

112, 15. lilhankshti i/tpa “he brought some venison,” a phrase corresponding 
exactly to the French: “il apporta du gibier”; both nouns standing in the partitive 
case. These partitives are governed by another noun in 118, 6 (maklaksti) and 118, 7. 

112, 21. pielhi’: they threw the dead Indians down into the lodge from its roof. 
The suffix -l- indicates a downward direction, like -ila, -kuéla etc., and occurs also in 
112, 17, hii/méle, to speak in a downward direction, to shout to somebody standing 
below. The suffix -hi means down to the ground, or on the ground, earth, soil, 
and since the lodge-floor is the soil itself, it also means “into, or in the lodge or 
wigwam”. 

113, 2. iwa sha tehti. They put into the bucket the bodies of the dead Indians to 
stew or boil them up. 

113, 2. Nékshtak etc. The gray wolf, the marten and the weasel all being carni- 
vores, there is nothing extraordinary in the fact that mythic fiction lets them partici- 
pate in a meal consisting of human flesh. 

113, 3. hashpa shash. Shash stands for maklaksash, the dead Indians. 

113, 8. nanuk wi’ta. Marten ate up all the human flesh which he had taken out 
of the kala. 

113, 8. shéwanank. The verb shéwana refers to a plurality of objects, the objects 
being sometimes expressed by a collective noun, as here (tchulé’ksh). 

113, 9. Ké-udshidémtchkash stands for Ké-udshiamtch tchkash; nt/kla is to roast 
on coals; tchulé’ks is here venison meat. 

118, 13. ka-uloktantktam’na. The verbal suffix -tém’na, which marks an action 
often repeated, or continued for a long time, is not here, as usually, appended to the 

’ simple form of the verb, but to its derivative in -tka. 
113, 14. Tchékag. The blackbird has yellow eyes shining bright in the darkness, 


12 


118 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


and on that account the myth makes it watehful at night. This is another bird- 
species than the Merula, known in Great Britain as blackbird. 

114, 3. huhashtépkuak. They suspected each other of the trick, by which they 
had been tied together by the hair when in danger of being consumed by the raging 
flames, and in revenge stabbed each other. Huhashtapkuak is vocalic dissimilation for 
huhashtapka ak; ef. shiwékuash, 80, 11. 

114, 8. ka’hhian. Weaslet missed the heart in the fire when striking at it. 

114, 10. shayuaksh: “You will not be able, or not be powerful enough, to do mis- 
chief.” The last heart that flew up is a meteor going through the skies, while the four 
other hearts indicate successive thunder-claps. When a meteor is seen flying west, 
the tribes of the Columbia River will say: “‘That’s a deceased big man’s heart going 
to the Great Sea.” Cf. Note to 41, 7. 


SHASHAPAMTCHAM T'CHEWAMTCHAM TCHISH SHASHAPKELFASH. 


THE MYTH OF THE BEAR AND THE ANTELOPE. 


GIvEN BY MINNIE FROBEN IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


Shéshapamtch Tchéwamtch tila tchia. Shdshapamtch lapa wewéash 


Old Grizzly Old Antelope with _ lived. Old She-Grizzly two children 
gitko, Tchéwamtch tchish lapa wewéash gitko. Mbi’shant undk sha géna 


had, She-Antelope also two children had. One morning early they went 


mé-idshuk kii’sh, kléwidshnank n’ndlam wewéash tehi’shyéni. Tchii Tché- 
to dig ipo-roots, leaving their children at home. And Old 

wamtch shtagi m’na ya'ki la/piak Shdshapamtchash kayutch tud kii’sh 

Antelope filled her seed-basket sooner than She-Grizzly (not) yet any ipo 


mé-isht. Shdéshapamtch ht/‘nk shpé-ukitchna; tchtti sha gé’mbéle tchi’shtal. 


bad dug. Old Grizzly (them) kept on eating up; then they returned homewards. 
Pii/n sha mbfi’shant géna mé-idshuk ki’sh; tehii pii’n li’piak Tché- 


Again they next day went out to dig ipo; and again sooner Old 
wamtch yi’/ki shtagi, Li’kamtch gi‘nka méya; pin sha gi’mpéle. Gat- 
Antelope (her) basket filled, Old Grizzly - little dug; again they returned (home). After 
pampélank sha kash shéshuan’ a m’ndlam wewéka. Techti sha li’lalyank 


return they the ipo each gave to their children. And they when going to 
be 


shtiili’ m’n4lam wew¢éka; Shashapamtch né-asht shtdli’ m’na wew¢ka: ‘“ka-i 


left orders to their children ; Old Grizzly thus enjoined to her eubs: “not 


at shuh@lule-uapk l4tchashtat: stefnash ma‘Ish ndi’-ushkuapk! ké-i a’t- 


ye shall skip down from the lodge: the hearts toye would get loose! not ye 
shampatiazié-uapk: hd’walakuapk a’t dnkutat; ké-i a’‘t shiki’kiuapk 
shall jamp over the logs: would run against ye (some) sticks; not ye shall dive 
4mbutat: pd’tank a’t k’lii’kuapk.” 
under the smothering ye might die.” 


water: 


MYTH OF THE BEAR AND THE ANTELOPE. 119 


Tchtii pi’n Shashapamtch mbi’shant Tchéwamtchash tila géna mé- 


Then again Old Grizzly next morning Old Antelope with hee to 


idshuk. Tchéwamtch li’piak shtagi, Shashapamtchash gi’nk mé-ishi kii’sh; 


dig roots. Old Antelope sooner filled Old Grizzly alittle having dug ipo- Page: 
(the basket), 


tchii Shashapamtch gildshui Tehéwash. Vila: “gi’tash ni’ Sh ki’pga 


then Old Grizzly went to meet Antelope. She begged: “lice bite 


nish; kuatchdki wé ish!” Tchéwamtch heméyze: <dniehek ni mi’sh 


on the bite in the hair _ for me!” Old Antelope said: “a while from I you 
head; awhile now 


gii’tchaluapk tehi'shyen tche’k gitpampélank.” Pén Shashapamtch shatéla: 


will bite, homeward when (we) have returned.” Again Old Grizzly declared: 


“killank i’sh gf’tash kuatchaki!” Tchui mantch-gitk Tchéwamtch kua- 


“very hard me the lice bite in the hair!” And after a while Old Antelope bit into 


tchaga Shashapamtchash. Pi’n pi tchkash kuatchdgash haméni Tché- 


the fur Old She-Grizzly. Then she also to bite the baie wanted to Old 


wamtchash. T'chéwamtch heméze: ‘ki’gi ntish giitash.” Tchti Shashap- 
Antelope. Old Antelope said: ‘none are to me lice.” And Old Grizzly 


amtch ka’sh tehakiank kudtchaguk pa’kpuka, tchti kowdktcha ni‘sh, Tché- 


ipo-roots putting in mouth biting cracked, then bit through (her) none the 


wash shiuga humasht-gi/nk, tehti ktetéga nanuk. Tehti hink naénuk 
Antelope killed in this manner, then ent (ber) up wholly. And all the 


ki‘sh Tchéwamtcham i’kuga m’natant ya’kitat, tchdléksh p’lé’ntant ipénée’yi. 


ipos of Old Antelope placed into her basket, the meat on the top she placed. 


Hink toksh nanuk igga-idsha, tcht’léksh gi'lit tchi’sh laggd-idsha, kinkag 


Those but all she stuck on a pole, the meat tie anus too ehe hung onaastick, asmall 
portion 


tcha’‘leks émpéle tchi’shtal, techiyunk m’na wewékash shewdna. Tchéwam 
of the meat —_ she took home, and it to her children gaye. Antelope’s 


tchish wewékash tchiléya tcha’léks. Tapinkani heméze: ‘“pgi’sham-shitko 
also to the children she gave meat. The younger said: “‘to mother alike 
toksh ndlam eee tyéwag hik kti-udshna: ‘“‘tehi’tchiks! ké-i nd-asht 


but our it tastes ” ; the elder (it) pushed: “be silent! not 50 


gi!” Techila’lya sha tehuileks mbishant tehé’k pa-uapkuk. Shashapamtch 


say!” Saved they the meat next day until to eat. Old Grizzly 
himéze: ‘“ti’hak toks nég makléya, ti’m né’gsh p’gi’sha mdlam maklaks 


said: ““where (ahs) passed the night, much ahecnt to mother yours the Indians 


tchaléks shéwana, nii’sh toks sha gi/nkak shéwana. Mbif’shant pé’n ni 


meat gave, to me but they a little only gave. To-morrow again I 


génuapk né’gsh malam p’gi’sha haitchnuk.” Hi’nk tchi’sh shash shapfya 


shall go absent for your ciouiee to look out.’ Also to them she said 


na-asht: “hit malam p’gi’shap maklézuk shi’dsha, killi’t hiink laggdyapksh, 
thus: “there your mother for passing the builtafire, the anus suspending, 
night 


shi‘dshash htinkidmsham, p’gi’sha;” gishdpa, piin fiinak guhudshktcha 


while vad a camp- these (Indians), mother ;” said so, (and) again early she started out 
re 


i’ktchuk tehii'léks. 


to fetch the meat. 


Techui wiwalag vitla shashdshapkash: ‘“shuhfiluléna nat?” Shasha- 


Now the young asked the grizzly-eubs: “shall skip down from we?” The bear- 
antelopes the house 


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21 


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120 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


pei’ 


shapka heméze: “p’gi’shap ndlam ka-i shanahile ndlsh shuhfluléatki giug, 


cubs sa P, ee aae our not wants us to go and skip down, 


pala nalsh EMGEpaee ” Wilag pe’n viilé shash: “haggdt nat shampa- 


the liver us to have hurt.” “A young again asked them: “Jook here! we will jamp 
antelope 


tiayiéna!” Shashashapka heméze: “nalam p’gi’shap kai -i shanahdle ndlsh 


over logs!" The cubs said: “our mother no wants us 


shampatiayiéatgi, hialakuapksht ndlsh 4nkutat.” Pé/n aie vila: “hdg- 


to jump over logs, to run against us tree-limbs,.” Again a Sones asked: “look 
antelope 


gat nat shiki’yiena!” Li’kag hiiméze: ‘ ‘nélam p’gishap kari shanaho’le 


here! us let dive!” A cub said: mother no’ wants 
nalsh shikizieétki dmbutat; pd’tank ndlsh i iekuépksht : Wwithé dg vila 
us to plunge in the water; smothering us to expire. The young asked 
autelopes 
penak: “haiggat néd lepleputii’na.” Lukaég heméze: “nen naélam p gishap 
only once “look here! us let play ‘‘smoke out.” The c1 ra said: ur mother 
more; 
ka-i nalsh shapi piya; tchd-u hatak nad lii’una hi/masht!” 
“not presently here we _will play thus!” 


(anon this) ; 


Tchti wiwalag mili wétli ldtchashtat, tsi 1f/pi guli’, tehvi shashd- 


And the young rotten threw into the lodge, and first ae ine) and the bear- 
antelopes wood 


shapka vutatchkia. Wiwalag na- -asht gi: “palakag a’t hutdtchkiuluapk!” 


oubs put the cover on. The young said: “pretty soon you must open again!” 
antélopes 


“7”, a li'lyag; tehti wiwalag “lepleputeéa, lepleputéa, lepleputéa....... 
"yes," (said) the cubs; then the young cried: ‘two staoke in, two smoke out, twosmokein ....... 
antelopes 


puta’, puta’, a’, a.” Tchui lf’lyag kaishnéla, wiwalag ti’shkampéle; pén 


smother, smother, 6, oO!” Then the Aa opened up, the canes went out; then 
antelopes 


lilyag tehkash gili’: “pdlakag a’t kaishnd@’luapk.” Tehui Ii/lyag “lep- 
the cubs also went down: ‘pretty soon ye must uncover.” Anl the cubs cried: 
leputéa: pudsha, puta’-a.” Pén wiwalag vu'léliank: “lepleputé leplepaté 


“smoke in: smother, smother.” Again the eens went into: “two smoke out, two swoke in 
antelopes 


towaet puta’, puta’a’”; lilyag kaishndla, tehvii wiwalag ti’shkampéle, lulyag 
eal smoke, smoke”’; the cubes uncovered, aud the eutelonen came out, the cubs 
thks ash vwiléli: “lepleputé, lepleputdé .... . puta’, puta’.” Wiwa’hlag ké-i 


also ran into: “two smoke in, twosmokein .. . .. smother, smother.” The young ante- not 
lopes 


kaishnili’at li/lyagsh; tchtizasht tché’k kaishni’la. Tchti i/kampélank 


would uncover for the cubs; after their death then they uncovered. Then taking out 


lilkagsh k’li’pki i’pya télishtat; tyéwaksh dnkutka shf’m tdkuank shnat- 


the ae “Ted paint they lined in (their) tata to the elder with a gag the snout gagging they raised 


kual latchashtat, tapinikéyentch tchish 4nkutka tékuank shi’m ga-ul(]- 


(it) ap on the lodge-top, the younger too with a prop gagging the mouth on lodge- 


kishtala shndtkual. Tehti sha shné-ilakshtala gutéktcha, nanuktudlash 


ladder they fastened. And they to the fire-pl. ce went in, to every article 


sha shtuli’dsha ki-i shaptki giug Luikash gitpampélisht; wakash pi’l sha 
they enjoined not to report (to) the G Grizzly having returned; the bone-awl alone they 
yamtki Aggaipksh. 
forgot —_as it stuck in the 
ceiling. 


MYTH OF THE BEAR AND THE ANTELOPE. 121 


Tchii ma/ntch-gitk Shdshapamtch gdétpampélank shatalidyapkuga; 


Then after a while Old Grizzly returned, looking ahead of herself; 
shawigank k’lepgi’ kekewélaksht shash heméze: “hin ak sha gé-u k’lépgi 
angried red paint at their having wasted ske said: “they my red paint 
kekéwelya, pshe-utfwashash g¢-u anuli’pkitch”! Tehti wikatant galtcha- 
have wasted, from the Indians I which filched”’! Then nearer approack- 
wiank shléa li/lyag tehi’kapksh léggtita hiiméze: “at ni’sh tataksni Tché- 
ing she saw- the cubs to be dead (and) sobbing — she said: “now me the children of Old 
wamtcham ne-ulaktampka!”  Tehti wiwélaaksh hamdasha: ‘tat at 
Antelope have punished!” And the young antelopes she called: “where ye 
tatakshni gi?” -tsii tataksni vudlya Shdshapamtchash: ‘“gi’n at a nad 
children are?” and the children replied to Old Grizzly : “right here we 


wawatawa ktchdlyishtat.”. Shashapamtch hokansha té’sh hai at tataksni 


are sitting in the sunshine.” Old Grizzly rap out to where now the children 


wawatawa. Pin tdtakshni washital hiiméye vudlyuk Shéshapamtchash; 


were sitting. Again the children towards the spoke in reply to Old Grizzly; 
mud-house 


pin Shdshapamtch hulhi’péle: ‘‘tatatataksni!” Pén wiwalag kani gidnk 
again Old Grizzly ran into it: “children!” Again Che yvonne out doors being 
z antelopes 


walya Shashapamtchash: “gin at a nat kétni léwa; Iéshma ai i’ nalsh.” 


replied to Old Grizzly: “here we out-doors play; not find you us.” 


Pén Shashapamtch hdékansha. 


Again Old Grizzly ran out (of the 
house). 


Tehti hi’k mantch-gitk m’natak shékta shapfya: “gent’l a hi’k und 

Then some time after her bone-awl said: “went away long 

ago 

tatakshni, kakiash li’sh i ké-iga.” Tchtti Shdshapamtch vila: ‘“‘td’shtal 
? — foo) p 

the children, whom you look out for.’ And Old Grizzly asked: ‘“which way 

haftch sha géna?” Tchiii shakta shapiya Shashapamtchash: “gi’tal a 

then they travelled?” And the awl told Old Grizzly: “ through here 

sha gutéktcha, gén Igi’m sha shdlgidsha gutekui’shtala. Tchti Shasha- 

they crawled, here coals they placed opening against. Then Old 

pamtch hataktal kitéguk tchuktyakinka; késhguk gutéksh. Tchii guté- 


Grizzly through it to crawl in attempted; could not she crawl in Finally getting 


gank géna 4mnadsha: “mili mili te-utéwa, mili mit‘li_ te-utéwa,” 


in she went crying on ber way: ‘‘rotten wood rotten wood breaks easy, rotten wood rotten wood breaks through,” 
gentita shudktcha na-asht hi’k Shdshapamtch; pén heméze: ‘“‘tish gint 
walkiug wept so Old Grizzly ; then she said: “where 
malash ni géntak shléta tatakiash?” hémkankatchna génuk. 
ye I amgoingto find the children?” she said repeatedly while walking. 
Tchti wiwalaksh pinf/dsha mdkléyapksh k@’métat; mt’ shidshank 
Then the young antelopes she overtook while they camped in a cave; building a large fire 

ski/lya. At titaksni shémtchalya Shdshapamtchash pinéddshasht m’nalsh; 
she lay down. Now thechildren became aware, (that) Old Grizzly had overtaken them; 


tyéwag tapi‘nkayentch wil’hdgsh skishtla; “at a na’Ish hi’ktakag pini’dsha; 


the elder the younger antelope woke up; “now us ‘she’ caught up with; 


skishtli!” hémta m’na tdpia. Techti szishtila hi’ktag. Shashapamtch 


wake np!” it said toits younger. And woke up this little one. Old Grizzly 


12 


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21 


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122 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


kténa kshéluyank 1flukshtat. “‘Mbii‘shant techék mdlsh n@i tatakiash shaké- 


wens to lying near the fire. “ To-morrow atlast withye I children will play 
sleep 
miyuapk pshépsha li’Ipatka tehék”; tchti né-asht gfulank ski/lyank 
a game in day-time, seeing sharp then”; and 80 speaking (and) lying down 
kténdsha. Tehti wi’wal’hag ktdnhuish shittiyakiéa 4nkutka; tamd/dsh 
she got asleep. Then the young antelopes the sleeping one bombarded with sticks; whether 
ktandshi shéwuk shutuyakiéa. Tchii sha ké-i shi’ktgisht ti’shkansha 
she was asleep trying, they threw (them). And they not she moving about ran out of 
ki’métat, ti’shtchna sha palakmdlank; véi‘shuk Shashapamtchash m/’nélsh 
the cave, ran away they at a quick pace; afraid (that) Old Grizzly them 
pinéddshuapksht Shti’kamtchash sha haméktpka, kt’tagsh stti/kapksh galali- 
might overtake Old Crane they hallooed at, minnow-fish gigging _ skirting the 


nota: ‘“nki/llank nalsh, kikui, sko’tki, hf’ktakag ndlsh kpf/dshapka pi’nod- 


water: “very fast us, uncle, cross Over, ‘she’ is chasing (and) will 


shuapk nalsh at” chi Shii’kamtch ski’tya shash; wiwalag hiishégsha 


overtake us now.” And Old Crane crossed over them; the young explained 
antelopes 
Shi’kshash. Tchti Shi’kamtch pniutakta shash shldlushtat, ka-ukawé 
to Ola Crane. Then Old Crane blew them into a whistle stick, (and) rattled 
sha latchashtat agg4yank shi’namshtnuk. Wiuldgalam shapiyash Tché- 
they in the lodge being hung up for fear. eT ante- uponthemessage (that) Old 
opes 


washash shitgsht Shdshapamtchash, Shi’/kamtch ndshenshkdni_ tehish 
Antelope was killed by Old Grizzly, Old Crane the young ones too 


shuashudktcha. Shi’kamtch shudktcha: ‘“¢-ush tehiwd, é-ush tchiwd!” 


wept. Old Crano wept (crying): “lake water, lake water!” 


Ndshenshkani tehish shuashudkteh: “é-ush tehi/techt tehi’teha.” 


The young (cranes) also wept: “lake wa- wa- wa-ter.”” 


At ha’k tehti Shashapamtch mantch-gitk szish@/lank té’lhi kfi’métat: 
Now then Old Grizzly after a time awakening looked in the cave: 
“ga tua nink tatikiash shakemiyuapk pshépsha lf/lpatka; d/nagin shash 
“rather hard myself with the children Ishall playa game in the day-time when able to see; long ago, after they 
génuish ti’toks ht’ksha gatpa Shi’kamtchamksh.” Tchti pén guhud- 
left (the cave), out there they reached to Old Crane's home.” Then started 
shktcha Shashapamtch haftchnuk wiwalagsh; kuefsh sham haftchna. 
out Old Grizzly to follow the young antelopes; thetracks of them she followed. 
Gatyapshank kékétat vila Sht’/kamtchash: “tim tatdékiash shlé’sht?” 
Reaching tothe river she asked Old Crane: “if the children he had seen?” 
Shi’kamtch himéze: “ké-i nf shlid tatakiash.”. Gé a kuéntzapsha titakiam 
Old Crane said: “not I saw the children.” Here (were) the out-going of the children 
tracks 
gityapshuish; hi’mtchna nd-asht Shdshapamtch: ‘“aishiug tai/dsh i shdsh 
having reached (there) ; hallooed so Old Grizzly: “to conceal then you them 
nen; ki’llank ish szf’tki!” Shi’kamtch hiiméye: “kiigi gé-u vi’nsh”; pin 
(want) ; quickly me set over!” Old Crane said; “Noneis tome canoe”; again 
Shashapamtch: ‘“kfllank sk@tgi ish! kfllank i/sh ski’tki!” Tehti manteh-gitk 
(said) Old Grizzly : * quickly cross. = me! fast me set over!" And after a while 


Sht’kamtch spii’kua m’na tehti’ksh, méksha néklank (kii/liak hf’nk vfi/nsh 


Old Crane spread ont his legs, askull-cap carrying (on leg) (withont (he) canoe 


MYTH OF THE BEAR AND THE ANTELOPE. 123 


gfug) tchi’kshtka shyt’tka. Shdéshapamtch gélapka tchii’kshtat; tatyé- 


being) on the leg he crossed (her). Old Grizzly stepped on the leg; to the 
lampani gaggitk 4mpfi pi’nua makshatka. Techii wudi’pka makshatka 
midst(ofriver) coming water she drank from the skull-cap. And she struck with the skull-cap 
Shi’ksham teht’ksh punt’lank whlitchug. Shd’kamtch shawiguk Shasha- 
Crane's leg after drinking, to sbake on (the Old Crane angried Old 
water). 


pamtchash shnindi’wa ambutat; tchti nté-ish i’ktchapéli Shi’kamtch, 
Grizzly ~ doused into the water; then a bow fetched at home Old Crane, 


ngé-ishan Shishapamtchash. Wiwalaga tchak géknank shla’lishtat, Sho’k- 


shot Old Grizzly, The young then came out of the whistle, Crane’s 
antelopes 
shim wewékalam sha hi’nk taldshitko ngé-ishan Shashapamtchash; tehiti 
ofthechildren they armed with the shot Old Grizzly ; then 
arrows, 
sha shitiga. 
they killed (her). 
NOTES. 


The myth of the Bear and the Antelope is one of the most attractive and best 
stylicized of this collection. It forms a whole mythic story by itself, and not a series 
of myths like the preceding article. The Grizzly Bear’s figure is drawn in very 
natural and characteristic outlines, and the same may be said of the other animals of 
the story. Some archaic words seem to prove that the myth has been handed down 
for many centuries to the present generation, which repeats it to the offspring with the 
same expressions as used by the parents. The archaic terms alluded to are Shdshap- 
amtch, psépsha, pshe-utiwash, kakui, tehitchii; probably also lepleputéa. 

118, 1. 7. Shashapamtch alternates in this tale with Li’/kamtch, the “Grizzly Bear 
of the Ancients,” and so does li/kaga with shashapka. -Amtch, -Amtchiksh is the 
usual attribute “old” appended to mythologic characters. In the mythologie stories of 
the Indians bear-cubs always appear two in number, the older and the younger one. 
The same may be said of the majority of the other quadrupeds; cf. the two young of 
Old Antelope, in this story, and tyéwag, 105, 9, as well as of many of the personified 
powers of nature. Cf. the term lepleputéa. 

118, 7. 119, 2. gi’nk or kinka: a little, not much; mé-ishi contains the particle i or 
hi: ‘‘on the ground”. 

119, 9. pa’/kpuka: she cracked hard ipo-roots, feigning to crack lice which she pre- 
tended to have found on the antelope’s body. Picking lice from each others’ heads 
(gatash kshikla) and eating them is a disgusting practice which travellers have 
observed among all Indians of North and South America. 

119, 10. naénuk: the whole of her body. 

119, 11. ipéné’yi: to place something into a basket or receptacle which is already 
filled to the brim. 

119, 20. 21. hit malamete. The construction is as follows: ‘‘mélam p’gi/shap hi’t 
makléyuk sht/dsha, p’gi/sha laggayépkash hi’nk killi’t, hinkiamsham shi/dshash”: 
your mother made a fire out there because she must have passed the night there, and 
because she hung up this anus on a stick, while the Indians (who gave meat to both 
of us) had a camp-fire. 


oo 


124 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


120, 2. tchishkuapsht instead of tchishkuapkasht. 

120, 10. vutatchkia is also pronounced utaétchkia, hutatchkia. Earth-lodges which 
open on the top can be closed by means of a Jarge cover placed over the smoke-hole. 

120, 11. lepleputéa or properly: leplep-putéa, “to play the smoke out game with 
two on each side,” is a compound of lapéni to in the shorter form lap, and pita to be 
smothering. Lap has changed its vowel into a shorter vowel, e, on account of removal 
of accent, and is here redoubled by iterative, not by distributive reduplieation. Cf. 
lepyléks from lap and Wléka. <A series of points after lepleputéa indicates that the 
animals repeated this word an indefinite number of times, while the others were inside 
the lodge, and while pronouncing puta’, they opened again to let them out. 

120, 17. tehtyasht tehe’k kaishni/la. Literally rendered, this means: having 
perished finally, they uncovered. The subject of tehiasht, Ii/lyagsh, has to be sup- 
plied from what precedes. The smoke of the burning rotten wood killed the cubs. 

120, 19. ga-uliIkish, from ga-uldla to go out, is the outside ladder of the In- 
dian ‘*mud-house” or winter-lodge, averaging in length from 10 to 15 feet; the inside 
ladder, wakish, is somewhat longer to reach the excavated floor. 

120, 21. The complete wording of this sentence, in which shaptki stands for 
shapatki, would be: ké-1 shaptki giug Likash, gatpampélisht ht/nksh (hi/nkiash). 

120, 22. aggaipksh, contraction of aggayapkash: aggaya to be hung up, or to be 
stuck into; said of long-shaped articles only. 

121, 3. anulipka to take away something from another’s lodge or house without 
asking for it; the suffix -ipka expressing the idea of ‘towards oneself.” Anulipkuish, 
‘““what was once abstracted from others” appears here in the contracted form anuli’/p- 
kutch; gé-u ‘*by me, through me.” 

121, 9. tatatataksni shows repetition of the two first syllables of tatéksni children, 
but at the same time means ‘“‘ where are the children?” 

121, 15. shalgidsha; the antelopes placed the coals there to secure their flight from 
the Bear; had the coals been put there by somebody else, la4kidsha would be used. 

121, 2¥. 122, 7. hi/ktakag: familiar diminutive name given to the Grizzly Bear; 
ht’ktag, 121, 23., stands for one of the young antelopes. 

122, 1.2. Mbutishant tche/k etc. The sense of this exclamatory sentence is as follows: 
“To-morrow at last I will play a sharp game with ye children, when in the day-time 
I can use my eyes to advantage.” Lulpatka is: lilpatko a; “ possessing eyes” is the 
primary signification of lalpatko, but here it means ‘enabled to make use of the eyes”. 
Cf. maikasham nt lilpatko: I see as sharp asa horned owl. The distributive form 
pshépsha, of pshé, ‘during day-time” means “any time when the sun shines bright.” 
Cf. pshéksh, noon-time. 

122, 9. This blowing of personified objects of nature into sticks ete., is a fiction of 
which we have another instance in 111, 16. 

122, 11. ndshenshkaéni. See Note to 71, 6. 7. 

122, 12. 13. tchiwa, tchi/tchu: tchi is a syllable found in many words referring to 
water and liquids, as tehiya to give water; tchiéga to overflow. This radical is no 
doubt an obsolete Klamath word for water and recalls the term teht’k “water” in 
Chinook jargon: tltsuk in Lower Chinook, t’tchuku in Clatsop; tehatik in Niutka. 
It also occurs under various forms in the Sahaptin dialects. By this lake undoubtedly 
Upper Klamath Lake is meant. Cf. tchiwa in Dictionary. 


K’MUKAMTCH, THE FIVE LYNXES AND THE ANTELOPE. 125 


122, 15. ga tua nink for ké-a tua ni giank; ké-a means here “‘ vehemently, cruelly, 
sharply”, tua: “in some way or other”. 

122, 16. shash génuish: after they had left the cave. 

122, 20. “aishing ta/dsh i shash nen”. Here nen stands for some finite verb; 
either shanaé-uli i: you want to conceal them; or for na-asht i shapiya: ‘“‘you speak so, 
in order to conceal them”. 

122, 23. spi’/kua. The spread-out legs of the Crane had to serve as a bridge to 
the Grizzly Bear, for there was no dug-out canoe at their disposal to cross the river. 

122, 23. maksha néklank. Old Crane carried on his leg a vase or skull-cap that 
belonged to a dug-out canoe, but did not possess a canoe himself. 

123, 3. wWhlitcha. Grizzly shook out the remainder of the water to let the skull-cap 
become dry. Skull-caps are used throughout as drinking vases. 

123, 6. taldshitko. This sentence has to be construed: wiwalag, sho/ksham wewa- 
kalam taldshitko, ngé-ishan, and taldshitko stands for taldshi gitko: “the young 
antelopes, armed with the arrows of the Crane’s children, shot” ete. 


K?MUKAMTCHIKSHAM SHASHAPKELEASH. 


THE MYTH OF K’MUKAMTCH, THE FIVE LYNXES AND THE 
ANTELOPE. 


OBTAINED FROM J. C. D. RIDDLE IN THE Mopoc DIALECT. 


K’mukamtchiktch hink géntko kiflatat, kiiflash shutdélan, tinep shléa 


K’mtkamtch walking earthupon, theworld having created, five he saw 


shléa ankotat wawakayapkash. Kailio skitatko K’mukdémtchigsh shpakéga 


lynxes on trees sitting. In a rabbit-blanket clad K'mukamtch tore to pieces 

pnd kaflio-skitash, hemézen: ‘‘tidshi’ fn gé-u ski’tash gitak shlt’a lue- 
his rabbit-skin robe, (and) said : ‘a good to me robe willbe the lynxes when 

léka.”  Ktai pe-uyégan shléa kai’hho'ta; nash shléa hatzidshnan hidshna. 

T kill.” Stones picking up the he missed ; one lynx jamping down rap away. 

lynxes 
Hemeézen: ‘6, ka-i tidshi skitash gi-udpka!” Pen kai’hho’ta ktayatka, 
He said: “oh! not a good mantle it will become !”’ Again he missed with a stone, 


pen nash shléa hiitzidshnan ha’dshna. K’mukémtechigsh hemézen: ‘“pé’n 


* another lynx jumping down ran off. K’mikamtch said: “again 
nash hitzidsha; at g¢-u ketchgane sktitash gi-udpka.” Ndéani shlé6a wawag- 

one skippedaway; now my small mantle will become.” The three lynxes sitting on 
gayan K’mukamtchash shushaluakta; pén ktayatka shléa ka?hha. Na’sh 


(frees) at K’mukamtch scoffed ; again with a stone the he missed. Another 
lynxes 


pen hutzidshna hidshna. K’mukémtchiksh hiiméze: ‘kémat pila nish 


one jamped down (and) ran away. K’mtkamteh said: “the back only to me 


3 


9 


126 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


fin waldshtak.” Pén ktai luyégan shléa kafhha, l4puk hfihatyfdshnan 


it will cover.” (Another) stone picking up the)lynxes he missed, both sk!pping down 
hahatchna. K’mukdémtchiksh shuaktchtampka : 
ran away. K’mikamtch erying-commenced : 
“16-1 l6yan léyak, 16-1 l6yan léyak,” 
pen kaflio ndandkalkénkan hahashtatchmayan dénkiitka kaflio p’na, pén 
again (of his) gathering the pieces he pinned together with splinters blanket his, then 
blanket 
ski’‘tan kihashedsha. 
putting it started off. 


around himself 


Wied hak génan tehé-u kimadsham patko kladshat gshi’‘kla. Kailio 


Not far kane an antelope tooth-aching on a clearing lay Mantle 
walked, 
pnd tché-u waldshan tchéwash hink idd’pka tchékéli tilktgi. Mbushaksh 
his over the spreading, the antelope he kicked to make it bloodshot. For a stone-knife 


antelope 


kayaktampka nashgiti’tna; tehé-u tapitanna hi’‘dshna; leltki hink tehui 


he began to search to skin (it) with; the antelope behind (him) ran off ; looking at it seen 
with 
hemézyen: ‘“g@é-u tehi’sh hamtchi ki.” Tehé-u K’mi’kamtchish huya- 
he said: “mine also like this is.” The antelope of K’mikamtch ran in 
edsha. K’mukémtchiksh kaflio tchéwat shleklapkash shléa, heméze: ‘“tgélz, 
front. K’ mikamtch (his) on the ante- lying perceived, (and) said: “stop, 
blanket lope 
teély!  Pshe-utiwash mish fin shushaluaktantak, kdé-idsha mish kailiu 
stop! The people you will deride, the miserable you rabbit 
Amptchiksh @é-u skitash skutapkash.” 
old my garment wrapped in,” 
NOTES. 


125, 1. kiiilash is one of the few instances where inanimate nouns assume the 
ending -sh in the objective case. This is, however, no instance of personification. Cf. 
paplishash 94, 5. Concerning the signification of kiila, cf. Note to 96, 25. 

125, 2. kailio, kailiu, rabbit skins sewed together to form a garment, mantle or 
blanket. As the name indicates, if was originally made from the fur of the kai-rabbit. 
Skiitash may be rendered here by different terms, since many Indians used their skin 
robes, in which they slept at night, as garments or cloaks during the day. 

125, 3. lueloka. The plurality of the lynxes is indicated by the verb Itela, which 
can be used only when many are killed; its singular form is shiiga. <A similar remark 
applies to pe-uyégan and to wawaggaya. Lynxes are usually spoken of in the West 
as wild cats. 

126, 5. 16-i loyan loyak is probably an interjectional and satiric variation of the 
verb lualuiya: “they make fun of me”, the distributive form of luaiza. 

126, 6. Wigd hak: only a little way. Subject of génan is K’mikamtchiksh. 

126, 11, 12. Pshe-utiwash ete. This sentence shows the following structure: The 
juman beings will laugh at you, dressed (as you are) in my miserable, good-for-nothing 
rabbit-fur robe. amtchiksh here means worn out, old, good for nothing. This word is 
phonetically transposed from Amtch gish: “old being”, “long existing”. As such it 
appears also in K’maikamtchiksh, a Modoe form for K’mikamtch. 


THE BAT, THE SKUNK, THE HOG AND THE PRAIRIE-WOLF. 127 


KrcuipsauaM, T'cuAsHaM, GUsHUAM, WASHAM SHASHAPKELEASH. 


THE STORIES OF THE BAT, THE SKUNK, THE HOG AND THE 
PRAIRIE-WOLF. 


OBTAINED From J. C. D. RIDDLE IN THE Mopoc DIALECT. 


1 
Ktchi’dsho nak skaélaps shilti‘latko tchawal ktayat. Mo-éwe hink 
A bat early a hat holding under its sat on a rock. A mole 
arm 


hitapénan; mo-dwe hfink heméze: “hdgga mi skalaps  shlé-i-ek”- 
ran past; the mole (to it) said: “well, your hat let see’’. 

Ktchi‘dsho vila: “kdé-i nti shand-uli szalaps  shld-etki”—“ Hagea ta 3 
The bat replied : “not I want the hat to show (you).” “Well, 


shlé-ek”. Ktchidsho heméze: ‘‘k4-i teche na mish nen.”—Mo-déwe ktchi- 


show it”. The bat said: “not I you as you The mole on the 
say.” 


dshuash hii‘tnan skdlapsh la’tya; la’tyan kawakdéga, tehui wa’shtat hu’lhe. 


bat leaping the hat took away ; having ripped (it) with then into a den ran. 
taken (it) its teeth, 


Ktchi'dsho hiink Anko tim shit'lagian, tehui wa’shtat yankapshtian wi-uka. 6 


The bat wood much gathered, thereupon the den putting (it) before blew on the 
smoke. 


Mi’-te pii’tan haikansha, pen nayanta wa’shtat hi’lhe. Ktchi’dsho tehti 


The mole smothering Tan out, and another into a hole ran. The bat then 


késhga hushakish. 


could not drive it out. 


Il. 


Tehdshash ti’ma watchaltko na’sh waita nanuk watch ktchinkshtat 9 


A skunk many horses-owning one day all horses into an inclosure 


ni-file. Nash tcha’shish tchékish nkéwatko gitpa. TchdshashJiki nanuk 


drove. Another skunk (with) a leg cut off arrived. The skunk-owner all 


pna watch ni-uknan shtutka nf-udshna kike yulalina, kiketat tehui niwa. 


his own horses driving out on the road drove (them) @ river alongside, into theriver then drove 
(them). 


Nanuk watch tchla‘lya, pitakmani. 12 


All horses were drowned, itself too. 


90M 
K-ukshikni Mo’dokni Iéla ké-idsha ski’ksh gii‘shitat washtat tchish 


ahs emath (and) Modocs believe a wicked spirit in the hog, in the coyote also 
akes 


wénkogsht. ‘Tatitaks et’shu nanuk mini é-ushtat gé-upgan wéngga, 
to reside, That time, when hogs all into the sea running perished, 


128 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


na’shak ptishpt’shli gi’shi kshi’ta, tanktchik hfink gi’shuash ké-idshi 


one only black hog escaped, that time into hogs a wicked 
shkt’ksh gatkta. a-i tadshitoksh hi maékliksh pupashpi’shlish gfi’sht 
spirit entered. Not therefore the Indians black hogs 
luela. 
kill. 
IV. 

Tina maklaks wash shléan shitkash shandhuli, shki’ks washash yu- 

Once aModocman acoyote finding to kill (it) wanted, a demon the coyote in- 
hiéna gi’sht Idlan ; wash padshayamat gakaydpkan kii’kin. Pélakag m@’ni 
side tobe thinking; the coyote into a manzanita- entering disappeared. Suddenly a large 

thicket 

wittim ktchikayt’la. Késhga kani htink witii’m shitkash, shtiiishtat gat- 
brown bear came ont of it. Could not anybody (this) brown bear kill, a (gopher’s) den en- 
pumnan at ki’kin Nadnka gakankénkish shishala. 
I = g 
tering he disappeared, Several hunters became sick. 

Tina maklaksh ti’ma wash shléa kshidlyApkash wigatan tehish; tcha- 

Once an Indian many coyotes saw dancing near (bis) camp; he be- 
wika ma‘ntch shle-iga. Tanktchi/kni ké-i wash luélsh haméni. H1’k 
came for some time for seeing Since then not coyotes to kill they tried. These 
insane (them). 
wash maklaks-shitko shlésh gi, tapi’tni tchf’kash nfish pa/ni. 
coyotes men-alike to look at are, trom behind the hip the head up to. 

NOTES. 


I. In mythology the bat is sometimes regarded as a symbol of watchtulness at 
night, and this is expressed here by the adverb tinak. 

127, 2. 5. 4. shlé-i-ek for: shléa i gi, “ you cause to see ;” shlé-etki for shléatki in a 
passive signification: ‘to be seen, in order to be seen”; shlé-ek for shléa gi: “make 
it to be seen, let it see.” 

127, 2. skalaps, a Modoc term for a hat of some kind. ‘The verb ltitya, used in 
connection with it, indicates its rounded shape. 

127, 4. kaitehe ni mish nen. Teche is abbreviated from tchek, particle pointing 
to the future, or to the termination of an action or state; the verb gi to do or shléa to 
see or to be seen is omitted: “T will not at all show (it), as you say.” 

127, 6. yankapshtia, to place into the entrance in order to impede or prevent 
egress. The radical in this term is tkap, stalk, straw, little stick; yaéna, “down, down 
into”, serves as a prefix. 

Il. This story of the skunk is manifestly a mere fragment of a longer one, for the 
omission of motives renders it as silly as can be. I have inserted it here to show the 
various verbs formed from niwa, “to drive into the water, or upon a level ground”. 
This is a verb applying to many objects only; speaking of one object, shiwwa is in use. 
For all the derivatives of both verbs, see Dictionary. 

127, 12. pitakmani stands for pi tak m’na hi’. 

III. This hog story is evidently the result of the consolidation of aboriginal super- 
stitions with the evangelist’s relation of the Gergesene swine throwing themselves into 
the Lake of Galilee from the headlands of Gadara. In Chapter X VII of his “Winema”, 


HUMAN SOULS METEMPSYCHOSED INTO FISH. 129 


Meacham has given several of these concretionary products of the uncultivated Modoc 
mind. In making a study of aboriginal mythology and folklore such fictions must be 
disregarded, though they may be of interest to psychologists. 

IV. Races in an undeveloped, primitive state of mind are prone to regard living 
animals as the abodes of spirits, and most frequently the wild and carnivorous quad- 
rupeds are believed to harbor wicked spirits. These are either elementary spirits, or 
the ghosts of deceased persons. To see a spirit means death, and in their terrified 
state they often behold, as here, the spirit in a half human, half beastly appearance, 
when coyote-wolves, gray wolves, bears, cougars etc. come in sight. Such a sight can 
cause the instant death of the hunter, or deprive him of his reason, or make him sick 
for months. In Greek and Roman mythology, Pan, the Satyrs and the Fauns retain 
something of these primitive notions (in the panic terror ete.), though these genii were 
largely idealized in the later periods of national development. In every nation a rela- 
tively large amount of superstitions refers to hunting and the chase of wild beasts. 

128, 9. Tanktchi‘kni is in fact an adjective, not an adverb; literally, it means “those 
who existed, or hunted since that time”, and is composed of tank, a while or time ago, 
tehék, finally, and the suffix -ni. Cf. 13, 2. 128, 1. 


SKU’ KS-KIA’M. 


HUMAN SOULS METEMPSYCHOSED INTO FISH. 


GIVEN IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT BY DAvE HILL. 


Te 
Ka-i hf’nk shla’ at kani kiaé’mat ski’kshash. Hd’k pil unk shla’t 


Not can see anybody inafish «dead man’s spirit. Dead men only can see 


shki’ks; pil maklaks hii’k shla’t ski’ks. Hushti‘yak tsii’taks nish, si’uks 


spirits; only dead Indians can see spirits. He makes dream but if me, to kill 
only (about deceased) (me) 


tché’k sanaho'li hik, wakianua shuishaltki tehii bants’ efug nish. Hi’toks 


then he wants, or perhaps to keep the song- because he rare me. If 
medicine 


ni’ shlaa4t k’likaétak ni; hi n’ fink shliidt ski’ks-kiim, hi n’ fink shlaat 
7 should a might die I; rhe 1 it should see, the spirit-fish, if] him should see 
(the dead), 


maklaks hii’nk sko’ks tchi’sh, k’lakét n’ fink shla-6k; wakidnua hissinuk 


the dead person the spirit also, may die I, him forhaving seen; orperhaps if song-medicine 
is applied, 


tchiitch ni’sh ka-i sid’gat. Hf’masht hi’nkash shla-tkit na’d mdaklaks, 


then me not he may kill. Therefore him if should see we Indians, 
hi’k tchish kié’m, kat gék wd; ka-i hi/nk shlidt hii’nkesh kii’mat 
the dead also (reel appee which Shere liven: not I can see it in the fish 
as) a fis) 
skdékshash. 
the dead man’s 
spirit. 


9 


130 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 
IL. 

Kiii’'m k’leké tehi'shni; tstyunk hi’ksa tsézatk pi'l kiii/m, ndnuktua 

Fish remain forever; therefore those dead (exist) as fish, as all kinds of 

dead (people) only 
kidi’m, nanuktua maéklaksni tsdkatk. Hii’ n’ hi’nk hfi’nkiash shlaat ska’k- 
fish, all kinds of Indians dead. If I (of a deceased) should behold the 
shash, klakét ni hi’nk sliédk; ha’toks ni shuishaltk, tchek giug ké-i 
spirit, would die I it through bat if I recur to magic then not 
seeing; songs, 


sitgat nis. 
hemay me. 
kill 


NOTES. 


My efforts towards obtaining exhaustive texts from the natives concerning their 
belief in the transmigration of human souls were not crowned with entire success. 
Of the two items obtained, No. IT is intended as a commentary of No. I, both treating 
of the presence of human souls in fish. The cause why so many Indian tribes shun 
the flesh of certain fish lies in the fact that these species were seen feeding upon the 
bodies of drowned men and swimming around them. This induced the belief that 
man’s soul will pass into the organisms of these finny inhabitants of the wave, even 
when death has resulted from other causes than from drowning. According to Hill, 
the Maklaks believe that the souls or spirits of the deceased pass into the bodies of 
living fish; they become inseparably connected with the fish’s body and therefore 
cannot be perceived by Indians under usual circumstances. But in one status only 
they become visible to them; when Indians are bewitched by the irresistible, magic 
spell of a conjurer or of a wicked genius. Then they enter into a tamdnuash-dream, 
and when they see a dead person’s spirit in such a dream, they are almost certain to 
die from it. Only the intervention of the conjurer and of his song-medicine can save 
them from perishing; rigorous fasting and ascetic performances cannot be then dis- 
pensed with, and with all that no certitude of his final rescue is to be had. 

Here as elsewhere the pronouns hik, hinkiash ete., are inserted instead of the 
unpronounceable name of the deceased, and mean: dead person, spirit. 

129, 2. pil maklaks; only dead Indians, not dead white men, because during 
their life-time these did not believe in the ski’ks; this belief is a privilege of the 
Indians. ; 

129, 2. Hushti/yak etc. This sentence runs as follows: Tche/ktoks hushti/ya ak 
nish, hak tehé’k nish siuksh shanaho/li, wakianhua tchék p’nash (or pt’/sh) na/sh shui- 
shaltki giug shanaho/li: “if he (the bad genius) makes me only dream in that manner, 
then he intends either to kill me, or perhaps he wants me to keep the song-medicine 
for myself.” To keep the song-medicine, shuishla, is to undergo fasts and ascetic per- 
formances under the supervision of some conjurer for an almost unlimited time, five 
years at least. 

129, 3. 4. Hii/toks ni’ shlaat ete.: if I should see (the dead) while I am awake. 

129, 4. Skivkslaiim, a compound word, may be rendered by spivit-fish, letiferous 
fish. 

130, 1. Kiii/m Wleka ete. The rather obscure sense of this statement may be made 
comprehensible by the following: “When fish are dead, they are dead forever; hence 


THE SPELL OF THE LAUGHING RAVEN. 131 


the souls of all dead Indians continue to exist in the living fish, in all kinds of living 
fish only.” 

130, 2. tsézatk. This refers to Indians who have perished by a violent death , as 
well as to those who died in the natural way. 


THE SPELL OF THE LAUGHING RAVEN. 
GIVEN BY “CapTaIn Jim” IN THE KLaMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


L 
Shiyuyalkshi techtyunk E-ukshikni mdklaks hatokt shuytizéla, timi 


At ‘dance-place ” when the Klamath Lake people there ilpil-danced, many 
pup ; 


hak hatokt maéklaks gi. K’mtkamtch hatokt a géna. Tchti K4-akamtch 


there people were. K’mikamteh there went. Then Old Raven 


shash hatokt wétanta shiytyalpksh, tchai ha kté-i Wla’ka ndnuk maéklaks : 


atthem there laughed when they danced, and rocks became all people 


shiyukaltk hatokt. 


dancing there. 


Oo 


ite 


Yamakni hi’k Kayutchish gatpa Ki'uti kuitit; tehiyunk #-uag 
From the North Gray Wolf arrived Kiuti above; then he stopped 


shki'lya kayak tchi’sh gatpénunk, ndnuk shélé’tamantk hdtkok yémnash 6 


(and) lay down not yet home having reached, in fall dress at that spot beads 
(to sleep), 


wawakshnatk tchish; tila tchish hi’k gdkatpantk i/uag sha hi/nk ti’kélya. 
with moccasins on too; together with (him) those coming stopped they (and) rested. 


Tchti Shashapamtch hi’nk gaéldsha-uyank Ké-utchiamtchash skié/Ipkank 


Then Old Grizzly approached Old Gray Wolf lying (and) 
ktampsh. Tchii Shashapamtch palla Ke-utchishash wakshna y4mnash 


asleep. And _ Old Grizzly stole from Gray Wolf the moccasins beads 
tchish shfli/dshnank wi’kshyén génuapkug. Tchtti Ke-utchiamtch 


also, (and) pat them on, to the fishing-place for going. Upon this Old Gray Wolf 


te) 


syish@'lank kti’ukuela Shashapamtchash; vud’hitakudla ktdyat pdllapksh 
waking up threw down hill the Old Grizzly ; he rolled (him) down over sie for aeekhls 
rocks robbed 


pash wakshna yamnash tchish. Tchti hi’nk shiuga pi Shashapamtchash, 12 


him of moccasins neckwear also. Then killed he the Old Grizzly, 


tehti B-ukshikni maklaks shellualtampka Ydmakishash, Shashapamtchash 


where- the Klamath Lake peoplo commenced fighting the Northerners, (because) Old Grizzly 
npon 
hink Ka’-utchishash shiugsht. Tchti Kaé-akamtch wétanta shash. shél- 
by Gray Wolf had been killed. Then Old Raven laughed atthem when 
lualpksh, kta-i sha k’Iéka. 15 


fighting, and rocks thoy —becamo. 


132 MYTHOLOGIO TEXTS. 


III. 
K’mtikamtch hf’nk ndkosh hi’nk téplalash né-ulya shne-uyalatki 


K’mtkamtch a dam 6 loon ordered to destroy 


shash. K’mikamtch hi’nk pi tpi’wa taplalash shnewi’tki giug, pi ké-i 


to them. K'mtikamtch he ordered the loon to destroy (it), (bat) no 

tu& kii’m Iteluak. Hi’ksha hi’nk nakushkshdkshni ku-idsha kiii’m 
fish to kill. Those who dwelt at the dam rotten fish 

nutuyakia nikosh gii’tant, K’mukémtchish shiuguk, ki-idsha kii’m pétki 

threw over the dam = ae other (for) K’mikamtech kill, rotten fish (he) go- 

8106 0} 

efug. Techii K’mikamtch shawiguk ki-i sham naktsh shii'ta; tchti 
ing to eat. Then K’mtkamtch in wrath their dam spoiled; upon this 
nakushyénkni shlimiuk shti’ya shishi’dsha shi’ktaldshank 14k. Tchti 

the dam-neighbors in mourning piteh put on head, cutting off (their) hair. Then 
Ka-ag wétanta shash, kta-i sha k’léka. Tchtiyunk K’mukdémtch lipaksh 
the Raven laughed at genie rocks they “Decame. Hereupon K'mikamtch chalk 
shna-ul4mna taplalash. 

spit over the loon. 
NOTES. 


I. This myth intends to explain the existence of the large number of rocks found 
at the locality called Shityuyalkshi. 

131, 2. K4é-akamtch. The adjectives -amtch, -Amtchiksh appended to animal 
names designate mythologic characters. Adjectives of an equal meaning occur in all 
the western languages, as far as these have been studied. Cf. Note to 126, 11. 12. 

II. In this myth, as well as in other grizzly bear stories recorded in this volume, 
this bear is always killed, conquered or cheated by his quicker and more cunning 
adversaries. Nevertheless his clumsy form and narrow, ferocious intellect are very 
popular among the tribes, who have invented and still invent numerous stories to 
illustrate his habits and disposition. 

131, 5. Kiuti is the name of an Indian camping-place situated a short distance 
north of Modoe Point, on eastern shore of Upper Klamath Lake. 

181, 6. hatkok qualifies shki/lya and yamnash is the indirect object of shtla’tam- 
antk. Shkd/lya, nénuk ydémnash shdli’tamantko, wawakshnatko tehish: “he lay 
down to sleep, keeping all his neckwear on himself, and not taking off his moccasins.” 
Shilai/tamna can in other connections refer to the clothing, but here it has special 
reference to the beads. 

131, 11. kti/ukuela. Tradition reports, that Old Grizzly was pushed over some of 
the high rocks at Modoe Point. 

131, 13. Yamakishash ete. In these words may be recorded the reminiscence of an 
ancient fight between the Klamath people and some Northern tribe which had come 
South on a hunting expedition. A Klamath song-line given in this volume also recalls 
an ancient inroad made by the “Northerners”. The grizzly bear represented the 
Klamath tribe, the wolf the Northern Oregonians, perhaps as ancient totem signs; the 
bear having been killed by an intruder, the Klamaths had to take revenge for the insult. 

11J. The object of this myth is to explain, among other things, the origin of the 
white spots on the head and back of the loon (téplal). But the myth as given in the 


BELIEFS AND SUPERSTITIONS. 133 


text is far from being complete. It refers to a locality above the confluence of Sprague 
and Williamson Rivers, called Ktaitini, or ‘Standing Rock”. A high rock stands 
there at the edge of a steep hill, and, according to the legend, the Indians who put 
pitch on their head were changed into that rock. Near by, a lumber-dam looking 
like a beaver-dam, across the Williamson River, partly resting on rocks projecting 
from the bottom of the river. K’mikamtch longed for the destruction of this dam, 
muddied the water to prevent the Indians from fishing and hired the loon to destroy 
the objectionable structure. The loon dived into the waters and forced its way through 
the dam by main strength. The Indians dwelling on the shore depended for their 
living on the fisheries, and seeing their existence at stake tried to gig the loon, but 
succeeded only in hitting its tail-feathers. When the loon had accomplished his task 
K’mikamtch offered to reward him in any manner wished for. The loon then wished 
to have white spots on its back, and K’mikamtch satisfied the request by spitting 
chalk upon the downy surface of its body. 
132, 3. lieluak; formed by vocalic dissimilation ; cf. Note to 114, 3. 


BELIEFS AND SUPERSTITIONS. 


iL 
Wash tyi’tyatkish; tsti sa li’/la washam tyfi’tyash. 
Prairie-wolf is soothsayer; and they believe in wolf’s prophecy. 
Maklaks hi’nk lf’‘la washam paékluipkash k’lékuapksht tché’k; tyu’- 
Indians believe, prairie-wolf when howls, they will die aftera while; pre- 


tyuk pakluipka. 


saging he howls. 


Maklaks hii’nk 1lf’la ptshish ha’masht i-unégshtka, tyfi‘tyuk héma; 


Indians believe, the cat when cries just after sunset, for reseeb it mews; 


tchiki’n tchish ha’masht i-unégshtka g0'lu, tyai’tzuk tchék hi’ma. Watchag 


the chicken also whencrows justafter sunset the female, for presaging then it crows. The dog 
death 


tchi’sh wawa-a i-unégshtka, ki-i tchiimltik. 


also (when) whines right after sunset, the signs are bad. 
Watsdg tchi'shtat tydétya i-una’gshtka; tsti gdtpa mdklaks, gfi‘lki ngé- 
A dog at a lodge howls just after sunset; then comes an Indian, attacks, wounds 
prophetically 
isha at hustso’ya. Sa-dmoks hatokt tchia ta’sht hushtchd’ya, k4-i hfink 
and kills (the owner). A relative, (who) there lived right where the murder was, did not him 
shitiga; tsti ta’tik spfi’nshna lt’gshla vai’nsh széna witsii’ls éna téi’tuk 
kill; then seizing (him) _ they arrest, enslave him, thecanoe row away, fishing-net COTY, taking 
em 
ktsi’k, sndwedsh spfi‘nshna hissuaks shfukaluk. Kila’sh at kétak a 
oars, his wife they abduct, (her) husband being the murderer. Furious he quits and 
tsa‘ wik. 


is demented 


1 


6 


= 


2 


oe) 


134 MYTHOLOGIC TEXTS. 


Kak tyt’tyatkish; tsti sa Iluk sa kéikam tyii’tyatkash, tstti sa 
A raven is a soothsayer; and they believing the raven’s repeated prophecy, they 


shenétanka; pits hf’nk pdin kék mdaklaks. » 


fight each other; it also eats, the (dead) men. 
raven, 


Tutiksh maéklaks shuina tchii/yapkam m/’ndlam  shashdmoksham; 
Dreams the natives sing about dead their relatives ; 


himasht shahunk giug kiukayunk flags. 


for this same reason they stick ont flags. 


Tmélhak eftko shakl6’tkish tidsh tinya; tti’m fyaga. Tmélhak ta’dsh 


A tmélhak- having, the gambler well succeeds; much he wins. ‘The tmélhak (is) 
squirrel certainly 


shayuaks; shakalshtat laki, tids sualalidmpkatko. 


of much account; in the game Ce is) well managing (it). 
chief, 


Tchdshash mi’na lushdntsnank mbéwa ski's; tsti maklaks nénuk 


The skunk deep down while scratching a hole emitted ablast; upon this people all 


hushtsédga tsdshash-kiuks. Sndwedsh shanahdliuk spa’nshna_ p’laiwdsham 
killed the skunk-conjurer. A wife seeking he carried off the eagle's 


ti’paks ktandpkash. Shléank tehawika p’laiwash, wi-udsna dénkutka 
sister when asleep. Seeing (this) became furious eagle, beat with a club 
tehdsés, wi-udsish k’likaé, tsti ké-i pilui. Ndopdg ktso’l hiimetsfpka: 
the skunk, the beaten one died, then badly stunk. Smelling (it) the stars said: 
‘HAtkal!” at p’laiwash patkalp’le, stépatchka, tsti gémpéle ttipakshash 


“oet up!” and eagle rose up again, washed the face, then went home sister 


m’na énank. 
his taking with 


him. 
II. 

Ha shaklo’tkish pi’sham shni/lash ntaggal, shaklo’tkish tidsh vumi’, 
If a gambler of humming- the nest finds, (and) the gambler well hides (it) 
bird away, 
kaftoks kanf vuini’yi: Ha ké-e shléa pahapkash, pe’tch ktakta ski’tish 

~~ not any one conquers (him). If afrog he finds dried-np, theleg he cuts off left 
tapi‘dshnish yumi’; htunashtak shi’ta shaklo’tkish, kaftoks kant vuini’zi. 
hind (leg), hides away ; (if thus acts the gambler, (then) not anyone beats (him). 
Hi, kani tchatchlafptcha shlii’-a (kinkéni tit wa), tidsh ti’nya. Ha kani 
If any one a kind of fire-bug finds (scarce, there they are), good nee it If any one 

rings. 


ma/ntehnish madkliksiim shtép shudlka, pahdpkash  kiifla-shushati’shash 


old-fashioned Indian arrow-head saves, dried-up a mole 
tehi’sh, hi’kt humdshtak tidsh ti’nza tehi’sh. 
also, he in the same way well succeeds also. 
K-ukshikni M6‘dokni léla p’laiki’shash lAkiash, shtinta tcehish wengap- 
The Klamath Lakes (and) Modocs believe in the heavenly ruler, revere also of the de- 


kam shko’kshash. 


ceased the spirits. 
Mo’dokni shtipuytka tinapni wiitta funépni pshin gshitlaka kayak 
The Modocs at first menstruation five days (and) five nights dance never 


ktikt’nan ; wewAnuish ta-unii’pni wiita ké-i tehf’léks pan. 


sleeping; the females for ten days no ment eat. 


BELIEFS AND SUPERSTITIONS. ° 135 


Ha’ i shma-htch4éktak yainatat, ké-i i fm késh shldé-etak; hi’-atoks 


If you let your shadow fall on the hill, not you ipo will find; but if 
{ kai shma2htchaktak, tfi/m i fin késh shlé-etak. 
you not let your shadow fall, much you ipo will find. 
Méatuash, k’le-ugtkiudpkasht tchfalash Méatuashim kdéketat, k4-i mht’ 
The Pit River (lest) would cease to come the salmon up the Pit River, not  gronses 
Indians, 
Itela sk6; Mo’dokni tchi’sh léla shudtash kfim tchfiiké shétma, humasht- 
they kill in spring the Modocs also assume, sage-hens the fish toswim up invite, there- 
me; stream 
gisht k4-i liela. 
tore not they kill 
(them). 
NOTES. 


I. What is contained in these short items refers equally to the Klamath Lake and 
to the Modoe people, although those contained under I. were obtained from various 
informants belonging to the former chieftaincy. 

133, 2. paka to howl, bark; pék’la to howl repeatedly, to howl for a while; pak- 
Inipka to howl for a while in the distance towards somebody. 

133, 4. 5. The cat and the chicken being but recently introduced among these tribes, 
this superstition must have been transferred to them from other animals. By inver- 
sion, the words tchikin gi/lu, the hen, appear here widely separated from each other. 

133, 6. Ku-i tehiimlfik has to be resolved into: ki-i tehé mal (for mélash) hi/k: 
“bad then for you this is!” Cruel fights will follow. 

133, 7-11. This story is not clearly worded, but we are taught by it how these 
Indians are conversing among each other with laconic breviloquence. An Indian living 
in the vicinity has heard the whining of the dog which means death to his owner. He 
goes there, shoots the man and takes to his heels. A relative of the murdered man 
comes up and is mistaken by others for the murderer. They deprive him of his wife, 
his property and his liberty; he becomes a madman on account of the injustice done 
to him. 

134, 1. 2. The raven (kak) is supposed to*be a bird of fatal augury, because he was 
seen devouring the flesh of dead Indians. Compare: General Note on page 130. 

134, 4. kiukayunk. They adjust a rag or piece of skin to a pole and stick out 
that improvised flag on the top of the lodge to notify neighbors that they had a dream 
last night and desire an interpreter for it. 

134, 5. One of the legs of a dead black tmélhak-squirrel is cut off and laid under 
the gaming-disk or the pa’hla to insure luck to the player. 

134, 7-12. Tchashiish ete. This is a fragmentary extract of a scurrilous skunk- 
myth, which I have not been able to obtain in full from my informant, the Modoe chief 
Johnson, who speaks the Klamath dialect. This myth is well known through the 
whole of Oregon, for parts of it are embodied in a popular and melodious song of the 
Molale tribe, whose ancient home is the country éast and southeast of Oregon City 
and Portland. 

134, 7. 8. maklaks nénuk is the direct object of hushtséga; the skunk killed them 
by his stench. 

134, 9. ti’paks stands for ti’pakshash; tipakship, abbreviated tipaksh, is pro- 
perly the vounger sister, as called by or with reference to an elder brother, while pa-Anip 


136 MONOLOGUES AND DIALOGUES. 


is the elder sister, called so by or with reference to a younger brother. Two other 
terms exist for the relative age of sisters among themselves. 

134, 11. patkalp’le. The myth adds, that the eagle got up again at dinner-time and 
that after washing the face he took a nap before taking his sister home. 

Il. These items were all obtained in the Modoe dialect from J. C. D. Riddle. 
Many of the articles mentioned as gamblers’ amulets are supposed to bring good 
luck to the gambler on account of their scarcity, which must have made them more 
interesting to the aboriginal mind than other objects of a brighter exterior. 

134, 13. ntaggal, ndakal: to find accidentally; shléa: to find, generally, after a 
search. vumi’ is to hide away either on one’s own person or in the ground. 

134, 16. 18. tidsh tinya is to succeed, to be lucky; without tidsh in: hitoks tin- 
yantko gi, that man is lucky. 

134, 17. shtap is a black arrow-head made of obsidian, a voleanic rock found in 
several places in these highlands. 


135, 1. hii/-atoks is formed from hi toks with intercalation of the declarative 


particle a. 

135, 3. Wle-ugtki-uapkasbt is a periphrastic conjugational form composed of gi- 
uadpkasht, of the verb gi, and of k’lé-utka, the usitative of k’léwi, to cease, stop, termi- 
nate; -utka has turned into -ugt- by metathesis. Literally: “would habitually cease 
to be in the Pit River.” mhi’, the grouse, is called by the Klamath Lakes tmfv. 


REFLECTIONS OF EVERY-DAY LIFE 


MONOLOGUES IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT BY JOHNSON, CHIEF OF THE Mopocs 


Ka4-i mish nai 6-it nai tidsi’wa nté-ish, shliituk mii’makla pd-uk shlink 


Not you I tolet 1 like (my) bow, for shooting ducks to eat killing 
have (them) 
ndekti’shtka. ‘Tidsii’wa ka-i mish ya, ti génuapka ttyamnank nté-ish 
with arrows. Tlike not toyou togive over I will go taking along bow and 
(it), there arrows 
gé-u, hishl4tsanuapka. Y6-ishi! tatdla kii’gi, ka-i shlda tatakni yi'lz; 
my, (and) will amuse myself Are lost! right they are not I found where they went 
by shooting. (ahead) not, (them) OWD ; 
y6-ishin, mans k4-ika. Unds mbisant pén kiyakuapk. 
they arelost, for along I searched. Some- to-morrow again I will look out (for 
time time them). 
Shikutchipk tchiké kémutsdétk; undsé’ks séwanuapk patki gitiga 
Walks on stick an old decrepit (man) ; some time I will give (him) to eat 
méhiess; yuydlks tsi pa-uk hfin tche’k tidsh ki’-uapk. Ki’shtchipk huk 
trout; “being poor thus through © of it then atease he will feel. Comes to me this 


eating 


snéwedsh; oni'sh kfiim shéwant i; tf’m nfi’sh shewantamnudpka sawalktko. 


woman ; to her fish you may give; plenty tome she will continue to give having received 
presents. 


Kaémp’kuk kéliak pash tii’ma. Undse’t katchkal pa-udpk gé-utala steinash. 


The indigent withont food is hungry. By and by tobacco T will chew to my heart's content. 


— 


REFLECTIONS OF EVERY-DAY LIFE. 137 


Sandhole katchkal titchéwank; finds pén mbtsant pa-uapk katchgal 


I like tobacco = well enough; by and by again to-morrow I will chew tobacco 
patkélank. Kanf shlé-uapka a’ns stoyudpka; téla pakuapka t’ntch; pen 
while getting up. Outdoor should I see, then Vl cut off with (me) he will smoke then; again 

(anybody) (some for him) ; (it) 


wutudpka kinkdni katchgal; kinkani, k4-i tumi, tche’k pen timi pakuapka, 


I shall spend a little tobacco; (but) little, not much, afterwards again much I will smoke, 


pakélank syélakuapka. 
(and) after smok- go to bed. 

io NOTES. 

Of the two paragraphs of “Reflections” submitted, the first refers to the loss of 
some hunter’s arrows, which had been loaned to somebody together with the bow. 
The second speaks in a rather egotistical sense of the pleasure which is afforded by 
succoring helpless and indigent people. 

136, 3. kii/gi. This refers to some arrows, which cannot be found at the spot, to 
which they seemed to fly. 

136, 4. 5. Untchék, abbreviated undsé, i/ntch, ands, tins, points to some undeter- 
mined epoch in the future: by and by, after a lapse of time, some time from now; 
undsé’t, 136, 8., through apocope and synizesis, stands for untse’k at; undsé’ks for 
untchék tchish. 

136, 5. Shikitchipk tchikaé kémutsdtk, grammatically incomplete forms standing 
for skikutchipka t’shika kémutsatko. The word stick is not expressed in the text, but 
the suffix -ipka, united to shikitcha, expresses the idea of “walking while leaning 
oneself upon something or somebody”. Cf. layipka, to point the gun at the one 
speaking; tild/dshipka, to see somebody coming towards oneself. 

136, 6. ki/shtchipka, to step towards the one speaking; cf. Note to 186, 5. 

136, 7. oni/sh for hinish, ef. 0/skank for hi/shkanka, 65, 1. Hunish is the objective 
case of hi’n; but this pronoun is not regularly used when speaking of animate beings; 
hi/nkiash would be grammatically correct. 

136, 7. shéwanti. The words oni/sh kiim shéwant i are supposed to be directed 
to one belonging to the speaker’s household. 

136, 8. The term katchkal, tobacco, expresses the idea of an intermixture of several 
kinds of weeds or leaves for the purpose of smoking them. 

136, 8. pa-udpk. A more appropriate term than this for masticating tobacco is: 
katchkal kpt’yumna. 

137, 1. titehéwank. ‘This is in fact the participle of a verb: “TI like tobacco, being . 
fond of it.” 

137, 2. stoyuapka: I shall cut off a piece from a stick of pressed tobacco and give 
it to him. Cf. stuyékishka, to clip the hair. : 

137, 3. kinkéni kétchgal. If this and the following were not worded in the con- 
versational slang, it would read: kinkénish kétchgal; kinkanish, k4-i tima, tche’k pen 
tiima (or tii’/m) ete. 

137,3. k4-itdimi. Indians are not often seen to smoke continuously as we do; those 
inhabiting the Klamath Reserve take a few whiffs from their small, often home-made 
pipe, then pass it to the neighbor and emit the smoke through the nose. Sometimes 
they swallow the smoke for the purpose of intoxication, and the elder women sinoke just 
like the men. Cigars offered to them are cut small and serve to fill up their tobacco-pipe. 


6 


138 MONOLOGUES AND DIALOGUES. 


WAILINGS AT THE APPROACH OF THE FATAL HOUR. 


GIvEN By Docror JOHN, OR KAKASH, IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


“Neii/-ish a ni tii/lyapksh, gé-u ti’lak, shlin antsa; shkék antsa nish, 


“An arrow mo striking, my arrow, shot they ; they broke (my) head, 
shlin nish. Kan ish shlin? Tsuyii’sh ni shlin, @én ish tsuyii’sh mpata, 
they shot me. Who me shot? Through the cap I was strnek, this me cap kills, 
miasha n’sh, shlin ish nti’sh, ke-a n’s ma’sh’, guhud nish, a nish ké-a ma‘sha! 
it pains me, they shot me inthe intensely me it pains, amswollen J, now me hard it pains! 

head, 


Pash ish shéwan i; k’lékuapkan panuk; pdélak shéwan i, a nish kd-a ma’sha 
>= ] if ? ] ? “ o] 


Food me give you; I will die after eating; quickly give you, me very it pains, 
hard 
eee , ae/ A A al 
tii/matk ka-a, pélak shii’wan i.” At shéwana if, at pan; shnuk’ at mi‘dst. 
(Lam) hungry very, quickly give you.” And give (him) I, andheeats; he takes now the spoon. 


“At kiéka, Aténi Wiéka; tsia at, KlekA taks nti; shlin nish nii’shtat. 
— ? ae ? ? —= 5) 


“Now — Ll expire, now L die; Ilive yet, dying but(am) 1; they shot me in the head. 
. = . , 5 , e / , 
A ni kléka, a’téni Wlekdla.” At Wleka. Shd’dsha Itluksla sa 1t’lokshtat 
Now I die, now I am sinking Then he dies. Kindle a fire (and) cremate they in the fire 
fast.” 


hi’nk k’lékapksh. 
the deceased man. 


NOTES. 


This short incident of war is full of the most dramatic interest, and gives some 
jdea of the oratorial powers of the average Indian. It was obtained from a man who 
undoubtedly had witnessed more than one similar scene during the numerous raiding 
expeditions made by his tribe before the conclusion of the treaty in 1864. 

138, 1. ngii/-ish a ni tiilyapksh shlin antsa, forms of the conversational language 
standing for ngi/-ish a nish tilyapkash shlin a sha. gé-u ti/lak “my arrow,” a poetic 
symbolism for the arrow that causes my death. 

138, 1. shkék antsa for shkéka a sha, but nasalized like shlin antsa. Shkéka 
properly means to pierce, but is used in a medial sense. 

138, 2. mpata properly means to dry up by heat. The cap or hat is said here to 
kill the man by exciting an intolerable fever heat within him. 

138, 3. ma/sha n’sh. Some impersonal verbs can also assume the personal form of 
intransitive verbs: ma/sha nti and ma/sha nish: “it pains me”; kédshika nf and nish: 
“T feel tired”. The Modoe dialect prefers the personal form. 

138, 6. 7. aténi for at ani. Cf. sé, 82, 4. tchii/lyet 90, 11. aténish, aténi 90, 12. 
13. gé/nténi, Note to 93, 7. 9. 


THE LORD'S PRAYER. 136 


THE LORD'S PRAYER. 
i. 


Nalam p’tishap, kat p’laf tehfa: Nanuk na‘d hi’nk mi shéshash katak 


Our father, which on high lives: All of us thy name truly 


shti‘nta. Mi hashkanksh gti’ta na‘Ish. - I hi’nk vi/nhuapk génta kiflatat, 


worship. Thy mind come to us. Thou wilt achieve on this earth, 


wikaktak p’laftalkni gi. Shéwan i nalsh gen waftash nalam_ pdala-ash 
equally as (thou) on high — dost, Give thou us Sihis day our bread 
nanuk waitashtat. Hii ndlsh tua k6-idshi gintanuapk, ké-i hin, p’laftalkni, 


every on day. If onus  any- wicked should stick on, not it, thou on high, 
. thing 


ha’shkank i! himashtak na’d ké-i hd’/shkankuapk, hi kani nélsh kit-i 
mind thou! just as we not would mind it, if somebody us wrong 
giuapk. K4-i ndlsh i tua shutétki ki-idsha, i inthuashkpak hak nalsh 


should do. Not tous thon any- let do wicked, (but) keep away only from us 
: thing thou 


tua ki-idsha. Htmasht gitg mi né-ulaks, nkillitk tchi’sh, ktchalshkash 


any- wicked, im thine (is) the rule, ~ force also, glory 
thing 


tehish tehishniak. Htimashtak an hin gitk gi! 


also forever. Thus it = be say! 


II. 


Nalam t’shi’shap, p’lai tehia: Mi shéshash ndnuk stinta; mi kéypash 


Our father, on high (who) Thy name all revere ; thy mind 
livest: 


galtchui nanuki’nash na’l. Gita tehi’sh kifla humashtak gi, wakaktoksh 


come to every one (of) us. Here too on earth in the same be just as 
manner done, 


pai ki. Nalash gén waitash shapéle shéwan i. Ka-i nalash k6-i shu'ti, 
on hight is Tous cine day bread give thou. Not us wicked zonder 
one. thon 


htmasht nalam maklaks-shitko stinta. I hudshgi ndlamtant ké-idsha 


equally as our men-kindred (we) love. Thou keep off from our bad 


stefnashtat kézpash; tidsh ndlam steinash shuti. Mi tala litchlitehli, mi 


(from) heart thoughts; good our heart make thou. Thine alone (is the) power, thy 


stefnash litchlitehli tehtissak, mi/ni lakiam stefmash. Humasht toks tidsh. 


heart strong (is) perpetually, great of the Lord the heart. Thus (it will = well. 
be) 


NOTES. 


These versions of the Lord’s Prayer are good instances of what can be attained, 
without using too many circumlocutions, in rendering religious, moral and other 
abstract ideas in a language deficient in many of them. 

For reign and kingdom no words exist, and they had to be rendered by hi’sh- 
kanksh, or in Modoe kéypash, “mind”, né-ulaks, “rule, law”; sin and forgive were 


oo 


12 


140 MONOLOGUES AND DIALOGUES. 


rendered by “something wicked” and “not to mind”; for “thy will be done” stands 
“achieve thou”. Power and glory become “force, impetuosity” and “radiance”, and 
daily bread: “flour on every day”. In the Modoe version, the wording of which is 
inferior to that of version I, the use of similar expedients will be observed. 

I. In the Klamath Lake dialect; by Minnie Froben. 

139, 6. inthuashkpak, phonetic inversion for inuhuashkapk’ i; see Dictionary. 

139, 7. ktchalshkash, from the word ktchalza, to shine, to be radiant, resplendent. 

139, 8. gitk, in an hin gitk gi, is the verbal intentional gitki. 

If. In the Modoe dialect; by the Riddle family. 

139, 10. Gita kiila is equivalent to gé/nta kiilatat ; in humashtak gi the verb gi has 
to be taken in the passive sense. 

139, 11. k6-i shii’tii: “do not render us wicked.” For shat compare 111, 15. and 
Note. 

139, 12. htimasht nalam. Between these words and the preceding ones there is a 
lacune in the text. maklaks-shitko, “our kindred”: those who look like ourselves. 

139, 13. 14. In mi tala litchlitchli the adjective strong stands for “strength, 
power”, while in mi steinash litchlitchli it is used in its adjective signification. In this 
language abstract ideas are sometimes rendered by adjectives and by verbal adjectives 
in -tko. 


DIALOGUES 
Ee 
TséuatK. Tata lish sha ksfulakuapk? 
When they will dance? 
Ska‘Lac. Pad-ak ké-i an shdyuakta! und a sha nd-asht she-édshtat mat 
Not I know! once they 80 (said), on Saturday 
sha nénuk shiké'lki-uapk kshi‘ulzish. 
they all will assemble for the dance. 
KApuax. Tatai tchi‘k sha kshfulakuapk? Plé’nkamkshi 4? t&ém hak 
Where afterall they are going to dance? At Frank’s house ? perhaps 
haitch i hi’nk shléatk? kiwi a sha nen hink mdshish gish shdpa. 
(did) you him see! seriously they him diseased to be say. 
Ska’Lac. Kayak an hatokt gdtpantk, ndé-asht ta’dsh toks nf ti’ména gén 
Not I there was going, thus however I 4 heard this 
mbi’shant pil, mat pd-ula: git tdks na watch kAyaktgik, kiinag 
morning only, (that) he was eating: out I of my while returning away from 
there horses from the search, any house 
gépgapéle. 
I returned. 
KApuak. Tdm haitch i nia’gsh shiwaksh shli& guini, gémpktch Kuy- 
(Did) you absent the girl soe overthere, who went to 
from home 
amtsyéksh, Ellen Débidam mii‘kag shétaltchapksh ma’shisht? 
Ka) am-Skiiikshi, of Allen David a baby to visit having fallen sick? 
SKA‘LAG. K4é-i an tii’sh shled pish. Kéruax. 1. 


Not I anywhere saw her. Is was 
80 


tall 


DIALOGUES. 141 


Ski/lag guhudshktcha; Kiptindmkshi tehkash sha vilankia: “Tat i 
left; 


Skélak at the Captain’s lodge also they ee “where you 
f him): 
tamnii'tka?” i 
come from?” 


Sxi’uac. Geé't an watch kayaktka, ksfulakshyén gent'tuapkuk. 


Throngh I of (my) returned from towards the dance- while intending to go. 


there noree tne search, house 
Caprain. Tata haf tchi’k sha kshi’ulaktchuapk? 
Where finally they are going to dance? 
Sxi'tac. Mbi’/shant a sha she-édshtat kshfwlaktchuapk Mbd’shak-Shi- 
To-morrow they on Saturday will dance the dwellers at Mbi- 


washkni, 4k tehish nanuk gépkuapk. 
all 


shak-Shiwash, prob- too will come. 
abl. 


Y 
Tchui guhudshktcha gémbaluk. 
Then he started off to go home. 
II. 
Hukxosn. Tat lish mi t/nak? 


Where (is) your son? 
Pépaxu. Le-utchdlan kani’ una geknd’la; le-utchdélan tunepa’nish 
For playing outdoors awhile he went out; for playing va 
ago 
tatakiash tila. 


children with. 


Huiftxose. Wakaftch gé-uga kai gépgaple? 


+ Why not returns he? 
Péraxu Titaks ati léwa; hétaks tataksni wafta léwapka; litki gat- 
Away far they play; those children the whole will play; inthe they 
2 day evening 
pampéli-uapka. 
will return home. 
NOTES. 
I. Dialogue about a dance to be held on the Williamson River; in the Klamath 
Lake dialect, by Minnie Froben. : 


140, 2. P4-ak k4-i an shdyuakta! is interpreted by “ what do I know!” 

140, 9. nii’gsh shiwaksh gémpktch stands for négsh shiwdkash genapkash. It is 
very rare that diminutive nouns, like shiwak, shiwaga, assume the ending -ash in the 
objective case; cf. 23, 10. But shiwak means not only a little girl; it means an adult 
girl also, and is therefore inflected like snawedsh. 

140, 9. Kayamtsyéksh. For this local name cf. Page 91, first Note. Frank and 
Allen David live both at that place, close to the steep western bank of the Williamson 
River, while the communal dance-house, a spacious, solid earth-lodge, lies further to 
the northeast. 

141, 5. Mbia’shak-Shiwaéshkni, term corrupted from Mbirshaks-Shawalshkni: “the 
one who lives, or those who live at the locality of the obsidian arrowheads.” Mbi’- 
shaks-Shawalsh lies on the eastern shore of the Williamson River. Cf. Note to 134, 17. 

IL. Dialogue in the Modoc dialect; by Toby Riddle. 

141, 9. Léwa, to play, forms the derivates lé-utcha to go to play; lé-utchna to 
play while going, to play on the way, ef. shuédshna 99, 2.; le-utchdla to go to play in 
the distance. 


12 


15 


142 TOPOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTS. 


141, 11. gé-uga for the more common giuga, giug. 
141, 12. léewapka to play in the distance, out of sight, or unseen by us; but here 
this term is more probably a synizesis of léwnapka, the future tense of léwa. 


NAMES BESTOWED ON UPPER KLAMATH LAKE LOCALITIES. 


GIVEN BY Dave HILL IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


K’mukamtch mat kifla shi‘ta. Tstyunks i’-alk kifla shutdélan: 


K’mikamtch, so they the made. The following names gave the after creating: 
say, country ; he, « country 
a - | A a tae A af , 
Tuli’sh kiiila E-ukski’shash shita K’mukdémts kiiim-luelksli’a; Tuli’sh tsi- 
““Tulish”’ place for the Lake people made K’mikamtch to be their fish-killing Tulish, 


place; 


hunk flya. “At hié’nk kiifla git ktafksi Shtyakeksh tchin ii/lza; giti 
thus henamed “And that spot there wherethe ‘“Jumping-Rocks” sol name; here 
it. rocks are, 
shuyéakeks gi-uipka”. -_E-ukskisas K’mukamts né-ulyank hemé¢ze: 
a leaping place shall be”. To the Luke people K'mikamtch ordering said: 
“Tt’kua na-asni kii’la ua’sni dlya gi’ta Ta’kua; Gi/mbat na‘sni git (za; 
“Takoa sol a spot, so 1 name __—ihere Tukua; Kumbat at 1 there = give 
name; 
eita Ki’lalksi na’sni élya gi’ta. Wakdksi spi’klishtat gi’t i spt/kle-uapk; 
there Dirt-hauling sol give there. At Waka in the aweat-house there you shall sweat; 
place, name 
hi’ me wéash k’li’kuapk git i spa’kle-uapk, hii’ mi sndwedsh kélakuapk 
if your child should die, there you shall sweat, if your wife should die, 
git i spt’kle-uapk tinepni gité; tinepni spti/kle-uapk snawédsh, hi’ mi 
there you ghall sweat five (days) there; © five (days) shall sweat (you) wife, if your 
hishuaktch kéeli‘kuapk. Ttmepni spt’kle-uapk, tsti killitk tsulii’ks gi’- 
husband should die. Five (days) you shall sweat, then strong (your) body will 
uapk, ka-i pélak i kémiutehuapk.” 
become, not fast you will becowe old.” 
“Nasht ni ne-t’lya A-usmi shéshuapk; na‘sni élga gen kifla. 
“Thus I ordain A-ushmi to be called; thus I give to this apot. 
name 


Kohashti na-ast ni élka gi’ta.  [-ukalkshi na‘sni élya gi’ta; gi’tats spt’kle- 
“Set out” thus I call that E-ukalkshi so 1 hame — this here also you shall 
place. place; 


uapk, tuni’pni i spukle-udpka weéas klekaluk, ti/nipni snawédshésh kele- 


Ayweat, tive (days) you shall sweat a child after losing, five (days) a wife after 
' : , R roe R , aly ae Ts As 
kaluk hishuaksh tchish; ké-itoks mi sa-damoks kelékst ké-i i spti’kle-uapk, 
losing, a husband also; Dut not, your relatives having died — net you shall aweat, 
(then) 
sof A , , , ae Ry A / = eae, Me 
ha’ mi sa-amoks nanuktua tsokuapk. Kaé-i i gita spti’kle-uapk ndannantak: 
if your kinsinen of all degrees shall have died. Not you there will aweat but for three: 


snawédshtat, hishuakshtat, weashtat.” 


for wile, for husband, for child.” 


NAMES OF UPPER KLAMATH LAKE LOCALITIES. 143 


“Nakotk Wi'tlas kokétat hi tchi’sh luélks-kiiim gi/-uapk; na-dst shé- 


“By (its)dam  Witlash in William- there also a fish-killiug place shall be ; thus 
son River 

shash élya ni: Kta-i-Tupaksi. Mbit’saks na’st shéshatk maklaks gi’-uapk; 
name give I: Rocks-where-stand. “Obsidian” so called a people shall exist; 
Sma’k na’st sésatk gi’-uapk maklaks gi’ta. Kii‘katils na‘st sésatk gf-uapk 
“Hairy” so named shall exist a people there. ‘“Armpit-hairy ” 80 called shall exist 
gi‘ta maklaks.” 
there a people.” 


NOTES. 


All Méklaks admit that K’mikamtch created their country, the earth and the 
universe, but as to the special process by which he created them they seem to have no 
definite idea, though they possess a multitude of myths for special creations. 

Most of the places mentioned in this item are situated around Upper Klamath 
Lake. That they are localities inhabited for centuries past, and identified with the 
history of the tribe is proved by the fact that their naming is ascribed to K’mikamtch. 
The most noticeable of them are no doubt the three sweat-houses, all of which are of 
remote antiquity, and were put to use only when families were mourning the loss of one 
of their members. Two of them are quoted here: Wakdaksi or Kiilalkshini sptiklish 
on west side of Lake and E-ukalksi, a short distance south of Fort Klamath. ‘The 
third lies about three miles south of Modoc Point; it is called Ké-ashkshi spiklish. 

142, 1. kaila. About the meaning of this term in creation myths, ef. Note 96, 23. 
In other connections, in the present text, kiiila or kii/la means spot, locality. 

142, 2.3. Tulish. To enable the Indians to catch fish at that place, K’mtikamtch 
built for them, as tradition has it, an obstruction resembling a beaver-dam. Cf. 
nakotk, 143, 1.; giti for gita hi. 

142, 3.5. Tikua and Kohashti are camping- and fishing-places on the eastern shore 
of the Lake. At Shuyake’kish the Indians leap over rocks for amusement. 

142, 5. na-asni, na/sni stands for né-asht ni: “thus 1”. 

142, 5. 11. Gumbat is called Rocky Point by the white population, and lies on the 
western shore of Upper Klamath Lake. A-usmi is an island of the Lake. 

142, 6. Wakaksi or Waka is named after the tuékish-fowl whose ery is waka waka. 

142, 6-10. 12-16. These mourning customs are gradually disappearing at the pre- 
sent time. One reason for this is the progressive assimilation of the tribes to American 
customs, another is the circumstance, that all of the three ancient sweat-houses are 
situated outside of the reservation limits. 

142,15. ndannantak is composed of ndannanti or ndénnantat ak: “only for three 
(kinds of relatives) ”. 

143, 1. Nakotk is the instrumental case of nakosh, lumber-dam: “on account of 
its dam Witlas will be a fish-killing locality.” A loon destroyed that dam by foreing 
its way under it; one of our texts gives this myth. Cf. 1382, 1-8 and Note to 74, 2. 

143, 2.3. Mbt’saks, Sma/k and Kii/katils are names given in contempt or derision 
of the respective tribes; the latter to Indians living at the Dalles of Columbia River, 
Sma/k to a tribe living south of that locality. Cf. 108, 2.3. Mbi/saks is a name for 
the Snake Indians. 


(su 


144 TOPOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUOTS. 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTES ON ANIMALS. 


GIVEN By JOHNSON, CHIEF AT YANEKS, IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


Nil wéksa pti’hka mdaklaks shf‘lhashluk szo‘lhok; ktanuapkuk 


The of mallard- pull ont the Indians to make pillows to lie on; for sleeping 
down duck 
= =f "VW 1 
sz0' lhank ni‘l ikagank willishi’kat. 
(and) resting the they are put- pillow-cases. 


own ting into 


3 Mbi’shant nflaksht wisyak hi’ma. 


In the morning at dawn the wisxak- sings. 
bird 


Watsak wAwa a gulindshisham; le génug wawa. 


Dogs howl “because left behind; fornot going they howl. 
(with them) 


Ya-ukal tchaggdya dnkutat a’-unank; untsi’g d-undédlank hindshan- 


Bald eagle sits on tree replete with aftera while after depleting he will 
food ; himself 
6 uapk, té-ugshtant hindsanuapk A’-ushtat. 
fly off, to the opposite he will fly of Upper Kla- 
shore math Lake. 
Tehé-u gankénkatchuapk; ti’tnak mdéklakuapk, wakidnua ldpéni; 
Antelopes (people) are going to hunt; once only they will camp out, or perhaps twice ; 
shliuk gépgapluapka pdlak. Undsh mbtshant pii’-uapk szdlikok. 
after shoot- they will retarn at once. Some time next day they willtake to induce sleep. 
ing (antelopes) a cold bath 
9 K6-i shfi‘ta wash, pdlla n’sh wash; ké-idshi wash. Mutatch kpe’l 
Wickedly acts prairie- steals from prairie- mischievous _ prairie- A long tail 
wolf, me wolf ; (is) wolf. 


gi’tko, tids4 né’l gitko wdsh. Kinkéni wash E-ushtat. 


(he) has, delicute fur has prairie- Scarce prairie- at Upper Kla- 
wolf. (are) wolves math Lake, 


Kai-udshish nish képka; kilos ké-udsis; shla-a nish tslatskagantko 


Gray wolf me bites ; impetuous is gray wolf; (when) me, jumps on my throat 
sees 
12 ké-udshish. 
gray wolf. 
NOTES. 


144, 1. nil wéksa stands for ni/l wéksam ; pt’/Vhka for pilya or ptilka: ~h-, “by 
hand.” 

144, 9. 10. These characteristies of the prairie- or coyote-wolf, which is so highly 
reverenced by the California tribes, place him between the wolf and the fox. Né/l 
stands for ni/l and miiatch for minish. Tidsd@ is tidsha a. 

144, 11. tslatskagantko; the verbal adjective of tehlakaga stands here in the dis- 
tributive form: “each time when he sees me, he jumps on my throat.” The J of the 
second syllable is suppressed. 


CLASSES OF ANIMALS AND PLANTS. 145 


CLASSES OF ANIMALS AND PLANTS. 


GIVEN IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT BY DAVE HILL. 


Quadrupeds: hohdnkankatk lilhanks; ndnuktua hohdnkankatk; wunfpa 
ts0‘ks gi’tk kiilatat tehia ndnuktua lilhanks wikts ndkanti. 

Birds: lasaltk nanuktua. 3 

Forest birds of small size: tchikass. 

Forest birds of smallest size: tchililiks, tchflilika. 

Ducks and geese: mii’ miikli. 6 

Night birds: psin hintchna. 

Water biras: nanuktua huhdnkankatk é-ushtat, 4mbutat tchfa. 

Swimming animals: nanuktua udidamkanksh séyuaks; ndanuktua uddé- 9 
damkankatk. 

Fish: kiai’m. 

Jumping amphibians, toads and frogs: skaskatkankatk. 12 

Snakes: wishink; waéménigsh. 

Lizards; lit. ‘walking straight out”: uli-ulatehkankatk. 

Reptiles and worms: skiskankankatk. 15 

Flying insects: mank. 

Creeping insects, snails, some mollusks ete.: mti’lk, mii’lkaga. 

Grass, seed-grass: kshin. 18 

Berries: twam. 

Edible roots, bulbs and seeds: maiklaksam pash; lutfsh. 

Trees: anku; k6’sh. 21 


NOTES. 


These generic terms are quite characteristic, but by no means systematic. These 
Indians classify animals otherwise than we do, for they regard the mode of loco- 
motion as a criterion for their subdivisions of the animal kingdom, thus sometimes 
placing in the same class animals which widely differ in their bodily structure. The 
Indian mind likes to specify and is averse to generalizations; there are a few Indian 
languages only that contain comprehensive generic terms for “animal,” ‘ carnivore,” 

10 


146 TOPOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTS. 


“reptile,” “amphibian” or “plant.” Even the English language had to borrow these 
terms from Latin. The Klamath Lakes often use k0/sh (pine) generically for “tree,” 
and wishink, “garter snake” for “snake,” the Modoes waménigsh (black snake) for the 
same order of reptiles, these species being the most frequent of their kind in their 
respective countries. Birds are hoh4nkankatk as well as quadrupeds, because they 
fly “in a straight line”. 


ALIMENTARY SUBSTANCES. 


LIsT OBTAINED IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT FROM “SERGEANT” MORGAN AND MINNIE FROBEN. 


Yéntch kalkali, tyépo-pitpan, paki’sh; kak tin: 18”; kiilatat 1i’sha, 


cylindric, thumb so large as, eatable; 80 long: 18"; on ground it lies, 


ktafyatat lushé. Shlaps pushpushli, 1a’pi shlapsh. 


on rocks it lies. The flowers (ave) dark, two flowers (to it). 


3 Képiunksim kédsha safgatat; lt’k ptipashpish-tkani, hizitk tchi’pshash. 


grows in the pra‘rie; the seeds (are) blackish, larger than tchipash. 


Weéwanuish hiink shti‘ila wékank ydkitka pata-giulshemi. Pék- 
By 


The women gather (it) by beating (it) “into seed- at summer's end. 
baskets 
shank sha hii/nk gdpiunks shita; tchilala sha titatna. Wti'kash- 
grinding they kapiunke prepare ; boil (it) they sometimes. Wokash- 
6 shitk mdshetk képiunks. 
like tastes kapiunks. 


Kédshma kédsa walfdsat, kiiflatat ushé; pélpal shlapsh, tsmo’k pi‘luitk. 


grows on rock cliffs, onthe ground ies; white (is) flower, after fish smelling. 
Kélétch kédsha wi-ukayant kéladshamat; kélddsh ntchekani mimiitch- 
grows on the low keladsh-bushes; keladsh-berry small blue 
9 mii‘tehli laikaya. Weéwanuish kélddshla waksldlank; shpaha sha 
grow on The females collect (it) after wé6kash- dry (it) 
bushes. season; they 
tehvii ishki/lank, i/lya sha shpdhank i/Ikshlik lildam, tchilélank 
then after gathering, keep they (it) by drying to preserve (it) for winter, boiling (it) 


tehék sha pan. 
then they eat (it). 


12 Kéndwat kédsha safgatat, tsélas ka tanni 1’, paki’sh; p’ldi shlaps pushpushli, 


grows on prairie, stalk 80 long 1, eatable ; on top the flower is dark, 
tidsh piluitko. 
good smelling. 
Kléna palpalish shlapshaltk p'lai, kédsha kéketat, pakish, tids masitk; ma- 
a white flower having on top, grows in rivers, iseatable, well tasting; the 
15 klaks pan. 


Indians eat (it). 


ALIMENTARY SUBSTANCES. 147 

Kldpa kalkali, paki’sh; ka tanni 3”; taktakli pa’dshak, tapay kitchkani. 

iscylindric, eatable; solong: three inches: red (is) the pidshak- (its) leaves small. 
grass, 

Kl@ kalkali luti’sh; kedsha Méatok; pakish. 

is a rounded root; grows in Modoc country; (it is) eatable. 

Kté’ks wékash-shitko, kédsha taletat; kti’ksam shlapsh pii’pash, palpali, 3 
nuphar-alike, growson straightstalk; of the ktuks the bud (is) (its) top, is white, 
paki’sh. 
is eatable. 

Kwktéi t'sha kiiflatat, paki’sh; gémtchi tsdlas: O. 
lies onthe ground, eatable; soshaped (its) stalk: 

K@'ls kalkali, paki’sh; mina li’sha ambutat; kitchkani shlapsh witch- 6 

re globular, eatable; deep down it lies in the water; small is (the) flower of the 
payam. 
witchpai. 

Kai's wé-uzalks tsélash gi’tk, shlapsh gitk; paki’sh. 

Th a torked stem having, flower having; _ palatable. 

Kol. Taktakli tchélash gi’‘lam ni’kuk. I-ukak mdklaks hi/mtcha ¢i’l 9 

i = 5 

Red (is) the stalk of the kol when ripe. Around Fort the Indians this kind of kol 
Klamath 
shta’-ila tim, gitatoks k4-i tua kdl. Amtatka sha méya_pt/kgu- 
gather in quan- but here not there is kol. Withastick they ‘ig (it) to their 
tity, (at agency) any 
ishamtat shit’lagiank, tchti sha pfi’ka; i’kagank pii’n shtdpka 
Tuasting-place bringing it, then they roast (it) ; taking it ont again they pound 


(it) 


ktayatka. K6-i pi’luitk, tidshi tadsh pa’sh; hi kanf ko’/l @nt, 12 


with stones. Badly flavored, good however a food; if anybody kol carries 
on him, 
la’k hé/nksh shti’kok vii‘shat. 
a grizzly him smelling will flee. 
bear 
D’bd. Lupi’ sha’hlmalyo’tchtat shdpashtat I’b4 néka; wéwanuish stii/-ila 
At the first autnomn-commencement in (that) month l'b4 _—ripens; the females gather (it) 
yakitka wékank tiatka. sti sha ftpampalank shpdha, shutéshluk 15 
in baskets, beating (it) witha And they bringing it home dry (it) for cooking 
padule. 
sha gama; skatka gama ga’mkishtat. Willishikat sha iki’ga 
they pound (it); withapestle (they) in a mortar. Into sacks they fill (it) in 
7 pound 
pa’sht, tchti sa vami vumi'shtat willishikat ikigank. 
atter drying, aud they bury (it) in cachés, in sacks after putting it. 
Léhiash kedshé Méatok; gi’tatoks K-ukshi ké-i léyash kédshant. Tanapsh- 18 
grows in Modoc land; butright here in Lake not léyash is growing. Turnip 
(at agency) country 


shitko shlé’sh léyash; wi-uka lé’ntk léyash; tchélash toks 1é-isham 


alike to look at (is) léyash; noe very lies léyash; stalk of léyash 

‘eep 
nash pétch ati taktakli shlépsh gi’tk. Méatokni shnitchi’za 
(is) one foot tall, red flower having. The Modocs fry (it) 
lépuinatk palash shfi‘tank Iéhiash. Kv-i ma’shetk. 21 
in frying pans into bread making léyash. Badly tasting (it is). 


148 TOPOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTS. 


Mé-i. B-ukshikni madyalshuk vi’nshatka syéna shléank ¢-ushtat. Tehé- 
The Lake people _ for tule-gathering in canoes row out finding (it) in lakes. The 
lash sha shnii’kank ishka, yAnansh pil p*4nk ptiedsha. YAnakiinin 


stalks they seizing pullup, theirlower only eating throw away Each at the lower 
ends (the rest). end 


3 palpali gi nép panani. Sta-ila sha kshuné’mi, ké-i ma’nsh i/pka 
white is hand-long. Gather (it) they at grass-time, not long (can) lie 


ma-i; pa’shtak sha ptiedsha ktt-i kléksht. 


tule; as soon as dried they cast (it) bad having be- 
away, come. 


Nwtak kédsha ntchékayant kshi’nat shaigatat; 1i’k tchifpashptchi gi. 


grows on sma! grass-stalks in prairies ; seeds tehipash-alike are. 


6 Kapiunks-shitko sta’-ila wi’tak wéwanuish wékank yakitka. 
K4piunks just like gather nitak the women, __ by beating (it) into baskets. 
Pawash a kédsha aitzameénash ko'l, k4-i ki-i pi‘luitk kt’lam-shitk, lWiluyatk 
grows smaller than kol, not stinking kél-like, sweet 


toks kpapshash. Yafnakshi pil sha tim shléa. Techélash pa-usham 


but to taste. At Yaneks only they ce find. Stalk of paéwash 
(of it) 


9 wi-ukani, mi’kmukapsh palpalsh shlapsh gi’'tk. Pi’ka sha ha/nk 
is low, feathered (and) white flowers having. Bake they 
awash, tchii sha gama, shpahank sha i/lza la’ldam pdshluk. 
pdwash, then they pound (it), after drying (it) they preserve for winter gathering in. 
Paks nanukash-kiifla kédsha ti’m, titatna ké-i ti’mi. Pfi’ks kédsha 


everywhere grows in quanti- sometimes not in profu- Camass grows 
ties, sion. 


12 Oregon saigatat, tchékénish metsmétslish lelé-usam gi’tk tchélash; 
on Orego- prairies, minute blue flowers having (its) stalk; 
nlan 


pt’ks tehék’ni énions-shitko shléash palpali shankitk giug, pukatk 
camass small onions-similarly looking, is whitish raw being, when baked 


tchék lufluyatk ma‘sha nézuk. Pahdtko ma/ntch eintak i’pakt 


then sweetly tastes when it is When dried, alongtime afterwards it may 
done. remain, 


15 tuméni illdlash ka-i ké-i k’lékant. Shlaps tsmo’k piluitk. 


for mavy years not spoiled may become. The flower fish-stink smells after. 


Pu'lyuantch. Piena maklaks pi’lyuantchluk pient’'tkishtka; pfi’ka a sha 


Serape up the Indians for gathering the chry- with a paddle; roast (them) they 
the ground salids 
ktayatat kApokshtat kshii/n puetilank, waéldsha tehik sha kshin, 
with stones heated, grass putting under, lay on top then they grass, 
18 kné-udshi lokaptchya, tehfi sha kiifla ki‘lua pu’ktig pilyuantch. 
rough bark pile up on top, then they ith fill up for roasting the chrysalids. 
earth 
Stopalsh. Maklaks kiamii’mi guizakshii‘migshta stépalsha pikshiimi’ teh. Ka- 
The people in fishing-season, at home-leaving time peel trees, in camass-season also. 


kowatka sha kiulo’la stépalsh; kapka sha stépéla. Litiluyatk stép- 


With bones they peel off | the inner bark ; small pine- they peel, Of sweet taste (is! 
trees 
, , P n 7 R A} 
21 alsh; shanks hak sha pan. Kant i hin shlia shtopalhui’sh ki’sh 
the bark ; just raw they eat it. So many you (ofthem) find peeled off pine-trees 


i tamenug. Kaé-i ki’sh nanuk tcht’ka stépaluish: nanka tchika. 


you when traveling Not pine-trees all perish which were peeled; some dry up 


ALIMENTARY SUBSTANCES. 


149 


Taksish kaélkali, paki’sh; lawal ka ténian slapshtat; ki‘ilatat ]@’sha, ké-i 


the bud; on the ground it lies, not 


cylindzic, palatable ; is wide that 
pi'luitko. 


has smell. 


much at 


Tok pii'\pali kshi’n, kédsha ¢-ushtat. 


is a whitish grass, grows in Lake. 


Tstkal atini kshti‘n, kédsha é-ushtat. 


(is a) high grass, eTows in Lake. 


Tchi'psam kédsha kshii‘n-ptchi pata tchi’k néka 


grows grass-like (and) in summer-time 


gather, the women beat (it) 
into 


Tehti maéklaks tehipash 


ripens. Then 


shtii‘ila, wéwanuish wéka uli’yuga yakitat. 
hanl (it) in seed-baskets. 


Indians tchipash 


Liuilukshtka tii/ksh a 


In the hot coals in a fire 


tchipash shnii’ya, tchti tchi’k sha humashtgifulank péksha lem- 


the tchipash they parch, and after 


atchatka shilaklgi’shtka yi-ulalénank; a tehi’ksh hi’nk pekshélank 


rubbing; 


metate with the rnbbing-stone 


they 


having thus done grind (it) onthe 


now then 


having done 
gvinding 


pan éwa palatka 4mbu kituinank, tchti sha hfimasht-gi’ulank 


pouring into (it), then they 


again they upon a water 
empty (it) matted dish 


patampka wawalyank népatka hldépa. 


begin to eat (it) sitting around with hands 


kédshant, Méatok pi’‘la toksh ta’m wawawish gi. 


(is) growing, the Modoc only however 


country 


much I 


(of it) 


productive is 


after thus doing 


Gi'ta tchipash ké-i ta’m 
sop it up. Right here 


tehipash not in quan- 
tities 


Tchud kalkali: tyopé-shitko, gét pi techud; kédsha 4mbutat; ntchendshkani 


cylindric: thumb-like, so it (is) wapatu; grows in waters; rather small 
tchua, tehiyunk maklaks ishka tehui tchildlank pan; kikanka sha 
(is) w4patn, and it the Indians _ pulling and boiling eat; masticate they 
out 5 
tutatka. Takti’kli tchualam shlapsh; kinkdni tchua. 
with (their) Purple (is) of wild-potato the flower; scarce wapatu 
teeth (is) (bere). 
Tsudk kailatat li’sha, paki’sh; ka tanni tsélas: lap pe’tch; kakalkalish shlaps 
on ground extends, (is) eatable; so long is i“ two feet; round flowers 
stalk: 


p'lai gi’tko. 


ontop having. 


Tsuntka kédsha kiiilant, ¢é-ushtat, wali’dshat; paki’sh. Shlapsh 2” lawa- 


on cliffs ; 


grows on ground, on Lake, 


eatable. 


The flowers 2” a 


latk, tidsh piluitko, mt Ibf’ka gitk; ki’latat la’sha. 


wide, nicely smelling, a large bulb 


having; 


on ground it li 


68. 


Watksim mi’na ti'sha kii‘latat, paki’sh ; kédsa walidsat, pi’lpali shlapsh. 


deep lies in ground, eatable ; 


grows 


among cliffs, 


white (is) flower. 


Wi'wi atini, kédsha taletat; paki’sh shlapsh; kétsa palpali. 


the bnd; 


is tall, grows on straight eatable (is) 
stalks; 


grows white. 


To THE ABOVE ARE ADDED A FEW NON-ALIMENTARY SUBSTANCES: 


Kw lyamsh ti’sh a ti’pka kiflatat, ké-i paki’sh, 


upwards stands from ground, 


not 


eatable, 


thus looking: 


ptchi’nk: kia’m-lueld’tksh 


as @ fish-killing-article 


witsdlslank vii/nsat tamadsank téwas; kitchkadni shlaps. 


while net-fishing, in the canoe they fasten (it) the forked 


on 


bow 


net ; 


small (is) 


the flower. 


lor) 


18 


150 TOPOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTS. 


Skdwanks pushpt’shlish shlapshaltko, kli’kots, kédsha taletat; ki-idshi, k4-i 


has a dark lower, (is) apoisoner, grows on peseg fo (tastes) bad, not 
stalk; 
pakish. Pii’shyam kapkilam sy4wanks ké-idse k’li’kotk’sh. 
eatable. The limbs of the young (and) wila pars- (are) bad poisoners. 
pine nips 
Sleds ké-i paki’sh, mikmukli shlaps, kiii’m-luelo’tksh; witsdlslank é-ushtat 
not eatable, downy flowers, a fish-killing-article; while net-fishing in Lake 


shti’lya. 
they put it 
into (the net). 


Tilihash kK \itsud’tch-Anku vii’/nshtat shtékla. 


as a “‘swimming-sucker”- on canoe they stick up. 
woo 
Wakinsh a kédsha panit. Maklaks ishka pdndit lult4mpkash shutelomé- 
grows on the pan- The Indians pickit on pan-tree sticking tosmear themselves 
tree. 
shluk, lashnank sha shné’lakshtat. Tchtti tchik sha niksht wa- 
with, roast (it) they on fire-place. Then they after baking with 


(it), 


titka vukitank shushateléma télish, p’na’sh ktchdlyishtka shkuk- 


knives scraping (it), smear it on faces, themselves from sun-burns to pre- 
ludpkasht; pla’ tak sha iwinank shtéwa.. 
serve; grease they puttinginto mixup. 

NOTES. 


Several plants in this list appear, according to grammatic rule, in the possessive 
case -am, while their fruits or edible portion are introduced in the subjective case. To 
the former the substantive 4nku or tsélash has to be supplied. Small grasses are 
alimentary plants on account of their seeds only, while the larger aquatic grasses con- 
tain nutritive matter in their stalks. Of these notices the shortest and most laconie 
were obtained from Morgan, who did not enter into particulars ecncerning the prepa- 
ration of aliments. By this list the articles on which these Indians feed are by no means 
exhausted; they eat almost everything found in nature which is not positively obnox- 
ious to health and which contains a particle of nutritive matter, and hence a full list of 
their kitchen répertotre would be at least three times as long as the one obtained. 

146, 1. kak tan for k4 ak tanni “so long only”; the length being shown by gesture 
of hand. Also expressed by ka tanidni, 149, 1. and Vote. The yantch-plant grows to 
a length of 18 to 20 inches, the height of the camass- or pi’/ks-plant. 

146, 3. Képiunksim. The kapiunks-seed grows on a prairie-grass, like the tchi- 
pash- and nt’'tak-seed. : 

146, 7. 14. palpal stands for palpali (originally palpal-li), having lost its terminal 
-i by apocope; palpalish shlapshaltko incorporates the adjective white into the verbal 
adjective “having flowers”. This phrase may be circumscribed by pélpalish shlapsh 
gitko. Cf. 123, 6. and Note, and 150, 1. 

146, 8. wi-ukayant kéladshamat. Here the adjective in its locative case, used 
attributively, is united with the partitive case of the substantive, the original form of 
both being wi-ukAyantat kéladshamti; the subjective case: wi-ukdni kéladsham. 

146, 12. Kéndwat or horse sorrel is mentioned in an Aishish-myth and does not 


ALIMENTARY SUBSTANCES. Lae 


grow so tall in the cold Klamath highlands as in the Californian and Oregonian valleys 
adjoining them to the southwest and west, where its height attains sometimes three 
feet. Cf. Note to 94, 9. 

146, 14. Kl4na, an aquatic or tule-grass, of which they eat a portion of the young 
stalk. The term “tule,” from Aztec tolin, serves in the West to designate all kinds of 
rushes, stalks, and grass-like plants growing in the water and wet grounds. By 
k6kétat are meant the Williamson and the Sprague Rivers. 

147, 1. Kl4pa is the name of the eatable bulb or root growing on the pidshak- 
plant. The pidshak-grass becomes red in the autumn, when dry. 

147, 3. Kti’ks is the eatable root of a species of the cat-tail plant; taletat, loca- 
tive case of talish (or talesh?), straight stem, from taltali “forming a straight, unbroken 
line.” The kti’ks grows in the water, like the wild parsnip (skawanks); the natives 
dry the tender roots of the kta/ks and bake them into a sort of bread. The epithet: 
“like wokash” probably refers to the taste of this kind of food. 

147, 5. Kivktu. This plant attains a length of about 6 inches. 

147, 6. 7. Kals is the globular bulb of the witchpai water-plant. 

147, 8. Kis, kii/sh. This plant produces a hard, whitish, farinaceous bulb, which 
is commonly spoken of as ipo, a Shasti term, and is one of the most important food- 
articles of the Oregonian Indians. To dig or collect ki/sh: ka/shala, ka/shla. 

147, 9-13. KO’l, also pronounced kw, gi’, gal, isa kind of Aralia. The root is eaten 
only when roasted, and is then very nutritious, though spreading an abominable smell. 
This odor is so penetrating that, as alleged, the grizzly bear will attack nobody who 
smells after roasted kdl; to this we may add the restriction: ‘if he is not very hungry.” 
John D. Hunter mentions in his “‘ Manners and Customs of Indians,” ete. (Phila. 1823, 
page 370) that the Osages ascribe to the plant washoba-pesha the power of scaring 
away the black bear. This plant is an annual growth possessing sudorific and cathartic 
properties. Washobe is the black bear, mitchti the grizzly bear in that Southern 
Dakota dialect. 

147, 9. hi’mtcha gi/l: “the kdl in this condition,” viz: in the ripe state. The 
kol-plant is ripe when the stalk becomes red or reddish. 

147,10. méya. Speaking of many women digging bulbs or roots, sta-ila, sta/-ila is 
the regular form; its proper signification is: “to fill up” “to fill” (the conical root- 
basket worn on back, yaki). 

147, 10. 11. pa’/kguishamtat: “to their old roasting place”; pukuishamat might 
stand instead. The locative suffix -tat, -at is here appended to a verbal substantive 
of pika, to roast, standing in the possessive case -am, and -u- is the infix marking past 
tense. The guttural k has become distended into kg. 

147, 12. &nt or é/nd for énat, conditional of éna. Instead of @/nt, idshant (for 
idshnat) may stand in the Klamath Lake dialect. 

147, 14. Lupi/ ete. The import of this sentence is: “1/ba ripens in the month 
when autumn begins.” 

148, 1. M4-i is the common reed or tule-grass growing sometimes to the height of 
8 to 10 feet. The shallow borders of the lakes in the headlands of Klamath River are 
full of this growth, which is one of the most important economical plants for the 
Indian. Women manufacture from it mats, dishes, baskets, lodge covers, nets, sacks, 
bags, and the young stalk yields in its lower part a palatable marrow. 


152 TOPOGRAPHY AND NATURAL PRODUCTS. 


148, 2-4. Yanakiinin for yanakiinini; ef. suffix -ni, -nini in Dictionary. ma/nsh for 
ma‘/ntch. pa/shtak for pahasht ak, cf. pa/sht, 147, 17. for pahasht. 

148, 5. Nu’tak. This grass belongs to the genus Glycerium, as identified by Dr. 
E. Foreman, and produces a tiny, grayish bright seed of tchipash size. The flowers 
are of a light red color. The grass is found around the agency buildings and grows 
about one toot high. 5 

148, 7. PAwash properly means tongue. 

148, 11. Pi’/ks or camass. Its bulb is one of the principal food-articles of all the 
northwestern Indians, but does not grow in profusion in the warmer portions of Cali- 
fornia. It is of the magnitude of the walnut, very saccharine and nutritious, ripens 
in May and June, and by the roasting or baking process described in the text becomes 
as hard as stone. The Maklaks call it after pt’ka to roast, the Shasti name is s6k, the 
Pit River name iihualé, while the name kamas, “sweet,” is of Nutka origin. The 
botanists call the plant Scilla or Camassia esculenta. Cf. Note to 146, 1. 

148, 14. ipakt, metathesis of ipkat, the conditional of ipka to lie there, to remain. 

148, 16. pilyuantch. The gathering of this pupa or chrysalid and of its caterpillar, 
the syeshi’sh, is chiefly done by the women of the tribes, who find them imbedded at 
no great depth in the sandy ground around pine trees. Another chrysalid, the kili’gs, 
is collected and roasted by them in the same way and tastes like eggs. kshi/n pueti- 
lank: putting grass under the chrysalids, not under the heated stones. The stones are 
replaced by other heated ones, as soon as they have cooled off; the larva assumes a 
black color after roasting and tastes like eggs. See pilyuanteh in Dictionary. 

148, 19. guizakshii/migshta. The season of the year, when the exodus of the whole 
tribe to Klamath Marsh takes place, where pond-lily seed is collected for the winter, 
is about the middle of June. The ending -ta is an abbreviation of the case suffix -tat. 
Three seasons are stated in the text, when the peeling of the inner or fibre bark of 
small pine trees is performed; of these the camass-season precedes the exodus to 
Klamath Marsh by a few weeks only, and the fishing season lasts from February to 
the end of the summer. Of course, the peeling of the kaépka-pine coincides with the 
season when the sap ascends through the young tree. The bark is removed from 
about five feet to fifteen or twenty feet above the ground, and most of the beautiful 
pines treated in this manner are doomed to premature decay, though many survive 
the operation. The aspect of a forest with some of the pine trees peeled is rather 
singular. 

148, 21. shanks hak, contraction of shankish hak or ak. 

149, 1. ka tanian for ka taniani “so much in width or extent.” The bud of the 
taksish has a width of about half an inch. Cf. Note to 146, 1. 

149, 3. 4. tok. This aquatic grass grows about two feet high; by é-ushtat is meant, 
here and in tsi/kal: Upper Klamath Lake. 

149, 3. pii/lpali, vocalic dissimilation of palpali or pii/Ipiili; cf. taktii/kli 149, 14. 

149, 5. Tchi/psam is a prairie grass on which the brown tchipash-seed grows. 
This seed is extremely small, and it takes a long time before a sufficient quantity of it is 
gathered to afford a meal for a family. Still smaller is the nitak-seed, and both are 
striking instances of the persistence of the Indians in keeping up their old mode of 
living, when by agriculture and stock-raising they could procure provisions with 
infinitely less trouble and in much shorter time. 


INCANTATIONS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 1s 


149, 6. tii/ksh is probably the adessive case of téke (6) fire-place, hearth: t6k-kshi. 

149, 12. Tchua is the long, cylindric root of the Sagittaria sagittifolia, an aquatic 
plant common in the West and East of the United States. In Oregon the term potato 
or wApatu (Chinook jargon) is most commonly heard for it. The name of Chewaukan 
Marsh, a sink and low ground situated east of Upper Klamath Lake, is a corruption 
of Tehuayé/ni: “where the arrow-leaf is found.” The flower of the wapatu varies 
between red, reddish and whitish. 

149, 17. Tsuni/ka. The flower has a diameter from two to three inches. 

149, 21. Kilyamsh is put on strings by the women and thus serves to attract the fish. 

149, 21. ptehi/nk: after this word ought to be seen the picture of a tiny vegetal 
cylinder, about one inch long and slightly curved. 

150, 1. Skawanks or wild parsnip, a poisonous plant growing in wet places to the 
height of three feet. 

150, 8. p’na/sh, contracted from p’nalash, is the direct object (reflective) of shkuk- 
ludpkasht: to guard themselves against becoming chapped by sun-burns. The wakinsh 
seems to be a kind of resin and furnishes a red paint, as does also the k’lépki. 


E-UKSHIKISHAM K{UKSHAM SHUI’/SH SHUINO’TKISH TCHIiSH. 


INCANTATION SONGS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 


1. Introductory song: 


‘ 


Ya'ka nf, ya'ka ni, yi'ka ni ete. ~-+|~-~+ 
I sing, I sing, I sing (in chorus). 
2. Song, reference unknown: 
Wiwiwa! ni shawalsh witnank! ~+|-~-~-+|+- 
Blown off! the plume-crest has disappeared from me! 
3. Song of the wind: 
Kanftala m’sh f shlewitaknii‘la? --|~~--+|~+|-~+~- 
népaksh a-i ni’sh shlewitakné'la. =~ +|~—|~ +|- +~ 


Who, I wonder, is blowing out of my mouth? 
The disease is emanating from my mouth. 


4, The conjurer’s song: 


Tua ki na shatashtaknf’la? ~+|-~-|--+ 
ni/paks ni shatashtaknfla. = + | ~ — | a 
tua ki’ nfi shatashtatzi’sh? ee 
ni’paks nti shatashtatyi’sh. =| Be |e 
What do I remove from my mouth ? 
The disease I extract from my mouth. 


What is the thing I take out? 
It is the disease I am taking out. 


i 


4 


5. 


6. 


10. 


1 


13. 


14. 


15. 


POETIC TEXTS. 


Song of the woodchuck: 
Kafla na guti’lan@ =-|+-|+~-|- 
I am descending into the ground. 
Little girl's song: 
Shmashmayalti, shmashmayalti — ~~~ |—-+~- 


In quill-fringed buckskin dressed, 
In poreupine-fringed buckskin dressed. 


Song of the washpdlaks-fox: 
A’kali’kéla nf, a’/kali/kéla ni = + | —— Reece |e ei a 
Long and slim I am, long and slim I am. 
Song of the fire-mantle: 
Lf‘luksash nf shkutfya +~--_—|+-~|- 
In fire-flames I am enveloped. 
Song of the tuakish-crane: 
N&@ shni’lashtat nfi tgeli’‘wa -~-+|~+|-+~- 
I stand upon the rim of my nest. 
Song of the blind medicine-girl: 
Tchatchélushkanka ni tchfutchifish shnezi’tko 


| 2) | 
Slee ee 


Isearch the ground with my hands, find there the feathers of the yellow 
hammer and deyour them. 


Another song of the same: 
Palak! ish ha lilpalpalfat! ~+|--+|--+|— 


Quick! make ye eyes for me! 


. Bird’s song: 


N@’sh pian tildluansha = ~ [ee ee 


As a head only, I roll around. 


Song, reference unknown: 


|| | 
SS) | a) ee 


Tua pash na? tud pash 4 nf? ~-| 
What am I? what am I? 


Song, reference unknown: 
Ha liyam’na, ni liyam’na ~~|~-~|+-~ 
This round thing I hold in my hand. 
Song of the long-tailed black marten: 
A walyatchaika nfi gatamlya + ~|+--|4-|+~- 


I the black marten, I travel around this land. 


INCANTATIONS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 


16. Song of the skunk: 

YAmashtka nii tuituigidsha + ~|+ ~|+~-|+~ 

In the north wind I dance around, tail spread, festive and gay. 

17. Chorus song: 

Tua ki ni kdéga? J Rahs, 3 Boe 

ni paks ai nikéga. +~~~|+~ 

What do Isuck out? The disease I am sucking out. 

18. Song of the boards: 

P4pkash hudlta +~~-|+-~ 

Lumber-boards are rattling. 

19. Song of the lizard: 

Ki! ki’ya nf afkana +~|+~-|+~-- 

Lo! thus I the lizard stick my head out. 

20. Song, reference unknown: 

Y4mash ai nish wilamnapka + ~|+~|+-|-+~ 

The north wind has followed me. 

21. Song of the black mouse: 

Tua ki nti tashuldla? eee 

ni’poks ai nai tashulfi‘la. ~~+|~ =|~~- +|~ 


Through what do I pass with my paws? 
My paws glide over the hair of the disease. 


22. Song of the washpdlaks-fox : 

L’ékish, Vékish gen&é + ~-|+~|-~~+ 

Crazed I am wandering. 

23. Song of the weasel: 

Shi‘ka na, sh¢éka nf +-~-|+~~ 

Iam squealing, I am squalling. 

24. Song of the dog: 

Watchag ai nfi nf’kanka, ~-~|-~|+~~ 

yamashtka nf nf’kanka. +~|+~|+~¥~ 


I the dog am straying, 
In the north wind I am straying. 


25. Song, reference unknown: 
Shla’wish 4-i nish wilhua +-|+--~|+~+ 


The storm gust dashes right on me. 


155 


156 


26 


27. 


28. 


29. 


30. 


31. 


32. 


35. 


36. 


POETIC TEXTS. 


. Song, reference unknown: 
Mé'méni gé-u stfi’kish gi + _|+ |_| ~~ 
Heavy hailstones I possess. 
Song, reference unknown: 
Nafnaya! ni’sh shléwish witnank! ~~~ [eo eee 


I am shivering! the wind blows down on me! 
Song of the bug: 
Shatyish a-i ni kéga +~|+-_|+~ 
I the bug, I bite and suck. 
Song of the mink: 
Miashtka nti udumulipka ~~-|-~ + - ES es 
IT am swimming out while the south wind blows. 
Song of the young silver-fox: 
Wanam wéash nti wilamndpka + ~|+ ~~ ae eae 
The young red fox I follow up. 
The meantation sings: 
Shui’sh hatak nf géna nil 
I the song I am walking here. 
Fox's song: 
Lalalashtala wikA nf ~~|_ ~~ Se 


I am blowing air from my flanks. 
. Song of the tuakish-crane: 
Tuadnzi, tudnzi, tudnzi, tuanzi..... Meet | |e 

. Songs, forming refrains to song No. 33. 

a-ahahtya, a-aha-a-ahiya +-~|+_-|+-- -|-+- 

a nti hé-e-i, a ni hé-e-i ||| eee 
Song of the disease: 

Tua ni shlewflam’na? ~ +|~-=+|~~- 


népaks an shlewflai’na. BY es EE 


What thing do I blow around? 
The disease I am blowing around in the air. 


Song of the grizzly bear’s cub: 
Yafnatat nai eitaktnila, +-—-|+-]+~- 
li’kam nfi wéash gi. | ne 


On the mountain top I am peeping out, 
Of the grizzly bear I am the child. 


INCANTATIONS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 15 


| 


37. Song of the female wolf: 
Ka/-utchish gfi’l@ h’lflantana + ~~-|+ —|+~-j-2- 
I, the she-wolf, am rolling agaiust (a tree?) 
38. Spoken by the conjurer while manipulating: 
Neta, neta <2. 2.) =: hahayti-ia 
Nent > nents 8. ot hahayi-ia 
39. Song of the tchiwititikaga-bird: 
Ku-i witila, ki-i witfla + -—|+-|/4--|+- 
Fearfully the wind blows underneath here. 
40. Song of the blind girl: 
Luashtka nfi la'tehipka, + --~-|+ ~~ 
kafla nékant ni hiyapka. _-|+- -|+-~- 


In the fog I am straying blind, 
All over the earth I am wandering. 


41. Song of the water-bug: 

Adshi Adshi tech4ya, Adshi 4dshi tehdyageos| os | eee eee 
42. Song of the grizzly bear: 

Kafla nf hai shla’tila -2-_-|+- 

Tam scratching up the ground. 

43. Song of the little gray tchikass-bird: 

Yafnash a-i nfi shluléla +-|+~-_|+~- 

T am wafted off from the mountain. 

44, Song of the sko'ks or spirit: 

Kaké pila nf la-ulawa 

Reduced to mere bones, I rattle through the air. 

45. Sung by the disease, found to live in water: : 

Shléwishash nv tilutaknié’/la 


Breath I am emitting. 


46. 


~ 


Song of the grizzly bear: 

4 ] 4 ; ’ 1 ‘ ’ 
Tunépni gé-u wélwash gi, ~-+|~+|-+|- + 
paltko gé-u wélwash gi. a (Se Fs a 

I have tive water springs and (all) my springs are dry. 
47. Song of the black snake: 
Wamnaksh ai i’ nd tindlila ~_|-+|_~~+|+- 


I the black-spotted snake am hanging here. 


158 


48 


POETIC TEXTS. 


. Conjurer’s own song: 
Kaflanti nf shi‘Ishila +---|+~-~- 


I, the earth, am resounding like the roll of thunder. 


49. Bird’s song: 
Nena nfi, nenadna ~+~-|~+~ 
I flutter along the ground (while walking). 
50. Song of the grizaly bear: 
Yainalam shuliyualsh + -~--—|+~-- 
51. Woman’s song: 
Shutpashuftk gfin snewédshash gi, ~~ -|+~|+~|+-~ 
shutpashuitk a ni snewédshash gi. + -~-|+~|+~-|+~ 
Painted I am on the body, 
I, a woman, am painted black. 
52. Song of the weasel: 


53. 


57 


Gaikash, gafkash nuyéamna ~+~|+~|+~~ 
Fooling, fooling I run around. 
Song of the gray fox: 
Nanuktua nfi papi’sh gi ~+|~-+|-~+~- 
Everything I can devour. 


The conjurer speaks as follows: 


Ha’masht hak gek lupi’ kalkéla, hit hink tchi’ka-ag tutizdlatk 


Therefore this (patient) first was hurt, that (his) mother 


undk p&pka. At tchik hiink ke’k k’lékshashtala télsham 


early ate. Then this (patient) to the spirit-land 


Conjurer speaks: 


Kagga waktdla i ndashzé’ni nia hémkanksh washi liwatchamp- 


What (and) whythen you towardsme awhile were speaking indoors 


ago 
kish ? 
patient) ? 
Conjurer’s song: 
Tuatala nish hf lyetknila? -~|~-=+|~-~+|- 
gfi’pal a-i nish lyetknila. (SS |e 


What is coming out of my mouth? 
Black substance is hanging down from my mouth. 


. Song, reference unknown: 
Liash ai nf’sh a lf’‘lamnapka + ~~|+~-|+~ ~~ 


Fog followed drifting after me. 


INCANTATIONS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 159 


58. Song of the turtle: 
Tud ki nish lé-ula? -~+|~-~-~+|- 
Which game did you play with me? 


NOTES. 


‘ This long series of shamanic songs in use on the Williamson River was obtained 
from Mary, a young pupil of the boarding school of Indian children at the Klamath 
ugency. When living among the Indians on the Williamson River she had heard all 
these songs very frequently, and in an interesting evening entertainment she faithfully 
reproduced the manipulations of the male and female conjurers upon a little rag baby 
lying on the floor on a bed made up of old blankets, the figure representing some poor 
suffering Indian patient. The other Indian girls of the school joined in a lively chorus 
every time when she had fairly started any of these incantations, and given the signal 
by clapping hands. 

On the day following these incantations were dictated, translated and explained 
to me by Minnie Froben, assisted by Mary, and though both persisted in the statement 
that the order in which the songs are sung was quite immaterial, I present them here 
in the order in which I obtained them. 

Each of these song-lines is sung many times by the conjurer, then repeated by the 
chorus a dozen times or more. The chorus varies the melody somewhat each time, but 
this musical variation is so slight and insignificant that the general impression of 
monotony is not dispelled by it. Quite a number of these songs have very pretty 
melodies, but by long repetition even these must of course produce tediousness and 
disgust; other songs have weird and strange tunes, others are quaint, but almost 
repulsive by their shrill accents; these may be said to form the transition to the mere 
howls and imitations of animal voices, which are frequent also in doctoring ceremonies, 
but more frequent in the war-shouts and funereal cries and wailings. 

The animal or object of nature to which the conjurer attributes each of the song- 
lines was not remembered in every instance. Where this reference was obtained, it 
was added at the head of the song or song-line. The animals mentioned in these songs 
are all supposed to have been sent out by the conjurer to look out for the whereabouts 
of the personified disease, from which the patient is suffering, and whatever the con- 
jurer sings about the animals refers to what he sees them doing while on their errand. 
On the distinction made between shui/sh and shuino/tkish ef. Note to song 9. 

Kitksam shui/sh is not merely a conjurer’s song, but a mysterious agency con- 
nected with a spell of preternatural power. This spell is not exclusively attached to 
a song sung by a conjurer, but it may be borne also by a dream, disease, by some 
drug, or by that kind of witcheraft which is called elsewhere the evil eye. Kitksam 
shui’sh is therefore a beneficial or destructive tamd4nuash agency, which when applied 
to a patient can cure him or make him worse; when appearing under the shape of a 
dream, it is a dream of good or one of bad augury. 

The conjurer sometimes diversifies his songs, all of which are sung in the minor 
keys, by inserting spoken words relating to the condition of the patient and the effects 
of his treatments; specimens of this are given in 38.54.55. Parts of them are also 
repeated by the chorus. 


160 POETIC TEXTS. 


Many Indians do not understand all these songs, which contain many archaic forms 
and words, and the conjurers themselves are generally loth to give their meaning, even 
if they should understand them. Some songs are of a stereotypic application in the 
treatment of all or the majority of the maladies. <A close familiarity with the habits 
of animals of the forest manifests itself throughout, as well as in the mythic tales. 

The translations added by me are not literal; they render the meaning of the 
songs in a free and parapnrastic manner. In the metrics the accentuated syllables 
designate a higher pitch of the singing voice. 

153; 2. Literally: “I blew off the feather-crest.” 

153; 3. To read: shléwi witynt/lank, seems preferable in this connection. Cf. 35. 

154; 6. On grand occasions young women were in the habit of dressing in buck- 
skin robes, fringed with porcupine quills (shméyalsh). In a myth the bull-frog was 
reported to wear constantly this kind of dress, and hence originated a sort of pro- 
verbial locution: k6-e shmashmayalti: “the bull-frog in the shmaéyalsh-dress.” Cf. 
shnaéyam. Zoologists call this frog: Rana pipiens. 

154; 7. This is called washpalaksam shui’sh, the medicine-song of the washpdlaks- 
fox species, Vulpes velox. The exterior of this fox may be sketched by the words: 
a/kela/kéla watchag hi/tchnuk, a long-bodied dog is running or trotting. Cf. song 22. 

154; 9. This is called the tuaksham shuino/tkish or incantation sung by the crane 
itself through the mouth of the conjurer: Nobody could hear the bird’s voice if the 
conjurer did not sing its soug. A song, which the conjurer sings for himself and by 
which he does not interpret any animal or other object of nature, is called kitksam 
shui/sh and is endowed with magic powers. In the West of the United States the 
tuakish is popularly known as shitepoke, in the East as fly-up-the-creek. 

154; 10. The feathers of the yellow hammer are worn on neck as an ornament. 

154; 12. This refers to a certain large bird not specified, which contracts its body, 
so that the head seems to be its largest part. When walking, the bird seems to roll 
around on the prairie. Pilan for pila ni. 

154; 14. The object to which song 14 refers is not known. 

154; 15. Walyatchaga is very probably, though not certainly, a kind of mavten. 
Mantles were made of its fur. This rimed incantation is called walyatehkalam 
shuino’tkish. 

155; 16. Called: tchashisham shuino/tkish; melody very pretty. The diphthong 
ui is pronounced here as one syllable. Skunks, while running around, are in the habit 
of holding straight up their bushy tails, which are almost as long as their bodies. 

155; 17. This pretty song is chanted by the choristers while the kiuks feigns to 
suck out of the body the tiny object which is supposed to have caused the disease, 
and before he gets if out. k6éga, k6ka means originally to bite; bite first, then suck 
the disease out. 

155; i8. Papkash is pronounced almost like pavkash; 144, 11. kopka like kévka. 

155; 19. Alludes to a peculiar nodding observed in lizards when running out of 
their holes and stopping at the issue. 

155; 20. The animal to which this song refers is not known. Compare No. 16. 24. 
The literal meaning is: “‘The north wind blows around me from the distance.” 

155; 21. This song, with a beautiful melody, is the shuino/tkish of a mouse species 
with pig-like proboscis. 


INCANTATIONS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 161 


155; 22. Véksh, léksh, distr. lélaksh crazy, maddened, intoxicated. This song is 
sung also: 18-é/ksh, lé-é/ksh gené: ~ +|-+|--+ Cf. 154; 7. 

155; 23. The weasel is squealing, because hunters have caught or trapped it. 

156; 26. Probably refers to one of those birds to whom the power is attributed to 
bring about storms, fog, snow, or any change of the weather. 

156; 27. Compare songs 2 and 3. 

156; 28. This bug, perhaps a scarabee, bites the skin to suck out the disease from 
the wound. 

156; 30. This is probably a song of the wind, not of the young silver-fox (as I was 
told), and [ have translated it as such. The song No. 20 is analogous to it in every 
respect; the winds, which the Indians constantly compare with the spread of the 
disease, are frequently mentioned in these songs as blowing upon some animal or other 
object sent out by the canjurer to discover the whereabouts of the disease. Cf. No. 16. 
20, 24. 25. 29. 39. 43. and 57. 

156; 32. This song is said to allude to the circumstance that one fox’s how] seems 
to sound like the cries of many foxes howling together. Laladlash are both sides of one 
and the same beast. 

156; 33. With these monotonous sounds the tuakash or tuakish calls itself by its 
own cry: tnak, wak, tu4k. Tudnyzi is: tuaék ni gi “tuadk I am crying.” Cf. 154; 9. 
Two refrains to this line are formed by the two lines of No. 54. 

156; 35. The personified disease spreads the germs of sickness through the atmos- 
phere. This song is comparable to songs 3 and 45. 

157; 37. The signification of h’lilantana could not be disclosed, but it seems to be 
similar to that of tilantana. 

157; 39. This small bird is dark, and has a red or yellow neck. 

157; 43. Speaks of a fog drifting away from the mountains and turning into a 
cloud, which is drifting also. 

157; 44. The bones of a dead person’s skeleton are supposed to rattle against each 
other, the spirit being here identified with the skeleton. 

157; 46. Often sung wélwashi gi; epenthctic syllables are frequent in these songs, 
e.g. Walyatchika in song 15. 

157; 47. The waménigsh or wamn’aks, a species of Pityophis, has large black spots 
and frequently occurs in the Klamath country. Tunulila means to hang down over 
something as over a rock. 

158; 48. This is sung when water is poured over the patient. A more literal 
translation would be: ‘I am resounding within the ground.” 

158; 50. Yainalam shuliyualsh means round, cylindric or globiform objects stand- 
ing in a row on a mountain. The den of the grizzly bear is supposed to be in the 
mountains or on a mountain top. Cf. song 36. My informants did not know what the 
objects were which stood in a series, but if any religious notions were connected with 
them, we may compare the three sacred rocks standing on a mountain top in Peruvian 
mythology. These rocks were fetishes indicative of stone worship, representing a 
mother with two sons. Another myth mentions four of them, representing Catequil 
(the god of thunder), Viracocha, a sun god and a fire god. The song No. 50 is sung by 
the chorus while the kiuks is dancing. 

11 


162 POETIC TEXTS. 


158; 51. The paint was put on expressly for the dance and smeared across her 
breast or anywhere on body; gin for ké nd, gé ni, vowel t inverted. 

158; 54. These spoken words are also repeated by the choristers. The repetition 
is very long and noisy and winds up in a howling. tutizélatko, after having ceased to 
dream. This would imply, that after dreams fasting must be observed as a religious 
custom. k’lékshashtala for the correct form kKleképkashtala. This phrase occurs in 
68, 8., and is explained in Note. 

158; 55. The meaning is rather obscure, probably owing to omissions. 


KiGKsHAM SHUI’SH. 


CONJURER’S INCAN TATIONS. 


OBTAINED FROM CHIEF JOHNSON AND SuB-cHIEr DAVE HILL. 


1. Song of the disease: 
Na’pakshtka hinui na; kaludshtat na 


By sickness I am prostrate; I am (now) up in the clear sky. 
2. Song of the woodpecker: 
Késhash k4-a ni piupiuténna + ~|+-~|+~|+-~ 
I am picking hard at the bark of a pine tree. 
3. Song of the tuktukuash-hawk: 
Kuédta nf tchiliké nf ~+|~+|~-+|-~ 


Tam pinching hard. 


> 


Song of the white-headed eagle: 
Kaludshtat nai tchutchia ~ +|~+|~ -+~ 
Tam croaking high up in the skies. 

5. Song of the weasel: 

Kaflash nf shuina a ni yana ~+|~+|~-+|~+ 

From under the ground I am singing. 

6. Song of the mink: 

Atin tcheli/wash géna ~+|~-+|-~--+ 

Ripples in the water-sheet I am spreading far and wide. 

7. Song of the skunk: 
Té-i, té-i, ksitlya + -|+-|-+~- 


With shortened steps Tam dancing. 


CONJURER’S INCANTATIONS. 163 


8. Song of the quiver: 
Yahiash ni tadsi tadsi +-~-|+-|--~- | + 


9. Song by a companion of the old frog: 
Ku-e welékash ni wélwash tchalekfya -+|~+|~--+4]-+-- 


An old frog-woman I sit down at the spring. 
10. Song of the gdwi-bird: 
Shawalish haf nfi shlatanfya ~~ -|+-_—_|+~- 
A flint-headed arrow I am ready to dispatch. 
11. Song of the eagle-feather: 
Mi’kash a gi nd, gen4 nf, ho +~|~-+|_+|-+ 
I am the eagle-feather, I am going down, hé! 
12. Song, reference unknown: 
Ku-i hai nen ksful’ka 
I feel too bad for dancing. 
13. Song of the dwarf: 
Na’hnias nani nanf nanf-a aanania...... nani, nani-i-a 


14. Song, reference unknown: 
Kiifla nf spi’amna + -~|+ ~~ 
I am dragging out dirt. 
15. Song, reference unknown: 
Shappashti na laki gi 
I am the lord of the sun. 
16. Song of the shaizish-bird: 


Shaizi’sh giluaga lulamndla ~~+|~~+|~+|-+]- 
I the little black female bird am lost and strayed. 


NOTES. 


162; 1. By others this song was given as follows: Ni/paks kinuina kalowat na: 
“J the disease am meandering through the skies.” This variant is evidently prefer- 
able to the one above. 

162; 2. In the Sahaptin language of the Yakima, Washington Territory, a certain 
bird is called piapin; the Klamath Lakes call a spotted kind of woodpecker shpiwbpush. 
Both terms are derived from an onomatopoetic radix piu, imitating the picking at the 
bark by the woodpecker. 

162; 3. The taktukuash or fish-hawk, Pandion carolinensis, occurs in large num- 
bers on the lakes of the Klamath highlands. Like that of many other birds, its Indian 
name is derived onomatopoetically from its ery. 


164 POETIC TEXTS. 


162; 4. Of the yatiyal, white-headed or bald eagle, Haliaetus leucocephalus, another 
conjurer’s song was obtained. Of. 165; 5. 

162; 5. The wording of this song could not be obtained with certainty. 

162; 6. Stands for: ati tchela/wash nf géna. 

162; 7. té-i, téi has no meaning, but simply serves to beat the measure when 
dancing with short steps. 

163; 8. This song is said to be that of the quiver (t6kanksh) and its purport the 
same as that of No. 7. Yahiash is a kind of aquatic bird. 

163; 9. A similarly worded song is in the Modoe collection, given by Toby Riddle. 

163; 10. Shawalsh is here lengthened into sh4walish for metrical reasons. 

163; 11. This is a favorite song of a kiuks on the Williamson River, called Skakum 
Doctor (stout doctor). Given by Dave Hill, also 12 and 13. 

163; 13. Foot-prints not larger than those of a baby are sometimes discovered in 
the higher mountains of the Cascade Range. The Indians refer them to a dwarf called 
nahnias, whose body can be seen by the conjurers of the tribe only. The dwarf gives 
them his advice for curing the sicknesses of others and inspires them with a superior 
kind of knowledge. 

163; 14-16 were dictated by an Indian whom I found at Linkville. 

163; 15. The name of the animal, probably a bird, to which this conjurer’s song 
refers was not obtained. Cf. shAapsam ptchiwip in Dictionary. 


E}-UKSHIKISHAM KIUKSAM sHUuI’SH. 


INCANTATIONS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE CONJURERS. 


OBTAINED FROM ‘‘ SERGEANT” MORGAN, 


1. Song of the Lake: 
Ktsdlui gé-u é-ush 


My lake is glittering in azure colors. 
2. Song of the rain-storm: 
Gé-u a-i népaks népka, 
gflkash gé-u ha shufsh. 


The disease produced by me has arrived, 
T am the storm and wind and this is my song. 


3. Song of the conjurer’s arrow: 
Gé-u a hi’t hini’sish 
This here is my long magic arrow. 
4. Song of the North wind: 
Yamsam g¢-u gé’-ish kapa + ~~ ~|+-_ 


Iam the North wind, and in my path T am irresistible. 


5. 


6. 


10. 


It 


12. 


LS: 


14. 


15. 


16. 


INGCANTATIONS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE CONJURERS. 


Song of the yaukal-eagle: 
Plafna ni kshaki’dsha + ~| + ~|+~ 
High up in the skies I describe my magic circles. 
Song of the little sucker: 
Yénash ai nish sléwish wita + -|+~-|+~|-+- 
Now the wind-gust sings about me, the yén-fish. 
Words sung by the East wind: 
Yéwa, yéwa, yéwa, yéwa  +~-|~~|+-~-|-~ 


Easter, easter, eastern, eastern. 


. Song of a black snake: 


Kamtilagam gé-u génhuish ~~-|+~|+~|+- 
This is mine, the black snake’s, gait. 
Conjurer’s kat hidwash-incantation: 
Gé-u hit ké-ish kat’hidwasam 
Thus I walk when I tie up the hair. 
Song of the black ground-mouse or kélayua: 
Munana nai shuina 
Down in the dark ground I am singing my strain. - 
Conjurer’s song of the rope: 
Kéniks a-i nfi sti’nyi-uapk ~+|~+|-~+|-~~- 
I will pull a rope from my entrails. 
Gray wolf’s song: 
Ké-utchish ai nfi shui’sh gf +~-|+--~]+-~- 
I am the gray wolf magic song. 
Song of the female lizard, ki'a kilu: 
Ské‘lala gé-u kii’la kialam ké-ish 
The land on which I, the female lizard, am treading, belongs to the lark. 
Song of the male lizard, ki'a laki: 
Ktsalui ki’alam gé-u ké-ish 
When I the lizard am walking, my body is resplendent with colors. 
Song of the kilidshiksh-duck: 
Tseléwa gé-u é-us ~+|~+|~+~- 
In my lake ripples I am spreading. 
Song of the yellow jacket or ki'nsh: 
Ni’ ai nen nfitfi’yamna 


Here I am buzzing around. 


1 


or 


166 


17: 


18. 


19: 


20. 


21. 


24. 


25. 


26. 


POETIC TEXTS. 


Song of the young deer’s claws: 
Kodsi‘ngs a gé-u walta 
My deer-claws are rattling. 
Song of the kshi'kshnish-hawk: 
Wéash 4-i nti kshikatkal ~-+]-~+|-+- 
I carry my offspring with me. 
Song of the pelican or kumal: 
Ha wishtkak ni niyamna ~~ +|~+~~ 
Noisily I am blowing around. 
Song of the swan: 
Kii’sham gé-u witchtaks 
By me, by the swan, this storm has been produced. 
Woman's song: 
Kutchi/ngshka hi’ mii‘luesh 


The feet of a young deer are my medicine-tools. 


2. Song of the male kals or kalyalsh-bird: 


Ka'lsam gé-u limalaks 
This is my song, the kalsh-bird’s, who made the fog. 


. Song of the female kals-bird: 


Kalsam kilo gé-u li’malaks 
Like my consort, the kalsh-bird, I produce fog at will. 

Song of the otter or kolta: 

Conjurer: Gitkaks gé-u népk 

The small-pox brought by me, the otter, is upon ye. 
Chorus: Killi‘lga kéltam génuish 
The otter’s tread has whirled up the dust. 

Conjurer’s song: 

K6-idsi ai nti shui’sh gi 

Tam a conjurer’s fatal song. 

Funeral song: 

Li’/luksam nfi skti‘tchaltko 


I am now wrapped in the garments of fire-flame. 


. Song of the mamaktsu-duck: 


Gutitgulash gé-u népka ~ +|~ +{~~ +|~ 


Belly-ache is the disease which I carry along with me. 


INCANTATIONS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE CONJURERS. 


28. Song of mpampaktish-duck: 
Guti’tkuls ¢é-u nii/paks 
8 p 
Belly-ache is the disease I am bringing on. 
29. Song of the South wind: 
Mé’ash ai nf’ shui’sh gi, + ~-|+~|+- 
kafla nfi wikansha. Lge re\ | piss 
I am the South wind’s magic song and sweep over the earth. 
30. Song of the conjurer’s implements: 
Tchi ha tché-us mi’luash ; 
kéltam gé-u hi mii‘luash, 
szil gé-u bt mf’luash. 
So looks the medicine-tool taken from the yellow hammer; 


This is my curing-tool, that of the otter; 
This is my curing-tool, that of the otter-skin belt. 


31. Song of the black ndta-duck: 

Nfi ai nata shui’sh 

The nata-duck is now singing about itself. 

32. Song of the ni’ sh-tilansnéash-bird: 

Li’paksh gé-u miiluash +~|+_|+-~ 

White chalk is my medicine-tool. 

33. Song of the pipe: 

Katchkalam mii’luash, 

pa’ks gé-u mii’luash. 

The smoking pipe is my medicine-tool, the implement for the tobacco. 

34. Song of the scoop: 

E-usam mi’luash, 

pala hai gé-u mifi’luash hi. 

This scooping-paddle is my curing-instrument, that tool used on the lake. 

35. Song of the pop-tchikas bird: 

Pép-tsikas nf’ shui’sh gi ~~ ~|+-|+~ 

Tam the incantation of the little pép-tsikas bird. 

36. Song of the shka'-bird: 

N@ ai nen n@ shui’sh gi, ~-|+-~-j+~— 

plaina nfi kaki’dsa. LS) OES) a & 


Tam a magie song and circle high above the earth. 


167 


168 


37. 


38. 


39. 


AO. 


41. 


42. 


43. 


45. 


46. 


47. 


POETIC TEXTS. 


Song of Old Marten or Skélamtch: 
Ni’ ai nen aggi’dsha +~|+-|+~ 
I go up and stick fast to the tree. 
Song of spirits’ walking-stick, or ski'ksam hd kskish: 
Ski’‘ks ai nd si’/kamba { 
Leaning on a, staff, I the dead man’s spirit am traveling. 
Song of the large black woodpecker: 
Ski’kashak ni nii’pka 
I the young woodpecker have brought on sickness. 
Song of the strap made of otter skin (sxi'l) : 
Syil ai nf m@luash, =. -|+-~ 
szil ai nf shui/sh gi. ~--|-+~ 
I the skin-strap am a conjurer’s tool, I am a magic song. 
Song of the syvb-bird: 
Szi’pa nt shui’sh 
Of the syib-bird I am the song. 


Or, in other words : 
I the syib-bird am singing about myself. 


Song of the storm-blast: 
Sléwish ai ni wuydmna 


I the storm-wind I wind around. 
Song of the lark: 
Nanukash gé-u nii’paksh, 
Skélilam gé-u né’paksh. 


The disease brought on by me, the lark, spreads everywhere. 


. Song of the spti'm or female shkd'-bird: 


Kiflash nai shnoléka 


I am snapping at the ground. 
Song of the sweat-lodge stick-hole: 
Stsatsawalks gé-u shui’sh gi +~_|+-~-|+~ 
This is my song, that of the stick-hole. 
Song of the loon or taplal: 
Tseléwash nish shidlamna taplalas 
I am the loon and my waves follow me. 
Song of the bodily pains: 
Tatkti’sh ai néi nii/pka 
I the painfulness have come upon ye. 


48. 


49. 


50. 


51. 


52. 


53. 


54. 


55. 


56. 


57. 


INCANTATIONS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE CONJURERS. 


Song of famine or hunger: 

Tia’mish ai gé-u na’pka 

The pangs of hunger I carry about. 

Song of the West wind: 

Tyalamtalkni ki-idsi nti 

sléwish hii widsdpka. 

~ Ithe West wind, high above the earth I blow as a pernicious wind-gust. 

Song of the tuktukuash fish-hawk: 

P'laina ni kshakédsha, 

kalé ni kshékansha. 


High up in the skies I soar and turn my circles. 
Through the clear skies I am carrying my prey. 


Song of the tsékénush, an aquatic bird: 

Ka‘lash ak ni wiya tsAkéntish 

I the tsékénush would like to fly over the country. 

Song of a gray aquatic fowl, called tchakiuks; 

Shafkish ai ni yf’'ta +~-|+~|+~ 

I the shafkish I walk with ponderous steps. 

The little boy’s song: 

Tsakiag a-i nai shui’sh gi, 

lémé-ish a-i nfi shui’sh gi. 


This is my own, the little boy’s, song; 
About the thunder I am singing now. 


Song of the tsdntsan-hawk or kingfisher: 
Tsdla-esh nf kéka tsintsan ~~ +~|+ | +~ 
I the tséntsan-bird am eating up the salmon. 
Song of the weasel or tsdsgai: 


Ktsalui nai génhuish 
While walking I shine in my multiple colors. 


Weasel’s magic song: 
Tsaskayam gé-u kii‘la, 
guytima ké-u ki’la. 


Mine is this ground, the weasel’s, 
Muddy is my ground, the weasel’s, 


Song of the tchawash-fish: 
Tsawas ai ni shui’sh gi 


I the ts4was-fish am singing my own song. 


169 


170 POBDIC TEXTS. 


58. Song of the tst’ktu-hawk: 
Yamash a n@i shui’sh; 
yamash a @é-u shui’sh. 


About the north wind I am singing, 
About the cold winds I am singing. 


59. Tsisxizi-bird’s song: 

Ndi ai nen nti shui’sh gi 

I am singing about myself. 

60. Song of the tsiutstwash-bird: 

Tsiutsiwii’sam ké’sh milua 

The snow made by me, the tsiutsiwiish-bird, is ready to arrive. 

61. Song of the blue jay, or tsyd-utsya'-ush: 

Sankaéwaltk ai na shui’sh 

High-crested I sing a song. 

62. Song of the large black vulture: 

Tehuafsh ai ni nagei’dsa 

I the vulture describe my cireles in the air. 

63. Song of the wakash-crane: 

Wakas ni tchekléla 

I the wakash-crane crouch on the water's edge. 

64. Song of the young wakash-crane: 

Wakashak nai nii’pka 

The disease brought on comes from me, the young wikush-bird. 

65. Woodpeckers song: 

Wakwakins winta walashtat 

I, the woodpecker, am holding fast the tree-stem. 

66. Song of the wihlas-tree: 

Walash ai ni wawikanka ~+|-~+|-~|~ - 


I the pole-tree am shaking my crown. 
67. Song of the wa-whtuash-duck: 
Wa-w’hti’ssam gé-u na/pka ~~ ~|_-+|+~ 


A sickness has come, and I the wé-w’htuash-duck have produced it. 


68. Song of the mallard-duck: 
Wii'-aks ai ni tchéwa = — | Peele 


I the mallard float on the water’s bosom. 
69. Song of the weiwash-goose: 
Gé-u ai hi’t witchtaks 


This tempest is my work. 


INCANTATIONS OF THE KLAMATH LAKE CONJURERS. nfs 


70. Song of the little wipéli'wash forest-bird: 
Wipéli’wash nai shui’sh gi, = * 
wuipléwésh ni shui’ sh. 
My own song I sing, I the wipéliwash-bird. 
I the wuipléwash am singing about myself. 
71. Song of the witkatkish-hawk: 
Gé-u af hii ti’ sAwals, Set oe | Rel 
witkatkisam gé-u sAwals. +~-|+-|+~-|+~ 
My head-crest this is, it is that of the witkatkish-hawk. 


NOTES. 


The incantations obtained from Morgan are mostly of the kind called shuind‘tkish, 
an‘l a large number of them are attributed to birds. Some of them probably exist in 
a more explicit form, which was not remembered, and the rhythmic or musical form 
was obtained of a part of them only. A literal translation of these song-lines is an 
mmpossibility in most instances, if their sense has to be rendered in full; I have there- 
fore furnished only paraphrastic interpretations. The list is alphabetic, and was 
arranged after the names of the animals, or other personified objects, to which the 
incantations are attributed. Many of these songs are referred to in the “ Subject List 
of Incantations” given by Morgan. 

164; 1. Ktsalui, to be resplendent with colors, is mainly said of objects showing a 
blue or purple tinge: pi’/ksam shlaps ktsaluitko, the camass-plant has a bluish color. 
This verb is also used when speaking of the rainbow; of the lizard: 165; 14., also of 
the weasel’s fur-skin : 169; 55. 

164; 3. The use of these conjurer’s arrows is mentioned 73, 5. 

164; 4. Yamsam for Yamasham; cf. Note to 111, 4. Of the personified North 
wind the Indians say “he lives up in the mountains”. On the north side the basin of 
the Williamson River is closed up by high mountains. Gé-ish and génuish, génhuish 
means the action of going and that of having gone, or the present and the past going; 
both were translated by “gait”, “tread”, a term which does not differ much from the 
real meaning. Both terms also occur in the songs obtained from “ Doctor” John, and 
are mainly used of quadrupeds, amphibians, and reptiles. 

164; 4. kapa probably for gatpa (nt), “I have come”. 

165; 6. The yé’n sucker-fish is quite abundant in the lakes of the Klamath high- 
lands and has been identified by Prof. E. D. Cope as the Catostomus labiatus. 

165; 7. yéwa. In Morgan’s series of incantations there are song-lines on wind- 
gusts, tempests, rain-storms and on the winds blowing from each of the four cardinal 
points of the compass. These latter are not positively stated to be producers of dis. 
ease, though they are dreaded on account of their force and violence. The East wind 
(yéwash) blowing over the alkaline or volcanic, arid lands of Southern Oregon sings: 
yéwa, yéwa (nil) which does not only signify “I blow from the East”, but also “I am 
howling”. 

165; 11. Feigning to draw a rope or string from their own posteriors is a trick 
sometimes resorted to by doctoring practitioners to make a disease disappear. 


Le POETIC TEXTS. 


165; 13. It is by no means certain whether the above is the full wording of this 
song or not. 

165; 16. nen involves the idea: “Kyou hear it yourselves.” Of. 167; 36. 170; 59. 

166; 17. kédsinksh was in this connection explained by lilhanksam sté/ksh. Con- 
jurers’ rattles are made of deer’s claws. 

166; 18. This hawk is a kind of sparrow-hawk, Falco sparverius. 

166; 20. Compare the song of the weiwash-goose: 170; 69. 

166; 21. This song of a female conjurer or “doctress” is quite analogous to 
the song 166; 17. 

166; 22. The kals flies around in cold nights followed often by foggy mornings, 
hence the belief that it makes the fog. 

166; 25. Compare the gray wolf’s song, 165; 12., which forms alliteration to this. 

166; 26. Refers very probably to the cremation of the dead. 

167; 30. In line 2 the same object is alluded to as in line 3, kéltam s7i/l. This is 
a broad strip of dressed otter skin, ornamented in various ways with shells, feathers, 
bird-scalps, ete. To all these objects a magic power is attributed severally, and as they 
are now all united on one strip of skin, this strip must unite the magic powers of them 
all. The conjurer suspends the syi/l on his neck and lets it dangle over his chest or 
back, according to the manipulations in which he is engaged at the time. It is con- 
sidered as one of the most powerful of all the curing tools or miluash. 

167; 52. Alludes to the grayish-white color of this bird, which burrows underground. 
This bird is also mentioned in 154; 12. and Note; ef. also 182, 7. 8. 

168; 41. Syi’pa is the abbreviated form of the possessive case in -am, as in washa 
wéka 105, 9. and Note to 105, 7.; in: ni/l wéksa, 144, 1. cf. 165; 15. 

168; 44. Interpreted by others: “I am scolding and threatening the earth”. 

169; 50. Another tiktukuash-song is contained in 162; 3. cf. Note. . 

169; 52. Shaikish is another name given to the tchakiuks. 

169; 54. The kingfisher or Ceryle aleyon is called in Klamath Lake tchantchan, 
tsantsan, tchdnshan after its ery: tchatchatcha, and chiefly feeds on salmon. 

169; 56. The second line was referred by ‘“‘Sergeant” Morgan to the otter. Cf. 
177; 13. 

170; 58. This alludes to the name of the bird, which imitates its twittering. 

170; 62. This bird circles in the air to discover fish on the lake’s surface and to 
pounce upon them. The tchuaish is the red headed vulture or black buzzard: Cathartes 
aura. The Indian name is an imitation of the bird’s ery. 

170; 63. 64. The wakash-crane is identical with the tudkish, the name being derived 
from its ery. These birds creep along the edge of the water in search of small fish. 
Compare the tudkish-songs 154; 9. 156; 33. 34. 

170; 65. This song is much better expressed in the series of Modoc incantations: 
174; 13. Here as well as there alliteration is perceptible. 

170; 67. After gé-u, the subject of the sentence, nii/paks or the disease, is omitted. 
In the name of the duck the final -s, -sh is geminated here in the possessive case, to 
stand for wa-whti/asam. 

170; 68. In the onomatopoetic word wii/ks the dissimilation of the vowel into 
wa/-aks is frequently observed. Also pronounced wékash. 

170; 69. The weiwash- or waiwash-goose is a long-necked white bird, commonly 
kuown as snow-goose: Anser hyperboreus. 


INCANTATIONS OF MODOC CONJURERS. 173 


MopokisHAM KiUKSAM SHUi’SH. 


INCANTATIONS OF MODOC CONJURERS. 


OBTAINED FROM TOBY RIDDLE IN THE Mopoc DIALECT. 


1. Shko'ks or spirit’s incantation: 
Plaitalantnish nai shuina ~-~+|-~+|-~+-~ 
I am singing to the heavens above. 
2. Another of the same: 
Nulidshd nulidsh4 nulidshd --~+|-~-+|-~-= 
ko-idshaéntala kiilatala kailpakshtala,—tchia. 


ee ee 
I am sliding, slipping, sliding, 
Towards that wretched land, towards that burning region, to remain there. 


3., Another of the same: 
Tua hak tala? tud hak tala? 
ht’-titak tala, hi’-titak tala! 
What was it? what wasit. It was he, it was himself! 
4. Song of the dry water-spring: 
Wélwash kaif nish palalla +-|+-~|+-|+~- 
Indeed my spring has dried up. 
5. Song of the old frog: 
K6-e weli‘kash n@ tchalekiya, ~~~ +|-+|-~-+~ 
welwashtat nai tchalika. BR Ve | 
I, the decrepit she-frog, sit down here by the water spring. 
6. Song of the wind: 
Shléwish nfi vuy4amna, ~~|+~|+~ 
naénukash ni vuy4mna, ~~~-|+~-|+~ 
plaina nfi vuydémna. we ag Re 
I the wind am blowing, 


Every where I am blowing, 
In the skies I am blowing. 


174 


POETIC TEXTS. 


7. Song of the five female elks: 


Wati leliwa, lelfwa; wati leliwa, leliwa 
| S| SS eee 


The knife lying at the end of the knife range. 


8. Song of the fisher, a species of otter: 


Tuatala nish i shudshi’pka? ninid, ninié 


Z| | \| | 
SSN) Sa Ra |] St 


tudtala nish i shudshi’pk i? neiney4, nened 
Se | Se a Se 


Why then do you pursue me so? You flutter and beat your wings. 


9. Young otter’s song: 


Kéltalam ni wéash géna amputka; 
at ké-u guizish kiifla niliwa, 


at kai lemléma kiifla. 


The otter’s offspring, I plunged into the water, 
When I emerged from it, the sround blazed up, 
The earth was shaken to its foundations. 


10. Weasel’s song: 


Tchashgai nf géna, +-~~-|+~ 


kafla nfi gakala, See Sloe 
tchashgai nfi gakdla. +-—-|+~ 


I the weasel am starting; 
On the soil I draw my circles; 
I the weasel I travel in circles, 


11. Song of the weasel: 


K-eni ni witka shko’ksam stefnash +~-~-|+-|+-|+~- 
In the spirit-land I blew ont from me the heart of the sko/ksh. 


12. Mink’s song: 


Kli’pa nfi genalla +-|+-|+~- 
I the mink am starting off. 


13. Song of the woodpecker: 


Wakwakinsh ni winta, se (tne tre 
plai télshnan wapalatat; + -!+-|+-|- 


wakwakinsh ni winta, i 3) | a 


ni yana télshnan winta. +-|+-|+~-|- 
The woodpecker, I am sticking fast, 
Upwards looking I stick to the tree-stump ; 
The woodpecker, I am sticking fast, 
Downwards I look, and hold myselt. 


INCANTATIONS OF MODOC CONJURERS. 17 


or 


14. Horned owls song: 
Mi’kisham nfi li’lpatko, ~ Ce yee 
ude-udalkatko k¢-u waki’sh gi, + --|+-_|+- -|+¥- 
T possess the horned owl’s sharp vision; my roof-ladder is of speckled wood. 
15. Spiders incantation: 
Kaltchitchiks nf luy4mna, ~~ —|+-|+~ 
plaina nti luyémna. ses |e | ae 


I the spider am going up; upwards I travel. 
16. Patient's song: 
Kafla nfi shuinalla + -|_-+- 


Tam singing my Earth song. 
17. Another of the same: 
At gé-u steinash wakidsha! 


Now my heart has returned, 
18. Another of the same: 
Attiti huggi’dsha! 


Now it has turned! 
19. Another of the same: 
Gé-u hii gépkash kiila shudktcha 


After I had arrived (in the spirit land) the Earth wept and cried. 
NOTES. 


The Modoe series of conjurer’s songs obtained from Mrs. Riddle is one of the most 
valuable of the collection of songs, because it gives them all in their full length and 
original shape. The majority are in use among the Klamath Lake conjurers also. 

The songs 35. 9. 17. 18. 19. are delivered rather in a speaking than in a singing 
modulation of the voice. 

173; 1. Sung by a ‘“doctress” who has sent out into the air a deceased person’s 
spirit to search after the disease of her patient. 

173; 2. Rime, alliteration and assonance are combined in this interesting song, 
which is said to be sung by female conjurers. A spirit is sent underground to prospect 
for the disease. A tripartite division of the song-line is found in none of the other 
incantations obtained. Kailpakshtala is a dialectic form for kélpokshtala; after this 
word a short pause is made in singing. 

173; 5. The conjurer asks the returning spirit: ‘‘ what did you find to be the cause 
of the disease, when going below the ground?” The answer is: “he was the cause of 
it”; he is some subterranean deity, or genius, probably Minatalkni. 

173; 4. Probably attributed to a grizzly bear; cf. 157; 46. 

173; 5. The frog is prospecting for the disease around and within the water. Of. 
163; 9. 


176 POETIC TEXTS. 


173; 6. The wind, while entrusted with the search for the disease, is blowing 
through the skies and sweeping over the earth. 

174; 7. The mythic elks who sang this were said to be endowed with human 
faculties. Allusions not traceable. 

174; 8. This is an incantation which would seem to proceed rather from a duck or 
goose beating its wings while chasing another, than from a fisher. First line Modoc, 
second, Klamath Lake. 

174; 9. The animal had found the disease in the water and chased it out to the 
shore; when there it set the shore on fire and the ground was shaken up under its 
destructive, ravaging steps. 

174; 11. The weasel, returning from its errand, reports to the conjurer, that having 
found the cause of the patient’s disease to be a wicked ski’ks’s heart, this was brought 
by the weasel to the spirit land and breathed out, to be left there. This is the most 
probable interpretation of all those suggested, for song 11. is said to form a sequel to 
the weasel’s song 10. , 

174; 13. The kiuks had sent the red headed woodpecker to prospect for his 
patient’s disease in the atmosphere. Alliteration and assonance in profusion. 

175; 14. Meaning: My eyes are well fitted for the discovery of the patient’s disease, 
hovering in the air, for they are acute, being those of the owl; Iam just stepping up 
my lodge-ladder, the speckled bark of a tree, on the search for the disease. Allitera- 
tion is a prominent feature in this incantation. Cf. Note to 122, 1. 2. 

175; 15. Sent by the conjurer, the spider goes up in the web to prospect for the 
disease. The verb shows the prefix 1-, because the body of the spider is round-shaped. 

175; 16. On falling sick, a spirit orders the patient to sing and repeat this Earth- 
song line for hours. 

175; 17. “I have recovered the use of my senses.” 


KAKASHAM KIUKSAM SHUISH. 


INCANTATIONS. 


GIvEeN By KAKASH OR “DocToR JOHN” IN THE KLAMATH LAKE DIALECT. 


Kédlo. Kalo na na shii’shatk, sli’wish ni na shi’shatk, ni kalo p’léi ni 
witsa. 

Kéila. Kifla ai ni shui’sh gi; kitla ai ni walta, kifla na ai shawalta. 

Liv’k. Shashapsh na shii’shatk; shashapsham génuish, gé-u génhuish ni 
géna. 


6 Witd'm. N& ai witii’m gi, nf ai shtina witié’m; nf ai na shi’shatk an, at an 


géna: géna an ati, gémpéle an. 


INCANTATIONS. 177 


Wité'm kilo. Witd'm ai ni géna; nfi a kfi’luak, kf’luak ai n géna. 

Witdmaga. N& a wi'timak, hétchna n wi'tiimak; witimdk an; l4pi ai nai 
witiimak. 

Watsag. Ni ai ha wdtsag; shui’shank, ni ai shuind u watsag. 

Wehldg. No ai wilhdg, hétchna n wi'Vhag; géna an wi'Vhag, ati’ ni géna 
ni; nd-asht shii’shatk wilhdga n. 

Walydichka. No ai walyatchka, walyétchka n géna; kifla ni géna, ni wal- 
katchka. 

Kw'lia. No a ki'lt gi; kG’lta i ni géna, kfi/ltam at hak génuish. 

Pé'p. Pai’pa nti gi; pa’p an a n@ shéshatk; ni a gatpa pii’p, ati ni hi’dshna, 
nti a hii’dshna. 

Tchashgai. Tchashgai nfi ké-ika, tchashgai nfi géna. 

Kltpa. Kilipa nti ai shui’sh; koyéma kli’‘pam génuish. 

Gi'wash. Ni ai gi’wash, p’lafna ni ai ho’tsna; la’pi ai ni gi/wash, shéshatk 
nui giwash. 

Kak. Nt ai ka’k gi; sdwals gé-u ya-uya. 

Wekwekash. Wékwekash ai ni shahudltampk; nf wékwekash slti‘ka, sha- 
waltchnish sli’ka wékwekash. 

Tsdntsan Ni ai tsantsan shui’sh gi; nfi na shii’shatk tsantsand-ag, nQ ai 
tsintsan shii’wa n. 

Shkée. Nt ai shgé gi, hi’ntsna a na, tiéi’muk a hi’ntsna, ni a hii’/ntsna, mii’- 
makla ni shni’kuapk, huntsimpéluapk a na; nf a kéla’wi, 
tchaggaya ni. 

Nant'lash. Kaélowat shidshi’yamna nanilash. 

Pishash Nw ai pi’shash, pishash naé-asht shi’shatk; hfit na’sht shi’shatk 
pi’'shash; guydantsa pi’shash, ni guydntsa. 

Shné-ish. Shné-ish an na’sht shii’shatk. 

Taplal. Nt a-i taplal gi, na’sh a-i shlawi’ta, ka’mat a-i shliiwita. 

Mpdmpaktish. Mpampaktish an shiundta ni, k’lekatk an shnayi’na. 

Kdwiaga. Ni a-i kawiag, ski’ntsn an kawiag. 

Tsialsh. Tsialsh nfi a hi’'tsna; gé-u ni kaluish. 

Tseléyash. Nii a tseléyash shui’sh gi; tselii’yash mish kéka. 

Tchi'pksh. Na-asht tchkash tst’pkish, nf a na shii’shatk, né ai mf’ni kiéi’m gi. 

Nydaka. Ni kitechkén nfi an nydka géna. 

12 


3 


6 


15 


18 


21 


24 


27 


30 


33 


12 


178 POETIC TEXTS. 


Kw'tcha-aga. Winua nii a ki'tsag, shéshatk kf’tsag; pakish wak kt’'tsag. 

Wekétash. Nii ai weketdsh gi; wéketa nfi shahualtampka, nti shahualt4mpka, 
ni wekétash shéwa. 

Ménkaga. Na-asht shii’shatk, mankag shii’shatk. 

Kaknolsh. Gii' a ¢é-u kékniilsh, gé-u hit kakntlsh; nti shla-fpéle kaknulsh, 
plaiwash kéknulsh. 

Pdépkash. Papkash wilta gé-u a gé-ish; walta gé-u gé-ish papksham 1d‘Ip; 
ka’gi gé-u papkash gé-ish. 

Spiklish. NG ai spt’klish, né-asht shi’shatk. 

Shlakétkish. Gé-u a shliko'tksh, gi’ ki hai shlako’tkish; wudsi’tsi anku, tim 
udsi‘tsi; tim i/lyi, timi anku, timi gé-u anku gi. 

Paksh, Shui’sham gé-u pa’ksh; kitchgal gé-u shui’sh. 

Welékag. N@ ai weli’‘kag; nfi a tchfa weli’yatkank; gé’k a It'lp, gé’k a mu- 


muatch. 
NOTES. 


The majority of these songs are destitute of any interesting and characteristic 
features, and being of easy interpretation I gave them without translation, adding, 
however, the necessary remarks in the Dictionary. These phrases are common-place 
repetitions of some shamanic ideas current in the tribe, and are given in a low jargon 
or technical slang redundant in elisions and contractions. Only a few of their number 
are rhythmical. The pronoun ni, I, is often repeated three times in one sentence, in 
the form of ni, nu, an (a nt), ank (a ni gi), na (nt a). 

Of the thirty-seven objects which have given origin to these songs sixteen do not 
oceur in the shamanic songs given by other informants and two are given here under 
other headings: the sky, paishash (under kalo), and the marten, Skélamtch (under pé’p), 
I have arranged all the songs in categories of natural objects. 

Kakash also furnished a series of limbs and organs of certain animals which were 
supposed to exercise supernatural powers, and therefore were made the subject of a 
shui’sh, shuinotkish, or incantation. They are as follows: of the black bear, the head, 
snout, paws, fur and heart; of the dog, the head, hair, fur, ears, tail and paws; of the 
weasel (tchashgai), the head, eyes, snout, nose, chin, long hair, paws and tail; of the 
mink, the paws, snout, fur, tail and heart; of the shné-ish-duck, the head and legs; of 
the salmon, the head and fins; of the fly, the wings (las, black or white) and legs. 
About the young antelope and old woman's spirit (wiVhag and welékaga) see below. 

176; 2. witsa. When the clear sky is said to blow with a shrill sound (witsa), and 
thus “to sing its own song”, this means that the winds are blowing fiercely through 
the air, high above the ground. 

176; 3. This song on the grumbling or rattling earth (walta, hualta) was made by 
Doctor John on the subject of his own imprisonment, the cause of which [ have related 
elsewhere. 

176; 4. Shashapsh, Shashapamtch is the mythologic name of the grizzly bear: 118, 1. 


SUBJECT LIST OF INCANTATIONS. 179 


177; 2. “‘There are two of us black bear cubs” refers to the circumstance that in 
mythologic tales two cubs only are found to belong to one bear family. Compare what 
is said of the giwash, 177; 14. and Note to 118, 1. 7. 

177; 5. The name of the young antelope is very differently pronounced. Its ears 
(mum@/atch wil’hagam) form the subject of a shui/sh. 

177; 13. Koyoma. The same idea is met with in 169; 56. 166; 24. 

177; 14. giwash (the 7 pronounced short) is the long, gray-colored squirrel. 

178; 7. Papkash. This song of the lumber-boards was more completely remem- 
bered thun the one quoted 155; 18. 

178; 12. Pa/ksh. A similar tobacco-pipe song is to be found 167; 33. 

178; 13. welékag. Here as well as in all other portions of the globe the idea of 
sorcery and witchery is associated with that of old women (welékash, old woman; 
welekaga old woman’s spirit). Weli/yatka, to travel around or appear as an old 
wolan’s spirit. 


NANUKTUA KIUKSAM SHUi'SH. 


SUBJECT LIST OF VARIOUS KINDS OF INCANTATIONS IN 
USE AMONG THE KLAMATH LAKE PEOPLE. 


OBTAINED FROM ‘‘SERGEANT” MORGAN. 


Yamash_ kittksam shui’sh, mfi‘ash, tydlamash, yéwash,  sli’wish, 


North wind has an incantation-song, south wind, west wind, east wind, gust of w.nd, 
pafshash, lémé-ish, liepalsh, ktédshash, gulkash. 
clond, thunder, lightning, rain, rain mixed with 


snow. 


Sdppas kitksam shufsh, shép’sam stuti’sh; yaina, walidsh, kta-i si’- 
Sun has a tamanuash-song, mock-sun; mouvtain, rock-cliff, rocks 
smaluatk, hii’nuash, yati’sh, simya-ush, ¢-ush, wélwash, kiwam, wiiya- 


spotted, upright rocks, BEHeht rocks, rocks in river, lake, water-spring, _eel-spring, floating 
smaller, 


lapsh. 


ice. 


Sndwedsh kitiksam shui’sh, welékag, tsAkiag, tsikiaga tsii’yatyant; 
Woman has a tamdnuash-song, old woman's little boy, little boy restless; 
spirit, 


k’mutchi’ witk: k6é-idshi shui’sh génti ki‘ilati. 


the old man: (is) an mate song inthis country. 
war 
Gii’tkaks kiiksam shui’sh, gudftguls, shillals, t4tktish, lulilish, tilé- 
Small-pox is an incantation, belly-ache, shrcnie pain, cramps, cause 
sickness, 


takna, tii’mish. 


of sickness, hunger. - 


Mundna tat4mnish kiiksam shui’sh, kélayua, muikukag, washlaag, 


Mole has a tamaénuash-song, ground-monse fiel '-mouse, chipmank, 


180 POETIC TEXTS. 
gi’wash, tsdsgai, tsiskaya wéash, kélta wéas, Skélamtch, walzatska, kitch- 

squirrel, weasel, weasel’s young, otter’s young, Old Marten, black marten, deer’s 
ingsh, wan, ké-utchish, witii’m, li’k. 
claw, Shes gray wolf, black bear, grizzly. 

‘0x, 
3 Yaitikal kitiksam shui’sh, tchuaish, tsiszibs, skdélos, p’laiwash. 
Bald eagle has a medicine-song, black vulture, a black night- turkey- gray eagle. 


bird, buzzard, 


Nduki’sh kitksam shui’sh, witkatkish, tsfktu, ts4ntsan, tiktukuash, 


Pigeon hawk has an incantation, small hawk, mice-hawk, ie fisbing- fish hawk. 
awk, 


shkii’, spti’m. 
gray hawk species. 


6 Wakwakinsh kiiksam shui’sh, shpiwhpush, skatikush. 


Red-headed wood- has an incantation, spotted woodpecker, large black 
pecker woodpecker. 
Kakan kitksam shui’sh, tséks, tehiutchfwiish, ni'-ulinsh, shua’t. 
Crow is a medicine-song, blackbird, ““snow-producer,”’ black forest bird, sedge-cock. 
Wihuash ki’-ishalsh shayuaksh kitksam shui’sh, kii’kak-tkanf tsikka, 
Snowbird in snow making expert isaconjurer’s medicine, yellowish bird, 
9 kalyals (kaéls), tehikass kshikshnish, wuiplé-ush, skuli, tsisyizi, tchii/-ush, 
a spotted night-bird, 2 mountain forest bird, little torest bird, lark, tsisxixi, yellow-hammer, 
, : o oof . 
nush-tilansnéash, tsyii-utszii’-ush, pdp-tsikas. 
‘‘rollhead ”, blue jay, pop-tsikas. 
Kalla kiiksam shui’sh, wéaks, ndta, mpampaktish, tstolaks, mamak- 
Red-headed has an incantation, mallard, little small dack, red-eyed duck, black and 
duck black duck, 
12 tsu, kilidshiksh, wé-w’htush, tuiti, milalak, pép-wiiks. 
white large duck, long legged duck, young shoveler-duck, pdép-wiiks. 
duck, duck, 
Weiwash kittksam shuish, ki’sh, kimal, tsakénush, tchakiuks, taplal. 
White goose isadoctor’s medicine, swan, pelican, tsikénush, a gray fowl, loon. 
Méhiis kitksam shui’sh, yi’n, tsudm, tst’'Ipas, tchd4wash, ki’tagsh, 
Trout is aconjurer’s medicine- small large sucker, tsalpash- a little sucker, minnow-fish, 
song sucker, fish, 
15 tsdlayash. 
salmon. 
Waménags kitksam shui’sh, kémtilag, wissink, ké-ish. 
Black snake is a song-medicine, a black snake, gartersnake, rattlesnake. 
Lii-a-Ambotkish kitksam shuish, wii'kiitas, ké6a, kia, ski’tigs; lakd 
** Never-Thirsty" is a conjurer’s gong, green frog, toad, lizard, lizard; chief 
18 shuisham ké-ii. Kinsh kiiksam shuish, 4mpuam 1k. 
(is) of songs toad. Yellow- is a conjurer’s medicine, horse-hair. 
jacket 
Wi’kash kitiksam shui’sh, wassuass, kts¢iimu, sa’l, waktii/lash, wa’hlas. 
Pond-lily seed is a medicine-song, lacustrine grass, aquatic grass, al shaft-wood, pole-tree. 
reed, 
Wins kittksam shui’sh, ktsfk, sdkuas, ki’sh; syi/l, k’nfi’‘ks, ndt‘ks, 
Dug-out is an incantation, oar, fish-spear, harpoon; otter-skin rope, pestle, 
canoe strings, 


21 pala, katchgal, sawals. 
scoop, Indian tobacco, arrow-bhead. 
Tant waki’sh kitksam shui’sh, shashtant’lols, wash, shanhish, papkas, 


Of sweat- inside ladder is conjurer’a _—song, outside ladder of sweat- excavation, rafter, lumber, 
house floor house, 


stsi-usa wilks, li‘loks, slt’kops, sli’mdamd-wash. 


atick-hole, fire, cavity, remains of old sweat-house. 


7 


SUBJECT LIST OF INCANTATIONS. 181 


Lf’baks, klépki kitksam shui’sh, tsé-usam ski’tatk, tsé-usam tsuyitk, 


White chalk, red paint are doctors’ songs, tché-nsh-dressed, tché-nsh-head-covered. 
tsé-usam 1a’sh, witkakisham 18's. 
tché-ush-featker, hawk's feather. 
Kat’sitsutsuéas kiiksam shufsh, kathidwash, 10‘luks-ski’tchaltk, 
Snow-flake witchcraft is a doctor's song, hair-tying, in fire-robed, 
skfi‘ksam hii‘kskish, hii’niisish. 
spirit’s walking-staff, conjurer’s arrow. 
NOTES. 


All these subjects of tamAnuash songs were obtained pell-mell and jotted down in 
a confusion. A clear insight into the quality of the songs known to this Indian could 
be attained only by classifying them into categories, as those of natural agencies, 
the winds, rocks, genera of animals, plants, tools and articles of native dress. Morgan 
had heard all these songs’sung in former years, but when I met him he could remember 
the texts of those 71 songs only, which are to be found from page 164 to page 171. 
Many songs of this subject list are sung by the Modoe conjurers also. 

Certain names of uncommon species of animals could not be rendered in English 
for want of information; to others the Dictionary will afford the best clue. 

179; 4. kawam or kAwam is a possessive case, requiring as its complement ampu 
or kéke, kokeAga. To bathe in eel-springs is deemed to be of great influence on 
character and personal courage, for the constant peril of being bitten by crabs, snakes 
and other reptiles must necessarily make the bathers scornful against sudden pains. 

179; 6. tsi’yatyant, or in its full form: tstiiaty4ntko, has to be connected attribu- 
tively with the foregoing word: tsakiag tsi’/yatyantko ‘‘a restless boy, a little boy 
unable to keep quiet on his seat.” 

180; 1. tsaskaéya wéash, k6lta wéas show the apocopated form of the possessive 
before a vocalic sound. This is another example of the rule that Klamath seeks rather 
than avoids hiatus. Cf stsd-usa-walks 168; 45; 180; 23, and Note to 168; 41. 

180; 5. spii’m; said to be the female of the fat shka/-bird. There exist conjurers’ 
songs about both, which I have given in this volume, page 167; 36. 168; 44. 

180; 10. pop-tchikash seems to mean the “ drinking or sipping bird” (cf. popo-i), 

180; 17. Lia-a-Ambotkish, “‘the one which refuses to drink” seems to be a newt, 
Amblystoma, according to the description given of it by the Indians. 

180; 17. k6a. The toad or bull-frog tamdnuash song is reputed to be the most 
efficient of all these incantations. 

180; 18. Ampuam 14k is a film-like organism moving rapidly in spirals or meanders 
through the water, and supposed by rustics to originate from the long hair of horses. 
The primary signification of 4mbutka, to be thirsty, is ‘to return to the water”, and 
the distributive form a-ambutka here indicates repetition. 

180; 19. The list of plants is very small when compared to that of the animals, and 
embodies economical plants only. 

180; 22. wash means place of residence in general; but since all the objects in this 
category refer to the sweat-house, it may be referred to a removal of earth in the floor 
of this structure; liloks is the fire burning in the centre of it. 

181; 1. tsé-usam ski/tatk: “dressed with feathers of the yellow hammer or red 
shafted flicker.” 


182 


a: 


POETIC TEXTS. 


COOING AND WOOING. 
; 


. Yuyulinné, yuyulinné, yuyulinneé 


I have passed into womanhood. 
J-unéksyé’ni a yulfna +~-|+~-|+~-]+~- 
After sunset I get unwell. 
Gi’ lish kani hudshdétchipka? ~+|-+|--+|~¥~ 


Who comes there riding towards me? 


Génu i git’, o-dlka, kinhid’na!l —-~+|-+4/-4|-24~- 
My little pigeon, fly right into the dovecot ! 
Gindla hédlakank; 4titai pi’ytgi -=|-~+|-~-|-~+|-+- 


This way follow me, before it is full daylight! 


. At mish mbushii’aluapka lakiam wéashash gi’sht 


=| eee | Se |e 
I want to wed you, for you are the chief’s son. 
K4-a mish na ké-a ni mbushéaluapka, ~~-+|~-~+|~-+|~-+- 
himdémasht tima tud gi’tkuapka. Sef, Sl | PN | os. 


Very much I covet you for a husband, 
For in times to come you will live in affluence. 


She: Tata i n’sh tua wozéwe, wozéwe, wozdwe? 
He: E-ukik pi/la éwank, éwank, éwank! 


ail | / | ‘ | ‘ 
| ee 8 


‘ 


liz [= | 
tS | | J) SE 


She: And when will you pay for me a wedding gift? 
He: A canoe I'll give for you half filled with water. 


Wéwanuish kahiéwuk tala kékekanka 9 +~~~-|-~+~|+~~-|+~~ 
He spends much money on women thinking to obtain them easily. 
Miushmush shii’dshipka kawantk tchilloya4ga +—|+~~|+-|~-+~ 
The poor youngster, he is driving one cow only. 
Géntala ké-i gafkanka pishpushlish hishudkshash! 


It is not that black fellow that I am striving Lo secure! 


COOING AND WOOLING. 183 


12. [-u ndnak yan’wani, + ~|+~|+-~ 
f-u nénak lédlaly’ i. pepe, | Wes | hee 


They say, that you are abandoned, 
They say, that you are homeless. 


13. Ndénuk kali‘napka wéwan’sh, na’dshek ’mutchéwatk tut’hiéna 


All women are dead; only an old man is tottering about. 
14, K4-a tidshi snawédshash ni’sh shfi’-uashipk! 
That is a pretty female that follows me up! 
15. WAk i nish gitk vuldlat inotila? -~-+|~-+|-~-+|~~ 


Why do you send me to sleep under the shadow of the cottonwood-treef 


16. Né’sh ak gi’ntak t witchnoka ~~-|-~--|+-~-~- 
lilula witchnoka ~ Epo gy Ode 
That ’s because you love me that you rattle around the lodge, 
17. Tchdki mish guni‘ta, Sly roo pale 
tchdki mish guni’ta, MN sie hs S18 
huwaliéga luli-uash skttatk, eA) | eee Ss a 
lulti-uash skitatk huwaliéga. +--|+-|+-~|-- 


A youngster beyond your home, a young man beyond your lodge 
Ran up the hill, wrapped in fogs, ran up the mount while robed in mists. 


18. Kayata hi’lhe, hé’lhekanka tchaki, (bis) ~---+|~+|-~-~~-+|~ 
kayata 1a'li, la‘likanka tchaki. (bis) eye ee eee | 


Into many of the little honses ran the boy, 
Roughly he touched many of the little houses, the boy. 


19 Gé-u laki wayod’sham stii’'tyantk htt 
My husband has the voice of the white goose. 
20. Gé-u laki yékikam shkutantki 
My husband is dressed in the feathers of the jay-bird. 
21. Yukikam stfé’tyantk gé-u laki +--|+-|+--|- 
My husband has the voice of the mocking-bird. 
22. Palpali watsdtka hushdlalza 
He is bouncing around on a white horse. 
23. Tatsa‘Ika wats snukatkank -+|~+|~+~- 
He pets the horse before he grasps him. 
24. 'Taplal wé-a hi’ndiank mii sti’tzantko 
Loudly cries the spotted loon while skimming the waters. 
25. Wi-uka huli‘lyank ski’le huntchipka —--|~+_-|+~ -]+~ 


The lark flies towards me grazing the ground and stopping every little while. 


184 


26. 


27. 


28. 


29. 


30. 


31. 


32. 


33. 


34. 


35. 


36. 


37. 


POETIO TEXTS. 4 


Wak i nfish gfug weti’, wet’, ~-+|-~---+|-+ 


i-4-uka hiiThiank weti’, wetf’, ~-+|-~--+|--+ 


Why did you become estranged, estranged, 
By running in neighbors’ houses estranged, estranged? 


Wak wennfluta nfish gi’tk? 
wak i nfish gi’tk wennilota? 


Why have you become so estranged to me? 


K6-idsi maklaks ho/lalk tehawi’k sandholiug 


A wicked man approaches fast, desirous of a fight. 


Shentiyatko ni wati luya’nitki 


I flee before the man who tramps around in the lodge, knife in hand. 


K6-idshi watsag shkandkapka kékuapkug, 


k4-i ni shandhual né kéktkinshkiuk. CR | SE S| 


That vicious dog assails me and will bite, 
But I prefer not to scold him for it. 


Kii’-udshish topinkan wékanka, +~~|~+~|+~¥~- 


yamat téluitgank wékanka. S02 Pee 


The younger brother of the gray wolf is howling, 
After having gone North he is howling. 


Wash a léka gi’tk gi’ n’sh hiyaha ~~|+~-|-+~|+~|v 
The prairie-wolf full of anger runs away from me. 
Wash lekaé gitk washdlaly tchikélank watsat 
The maddened prairie-wolf gets away riding on a ste . | 
Wash légegaty ni’sh hiyaha, 
wash { léggatk’ ki nish hiyaha! hu-i-yaha! 


Crazy-minded the prairie-wolf flees me; 
Maddened in his senses he runs away to a far-off distance. 


Ké6-idshi wétch genudéla, +~~|+~~|+~ 
hai vosnink, yo-osink! —_#- -|+=~ 
A vicious steed has gone out; he is lost, he is strayed! 
Tata mish kani lapukni géndlla? 
Who has touched you at both places f 
A nifi toks shiwdga shéwa, ETS) RES AS 
k4yutch mish pdtchnam palaléant. +—|+—|+~~-|+- 


I hold you to be an innocent girl, though I have not lived with you yet. 


4 COOING AND WOOING. 


38. TAmfidsh pdsh ni tiména, we 
watchagalam wéash shii’walsh taména. ~+~~~|+~|+ 


Over and over they tell me, 
That this scoundrel has insulted me. 


39. Gétala sti’ newdlya! +--|+~|+~- 
tudtala tséyalaly’ i? -+~-~|+~|+~ 


Right ahead I follow the uphill path! 
Why then do you swing the body around 


40. Waiwash gandila shiwdkshash, 


shiwamptchash waiwash gandila. 


White geese saw a woman hiding, 
Saw an old maid hiding in the grass. 


41. Tuhush 6 willaslina, ioe Poe 
wilhaslasna, willaslina. +-—~|+--~- 
tuhush 6 willasla, a oe 
wilhaslasna, willasla. ie | 


The mud-hen sprawls on the top ; 
On the top it rests, it slides from the top. 


42. Wi-ilti na shotelo’la, LAN BS ore [BS 
ptmam nfi u-4sh goyéna. +~|+~|+~|-~ 


I am rolling up the wi’l, and shall walk around in the beavers’ den. 


43. Kiai’lsh kuledétank ki’ nak én gi’, +-~-|+~-|+~~-- 


mine kuledtank ki’ nak én gi’. +--~-|+-|+-~-~- 


The badger entering his den makes nak, nak, nak, 
The fat (badger) entering makes nak, nak, nak. 


44, K4-i weli’sht i mish shmdkalpsh gi’sh shapa; + ~~ 
wéwanuish gintak shéwal, shéwal. Nee 


Just now you affirmed that hairless you were, 
But the women say, that hairy you are. 


45, Nadpal ai na/d shuntéwa-udsha ~ +|-+|~+|+~~- 


We are throwing eggs at each other. 


46. E antléya mayas a 


II 


47, Yuyuliné’pka, yuyuliné’pka ~+~|~ ~~||+~|-~+~ 
48. Yunigshyé’ni yulina 


185 


186 


49. 


52. 


53. 


56. 


57. 


58. 


POETIC TEXTS. 


Wenni tafina, wénni teina, Soe SSS e 
wénni tafna...... thi’-u- i-i-1- ua! 
A different young woman I am now; ihf-u! 
Tat i waktch hak a télak shayantildsha? -+|-~+|-~+|-+|-+- 
Whence have you carried off that (man’s) waistcoat? 
Una mish sha lueléla tchaggdgatat netilapkash 
Se ce Beet (ene Elaine 


Long ago they killed you when you lay under the serviceberry bush. 


Techitchaluish kintala, +~—|+—|+ 
wéwanuish ka-igéga. + ~-|+~~|+~ 


Young chaps tramp around ; 
They are on the lookont for women. 


Hinawala! hinawala ! cee eloped 
watchagam wéash, watchagam wéash, +~~-|+~-||4~~|+~ 

sf . a! oo AT, ., ra ' ‘ ‘ 
mitt’at gend'ga, mivat gend'ga. ere x S)|EL= =| = 


Shake your head! you son of a bitch, and go South. 


Girls to boys: 
Ka-i mish nti witchta tchilluyégash 
hé’‘kank kailéak skitash; 
ké-i na shanahuli hi’mtcha hishudétchyash. 
Boys to girls: 
Ka4-i na shandhuli ké-eptcha snawédshash, 
kékuapkash 10’Ip gipkash. ; 
Girls: Young man, I will not love you, for you run around with no blanket on; 


I do not desire such a husband. 
Boys: And I do not like a frog-shaped woman with swollen eyes. 


Kani laki! ginga shléa shlanfya! -4|-+/--=4|/-=+|-=|— 


You say you are rich! and you don’t even spread a wild-cat’s skin ! 
Ko’pe buni'tchatko sté’pat wintila; 
nti’sh shana-ulitko na’toks mish ké-i shana-uli. 


Lying near the stove you are going to drink coffee; although you wanted me for 
a wife, I do not want you for a husband. 


Shinuitko hiyaha, + ~|+-|+~-|~ 


wénuitko hiyaha. +~|+~|+~|- 


After c— she went to hide; the widow, she hid herself. 


Mi’ni wenuiftko gélash shipalkanka + -|4+-~-|42-J]4~-]+4— 
g p 


The stout widow is stalking around intent upon the business. 


COOING AND WOOING. 187 


NOTES. 


I. Erotic songs obtained from Chief Johnson, Minnie Froben, and others, in the 
Klamath Lake dialect. The twelve songs obtained from Minnie Froben are among the 
prettiest and most melodious, as for instance 9. 16. 17. 18. 25. 26., and the eighteen songs 
dictated by Johnson are of importance for the study of manners and customs, viz: 6. 
7. 8. 10. 11. 19. 20. 28. 29. 41. 42. 43 ete. 

With the Indians all of these and many other erotic songs pass under the name of 
pilpil or puberty songs. They include lines on signs of womanhood, courting, love 
sentiments, disappointments in love, marriage fees paid to parents, on marrying and on 
conjugal life. Some love songs have quite pretty melodies. A few songs of the present 
interesting series of song-lines seem to treat of commonplace subjects only, as 22. to 24.; 
28. to 31., while others apparently contain nothing but heartless mockeries and satiric 
strictures, like 9. 28. 40. 44. But they all refer in fact to love-making and kindred 
sentiments, the satiric lines confirming the proverbial inclination of lovers to fight 
among themselves. I have deemed appropriate to gather all these songs under a 
heading which unmistakably expresses their real purport. 

182; 1. The accent is laid sometimes on first, sometimes on second syllable. This 
word is abbreviated from yuyuliné/pka, as it occurs in the Modoc pilpil song. The 
event mentioned here is followed by a dance-feast; cf. shityuzalsh, and 1384, 21. 

182; 4. ginhiéna “inside” neans into a secluded spot, lodge or enclosure. O-6dlka, 
o/laka is the diminutive of 0/Ish, the grayish pigeon with the plaintive voice. 

182; 7. gitkuapka, a contraction of gitko gi-uapka i. 

182; 8. Pay a wedding gift is equivalent to purchasing a girl from her parents for 
a handsome consideration. 

182; 11. Sung by women. ‘The original as given to me does not contain the 
negative particle: Géntala nfi haikanka pishpushlish hishuékshash. 

183; 12. yan’wan i stands for yanhuani i. 

183; 13. kali/napka: they are not only “dead but out of sight”, as the suffix -apka 
indicates. This being an erotic song-line, kalinapka simply means that the females 
looked for are either asleep or absent, and not deceased, as kalina would seem to 
indicate. ’mutchéwatk for kémutchéwatko; cf. 136, 5. 

183; 14. 15. These two songs follow a purely anapzestic metre, No. 15 adding two 
acatalectic syllables to its three anapzsts. Compare also the first line of 182; 7. with 
one supernumerary syllable. As for the contents of 183; 15. compare the analogous 
Modoe song 186; 51. 

183; 17. Melody very engaging. In liluash the second w is redoubled for metrical 
reasons. Dactylic rhythm prevails here, in 16, and in 182; 11. 

183; 18. That is, while he was seeking young girls inside the kayatas. Melody 
very beautiful. 

183; 19. wayosham, possessive case of waiwash, q. v. 

183; 20. shkut4ntki stands for skitatko gi or shkutanatko gi: “he is wrapped in.” 

183; 21. The much more so, because he is in his festive garb, the patash and las 
stuck on his headdress. 

184; 26. Melody very pretty. A young woman addresses these words to a lover. 

184; 27. Sung by young women who have fallen out with their beaux. 


188 POETIC TEXTS. 


184; 28. Said to be an erotic song. 

184; 29. luyii/nitki contracted from luyii/nitko gi. Cf. Note to 183; 20. 

184; 30. k6ktkinshkiuk. The proper meaning of this verb is ‘‘to set upon like a 
dragon-fly”. Shandhual is an uncommon form for shanaho’li, the long 6 being resolved 
into its component sounds. Cf. nawal, and 184; 35.: genudla for gend/la. 

184; 31. Why did the wolf howl? The reason given is that he could not meet any- 
body. This wolf is a loving young man who was looking out for women. 

184; 32. Sung by one woman and repeated by a female chorus. This song-line 
treats of the abandonment of a female by her husband or lover for some reason. 

184; 35. Pretty melody. The song refers to a lover disappointed in his affections. 

184; 33. tchikla watsatka is preferable to and more frequent than watsat, watchtat, 
ef. 183; 22. Alliteration is perceptible in this song-line. 

184; 34. The wash is the lover of the girl who sings this song; the lover is com- 
pared to a prairie-wolf on account of his importunity and lack of moderation. Com- 
parisons of lovers with quadrupeds and birds are frequently met with. 

184; 35. yoshinko for yo-ishiank 6, yo-ishink Li: he is running astray. 

184; 37. shiwaga. In the objective case sometimes inflected like snawedsh woman 
80, 11. sometimes as a diminutive noun, as here, and 33, 10. In 185; 40. shiwakshash 
stands incorrectly for shiwAgash, through phonetic analogy with shiwamptchash in the 
same song 

185; 39 to 44, perhaps including 45, have a literal and direct meaning, and besides 
this are intended to convey an indirect meaning, which is of an obscene character. 
The same may be said of songs 15 and 51. 

185; 41. This melodious song alludes to the habit of mud-hens to rest and sprawl 
on the top of the waves; wilhaslasna depicts their motions while on the wave-top, 
willaslina the sprawling observed while they sail down from it. With slight phonetic 
variations, this same melody is also sung as follows: Tohosh 6 willaslin; willaslasna, 
willaslina; willasli in. 

185; 42. wi/l seems connected with the diminutive word wilhaga, young deer. 

185; 43. ki’ nak én gi’, stands for gi’ nak, nen gi: “he cries nak, so he cries”; 
assuming that én is abbreviated from nen. 

185; 45. This is a ‘“‘dream” song. 

185; 46. Pilpil song worded in another than the Maklaks language. 

Il. Erotic songs obtained from Toby Riddle and J.C. D. Riddle in the Modoe 
dialect. The Modoc pilpil songs obtained are all of a satiric character. 

185; 47. See Klamath Lake pilpil songs 182; 1. 

185; 48. See Klamath Lake collection of pilpil songs 182; 2. 

186; 49. Pilpil tune sung by girls. Taina is equivalent to t?éna, teimiwaé-ash ete. 

186; 50. A song repeated for hours by young Modoes; it is of the true pilpil kind. 

186; 51. Originally a pilpil song, but sung now by children playing hide and seek. 

186; 52. This is a very popular and prettily tuned Modoe song. 

186; 53. Sung by Modoe girls who feel themselves importuned by their lovers. 
Often the boys join them by singing it in chorus. This well-meant advice of sending 
the boys to the South, no doubt to the Pit River country, is to keep them at a distance, 
for the song refers to the appearance of the first signs of puberty. Watchagalam is 
fall form of watchdgam, for which wAtcham is sometimes incorrectly substituted. 


SONGS OF SATIRE. 189 


186; 54. This satiric carmen amebeum is one of the longest pieces in the collee- 
tion and contains words of reprobation addressed by disappointed girls to their ad- 
mirers. Sung in chorus by both sexes, with frequent dacapos after different tunes. 
The suffix -ash repeats itself at the end of every line and in kokuapkash. 

186; 55. This little iambic improvisation is very aphoristically and indistinetly 
worded, but is endowed with perhaps the prettiest tune of all songs in this collection. 
It is an apostrophe of a newly married wife to her husband, seeing herself deprived 
even of the most common comfort, a small tanned fur-skin, to repose on and to avoid 
the dampness of the bare soil. 

186; 56. A lover is taunted on account of his predilection for the white man’s 
habits. The Modoes say this is a song of the Klamath Lakes. 

186; 58. Admits of no literal translation. 


SONGS OF SATIRE. 
ile 


1. Katchkal f’'yank amniyamna ~~|+—|+~|+2 
He goes around giving away sticks of tobacco, and is very noisy about it. 


2. Gét gend'la tsidlash patsd’k Yamaki’shamkshi 


| | “| z| 
en St Lem | Pues (ai el eal | ee se eee 
| 


This man has started out to feed on salmon among the northern Indians. 


3. Tti’sh hu wikd nénu shésha wafwash tehilamnu ? 


D [4 [ez jee 


Where is it, that close by on a hill wafwash-geese are crowding together? 


4. Gé-u kéni vi’/Ikashti watch hushdtchipka? --+|_-+|.~+|-4]-- 


Who rides up to me on my horse, borrowed of me? 


Tidsha kékatk ¢ shéwa, hashudtan’ 7?! S| le 


You think you are finely dressed; then mind your own dress! 


6. Va'lyashti kili’wash shkitatk whlutuina 


He dresses in a borrowed woodpecker-blanket and trails it along on the ground. 
7. Ka tal ha’k mfi shétaluatk? BES EC eo 


Ké' lish tok walydtchkatko gilli = ~~ PS eee 2 


Who is he, the alleged wealthy man ? 
She has entered the house of a poorly dressed husband. 


or 


8. Lelahéwitko witch wugdyi + -|+- Ee ee 


Slow-running horses he paid for his wite. 


190 POETIC TEXTS. 
9. Améta téwank vii'ya tefniwash 4 —_|+ _|+ Wass 


The young girl shakes her body when planting the camass-stick into the ground. 


10. Améta ya kuank vayamna ~~ ~|+-_|+~~ 
Shaking her body she broke the camass-spade. 
11. Lakiam pé-ia mat sha kifla kiwalapata 
2e~|t-|2- | 2) 2 oie 


The chief’s daughter, they say, was dragged along the ground. 


12. [ haktchimpesh wénni tehikdlaly: 5 ey (ee (OTR ire | Tee Re 
klitisham wéash wénni tchikoldly’ i. Ses eS eee 


You always strangely stride on on your long leys. 
The crane’s progeny, you walk strangely long-legged 


5 
13. E-ukshiwash tenuyaga ha/la-a hala +-~~-|+_~|+_|+- _|_~ 
A young woman from Klamath Marsh is swallowing, swallowing. 
14. Wika-télantko tehii’/lish parwa ht 2 ee oe ae hee 


Short-faced like a porcupine that fellow is cating. 
15. Luelat ba’nksh hi’t; yanta, yanta +-~-|+—|+-|+~ 
Kill ye that fellow on the spot! down with him, down, down! 
16. Kéa’utchish gf‘lo siménaki’ wo'n laki ~-+|~-+|~--=|-~ 
When the female wolf has devoured the elk-buck she cries for more. 


17. Shunui-uya shudktcha ~~ Ea Op Seat tS 


I feel unwell and hence am sobbing. 
it 


18. Ledshantak wiwakni’ka; gafgaikanka _~|_ +|+~ ee 
They whipped a telltale ; he is now sobbing. 
19. Bi‘nash mit hii hifvash tilankAnshal = S22 22 Ee 


The root-basket, they say, is swinging to and fro on Bins back. 


20. L6-i loyan léyak, 16-i l6yan Iéyak 


21. E-ukshikni tenuydash hald, halé-a -—- +|~ + | ah [Sea 
A maiden of the Klamath Lakes is swallowing, devouring. 
22. Nigga heté héyo, ni’gg% héyo héwe —~_|+ ~~~ ||--]+4-_- 
timi nigg’, timi nigedk zo |e |e 
NOTES. 


The feelings which dictated these sarcastic song-lines are those of derision, satire 
and criticism. The majority are of a drastic, some even of a crude and very offensive 
character, scourging mercilessly the infirmities observed on fellow-men. Many of them 


SONGS OF SATIRE. 191° 


also pass as puberty songs, but I have preferred to class these under the heading of 
songs of satire. Some are sung with melodies, others are spoken and recited only. 

I. Satirie songs obtained in the Klamath Lake dialect from Chief Johnson, Minnie 
Froben and others. : 

189; 1. a’yank. In this term the prefix u- gives the shape in which the tobacco 
Was given away. 

189; 2. Refers to somebody going to the Dalles or other place along the Columbia 
River. Cf. page 93, Note. 

189; 3. In this verse there are four particles pointing either to distance or to eleva- 
tion (altitude): ti/sh, hu, the -u suffixed to nen (nen hu) and to tchilamna. This song 
is sung by a woman, who hears (nen) for the first time of this assembling of geese; 
shésha waiwash stands for shéshash waiwash, or shéshatko waiwash: birds calied 
waiwash-geese. 

189; 5. A young woman is the object of this song-line. 

189; 6. Woodpecker-scalps of shining colors are still in use for ornamenting vari- 
ous articles of dress, implements, &c. whlutuina: he flaunts it and parades in it. 

189; 7. Ka tal? who then? who after all? abbreviated from kani tala. Dresses 
made of walydtchka-skins passed for the poorest and meanest of all garments. 

190; 9. This is sung by men only. 

190; 15. A satire on feminine voracity. Sung by Klamath women from Klamath 
Marsh. Cf. below, 190; 21. 

190; 12. haktch4mpesh; -pesh is the suffix ptchi phonetically altered, the word 
introducing a comparison of the “striding one” with the young klitish-crane in the 
same song. A sarcasm on a long-legged person with swinging gait. 

190; 16. Regularly worded, this proverb-like verse would read as follows: Ka/- 
utchish gi’lu wo/n-lakiash shaménakia. 

II. Satiric songs obtained in the Modoe dialect from Toby Riddle and J. C. D. 
Riddle. 

190; 18. A tatler has received the deserved bodily punishment for his gossip-tales. 
Of the first word no grammatic analysis could be obtained in either tribe. 

190; 19. The business of gathering edible roots devolves exclusively on women, 
but here an old man, Bin, who still lives among the Modoe at Yaneks, is indulging in 
this useful pastime. That ’s where the point of the satire lies. Hlivash is a word 
unknown to the Klamath Lake people in the signification of “basket”. 

190; 20. Sung by the national deity when foiled in the attempt of killing five 
lynxes by throwing stones at them; repeated from the shashapkéléash, page 126, 3. 
Cf. Note. 

190; 21. To be found in another version among the Klamath Lake songs; there it 
refers to a female living on Klamath Marsh, not on Klamath Lake. 

190; 22. This tune was with many similar ones improvised by the Modocs, who 
visited the East a short time after the Modoc war, on seeing crowds of blacks filling 
the streets. All Indians feel at first a peculiar very strong aversion against the Ethio- 
pian race, though subsequently they often become friends and intermarry. 


192 


=l 


POETIC TEXTS, 


MISCELLANEOUS SONGS 


OBTAINED IN THE KLAMATH LAKE AND Mopoc DIALECTS. 


. K6-i ak a na’pka Ydamatkni gatpam’ndéka 


‘ 


Disastrous times we had when the Northern ae ae | | 
Na’nu wika-shitko mikash ha’ma +~--—~|+~-~|+-~ 
I hear the owl’s cry and very near it seems to be. 
Mbi’shant kafla hiimd’la, +-|+-|+~-~ 
shitchakta na‘ts kifla, eee 
shiukuapktka na'ts ki’‘la. ——+|-~—+|- 


In the morning the Earth resounded, 
Incensed at us was the Earth, 
For to kill us wanted the Earth. 


Wakaptch nen hi’tksh E-ukshi né’pka, 
nt’ kam hi’tksh telfi’Tit. 


To see how Klamath Marsh appears from there, 
I wish to look down on it from that height. 


. Ki-idshi nf ki’pash nai lulina 


Dressed in poor garments I stray around. 


Tutiyash nf lulina ~~+|~~+|~+|~ 


I am going astray while dreaming. 


Kapkablandaks! 6’kst a tkaléga ndéwa ~~|---+|-~-+|~-~- 


Be silent! her body arises from the dead to scream! 


Mf'ni n@ laki gi, k4-ikdnam shlékish; = +~|+~|+~]J4-|4-|+- 


k6-idsha ne-ulyéga kiifla tilangédsha. Dee) Pe | SOR EE [a 


Iam a potent chief, nobody controls me; 
The mischief-doing world I upset. 


‘“‘Kiifla nfi shulémoké’dsha”, sipped (hee pS 
ké’nta kiiflatat tgi/kélan shuima. —~~+|~~ +|~~+|~ 


“(J take the Earth up in my arms and with it whirl around in a dance” ; 
On this soil I am standing and singing [the above words]. 


MISCELLANEOUS SONGS. 193 


10. Afshish kaf nf sha-ild‘la, SN LES | Op 


yuhanéash kai nfi sha-flo‘la. ~-|+-|+-- -|+-~ 
I Aishish I shall brandish, I shall brandish my huge sword. 


11. Afshishash hiin galdshui, Ds <, edes 
hi’ mish hi’ shnekshituépka. +-~-|—---+|-~ 


Go to meet Aishish; he will save you. 


12. Tidsh hifin liulekan tchidlash shakatchéala! 


Halloo! let us form a circle and screen the salmon against sun-heat! 


13. Kilidshi’ga shépolamna +-—~|+-~- 


They carry long-necked ducks on their backs. 
14. Kaukatsi Yaina wo’n a shféi-a’dshant i! +-~-|+~|+-|+~-|+~- 
Follow up the elk and chase him upon Kaukétsi Mountain ! 


NOTES. 


The first eight songs are worded in the Klamath Lake dialect, the third is of a 
mythic character. Songs 7-12 are worded in Modoc; 8 and 9 are K’mukémtchiksh 
songs. A few songs or fragments of such, which would come nearest to what we 
call nursery or Mother Goose’s songs, will be found in the Myth of the Bear and the 
Antelope: 120, 11. 12. 13. 121, 9. 17. 122, 12. 13. 

192; 1. This song is sung by women only, and seems to point to an ancient inva- 
sion of the country by tribes from the North or from Columbia River. 

192; 2. The owl’s cry is of fatal augury. 

192; 3. Girls’ song. When at sunrise a haze or fog extends over the country, this 
is supposed to be a sign of the Earth’s wrath against men. 

192; 5. ki’/pash is no word at all, but seems to stand for gitko-ptchi. 

192; 7. The Indians were reticent about the meaning of this song, and hence I 
presumed that 0’/k was intended to mean some deceased person, since these are spoken 
of as hi‘k, he, she. Then the sense would be: “Be silent! that dead squaw is arising 
to sing a loud song.” One Indian informed me that 0/ksta meant a squaw, and pro- 
nounced it 0/ksht (hinkisbt?). Cf. Note to 35, 8 and page 180, second Note. 

192; 8. These trochaic verses are called the K’mukamtchiksh-song, and a variant, 
tudlam, exists for kanam. The alliteration of the k’s and n’s is very conspicuous. 
The meaning was given as follows: “I the omnipotent and unseen ruler of the uni- 
verse will chastise and turn it over for the manifold crimes committed in it by Indians 
and men of other races.” 

192; 9. This is another K’mikamtch-song, in which he menaces to destroy the 
world for its misdoings. I have put the first line in quotation marks, because it forms 
the words or text of the song. The first line is sung about a dozen times before the 
second is sung once. 

193; 10. Christian song, referring to the day of last judgment. Aishish, who is 
a deity representing the powers of nature with animal attributes, has been in the 
mind of some Modocs identified with Jesus. 

13 


12 


15 


18 


194 POETIC TEXTS. 


193; 11. Song of Christian origin, in which Aishish is also identified with Jesus 
for no other reason than a fancied similarity of names. 

193; 12. When of a party of fishing girls one catches a salmon or other large fish, 
all the others quit their lines, arrive on the spot, roast the fish while singing these 
words and eat it up. 

193; 15. This song is common to Modoces and Klamath Lakes and is descriptive 
of children amusing themselves with ducks. Pretty melody. 


TUNES AND SONGS WITHOUT WORDS. 
WAR WHOOPS. 


wéaha wea wéyaha, kawe‘ha kaweiha, kawé’ha 
ka’ ki’ ki’, wéha wea wéyaha 

néke néke nédke...... ) 
howiena’ howiena’, tchdlam tchalam wiéna wiend 
howiena’ howiena’, tchdlam ete. 

hi ellova hi ellovaé hi ellova 


nkefha nyetha nyefya, nkefya...... nyé-u. 
a/-oho ii’-ohd e-ohd...... {-ihi, i-ihi-i, f-uhu 


HUMMING TUNES. 


diainaini dianandna, diatainia diatandna 
ténanani nannanani, taninanani tanni naninanani 
taindnni taninanna, tainaina taninaini, tananana 
tiini tayandni tani nii/nénani 
nanaté téannana nanaté nanatéana natéana 
kanenaténa nenankanéna tenanénate 
nianainaén kianaindén, kianainfa nainan nainian 
kalena tena, kalena tena, kalena tena 
nawetana nawettya, nawetana nawetia 
ligeaiha ligeaiha, ha’hai liggaiha, 

é bi tehtima, Ifggaiha liggaiha. 
widshiggaya hi’a, widshiggaya hi’a 

hii’ ho widshiggaya ho; ha’ hd hii’ ho, widshiggaya ho. 
yuhili’ yuhali’ gaya, yuhili’ yuhali’ gaya 


TUNES AND SONGS WITHOUT WORDS. 


ti’-indnnin ni’-inndnnin, ti’-inn4nnin ni/-inndnnan 
ta nanidnai naéniana, t4 nanidnai néniana 

walwiléga palpiléga, walwiléga palpiléga 

palpiléga palpiléga, palpiléga ete. 


DANCING TUNES. 
A. Tunes heard during Puberty-Dances. 


hd’-wina wé’na tchdlam tch4lam wéna 
tha u-ai hai hai hévélali, 
hahai u-ai hehai hévélali. 
witcha kenna, witcha kéna kend’, witcha kenna kené 
ni kéno kéno kéno, n’6 kéno n’o kéno kénd 


B. Tunes adopted from Shasti Indians. 


hui’no hé hotino hi-fi huino hi’tnino kii‘ino h6-o 
winna hddina hawina, hé-ina a-a, h4wina naé-ina 

téyo winno hoyo winna nd, weyawinna nd, heyowinna 
ho-owinno heyii/nlia kina ho-owinna heyd’nlia kena 
he-iinnowinna, innaté lowinna, he-einno winna 

hewii’ iwinnanda 6 wi’nna 6h6 hina winna 6ho 
hinnandwiya na-uya nayua hinnand-uya 6-uya 

héwa enna hé-au wennéa hé-aunné heyawenné 

ha wenno hahiyé wenndé wennd ha wenna, awendé hewo 
hé ninu hent hené ind’ ho-inti héniné-u heni’ 


C. Dance and war tunes adopted from Snake Indians. 


hAwinna hat-inna no’, i’‘nna hawinna hawinna nd’ 
hé-a wenné, a héa, heahé, héa wenné 
hawea’ wenna, hau-4, hawenna é’nna, hawaé 


D. Dancing tune heard from Warm Spring Indians. 


kanteluyay<. 4 .). uya tas{ wene nasi 


195 


12 


15 


18 


21 


ito) 


196 POETIC TEXTS. 


Ii. Modoc dancing tunes. 


héo héo héo héo, héo heo héo heo 
hatididusii haudidtsii haudfdusii havididusai 


stan stan stani assi stdni assi 
hoyé-inna hoyé-inna, 

hoyé winna hoyd winna, hoyé winna’-a’. 
hawénén-i’ hawénnéndha, hawénnéndha hawénén-i’ 


iwop tcharlé kémtuho’ 
TUNES HEARD AT FUNERAIS. 


kélakennu kélakennu kélakennu kélakenu...... kélaya-a 
lahaha JAhaha Ahaha lAhaha..... . 

nihhi a2 ae yuyaya yuyaya...... law avlat le seeseS:5 

héya hetia héya heta héya hetia 


NOTES. 


194; 1-8. These whoops and tunes were sung by Modoe warriors when on the 
war-path, or after their return in remembrance of their exploits. The whoops were 
chanted and howled while going round in a circle for one to two hours; even now 
they are heard on solemn oceasions. This uniform performance was, however, inter- 
rupted sometimes by feigned attacks on a supposed hostile force lying in ambush or 
marching past. A sealp-dance tune, beginning with nkeiha, is added, also battle cries. 

194; 2. The kil! kii/ ki’ refrain serves as an incidental interruption of the wéaha- 
and other whoops. ‘They pronounce it almost voicelessly by tapping their hands upon 
the blown-up mouth or cheeks in a quick measure. 

194; 3. The noke noke is sung either as an introduction to the howiena/-whoop, or 
as a conclusion to it. It is pronounced in a similar manner as the ki’ ki’, and often 
accentuated noke’. 

194; 7. This scalp-dance tune is one of the many heard at these dances during the 
earlier Modoc wars. A peeled tree, sometimes twenty feet high, was planted into the 
ground, otter and rabbit skins fastened on or near the top, and below them the sealps 
of the enemies killed in battle. Forming a wide ring around this pole (walash) the 
tribe danced, stood or sat on the ground, looking sometimes at solitary dancers, moving 
and yelling (yii/ka) around the pole, or at others, who tried to shake it, or at fleet 
horses introduced to run inside of the ring. Cireular dances are of course performed 
by joining hands. 

194; S. These are the war-whoops alluded to in 23, 15. Cf. ii-oho-i/tehna in 
Dietionary. 

194; 9 ete. | include under the heading “ humming tunes” lively tunes of short, 
ever returning periods of words whose signification is generally obliterated. Some 
of them may include archaic words and forms no lounger understood by the present 


TUNES AND SONGS WITHOUT WORDS. 197 


generation, while others contain words of the language actually in use but ground down 
or defaced in such a manner as to make them unintelligible. The variations in which 
these songs are sung are infinite in number, since they are fancifully produced at the will 
of the singer. I thought it sufficient to give a few of these variations only, and took 
care to mark the higher pitch of the voice, a sort of musical arsis, by the accentuation. 
The majority of them form an accompaniment to the motions made while gambling. 

194; 9-17 were obtained from a young Indian, Frank, living on the Williamson 
River. Cf. page 91, second Note. 

194; 16. kalena tena is rendered by: ‘“ ye are all dead at once”; which means: all 
of you have lost in the game. 

194; 18-195; 4. Playing tunes sung by Modoc and Klamath Lake Indians when 
sitting at a spélshna or other game, also while musing, travelling or working; given by 
Jeff. C. D. Riddle. The person who deals the sticks in the spélshna-game is the one 
who sings the tune. 

194; 1S and 19. 20 and 21. 22. Melodious tunes sung by Modocs and recently 
introduced among these Indians. 

195; 2.3. These are among the most frequent tunes hummed while playing the 
spélshna-game. Like 3 and 4, 1 and 2 are often sung alternately. 

195; 3. 4. These words are made up from the terms by which butterflies are called: 
walwilégash, yapalpuléash. 

A. These dance-tunes, 195; 5-9, are in use among the Klamath Lake people and 
were obtained from Minnie Froben. The first of them sounds almost like 194; 4. 5. 
Little bells are often rung while dances are performed and dance-tunes are sung. 
Women and girls of the Modoc tribe end their songs with a protracted 7-0, while the 
men habitually conclude them with a loud u-o/hu. 

B and D. Obtained from Dave Hill; sung among the Klamath Lake people. 

C. Given by Long John’s Ben. They begin with the sound h-., like the majority 
of the Shasti tunes. 

E. All obtained from Jeff. C. D. Riddle. 

196; 1. Repeated indefinitely, as soon as dancing assumes a quicker measure. 
Compare with it the song of the skunk 162; 7, that of the quiver, 163; 8, and Notes. 

196; 3. stani, full, seems to allude to the formation of a ring for dancing. Cf. sta 
hashampka 23, 12. and what is said of 196; 7. 

196; 4.5. The last group in this tune, hoyé winna/-a’, serves sometimes as a refrain, 
sometimes as a stop. 

196; 7. Of foreign introduction, as shown by the sound r. Sung in alternation 
with stan, stan 196; 3 and said to come from Warm Spring Indians. 196; 2 sounds 
very much like: ‘* how do you do, sir?” 

196; 8. Probably contains the words: Wleké a hf, “he, she is dead”; kélaya-a 
serves as a refrain, sometimes as a stop. 

196; 9. The day before the funeral of Pukish, mentioned in Doctor John’s trial, 1 
heard his aged mother sing this tune. Other mourners in the funeral tent sang what 
is contained in 196; 8. 10. 

196; 10. Funeral tune heard from Snake Indians at Yaneks, on Klamath reserva- 
tion. They join hands and sing this melancholy tune for hours; the higher the deceased 
stood in his tribe, the longer lasts the wailing. 


= 


“aan 


z. Hera ey 
pen @ 


yh” Ate a a Mapes Pca cei mY. ai gi hie 7 ay ’ 


Bim, |: 


ri “a s a, 


ih ee 


ili ’ ne Sy mal 


Peetu alt =e te eg ’ On pen yee 74 call? irs At Mee | 
; wat pee 
ry re tee SER 2 ee vb eee = Nap 
‘ y o-oi, ern) > lee im Ah 
5 : > : af nite We oe Ome are 72 et ya 
i ‘ fou 4 ib wee ¥ . 
To ia y) al et mrt: tq > a 
a 6°) ae 
e..: aA } i i ae iN» ot ee : 


; y + hae : | ‘he 


4 7 7 a. 47 hee 


= 7 


; . x «iS toe 
: a a > ¢ ae 
: [1 eee ee 
P 7. 7 
: roy fi » "o¥e2 
- de! =) te 
; si wisp 
” Fe Te. | 
1 1 
° ; ‘ 
‘ ; 2 
' >. 
a } 
"ye 
¢ ' P 
‘ t 
7 leg 
{ e oF ‘ ' 
. x ® f 
‘i bet { 
+ @ 
a * ' * 
; oa 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


INTRODUCTION. 


A few remarks on the structure of American languages, and on the 
difficulties encountered in their study, will, I presume, be acceptable to the 
studious at a time when the first grammar of the Klamath language ever 
composed is presented to them. 

Students entering into the vast domain of American languages find 
themselves puzzled and bewildered by many facts and peculiarities which 
never occurred to them during their study of the classic tongues in which 
Demosthenes and Cicero delivered their orations. Like other illiterate 
languages, those of America bear within themselves phenomena which 
appear to us as strange peculiarities and mysterious fancies, but also pre- 
sent a grand and fascinating aspect like any product of nature undefiled 
and unaltered by the artifice of man. 

Superficial minds are easily repelled by the oddities of Indian sounds, 
some of which are croaking or strongly nasalizing, partly faucal or other- 
wise unpronounceable, and disagreeing in their phonetic rules and pecu- 
liarities from all their former notions of language. But the educated, who 
at once perceive that they have to deal with a problem of natural science, 
readily comprehend that these freaks of human speech are worth a pene- 
trating study. The phonetic side of an Indian language, in fact of any 
language whatever, can be but very imperfectly acquired from books, and 
what I offer below under ‘Pronunciation”, ‘Mode of utterance”, in the 
phonologic section of the Grammar, should be considered as only an 


attempt to do justice to the real utterance of this upland language. 
201 


202 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


More diversity may be discovered in the morphologic structure than 
in the phonetics of the languages of America. This variety is so bewilder- 
ing, so disagreeing with our old-time notions of language, that the classify- 
ing tendency of our age has endeavored to simplify this apparent chaos by 
imagining a general category under which all American languages could 
be classed. Fr. Lieber styled them holophrastic; Du Ponceau called them 
incorporating, but applied this characteristic only to those languages of 
America the verbal inflection of which he was able to investigate. The 
truth is, that no general characteristic can be applied to them that would 
clearly distinguish them from many other tongues spoken in both hemi- 
spheres; like these, they are all agglutinative, many of them polysynthetic, 
though in very different degrees; their transitive verb is governed by its 
object, the intransitive by its subject; the distinction between noun and 
verb is morphologically but an imperfect one, though this imperfect dis- 
tinction varies in degrees between the various linguistic families. Many 
American tongues do not possess any form for the plural in nouns, while 
others have one regular plural ending or a variety of such, or a distributive 
form answering to some extent to a plural. Some languages have no ad- 
jectives, strictly considered, but use participial forms instead; others possess 
real adjectives, and to form their plural reduplicate the latter part of the 
term. Synthesis is carried to an extreme wherever the verbal inflection 
is no longer the vehicle of purely relational categories, but associates with 
them material ideas as those of beginning, continuation, distance and prox- 
imity of the object spoken of, negation, desire, approximation, and others 
which do not properly belong to the sphere of verbal inflection. The verb 
with its incorporated subject- and object-pronoun then becomes a whole 
sentence, and its derivational affixes often accumulate in a degree which is 
quite perplexing. Other languages run exactly in the opposite direction, 
that of analytic development. ‘They separate the pronouns from the verb 
governing them, possess only two tenses, but very few modes and voices, 
express by separate terms what other languages indicate by derivation, and 
reject the apparent luxury of nominal cases, of the dual and of the various 
forms for the plural. 

The diversity of American languages shows itself in their syntax not 


INTRODUCTION. 203 


less than in their morphology. Generally the structure of a sentence is 
simple, being based only on the coordinative and adversative principle. But 
where there is a lack of the relative pronoun, or an inadequate supply of 
conjunctions, as in the dialects of the Maskéki family, verbals are necessary 
to supplant them. This produces encapsulated sentences, which, by the 
frequent repetition of the verbal, soon become tiresome through monotony, 
and diminish the perspicuity and comprehensibility of the spoken word. 

A continued study of the Klamath language has convinced me that it 
occupies a middle position between the extremes of synthetic and analytic 
structure just referred to, but that, nevertheless, it shows very plainly all 
the characteristics of agglutinative tongues. The distinction between the 
noun and the verb is made pretty clear, although most substantives can be 
considered as nomina verbalia; the verb is not overloaded with forms point- 
ing to material ideas, neither with tenses, modes, nor voices, and possesses no 
real personal conjugation. As to derivation, Klamath is undoubtedly poly- 
synthetic in its affixes, the suffixes preponderating largely over the prefixes, 
and differing from them in their functions. Outside of Klamath and the 
dialects of the Dakota stock, but few languages have been discovered in 
which the prefix indicates the exterior form of the verbal subject or object, 
or even the quality of the verbal action. Reduplication for inflectional 
purposes is as well developed here as it is in Pima and Selish and forms 
one of the characteristic features of the language. As to its syntax, Kla- 
math may be called analytic; a profusion of conjunctions relieve it of the 
too frequent use of participial and similar constructions, as does also the 
relative pronoun kat, and the use of the substantive verb gi simplifies the 
verbal inflection to a great extent. 

These and other characteristics impart to the language of the Mé- 
klaks a well-defined type, and approach it to some of the tongues of 
modern Europe, in which analysis has not preponderated over synthesis. 
An attentive study of the numerous texts obtained from the Indians, paired 
with constant comparison of Klamath structure with the structure of many 
foreign and American languages, could alone furnish a solid basis for 
establishing the grammatic rules of this upland tongue. The rhythmic, 
stately, and energetic tenor of its periods, especially those of the larger 


204 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


mythologic pieces, will please every student who has ever lent his attentive 
ear to the well-poised periods of Roman historians, and will even evoke 
comparison with them, not as to their contents, but as to the flow of the 
well-constructed sentences, which appear in these narratives. 


Oral language is formed of voiced and audible units of thought, called 
words, which consist of sounds grouped together and possess definite and 
conventional meanings. ‘To be understood by the tribe, people, or race 
which converses in it, a language must necessarily follow certain laws, 
which are partly of a logical, partly of a conventional nature. 

The scope of a scientific grammar therefore consists in presenting these 
laws: (1) as they manifest themselves in the present status, or some given 
historic stage of the language, in a systematic form; (2) to deduce these 
laws from the previous historic status of that language, and from its cog- 
nate dialects, as well as fromm the comparative study of other tongues, viz., 
from the science of linguistics. 

Not only does every language possess a stock of words and idioms 
peculiar to itself, but also a peculiar character in its phonetic rules, pro- 
nunciation, and mode of thought, which impresses itself upon the senses 
and memory even of persons who have never become familiar with the 
language, and prompts them to distinguish it readily from other tongues. 
The causes to which every language owes its peculiar stamp are the om- 
nipotent climatic influences of the country which the forefathers of the 
people have inhabited, and also, wherever migrations have occurred, of 
the country presently occupied by it. 

Grammars are usually made up of a large number of laws or rules, 
restrained by an equally large array of exceptions. Many of the latter 
are only apparent and not real exceptions; when they are real, they gen- 
erally show that conflicting phonetic laws have been at work, or that the 
principle of grammatic analogy or some other conventional element has 
prevailed over the logical formative principle of language. Had all lan- 
guages been evolved through the logical principle alone, grammar would 


contain rules only and no exceptions. More real and perspicuous regu- 


INTRODUCTION. 205 


larity can however be claimed for the large majority of American languages 
than for those of the Indo-European family, for the simple reason that the 
former are of the agglutinative type, while the latter are built up after the 
principles of the inflective tongues. This distinction is founded upon the 
difference in degree, by which the fusion of the affixes to the radix has 
taken place in the earlier stages of linguistic evolution; a fusion which has 
been much less energetic in agglutinative languages, as the name itself of 
these latter purports. 

A “Grammar of the Klamath or Maklaks language of Southwestern 
Oregon” must hence be defined as a scientific or systematic exposition of 
the natural laws which have been active in forming and evolving the above 
Western American language, in its whole as well as in its two dialects, that 
of the Klamath Lake and that of the Modoc people. 

The subject matter I divide as follows: 

The first and fundamental part treats of the Phonology; it enumerates 
the sounds composing its phonetic material and expounds the laws presiding 
over the composition and alteration of the sounds. 

The second part treats of the Morphology ; it enters into a statement of 
the laws, logical and conventional, observed in the inflection and deriva- 
tion of words, and of the application of the phonetic laws to these elements 
of speech. 

The third part deals with the Syntax; it defines the laws according to 
which words are arrayed into sentences or units of speech; it also explains 
the relations of words among themselves and to the sentence, and of one 
sentence to another. 

The abbreviations of the Grammar are those indicated on the first 
pages of both dictionaries. 


206 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


PHONOLOGY. 


The sounds or phonetic elements of language are either vowels or 
consonants or clicks. The former two are uttered by expiration of air 
through the vocal tube. The vowels or voiced breaths are either simple or 
compound. Compound vowels may either combine by passing into diph- 
thongs or triphthongs, or when coalescing into one vocalic sound, become 
softened vowels, ‘‘Umlaute.” Consonants are sounds uttered without voice; 
they are either checks, momentaneous sounds, or breaths, sounds of dura- 
tion. Clicks, or sounds produced by inspiration of air, do not occur in the 
Klamath language as parts of words, though they are occasionally intro- 
duced in the form of interjections. Cf. 0, o’ in Dictionary and Note to 
194; 2. 


VOWELS. 


The five simple vowels of the Klamath language given in the order as 
they increase in pitch of voice, are: u, 0, a, e, i; each of them can be pro- 
nounced short and long, and this makes up in all ten vowels. Only three 
of them, however, are primary vowels when pronounced short: the guttural 
vowel a, the palatal vowel i, and the labial vowel u. They are called 
primary vowels because the large majority of the radical syllables in Kla- 
math contain one of them, which may also be said of a large number of 
affixes. When pronounced long, the five simple vowels are often the 
product of synizesis or other sort of vocalic coalescence. In pitch, o 
stands between a and u, e between a and i; a rapid pronunciation of au 
and ai has produced o and e, as we observe it also in French. 

The softened vowels or ‘‘Umlaute” are ii, 6, i, as in German, and can 
be pronounced short and long. They originated through a coalescence of 
different vocalic components into one sound, as can be shown in many, 
though not in all, instances. Only one of them, 4, is of frequent occur- 
rence, and is observed to alternate constantly with e, both being a product 


PHONOLOGY. 207 


of a+i: a-i, ai, i or e. Concerning the occurrence of 6 and ii, cf. below: 
Frequency of Sounds. 

Nasalizing of the vowels, as in the French an, in, un, is unknown in 
pure Klamath speech, although consonants are frequently nasalized. At 
times it occurs, however, in the conversational form of Klamath speech. 
Where words from other Indian languages are quoted for comparison in 
this volume, the nasal utterance of their vowels is indicated by n superior, 
ass eon OP ana eo ii 

The deep, obscure, hollow pronunciation of the simple and softened 
vowels should be sharply distinguished in this and in other languages from 
the clear, high-pitched, or ringing utterance of the same sounds. It is pro- 
duced by opening the glottis to a wider passage of the voice than for the 
clear pronunciation, and is as common in Klamath as it is in English unac- 
cented syllables, or in syllables closing in consonants; compare: a in father 
(clear pron.) and in water (deep), i in marine and in fill, u in shoe and in 
lung. To call these deep vowels short will do for English only, where 
these sounds usually are met with in syllables brief in quantity. But it 
would be a misnomer in the terminology of other languages, for they can 
be protracted to any length as well as the clear-sounded vowels. With a 
and 6 this distinction cannot be made; a deep utterance of the other vowels 
was marked in this volume by circumflexing them. The vowel 4 (in fall, 
tall) coincides with 6, and 6 was hence omitted. The spontaneous or primi- 
tive vowel, ‘“‘Urvocal”, was given the letter & instead of é (the deep e). 
Thus I use the circumflex only on a, i, u (4, i, fi); it may be used also 
on the softened vowel ii. Examples: 


tapini second to, subsequent. 
shti’lta to announce, report. 


bi/nia, pai’nua to drink. 


To obtain a full insight into the phonetic character of Indian lan- 
guages, the difference between the clear and the deep pronunciation must 
never be lost sight of; i and u are generally sounded deep in final syl- 
lables followed by one or more consonants. Cf. Alternation of Sounds, 
Quantity, and Introduction to Texts, p. 9. 


208 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


The genesis and mutual relations of the vowels are set forth in the 
following table: 


a a Ta ia 
a 4 i? ut 
A ee 
eé@ ii wisi 
0 
0 0 
ois 
DIPHTHONGS. 


The vowels i and u placed before or after a vowel and pronounced in 
one and the same effort of the vocal organs, form diphthongs. In a true 
diphthong the position of the organ necessarily changes when passing from 
one component to the other, and when it stands at the commencement or 
in the midst of a word, the i- and u- component assumes the consonantic 
nature of y and w. ‘The word-accent may rest either on the first or second 
vocalie component, and when the two are pronounced separately the com- 
bination changes from a true to an adulterine diphthong. 

Thus, Klamath possesses a series of diphthongs which can be uttered 
in two different ways: 

(a) as dissyllables or adulterine diphthongs, with hiatus intervening. 
This pronunciation bears an archaic type and can be best observed in the 
Spanish language. Ex.: spé-utish poison 

(b) as monosyllables or true diphthongs. Ex.: spatitish. 

In a limited number of terms diphthongs always remain adulterine, 
and sometimes insert even an h between the two components: kné-udshi 
outside bark of tree; shand-uli, shana-dli, and shanaholi to desire; muimtya 
and muhimiiya to shiver. A few other terms are constantly pronounced 
with the genuine or true diphthong, as stainaksh heel, while the large 
majority may be pronounced in both ways: ktd-i, ktai stone, ki-idshi, 
kttidshi méschievous. ‘The simple hyphen, e-i, a-u, ete., was used instead of 
the usual mark of dieresis (ei, aii) to mark the hiatus in adulterine diph- 
thongs. In some grammatic forms of the language the two parts of a diph- 
thong become separated from each other, a fact which will be observed 


especially in the study of distributive reduplication. 


PHONOLOGY. 209 


The series of diphthongs is as follows: 
ui, oi, ai, ei; in writing they often appear as uy, oy, ay, ey. 
iu, io, ia, ie; appear more frequently as yu, yo, ya, ye. 
au or aw, eu or ew; ou coincides with au, aw. 
uo, ui, ua, ue; appear more frequently as wo, wi, wa, we. 
ai (in stiifla, stii’-ila to collect). 

iii (in tehiiitehuili sorrel). 

Triphthongs are not frequent, since Klamath has a greater tendency to 
accumulate consonants than vowels. Ex.: shuiuya to drive out of, shué ush 
angling line, weweshaltko having offspring, géwa, tyéwaga, tehiyunk, ageaya, 
tchuaish, wiiita, etc. Some of these terms contain adulterine groups which 
cannot properly be called triphthongs. 


CONSONANTS. 


Consonants are divided in two classes: checks, or mute, explosive 
consonants; and breaths, semivowels or fricative consonants. 


MUTE CONSONANTS. 


Their full list is as follows: 

Gutturals: k, g, x Dentals: t, d 
Palatals: tch, dsh Labials: p, b 
Linguals: k, ¢ 

Here the surd sounds are placed first; follow the sonant checks or 
“medic” mutes, then the aspirate class, represented by one sound only (x). 
The surd checks or ‘‘tenues” are equal in number, though more used than 
the sonant checks. As for the series of the aspirates, the two dental aspi- 
rates of English (Anglo-Saxon p and d) and the labial aspirate f are want- 
ing here, and are rather scarce also in the other American languages.* 

The two lingual sounds are k and g. The former is produced by 
resting the tip of the tongue against the middle or fore palate, by bending 
it either back or forward when in that position and then trying to pronounce 
k; gis brought forth in the same manner, though the tongue has to be placed 
less firmly against the palate in order to let pass more breath. Both sounds 


* Th surd occurs in Shawano, in some western dialects of Yuma (Mohave, etec.), and in Tehua 
dialects, New Mexico. 


14 


210 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


are uttered with dittculty, the latter especially, by strangers, and when first 
heard, seem to proceed from the lower throat. A short stop of the voice 
always follows them, and they usually stand before vowels or the “ Urvo- 
cal” &  Modoes use them more frequently and pronounce them, like the 
Warm Spring Indians on Des Chutes River, more forcibly than Klamath 
Lake Indians. These sounds may be called just as well palatalized gut- 
turals. 

Nasalized mutes ; see Semivowels. 

Of mute palatals there are two only, teh (Eng. and Span. ch) and its 
sonant, dsh (Eng. j). They alternate in every instance with ts and ds. In 
some terms they have originated from s, sh, and at times alternate with 


these spirant seunds. 


SEMIVOWELS. 


The semivowels, breaths, or consonants of duration are, but for a few 
exceptions, identical to those found in English. While the trills are repre- 
sented by one sound only, the nasal series is fully developed. 


Spirants, Nasals and nasalized Trills. 
mutes. 
Grirtttiall Serer etgetetetette tet tte h ng, nk, ny 
Jeni come meoodande scoduc oot y ndsh, ntch 
inouals; oss. eres! See oe sh nk 1 
Mentals): <<a): cSewise oe loomaaecres 8, Z n, nd, nt 
LUT OT) paen pea ieee BOBe.comons. NAN m, mb, mp 


Among the spirants the laryngeal class is represented by h, which is 
often pronounced with great emphasis, like hh. Scientific alphabets, like 
the one used by me, employ no silent letters, and hence I have placed an 
apostrophe before each h, when closing a syllable, to remind readers that 
it has to be sounded. V often passes by alternation into the consonantic 
w (in wire) and the more vocalic w (in water, wall); it sounds like our vy, 
but has evidently a different origin, for Klamath Indians pronounce David 
as Débid, and v is found only in the combination vu. Y is used by me 
as a consonant only; zh, the sonant of sh, does not occur. T's and ds, 


which are compound sounds, may be classified with the dentals. 


PHONOLOGY. 211 


Nasals. In many of the nasalized mutes mentioned in the table above, 
the nasalization is often scarcely audible; cf. Alternation of Sounds. The 
ny or Spanish n is so seldom heard, and only resulting from alternation 
with other sounds, that I have preferred not to burden the alphabet with a 
separate type 1. With initial mutes nasalizing is observed extensively, but 
in certain words only; ptika fo roast may be pronounced mbtka, ttlshna to 
run through, ntalshna, tehéteh bark, ndshcdsh; pata cheek is also pronounced 
mpata, but pata summer is always pronounced in the same manner, and 
ndani ¢hree is never pronounced dani, tanni. Vu- and the vowel u- can be 
supplanted in a few terms by a nasal, if standing before a mute: ubd-ush 
skin: mba-ush; udtiiyua, vudtiyua to beat, ndtiyua. 

An instance of a medial mute becoming nasalized is sanké-a for sak4-a 
to be raw. 


PHONETIC TABLE. 


The following classification of the vocalic and consonantic sounds 
occurring in Klamath, tabulated after the quality of their tone and the 
organs producing them, will largely facilitate the comprehension of the 
numerous phonetic figures, contractions, and alternating processes to be 
described hereafter. For the classification of the vocalic sounds, see: 


Vowels and Diphthongs. 


CONSONANTS. 
Momentaneous or mute sounds. Breaths or sounds of duration. 
] VOWELS. 
Not aspirated. Aspirated. Spirants. Nasals. Trills. | 
| 
E ee 
Surd.| Sonant. | Surd. Sonant. |Surd.| Sonant. | Sonant. Sonant. 
- I S | = = 
Gutturals - - k | g BOY eae cee pommee hy | nek myles 2 eos aa ; } a8 R 
Palatals....| tech GIES Gena Acer see (esas Yul mtch; ndshi|5------2-2 Deal | 
Linguals - -- k HE ilsaness| bootse ces gh: |o..senece |} nk ] 06 
Dentals -.-- t Gl ||Gon5s4) secasecgcs 8 Z | Ment bai esconasese | 
Labials .. -- p Dilis cect secces- cess Vv Ww | m, mb, mp |---------- lu 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


PRONUNCIATION OF THE SOUNDS. 


My scientific alphabet is based on the origimal pronunciation of the 


letters, which is still in use in some countries of the Kuropean continent. 


The English pronunciation of the letters is entirely unfitted for transerib- 


ing unwritten languages, and readers of this volume will have to discard it 


and adopt the value of the alphabetic signs as given below. The conso- 


nant y had to be placed after the vowel i, its usual position in the conti- 


nental alphabets. 


(a>) 


as in alarm, wash; German Schwamm, Tatze; French flanc, sang. 

longer sound of a, as in smart, tart; German Krahn, Schwan; 
French sage. 

as in fall, tall, taught. 

as in chat, fat, slash; French pin, saint. 

as in blab, bulk; German bald; French beau. 

as in did, do ; German dass; French dieu. 

as in jealous, junk, George. 

as in met, sell, tell; German erst, es; French selle. 

as in last syllable of Jodger, bungler; of German dieser, Manner ; 
French ce, que. 

longer sound of e, as in fade, main, trail; German Speer, Wehr; 
French fréle, maire. 

as in gig, gore; German gelb; French gras; never has the palatal 
sound of dsh. 

pronunciation given on p. 209. 

as in house, hui; German hoffen; never used as a silent letter. 

as in marine; French abri, ici; Italian “ido; Spanish gridar. 

longer sound of e, as in fee, stream, sleep; German kriechen, siech. 

deep, as in fit, grit, mitten; German rinnen, Sinn; when long, it is 
iin German thn, Siegel. 

as in yoke, beyond; German Jahr, jucken; French yeux; Spanish 


ayudar, yerno. Used as a consonant only. 


am 


PHONOLOGY. 2138 


as in kick, kettle, core; German kennen, Kéter; French coque, soc; 
Spanish cavar, quedar, querir. 

pronunciation given on p. 209. 

not occurring in English, French, or Italian; German ch after a, 
in Dach, lachen, flach, Nacht; Scotch loch; Spanish brajo, dejar. 
This sound has nothing in common with the English x. 

same in all languages. 

same in all languages 

as in nimble, stumble ; German Stammbaum. 

as in imp, thumping; German Rumpf; Italian stampa. 

same in all languages. 

as in stand, asunder, squander ; German Runde; French amende. 

the palatal dsh nasalized. 

as in cling, rang, singing, not as ng in finger; German hangen, 
springen. 

as in prank, spunk; German trdnken ; French cinquante. 

the lingual k nasalized. 

the aspirated guttural nasalized. 

as in rent, want; German drunten, Lunte; French crainte, éreinter. 

short and clear, as in oracle, proxy ; German Hopfen, Stoppel; French 
folle, sotte ; Spanish pelota, rodilla. 

longer sound of 0, as in note, roast, rope; German Koth, Moor, roth; 
French eau, dter, sauter. 

as in bird, burn, surd; German lésen, strémen; French fleur, seul. 

same in all languages. 

explosive p, described on p. 216. 

as in seek, sore ; German Sack; French salle. 

as in shell, shingle ; German schicken, Schutz ; French chercher, échoir. 

same in all languages. 

alveolar and explosive t; explained on p. 216. 

as in charred, chicken, catch; German hdtscheln, Klatsch; Italian 

. eacerone, cielo; Spanish hacha. 

as in forsooth, truth; German Gruss, muss; French loup, sous, écrou ; 

Spanish luna, uno. 


214 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


il longer sound of u, as in nude, bloom, loom; German Uhr; French 
cour, sourd. : 

il deep, as in pun, ruff, slum; German krumm, Schuft, Stunde; Italian 
lungo. 

ii not in English, Spanish, or Italian; German Diine, siihnen; French 
lune, nu, sucre. 

Vv as in velvet, vivid; German Wesen, wirken; French veau, vont. 

Ww is the i before the vowel a, as in water, walk, watch; in German it 


corresponds to short u before vowels; nearly ow in French oui, 
ouate. 
Z as in zine, frozen; German Hase; French zero, zigzag. 
The English x is rendered by gs or ks, the German z by ds or ts; 
according to the nature of their components 
More examples for the pronunciation of the above sounds will be found 
in Dictionary, pp. 6-8. 
For the pronunciation of diphthongs see the statements made on p. 208, 
and the examples given in Dictionary, p. 8. The difference between ai 
and ei can be shown to best advantage by quoting German words: 


al as in Kaiser, Rain, Haiduck. 
ei as in heiser, leise, reiten, schleichen. 


The pronunciation of the other diphthongs not mentioned in Diction- 
ary, p. 8, can be easily inferred from that of the vowels which compose 
them. Adulterine diphthongs are hyphenized, as in i-i, f-a, i-A, i-u, u-i. 


GRAPHIC SIGNS. 


I~ 


arrested sound, a pause brought about by the altered position of the 
vocal organs; t?épa species of fish, k-lewidsha to quit, depart. 

apostrophe marking elision of a vowel, of &, or any other sound: 
k’léwi to cease, for kéléwi; ’mpetlaléna to float down stream, for 
ampetlaléna; met’tamsya to excavate between or near, etc. The 
apostrophe also stands before h, when not beginning a syllable. 

. hiatus, separating two vowels as belonging to two different sylla- 


bles: me-titkish digging tool, sha-apa-a to provoke. 


PHONOLOGY. 215 


= separates compound words into their components: wika-télantko 
short-featured, \dloks-wii’génam-sti railroad, lit. ‘‘fire-wagon’s 
road.” 

acute accent; the only sign used for emphasizing syllables: télish 
Face, tila and tila to roll, to flood. 

— vowel pronounced long: ta’ztki to blush, tchla‘lya to be drowned, 

wo ksla, ete. . 
7 vowel pronounced short: mia’sh species of plant, sAlkakish necktie. 


LARYNGEAL MODE OF UTTERANCE. 


The phonetics of the majority of American languages cannot be fully 
understood without taking in consideration their mode of pronunciation 
from the throat. It may be defined as an utterance produced by a power- 
ful gush of breath emitted from the lungs and forming its sounds, through 
the glottis widely opened, in the rear portion of the mouth rather than in its 
fore parts. ‘The war-whoops and dance-songs of the Dakota and other 
Mississippian tribes are but a series of vocal strains due alone to the action 
of the lungs and windpipe, and ejected through the open glottis. This gives 
a peculiar, weird character to their vocal music. Of the Cayapé Indians, 
who inhabit the Brazilian province of Goyaz, travelers report that their 


language sounds “ 


as coming from the upper throat, and that they speak 
with the mouth closed.”* The real cause of these peculiarities has to be 
sought for in the Indian mode of living, and may also in part be attributed 
to assumed habits of pronunciation. 

The pectoral or laryngeal pronunciation of the Klamath Indian is 
attended by the following phonologic consequences: 

1. Guttural and laryngeal (h, arrested sound) sounds preponderate in 
frequency over dentals and labials, being formed in the rear part of the 
vocal tube. The palatal and alveolar sounds, which by the lifting of the 
tongue to the roof of the mouth tend to confine the sound to the rear, are 
not unfrequent in this and other languages, while in most of them f, th, 
r, and others, which are produced in its fore parts only, do not exist. The 


*Dr. Phil. von Martius, ‘‘ Beitrige zur Ethnographie Amerikas”; Vol. II, p. 134. 


216 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. . 


Shasti, Snake, and Modoe tunes printed in Texts, pp. 195. 196, are fair 
specimens of a thoroughly laryngeal substratum to Indian song-music. 

2. Interchangeability or alternation of the sounds pronounced with the 
same vocal organ is naturally favored by the pectoral-laryngeal pronunci- 
ation, and is observed as well among vowels as among consonants. Cf. 


Alternation of Sounds. 

3, Dizeresis of vocalic sounds into two vowels forming or being parts 
of different syllables; the frequent insertion of the laryngeal h, and of the 
‘‘arrested sound,” between these two vowels, and between a consonant 
and a vowel;* the prothetic h- figuring as initial in certain terms; the 


” mute consonants, as p’, t’. A curious parallel 


existence of the “explosive 
to this inserted h is found in Pit River and Northern California generally; 
the natives often interrupt their speech by inserting, often in the midst of 
words, a sigh or melancholic-sounding breathing, seemingly produced hy 
inspiration of air. In Tuscarora I heard the inserted h distinctly accom- 
panied by the same noise. Kxamples from Klamath: yaindga and yaina- 
Aga; Sa’t and Sha-at; gua, gt-ua, ethua; shdlam, sha’hlam; sko’sh, sko”hsh; 
klala, klalha; léyash, Iéhiash; walta, hudlta; lé-a, hlé-a; ibéna, hipéna. 

4. The arrested sound, or ‘‘sound-catching,” consists in a sudden inter- 
ruption of the voice while speaking, and leaves the impression of a mo- 
mentaneous deficiency in breath. It is heard in the commencement, 
midst, and end of words, and after mute consonants only. It is always 
heard after the linguals (which in the Modoe dialect sometimes disappear 
before it), and frequently after t and p; it always follows the explosive 
t? and p’, well known through grammars of Central American languages. 
Dr. Wash. Matthews describes in his manuscript Modoc vocabulary his 
“marked t” as being uttered like English t with an extra pressure of the 
tip of the tongue against the gums or teeth, and mentions the following 
terms in which he distinguished it after the initial t: tdpak, télalui, tulfsh, 
t’sin, tsuleks. This t is therefore an alveolar sound. ‘The Indians of many 
western tribes often apply the arrested sound when vocabularies are taken, 
and Aztec grammars describe it as the saltillo accent, marking the syllables, 


where it is heard, with the gravis accent: >. This curious peculiarity 


"This epenthetic use made of h should not be confounded with the affix ’h by hand. Cf. below. 


PHONOLOGY. { rf 


has been noticed by travelers among the rude and hunting tribes of other 
parts of the globe; it seems to have a physiological cause, and not to be 
intended for rhetorical effect. 


FREQUENCY OF SOUNDS. 


The frequency of each alphabetic sound or class of sounds in a given 
language largely depends on their mutual phonetic relations with neigh- 
boring sounds within the body of the word, and will be treated of elsewhere. 
A few hints on this subject are as follows: 

The three primary vowels, short u, a, i, are the most frequent of all 
vocalic sounds; then follow 4 and e (both interchangeable), &, 0; the 
softened vowels 6 and ii are rather scarce: t6’dshitédshi, and Modoc pé’sh, 
stelépgdsh; utiissusé-ash, tii’ksha. 

Of all vowels, u commences most words, and a terminates a much 
larger number of them; it is the most frequent of all vocalie sounds in this 
upland tongue. Of the diphthongs ai, au, ua (wa), wi (wi), ia (ya) oceur 
much oftener than ei, vi, yu, or wo, and oi may be called a rarity. 

The most ubiquitous of all consonants is probably s, sh: then follow the 
eutturals, o, k, k, 7, the laryngeal h, the palatals teh, dsh, y, the surd mutes 
p, t, the nasals m, n, and the trilling sound |. Unfrequent are g, b, d, 2; 
also v in the midst of words. None of the Klamath words end in g, y, ng, 
nk, v, mb, mp, z, and a very restricted number in b, d, ’h; ef. szi’b, end 
(for énat), nad (or nat). Every sound of the alphabet can begin words, 
but initial dsh, z, and z are rather exceptional. Over one fourth of the 
terms in our Dictionary begin with s, sh. 

On the phonetic structure of the syllable, see below. 


GROUPING OF SOUNDS. 


We are prompted to call a language harmonious when the quality and 
intonation of the sounds strikes our ear agreeably, and, when the grouping 
of the several sounds in the word-unit appears to be even, rhythmical, and 
musical. In due time high-pitched vowels have to follow those of a lower 
pitch, consonants produced with one vocal organ should vary at short 


218 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


intervals with consonants pronounced with another. We also expect that 
consonants do not crowd upon each other in dense clusters, but that they 
be supported, upheld, and separated by the true vocal element of the 
human voice, the simple and compound vowels, and we deprecate the 
clicking, or whirring sounds or sound-clusters. 


presence of croaking, 


Americans may be prejudiced in calling such vocalic languages as 


Italian, Odshibwe, Tarasco, Arawak harmonious in preference to conso- 
nantic ones. For if a tongue replete with consonantic clusters groups its 
component sounds in such a manner as not to offend the ear by too abrupt 
transitions and freaks, and subordinates them closely to the vowels or diph- 
thongs as is done in Russian, Creek, Aztec, Kechhua, and in numerous 
other languages, we have no palpable reason to deny to these the predi- 
cate harmonious. A large portion of the Indian languages spoken within 
the United States answers to this description, and one of their number is 
the Klamath of Southwestern Oregon. 

Considering all the various elisions, dizreses, syncopes, and apocopes 
subsequently occurring, the syllables of this language were originally built 
up on the following fundamental types: 

1. Vocalic sound only (vowel or diphthong). 

2. Vocalic sound preceded by one or several consonants. 

3. Vocalic sound preceded or not preceded by one or several conso- 
nants, but followed by one consonant only. 

These items typify only the present state of the language, and refer 
in no manner to the structure of its radical syllables. Phonetic processes 
have altered the primitive aspect of this and all other tongues considerably, 
and many sound-groups now make up one syllable which previously formed 
two or three of them. In some words vowels largely preponderate, as in 
lewe-udla, le-u-e-u-dla to cease to prohibit, yayayd-as bewitching power ; 
while in most others consonants exceed in number the vocalic elements, 
excessive groups occurring in Idiglya to knecl down, shléshitcha to go visiting, 
shtchishtchyapksh, d. obj. case of shtcht’katko one-eyed. 

Gemination of simple vocalic or consonantic sounds frequently occurs, 
and with vowels it is produced through a sort of emphasis or the distributive 


reduplication (anku tree, d. 4-anku), with consonants through the prece- 


PHONOLOGY. 219 


dence of a short vowel, as in geni’Ila fo start, kmi’kka to look about, udi‘tta 
to whip. More about this under: Phonetic Figures. 

The collision of sounds of a different character, produced by two 
different parts of the vocal tube, is a fruitful source of phonetic alterations, 
whenever the natives find it difficult or impossible to pronounce them in 
succession. No language, we may safely say, is exempt from phonetic 
changes produced by immediate collisions of this kind. Thus the Klamath 
suffixes -tka, -tki will frequently appear as -tga, -tgi, but never as -dga, -dgi 
or -dka, -dki. 

In the following table I have disposed various clusters of sounds atter 
their initial sounds, without taking notice of the fact whether the components 
belonged to one or more syllables; y and w being counted as vowels. Many 
of these clusters form parts of distributive reduplicated forms. 


CLUSTERS COMPOSED OF VOWEL SOUNDS. 


u clusters: wawdkogsh, wawawaiha, tchuaish, luelualéya, wu-utchéwa, 
shudé-usham, wiiita, wéwaléks, vuivui. 

o clusters: kuloyii’na, dya, o-dakgi. 

a clusters: uyai-izitko, skawanksh, kawantko, ka-uké-uli. 

ii clusters: ‘-iidlya. 

e clusters: wewilina, shewana, léyash. 

i clusters: ytikiaka, shitiaika, tsliuyagétkish. 


CLUSTERS COMPOSED OF CONSONANTS. 


k clusters: shlepaktgi (07 shlepdktki), shaktiktya, kma’kka, kpakpa, 
tsii/ktsika, ktchidsha, tchligdktchktchka, ktchdktchak, 
ntikshktcha, béxtka (for békstka), pniuksla, utchiklza, 
shektliiléna, hishtchéktna. 

z clusters: mpétlagsh. 

g clusters: pipélingshta, 10’gshla. 

t clusters: tlézo, tzépo, tkap,tgaki4mna, Tmokila, tatktish, léshuatysh. 

tech and dsh clusters: litehlitehli, vulakatchktcha, tehvi’ntka, kititchna, 
tslats[I]kagantko 144, 11, tsze-utszé-ush; ndshdéndshga, 
shidshna, vuggidshlin. 

p clusters: k’lékapksh, gépktak, tapszoya, lapkshapta, nshiptchpa. 


220 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


s and sh clusters: humashtyi, liiikishtka, ga-ishtntila, shtchiagiza, shtchi- 
shtcbak’lya, shnt’shnya, shushpashka, tgashii’shgish. 

h clusters: shavhmdéka, hlahla, tswhltswhli. 

n clusters: shutanktgi, médshantko, nd’hiltyaga, nténtiag, ndshindshalo, 
nzinztcha. 

m clusters: shnumpséla, wAmla, hutamsya, udtimtchna, Amtehiksh. 

1 clusters: sytlpka, tmélhak, talsya, yAshaltko, ndiltzaga, kappa, Ishfklza, 
Itchama’shka. 

The inspection of this list, which is by no means exhaustive, shows 
the great adaptability of sounds in this language, and the limit for the 
clustering of consonants is a very wide one. Some of the terms are real 
‘“Jawbreakers”, but none of the group is unpronounceable for us, for they 
are all subordinated to one vowel or diphthong and are not discordant among 
themselves, so as to offend our ear, Some sounds appear more apt to 
begin clusters as initials, while others prefer to stand seeond or third in 
order The language shuns initial clusters of more than two consonants, 
three being a rarity; but it favors their clustering after the vowel to any 


pronounceable extent. 
FOREIGN TERMS AND THEIR PRONUNCIATION. 


The pronunciation of words by the natives, from the investigator’s 
own tongue, or from other foreign languages, gives a valuable clue to the 
physiology of their sounas. Many Klamath Lake and Modoe individuals 
converse with tolerable fluency in English, and a difference may be per- 
ceived between the English pronunciation of the pure-blood and that of 
the mixed-blood Indians. 

The Maklaks learned a few French and English terms through the 
Chinook Jargon, a medley speech from the Northwest, in which these 
Indians are far better versed than in English They obtained the know- 
ledge of this jargon from the Indian population on the Lower Columbia 
and Willamet Rivers and on the Pacific coast, where it had been in vogue 
for the last hundred years. According to G. Gibbs, who wrote a mono- 


graph of it*, two-fifths of its vocabulary was taken by the Indians from 


*G. Gibbs; a Dictionary of the Chinook Jargon, or Trade Language of Oregon. New York, 1863. 


PHONOLOGY. 221 


Lower Chinook, one-fifth from English, less than one-fifth from the Cana- 
dian traders’ French and the Missouri patois, and the rest from Chehali, 
Kalapuya, and other tongues. The sounds y and the palatalized | in 
Lower Chinook terms were the only ones materially altered by the Kla- 
maths. In every section of territory where Chinook Jargon is spoken 
dialectic differences can be distinguished. Thus the French sauvage be- 
came sativash ou Columbia River, but changed to satvash in the southern 
parts of Oregon. 

Distinction must be made between the European terms introduced at 
an earlier date into Klamath, through the use of the Chinook Jargon, and 
the more recently (chiefly since 1864) adopted English terms, for they differ 
slightly in their phonetics. Of English and French words the language 
forms inflections, derivatives, and reduplications almost as easily as from 


its own words, as will be seen from the lists following: 


FRENCH TERMS OBTAINED THROUGH CHINOOK JARGON. 


kapo coat, dress; F. capot overcoat; kapépéle to dress oneself, and other 
derivatives. 

Ilapai ribbon; F. le ruban; Ch. J. lilobe (G. Gibbs). 

limi] mule; F. le mulet or la mule; limi’ Iman mele-driver, packer. 

mitash, mitas legging, d. mimdash; I. mitasse. 


shigeai sugar; F. le sucre; Ch. J. listkk, shiiga, shikwa., 
ENGLISH TERMS OBTAINED THROUGH CITINOOK JARGON. 


Béshtin (d. Bobdshtin, rarely used) American, white person; 1. Boston. (Ove 
Dictionary, p. 26. 

King Dshidsh, Mod. Sking Dshidsh, Englishman; KX. King George. 

képe, K. coffee. 

pot boat, vessel, ship; 1h. boat. 

shi] cloth, especially cotton cloth, calico; G. Gibbs derives it from sail. 

so lt, sho'lt, shal, E. salt. 

stick stick, wood, pole, tree; I. stick; stickshui boot, stickmiin carpenter. 

stindé week; Sunday; Fi. Sunday. 

tla dollar, cash, coin; 1h. dollar; talaltko having money, rich, wealthy 


Pepys GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ENGLISH TERMS OBTAINED DIRECTLY FROM AMERICANS. 


ii/plésh, &’puls, poss. &’/pulsham apple. bi bee, bi’sam wax beeswaz. 
box, instr. béxtka bow, coffin. Débid, E. David. D6’tchman, Mod. Détch- 
mal, German; from vulgar KE. “Dutchman”. Dshiép, nom. pr., Jefferson; 
Ki. Jeff. ha/nkértchip, instr. hinkérchipatka 87, 14., handkerchief; ef. kiteh- 
kam. hutt wheat, grain, cereals; Ki. wheat. yatiksmiin physician; a hybrid 
term. kapa cup, teacup, saucer, dim kapiga; E. cup. kitti domestic cat; E. 
kitten, kitty; Mod. for ptshish Kl. kudta quarter of a dollar, 25 cents; E. 
quarter. lakish in lakish-shtshatish locksmith may be as well the E. lock as 
the KI. lakish knob on door—doubtful.  lipin, E. ribbon; Iflapai is also used. 
Lanktchan, nom. pr., Long John. our hour (of the day). pi/nsh, E. beans 
pipa tobacco-pipe; from E. pipe, not from Chav. lapip. ple’k, pli’e flag, 
banner; Vi. flag. Plénk, nom. pr. Frank. Pot Klémat, nom. pr., Fort 
Klamath; for Kl. L-ukak. ptishish domestic cat, K1; FE. puss, not from Ch. 
J. pusspuss. shawél, HK. shovel. shilba, KE. silver. sho’p, sop, E. soap. 
Spaniolkni Meaican, obtained probably from California. stéginsh, E. 
stocking; stéginshala to knit stockings. ship, instr. shipatka, E. soup 
shildshash, poss. shtildsham, Is. soldier. shtshap, E. jewsharp. tinapsh, 
EK. turnip. ta-uni, KE. town. tatsén, E. thousand. tébul, loe. tébullat, E. 
table; not from Ch. J. lata’b.. ti=pitch quarter of a dollar; FE. “two bits”. 
tchikén, obj. tehtkinash, E. chicken. 

It appears from this list that Klamath drops the final r of foreign 
words, converts f into p, v into b, r into 1, and sonant mutes generally into 
surd mutes. 


ALTERNATING OF SOUNDS. 


Permutation of sounds of the same phonetic class has been observed 
to exist in the two classic languages, which belong to the same linguistic 
family, several centuries ago. It was plainly seen that a connection ex- 
isted, with mutation of certain sounds, between Sv@ and, duo, rérrapes and 
quatuor, €oSns and vestis, €xvpos and socer, and some suspected even affinity 
with the corresponding terms in the Germanic and Slavic languages. After 
J. Grimm had formulated his law of sound-shunting, the process of permu- 


tation became a matter of evidence for the Germanic and Indo-European. 


PHONOLOGY. 223 


languages, but only as far as the transition of words from one dialect to 
another is concerned. But in illiterate languages the same interchange, often 
a more extensive one, takes place within one and the same dialect. 

So much did this fact contradict the time-honored, ancient ideas of 
grammar lodged in the heads of missionaries and school-teachers, and so 
little did it conform to Latin, Greek, and Hebrew models, that the puzzled 
grammatical writers on American, African, or Oceanic languages bluntly 
denied the existence of certain sounds which they knew to be in the lan- 
guage, but found to alternate with others for no apparent causes. This 
relieved them from the necessity of accounting for this puzzling phonetic 
fact. The existence of the sonant mites was flatly denied to many Amer- 
ican Indian tongues, and the Mohawk-Iroquois* alphabet was proclaimed 


to possess sixteen sounds (or “letters” 


, as they were called) only, while in 
reality it has over twenty-four, all of which are easily expressed by the 
Roman alphabet. 

I have observed alternation of sounds in all the North American 
languages which I have studied personally with the aid of natives, and 
have also hinted at one of its hidden causes, viz. the laryngeal or pectoral 
pronunciation of the red man. Even those Indians whose languages have 
been reduced to writing for fifty or one hundred years back, and in whose 
books all traces of this interchangeability were suppressed by the mission- 
aries, ete., as the Creeks, Cha’hta, and Iroquois, permute their consonants and 
vowels with the same liberty as if these books had never appeared in print. 
It would be exactly so with us if our ancestors had not had a literary 
training for the last thousand years at least. 

I have recorded the alternations observed by me in the Kéyowé (or 
Kiowa) language in a monograph published in the American Antiquarian, 
IV, pp. 280-285, under the title: ‘Phonetics of the Kayowé Language”, 
the results obtained there being almost identical to those to be given below 

This permutability of cognate sounds forms one of the prominent pho- 
netic features of Klamath, and occurs in initial as well as in medial or final 
sounds. Still there are words in which certain sounds do not interchange 


r 


with others. This is especially observed in homonyms, where permutation 


* This dialect of Iroquois lacks b, p, and f. 


224 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


would cause confusion; shkéks ghost is never prouounced shkéks, which 
means tick; giwash is kept distinct from giwash, tisha from vusha, shi- 
kantéla from shikantila. Cf. Homonymy. 


Vowels alternating : 
u with wu, vu, hu: udimtchna, vudimtchna; u-tin, vin, win; utatchkia, 
vutatchkia, hutatchkia. 
u with o: luk, 16k; lapuk, lapok; hutchna, ho’dshna; ptilyuantch, pdéloku- 
antch; ltiloks, ldloks; taménu, tam’no, but not hiyéza with 
“héyéza. 
u with a: putputli, patpatli; kdIkah, kalkalh. 
u with 4: mttkash, ma’kash; ef. nat, ntit. 
u with ii: udtiyua, udii’yua (by dissimilation); shityugalsh, sii’ yiizalsh. 
ua with 6, i: genudla, gend'la, geni'la. 
a with 6: maklaks, makloks (Modoc); kalkali, kélkoli and ki’Ikahi; skan- 
shna, skéntchna; hishplamna, hishplémna; suffix -udpka, 
-udpka. 
a with i: taktakli, takti’kli, and in many other adjectives of color (by dis- 
similation); yaka for yii’ka, is considered vulgar slang; ef. 
shldank for shléank 66, 13. 
e with ii: nép, niip; pén, pena, pin; tchdlya, tsi’lya; heméze, himéze; 
shlayaks, shla-ika, shlaé’yaksh, shla’-ika. 
e with i and ii: ¢lya, ilza, i/lya; kétcha, kidsha, gii’dsa; shetchakta, shi- 
tehakta; A-ushme, A-ushmi. Cf. also: mikasham, mikisham 
GS Wet 


é@ with i: né’l, nil; 6-é, 


1-1. 
i with iy, y before vowels: shlanfa, shlanfya; famnash, yamnash., 

The circumstance that many of these alternations occur in accented syl- 
lables proves that they constitute a fundamental law of Indian articulation. 
In diphthongs very few, if any, changes of this kind are noticed, neither do 
long vowels alternate often. ‘The most frequent alternating processes are 
observed between a and o, e and ii, w and wu, vu, u, and o, In many 


words vowels can be attenuated into é. 


PHONOLOGY. 225 


Consonants alternating : 

k with g, gg: ké-u, gé-u; kitchkani, kitchgani, gitchgani; wakaya, waggdya; 
lutatkatki, lutatgatki; ke’k, gé’g. 

k with k: kaftua, kaitua; maklaks, makloks. This perniutation is usually 
attended with a change in signification. Cf. Pronouns. 

k with %: hushkalka, hushkalza; hishkaldlya, hishyélilya. 

k with 7: kémkem, zémzem, cf. Dictionary, p. 176; Ikan, lyén. Initial k, 
omitted by apheeresis, is replaced in Modoc by the arrested 
sound: kéke, *dke. A similar process is observed in some 
Polynesian languages when k: is elided. 

k, g with h, hh: gaikanka, haikanka; takté-ash, ta’ht4-ash. 

k with g: ko’, gil; kilu, gid. 

k, k with nk, nk, ny and other nasals: kila, nkfla, nkila, nyflla; kéwa, 
nkéwa, nzii’'wa; kata, ngata. 

tch with dsh, when not initial, and with ts, ds: titchi, tidshi, tidsi; tcha- 
shish, tsAsis; nuitch (for nu tchii), nuts, nids; geludntcha, 
eéluandsha, ¢éluandsa, 

teh, dsh with sh: nttiltchna, ntildshna with nttlshna; tadshui, tAshui; 
na‘dsh, na‘sh; willatslina, willashlina. Walidsh for walish, 
and pawatch for pAéwash are considered vulgarisms. Ta- 
pinikayentch for tapinikayénash 120, 19. 121, 22; kushga 
tcha for kishga sha 9°, 17. Changes from one dialect to the 
other: ské, Mod. tehgd; shgtmla, Mod. techgimla; sho’ksh, 
Mod. tst0’ksh; spal, Mod. tehpal. 

tech with ntch, ndsh: tehékani, ndshékani; tehétch, ndshé’dsh; tchfshlya, 
ntchishlya, ndshishlka. 

ts with ds, in every instance except when beginning words: kétsa, kédsa. 

t with t’, d: télish, t’élish, délish; @’nt (for énat), é’nd; shataltiltamna, sha- 
taldildamna; tankatch, dankatch. 

t with nt, nd: tunshna, nttinshna; nté-ish from téwi; téga, cf. ndéga, but 
not ndéwa and téwa; nddépa, ef. tipesh. 

p with p’, b: pdhalka, p’4hhalka, bahalka; pupanuish, biibanuish. 

p with mp, mb: pakuish, mpékuish, mbakuish. 

15 


226 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


p with m: suffix -ptchi, -mtchi, -telu; suflix -pena, -mna; pronouns p’nd, 
pnalam, KI m’nd, m’ndlam 

p with w: paklkish, waklkish. 

s with sh, in every instance: steinas, shtafnash; ste’ks, shte’ksh; na’s, na’sh. 

s with z, chiefly initial: saiga, zafga. 

s, sh with ss: shashaplamtch, sdssaplamteh; shishéka, sissdka. 

m with u, before labials: mba-ush, ubdé-ush. 

n with u, before a dental or palatal: ndupka, udtipka; ndtka, vuditka, 
udtiika; ntchdiya, utchaya 

ndsh with nteh: ndshéka, ntchdka. 

n with t: natndpenapsh for nan’ndpenapsh; netndlzish for newndlzish. 

] with n: nttilshna, timshna; kildshna, kintechna, kmshna, Mod. kilshna; 
Itchama‘shka, ntchama’shka; heshelidta, shenitita; tslipal, 
tchnipal; tehikémiin, Mod. tchikémal; pniukshla, pniuksna; 
but not tiundla and tiuldla. 

l with hl: la-a, hla-a; laklakli, hlakhlakh. 

A few more of these alternating processes will be found mentioned, 


with examples, in the Dictionary, pp. 9-11. 


As to their frequency, consonantic alternations differ very largely. 5 
interchanges with sh in every instance, and the permutation of k with other 
gutturals, especially g, ge, z, and of teh with ts, ds, dsh is extremely fre- 
quent. The substitution of k, g for other gutturals, though frequent, is not 
exactly the rule, for these sounds are linguals while the rest of the k-series 
are pure gutturals. About the difference in signification produced by this 
change, ef. Pronouns. IH becomes frequently disconnected phonetically 
from vowels or consonants preceding it, by the arrested sound 2, and when 
pronounced with emphasis, undergoes gemination: “hh; ef. hlilantana, 
shazhmoéka, katha and kavhha. S and ts are heard much oftener than sh, 
tch in the conversational form of language, and before z the assibilated sh 
scarcely ever occurs: széna to row, hutimsza to rush between. Words with 
initial t and p that can pass into d and b, may also change these initials 
into explosive sounds: p*, t?. The whole series of consonants through 


which a term as tchalamma can pass is: teh, ts, sh; a word like patadsha 


PHONOLOGY. 227 


may also be pronounced patatcha, patdtsa, patdidsa, but paddtcha or ba- 
datsa is scarcely ever heard from natives. Some terms, as pipa paper, 
ndani three, undergo no voealic or other changes whatever, while others 
cannot assume certain alternations without a change of signification. Cf. 
Homonymy. 

All these conversions of cognate sounds often impart to certain words 
a quite different appearance, which renders them unrecognizable to the 
unexperienced. Still the interchange of sounds is more extensively devel- 
oped in some dialects of the Carib or Galibi, as well as in Kéyowée, Hi- 
datsa, and other languages spoken on the Mississippi plains. 

. Like all phenomena in nature, this interchangeability is not produced 
by the fancy or option of the natives, but is based on natural laws, and as 
language is one of the effects of nature, we must look to physiology and 
not to psychology to discover its latent causes. One of these is the tend- 
ency of rendering pronunciation easier; this we perceive, e. ¢., in the 
‘dropping of the laryngeal sound h in: mi-ut for mi hit, atunk for At hiink, 
wWunk for ni (or nti) htink, and also in Agut for a hit. It will be remem- 
bered that h can be dropped even when belonging to the body of the word. 
In 97, 1, hank kiuliga has probably been nasalized into hank nzfuliga to 
avoid the collision of two identical sounds. Another cause of these permu- 
tations is the laryngeal utterance of the Indians, which I have discussed 
under that heading (pp. 215-217); it also accounts for the cireumstance that 
permutation among sounds originating in the rear mouth are much more 
frequent than those produced by the action of the lips and the fore part of 


the vocal tube. 
PHONETIC FIGURES. 


Besides the phonetic changes spoken of in the foregoing section, there 
are other alterations in the sounds of words which generally affect the 
body of the words more thoroughly, and occur in all the languages ex- 
plored. These alterations are produced by various causes, as the shifting 
of the accent from one syllable or word to another, the attenuation or 
increase in quantity, the habit of fast speaking, ete., and chief of all, the 


desire of saving vocal exertion. The tendency for retrenchment is more 


228 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


energetic in this upland language than that for the increase of sounds, and 
thus the chapters on elisions and contractions will be more extended than 
that on phonetic additions. 


I have classed the phonetic figures into the following distinct groups: 


A.—Addition of phonetic elements other than affixes, to the word. 


1. Prothesis, or the addition of vowels or consonants at the commencement 
of the word: v in vuhupicga, vudika, ete., for u-upiéga, udika ; 
Sking Dshi’dsh, Mod. for King Dshi’dsh.  Yikashla for fkashla 
may be considered simply as alternation of sound. 

2. Epithesis, or the addition of vowels or consonants at the end of the term: 
ta-uni, from English éown. 

3. Epenthesis, or the insertion of vowels or consonants in the midst of a 
word. Some of the inflectional affixes are epenthetic, and will be 
considered under the heading of affixes. The insertion of n in 
tudnkshi for tudkshi, kiilantala for kailitala, tii’mantko (a verb 
tii/mna does not exist) for tii’matko had better be considered 
a nasalizing than an epenthetic process. Epenthetic v is ob- 
served in lévita for lé-tita, ita. Epenthetic h has to be care- 
fully distinguished from the -h- of the verbal suffix -ha, as in 
sktlha to Ve on something, compared to skilza to lie, to sleep, 
and from the ’h which indicates an act done by hand (see below). 
We find the epenthetie h in: 

tsials’hii/mi in the salmon season, for tsialsii’mi, tsialsé’mi. 
gdhipa to catch air with a grunt, for ga-ipa. 

shawalhinii‘a to accompany somebody, for shawalinii’a. 
muhimiiya to shiver, tremble, for muimiuya. 

4, Nasalizing ov nasal pronunciation takes place in regard to certain con- 
sonants only, when initial or,medial. Nasalization of vowels in 
the manner as observed in French and Dakota does not belong 
to the features of the Klamath language. The deep pronuncia- 
tion of 4, i, i has nothing to do with nasalizing. The gutturals 
2, k,k, z are thereby transformed into ng, nk, nk, nz; the dentals 
d, t into nd, nt; the palatals dsh, tech into ndsh, ntch; the labials 


PHONOLOGY. 229 


b, pinto mb, mp. This process was discussed under the heading: 
“Alternation of Sounds,” and examples from the Dictionary will 
be found there to illustrate it more fully. Instances where no 
alternation takes place are shempéta to argue, for shepéta; shikAmba 
to walk on a stick, for shikapa (radix: kap in tkaép). 


B.—Dropping of phonetic elements from the word. 


All the causes that are productive of decay will also operate in favor 
of sound-removals, as: fast and indistinct pronunciation, shifting of the 
accent, etc. Elisions of all sorts are especially frequent. 

Elision, or removal of a phonetic element within the word, is frequent 
in all languages. In Klamath it is chiefly brought about by the tendency 
to bring vowels into close contact with vowels, even identical ones, and 
consonants with consonants, whether identical or not; a tendency which 
causes elimination of intervening sounds. Cf. Assimilation. The various 
kinds of elision make a subdivision desirable into syncope, ekthlipsis, and 
elision of a whole syllable. 


5. Syncope, or elision of a vowel before a consonant. Ex.: 
itkla to collect, gather up, for itkila. 
lulpaltko provided with eyes, for lulpdlatko. 
hinsak, nénsak to no purpose, for hundshak, nénashak. 
télshna to look out, for télishna. 
tchkash also, too, for tehé’kash. 
Klekapksh dead, for Rlekapkash; k’lé’ksht for k’lékasht. 
K-ukshkni Klamath Lake Indian, for E.-ukshikni. 
tatamnish traveler, for tatamnuish. 
6. Ekthlipsis, or dropping of a consonant from the midst of a word. 
(a) When standing before one or more consonants. Ex.: 
shelluashé’mi i the war time, for shellualshé’mi, cf. 56, 1 and Note. 
puekampéle to throw out again, for puelyampéle. 
ktchaik avlone shell, for ktchalk; basis, ktchdlya. 
shlatpampéli to return, bring back, for shlaltpampéli. 
shtchtishzapkam; cf. Note to 109, 6. 


230 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


(b) Before vowels consonants are elided in the following terms: 
nté-ish bow with arrows, for ntéwish. 

hushiitanka ¢o approach on the sly, for hush’hitanka. 

saménakia to wish for oneself, for sh’haménakfa. 

sikuash fish-gig, spear, for shtchdkuash. 

muatch large, tall (obj. case), for miinish. 

7. Elision of a syllable, accented or unaccented. Ex.: 

pi’patchle to step down from, 112, 6. 9, for pepatchdle. 

kshuld’tch mowing scythe, for kshuldétkish. 

shalallish Pan’s flute, jewsharp, for shalalalish. 

hinkimsham theirs, abbr. from htinkélamsham. 

wéwanshash, wéwansh women, for wewanutshash. 

meéssiim in the season of trout, for mehiashii’ mi. 

nikanti everywhere, for nanukanti. 

vulkashti borrowed 189; 4, for vulyapkashti or -tat. 

Cf. also ptiksla, wo’ksla with their longer forms, and stélapksh 87, 13, 
for stelapkishash. 

8. Aphaeresis, or the retrenchment of an initial sound. Ex.: 

kap, Mod. for tkap stalk of plant; dim. kapka, K1. for tkapaga. 

mhu, Mod. for tmu K1., grouse. 

‘mutchaga little old man, ’mutchéwatko old, for k’mutchiga, k’mutehé- 
watko. 

‘mbute’ye, for himbute’ze to jump over something. 

‘éke, 2dlkoli, 260’sh, Mod. forms for kéke river, kdlkoli round, ko'sh pine- 
tree This apheresis before the lingual k, which substitutes +, is 
heard in the Modoe dialect only. 

tik, tink, pron. that, and adv., for hak, hank; ef. hii’ksht and 6/ksht. 

9. Apocope of sounds.—Nothing is more frequent than the retrenchment of 
single sounds at the end of words; the quality of the initial syl- 
lable of the word following is sometimes the cause of this, though 
more frequently it is brought about by the location of the accent 
upon a distant syllable : 

shitk, sitk alike to, for shitko, sitko. 


tchi’shtal towards home, for tehi’shtala. 


i 
* 


PHONOLOGY. 231 


na-ash, nash, thus, so, for ia-asht, na’sht. 

na we; aye, Mod. for na’t, na‘d; at. 

kalo clear sky, for kalo-u, as seen by the inflection. 

Cf. im for i mi, 59, 9; tum before consonants, 13, 14.19, 1. 20, 19. 

10. Apocope of syllables—In the conversational form of language these 

apocopes are frequent and often very puzzling, as lydélyam lull- 
nash instead of lyalyamnishti lulinash in 74, 10.  Ex.: 

naikant coming from everywhere, for nakantkni. 

eunigshta on opposite side of, for gunigshtana, with many other pre- 
and postpositions, as wiga’t, ete. 

paha, nzitsd dried, partic. pass. for pahatko, nzitsatko. 

maklaks laki tribal chief, tor miklaksam laki. 

yuyaiks-shitk wretched-looking, for yuyalkishash-shitko. 


C.— Contraction and dilatation of phonetic elements. 


Here, as well as in other tongues, contraction is chiefly limited to vo- 
calic sounds, and although Klamath seeks rather than avoids hiatus, there 
are instances enough of two vowels becoming contracted into one. A special 
sort of vocalic contraction is the weakening of a vowel into the primitive 
vowel &, generally when unaccented. Instances of consonantic synzeresis 
are Moéatokish for Méatok-gish, tatatli for tat-tatli, ki’ kiikli for kiik-kii’kli, 
shuludkteha for shuluakt-teha, ete. 

Dilatation or expansion of the vowels of a word is called dizeresis; that 
of consonants is usually @emination or redoubling. 

11. Synaeresis, or “gathering up,” as the name has it, is a figure drawing to- 
gether vowels into one sound (eventually into a diphthong) to avoid 
hiatus. This coalescence of distinct vocalic sounds is quite fre- 
quent and usually produces long vowels, whether accented or not. 

ga’shtish door of lodge, for ka-ishtish. 

tilak, d. tatalak straight out, for talaak ete. 

ke’sh rattlesnake, tor ké-ish, 7¢-ish. 

ngeé’sh arrow, shengé’sha to shoot at oneself. for ngé-ish, shengé-isha. 

shendtatko confluence, for shenuatatko, shenewatatko. 


pandpka to desire to eat, for panuadpka, 


232 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ndakosh stoppage of waters, for nakuash. 

shidshna to chase each other, for sha-udshna, shithudshna. 
wé-ulta to permit, for wéwalta. 

gigettko, 123, 2, crossed over, for gakuatko. 


liukiimna to gather around, for liwakidmna. 


12. Krasis or ‘‘intermixture” is the union of vowels forming part of differ- 


13. 


ent syllables into one vowel sound (or diphthong) to avoid hiatus. 
The sound h is easily dropped if it stands between the vowels. 

shéa they of course, for sha i-a, sha ya, 93, 6. 

tidshiik good if to be, for tidshi ik, tidshi hii gi, 93, 9. and Note. 

mi{ut yours that, for mi hit. 

Vocalic attenuation or shortening, weakening of unaccented syllables 
into the primitive vowel é forms the transitory stage to the figure 
called syncope. We find it in: 

skatkéla to carry on back, for skatkala. 

shulémokédsha to swing around, for shulamokédsha. 

shikpéli to withdraw, for shikpali, ef. 68, 8 and Dictionary. 


Weakening of an accented syllable: té’kish sword, for tékish. 


Attenuation taking place between words is observed in: génténi I 


would fain go, for gent a ni; aténen for at a nen; tataténat wherever we, for 


tatat a nat; tatatdksé spiklia when they sweat in it, 82, 3. 4., for tatatak sha 


spiklid. To this may be added the weak pronunciation of -am, -lam, the 


suffix of the possessive case, especially frequent in the Modoc dialect, and 


almost equivalent to -ém: maklaksim, suéntcham, ete. 


14. Diaeresis or vocalic diremption takes place when a vowel, which is gener- 


ally a long one, is redoubled or even tripled, and when a diphthong 
is pronounced with hiatus, that is, as an adulterine diphthong. 
a. Diaeresis of a vowel: 
k{-intch wasp, for ki/ntch, ki‘nsh. 
mo-é6we woodchuck, for méwe, miwe. 
ni-as one, a single one, for na‘s, na‘dsh. 
shlé-eta to discover, find, for shléta. 
ki-i-fa to tell lies, for kia, kiya 64, 4. 


a 


PHONOLOGY. 233 


These examples involve simply rhetorical emphasis, but there are 
instances implying a change of signification as a consequence of the 
dizeresis: sha-apa-a lo dare, provoke, from shapa to tell, count; i-iulina, yi- 
ulina to send over the edge, compared to yulina to menstruate. 

b. Diphthongic diaeresis, as in t-uta for yuta, né-i for néya, 
E-ukshi for Eviksi, has been fully discussed in the article 
on Diphthongs, p. 208. 
15. Gemination or doubling of consonants occurs only after vowels short 
in quantity : 
sessalélish warrior, for sheshaldlish; vissa to fear, for visha; gendlla 
to start, for gendla; nellina to scalp, for nelina; wétta to laugh, for 
wéta, cf. wétanta; uditta to whip, for udita; limlimma to be dark, 
for limlima; tehimma-ash string-game, for tehima-ash; ka’mme 
cave, for kii‘me; simmatka with the mouth, bill, for shimatka; 


tchaggaya to sit upon, for tchakaya. 


D.—Phonetic changes through contiguity. 


These changes mainly occur in unaccented syllables, and are produced 
by the influence of sounds either preceding or following immediately, or 
forming a part of the syllable preceding or following. It is generally the 
subsequent sound which tries to weaken and then to assimilate or dissimi- 
late its predecessor. ‘The altered position of the accent sometimes produces 
a similar result. In Latin we find similar changes accomplished in meridies 
for medidies, medius fidius for me Dius filius, occupare for obcapare, occiput for 
obcaput, exultare for exsaltare, appono for adpono, doceor, audior for doceo-se, 
audio-se. 


16. Assimilation —Vowels and consonants of the same vocal class, either 
standing beside each other or belonging to adjoining syllables, 
assimilate more closely or become identical. This process forms 
just the opposite of the dissimilation to be described below, both 
of them being the result of pronounced tendencies of the language 

wayalapsh icicle, piece of ice, for wéalapsh. 
Wiaitingish Warm Spring Indian, for Waitii’ngish. 
ylyuzoga to shove into, for tyugzoga, i-uzoga. 


23 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


shukatonolétkish shin-strap tied into the hair, for shukatanoldétkish. 

tilaat tyalamtitala due west, 29, 10, for talaak ete. 

tsuftsam ldwish wrine-bladder, for shuidsham liwalsh. 

tilliadsha to abandon, for tinlindsha. 

ntulshampkash flowing down (obj. case), for ntulshantkash, ntulshan- 
pkash; ef. gémptchi for gén-ptehi. 

hii nem (for nen) wii’g’n kii’git, 87, 5. and Note. 

17. Dissimilation—This phonetic law, which is directly opposite to that of 
assimilation, consists in avoiding the repetition of a vowel or con- 
sonant standing in contiguous syllables, and converts one of the 
two, generally the first one, into a cognate sound pronounced 
with the same organ of the vocal tube. Dissimilation is more 
frequent than assimilation, but applies only when the sounds 
referred to do not stand in the same syllable. It operates also from 
one word to the next one, as in: 

huhashtapkuak they stabbed each other only, for huhashtapka ak, 114, 3. 
Vocalic dissimilation is frequently observed in terms formed 
by iterative reduplication : 
lamlemsh dizziness, inebriation, for lamlamsh. 
hethai red fox, silver fox, Mod. for hethei. 
kétehkateh littte gray fox, derived from ketchkeétehli rough-furred. 
kiIkali round, tor kalkali, kdlkoli. 
kivkakli, kaki’kli yellow, for kiiki’kli, and all other adjectives of color, 
in the absolute as well as in the distributive form. 
Instances of vocalic dissimilation in distributive reduplication : 
wewii kala, for wew¢kala, d. of wékala to give birth. 
pepudlza, for pupuclya, d. of puclya to throw down. 
shkii’shkatkala, for shkashkatkala, d. of skatkala to carry on back. 
kiikaki/kli yellow, for kiikiikii’kli, d. of kakii’kli; also all the other adjee- 
tives of color, and many of those descriptive of surface-quality. 
Other instances, where vowels become dissimilated, are as 
follows: 
wii’-aks, wé-aks mallard duck, for wé-eks; ef. wékash. 
yanakiinini being at the lower end, for yanakanini, 148, 2. 


kiamii/mi i the fishing season, tor kiiimii’mi. 


PHONOLOGY. 235 


shiwikuash fo the girls, fur shiwaga-ash, 80, 11. 
udii’yua to beat, whip, for udiyua. 
Consonantic dissimilation is observed in the following terms 
formed by iterative reduplication: 
kedshamkedshalkéa to wheel around on one’s feet. 
palakmalank with rapid gait, for palakpalak; ef. palak. 
tchiptchima, Mod. to drizzle down, for tchimtchima or tehiptchipma. 

18. Metathesis is an inversion or transposition by which a vowel or conso- 
nant mutually exchange the position which they normally occupy 
in the word. This may take piace in one and the same, or in con- 
tiguous syllables, and is a figure of euphony, since it renders the 
pronunciation easier in that connection where the word is applied. 
Vowels can exchange their location with other vowels or with 
consonants, and consonants with consonants. 

shiundta to sing in chorus, for shuindta. 

shuila, shuilla to shake oneself, for shitla. 

insh, insh me, to me, for me, for nish, nish. 

shnewadshka Uittle girl, for shhawédshka. 

kmékumka to growl (dogs), for kmékmuka, d. of kmiuka. 
samtchakta to comprehend, tor samtchatka. 

‘walhka to look out for, for wi’hlka. 

amtchiksh old, former, for dmtch-gish, this probably for ma‘nteh-eish. 
shuiptklash small cushion, for shuipkilash Mod. 

shakptaksha to cluck with the tongue, for shakapshtaka; from kapita. 
tzti'tza to presage death or mischief, for tt’ktza, from ttika to frighten. 
Iéshuatyash fun, sport, joking, for léwashtyash. 

ne-uzilpeli to order again, tor ne-ulzapeli. 


lishgapéli to go and take off, for liktchapéli. 


There is another form of phonetic inversions taking place through the 
agency of verbal or nominal inflection and derivation; examples of it are 
as follows: 

ké-akt for kakat, d. of kat who, which, pron. relat. 

shiyuaksh for shaytikash knowing, shrewd. 


236 GRAMMAK OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


waltaksh promiscuous talking, for waltkash Mod. 
hashtaksh perforation of earlobe, for hashtkash . 

fpakt it may stay, remain, for ipkat, 148, 14. 

wiuldlek! strike it! for wiulaly’ i! 

hiitan, ngé-ishan they ran, they shot, for hitna, ngé-ishna. 
shultitamantk being dressed in, for shulutamnatko. 


These inverted forms may be explained by metathesis, but it is prob- 
ably more correct to derive them from supposed forms as ké-akat, shdyua- 
kash or -kish, wéltakash, hashtakash, ipakat, wiulalak i! hittana, ngé-ishana, 
ete., which, under the weight of the receding accentuation or other influ- 
ences, lost their second vowel (a). This explanation is sustained by forms 
like né-ulakuapka, fut. of né-ulya to order, which, compared to genudpka, 
fut. of géna to go, pekshudpka, fut. of pcéksha to grind, shows that the end- 
ing -a of the “infinitive” does not appear in the future, but that the first -a- 
in né-ulakuapka existed there previously, and induces us to presuppose an 


ancient form né-ulaka, né-ulaza. 


19. Anathesis is a new grammatic term, by which I call a sort of vocalic 
metathesis, almost entirely confined to derivative verbs and inflec- 
tional verbal forms with their derivatives. Numerous instances of 
it are found among the verbs beginning with the prefixes sh- and 
h-sh-. This subject will be developed in full in Morphology, 
Section: Radical Syllable. 


ACCENTUATION. 
I.—LOCATION OF THE ACCENT. 


The accented syllable of a word is uttered with a stronger effort of the 
voice, and frequently with a higher pitch than the syllables surrounding it. 

Long words have a principal accent and a secondary accent. The 
only sign used in this volume for accenting syllables is the acute accent, ‘, 
as in ibéna, tupka. 

A curious difference is observed in American languages as we proceed 
from the South to the North. For in many parts of South America, espe- 
cially the eastern and northern, the accent is placed towards the end of the 


PHONOLOGY. 725% ( 


word and accentuation of the penult and final syllable must be considered 
as the rule. In Central America the emphasized syllable begins to shift 
towards the radix, and in most North American languages, which are rather 
suffix- than prefix-languages, the accent has a tendency to rest on the root 
or at least on the first syllables of the word. 

In Klamath the emphasizing of the radix is the natural and funda- 
mental law of accentuation, but it is so often interfered with by other 
agencies that it seems rather to be the exception Many short particles 
have no accent of their own, and in terms formed by iterative reduplication 
each of the doubled radicals has an equal right to the accent; so the accent- 
uation is here decided by rhetoric convenience. 

To obtain an insight into the mutual conflict of the accenting princi- 
ples and the variability of accentuation, distinction must be made between: 

(1) accenting the radical syllable. 

(2) accenting by means of the secondary accent. 

(3) accenting through quantity. 

(4) accenting through syntactic emphasis. 

In polysyllabic terms the root or radical syllable alone is invested 
with an intrinsic notative signification, while the other syllables or sounds 
of the word, verb or noun, express only its relations to other parts of the 
sentence. Hence the root is the most appropriate place for the word- 
accent; nevertheless we find it constantly shifting in American and other 
illiterate languages under the guidance of certain phonetic, logical, and 
rhetoric considerations. ‘bis establishes a great contrast with the accent- 
uation of English, German, and the classic languages, but in French we 
see the accent shift to and fro with almost the same liberty as here ‘Thus 
we find in Klamath, e. g.: tila, tula in company of ; tawipka, tawipka to 
bewitch; shnika, shnuka to grasp; vinepni, vunépni four times; hémkanka, 
hemkanka to speak; itpampéli, itpampéli to carry home; ktdyalshtala, kta- 
yalshtala, ktayalshtala into the rocks ; shewdnap'litki, shewanap’l{tki in order 
to restore. In the readings placed first, the accent rests on the radix, and 
in the second readings shifts toward one of the formative syllables of rela- 
tion. Very often a prefix is invested with the accent, as in hishuaksh 
husband, d. hihashuaksh. 


238 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


In words of four syllables or more, our ear is not satisfied by the subordi- 
nating of so many unaccented syllables under one syllable, but seeks relief 
by accentuating another of their number by what is called the secondary 
accent. In the same way as the spoken sentence hurries towards its end, 
the main accent of long wosds will also follow this forward rush; thus the 
secondary accent increases in strength and tends to bring down the main 
accent to the level of the other unaccented parts, unless its quantity offers 
resistance to this leveling process. Thus shliutuapkuga in order to shoot 
with, with the secondary accent on -ug-, may under the influence of the 
following words become shliutuapktiga, the vowel i of the radix being short. 
The same holds good of terms like shniulatehganka to glance off from, 
ltlukshaluapkuga for the purpose of cremating. Shitting of the accent can 
also take place when proclitic and enclitic words crowd around accentu- 
ated words, especially verbs. 

Long vowels are not always accented; that is, quantity exercises no 
decisive influence on accentuation. Cf. vikshyeni foward the angling place, 
where -u- is a contraction of -uya-; but in saigazéni to the prairie, the suffix 
has the accent. Nishtak during the same night (from nishta ak) is just as 
possible as nishta’k. 

The syntactic accent, as determined by the sense of the clause or sen- 
tence, constantly interferes with the other principles of accentuation and 
imposes its own laws ‘There are two sorts of syntactic accentuation; one 
lays the stress of the voice on that term of the sentence which seems of 
paramount weight to the speaker, while the other lets it fall on certain syl- 
lables of one, two, or several words of one sentence. This latter accent is 
the one to be studied more carefully, the other needing no commentary. 

In using the terms friendly, plurality, selfishness we think of them as 
whole words only, and do not concern ourselves about the real meaning of 
their roots or suffixes. Indeed, very few of us know, that in friendly the 
radix fri- means fo love, cherish, that -end- represents the old Saxon form of 
the present participle, and that -ly is our like, alike to, originally lie body, 
flesh, form. But in Klamath this is different, for these and many other 
Indians possess an intuitive if not a real knowledge of the functions of their 


affixes. A verb like gutilapkaépéli to make turns while descending suggests at 


PHONOLOGY. 239 


once many ideas to the native. Gu- recalls the radix ga-, ge- to go, -tila a 
motion downward, -apka an occurrence taking place in the distance, -péli return, 
repetition, redoubling. Shnahualpdkta to cause echo is composed of the me- 
dial sh- ‘for somebody, or for oneself, or by itself”, -n- in shn- forms 
causatives, -a- is a vowel repeated from the syllable following, -hual- is the 
radical syllable to sound, resound, be noisy (hualta, walta to sound, rattle) -pka, 
the simplex of -pékta, is a suffix of verbs indicating repetition, iteration. 

Still better is the Indian acquainted with the meanings of inflectional 
endings, and though unable to give abstract names to the grammatic 
categories as we do, the correct use of innumerable simple and compound 
prefixes and suffixes is constantly present to his mind and guides him 
through this labyrinth of forms which can be joined to every radical syl- 
lable of his agglutinative language. Now he has it in his power to accent- 
uate every syllable or affix, which, as he thinks, exceeds in importance the 
other components of the word for expressing his idea. If in the first ex- 
ample given he lays stress on the distance from himself, then he accent- 
uates gutilapkapéli; if descent is more important to him, gutilapkapéli; in 
the second example shndihualpakta would express strength of the effort to 
cause echo. Cf. heshszalpéli 61, 8 with héshsyalpéli 61, 9; kiuyaga 96, 21 
with kiuyéga; skuy@i 29, 11 with the usual skiyui. 

Even monosyllabic particles can be lengthened into two syllables by 
dizeresis, and either of them may receive the accent with a shade of differ- 
ence on the meaning: ha-a, ha-a; hi-i, hi-i’; or pronouns: i, i-1, i’-i. 

This feature adds largely to the natural expressiveness of the tongue, 
and saves many cireumlocutions which the less pliant languages of modern 
Europe would have to specify by words. It is the idea of actuality, of being 
done right then and there, that distinguishes shléa, shla-a, and shla-a to see, 
find, géwa and gewa to go into water, gika and guka to climb up, gihua, gtha, 
guha to swell up, ete. Verbs in which the last syllable usually bears the 
accent are: shid to bet, stulf to report, vumi to bury, vuld to inquire; gull to 
go into, is always oxytonized, but its d. form kilhi is not. 

In terms where no syntactic or rhetoric influences affect the location 
of the word-emphasis, shifting of the aecent is often caused by the in- 


crease of the word through inflectional or derivative affixes. ln short 


240 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


words the aecent may then settle upon a prefix; when the term becomes 
lengthened by suffixation, the accent may shift towards its final syllables. 
Examples: 

héshla to show itself, from shléa to see. 

hishlan to shoot at each other, from shlin to shoot. 

lakidmkshi at the chief's house, from laki chief. 

shuktampka to begin fighting, from shtka to fight. 

yamatila eastward, from yamat east. 

tataksniptchi childlike, from tatiksni children. 

skukludpkasht from possible chapping, from skikla to be chapped. 


In the four last examples the secondary accent has entirely eclipsed 
the accent originally laid on the radical syllable. 

Oxytonized terms, as guli and others given above, will not shift their 
accent unless increased by two or more syllables. 

When a word of more than one syllable is increased by distributive 
reduplication, the accent will usually shift away from the initial syllable 
by the length of this increase: 

hiklya to shatter, split, d. hihaklya. 

ngtmshka to break, fracture, d. ngumgdmshka. 

lémewilya to drift away, d. lémelémewilza. 

uldksha to lap, lick, d. ula-uléksha. 


Instances where the accent gravitates back upon the beginning of the 
word, respectively upon the radical syllable through apocope, contraction, 
or elision : 

méssiim in the trout-season, for mehiashii’ mi. 

pallapksh the stolen one, for pall4pkash. 

kla‘ksh telshampka to be moribund, for Wlekdpkashtala telshampka. 


The appending of enclitic pronouns and particles, which form a pho- 
netic whole with the term governing them, sometimes effects a shifting of the 
accent, but at other times has no effect whatever. Examples of shifting: 

ni-ulapkuapké m’s ni I shall punish you, 59, 3. 


stildsampélék sas in order to announce to them, 22, 15. 


PHONOLOGY. 241 


tyop6-shitko, tzopé-sitk like a thumb, 149, 12. 

shliuapkaé m’sh sha they will shoot you, 30, 3. 

gepgaptlissa they returned home, for gepgapéli sha. 

Cf. ki-iks oi, 42,12; kak6 béla, 101, 7; humtchi ki, 126, 9; siunotish 
tchkash, 83, 4. 


Instances where enclitic terms have not affected the position of the 
accent are as follows: 

shnii’-uldsha nat we galloped off, 29, 12. 

tchi’-ishtat m’na to their camp, 2, 16. 

tsti/shni m’sh ni J forever from you, 61, 2; but: tsishni m’sh ni, 69, 20. 


In ha ni skuyd@’shkuapka m’sh if I should separate (her) from you, 61, 1, 
the proclitic hii ni may have retained the verbal accent in its usual place. 


IIL—PROCLISIS AND ENCLISIS. 


A number of particles, mostly conjunctions, some pronouns and adjec- 
tives, or rather adjectival suffixes, are liable to lose their accent if placed in 
certain positions, while others among them always appear unaccented. 
These are monosyllabic; those composed of two syllables are capable at 
any time of reassuming accentuation, and hence can be classed here only 
under restrictions. 

These unaccented terms may be said to lean either forward on the 
coming accented word—to be proclitic; or to lean backward on the accented 
word just spoken—to be enclitic. Their influence on the accentuation of the 


main word is only a casual one; cf. Accentuation, pp. 237, 240. 


Procuisis is less frequent than enclisis; all proclitic words are capable 
of assuming the accent. A list of them reads as follows: 

at now, then; mu, ma greatly, largely (not when apocopated from muni 
large); hii if, when; tam, interrogative particle; wak? how? how so? A few 
personal pronouns in their subjective cases, as nti, ni, i, pi, htk, hd, ete., 


and the possessive pronoun mi thy, thine. 


Encuists is frequently observed and generally appears when a personal 
object-pronoun is connected with a transitive verb. 'T'wo enclitic monosyl- 
16 


242 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


lables can be placed after an accented word, and one of them frequently 
elides its vowel. Enclitic terms may be classed as follows: 

Suffiixed adjectives are unaccented terms of an adjectival function quali- 
fying a noun attributively, not predicatively; two of them, gitko and shitko, 
possess a non-enclitic distributive form and are inflected through all cases. 

Amtchiksh ancient, old, used wp, in its abbreviation: -amtch. 

-vitko, -gitk, d. -giggdatko possessed of. 

-kani some one, any one; cf. 60, 13, and the Dictionary. 

-ptchi, -mtchi, -tchi, -tch alike to, appearing like. 

-shitko, -sitk, d. -shishatko alike to, resembling. 

-tkani a little, somewhat. 

More will be found concerning these forr.s under ‘‘Adjective,” below. 

Pronouns. All the monosyllabic j<:sonal pronouns, subjective and 
objective, are appended enclitically to the verb which they govern or upon 
which they depend. Subjective personal pronouns: ni, nt J; i, ik thou; 
huk, hun, hu, pi he, she, it; nad, nat, na we; at, a ye; sha, pat they. Ob- 
jective personal pronouns: nish, nfish, n’sh, n’s me, to me; mish, m’sh, m’s 
thee, to thee; hin, ha, pish, ptish him, her, it; to him, to her, to it; nalash in 
the form nash, nats, n’s ws, to us; malash in the form malsh ye, to ye; shash, 
sas them, to them; sham, sam of them Enclitic possessive pronouns are mi 
thine, thy; pna, KI. m’na his, hers, its; sham, sam theirs. Demonstrative 
and relative pronouns generally preserve their accent, but among the in- 
definite pronouns, tud some kind of, loses it in compounding words: nanuktua 
every kind of; cf. -kani any one. 

Particles, when monosyllabic, are enclitic unless some particular em- 
phasis is laid on them in connection with the whole sentence. The more 
frequent of them are: a; aka, ak, ka; at; ha; hak; ya, yu; -la, -lé; lish; 
mat; nen; pil; tak, tok, taksh, toks; tehii, tche, tsi; tchish, abbr. -tch, -ts; 
tchkash; un, fin. Their signification and use will be indicated below. 

The verb gi, to be, do, say, has several monosyllabic inflected forms which 
may become enclitic, as gi, gink, gish, gisht, and the participle gitko, which 
will then usually cast off the ending -o. The simple gi often abbreviates 
into -k, -@: na’stg so he said; E-uksni toks lApik but of the Klamath Lake 


men there were two. 


PHONOLOGY. 243 


Instances of enclisis of various descriptions are as follows: 
shnekéluapka m’sh ni I will remove you from your position. 

tumi hak hatokt maklaks gi many persons are there. 

unaka tchkash m’na shtilta he also informed his son. 

pallank mish robbing thee; vussok sas afraid of them. 

wewéga pil tchishi the children only were in the lodge. 

ka’ktsnash; liluagslash they fled; they enslaved (-sh for sha they). 

pi tehish he also ; nanzatch some also, 16, 7. 

K’mik-amtch the Old Man of the Ancients ;. Shi’k-amtch Old Crane. 

kii’kiik-tkani a little yellow, yellowish. 

A term may become accented on two syllables, as in Greek, by en- 
clisis; the first being the natural accent, the second the accent thrown upon 
the word by the existence of the enclitic term: ti’ténipni’ sha, 111, 2; 
shahiashtalé m’na, 112, 13. 


QUANTITY. 


The language clearly distinguishes between long and short syllables or 
vowels. Two stages may be distinguished in short syllables: very short and 
short; two also in long ones: long and very long. The usual sign of 
brevity, ~, and of length, —, was added to the vowels only when they were 
uttered very short or very long Thus monosyllabic nouns ending in a 
vowel pronounce this vowel very short in KI.: kma’ skullcap, tmit’, mh’ 
grouse, Ibi’ seed species, kpé'l tail, kpa’ poker, ski’ pestle, ska’ to blow cold or 
strong; and also in ya’ki seed-basket, ki'itsiia duck species, ndshé’dsh shell, 
pod, gi't sage brush. Many of these are pronounced longer by Modoes. 
The vowel is still short, though longer than in the terms above, in lyash 
billow, shlin to shoot, nish head. As to long syllables, a difference may 
be observed between mantch long ago, muni great, large (radix long in both 
terms), and their emphatic pronunciation: ma’‘ntch quite long ago, mi’ni, 
mii-tini very large, enormous. <A difference exists also between tank, tankni, 
and tank, ta’nkni, and between washla and wa’shla. Cf. Homonymy. The 
quantity of words is often added in parenthesis: yutetampka (- ~ ~ ~), 
tehmiksh (~), kié’mat (+ ~). 

Almost any short syllable may be made long when a strong rhetoric 
emphasis is laid upon it: pa’s and pa’sh food, cf. 101, 20; gi’ma and gama 


244 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


to crush with a stone. Words with long vowels are nil, né'l fur, feathers, 
ni lka to dawn, ma’sha to be sick, na’dsh, na’dshak one, at one time. 

For the quantity of each word the Dictionary may be consulted. 

The character of the language prompts the Indian to distinguish be- 
tween long and short syllables, and no other phonetic figure is so produc- 
tive of long vowels than vocalic contraction (syneeresis, ete.). In nakosh dam, 
the synzresis of ua into 6 is remembered, and though the accent rests on 
the first syllable, the second is pronounced long. Many syllables with é, 
6, and other long vowels are not pronounced short, because the people use 
the uncontracted form besides the contracted one: gend‘la and gentala, 
hlékdsh and hickuish, nd‘kla (from nékala), shukatonold’tch, tchi’sh and 
tehi-ish. 

A vowel does not, as a general rule, alter its quantity through position, 
viz., through a cluster of consonants gathering after it. The short a in 
ktipka remains short even in kttipkantko and in ktupkapksh. But before 
-dsh a vowel generally sounds longer than before -tch: tama’dsha and 
tamitcha, laka’dsha and lakdtcha. 

Nor does a vowel, generally speaking, alter its quantity through be- 
coming emphasized by accentuation: in hémkanka fo speak, e is pronounced 
as short as in hemkanka, i in hfta as short as in hita at this spot; but becomes 
long through apocope: hi‘d, hi't. 

Syntactic or rhetoric emphasis sometimes modifies syllabic quantity: 
gén him, 114, 2; na-a'sht gi so said, 95, 21; sii’gs’ ish! fell me! (a long), 78, 4; 
lala’ki chiefs, 65, 14. 

Neither quantity nor emphasis by accent is necessarily associated with 
a higher pitch of the voice. 


HOMONYMY. 


Homonyms are terms sounding exactly alike, but having a different 
signification; paronyms are terms which seem to sound alike to inexpe- 
rienced ears, but in reality differ in accentuation, quantity, or pitch of 
voice when uttered by natives, and also differ in their meaning. 

Some Klamath homonyms are the following: 
kish fish-spear, kish sundown. 


na’sh, na‘s species of bulrush, also: one, single; also: thus, so. 


PHONOLOGY. 245 


ski’ pestle, ska’ to blow cold or strong. 

tchi’sh settlement, lodge, tchi’sh inhabitant. 

wash prairie-wolf, wash hole, den, excavation. 

wika near, wika to blow. 

liuna to stand, crowd inside, liuna to produce a noise. 


Paronyms differing in quantity only: 
kfish fish-spear, ki’sh, ki’sh a lie. 
shiina to run a race, shui‘na to sing. 
tchish also, too, tchi’sh lodge, inhabitant. 
ni, ni J, myself, ni’ snowshoe. 


Paronyms differing in one or more sounds of the alphabet: 
giwash bluish squirrel, Giwash, nom. pr., Crater Mountain. 
lakf chief, laki to be stolen, gone, \aki forehead. 
li’k seed, kernel, lik, 16k grizzly bear. 
p’hushka to tear off by hand, pishka to cut. 
shikantéla to pile upon each other, shikantila to show something on feet. 
yulina to menstruate, yiulina to send over the edge. 
skuitash mantle, skitash, sytitash bunch, string. 
shilya to tie together, shtléya to roar, growl. 
shko’ks ghost, spirit, shkéks sheep-tick. 
kii’sh ipo-root, ké’sh rattlesnake, kii’sh excrement. 
kéka, kdéke river, stream, kéka to bite. 
néwa to extend, v. intr., néwa to drive into the water. 
géna to go away, walk, kéna it is snowing. 
vuduka to strike with a stick, vutéka to swing around, v. trans. 


Some of the above terms (yulina ete., skutash etc.) are etymologically 
identical, but, because differentiated in their meanings, they now differ in 
their pronunciation. This we observe also in English: to pat and to pet, 
secure and sure, loyal and legal, leal; disk, dish, desk; warrantee and guarantee ; 
as well as in the French: naif and natif, Noél and natal, entier and integre. 


246 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


MORPHOLOGY. 


Morphology is a part of grammar which gives a systematic account of 
the changes experienced by its material units or words through becoming 
parts of a sentence. Morphology in its descriptive portion has to present 
the word in its forms altered by inflection, as they occur in the language; 
in its systematic part it has to explain the origin and function of these forms. 
The phonetic changes considered under ‘‘ Phonology” are largely brought 
about by the changes which the words are undergoing through being placed 
into mutual relations to each other in forming parts of a sentence. Deri- 
vation, a process analogous to inflection in many respects, is another import- 
ant part of linguistics to be dealt with systematically by morphology. 

Languages greatly differ among themselves in the degree of the energy 
which unites or binds together its elementary parts. Where the parts do 
not unite, the position of the words in the sentence alone points out their 
mutual relation, and few or no phonetic changes occur. These are the 
monosyllabic languages. In the agglutinative tongues, certain syllables 
which indicate relation cluster around other syllables which retain the 
accent. After gathering up the other syllables to be their affixes, and 
uniting them into one body, the accented syllables gradually become 
radical syllables, and phonetic laws begin to manifest themselves in the 
alteration of colliding sounds, in the abbreviation of the affixes, etc. Here 
the original function of the relational or affix-syllables is still recognizable 
in the majority of instances, but in languages reaching a third stage, the 
inflective languages, the affixes become so intimately fused with the radix, 
that they serve as mere relational signs and may be considered as integral 
parts of the whole word. Through this accretion, or by other causes, the 
root itself becomes modified, chiefly in its vocalie part, for inflectional 


purposes. 


THE RADICAL SYLLABLE. 247 


The structure of Klamath is decidedly agelutinative; nevertheless, in 
some particulars, to be considered later, it approaches the tongues of the 
inflectional order. An important characteristic of it, syllabic duplication, 
is observed in the prefix- and radical syllables. Two other features per- 
vading every part of Klamath speech are the pronominal syllables used as 
radicals and as affixes, and the figure called anathesis. (Compound words 
are in fact the result of a syntactic process and will be discussed in the 
Syntax. 

In subdividing the affixes into prefixes and suffixes according to their 
location before or after the radix, and into inflectional and derivational 
affixes according to their functions, we obtain the following general scheme 
for our morphology : 


I.— Radical syllable. 
1. Itsstructure. 2. Its origin and classification. 3. Its phonetic alter- 
ations. 4. Its increase by the reduplicative process. 5. Anathesis. 


Il—Radical syllable connected with affixes. 

1. Inflectional affixes; suffixation. 2. Derivational affixes: A. Prefix- 
ation; B. Suffixation. 3. List of prefixes. 4. List of infixes. 5. List of 
suffixes. 


II.— Inflection and derivation. 

1. Verbal inflection; verbal derivation. 2. Nominal inflection; nomi- 
nal derivation: a, of substantives; 6, of adjectives and participles; c, of 
numerals; d, of pronouns; e, of postpositions. 


1V.—Particles or words without inflection. 


I—THE RADICAL SYLLABLE. 


A root, radix, or radical syllable is a sound or group of sounds pos- 
sessed of an inherent signification. By the processes of inflection and 
derivation affixes cluster around the radix, which may undergo phonetic 
changes; the meaning of the radix then remains either unchanged or passes 
into another signification cognate and closely related to the original mean- 
ing. Languages have been studied in which the radix is composed of two 


248 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


syllables; in Klamath monosyllabism is the only form in which radicals 
exist, just as in the literary languages of Europe, although some Klamath 
terms seemingly attest a dissyllabic origin. 

With a few onomatopoetic exceptions, the roots are no longer trace- 
able to their origin; hence we do not know why such or such sound-groups 
have been conventionally assigned certain functions in the different lan- 
guages of the world. Grammatic affixes are roots also, whether they be 
still recognizable as such or be ground down from syllables to single sounds, 
mostly consonantic, and mere fragments of what they had been once. 
When used as signs of relation, they belong to the class of pronominal 
roots and are recognized as such with less difficulty in agglutinative than 
in inflectional languages. 

The roots are the microcosmic cells from which the macrocosmos of 
language is built up; for it results from the above that all elements in lan- 
guage are either radical syllables or fragments of such. Formation and 
quality of sounds are no secrets to us, but how and why they came to be 
selected for their present functions in each linguistic family is beyond our 
conception. The cause why linguistic families differ among themselves in 
grammar and dictionary is the disagreeing of their pronominal and notative 


roots. 
Root-inflection or regular alteration of the root-vowel to indicate change 


of relation is most prominent in the Semitic languages and also in the 
Germanic branch of the Indo-European family. In America only traces 
of this “Ablaut” are discovered in a few languages, and what could be 
considered analogous to, or resembling it, will be discussed under ‘Phonetic 
alteration of the root.” See pp. 253 et sqq. 


1, PHONETIC STRUCTURE OF THE ROOT. 


Three fundamental forms are traceable in the elementary composition 
of the Klamath radix; it consists— 


Of one vowel: 
a in dna to carry off. 
i in tka ¢o extract, {ta to put on, i’wa to be full. 
u in tiya to give, wa to be seated, we'k arm, limb, ttish long-shaped fruit 
(cf. litish round-shaped fruit). 


PHONETIC STRUCTURE OF THE ROOT. 249 


Of a single or ‘double consonant followed by a vowel: 
hii-, he- in hii’ma to emit voice; ka- in kata, ngdta to break, v. intr.; ku- 
in kika to bite; kta- in kt4-i stone, rock; mu- in mini great, mtina 
deep down. A diphthong appears in tehuitchuili sorrel, kaukéuli 
brown. 


Of a vowel preceded by a consonant and followed by a consonant : 

kal- in kalo sky, kalkali round; tak- in taktdkli red, scarlet, ta’ztgi to 

blush; tip- in tiptipli dark-colored ; yal- in yalyali limpid. 

It is appropriate to call this third category of roots ending in conso- 
nants thematic roots. ‘The terminal consonants bear great analogy to some 
nominal and verbal affixes, and a number of words formed in a similar 
manner can be actually reduced to roots of the second class: vowel pre- 
ceded by consonant, as laklakli slippery, not to lak-, but to la- in lala to be 
steep, to slope downwards, cf. hla-a to foal, lelédshi brood; lushlishli warm, hot, 
not to lush-, but to lu- in Itloks jive, likua to be warm, hot; pushpushli black, 
not to push-, but to pu-, po-, in po’ksh mud In the terminal consonant of 
pal- in palla to steal, ila to lay down, the analogy with the suffix -la, -ala is 
obvious. It is therefore highly probable that all these roots of the third 
class are formed by accretion, and those containing diphthongs seem to 
have been formed by a similar process. 

Some radical syllables commencing with mute consonants are nasalized 
occasionally, as kata: ngata to break, patash: mpatash milt, spleen. 

There are radicals found in certain letters of the alphabet, as k, t, u, 
which reduplicate the two initial syllables when placed in their distributive 
form, and thus may be suspected of being originally dissyllabic. But 
neither of the two kinds of reduplication proves anything for the condition 
of the radix, for all the prefixes invariably reduplicate with the root, al- 
though they do in no manner belong to it. Compare, for instance: 

Prefix k- in kmélzya to lay down, d. kékmelya and kmékmalya, rad. e-. 

Prefix 1- in lawala to place upon, d. lalawala. 

Prefix sh- in ska to blow strongly, d. shkaska, rad. ka. 

Prefix u- in uldgsha to lap up, d. ula-uldgsha. 


Some radical syllables, chiefly pronominal, are found to figure in two 


250 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


capacities: as roots of predicative signification, and as roots of relation 
forming affixes. This is true, for instance, of i, hi on the ground, in ita to 
put on, flya to lay down into; of u, hu he, she, it and above, far, in huta to 
run at, liwa to jump up in the water, iya to give a long object. 


2. ORIGIN AND CLASSIFICATION OF ROOTS. 


Although we are precluded from unraveling the origin of the majority 
of radices it is preposterous in our present state of linguistic knowledge 
to derive all the radicals of a language from onomatopoetic attempts to 
imitate the sounds and noises heard in outdoor life, like the note of birds, 
the rustling or blowing of the wind, or the roll of thunder. To ascribe a 
pronominal origin to all the roots which do not represent, or do not seem 
to represent, natural sounds has been a favorite theory of some scientists 
who have studied languages of the so-called savages. As to the Klamath 
language, the most appropriate classification of roots will distinguish four 
sources for their possible origin: onomatopoetic, interjectional, pronominal, 


predicative. 


RADICES OF ONOMATOPOETIC ORIGIN. 


They have formed a large number of bird names, a few names of 
other animals and objects of nature. They also occur in verbs denoting 
sounds and disturbances. 

Birds: ahé-ash, kik, tiktukuash, tudkash or wakash, O’lash, takAga, 
udékash. 

Other objects: hethai, mbaubéwash, bambam, tintan, ef. udinténa. 

Verbs: ka-ukdwa, kishkusha, tishtusha, tédshit6’dshi, udfmténa. 


RADICES OF INTERJECTIONAL ORIGIN. 
i/-oho, i-thu, i-ohttchna, i-uhéash; hii’, hi’ma; kapkablantaks, 
kémkem, kapkapagink i! 
RADICES OF PRONOMINAL ORIGIN. 
Pronominal roots originally indicate location in space, proximity, dis- 


tance or motion in space and subsequently in time, then relative location, 


and, finally, relation in general. They appear, therefore, as well in_pre- 


ORIGIN OF ROOTS. 251 


fixes and suffixes, pronouns and pronominal particles, as in predicative 
significations, which have gradually evolved from the pronominal ones and 
make up a large portion of the vocabulary. These roots, which are in fact 
demonstrative pronouns and demonstrative adverbs, have in the present 
stage of the language become devoid of any special significations, and this 
quality eminently fits them for expressing relations between the different 
parts of speech. Whenever they form derivatives, the meaning of these 
radices becomes more specialized; thus hu- forms a large number of verbs 
with the signification of running, tw-, #- verbs and nouns referring to mo- 
tions of liquids, water, as spreading, dripping, soaking, ¢i-, tin- to motions 
performed by a plurality of subjects. All roots consisting of one vowel 
only belong here, and a number of lengthy words are entirely composed 
of pronominal roots. 

On account of the importance of this class of radicals, I subjoin speci- 
mens of them and their derivatives, but do not claim any completeness for 
the list: 

a, ha, hé appears in particles a, at, dtui; in suffix -ha; in Ana, dnsha. 

h- connected with all the vowels forms reciprocal, reflective, causative 

verbs and their derivatives. 

hu, hu, u, 0 in prefix u-, suffixes -u, -ui (-uya), -wa, -uish; in pron. and 

adv. ha, hit, hin, hank, in pron. hinksht, hikag; in wa, 
wek, utish or otish; wma, una‘k, hita, hidshna, hintchna, 
hiwa. 

i, hi, hi in suffixes -i, -ia; in fwa, iwiya, ita, fdsha, f-a (ya), ydna, yaina, 

i-u (yu), yita. 
k- appears in three forms: ka, ke, ku; ké being originally ki. 

ka, ga in suffixes -ka, -ga, -lya, -tampka, etc., in demonst.-relat. 
pron. kat who; interr. kani who? in git, ka-a, kA-ag, shka, 
katak, gayue. 

ké, ge, gé, yonder, redupligated in kek, gég, kéku, forms prefix ki-, 
k-, and the verb gi; géna to go away, and its numerous deriv- 
atives, as e¢kansha, gémpéle, seem to point to the radix ga, 
for some of them begin with ga-, ka-: gdyaha, gaké’mi, ga- 
tla, ka-uléktana; in kéka, tkéka. 

ku, gu in kt and kui far off, kiinag, k6-i, ké-idshi, skiyui. 


252 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


la, l- in suffixes -lé, -lam, -la, -ala, -lya, -l4mna. 
ma in prefix m-, suffix -ma. 
na, n- in the locative suffix -na; in ni, ni, nat. 
p- appears in several forms: p, pa, pi, ete. 
pa, in prefix p- and suffixes -p, -pa, -ap; pron. pash; particles pa, 
pash, pani, -péli, shepdlua, p’laf, hishpla4mna, pana, pe’ntch, 
p’nana. 
pi, demonstr. and reflect. pron.; in the prefixes pe-, p’-, sp-; in the 
suffixes -péna, -tpna; in p’na, KI. m’na. 
sha, sh-, s- in pron. sha they; also of reflective function; in medial pre- 
fix sh- (sha-, she-, ete.); in suffixes -sha, -asha, -ansha, ete., 
-sh, -ash, -tch; in shapa. 
t- appears in three forms: ta, ti, tu. 
ta in prefix ta-, t-; in suffixes -ta, -tala, -tana; in tawi, stédwa, sta, 
stani; stu, sténa, sta-ila, tapka, tapak. 
ti in prefixes ti-, te-, t- and suffix -ti; in tina, tila, tilaludnsha, tila, 
shtilta. 


tw in prefixes tu-, tush-, suffix -tu; in particles tu, tila; in ntultpa. 


RADICES OF PREDICATIVE SIGNIFICATION. 


This class comprehends all roots which cannot, from our present knowl- 
edge of the language, be referred to one of the three categories preceding. 
Their signification is more concrete and specific than that of the pronom- 
inal roots, and points to some action or quality. We include here, also, 
the thematic or secondary roots, as lak in laklakli, ete. Cf. p. 249. 

Instances of predicative roots are as follows: 


pat in patpatli, mpata. kta in kta-i. 
shu in shum. le in shléa, léltki, ete. 
litch in litchlitchli, litchtakia. . mets in metsm¢tsli. 


The adjectives formed by iterative reduplication and by the suffix -li 
probably all contain thematic roots, ultimately reducible to shorter forms; 
cf. “Phonetic structure”, pp. 248 sqq, ‘Phonetic alteration of the root”, 
pp- 253 sqq. 


ALTERATION OF THE ROOT. 253 


A remark upon the alleged priority of the verbal over the nominal 
roots may be appropriately inserted here. In many languages, especially 
the monosyllabic, noun and verb do not distinguish themselves from each 
other in their exterior form, and even in Klamath we find words like pata, 
petila, ndshishlya, which are verbs and nouns at the same time, and verbal 
suffixes which are nominal suffixes also. In many other languages the dis- 
tinction between the two categories is at least an imperfect one, and must 
have beeu more so in their earlier stages of development. When the sen- 
tence had reached a stage in which the predicative idea in the verb began 
to distinguish clearly between subject, object, and verb, noun and verb 
commenced to assume distinctive affixes, and the position of these parts in 
the sentence became more free. Noun and verb therefore originated simul- 
taneously, not successively. 

A single instance taken from the present status of the Klamath lan- 
guage may give us an idea how in its earlier stages the two categories 
could have differed. Ktchalya means fo shine and to emit heat, ktchdk (for 
ktchalka) mother-of-pearl shell, ktchalui to be resplendent and to be hot, 
ktchalta to reverberate, ktchalua to shine and to reflect sunrays, ktchalzish 
sunshine and heat of sunrays, sunburn, ktchdlshkash radiance, ktcho’] star, 
ete. Evidently the root, either simple or thematic, is ktchal (@ short), and 
the idea of heat is secondary to that of light, radiance; but nobody is able 
to decide whether its original meaning was the nominal one of ray, radiance, 
or the verbal one of to radiate, or of both at the same time, for both the 
derivatives are equally long or short in their affixes. If in the minds of 
the earliest people who formed this language a distinction has existed be- 
tween the two as a vague feeling, we can no longer follow its traces. Even 
nouns, to be considered as having been substantives from a very early 
epoch, as sun, moon, water, fire, were in some languages shown to be deriva- 
tives of radicals, but not of radicals of a distinct nominal or verbal signifi- 
cation. 


3. PHONETIC ALTERATION OF THE ROOT. 


Of some languages it has been said that their consonants were com- 
parable to the skeleton and bones of the animal organism, while their 


254 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


vowels, as the fluid and variable element, were likened to its soul. This 
furnishes a graphic picture of the structure observed in the Semitic family 
of languages, and in a less degree applies also to the languages of the Indo- 
European family. The permutability of consonants and vowels among 
themselves in unwritten languages has been described above (‘Alternating 
of Sounds”), and does not, generally speaking, alter the signification of the 
terms in which it is observed. But the case is different with the radical 
vowels of Klamath under certain conditions, for here we observe something 
analagous to Semitic vocalization, when vocalic changes occur. 

A few similar instances from other American languages are as follows: 

In the Nipissing-Algonkin, J love him is rendered by ni sakiha; in four 
“modes” of the verb the long vowel 4 changes into -aya-, -aia-: sayaki- 
hak I who love him, sayahakiban I who did love him, sayakihak the one loved 
by me, sayakihakin when I just happen to love him. In the same manner 
verbs with the radical vowels 4, e, i, 1 will alter them respectively into e, 
aye, e,a. In Cha’hta we meet with vocalic changes in radical syllables 
like the following: tcheto to be large, tchito to be quite large, tchieto to be de- 
cidedly large. In other instances of the kind the vowel becomes nasalized. 
In Creek some verbs lengthen their radical vowels almost imperceptibly 
to form a preterit from the present tense. 

The study of alterations observed in the Klamath roots is highly 
important for illustrating the formation of the language, and also throws 
light upon the radical changes occurring in the inflectional languages of the 
eastern hemisphere. The vocalic changes are of greater importance than 
the consonantic, and are brought about in various ways. 


VOCALIC ALTERATION OF THE RADIX. 


Voealic changes occur only in certain words of the language and with- 
out any apparent regularity. They are produced either by the intrusion of 
another sound into the radix, or by an independent, as it were spontaneous 
change. Some of these changes appear only from one dialect to the other, 
while the majority occurs in words belonging to the same dialect, and then 


they are always attended by a change in the signification of the term. 


ALTERATION OF THE ROOT. 255 


1. Change by substitution. 


The primitive vowels a, i, u are sometimes substituted to each other to 
indicate a change in the local or temporal relation of the words of which 
they form a component part. ‘They represent the pronominal roots: 

a, ha here, on hand, by hand; temporally: now, just now. 

i, hi on the ground, at home, for somebody; temporally: at the time of. 

u, hu up, above, far off, on the person, in the water; temporally: in the 

past, previously. 


Thus the personal pronouns ni, nish, pash change to ni, nush, pish, 
push and in particles and suffixes the change through all the three vowels 
is sometimes observed: 

-ksAksi, -kshakshi, a locative nominal suffix of the northern dialect, is 
altered to -ksiksi in Nakdésksiks(i), nom. pr., ‘‘right where the pile- 
dam is”; to -kst’ksi in Slankoshkst’ksi, nom. pr., “where the old 
bridge once was.” 

tcha now, presently, tehi’k (or tché’k) at last, finally, until; tehik at last 
out there. 


We may also compare the changes observed in the pronominal roots 
ka, ki (ke), ku; ta, ti, tu. 

Vocalic changes in predicative and pronominal roots are the following: 

kpadsha to extinguish by hand, kpitchtchna, Mod. to spit, kptitcha KI. 
to squirt from the mouth. 

spatcha to tear asunder, spitcha to pull to the ground, extinguish the fire, 
sputchta fo cause somebody to part or lift the legs: to frighten. Cf. 
padsha, pitcha, piiedsha. 

spatadsha to stretch out, spitadsha to stretch out a part of the body. CE. 
putéga, putdya, sputiya. 

paha to be and to make dry; pika to roast, bake. 

sma’k hair on belly, smo‘k hair of beard, mikash down, downy feather. 

litki evening, viz. ‘‘decline;” liitzi to come down to the ground. 

ska cold, adv., sgti’mla hoar frost forms ; cf. skiikla. 

tchak- in tehaktchakli sharp, pointed ; tchiytchiza to tickle; cf. tchdkéla, 
shtchiyak¢éka, shtchi’ktzish. 


256 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


wilya to be sitting, wilya to squat down. 

tatkta to feel pain, tika to cause pain; cf. tékteka. 

ika to remove, trans.; efya (for ¢-ika) to put out the head, spiika to put out 

the feet; shnika to take away. Cf. nika. 

kidsha to dive, kidshash jin, kidsha gudgeon. 

shlin to shoot, shlo‘kla to shoot at the mark. 

kalkali round, kilya to become humpbacked. 

Cf. also lila with Ila, ptchaklya with KI. ptchiklya, shlatchka with 
shlitechka. Of vocalic changes observed in suffixes the following may be 
added for comparison: 

hinua to fall on, upon, hinui to fall to the ground. 

tchdlamna to sit on, or against, tchalamnu to sit high up, above, or at a 

distance. 

tlitash stump of tree; tutish stump of tail or limb. 

sha kiukayank they are sticking out, sha kiukdyunk they are sticking out 

above, 134, 4. 


2. Change through addition of a vowel. 


When the vowel of the radical syllable is jomed by another vowel 
suffixed to it, the result of the combination may be either (1) vocalic syneere- 
sis or lengthening of the vowel, when both are coalescing; or (2) a softened 
vowel, Umlaut. 

The intruding vowels, which become suffixed to the radical vowel, 
seem to be no other but a, 7, w mentioned in the preceding article; 7 added 
to a produces e. 


Vocalic syneresis : 
latcha to build a lodge, viz., ‘‘to intertwine”, létcha to knit. 
dna to abstract, éna to bring, carry; cf. Ansha, anilipka. 
lama to be dizzy, lemléma to whirl about. 
shatma to call to oneself, Mod. shétma 
naiwal and néwal to lie upon. 


Lengthening of the vowel: 
pélpela to work, pé'lpela to work for (oneself or another). 
kteléshka to push away, kteleshkapka to push away forcibly. 


ALTERATION OF THE ROOT. 257 


Softening of the vowel : 
ya-a to howl, yii'ka, yéka to howl while dancing. 
sta to be full, stani full, sti’-ila to fill down into, to gather (roots, ete.). 


3. Change through accretion. 


Accretion takes place when the radix or basic syllable is increased by . 
prefixes, suffixes, through syllabic reduplication or through the formation 
of a compound word. The usual consequence of accretion is the removal 
of the emphasis from the radix to another syllable, the secondary accent 
becoming often preponderant over the primary one; another consequence is 
the weakening or shortening of the radical vowel. The frequent change of 
u (0) to a in the radical syllable has to be ascribed to this cause. 


shnika fo seize, shnakptiga to seize with pincers. 

tchuka to expire, tchakléza to lose children by death. 

kéka to bite, ka-ildsha to erode, gnaw. 

nita to burn, trans. and intr.; shnuitampka to keep up the fire, niliwa to 
blaze up, natkolua, Mod, to burn in the distance, shnatkalka to set on 
Jive, natspka to be charred, shnéka to burn, to shine. 

nika, ndéka to be, become ripe, shnikanua to let ripen. 

shlin to shoot, shlatantya to make ready for shooting. 

tcliia to remain, sit, tchélza to sit, tchekléla to sit on the side of, tchawal, 
tchaggaya to be seated upon, tchawaya (from tchfa and watha), to 
wait, expect. 

héma, hii’ma to emit voice, haméasha to call to oneself. 

tédsha to wash, shatashpapkia to make the gesture of washing (the face). 

pélpela to work, lulpalpalia to make eyes for somebody. 


This shortening or weakening also occurs in prefixes; cf. shélakla, Mod. 
shélakla ; shnapémpema, Mod. shnepémpema,; and in suffixes: yutetampka 
for yutatampka. 

4. Elision of the radical vowel 


Is brought about by the same causes as the change through accretion, 
and hence is but another form of No. 3: 
ntika to roast, bake, nytta, nytitagia to burn at the bottom of the cooking 
utensil (for nuktita, nuktitagia). 
17 


258 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


lama to reel, viz, ‘to move in a circular line”; léména, I’ména, Iména 
it thunders, lématch, Imatch mealing stone, the motion made on it 
being circular. 

hii‘ma to emit voice, sha’hmiulgi to call together. 

kal- in kAlkali round, hishzélilya, hishklilya ‘to measure all around,” 
to make of the same length, width. Cf. skilulydtkish. 


5. The change of a radical vowel into a cognate vowel has been fully 
treated in the chapter on ‘“Alternation of Sounds,” and requires no further 
discussion. Examples: yéka, yii’ka; ¢-una, ii’-una; O'lash, t’Ish; stefnash, 
stainas. 


CONSONANTIC ALTERATION OF THE RADIX. 


Changes occurring in the consonantic components of the radix are 
caused by the interchangeability of cognate consonants, ef. “‘Alternation of 
Sounds,” and do not usually imply any change in the signification of the 
radix. Examples: biinua and ptinua, délish and télish. 

Instances of a radical consonant becoming nasalized are pata, mpata ; 
sakdé-a, sanké-a . 

A change in the signification is, however, produced by the changing 
of a guttural k, g into k: kilzantko humpbacked person, kilyantko humpbacked 
person, when imitated by children, ete. (radix kal- in kalkali round). 


4. REDUPLICATION. 


The repetition of syllables in immediate succession within one and the 
same word is technically called reduplication, and forms one of the most 
effective means for emphasizing or otherwise individualizing ideas expressed 
in words, in the same manner as the orator repeats twice or three times in 
succession certain words to be emphasized above all others. Reduplication 
has been recognized as an efficient grammatic figure from the earliest times; 
in rude and illiterate tongues we see it more frequently applied than in the 
refined speech of cultured nations, and in the earlier periods of European 
languages much more than in their present stages of development—facts 
which point with certainty to a high antiquity of this special mode of gram- 


matie synthesis. If we except the monosyllabic languages, reduplication is 


REDUPLICATION. 259 


a feature common to all languages of the globe, although they may greatly 
differ in the mode of applying it. 

Thus, in the English terms gewgaw, riffraff, tiptop, syllables were doubled 
for some augmentative purpose; the Sahaptin family reduplicates for form- 
ing diminutives, as muylimuyli fly, kussikissi dog. English and German 
show traces of syllabic duplication to designate a preterit tense, a feature 
once common to all the dialects of the Indo-European family: fell, held, 
slept, are forms of an imperfect tense which are the remnants of ancient forms 
parallel to the Gothic faifal, hathald, saislep. 

Some languages reduplicate their radical syllables for the purpose of 
forming onomatopoetic, iterative, frequentative, or usitative verbs and nouns, 
indicating gradation in the adjective and adverb, or of forming certain 
derivatives; other tongues, again, indicate in this manner the ideas of sev- 
eralty, plurality, totality, or collectivity, and purposely modify the redupli- 
cated terms phonetically for each of the several morphologic functions to 
which they may be applied. 

Syllabic duplication has exercised a thorough-going influence on the 
development of the Klamath language of Oregon, giving origin to delicate 
and ingenious grammatic and lexical distinctions. Its workings can be 
studied to more advantage in a few languages only, although linguistic 
development has taken a similar turn in the Malay-Polynesian family and 
in the forms of speech disseminated along the western coast of North Amer- 
ica, especially in the Nahuatl and Selish stocks of languages. 

The reduplicative process has originated in the idea of repetition or 
iteration, applied to space, surface, intensity, time, and other categories. 
The stage immediately preceding syllabic reduplication was that of repeat- 
ing the entire word, as we see it in the Hebrew téb téb, “gud good,” for 
very good, and in Mohave, where the adverb accompanying the adjective 
is repeated to indicate gradation: valtaye great, large; valtai tahana larger ; 
valtai tahan tahan tahdna the largest one. Although the latter is a tripliea- 
tion, a twofold mention of the adverb is just as frequent in Mohave, where 
the elements have not yet coalesced into a single word. All the different 
and most varied shapes of reduplication of the radix can be brought in two 
classes: iterative reduplication, when used for the derivation of words; dis- 
tributive reduplication, when used for inflectional purposes. 


260 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


A.—ITERATIVE REDUPLICATION. 


In Klamath iterative reduplication redoubles the entire radical syllable 
without any consonantic alterations, and serves in forming from simple or 
thematic roots various sorts of derivative terms, as onomatopoetic, iterative, 
and frequentative verbs and substantives, also adjectives descriptive of exte- 
rior form, surface-quality, color, intensity. 

This sort of reduplication differs from the distributive (a) by being 
derivational and not inflectional; (b) by duplicating the radix in its totality 
and not partially; (¢) by duplicating always the radix and not the first 
syllable only, although the radix may become reduplicated with its prefix, 
when this prefix consists of a vowel or single consonant only. No word 
reduplicates more than two of its initial syllables; words which do so 
usually begin with the initials k, 1, n, t, and u (or vu, w), and some contain 
an adulterine diphthong: te-ukté-uksh, kaukauli. 

Western languages offer sundry parallels to this sort of reduplication. 
It prevails in the adjectives of color in Pomo, Cal., in Olamentke and Chu- 
méto, dialects of Mutsun, Cal., in Cayuse and several Oregonian languages. 
When applied to color, surface-quality, exterior shape, etc, this mode of 


synthesis is evidently equivalent to: “red here and red there,” ‘“ 


prickly 
here and prickly there, and prickly all over.” 

Examples of derivatives formed in this manner could be gathered in 
large numbers and from every language spoken by the Indians of the Union. 
We confine ourselves to the mention of a few terms of the Tonto dialect, 


Yuma family (Arizona), most of which show a dissyllabic radix or base: 


toltol guitar, toltolia flute tibitivi pregnant 
solsoli to scratch midimidi straightways 
ogi-ogi to yawn dubbidubbi button 
topitope circle, circuit yudiyudi blanket 
wiliwiliva pulse yudiediedui checkered 


In Klamath several terms are met with which are compounded from 
two words, word-stems, or roots, and of which only the second is undergoing 
iterative reduplication. The first component is very frequently a prefix, as 


sh-, u-, ete., and vocalic dissimilation is often observed here This class of 


REDUPLICATION. 261 


terms will be more properly spoken of under “Composition of Words”; it 

embraces terms like yapalpuléash, kaltchitchiks, uléplpa, ete. 

Words formed by iterative reduplication possess, just like other terms, 
a distributive form to mark severalty ; they form it by undergoing another 
kind of reduplication to be described below. Thus, kalkali round, becomes 
kakalkali, tiptipli dusky: titaptipli. 

Many terms formed by this means of synthesis have the power of dis- 
similating the vowel of one from that of the other syllable, as ka’ kikli green, 
yellow, which may be also pronounced kii’kakli and kakikli, while the dis- 
tributive form would be kaki’kakli or kiikékiikli. The change from the 
normal vowel, which is a in this example, is more frequently heard in the 
second part than in the first: taktakli red: takti’kli; kétchkatch little gray 
fox, from ketchkétchli rough. Dissimilation is a figure which was spoken of 
at length on pages 234 and 235. 

The following list of terms is classified after categories of origin, and 
exhibits all the various forms of iterative reduplication : 

1. Onomatopoetic terms produced by imitating peculiar noises perceived on ob- 
jects of nature, or the cry of some bird or other animal: kaikaya 
to sob, snore, lalak brant, tiktukuash jfish-hawk, wawa-ush little bell, 
wekwékash magpie, yauydwa to be noisy. 

2. Iterative, frequentative, usitative terms, mostly verbs: 

lemléma to reel, to be dizzy, drunk; dissimilated in la’mlemsh. 

muimuya, muhimiya to tremble, shiver. 

pélpela to work, to busy oneself at. 

popo-i to drink, said of babies. 

shidkshiaga to shake up, v. trans. 

tuéktueka to stare at, from tucéka to pierce. 

tushttishla to shiver from cold; cf. Lat. titubare. 

utk’utka and wankwanka to nod. 

witwita to writhe, struggle. 


Dissyllabic reduplication occurs in: 
kokalkokaltko weak in the joints. 
lotelétash greenish excretion of snakes. 
nidshonidshua to make faces, to grimace. 
ulagshuldigsha to lap up, as water. 


262 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


3. Adjectives of color. The original color adjectives terminating in -li are, 
for the largest part, formed by the reduplication of a radix termi- 
nating in a consonant (an exception is ka-uké-uli, Mod. ke-uké-uli 
brown). Thus we have kiikii’kli (for kiik-ka’kli) green, yellow, 
pushpushli black, metsmétsli sky-blue, purple. 


4. Adjectives descriptive of surface-quality, with their adverbs: 
kitehkitchli rough to the touch, from kétcha a little. 
laklakli, hlakhlakli smooth, polished, even. 
putputli of level but coarse surface; adv. pitput. 
tatatli (for tat-tatli) flat, level, planed off: 


5. Adjectives describing external shape, form: 
kalkali spherical, circular, cylindric. 
mukmukli downy; cf. mikash down, plume. 
wakwakli conical, high-pointed ; cf. wakalwakalsh, wékwak 
witchwitchli rigid, stiff: 


B.—DISTRIBUTIVE REDUPLICATION. 


Characteristics and function. 


The phonetic characteristics of the distributive reduplication are the 
following : . 

It redoubles the first or the two first syllables of a term. The vowel 
and all the sounds preceding it become reduplicated, but the reduplication 
does not extend beyond the vowel. In monosyllabic distributive redupli- 
cation the initial syllable only is redoubled, whether it represents or includes 
a prefix or not. In regular monosyllabic duplication the vowel of the sec- 
ond syllable is a, if the vowel of the initial syllable is a short one. 

This grammatic form pervades all parts of the language, for it exists 
not in nouns and verbs only, but also in a large number of particles. _Sub- 
stantives not possessing this form are either collective terms or are prevented 
by phonetic laws from duplicating. This feature, so characteristic of the 
language of which we treat, expresses the idea of severalty or distribution, 
and not primarily that of plurality or collectivity; this accounts for its exist- 
ence in all the abstract nouns. Wherever this form is indicating plurality 


REDUPLICATION. 263 


it does so only because the idea of severalty happens to coincide with that 
of plurality in the peculiar instances which will be specialized below. 

Thus nép means hands as well as hand, the hand, a hand, but its distrib- 
utive form nénap means each of the two hands or the hands of each person 
when considered as a separate individual. Ktcho'l signifies star, the star, a 
star, the stars, constellation or constellations, but d. ktchéktchdl means each 
star or every star or constellation considered separately. Shendlakuish is 
engagement, compact, or compacts in general, d. sheshndélakuish the compacts 
made with each party. Ktékna means to cut a hole into one object and to cut 
holes into many articles by one cut or turn of the instrument; d. ktektakna points 
to cutting holes into different or separate oljects by cuts repeated at different times 
or for every object separately. Padsha i: you became blind of one eye; d. papa- 
dsha i: you are totally blind, you lost the use of each of your eyes. Lutéitka 
means to interpret one sentence or to serve as interpreter at one council or sitting ; 
but d. lultatka to interpret repeatedly at councils or interviews, to serve as a 
regular interpreter. This also applies to the nomen verbale: lutatkish, d. lulta- 
tkish. A regular interpreter, lultatkish, can be spoken of as lutatkish also, 
when he is referred to as having interpreted just at a certain day, or some 
special meeting. The sentence: kani gé-u watch palla? means either who 
stole my horse? or who stole my horses? and when used in the latter accepta- 
tion would imply that they were all stolen at once by one person; but kanf 
gé-u watch papalla? implies that some person stole my horses severally or 
that thefts had been committed on single horses at different times, or that 
the one and single horse which I possess was repeatedly abstracted. She- 
ktakta is to cut in two, d. sheshaktikta to cut the two pieces in two again, or 
into smaller portions. 


Inflectional reduplication. 


In order to give a full illustration of that kind of reduplication which 
serves for inflectional and not for derivational purposes we mention a few 
instances from other American languages. Phonetically they are parallel 
to the distributive form observed in Klamath, for the radical does not re- 
double beyond its vowel, but the grammars of these languages declare this 
form to be a plural and not a distributive form, as we have it here. 


264 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


In the extensive Nahua family, which embraces Aztec, Tarahumara, 
Tepeguana, Cora, Cahita, Opata, Eudeve, and Pima, we can trace it through 
the nominal and verbal portions of every language, although other plural 
forms occur there also. When we meet Aztec vocables like the following, 
we remark that the idea of severalty is the ruling idea in at least some of the 
Aztec reduplicated verbs: 

intchan oyaké they went into their house (all having one house only); 
intchatchan oyayaké they went into their several houses (every man entering 
his own). 

kotona to cut, kokotona to cut in many pieces, ko’-kotdna to cut many 
articles in pieces.* 

The dialect of Pima spoken on the Yaqui River, State of Sonora 
(Pima bajo), reduplicates in the same manner, as does also the Pima alto 
spoken on the Gila River, Arizona. The Nevome, a dialect of the Pima 
bajo, inflects, e. g, maina: mamaina palmleaf mat, bava: bavpa cliff, high 
rock, tucurhu: tutcurhu owl, stoa: stostoa white.t 

Plurals of nouns and verbs are formed by duplication of the radix in 
some, perhaps in all, the dialects of the Shoshoni or Numa family. 

This holds good also for the dialects of the Santa Barbara family, whose 
tribes reside on the coast of the southern part of California. On Santa Cruz, 
e. g., substantives were forming their plurals as follows: pu: pupu arm, hand, 
alapami: alalapami body, tupau: tutupau bow. Duplication of the consonant 
after the vowel also occurs: ulam: ululam river, wutchu: wutchwutcho dog. t 

In one of the dialects of the wide-stretching Selish family, that of the 
Flatheads of Idaho and Montana, we find that the reduplicated verb indicates 
severalty and not plurality. If our knowledge of the other numerous Selish 
dialects was more thorough, we would probably discover there the same 
fact. Rev. Gregory Mengarini gives the following instances in his ‘‘Gram- 
matica Linguee Selicze:” 

ieskbm I receive many things at once, ieskmkom I receive many things at 
different times. 


* Quoted from H. Steinthal, Characteristik, page 212. 
t Arte del idioma Pima 6 Nevome, in Shea’s Linguistic Series. 
t Contributions to North American Ethnology, vol. iii, pp. 560-565. 


REDUPLICATION. 265 


iés’ & azgam I look at all (of them) at once, iés’ az’azgam I look at each 
(of them) separately. 

That Selish dialect is able to reduplicate its nouns and verbs in two 
different ways, thereby conveying different meanings.* 

Similar forms appear in dialects of the Dakota family. In Omaha 
sdbé is black, said of an object near by and seen distinctly, shabé of a dis- 
tant object; sAsabé, shashabé when the black objects differ among themselves 
in size or other qualities; so also dshide: dshidshide red, dshinga: dshi"dshinga 
small, little, g¢ezé striped, g¢ezaza striped here and there or all over, g¢ezhé 
spotted, g¢ehaha spotted all over. 

There are examples of another sort of reduplication observed in the 
languages of North America, that of duplicating the last syllable of the 
word or its basis, either in part or in its whole length. In this manner are 
made distributive forms of the adjectives in the various dialects of the Sahap- 
tin and Maskoki families. As this feature does not occur in the Klamath 
language, a simple mention of it will suffice. 

Judging from the facts enumerated, it becomes quite probable that 
inflectional radical reduplication is in many other languages of the West a 
mark to indicate distribution or severalty, not plurality. Closer investiga- 
tion alone can give an ultimate decision concerning this obscure point in 
Indian linguistics. ° 


Terms with twofold reduplication. 


A closer study of the reduplicative process in Klamath reveals the fact 
that several terms, especially verbs, can reduplicate in a twofold manner. 
They have to be divided in two classes; the first embracing the terms of 
which the reduplicated forms are identical in their origin, and phonetically 
reducible upon each other; the second class embodying the terms of which 
the reduplicated forms differ in their function and point to a different pho- 
netic origin. 


*Mengarini, Gramm. p. 84: Unica res pluribus pertinens, reduplicatur tantum vocalis substantivi, 
non aliter ac in tertia persona plurali verborum dictum est. Vel agitur de rebus pluribus ad singulos 
pertinentibus, tune tantum radix etiam nominis duplicabitur juxta naturam substantivorum in plurali. 


266 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Of the first class we give the following instances: 
kmaka to look out, d. kaAk’mka and kmak’mka. 
kmélya to lay down, d. kékmelya and kmékmalza. 
ktana to sleep, d. kakta and ktakta. 
ptiedsha to throw away, d. peptidsha and pucpudsha. 
tméshka to abstract, d. tetmashka and tmetmiashka. 
tchlika to pinch with nails, d. tehitchlya, K1., and tchitchlaka, Mod. 
wa-ish productive, d. wawa-ish, K1., and wawawish, Mod. 


No difference in signification is stated between the two reduplicated 
forms of the terms above given, except for kmaka and kmélya; here kak’mka 
and kékmelya refers to a few objects only, from two to four, but the second, 
more complete forms refer to many objects. The same is stated of the verbs: 

laktcha to cut, sever, d. lAlakteha and lalkatcha. 

tékua to break, d. tetikua and tetkéwa. 

Here the second form is evidently derived from lakatcha and tekéwa, 
verbs which through the shifting of the accent gradually became laktcha, 
tékua. Hence the difference in the functions of the two reduplicated forms 
is a purely conventional one and not founded on etymology. Kékmelya 
has originated from kmékmelza, kmékmalya by the ekthlipsis of the sound 
m from the first syllable. 


Other verbal forms are as follows: 

kawakéega to rip up with the teeth, d. kakaukaga and kawakaukaga. 

uldgsha to lap, d. wla-ulaksha and wlakshulaksha. 

utchaya to split (as wood, ete.), d. u-utchdya and utcha-utchaya. 

With these and others formed in the same manner it is evident that 
the first form alone is a distributive and the second an iterative verb, and 
therefore a derivative of the radix or stem and not an inflectional form of it. 
Numerous terms beginning with u-, vu-, exhibit both modes of duplication 

The second class of terms showing a twofold reduplication are those 
which possess two distributive forms, of which the second is formed from 
the first one. 

shitkish jighter, d. shishékish, 2d d. shish’shékish. 

shalgia to put or place against, d. shashalgia, 2d d. shash’shalgia to quarrel, 

viz., to lay to the charge of. 


REDUPLICATION. 267 


hla; d. hlahla, lala to slope downwards, 2d d. lala‘la. The original mean- 
ing of hla (see Dictionary) must have been that of putting or 
placing on the flank of, to the side of, or intr. to be on the slope, flank. 
Cf. hla-a, 1al’laks. 

tina once, d. titna some time, 2d d. titatna a few times. 

shétalkash one who stands on his head, d. shéshtalkash; 2d d. sheshdshtal- 
kash funny fellow, wag. 

élya to lay down, é-alya, ii’-alya to read, d. ii-ii’-alya. 

upiéga to sweep, vuhupiéga to stir up, said of winds; d. vuhuhapiéga 

shina, d. shishna to enter the flesh, 2d d. shishashna. 


The difference between the two distributive forms as to signification 
follows from the nature itself of these forms; shitkish is one who is or has 
been a fighter on one occasion, shishékish, on several occasions, or a habitual 
fighter, shish’shékish one who fought many times or habitually on many occa- 
sions. Instances like these show that the language has the power of form- 
ing two (or perhaps more) distributive forms, one from the other, for every 
term in the language, as it is done in Flathead-Selish. But experience 
shows that the second form occurs but in a few instances in the spoken 
language, and that wherever it could be formed it often becomes phoneti- 
cally unwieldy, and is therefore replaced by some adjective, numeral, or 
pronoun; cf. sheshalkosh spectacles, pl. timi sheshalkosh. This is not a dis- 
tributive but simply a plural form Cf also shushatish, shushuténkish. 

There is a limited number of terms which reduplicate distributively 
only after the prefix, and therefore have to be considered as compound 


terms: 


hiapatyoksh stocking, d. hiapaipatyoksh. 

humasht thus, so, d. humamasht, K1. 

naishlakgish beetle-species, d. naishlashlakgish. 

shekaktcha to return blows; a term which is a d. form by itself, and 
assumed the above form instead of sheshkatcha to avoid being 
confounded with sheshkatcha, d. of shékatcha to become divorced. 

whlitua to let reach the feet, d. Whiilatua. 


268 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Different modes of reduplication. 


Of all words of the language not debarred from distributive reduplica- 
tion through phonetic or other causes perhaps not one-third shows this fea- 
ture in its regular form. Phonologic causes will account for the fact that 
so many terms have deviated from the regular standard form through 
elision, contraction, accent-shifting, and the like. As to the accent, it 
usually remains in the distributive form as many syllables remote from the 
word’s end as it was in the absolute form. 

There are but a limited number of terms in which the two dialects of 
Klamath differ as to their distributive form. But many terms of both dia- 
lects, owing to the fluctuating phonetics of the language, use an uncontracted 
and a contracted or apocopated form for it simultaneously and without any 
difference in their meaning or functions. Examples: 

gika to climb, d. gi’kaka and giig’ka. 

kidsha to dive, crawl, d. kikadsha and kiktcha. 

néta to fix on, d. nénéta and nénta. 

shulétish garment, d. shushaldétish and shushlotish. 

t’shin to grow, d. t’shit’shan and tit’shan, tit’sha. 

tii there, yonder, d. tita and ti't. 

Compare also atini long, tall, d. a-atini and a-itini, and its abbreviated 
form ati (in Dictionary). 

It will be seen that many of these are formed from terms which even 
in their absolute forms are not always pronounced in the same manner. In 
the examples given below we will make it a rule to mention only the most 
frequently used distributive forms. 

There are many terms of which the distributive form is but rarely used, 
being generally replaced by the absolute, accompanied by some term indi- 
cating plurality. Instances are the distributive forms of géna, laldgo, 
maklaks, ninka, tkap, ete. 

Two different modes of reduplication have to be distinguished through- 
out, the monosyllabic and the dissyllabic. 'The latter is less frequent than 
the former 

Monosyllabic reduplication, on account of the intricate phonology 


REDUPLICATION. 269 


manifested by its forms, necessitates a careful and minute classification into 
several categories. Terms with prefixes almost invariably belong to the 
classes No. 1 and No. 2 below. 


MONOSYLLABIC DISTRIBUTIVE REDUPLICATION. 


1. Reduplieation in a. 


The regular and most frequent form of monosyllabic distributive dupli- 
cation takes place when the vowel of the first syllable is short (or was so 
originally), and is marked by a short in the second syllable of the redupli- 
cated form. The vowel of the first syllable, provided it is short, is of no 
influence; the accent usually remains on the same syllable. In case the 


vowel is a diphthong, ef. Diphthongic reduplication. 


hashtya to pierce the nose, d. hahashtya. 
héshla to appear, d. hehashla. 

ilya to lay down, d. i-Alya, yalya. 

kpék gooseberry, d. kpdkpak. 

ktpkash torchlight, d. kukapkash. 
Idiglya to kneel down, a. ldildaglya. 
nép, né’p hand, d. nénap. 

punua to drink, d. pupanua. 

tiptipli dusky, d titaptipli. 

tchinua to vomit, d. tchutchanua. 


2. Reduplication with syncope of a. 


When the short a of the duplicated or second syllable, as described 
under No. 1 above, remains unaccented, and is left standing between two 
consonants, it becomes easily elided. No syllabic increase taking place, 
the accent keeps the place it occupied in the absolute form. 

heshémesh jewsharp, d. heh’shémesh, instead of hehashémesh. 

hdéyeka to leap, d. héhieza, instead of héhayeza. 

katak truly, d. kaktak, instead of kikatak. 

lalago pine-gum, d. lal’lago, instead of lalalago. 

mbi’ka to raise dust, d. mbai’mbza, instead of mbi/mbaya. 


270 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


nito to suppose, d. ninto, instead of ninato. 

shnikdéa to hurl, d. shnishnkdéa, instead of shnishnakéda. 
stawa to starve, d. shtashtua, instead of shtashtawa. 
to‘ke fire-place, d. td'tze, instead of td'taze. 


Shléa to see, find, forms shléshla and not shléshla-a, because the suffix 
-a, as a particle, does not really form a part of the verb. In shléshla the -a 
is therefore the product of the reduplicating process and not the final -a of 
shléa. It must be observed, however, that many verbs in 4-a keep this 
suffix in their distributive forms, it being secured there by the accent rest- 
ing on it. 

3. Reduplication without vocalic change. 

The vowel of the first syllable is long through synizesis or other causes, 
though it is not pronounced long in every instance. The vowel of the sec- 
ond or reduplicated syllable becomes long also, for it is the repetition of the 
preceding vowel. Many terms beginning with a vowel reduplicate in this 
manner, and I know of no instance of this sort of reduplication in which 
the first syllable is not the radical syllable. 

ilina to take down, d. i-ilina. 

ita to put on (long obj.), d. t-ita. 

kédshna to sprinkle (for ké-idshna), d. kekédshna. 

klipa mink, d. kliklipa. 

kfi’shka (for ku-ishka) to brush, d. kukt'shka. 

kiwash whippoorwill, d. kikiwash. 

Iédkanka to go astray, d. 1ol6’kanka. 

la’sh (for luash, ef. lushlushli) ewild goose, d. Tilosh. 

mhii’, KI. tmii’ grouse, d. mhi’mhfi, KI. tmii’tmi. 

ni’sh (from nfwa) neck, d. ninish. 

no‘kla to roast on coals, d. nénikla. 

sho/dshna (for shu-idshna) to carry in hand, d. shosho’dshna. 

shti’dsha to build a fire, d. shushti’dsha. 

shiitanka (for sh’hittanka) to come together, d. shushtitanka. 

tépa sunfish, d. tetépa. 

tudshna to carry on head (for tti-idshna), d. tuttidshna. 

wo6a, vu-tia to howl, as wolves, d. wowdéa, vu-u-ta. 


REDUPLICATION. 271 


4. Reduplication of diphthongic syllables. 


Several modes are observed in the reduplication of diphthongs which 
are very instructive for the study of the real nature and origin of diphthongs 
in this language. Diphthongs do not occur in prefixes, but when redupli- 
cated they are so only because they stand in radical syllables. 

a. The whole diphthong reappears in the second syllable, but the sec- 
ond component undergoes a change into a, as follows: 

lueléya to stand around, d. luelualdya. 

shuipkulish head-flattening cushion, d. shuishuapkutiish. 

Compare: kudnka fo limp, d. kuakudnka. 

b. The whole diphthong reappears in the second syllable, but in an 
unchanged form: 

hiuhiwa to be elastic, d. hiuhiuhiwa, abbr. hihiuhiwa 

tuéktueka to stare at, d. tuetucktueka. 

Cf. shiti fo give in a cup, d. shuishui for shtishui. 

c. The whole diphthong reappears in the second syllable, but in a con- 
tracted form: 

shuikina to drive away from water, d. shuishtkina. 

tuagea to evaporate, d. tudtiiga, instead of tudtuaga. 

tiieka to perforate, d. tuctoza, instead of tuétuaya. 

d. In the distributive form the diphthong of the absolute form is sepa- 
rated into its two component parts, of which the first stands in the initial, 
the second in the following syllable: 

yatiyawa to be noisy, d. yayéyawa, yayuyawa. 

ka-i, kaf white rabbit, d. kaki. 

ktiukish latch, bolt, d. ktiktukish. 

méwa to miaul, d. memtiwa. 

plaiwash gray eagle, d. p’lap’liwash. 

p'téwip niece, aunt, d. p’tép’tuip. 

té-ini, tefni recent, d. tetini. 

tchityesh hat, cap, d. tehdtchiesh. 

tchuyémash idler, d tehutchi-6mash. 

waiwash snow-goose, d. wiwiwash (and waweiwash). 

wiuldla to strike, d. wiwulala. 


Que GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


e. A similar process is observed also in some distributive forms, in 
which a diphthong beginning with a semi-vowel (y, w) is reduplicated: 

yahi beads, d. ydyahi, contr. into ya-ihi. 

yaki seed-basket, d. yayaki, contr. into y-iki. 

wakish inside ladder, d. wawakish, contr. into wa-ukish. 

wikani short, d. wiwakéni, contr. into wi-ukani. 

This sort of reduplication properly belongs to No. 2 above. 


5. Reduplication with vowel inverted. 


This mode of reduplication is not frequent; it mainly occurs in terms 
containing a combination of vowels which are not real diphthongs. 

kuatchaki to bite, itch, d. kakutchaki; cf. kudtecha 

mbuté’xe to jump over, d. mbambute’ze, for mbumbate’ ze. 

pttedsha to cast away, d. peptidsha and puépudsha. 

puélya to throw down, d pepuélya, for puepuélya. 

shewokaga to wag, d. shashewokdéga, for sheshawokaga. 

tiii’ma to be hungry, d. tetii’ma, for tiitii’ma. 

tehuafsh buzzard, d tehatchuish, for tehtitcha-ish. 

Cf. shashuakish, 84, 1, and Dictionary. 


It will be seen that this class is made up of several different modes of 
forming the distributive, and that puiedsha, puélya, tiii’ma properly belong 
to No. 40. 


6. Reduplication with elision of consonant. 


Terms reduplicating in this manner do not change the position of their 
accent from the absolute to the distributive form; it remains at the same 
distance from the end of the word. They drop in the first syllable their 
second initial consonant; in several of them the first consonant does not 
belong to the radix of the word, but is a prefix after which a vowel or & 
has once been standing. 

I have found this sort of reduplication only in terms beginning with 


k-, p-, t-, and teh- (ts-), followed by consonants like g, 1, m. Many terms 


~ 


REDUPLICATION. 238 


beginning with the same groups of consonants reduplicate in other ways. 
Cf. List of Prefixes. 

kmutchatko old, decrepit, d. kuk’mtchatko. 

ktana to sleep, d. kakta and ktakta. 

pléntant on the top of, d. pepléntant. 

tlézo, télézo brain, d. tétlyo. 

tmoyéga to begin, d. tot’myéga. 

tmékil green lizard, d. tétmkil. 

tmdlo, témdlo, tomdlo wild plum, d. tétmlo. 

tchgt’mla, shgu’mla to form hoarfrost, d. tchutchgdmla, shgushg4mla 

tchmdya to taste sour, d. tchotchmdya. 

tehléyatko smooth, d. tchutchlézatko. 


7. Reduplication with apocope of suffiz. 


Yn a limited number of terms the suffixes -na and -a after vowels are 
dropped in their distributive forms. The cause of this is the tendency of 
pronouncing words as short as possible and hence of dropping unaccented 
final vowels and syllables. 

a. Verbs in -na, when this suffix is not abbreviated from -éna, -ina, as 
in gasiktchna to follow, usually drop the -na; the suffixes -mna, -pna, being 
contractions from -ména, -péna, do not lose the -na in the duplicating 
process. 

géna to go away, d. gika, for géka, gégea. 

kshéna to carry on the arms, d. kshéksha, for kshékshana. 

ktana to sleep, d. ktakta and kakta. 

léna to move in a circle, d. léla. 

pana to dive, plunge, d. papa. 

To these may be added the verbs in -n, which drop the -n (originally 
-na) even in the absolute form: pan to eat, pat, patko; shlin to shoot, shla‘t, 
shlitko, ete. Cf. Verbal inflection. 

b. Verbs in -a preceded by a vowel. 

méwa to camp out, d. mémt, me’mii; cf. méwa to mew, d. memiwa. 

néya, né-i to hand over, d. néni. 


shléa to see, find, d. shléshla. 
18 


274 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


DISSYLLABIC DISTRIBUTIVE REDUPLICATION. 


The terms which duplicate two initial syllables to form a distributive 
are composed with prefixes, as i- (yi-), and chiefly with u- (vu-). These 
prefixes have coalesced with the radix so firmly as to become inseparable, 
and are now reduplicated with it without any alteration in sound. 

There are as many phonetic modes of reduplicating dissyllabically as 
there are of monosyllabic reduplication; to be brief, we will treat of them 
as belonging to two classes only, as follows: 


1. Reduplication im a. 


Instances of it are: 
udélgatko checkered, d. ude-udalgatko. 
udfta to chastise, d. udi-udata. 
udshiklya to fall while stumbling, d udshi-udshaklya. 
udtipka, vudtpka to whip, beat, udiidapka. 
udimtchna to swim on surface, udidamtchna. 
tal, viilal cottonwood tree, d. ila-ulal. 
uldplpa to flicker about, d. ula-ulaplpa. 
utchin to fish with net, d. utchi-utchan. 


2. All other modes of reduplication. 


Gathered under one head, this list contains instances of the phoneti- 
cally altered modes of distributive reduplication described under ‘“Mono- 
syllabic distributive reduplication.” 


Reduplication with syncope of a: 
uddma to cover a vase, d. udd-udma. 


udoyétkish whip, d. udo-udz6tkish. 


Reduplication without vocalic change: 
hilidshna, yilédshna to push away, d. hilu-hiltidshna. 
yimé’shka to abstract, d. yime-ime’shka. 


uyozatko striped, streaked, a. wyo-uyozatko. 


REDUPLICATION. 275 


Reduplication of diphthongie syllables: 
uldyue éo scatter, d. ula-uliwe. 
ulawa to spear through a hole, d. ula-ilhua. 


utaiwa to shake off, d. utd-utua. 


Reduplication with apocope of suffix: 
ibéna to dig, d. ibépa, hipépa (for ibé-ipa). 


Distributive forms in -ishap. 


Contrary to the linguistic principle of reduplicating the initial syllable, 
or part of it, to indicate severalty, a class of nouns comprehending terms of 
relationship by consanguinity or marriage appends the terminal -ishap. 
These forms, which in many instances seem to have also the function of 
plurals, are formed in this manner: To the terminals -ap, -ip, of the absolute 
Jorm is substituted the uniform ending -ishap. There are even a few terms in 
-sh, which through the law of analogy have adopted the above ending in 
the distributive, simply because they belong to the terms of relationship, as 
pa’ktish brother's child, d. pa’ktishap. 

The suffix -shap is evidently a compound of the nominal ending -sh and 
the suffix -p; the intervening vowel -a- seems duplicated from -i- in -ishap 
and altered to -a- by dissimilation. The suffix -p points to intransferable 
ownership; cf. List of Suffixes. 


Instances of these forms are: 

mulgap brother- and sister-in-law, d. milgishap. 

pa-anip elder brother or sister, d. pa-anishap. 

p’kishap mother, d. p’kishishap. 

pkulip grandmother ete , d. pkilishap. 

pligship grandfather and grandchild, a. pligshishap. 

pshaship stepmother, stepchild, d. pshashishap. 

tzé-unap elder brother, d. tzé-unishap. 

Other terms possess two distributive forms; one in -ishap, the other 
being formed in the regular manner: 

mikokap aunt, niece ete., d. makokishap, maimkokap. 

ptéwip grandmother etc., d. ptéwishap, pteptéwip. 


276 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ptishap father, d. pti’shishap, ptiptashap. 

ptchikap brother-in-law ete., d. ptchdéptchashap, ptchtiiptchkap, and 
others, like pttitap, ete. Ptehdptchashap is the result of a combi- 
nation of both forms of reduplication. 


The ending -ni is another instance where the language reduplicates the 
end and not the initial parts of a term to form distributive reduplication, as 
in nepnini, yanakanini. Cf. Suffix -ni. 


Nomina verbalia formed by distributive reduplication. 


By appending -ish to the stem or basis of a verb generally of the tran- 
sitive voice, verbal nouns are formed indicative of animate beings, persons, 
animals, or personified things performing the action enunciated in the verb. 
When -uish is appended, the substantive noun thus formed indicates that 
the subject in question has been performing the action in time past. The 
forms in -ish and in -uish may undergo the process of distributive redupli- 
cation, like the verb itself, and then indicate an animate being that és or 
was performing the action at different times or occasions repeatedly, habit- 
ually, or gradually. A few intransitive verbs like taménu form similar 
derivatives, but with transitive verbs this feature is much more common. 


Examples: 

lutétkish one who interprets or expounds. 

lutatkuish former interpreter, one who was expounding. 

lultatkish habitual interpreter or expounder. 

lultatkuish former habitual interpreter or one who employed himself requ- 
larly in expounding. 

tamnuish one traveling (here -u- belongs to the verb itself). 

tatamnuish constant, habitual traveler ; tramp; kétla-tatamnuish mole, lit. 
“walker in the ground.” 


Many nouns of this class, called nomina agentis, or ‘“performer’s nouns,” 
are found to occur in the absolute form, as shnantatchlyish trapper; but 


they are used more frequently in the distributive form, and then should be 


REDUPLICATION. - QTE 


called nomina actoris. Yndeed, the larger portion occurs only in the redu- 
plicated shape; thus we have: 


laldsish house-builder, architect, from latcha to build. 

papish devourer, from pan to eat; cf. maklaks-papfsh. 
papatalish parasite, cf. patadsha to stretch the hand out. 

papalish thief, from palla to steal. 

pépuadshnish prodigal, spendthrift, from ptedsha to throw away. 
shashapkél¢-ish rhapsodist, narrator, from shapa to narrate. 
shushatish (and shitesh) worker, maker, from shita to make. 
tetadshish launderer, laundress, from tédsha to wash. 
tetémashkish pilferer, from téméshka to abstract. 


Exactly in the same manner are formed a number of substantives desig- 
nating inanimate objects (or abstractions), which are the result of reiterated 
acts and appear in the distributive form. They are formed by means of the 
suffix -ash, and are nomina acti: 


papkash lumber, club, from paka to break. 
kézpash mind, from kdépa to think (Mod.). 
shashapkéléash narrative, story, from shapa to narrate. 


The form of the preterit in -uish also occurs: 
shutédshanuish plow’s furrow; from shutédshna to perform on one’s way. 


Like this word, the largest number of the nomina acti do not show the 
reduplicated form of the first syllable. 

Distributive reduplication also occurs in the absolute form of a few 
verbs, which are suggestive of collectivity, severalty, or distribution. Some 
of them show phonetic irregularity in their formation. 


a’-alya, d. dii’-alya to read, from élya to lay down. 

leliwa to stand at the end of, from lawa to project. 

papii’na to have a picnic, from pan to eat. 

sheshzé'la to act extravagantly, from kii‘la to disport oneself. 
shéshatui to barter, sell, from shétua to count. 


278 GRAMMER OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ANATHESIS. 


Another change affecting the vocalic element of the radix in verbs and 
their nominal derivations occurs when the verbs pass over into their reflect- 
ive and reciprocal forms, and it may be sometimes observed also in their 
causative and medial derivatives. These forms are produced by prefixing 
either s-, sh-, shn-, the medial prefix, or h-s-, h-sh-, h-shn-, which is the 
medial prefix increased by the pronominal demonstrative particle hu abbre- 
viated to h-, and pointing to an object in close vicinity or contiguity. 

The process of vocalic anathesis consists in the following: Whenever 
a verb forms derivatives by means of the above compound prefix h-sh-, these 
derivatives are vocalized like the distributive form of that verb; the first 
syllable assumes the vocalic sound of the radix (diphthongs have their own 
rules), the radical syllable assumes the vocalic sound of the second syllable 
of the verb’s distributive form. Many derivatives formed simply by the 
medial prefix s-, sh-, shn- do not show this anathesis, but merely exhibit 
the vocalization of the simple verb, as shalgia from lakia, spitcha from 
pitcha, shtalaka from talaka, shtchtiyatko from tehika. 


l—Anathesis in terms formed by the medial prefix s-, sh-, shn-: 

kéléwi to stop, d. kékélui, caus. shnékelui to remove from position. 

kilua to be angry, a. kikalua, caus. shnikalua to irritate. 

kshitilya to dance, d. kshikshtlya, caus. shnikshtilya to make dance. 

kélpka to be hot, d. kekalpka, caus. shnekalpka to heat. 

kéka to bite, d. kokéka, refl. shukdéka to bite oneself. 

ndshima-a to look on, d. ndshandshéma-a, caus. shnandsh(a)ma-a to 
amuse by tricks, lit.: “to cause to look on.” 

nge’sha to shoot arrows, d. ngengé’sha, refl. shengé’sha. 

pniwa to blow, d. pnipnu, refl. shipnti to be full of air, ef. shipnush. 

ptchikap sister-in-law, d. ptchik’shap, refl. shiptchydlaltko related as 
brother-in-law or sister-in-law. 

tédsha to wash, d. tetadsha, refl. shetatcha to wash one’s head. 

tiipakship younger sister, d. titpakship, refl. shutpaksdltko related as 
brother and sister. 


RADICAL SYLLABLE CONNECTED WITH AFFIXES. 279 


Il.—Anathesis in terms formed by the compound prefix h-s-, h-sh-, h-shn-: 
hinui to fall down, d. hihdnui, caus. hishénui fo fell. 
kintchna to travel in file, d. kikAntchna, recipr. hishkantchna. 
nuta to burn, d. ninata, ninta, refl. hushnata to burn oneself: 
shiuga ¢o kill, d. shishika, recipr. and refl. hisht‘ka. 
shlin to shoot, hit, d. shlishlan, recipr. and refi. hishlan. 
shm0o'k beard, refl. hushmo‘kla to shave oneself, from an obsolete shmo’kla. 
shnuika to seize, d. shnishnya, recipr. hishnya to shake hands. 
spuli to lock up, d. spushpali, refl. hushpali to lock oneself in. 
stinta to love, cherish, d. stistanta, recipr. and refl. hishtanta. 


IlL—RADICAL SYLLABLE CONNECTED WITH AFFIXES. 


In polysyllabic languages we do not often meet with radical syllables 
in their original and nude shape, and forming words for themselves. When 
the process of word-formation increases in energy and extent, the radix is 
beset and preyed upon more and more by its affixes through shifting of 
accent, vocalic and consonantic alterations, elision of sounds, and other 
necessary concomitants of advanced agglutination. In languages where 
the phonetic laws have great sway it often becomes difficult, as to certain 
terms, to recognize the elements belonging to the radical syllable. 

Affixes are the links of relation connecting the radical syllables of the 
words which compose a sentence. ‘They are real or altered radicals them- 
selves, and when they no longer appear as roots it is because they were 
phonetically disintegrated into fragments by the continual wear and tear of 
the process of word-formation. Their function is to point out the various 
relations of the radix to the words it is brought in contact with; thus being 
exponents of relation they derive, for the largest part at least, their origin 
from pronominal roots or roots of relational signification. In Klamath some 
of them exist also as independent radicals, and figure as pronouns, pronom- 
inal particles or conjunctions (hi, hu, ka, ka-a, ete.). 

Affixes do not always express pure and simple relation, or strictly 
formal connection between the various parts of the sentence, as, e. g., the 
idea of possession, of subject and object, of person, number, and tense; but 


280 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


many of them, in American languages especially, express categories, as that 
of exterior shape, dimension, and proportion of the object or subject spoken 
of, of its distance from the speaker, or of the special mode by which an act 
is performed. Such particular notions qualifying the function of the radix 
are of a material or concrete import, and frequently result in polysynthesis 
or triple, quadruple, ete., compounding of the affixes. These combinations 
of several affixes may contain only relational affixes of a purely grammatie 
character, but in Klamath more frequently contain affixes of both classes— 
the relational and the material. A few examples will illustrate this. 

A word composed of a radical and of purely formal or relational affixes 
only is, e. g., shilalsht when having fallen sick. Here i- in ila to lay down 
represents the radix, sh- is the medial prefix which makes out of fla: shila 
to lay oneself down, though used only in the sense of to be (chronically) sick. 


b 


The suffix -al-, -ala, implies the “becoming”, “falling into a state or con- 
dition”, and is here of an inchoative signification; -sh is a suffix forming 
nouns and verbals, -t the suffix of the conditional mode. 

Terms composed of a radix and of material and relational affixes are as 
follows: 

Lupatkuéla may be translated by to produce a scar, but the term has 
its special use. The radix pat appears in mp ita fo beat, strike upon with a 
tool, upita to wound, wWhlopatana, patpatli, etc., and the prefix lu- shows that 
the blow is inflicted with a round article. The suffix -ka (here -k-) is that 
of factitive verbs, -ucla adds the idea of dowovhill, downward to verbs of 
motion, and thus the full import of the above verb is that of producing a 
wound, or more frequently a scar, being foreed downward or to the ground by 
a round article, as a wheel. 

Né-upka to empty into is said only of the influx of a watercourse into an 
extended sheet of water, as a lake, not of the confluence of two rivers un- 
less very wide. The radix of né-upka or néwapka is éwa to be fill, as of 
water, the prefix n- is indicative of something spread out, level, or extend- 
ing to the horizon, and the suffix -pka usually refers to distance. 

Shlelytchandlatko left behind while walking. The radical is here e, of 
pronominal origin, which we also find in fla (éla), d.i-dla ¢o lay down. With 


the suffix -lza, which generally points to a downward motion, e- forms ¢élza 


“o 


ROOT WITH AFFINES. 981 


to deposit, to lay down. The compound prefix shl-, sl- referring to garments 
or other flexible articles for personal use, and the derivation-suffix -tchna 
(here inverted as tchan ) pointing to an act performed while marching, 
moving, are joined to shlélza and make shlélytchna of it. To this is added 
-6la, the completive suffix, which can be fitly rendered here by “altogether”, 
and the participial suffix of the passive -tko, so that the whole term, for 
accurate rendering, necessitates a circumscriptive phrase like the following: 
dropped and left behind altogether something garment-like while walking. 

Taludlzank lying on ground face turned upward. Radix ta-, thematic root 
tal-, occurring with change of vowel in télish face, télshna (for télishna) to 
behold; basis talu-, u- meaning upward; -alya, compound word-formative 
suffix of a factitive nature (-ka); -ank, inflectional termination of the parti- 
ciple, usually referring to the present tense. 

In the examples given the affixes pointing to round articles, sheet-like 
objects, distance, and downward direction are of the material order; all 
others I eall relational affixes. The perusal of the words in the Dictionary 
affords the best method of distinguishing the two. 

An affix is called a prefix when placed before the radical syllable, an 
infix when inserted into it, and a suffix when appended to it. Affixes fulfill 
two purposes of grammar: that of inflection, nominal and verbal; that of 
derivation or formation of derivative words. Not always can a strict line 
be drawn between these two processes of forming the units of speech, and 
in Klamath there are affixes which are in use in both categories. Some 
pronominal roots figure at times as prefixes, at other times as suffixes, as 
hi (i), hu (u), ma, p, and others, while nominal affixes like -tana are verbal 
affixes also, a fact which is partly due to the imperfect distinction between 
verb and noun. 

But a thorough distinction between the prefixes and the suflixes of this 
language lies in the circumstance that the former are used for derivation 
only, while the suffixes possess either derivational or inflectional functions, 
or both simultaneously. J therefore present the affixes of Klamath in two 
alphabetic lists, that of the prefixes and that of the suffixes. More facts con- 
cerning them will be considered under the caption of ‘‘ Verbal Inflection.” 


282 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


LIST OF PREFIXES. 


The function of Klamath prefixes is to form derivatives, not inflectional 
forms, from radicals. Prefixes are not so numerous as suffixes, nor do they 
combine into compound prefixes so extensively as suffixes. There is no safe 
instance on hand where a combination of more than three prefixes occurs. 
A triple-compound is, e. g., ktchiutchatchka to trample upon, said of one sub- 
ject; it stands for kshiutchatchka (ksh-, ya-, u-), ef. yushtchka to put the 
foot on something. Another is shu-ishtchaktchka to turn the head for a bite, 
from hishtchikta to be angry. he prefix ino-, inu- may be considered as 
triple also; but such combinations are rare. Suffixes, however, are found 
to combine into groups of four or five. 

The remarkable fact is presented by the vocalic prefixes, preceded or 
not by a consonant, that they often become the radical syllable of the word 
(verb or noun). Thus in lita to be suspended, said of a round subject only, 
lu- is as well the prefix (not I- only) as the root. This may be observed 
in words beginning with a-, e-, i-, ksh-, t-, and with other prefixes. 

A large number of intransitive verbs change their initial syllable or syl- 
lables to indicate a change in the number of the subject, as hidshna to hurry, 
run, speaking of one; tishtchna, speaking of two or three, tinshna of many 
subjects. The syllables undergoing the change should rather be considered 
as radical syllables than as prefixes, as may be shown by the analogy of 
many transitive verbs which undergo similar or still more thorough changes 
when passing from one number to another. 

All the prefixes will be found classified below under the caption “ Re- 
capitulation of the Prefixes.” The function of each prefix found in verbs 
extends also to the nomina verbalia formed from these verbs. The catego- 
ries of grammar which are chiefly indicated by prefixation are the genus 
verbi; number, form or shape, attitude and mode of motion of the verbal subject 
or object.’ ; 

as, verbal and nominal prefix referring to long and tall articles (as 


poles, sticks), also to persons when considered as objects of elongated shape 
‘A short stay in the Indian Territory, Modoc Reservation, has supplied me with a new stock of 

Modocterms. Manyof these have been inserted as examplesiu the Grammar from this page o..ward, and, 

though obtained from Modoes, the majority of them form part of the Klamath Lake dialect as well. 


LIST OF PREFIXES. 283 


Like u-, the prefix a- originally referred to one object only, plurality of 
objects being expressed by i-; but this now holds good for a few terms only. 
It differs from tg-, tk-, now occurring only as part of a radical syllable des- 
ignating immobility of one subject standing upright, by pointing to long 
things which need not necessarily be in an erect position. 


agedya to be suspended and to hang up, pl. of long obj. iggaya; cf. its 
derivatives ago-idsha ete. 

aggédsha to describe a circle, as the hand of a watch. 

akatchga to break, as sticks, poles. 

amniamna, Aamnadsha to speak, cry aloud on one’s way. 

alahia to show, point out, as a tree. 

dtpa, pl. of obj. itpa to carry away. 

atchiga to wring out, twist. 


Prefix a- occurs in the following substantives : 
Amda digging-tool, from méa, méya to dig. 
adshagétkish violin, fiddle. 


awalésh thigh of a quadruped’s hind leg. 


The prefix a- also appears in ai- or e7-, a-i-, e-i-, the initial syllable of 
verbs referring to a motion performed with the head. In ai-, ei-, the vowels 
a-, e-, point by themselves to a long or tall object. 


aika, efya, and afkana fo stick the head out, from ika. 

aityamna to be or grow smaller than, said of plants only, the tops of which 
are considered as heads; from ityamna. 

eflaka to lay the head down upon; from ila, ef. fla. 

eitakta to hide the head under, to place it between two things, as blankets ete. 


@-, prefix pointing to long-shaped objects, sometimes when single, but 


more frequently when in quantities. Cf. also ei-, ai-, under prefix a-. 
| | » al-, I 


élktcha to leave behind, as a rope. 

élya to lay down, deposit, as a rifle. 

émtchna to carry, as an infant tied to its board. 

épka to fetch, to bring, as arrows. 

etlé’zi to lay crosswise, as logs; pl. of obj. itle’yi, Mod. 


284 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


There is difference in signification between édsha to suck and idsha to 
cause to go, épka to bring and tpka to lie upon, to keep, Ewa and {wa ete. 
Substantives with prefix e- are: ¢lhuish backbone, épat a tall grass 


he is a prothetic sound found in many words beginning in vowels and 
consonants, which is “ecidwous and without any distinct grammatic functions, 
except that of emphasizing. Cf. hla-a and lé-a, hiwidsha and iwidsha, 
hutatchkia and utdtchkia. Therefore h- cannot be considered as a_ prefix, 
unless connected with the medial prefix sh- in the form of h-sh, q. v. Cf. 


-h-, under ‘‘Infixes.” 


he-she, /-s-, h-shn-, compound prefix serving for the derivation of 
reflective, reciprocal, and causative verbs and their nominal derivatives. 
The intransitive verbs formed by means of this prefix are but few in number. 
The derivation is performed by means of the vocalie anathesis described, pp: 
278,279. As stated there, the prefix h-sh- is composed of the demonstrative 
radix h in hu, pointing to contiguity, and of the medial prefix sh-, q. v. 
The vowel standing after h- is that of the radical syllable, and no instance 
occurs where a diphthong occupies this place. In the majority of instances 
the medial form in sh , from which the other originated, is still preserved in 
the language; but there are a few where the stem without prefix has sur- 
vived alone. These few verbs are all of a causative signification: 


hashpa to feed, hashpkish fodder, der. pan to eat. Cf. spalala. 
héshtcha to suckle, der. édsha to suck. 

heshudmpéli to restore to health, der. wémpéli to recover. 
hishanui to fell, cut down, der. hinui to fall. 

hushpanua to give to drink, der. ptinua to drink. 


The following verbs and nouns, classified according to the genus verbi to 


which they belong, form an addition to the examples given above, p. 278 sq.: 


CAUSATIVE VERBS: 
hashla-iza to smoke (meat), der. shlé-ika it smokes. 
hash‘ka to perforate the nose, ear, der. sttika to stab, pierce. 


hashpankua to ford a river on horseback, der. pankua to wade through. 


LIST OF PREFIXES. 285 


héshla to show, exhibit, der. shléa to see. 

heshe’gsha to complain, der. she’gsha to report. 
hishtadsha to bring up, educate, der. t’shin to grow 
hishtinua to apply song-medicine, der. shuina to sing 
hushnéya to bake, cook, der. shnuya to parch, dry. 
hushpatchta to scare, frighten, der. spitchta to scare. 
hushtizya to make dream, der. tuiza to dream. 

hushaka to drive out of a den ete., der. shtika to drive out. 


RECIPROCAL VERBS: 
héshkti to make mutual bets, der. shid to bet. 
heshto'lya to live as man and wife, der. shetd/lya to cohabit 
hishamkanka to tell each other, der. hemkanka to speak. 
hushtchdéka to kill each other, der. tehdka to perish. 
hushtiwa to prick each other, der. téwa to drive into. 
hushpantehna to walk arm in arm. der. sotinshna to take along. 


REFLECTIVE VERBS: 
hakshgaya to hang oneself, der. kshaggiya to hang up; presupposes a 
longer form hashkshgaya. 
hushkaknéga to besmear oneself, der. kaknéga to soil. 
hiishtka to stab oneself, der. sttika to stab; cf. hashtka. 
hushtapka to prick oneself, der. stipka to prick, puncture. 
hushpali to lock oneself up or in, der. spuli to lock up. 


i-, iy-, y- (No. 1), prefix of transitive verbs and their derivatives, re- 
ferring to an act performed with or upon a plurality of persons or elon- 
gated objects, or on objects referred to collectively, when not in a stand- 
ing, immovably erect position; when the object stands in the singular, the 
prefixes corresponding to i- are a-, e-, ksh-, u-, q. v. In the distributive 
torm this prefix often appears as i-i-, instead of showing the regular form 


i-a-, as in 1-iggaya, i-idshna. 


idsha to make go, carry off; one obj., éna. 
itpa to carry, convey, take along with; one obj., atpa. 


iggdaya to suspend, hang up; one obj., aggaya, kshaggdya, 


286 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


idiika, idipka to strike, as with a club; one obj., udtika, uduipka. 
tyamna, i-amna to take along with; one obj., tyamna, 
i-ani, yani to give long articles ; one obj., ttya, 6-1. 


itle’yi to lay crosswise; one obj., etlé’zi (Mod.). 


Terms in which this prefix relates indiscriminately to one or many per- 


sons or long articles are the derivatives of tka and itpa; cf. the Dictionary. 


i-, y- (No. 2), locative prefix referring to the ground, soil, is identical 
with the locative adverb i, hi, and the suffix -i. It composes the suffixes 
yan-, yu-, and appears as i-, y-, only in a limited number of terms as the 


radical syllable. 


ibéna, KI. yépa to dig in the ground, to mine. 


ina, d. yana downward, down; yaina, ete. 


This prefix refers to the individual or ‘self” in iha to hide, secrete, con- 


ceal, and to the lodge or home in iwi, hiwi, iwidsha to fetch, bring home. 


iIno-, iu-, triple prefix composed of the adverb ina ({ on the ground, 
-na demonstrative particle) and the prefix u-, which in one of the two terms 
below points to singular number, in the other to distance. Cf. the prefixes 


i- and yan-, which latter is the distributive form of ina-. 


inotila to put or send below, underneath; cf. utila. 


inuhuashka to keep off, prevent; cf. hudshka. 


yane, ya-, compound prefix indicating an act performed with the feet, 
or upon the ground, underground or underneath, below some object. This 
prefix is nothing else but the adverb yadna downward, down below, which 
represents the distributive form of ina, q. v., composed of { on the ground, 
and the demonstrative radix and case-suffix -na. Etymologically related 
to ina, yana are: yafna mountain (from yayana), yépa to dig, scratch up, 
yé-ush den of burrowing animal. The prefix yan-, ya-, often becomes the 
radical syllable of the verb. 

yadshapka to mash, mangle ; cf. ndshapka, tatchapka. 


yatashlza to press down; ef. yétsyaka. 


LIST OF PREFIXES. 287 


yana to hand or bring from below. 

yanhua to be quite sick, lit. “to be down”: yana, wa. 
yankapshti to bar an entrance, den. 

yantana to put down into; from yana, itana, or itna. 
yaka’sha to press down with the foot. 


yashtchka to step on something. 


The prefix ya-, y-, combines also with initial e-, i-, into one diphthong, 
as in yéwa to burrow, yitchizua to squeeze down from with the foot, as some 


fatty matter. 


yu-, a prefix analogous in its functions to yan-, ya-, pointing to an act 
performed in a downward direction, or upon the ground, or | elow some 
object upon or by means of a long article, as the foot. It is a combination of 
i-, y-, with the prefix u-, q. v. The prefix yu- generally becomes the rad- 


cal syllable. 


yuia (for yiwa) to strike the ground or water. 
yudshliktkal to slip with the feet. 

yulalina to fall over an edge, rim. 

i-unéga, yunéga to be below the horizon, as sun ete. 
yumadsha to be at the lower end. 

i-uta, yuta to be heavy, ponderous. 

yutalpéli fo twist, as paper, cloth. 

yushtchka to put the foot on. 

yuwethuta to kick with both feet. 


K-, gi-, prefix formed from the adverb ke, ki, Mod. kie thus, so, in this 


manner. 


kishéwa, gishéwa to think so, to be of the opinion, der. shéwa, héwa to 
believe. 
kshapa, gishapa to say so, to state, to suppose, der. shapa to declare. 


ki-, ke-, ge-, abbreviated k-, g-, is a prefix occurring in transitive and in- 


transitive verbs and their derivatives, pointing to an act performed obliquely, 


288 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


laterally, or a motion directed sidewise toward an object.. Forms several 
compound suffixes; not to be confounded with ki- appearing in radical syl- 


lables as gi-, gin-, kin-, ete. 


kiapka to recline sidewise; ef. ipka to lie. 

kiuliga, nasalized nyiuliga to fall down upon sidewise, to drizzle; cf. 
laliga. 

kiatéga to go in laterally. 

kiuyéga to raise, hoist up obliquely, sidewise, to lift above oneself. 

kiukaya to hang out sidewise ; kiuks conjurer, ef. Dictionary, p. 135. 

kiutchna to hold up while moving, traveling. 

kitkuga, kianéga to move, rub laterally. 

kidsha to creep, crawl, swim; ef. idsha, kidshash. 

kima’dsh ant, viz., ‘moving, traveling laterally.” 

klatcha, gelitsa to move the hand sidewise. 

knéwa to put out obliquely the fish-line; der. néwa. 

kpél tail, tail-fin; der. p’lat. 

kléna, gléna to hop, walk on one leg. 

knanilash small bat species; viz., ‘fluttering down obliquely.” 


Kime, a prefix resulting from the combination of the prefix k- (abbre- 
viated from ki-) and ma- (abbreviated m-), the latter indicating a curvi- 
linear motion or object; km- therefore refers to a lateral and curvilinear 
motion or to the winding shape of an object, such as a rope, thread, 


wrinkle, ete. 


kmapat’hiénatko wrinkled, furrowed. 

kmélza to lay down, said of thread, ropes, ete. 
kmtyulatko shaggy. 

kmukdltgi to become wrinkled by wetting. 
kmutltkaga and kmutcho’sha to bubble up in water. 


Ksh-e, ks- is the verbal gish, kish of the verb gi to be, in the significa- 
tion of being there, and as a suflix it appears, augmented with -i, as the loca- 
tive suffix -gishi, Kl. -kshi, redupl. -ksaksi. The prefix kshi- is found only 


in terms conveying the idea of placing, laying upon, holding, or giving, 


LIST OF PREFIXES. 289 


also in a few intransitive verbs of a locative import. Originally it referred 
to one animate being only, and still does in the majority of terms, though 
kshéna, kshawina, and others apply to inanimate objects of long shape also. 
The vowel following the prefix generally points to the exterior form of 
the object or subject referred to, although in many cases it is no longer a 
prefix, but has become a radical vowel, and undergoes a change whenever 
plurality of the verbal object or subject has to be indicated. Many of the 
transitive verbs refer to one or a collective object carried upon the arm or 
arms. Not to be confounded with kish-, which forms verbs of ‘‘ going” in 
the singular number. 

kshaggaya to hang somebody; cf. aggaya, iggaya, shuggaya. 

kshawala to fiz, tie, or deposit above ; ef. iwala. 

kshélktcha to leave behind, quit; ef. lélktcha, shlélktcha. 

kshélya to lay down; cf. élya, lélka, nélya, ete. 

kshikla to lay down and to lie on, in; der. fkla. 

kshfuléza to dance; der. yulya. 

kshtiya to give, transfer ; cf. ya, liya, néya, shui. 

kshutila to lie below; cf. utila, i-utila, gintila. 


Kte-, prefix combining k- (cf. supra) with t-, which is indicative of 
length or tallness, upright attitude, and usually refers to one person or ob- 
jectonly. The combination kt- therefore refers to a lateral motion observed 
on one standing, long subject or object, but in some instances is so intimately 
fused with the verbal radix that it becomes difficult to distinguish it from this. 


ktashlya to press down by hand. 

ktawal to strike upon the head laterally. 

ktélya to let down, drop a long object, der. élya. 
ktiudshna to push aside, der. hidshna or yidshna. 
ktiuyéga to push open, der. uyéga; cf. luyéga, shuyéga. 
ktiuléza to make descend, der. yulya. 

ktiwala, ktiwalya to lift or to post upon, der. iwala. 
ktika, kttyua to hit with the hand. 


kui-, gui-, ku-, gu-, prefix representing the adverb kui away from, far, 


distant, on the other side, ku-, gu-, being its apocopated forms. It is prefixed 
19 


290 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


to the verbs of traveling, leaving, departing, and sometimes becomes the 
radical syllable. The terms derived from géna to go present themselves for 
comparison. 


guhudshka and guhudshktcha to depart, to set out from; ef. inuhudshka. 
ettikaka to leave home, to run off: : 


euikinsha to start out from. 
ettizi, guikidsha to cross over, to pass. 
kuydntcha to fly at a great distance. 


ktshka, gii‘shka to leave, abandon; der. ishka. 


I=, prefix occurring in verbs and nouns descriptive of or referring to 
a round or rounded (globular, cylindric, disk- or bulb-shaped, annular) or 
bulky exterior of an object, to an act performed with such an object, and 
to circular, semicircular, or swinging motions of the person, arms, hands, or 
other parts of the body. Thus this prefix is found to refer to the clouds, 
the celestial bodies, rounded declivities (especially of the earth’s surface), 
to fruits, berries, and bulbs, stones and dwellings (these being mostly of a 
round shape); also to multitudes of animals, rings, and crowds of, people, 
for a crowd generally assumes a round shape. It originally referred to 
one object or subject only, and does so still in many instances; it occurs in 
transitive as well as in intransitive verbs with their derivatives, often forms 
part of the radical syllable and composes other prefixes, as lya-, lu-, shl-. 
The manifold applications of this prefix necessitate subdivision. 


(a) l-, when referring to one round object and forming part of a trans- 
itive verb, frequently occurs accompanied by the vowel u- (referring to long 
articles) in the form lu-,lo-. When a plurality of round objects is spoken 
of, pe- often takes the place of lu-: 

ludshipa to take off from; udshipa a long object; ef. idshipa, shulshipa. 

luyéga to lift or pick up; pe-uyéga many round objects. 

Iiyamna to hold in hand; ef. pé-ukanka. 

luya to give; to pay in coin; ef. péwi, ya, néya. 

lushantchna to scratch a round hole. 


lutya to take away, to wrench from; ti'tza a long object; ef. litkish. 


LIST OF PREFIXES. 291 


(6) l-.oceurs in intransitive verbs and their nominal derivatives, and 
then points to several, but more frequently to one subject of rounded or 
bulky shape. 


laggdya to be hung up, to stand on the sky; cf. aggaya, iggaya. 
lawala to be on, to spread over the top of; ct. lawalash, nawalash, iwal. 
Ibéna to dig a round hole; \ba seed or grain. 

Ibtka bulb or round fruit growing on the ground. 

Idtikala to pick up a round object; ef. ndakal, itkal. 

léna to move in a round line, to ride on wheels; ef. éna. 

lia it is foggy, misty; liash fog; lildam season of fogs. 

lidshna to drift, as clouds, fog; from hidshna to speed off: 

lita to stick or hang on; litish round fruit; utish ear-shaped fruit. 
lutila to be underneath, to stand below; ef. utila, i-utila. 


(c) l- sometimes refers to slopes, declivities of the ground, or motions 
observed, acts performed along such. ‘The original form of the prefix ap- 
pears to be in this case la-; it is the uneven or rounded irregular configura- 
tion of the slope which is indicated by 1-. 


lawa to project, as a cape, promontory; laldwash slate-rock. 
lala to slope downward; ldlash flank of animal. 

hlaa to foal, breed, viz., ‘‘to come down the flank”; ef. lala-ish. 
lapka to protrude, as cheekbones. 

lémtna bottom, depth in the earth or water; cf. mti’na. 


(d) lus, lui-, lue-, le-, li-. Terms beginning with these syllables form 
a distinct class of intransitive verbs. They refer to a crowding together into 
a bulk, ring, crowd, or multitude, all of which when viewed from a distance 
look like a circular or round body, a form which is pointed at by the prefix 
l-. The above syllables embody the radicals of the terms in question as 
well as the prefix. The verbs thus formed will be mentioned below as in- 
volving the idea of plurality, the singular being formed in various ways. 
To them belong luflamna, likantatka, liutita, litpka, ]élua, 1é-uptecha; only 
one of these has a transitive signification, lvela ¢o kill, massacre. 


292 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


(e) Ilyas, lze-, lke- is a radix with the prefixed ]- occurring in words 
which indicate wave motion or articles of a wavy, striped, undulating ex- 
terior. The radix ya-, xe-, ke- is a reflective form of ka-, ga-, ke-, ge- oc- 
curring in gdkua, ganta, géna, géwa; it points to a moving, proceeding, going 
of the subject. In this connection the function of the prefix ]- approaches 
closely to that of (c) above mentioned. 


lyan to undulate; lyash billow, wave. 

Ikakimitko striped horizontally; \kelkatkitko striped vertically. 
lyalyamnish long bag or sack, grain-bag. 

lyet’knila to hang down from mouth in wavy lines. 

lyawaltko provided with antlers. 

IkApata to form surf; from lyan, q. v. 

u-léyatko flexible and long, pliant. 


le=. Le is the putative negative particle not, and answers to Latin 
haud and Greek 7, e. g.in the compound word pyzore “lest at any time.” 
Thus it forms not only privative nouns, but also prohibitive verbs. Under 
the heading “Particles” will be given examples where /e is used as a separate 
word for itself, and in some of the terms below it could be written separate 
also. 

lewé ula to forbid, not to allow. 

lehéwitko slow-going ; i. e. ‘not racing.” 

léshma not to discover or find, to miss. 

letalani stupid, foolish ; i.e. “not straight.” 

letelina to annoy, meddle with. 

lettiména to be excited, half-crazed. 


M-, prefix referring to a motion going on in curvilinear form or zigzag 
lines along the ground. It appears chiefly before a- and e- in radical sylla- 
bles of intransitive verbs and their derivatives, which refer to the unsteady, 
varying directions followed by travelers, root-diggers, to the roamings of 
Indian tribes on the prairie ete. Cf: Suffix -ma. 

mdaktchna to encamp while traveling. 

mak’léza to encamp, to pass the night; ef. maklaks. 


LIST OF PREFIXES. 293 


makuala to encamp in or upon the mountains. 

makuna to encamp at the foot of a mountain. 

médsha to remove, to migrate; ef. idsha. 

méwa to encamp away from home, to live on the prairie. 

méya to dig edible roots ete., said of one person; cf. mé-ish digging ground, 
mé-idsha ete. 


N-, prefix frequently occurring in transitive and intransitive verbs and 
their nominal derivatives, and referring to sheet-like, thin, smooth, pliant, 
and thread-like articles, or to objects having a level, horizontal surface, or 
to acts and motions referring to the above or to some distant spot on the 
line of the horizon. It composes the prefixes nu- and shn-, the latter hav- 
ing causative functions. 


In its various uses this prefix may be classified as follows: 


(a) It is prefixed to terms descriptive of or relating to thin, sheet-like, 
string-like articles, as cloth, mats, hats, ropes, handkerchiefs, paper, paper 
money, soles, skins, and especially the wings and flight of birds. 


nakia to patch, mend, as garments. : 
nil, né'l fur-skin; tiny feather of bird; from né’l: nelina to scalp. 
néya, né-i to give, hand over, pay in paper money. 

nép palm of hand, hand; napénapsh temple-bone. 

né’dsza to lay on top a thin article; ef. nétatka. 

nélya to lay down, deposit; ef. lélka, élya, shlélktcha. 

ni long snow-shoe ; buckskin sole. 

ndshakwéta to hang, drop down, as curtains. 

nwhlish bowstring. 

néna, ninia, nainaya to flap, move the wings, to flutter. 
nageidsha to float, circle in the air; cf. aggédsha. 

néta to fix, paste, or put on. 


(b) n- occurs in terms referring to places of wide and level extent, as 
prairies, water-sheets; to phenomena observed above the ground, as weather, 


294 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


or invisible, as sickness wafted through the air; to words, songs, and noises 


traveling through the air. 


nae, KI. ne’g, pl. ne’gsha who is absent, departed. 

nen, particle referring to spoken words, sounds, noises. 

né’pka ki-i it is bad weather ; neé’pka (shilalsh) to bring sickness. 
ndshakwéta to hang, drop down, as curtains. 

ne-tipka to run into a lake, said of rivers. 

néwa to form an extension, sheet. 

niwa to drive on level ground or into water. 


(c) NU- is prefixed to terms relating to motion in sky or air, as the flight 
of meteors, the throwing of stones, the swinging of round and bulky objects, 
the humming noise made by bulky insects. 


niyamna to hum, to make noise all about. 
nulakitla to cut out a hole in the ice to spear fish. 
nulidsha to be wafted downward. 

nutdéddshna to hurl, throw away. 

nutttyamna to fly around. 

nuwilya to take an aérial flight. 


p-, proprietary prefix indicating inalienable, intransferable ownership 
of an object. In the same function, but more frequently, p occurs -as a 
suffix, q. v, and is identical with the p in the personal pronoun of the third 
person: pi, pish, pash, push, p’na, pat, etc. The prefix p- is found, accom- 
panied with the suffix -p, chiefly in terms of relationship derived from con- 
sanguinity as well as from marriage, and occurs as such also in Sahaptin 
and Wayiletpu dialects. In Klamath there are but few terms of relation- 
ship which do not exhibit this prefix: makokap, tipakship, t’shishap (Mod.), 
vinak, 

ptishap father, K1., from t’shin to grow up. 

pgishap mother, from gi in the sense of to make, produce. 

pé-ip daughter; ptitap daughter-in-law. 

pa-alamip husband’s sister and brother's wife. 

pshaship stcp-mother ; step-children. 

pkatchip female cousin and her daughter. 


LIST OF PREFIXES. 295 


There are also a few terms designating classes of human beings who 
are not relations : 


pshe-utiwash, archaic term for people. 
ptchiwip master, mistress of slave. 


A prefix p- of a similar import, referring to the personality of the sub- 
ject, is embodied in the following terms : 


Nouns. 
pshish nose, snout; pish bile; pitiu dew-claw. 
pe'teh foot; pilhap sinew. 


Verbs. 
péwa to bathe, plunge, wash oneself ; cf. éwa, tchéwa, pana, pankua. 
picna to scrape sidewise ; from éna. 
putéya to remove sod; cf. vutéya to dig with a spade. 
ptchiklya, Mod. ptché’hlka to stroke, pat; cf. shatalaka. 
pniwa to blow, to fill with air ; ef. p’ni, shipnu. 
puedsha to reject, scatter, expend; ef. idsha. 


Cf. the compound prefix sp-, shp-. 


pee, a prefix occurring only in transitive verbs with plural or collective 
object, which is either of a round, rounded, or of a heavy, bulky form; 
sometimes the prefix also refers to sheet-like objects and to animate beings. 


pé-ula to lay down, deposit; one obj., likla. 

péwi, pi’ wi to give, hand over, pay; one obj., ltvya, lui. 
pe-uyéga to lift, gather up; one obj., luyéga. 
pe-ukanka to hold in hand; one obj., liyamna 

petéga to tear to pieces, as cloth; from ndéga. 

pekéwa to break to pieces, smash up; from kéwa. 


She, s-. This prefix, the most frequent of all, is used in forming medial 
verbs, as they may be appropriately termed after their correlatives in the 
Greek language. The medial prefix sh-, s- is the remnant of a personal 
pronoun of the third person, now extant only in its plural form: sha they, 


296 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


shash them, to them, sham of them. Its original meaning seems to have been 
reflective, oneself, like that of Latin sui, sibi, se, because sh-, s-, places the 
verb into relation with its logical or grammatical subject; the idea expressed 
by the verb may be said to revert or to be turned upon the subject of the 
verb and centering in it. This medial function will appear more clearly 
in the following examples, made up of transitive as well as of intransitive 


verbs: 


shé-ishi to keep as a secret; from afshi to hide. 

széna to row a boat; from géna to proceed. 

shéka to squeal, whine; from yéka to howl, ery. 

skintchna to crawl, creep ; from kintchna to walk in single file. 
shuina to sing solo; from wina to sing. 

ska’ to blow strong, said of winds; from kd-a strongly. 

spitcha to go out (fire); from pitcha to extinguish. 
shipapélankshtant against each other ; from pipélangsta on two sides. 


Some of the medial verbs now extant make us presuppose a verbal 
base from which they are derived, but which exists no longer in the lan- 
guage as a verb; ef. ska’. Others have changed their prefix sh-, s- into 
tch-, ts-, especially in the Modoe dialect. 

In the majority of medial verbs the mode of derivation observed is that 
of vocalice anathesis, a phonetic process spoken of previously. 

The medial function does not always remain such in all the verbs 
formed by the medial prefix, but easily turns into (a) a reflective one when 
the subject of the verb is also its object: she-Alza to name, call oneself ; or 
(b) when the object is a person or other animate being, a reciprocal verb 
may result: samtchatka to understand each other; or (c) the medial verb 
turns into a causative verb when the verbal act passes over entirely to the 
verbal object: shkalkéla to hurt, injure, viz., ‘to make fall sick.” A few of 
these verbs are reciprocal and reflective simultaneously: shakual (from 
radix gawal) to find oneself and to find each other. 

More examples are given under “‘Anathesis”, pp. 278, 279, from which 
becomes apparent also the general conformity of the uses of this prefix with 
that of its compound h-sh. Other prefixes compounded with sh- are shl-, 
shn-, sp-, st-, shu-, q. v. 


LIST OF PREFIXES. 297 


shl-, s/-, composed of the medial prefix sh- and the prefix 1-, refers in 
nouns as well as in verbs (which are almost exclusively transitive) to objects 
of a thin, flexible, or sheet-like form, as cloth, blankets, hats, and other gar- 
ments or other articles serving to wrap oneself in; also to objects which 
can be spread out flat, and to baskets, because flexible. Sometimes the 
Modoe dialect changes shl- into tchl-. 


shlélya to leave behind, deposit; from élya. 

shlémpéli to take home ; from @’mpéli. 

shlékla to lay down, to dress in; from ikla. 

shlaniya to spread out for, as a skin; shlé-ish mat. 
shlankua to spread over, across; shlankosh bridge. 

shlatiki to close the door ; the door of the lodge being a flap. 
shlitchka to pass through a sieve ; ef. latcha. 

shlétana to be loose, not tight-fitting ; from ita. 

shlapa to open out, to blossom ; shlapsh bud. 

tchléyamna to hold in hand something soft, flexible, Mod. 
tehlékna to take out of, Mod.; from fkna. 

tchléwiza to place into a basket ete., Mod.; from iwiza. 


shne-, sv-, a compound prefix formed of sh- and n-, which forms a 
class of causative verbs and their derivatives. Cf. prefix n-,nu- There 
are, however, several terms not belonging here, in which the n- of the initial 
shn- forms a part of the radix: shnikanua from ndéka, shnayéna from néna, 
shnapka from ne’pka. Shn- is causative in: 


shnambua to make explode ; from mbéwa to explode. 

shndhualta to make sound, to.ring; from walta to resound. 

shnékélui to remove from position; from kéléwi to cease. 

shnikshtlya to force to dance; from kshitléza to dance. 

shnumpshéala to unite in marriage ; from mbushéla to consort. 

shnuntchy6la to curl; from the verb of ndshokdlatko curly. 

shnawedsh wife, viz., ““one made to bear offspring”; from watshi to 
generate. 


298 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Sp-, shp-, a combination of the two prefixes sh-, s-, and p-, pointing to 
an act or motion, especially of drawing or pulling, performed upon an animate 
or inanimate object of long form. The original function of this prefix is 
causative, but some intransitive verbs also show it. I do not refer here to 
such verbs as are formed by prefixing sh- to verbs beginning with p-, as 
shpaha to dry something, from péha to be dry. 


spélaktchna to cut, said of sharp blades of grass; 0 laktcha. 

spépka to pull the bowstring; from épka. 

spidsha to drag behind; from fdsha. 

spiéga to assist in getting up; cf. ktiuyéga. 

spika to draw, pull out, as a rope; from fka. 

spikanash, KI. spekandtkish sewing needle ; from spika. 

spitkala to raise, make stand up; from ftkal. 

sptilhi to place inside, to lock up; ef. fhi. 

sptnka ¢o let out of, to let go; lit.: “to cause to move the legs.” 

spuldka to rub something glutinous upon oneself ; cf. ulédka to rub together 
long objects. : 


St, sht-, compound prefix made up of the medial sh-, s-, and ta-, ab- 
breviated t-, and hence referring to one object (sometimes several) placed 
in an upright or stiff, immovable position upon or within something. The 
medial sh- suggests that the act is done by or for the logical or grammatic 
subject of the sentence, or in its own or somebody else’s interest, the verbs 
showing this prefix being almost exclusively transitive. 


stéwa to mix with, mash up; from éwa to put upon. 

stitza to cheat, defraud of ; from itza to take away from. 

stiwini fo stir up, as dough; from iwina to place inside. 
stiwiz6tkish baby-board; from iwiza to place on, within. 

stépéla to peel the fiber-bark; from upila to dry up above. 

stutila to cover with a roof on pillars ; from utila to place wnderneath. 


Shue, su-, represents the medial prefix sh-, s- united to the prefix u-, 
and is found in transitive and reciprocal verbs and their nominal derivatives 


as referring to an act performed on the body of persons or animals, and in 


LIST OF PREFIXES. 299 


a few intransitive verbs; cf. the simple prefix u-, vu-, wu-. Some of the 
terms are directly derived from verbs having the u- prefixed, as shtti to 
transfer, from tiya, U-i, 6-1; shutila to hold under the arm, from utila; shuydéka 
to shave ete. In many other words with initial shu-, u- belongs to the radix; 
in others, as in shuytiala, shiktakla, u- is the result of vocalic anathesis. 


shuitéla ¢o gird, as a horse; from fta. 

shuldta to dress oneself; shuldtish garment ; from l’tita. 

shuéna to carry upon a board etc.; shuéntch baby-board ; from éna. 
shukéka to bite oneself ; trom kéka. 

shu-t'ta to throw at each other ; from vita. 

shi’pka to lie in a heap; from ipka. 

shukliziéa to compete in hopping; from kléna. 


t-, (a-, te-, prefix referring to long objects standing erect, as trees, posts, 
and to standing persons. When occurring in transitive verbs, this prefix 
points to acts performed with elongated objects not included under the uses 
of the prefixes a-, i-, u-; for instance, to what is performed with the arms or 
hands outstretched or put forward, with a knife, etc. In intransitive verbs 
t- refers to ove person or animate being in an upright position, and when 
combined with the radix -ka-, -ga- points to one person, etc., standing or 
moving. 'T- is abbreviated from ta-, te-, té-, the pronominal particle and 
radix ta. 


taki’ma fo stand out as a circle, rim; ef. gaki’ma. 
tamadsha to stand at the end of a row etc.; ef. lamddsha. 
téméshka to abstract, take away; cf. yiméshka. 

tkap tall grass, reed, or stalk. 

tkana to stuff, as an animal; ef. shndtkuala. 

tkéka to make a hole with knife or clasped hand; cf. kéka. 
tka-ukua to knock with the hand, fist; cf. uké-ukua. 
tgd-uléza to arise, get up; from ga-t'lya. 

tgakaya to stand, remain on, upon; from gakéya. 

tkéwa to break a long article in two. 


300 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


tu-. This prefix is either (1) the preposition tu out there, out at a dis- 
tance, in which case it expresses horizontal and vertical distance or remote- 
ness of the verbal act from home or from the one speaking, or tu- is (2) a 
compound of t-, the prefix spoken of above pointing to what is erect, and 
u-, a prefix indicative of long articles or articles placed above, on the top 
of (see below), on one’s back. This compound prefix is in some respect 
comparable to shu-, q. v. 


Examples of (1): 
tikélya to halt, stop on the way. 
tiklaktchna to stop at times on one’s way. 
tuitchéwa to hollow out by pressure. 
tttyamna to move about with knees bent. 


Examples of (2): 
tudsho’sha to smear on, line upon; cf. ludshd’sha, shudsh6’sha. 
tila to converge at the top; to stand out. 
tidshna to carry on the back; from tii-idshna. 
tuitchyash choke-cherry; cf. yétszaka to choke. 
tuinéga to cave in; cf. ina, d. yana downward. 
titiza to swell up, protrude; from ika to extract. 
tilamna to carry across one’s back. 
tultiga to smear on, line upon. 


teh-, ¢s-, prefix occurring in terms which refer exclusively to the mo- 
tions observed in water and other liquids, the moving or floating of objects 
on or in the water, and the flow or motion of the liquids themselves. In 
sound it presents some analogy with the suffixes -tcha, -dsha, -tchna, which 
refer to motion in general. It should not be confounded with tch-, ts-, when 
this is merely an alternation of the medial prefix sh-, as in tehga’ for ski’, 
q.v. Words like tehuk occur in several northwestern languages in the sense 
of water; cf. Chin. Jargon salt tchuk salt water. 

tchéwa to float, said of water-birds ete.; from éwa. 

tchiwa to form a body of water; from iwa. 

tchla‘lya to sink to the ground; from élya. 

tchipka to contain a liquid; from ipka. 


LIST OF PREFIXES. 301 


tchékpa, tchétcha to drip down from; cf. tchétchapkatko. 
tchiya to give, present a liquid; ef néya, ttya, liya, shui. 
tchildla to boil water or in the water; from ilala. 
tchikamna to have the water-brash; from tka. 

tchiyamna to swim below the water's surface. 


tehl-; see shl-. 


U=, vu-, wu-, prefix originating from the pronominal particle hu, u, 
marking extent and distance, horizontal as well as vertical, and forming 
transitive as well as intransitive verbs, with their derivatives. 

The terms in which this frequent suffix is found may be subdivided into 
two classes, as follows: 


(a) Prefix u- pointing to horizontal distance, removal, separation from. 
These terms generally undergo dissyllabic reduplication when assuming the 
distributive form. 


unéga to lower, let down; cf. ina downward. 
uhaktchna to gallop off; ef. hidshna, hika. 
uldyue to scatter, disperse; cf. gayue. 
ulak’kanka to skate over a surface; cf. laklakli. 
uthawa to shake off, as dust. 

— utila to place, be, or lie underneath ; from ita. 
utéwa to shoot up perpendicularly; from téwi. 


(6) Prefix u- referring to one or many animate and inanimate objects 
of length or tallness, as poles, pieces of wood, implements, parts of the 
animal body, etc., and to acts performed by or with them; also to persons, 
because considered as objects of tallness. They reduplicate distributively 
in u-u-, or as above, by means of the dissyllabic reduplication. Some of 
the transitive verbs with prefix u-, vu-, refer to one object only, and take the 
prefix i-, iy-, when a plurality of objects is alluded to. Identical with u- 
are Wa-, We-, Wi-, q. V. 

udtipka, vudtipka to wnip, beat with a stick; pl. of obj. idtipka. 

udshipa to strip, pull out; pl. of obj. idshipa; ef. ludshipa. 

tyamna to hold in hand; pl. of obj. fyamna. 


302 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


litya to wrench off from; pl. of obj. itza; ef. litza. 
uyéga to lift a log, beam, ete.; ef. luyéga, shuyéga. 
wlaplpa to flicker about; to shake the ears, as dogs. 
uka-ukua to knock with a stick; ef. tka-ukua. 
upatnétkish hammer, mallet; cf. mpata. 

uléyuga to gather into a long basket; from fkuga. 
udi‘nténa to beat, as with a drumstick; from tintan. 
uléyatko flexible and long, pliant 


Wae, we-, wi-. These prefixes are reducible to the prefix u-, and pro- 
duced by it through assimilation (1) to the vowel of the syllable following 
in the terms given below: 


wapilash dead tree, for upalash dried on the top; cf. upala, stdpéla, 
stépalsh. 

wekishtchna fo totter, reel; for ukishtchna. 

wishibam a reed with woolly substance; from udshipa. 


widshiklya to stumble and fall; other form of udshiklza. 


(2) In other words wa- is the result of the reduplication of the prefix 
u-, hu-: 

washolalya for huhasholalza; cf. hushdlalza. 

walza for vuvalya, vudlya; ef. vila. 


waliyish slanderer, Mod. for (Ikish; d. u-('lkish, uwalkish. 


RECAPITULATION OF THE PREFIXES. 


The following synoptic table endeavors to give a lucid classification of 
the various functions in which prefixes are employed in verbs and nouns. 
The majority of them are found tabulated under more than one heading; 


only a few occur in one function only. 


A.—Prefixes referring to the genus verbi— 
Medial verbs: sh- and h-sh-; the prefixes composed with sh-, as shl-, 
shn-, sp-, st-, shu-. 
Reflective verbs: sh-, h-sh-, shu-. 
Reciprocal verbs: sh-, h-sh-. 


Causative verbs: sh-, h-sh-, shn- 


INFIXES. 303 


Verbs that are transitive only: i- (No. 1), kt-, l (No. a), pe-, shn-, shu-; 
the object usually an animate being: i-, pe-, shu-, u-. 

Verbs that are intransitive only: I- (No. b). 

Proprietary verbs: p-. 


B.—Prefixes referring to nwmber— 
Singular number of the verbal object or subject: a-, e-, ksh-, l-, t-, u-. 
Plural number of the same: e-, i- (No. 1), pe-. 


C.—Prefixes referring to form or shape of the verbal object or subject— 
Round, rounded, or bulky forms: 1-, nu-, pe-. 
Thin, flat, level, pliant, thread-like forms: n-, pe-. 
In the shape of sheets, garments enveloping the body: shl-. 
Long, elongated, tall forms: a-, e-, i-, u-. 


D.—Prefixes referring to attitude, position— 
Upright, erect, or immovable attitude: kt-, st-, t-, tu-. 


E.—Prefixes referring to motion— 
Motion through the air: n-, nu-, u-. 
Motion downward: yan-, yu-, l- (No. c). 
Motion of, in, or upon the water or liquids: tch-. 
Motion performed obliquely, laterally: ki-, km-, kt-. 
Motion performed in zigzag upon the ground: m-. 
Motion performed in wave form: lya-. 
Motion performed with the head: a- (in ai-, ei-). 
Motion performed with arms, hands: shu-, t- (tk-). 
Motion performed with the back: tu-; with the feet: yan-, yu-. 


F.— Prefixes embodying relations expressed by adverbs— 
Locative prefixes: i- (No. 2), ino-, yan-, yu-, kui-, l- (No. c), tu-, u- 
(No. a). 
Modal prefixes: k- thus; le- not (some being negative verbs). 
INFIXES. 


Infixation of sounds into the radical syllable, producing a change in 
the signification of words, is not so frequent in American as in some Cau- 
casian and other Asiatic languages; although inflection of the radix may 


304 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


have been effected by infixes, all traces of this fact have afterward dis- 
appeared. In the preterit of Creek verbs an infixed ’h produces a shorten- 
ing of the radical vowel preceding it. 

Of infixes of the Klamath language we cannot speak as a class of 
affixes, as we can of its prefixes and suffixes. Thus the -u- appearing in the 
dual and the -i- of the plural form in the verbs for running, e. g. hidshna 
to run (one subject), tishtchna (two to four), tinshna (many subjects), which 
form the radical vowel, are rather the result of a substitution for each other 
than of infixation, and may find parallels in the chapter on “ Vocalice Alter- 
ation of the Root,” pp. 254-257, and “Epenthesis,” p. 228. The only sound 
which could be regarded at times as an infix in the radix, though it is 
mostly a prefix or a suffix, is "h, when it stands for ha by hand, with hands 
or extremities. 


*h, an affix which emphatically refers to the use of one’s hands, and 
gives a peculiar stress to the verbs in which it occurs We find it in: 


ge’hlapka to step on, ascend by using hands; gelipka to tread upon, 
mount. 

ewhli to help oneself into; gulf to enter, go into. 

phushka to tear off by hand; pishka to cut off with a sharp tool. 

pulhka to tear out by hand, and shupéhlka to tear out from one’s body; 
pulka to tear, pluck out. 

wahtakia to disperse, put to flight by using weapons etc.; watakia to 
scare off, scatter. 


-We may also compare k’hitléya with kitléza, Vhutkala with 1o’tkala, 
and many other verbs. In muhimitya éo shiver, h stands infixed in the radix, 
though not referring to the use of hands. Cf. ‘ Dizeresis,” p. 216, and ‘‘Epen- 
thesis,” p. 228. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 


In the language of the Maklaks we observe a large numeric prepon- 
derance of suffixes over prefixes. Not only is the whole system of verbal 
and nominal inflection carried on by suffixation, but also in derivation this 
element is more powerful than prefixation. A combination of more than 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 305 


two prefixes is rarely seen, but one of four suffixes is not uncommon, and 
the manifold ways in which they combine into novel functions are quite 
surprising. The list of suffixes, simple and compound, which we give 
below, is already more than triple the full list of simple and compound 
prefixes, although the suffixes of the language are not fully enumerated 
in the list, for the good reason that they are practically inexhaustible in 
their combinations. Thus in regard to suffixation this upland language can 
be called polysynthetic in an eminent degree. 

Suffixation prevails in the large majority of all the languages explored 
and some languages are known to possess no prefixes at all. On the other 
side, the Ba’ntu languages of South Africa inflect by prefixes only. The 
same cause has prompted the dark races of the Ba’ntu to prefix their pro- 
nominal roots to the radical syllables, which has prompted most Europeans 
to place the articles the and a before and not after the noun. The power 
of largely multiplying pronominal roots under the form of suffixes, which 
appears in many Asiatic and American tongues and also in the Basque 
(Pyrenees), seems extraordinary to us, because we are accustomed to the 
analytic process in thought and speech. The Klamath Indian has no special 
words corresponding to our about, concerning, to, on, at, in, upon, through, but 
expresses all these relations just as clearly as we do by means of case suffixes 
or case-postpositions; he has not our conjunctions while, because, but, as, than, 
when, that, since, until, before, after,’ but all the relational ideas suggested by 
these are expressed by him just as distinctly by conjugational suffixes. 

The Klamath Indian employs derivation-suffixes to express the fol- 
lowing material ideas, which English can express by separate words only: 
commencing, continuing, quitting, returning from, doing habitually, fre- 
quently, or repeatedly, changing into, moving at a long or short distance, 
moving in a zigzag or in a straight direction, going upward, along the 
ground or downward, circling in the air, coming toward or going away from, 
seen or unseen, moving within or outside of the lodge, on or below the 
water’s surface ; also an infinity of other circumstantial facts, some of which 
we would not observe or express at all, but which strike the mind of the 
Indian more powerfully than ours. 


1 Before, lupitana, and after, tapitana, are known to him only as prepositions or rather postposi- 
tions, not as conjunctions. 


20 


306 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


For the study of the mechanical part of suffixation the following rules 
will prove useful: 

There are two classes of suffixes, inflectional and derivational. Most 
suffixes belong either to one or the other of the two classes, but a few be- 
long to both: -tiga, -dta. 

Inflectional suffixes always stand after the suffixes of derivation, in the 
absolute as well as in the distributive form. The former are identical in 
both dialects with very few exceptions (KI. -ank, Mod. -an), but among the 
latter small dialectic differences are perceptible. 

There are pronominal roots which figure as prefixes as well as inflectional 
and derivational suffixes; while others occur only as suffixes or component 
syllables of such, or belong to one class of suffixes only. Some verbal suffixes 
also figure as nominal suffixes: -4ga, -tana, -tka, ete. 

A few suffixes show a wide range in their signification and use, for their 
meaning varies according to the basis to which they are appended; cf. -ala, 
-tka, -iga. In this respect compound suffixes vary less than simple ones. 
The purport of such compound suffixes as we observe in hulladshuitamna 
to run continually back and forth can be inquired into by looking up severally 
in the list below all the suffixes following the radix hu-: -ala (-la), -tcha, -ui, 
-témna, and then combining their significations into a whole. 

Most suffixes originally were of a locative import, and the few temporal 
suffixes in the language trace their origin to some locative affix. The con- 
crete categories of location, position, and distance are of such paramount 
importance to the conception of rude nations as are to us those of time and 
causality. 

The accumulation of suffixes in one word is sometimes considerable, 
but never exceeds the limits of considerate measure (five suffixes), so that 
the mind always remains capable of grasping the totality of some polysyn- 
thetic form. Cf. in the Dictionary such vocables as: hdpelitchna, ka- 
uloktantktamna, klutsudtkish, shuntoyakea-dtkish, spungatgapéle, sputi- 
dshanuish, tpugidshapélitamna, tchi'Itgipéle. The best method of studying 
the workings of suffixation is to compare with one another the derivatives of 
such roots as are most productive in derivational forms by transcribing them 


from the pages of the Dictionary. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 307 


There are some suffixes which in fact are verbs of the language closely 
agglutinated to the basis of the preceding term, and thus form a transition 
between suffixes, auxiliary verbs, and verbs forming compound verbs: 
-kakua, -kakiamna, -kédsha, -timna, -wipka. In southern languages, as 
Atikapa, Kayowé, etc, this sort of grammatic combination is much more 
frequent than in Klamath. 

There are a large number of other compound suffixes which were not 
mentioned in the following list on account of the small number of terms 
known in which they occur. Such are -ini, -kiéni, -mla, -tchla, ete.; but 
the majority of these may be understood by analyzing them into their com- 
ponents and comparing them with suffixes formed in a similar way, as -ina, 


-yiéa, -m’na, -tchna. 
5} 


=a, the most frequent of all suffixes, is appended to consonantal as well 
as to vocalic stems or bases, occurs in almost every part of speech, and forms 
compound suffixes. The different uses made of this ubiquitous suffix neces- 
sitate subdivision. 


1. Verbs in -a. A large majority of verbs shows this suffix or a suffix 
composed with -a. It is in fact the particle a of the declarative mode, which 
sometimes appears as a word for itself. Being usually unaccented when 
appended to the word, it becomes so closely connected with it as to turn 
into a true suffix, and in inflectional forms is often replaced by other end- 
ings. With other vocalic suffixes it forms a contrast of a locative import: 
hinua to fall on something; hinui to fall on the ground; tchdlamna to sit on, 
against something; tchadlamnu to sit on an eminence or at a distance. The 
great frequency of the suffix -a is accounted for by its general, wide, and 
indistinct signification. We find it in transitive and intransitive verbs, and 
among the latter in impersonal and attributive verbs. In most of the verbal 
suffixes it occurs as the final sound, alternates at times with the suffix -ha, as 
in téla, télha to look upon, to resemble ; sometimes assumes the accent (guka, 
etc.), and in the verb hla’ seems even to form a part of the radix. This is 
done, however, to distinguish it from hld-a, q. v. Free from all connection 
with other suffixes, -a does not occur frequently except in verbs with itera- 
tive reduplication. We find it in: 


kila to be in a hurry, to be excited. 
Itéka to make a round dot; subst. lték. 


308 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


mika to menstruate; ef. muiksh babe. 

péta. pct’a to disrupt something; cf. lepéta to indent. 

skia to fizzle; ef. kiu anus. 

skéa it is springtime; also subst. 

tila to make a noise, as by stamping with the feet; cf. tiltila. 


Examples of verbs formed by iterative reduplication: 


hiuhiwa to be elastic, soft. pukpuka fo crack with the teeth. 
yalyala to be limpid, clear. shidkshiaga to balance on the arms. 
ka-ukawa (o rattle. shikshuka to shake one’s head. 
mtlmula to lower the eyebrows. tiltila to make a noise, as by rapping. 


2. Nouns in -a. Substantive nouns in -a exist in considerable numbers. 
Some of them are abbreviations from -ap, -ash, q. v., while others, and the 
larger part of them, have been verbs in -a or are still so, having without 
any phonetic change assumed the function of a noun, the distinction be- 
tween verb and noun being less marked in most Indian languages than in 
our own. The examples below contain substantives partly formed with 
compound suffixes: 


kia lizard, and kidsha field-rat; ef. kidsha to creep, crawl. 
fika cinnamon bear. 

pala, pa’hla wicker plate or paddle, from pala to dry. 

pita summer season; ef. pdha to be dry. 

klipa mink; kélayua, species of long-tailed mouse. 

pa’ ka grandfather's brother, for pa‘kap. 

skéa and sk6 spring season. 

shtia pitch, resin, and tia seed-paddle. 

saiga grassy plain, prairie. 

kaptcha jifth finger, and to go or hide behind. 

nkika dust, atoms, and to be full of dust. 

wipka overshoe made of straw. 

wek¢éta and wek¢tash green frog. 

ktushka slice, clipping, and to cut off, slice off: 


mbitka and mbtikash earth crumbling into dust. 
4 


- = 


LIST OF SUFFLXES. 309 


Also a large number of botanic terms, especially food-plants, as: 
kishma, klana, klapa, I’bé, tehud, tsuntka, ete. 


3. Participles with -a oxytonized (=a’) are abbreviations from -Atko, -atko. 
Examples to be found in the Texts and Dictionary are nzits(tko) atrophied, 
paha dried up, kewa broken, fractured. 


4. A number of adverbs also end in -a, most of which are or have been 
formerly verbs: 


ka-a very, very much; cf. ska. 

ké-una (and ké-uni) slowly, loosely, lightly. 

kudta tightly; also adj. hard, tight. 

nishta all night through. 

ska, shka coldly; strongly, and to blow cold, strong. 
sta, shta to repletion; entirely, and to be full. 
wiiita all day long, and to pass one day. 


Of postpositions ending in -ta the majority are abbreviations from -tana 
or -tala. 


An inflectional suffix -a occurs in the oblique cases of nouns in -a, as 
pgishap mother, p’gisha (obj. case). Cf. ‘‘ Nominal Inflection.” 


=a’, see -a No. 3, -tko. 


=2’=a, a suffix which is the combination of the last vowel of the base 
with the suffix -a preceding, analogous to -éa, -ia, -ua. The accent always 
rests on the penultima, a rule from which the verb ndshama-a and its medial 
form shnandshma-a form perhaps the only exceptions. Sha-apé-a to dare, 
provoke, is formed by vocalic dizeresis from shépa to speak, tell. The word 
shukeka-ash parents, in KI. shukikash, presupposes an obsolete verb shuke- 
ka-a. Examples: 


hlé-a to lay eggs, to bear young. 

kupkupa-a to knock at something hollow ; cf. kupkupli concave. 
ya-a to scream, vociferate; Mod. kaya-a to cry aloud. 
shalkid-a to put on airs, to swagger. 

shapkua-a, KI. shapkua to strut about. 


310 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


stind-a to build a house, or willow-lodge. 
saki-a to be raw; to eat raw. 


“aga, -ak, -ga, -ag, -ka, -k. This nominal suffix is formed by the par- 
ticle ak ‘only, just only, but,” and in the form -aga by the particles ak a, 
of the same signification. Words showing this suffix are diminutives, and, 
although the majority are substantives, a few adjectives and pronouns form 
diminutives by means of the same suffix. 


1. Substantives in -aga. Substantives form their diminutives either by 
appending -iga in full or by syncope of the short 4 of -iga into: -ga, -ka, -g, 
-k. Nouns composed of two or more syllables and ending in -sh in the 
subjective case, drop that terminal to assume -aga instead, which then under- 
goes all the phonetic changes produced by the collision of vocalic and con- 
sonantal sounds. ‘The diminutive function results from the signification 
“Gust only” of the particle ak: pe’tch foot, pétchaga “just a foot only”, little 
foot. The language forms no augmentative nouns like Italian, only dimin- 
utives. In many languages the diminutives assume the signification ot 
endearment or praise, especially in the terms of relationship; in Klamath 
nothing of the kind is perceptible, except in the pronouns mentioned below 
and perhaps in the terms with double diminutive ending. 


Ankuaga little stick or tree, from anku stick, tree. 
lulpaga, lilpag little eye, from lulp eye. 

kapka small pine tree, from tkap stalk. 

ndshiluaga young female (animal), from ndshilo. 
taldshiag little reed-arrow, from taldshi reed-arrow. 
ntéyaga little bow, from nté-ish, nte’sh bow. 

wé-aga, we ka little child, from wéash offspring. 
awaldka little island, from Awaluash island. 

shaplka small seed-paddle, from shaplash paddle. 

ntitak glyceria grass seed, from nit (verb: ntita to crack in the fire). 
kilidshiga little duck, from kilidshiwash long-necked duck. 
shikenitgika little pistol, from shikenitgish pistol. 


spukliga little sweat-lodge, from spuklish sudatory. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. SH yt 


kitchka, kitechga small fin, from kidshash fin. 
shupliga little play-ball, from shupluash ball. 


A few diminutives accentuate the penultima, though they may empha- 
size one of the syllables preceding it as well: 


leledshidga and lelédshiak very young cub, puppy. 

nepaga and népaga, népag little hand, paw. 

nushaltkaga and nushaltkaga headwaters of river, from nushaltko spring- 
ing from. 


The diminutive Shastidga, Shastika, Sastiak, signifies a little person 
of the Shasti tribe or a half-Shasti, one of the parents being a non-Shasti. 

Diminutives in which the ending -a’ga occurs twice are the pronouns 
hiktakaga (from hiktak) and vinakaga, unakak Uittle son or offspring, from 
viinak. 


2. Among the pronouns and pronominal adjectives susceptible of this 
ending we mention: 


huiktag and hiktakaga this little one. 

nékag the little absent one, from nég absent. 
tankak a few only, from tank so many, so much. 
timiaga few, not many, from tumi many. 


Adverbs often assume this syllable, but then ak is no longer to be con- 
sidered as a suffix, except perhaps in ma‘ntchaga a while ago; it is the par- 
ticle ak, ak a, just only, and the transitory stage from this signification to 
that of a diminutive is often plainly perceptible. Examples: kiutak, lépiak, 
nénak, panak, nishta’k, palak (Mod. pélak), pdlakak, psinak, tina‘k, tchuissak, 
wiga-ak. 

The adjectives kéliak deprived of, péniak undressed, also contain this 
suffixed particle. 


=-aga. The verbal suffixes -Aga and -aga, although of similar origin, 
have to be distinguished from each other. The first contains the factitive 
suffix -ka, -ga appended to verbal stems ending in short, unaccented -a, 


while in the latter suffix, -Aga, this same factitive terminal is appended to 


312 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


verbal stems accented upon the ultima. The signification of both suffixes 
is factitive; cf. ka, -ga. In the same manner we observe verbs formed by 
the suffixes -ala and -dla, -iga and -iga, -uga and -tiga. 

The verbs in -Aga are intransitives, those in -4ga transitives, as_ will 
appear from the lists below. Sc~e of them show the compound suffix 
-tyaga, -tkaga, the -ty- of which marks repetition or return; and -Aga seems 


to occur only as the final p»rt of compound suffixes. 


gdlampaga to walk behind, to follow in a file. 
kmiuiltyaga to bubble up in water. 

kétzaga to begin to grow again; cf. kédsha. 
nttltyaga to run down from its spring. 
ntuptchmaga to form bubbles in water. 


-a’/ga._ For the origin of this verbal factitive suffix, see -iga. It occurs 
in transitive verbs only and always forms a compound with other suffixes, 
as -tch-, -tz-, ete. Alternates at times with -dka; cf. -iga, -ka, -tiga. 


hakshkaga to carry about an infant on the breast; cf. hakshaktchui, kshéna. 
kuatchiga and kudtchaka to bite into; from kuadtcha. 

shyuluaga to punch with a pole, to run a stick into. 

shkintchishyaga to shed the skin, said of amphibians. 

shmwhtchaga to project one’s shadow while moving. 

shvuyushiga to remember, study at. 

tchuktyaga to try, attempt repeatedly. 


=a'i, see aya. 


-a’ya, -di, verbal suffix composed of the particle i (hf) on the ground, 
joined to -4 (emphasized), which here stands in the sense of on, upon some- 
thing. From this combination results the function of -dya as that of doing 
or being upon, on something, and the secondary function of doing or being 
in the woods, thickets, recesses, in the timber, or in marshes, upon cliffs. The 
locality is generally added to the verb in the locative case in -tat, -at: 
tchikass ankutat tchagetya the bird sits upon the tree. The majority of the 
verbs in -dya are intransitive and the few transitives seem to have originated 


from intransitives. When the terminal -Aya becomes abbreviated into -ai 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 313 


the accent sometimes recedes upon a preceding syllable, as in gelkdya, 
gelkai, gélkai to erect a platform upon a scaffold. Substantives like tchatchlai 
fire-fly, techashkai weasel, seem to embody the same suffix, -aya. Examples: 
kshaggtya, iggaya, laggaya to hang down from something, and to hang 
up, suspend on something. 
ktchikaya to climb, creep, crawl on, upon, ana to creep upon a tree, or 
through the timber. 
hukaya, gakaya to run, to go into the woods. 
tgakdya, liukaya to stand or remain on; to stay in the woods. 
shualdya to be idle; ef. walya to sit waiting. 


-ak, see -aga. 
-akia, see -gien, -tki. 
-akie’a, see -zida. 
-akla, see -kla. 
-akta, see -ta. 
-azia, see -ziéa. 
-azie’a, see -zida. 
-al, see -ila. 


-ala, verbal suffix related to -Ala and composed of the same elements, 
but differing from it by the location of the emphasized syllable. The verbs 
composed with both terminals are almost exclusively of a transitive nature, 
and the verbs in -ala and in -dla are in part verba denominativa, but more 
generally derivatives of other verbs. The suffix -Ala composes many other 
suffixes, as -alya, -alsha, -alshna, -alsh, etc. The origin of this suffix seems 
to have been the same as that of the prefix /- No. 2, pointing to a downward 
motion along something, which is also embodied in the words lash, hla’, hlala, 
q. v., the roots of which are made up by the sound 7. Some of their num- 
ber can geminate the / of the suffix, and they do so especially in song lines: 
shuinalla, gendlla. Cf. -altko, -¢la, -ila. 


Derivatives from other verbs: 


spalala to feed the young; for spanala; ef. pan to eat. 


314 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


stalila to fill, fill up; for standla; ef. stani full. 

shuindla to accompany in singing; ef. shuina to sing. 

ndokala to be kinky, curly. 

genala to start off and to approach; from géna to walk. 

washlala (and washlala) to hunt ground-squirrels, from subst. wishla. 
yauyalala (and yatizalala) to hunt bald ae from subst. yatizal. 
shne-uyala to destroy almost. 


shledla to perceive, look at; from shléa to see. 


-ala, -éla, -al, -la._ This verbal suffix is of great frequency and various 
import. It also forms quite a number of compound suffixes. The similarity 
of origin with -ala and other analogies were pointed out when speaking of 
that suffix. The circumstance that the accent rests upon the base of the 
word, and not on the suffix, causes a weakening and falling off of voealic 
parts of the suffix; thus -ala changes into -éla, -la, -al, and into -la, which 
is more frequent than the other forms. Many of these are denominative 
verbs. It will be best to divide these verbs into intransitives and transitives 
and to subdivide the latter into verbs formed (a) from substantives in -sh, 
(b) from substantives having other endings, (c) from verbs. 


1. Intransitive verbs in -ala ete., formed from other verbs apparently. 


shikatla to come up the road or trail. 
tchikla to sit on, upon, within. 
skutchala to dress in a mantle, blanket. 
pakla to bark at. 

mitluala to rot, to become rotten. 
spune’kla it is getting late at night. 


2. Transitive verbs in -iila ete. 


(a) Formed from substantives having the usual suffix of substantives, 
-sh (-ash, -ish, ete.); therefore these verbs all end in -shla or -shala. They 
indicate that the object represented in the noun, of which they are deriva- 


tives, is collected, manufactured, made into something or turned to account. 


LIST OF SUFFLXES. 315 


A special class of these is formed by the verbs referring to the harvesting 
of food-articles and crops. 


itishla to use for embroidering ; from itish, fta. 

li’gshla to capture in war, to enslave ; from ligsh. 
shilkshla fo dig a well; wa’‘shla to dig a hole. 

sptklishla to erect a sweat-lodge ; from spuklish, 
luldemashla to build a winter-lodge ; cf. luldamaldksh. 
shlankdshla to construct a bridge, bridges ; from shlankdsh. 
witchtlashla to make a witcholash-net. 

tcehulishla to make a shirt, and to wear one. 

wokashla, wo’ksla to collect pond-lily seed ; from wékash 
kéladshla to collect the kéladsh-berry crop. 


(b) Formed from substantives ending in another suffix than -sh; some 
of their number are diminutives in -aga, -ak. 


undkala and unakakala to give birth to a son; from viinak, tnakak. 
péyala fo give birth to a daughter ; from pé-ip. 

we kala to bear offspring; from wéka, dim. of wéash. 

nteydkala to make a little bow ; from ntéyaga. 

na-ila for na fala to make a nai-basket. 

lakiala to take as a husband ; from laki. 


shnawédshala, snawédshla to take as a wife; from shnawedsh. 


(c) Formed from verbs or verbal bases. 


shéllual to make war, to fight. 

ndakal, {tkal to pick up, find something long; cf. Idukala. 
patkal fo rise from sleep. 

shéwala to aver, state; cf. shéwa to be of opinion. 

shuikéla to mix into, said of liquids. 

shdlakla to cut or slash oneself; cf. laktcha. 

shaktakla to wound by a single cut. 

wépla to tie with straps ete. 

pikla to eat upon, on something; from paka to feed on. 


-2/lamna, see -lamna. 


316 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


-alpKa, the combination of the suffixes -ila and the iterative -pka. 
This suffix appears in connection with the terms of relationship, and then 
signifies fo call somebody father, sister, ete., or to call the father, sister, ete., by 
his or her name: p’tishal’pka, tipakshalpka. Usually -al- in -alpka is not 
emphasized, and the verbs are all transitives. 


p'tishalpka, Mod. t’shishalpka, to call somebody father. 

péyalpka to call somebody daughter ; cf. péyala to bear a daughter. 
pshéyalpka to call somebody uncle. 

pshikalpka fo call a person maternal aunt. 

pkimalpka fo call a person paternal grandmother. 

vunakalpka to call somebody son, child; ef. vinakala to bear a son. 


-alpKash, see -altko. 


-alsha, -alicha, verbal suffix produced by combination of the suffixes 
-ala, -sh and -a, q. v. Like the verbs in -sha the large majority of the 
verbs in -alsha are transitive ; they are formed from the verbal in -sh, which 
I call the verbal indefinite, by the addition of the declarative and verbifying 
suffix -a. The derivation is as follows: wékash pond-lily seed ; woksila to 
gather pond-lily seed ; wokashalsh, contr. wéksalsh, the act of gathering pond- 
lily seed ; w6ksalsha to be in the act of gathering pond-lily seed, to gather that 
seed for a time. The verbal in -sh represents the act or state expressed by 
its verb as a lasting one, and therefore easily assumes the function of a sub- 
stantive. Several of the verbs in -alsha possess another form in -altcha, 
which I regard as a phonetic corruption. The verbs in -alsha have the 
accent upon the word-stem or at least before the ending, and many of them 
refer to the hunts of game or to the annual gathering of crops, without 
being real usitative verbs for all that. Hutkalsha to rise up suddenly, is an 
example of an intransitive verb having this suffix; another is: tchala/lsha 
(for tehialé-alsha) to stay at home. 


shitualsha to throw at each repeatedly ; from shu-tita. 
shikalsha to play the four-stick game; from shak’la. 
plafwashalsha and plafwashaltcha to be on a bald-eagle hunt. 
wishlalsha to be on a chipmunk hunt; from washlala. 
stdpalsha to peel off the fiber-bark or stépalsh. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 317 


ktélualsha to gather pine-nuts for a time. 
kélalsha to be in the act of gathering the ko'l-bulb. 
mayalsha to gather tule-stalks in seascn; ef. ma-i, mayala. 


-alshna. This suffix, not of frequent occurrence, is -alsha increased 
by the suffix -na, q. v. 


hitkalshna to get up precipitately. 


=-alta, see -ta. 


-altko, in the oblique cases -Alpkash, -Alpkam, etc., is the form of the 
past participle of verbs in -ala, transitive as well as intransitive. When 
derived from transitive verbs, the form in -altko, which in the northern dialect 
is rarely accentuated on the penult in the subjective case, has as well an 
active as a passive function, though of these two generally one prevails. 

No special mention would be made of these participles as regular 
inflectional forms if they did not at times pass into the condition of verbal 
adjectives. This is the case when the parent verb is no longer in use or 
when the signification of the form in -altko shows an alteration from the 
form of the verb. Many of the “comprehensive” terms of relationship 
through blood and marriage belong here. Cf. -tko, -antko. 


shétye-unaltko related as brothers; ef. tzé-unap elder brother. 
shaptalaltko related as sisters or female cousins ; ef. p’talip. 
lulpaltko provided with eyes; from a supposed lilpala to obtain eyes. 
shunuishaltko possessed of ; cf. shtinuish property. 

o'Ishaltko gray-haired; from élshala to resemble the dlash-dove. 
petchakaltko having little feet; from a supposed petchakala. 
shmoékaltko wearing a beard ; from a supposed shmékala. 
tchuyeshaltko wearing a hat, cap; ef. tehiyesh hat, cap. 


-altcha, see -alsha. 


=-am, -/am, the suffix of the possessive case in the absolute and distrib- 
utive form; -lam is placed after the vowels -a and -e of the nominal base, 
-am after consonants and the vowels -i, -o, -u, which in that case are con- 
sidered as consonants (y, w). Both suffixes are pronounced very short, 


318 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


almost like -ém, -’m, -lém, -l’m. The origin of this suffix will be shown 
under the heading of ‘‘Substantive.” 

This possessive case form becomes in many nouns a subjective case, 
undergoing an inflection similar to that of the real subjective case. We 
subdivide these as follows: 

I.—Names of plants, especially fruit-bearing trees, shrubs, or herbs. The 
possessive suffix composes the majority of vegetals furnishing berries, nuts, 
and soft fruits to the list of Indian provisions, and a few only, like the serv- 
iceberry bush, tehakdga, have other endings. The pine-tree, ko’sh, fur- 
nishes only the resinous, ill-tasting pine-nut, and does not show the possessive 
form, but some of the seed-grasses, as tchipsham, exhibit it. Many of the 
plant names in -am exist in the distributive form. Besides the form in -am 
exists the other form in the subjective case, to designate the fruit, nut, or 
berry of the plant. The plant-name is the fruit-name placed in the pos- 
sessive case, and the term Anku tree, stem, or tehélash stalk, has to be supplied: 
kpék gooseberry, kpékam (Anku) gooseberry bush. Bulb plants, weeds, and 
low stalks with flowers often have the same name as their fruits, standing in 
the subjective case, like k6’l, wékash, Iéhiash, though even in moss-names 
the possessive case occurs, presumably through the law of linguistic analogy, 
The generic terms {wam berry, lé-usham,d lelé-usham flower, and some terms 
referring to animal food: kAwam eel spring, niksam dried fish, also take this 
suffix. 

hitchnam white-oak tree; hidsha acorn. 

iiplsam apple tree; a’ pulsh, &’pul apple. 

luluiluisham gooseberry bush; liiluish, species of gooseberry. 

tuftchysam choke-cherry tree; tuitehyash choke-cherry. 

fpshunalam swamp dogberry bush; ipshina blue swamp dogberry. 

pi’shzam bough of conifere; pi'shak little whorl. 

kApiunksham the grass producing the kapiunks-seed. 

Add to these padshayam, panam (and pan), patchnam, skawanksham, 


shléshlapteham, shué-usham, titanksham. 


II.—A few nouns indicating seasons of the year and phenomena of nature 
also show the terminal -am, -lam. Tydlam west wind is an abbreviation of 


tyAlanini (shléwish) and does not belong here. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 319 


luldam winter-time; cf. liash fog, mist. 
shi’hlam, shalam autwnn. 
yalyam tempest, storm. 


IIL—Of manufactured articles showing this suffix I have 1net the fol- 
lowing: 
kitchkam handkerchief, techt’ksham or teht’kshtim coffee-pot, lam-ptinu- 
isham glass bottle. 


-amna, -dmna. This verbal suffix, the final portion of which, -m’na, 
is a phonetic alteration of -mana, -amana, which is composed of -a, the com- 
mon ending of verbs, -ma and -na, two suffixes marking direction and dis- 
tance, q v. The idea conveyed by -amna, -anyna is that of being or coming 
around, upon, on or above, near somebody or something, and that of surround- 
ing, of covering. It forms transitive and intransitive verbs from other verbs, 
not from nouns, and has to be kept distinct from the suffix -lamna, -alamna. 
Cf. the suffixes -ma’and -na. 

tehflamna to be crowded together, around; cf. tchilla. 

gdtpamna fo approach near, to come to the lodge. 

tehtiyamna to swim about. 

tiiyamna to swim around below the water's surface. 

nutttyamna to hum, buzz, whirl around buzzing. 

niyamna to whirl around, to skip about. 

skéyamna to hold, carry about oneself in a basket. 

liukiaémna to go around, to surround; ef. liuka-a to collect. 

stunkiamna fo go around, v. intr ; to encompass, v. trans. 

shléyamna, liyamna to hold, carry in the arms, hands. 

Cf. also f-amna, kshtiyamna, shiamna, tchiamna, tyamna. In the verbs 
ending in -kidmna the syllable -ki- belongs to the stem of the word: shuha- 
kidmna fo dodge around (stem: hika or hikia), shatalkidmna to look around 
(ef. téla, télish); compare also shashknakiamnish mitten, Mod. 


-ampkKa is the suffix -pka appended to verbs of motion terminating 
in -na, -ana, -éna, by the same phonetic assimilation as observed in gémpéle, 
as formed from génapéle, gén’péle. The forms in -Ampka imply remoteness 
from the one who speaks or is supposed to speak or relate, and they often 


320 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


combine therewith the idea of being unseen by him. ‘Chey are transitive 
as well as intransitive verbs. Not to be confounded with the suffix -tampka. 
Cf. -apka. 
hutampka (for hutinapka) to run into distance; der. hita to rush upon. 
ne-wlaktampka to punish without being present ; ne-ulakta to punish. 
tinshampka fo run away unseen by the speaker; tinshna to run away. 
gaya-idshampka fo pass in front of into distance. 
shualaliampka to administer, provide for. ’ 
steyak’kampka fo listen outside of a lodge, building. 
shnuitampka to keep up a fire away from people; cf. nita to burn. 


-anka, -davka is a frequent suffix, composed of -ank, the ending of the 
present participle, and the -a of the declarative mode. ‘Thus it verbifies the 
act or state expressed by the participle, and expresses its duration. 'This 
may best appear from the following instances: 


kékanka to masticate; der. kéka to bite. 

hushkanka ¢o reflect, think over; hishka to think. 

shnikanuanka to make pauses in gathering crops; shnikanua to let ripen. 
ndéwanka to fall when sitting or standing; ndéwa to topple over. 
stillitanka to report, bring news; stilta to announce. 

shakpat’tanka to compress or pin together. 

shulitanka to move an object down and up. 

spukanka to move the feet quickly; sptika to put out the feet. 


sptnkanka to take as one’s companion; sptnka to let go. 


-ansha. Like the verbs in -alsha, -ampka, -anka, -antko, ete., those 
in -ansha are the result of a verbifying process to which an inflectional form 
is subjected. Here the verbal indefinite in -sh of verbs ending in -na, -ana, 
-éna becomes verbified by the apposition of -a, and -ansha conveys the idea 
of locomotion away from somebody or something, of starting out into distance, 
and sometimes that of passing through or out of. The word-accent sometimes 
passes upon the suffix itself (-dnsha), and -ansha is preferable to the form 
-ntcha, -andsha, which is sometimes used instead of it. Gékansha to start 
from is therefore derived from géknash the act of starting from, this from 
egékna. Géknash, by becoming lengthened into géknasha, inverts x and a 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. Bt 


and becomes gékansha. The majority of these verbs are intransitive. Cf. 
-insha. -ansha re-enforced by -na occurs in yttlanshna to het, or shoot aside 
of the mark. 

hikansha, ttishkansha, tinkansha to run out of. 

huiyansha to run along a river, along its current. 

gAtpansha fo come near some place. 

kokansha, kékantcha to climb up to a distance. 

kiludnsha to hurry away. 

huki¢étansha to pass quickly by somebody. 

kshékansha ¢o fly or soar up. 

ktchikansha to crawl through a hole. 

shlétansha to go to see, to visit somebody. 

nik’kansha to put the arm out of or through an orifice. 

tilankansha to roll something away. 


-anshna, see -ansha. 


-antko, -dntko forms participles and verbal adjectives from verbs in 
-na, -aina, -éna in the same manner as -altko from verbs in -ala, -la. Analogous 
in derivation with these two participial forms are the adjective suffixes -li 
and-ni. The suffix -antko forms its oblique cases: -dmpkash, -Ampkam, etc.; 
it conveys a passive and sometimes a medial signification In some of the 
examples below, the original verb in -na exists no longer, and in others like 
kdwantko the -n- seems to be the product of a nasalizing process only. 

kintchantko passable, pervious; kintchna to march in a file. 

kilkantko humpback; cf. kilza to become humpbacked. 

shulitantko dressed, clad; shulétana to dress oneself. 

tilhuantko submerged; tilhua to overflow. 

kawantko poor, indigent; kawa to be poor. 

=ap, see -p. 

-a’pka, -qka. The suffix -pka forms verbs in -Apka from verbs in -a in 
the same manner as it forms derivatives in -i’pka, -6’pka from verbs in -wa, 
-ua, or derivatives in -Ampka from verbs in -na, -éna. Verbs in -apka de- 
scribe an action performed or state undergone at a distance from the person 
speaking or supposed to speak or relate, and are intransitive as well as trans- 


21 


322 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


itive; other verbs in -Apka are usitatives or iteratives. From the verbs in 
-pka they differ only by the presence of the basal -a. 


I.—Verbs expressing distance from the one speaking: 
(a) Distant, when lying on the ground or within reach. 
ilapka to charge, load by placing the load on the bottom (of boat). 
kiapka to recline sidewise. 
shnukpapka to hold down on the ground. 
tchidpka, wawapka to sit on the ground. | 


(b) At a distance from the one speaking, but still visible : 
gelapka to climb into, step upon at a distance. 

telhapka to survey, overlook, as a country. 

tinolénapka to set, said of celestial bodies. 


(c) Removed out of the usual position, or at a distance sufficient to 
prevent contact: 

klimtchapka to keep the eyelids closed. 

shatashtzapka to seize an object with the hand so that the fingers do not 
touch the thumb in grasping. 

shmuktchapka to pout the lips. 


(d) At a distance out of sight: 
k’lewidshapka to leave behind in the lodge. 
kptidshapka to pursue an object out of sight. 


II.— Iterative verbs are as follows: 
shkanakapka to assail repeatedly. 
shuktapka to strike oneself repeatedly. 
vutikapka to draw the tongue in and out. 


=f4S, see -ash. 


-ash, -as, -sh. The most frequently occurring nominal suffixes are 
-ash, -ish, -ush, all formed by the connection of the vocalic stem-endings of 
verbs with the noun-making suffix -sh, -s. All of them differ in their func- 
tions, and it is therefore preferable to treat of them in separate articles. The 


suffix -ash is pre-eminently a suffix for names of inanimate objects, while -ish 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 323 


is the suffix forming names of animate beings chiefly. The difference is best 
shown by examples: 

shashapkéléash story, narrative, myth. 

shashapkélé-ish narrator, story-teller. 

shlélaluash upper eyelid, or “cover” moving by itself. 

shlélaluish cream of milk, or “cover” to be removed by hand; the real 

meaning of shlélaluish being cover. 
tchi’sh (from tehfash) settlement; tchi’sh (from tchi-ish) settler. 


The vowel -a- in -ash is often elided by syncope, especially when pre- 
ceded by a consonant, or suffers contraction, as -d-ash into -ash, 

As an inflectional terminal, -ash forms the objective case in the adjective, 
and also in the majority of names of animate beings in the absolute as well as 
in the distributive form. In the numerals, -ash has the function of a locative 
suffix; ef. “Numerals.” 

It also forms the verbal indefinite of the verbs in -a: shiytita to exchange, 
barter—tua i shand-uli shiytitash? for what will you barter this? The verbal 
signification is still perceptible in the nouns k6-i piluyéash onion, viz., “bad 


smeller”, and in k6-i timénash noise, viz, ‘disagreeable hearing”. 


1. Denominative nouns in -ash. I mention a few instances in which the 
primitive term is still in use at the same time with the derivative, so that 
there cannot be any reasonable doubt of a derivation having occurred : 

kiifla earth, ground; kiilash mud, dirt, semen. 

1o’k kernel, seed; likash fish-roe. 

muksh down; mukash ow/l, ‘ downy bird.” 

mtlu, something rotten; modlash phlegm. 

shi'l cloth, tissue; shilash tent. 


tédke horn, prong; tédksh-navel ; fish-bladder. 


2. To the above may be added a few nouns formed through onomato- 
peia: 

tuktuk (ery of hawk), tiktukwash jish-hadwk. 

wii'k (note of duck), wi’kash, a duck species. 

wekat (ery of frog), wéketash green frog 


3. Nomina verbalia concreta or substantives in -ash, formed from transi- 


324 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


tive or intransitive verbs in -a and designating inanimate things of a concrete 
signification, among which are included all animals of a lower order. By 
syncope or elision -ash may dwindle down to -’sh, -’s, or may be pronounced 
-ish incorrectly. In many instances the verb from which the nouns in -ash 
are derived has become obsolete, as in yapalpuléash whitish butterfly. Some 
of these nouns in -ash are of an active or instrumental, like shapash, others, 
as tlitash, of a passive signification. This is easily explained by the fact that 
the transitive verbs of this upland tongue undergo no change in their form 
when passing from the active to the passive voice. 

hashuash vegetable, maize; from hashua to plant, sow. 

ktédshash rain; from ktédsha it rains. 

lalash side of animal; from lala to slope down. 

léwash play-ball, globe; from léwa to play. 

shapash sun, moon, clock ; from shépa to indicate. 

shétaluash glass, mirror; from shétalua to reflect. 

shlitchiyash comb; from shlitch’ka to sift. 

tinuash drowning-place; from tinua to fall into water. 

tuitash trunk of tree; from ttita to remove. 


Some of the nouns mentioned under -a have lost their -sh: skéa for 
sk’hs, nkika for nkfkash, mbuika for mbttkash, wekéta for wek¢tash, both 
forms now existing simultaneously; probably also pata swnmer heat, pWhla 
tray, dish, pala liver. 


4. Nomina verbalia abstracta, or substantives in -ash, formed from verbs 
in -a (mainly transitives) and designating abstractions. Their signification 
approaches very nearly that of a verbal indefinite in -ash. 


hishkanksh thought, mind; from hishkanka to think. 

kpapshash sense of taste; from kpapsha to taste. 

kézpash (Mod.) thought, mind; from kézpa, d of képa to think. 
sha-ishash a secret; from sha-ishi (here from sha-isha) to hush up. 


shéshash name, price; from shésha to name, call. 


1 There are a few nomina actoris and other nouns in -ash (short a) which I presume have all origi- 
nated from -a-ish, and formerly had their a long (-ash): ka-ikash one who acts strangely, from ké-ika; 
sheshyeila-ash noisy fellow, from sheshyéla; utiissusé-ash clown, jester ; popamkash hairy on body, absol. 
form pémkash not being in use. 


LIST OF SUFFILXES. 325 


=-ash. This nominal suffix is the result of a contraction either of -4-ash 
or of 4-ish: 

(a) Contracted from -a-ash, and therefore pointing to some object of 
the inanimate class; cf. -ash: 

stina’sh willow-lodge; Mod. lodge, from stiné-a. 

palash, pdlaash flour; from pala. 

(b) Contracted from -d-ish, and therefore pointing to a nomen actoris : 

sheshtalkash wag, funny fellow. 

ulaktchnash one whose head is not flattened. 

-atech, a nominal suffix which is a corruption of -dtkish, the instru- 
mental suffix, as in— 

shimaluatch, from shumaludtkish implement for writing, painting or 


drawing ; from shiimalua. 
lématch mealing-stone, prob. for lamétkish. 


=ii, see -e. 

=iiga see -éga. 
=izi, see -ziéa. 
=iim, see -m. 

-bli, see -péli. 
=-dsh, see -tch. 
-dsha, see -tcha. 
-dshna, see -tchna. 


=-e. The terminal -e occurring in verbs is but a part of a suffix, as -tze, 
-ue, and in every instance alternates with -i; therefore it does not require to 
be treated separately. Verbs belonging here are hilhe, gAyue, gtitze, skttyue. 

Of the substantives in -e some are derived from verbs. In a few the 
ending also alternates with i, as in tchékele blood, téke horn, litke evening, 
kné-udshe coarse bark of tree. In others -e alternates with -é and -i: 


kawe eel, lamprey-eel; poss. case, kiwam. 


326 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


kéye, k0-i lobster, crab. 

ktimme, ktimmé cave, cavern. 

shktle, skiilii, Mod tsztle lark; poss. sktlilam. 
tile, tilé little lake, pond. 

=€, see -e. 


-e’a, verbal suffix related to -fa. It refers to acts performed with or on 
one’s own body or that of another person, and generally is found with in- 
transitive verbs only. It sometimes alternates with -fa, fya, which is a more 
frequent suffix; but when -ia is the original form it does not frequently al- 
ternate with -éa. Thus, K]. and Mod., shashapkelfa to recount stories to some- 
body is in Modoe shapke-ia and shapkéa. 

kedshamkedshalkéa to wheel around on one’s feet. 

palaléa to pull out by the roots. 

shakatpampeléa to have a horse or foot race. 

shetalyéa and shutapkéa to stand on one’s head. 

tilampudshéa to roll oneself about. 

tilanshnéa to contort, turn about one’s limbs. 

tchikualyuléa to turn somersaults. 


-e’g a, -d'ga, -iéga, a suffix forming inchoative or inceptive verbs, and 
identical in its function with -tampka, but more frequently oceurring in 
Klamath Lake than in Modoc, where -tampka preponderates. There are 
verbs which assume both endings indiscriminately, as— 

ktudshi¢éga and ktudshtimpka it begins to rain. ; 

tchutchiiyéga and tehutchii-itampka it begins to melt (as ice). 

After the consonants /, tch, dsh, and after all the vowels, -éga appears 
in the form -iéga, -iii’ga, -yéga, which is perhaps the original shape of this 
suffix. Like the Latin verbs in -are and the Greek verbs in -a@v, -ezrv, 
which once were inchoatives also, the verbs in -éga have dropped the func- 
tion of inchoatives to express the act or state itself indicated by the base of 
the verb. The suffix forms verbs from other verbs only, not from nouns, 
and they are transitives as well as intransitives. 

(a) Verbs of inchoative import in -éga, -iéga: 


i-un¢éga to become dark at night. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 327 


tinéga, tinnii’ga to set, said of celestial bodies. 
eutéga to penetrate, lit. “to begin to enter”; ef guta. 
euhi¢éga to begin to swell up; ef. guhia. 

shakaliii’ga to commence gambling ; ef. shakla. 
shuteyéga to make, create first ; cf. shuta. 

liwayéga to begin to lift; to lift at one end. 

luyéga to ascend, said of fog, clouds, ete. 

shuyéga to start a song ; ef. shuina. 

tmuyéga to begin at one end. 


(6) Verbs in -éga, -iéga, no longer inchoative : 
huwaliéga to run uphill; cf. hawala to run upward. 
shlatchiéga to splash. 

tpuali¢ga to drive up to the top. 

witchuyéga to blow something up. 

kshawaliéga to transport, carry uphill. 

ndiunéga to fall, roll into. 

tchi¢ga to flood, overflow. 

spiéga to assist in getting up, rising. 


(c) A number of verbs belong to neither of the two categories above, 
but are applicative verbs in -ga, -ka, with accentuated -e- before it, which 
points to an act or state of the subject’s own body. 

kiuyéga to hold over somebody obliquely; cf. uyéga. 

ktehiéga to help oneself up by using the arms 

ktutéga to sink down in water, sand, mud. 

tinéga to snort. 

The verbs ktetéga, powetéga are derivatives of téga, and hence do not 
properly belong here. 

=@’=i71, see -ziéa. 

-@Ka, see -ka. 

=@’71, see -{zi. 


-e’la, an unfrequent verbal suffix, pointing to superposition or to a 
raising up above other objects. 


328 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


shikantéla to lay one thing upon another ; cf. shikantila. 
tchekléla to sit down on the side, edge of: 
vutukayéla to throw up a long object. 


=-la, see -ila. 


-@’1tko, a Modoe form occurring in a few words and in every respect 
parallel to KI. -altko. The Modoe dialect shows a tendency to substitute 
sometimes ¢ for a in radical as well as in derivational syllables, when they 
stand between consonants, as in shétma for shatma, néshki for nashki, métkla 
for matkla, uléplpa for ulaplpa. Cf. -altko. 


weweshé Itko, Kl. weweshaltko having offspring. 


-e’na, -iéna, two verbal suffixes closely connected in their origin and 
functions. The former, -éna, is also pronounced -ii’na, -héna, and refers to 
an act performed or state undergone within, inside of something, while the 
latter, -i¢na, also pronounced -yéna, -iii/na, -yii’/na, -hiéna, -hiii’na, refers to 
an act performed inside the lodge or house, indoors. The -i- composing this 
suffix is the particle i, hi, which means (1) on the ground and (2) in the 
lodge ; for the suffix -éna, see -na, its component. 


(a) Verbs in -éna: 

shleyéna to line a garment enveloping the body; ef. shléya. 

neyéna to place a lining into, as into a hat; cf. néya. 

shikpualhéna to roll in the mouth an object not protruding from it; K1. 
shikpualkana. 

kuloyéna to stir up a liquid in a vase. 


(b) Verbs in -iéna: 

goyéna, pl. ginhiéna to go into, intrude into the lodge. 
huihiéna to run around within a building. 

kiwalhiéna to cohabit indoors. 

luyii/na to go in a circle inside a wigwam. 

payiina, d. papiii’na to go around eating indoors. 
shnayéna to fly, flutter around, as a captive bird. 


=-e’nash, see -ni. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 329 


= 


=-ésh, the result of a contraction from -d4-ish and -é-ish; forms con- 
crete and abstract nouns from verbs, as follows: 


shutésh maker, creator; from shuté-ish, shutii’-ish. 

ngé’sh for ngé-ish, nkéwish arrow, missile, from nkéwa to break. 
tikésh (Mod.) argillaceous soil. 

tchikésh land overflowed; cf. tchtzi to be overflowed. 
shlum-dimtésh grass filling gaps in the lodge- walls. 

létesh, piece of matting ; from lita to hang down. 


=-@sh, see -ash, -ish. 

-e’ta, see -wéta. 

=2', see -iiga, -k. 

=2a, see -iiga, -ka. 
-gakia’mna, see -kakiimna. 
=-ga’/nka, see -kanka. 

=gi, see -ki, -Iki. 

-g¢@i’dsha, see -kidsha. 
-g21'ma, see -ki'ma. 
-2i’anki, see -gien. 


=-gien, -akia, -kia, a terminal appearing under many various forms and 
representing in fact not a suffix, but an agglutinated pronoun gianki for 
oneself, in one's own interest. This pronoun originated from the participle 
efank of gi to do, perform, act, and the particle 7, having reflective signitica- 
tion, appearing also in suffixes like -fa; thus it really means “doing for one- 
self.” The more frequent abbreviations of -gianki, -gianggin, are -gink, 
-kink, -ginggi, -kinki, -gin, -kin, and when fully reduced te the shape of a 
verbal suffix combined with the verbal ending -a: -akia, -agia, aki, -agi, ete. 
Appended to verbs in -ala, -la this suffix appears as -1ki, -lgi, q. v. 


330 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, ~ 


(1) The suffix is appended to the emphatic forra of personal pronouns 
in both dialects : 

nu J, nitak myself, nutagidnggi for myself. 

at ye, a'tak yourselves, a’'takianki for yourselves. 


And also appears in certain adjectives : 


tidshi good, tidshkiénki careful, viz., ‘acting well for oneself.” 


(2) In verbs the suffix mostly appears in the form -agia, -akia, -agi, etc: 

shitlagia and shitilagien to collect for oneself; Mod. shidlagianki, con- 
tracted into shit’lki, shio‘lzi. 

shnékakia to detest, hate. 

hashashuakia to converse with. 

sdlakia to miss from one’s company. 


(3) In a series of verbs in -kia, -gia the function of the suffix is simply 
that of a factitive -ka, -ga, with the particle -7- inserted. This particle gives 
it the locative meaning of in place or at that place, on the spot. 

lakia, shlikia to lay, spread against a wall ete.. 

nylitagia to burn at the bottom of a cooking-vase. 

shnittikia to build a fire on the spot. 

shttizia to carry on one’s shoulder. 


tchakia to put into the mouth. 

=g iN, see -gien. 

=-gish, see -kish. 

=2'sh, see -kish, -ksh. 

=-guish, see -kuish. 

=-h-, see Infixes. 

=ha, verbal suffix forming intransitive and transitive verbs from verbal 
roots or bases. In some instances the -h- may be an epenthetic sound, as 
in paha to exsiccate, for pa-a; but in the majority of verbs the suffix points 


to an act ete. being done upon, on the top of something, and -h- can be thrown 


out, especially when standing after a consonant. ‘This terminal is especially 


LIST OF SUFFIXEs. 331 


frequent after l- and t-, and seems to be a contraction of -hia, -a being the 
declarative, verbifying suffix, and hi the particle hi, i, ‘on the ground.” 


télha, téla to look upon, to overlook. 

flha, fla to lay down upon; cf. ilhi to carry inside. 

sktlha to lie on the top of; cf. skilya to be prostrate, to sleep. 
stilha to put a string, rope, belt, ete. on oneself. 

tchiaha to heat over the fire (liquids only). 

shatnalha to heat the cooking-stones for baking. 

klalha, kléla hail is falling. 

nétha, néta to place, put something sheet-like upon. 
shlét’ha to cover with, said of mantles ete. 


=hi, suffix forming transitive and intransitive verbs from verbal stems. 
It has the same origin as the suffix -i, and often alternates with it by losing 
-h-, but is not quite identical with it. The function of -hi may be specified 
as pointing to an act or motion foward or into the lodge, dwelling, house of 
somebody or of oneself, that of homeward; the location upon the ground 
indicated by the particle hi, i being also the floor of the Indian lodge. This 
suffix often becomes emphasized, and is chiefly appended to verbal stems in 
-], -t, like the suffix -ha. Cf. -i. 


spulhi, spulf to lock up, said of one person; ef. ilhi. 
télhi to look or peep into a lodge, a house, ete. 
ethi, guli, plur. kilhi to enter, pass into, go into. 
hilhi, hilhe to run, rush into, inside of the lodge. 
stilhi to report, announce at one’s house. 

puclhi to throw down into the lodge. 

skilhi to crawl into a hole, den. 


-hiii’na, -hiéna, see -éna. 
-huya, see -uya. 


=i, -?, a suffix frequently found in verbs as well as in nouns and adverbs. 
Its function is not well defined or circumscribed, but may be generally de- 
scribed as localizing or locative. When appended to nouns it is simply the 
particle i, hi; ef. hi in Dictionary; when suftixed to verbs it is derived from 


BE GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


it. The original function of -i, however, is not always apparent in the 
derivatives given below, for many of them refer, for instance, to the human 
or animal body. Cf suffix -hi. 


1. Locative suffix -i oceurs chiefly in topographic terms and local names, 
and forms the locative case of substantives designating settlements, islands, 
rocks, rivers, brooks, islands; also composes locative case-postpositions, as 
-kshi, -ksaksi, and many particles. Appended to the nominal forms of the 
verbs it assumes temporal function; ef. 29, 19.20. Examples: tchi’shi in the 
camp ; stékishi where the door is; Mbakualshi, Néwapkshi, ete. 


2. Substantives in -i. Some are derived from verbs or are verbs made 
into nouns. They form the oblique cases in -am, ~at, or -tat, etc. Those 
in which -i alternates with -e were mentioned under suffix -e. Several of 
their number are terms for parts of the animal body; others are animal and 
plant names. 


(a) Parts of the animal body: laki forehead, ii’ pakli hip, tehii’-i posteriors, 
t6ki, Mod. tsénki, tsénzi horn. 

(b) Names of animals: mutt-i woodchuck, shud-i white-tailed deer. 

(c) Names of plants: kli’pi, species of rush, pii’ni, species of tall grass, 
lulsi, species of Sagittaria, widshipi Mod. for widshibam K1., species of lacus- 
trine reed, ma-i bulrush. 

(d) Other nouns: kta-i rock, stone, vumi cache, kli’pki red paint, tehiyi 
bottom of vase, mallui rabbit-net, kikui brother of grandparent, mét’hli key-hole. 


3. Adjectives in -i are: 
tchmuytiksi unkempt, pumiksi having frizzy, crisped hair. 
Pronouns in -i are: 
huni and hukt he by himself, she by herself. 
4. Adverbs in -i are not frequent, but show throughout a signification 
which was originally locative: 


ati, ati, A-ati distantly, far off ; high up. 
ku-i away from, on the other side. 


kt-i, ké-i badly, mischievously. 


LIST OF SUFFLXES. 333 


pclui down, down in, further away; cf. tipélui. 
pla-i up, high up, above, on high. 


5. The verbal suffix -i in some instances alternates with -e, q. v., forms 
transitive and intransitive verbs from other verbs, and also occurs in several 
compound suffixes, as -lgi, -dli (-uli, -dle), -péli (-p’li), -ui (-wi), ete. We 
have to distinguish between— 


(a) The -i equivalent to -hi, as in guli ete; cf. -hi. 

(b) The -i as an abbreviation of -ya, -fya, as in gélkai for gelkaya, né-i 
for néya, shui for shiiya; cf. -aya, -ya. 

(c) The suffix -i used with reference to an act or status of the human 
or animal body. Examples: 


afshi to secrete; refl. shd-ishi to keep as a secret. 
iiwisi to digest food. 

kaili to gird oneself. 

kuatchaki to bite in the hair. 

pui to cut in fringes, to fringe. 

tchulf and tehulia to put a shirt on. 


A few verbs are inflected simultaneously in -a and in -i, there being a 
shade of difference in the signification of the two: hinua to fall upon some- 
thing, hinui to fall on the ground, soil; gélyalka and gélzalgi, vulina and vulini, 
péksha and pékshi, q. v. 

Other verbs change their -a to -2 in some of the verbals, as nuta fo burn, 
nuti’sh the burning, nuti’sht having been burnt ; ma’sha to be sick, ete. 


=1’a, -ya, a verbal suffix not to be confounded with -ia, because always 
accentuated upon the -i-, which is the particle 7 used in a personal sense: 
Jor somebody, or in the interest of somebody. It is confined to transitive verbs 
only, and alternates with -éa only when that suffix is appended exception- 
ally to transitive verbs. The ‘‘somebody” or indirect object pointed at by 
-i- is not always made mention of in the sentence in which the verb is used. 
elktchnia to lay down for somebody on one’s way; cf. élktcha. 
kinshipkia to beckon somebody to come; kinshipka to point at. 
nutuyakia to throw for and toward somebody. 


334 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


shapia, shapfya to inform somebody of; shapa to tell, apprise. 

shlaniya to spread out for somebody. 

shnukfa to seize for somebody; shnika to seize. 

shuinia, dissim. shuinéa to sing for somebody; shuina to sing. 

shutia, shutiya fo make for some one; shuta to make. 

vutikapkfa to stick out the tongue at somebody; ef. vutikapka. 

A special class of verbs in -fa are those pointing to doing something in 
sight of another to deceive or fool him, or to indicate an act by gesture. 

shakémfia to play treacherously or deceptively; ef. shikéma to play. 

shatashpapkia to make the gesture of washing one’s face ; ef tédsha to wash. 

shelaktchia to indicate throat-cutting by gesture; ef. laktcha to cut the throat. 


=ia, -ya (No. 1), verbal suffix, unaccented, but of the same origin as the 
accented -fa, -iya Among the great variety of verbs exhibiting this suffix 
the only characteristic which they have in common is that they refer to the 
subject of the verb. These verbs are transitive as well as intransitive and 
are derived from other verbs. One of them, tchilzia, means to place upon the 
ground; the adverbial idea upon the ground being expressed by the i of the 
radix, and not by the -i- in the suffix -ia. 


(a) Intransitives in -ia, -ya: 
kimialia to feel pain, to smart. 
mahia and smahia to cast a shadow. 
mé¢kia to be or become a dotard. 
ninia to flap the wings. 

shlamia to be a mourner. 

smiikia to take a mouthful. 

shnéya, tehnéya to run straight out. 
tchitya to melt; ef. tehédkpa, tchutchéya. 
(b) Transitives in -ia, -ya: 

alihia, Alaya to point out, to show. 
fhia to pick out, choose, select. 

lotiya to pick berries, to shuck. 
ndsakia to close up, as an opening. 


shatehlyamia to paint one’s face or body white. 
x A 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 335 


tkuya to rub slightly with fingers. 
tchiléya to give, hand over something liquid or soft. 
utatchkia to place a cover upon. 


=ia (No. 2), a nominal, unaccented suffix which seems to form diminu- 
tives and to be an abbreviation of -iaga, -iag, -iak, though only a small 
number of bird-names proves its existence. 


kuitchia, ktitsia, probably species of grebe. 
titikia swallow; Mod. for titak K1. 
tuitia young duck. 


=-[4/na, see -éna. 
-ie’ga, see -éga. 
=-ie’na, see éna. 


=i’ga, -tka. The verbs in -iga, -ika stand in the same relation to those 
in -iga, -ika as the verbs in -Aga, -tiga to those in -aga, -uga; cf. suffix -aga. 
The suffixes -iga, -iga are combinations of the factitive -ga, -ka with -1-, 
which is either (1) the locative or (2) the personal particle 7, reflecting upon 
the subject of the verb. In sheshatuika the -i- belongs to a suffix now form- 
ing part of the word-stem; -ka is the real derivational suffix. The verbs in 
-iga are formed from other verbs and are transitives as well as intransitives; 


ef. -liga. 
-i- personal: 
shawiga to be irate, in a wrath. 
shiukiga to kill, as birds ete.; ef. shiukia to kill for somebody. 
-i- locative: 


Ishiklakuiga to frame a shed, lodge by means of rods ete. 
shluyakiga to whistle, as a tune. 
spatchiga to twist; to ring a door-bell. 


-iga, -ika. For the origin of the unaccented suffix -iga, see -iga. It 
forms transitives and intransitives, often forms compounds with other suf- 


336 GRAMMAR OF ©LHE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


fixes, cf. shnikptiga; and -ga, -ka gives a factitive signification to the verbs 
composed with it. 

dniga, Anika to advise one to help oneself to; cf. dna. 

kédshika to tire out, to become tired; ct. kédsha to be unable. 

shinshiya to crowd each other. 

skii’-ika to walk backward. 

shnakptiga to seize with tongs. 

utcha-ika to grasp by the handle or long end. 

widshika to be stingy, avaricious. 


-i’/ya, see -da, -ia. 


~izi, -é’zi, a compound verbal suffix conveying the idea of local super- 
position, location above, and answering to our over, above, on, or over the top 
of, resting or remaining above somebody or something, or moving over the 
top of some object. The suffix has the penult long through accentuation 
and forms transitive and intransitive verbs from other verbs. 


etlé’yi to lay across and on top of another long object. 
heshliyi to put or wear a garment over or on one’s shoulders. 
huytki fo jump out upon the shore from the water. 
ipene’ zi to lay on the top of a receptacle already filled. 
ktiwizi to lift or post up above, on the top of. 

’mbutéze (for himbutéze) to jump over a log (himboks). 
ngangatiyi to play leap-frog. 

shiwizi to increase, become stronger, as winds. 

spizi to pull, draw out upon something. 

telizi, lukantizi to look over something. 

tinizi fo rise (sun, moon); to go uphill. 

wintzi, Mod. vuiyin to surpass, excel. 


=-izie’a, see -zida. 
-izia, see -ziéa. 


-i’na, a suffix of transitive and intransitive verbs implying departure, 
separation, or removal of the verbal subject or object from the one speak- 
ing or from the indirect object. It is a compound of -na, q. v., and the par- 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. aon 


ticle i, hi on the ground, and points therefore to a motion either along the 
ground or downward to the ground. The suffix is frequently used to form 
derivatives from verbs in -la (ala) and in -li, -If, although to establish a 
suffix -lina would hardly be justifiable. Cf. -wina. 


iwina to place, put down into; cf. iwa. 

yiulina to send over the edge, push off from. 

kituina to pour down on, into; ef. kitua to pour on. 
nde-ulina to fall down from; cf. ndé-uli. 

nelina to scalp, flay; from ni'l, ne’l fur, animal skin. 
nge-ishlina to make arrows from; ngé-ishla to make arrows. 
tpulina to drive off, oust from; tpult to drive out. 

tulina to leave behind many objects; ef. tilha. 

vutokélina to fall down from when hurt, shot, or drunk. 


-insha, a suffix verbifying the verbal indefinite in -sh of verbs in -ina, 
-ina exactly in the same manner as -ansha does the verbal of verbs in -na, 
-aina, -éna. The functions of both suffixes are the same, except that -insha 
gives the additional idea of starting away from the water, or prairies, open 
places. 


guikinsha to start away from water ete. 
huikinsha to run away from the river ete. 
hushiinsha, tilindsha to leave at home, in the camp. 


=ip, see -p. 


=-i’pa, suffix occurring mainly in transitive verbs. It is composed of the 
suffix -i as found in the verbs in -ia, ana of the verbal suffix -pa intimating 
a motion toward the verbal subject. The function of -ipa is to show removal 
from somebody or some place toward the one speaking or acting, or sup- 


posed to do so. 


gahipa, ga-ipa to catch breath with a grunt. 

pudshipa to pull out. 

shulshipa to take off, as a ring, from one’s own finger. 
udshipa, idshipa, ludshipa to strip, take off from; cf. idsha. 
22 


338 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


-ipKa, -pka, a suflix chiefly found in intransitive verbs; it conveys 
the idea of approaching, coming toward, nearing the verbal object, often 
the one who speaks or is supposed to speak. It may refer to acts or proc- 
esses performed at a distance, in close contiguity or vicinity, or on some 
person’s body. Sometimes, however, the ending -ipka is the result of a 
contraction, and then -pka is the suffix, not -ipka; cf. gaké-ipka from gaki- 
yipka (Dictionary, p. 33), and shne-ipka to kinkle a camp-fire habitually, which 
presupposes a verb shnéya. Cf. -pka. 

The forms -ipkam, -ipzéni, ete. and -ipkash, -ipzash are sometimes 
oblique cases of the participles or verbal adjectives of verbs in -i, some- 
times of verbs in -a. Cf. -tko, which is the form of their subjective case. - 


hantchipka to suck out of a person’s body. 

huntchipka to fly toward. 

kidshipka to have the waterbrash. 

layipka to take aim at somebody. 

pakluipka to bark, howl at from a distance. 

shikidshipka to lean on a support. 

tilo’dshipka to see somebody approaching 

tinshipka fo rise; said of sun, moon, because they seem to come nearer 


after rising; cf. tinshna. 


-ish, -is, -sh. The real function of the suffix -ish, abbreviated -sh, 
has been pointed out under the heading of -ash as that of forming active or 
animate nouns from verbs. This suffix is appended directly to the verbal 
basis of verbs in -a, and usually remains unaccented. When the suffix is 
accented, -ish has the vowel long, and in the two following instances at least 
is the result of a contraction from -iash; it therefore belongs to -ash and not 
to -ish: 

guki’sh act of climbing; from guki to climb up. 

nuti'sh, ntitish conflagration; ef. niita to burn. 


A shortened pronunciation of -ish is that of -ésh. 


The suffix -ish produces nominal forms which may, according to their 
ys g 


signification, be classified as follows: 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 339 


- 


1. Verbals descriptive of quality, which are either verbal adjectives or 
adjectives, formed from attributive verbs: 


pikish eatable, serviceable as food; from paka to feed on. 
shanzish raw, uncooked; from shanki to be raw. 

shkéntchish pole-necked; from skéntehna to stick the head out. 
vushish coward; from visha to be afraid. 


wawishish productive of offspring; from waishi to generate. 


To these may be added the adjectives skétish left, left-sided ; stelapkish 
right, right-sided ; vultchfkish, contracted: viltchiksh dolichocephalic. 


2. Substantive nouns, or. names of inanimate objects, which are (1) either 
produced by the action of the verb from which they are derived (nomina 
acti), or (2) serve as instrument, tool, or means to the one performing the 
action of that verb. 

hukish breath, spirit; from hika to breathe. 

kaflish belt, girdle; from katli to gird oneself. 

kilkish hump, gibbosity ; from kilka to become humpbacked. 

lémé-ish thunder; from léména it thunders. 

lutish round fruit, berry; from lita to hang down. 

shléwish wind, blast; from shléwi to blow, v. intr. 

sptklish szeat-lodge; from spukli to perspire. 

shuldtish garment; from shuldta to dress onesely. 


Since the main function of -ish is an active and personal one, the above 
nouns can be regarded as things personified and acting. Indeed in English 
we can fitly render kaflish by “girder,” lutish by “hanger-down,” shléwish 
by “blower,” and sptiklish by “sweater.” 


3. Substantives in -ish, called nomina actoris. These nouns designate 
animate beings which perform the act described by the verb more than once, 
constantly, repeatedly, or habitually. When they are frequentative or usita- 


tive nouns they generally stand in the distributive or reduplicated form. 


btinuish drinker, bubanuish drunkard; from binua to drink. 


ndéndinish prattler ; from ndéna to prattle, speak. 


340 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


pepuadshnish spendthrift; from puédsha to throw away. 
shéshatuish store-keeper ; from shéshatui to sell. 
sheshtélkish prostitute; from shetélya to consort. 
shishtikish fighter, bully; from shitika to beat, whip. 


Besides these are several terms of zo6logy in -ish, the roots of which 
have become obsolete, viz: ké-ish rattlesnake, hishtish sucker fish, tehashish 
skunk, tehélish hedgehog, and others., 


4. A few abstract nouns end in -ish: lushlishlish warmth, from lushlishli 


warm. 
-ita, see -ta. 


-i’ta, accented verbal suffix occurring chiefly in intransitive verbs, and 
indicating location away from or a motion toward the outside. That fune- 
tion of its component -ta which indicates distance is perceptible in it. 


gunita to go or be beyond, on the other side of. 
kitita to burst, explode. 

kshita ¢o escape by running ete. (Mod.). 
nitita to be open, sore, as from a wound. 
shnekshita to save, deliver out of. 

tgatita, tgutita to stand outdoors. 


=ya, see -dya, -ia, -fa. 
. 4 

-ye’g2a, see -éga. 

-ye’na, see -éna. 


-yua. The verbs in -yua are derived from transitive verbs in -ka, 
-ga (-tika), and are used when the action refers to a few objects only. In 
the Dictionary a reciprocal function was given to some of them, but this 
appears to be secondary to that of a few. 

idiiyua to give kicks to a few; from idtika to kick. 

ko-tiyua to bite a few, or each other. 

kttiyua to hit a few, to hit each other; from kttika to strike. 

stiiyua to stab a few; from sttika to stab. 


udtiyua to whip a few or each other; from vudtka to beat 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 341 


-k,-z,-9. Whenever gutturals appear as final sounds of a word, this 
is very often due to the dropping of a vowel-sound at the end of the word 
or to the transposition of sound within the final syllable. The various in- 
stances where gutturals figure as final sounds may be classified as follows: 


1. Verbal forms sometimes drop the declarative -a, as in gdnkank, 
hushtso’y, shiug, especially in the Klamath Lake dialect. 


2. The participle of the present has the terminal -ank, -ink, -unk in the 
Klamath Lake dialect. 


9 


3. Transposition from -ka, -ya, as in tapay leaf, for tapka; verb tapka 
to stand out, project. 

4. The gutturals are final sounds of a thematic root, as in laklak, adverb 
of laklakli smooth, level. 

5. The diminutive nominal suffix -4ga, -ak, -ag in an abbreviated form. 
Instances of this will be seen under -’ga; but we can add ktchitchok little 
bat, for ktchitchoaga. 

6. Sometimes the demonstrative pronoun ké is abbreviated into -k, as 
in ik thou, or the verb gi to be, to do, to say into the same sound; ef. lApik 
there were two (of them), katak fo tell the truth, ete. 

7. Substantives in which the final -k could possibly represent a real 


derivational or formative suffix are the following: 


ktchak mother-of-pearl shell (abbre- né’k, nég, plur. né’gsha absent; cf. 


viated from ktchalka). niwa, nfukla. 
ktchik oar, paddle. stimk wasp. 
kik penis; from kéka (o pierce. — tapsnék brain, K1. 
lak hair on head; ef. lala. tok, species of plant. 
lyak canoe-pole. tsudk, species of plant. 
lik grizely bear. tstik, species of grass. 
ma’nk fly. wii’ k, wék arm, limb of tree ; from wa 


mtlk worm, maggot; ef. multi rotten — to be productive (ef. wéka child, off- 


wood spring). 


-Ka, -za, verbal suffix occurring sometimes also in the shape of -éka, 
-ga. Like -aga and -aga it forms factitive verbs, this term to be taken 1n its 


342 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


widest, most general sense, and not to be limited to transitive verbs. From 
the other verbal factitive suffixes -aga, -aga, the suffix -ka differs only by 
having no vowel or syllable between it and the radix; -ka mainly occurs 
in short verbs of two or three syllables and forms usually verbs from other 
verbs, rarely from nouns or particles. The power of the suffix -ka can best 
be defined as directing the action expressed by its radix to a certain object, 
or as specializing the action or state. Verbs like these are called by Span- 
ish grammarians verbos aplicativos. The origin of our suffix lies in the pro- 
nominal radix k-, which appears as ka, k@ and ku, some of its derivatives 
having been enumerated on page 251. 


gcéka to set out from one’s lodge ete. 

ishka to extract; cf. idsha to cause to go. 

kédshka to remove out of, v. trans.; from kédsha. 
kilka to become humpbacked; from radix of kalkali round. 
kuiza to recognize; from kti far off. 

lapka and tapka to project, as cheekbones. 

ni Ika the day dawns; ef. niliwa. 

niuza to drive out of an inclosure; ef. niwa. 

nyamka nish it aches, hurts me. 

pii’ka to dry out, to make dry, as the throat (Mod.). 
puka to roast; ef. pdha to dry. 

shilaka, shilya to fall sick; from shila to be sick. 
shlaka to watch, keep guard; cf. shléa to see. 

shnéka to burn through; cf. nita to burn. 

sptika to put the feet out; cf. ika to put out. 

stapka to pound, mash up; from stap stone implement. 
sttika to shout through the hands; from sttt passage. 
tilya to drizzle down; from tila to overflow. 


-kakia’mna. Words showing this terminal should be called com- 
pound words, for -kakiimna is not properly a suffix, but a verb, and the first 
component is a verbal base or a particle. Only when these compounds are 
not used as verbs, but as particles, may -kakidmna be regarded as a suffix. 
As a verb, kakiamna, gakiaémna means to go around, to encircle, surround (see 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 343 


Dictionary, p. 33); hence in the words below it has the sense of moving, 
traveling, or going around an object or objects, and occurs in transitive and 
intransitive verbs. 
ginkakiamna (1) to encircle as a hollow body; (2) postp. all around. 
i-ukakiamna, adv. and postp., around, about, in the vicinity. 
ipekakiamna to dig while going all around. 
kuakikakidmna to go around here and there while eating, munching. 
ntultakakiamna to flow around. 
shalkakiimna to go or climb around an object. 
shatashkakiamna to pass around while touching, grasping. 


-Ka’kua, verbal suffix appended to verbs of motion. It indicates a 
movement or swaying back and forth, to and fro, and is nothing else but 
the verb gakua, kakua to cross over, appended in suffix form to verbal bases. 


nutékakua to swing to and fro, referring to the heavy disk on the pen- 
dulum. 

stilkakua to send somebody forth and back, e. g., as messenger; cf. stil- 
kakuish, Dictionary. 

vutékakua to swing to and fro, referring to the long shape of a pendu- 
lum, stick ete. 


-kani, -gani is a terminal appended to some adjectives, referring to 
an indefinite, uncounted number of objects, and differing from -kni.  -kani 
is not always a suflix, but sometimes it is the adjectival suffix -ni appended 
to bases ending in -ka; therefore the adjectives in-kani are found variously 
accented. The adjective yanakani, e. g., some one below, forms a plural 
yanakanini. Others belonging here are kitchkani (from kitchka), ndshé- 
kani, tyalampankani, ttimikani, ete., and some of the numerals. Cf. Dic- 
tionary, pp. 116. 117. 


-ka/nka, or -génka is a formative suffix found only in intransitive 
verbs or transitive objectless verbs. It points to an act or status undergone 
while walking or moving, and thus forms a class of ambulative verbs implying 
a single act, or the repetition, continuance, and steady succession of acts per- 
formed while in motion. These verbs describe the various modes of walk- 


344 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ing, running, traveling, rolling, ete.; -kénka is the verbified participle -kank 
of the verbs in -ka, -ga, q. v. 

gankanka to be on a hunt; ef. géna to go. 

killikanka to speed off ; from nkila to be in a hurry. 

ldkanka to go astray; cf. lia to drift about. 

ndakalkanka to pick up while walking. 

sha-ulankanka to follow constantly. 

shniulatchgdnka to glance off while in motion. 

shipalkanka to go about stinking; from pilui to smell. 

tilankanka to move onward by rolling oneself. 

vushékanka to go about while afraid of ; ef. vishish terrified. 


-ki, -gi. This is the verb gi used in its various acceptations of to be, 
exist; to do, perform, and closely connected with an adverb or noun preced- 
ing it. In most of these words gi could be written as a separate word. 

(1) gi to be, exist, occurs in: 

kii’gi, kiiiki to disappear, be absent; from ka-i not. 

laki it is stolen, gone, missing; from lé, ha, gi. 

lushlushki to feel warm; from lishlush. 

plaiki or p’lai gi to be at the culmination point. 

sha‘tki to be tired, exhausted. 

stagi to fill, to make full; from sta, adv. 


Perhaps ka‘Itgi and ta’ztgi belong here also. 
(2) gi to do, perform, occurs in: 

nga'sgi to have the diarrhea; from ngash belly. 

nkikgi to give birth to; from nkak top of head. 

It also forms the substantive p’gishap mother, which I take to have the 
literal meaning of ‘‘eenerator.” 

-ke’dsha, see -kidsha. 

-kia’mna, see -amna. 


-ki’dsha, -k2'dsha, or -ggidsha, suffix found only in intransitive verbs 
and the causatives formed from them. It indicates a special circular motion, 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 345 


that of veering or revolving around a real or assumed center, as we observe 
it in the motion of eddies, wheels, slings, or the circling of the birds of prey. 
The syllable ki- in -kidsha appears as a radical syllable in aggédsha and 
some other verbs, and in an iterated form in kedshamkedshalkéa. As for 
its etymology, it represents the verb kidsha to crawl, as snakes, lizards, to 
swim like fish. This verb really means to move sidewise; it is composed 
of the prefix ki- and the verb idsha. From a large number of verbs in 
-kidsha we select: 


kiuggidsha to describe circles, to cause to turn. 

ktiwalkidsha v. intr. to veer around; v. trans. to make revolve. 

muigidsha to form eddy. 

nakidsha, nagegidsha to circle, float in the air. 

niulgidsha to whirl around. 

shtchukalkidsha to form a bend or bends turns. 

talkidsha to rotate, gyrate. 

tunkidsha to form a circle, as the rings in tree-trunks. 

tchishgidsha to form a whirlpool, vortex. 

wakidsha to make a complete revolution. 

-kie’a, see -ziéa. 

=-ki’ma, or -ke'ma, -ggi'ma forms intransitive verbs only, and points 
to something going around or encircling some round object in a level plane, 
as a rim encircles a basket, vase, ete. The syllable ki-, which expresses the 
idea of the circle, is the same as in the suffix -kidsha. In some instances 
the verbal suffix -ki’ma also serves for the nominal form, or the word may 
be used as a postposition. Cf. the suffix -ma. 


agei’ma to encircle, as inanimate things. 

gaki’ma, plur. ginki’ma to move around in a circle. 

taki’ma to form a ring, to stand in a circle. 

tunki’ma (1) fo follow the edge, as of a plate, book; (2) postposition, 
all around, e. g., along the line of the horizon. 


In compound suffixes -ki’ma also occurs in the words lyakimitko hav- 
ing wavy lines, ktakimula to cut off a round portion. A suffix -ké’mi appears 
in gake’mi to describe a turn or bend. 


. 


346 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


-kish, -gish, or, in contracted form, -ksh, -gsh, -ks, is a nominal suffix 
forming substantives and adjectives from nouns and from verbs. — It is com- 
posed of the radix ki, gi of the verb gi to be, exist, and to make, do, perform, 
and the nominal suffix -sh, -s, and has to be carefully distinguished from an- 
other suffix -ksh, -gsh which forms substantives also, but has a different 
origin. Cf.-kish No.4 and -ksh. Our suffix -kish appears in the following 
functions: 


(1) -kish, -gish, in the sense of dwelling at, living m, existing in, is the 
verbal indefinite of gi to ewist, live. It forms some adjectives and names of 
tribes or nomina gentilicia. In the latter the oblique cases are formed from 
-kish, but in the subjective case -kish is usually superseded by -kni. Chiefly 
refers to animate beings. 


Amtchiksh old, ancient; inverted from ma‘ntch-gish. 

plaikish living above ; for the more frequent p’laikni. 

shkishgish twiblebug; lit. “living in the dung.” 

Méatokgish, contr. Mo’dokish tnhabitant of Modoc Lake, and Modoc 
Indian. 

Nushaltkagakish dweller at the head-waters (of Lost River). 


(2) -kish, when derived from gi to exist and referring to inanimate 
things, is found in substantives descriptive of the place, area, or locality 
where an act is performed or a state undergone. The case-postposition 
-kshi, Mod. -gishi, lit. “where it exists, lives”, is one of the oblique cases of 
-kish. Cf. -kuish. 


Aishishamksh, for Aishisham kish lodge of Ashish, 96, 23; ef. 122, 16 
hashudkish vegetable garden; lit. “sowing place”, from hashuéd-a. 
luélkish slaughtering place; from liela to kill. 

otilks dam below water; from uttla to le below. 

palkish dry river bed; from péla to dry up. 

pankoksh for pankuakish ford ; from pankua to wade through. 

stékish gate; from stti passage. 

shidshgish fireplace; from shiidsha to build a fire. 


shumalkish mouth of river; from shumalka to empty itself. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 347 


(3) -kish when derived from gi, in the sense of to make, do, perform, 
forms nouns which indicate that the action of the verb is done by means of 
them; that they serve to fulfill the purpose expressed by the verb, though 
not being exactly tools or instruments in our sense of the terms. The suffix 
for these is -6’tkish, which is a compound of -kish. In some instances -kish 
can be rendered by ‘‘ maker.” 


buno‘kish beverage; lit. “drinking object.” 

fmnaksh, for i-amnakish neckwear ; lit. “thing for wear.” 

hashpkish fodder ; lit. “‘ feeding-thing-for.” 

léloksgish gun, rifle ; lit. ‘ fire-maker.” 

né-ulakgish council-meeting ; lit. ‘‘decree-maker.” 

shipkgish nose-ring; lit. ‘used for wearing.” 

ski’kish heirloom ; lit. “thing placed apart.” 

szOlakgish KL, szulkish Mod., Indian bed; lit. “thing to liedown upon.” 
tchinukish vomitive ; lit. ‘‘ vomit-causer.” 


(4) There is a number of substantives in -Ash, the origin of which is 
not exactly known. In shayuaksh, waltkish, widshikish the ending is not 
-kish but -ish, and ttipaks younger sister is abbreviated from ttipakship. The 
following may possibly owe their ending to a transposition of sounds: 


himpoks fallen tree, log; ef. hinui. 
kniks thread, string. 
tchulé’ks meat, flesh; cf. tchilala. 


=kKla, -akla. This verbal suffix is a combination of -ka, -ga which forms 
factitive verbs, and -ala, the meaning of which is very indefinite now, though 
originally it must have pointed to a downward motion along the body or 
other object. Most verbs in -kla are transitives and have the emphasis on 
the antepenultima. 


émtakla (for émtkala) to carry a baby on one’s back. 
hashudkla to stay in company of. 

nilakla (for nilka-ala) to appear, said of daylight. 
niukla to confer through another; from néya to give. 


348 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


shituakla to wrestle with. 
shlukutakla, spukttakla, stintakala to carry a child on the back, not tied 
to the baby-board. 


=-Kni, nominal suffix forming adjectives and tribal names from nouns 
indicative of places, regions, localities, rivers ete., and from adverbs of loc- 
ative signification. The suffix’can be circumscribed by “living or staying 
there, inhabiting that locality, to be found in that locality”, and from this 
is derived the secondary function of “proceeding, coming, arriving from 
there, being a native of that spot or country”, which we also find in the 
Latin ending -anus, the Greek -zos, the German -er. -kni is appended more 
frequently to the case-suffixes and case-postpositions of nouns than to their 
subjective case, and when the adjectives in -kni occur in their oblique cases 
-kni is superseded by the oblique cases of -kish. Tribal names, names in- 
dicating citizenship, nomina gentilicia, are adjectives in all languages, and so 
are they here. A subdivision of the nouns in -kni are those in -tkni, q. v. 


(1) Formed from nouns and particles: 

atikni stranger, alien, foreigner. 

gitakni coming from, native of a place. 

yanakni inhabiting lowlands or the lower course of a river. 

kokaetalkni coming toward, from, or across the stream. 

nakushyénkni living near the dam, nakish. 

tapitankni staying in the rear of: 

tigshtakni (for tagshtalakni or tigshtatkni) coming from or native of the 
other side. 

Also in three numerals of the cardinal and adverbial series; ef. Nu- 


merals. 
(2) Formed from local names: 


E-ukshikni Indian (or settler) living on Upper Klamath Lake. 
Kiimbatkni person living in or near the rocky caves. 

Lékuashtkni Warm Spring Indian; lit. “Indian of the Hot Springs.” 
Moéatokni (for Méatok-kni) Indian living on Moatok Lake: Modoc Indian. 
Oreginkni inhabitant of Oregon State. 

Plaikni highlander ; uplander on Sprague River. 

Tehakii’nkni Indian of the service-berry tract, for Techakzé'nikni. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 349 


=-Ks, see -kish, ksh. 

-ksh, -ks, -gsh, with vowel preceding. A number of words, chiefly 
substantives, exhibit this terminal on account of a transposition of sounds, 
by which the vowel coming after the guttural was placed before this sound. 
All of them are derivatives of factitive verbs in -ka, -ga, chiefly intransitives. 
Not to be confounded with -kish, -ksh. 

gutaksh (for gitkash) minnow; from giita to adhere. 

katagsh (for katkash) chill and adj. cold; katka to be cold. 

kélpoksh boiling heat, and adj. hot; kélpka to be hot. 

mépoks (for mépkash) company; mépka to live together. 

shla’yaks (for shlii-ikash) smoke; shlii’-ika it smokes. 

shakpaksh (for shakpkash) plait of males; shakpka to braid one’s hair. 


=-ksh, see -ash, -kish. 


-kshkKa, -/sga, verbal suffix composed of the verbal factitive suffix 
-ka, -ga appended to the verbal indefinite suffix -kish, -gish, -ksh It can 
be rendered by to come near, to attempt, to do almost, forms transitive verbs 
only, and is of rather frequent occurrence. In its function it approximates 
-uya, -huya, q. v. 

élyakshka to attempt to give a name; from élya. 

hishlakshka to come near killing each other ; from hishlan. 

ktéktakska to crop the hair; ct. ktédktcha. 

kuakakshka to tear off only a piece with the teeth. 

shlikska to come near hitting, shooting; trom shlin to shoot. 


-Kta, suffix forming chiefly transitive verbs, compounded of the facti- 
tive suffix -Aga and -ta, which forms applicative verbs and usually refers to 
persons or long objects standing upright. All the verbs in -kta had better 
be considered under -ta; some of them are nshakta it és sticking, shitchakta 
to quarrel, shnuyakta to singe, etc. The verb shnahualpakta to raise an echo 
is inverted from shnahualpka-ta. 


-Kue’la, a suffix forming transitive and intransitive verbs of motion, 
with the idea of a downward motion in an oblique direction, in direct contrast 
with the verbs in -wala, q. v. ‘The suffix contains the adverb kui or ku, which 


350 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


implies distance, and the verbs in -ku¢la mainly refer to falling or moving 
down hill or down stairs. 


gekuéla to go downhill, to descend. 
ktekuéla to slide downhill. 

ktiukuéla to kick downhill or downstairs. 
makuéla to encamp on the hill-slope. 
nde-ukuéla to fall or roll downhill. 
shektakuéla to play at sliding downhill. 
wetkuéla to flow, run, drip down. 


-kuish, -guish, the preterital form of the nominal suffix -kish No. 2, 
describing place, locality. 


maklakuish former camping-place; from maklak-kuish. 
palkuish ancient river-bed; from pala to dry up. 
pukuish, abbr. from pikguish former roasting-place ; from ptka to roast. 


=zie’a, -ki¢a, is the verbal suffix -izi, -€’zi preceded by one of the vowels 
-a- or -i- and amplified by the additional suffix -éa, -ia. This compound 
suffix therefore appears in the forms: -aziéa, -akiéa, -ayia, -azia, and -iziéa, 
-izia, -e-1zi, -iityi and others; it forms transitive and intransitive verbs, and 
points to an act performed on, over, or on the top of, refers to a location above 
another, to a pre-eminence or surpassing in height, position, or other quality. 
It also forms the substantive shuntoyakea-6'tkish play-ball. 


ktiwiazia to post upon, lift upon something. 
ngankatizyi (for ngankatiziéa) to play leap-frog. 
shampatiziéa to jump over logs. 

sheatataliifzi to tilt or ride at seesaw. 
shekliziéa to hop on one foot. 

shukliziéa to compete, rival in hopping. 
shutelizia to carry on one’s shoulder. 
shutuyakiéa to throw at, upon, on the top of. 
winiazia Mod. for winizi K1. to surpass, excel. 


-1, suffix found in substantives, especially names of animals; it is prob- 
ably the remnant of a longer suffix (-ala, -Ala), when it does not form part 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 351 


of the root, as in spal ocher, from pila to become dry. We find it as 
follows : 


yatizal white-headed eagle; cf. yauyawa, yii'ka. 

katchkal tobacco, lit. “mixture”, from katchiga to mia. 
kpél tail; cf. kpa poker. 

ske’l mink, Mod. tehkél; probably from skilhi to creep into. 


Other nouns are: k6-il mountain sheep, yamal or ktimal pelican, ndpal 
egg, ngt'l jackass-rabbit, taplal loon, tmokil green lizard, tehnipal shoulder. 


=la, see -ala. 


-la‘la, suffix forming transitive as well as intransitive verbs, referring 
to an act performed at, in, or near the fire. The word lilukshtat in, at the 
Jire, may be added or omitted, but originally the verbs in -lAla referred 
to other things also besides fire, and seem to have implied nearness, close 
contact only. 

galala to reach the camp-fire, or place in which to pass the night. 

hulala to run into the fire. 

ildla to set to the fire, as meat. 

kshalala to lie near the fire, or to place near it. 

ktululdla to push into the fire. 

nutolala to throw into the fire. 

tehildla to boil water, or in the water. 

wiuldla to strike a blow into the fire. 


=lali’na, compound verbal suffix implying contiguity or contact and, 
as the particle -7- indicates, referring also to a motion downward or on the 
ground (hi, i). 
galalina to walk on the water's edge. 
yulalina to fall over an edge, said of water; to form a beach; also post- 
position: along the brink of. 


-lalo’na or -lalina, a suffix combined from -ldla and -éna, -ina which 
implies contact or close contiguity, and by the particle -w- refers either to 


oon GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


distance or elevation above the surface. This suffix, like -ldla, is generally 
preceded by a vowel, and forms transitive and intransitive verbs. 


ayulaléna to dry by the fire; cf. awala. 

ilaléna to have something around the fire; cf. ilAla. 
yulaléna to move forth and back, to rub. 

kshelaltina to stand along the shore, said of plants. 
kteh’hlaltina to creep around, or toward. 
‘mpetlaldéna to float on the water's surface. 
shekelaléna to cover up, fill in, as a hole. 
shektliiléna to skate. 

tilalhaltina to roll something over and over. 
udumlaléna to swim away on the water's surface. 


=lam, see -am. 


-lamna, -/dmna, -dlamna, a suffix composed of -Ala and -amna, which 
forms almost exclusively transitive verbs. It conveys the idea that the 
action of the verb is performed upon or more especially across, all over one’s 
or another's back. A distinction is made between tilamna to carry about across 
one’s back and tidshna to carry on one’s back. 


aishilam’na to secrete about one’s back or body. 

galim’na to follow behind another. 

hashupat’lamna to strap, tie to one’s back. 

hishplamna to lead, drag, tow by means of a rope slung over the back. 
piligalamna to smear on somebody’s back. 

shépolamna to carry on one’s back. 

shidlamna to rub, smear on one’s back. 

shna-ulamna to spit all over another’s back. 


tchdlamna to sit with the back against something; ef. tehia to sit. 
-lga, see -lya. 
-Igi, see -]ki. 


-li, Together with -ni, -li is the most frequent suffix employed in 
forming adjectives. But while -ni is appended to the simple root or stem, 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 353 


-li is affixed to adjectives formed almost exclusively by iterative reduplica- 
tion of the root which invariably ends in a consonant (exception, see p. 
262) This consonant has coalesced with -/- of the suffix in palpali white, 
which thus stands for palpal-li. The adjectives in -li describe color, sur- 
face-quality, temperature, or external shape, and the word, when the -li 
is retrenched from it, is an adverb. Many color adjectives exist showing 
other suffixes, but those in -li are the true and original color adjectives. 
The accent usually rests on the penult, though it often recedes to the ante- 
penult. To the numerous instances of adjectives in -li given on p. 262 
we add the following: 


litchlitchli strong, robust, powerful. 
lushlishli warm (of animal heat). 
mikmii’kli gray. 

patpatli smooth, even, level. 

taktakli, takti’kli red, scarlet, crimson. 
taltali (for taltal-li) running straight. 


-li’ga, -lika, verbal suffix forming intransitive verbs, some of which 
have passed into the condition of transitives. This terminal is a compound 
of three suffixes: -ala, the locative -i-, and the factitive -ga, -ka. it forms 
verbs pointing to a remaining on, upon, or near, especially near the water, on 
the beach or shore; or to an act or motion performed on, upon, or near some- 
thing, especially near, on the brink of the water. 


kiulfga, nziuliga to drip or drizzle down, to fall upon. 
o>) k to) '} ’ 
laliga to stick upon; to be, remain on; to be on the water's edge. 
pitliga to smear, daub on, as pitch. 
shatelika to stick up on one’s forehead ; ef. talka. 
taliga to be in contact with; to be near the water. 
, ° 14 5 ; >) a 
tgaliga, liuliga to stand at the water's edge. 
tchaliga, wawaliga to sit near, at the water, river. 


-li’na, see -ina. 


-lka, see -lza. 
23 


354 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


-Iki-, -/gi, verbal suffix composed of -ala, -la, and the abbreviated 
-gien, -gidnggi, -kianki for oneself. Verbs showing a vowel before -gien 
were spoken of above, cf. -gien; some of the verbs belonging here are as 


follows: 


galtchuilki to go and meet somebody. 

elyalgi to reach the ground when descending, climbing. 

eilzi to pass through oneself. 

hushto'lki to heap up, accumulate for oneself. 

klukalgi to haul, fetch, come for something. 

shio'lki, shia’lki, shid’lyi to gather, contracted from shitlagien. 


=lza, -lka, -lga or -léka, -dlya is a frequent suffix of verbs, transitive as 
well as intransitive, the former being chiefly of the objectless class. Many 
of them have to be considered as verbs in -ka, -ga, which suffix is appended 
to verbs or stems in -ala, -al, -dla; others are in fact verbs in -ualza, q. v. 
In gatamlya to go around something, -lza stands for -nya (gatamna-ka). The 
form -lya is more frequent than -lka and the others above mentioned. The 
rather indefinite function of this suffix is to direct the action of the verbal 
basis upon a distinct object upon the same ground or level, a downward mo- 
tion being implied in many instances. 


élya, nélya ete. to lay down upon, to deposit. 
gilya to pass over a spot while stepping on it. 
gtitalza to pass into, to enter; cf. gita. 
yulza to strike, come down, said of missiles. 
kitléka to pour down, as rain; ef. kitfta. 
kptlya to drive off; ef. puélya to throw down. 
makléya to strike camp for the night. 
mbitlya to jump or leap down. 

ptchiklya to caress by patting. 

shemtchalya to find out, discover. 

shnalilga to blow noisily against, upon, above, said of the wind. 
stipdléza to turn upside down. 


udshiklza to fall when stumbling. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 315)5) 


-Ish, -/s forms nomina verbalia by means of the universal nominal suffix 
-sh, -s from verbs in -ala, -la, which have partially become obsolete. The 
words belonging here may be classed as well under -sh as under -lsh. 


kakno'lsh parflesh, skin-armor. 

ludtpishlalsh death-lament; from luatpishlala to mourn over. 
shawalsh arrow-head; from sha-tla to place at the end of. 
shéllualsh warfare, war; from shéllual to make war. 

shui’ kalsh sleeve. 

tiipalsh persimmon; cf. tipesh dough, soft substance. 


=m. Substantives in -m preceded by a vowel other than a, 4 (-am, 
-lam, -iim) are not frequent and seemingly all monosyllabic. This suffix 
seems to be the remnant of a longer one, and in the case of Igtim is a pos- 
sessive case (for lgtiam). We add two terms in -iim with difficult etymology. 


kia’m fish; ef kidsha to swim, kii’mat back. 

lotim coal, burnt wood; from let black paint. 

pum beaver 

spum female of the ska’ -bird. 

shim, stim mouth; ef. si mouth, tooth in Californian languages. 
witii’m black bear. 


=-ma, suffix occurring frequently in transitive and intransitive verbs, 
and pointing either (1) to an act performed or state undergone upon the 
ground or on a level plane, as lying about, spreading around; or (2) toa 
curvilinear motion made upon the ground, on the body or some other 
object, or in the air. This suffix forms many compound suffixes, as -ki’ma, 
-maga, -ma’shka, -mawa, -méni, -mia, -mla, -m’na, ete. Ma also occurs in 
substantives, as in kashma (a plant-species); with -i- inserted in shatchlyamia 
to paint oneself white. 


(1) éma to hand over, as a babe tied to the board. 
ké'ltama to let fall, drop upon the ground. 
ktuytima to cut into many pieces. 
kuytima to be muddy. 
léshma not to discover on the spot where sought for. 


356 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


sktipma to vanquish, conquer. 
tchuydéma to be idle, to lounge about. 
udima, vudama fo cover with something thin. 


(2) gama to grind, to crush, to mash fine. 
shi-utama to wrap around oneself. 
shuadshamtchma to wag the tail. 
shuteléma fo smear upon one’s body. 
tchatchakma it is hazy weather, Mod. 
tchéma to fracture, break, as a limb. 
tchiptchima to drizzle down in atoms. 
wapil’ma to wrap, tie, wind around an object. 


=-m’na, -mna or -ména, with another vowel than a- preceding, has 
been analyzed under -amna, q. v, and like this, points to the act of coming 
or being around, upon, above, of surrounding ete. Cf. also -lamna; their dis- 
tributive form, see p. 273. 


hishpla’mna to drag by means of a string over the shoulder; refl. of 
shepolamna. 
kptiyumna to revolve in the mouth, to masticate. 


=-méni, -’n7, suffix composed of -ma and -na, the locative suffix -i 
being substituted to the -a of -va; -méni expresses a winding around some- 
thing, and is also met with in the substantive kém’ni vine, creeping plant. 


gameéni to wind around, climb by going around, to dodge. 
haméni to attempt, to try; lit. “to try around.” 
, ae = - A 
huntiméni fo fly up by turns, k6’/shtat upon a pine tree. 
The same suffix also composes the verb hushamnitimna to shrug the 
shoulders continually. 


=-mtech, -micha, -mtchi, see -ptehi. 


=n is a suffix occurring in a restricted number of verbs and nouns, all 
short and mostly monosyllabic. This suffix -n is preceded by a vowel, and 


is probably in most instances the rest of an apocopated -na, -ana, -ina ete 


LIST OF SUFFLXES. 357 


Ndan three is abbreviated from ndani; té-in recently, from té-ini new, recent ; 
tapitan, wigdtan and other postpositions in -tan stand for tapftana, wigatana. 

1. Verbs in -n are chiefly intransitives, and lose this suffix in several of 
their inflectional forms, like the verbs in -na; ef. pa-uk for eating (from pan), 
shla’t! shoot ye! from shlin, a’t. See Paradigm below. 


ktchan to masticate. shlin to shoot, wound. 

kapen to cool down. t’shin to grow up. 

lyan to form waves. ukidshlin, v. intr. to blow, pass, or 
pan to eat, feed upon. waft through. 

p’lin to become fat. vulan to watch fish at ice-holes. 
shnipélan ‘to make fat. wen to freeze. 


2. Substantives in -n. A few of the nouns below appear to be parti- 
cipial forms, but of the majority the derivation is unknown. 


ka‘n urine-bladder. tintan bell, from udinténa. 

kii’nkan, kénékan gray squirrel. vin elk, from vu-ta to halloo; lit. 
kshiin hay, from kshéna. ‘“‘hallooing (deer).” 

kakan a bird-species. wan yellow or red fox. 


pshin night-time. 


=NaA, a suffix of a more abstract nature than most others in Klamath, 
forms nouns and verbs, and as a verbal suffix is very frequent. It is derived 
from the same radix as the prefix n-, the verbs néya, néwa, naindya etc., all 
of which refer to something thin, sheet or string like, or to something ex- 
tending along the ground into distance as far as the horizon. 


1. -na as a case-suflix expresses direction, and is called by me the suffix 
of the transitional case: to, toward, in the direction of. Cf. Inflection of 
the Substantive. It also serves as a suffix to particles: ina, yAna, mina, 
tiina, ete. 


2. -na as a nominal suffix is related to the adjectival -ni, and occurs in 
the following substantives, some of which have probably been verbs at first: 

klana, species of a root or tuber. 

yaina mountain, yaina-aga hill; cf. yana. 


358 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


lémutina ground, bottom, depth. 
tchudkéna cotton-tail rabbit. 


wakshna moccasin. 


3. -na as a verbal suffix is appended only to transitive and intransi- 
tive verbs describing or considered to describe motion, and there are many 
instances where the simple form and the form in -na occur simultaneously. 
Verbs of motion in which -na is found are those of taking, throwing, giving, 
conferring, walking, flying, traveling by water or land, ete., and also those 
expressing motion of the air produced by sound, as calling, hearing, thun- 
dering. This suffix also composes a large number of other suffixes, as 
-kna, -tana (-tna), -tchna. 

In many instances the function of -na is to voint fo a distance, or to a 
short distance, away from the subject of the sentence or from the one speak- 
ing. This will appear from the following examples: 

hémta to call somebody, hémtana to call somebody to come. 

hiita to rush at, hitna to rush some distance at somebody. 

kpttcha to expel, oust, kputchna to spurt from mouth. 

léwa to play, lé-una to play at some distance. 

kédsha to grow, kédshna to grow on, to continue to grow. 

k’léka to die, expire, k’lékna to be moribund. 

ndé-uli to fall or roll on the ground, nde-ulina to fall, roll a short distance. 


wélka to produce a blaze, wélkana to blaze up. 


There are many other parallel forms of this sort to be found in the 


Dictionary : 


hinta and hiintna fo fly. vutédsha and vutdédshna to reject. 
ika and fkna to extract. wiudsha and wiudshna to beat. 


liwa and lIfuna to assemble. 


Other verbs in -na occur only in the suffixed form, because with them 
the object of the verbal motion is always removed at some distance, large 
or small, from its subject, or the subject is supposed to be in progress from 
place to place, as in léména it thunders. 

génana to travel uninterruptedly. 


hintechna to fly or soar in a straight line. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 359 


yushakna to use the index-finger (ytishzish). 
kuéna to make or leave footprints. 

lyawana to move the fingers, toes. 

pana to plunge under the water. 

shewana to give, hand over. 

spélshna to put fingers forward; cf. spéluish. 
stuityna to emit sound or voice, stutzish. 


wakéna to change the voice at maturity. 
Many verbs in -na lose this suffix in the distributive form ; cf. p. 273. 


=ni, nominal suffix related to -na, and especially frequent in adjectives 
and numerals. 


1. Among adjectives those in -ni are among the most frequent, and de- 
scribe qualities of an abstract or immaterial sort, while those in -li are of 
the concrete order. This suffix is almost invariably preceded by a vowel, 
and in the oblique cases changes to or adds -énash, -ii’nash, -ya’nash ete., as 


’ When the suffix -ni is retrenched, 


will be seen in the chapter “‘ Adjective.’ 
the stem or radix remaining is usually, not always, the adverb. Cf. Suffix 


-tani. 


ké-uni slow, easy; adv. ké-una and ké-uni. 
kinkani few, scarce; adv. kinka, ginka. 
komitshni runaway, wild. 

letalini mischievous, vicious; ef. tala straight. 
lupini first in rank or age; adv. lupi. 

muni great, large, bulky; ady. mu’. 

stani full, replete of ; adv. sta. 

tapini coming next, subsequent ; adv. tapi. 


2. Certain substantives can be transformed into a sort of adjectives by 
the affixation of -ni, in the distributive form -nini, with the definition of: 
“all that sort of, all that refers to or is connected with him, her, it, them.” Thus 
wéwanuish women forms wéwansni women and all, women and their families ; 


miklaksni Indians and all connected with them. Tataksni children occurs in 


360 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


that form only; obj. case tatikiash. The adjective yanakani lower forms a 
distributive yanakanini. Example: 
népni nti shlin J was shot in the hand. 
nepnini nu shlin L was shot in my hand or hands at more than one spot. 
nepnini ni shlishlan J was shot in my hand or hands at different places by 
several shots. 


3. In the numerals there is a series in -ni corresponding to our adverbial 
numerals, and another giving the series of cardinals in the non-apocopated 
form. Ex. viinepni jive and five times. More about this see under ‘Nu- 


merals” and suffix -kni. 
=ni’ni, see -ni. 
=-nsh, -xtch, see -tch. 
=O, see -u. 
-odshna, see -utchna. 


-O1' zi, -“iz/, a compound suffix approaching nearest in signification 
and origin to -wiza, q. v.; but it differs from it by pointing to something 
being turned up or inside out. The particles composing this suffix, even the 
final -i, are all of a locative character. Cf. -iyi. 

ndshindshotzi to turn up, as a hat’s brim. 

pleté-izi to purse up the lips. 

tchlitdizi to turn inside out, as sleeves, the eyelid ete. 


-oOk, see -tiga. 


-0’la, -dla, originally -tiala, -wala, a verbal suffix emphasized upon 
the penult, which is long by contraction of the u-, hu-, pointing to distance, 
with a- of the suffix -ala. It can be appended to the majority of verbs in 
Klamath, and generally points to discontinuance. No verbs in -dla, except 
perhaps kapdla to doff one’s coat, are verba denominativa. 


(1) -ola, -vila implies cessation or termination of the aet, condition, or 
state expressed by the verbal basis. They are so easily formed that dic- 


tionaries need not mention all of them. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 361 


btinua ¢o drink, bunila to cease, stop drinking. 
hushikia to lock, hushakidla to unlock. 
kt0’dsha t# rains, ktodshidla the rain is over. 
witcha to blow, witchdéla to cease blowing. 


(2) -ola often imparts to the verb the idea of taking off, depriving, de- 
parture or abandonment; and in consequence these derivatives often mean 
just the contrary of the simple verbs. Thus -dla often corresponds to our 
un- in unyoke, to dis- in dismount, or to the particle off. 


geldla to dismount from horse, wagon ete. 
illéla to take off a load, to unload. 
ktchikayula to come out of the woods. 
shataknila to remove from the mouth. 
tcheléla, KI. ktcheldéla to husk, to peel. 
witynoéla to blow out from mouth. 


(3) A third class of verbs in -dla embodies the notion: on the surface, 
on top of, and will be discussed under -wala, q. v., of which -déla is the con- 
tracted form. . 


=0'li, -6le, -vili, a verbal suffix formed like -dla, with the penult long and 
with substitution of the locative -i (-hi) to the ground tor -a. It occurs only 
in verbs of motion and imparts to them the idea of downward, downhill. Thus 
kukéle to undress possesses the literal meaning ‘to let the ki’ks-gown fall 
to the ground.” 


histantli to cause to go down. 

ndé-uli, wetdli to fall, slide down on the ground. 
shanaho'li to wish, desire, want. 

shuttli (and shuttla) to wnloose, to unfetter. 
teldli, teluli to look down upon. 

tindli, tintle to run or go downward. 

tpékiile to stoop, to bend one’s body. 


-opka, -ipka, verbal suffix, in which the long vowel 0, @ is the result 
of a synizesis of ua-, wa-. This long vowel is sometimes accented, sometimes 


not; the verbs from which the derivatives in -Opka are formed are of a dif- 


362 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ferent character, and so the suflix itself of the derivatives assumes different 


meanings. 


1. Desiderative verbs in -opka formed from the original form of the future 
tense, -udpka: 

pano’pka nish I want to eat; from pan to eat. 

shli‘popka to observe, lit. “‘to want to see”; from shléa to see. 


2. Derivatives in -opka pointing to distance or height above the ground ; 
derived from verbs in -ua, -wa or from nouns in -o, -u: 


kapo'pka to put another's (absent) coat on; from kapo. 
liupka to sit in a circle or crowd; from liwa. 

né-upka to discharge itself into a lake ; from néwa. 
shnektpka to be lit up above; from shnéka. 


3. Usitative and iterative verbs in -opka, -upka have their -o-, -u- short; 
see -pka. 

-O0sh, -ish (vowel long), a nominal suffix formed by synizesis from 
-uash, -wash. It forms derivatives of verbs in -ua, -wa, which are either 
adjectives or substantives. In héshkush game-stake, u is short, because de- 


rived from héshku fo bet. 


héshtchtish decoy, snare. 

kilosh, nkfliis angry, audacious ; subst. fighter. 

lalé-tish and lalawash slate-rock. 

Iélosh for leléwash, d. of Iéwash ball, globe. 

Ikélkosh, Mod. hlekohlékosh flank of quadrupeds. 

nakosh, nakish dam; from nakua. 

nta-whtitish pulsation of heart; from nté-u’htua. 

skatikush, ska-ukdsh species of woodpecker. 

ukatikosh moon in all phases; for uka-ukéwash, this from ukéwa to break 


into pieces. 
-0’ta, see -tita. 


-0’tkish, -vitkish, nominal suffix extensively used in nouns, with penult 
long, and in the conversational style often contracted into -o'tch, -ii’tch, 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 363 


-atch. This suffix is a compound of the durative suffix -tita, -dta and of 
-kish, -gish, q. v. (-6tch occurs also as a contraction of -uish.) 

1. In personal names, -étkish forms xomina actoris, describing the ha- 
bitual employment or every-day occupation of persons. The component 
-kish can be rendered here by maker, from gi to do, perform. 


shaklétkish player, gamester, gambler. 
shashyétkish beggar. 
shttedtkish player in a throwing game. 


2. In names of inanimate things, -étkish forms nomina instrumenti de- 
scriptive of tools, instruments, as things used repeatedly, habitually, cus- 
tomarily. The component -kish is here -kish No. 3, q. v. 

hushmoklétkish razor ; beard-pincers. 

kshuldétkish, K]. mulinétkish scythe. 

pienttkish, contr. pientiatch scraping-paddle. 

shumaldétkish, contr. shimaluatch pen, pencil ete. 

shutoyétkish, KI. sputoydtkish plow. 


-O0tech, see -étkish, -uish. 


=p, a suffix marking inalienable property, which now occurs in sub- 
stantives only, but at an early period of the language may have been a 
possessive pronoun, his, her, its, theirs, or somebody's, for it is evidently related 
to pi, p’na, p’nalam, pat, pish, pash, and to the prefix p-. 


1. Terms of relationship in -p, usually -ap, -ip. They mark relationship 
by kin and by marriage; and here we find also the prefix p- in extensive use 
in the ascending and in the descending line. In the oblique cases and in 
forming compounds and derivatives the terms in -ap, -ip lose these terminals: 
ptish-lflsh deceased father, for ptishap-lilish; shiptchzadlaltko related to each 
other as brothers- or sisters-in-law, from ptchikap sister-in-law. Distributive 
plurals are formed from -p by substituting -ishap to it, and a few of these 
terms possess another distributive form created by reduplication : 


makékap, d. makékishap and mamkékap siséer’s son or daughter, said 


by aunt. 
pgishap, d. pgishishap mother; pgish-ldlatko bereaved of the mother. 


364 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ptalip, d. ptalishap elder sister; said by younger sister. 
ptéwip, d. ptéwishap and pteptéwip son’s son or daughter, said by grand- 
mother; and grandmother, said by son’s son or daughter. 

skiksap mother whose children are all alive. 

tipakship, abbr. tapaksh, d. titpaksh younger sister. Of. p. 275. 

2. There are a few other generic terms in -p in use to designate persons 
as “belonging to somebody”: 

ptchiwip master, mistress of slave. 

shitchlip friend; from shitchla to associate with. 


3. Some parts or limbs of the body, human or animal, show this propri- 
etary suffix -p; here it is not dropped from the words when oblique cases 
or compounds are formed: lulp eye; nép hand, cf néya to give; pilhap sinew, 
ligament; shuakAp omoplate; also kap in kapkapo wristbone; tzdp in tzopo 
thumb. 

4. Other terms in -p, some probably formed through apocope, are as 
follows: lép bran; pii’p marten; szi'p a bird-species ; stap stone implement ; 
tk4n plant with upright stalk ; ef. tydpo thumb. 

=pa, verbal suffix pointing to an act directed toward the subject of the 
verb. It is related to the pronoun of the third person pi, pish, pat. Other 
suffixes are composed with it, as -ipa and -tpa, q. v.; in the latter the above 
function of -pa becomes still more apparent. 

hlépa to lap, draw into the mouth. 

ktétspa to tear or cut particles from the rim. 

ndtpa to smell something; to be rotten. 

shnukpa to take to oneself; cf. shnuika to seize. 

tchdkpa to drip down, said of water, snow, ice. 


The meaning toward oneself is not so plainly marked in verbs like 
kshapa, nttptpa, adshiptchpa, shapa, shninshaptchpa and udipkpa; ef. -tpa. 
In hashpa to feed, -pa, from pan to eat, represents the radix. 

-pali, see -péli. 

=-pa’ta, verbal suffix marking contact and occurring in the verbs of 


touching, reaching up to, pushing ete. Being composed with the suffix -ta, 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 365 


q. v., it refers to long objects, as canoes, poles, persons, hands, etc., these 
being either the objects touched or the objects through which other objects 
are touched, pushed ete. 


kapata to touch; skapata to touch oneself. 

kiupata, szapata to land, disembark. 

kshapata to lean against. 

Ikapata, ndakalpata to make surf. 

stapdta to stand against something. 

tapata to hold something by means of an intervening substance. 
tchapita to reach the shore, Mod. 


-patch, see -ptchi. 


=péli’, -p’le, or -p’l, -bli, various forms of one and the same verbal suffix, 
whose original a re-appears after p in several inflectional forms: suko‘lkipa- 
luk in order to re-assemble. ‘This suffix marks return, repetition, re-instatement 
in all kinds of verbs, and can often be rendered by the English preposition 
re-; its primary meaning was that of replacing into the former condition or 
location. When appended to verbs in -na, -péli becomes -mpéli by assimi- 
lation: wémpéli to recover one’s health. 


1. Verbs in -péli denoting motion in zigzag lines or voltas, thus impress- 
ing one’s vision with the idea of return to an earlier position or place: 


gutilapkapéli to make turns while descending. 

htlipéli to run into or through a tortuous road or valley, canon. 
huizipéle to run, jump out of again. 

hdépéli- in hépélitchna to dodge. 

yutalpéli fo twist, as paper, cloth ete. 


2. Verbs in -péli denoting re-instatement often express the idea of taking 
or going home, doing a thing again ete. : 


émpéli to take or bring home; from éna to bring. 


gémpéle to return home, to one’s camp; from géna to go. 
gutgapeli to climb down; from guka to climb up. 


366 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGU AGE. 


hashpazpéli to rub oneself dry ; from spaha. 
kilfbli ¢o retire to the den; from kilhi to enter. 

kukpéli to put on the kiks-gown, as done every morning. 
nvhlipéli to string the bow, even when not strung before. 
népéli to turn over, upside down. 


waltakpéli to debate, to talk over and over. 


=-pka. The verbs in -pka preceded by a consonant, a few verbs in 
-ipka, and those ending in -opka, -upka (0 and w short) when 2, 0, u belong 
to the stem of the word, are : 


(1) Iterative verbs, and have the penultimate accented. They are 
formed from transitive as well as from intransitive verbs, and some of their 
number are usitatives, indicating habitual practice. A compound suffix 
-ampka is made from verbs in -ana, -ana; -inkpka is made from verbs in 
-anka; another, -alpka, q. v, from verbs in -ala, and here the accent some- 
times recedes further. The suffixes -alpka, -Apka, -ipka, -dpka, -udpka 
were spoken of separately. 


kttipka to strike repeatedly with clasped hand. 

Iéklekpka to whisper. 

mikpka to encamp many nights away from home. 

sha-Amokpka to call somebody of one’s kin. 

shahudlpka to send the echo back, to form echo. 

shii‘tupka to consort with, cohabit. 

shukttpka to push repeatedly. 

vudtipka, udtipka to strike repeatedly with a stick ete. 

watchpka to win all the stakes. 

(2) Other verbs in -pka, with consonant preceding, point to distance, 
and belong to the class of -Apka, -ipka, q. v. For instance: sktlpka, 
shuilpka, telitankpka, telshakpka, tuipka. 


=p'l, -p’li, see péli. 


-p’na, -péna, -pna, suffix appended to verbs of motion and marking 
contact, approach or going past, passing beyond some object; is composed 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 367 


the two suffixes -pa and -na. Their distributive form is made after the rule 
pointed out p. 273. Cf. -na. 


gatpna to go, come near; gatpnunk passing by. 
hutapéna to run near, to rush past. 

kinyatp’na to form an-angle; also subst. angle. 
kttitpna to bring near or to somebody. 


=ptehi, -tchi, -tch, -michi, -mtch is a nominal suffix forming adjectives 
from substantives, pronouns, and adjectives, with the signification of like, look- 
ing like, resembling. ‘This suffix of comparison forms adjectives of a concrete, 
palpable signification, while those formed with shitko, Mod. shitka, are of an 
abstract meaning. Through phonetic fusion of the word and the suftix the 
labial of the latter is often altered and the last vowel dropped, and in the 
oblique cases we have -ptcha, -tcha, -mtcha; in shipatch adapted to, inversion 
takes place for shi-ptchi. Ptchi seems to have been once a term for body or 
Jace; it shows the prefix p- and seems related to pshish nose, ptchaklya to 
pat, caress. Some nouns in -sh lose, some preserve this suffix, when they 
assume the suffix -ptchi. 


1. Derived from pronouns and adjectives : 


haktchamptchi one who looks or behaves that way. 
himtchi such-like, one of that kind; for hi’n-ptchi. 
k6-idshiptehi ungainly, hateful. 

shuhankptchi similar to, of same shape. 

tidshiptchi pretty good, laudable. 

wikaptchi how shaped, how formed. 


2. Derived from substantives : 
Aishishtchi Aéshish-like, beautiful. 
yamnashptchi bead-like, of blue color. 
k6-eptchi toad-like, looking like a toad. 
tulaltiptehi light green, looking like a swamp-grass mantle. 
vunshakaptchi long and hollow-shaped, lit. ‘‘small-canoe-like.” 


-sh, -s, is the regular and most common nominal suffix, the substantive- 
forming suffix par excellence. Through it a large number of roots and bases 
oD Oo foo) 


368 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


assume nominal functions. It occurs in the great majority of substantives 
in their subjective case, forms the objective cases of the generic terms for 
persons and proper names of persons, of the names for the higher animals, 
of adjectives, numerals, and pronouns, and composes several of the verbals. 
In all these forms it is preceded by a vowel, generally a, though this is 
frequently elided. It composes the majority of the nominal suffixes, as 
-ash, -ish, -kish, -Ish, -6’sh, -6tkish, -uash, -uish, ete. The final -s is more 
archaic than -sh, and is chiefly used in the conversational form of language. 


1. The verbal indefinite and verbal conditional are formed by adding -sh, 
-sht to the full form of the verb, though phonetic laws sometimes effect 
changes and inversions of sounds. 


ka-ika to act extravagantly; ka-ikash “the extravagant acting”; also 
to} oD b 7) 

‘‘one who acts extravagantly.” 
shéllual to make war; gé-u shéllualsh “the making war of mine”, my 


warfare. 


Only the syntax can convey a full understanding of all the meanings 
of these and other verbals. Cf. -ash (Note). 


2. Adjectives in -sh, -s are those in -ish, a few in -ash (pépamkash hairy), 
the numeral na‘dsh, then k¢élpoksh hot, katagsh cold. 
3. Substantives in -sh, -s. Terms where this suffix is joined to the radix 


without any intervening sound, or where the quantity of the radical syllable 
points to a contraction of some kind, are mostly monosyllables. 


(a.) Parts of the human and animal body: 

kélansh knee, nish neck, nkash belly, nt’sh head, pish gall, pshish nose. 
(b.) Other objects of a concrete signification : 

é-ush lake (from éwa), héshkush game-stake, k0’sh pine tree, kilsh badger, 


la‘sh wing, 10's a goose-species, we'sh ice (from wen). 


In a few terms -sh alternates with -tch, as in ki-insh, ki-inteh yellow 
jacket-wasp ; but this change has to be ascribed to phonetic corruption ; cf. 


sufhix -tch. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 369 


=Sa, see -sha. 


-sha, -sa, a suffix forming almost exclusively transitive verbs from 
other verbs. They refer to acts performed with one’s own body or upon 
one’s own body, or parts of it, some of them being iteratives, as kpudsho’- 
sha, ulagsa. Some analogy exists between the suffix -sha and the medial 
prefix sh-, and in a number of terms both affixes are found simultaneously ; 
-sha is sometimes heard as -tcha through faulty pronunciation. 


génasha to follow or to go pell-mell ; cf. géna. 

hamodasha to shout at somebody. 

hushasha to threaten with a blow. 

kpapsa to taste, dequstate. 

kpudsho’sha to suck at. 

ndilsha to knock, produce a thud. 

shatyasha to put paint on body, face. 

shégsha to inform, report, apprise ; ef. shéka. 

shlépésha (and tehlépeshi, tehlépshi) to cover with ashes. 
uldgsa to lick, lap, lap up. 


A few intransitive verbs in -sha are as follows: 


kmutcho'sha to bubble up in water. 
shtiisha to become lean, meager. 


-shKa, -ska, suffix forming transitive and a very limited number of 
intransitive verbs from other verbs by imparting to them the idea of de- 
parture, separation, divergence, or removal. When removal is expressed 
it is usually a sudden removal by the hand. 


guhuashka to depart, leave, quit ; cf. gtishka. 
hishka to run or swim away. 

inuhuashka to prevent, keep away from. 
kttishka to cut out from, to cut through. 
ntchama’shka to wipe off: 

skinuashka to creep away from. 

syowashka to keep away from the shore. 


shuilalshka to shake off from one’s body. 
24 


370 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


=-sza. This verbal suffix, sometimes pronounced -shza, is usually ap- 
pended to verbs ending in -na, -ta, -dsha or -tcha, and therefore has a con- 
sonant before it (excepted tdésza, tlisza to shove, introduce into) which is pre- 
ceded by a short vowel. This suffix conveys the idea either (1) of close 
proximity, and then answers to our near to, through, between; or (2) that of 
superposition, and then corresponds to over, upon, on the top of: Cf. -tehka. 


(1.) hutimsza to run, rush, jump between; from hutna. 
i-utamsya to be among, between; postpos. between. 
nttltchyantcha to flow through or between. 
talsya to see, look through a tube. 
tgitsya to stand near or between. 


(2.) hinsya to fall upon or near something. 
idsza to deposit long objects on the top of; from ita. 
shlédsya to spread a sheet-like object over; from shléta. 
tilansya to roll upon or to move the hand over something. 


=-Shla. The verbs ending in -shla are, the majority of them at least, 
derived from nouns in -sh, and therefore belong to the verbs in -la, -ala, q. v. 
Of these verba denominativa we have given examples under -ala No. 2, p. 315. 


=t frequently terminates words, especially when preceded by a vowel. 
Final -¢ is an inflectional ending or part of such, and often appears in an 
apocopated form in the following two kinds of suffixes: 


1. Verbal conditional mode in -t: shnikat, from shnika to grasp; pat, 
from pan (for panat) fo eat; idshant, from idshna to carry off ete. Cf. Verbal 
Inflection. 


2. Suffix -t, apocopated from -tat, -ta, -ti, -tu, is frequently met with, 
especially in the oblique cases of adjectives, numerals, and of pre and post 
positions; cf. Nominal Inflection and suffix -ta. 


kiflant, kiiflat for kiilanti, kiiflatat on or in the ground. 
lapkshapt for lapkshapta(ni) seven. 


nigshtant, tigshtant for ndgshtanta, tigshtanta. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 371 


3. -t appears as a derivational suffix in a few substantives, though in 
monosyllables we are uncertain whether it forms part of the radix or not 
(kit, tut): 


gilit, kilit hole, fissure, anus. néwisht remains. 

kénawat horse-sorrel. Sa’t, Sha’t Snake Indian. 

kna’t rocky, dry land. ttt, d. ttitat tooth. 

kit, sort of flour. tchki’t, species of bitter cabbage. 


The points of the compass, as yamat north, lupit, muat, tzalamt are 
abbreviated forms from yamatala ete. 


4. There are a few particles ending in -t, as— 


at, at at the time, then; gént thereabout ; humasht thus; mbtshant to mor- 
row; pa dshit to-day; pa‘ktgisht after daylight; pshe’ksht, pshiksht 
(and pshe’ksh) at noon-time. 


The two last-mentioned clearly bear the stamp of verbal inflectional 
forms. Cf. also the postpositions ending in -ant. 


=ta, a suffix chiefly occurring in transitive verbs, also in a few nouns 
which probably were verbs before. The function of -ta is that of forming 
applicative verbs analogous to -ka, but differing from this by referring more 
exclusively, like the prefix ta-, to persons and to erect objects of an elon- 
gated form. Originally, fa is a radix of demonstrative signification, which 
still appears in tata at that time, tank then, and in pronouns -t refers to ani- 
mates and inanimates as being at a distance: hi't, hia’kt, hikta, hi’nkt, ete. 
There are, however, some verbs in which a reference to tall, erect, or dis- 
tant things as direct or indirect objects are no longer to be detected Com- 
poses several suftixes, as -alta, -ita, -tchta and -kta (from verbs in -Aga), and 
others, all of which we treat here under the one heading of -ta. 

1. Verbs in -fa; a person is the direct or indirect object: 

hémta to speak, tell to; from hii’ma to emit sound. 

hishkita to give a false report to; from ktya to lie. 

yuta to shoot at (plurality of objects). 

matchata to listen attentively to. 

sheii'ta to pay off, distribute to; cf. shétu to count. 


ate GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


skikta to reward, repay to. 

shléta to show, exhibit to; from shléa to see. 
tchimta to have eruptions on skin. 

wétanta to laugh at, deride; from wéta to laugh. 


2. Verbs in -fta; the direct or indirect object is inanimate and standing 
upright. Some verbs refer equally to persons and things, as génta, gtita, 
hita, nita: 


huita to run, rush up to. 

ka-ishta to shut the door-flap or door. 

mpakta to break upon, on something. 

nita to burn, v. intr., originally referring to long objects, sticks, ete. 
pélta to put the tongue out. 

pétchta to touch with the feet; pétch foot. 
shlakta to saw a log crosswise. 

shlapshta to close, clinch the hand. 

shmukalta to wet, moisten (persons or things). 
shnikita to lose, let fall, as from one’s pocket. 
wukétchta to strike the flint for sparks. 


3. Verbs in -fa, in which a reference to persons or long objects is no 

longer traceable with distinctness: 
fo) 

shatakta to make a screen of sticks for camp fire. 

shita to make, produce, create. 

waita, wiiita to lie over one day and one night. 

4. Nouns in -fa of uncertain origin: 

kulta ofter; ef. ki/Ish badger, gulf to creep into. 

g Li =) 

sikta peg, al, nail. 

-ta/Ki-, -tdkia, see -tki No. 2. 

-ta’kna, see -tka No. 5. 

-taknuw’la, contr. -tknila, -tynola, is a compound verbal suffix, the 
elements of which are -tka No. 5 (q. v.), -n- (or suffix -na) and -tla, -dla. It 
expresses removal from the mouth. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 373 


lyet’knula to hang down from the mouth. 

shataknula to remove from one’s mouth. 

shlewitaknutla to blow breath from one’s mouth. 

tilutaknila to see somebody spitting, removing from mouth. 
wityndla (for wit’taknila) to blow out from mouth. 


=-ta’/ktana, see -tka No. 5. 
=-ta’kua, see -tka No. 5. 


-ta/mna, -tamna, suffix forming iterative verbs, transitive and intrans- 
itive, which imply not repetition only, but also continuance, persistence, and 
steadiness of action. This suffix differs from -alsha, -ala (-la ; ef. -shla), which 
form similar verbs, and from -kanka, which is appended exclusively to verbs 
of locomotion, as going, coming etc., by marking acts performed steadily, 
successively, or repeatedly, while locomotion of the subject is not necessa- 
rily implied. In verbal form -témna reappears in the verb tamént to travel, 
in which -% points to distance. 

hihi’tamna to continue shouting hahd. 

hushti’ktamna to dream every night ; from hushtiza. 

shetaltiltamna to look down steadily ; from shetaltila. 

shlitamna fo hit every time; from shlin. 

shuetchantamna to go gambling every time; from shuétchna. 

telshantamna to look at persistently; from télshna. 


-ta’mpKa, verbal suffix involving the idea of beginning or com- 
mencement, and forming inceptive or inchoative verbs. It differs from -éga, 
-iéga, -ii'ga by being more frequently appended to transitive than to intran- 
sitive verbs, and by being used oftener by Modoes than by Klamath Lakes, 
who prefer -éga. Some verbs show both endings, while others, like shuim- 
patampka to lean on the back of chair, are in fact not verbs in -tampka, but in 
-ampka, q. v.; compare shuimpata to recline. 

hemkanktampka to commence talking, discussing. 

yutetampka to begin shooting. 

patampka to commence eating. 

shuktampka to begin the fight. 

tchutche-itampka (and tchutcheyéga) to begin to melt. 


374 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


=-tana, pronounced at times -tna, -tdnna, is a compound suffix used 
for inflection in nouns and postpositions and for derivation in verbs. In 
both it signifies alongside of, on the side of, by, beside, along, and is a compound 
of -ta and -na, q. v. Generally the accent does not rest upon it. 


1. Verbal suffix -tana, forming transitive and intransitive verbs from 
other verbs: 


hesyatana to become rusty the whole length. 
hlilantana to roll toward, to the side of. 
pélyatana to lick from end to end. 

piupititana to pick all along a tree ete. 
shikantana to show something on one’s body, side. 
shokétana to bite one’s tongue, lip ete. 


ulokatana to rub up and down. 


2. Nominal suffix -tana; forms a case-postposition, though not every 
noun can take it. Cf. Inflection of Substantive, Adjective, Pronoun; also 
the chapter on Postpositions, where this suffix is in extensive use. 


=tani, a suffix of adjectives, which is formed from -tana, a case-post- 
position, q. v. It occurs in a few adjectives only; in the numerals for six, 
seven, eight it is abbreviated from -tankni. 


kanitani being on the outside of; adv. kanitana. 
lapkshaptani seven. 
nigshtani what is on one side only ; one of two. 


plaitani who, what is above, on high; adv. p’laitana. 

-ta’/nna, see -tana. 

=tgi, see -tki. 

=ti, a verbal and nominal suffix with an originally locative significa- 


tion, the ending -2 pointing to something lying upon, on some object, or 
upon the ground. In nouns, -ti is either inflectional or derivational. 

1. Nominal inflectional suffix -ti serves as a case-suffix in generic terms 
for animate and inanimate objects (partitive case), and in the inflection of 
the verbal indefinite. Details will be found below. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. By) 


2. Nominal derivational suffix -ti. When used as a derivational suffix -ti 
indicates substance, quality, material, or locality; this also belongs to its 
functions when a case-suthix, and make of it a genetive (yevzxcv) suffix. In 
the oblique cases the case-terminals are then appended to the subjective 
case in -ti. 

kaflanti ground-snake ; from kiiila ground. 

pokéti kettle-metal, sheet-iron ; from pdko bucket. 

wati thorn, spine; straight knife; from wa to grow upon. 

watiti metal ; lit. “‘knife-substance.” 

wikam-wati, abbr. wikamua glass. 


3. Verbal derivational suffix -ti; it is apocopated sometimes from -tia; 
cf. kpatia to poke in the fire. 

yankapshti and yankapshtia to place into an opening. 

kmakapshti to put a stick into an orifice. 

nda-iti (and ndaitia) nish J feel cold. 

-ti’/la, compound verbal suffix occurring chiefly in intransitive verbs, 
and involving the idea of under, beneath, below. The verbs in -tila express a 
staying, remaining below or under, or a placing or an act performed below, 
underneath, while those in -kuéla point to a downward motion. Several of 
the intransitive verbs in -tila are used also as postpositions. The verb 
petila to act as midwife contains the base pét’a to disrupt, with a suffix -ila. 


gutila to go underneath, to take shelter. 

i-utila, yutila fo be or lie underneath ; also postposition. 
kshutila to exist below, to lie in the shadow of. 

liutila to be crowded underneath. 

puetila to put, throw under something. 

shikantila to show something on one’s feet, as moccasins ete. 
witila to blow underneath. 


-ti’ta, verbal suffix referring to an act performed outside of a house, 
lodge, inclosure ete. This suffix seems to occur in intransitive verbs only. 

gatita to walk along the outside of the lodge. 

liutita to crowd, to gather up outside of. 

szultita to lie down, to sleep outside the lodge. 


376 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


-ti’tana, verbal suffix differing from -tita only by the circumstance 
that the act is performed at a short distance (-na) outside of the lodge, 
inclosure ete. It is sometimes contracted into -titna. Here and in the 
foregoing suflixes the locative function of -ti is clearly shown. 


gatitana, kishtitana to walk around the lodge ete. 
liutitana, or liutitna to crowd outdoors at a short distance ; plural form of 
tgatitana, or tgatitna fo stand (as above). 


=-tka, nominal and verbal suffix having various functions. 


1. Nominal inflectional suffix -tka; forms the instrumental case in sub- 
stantives and adjectives, sometimes assuming a temporal meaning. Com- 
bined with -sh to -shtka it forms the verbal desiderative, q. v. 


2. Verbal inflectional suffix -tka sometimes stands for the -tki of the 
verbal intentional on account of neglectful pronunciation. Modoc often 
uses -tka and -tku for the participial ending -tko, q. v. 


3. Verbal derivational suffix -tka most frequently expresses a return from, 
or an act of locomotion repeated in a direction opposite to the act preceding 
it. When standing in the participial form of -tkank, Mod. -tkan, it therefore 
often corresponds to our pluperfect tense. 


gankanktka to return from hunting; gankanktkank after having hunted ; 
lit. ‘‘after having returned from the hunt.” 
itka, litya, utya to take back, wrench off from. 
yumiltka to return from the berry-harvest. 
lulukshaltka to return from cremating. 
shitchatka to fly back. 
taménttka to return from a place visited, from travel. 


4. Verbal derivational suffix -tka sometimes adds to the radical verb the 
idea of above, over somebody or something. 


itatka to hold long-shaped objects above. 
litatka to hold round things; nétatka flat things; shlétatka sheet-like 
things above an object ete. 


stiitka to be standing (animals). 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. ont 


5. Verbal derivational suffix -tka, -tk, often inverted as -tak, is found in 
verbs which express a passing into or from one’s mouth. It chiefly appears 
in compound suffixes, as -takna, -taktana, -takua, and in -taknula (separate 
item above); it excludes the acts of eating and sucking. 


Ambutka fo be thirsty. 

hantakua fo stand open continually ; Lat. hiare. 
pniutaktana to blow into a tube, hollow body. 

tildtakna to see somebody putting (food) into his mouth. 


6. Some other verbs in -tka do not properly belong here, being deriva- 
tives of verbs in -ta through suffix -ka, -ga; matchatka, teitka, waltka. In 
hashtka to pierce one’s nose, -tka contains the radix. 


=tki, a verbal suffix somewhat analogous to -tka, q. v., although the 
final -2 gives to it a locative signification, which is recognizable in the 
gs s g 
majority of the verbs. 


1. Verbal inflectional suffix -tki, usually followed by the causal verbal 
giuga, giug im order to do, and called by me verbal intentional. Sentences 
dependent on certain verbs on Klamath are always expressed by this verbal: 
ka-i wé-ula gulitki hit giug I do not allow anybody to enter here. 


2. Verbal derivational suffix -tki, also pronounced -tgi, -tzi, -tze, -taki, 
-takia, refer to a motion onward, or a going to the place of the first start 
(like -tka); but the final -¢ points to the ground, earth, or soil as the place 
toward which the motion is made, which implies the idea of downward, down. 


ho’tye, hutyi to run downhill; to rush down. 

hintakia to rush, pounce, fly down upon. 

litki to go downward, as fog, clouds. 

kmuko'ltgi to wither, fade, become decrepit. 

ndi-utze to fall down; also other verbs of falling, rolling. 
ndshatehtyi and ntultki to form a waterfall. 

tilantze,‘v. intr., to roll down. 


378 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


3. Verbal derivational suffix -tki, also pronounced variously like No. 2, 
forms verbs which mark an effect or return upon somebody or upon oneself, 
a reversal upon one’s own body, this being here indicated by -i: 


ka‘ltki to become round, hard, dry, strong; from kalkali round. 
lé/Itki to look or to peep at. 

kiktakia, ki’ytgi to covet, to be enamored of: 

litchtakia to try hard, to endeavor ; from litchlitchli powerful. 
ta’ztei to become red, to blush; from taktakli red. 

tchamptki, Mod. tehamptakia to be frightened. 


-tknii is a suffix of adjectives, in which the ending -kni, q. v., is ap- 
pended to one of the locative cases (-tat, -ti) of substantives, adjectives, or 
pronouns. Hence the nouns in -tkni form but a subdivision of the ones in 
-kni. Besides Kimbatkni (from kimme cave, locat. kimmétat or kimbat) 
and Lékuashtkni mentioned there, we have: 


ge’ tkni coming from out there, from abroad. 

hataktkni coming from that place. 

nakantkni coming from the places all around. 
Skitchueshtkni name of a tribe in northwestern Oregon. 
Téaytkni Indian from Tygh Creek. 


=-tko, -tk, in Modoe -tko, -tku, -tka, -tk, in the oblique cases -pkash, 
-pkam ete. in both dialects, is a suffix forming the participles of verbs, 
mostly indicating the preterit tense. Verbs in -ala form their participles in 
-altko; those in -na, -antko (q. v.) This suffix is susceptible of inflection just 
like nouns, and corresponds in many respects to the Old English prefix y- in 
yclad, yclept, which is the German ge- in gekleidet, gefangen, gescheidt. When 
derived of transitive verbs, the participles in -tko are either of active or of 
passive signification, sometimes both. Some are derived from impersonal 
verbs, and of others the parent verb has become obsolete or never had any 
existence. Many terms in -tko have become verbal adjectives, or substan- 
tives either of a concrete or abstract signification. In the conversational 


language -tko is often thrown off: pahad for pahatko dried, 74, 6. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 379 


1. Participles in -tko of active and preterital signification are not frequent. 
They are sometimes connected with personal pronouns: 


hemkankatko one who has delivered a speech. 

nti ki’/kotko after I had tried. 

shanad-ulitko having wished for 186; 56. 

2. Participles in -tko of a passive and preterital function. These are 
the real participles in -tko, and a reference to the present tense is rather 
exceptional. 


idukatko one who was or is kicked. 

kutélitko one whose pimples were squeezed out. 
patko eaten up, consumed. 

shnikatko seized, grasped, apprehended. 


3. Participles in -tko formed from intransitive and attributive verbs; 
many of them are verbal adjectives, and in English have to be rendered 
by adjectives. Cf. Texts, page 110, 1. 


eutzitko one who has climbed down from. 
hiuhiuwatko marshy; from hiuhiwa to be elastie. 
k’lékatko dead, deceased. 

nkillitko brave, robust, impetuous. 

p'litko fat, fattened, well-fed. 

shitko, Mod. shutka alike to; from shf-iha to agree. 
tehipkatko contained in a pail, vase. 


We may add here, as formed from an impersonal verb: 


gélyatko accustomed; from kélya nish I am i the habit of. 


4. Adjectives in -tko, derived from nouns and signifying “provided 
with, wearing, having on oneself, making use of,” are the result of a con- 
traction with gitko having. From this we may except luilpatko provided 
with, using one’s eyes, which seems contracted from lilpaltko. The accent 
rests either on the penult or on the antepenult. 


kaptitko wearing a coat, for kapo gitko. 
kékatko clad in a gown, tor kt'ks gitko. 


380 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


shnawakitko wearing a necklace, shnawa’kish. 
taldshitko provided with reed-arrows, taldshi. 
tchuy¢étko wearing a hat or head-cover, tchiyesh. 
walzatchkatko poorly dressed; from walzatchaga, q. v. 


5. Substantives in -tke, which formerly were adjectives or participles, 


and have gradually developed into concrete or abstract substantives with- 


out assuming the nominal suffix -sh, -s. Among their number we have: 


knaklitko shore-line. plitko fat, grease. 

ktaklitko wound, gash. shegeatyatko interdigital membrane. 
mulmtlatko quagmire. sheno’tatko confluence. 

nkillitko power, force, energy. sheshalyakénatko woven tissue. 


piltpantko fat of deer. 
=-tknu’la, see -taknula. 
=-tku, see -tko. 

=tzi, see -tki. 
-tyno’la, see -taknila. 


=tna, see -tana. 


=-tpa, a combination of the two verbal suffixes -ta and -pa, which im- 


plies motion toward some object standing erect (-ta), men or people being 


generally understood. Forms transitive as well as intransitive verbs; cf. -pa. 


gatpa to come, march toward. 

hushotpa (for hush’hétpa) to ride up to. 
hutpa, hétpa to run up to the one speaking. 
kshitpa to crawl toward. 

shlaltpa to surrender to somebody for use. 
spintpa to bring, accompany homeward. 


tildtpa to see somebody coming. 


-teh, -dsh, nominal suffix rarely found in adjectives (tchmi’tch lean, 


meager), but oftener in substantives, and preceded by a vowel. 


When pre- 


ceded by n- it alternates with -sh (-ntch, -nsh), and is identical in function 


with -sh,-s. It has originated in several of the terms below from the verbal 


LIST. OF SUFFIXES. 381 


suffix -tcha, -dsha. The suffix -0’tch, -i’tch, sometimes -aitch, is a contrac- 
tion of -o’tkish, q. v. 


yantch, species of root or bulb. 

kiadsh yolk of egg. 

ki-intch, ki-insh yellow-jacket wasp; from kintchna. 
kima‘dsh, kimatch ant; lit. ‘‘sidewise-goer.” 
lyawawintch finger, toe. 

mbttch sinew, ligament, tendon. 

nshé'dsh shell, pod, outside bark. 

pawatch, pawash tongue; from péwa to eat (?) 
pulyuantch eatable chrysalid. 

setitch father of a first child. 

shuéntch baby-board K1.; baby Mod. 


Verbs in -tcha, -dsha sometimes lose their final -a by rapid or negligent 
pronunciation, like some other suffixes. 


-tch, see -ptchi. 


=tcha, -dsha, also pronounced -tsa, -dsa; two verbal suffixes identical 
in their functions, and differing only in this, that -dsha usually follows after 
syllables long by themselves or pronounced long by reason of the accent 
being laid on them, while -tcha is suffixed to short syllables. We find them 
forming transitive as well as intransitive verbs, and implying motion at 
distance, or away from the real or supposed speaker. They enter into the 
composition of many other suffixes. According to their signification they 
may be subdivided into three groups: 

(a) With the meaning of “in the course of events, as a part of other 
acts.” 

(b) With the meaning of ‘‘to go to, to be on the way to.” 

(c) With the meaning of ‘‘to do, perform while traveling, moving, or 
going.” 2 

Examples: 
(a) ktandsha to fall asleep; from ktana to sleep. 
ka-tldsha to gnaw through; cf. kéka to bite. 
vulddsha to split, chop. 


382 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


(b) haitchantcha fo set out for a hunt; from haitehna to pursue. 
iwidsha to go and haul; from twi, hiwi to haul home. 
ksiulaktcha to go to dance; from kshitléya to dance. 
shle’dsha to visit, to go to see; from shléa to see. 
shualk6'Itcha to go and cool oneself off. 

(ce) élktcha, nélktcha ete. to leave behind when departing. 
ktchikaytltcha to crawl, creep out of woods ete. 
ktchitiltcha to crawl to or in the distance. 
k’lewidsha fo quit, leave; from k’léwi to stop, cease. 
sd-atcha to dance a scalp-dance. 
shuwalktcha to fly after something; from shuwalza to fly. 


-tcha, see -ptchi, -sha. 
-tchi, see -ptchi. 


-tehKa, verbal suffix cemposed of -tcha in its various acceptations 
and of the factitive -ka, -ga,-za. The forms -tchka, -tchza occur after con- 
sonants and short vowels The suitix forms transitive and intransitive verbs 
from verbal bases. For -dsya, see -sya. 

1. Suffix -tchka referring to an act performed above, on the top of some- 
thing, when this act is done in the sequel of other acts, or as a part of such: 


hashkatchka to stick upon oneself, as feathers. 
yishtchka to step on. 

yushtchka to put the foot on. 
ktchiutchatchka to trample on, upon, Mod. 


2. Suffix -tchka marking repetition of an act usually performed in the 
distance: 

mpatchitchka éo crackle, said of burning wood. 

shnumatechka to annoy, tease; from miitchka. 

shuishtchaktchka to bend, turn the head for a bite. 

utchkatchka to weave a pole repeatedly in one direction. 


=-tchna, -dshna are suffixes differing merely in phonetics, as -tcha does 
from -dsha, q. v., and not in their meanings. They form transitive and in- 
p) ’ 5 


transitive verbs from verbs, not from nouns, and represent a combination 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 383 


of the verbal suffixes tcha and -na, q. v.; they are also pronounced, by 
Iternation of sounds, -tsna, -dsna, and some of these verbs simultaneously 
exhibit a form -ina, -ana: 


gasiktsina and gashaktchna to march behind, to pursue. 
miktsina and maktchna to encamp while traveling. 
tchaluitchana and tchaluitchna to go to somebody’s house, lodge. 


The function of the suffix -tchna may be stated as either referring: 

(a) To an act performed at a distance (which is expressed by -tch-, 
-dsh-), or while going, walking, traveling, moving; the suffix also implies a 
motion of the verbal subject away from (not toward) the one speaking, or 
from the verbal object; or referring: 

(b) To an act performed or a state undergone in continuity, whether 
moving, walking or not; whenever motion is implied, it is motion away from 
the one speaking or from the object of the verb. 


Examples of (a): 
agga-idshna to hang up while going; from aggaya to suspend. 
gtilatchna to recede into on being reached; ef. guli to enter. 
kititchna to spill while going, walking on. 
kptitchna to spurt from mouth; ef. kptdsha to expel. 
shnigo'tchna to send by mail, as letters. 
shnindtidshna fo lose, as from one’s pocket. 
spidshtdshna to uncoil a string fastened at one end; cf. spidsha to drag 
behind oneself. 
stilantchna to let go, run, drop along something. 
shttptchna to travel, said of a loaded wagon ete. 
vuttidshna to throw away from oneself. 


Examples of (0): 
héntchna to fly in a continuous straight line. 
ktulédshna to push away continually or repeatedly. 
niudshna to drive (cattle) into a prairie ete. 
nttltchna to run continuously, said of water. 
6-idshna to advance in front file or line. 


384 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


shiktii/dshna to push oneself. 
stintchna to go with an object from place to place. 
wiudshna to inflict blows in continuous succession. 


=-tehta, see -ta. 


-U, -0, verbal and nominal suffix occurring mainly in dissyllabie and 
other short words, the pronominal radix -u (hu) in this suifix pointing either 
to distance or to elevation above the soil. 


1. Verbal derivational suffix -u. Some verbs have a form in -a and 
another in-w; the former expressing an act performed close by or upon the 
ground, the latter an act in the distance or above: 


taménti to march, travel; suffix -timmna, which forms continuative verbs. 
tchilamna to be crowded together. 
tchilamnu fo be crowded high up, or far away. 


2. Verbal derivational suffix -u, apocopated from -ua, -wa, q. v. 


kpéto to taste, to sip. 

kiko, k¢ku to try, to endeavor. 

mému for mémua, d. of méwa to camp away from home. 

nitu to guess, conjecture. 

shcto and shii’tua to enumerate, count. 

shid to bet; héshkfi to make mutual bets. 

shipnu to blow something up; from pniwa to blow. 

shpotu to fortify oneself, for shpa-utua ‘to plunge into the water.” 
tchitu (1) to be sterile; (2) childless woman. 


3. Substantives in -u, -o. These are generally names of objects of 
nature possessed of a tall, long form, as trees, plants, weeds, many of the 
smaller animals, also some inanimate things and parts of the human and 
animal body. 


(a) Plants, weeds ete.: 
Anku tree, stick, piece of wood. kts¢iimu, species of aquatic grass. 
kl’ species of root. tchakélu greasewood. 


ktai’lu pine-nut. wiko white-pine tree. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 385 


(6) Animals, inanimate objects: ° 
yuho buffalo. mhii’, Kl. tmti’ grouse. 
kafliu skin-robe, fur-dress. ndshilu and nkilu female animal. 
kalo sky. poko bucket, vase, cup. 
kuktu dragon-fly. stii’yu wood-rat. 
ktehidshu bat. tehpinti burial-ground. 


mamaktsu, species of duck. 


(c) Among the parts of the animal and human body we mention: 


kayedshu, ki’dsho chin. pato, mpato cheek. 
kapkapo wristbone. plu fat, grease. 
kiu anus. tlézo brain, Mod. 
kéto loin. tydpo thumb. 
ngénu lower belly. vushu chest. 


=UA, -wa, compound verbal suffix of frequent occurrence. As may be 
inferred from the first component, which is the particle hu, u, the verbs in 
-ua relate to acts done at a distance or at an elevation above the ground. 
Many nouns in -u, -o express portions of the animal and human body, and 
in the same manner some verbs in -ua refer to acts or conditions of the 
whole body or parts of it, especially to motions performed in the water. 
The verbs formed by means of suffix -ui, -wi present many analogies. 


1. Suffix -wa, indicative of distance: 


Idlua to sleep outdoors. 

méwa to camp away from home, to live in the prairie. 
niwa to drive upon level ground. 

nttyua to shine from a distance. 

shnatkolua to build a fire away from the camp. 

tpéwa to give orders to. 

2. Suffix -wa, indicative of elevation above the ground: 
hinua to fall upon something, as trees, logs. 


mbawa to burst, explode. 


niliwa to blaze up, to burst into a light. 
25 


386 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


3. Suffix -wa, referring to acts performed by means of or upon the human 
body or parts of it; includes transitive and intransitive verbs: 


antchilua to press forward, to crowd on. 
hlékua to drink out of the hand ; to lap. 
kitéwa to squeeze down, as with the finger. 
Iduikua to hug, caress; ef. shildakua. 
mutlua to prepare oneself, make ready. 
nhdéwa to laugh demoniacally. 

ntd-whtua to pulsate, said of heart. 
punua to drink. 

shapkua to put red paint on one’s face. 
skiiyAdshua to yawn. ° 

shuatawa to stretch oneself. 

shimalua to wear a necklace of bird-bills. 
takua to apply a gag. 


4, Suffix -wa, referring to motions performed in the water by animate 
beings; here the particle -u- means up to, pointing to the water reaching up 
to a certain level on the body. 


hiwa, hod-a to leap into water. 

yatchua to step into water, dip the feet; from tchéwa, q. v. 
kilhua to reach up to on the body. 

kttlua to rush under water. 

kélua to bathe in hot water. 

niwa to drive into the water. 

pankua to wade through; cf. hashpankua. 

shnindiwa to dip, douse, let fall into the water. 

tcheléwa to produce ripples, waves. 

udtmkua to cross by swimming. 


=-ual, -udla, see wala. 


-ualza, verbal suffix indicative of a continuous upward motion, 
the “upward” being expressed by the particle -u-; in some verbs, as in 
shlatchudlya, distance may be expressed by it. This suffix is a compound 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 387 


of -wala, and the verbs in -ualza are originally transitives and factitives of 
those in -wala, q. v. 


kinualya to go uphill in a file or otherwise. 

mulkualza to send up smoke, 

nikualka to extend one arm, hand. 

shlatchualza to splash up, or out. 

talualya and telikualya to turn the face upward; ef. télish face. 


=-uash, see -wash. 
=-ug, -wk, see -liga. 


=u’ga, -uka, -dga, -oka, a suffix forming transitive and intransitive 
verbs, generally accented upon the penultima, and either derivational or 
inflectional. When derivational, this suffix implies the idea of within, inside ; 
or that of upon, on the surface of ; or that of away from; when inflectional, 
it points to the cause or reason of an act or condition, and therefore implies 
causality. There are, however, many verbs in -tiga which properly belong 
under -ka, -ga, the syllable -u belonging not to the suffix but to the basts of 
the word: shud-uka to squeal, sha’hmdka to call out, assemble, and others. 
On the difference between -tiga and -uga, cf. suffix -aga. 


1. Suffix -viga, corresponding to our inside, within, indoors. 


ikuga to place inside of, to load, as a gun ete. 
kshikoga to put or place into. 

shluytiga to whistle ; lit. ‘to blow inside.” 
skulyéka to lie down, sleep indoors. 

tgizuga to stand indoors. 

tchizéga to live or stay within, indoors. 
ulézuga to gather or place into a long vase. 


2. Suffix -cga, pointing to an act performed upon or on the surface of an 
object; or to the removal of an object from the surface of. Cf. the suffix -iga. 


nutchtika to burn, singe off somebody’s hair. 
putdéga to tear out, pull out; cf. shuptoga. 


388 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


shipatytiga to-shield, cover oneself. 
shitluka to fan somebody. 

shnuydka to cause to burn off, to singe off: 
shnuldka to snap at; to scold somebody. 
shidshoka to wash one’s body or part of it. 
shuytika to clip one’s hair; ef. ktuytga. 
shupeléka to lay on, heap upon. 

teliiga, telika to assail, pounce upon. 


tultiga to smear on, to line upon. 


3. Suffix -aiga, forming the verbal causative in the inflection of all verbs; 
cf. below. It is often pronounced -uk, -ok, -ug, -og, and then the accent 
recedes toward the initial syllable: 


kak tyuitzuk hi’ma the raven cries for the purpose of presaging. 


kélpkug A4mbu wakwaka water vaporizes by heat. 


=U, -w/, suffix forming transitive and intransitive verbs from verbal 
bases, and implying motion toward an object. Its component -u- points to 
distance in space, to altitude etc.; while -i, which represents the pronominal 
radix i, hi, refers to the soil or ground, to the house, home, or lodge, the 
floor of which is the ground itself, or to the person speaking. It is analo- 


gous in many points to -ua, q. V. 


1. Suffix -wi, implying motion foward the ground, or over, along the 
ground, or toward the home or lodge. 


gaktchui to go into the rocks or woods. 

hinui to fall to the ground. 

hiwi to haul or fetch home. 

skttyui to send out, dispatch; from kuti far off. 
shléwi the wind blows. 

téwi to shoot at with arrow, gun ete. 

tilalhalui fo roll something long. 

uldyui to bend downward, as trees in the wind. 


wawiwi fo lean over head forward. 


LIST OF SUFFLXES. 389 


2. Suffix -wi, implying motion toward a person, generally toward the 
one speaking. 


galdshui to approach somebody or one’s lodge. 
pékalui to be an accomplice. 

shahamui to call somebody to come. 

shéshatui ¢o sell ; from shésha to value, prize. 
shtchikui to drag after oneself. 

shudnui to be in love with, to covet. 

tishui to touch; to attack with weapons. 

tawi to bewitch by magic spell. 


3. Suffix -wi, in the adverbs atui now, gétui over yonder, is simply a 
combination of the two well-known particles uw and 7 with the particles at, 


ect, get, q. v. Cf. also tehuti, techtiyunk. 


=UW'izi, see -ofzi. 
=-ui’na, see -wina. 


-uish, compound suffix simultaneously verbal and nominal, and 
always pointing to something performed or achieved in the past. The first 
comdonent -u- is the particle u, hu, which refers here to distance also, but to 
distance in time; the second component -ish forms nomina acti, sometimes 
nomina instrumenti (cf. -ish No. 2). Though often pronounced -wish, -uish 
is distinctly dissyllabic in its origin. 

1. Verbal inflectional suffix -uish forms the verbal preterit, which is not 
inflected for case: hémkankuish the act of having spoken; from hémkanka to 
speak. Cf. Verbal Inflection. 


2. Nominal derivational suffix -wish, sometimes contracted to -dtch, forms 
nomina acti, some of which possess parallel forms in -ish, as palkuish and 
palkish, q. v. The nouns in -uish all designate inanimate things, inflect for 
case, and the -u- of some of their number can be rendered by previous, 
Jormer, early. This does not always imply that the object mentioned does 
not exist any longer. 


gutékuish aperture, passage-way. 
hémkankuish speech delivered in the past. 


390 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


mbakuish broken piece; from mbaka to smash. 

mulfnuish stub, stubble; from mulina to mow. 
sha’hmalzuish, contr. sha’hmalzotch beginning of autumn. 
shaktakluish scar; from shaktakla to wound by cutting. 
tcheldluish peeling ; from tcheldla to peel. 

wetékuish earth caved in; ef. wetdla. 


3. There is a limited number of nouns in -wish in which the -u- has no 
temporal function, but signifies above, on upper part of the animal or human 
body. Some are derived from verbs in -ua or -ui: 

laktchuish, contr. laktchiish adhering-place; from laktchui. 

shakpdklaluish and shélaluish plait of males on temple bone, Mod. 

shikatuish nape-plait. 

wakdaluish, apher. kaluish leg below knee ; shin-bone. 

wamélhuish, kshéluish, élhuish and shuémshtchakluish mane of horse. 


To these we may add shlélaluish cream of milk. 


-uya, -huya, verbal suffix of a minuitive function, and not always 
accented. It is the particle hiya near, close to, agglutinated to verbs, and 
etymologically connected with wika, wigdta low, near the ground, the origi- 
nal meaning of the particle being shown in ttya to stand below the level of. 
Huya may stand also as a separate word in the sentence; as a suffix, it refers 
to space, time, and to degrees of intensity. In shahamuya, -tya stands for 
-wi, -ui, and ndnuya is derived from nanui, q. v. 


1. Suffix -wya, indicative of limited space: near, near by, close, closely. 
geluipkttya to approach close to. 


kshéluya to lie close to the camp-fire. 
teluak’hitya to pursue closely. 


2. Suffix -uya, referring to a limited lapse of time: for a while, for a 
time, not very long. 

keko-tiya to attempt for a short while. 

shenotank’hitya fo skirmish for a while. 

shkuyushkttya to part one from the other temporarily. 


tchutanhtya to treat for some time. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 391 


3. Suffix -wya, indicative of a smaller degree of intensity or stress: 
somewhat, partially, not seriously. In a few verbs it may be replaced by 
-kshka (q. v.). 


élkuya, élk’huya Mod., to attempt to give a name; for KI. élyakshka. 
*mutchtiya to try to imitate one’s parents (kmutchish, “elders”), 
ngé’she-uya to wound but not to kill. 

shiuktiya to have a small fight, scuffle. 

shliuya to inflict a shot wound not fatal; from shlin. 

shliihuya to trot on horseback 


=ula, see -dla. 

=u li, see -dli. 

-upka, see -pka. 

-apKa, see -dpka. 

=-ush (vowel long); see -dsh. 


-u'ta, -ota, verbal suffix of a durative meaning, and almost always 
emphasized on the penult. It is either inflectional or derivational. and 
composes the suffix -dtkish and others; it forms transitive and intransitive 
verbs from verbal, not from nominal, bases. The form -tita is more frequent 
than -déta. 


1. Inflectional suffix -ita corresponds to our during, pending, while, 
whilst, sometimes to after, and forms the verbal durative, which undergoes 
no inflection. 


gukentita while climbing ; sta-dta while fasting, starving. 


2. Durative verbs in -uta. They indicate that an act or condition lasts 
during a certain time, or that it lasts while something else is performed or 
occurring. 

ilydéta to bury along with. 

shnigdéta to send by mail. 

shkitita to owe a debt. 

tchiita to treat for sickness ; contr. from tehi-tita. 

windta fo accompany in singing. 


392 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


3. Usitative verbs in -tita, descriptive of personal habits, of customs, 
occupations, as— 

ledshnitita to be in the habit of knitting. 

pashuta to be a cook; to cook for a time. 


shiytita, shenitita, hesheliéta to follow the bartering trade. 


4. Instrumental verbs in -tita. They refer to the use of a certain article, 
tool, instrument for accomplishing an act. The suffix -dtkish is a compound 
of the ending -vta when used as an instrumental suffix. 

yuwettita to kick with both Jeet. 

kawtita to catch, get hold of what is thrown. 

spuklitita to use during or for the sweating process. 

stina-éta to build lodges with. 

shuldta to dress oneself with. 

vuktita to scrape by means of. 


-u’tkish, see -6tkish. 

=-u'tch, see -étkish. 

-utehna, -cdshna, a combination of the verbal suffix -tchna, q. v., 
with the particle and suffix -u, -o (in -ua, -wa ete.), which points to a motion 


away from, performed either in the distance or at an elevation above the 
ground. ‘lhe verbs in -utchna have all been entered under -tchna. 

=-WA, see -ua. 

=wal, see -wala. 

=-wavla, -udla, a compound verbal suffix which, after vowels, often 
contracts into -0’la or -i’la (with long 0, w), and is usually accented on the 
penultima When the accent recedes, it often abbreviates into -wal, -ual. 
This suffix points to a position or motion at the head or end of, above, or upon 
an object, and is composed of the pronominal particle u, hu wp there and the 
suffix -ala. It composes other suffixes, as -ualza, -waliéga ete., and appears 
as a radi¢al syllable in walish rock or cliff standing upright. It forms transi- 
tive as well as intransitive verbs. 

hashatuala, hashtual fo place upright upon somebody’s head. 

hashlwala to place a blanket or sheet over one’s head. 


LIST OF SUFFIXES. 393 


hiniila to fly on the top of. ‘ 

huwala (in huwaliéga) fo run, rush uphill. 

kshawala to te to the top of a pole standing upright. 

ktawal to fall and to strike on the top of the head. 

ktiwala, ktiwal (and ktiwalza) to lift, post upon, above. 

makuala to encamp upon or in the mountains. 

shampatudla to nail or fasten one object to another to make it longer. 
shupatchuala to put one foot before the other. 

sté-ula to put one cover or sheet over another. 

tga-tla, tka-dla to stand upon the top of: 


-walie’ga, see -wala and -éga. 
=-wa’'lya, see -ualza. 
=-<wash, wash, nominal suffix of. various functions. 


1. Tribal names in -wash, calling the Indian tribes after their residence, 
country, or point of compass. Here -wash is derived from the verb wa to 
live, to exist, stay, remain, a plural verb always accompanied by the locality 
or medium where the subjects are staying: kiii’'m amputat wa fish live in the 
water. The nouns in -wash are adjectives and synonyms of those in -kni, 
which are adjectives also; in some of these names the Klamath Lake dialect 


prefers -kni. 


E-ukshiwash Indian living on Klamath Marsh. 

Kumbatuash Avumbatuash Indian on Modoc Lake; KI. Kimbatkni. 
Méatuash Pit River Indian; lit. “southern dweller.” 

Walamswash Rogue River Valley Indian; ct. walish. 


2. To these may be added the following generic nouns, in some of which 
the -wash is derived from wa to stay: 


katogiwash (1) hill-spur; (2) Sacramento Valley Indian. 
kiliwash red-headed woodpecker. 

plaiwash gray eagle; lit. “living on high.” 
pshe-utiwash human beings (archaic term). 

teiniwash young woman; from teini young. 


394 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


3. Nouns, adjectives as well as substantives, derived not from wash 
dweller, but from verbs in -wa, -ua. Some of these are being used as names 
for persons. 


gukiwash one who goes up hill. 

hushtéwash portrait; in KI. hushtétish. 

skakawash bony, raw-boned. 

shlélaluash upper eyelid; lit. “the coverer.” 
vuipeliwash, species of forest bird; lit. ‘the flutterer.” 


4. To these add the contracted form of wash (-iish, -dsh), of which I 
gave numerous instances under -dsh, q. v. 


=-we’la, see -kuéla. 


-we'ta, -ucta, verbal suffix occurring in intransitive verbs, and point- 
ing to motions observed upon straight, long, or elongated articles, as the 
arms, a swing etc.; the long shape of these is indicated by -ta. 


kuéta (for kuwéta) to make signs, to beckon. 

kiwewéta to ride upon a swing, Mod. 

ndshakwéta to drop down, be suspended, as wax, curtains. 
szinueta to ride on a swing. 


shulakucta, shulakuawéta to ride upon a swing. 
=WiI, see -ui. 


-Wia, suffix of uncertain origin, occurring in a few verbs only and 
probably connected with -ui, -wi, q. v. It points to the idea of uniting, 
gathering. 


galdshawia to come close to, approach. 
skiwia to let the hair hang down. 


skiitawia to tie, fasten together; from sytita. 


WIA, -wiza, suffix of intransitive and transitive verbs, composed of 
the locative u-, the locative -i-, and the verbal factitive suffix -ga, -ka. The 


import of this suffix is that of being within, inside of a receptacle or vase, 


RECAPITULATION OF SUFFIXES. 395 


which, as the particle -u- indicates, is standing or erect. Cf. -izi, -ofyi. This 
suffix appears also in the substantive stiwizdtkish baby-board, Kl. 

iwiza and iwizi to fill up, as sacks; ef. twa. 

m’hawiza, mawiza to put a little of something into a vase. 

tkiwiya, luilutya to stand within, as in a pit. 

tehiwiza to fill a vase about half up 

tchléwiza to place something flexible or soft into a vase. 


=Wi'na, -wina, a verbal suffix, composed of -wi, -ui and the suffix of 
motion -na. It points to a motion at short distance toward or along the 
ground, and occurs in transitive as well as in intransitive verbs. Iwina to 
place inside and its derivatives (kshawina etc.) have to be classed with verbs 
in -ina. 

gawina to join, rejoin; to meet again. 

kinuina to go single file, or in zigzag line. 

shiwina fo move or stir about. 

shuawina to look over, to examine. 

tchawina to live among, to mix with; from tehia. 


whlutuina fo trail on the ground while walking. 
-wish, see -uish. 
RECAPITULATION OF THE SUFFIXES. 


The large number of simple and compound suffixes of the Klamath 
language requires a broad and comprehensive classification of them. It 
will be best to subdivide them into inflectional and derivational suffixes and 
to make two classes of each—verbal suffixes and nominal suffixes. 


A.—Inflectional suffixes. 
Verbal suffixes. 
Mode in verbs: -a, -t (-at). 
Tense in verbs: -dlank, -udpka. 
Suffixes forming verbals: -émi, -i, -ola, -sh, -sht, -ti, -tka, -tki, -liga 
(-uk, -ok). 
Suffixes forming participles: -n (-an), -nk (-ank); and -tko (-tku, -tk). 


396 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Nominal suffixes. - 


Case-suflixes: -am (-lam), -ant, -ash, -@mi, -7éni, -na, -sh, -tat, -ti, -tka. 
Case-postpositions: -i, -kshi (-gishi), -ksaksi, -tala, -tana. 
Tense in noun: -u-. 


B.—Derivational suffixes. 
Verbal suffixes. 
GRAMMATIC CLASSIFICATION.—Considered from a purely grammatic point 
of view, a part of the suffixes may be subdivided as follows: 


Suffixes which are verbal and nominal simultaneously: -a, -aiga, -i, -tana. 

Suffixes made from verbs; they become agglutinated to the other com- 
ponent part of the compound verb, and some change their last 
sound: -kakidmna, -kakua, -ki (-gi), -kidsha, -témna. 

Suffixes stating the number of the object: -ta, -yua. 

Suffixes forming denominative verbs: -ala, -Ala, -alsha, -shla. 

Suffixes used for verbifying varions nominal forms of the verb: -alsha, 
-anka, -ansha, -insha, -kanka. 

Suffixes forming factitive verbs: -aga, -dga, -ala, -dla, -éga, -fga, -ka, 
-tka No. 6. 


FUNCTIONAL CLAssIFIcaTION.—For this mode of classifying the verbal 
suffixes of derivation, their material functions have to be considered mainly 
under the categories of mode of action, motion, or rest. ‘These categories 
are visible, and therefore of more importance to the Indian than tense and 
mode. They also form a contrast to the form categories expressed by the 
prefixes of the languagé. We present the following list of them, while 
recalling the fact that many suffixes are used in more than one function, 


and therefore may occur in more than one place below: 


1. Suffixes describing motion. 
a. Motion in a direct line, or motion to a short distance: -n, -na, -tcha, 
-tehna, -wina. 
b. Motion toward the ground, soil: -hi (-i), -fpa, -ui. 
c. Motion toward some other object, or toward the subject of the verb: 


-hi (-i), -fa, -ipa, -ipka, -pa, -ta, -tpa, -ui, -uya, -wia. 


RECAPITULATION OF SUFFIXES. 397 


d. Motion away from, or separation: -ansha, -fna, -fpa, -ita, -na, -dla, 
-shka, -tcha, -tehna, -utchna. 

e. Motion upward, or above something: -fzi, -laléna, -ualya, -wala. 

Ff. Motion in a level plane: -ina, -lalina, -lya, -ma, -na, -tchna, -ui, -wina. 

g. Circular motion: -éna (indoor), -kidsha, -ki’ma, -titana (outdoor). 

h. Motion of going around some object: -amna, -kakiamna, -méni. 

i. Serpentine or winding motion: -kfdsha, -ma, -ménf. 

j. Swaying, vibratory motion: -kakua, -wéta. 

k. Motion downward: -fna, -kuéla, -lalina, -lya, -dli, -tki (ef. also 0). 

I. Motion in the water: -ua. 

2. Suffixes descriptive of staying or resting. 

a. Staying indoors, within a lodge, or other limited space: -dya, -éla, -éna, 
-tiga, -wiza. 

b. Staying outdoors, outside of certain limits: -fta. 

c. Staying upon, on the top or surface of: -amna, -ha, -i, -izi, -ziéa, -laléna, 
-liga, -m’na, -sza, -wala. 

d. Staying around, about something: -amna, -liga, -m’na, -ua. 

e. Staying below, underneath: -tila, -tka. 

Jf. Staying between : -sza. 

g. Staying away from, at a distance: -ita. 

h. Staying in the woods, cliffs, marshes: -aya, -ui. 

27. Staying in the water: -ua. 

j. Staying around, near the water: -liga. 


3. Suffixes describing the mutual position of two objects to each other in 
space, when in motion or at rest. 
a. Close contact: -laléna, -pata, -sya, -tana. 
b. Nearness, proximity: -amna, -lala, -liga, -m’na, -p’na, -sza. 
c. Distance, so as to be visible or not visible: -ampka, -dpka, -ipka, -opka, 
-tcha, -tchka, -tchna, -u, -ua, -wala. 
: 4. Suffixes describing acts performed by animate beings or by parts of 
their bodies. 


a. Frequentative suffixes: -anka, -péli, -tchna. 
b. Iterative suffixes: -kénka, -péli, -tamna, -tchka. 


398 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


c. Usitative suffixes: -ala, -alsha, -dpka, -péli, -pka, -tta. 
d. Act performed while moving, going: -kakiimna, -kénka, -kidsha, 
-timna. 
e. Act performed on the outside of: -tita. 
J. Act performed on the inside of: -éna (-iéna), -tiga. 
g. Act performed on the top, surface of: -ha, -izi, -zi¢a, -sza, -tehka, -viga. 
h. Act performed below, underneath : -tila. 
i. Act performed with a tool, instrument: -tta. 
j. Act performed with or on one’s body: -éa, -ua 
k. Act performed with the mouth: -takna, -taknila, -taktana, -takua. 
/. Act performed with the back: -lamna. 
m. Act performed near or in the fire: -lala. 
n. Act of removal from: -fta, -dla, -shka, -tiga. 
o. Act indicated by gesture: -ia. 
p. Act performed in somebody’s interest: -éa, -gien, -ia. 
q. Act of calling by name: -alpka. 
r. Suffix of desiderative verbs: -dpka. 
s. Acts considered in regard to degree of accomplishment : 
aa. Inchoative suffixes: -aga, -ila, -éga, -tampka. 
bb. Continuative suffixes: -kanka, -tamna, -tchna, -uya. 
cc. Act accomplished only in part: -kshka, -uya. 
dd Completive suffix: -dla. 


ce. Durative suffixes: -anka, -tta. 


Nominal suffices will be discussed in separate sections on derivation, 
under “Substantive”, “Adjective”, and “Numeral”, q. v. 


III.—INFLECTION. 


The process of thinking is the application of the rational principles of 
logic in considering concrete or abstract matters. Logic is a principle pre- 
siding also over the formation of language, but it is not the only principle. 
If language embodied nothing else but logic expressed by sound, then all 
languages would be embodiments of the same logical or metaphysical prin- 
ciples; or, in other words, all languages and dialects would agree in their 


INFLECTION AND DERIVATION. 399 


morphology, or, at least, in their syntax. Changes in language through his- 
toric development would then be excluded; there would be no distinction 
between languages poor and rich in affixes, or between the various kinds 
of verbs which now differ so much morphologically. 

In language as a product of nature, we can distinguish the effects of 
physical (phonetic) laws and of psychological principles; what is created 
or formed by these is finally subjected to rational logic, or the principles 
of reasoning, by which grammatic categories are established. The degree 
in which human intellect succeeds in molding the sound-groups, words, 
or conventional signs of language to suit requirements, differs with every 
people inhabiting the globe, and also with every successive period of the 
development of its language. Thus we have, outside of the logical or rea- 
soning principle, other principles in language, all of which we may compre- 
hend under the name conventional. 

The logical principles at work in forming languages are clearly put in 
evidence in the various degrees in which we see the various parts of speech 
differentiated among themselves. The more precisely the subject is made 
distinct from the predicate or from the attribute morphologically, the better 
we can at once recognize each of them, and also the object, by the gram- 
matic form or position in the sentence. The most highly organized of all, 
the Aryan family of languages, clearly distinguishes not only the verb 
from the noun and the substantive from the adjective, but also the different 
uses of the noun by suffixes indicating number and case. In the inflection 
of its words, affixes of a relational import are prevailingly employed, while 
the agglutinative languages use both, relational and material, almost indis- 
criminately, and by many of them the inflections are overloaded with addi- 
tions of a concrete, material nature, which by other languages are relegated 
to separate parts of speech. Exactly the same may be said of the mode of 
deriving words from other words; in some languages this mode is a simple 
and sober one, in others it is cumulative, holophrastic, and so polysynthetic 
as to obscure the sense. 

In the following pages I intend to show the method which the Klamath 
language of Oregon has followed in its morphologic aspects As to gram- 


matic terminology, many new terms had to be invented to do justice to the 


400 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


peculiar laws governing this language and its idiomatic features. Connois- 
seurs will readily acknowledge that for certain forms in American languages, 
especially the verbals, it is exceedingly difficult to invent new terms satis- 
factory in every respect. The best method would be to establish terms 
taken from the language itself. 

The noun-verb, which IJ call verb for the sake of brevity, has the most 
varied inflection of all the parts of Klamath speech, combining nominal 
with verbal forms. A sketch of the verb will, therefore, most appropriately 
stand at the head of the inflectional section of Klamath morphology. 


THE VERB. 
Structure of the verb. 


The verb is a word of the language which predicatively announces an 
act performed or a state or condition undergone by its subject. It is com- 
posed of a basis or stem, and of one or several affixes. The naked basis by 
itself possesses no distinct nominal or verbal character; the affixes gener- 
ally determine its quality as noun or verb in the sentence. Bases or stems 
are composed of a radical syllable and of affixes, mainly of a pronominal 
origin, which are intended to form derivatives from the radix. The final 
syllable or syllables of the verb are made up of inflectional affixes. The 
radix and its qualities and changes are described at length on page 247 sq. 
Examples of the mode of connecting affixes with the radix are given under 
each of the prefixes and suftixes, and also page 280 sq. 

Some verbs, formed without any suflix of derivation, will be found 
under suffix -a; the larger part of them show thematic roots. 

In Klamath, no formal or phonetic distinction is made between the in- 
flection of transitive and of intransitive verbs. Not only is the passive voice 
like the active, but in the noun the direct object has the same suffix as the 
indirect object, viz., -ash. 

The root, connected with its affixes of derivation, constitutes the simple 
form of the verb; to this are appended the inflectional suffixes to form 
tenses, modes, verbals, ete. The simple form of the verb terminates more 


frequently in consonants than in vowels. The enormous majority of all 


THE VERB. INFLECTION. 401 


verbs end in the inflective ending -a, which I call the suffix of the declara- 
tive mode; it is the universal verbifier, and most verbs of the Dictionary 
appear with it. This -a is dropped in a few verbs only, which terminate in 
-la (ala) and in -na, and even of these the large majority preserve the full 
endings -la and -na. A limited number of verbs end in -i (-e) and -u (-o), 
which are derivational affixes; some of these were shortened from ia, -ua, 
and some are emphasized upon the last syllable.” 

From all these various phonetic processes result five varieties of inflec- 
tion in the Klamath verb, which differ little from each other. From the 
final sound of the verb, I have named them as follows: 

1. The A-inflection. 

2. The U-inflection. 

3. The I-inflection. 

4. The L-inflection. 

. The N-inflection. 


By appending a nominal ending to the simple form of the verb nomina 


Or 


verbalia are formed. Of. “Substantive.” 


INFLECTION OF THE VERB. 


Compared with the lengthy paradigms of other North American lan- 
guages, especially of those spoken east of the Mississippi River, the inflec- 
tion of the Klamath verb is very simple and poor in forms. It has. no 
special form for the passive and impersonal voice, does not possess the 
category of number except in intransitive verbs, and a few transitives, has 
no real personal inflection, possesses two tenses only, and a quite limited 
number of modes. It incorporates neither the pronominal nor the nominal 
object into the verb. 

The conjugation of the finite verb, viz., the verb connected with a pro- 
nominal or nominal subject, is brought about by a personal pronoun stand- 
ing usually before the verb and separated from it. The two participles can 
also become connected with separate personal pronouns, but when the verb 
appears as a verbal it connects itself with possessive pronouns. Participles 


*Instances where even the suffix -a becomes deciduous in a continuous narrative are frequent. 
Cf. Texts 70, 6; 78,7; 122, 3. It frequently falls off in the infl. suffix -uga, -6ka: -ug, -uk, -ok, ete. 


26 


402 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


and verbals, again, connect with the auxiliary verb gi fo be, to exist, and thus 
form a quite extensive array of forms constituting a periphrastic conjuga- 
tion. Finally, the large majority of verbs possess a distributive form, the 
use and meaning of which differs essentially from that of the absolute form. 
The same tenses, modes, and verbals exist here, being formed by the same 
phonetic processes as in the absolute form. 


TENSE INFLECTION. 


Tense, as a distinct grammatic form, is very little developed in Klamath. 
Here, as well as in many other languages, there are only two tense-forms, 
one for the completed and the other for the incompleted act or state expressed 
by the verb; and in Klamath both forms, whether appearing in the verb or 
in some substantives (ef. -uish, suffix), originally had a locative character 
now pointing to distance in time only. 

The tense of the completed action usually terminates in -a, and stands 
for the present as well as for the past or preterit of other languages. I call 
it the PRESENT TENSE in the following pages, and in the Sioux-Dakota, where 
it also oceurs, the grammarian SreeHen R. Rices has named it aorist, which 
means unlimited, indefinite in regard to time. When the Klamath Lake or 
Modoe Indian places no temporal adverb before or after the verb to specify 
the time of the act or state, it is supposed to occur at the present time, or 
at the time being; when he adds to it hi/nk, tink, htin, in Modoc hi, the 
acteis placed in the past tense, and the verb may then be called a preterit. 
This particle may also be replaced by some other temporal adverb, or the 
context may unmistakably point to an act performed in the past, and then 
no temporal particle is needed. The language possesses a large number of 
these particles to express the distance in time, corresponding to our to-day, 
now, recently, a while ago, years ago, ete. To the verb in the present tense the 
Northern dialect sometimes prefixes the particle: a, now, which can be identi- 
fied with ha at hand, in hand; whereas hank, though intranslatable, corre- 
sponds best to yonder, then, and is often coalescing with tehti then: tehtiyuk, 
tchiyunk for tehai hak, tehti hank. This particle hank, fink has to be 
kept clearly distinct from the pronoun demonstrative htink, hin, htik, and 


A 


also from tin, tina (for tin had), also a temporal particle, ‘sometime from 


INFLECTION FOR TENSE. 403 


now”, which we often meet after verbs in the present and the future tense- 
form. Hank, hin has entirely lost its former nature of an objective pro- 
noun that, for it connects itself with intransitive as well as with transitive 
verbs: 


ni tiii’ma, nf a titi’ma I am hungry. 
nai hank tiii’ma I was hungry. 

ia shuaktcha you are weeping. 

i unk shuaktcha you were weeping. 
nat shléa, nad a shlii’a we see. 


nat htink shléa HONK, we saw HIM. 


The tense-form of the uncompleted act or state terminates in -udpka, 
in rare instances contracted into -opka, -iipka (which is a homonymous 
suffix distinctly differing), and is called by me the FuTuRE TENSE. Its func- 
tions are not always strictly temporal, for ni genudpka may stand for I 
shall go, I will go, I have to go, I must go, I could go. If a verb in the future 
tense stands in a principal clause preceded by an incident clause, the future 
act is expressed, though more in Modoc than in Klamath Lake, by the pres- 
ent tense followed by tak, taksh” Htnk, hik may also accompany the 
future tense, as it does the conditional mode, but then it points to distance 
in future, and not in the past. Cf. 105, 8. Tchek, tché often precedes the 
future tense, frequently only for the purpose of emphasis; tin, tina does so 
too, but more in Modoe than in Klamath Lake. The future in -udpka is 
inflected through all verbals like the present form; and, as far as form is 
concerned, can be considered as a derivative of it. Its ending is composed 
of the verb wa to live, exist, grow, sit, and of the distancial suffix -pka. Cf. 
the suffixes -Apka, -pka. 

The Klamath language has no means of distinguishing clearly between 
the tenses called in Greek Aorist and Perfect, or between the French Passé 
défini and Passé indéfini, nor can it express the Second Future by a separate 
form The Latin and Greek Imperfect, when referring to length of time or 
to the continuance of an action or state while another act is performed, can 
often be expressed with accuracy by the suffixes -kanka, -tamna, -uta. The 


* Examples will be found in the Syntax. 


404 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


participial ending -dlank, -tank corresponds pretty closely to our pluperfee 
teuse when introduced by the particle after: pa-dlank after having eaten; 
from pa-dla to quit eating, pin to eat. In the verbs of moving, going, trav- 
eling, a circumscriptive form for this same tense exists in the suffix -tka: 
ginkanktkank after returning from the chase, after having hunted ; from gink- 
anktka to return from hunting, ginkanka to hunt. But the past-present tense 
is used just as often to express the pluperfect, e. g., spunin L had given, 20, 
18. For other means to express that tense, ef. Syntax. 

A list of sentences embodying the cireumscriptive temporal inflection 
of the verb runs as follows: 


ni pan, nu a pan J am eating. 

at ant pan I am eating now, or was, had been eating at the time. 

nia hi’nk pin I did eat, I ate, I have eaten. 

nia a nti pan I aie recently, a few days ago, this week (Mod.), sometime 
ago (K1.). 

f/na nu pan J ate a while ago. 

ma ntchaga nu pan I ate a good while ago. 

ma‘ntch a nti pain I ate several months ago, or last year, long ago. 

tank, ma’ntchtoks, niatoks ma’ntch nf pan I ate at a remote period. 

nti pa-uapka, nti a pa-udpka J shall or will eat or have to eat. 

nia tin pa-uapka J shall eat by ang by. 

tche’k nai a pa-uapka J shall eat after a while. 

nu a pan tak, pantak J shall then eat (Mod.). 


MODAL INFLECTION. 


In contradistinction to the ‘‘ Nominal forms of the verb”, the infini- 
tive, verbals, and participles, I call modes only the inflected forms of the 
finite verb. Modes are not inflected here in the same manner as in European 
languages for person and number; but, like the tenses and verbals, they 
assume the reduplicated or distributive form. Only one of the verbal forms, 
the verbal indefinite, can take one of the modal forms (-t) observed in the 
finite verb. 

Three modes exist in this language: (1) the declarative mode; (2) the 


conditional mode ; (3) the imperative mode. 


. 


THE MODES OF THE VERB. 405 


1. The declarative mode is the simple form of the verb; it usually termi- 
nates in the declarative particle a, which now becomes an inflectional suffix. 
In the future tense, this mode terminates in -udpka. Its functions nearly 
correspond with those of our indicative mode. 


2. The conditional mode appends -t to the simple form of the verbs follow- 
ing the A- inflection, and -at to those following the U-, I-, L- and N- inflee 
tion. Some verbs in -na will syncopate the vowel between n- and -t, as 
shuina to sing, pi shuint he may sing, for shuinat, Sometimes the ending -t 
becomes nasalized, as in kékant htik, for kékat he may bite. One of the 
nominal forms of the verb, the verbal indefinite, forms a conditional by 
suflixing -t (not -at) to suffix -sh: k’léka to die, k’léksh the act of dying, 
kKléksht for having died, after dying, when dying. 

This mode wholly differs from our subjunctives or optatives; it expresses 
by one term a whole conditional sentence, which we would introduce by such 
conjunctions as when, if, after, on account of, for. The suffix -t is nothing 
but the abbreviated: at, now, then, at the time being; andif it had to be para- 


eo 


phrased, -t as a suffix would correspond to “under these circumstances.” 
The whole of its functions will be developed in the Syntax. The same par- 
ticle is sometimes appended to other words than verbs, exactly in the same 
manner as we see it done in the conditional mode: kakdé bélat nothing but 
bones now: 101, 10, which stands for kaké pil at. 

The future in -uapka has no conditional mode, for here the declarative 
mode itself is often employed in that sense. Readers should take care not 
to confound the conditional mode with the second person of the plural in 


the imperative: Itelat may kill, and lielat! kill ye ! 


3. The imperative mode, or mode of compulsion, appears in two forms— 
the imperative proper and the exhortative mode. 


a. The imperative proper, jussive, or mode of behest, command, is formed 
of the simple form of the verb, or base, increased in the singular by i, i, ik! 
thou! and in the plural by at! ye! These personal pronouns of the second 


person are loosely connected with the verb, and may stand before or after it; 
they never form a part of the verb itself, and are often pronounced separately. 


406 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


The verb can even preserve its usual ending in -a, when the pronoun stands 
before it. Examples: 


"4 
shapa to say: 


shap’i! shapi! shdpa ik! say thou! say! 
shap’at! shapat! say ye! 


shnika to hold fast : 


t shnuki! i-i shniki! shniki! i shnika! shnika i! hold thou fast! 
at shnikat! shnikat! at shnika! hold ye tight! 


shuina to sing: 


A 


shuin i! shuini! i? shuin! sing / 
shuin’ at! shuinat! at shuin! sing ye / 


Sometimes, by addressing one representative person, as a chief, a whole 
multitude is addressed simultaneously ; then i, tk, ike, {ki thow may be used 
instead of at, a ye: i shuin! sing ye! Cf. 90, 12-14. 


b. The exhortative form in -tki, tgi is identical in form with the verbal 
intentional to be considered below; it puts the command in a mild, affable 
form, and sometimes stands for the imperative proper, and so does the future 
in -uapka. The exhortative often nasalizes the final -t, and throws off the 
-ki, -gi for the sake of brevity, as huhatchantki they should run on, 54, 8, 
or huhitchant. Cf. 40, 4. In this mode -tki is contracted from -tko gi and 
a finite verb of command, desire ete. is omitted: shand-uli ni huhatchantko 
gi I want (them) to be running on. The exhortative goes through all three 
persons of the singular and plural, and in the first and third persons may 
be rendered by hiidshantki nti let me run, hiidshantki htk let him, her run. 
The future in -uapka has no exhortative form, because that function is 
embodied in its declarative mode. 


The three modes just discussed are also reproduced in what I call the 
periphrastic conjugation with the auxiliary gi fo be. 

A potential mode is formed by adding the particle ak, 4k a, ka to the 
finite verb—a process which properly belongs to the Syntax. 


THE PARTICIPLES. 407 


NOMINAL FORMS OF THE VERB. 


What I call the nominal forms of the verb are all inflected for severalty, 
but not all for case. They are: (a) participle; (0) verbals. Two of the 
latter can form a periphrastic conjugation with the auxiliary verb gi, also 
both participles. 


a. Participles. 


The language forms two participles, which in their functions correspond 
somewhat to our participles in -ing and -ed, -t. They occur in every verb, 
and end in— 


(1) -n (Mod.), -nk (K1.). 
(2) -tko, -tk (KX1.), -tko, -tku, -tka, -tk (Mod.). 


1. The participle in -n, -nk I call, for short, the participle of the present, 
although it is indefinite in regard to tense and only applies to the time 
referred to by the finite verb of the sentence or clause to which it belongs. 
Thus it may be said to refer to the time being. When appended to verbs in 
-a, the suffix is -an, -ank; to verbs in -u, either -iin, -iink, or -uan, -uank. 
The other three inflections in -i, -l, -n run as follows: 


oi to be, exist, Mod. gian, KI. giank. 
itkal to pick up, Mod. itk(a)lan, KI. itklank. 
shlin to shoot, Mod. shlian, KI. shliank. 


The participial suffix -n, as it appears in Modoe, is more archaic than 
the -nk of Klamath Lake, in which the -k is probably the agglutinated verb 
gi to be. Buteven in Klamath Lake the -n form occurs frequently enough: 


tchakayan staying in the bush, 24,1. Cf. 23, 21. 

taludlyan lying on his back, 24, 14. 

shulatchtilan tehélza to be on one’s knees. 

Palan E-ush Dry Lake, and other local names of both dialects. 


This participle is not susceptible of inflection, except through redupli- 
cation. The phonetic irregularities occurring in the participle of the verbs 
in -n, -na will be considered under the heading of the N-inflection. 


408 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


When joined to the personal pronouns nu J, i thou ete., this participle 
also forms a sort of a finite verb, which occurs but seldom in our Texts, 
and has to be considered as a usitative form. Cf. kiukéyank is in the habit 
of sticking out obliquely, 71, 2; also 87, 2,3. In some instances this form in 
-ank may be an abbreviation of the verbal suffix .anka, q. v. 


2. The participle in -tko, abbr -tk, in Modoe -tko, -tku, -tka, -tk, is not 
so indifferent in regard to tense as that in -n, -nk, for it refers mainly to 
the past. Through its inflection and position in the sentence it is invested 
with the qualities of an adjective noun, and as such it describes quality, 
ownership ete. acquired in the past. When formed from transitive verbs, 
it usually assumes passive functions, though there are many exceptions to 
this. The concrete and abstract nouns, verbal adjectives, and other words 
formed by -tko have all been considered under Suffix -tko, q. v. 

There are many instances when participles in -tko refer not to the past, 
but to other tenses, especially the present. 

Instances where intransitive verbs have formed participles in -tko are: 
gitko been, or possessed of; ge'ntko having walked, 125, 1; tsiyatzant(-ko), 
179, 6 and Note; snawedsh wénuitk a widow, 82, 5; shashamoks-lélatko 
who have lost relatives, 82, 5 and Note; guli’tko having crept into, ete. 

In the conversational form of language, the ending -tko is sometimes 
cut off, and what remains is the verb with the last syllable emphasized : 
kewa for kewatko broken, paha for pahdtko dried, Kleké for k’lekatko 
deceased. 

The auxiliary gi to be connects itself in all its forms with the participle 
in -tko: nd Idlatko gi J am a believer, 44, 22; we'tko gtug for being frozen. 

This participle is formed by appending -tko, -tk, in the oblique cases 
-pkash, -pkam ete., to the full, suffixed form of the verb, as mbakatko, d. 
mbambikatko broken down, from mbika to break down. Verbs ending in 
-ala, -la, -ana, -na, however, elide a after -] and -n into -altko, -antko; for 
which process ef. List of Suffixes. The suffix -tko inflects for case and 
severalty just like any other adjective, and a full paradigm will be given 
below. The various forms in that paradigm can be well understood only 


after a thorough study of the nominal inflection. 


THE INFINITIVE. 409 


b. Verbals. 


For want of a better term, the name verbal is used here to comprehend 
a second class of nominal forms of the Klamath verb, containing: (1) the 
infinitive, (2) the verbal indefinite with its ease-inflection, (3) the verbal 
conditional, (4) the verbal preterit, (5) the verbal causative, (6) the verbal 
durative, (7) the verbal intentional. The verbal forms corresponding to 
these in English are the infinitive and the participles in -ing and -ed, -t 
when connected with various conjunctions and prepositions. In Latin they 
correspond to the infinitive, the gerund, gerundivum, supinum, and to some 
of the participles. . The English infinitive is expressed by the simple form 
of the verb in -a; sometimes and more frequently by the verbal indefinite 
and other verbals. No verbal, except the verbal in -sh, has any nominal 
inflection; when verbs in -tki, -tita, -tiga, -dga are inflected, they are real 
verbs, and not verbals. 


1. The infinitive 


Is formed of the simple form of the verb, with the declarative -a 
usually suffixed. It resembles in its function the English infinitive, but 
differs from it by its rare occurrence in the spoken language. Still, in 
quoting a verb for itself or for insertion in a vocabulary, the Indian always 
uses this grammatic form. The Latin and German infinitive is originally 
a dative of an inflected verbal, but in Klamath this form shows no inflection 
except for severalty. The following examples may give an idea of its 
functions : 


sha't’la kiyaktcha he employed to pursue (them), 44, 2. 

sha gén’ a mat shlid they then went to see, as reported. 

kak’ an itklan tpéwa shewana pitgiuga he told (her) to pick up bones and 
to give them (to others) to eat. 

ku-ishéwank shlii‘péle rejoicing to meet (him) again, 96, 5. 

ma’shishtat shi-fsha shatélakish salve to rub on sores. 

tidshi hik (for hi gi) timénank if J hear (them) to be good, 93, 9. 

shahamiyank shniintatka sending for somebody to act as interpreter, 
66, 15. 

hai lalaki hémkank kshaggdya the judges ordered to hang them, 44, 6. 


410 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


It has long been disputed whether Indian languages have a real infinitive, 
and therefore I have given a number of passages referring to the question. 
Some of these infinitives could be explained by the principle of co-ordina- 
tion of sentences, others by apheresis of -tki, as in the first sentence: 
kayaktcha for kayaktchatki, because the verbs embodying an order, mes- 
sage, announcement usually have the verbal in -tki or -sh after them.* But, 
nevertheless, the form exists as a verbal distinct from all other verbals. 


2. The verbal indefinite. 


This verbal ends in -sh, -s, and is the only verbal undergoing inflection 
for case in the absolute and distributive form Like the other verbals, it is 
dependent on some finite verb (predicative personal verb), and the sentence 
in which it is embodied would be expressed in English by an incident 
clause. The verb on which verbals depend is either gi to be or some other 
temporally inflected verb; if it is gi, this gi is often suppressed for 
brevity. 

When the logical subject of the verbal indefinite of a transitive verb 
is a noun, it sometimes stands in the possessive case in -am; if a pronoun, 
it is expressed by the possessive and not by the personal pronoun. Thus 
we have to say: méklaksam shishtikash the fight of the Indians, gé-u gé-ish 
my departure; lit. “the warring performed by the Indians”, “the going 
away by me.” These verbals indefinite have hence to be understood in a 
passive sense, and the same holds good of the preterit verbal in -uish, which 
does not inflect for case unless it turns into a substantive noun. 

But when the subject stands in the subjective case and the pronoun in 
the personal form, the transitive verb is in the active voice, and has to be 
translated.as such. Examples of both constructions will be found below. 

There are two verbals indefinite: (1) one in -ash, referring to the act 
expressed by the verb, the action iv abstracto in present or past; (2) an- 
other in -ish, referring to a person as grammatic or logical subject of the 
act expressed by the verb in the present or past. On account of rapid pro- 
nunciation, slurring over, or syncope of the vowels -a- or -i-, both verbals 


often become indistinguishable, and are easily confounded. Many verbs 


* Cf. what is said under ‘“* Verbal Intentional,” p. 416. 


THE VERBAL INDEFINITE. 411 


have only one of the two forms, especially those ending in -i. Thus we 
have: 

shléa to see, to be seen; shléash, contr. shle’sh, slé’s the act of seeing, hav- 
ing seen, being seen, vision, the “looks of something”; d shléshlash the act of 
seeing each object; shlé-ish, contr. shlé’sh one who sees or has seen, is seen; d 
shléshla-ish each of those seeing or having seen, being seen. 

kédsha to sprout, kédshash the fact or act of sprouting, present or past; 
d. kéktchash (of each plant); kédshish the sprouting of it, the having sprouted, 
d. kéktchish (of each plant). 

These two endings, -ash and -ish, occur again in the nominal derivatives 
from verbs or nomina verbalia, and are discussed at length in the list of suf- 
fixes. The verbs in -n usually drop the -n in forming them: pén to eat, 
pash, pa’sh for pa-ash and for pa-ish. 

The mode of rendering these verbals in English is very different, and 
generally a dependent clause has to be formed. We thus obtain two par- 
allel inflections of the two verbals indefinite: 


(1) shléash the act of seeing, having seen, being seen, having been seen. 
shléasham the seeing by others than the subject of the sentence. 
shléashti for seeing, on account of seeing, being seen. 
shleashé’mi, shleashii’m at the time of seeing, being seen. 
shléashi while, when seeing, being seen at a certain spot. 
shléashtka going to see, on the point of seeing, being seen. 


(2) shlé-ish one who sees, saw, is seen, or has been seen. 
shlé-isham others seeing, or being seen by others than the subject of the 
sentence. 
shlé-ishti for, on account of one seeing, being seen. 
shle-ishé’mi at the time of seeing, being seen. 
shi¢-ishi while, when one is seeing, being seen at a certain spot. 
shlé-ishtka one going to see, or on the point of being seen. 


The above paradigm, compared with that of a substantive, shows that 
the objective and several of the locative cases are not represented, and that 
the idea of time is prevailing. 


412 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


it will be seen that these two parallel inflections of the verbal (-ash, -ish) 
coincide almost entirely as to their function or signification in the oblique 
vases, and materially differ only in the subjective case. At any rate, the 
difference in the oblique cases is too slight to be kept up by the natives, 
and thus they use only one form for the oblique cases, which is formed 
either from -ash or from -ish, but more commonly from the latter. When 
the suffixes are appended to vowels contraction usually takes place, as shle’sh 
for shlé-ash and for shlé-ish. 

Subjoined are a few examples of verbs standing in the subjective case 
of the verbal indefinite: (a) intransitive verbs, then ()) transitive verbs, in 
the active and passive voice. 

(a) maklaks léwitehta ké-ish, or gé’sh, the Indians refused to go, 34, 9; 36, 
14. Of. 165, 9. 
kiuks ka-i shand-uli gémpélish the conjurer did not want to return, 34, 8. 
tiinepni ntitish having kindled fire five times, 70, 8. 
ki’/shgug gt’tgapélish for being unable to climb back, 95, 6. 
sha nanuk shikd’lki-uapk kshi’ulzish they will all assemble to dance, 
140, 3. 
(b) na k’léwi shisht’kash, sht-utank(a)sh shand-uli I quit fighting (and) 

wish to parley, 14, 1. 2. 

ni/paks nt shatashtatzi’sh the disease I am removing from my mouth, 
153; 4. 

Mo’dokni ktaktanapatko shitko shlé-ish the Modocs look sleepy ; lit. “the 
Modoes sleepy-alike to be seen”, 91, 7. Cf. 73, 6. 

pt’ks énions-shitko shléash camass is like onions to look at, 148,13. Cf. 
143; 17, 

snawédsh kiuksam sfuks (for shitkish) the woman killed by the conjurer, 
69, 2. 

wiulagalam shapfyash upon the message sent by the antelopes, 122, 10. 

wiudsish k’liika the beaten one died; lit. “he died after having been 
beaten”, 134, 10. 

ki-i huki’ tsutish gintak gi in spite of being doctored she gets worse, 68, 7. 

ndani Béshtin lakiam ne-ulkiash three contracts having been made by the 
American Government, 36, 14. 


THE VERBAL INDEFINITE. 413 


E-ukshikisham ktchinksh téméshkash the rails having been abstracted by 
the Lake Indians, 35, 10. 
mi hu gé-u stintish you are dear to me; lit. “yours is the being loved 


by me.” 


A combination of two of these verbals in one sentence is found in: sha 


nen mishish gish shapa they say he has become or is diseased, 140, 5. 


The verbal indefinite in -sham represents the possessive case But the 
-am is not simply appended to the -sh of the verbal; it is a combination 
of the pronoun sham, sam of them and the verbal indefinite. This will be 
shown more at length in the Syntax, and I consider it sufficient to give 
here one example to show that the subject referred to by sham (-am) always 
stands in the plural number and differs from the subject of the main sen- 
tence: P’laiwash shléa spf’/nsham (for spunish sham) tipakshash m/’na the 
Eagle saw that they had kidnapped his younger sister; lit. “the Eagle saw the 
act of theirs to kidnap his younger sister.” 

The verbal indefinite in -shti, -sti is not often used, but is originally of a 
locative import, and hence can be used in an additive function. Cf. Syntax. 
It is used in a causative sense in the following sentence taken from a Modoc 
text: vudépka sha f’/nk Ké’mushash ndénuk tink tchulfsh Afshisham titashti 
they beat Kémush for having taken away all the shirts belonging to Aishish. 

The verbal indefinite in -she'mi, -shém is purely temporal; will be dis- 
cussed in Syntax. 

The verbal indefinite in -sha, -si is temporal and local simultaneously ; will 
be discussed in Syntax. 

The verbal desiderative in -shtka (or -shtkak) expresses a tendency to- 
ward, a wishing for, a “going to be”, a ‘being on the point of” the act or 
state embodied in the verb, and occurs in intransitive as well as transitive 
verbs. Grammatically speaking, it is the instrumental case of the verbal 
indefinite. It is generally connected with the auxiliary gi fo be, exist; gi 
either stands separately after it, or becomes affixed to it in the shape of -k, 
or is omitted altogether. Thus we can say: nti a punuiashtka oi I want to 
drink, or ni a punudshtkak, or nti a punuashtka, all of these forms being 


equivalent to: nia ptinuash shanahdli. The verb gi is necessary to com- 


414 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


plete the sense of the verbal; and when gi or inflectional forms of it are 
omitted, this has to be considered as an irregularity. 

To the examples to be found in Syntax, I add here: 

Wakai lalap shapash a hin shnektpkashtkak i? why do you want to have 
two moons going to shine up there (simultaneously)? 105, 10; from shnéka 
to be lit up, to shine ; shnektipka to shine from a distance, or from above, up there. 


3. The verbal conditional. 


The verbal conditional in -sht is formed from the verbal indefinite by 
appending the suffix -t, which is also the mark of the conditional mode in 
the finite verb. Its function is to indicate the condition or supposition under 
which the action or state expressed by the finite verb of the sentence may 
become a reality. In most instances we have to express it by a clause de- 
pendent on the principal clause, and its subject has to stand in the objective 
case, whether it be a noun or a pronoun. Though in its temporal function 
it is indefinite like the verbal in -sh, -s, it refers more frequently to the past 
than to any other tense. Unlike the two forms of the indefinite in -ash and 
in -ish, there seems to be one form only for each verb, either the one in -asht, 
or that in -isht. The subject of the verbal conditional is always another 
than that of the principal clause; and this verbal, if not always strictly 
conditional, sometimes expresses possibility, supposition, conjecture. More 
concerning it will be found in Syntax. 

This verbal is formed: 
patadsha to strain, stretch out; patadshasht, d. paptadshasht for having 
stretched out; when, after, on account of having strained, stretched out. 
shapfya to tell somebody; mish shapiyasht because, after you said or told; 
mish shashapiyesht on account of your saying or telling at various 
times or sundry places. 


tchika to perish; tehtzasht, d. techutchézasht when, after perishing. 
4. The verbal preterit. 


This verbal is constructed from the simple form of the verb by append- 
ing -uish. It is not susceptible of inflection like the verbal indefinite, or 
like the substantives in -uish, but always refers to acts performed or states 


VAKIOUS VERBALS. 415 


undergone in the past or preterit tense. According to the contents of the 
sentence, it may stand for our pluperfect, and in English rendering has, in 
most cases, to be expressed by a dependent clause. It forms no conditional 
verbal in -uisht, because the form in -sht is most frequently found to express 


a preterit tense, which makes a form in -uisht unnecessary. Examples: 


géna to go away; génuish the having gone, retreated ; after going. 

hémkanka to speak; gé-u hémkankuish, d. hehamkankuish, ‘my having 
spoken”, the fact of my speech or speeches having been delivered. 

shnapka to flatten; shnapkuish the former flattening process, the past act 
of flattening; d. shnash’npkuish each of the above acts. 


5. The verbal causative. 


The primary function of the suffix -dga, -liga, -ok, -uk is a causative 
one, being appended to the simple form of the verb to state the physical 
cause or the reason why the act or state expressed by the finite verb of the 
sentence is, has been, or will be performed. Modoes prefer the full forms 
-dga, -tiga; Klamath Lake Indians, -ok, -uk (with accent receding). Forms 
in 6ga ete. are not periphrastically conjugable with gi to be, nor do they 
show any inflectional change. In English, this verbal has to be often cir- 
cumscribed by a sentence; its subject is the same as that of the principal 
clause. 


shapa to declare, tell; shapdga, shipuk for the purpose of telling; d. 
shashpdéga. 

shléwi to blow, as winds; shle-tiyuk because the wind blows or blew; d. 
shleshltityuk because every one of the winds blew, or because the wind 
blew at different times. 

wenoya to be or become a widow; wendyuk on account of having become a 
widow. 


A secondary function of -dga is that of forming a verbal with a temporal 
signification, resulting from the causative one and expressed by our con- 
junction when: 


niika to be ripe; nikuk when ripe; lit. “because ripened.” 


timénu to travel, march; taménug i when you go or travel. 


416 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Readers should take eare not to confound the verbal -6ga, -iga with 
derivative verbs formed by the homonymous suffix -6ga, implying the idea 
of location inside, within, and other meanings; nor with the enclitic pronoun 
hak, tk this one, he, she, or the adverb hak (for hiink) which points to the 
past tense, as in léwatkuk after playing, 109, 15, for léwatko hak. In some 
instances huk, uk even stands for ak, hak only, but; cf. 83, 1, and Note. 


6. The verbal durative. 


It is formed by appending -tita, -dta to the simple form of the verb, a 
suffix which corresponds to our while, whilst; or, if the verbal is rendered 
by a noun or participle, to our during, pending. So this verbal intimates 
that the action or state which they express lasted during the time of the 
act expressed by the finite verb of the sentence. When the act or state 
expressed by the verbal continues longer than that of the main verb, the 
suffix -tita, -6ta corresponds to our after. This suffix is neither conjugable 
with gi to be, nor susceptible of inflection; it has therefore to be kept dis- 
tinct from -tita forming derivative verbs as we find them in 35, 4. 83, 2. 
185; 43. Cf. List of Suffixes, under -tita. 


, 


éna to go, walk; gentta while walking. 


ikna to climb; gukénuta while climbing up, 95, 3. 


ae 08 


Ig 


ulf to creep into; kule-éta while creeping into. 
hémkanka to speak ; hemkankédta during (his) speech. 
staiwa to starve, fast; sta-dta while fasting. 


7. The verbal intentional. 


This verbal ends in -tki, -tei, which is sometimes mispronounced -tka, 
-tga, and gives the purpose, aim, or intention by which the action of the 
finite verb, from which the verbal depends, is performed. ‘Thus it answers 
to our in order to, for the purpose of, and in its form does not differ from 
the exhortative form of the imperative mode. More frequently than Modoe 
does the Klamath Lake dialect connect it with forms of gi fo be, especially 


efug. In this connection the infinitive is 


with its causative form gitiga, ¢ 


often substituted for the form in -tki. In a few instances -tki is found to 


THE VERB WITH PRONOUNS. 417 


stand for -tko gi; for instance: tché’ks nti gatpantki I shall come very soon ; 
then, of course, it is not the verbal intentional. 
ltela to kill; luéltki, luéltki giug, and ltela giug in order to kill. 
tehtitna to go and treat; tchitantki giug for the purpose of treating, doc- 
toring, for medical treatment, 65, 18. 
gé-upka to ascend ; ge-upkatki giug on account of (their) ascent, 105, 2. 
It is important to observe that the combination -tki gfug is often con- 
tracted into -tkiuga, -tgiug’; ludltki gitiga becomes luéltkiug; meyatki giug: 


meitgiug, patki gitga: patgiug. 
PERSONAL PRONOUNS CONNECTED WITH THE VERB. 


The personal pronoun, whether used as subject or object of a verb, is 
not incorporated into the body of the verb. At the choice of the one speaking 
these pronouns may be placed before or after the finite verb, separated or 
not separated from it by particles or other words intervening. Most pro- 
nouns, especially when monosyllabic, are accentless, and therefore either 
proclitic or enclitic ; but, in spite of such deceptive appearances, the body of 
the verb does not incorporate these pronouns within itself, and a genuine 
verbal inflection for person does not exist. This analytic feature greatly 
facilitates the acquisition of the Klamath language, and distinguishes it 
clearly from many other languages of North America. 


The subject-pronoun. 

The subject-pronoun can either precede the absolute form of the verb, 
which generally terminates in -a, or follow it, and in both instances the 
declarative particle a, though it is in the verb already, may be inserted 
between pronoun and verb. When the pronoun follows the verb, and the 
verb stands in the present tense, the particle a is generally inserted between 
them; but when a preterit tense is intended, it is usually replaced by hin, 
hank, hi’nk, ink. Thus we obtain four modes of conjugating the subject- 
pronoun with the absolute form of the verb. A fifth one is added to these, 
which is produced by omission of the particle a, retrograding of the accent, 
syncope, apocope, or other phonetic causes, and extends over the plural and 


first person of singular only. Except in the first person of the singular, 
27 


418 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


this fifth mode occurs very rarely. In all these five series fdsha may be 
accentuated also on the ultima: idshéa. The intercalation of the declarative 
particle @ is more frequent in the northern than in the Modoe dialect. 

The series of subject-pronouns will be fully discussed under “ Pro- 
nouns.” ‘The first persons are nti, ni, and nat; the second, i, at; but for the 
third persons, various pronouns are in use which in reality are demonstrative 
pronouns (sha excepted), expressing the degrees of distance from the speaker 
at which the objects spoken of are supposed to stand. For the third person 
singular, I have selected for the paradigm pi, pi, which points to a he, she, 
or it at some distance. No inclusive and exclusive forms for we are in exist- 
ence, nor is there a dual for any of the pronouns. 

The above will give us the following paradigm for the past-present 
declarative form of fdsha to remove : 


ANALYTIC FORMS, | SYNTHETIC FORM. 
I remove nfi idsha nu a idsha fdsha na idsha a na idshan 
thou removest i, i idsha ia idsha idsha i idsha a i 
he, she, it removes pi idsha pi a idsha idsha pi idsha a pi 
we remove nad idsha nat a idsha idsha nat idsha a nat idshna 
ye remove at idsha at a idsha fdsha at fdsha a at idshat 
they remove sha idsha sha a fdsha idsha sha idsha a sha | idshash,idshateh 


The distributive form i-idsha, i-idsha to remove many objects individu- 
ally, severally, or at different times follows the same paradigm: 


A ¢ 


nti f-idsha nitiaf-idsha i-idsha nu i-idshaa nf f-idshan ete. 


The same may be said of the conditional in -t, as far as the four ana- 
lytic series are concerned. For phonctie causes, the synthetic series is not 
in use in this mode, and in the declarative mode it is used only in rapid 
conversational speech. 

In the second and fourth analytie form, the declarative particle a is 
often replaced by a more emphatic one, like a-i, ha-i, haf, haitch. Like a, 
these are also particles of actuality, and moreover show. that the act is or 
was performed in the presence of the speaker, or of the one spoken to. 

The imperative observes another method in forming its two persons, as 


shown above; the exhortative shows the uniform ending -tki. 


VERBAL INFLECTION. 419 


The object-pronoun. 


The same freedom used in placing the subject-pronoun before or after 
the verb exists concerning the object-pronoun, and in combining the object- 
pronoun with the subject-pronoun, or separating both by interposing the 
verb or other terms. Here a good deal depends on the importance of both 
as parts of the sentence. 

The object-pronoun of the direct object is identical with that of the 
indirect object, and often becomes syncopated, or otherwise shortened, in 
rapid speech. If both pronouns are placed after the verb, they often com- 
bine into a synthetic phrase, and the object-pronoun of the second person 
then precedes, invariably, the subject-pronoun of the first. 

Paradigms of these pronominal combinations will be found under 
“Pronouns.” 

In reflective and reciprocal verbs, the object-pronoun is expressed syn- 
thetically by the prefix h-sh of the verb. See ‘Voices of the Verb.” 


VERBAL iNFLECTION TO MARK SEVERALTY. 


To the observing mind of the primeval Klamath Indian the fact that 
sundry things were done repeatedly, at different times, or that the same thing 
was done severally by distinct persons, appeared much more important than 
the pure idea of plurality, as we have it in our language. This category 
of severalty impressed itself on his mind so forcibly that he rendered and 
symbolized it in a very appropriate manner by means of the distributive 
reduplication of the first syllable. As will be seen by referring to the 
chapter on Reduplication, this grammatic feature is made thoroughly dis- 
tinct, as far as phonetics are concerned, from the iterative reduplication, 
which seryes for word-formative or derivational purposes only. 

From what is said in the chapter referred to, the grammatic impor- 
tance of the distributive reduplication may be studied in all its details. It 
extends over all parts of speech—not only over the finite verb, but also over 
all temporal, modal, participial forms of the verb—over all the verbals and 
voices of the verb and their derivatives. All its various functions are re- 
lated to each other, whatsoever may be the form we may select in translat- 
ing then: into English or other languages. 


420 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Only a few verbs and nouns are exempted from reduplicating, and they 
are so from purely phonetic causes. It is easy to understand that words 
like shnikshékshuka fo smell around can not reduplicate, on account of their 
unwieldiness appearing even in the absolute form; and the delicate sense for 
linguistic proprieties of the Klamath Indians refrains from phonetic impos- 
sibilities, as well as that of other nations. Cf. also what is said on page 267. 
With such terms, severalty has to be indicated by a cireumscriptive sentence, 
or by ttiimi many, tim much, nanuk all, nanukash everywhere, ete. 


THE VOICES OF THE VERB. 


While the modern languages of Europe choose the analytic method 
for expressing such voices of the verb, or genera verbi, as the passive, causa- 
tive, reciprocal, and reflective forms, the classic languages of antiquity, the 
Semitic dialects, and a large number of the American languages prefer to 
express them in ove word. The single and comprehensive terms which they 
use are derivatives of the active form of the transitive verb; some languages 
add to this a medial form, purporting that an act is done with reference to 
or in the interest of the verbal subject. All these comprehensive forms are 
true expressions of the incorporating principle innate to those languages. 

For deriving the voices, the Klamath language uses prefixes, either 
sounds or whole syllables. They are placed before the active verb, or be- 
fore the intransitive verb, wherever it can form derivatives of this kind 
(causative and medial verbs). This change is attended with vocalie ana- 
thesis (q. v.) in some of the voices. Every one of these derivatives is 
inflected like the primary verb from which it is derived, though there may 
occur a difference in the accentuation of the two. We have seen that 
prefixes form derivatives only, not forms of verbal inflection. 

Here the inflection of the transitive verb does not differ from that of 
the intransitive, as it does in so many other languages, and it is only on 
account of the peculiar formation of duals and plurals that I made a sep- 
arate voice of the intransitive verb. The passive form is identical with the 
active form. In many instances the same verbal derivative serves as a re- 
flective and reciprocal verb, and causative verbs show the same prefix, h sh-. 


These three usually differ from the medial form, a voice which is character- 


ACTIVE AND PASSIVE VOICE. 421 


istic for this upland language. The impersonal verb is usually without pre- 
fix, and inflects like the other voices; some of their number also occur in 
the active form. 

We reserve to the verb gi fo be, exist, which answers to our verb to be 
when used in periphrastic conjugation, the last place in this chapter, and 
enumerate the erght voices of verbs in the following order: 


1. Active voice. 6. Causative voice. 
2. Passive voice. 7. Intransitive voice. 
3. Reflective voice. 8. Impersonal voice. 
4. Medial voice. 

5. Reciprocal voice. 9. The verb gi. 


1. The active voice. 


Transitive verbs, in their active voice, have with them a direct object 
or complement, either animate or inanimate, upon which the act performed 
by the subject of the verb is directed. There are, however, many object- 
less verbs, which do not require constant mention of their object in distinct 
words, e g., fo ride, to pay; here the adding of to ride a horse, to pay money, 
is unnecessary in most cases. But with others the sentence becomes defect- 
ive if the object is not named, as with to smash, to throw, to press. The direct 
object stands in the objective case, whether nominal or pronominal: ni a 
shulétish shmukatana J am wetting a garment. A number of verbs can add 
an indirect object to the direct object, the objective case in -sh being the 
same for both: kntiks ish htin né-i! hand over that string to me! In this 
volume the objectless and the objective active verb are both classed as 
transitive verbs. The natural position of the object is after the subject 
and before the verb, which, in declarative and interrogative clauses, usually 


concludes the sentence. 
2. The passive voice. 


Active verbs turn into passives when the sentence is reversed so tha 
the direct object of the active verb becomes the subject, and the former 
subject, losing the quality of grammatic subject, becomes its logical subject, 
and is pointed out as such by some preposition. Thus the sentence: Titak 


422 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


lukash shlin Titak shot a grizzly bear, becomes, when turned into a passive 
sentence, lik shlin Titakam a grizzly bear was shot by Titak. 

The English language usually resorts to the auxiliary verb to be when 
expressing passivity, but in Klamath the active verb remains unchanged. 
The same grammatic form exists for the active and for the passive voice ; 
when no logical subject is added, it is impossible but for the context to find 
out which voice was intended. Cf. the following examples : 


miklaks E-ukak fdsha the Indians brought or were brought to Fort 
Klamath. : 
miaklaks ngé’shtka shitka an Indian killed (somebody) or was killed by 


an arrow. 


The different modes of expressing the logical subject of the passive 
verb will be discussed in Syntax, and it may be added now that the transi- 
tive verb is not very often used in a passive sense. 

Another mode of expressing passivity is to connect the past participle 
in -tko with the auxiliary gi, and to inflect both through all tenses, modes, 
and verbals of the latter : 


kttka to strike with fist: 
nia kttikatko gi I am struck. 
nia kttikatko gi-uapk J shall be struck. 


kéka to bite: 
ni a kékatko gi I am bitten. 
a kékatko git you may get bitten. 


j 
kékatko giuga in order to be bitten. 


In forms where gi is found, and not an inflectional form of it, as gi't, 


gitki, efug, gi’sh, gi’sht, this auxiliary is frequently dropped: ni kékatko I 


am bitten. 

There are some verbs in the language which can not be used in another 
but a passive signification, e. g.: shalyita to be bewitched, to lie sick under the 
tamanuash-spell, from shila to be chronically sick; but it is more logical to 


consider verbs like these as intransitives. 


q s 


. REFLECTIVE AND MEDIAL VOICE. 423 


3. The reflective voice. 


In reflective verbs, the direct object is also the subject of the verb. To 
express this relation the English language has no means but that of adding 
myself, himself, oneself, etc.; but in Klamath prefixation of sh- or of h-sh is 
resorted to, so that the reflective voice is formed synthetically. If peculiar 
stress is laid upon the myself, himself, nitak, pitak etc. may be added. 
Some grammarians call these verbs pronominal verbs. The function of the 
prefix sh- as a reflective pronoun is to form reflective verbs with a direct 
object (reflective verbs properly so-called), and other reflective verbs with 
an indirect object (medial verbs). The latter are now formed exclusively 
by this prefix, while tue former show sh- and its compound h-sh-. The 
pronoun sha they, now used in the plural only, gave origin to this prefix, 
for it must have once signified oneself and themselves. Examples : 


shalaktcha to cut one’s throat; from lAktcha to cut another's throat. 
shatalaka to rub oneself ; from talaka to rub. 
shuptéga (lak) to pull out one’s hair; from putdéga to tear out. 


And several others mentioned on page 278. 
The compound prefix h-sh- also forms reflective verbs, and some of 
these are reciprocal at the same time, like histénta. Besides the verbs 


given on page 279 we mention: 


histanta to love oneself; from stinta to love. 
hishlan to shoot oneself ; from shlin to shoot. 
hashtza to perforate one’s nose-wall; from shttka to pierce. 


4. The medial voice. 


Transitive and intransitive verbs assume the form of what I call the 
medial voice by prefixing sh-, s- when the act embodied in the verb is done 
upon or for the subject by or in reference to this same subject of the verb. 
It is in fact a reflective verb, but a special kind of it. To the reflective 
verb proper the verbal subject serves as a direct object, and therefore only 
transitive verbs can give origin to this verb; but to the medial verb the 
verbal subject serves as an indirect object, hence this verb may originate 
from intransitive as well as from transitive verbs. The medial verbs of 


424 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Klamath may be most fitly compared in their functions, not in their exter- 
nal form, with the media of Greek ; those which are formed from intransitive 
verbs correspond exactly to the French s’en aller, se mourir, and to the Span- 
ish irse, morirse. 


a. Medial verbs derived from transitives: 
shakiha to miss the mark while shooting; from kai’hha to miss the aim. 
shalamna to carry on the back; radix a- in dna to carry off. 
shalgia to place, deposit against for oneself; from lakia to place against. 
shaméni (for sh’haméni) to claim for oneself; from haméni to desire. 
shampatuala to nail, fasten one object to another to make it longer; from 
mpata to pin fast to. 
shikita to make a false report; from kiya to tell a lie. 
shlankua to spread out over the water; from nakua to dam up. 
shuyéga to lift up for oneself; from uyéga to lift a long object. 


b. Medial verbs derived from intransitives: 
shaktila to take under the arm; from gutila to go below. 
shalaggaya to ascend, climb up (spiders); from laggiya to hang down from. 
shaladla to scratch, rub one’s sides; from lala to slope downward. 
shalama to call saucy names; from lama to be wild, bewildered. 
shetalpéli to look back at; from télha, téla to look upon, on. 
stiinka to pass, run through, as ropes; from tinka to come out. 


A special kind of verbs, which should be classed with the medial verbs, 
are those in which a consonantic or vocalic change indicates some relation 
to the subject itself. Not many instances of this are on hand, but we may 
mention: 


kilyantko humpback, when imitated by children ete.; from kilya (not 
kilya) to become humpbacked. 

pii’dsha to simulate sickness ; ef. pa'dsha to become dry (originally), to fall 
sick ; to become blind. 

pé lpela to work for one’s own or somebody's benefit; from pélpela to work. 


tyiilya to rise upon one's feet (emphatic; i is long); tgélya to stand up. 


RECIPROCAL VOICE. 425 


5. The reciprocal voice. 

Verbs expressing a mutual act, done by each to the other, are called 
reciprocal verbs, and presuppose a double subject, which is usually ex- 
pressed by pronouns. Either these pronouns are added to the verb as 
separate words,* or they are represented by some affix appended to or in- 
corporated into the verb. In the language of the Maklaks this latter syn- 
thetic mode is alone in use, and reciprocal verbs are able to form nominal 
derivatives also. Like the reflective voice, the reciprocal voice is formed 
by the medial prefix sh- or its compound h-sh-, and attended by vocalic 
anathesis: 


(a) Reciprocal verbs with prefix sh-. This form of the voice is not so 
frequent as the one to be given under (c). 


shakiha to miss each other; from kathha to miss the aim. 
shatashta to touch each other; from tashta to touch by hand. 
shétui to fire at each other; from téwi to shoot. 


shend’lya to compact, agree; from né-ulza to arrange. 


(b) Reciprocal verbs with prefix sh-, formed by the distributive form of 
medial verbs. This mode of deriving reciprocal verbs is only accidental. 

shashalgia to quarrel; from shalgia to lay something against. 

shashtashta to touch each other; from taishta to touch by hand. 


(c) Reciprocal verbs with prefix h-sh-. Some verbs formed in this man- 
ner are simultaneously reflective and reciprocal, and the original active 
form of others no longer exists in the language. 

heshamkanka fo tell, order each other ; from hemkénka to speak. 

hushtitanka to meet each other secretly; from hitanka to run up. 

hushpantchna to walk arm in arm; from sptnshna to take along. 
hushtiwa to scratch, stab each other; from téwi to pierce, stab. 
hushtchéka to kill each other ; from tehdka to perish. 

And many others on page 279. 


(d) Reciprocal verbs in -yua. Modoe verbs of this terminal have been 


426 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


6. The causative voice. 


This is a form of verbal derivation which adds to the transitive or in- 
transitive verb the idea of prompting, causing, or compelling to perform 
the act or enter the state or condition expressed by the original verb. The 
Klamath language forms them by means of vocalic anathesis, and by prefix- 
ing sh- or compounds of it: shn-, sp-, st-, h-sh-. In the Germanic languages, 
causative verbs are frequently formed also by a vocalic change, here called 
“Umlaut”; so we have in English to drench, to fell, to raise derived from to 


drink, to fall, to rise. 


a. Causative verbs formed by the medial prefix sh-: 
shkalkéla to hurt, injure; from kalkéla to fall sick. 
shnélya to set on fire; from nélka to be burnt up. 
shuénka to kill, slay, plur. of obj. (Mod.); from wénka fo die. 
shiika to drive out from; from hiika to run at. 


b. Causative verbs formed by compound prefixes of sh-: 

shnahualta to cause to sound, to ring; from walta to sound. 

shnékshita to save, deliver; from kshita to escape (Mod.). 

shnikanua to let ripen; from néka, niika to ripen. 

spidsha to drag behind; from idsha to carry along. 

spika to draw, pull out ; from fka to remove from. 

stépéla to peel the bark off, lit. “to make dry above”; from u- above, pala 
to dry up. 

hashtawa to starve out; from stawa to be famished. 

héshla to exhibit, show; from shl&éa to see. 


hushnéya to bake, cook; from shntiza to parch. 


More examples will be found under ‘‘Anathesis”, pages 278. 279, and 
List of Prefixes. 
7. The intransitive voice. 
Verbs which cannot take a direct object or complement, and therefore are 
not susceptible of being used in a passive sense, are called intransitive. In 
this language they are inflected in the same manner as transitive and other 


verbs as to tense and mode, and some can assume a causative and a medial 


ATTRIBUTIVE VERB. 427 


voice. ‘There are a number of verbs which are transitives and intransitives 
at the same time, as k’lekala to lose children and to be at the point of death. 

The distributive form of intransitive verbs may refer to severalty or 
repetition of the act, state, or quality expressed by the verb, but it does also, 
and much more frequently, refer to verbal acts performed or states under- 
gone by a plurality of subjects, and in this latter case it corresponds to the 
plural of the English verb. 

A special class among the intransitive verbs is the attributive verbs 
which indicate some quality or attribute of the subject, and in the languages 
of modern Europe are generally circumscribed by the substantive verb to 
be, accompanied by an adjective noun. In a large number of agglutinative 
languages aitributive verbs are a prominent feature, since they make a 
predicative verb of what we consider to be simply an adjective or attribute 
joined to the verb to be, and express by a single term what we can render 
only by a combination of two or three words. What we call an adjective 
is, in those languages, a verbal or participle of that attributive verb. So, in 
the Creek, the grass is green, pahit lanis, is, literally, ‘the grass greens”, or 
“the grass is greening”; while green grass is pahi lani, which comes nearest 
to a term like ‘‘grass greened,” or “grass greening.” Here the adjective, 
whether used predicatively or attributively, is always a form of a verb; but 
in Klamath there are true adjectives, recognizable by their endings (-kni, -i, 
-ni, -ptchi, ete.), and liable to become connected with the verb gi; and, 
besides, there are attributive verbs of the sort just pointed out by an example 
from the Creek language. These attributive verbs appear in a verbal finite 
form when used predicatively, and in the participial form in -tko when 
employed attributively. 

The two classes of the intransitive verb present themselves in the fol- 
lowing manner: 

A.—The non-attributive intransitive verb describes an act performed by 
an animate subject, or a state undergone by, a quality belonging to an ani- 
mate or inanimate subject. If connected with an object, this object is al- 
ways an indirect one. 

kédsha, d. kék’tcha to grow (plants). 

k’léka to reach, to turn into; to die. 


428 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


néka, d. nénuka to ripen, mature. 
tiii’ma, d. tetiii’ma to feel hungry. 


B.—The attributive or qualitative intransitive verb of the Klamath lan- 
guage corresponds to the English adjective connected with the verb fo be, 
though it can be rendered in other ways. Some of this class even combine 
a transitive with an intransitive signification, as ginka to be hollow and to 
perforate something. Examples: 


tchaki ma‘sha the boy is sick. 

ma’shitko tchaki the, a sick boy. 

tchaki mama’sha the boys are sick; boys are sick. 
mama’ shitko tchaki sick boys. 

kta-i yuita the, a stone is heavy. 

yutantko kta-i a heavy stone. 

kélpka Ambu the water is hot, boiling. 

d-ambu kekalpka waters are hot, boiling. 


Adjectives, accompanied by the verb gi, can drop this verb whenever 
no doubt can arise through its absence about their meaning; in that case 
the adjective is predicative, just like the attributive verb. K6-idshi wash 
the mischievous prairie-wolf ; wash k6-idshi gi, or wash ké-idshi the prairie- 
wolf is mischievous. 

When indicative of location or position, attributive verbs can fulfill 
the office of postpositions: i-utila to be, to lie under; Mod. yutilan; postp, 
below, underneath. 

The subjoined small list of attributive verbs goes to show that many of 
their number have other significations besides, which are sometimes transi- 
tive and more original. 


gimpka, ginuala, ginsya to be empty, vacant, hollow. 
guihua, guha to be swollen and to swell up. 

kuanka to be lame; kuankatko lame, halting. 

kila, nzilla to be angry, strong, and to make haste. 
ma’sha to be sick, smarting, and to taste like. 
ndshdéka to be deaf and not to understand. 

ndka to be ripe, to ripen, and to cook, boil, stew. 


pal 


IMPERSONAL VERB. 429 


pala to be dry, and to dry up. 
shipnu to be full of air, wind, and to be haughty. 
sktiya to be crooked, humpbacked, and to mash, bray. 


8. The impersonal voice. 


Impersonal verbs have for a formal subject the indefinite, neuter pro- 
noun ?t, for which no equivalent exists in Klamath. Here the impersonal 
verb is, therefore, expressed by the simple form of the verb, which inflects 
for terse, mode, verbals, and severalty. There are two distinct series of 
impersonal verbs—such as take no direct object, and such as possess a 
direct or indirect personal object. 

A.—Objectless impersonal verbs chiefly refer to phenomena of nature, to 
the changes in the atmosphere, of the seasons ete. 


yéwa the north wind is blowing ; lit. “it is howling.” 
léména it is thundering ; lit. “it is rolling.” 

luia it is foggy, misty, hazy. 

mia the wind blows from the south (mutat) 

paisha, tgiwa it is sultry weather. 

pata it is summer, it is hot weather. 

sha’hlmalya the fall of the year is at hand. 

sheti’mla, Mod. tchgii’mna tt is freezing, frost is forming. 
skéa it is spring-time ; lit. “it is sprouting.” 
shvi/ntka, Mod. tehvintka hoar-frost is forming 
we n ice is forming, it is freezing or frozen. 


The following objectless verbs are compounds of gi to be, exist, and do 
not indicate natural phenomena. They may connect with an indirect per- 
sonal object : 

ké'gi, kii’gi there is nothing, it disappears, it is scarce (Mod. ki’gi and 

kii‘ka). 

laki (for lé haé gi) it is gone, it is missing. 

B.—Impersonal verbs with personal object chiefly describe bodily sen- 


sations of temperature, hunger or thirst, health or infirmity, and a few also 
refer to mental or moral qualities. A few also simultaneously appear as 


430 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


intransitives, with the personal pronoun in the subjective case, especially in 
Modoc, while the majority have the personal pronoun or noun preceding 
or following them in the objective case. 


dmbutka nt, i; A4mbutka n’sh, m’sh I am, thou art thirsty. 
hishlta na; hishlta n’sh J am in good health. 

ki’dshika ni; ki/dshika nish I feel tired. 

ma’sha nti; ma’sha nish, n’sh J am sick. 

tiii’ma nti; tii’ma n’sh J am hungry. 


Other verbs seem entirely confined to the impersonal form: 


guhua nish, mish I am, thou art swollen. 

kélya a nish, kélya ansh I am in the habit of. 

katka ntish, katgans I am cold. 

lushlishki nish J feel warm. 

nydamka nish tt aches, hurts me. 

nda-iti an’s my hands or feet are cold. 

ndshéka mish thou art deaf: 

pano’pka ntish I am hungry; lit. “IT want to eat.” 
pi’ka nish, pii/kansh J am thirsty; lit. “it makes me dry.” 
pttpa nush, pipans I bleed from the nose. 

tapszoya an’s my fingers are numb from cold. 

tchiikélila an’s I bleed (elsewhere than from the nose). 


Compare also the following sentences: 


kt-i an’sh hishlta paishuk sultriness oppresses me. 
kii’gi a n’sh tcho’ksh J am lame in one leq ; lit. “‘to me a leg is deficient.” 


9. The verb gi TO BE. 


The Klamath verb gi corresponds in a certain measure to our substan- 
tive verb to be, but besides this it is used in a much wider signification. It 
unites the functions of an intransitive to those of a transitive and substantive 
verb, forms with some verbs what I call ‘“periphrastic conjugation,” and in 
its various forms also enters as a component into the formation of words. 


This verb gi is, in fact, the demonstrative pronoun gé, ké this one, this here 
5 ’ lhe) ) 


“eS 


THE VERB Gi. 431 


in a verbified shape; and, having assumed the verbal form, it came to signify 
to be here, to be at this or that place, to be at this time or at such a time. 

Thus the original verbal signification of gi is that of accidental exist- 
ence—fo exist, not by nature, but by chance: to happen to be. In this function 
it is comparable to the Spanish verb estar, to be accidentally; but it soon 
assumed also the function of designating real, essential existence, like the 
Spanish verb ser: to be by nature, to be essentially, in reality, and not by chance 
or accident. Outside of these, the verb gi has taken other significations— 
all of which will be treated in 


to become, to have, possess, to do and to say 
their respective order Gi is often abbreviated into -g, -k, and its shorter 
forms are used enclitically. 

I have elsewhere discussed this verb at length,* and have here extracted 
some of the examples given there. More examples will be found in the 
Dictionary, pages 44. 45. 

Presented in their order of grammatic evolution, the six different func- 
tions of gi are as follows: 

(a) To be here, to be at this or that place, to be at such a time, then. In 
this function, gi points to casual or accidental existence, occurrence by 
chance, and, like the pronoun gé, generally implies close proximity to the 
grammatic or logical subject of the sentence. It comes nearest to our verb 
to exist. Kxamples: 


of he, she, it 1s outside, outdoors. 


kant ¢ 


lapi gi there are two (of them). 

tidsh gi to feel well; ku-i gi to feel unwell. 

kimmétat giank staying in the rocks. 

giti shuyéakeks gi-uapka here shall be a leaping-place, 142, 3. 

To this definition must be traced the gi composing some of the attrib- 
utive and impersonal verbs above mentioned, as kii’gi, aki, lushlishgi, 
p laiki, sha’tki, ete. 

(b) To become, to begin to be. his definition appears, e. g., in the fol- 
lowing example: ka-i ni a kikamtchish gi-uapk I would never become old, 
64, 13. 


*“On the Substantive Verb in some North American Languages ;” Proceedings of the XVIth Annual 
Session of the American Philological Association, July, 1884, pages 26-33. 


432 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


(c) To be really, essentially, intrinsically ; to exist by its own nature. In 
this definition gi represents the substantive verbs fo be of English, étre of 
French, sein of German, and, as an auxiliary verb, is employed in conjugat- 
ing verbs periphrastically through their verbals (in -tki, -shtka) and their 
participles. 

nuitakam lik kalkali gi the seed of the nitak-plant is round. 
ia tala gi you are right. 
ia ki-i gi you are wrong. 


It appears as an auxiliary verb: 


plaikishtka gi shAppash the sun was near the noon-point. 
ni nanukash shli’sh ki Z can see everywhere, 22, 17. 


(d) To be possessed by, to belong to, to be provided, endowed with. When 
used in this sense, gi takes the owner or proprietor in the possessive case 
(to be somebody's), and the object possessed in the subjective case. If the 
owner is expressed by a possessive pronoun, this pronoun stands in the 
subjective case. Gi appears very frequently in the participle of the past: 
gitko possessed of, with the object in the objective case. 

tinna i wewéash gitk? how many children have you? 

kanam kék f-amnash gi? whose beads are these? 

kanam gé latchash gi? who owns this lodge? 

tunépni gé-u wélwash gi I have five water-springs, 157; 46. 

kékuapkash lilp gitko having swollen eyes. 

kaildlapsh gitko dressed in leggings. 

tima tua gi’tkuapka i you will possess many things, 182 ; 7. 


(e) To do, to act, to perform. Here the verb gi becomes a transitive 
verb, though there are no examples on hand of its being used in a passive 
sense also. Evolved from gi, signification (a) of casual existence: to be at 
something. 


tidsh gi to do right, to act well. 

ku-i gi to act wickedly, to do evil, to be obnoxious. 
wik i gén gitk? what are you doing here? 
himasht giulank after having acted thus. 


INFLECTION FOR NUMBER. 433 


tua i wak gi-uapkug tebl shanaholi? what do you want to do with the table? 

Gi to act also composes some verba denominativa, as nka‘kgi, nkashgi, 
mentioned above. 

(f) To say, to speak. Gi is used in this sense (instead of hémkanka) 
only when the spoken words are quoted either verbatim or in part. This 
use of gi has evolved from gi to do, to act, viz., “to do by words”, and in 
French we often hear @/ fit instead of i dit. 


nd-asht gi, na’shtk, na’shtg so I say, said ; so he said ete. 
tsi sha hin gi so they said ; hataktk there he said. 
na gitki gi I say they must become. 


INFLECTION FOR NUMBER. 


There are some grammatic categories which have remained in a state 
of rudimentary development in the mind of the Maéklaks Indian, and seem 
to have been too abstract for him. Among these is the category of number, 
or what we cali, grammatically, the singular, dual, and plural; for these do 
not exist here in the sense expressed in European tongues. As to verbal 
inflection, this would necessitate the incorporation of the pronoun into the 
body of the verb, or of particles marking plurality. This we observe in 
many American languages, but not in Klamath, where only a faint com- 
mencement was made toward incorporating personal pronouns into the 
verb. But this language uses several other means to express number in a 
more indirect manner. One of these is the use of a different radix when 
the subject or object changes from the singular to the dual or plural; but 
this is not verbal inflection for number, for the term inflection implies rule 
and regularity extending over all verbs, whereas here the choice of the radix 
is sometimes arbitrary. Such a change in the radix always implies also a 
change in signification, however small; and if this change is no longer per- 
ceptible, it was so in the earlier history of the language. Moreover, the 
assumed term for dual does not mean here two subjects only, as with us. 

At an early period the genius of this upland tongue seems to have left 
unnoticed the expression of number in verbs, as well as in nouns, and found 
no more necessity to define it than to define sex. Only a little more atten- 


tion was paid to the categories of mode and tense, for what was done in all 
28 


434 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


these belongs to later periods of linguistic development. Concrete catego- 
ries alone were then accounted of importance, for all relations bearing upon 
locality, distance, and individuality or severalty are distinguished with su- 
perior accuracy, and even tense is marked by means of particles which were 
originally locative. Nowhere is the female sex made distinct from the male 
by linguistic forms, although several Columbian and Oregonian languages 
exhibit this distinction, some in the pronoun only, as the Atfalati, of the 
Kalaptiya stock, some in the verb also, as the Chinook. 

In order to make our subject-matter clear, I have divided this chapter 
into two parts: 


I. Number in the transitive verb. 
II. Number in the intransitive verb. 


I.—THE CATEGORY OF NUMBER IN THE TRANSITIVE VERB. 


In the languages of Aryan and Semitic stock, all verbs are governed 
exclusively by their grammatic subject. But it is different in the agglu- 
tinative languages. Here the intransitive verb is governed by its subject, 
this being the grammatic and logical subject of the sentence; but the tran- 
sitive verb, or rather noun-verb, is governed for number by its direct object, 
and not by its subject. The subject remains in its quality as grammatic 
subject, but the grammatic object becomes the logical subject of the sen- 
tence, and as such it rules the noun-verb.* Example: 

Lelékash watch shiuga Lelékash killed a horse. 


Lelékash tima wateh ltiela Lelékash killed many horses. 


In a few transitive verbs a distinction is made in the number or quality 
of the verbal object, one form being employed when a few only are con- 
cerned, and another when many objects are acted upon. 

When the direct object of a transitive verb is plural, it will be expressed 
in the verb under certain circumstances When the subject of this verb is 
plural, the verb is usually not affected by it. If the plurality of the object 


* Something that slightly reminds us of this structure is found in the compound transitive verb 
(not the simple) of Romance languages, which varies the participle when the object precedes it in the 
compared to ‘‘j’ai vu des 


’ 


sentence. Thusin French: ‘les hirondelles que j’ai vues étaient perchées,’ 
hirondelles perchées”; derived from Low Latin: habeo visas, and habeo visum. 


NUMBER IN TRANSITIVE VERBS. 435 


is indicated through the verb, the object itself is not required in all instances 
to bear the mark of plurality. Iterative reduplication of the verb may also 
at times imply a plurality of the object, though it is only intended to mark 
frequency or repetition of an act. More about all this will be seen in the 
Syntax. 

Plurality of the direct object evidences itself in the transitive verb: (1) 
by distributive reduplication ; (2) by change of prefix; (3) by change of the 
radical syllable; (4) by change of suffix. 


1. Distributive reduplication is the means most frequently resorted to 
for the purpose, but only when the action of the verb is repeated or per- 
formed specially for every one of the objects. There must be action in 
severalty by one and the same individual, or one act performed by each 
individual separately upon the objects or each object; whereas the absolute 
form will be used when the act is performed by one or more subjects, col- 
lectively or at once upon the object, or objects. 


i a élya shéshash you give a name. 

ia edlya shéshash you give different names to one or various objects. 
sktitash sha waldsha they spread a blanket over. 

skutash sha wawaldsha they spread blankets over different objects. 


2. Change of prefix is observed in certain transitive verbs when there is 
a change from a single direct object of a certain exterior or shape, as round, 
long, flat, to a plurality of direct objects. Here the signification of the verb 
lies more in the radical and in the suffix than in the prefix, and each of these 
verbs has also its distributive form. 

As may be inferred from the List of Prefixes, a- refers to one long object; 
ksh-, ks- to one long object, to a bunch of long articles, or to one animate 
object that can be carried on the arm or arms; sp-, see ‘List of Prefixes”; 
t-, ta-, te- points to one long or animate object standing upright; u- to a 
long object direct or indirect. All these prefixes are generally changed toi-, 
ly-, y-, yl- when the object of the verb is placed in the plural number. To 
the examples mentioned in the “List of Prefixes” we add the following: 

atpa to carry, to bring; pl. of obj. itpa. 

kshalala to place near the fire; pl. ilala (also intrans.). 


436 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


kshawala to fix or tie on the top of; pl. of obj. fwala, ihudla. 
kshémpéli fo carry back, bring home; pl. émpéli. 

kshiwiza to put, place into; pl. iwiga. 

kshiyamna and tyamna fo take along; pl i-amna. 

kshuyéga and uyéga to lift up, raise; pl. iyéga. 

spthi to place inside, lock up; pl. thi. 

tméshka, teméshga to abstract; pl. yiméshka. 

udtika to beat with a stick; a few objects, idiyua; many, idtka. 
udshipa to take off from, strip; pl. idshipa. 


uyéga to lift up a long object; a few, yaniéga; many, iyéga. 


The verbs with l- or lu- prefixed, referring to one object of round, 
rounded, or bulky exterior, exchange this prefix for p-, pe-, or pe-u- when 
more than one object is spoken of, sometimes with alteration of the suffix 


-also. In the examples below the prefix syllable also serves as radical syl- 
lable. 


likla to deposit; pl. pé-ula. 
luya, lti fo give, hand over ; pl. péwi, pii’ wi. 
luy¢éga to lift, gather up; pl. pe-uyéga. 


The verbs kéwa, ukéwa to break to pieces also use the prefix pe- (pekéwa) 
when a plurality of objects is spoken of. 

Verbs with prefix shu-, when referring to the driving of many objects, 
as horses, cows etc., assume the prefix n-; when only a few objects are con- 
cerned, the prefix tp- is used, at least in the Modoe dialect. 


shi’dshna to drive off, chase; a few, tpidshna; many, niudshna. 
shukidsha to drive in a circle; tpukidsha; niukidsha. 

shuli to drive into; tpuli, KI. kptli; ni-uli. 

shui-uya to drive out of an inclosure; ni-uya. 


shiwa (for shitiwa) fo drive into water ; tpéwa, tptia; niwa. 


3. Change of the radical syllable is resorted to only in verbs of a certain 
class, like those of giving, breaking, cutting, killing, digging, ete. This 
grammatic process stands outside the limits of any law or rule, and a slight 


difference of signification can usually be discovered through careful analysis 


NUMBER IN TRANSITIVE VERBS. 437 


of the terms used for one object and for many. This feature is common to 
many North American languages of the West, especially for the intransitive 
verb. Cf the Latin verbs ferre, tollere and the English to be in regard to 
their tenses. 


kéwa to break, smash; pl. ngata, ngtldsha. 

kshuya to transfer a long or animate object; pl. shewdna. 

néya, né-i fo give one thin object; pl. shewana. 

shéykanka fo take along; pl. imnega or i-amna. 

shitiga to kill; pl. liela, Mod. Iiela, shuénka (Itela ‘to lay low a crowd”). 

shlin to shoot, wound; pl. yitita, i-0’ta. 

spunt to transfer one person; pl. shewdna. 

téwa to run one post ito the ground ; two posts, stalya; many posts, 
tetalya. 

ukata to chop, split; pl. ulddsha, vuléddsha; ugtiltcha. 


4, Change of suffix, to indicate the change from one to two or more 
objects, oceurs chiefly in such verbs as adopt the ending -yua to point out 
that the action of the verb extends over a few objects only. 


kttika to strike by hand; a few, ktuyua. 

stiika to stab, wound, cut; a few, stttyua. 

shika to drive out; a few, shtiyua. 

shikanka to run after; a few, tptiyamna. 

The verb méya to dig roots differs entirely from the above by forming 


sta-ila “to fill up (the root-basket)” when many subjects, not objects, are 
referred to. It can be considered as an intransitive verb. 


II.—THE CATEGORY OF NUMBER IN THE INTRANSITIVE VERB. 


The four modes observed in forming this category in transitive verbs 
also occur in the intransitive verb when there is a change from ove to many 
subjects, though with some restrictions. A large number of verbs substitute 
one radical syllable for another, with or without change of the formative 
suffix. Most of these verbs possess three numbers, instead of two, like a 
majority of the others. Of these three numbers, 


The singular is used when the verb has one subject ; 


438 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


The dual is used when the verb has two, three, sometimes four subjects; 
The plural is in use when the verb has over three or four, or a multitude 
of subjects. 


Perhaps the term dual is not quite appropriately selected for a gram- 
matic number which points to very few; but in the majority of cases when 
this form is employed two subjects only are meant. Those wishing to con- 
vey the idea that not more than two are meant, have to add to the subject 
the numeral lipi, lap tevo, or lapiak two only, or lapuk both. 


1. Distributive reduplication is the means to show plurality in the ma- 
_ jority of intransitive verbs. It is used wherever more than one subject 
governs the verb, and thus exactly corresponds to the plural of verbs in 
European languages. 


tidsh nti tehia I live contented; tidsh nat tehitchia we live contented. 
shiwdga a kténa the girl is sleeping; shiwdga or shishuaga a ktikta the 
girls are sleeping. 
2. Change of prefix only is chiefly resorted to in verbs which are trans- 
itives and intransitives simultaneously: 
kshalala to be or lie near the fire; pl. ilala. 
kshikla to be or lie within; pl. ikla. 


kshutila to be or lie underneath; pl. i-utila. 


© 


3. Change of radical syllable without change of suffix occurs extensively 
in verbs embodying the ideas of standing, sitting, lying, running, and leap- 
ing, falling and rolling down, hiding, going, coming. A majority of these 
verbs have three numbers—singular, dual, and plural—each one marked by 
a special radix, mostly formed from pronominal roots, which are distinctly 
recognizable as such, and also enter into the formation of prefixes. In some 
of the verbs the two dialects differ considerably in the formation of their 
duals and plurals. The new terms introduced in the list below, which are 
not found in the Dictionary, are all taken from the Modoe dialect, and most 
of them are intelligible to the Klamath Lake Indians as well, and used by 
them. It will be seen that the distributive form of some verb representing 
one of the three numbers is sometimes used as the dual or plural of that 
verb. The radix hu-, which forms the largest number of verbs in this list 


NUMBER IN INTRANSITIVE VERBS. 439 


(ef. Dictionary), and tu- (in the dual form tush-), are pronominal roots point: 
ing to distance; the radix tin- occurs also in words referring to one subject 
only: tinuash, tinkuéla, tindla ete The radix Iu-, lui-, and liu- is derived 
from liwa to form a cluster, crowd, and the prefix |- points to the circumfer- 
ence of a standing, sitting, or lying crowd or multitude, as it does also in 
klush-, found in some of the plural verbs. ‘These latter refer to aggregation 
or gathering in a row, line, or file, which is indicated by prefix k- pointing 
to lateral action. In the verbs of standing, t- points to persons in an erect 
position; in those of sitting, tcha-, tch- embodies tchfa to sit, wa- to sit or exist 
in a certain place or medium. he radical kish- differs from ksh-, which also 
appears in some dual verbs as kshu-, and are probably used as plural verbs 
also. Verbs with the radix ga- are extensively used as duals for the verbs 
of the radix hu-, of which the regular dual form begins with tush-. But 
there is a difference in signification between the two, for the verbs in hu- 
and tush- refer to the quicker motion of running, while ga- points only to 
walking, going. Examples: 
Verbs of going, walking, coming: 

gaki'ma to go around; du. gag’ki'ma, pl. ginkima, ginkéma. 

galala to reach a place; du. gakalala, pl. kilala. 

gdlampaga to go behind; pl. kinlampaga (Mod.). 

géna to go away, depart; du. géka, pl. (Mod.) tehéna (in KL. géna for all). 

eépka to come toward; du. gegapka, pl (Mod.) tehépka. 

géwa to go into water; du. gékwa, gékti, pl. tehéwa. 

goyéna, (Mod.) kishi¢éna to walk around indoors ; du. (Mod.) goyéna, pl. 

lukanhiéna. 
gulhi, gwhli, gulf to go into, enter; pl. kilhi. 
kishgitiladshna to disappear by going out; du  gakitladshna, pl. kingi- 
tladshna. 
kishtftana to walk along the lodge on its outside ; du. gutitana, pl. lukantitana. 


telizi to go up, to ascend; pl. lukanizi. 
Verbs of running, leaping, flying: 


huikinsha to run away from ; du. tushikinsha, pl. tintkinsha. 
huyd-edsha to run past ; pl. gayé-idsha. 


440 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


hutyiki to run out from water ; du. tushiki, pl. tutashtki. 

hukampéli fo run, leap out again; du. ti’shkampéle, pl. tinkampéle. 
huldla to rush, run into fire ; du. tushlala, pl. tildla 

hi’/nua to fly into the water ; du. tishua, pl. tinua, 

hutitgtila fo run away from under; du. tushtitgtla, pl. tintitgdla. 
hiiwa to run, leap into water ; du tishua, pl. tinwa. 


Verbs of falling, rolling down: 
nde-ulina to fall down, as from a wagon; du wetélina, pl. helina. 
ndi-ule to fall or roll down ; du. wetdle, pl. hiitéle and hé-ule. 
ndi-ulza to fall or roll down from; du. wetélza, pi. hélya. 
ndi-utze to fall or topple over, du. wettitze, wet’tze, pL hétze. 
ndiwa to fall into the water ; du. wétwa, pl. héwa. 
ndiwanka to fall or roll from a standing or sitting attitude ; du. wétwanka, 

pl. héwanka, kliishwanka, or héwankan klishtchna, 

tilantze to roll down; pl. hihaktze. 

Verbs of lying, sleeping : 
kshikla to lie in bed, on the ground; du. kshuila, pl. likla, fkla. 
kshitchya to lie on, upon something; pl. littchza. 
ptika to lie on the ground; du. yampka, pl. wétpka. 
szolzoka to lie, sleep indoors; du. klushyéka, pl. lulyéka 
szultita to le, sleep outdoors; du. kshuitita, pl. lutita. 

Verbs of hiding: 
httyaha to go and hide; pl. giyaha. 
shuilpka to hide behind; pl. wiwampka. 

Verbs of standing: 
tgatita to stand outdoors; du luatita, pl. lualutita. 
tgélya to stand, stop short; pl. lueludlya, (Mod.) luald’lya. 
tgizdga to stand indoors; du. luizdga, pl. luiluzdga. 
tgtitga to stand; du. léviatka, pl. likantatka. 
tkiwiza to stand inside of; du. liuzdga, pl. luilu-fza. 

Verbs of staying, sitting : 
tchala‘Isha to stay at home; du. wawala’lsha, pl. liula’Isha. 


tchalamna to sit on or against; du. wawdlamna, pl. litlamna. 


PARADIGM OF THE INFLECTED VERB. 44] 


tchaliga to sit on the edge of; du. wawaliga, pl. liuliga. 

tchia to live, stay; du. and pl. wa to live in a certain medium. 
tchi'pka to live with others ; du. wawapka, pl. liupka. 

tchutila to sit or be underneath; du. wawatila, pl. liutila. 


4. Change of the radix and suffix occurs but in a few verbs, of which 
has already been mentioned tkiwiza (see its dual). 
k’léka to die (not in the other definitions of this verb); pl. kalina, luli; 
(Mod.) kalina, wénka. 
ski'lpka to lie on something, or in bed; pl. ldlua, 1élumi. 
tchawina to live, dwell among; pl. shukla. 


VOCALIC AND CONSONANTIC INFLECTION. PARADIGMS. 


The evidence contained in the previous pages suffices to show that 
there is no external distinction perceptible between the inflection of the 
active, passive, or intransitive and other voices of the verb, their modes 
and tenses Still we observe some few inflectional differences, all of which 
are of a phonetic origin, and are caused by such figures as ellipsis, syncope, 
or synizesis. These are always observed upon the point of contact of the 
basis with the inflectional suffixes, and depend on the question whether the 
verb ends in a consonant or im a vowel, and on the quality of that terminal 
sound. This gives us two different kinds of inflection— 


1. Verbs ending in vowels: Vocalic inflection. 
2. Verbs ending in consonants: Consonantic inflection. 


The vocalic inflection appends the bare inflection-endings to the verbal 
ending -a, -u (or -o), -i (or -e). Thus the participle in -tko is formed for 
hémkanka, hemkankatko; for taménu, tamentitko; for gulf, gulitko. Verbs 
in -a, in which this -a is preceded by a vowel, present some alterations, and 
synizesis often takes place. Some of the verbs in -na will lose the conso- 
nant -n. We thus obtain three vocalic inflections: 


1. Inflection of the verbs in -a, or A-inflection. 
2. Inflection of the verbs in -u (or -o0): U-inflection. 
3. Inflection of the verbs in -i (or -e): L-inflection. 


442 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


The consonantic inflection appends the bare inflectional suffix to the basis 
by placing -a- between the two, though there are exceptions to this. Among 
the consonants there are two only that can terminate a verb. -] and -n. 
While the former often elide the vowel before the -l, those in -n (and -na) 
frequently transpose it by metathesis, so that -na becomes -an. Hence we 
have two consonantic inflections: 

4. Inflection of the verbs in -l, or L-inflection. 

5. Inflection of the verbs in -n, or N-inflection. 

More special points on the phonetic side of these five modes of inflec- 
tion will be given below. 


PARADIGMS OF VERBS. 


The substantive and auxiliary verb gi to be, to exist, which by itself 
belongs to the I-inflection, being of frequent occurrence and a factor in the 
periphrastic conjugation of every verb, I prefix a succinct paradigm of it 
to those of the other verbs. The form gi is more frequent than ki or <i. 
The abbreviations of gi will be found in the Dictionary. 


THE VERB Gi fo exist, to become, to be, to have, to do, to say. 


Declarative mode. 
Present tense: nfi a gt, ki J am, T exist. 
Preterit: ni htink gi J was, I have been. 
Future: nti a gi-uapk I shall be, exist. 
Conditional mode. 
Present tense: ntia gi't, git J would be, may be. 
Imperative mode. 
i gi! be thou! gi at! be ye! 
Participles. 
Present tense: giank, gink, kink, Mod. gfan, gin, kin being, existing; 
having been. 
Preterit: gitko been; done ete.; oblique cases: gipkash ete. 
Pluperfect: giulank after having been, done ete. 
Verbals. 


Infinitive: gi to be, to exist ete. 


PARADIGM OF Gi. 443 


Indefinite: gish, ki’sh the fuct of being, existence ; inflected: gisham, gfshi, 
gishtka, etc., the latter being the desiderative verbal, on the point 
of becoming, being; also gishtka gi, gishtka giug. 

Conditional: gisht, kisht on account of being, for having been. 

Preterit: gi-uish, giwish “the having been.” 

Causative: gitga, giug for being, because (he, it) is, was. 

Durative: gitita while being (rare). 

Intentional: gitki in order to be, become, exist ; periphrastically : gitki gi, 
gitki giug, gitkiug. 

The verbals of the future tense are as follows: 

Infinitive: gi-uapka. 

Indefinite: gi-uapkash, gi-uapksh the fact of “going to be”; inflected: 
gi-udpkshi, gi uapkshtka (giug) ete. 

Conditional: gi-uApkasht for becoming at a future time. 

Causative: gi uapkiga, gi-uapkug because (he, it) is going to be. 

The preterit, durative, and intentional verbals do not exist in this tense; 

instead of the latter, gitki, gitki gi is used. 


PARADIGM OF THE A-INFLECTION. 


This paradigm being typical for all the various inflectional forms of 
the Klamath verb, I present it in all its details, and shall often refer to it in 
treating of the other inflections, which are to a great extent reproductions 
of it Some verbs in -na follow the N-inflection. Many forms of the para- 
digm, especially of the distributive, are not in use on account of their length 
and unwieldiness, but for the sake of completeness all of them had to be 
presented. 

The transitive verb kttika to strike or hit with the hand, to strike with the 
fist or clenched hand, which was selected to serve as a paradigm, becomes in 
its distributive form ktiktka or kttiktga to strike, hit with the hand each object 
separately, the full form kttiktaka being syncopated into ktuktka. For the 
sake of brevity, the addition “with the hand” is omitted. When pe’tchtka, 
the instrumental case of pé’tch foot (distr. pépatch) is added to kttika, it 
means to kick. The paradigm of kttika combines throughout the above active 


444 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


signification with the passive one of fo be struck, hit with the hand, though 
for want of space the latter was inserted in a few places only. The form 
ktikan, kttktkan shows the synthetic modus of connecting the subject- 
pronoun with the verb. 


ACTIVE AND PASSIVE VOICE OF KTUKA. 


Declarative mode. 


Present tense, absolute form : 
(Personal pronouns connected analytically and synthetically.) 

Iam striking or struck nt ktika, nia ktika, ktika nf, ktika a nd, ktikan. 
thou art striking i, ik ktika, i a kttka, kttka i, ktttka a i. 
he, she, it is striking pi ktika, pi a ktika, kttika pi, kttika a pi. 
we are striking nat, nad ktika, nat a ktika, ktika nat, ktika a nat, ktikna. 
ye are striking at ktika, at a kttika, ktika at, ktika a at, kttikat. 
they are striking sha kttka, sha a kttka, kttka sha, kttika a sha, ktikash or 

kttikatch. 


Present tense, distributive form: 

I am striking or T struck severally or each ni ktiktka, nfi a kttiktka, ktiktka 
nt, ktiktka a nf, ktiktkan. 

thou art striking severally i, ik ktuktka, i a ktuktka, ktiktka i, ktiktka a i. 

he, she, it is striking each pi ktuktka, pia ktiktka, ktiktka pi, ktiktka a pi. 

we are striking each nat ktiktka, nat a ktiktka, ktiktka nad, ktiktka a nad, 
ktuktkna. 

ye are striking each at ktiktka, at a ktiktka, ktiktka at, kttiktka a at, 
ktuktkat. 

they are striking each sha, pat ktiktka, sha a ktiktka, ktiktka sha, ktiktka a 
sha, ktiktkash or ktiktkatch. 
Present tense, usitative form: 

I strike habitually na ktikank, ni a ktikank (as above); Mod. nai kttikan. 

I strike each habitually nu ktiktkank, na a kti’ktkank, ete. 
Present tense, simultaneous or immediate form: 

IT am striking just now ni ktukaé, nti a ktuka, ete. (as above). 


I am striking each just now nt ktuktké, nia ktuktka, ete. 


PARADIGM OF KTUKA. 445 


Preterit tense, absolute form: 
(h., abbreviation of ha, htin, htink.) 
I struck, have struck nti hiink ktika, nti a hain ktika, kttikan hin. 


Preterit tense, distributive form: — 
I struck, have struck severally or each nai hank ktiktka, nti a h. kttiktka, 
kttiktkan hin. 


Other particles than ha, htin, htink may be inserted to point with accu- 
racy to the time of the act 
Future tense, absolute form : 
I shall strike ni ktikuapka or nf ktikuapk; na a ktikuapka, ktikuapka 
na, ktikuapka a nf, ktikuapkan. 


Future tense, distributive form : 
I shall strike severally or each of them nti ktiktkuapka or na ktuktkuapk, na 
a ktuktkuapka, ktiktkuapka nt, kttiktkuapka a na, kttktkuapkan. 


Conditional mode. 


Present tense, absolute form: 

I may strike, IT may have struck na ktikat, nia ktikat, ktikat nt, ktikat a 
nu, kttikatn’. 
Present tense, distributive form: 

I may strike, I may have struck severally, or each of them nti ktiktkat, nia 
kti’/ktkat, ktiktkat né, ktiktkat a na, ktiktkatn’. 


Imperative mode. 


(a) Imperative proper. 
Present tense, absolute form : 
strike thou! ktik’ i! ktuki! { ktuka! f ktaki! i-i ktuki! 
strike ye! ktik’ at! ktikat! at ktika! at ktukat! d-at ktukat! 
Present tense, distributive form : 
strike thou severally! ktiktk’ i! kttktki! i kttktka! i kttiktki! i-i ktiktki! 
strike ye severally! ktuktk’ at! ktiktkat! at ktiktka! at ktuktkat! 4-at 
ktuktkat ! 


446 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


(6) Exhortative. 
Present tense, absolute form : 
T ought to strike na ktiktki or ktiktki nfi, abbreviated also into: na ktikat, 
nti kttikant, ktikant nt. 
thou oughtest to strike i ktiktki or kttktki i, ete. 
he, she ought to strike pi ktiktki or ktuktki pi, hak. 
we ought to strike nad ktiktki or ktiktgi nad. 
ye ought to strike at ktuktki or ktiktgi at. 
they ought to strike pat ktiktki or ktiktgi pat. 
Present tense, distributive form : 
T ought to strike severally ni ktiktktgi or kttktktki nti, abbreviated also into: 
nti ktuktkat, na ktiktkant, ktiktkant a ni. 
thou oughtest to strike severally i ktiktktki ete. (as above). 
he, she ought to strike severally pi ktuktktki ete. 
w: ought to strike severally nad ktuktktgi ete. 
ye ought to strike severally at ktuktktgi ete. 
they ought to strike severally pat ktuktktki ete. 
(a) Imperative proper. 
Future tense, absolute form : 
thou shalt strike! ktikuapk’ i! i ktikuapk! i-i ktikuapk! 
ye shall strike! ktikuapk’ at! at ktikuapk! 
Future tense, distributive form: 
thou shalt strike severally! ktiktkuapk’ i! i-i ktiktkuapk! 
ye shall strike severally! ktiktkuapk’ at! at ktiktkuapk ! 
(b) Exhortative. 
The future tense shows no exhortative form, but its declarative mode 
may be used in that function. 
Participles 
Present tense, absolute form: 
striking, having struck, being struck ktikank and ktikan, Mod. kttikan. 


Present tense, distributive form : 
striking, being struck severally ktiktkank, ktiktkan, Mod. kttiktkan. 


PARADIGM OF KTUKA. 447 


Future tense, absolute form : 
going to strike ktukuapkank, ktukudpkan, Mod. ktukudpkan. 


Future tense, distributive form : 
going to strike severally ktuktkuapkank, ktuktkuapkan, Mod. ktuktkuapkan. 


Preterit tense, absolute form : 
having struck ; transitive verbs mostly used passively: struck, hit, having 
been struck. 
kttikatko the one struck; pl. the ones struck. 
ktukapkash the one struck and to the one struck. 
ktukapkam of the one struck. 
ktukapkamti about or on the one struck. 
ktukapkatat, contr. ktukapkat in, on, upon the struck one (inanimate). 
ktukapkamkshizé'ni toward or at the lodge of the one struck. 
ktukapkamkshi where the one struck lives. 
ktukapkamksaksi right where the one struck 1s. 
ktukapkashtala toward the one struck. 


Preterit tense, distributive form: 
having struck severally; more frequently having been struck severally, or hit 
singly, but at different times or by different individuals : 
ktuktkatko the one struck; pl. the ones struck severally. 
ktuktkapkash the one struck, or to the one struck s. 
ktuktkapkam of the one struck s. 
ktuktkapkamti about or on the one struck s. 
ktuktkaépkatat, contr. ktuktkapkat in, on, upon the one struck s. (inanimate). 
ktuktkapkamkshize’ni foward or at the lodge of the one struck s. 
ktuktkapkamkshi where the one s. struck lives. 
ktuktkapkamksaksi right where the s. struck one is. 
ktuktkapkashtala toward the ones struck severally.* 


Pluperfect tense, absolute form : 
after having struck (and passive), ktukélank, ktuktlank, ktukdlan, ktukulan, 
Mod. ktukélan, ktukilan. 


*ktukdtko and its d. form are also inflected with the auxiliary verb gi; cf. below. 


448. GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Pluperfect tense, distributive form: 
after having struck severally ktuktkélank, ktuktktlank, Mod. ktuktkdlan, 
ktuktkilan. 


The form -dlank, -dlank with its proper meaning—‘‘ceasing, or having 
ceased”—is of more frequent use than the form -tkank, Mod. -tkan; ef. 
Suffix -tka. 

Verbals. 

Infinitive, absolute form : 
to strike, to be struck or hit ktika. 

Infinitive, distributive form : 
to strike, to be struck or hit severally ktiktka. 

Verbal indefinite (past-present) in -ash, absolute form : 
the act of striking ktikash, syncop. kttksh, ktuks. 
the father’s striking ptisham kttikash. 
my striking gé-u ktikash, or kttksh ké-u. 
thy striking mi ktikash, or ktiks mi. 
his, her, its striking ktikash m’na, p’na. 
our striki..g nalam kttikash, kttiksh. 
your striking malam ktuikash. 
their striking m’ndlam, p’ndlam kttikash. 
the striking by others than the grammatic subject of the sentence: kttikasham, 

syneop. kttiksham. 
for, on account of, about striking ktikashti, ktikshti. 
at the time of striking ktukshé’mi, kttikshiim. 
while, when striking ktikashi, ktikshi. 
going to, on the point of striking ktikashtka, kttkashtka gi. 

Verbal indefinite in -ash, distributive form : 
the act or acts of striking severally ktiktkash, syneop. ktiktksh. 
the father’s striking sev. p'tisham kttiktkash. 
my striking s @é-u ktiktkash, ktiktk’sh ké-u. 
thy striking s. mi ktiktkash. 
his, her, its striking s. m’na, p’na kttiktkash. 


our striking s. ndilam ktiktkash. 


PARADIGM OF KTUOKA. 449 


your striking s. mélam ktitktkash. 

their striking s w’ndlam, p’ndlam ktiktkash. 

the striking severally by others than the grammatic subject of the sentence: 
ktiktkasham. 

for, on account of, about striking s. ktiktkashti. 

at the time of striking s. ktuktkashé’mi, kttiktkashiim. 

while, when striking s. ktiktkashi. 

going to, on the point of striking s. ktiktkashtka, ktiktkashtka gi. 


Verbal indefinite (past-present) in -ish, absolute form: 
(The syncopated forms are identical with those of the verbal in 
-ash. ) 
one who strikes or is struck ktukish, syncop. ktiksh, kttiks. 
others striking than the subject of the sentence: ktuikisham. 
For, on account of, about one striking ktukishti. 
at the time of one striking ktukishé’mi. 
while, when one is striking ktikishi. 
one going to strike ktukishtka, kttkishtka gi. 
Verbal indefinite in -ish, distributive form : 
one who strikes severally ktiktkish, syneop. ktiktksh. 
others striking s. than the subject of the sentence: ktuktkisham. 
for, on account of striking s. ktuktkishti. 
at the time of one striking s. kttiktkishé’mi. 
while, when one is striking s. kttiktkishi. 
one going to strike s. ktiktkishtka, kttiktkishtka gi. 


Verbal conditional in -sht, absolute form : 


when, after, on account of striking, having or being struck ktikasht, syne. ktiksht. 
when the chief has struck lakiash ktikasht. 

when, after I have struck nish (nish) kttikasht, ktiksht. 

when thou hast struck mish ktikasht. 

when he, she, it has struck pish ktikasht. 

when we have struck nalash (na‘Ish, na’sh) kttikasht. 

when ye have struck malash (ma‘Ish) kttikasht. 


when they have struck shash kttikasht. 
29 


450 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Verbal conditional in -sht, distributive form : 
when, after, on account of striking, having or being struck severally ktiktkasht. 
when the chief has struck s. lakiash kttiktkasht. 
when, after I have struck s. nish (nish) kttiktkasht. 
when thou hast struck s. mish kttiktkasht. 
when he, she, it has struck s. pish ktiktkasht. 
when we have struck s. nalash (na‘Ish) ktiktkasht. 
when ye have struck s. malash (ma‘Ish) kttiktkasht. 
when they have struck s. shash ktiktkasht. 


Verbal preterit in -uish, absolute form : 
the fact of having struck, the past act of striking or being struck ktikuish. 


Verbal preterit in -uish, distributive form : 
the fact of having struck severally; the past act or acts of striking severally 
ktuktkuish. 
Verbal causative in -éga, -uk, absolute form : 
Jor striking, in order to strike, because striking ktikuga, ktikug, ktikok, 
ktikog, ktukéga, ktikuk. Future tense: ktukuapkiga, ete. 
Verbal causative in -éga, -uk, distributive form: 


Jor striking, in order to strike, because striking severally ktuktkiga, ktiktkuk, 
ktiktkug, ktuktkéga, ktuktkog, ktuktkok. Future: ktuktakuapktga. 


For forms like gitkiug, meitgiug, see Verbal intentional. 
Verbal durative in -tita, absolute form: 
while striking ktukita, ktukéta. 
Verbal durative in -uta, distributive form: 


while striking severally ktuktkuta, ktuktkéta. 


Verbal intentional in -tki, absolute form: 


in order to strike, for the purpose of striking ktuktki, ktiktgi; when pro- 
nounced indifferently, ktiktka, ktiktk. 


Verbal intentional in -tki, distributive form : 


in order to strike severally ktiktaktki, ktiktaktgi. 


PARADIGM OF KTUKA. 451 


The absolute as well as the distributive form undergoes periphrastic 
conjugation through the addition of the auxiliary gi in all its inflectional 
forms: gi, gitiga, giank, gitila, gish, gisht, ete. 


in order to strike ktiktki gi, d. ktuktaktki gi. 
in order to strike kttktki giug, d. ktuktaktki giug; in the contracted form, 
ktuktgitga, ktuktgiug ete. 


THE PASSIVE VOICE. 


Although the passive voice is in form identical throughout with the 
active voice of the transitive verb, there is a periphrastic conjugation which 
has exclusively a passive signification. It is the participle in -tko connected 
with the auxiliary gi. Thus we have nia ktikatko gi I am struck; literally, 
“T am the struck or hit one”; ‘I am the one who was struck.” The 
striking subject, whenever mentioned, is added in the possessive case, as 
with all other passive forms: i a kil6’sham kttikatko gi thow art or hast 
been struck by an angry \person), or is expressed by a possessive pronoun. 
The paradigm for the past-present tense is as follows: 


nia kttikatko gi J am struck. 

ia ktikatko gi thou art struck. 

pia ktukatko gi he, she, it is struck. 
nad a kttikatko gi we are struck. 

at a ktikatko gi ye are struck. 

sha, pat a ktikatko gi they are struck. 


Thus the periphrastic conjugation goes on through the distributive 
form, kttktkatko, and through all the tenses, modes, participles, and verbals 
of gi (gi’t, giank, giug etc.) : 


nia hfink ktiktkatko gi I was struck at different times. 
pia ktikatko gi-uapk he will be struck. 
ktikatko gi’sht on account of being struck. 


The medial, reflective, reciprocal, causative voices are inflected just like 
the active voice. 


452 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


THE INTRANSITIVE VOICE. 


Its inflection differs from that of the active voice only by the fact that 
the subject standing in the singular number governs the absolute form of 
the verb, the subject in the plural the distributive form, which performs the 
same function here as the plural of owr verbs. Of course this applies only 
to verbs on which the dual and plural are not formed by a radical syllable 
differing from that of the singular, as in htwa, tuishua, tinua. It is sufficient 


to give the present tense of one intransitive verb as an example: 


I sit inacircle ntva liupka liupka nat liupkan 
ia liupka liupka i 
pi a liupka liupka pi 
we sit in a circle nad a lilupka lilupka nad lilupkna 
at a lilupka lilupka at lilupkat 
sha a lilupka lilupka sha lilupkash 
THE IMPERSONAL VOICE. 


The impersonal verbs, as seen above, are either verbs with personal 
object or objectless verbs. It will suffice to show the inflection of the 
former only, since it is identical with that of the latter with the object 
omitted. The object, if a personal pronoun, is usually placed after the verb. 
I have selected the verb tiii’/ma nish J feel hungry, which shows only one 
irregularity, that of forming its distributive as tetiii’ma instead of tita-a’ma. 
The plural is formed as in the intransitive verbs, and although the distribu- 


tive form is more expressive tiii’ma ndlash, mélash, shash may be used also. 


PARADIGM OF TIA’MA NUSH I feel hungry. 
gry. 


Declarative mode. 
Present tense : 


Tam hungry: tii’ma niish, nish nish a tiii’ma tii/mansh 


tiii/ma mish mish a tiii’ma tii’ mamsh 


we are hungry: 


tiii’ma pish, htinkésh 

tetiii’ma and tid’ma nalash, 
naIsh, na’sh 

tetiii’ma ma’lash, ma’Ish 


tetiii’ma shash 


pish a tidi’ma 

na‘lsh a tetiii’ma, 
tifi’ma. 

ma’Ish a tetiii’ma 


shash a tetiii’ma 


THE U iNFLECTION. 453 


Preterit tense: 
I was, have been hungry tii’ma nitish hank ; tiii’mansh hiin., 


we were, have been hungry tetiii’ma, titi’ma na‘Ish hink. 


Future tense: 
T shall be hungry titimudpka nish. 
T shall be hungry tit’ma tak nish (Mod.). 
we shall be hungry tetitimuapka, tiiimuapka nalash. 
we shall be hungry tetiii’ma tak, tiii’ma tak nalash (Mod.). 


Conditional mode. 


I may be hungry tii’mat nish. 
we may be hungry tetiii’mat, tiii’mat nalash. 


Imperative and exhortative mode (wanting). 
!} 5 
Participles and Verbals (used in the sense of an active verb). 
tiii’mantko, tetiii’mantko hungry or hungering, 90, 12. 
tii’mash, tetiii’mash the condition of being hungry. 
tiii’masht, tetiii’masht having been hungry ete. 
’ « e 
tid’muk, tetia’mulk for being hungry, 95, 13. 
’ “ fy « Y; 7 
A few verbs in -a, like ma’sha to be sick, are using forms derived from 
verbs in -i. Cf. the “‘I-inflection.” 


THE U-INFLECTION. 


The vowel -u, which terminates these verbs, alternates in almost every 
instance with -o; and there are two classes of these verbs: (1) such as 
show -u, -o as a constant terminal vowel; (2) verbs in -ua, -wa, which 
occasionally suppress the final -a, though it re-appears in some forms of con- 
jugation. The first class shows but a small number of verbs, but there are 
several verbs which are apt to substitute -u (and -i) for -a whenever the 
meaning of the verb is required to undergo alteration: gatpna fo arrive ; 
gatpnu to arrive at a distant place. Cf. Suffix -u. 

Verbs following the U-inflection add the usual inflectional suffixes, as 
-tiga, -6ta, -tki, -tko, -ash, -ank, -an, -uish to the verbal stem, which ends in 
-u,-o. When the suffix begins with a vowel, this vowel forms synizesis 


454 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


with the u foregoing in the No 1 class of verbs; but in the No. 2 class it is 
optional for the speaker to contract the two vowels or to pronounce them 
separately. 

Class No. 1: gatpnti to arrive out there: gitpnink for gatpnuank 
tamenti to travel; tamendtka to return from travel; taménug for taménu-ug, 
verbal causative. 

Class No. 2: mémuatko or mémiitko camped in the prairie; héshkuank 


or héshkunk betting with each other; shii‘tuank or sii’tunk counting. 


A full paradigm seems unnecessary. 


THE I-INFLECTION. 


There are several classes of verbs following the inflection in -i or -e: 
(1) verbs having no other suffix but -i, -e, which is the suffixed pronominal 
particle hi, hi; (2) verbs ending in the compound sufhix -ia, -ea (not the 
emphasized -fa, -iya, -éa), of which the final -a is sometimes suppressed in 
the absolute form to re-appear in other forms of inflection; cf Alahi and 
aldhia, spukli and sptiklia; (3) verbs in -i, which have a parallel form in 
-a, as kiki and kika; (4) verbs in -a, of which some inflectional forms 
show -i, -e, where -a is expected. 

The verbs in -i subjoin to themselves the inflectional endings in the 
usual way; and when the suffixes begin with a vowel, synizesis takes place 
but exceptionally, as in gi’nk, gi’n for giank, gian existing. The -i is elided, 


however, in the verbs ending in -tli (-dli) and in -péli (-p’l, -pli), as follows: 


gatpampéli to return home ; gatpampalank, not gatpampéliank. 


wetdli to fall down; wetdlank, not wetéliank or wetdélink. 


Of classes 3 and 4 the following instances may suffice: 


ma’sha to be sick; mashitko, mashetko sick, suffering. 
ntita, v. intr. to burn; nutish the fact of burning. 
shnita to dry by the fire; shnutétko parched, dried. 
spekpéla to squint; spekpelitko squinting. 


shnawakitko wearing a necklace, from shnawaka, has to be explained as 
a contraction of its longer form, shnawdkash gitko. 


THE L-INFLECTION. 455 


THE L-INFLECTION. PARADIGM. 


The verbs following this inflection terminate in -al or -la, and were 
originally verbs in -ala (not -Ala). ‘Their paradigm differs from that of the 
verbs in -a only by the occasional dropping of the short a before or after 
the 1, which dropping is caused by the shifting of the accent, and this by 
the length or bulk of the suffix appended. The verbs in -al inflect as follows: 

Declarative mode. 
nia patkal I rise from bed or sleep. 
nia papatkal I rise at different times. 
na patkaluapka, Mod. nf patkal tak J shall rise. 
Conditional mode. 

ni pitklat (for patkalat) 7 may rise. 
Imperative mode. 

pitkal i! arouse! patklat! arouse ye! get up! 
Participles. 

patklank rising; paklatko risen. 
Verbals. 

pitkalsh gé-u my rising; nish patkalsht after I had risen; patkaluish 
gé-u my previous rising; patkaliga, patkéluk, patkluk in order to 
rise; patkaléta while rising; patkaltgi for the purpose of rising ; 
patkalshtka on the point of rising. 

The distributive form is inflected in the same manner. 


The verbs in -la, -shla re-instate the short a before -] when suffixes 
beginning with a consonant are appended, vocalic suffixes producing no 
change from the paradigm of the verbs in -a. Example: sptiklishla to erect 
a sweat-lodge. 

Participles. 
spuklishaltko @ sweat-lodge having been erected. 
Verbals. 
sptklishalsh, spuklishalsht, spuklishaltki, spuklishalshtka. 
THE N-INFLECTION. PARADIGM. 


This mode of inflection embodies the verbs in -n and those in -na (for- 
merly -ina); the same phonetic laws control it as the previous inflection. 


456 GRAMMAR.OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


The only difference-from this lies in the circumstance that in some verbs in 
-n, -na the n is deciduous, while in others it maintains itself through all the 
verbal forms. To these latter belong those verbs which have a simple form 
besides the form in -na: hiidsha fo run, hidshna to run to some distance ; gtika 
to climb, gtikna to climb some way up, ete.; also the verbs originally ending in 
-ina, as gasaktchna to follow. 

1. The verbs in -n. They are very limited in number and terminate 
in -an or -in (utchin to fish with net, and others on page 357); they preserve 
the -n in the declarative mode of the absolute and distributive form, present 
tense, but drop it in the future tense, the conditional mode, the participles 
and verbals of both forms. 

We subjoin the paradigm of pén to eat, d. papan to eat at different times 
or to eat various kinds of food, as characteristic of this class of the N-inflection: 

Declarative mode. : 
nti a pan J eat; nti a papan. 
nti a htnk pan TI ate, have eaten; ni a htink papan. 
nia pa-uapka I shall eat; ni a papa-uapka. 
Conditional mode. 

nti a pa't, pat; ni a papat. 
Imperative mode. 

pan i! pan at! d. papan i! paépan at! 
Participles. 

pa-ank, pa‘nk KI, pa-an, pa‘’n Mod.; d. papank, papan. 

patko eaten, consumed; d. papatko. 
Verbals. 

pa’sh, pash; d. papash. 

pa’sht; d. papasht. 

pa-uish ; d. papa-uish. 

pa-uk, pa-tiga; d. pap’uk, pap’tiga, paptiga. 

pa-éta, pa-uta; d. pap’éta, pap’lita, papota. 

patki, patgi; d. papatki, papatgi. 

pa’shtka; d. papashtka, papdshtga gi. 


THE N-INFLECTION. 457 


2 The verbs in -na with deciduous suffix retain the -n in the absolute, 
but drop it in the distributive form. Except for this small difference, their 
inflection is regular, and follows the A-inflection. 

ktana to sleep; d. ktikta and kakta. 

kshéna to carry on the arm; da. kshéksha. 

y ; 
syéna to row, paddle; d szxésya. 


, , . , és f2 
wina, shuina fo sing; d. wiwa, shuishua. 


Even in the derivatives of the verb shuina the dropping of the -n 
occurs: shuindla to sing repeatedly; d. shuishuala. 

The inflection of the verbs retaining the -na, -n throughout does not 
differ from that of the verbs in -la, but for the change of this consonant. 
A few verbs show both forms, e. g., kléna to hop on one leg; d. klékla and 
kléklana. 

3. Derivatives of verbs in -na, which are formed by means of suffixes 
beginning with -p, as -pka, -péli, and also the oblique cases of the past 
participle of verbs, which retain their -na, change n into m before the -p 
following : 

géna to go: gémpka, gémpéle, gémpkash (for génapkash). 

hutna to run some distance: hutimpka, hitampéle. 


stiltchna to report: stiltchampéli, stiltchampkam ete. 


This nasalization is also observed in the inchoative verbal suffix -tampka 
and in the oblique cases of many participles in -ntko, -antko, which cannot 
be derived from any existing verb ending in -na. Thus we have tinzantko 
obtaining by chance, obj. case tinzampkash; tilhuantko flooded, obj. case 
tilhuampkash (with others to be found under suffix -antko), although there 
are no verbs tinzna, tilhuana, but only tinza, tilhua. Facts like these have 
to be ascribed to a certain tendency prevailing in the language to nasalize 
explosive sounds, surd and sonant, especially when they stand at the end 
of words. 

PARTICLES USED AS VERBS. 

In the previous pages I had no opportunity of mentioning an extraor- 

dinary method of forming verbs observed inthe Klamath language—that of 


using particles as verbs. Particles used in this way are not susceptible of 


458 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


inflection, and participate of the nature of the verb on.y through their con- 
nection with personal pronouns. We are almost compelled to assume ellip- 
sis of gi or some other verb; but if we do so, why are not many other par- 


ticles used in the same way? These particles are as follows: 


eétak, gii’tak, at kii’tak so far, enough, in Modoc kanktak ; used as a 
verb in the sense of to stop, cease, quit. Tstti nat at gii’tak after this we ceased 
(fighting), 24, 38; tehin at nat at gii’tak nddni taménotk so 1, when we quit 
(fighting) I had returned (from there) three times, 25, 2. kanktak shapéle 
ktetég’ i! stop cutting bread! Cf. kanktak gi’n wawalkan sitting down quietly, 
34, 13; lit. “doing just so much as sitting.” 


hi-itok down, on the ground (emphatic); verbified into: to sit or lie down. 
In 34, 11, hi-itdk at corresponds to the English “down with ye and be still !” 


katak, d. kaktak trady; katak and katak gi fo tell the truth. At kaktak 
pila! tell ye nothing but the truth! The Modocs have kana, katehdén, and 
kana tchek for truly, certainly, surely. 


lé wak, lé wak ka-a, li’ uk ga-a to be undecided, irresolute about some- 
thing; tsti nat lé wak ka-d, or tsui li a nat wik ka-A then we were quite 
undecided what to do, 21, 18; lii nat wak galdsawia-a! we do not know whether 
we should approach or not! 22, 2; lé hai né mish nen tk! J do not know how 
to call you! (Mod.) where nen stands for fo call and t’k for wak. The 
Modoes also say: ka-i wak, ka-i uk gé-a, or simply uk ga-a, wak kéa-a. 
These particles are placed in connection with a verb (né-ulya) in 22, 
Us, (nay, Ih, 


nen, oral particle referring to what is or was said or heard, is some- 
times used instead of shéshatko thus named, or shésha, élya to give name: 
nen Aishish tehé ha? shall I call you Aishish? nént nént (for nen at)! 
call me thus! right so! (Mod.) 


IV.—DERIVATIUON. 


Although the Klamath language can be considered to be built up rather 


upon analytic than upon synthetic principles, there are two departments in 


VERBAL DERIVATION. 459 


it in which it is not only synthetic, but polysynthetic—the inflection of the 
noun and the derivation of verbs by prefixes and suftixes. 

The great complexity perceptible in the derivation of verbs and verbal 
nouns is sufficiently apparent from the long lists which I have devoted to 
prefixation and suffixation, to both kinds of reduplication, to vocalic anath- 
esis, and other contrivances for verb-deriving. It would be useless to repeat 
this here; and all I can do is to give some general points of view upon the 
synthetic powers of the language, and to refer readers to the derivation of 
the substantive, adjective, and numeral noun, where cognate matters are 
spoken of. 

In our Klamath Lake and Modoc texts short words are the rule and 
polysynthetic words the exception. But the mere fact that these can occur 
forces us to consider them, and to account for the laws presiding over their 
formation. Prefixes aggregate only to the number of three, and suffixes to 
the number of five, though this number of derivational suffixes may be 
increased by inflectional suffixes. Prefixes either indicate the voice of the 
verb, or the number or external shape of the verbal object or subject. Suf- 
fixes are either of a material or a relational character, as pointed out on 
page 280. Those of a material function chiefly point to location or different 
modes of motion, and are much more numerous and polysynthetie than the 
relational ones; their great number being largely due to the circumstance 
that what we express analytically by certain adverbs and prepositions these 
natives express synthetically by suffixation to the verbal base. In the in- 
flection of verbs suffixes only, no prefixes, are employed. 

Verbal derivatives are formed from all the four species of roots dis- 
cussed on page 250 sqq.—onomatopoetic, interjectional, pronominal, and 
predicative, although the two first-named occur in very few verbs only. 
In some verbs it is difficult to distinguish between the sounds forming the 
prefix and those constituting the radix, as may be gathered from the List 
of Prefixes, under e-, i-, yan-, yu-, ma-, and others. 

In intransitive verbs we meet initial syllables, like hu-, tush-, tin-, he-, 
we-, klush-, kish-, lu-, luk-, which cannot be considered as prefixes, but must 
be taken for roots employed to distinguish number. ‘The signification of the 
verbs formed by these often differs somewhat from that of parallel verbs 


460 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


formed with roots pointing to another number of the verb. Thus wénka, 
e. g., when applied to more than one subject, means fo die, like k’léka (used 
for one subject), but its real meaning is to stretch the legs. 

A few suflixes, like -éga, -tka, -tita, are used for both derivational and 
inflectional purposes, but these may be easily distinguished from each other, 
as the former necessarily precede the latter. Both kinds of affixes may be 
studied in their variety of combination from the Dictionary, and in their 
simpler forms and true functions from the “ Recapitulations” contained on 
pages 302 and 303 (Prefixes), and pages 3895-398 (Suffixes). 

‘Nothing can give a better idea of the Indians’ vivid and natural manner 
of considering objects or phenomena of nature and acts of man than the 
study of these affixes and their combinations. A motion performed in a 
straight line is referred to differently from another done in a zigzag, curvi- 
linear, or interrupted line, or from a motion performed sidewise or obliquely 
or at a distance from the one speaking, circumstances which it would sel- 
dom occur to us to express in European languages. A large number of 
instances could be adduced to show the pictorial tendency of the language 
in expressing form or appearance, the conditions under which an act is per- 
formed, ete The description of the exterior of the verbal subject or object 
is an especially graphic and interesting feature, and as this feature has been 
dwelt upon at length in the chapter on Prefixes, it will suffice to give some 
examples taken from the northern dialect : 


na’sh ni mish né-i tala J pay you one dollar (in the form of one note). 
nti mish papkash ttya I give you a club. 

léwash nti liya hoa/nkiésh [ give him a play-ball. 

tima nti mish anku yani J give you many sticks or clubs. 

la’p léwash nat mish péwi J give you two play-balls. 

watsag nti kshtiya ma‘Ish J give a dog to you. 

lt’gs nti hank spunt hi’/nkiash J gave or transferred a slave to him. 
dmpti i tehiya nish you give me water. 

tchulé’ks nai tehiléya hii’nksh J give him meat. 

fwam nti skaya mish I give you whortleberries in a basket. 


pila-ash nfi shai malsh I give you bread on a plate. 


THE SUBSTANTIVE NOUN. 461 


, A 


shewana ni ma'lsh tala, watsag, lt’gs, Ampu, tehulé’ks, jwam, pAla-ash 
I give you money, dogs, slaves, several cups or pails of water, several 
1 ? ’ ? ’ 


pieces of meat, a quantity of berries, bread. 


Form or exterior is described not only in the verb, but in the noun 


also in the sentences following : 


lutish ni litya I pick a berry, round fruit. 
utish nai utya I pick a long-shaped frutt. 
Itash luyii’ga the fog lifts. 

luash lidshna the fog is moving. 


THE SUBSTANTIVE. 


The substantive belongs to that division of speech which we call the 
noun, and is the most important representative of it. Outside of the sub- 
stantive noun, the other nominal forms are the adjective noun, which in the 
Klamath language also embodies the indefinite verbal in -sh and the past 
participle in -tko, the numeral noun, and the pronoun. A few postpositions 
are also formed by means of nominal cases. The Klamath verb, which is 
a noun-verb, partakes more of the quality of a noun than the noun does of 
the nature of the verb. In fact, only a limited number of Klamath sub- 
stantives (no adjectives) can assume a temporal character through the suffix 
-uish; these are all derivatives of verbs, nomina verbalia, and we are free to 
consider them as verbal forms or as nouns, though, in English, substantives 
will render their meaning more accurately than any verbal form. In the 
substantive of the Algonkin languages the verb-character is more apparent. 
The grammatic categories which we distinguish in the Klamath noun 
are case, gender, and number (in the form of severalty). But gender be- 
comes apparent only in the substantive and a few pronouns; severalty is 
not distinguished in a portion of the pronouns and substantives. Case 
alone appears in all the four species of the noun. 
In regard to the classification of the various kinds of substantives, I 
intend-to use the same terms as the English grammarians. Substantives 


are either concrete or abstract; the concrete are either generic or specific. 


462 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Proper names and names of species will be included in the specific class; 
collective nouns mainly belong to the class of generic terms. 

As regards derivation, a majority of the substantives are derived from 
the same bases which form verbs, by means of the universal noun-making 
suffix -sh (-ash, -ish etc). The prefixes occurring in substantives are iden- 
tical with those occurring in the verb. 

I shall consider the morphology of the substantive under the following 
headings: (1) Gender; (2) Absolute and distributive form; (3) Inflection 


for case; (4) Derivation. 


I. ANIMATE AND INANIMATE GENDER. 


The language makes a general distinction between what I call animate 
beings and inanimate objects of nature, but does not draw the limit between 
the two with accuracy. Both classes show the same affixes in the subjective 
and in most of the other cases, and resemble each other largely, the main 
point of distinction being in the objective case. ‘To form this case, the ani- 
mate gender appends -ash to the subjective case, while the inanimate forms it like 
the subjective case. Other points of distinction are that the animate gender 
lacks the suffix -tat, -at as a docative suffix, and seldom uses the suffix -tka. 


of the follow- 


The animate gender is made up, grammatically speaking, 
ing classes of substantive nouns: Generic terms for and proper names of men 
and women, quadrupeds, the genii and miraculous beings of Indian mythol- 
ogy, and many inanimate objects when mentioned in mythic tales. Terms 
of relationship ending in -p do not assume the mark of the objective case. 

The inanimate gender includes the generic and specific names for birds, 
fishes, and the lower animals; for all plants, as trees, weeds, bulbs, ete.; for 
the objects of inorganic nature; for the portions and limbs of the human 
and animal body; as well as all collective nouns, whether applied to inani- 
mate objects or not, and the abstract nouns. 

Wher adjectives, numerals, or participles are joined to substantives to 
qualify them, their ending -sh remains the same in the objective case, whether 
the noun they qualify represents an animate or an inanimate object. 

Some exceptions to the above rules occur, to be mentioned under the 


case-ending -ash, which are not easily accounted for. The more general 


ABSOLUTE AND DISTRIBUTIVE FORM. 463 


use of the suffix -ash in the mythic stories may be explained by a sort of 
personification, or, in poetry, by the requirement of the rhythm. Plt forms 
plu in the objective case when it signifies fat, grease ; but used as the proper 
name of a person, it forms Pliash; shléa /ynz, though a quadruped, has no 
form shléash, neither has yuht buffalo: ha tam yuhtt lueldlish gi he killed 
many buffaloes, though both belong to the category of quadrupeds, which is 
inflected like that of persons. Here the reason may be that these nouns 
were made from finite verbs without change or suffixation, and finite verbs 
being unable to take nominal endings, these substantives remained as they 
were. 

The inflection of the Klamath verb contains no forms relating either to 
animate or inanimate objects or subjects by making distinctions between 
the two, as we see it done in Nahuatl by the objective incorporated. parti- 
cles te-, tla-, tetla-. The prefixes relating to shape, as ksh-, i-, ta- (t-), u- 
and others, refer to one or several long objects or subjects without discrim- 
inating between animate and inanimate. 

I have called the two genders by the names animate and inanimate, 
but leave it to others to invent more appropriate designations, if any can 
be found, as ‘noble and ignoble”, ‘personal and impersonal ”, ete. 

Neither the Klamath pronoun nor the verb or substantive distinguishes 
between the male and female sex by grammatic forms. Klamath does not 
belong to the sex-denoting languages, and, indeed, the class is rather small 
upon the Western Continent. Wherever a distinction of this sort is made 
in the substantive, it is made by agglutinating some sexual distinction (cf. 
95, 14) to the noun, as is done in some Tinné and Maya languages and 
in the Tonica. The Carib alone seems to have a real suffix for the fem- 


inine. 
Il ABSOLUTE AND DISTRIBUTIVE FORM. 


Like the substantive of many other agglutinative languages, the Kla- 
math substantive possesses no special forms to indicate number, either for 
the singular or dual and plural, and the plural number requires to be pointed 
out by special words, as pronouns, adjectives, or numeral adjectives. When 


the substantive is the subject of an intransitive verb, its dual and plural 


464 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


number can be declared by the distributive form of the verb. The same 
may be done when it is the object of a transitive verb, in case each one of 
the objects is acted upon separately. 

With a few exceptions, to be pointed out below, the distributive form 
of substantives marks severalty, not plurality, as shown by several instances 
on page 262 sq. It follows from this that the absolute form of the sub- 
stantive points to the singular no more than to the dual or plural, and that 
the distributive stands also either for the singular or for the dual or plural. 
Thus ttit is one tooth or many teeth, d. titat each of the single teeth or each col- 
lection of teeth; pétch the foot, a foot, one foot, or the feet, feet, many feet, a. 
pépatch each foot, each pair of feet, each pair or lot of pairs, or lot of feet; 
tapay leaf or leaves, d. tatpay each leaf, every leaf for itself, each lot of leaves. 

Connected with this is another peculiarity of the language—the lack of 
any term that could be construed as representing our definite and indefinite 
article. Only the run of the sentence can teach us whether @ tooth or the 
tooth, whether squirrel or the or a squirrel is meant, but usually there is no 
doubt about this matter. Thus the very use of the distributive form points 
to certain objects held in view or mentioned in the context, and suggests 
the use of our the; demonstrative pronouns and particles also point to defi- 
nite objects. The numeral na‘dsh, na’sh means one, d. nanash every single 
one, and sometimes corresponds to our indefinite article. If quantity or 
number has to be specified, a numeral or adjective will serve the purpose. 
Thus duality is indicated by lapi, la’p tio, lapuk both; plurality by any 
numeral above two, or by tiimi many, tumidaga a few only, nanuk all, every 
one, nainka some, a few. 

Among the almost countless number of substantives in the language, 
there is a class which does not reduplicate at all, another thai appears only 
in the distributive form, another embodying the names of relationship, ete. 
All these special classes will be discussed hereafter. 

We can distinguish the following different modes of reduplication in 
substantives : 

1. The regular form occurs in substantives of an abstract as well as of 
a conerete signification: Anku tree, d.a-anku; bitnuish drinker, d. bubdnuish; 


kish untruth, lie, a. ktkish. 


USE OF THE DISTRIBUTIVE FORM. 46) 


2. Substantives occurring in the distributive form alone are few in num- 
ber and unite both functions—that of a real plural and that of indicating 
severalty. 


lilp, contr. for ltilap eyes; na’sh lulp one eye, though lilp is used for one 
eye also. 

mii’miikli, generic term for wild ducks and geese. 

mtimuatch ears, both ears, the hearing apparatus; né-ighstani or na’sh 
mumuatch one ear (Mod.). 

tataksni, obj. case tatikiash children; wéash one child. 

wéwanuish, contr. wéwansh women; snawedsh one woman. 


3. Substantives which occur in both forms and in the distributive may 
be used as well as real plurals for all forms marking severalty. This class 
is composed of such terms for persons as most frequently occur in conver- 


sational language. 


hihashuaks men, husbands, and each man or husband. 
lalaki chiefs of a tribe, and each chief. 

shashamoks relatives and each relative. 

shishudga girls and each girl. 

titsga-dga old parents and each old parent. 


wéwanuish women and each woman. 


4. Substantives occurring in one form only, either the absolute, or the dis- 
tributive form. Some lack the latter form for several causes, chief of which 
is the difficulty or impossibility of pronouncing a reduplication of the initial 
syllable, or the iteration of which would be repugnant to the native ear. 
Many of these nouns are the products of tterative reduplication. Thus we 
have: Aha-ash species of crows, lyelyatanash harness, nanashgish butcher, 
nkankatuish fetlocks, shtchishtchaggédshnish trotting-horse, shtoshtétish go- 


. pher, vushii chest, watch horse. With these and many other terms severalty 


has to be indicated by an adjective or numeral serving as an attribute, or 

by the verb of the sentence, plurality by adjectives like timi many, ete. 
Collective nouns, generally speaking, do not reduplicate distributively, 

but prefer syntactic means to express severalty and large number. There 

are, however, some which do so reduplicate, and .in fact there is no strin- 
30 


466 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


gent reason why they should not. Terms adopted from foreign languages 
make no exception. Kiii’m jish rarely takes the d. form kékiiim, and such 
terms as ko'l, a species of bulb, iwam berry, shmayam bristle rarely use their 
distributive form as collectives. To this series belong terms like kshuksh- 
i¢éyash grease of animals, lik seed and marrow, kélé-ush sand, lézash roe, 
muishmush cattle, pala-ash flour (pala-ash liklatko loaf of bread), shapéle flour, 
shigga-i sugar, tchikémen metal, iron, copper etc., we'sh ice. 

Some nouns indicating a homogeneous solid or liquid mass, like 4mpu 
water, ké’sh snow, shtie pitch, resin form a-Ambu, kékésh, shtishtie. 

4. The terms of relationship in -p (-ap, -ip) for the larger part redupli- 
cate only the suffix into -ishap to indicate severalty; only a few of them 
show both modes of reduplication. The whole process is spoken of at 
length on pp. 275. 276. 

5. Nouns adopted from foreign languages. No rule can be established 
determining which of these will reduplicate and which will not, although the 
Klamath language has a considerable faculty of transforming foreign terms 
according to its own phonetic rules and forming derivatives from them. 
Terms exhibiting the distributive reduplication are the following: Adak salt, 
d. 4-adak; etchmtina purple salnon, d. i-atchmina; ipshiina swamp-dogberry, 
d. i-apshitina (all from the Shasti language); Bdstin American, d. Bobdstin; 
kApo coat, dress, d. kakpo; mitash leggings, d. mimdash; stikshui shoe, boot, 
d. stishakshui; tala dollar, money, d. tatala. 


Ill. INFLECTION FOR CASE. 


Klamath may be counted among the languages of America which have 
reached the most extensive development in regard to case-inflection. Many 
relations of the noun, expressed in other languages through the verb, are 
rendered here by a supply of nominal cases, and thereby a thorough-going 
differentiation is brought about between the noun and the verb. Like 
the Basque language, Klamath possesses the faculty of forming compound 
or polysynthetic suffixes in its inflection. This profusion of cases forms a 
striking contrast to the entire lack of case-inflection observed in many of 
the agglutinative families, especially when we consider the circumstance 
that every noun has a double inflection on account of being inflected also 


_ 


INFLECTION FOR CASE. 467 


distributively. The inflection of the adjective and numeral adjective is not 
quite so rich in forms as that of the substantive. 


CASE-SUFFIXES AND CASE-POSTPOSITIONS. 


The numerous forms of nominal inflection, called cases by gramma- 
rians, may be divided into two categories: (a) the purely grammatic cases, 
expressing mere relation of one noun to another, and being only three in 
number, the subjective, direct-objective, and possessive case; (b) all the other 
cases, as instrumental, inessive, adessive. They are either locatives or take 
their origin in some locative relation of the noun to the verb. 

But this purely logical division of cases does not always work well 
when practically applied to existing languages. It cannot be rigidly ap- 
plied in a grammar of the Klamath language, for here the case of the 
direct object is also that of the indirect object, and the possessive case is 
also that which corresponds to the Latin ablative when connected with a, 
ab and a verb in the passive voice. 

It is best to divide the cases of Klamath inflection into cases formed 
by case-suffixes and cases formed by case-postpositions. The former I call, 
for convenience, suffix-cases, the latter postposition-cases. 

Suffix-cases are formed by nominal inflectional suffixes having no inde- 
pendent meaning for themselves as words. They are usually unaccented, 
and only two of them are dissyllabic in their wnabridged form. Besides 
the subjective case, which is not always made distinct by a suffix, there are 
the cases in -ash, -am (-lam), -ti, -tka, -tat, -zéni, -na, -émi. 

Postposition-cases are formed by means of particles having an inde- 
pendent signification for themselves as words of the language, but when 
connected with a noun are never placed before it. They are all of a loca- 
tive import, and frequently take the accent. Their list is: -i, -kshi, -ksaksi, 
-tala, -tana. 

The function of some of the case-suffixes is of a very general nature, 
and should be illustrated by a large array of quotations to be made clear. 
No noun of both dialects will be found which is in possession of all the 
case-suffixes and case-postpositions, and of the fourteen found in the para- 
digms hardly ten can be said to be in constant use. ‘Temporal suffixes, for 


468 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


example, can be affixed to some of the abstract substantives only; i- and 
-na are of rare occurrence, -tka, -ksaksi ete. will be found chiefly in sub- 
stantives of the inanimate gender. 

Klamath shows a large number of other postpositions than case-postpo- 
sitions, mainly of a locative signification, which are connected with substan- 
tives. They differ from the case-postpositions, because (1) they keep their 
accentuation and thus appear as independent words, and (2) they can be 
placed, at the speaker’s option, before or after the noun they govern. They 
never coalesce into one word with the noun. 

The only direct case, or casus rectus, is the subjective case, otherwise 
named “nominative”; all others are oblique cases. A vocative case cannot 
be said to exist, and the subjective case intonated on the last syllable will 
answer for it, especially when followed by the interjection @: tids{ muka’‘k! 
or tidsi muka’k 6! O that nice baby! 

Many words taken from English or other languages foreign to Klamath 
inflect like those of Klamath origin for case and for severalty: Béshtin, 


ipshtna, lam, mitash, sho’p, té-uni. 


Up to this point we have considered only the simple form of nominal 
inflection, by which a case is formed by one suffix or postposition only; 
but Klamath also possesses a composite inflection of the absolute and dis- 
tributive noun, since some of the cases can assume the functions of the 
subjective case and form inflections for themselves by means of other case- 
suffixes and case-postpositions. ‘These polysynthetic nominal forms do not 
exceed the number of three suffixes or postpositions, and thus the inflections 
may be classified as binary and ternary ones. The case-suffixes capable of 
forming new substantives in this way are: -ash, -am, -ti, -émi; and the 
case-postpositions, -i, -kshi, -ksaksi. The suffixes which each of these can 
append, and a further discussion of the composite case-inflection, will be 


found below. 
FORMATION OF THE CASES. 


According to the nature of the final sound of the substantive to which 
the case-endings are joined, all modes of inflection may be divided into 
two classes, which, however, do not largely differ among themselves: (1) 
Consonantal inflection, and (2) Vocalic inflection. 


FORMATION OF THE CASES. 469 


A majority of all the Klamath substantives preserve throughout their 
case-inflection the final sound which they possess in the subjective case. 
Those which do not conform to this rule are some nouns in -sh (-s) and -p 
(-ap, -ip); they drop this final consonant, or place a vowel between the 
ending and the case-suffix. Substantives ending in -u (-o) and in -i (-e) 
frequently insert the semivocalic w or y between the two. Substantives 
whose subjective case ends in -am, -lam have this ending unchanged through 
all cases, except those mentioned on page 476. 


Instances of these changes are as follows: 


pé-ip daughter, obj. péya, poss. péyalam. 

p’tishap father, obj. p’tisha. 

édshash milk, breast, poss. édsham. 

latchash lodge, house, poss. latcham, ef. 77, 4; loc. latchashtat, 83, 3. 
paishash cloud, poss. paisham. 

tipakship younger sister, obj. tipakshash, poss. tipaksham. 
tchashish skunk, poss. tchasham. 

kalo, kalu clear sky, loc. kal6wat and kaléwashtat. 

kta-i stone, rock, instr. ktayatka and ktd-itka. 

kako bone, instr. kakéwatka. 

lépuinsh (for lépuinash) frying-pan ; instr. lépuinatka. 

nép hand, instr. népatka (as if from népa or népash). 
pétch foot, instr. pétchtka and pétsatka. 

ship, sho’p soap, instr. shipatka. 


In the possessive case, the nouns terminating in -a, -i, -e assume the 
suffix -lam instead of -am, while the others, following either the vocalic or 
consonantic inflection, take -am. Thus all the diminutives in -dga, -ak, -ka, 
-k show -lam in their possessive case, and this is even found exceptionally 
in kafliu feather-mantle, fur-dress, poss. kafliulam. Thus we inflect: 


k6é-e, ké-a toad, poss. kéalam. 

skile, skulii lark, poss. skilelam. 

tala dollar, money, poss. talalam. 

watchaga, witchag dog, poss. watchagalam. 


470 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Nouns in -wash, -watch show in their oblique cases a synizesis of the 
-wa into -6, -ti aside of the regular form: 


pawatch tongue, poss. pawatcham and pa-titcham. 


wafwash white goose, poss. watwasham and way0o’sham. 
’ 


Abbreviations of case-suflixes and of case-postpositions are very fre- 
quent, especially in rapid conversation. Thus we observe -tk, -t for -tka, 
-ta, -at, -t for -tat, -a for -am, -iim for -é’mi, -ii’mi, -ziin for -zéni, -tal, -ta for 
-tala, -tan, -ta for -tana. In the inflection of the adjective the deterioration 
of the endings has progressed still further, and in the composite nominal 
inflection as far as in the simple case-declension. 

Suffixes occurring only in the inflection of topographic terms and 
proper names of localities are -i, -na. 


LIST OF NOMINAL CASES. 


Before entering into details concerning each of the suffix- and postposi- 
tion-cases, I give a list of all the fourteen case-endings, reserving their 
abbreviations for their special headings. All the cases of a locative char- 
acter or origin follow each other in immediate succession. Some of these, 
even of the monosyllabic ones, are composite, the second pronominal ele- 
ment being formed by the demonstrative radicals -i, -la, -na. 


1.—Suffix-cases. 


subjective: (-sh, -s). locative: -tzt. 
objective: -ash. illative: -zéni. 
possessive: -am. transitional: -na. 
partitive: -ti. temporal: -é’mi. 


instrumental: -tka. 
Il.—Postposition-cases. 


inessive: -i. directive: -tala. 
adessive: -kshi, Mod -gishi. juxtapositive: -tana. 
emphatic adessive: -ksaksi. 


There is probably no substantive in the language which forms more 
than ten or eleven cases. Thus nouns designating persons, animals, or 


i 


THE OBJECTIVE CASE. 471 


plants cannot form the transitional and the temporal cases, and the loca- 
tive, instrumental and adessive are wanting with many of them also. 


1. The subjective case. 


The subjective and only direct case most frequently terminates in -sh, 
-s, the universal noun-making suffix, which we have found to occur also in 
the nominal forms of the verb. The vowel usually preceding it has fre- 
quently been elided, as in terminals like -ksh, -lsh, -ntch, and others. The 
identity of this most frequent of all nominal suffixes with that of the verbal 
indefinite conclusively proves that the majority of all substantives are but 
the nominal expression of the verbal idea that they are either nomina actoris 
and agentis, or nomina actionis and acti. Cf. Suffixes, pages 823, 339, 362, 368. 

But there are many other suffixes than -sh capable of terminating sub- 
stantives, for almost every sound which can close a word can also terminate 
a noun in its subjective case. We have seen that the nouns in -p and a few 
of those in -sh drop these endings when they become inflected; a few nouns, 
as pata, mpatash mill, show two forms, the one with and the other without 
the -sh. All this testifies to their immediate derivation from verbs. These 
same suffixes are also dropped before certain affixes of an adnominal or 
participial nature agglutinated to them, e. g.: 


shiks crane, Shik-amtch Old Crane of mythic fame. 
p'tishap father, p’tish-lulsh deceased father. 


2. Objective case in -ash. 


The direct object or complement of the verb, as well as its indirect object, 
is expressed by the objective case in -ash, abbr. -ish, -ésh, sh This case 
therefore corresponds to the accusative and to the dative case of the classic 
languages, sometimes to others of their cases besides. In its origin it is 
nearly identical with the suffix of the subjective case -sh (-s), and in this 
regard we may recall the fact that some of the Romanic languages have 
formed their subjective case from the Latin accusative: homem (Portu- 
guese) from hominem man, rien (French) from rem thing; in German we 
have Namen, Samen, together with Name, Same, the former representing 
in fact an objective case. In the Klamath a remnant of this sort is found in 


AT2 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


the circumstance that the southern dialect has hishuakshash man, husband, 
snawédshash wife in the subjective and objective cases, while the northern 
or Klamath Lake dialect oftener shows hishuaksh' and sndwedsh, append- 
ing the -ash in the objective case only. The same can be said of the two 
verbs to marry, which are derived from these terms. 

But -ash, as pointed out above, forms the objective case of such sub- 
stantives only as designate persons and quadrupeds, and in rapid conversa- 
tion or narrative is sometimes dropped even in these; ef. watch for watchash 
horse, 127, 9; hihassuaksh Méatuash, for hihassuakshash Moatudshash Pit 
River men, 20, 2. The objective case is identical with the subjective case in 
collective and in abstract terms, and in the names for birds, amphibians, fish, 
and the animals inferior to these; in the names for plants and their organs, 
for inanimate things, for limbs of the body, human or animal. Nevertheless 
frequent exceptions to the rule here established may be met with in the more 
archaic form of speech noticed in mythic stories and in song-lines, in which 
the rhythm of the verse at times produces them. The form tchipshash in 
146, 3 (instead of tchipash) is exceptional. 

Diminutive nouns of the animate class, except when designating per- 
sons, do not append -ash in the objective case, whether mentioned in archaic 
texts or not,” nor do the terms for relationship ending in -p (-ap, -ip). As 
instances we mention only mantchakash o/d man, mikaksh (also muikak) 
babe, to which may be added: watchdgash dog. 

Ttpakship younger sister forms ttitpakshash, because it is usually abbre- 
viated to tipaksh in the subjective case. The regular form for these nouns 
in-p is: p’gishap mother, p’gisha (obj ) the mother and to the mother. Washla 
chipmunk does not change in the objective case, though we would expect 
washlash, 110, 8. 9. 


EXAMPLES OF DIRECT OBJECT expressed by -ash or its abbreviations: 


a. Persons and quadrupeds: 


Titak maklakshash kitipka Titak slapped an Indian. 


mit’tehga nti hin hishuakshash I hate that man. 


' Cf. Note to Texts, p. 90, 7, and Texts 90, 7. 10. 
? Hence the genius of the language considers them as of the inanimate order. 


THE OBJECTIVE CASE. 473 


nash ni ligshla snawiidsh I captured one female, 20, 1; ef. 95, 8. 

wéwanuish katyema K’mukaémtchish the wives did not recognize Kmi- 
kamtch, 95, 10, and Note. 

tchéwash idtipka he kicked an antelope, 126, 7. 

Sht’kamtch Shdshapamtchash shnindt’wa Ambutat Old Crane doused 
Old Grizzly in the water, 123, 3. 4. 

hi’ tchilloyaga 1o’k shiika 4mka taslatch if a young man killed a grizely 
bear or a cougar, 90, 19. 


b. Objects of the inanimate order: 


nép huishnya to shake hands. 

kii’m ftkal, yuht luela to scoop up fish, to kill buffaloes. 

wudt’pka Shia’ksham teht’ksh she struck Crane’s leg, 123, 2. 

pi unk shnéka ytkiak he caught a mocking-bird. 

shnepé’mpemuk vunaka m’na tz order to beguile his son, 94, 10; ef. 95, 8. 
Aishisham shuldtish shnika he took away Aishish’s garments, 95, 7. 
shuina sha tutiks m’nalam they sang their dream-songs, 65, 20. 
wéwanuish nti’tak stii’-ila the women gather nitak-seed, 148, 6. 
tehfkémen-mpamptish blacksmith, lit. ‘‘iron-beater.” 

ni’sh-tilansnéash, species of ow/, lit. “twisting the head.” 


c. Objects of the inanimate gender when occurring in songs and 
mythic stories: 
né-ulzya paplishash gi’tki giug he caused a dam to come into existence, 94, 5. 
kaflash shutélan after creating the earth, 125, 1. 
késhash ka-a nti piupiutanna I am pecking hard along the pine-tree, 162; 2. 
shléwishash nai tilutaknula breath IT am emitting, 157; 45. 
la‘luksash nai shkuttya I wrap flames around me, 154; 8. 


EXAMPLES OF INDIRECT OBJECT expressed by -ash or its abbreviations: 


a. Persons and quadrupeds: 

shapi mi lakiash! tell your general! 40, 3. 

E-ukshiki’shash pélpeliash ké-i shand-uli he did not want to work for the 
Klamath Lake Indians, 35, 18; ef. 35, 11. 

Boéshtinash shitko tehia to live after American customs. 


474 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


tcheléya na hin mantchakash shapéle I give bread to this old man. 

shapiya m’na p’gisha she said to her mother. 

nia watchash Ambu hishpanua J give water to the horse to drink. 

ka-i kaishnfili’at li/lyagsh they would not uncover (the lodge) for the bear- 
cubs, 120, 17. 

Mo'dokishash ktchinksh papalla they stole the rails from the Modoc In- 
dians, 35, 21. 
b. Objects of the inanimate order: 

pawash kédsha aitzaménash ko'l the pawash-root grows smaller than ko'l, 
148, 7. 

stiya nzi’-uliga laki pitch trickled down on the forehead, 97, 1. 

nii’poks ai nti tashulti’la J pass my hand over the disease, 155, 21. 

sptlhi lapni illdlash to imprison for two years. 

tiinepni waitash woksalsha they gather lily-seed for five days, 74, 7. 

Awalues sha skéna they row over to the island, 74, 14. 

a n’sh p'laiwash shtilta he sent me after the eagles, 101, 15. 


c. Objects of the inanimate gender when occurring in songs and 
mythic stories: 

hak lali’‘ga Taht’shash it remained sticking upon Mudhen, 97, 1. 

pi taplalash tpii’wa he gave orders to the loon, 132, 2. 

yénash a-i ni shléwish wita I, the wind, am singing about the yén-fish, 
WG) (oF 

mo-éwe ktehidshuash hii’tnan the mole leaping upon the bat, 127, 5. 

Tehékaksh mbi’shaksh yiyuzoga lilpat to Blackbird they pushed arrow- 
heads into the eyes, 113, 16. Cf. 114, 9. 122, 9. 


3 Possessive case in -am, -lam. 


This suffix is always pronounced short (-im, -lim), and it takes the 
accent in composite cases only. In Modoc it is often pronounced -ém, -lém, 
or still shorter, -’m, -’m. The longer form, -lam, is the original one, but 
occurs only in nouns terminating in -a, -ii, -e, though there are a few in- 
stances of other vocalic suffixes taking -lam also: kafliu, poss. kailiulam 


feather mantle, as if derived from a term kafliwa. The suffix was originally 


THE POSSESSIVE CASE. 475 


locative, as may be inferred from its being related to the suffixes -ala and 
-lamna, q. v., and from the syntactic use often made of it, which proves 
that about it, around it was its original meaning. When the Indians speak 
rapidly they often drop the -m of -am: washa wéka the young of the coyote, 
ko'lta wéas the otter’s offspring, nil wéksa the down of the mallard duck. 
When words in -am become independent nouns, with -am in the subjective 
case, this -am also drops the -m in some instances: syiba a bird species, 
widshiba lacustrine reed, for szipam, widshipam (in Modoc also widshipi). 

Among the substantives which show an elliptic form, besides the full 
one, we mention: 


klipa mink, poss. klipalam, more frequently klipam, 177, 13. 
kd'lta fish-otter, poss. ko‘Italam and k6’Itam. 
watchaga dog, poss. watchagalam and watchagam. 


Cf. also wawa-tutuksh ear-wax, instead of wawdkasham tutiksh. 


A curious fact worth noticing is that the Mdlale language of northern 
Oregon marks the possessive case by the same suftix, -am, and so does also 
the Pit River language of northeastern California. The possessive suffix 
-nini, -mi of several Sahaptin dialects of the middle course of Columbia 
River seems related to it. The Maidu dialects of the Sacramento Valley 
mark this case by the suffix -ki. 

1. The possessive case in -am, -lam corresponds to several of our 
English case-prepositions Usually it has to be rendered by our of of the 
genitive (or, better, genetive) case [7 mr@ozs yevixy], and then forms a pos- 
sessive case corresponding to the Saxon case, -’s, in the father’s work, the 
mother’s care, which is sometimes turned into an adjective. Examples: 


kékelam palkuish former bed of the river. 

miklaksam wakshna Indian moccasins. 

tilalam wazoksh money-purse. 

Pampiam, Latsam pé-ip the daughter of Pampi, Ldtchash, 77, 1. 4. 
tchéwam (or tehé-uti) téke the antelope’s horn. 


From these examples it will be gathered that when a substantive in 
the possessive case qualifies another substantive attributively, it is placed 


'See Note to Texts, 168; 41. 


476 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


before the noun qualified. But since the position of words is rather free in 
Klamath, anteposition of the possessive is usually but not universally ob- 
served, Of. nil wéksa (above), tchililiks sktilelam the young of a lark, 100, 
8; ef. 100, 5. 9. 18. 

2. The case in -am, -lam corresponds to our for, to the benefit of, and is 
then intended as a dativus commodi, answering sometimes to a possessive, 


sometimes to a dative case. 


Ski‘lam i’-amnash wewilina beads were left over to Marten, 111, 2, 3. 
ki’kitak kshtin wishmusham there will be no grass for the cattle. 


3. When connected with a passive verb, frequently represented by the 
participle in -tko, it corresponds to our by, through. Several examples of 
-am connected with passive verbs are given under Passive voice, pp. 421, 
422, 451; many others are found in the “Texts”, e. g., 35, 10. 17; 36, 12. 
15. An instance is also contained in the proper name of Scarface Charley: 
Tchiktchikam-Lupatkuelatko, lit. “scarred by wagon wheels.” 


The possessive case of substantives often becomes a subjective case— 
that is, a noun independent of others and capable of forming an inflection 
of composite cases. These have been fully treated under the heading of 
Suffix -am. The case-endings which they can take are -ti (-at), -tka, -tat, 
-ze'ni, -kshi_ Among the nouns which assume this suthx to form composite 
inflections are: terms (a) for fruit-bearing trees and shrubs, sometimes of 
other plants also and of their parts; ef. pti’shyam. Here the possessive 
case must be considered as an elliptic form, caused by the omission of 
dnku, tchélash, tkap, or some other noun designating a plant. Plants bear- 
ing no eatable fruit or bulb usually do not show this terminal. (b) for 
natural phenomena, the seasons; (c) for a few articles of manufacture. 


4. Partitive case im -ti. 


This suffix bears many analogies to -am and -tat, and has several syn- 
tactic functions; from one of the more important of these I have called it 
the suffix of the partitive case. It is but another form of the prefix ta- (in 
-tat), and originally both referred to objects standing erect, as men, animals, 


trees, etc., the suffixed -i pointing to location on, upon something. Nouns 


THE PARTITIVE CASE. 477 


in the -ti case usually precede the substantive which they qualify. By 
rapid or neglectful pronunciation, -ti often becomes ~’t, -’t: tatakiamti and 
tatakiam’t, tatikiamat about children, padshayamat made of the manzanita 
bush. 

The various uses of this suffix are: 

1. It refers to a location on, upon, at; a sticking upon, resting on or 
against, a connection with, a belonging to. It is often used interchangeably 
with the case in -am, -lam; but the difference is this, that -ti points to some- 
thing sticking or sitting upon an object, but not necessarily connected with 
it, -am to an object essentially belonging to some other object, or considered 
as a product of it. 


Ankuti or Ankuam tchfkass the bird of the forest. 

yainati or yainalam tiggaga mountain quail. 

yakiti stilash basket-string. 

yakiti wokash stani (gi) lily-seed fill the basket. 
lyalyamnishti lulmash pond-lily seed put in long sacks. 
nanuktua shtinashti palla to steal everything in the house. 
shaigati, d. shashiagati shlapsh flower on the prairie. 


2. It refers to the substance or material of which an object is made or 
manufactured, and thus represents a real genetive case, exactly correspond- 
ing to French de bois, de fer, d’or, ete. 

papkashti box shttank they make a coffin of lumber, 87, 2. 

tékiti midsho horn-spoon, horn-ladle. 


On account of this ‘“‘genetive” function, the -ti case may also be used 
adjectively, as in: pdkshti, tupéshti, which correspond to our turbid, muddy ; 
dAmpu tupéshti muddy water. Either -ti or -tat figures also as -t in the 
adjectival suffix -tkni, q. v. 

When used in this acceptation, substantives in the -ti case can become 
subjective cases and form inflected nouns. Thus wati thorn, spine, from wa 
to grow upon, also means knife, and from this signification watiti, or ‘‘knife- 
material,” has finally come to signify iron, steel, metallic substance, wire, metal.' 


1Cf. kiki/kli watiti “yellow metal”: gold, copper; palpali watiti ‘‘ white metal”: silver, silver- 
plated ware. 


478 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Pédko bucket has likewise formed pdkoti bucket-metal, tinned sheet-iron; Anku 
tree, Ankuti wood-substance. 


3. In the phrases and sentences following, a purely partitive function 
is found inherent to the case in -ti: 


ndshiklya Amputi a drop of water. 

ka-i gitdnish Amputi binui! do not drink of this water ! 

na’lam at hfin kiiilati ktchinksh papalla ye have. abstracted rails upon our 
land, 35, 10. 

la’k shewana shaplashti stayanti to give away seeds from a full seed-paddle. 

kudsha shliushliwa kii‘lanti the mole throws up earth; lit. “some of the 
earth.” 


4, This case-suffix has an additive function in the following instances : 


ké‘ktoks topini kiii’m gé-u shnukshti gi this is the second fish I caught. 
snawedshga giulya léluidshishti a girl born after the father’s death. 


Although these are instances of verbals, they may illustrate the use 
which is made of this suffix in substantives also. Cf. the numeral tinepanti 
in 111, 1, and Note to it, p. 116, 

5. The suffix -ti may also correspond to our preposition about, concern- 
ing, on account of, and then assumes a causal function in verbals as well as 
in substantives. It is then often replaced by -tat, q. v. 


Shashtiamti htiidsha shashalkia they quarreled about a Shasti Indian. 
welckshti i hémkanka you speak about an old woman. 


6. We find it occurring in some local names of the Klamath country, as 
in Ki-uti, Kta-iti, Luyanshti, Shuawati, Simde (Stmti), perhaps also in 
Kumbat, Tuilkat, and some others. A purely locative signification is prob- 
ably not the only one inherent in these names. 


5. Instrumental case in -tka. 


This case-suffix appears in several forms, as -tka (the most common), 
-tga, -tk, -atka, -dtka, -at, and when nasalized, as -ntka: timi many, tum- 
dntka through or by the many. In the ‘“ List of Suffixes” -tka also appears 


as a terminal forming verbs. 


THE INSTRUMENTAL CASE. 479 


1. The primary function of -tka, which is also the most characteristic 
and most frequently occurring, is that of forming an instrumental case, thus 
corresponding to with, by means of, by the aid or help of, through. All the 
other functions of -tka are reducible to the idea of instrumentality. Its use 
is almost entirely restricted to nouns of the inanimate order. 


pakshtga lakpeks shuyéga he lifted ashes with (his) pipe, 14, 6. 
shikenikishtka yutetampka they began to fire with pistols, 14, 6. 
watchatka (and watchat) husho’tchna fo ride on horseback. 
kakéatk siktatk ska’ntsna to sew with a bone-awl. 


Connected with a passive verb, it stands for -am in: 


tumantka shute-uapka laki the chief shall be elected by the many, by the 
majority, 90, 3. : 


2. A locative meaning, resulting from the instrumental one, appears in 
sentences like the following: 


nushtga tipka to stand on, upon one’s head. 
gatchéshtka géna to pass through the brushwood. 
shtitka watch niukna to drive horses on the road. 
nai géna amputka J go into or through the water. 


3. A temporal function corresponding to that of the case-suffix -é’mi, 
which is more of a verbal character and is chiefly appended to verbals, 
appears in the following nominal forms: 


yamashtka while the north wind blows, 155; 16. 24. 
geléla sha shewatzastka they dismounted at noon, 19, 10. 


gaptsatka, tydpowatka in May, June (and in the other month-names), 
74, 1.6. 


6. Locative case in -tat. 


We begin the long series of locative case-endings with that which has 
the most comprehensive bearings, and is also the most frequent. The suffix 
-tat is an abbreviation of tata where, there, and this is a reduplication of the 
pronominal radix ta, as tit, tiita is of ti; ef. tata, ti in Dictionary. It also 
appears in the form of -ta, -t, -at, -ut, or is suppressed altogether, as in 


480 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


kiifla, for kiflatat upon the ground, earth. When -tat appears as -ta, it is not 
always easily distinguished from the abbreviated -tala, -tana; when as -at, 
it will be remembered that -ti and -tka, -atka abbreviate in the same manner. 
The form -ut may be a transposition of -tu, or an abbreviation of -utat; in 
each case the -u- marks either distance from the speaker or height above 
the ground. Some subjective cases are formed by -tat, -at, especially in 
local names and in such terms as kii’mat back. The sound -t in the adjec- 
tival suffix -tkni is, as remarked previously, a remnant either of the case- 
suffix -ti or of -tat. As will be gathered from the List of Prefixes and 
Suffixes, the t- in -tat originally referred to something standing erect, either 
animate or inanimate ; but -tat is now referring almost exclusively to things 
of the inanimate world, and rarely to persons. In the nasalized form of 
-ant, -nt it appears in adjectives, pronouns, postpositions, and adverbs, 

The functions to which this suffix may be applied are quite varied and 
numerous. 

1. It marks a stay within, a resting inside of, or on, upon, by something ; 
it implies no motion, and corresponds exactly to the Latin ix with the 
ablative case. 


pagashtat mt'lk wa worms live in wet ground. 

welwashtat nti tehalika J sit here by the water-spring, 173; 5. 

ktayat gitko staying in the rocks 

kii’sh méya shaigatat they dug ipo-bulbs on the prairie, 109, 1. 

kaludshtat nt tehutchtia J am croaking up in the sky, 162; 4. 

K J Uw Y; 

kladshat tehé-u gshikla an antelope lay in the clearing, 126, 6. 
5D Vs Y J; ? 

suc-ushtat takeléas gi there is cork on the fish-line. 


pakshtat tulish stem of tobacco-pipe, lit. “handle in the pipe.” 


We observe it also in postpositions, like gindtant on this side of, gunt- 
kshtant on the opposite side of. 

In several proper names of localities -tat has assumed the function of 
a subjective case : 


E-ushtat Tule or Modoc Lake. 
Koketat Lost River; any large water-course. 


THE LOCATIVE CASE. 481 


The form -ut we find in: 


la'Iput p’gishap kikannéga the mother applies (the hands) to the eyes, 91, 6. 
pant a wakinsh kédsha red paint grows on the pdn-tree, 150, 6. 


2. The suffix -tat marks a motion into, toward or upon, on some object, 
and then corresponds best to the Latin im with the accusative case. We see 
it frequently connected with all verbs referring to locomotion: going, push- 
ing, driving, and also regularly with the verbs of paying, selling, trading. 

mo-éwe wa’shtat hilhe the mole ran into (its) den, 127, 5. 

ktayatat (or ktayat) tpuli he drove (them) into the rocks. 

watch ktchinkshtat nitile he drove the horses into a corral, 127, 9. 

gi’mpéle latsashtat he returns to his lodge, 83, 3. 

wetoli lali’shtat nad we slid down the slope, 21, 15. 

kifla (for kiflatat) kiwalapata to push sidewise over the ground, 190, 11. 

tchpint'tat itpa they bring (the corpse) to the burying-ground, 85, 4. 

skiulakshtat shewan’ i! pay what you owe! lit. “pay into, upon (your) 

debt !” 

tank i watchtat pia’wi? how much did you pay for the horses? 

sésatui tehti’k watchat they sold them out there for horses, 20, 19. 

ni watch spuni kitchakluk talatat J gave a horse to repay the money I 

owed. 


In the passage 60, 11 we find snawii/dshash where we would expect i 
ski’‘ktanuapk snawii’dshtat you can give in payment for a wife. Cf. page 482. 

3. Our suffix further stands to mark a motion out of or from an object, 
a driving or going, moving, throwing away from, a falling, rolling or drip- 
ping down from. 

ti’shkansha kiimétat (two) ran out of the cave, 122, 4. 

kiflatat gatpdmpéle he returned down upon the ground, 101, 20. 

shuht’lulea latchashtat to jump down from the lodge, 118, 10. 

shlitchgapéle k6’shtat to unhitch from a pine-tree. 

puikampéle ladshéshtat he threw (them) out of the lodge again, 109, 9. 

Ampu a tilza litchashtat water drips from the house. 

tchékéli nta’lsna psi’shtat blood flows from the nose. 


wi'tyi ht’k ko’shtat he fell down from the pine-tree. 
31 


482 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Very frequently the direction of the act from, out of, away from is 
expressed by the verb itself and its suffix, and in that case other cases than 
the locative in -tat may be joined to the verb as well. Cf. huikinsha to run 
away from, ktulddshna to push, force away. The same applies to the func- 
tion through, across. (No. 4.) 

4 he suffix -tat may be used also to express a passing through, a going 
across or through the midst of. In this function it approaches nearest to the 
one mentioned as No. 2, of going or moving into. 


tinua wéshtat to fall through the ice. 

wéshtat yikashla fo spear through an ice-hole. 

kéketat gikua to cross or ford a river. 

shapash nti ltiashtat shléa I see the moon through a fog. 


5. There are a few instances where -tat is used in a temporal sense. 
In these we find -tat appended to derivative nouns, in which the former 
concrete signification is still apparent as well as the abstract one. The 
few examples are as follows: 


euizakshii migshta(t) at the home-leaving season, 148, 19. 
smatydleshtat when the rain is over. 
tinoluléshtat at sunset. 


6. The suffix -tat occurs also in the sense of our preposition about, 
concerning, on account of. In this acceptation it is entirely like -ti, No. 5, 
and can alternate with it. 


génta kiiflatat shashapkélia to narrate myths about this world, ef. 94, 2. 
ké-ii gita spti’kle-uapk snawédshtat, hishudkshtat, wéashtat you shall 
not sweat there (in mourning) for a wife, husband, or child, 142, 16. 


7. Illative case in -yent. 


The suffix of this case is -zéni, which frequently becomes abbreviated 
into -zene, -ziin, -yén, -kiin, and usually has the accent upon the syllable 
-7@. ‘This composite suffix contains gén, gin, or kén, a demonstrative pro- 
noun and adverb, referring to objects in close proximity to the speaker, the 
pronoun referring to inanimate things in preference to animate beings, and 


the particle i, hi here, right here, here on the ground, or in the lodge. The 


THE ILLATIVE CASE. 483 


initial g of the suffix was changed into z or k for the parpose of referring 
the noun, to which -zéni is appended, to that suffix more closely than the 
mere g (im gén) could do it. The suffix also shows analogy with the verb 
géna to go away, start, because -yéni and géna are both formed from the 
same basis, ge, ke. 

The suffix marks as well (1) a motion or direction toward an object or 
into a place or country, as (2) a stay or rest at or in a place, region, country. 
It is more frequently used in the former sense, and hence I have called the 
case the illative case. It differs from -kshi, -ksi by being connected much 
more frequently with inanimate objects, while -kshi, Mod. -gishi, is appended 
as a rule to nouns of the animate class: at the home of, or in the habitations 
of men. 


(1) Suffix -yé’ni, -ziin employed in the sense of to, toward, into: 

nat Shastzeni géna we went to the Shasti country. 

shidshna tindlishyéni, tinézishzéni he removed them to the west, to the east 
side of, 39, 17. 

shiulkishzye’ni idshna to remove somebody to the reservation. 

na ne-ulakgishyé’ni gatpa we went to the council-ground, 33, 5. 

sa saikiin (for saigayé’ni) géna they went to the field, 107, 2. 


(2) This suffix marks stay, rest, sojourning, or location at some place, 
m a tract or country: 


kléwidshnank wewéash tehi’shzéni leaving her children in the lodge, 118, 3. 
awaluashzeé’ni on, upon, at the island. 


It also enters into the composition of the adjectives nakushyénkni living 
near a log-dam, 132, 6; Tehakzé’nkni, ete. 

The suffix forms a large number of local names, which assume the 
function of subjective cases, and thus form composite inflections. Thus we 
have Kawamzé'ni Hel Spring, Lalawashzéni at the Slate Rock, Shastyéni the 
Shasti country, Tchakye’ni at the Service-berry Grove, Satkiin Thompson’s 
Marsh, Waptashzé’ni Pond Outlet. 

(3) An instance of a temporal function of -zéni is found in the song- 
line: i-unékszé@'ni a yulina after sunset, 182, 2. 


484 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 
8. Transitional case in -na. 


This locative case-suffix occurs but in nouns of the inanimate order, 
as in the parts of the human or animal body, in terms of topography, in 
local names, and in a number of particles. It corresponds to our fo, toward, 
into, in, and is of the same origin as the verbal suffix -na, which is found in 
‘verbs of motion, and points to short distances reached in succession, or to 
spots reached on the passage to other places. It enters into the composi- 
tion of composite case-suffixes, as -tana, -ksaksina, and then is often short- 
ened to -n. It also stands in the subjective case of a few nouns, as lémtina 
bottom ete. Cf. List of Suffixes, under -na. 


kaftoks nish tfi’-una Lémaikshina, ké-i Yainakshina kayaktgi shapi! 
tell them not to pursue me around Shasta Butte (nor) toward Yaneks! 
40, 3. 4. 

kiidsfiksaksina lii‘kshktsa gii’-ish ha’k right upon his chin that ball took the 
skin off, 30, 5. 

nyak-ksaksina sli‘ksga they came near wounding him on the skull, 21, 17. 

nyashksaksina shlin he was shot in the bowels. 


kidsa Ambutat lémundna to dive to the waters bottom. 


The suffix -na occurs, e. g., in the particles: hataktna by that spot, mina 
down below, p'laina upward, tina, ti-una around, tudna, tuan Mod., at all times, 
tina once, tyAlamna to the west. 


9. Temporal case in -émi. 


The suffix -émi, -iimi, -hiimi, abbr. -em, -iim, is usually emphasized, 
when the final -7 is not retrenched, upon the penult. Like the final -i which 
composes it, it has temporal functions only, and can best be rendered at the 
time of, during. We find it appended chiefly to nouns indicative of time 
and seasons of the year; also to indefinite verbals pointing to acts or per- 
formances belonging to certain periods of the year only. While the tem- 
poral suflix -i appended to verbals refers to incidents occupying a short 


lapse in time only, -Gmi points to periods, epochs of some length, seasons, 


THE INESSIVE CASE. 485 


etc. This suffix can also stand as a subjective case in the sentence and 
form a composite inflection, as appears from the following instances: 

dtu lulalkshé’mi gi now it is time to go to bed. 

guizakshé’migshta at the home-leaving season, at exodus-time, 148, 19. 

This temporal suffix is observed in: 

i-umii’ mi, f-umiim in the whortleberry season ; from fwam whortleberry. 

kishé’mi, k{issiim at sunset. 

kshuneé’ mi in the haying season. 

kolalshé’mi, vuksalshe’mi in the kol, in the pond-lily season. 

mehiiishé’mi, contr. méssiim in the trout-fishing season. 

shishukshé’mi during the fight, battle, war. 

sk6-émi and ské’hshémi in spring-time. 

tankt gatpanuapkshé’mi at a future time. 

temololi’ mi after the wild-plum season; from temoldla to finish collecting 

wild plums. 

tsiiils-hii’mi at salmon-time, 16, 16; from tchidlash salmon. 

10. Inessive case in -t. 

As the first of the five postposition-cases, I have placed the one formed 
of the pronominal element i, hi, which has been discussed several times 
before. It occurs in nominal inflection as a case-terminal by itself, and 
also enters into the composition of several others, as -ti, -zéni, -émi, -kshi, 
-ksaksi; besides this it forms verbal suffixes mentioned in List of Suffixes. 
From its primary signification upon the ground have developed those of 
within, at home, in the lodge, for one’s or another's benefit or disadvantage, and 
the temporal one when, at the time when. In rare instances -i alternates 
with -e. 

1. Used in a locative sense, -i means inside of, in, within, at, when ap- 
pended to substantives designating cavities or hollows (the floor of the 
Indian lodge often forms a cavity), inclosures, and also to names of locali- 
ties. It is found suffixed to inanimate nouns only, and to the pronouns 
guni, huni, huki. 


stékishi at the door, entrance. 
tehi’shi inside the lodge, habitation. 


486 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


washi in the hole, cavity, den, lodge. 

Yamsi (for Yamash-i) at the North Wind’s lodge, home. 
Yattkélam-Lashi at the Eagle’s Nest. 

Letim-A-ushi at Coal Lake. 

Walamsi at Rogue River Butte. 

Witiimamtchi where the old Black Bear was. 


A-ushmi, an island in Upper Klamath Lake, is also pronounced 
A-ushmé; cf Sumdé for Shimti, Stimti, in Dictionary. 

2. Used in a temporal sense, -i occurs only when appended to the 
verbal indefinite, and will be discussed in the Syntax under the heading of 
the Verbal indefinite in -shi. Shewatyii’/lsi in the afternoon shows the -i 
appended to a nomen verbale also. The suftix -i in lityi, litze in the evening 
has to be regarded as a locative, not as a temporal suffix, since lityi is 
originally a verb to hang down to the ground, earth, or horizon, which refers 
to the sun. It is comparable in every way to hinui, ndé-uli ete. 


11. Adessive case in -kshi. 


The terminal -kshi, -ksi marks the residing, staying, or presence at 
some spot or locality, is appended to substantives of the animate and inan- 
imate gender, and occurs in the simple as well as in the composite case- 
inflection. In the latter we usually find it appended to nouns designating 
persons or personified beings. 

This case-postposition is a compound of kish, gish, ksh home, residence 
(ef. Aishishamksh Aishish’s lodge, 96, 23) and the postposition -i. This 
word kish is also the verbal indefinite of gi to exist, to be,’ and we also find 
it, though in various functions, as a nominal derivational suffix. In Kla- 
math -kshi appears in various forms, mostly unaccented: -kshi, -gshi, -ksh, 
-gsh, -ksi, -ks, -gs; in Modoe as -kishi, -gishi, -ksi, -gshi, -gsi. 

This case-postposition frequently assumes the function of the sub- 
jective case, in local names especially, and with the adnominal suffix -kni 
appended forms tribal names or nomina gentilitia: E-ukshikni maklaks Kla- 
math Lake Indian, and others. It is found to fulfill two functions only—that 


‘Compare the Modoc phrase: hatokt nish a gishi when I am there or while I was there, 22, 2. 3. 


THE ADESSIVE CASE. 487 


of marking (1) a rest or stay at some place, and (2) a motion toward an ob- 
ject. This latter function is not real, only apparent. Cf. also -ksaksi. 

(1) -kshi marks rest, existence, sojourning, dwelling, living at a certain 
spot, locality, in some district or tract of land. When appended to a per- 
son’s proper name, or to a generic term for person or man, it points to 
the lodge, house, or dwelling of; it is then appended to the possessive case 
in -am, -lam, and closely corresponds to the French preposition chez, which 
also represents a word for house, home, residence (casa). 


Cambiamegshi in General Canby’s tent, 39, 11; ef. 38, 6, 7; 41, 8. 

K’laushalpkash Yaina-Aga-gishi shéllual they fought upon the Sand-cov- 
ered Hill, 43, 12 (Mod.). 

ko’shkshi by or close to the pine tree. 

ktaikshi, ktafks by the rock, at the rock-ledge. 

lakiamkshi at, in the chief’s lodge. 

ne-ulakshgishi hushtinka he met them upon the council-ground, Mod. 
(contr. from ne-wlakgish-gi’shi ; cf. Dictionary, page 239); 33, 2. 

watsigaksi where the dog lives. 

welékamksh at the old woman's lodge. 


Names of localities formed by -kshi: 


E-uksi the country east of Upper Klamath Lake ; Yainakshi Yaneks ; Mélat- 
ksi Mount Pitt ; Moatuashamkshini kéke Pit River in California; Na&’wapkshi 
Goose Lake, Wiksalksh Pond-lily place ; also the two mythical places Aishish- 
amksh and Lémé-ishamksh, in the form of a subjective case. 

(2) -kshi apparently marks in some passages a motion toward, in the 
direction of, a going or coming to an object, as if standing for -tala. But 
in the mind of the Indian -kshi indicates not motion, but rest only, and a 
sentence like shuldshamkshi gdtpa he came to the soldiers’ camp, 40, 12 (cf 40, 
22) must be interpreted as “he went to the place where the soldiers’ camp 
or home és or was.” Other instances are: 


shishotankishamgshi gatpAmpélan having returned to the Peace Com- 
missioners’ tent, 40, 6. 
maklakshimkshi gatpdntki to come to the Indian camp, 40, 23. 


488 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


A parallel to this grammatic structure are the Latin verbs of placement 
(ponere, collocare et¢.), which are construed with in and the ablative case, 
although they are verbs indicating motion. 


12. Emphatic adessive case in -ksaksi. 


This case-postposition is the result of a reduplication of the foregoing 
terminal -kshi, with a change of vowel. It corresponds to the English right 
there, just where, and usually refers to a spot more limited in extent than 
-kshi. It does not refer to the residence of persons, for lakiiamkshi means 
in or al the chief’s lodge, but lakiamksdksi just where the chief sits or stands, 
sat or stood. Used as a subjective case it may append postpositions, though 
we have only the instance of the case-suffix -na. The accent usually rests 
upon the syllable -ksa-. The terminal -ksaksi appears chiefly in connection 
with parts of the animal body, terms of topography, local names, and other 
narrowly circumscribed areas. While -ksaksi, -kshakshi, -ksaks seems con- 
fined to the northern or Klamath Lake dialect, the form -ksfksi, -kshiksh, 
occurring in local names, appears in the Modoe dialect as -kshi gfshi in the 
same function. Another form with -u- in the first syllable embodies a tem- 
poral relation to the past ; cf. Grammar, p. 255. 


Instances of the -a- form: 

ktaiksaksi, ko’shksaks right by the rock, pine. 

ni tchi’wishksaksi p’léntant gi I was above their former camping- 
place, 22, 1. 

kéla-ush ish iktchi e-ushksakshi! get me some sand at the lake! 

sa shniksho‘lya maklaksksiksi they made them dance in the presence of the 
Indians, 20, 10; cf. 20, 11. Cf also-21, 17; 30, 5. 

Awalokaksaksi at the Little Island. 

Kokdaksakshi, Koki’ksaks at Little River, 19, 7; 20, 13. 

Tchpintiksakshi at the Burial Ground. 

Welckag-Knikleksiksi at the Stooping Old Woman. 


Instances of the -i- form: 


Yainakshi-gishi’ at Yaneks, Mod., 36, 9. 
Kawamkshiksh at the Eel Fishery. 


THE DIRECTIVE CASE. 489 


Nakésksiks at the Dam or River Barrage. 
Vulalkshi-gishi’ at Cottonwood Creek, Mod., 38, 6. 7. 


Instance of the -u- form: 


Slankoshksii‘ksi at the Old-Bridge site. 


13. Directive case in -tala. 


This case-postposition, abbr. -tal, -ta, is a combination of the two pro- 
nominal elements ta and la, which we find to be the components of a large 
number of affixes. It is most generally connected with verbs of motion, 
and corresponds to our to, toward; the name directive, which I have applied 
to it, referring only to direction in space. It is connected with the names 
of the cardinal points of the horizon, and also with names of tall or large- 
sized objects, and the original use made of this particle seems to have been 
that of pointing to objects visible at long distances. Herein it differs from 
-@'ni and -kshi, which refer more frequently to objects upon the ground. 
It also forms adverbs and postpositions. Nouns inflected with it may be 
used as subjective cases, especially when they become the names of dis- 
tricts or countries, and then they can form derivatives. dla, in the d. form 
tatala, also occurs as a word for itself: right ahead, straight out, and, correctly. 
A derivative of it, talaak, d. tatalak, has the same adverbial signification. The 
adjective p’laitalantni is formed from the locative case of p’laitala upward, sky- 
ward. The substantives muitat south and yéwat east are originally abbrevia- 
tions from mitatala and yéwatala. 


amputala kaydhia to cut off from water; ellipsis for “to preclude from 
going to the water”, 42, 20. 

K-ukshitala toward the Klamath Lake settlements. 

hataktala toward that spot; tiishtala? in what direction? 

yamatala northward; contr. from yémat-tala. 

ktaitala wigé géna sha they went a short way into the rocks. 

lalalashtala on, through both flanks, 156, 32. 

lupitala eastward ; ef. lupitalani eastern. 

tyAlamtala westward ; the west portion of Oregon. 


490 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


14. Juxtapositive case in -tana. 


This terminal is frequently abbreviated into -tan, -ta, and occurs more 
in pronouns, postpositions etc. than in substantives, being also a verbal 
suffix. It is a combination of the pronominal roots ta and na, both being 
short syllables; -tana generally remains unaccented, and has to be rendered 
by along, alongside, on the side or sides of, beside, by. Instead of classing 
-tana as a case-suffix, since it does not occur as a separate word, I have set 
it down as a case-postposition on account of its great analogy with -tala. 
As a subjective case it occurs in mi’ntana drawers. 


ge’ kshtana, abbr. gé’kshta on this side or part. 

giinitana, abbr. gunitan, gtinita on the opposite side. 

ktaftana on the side of the stone, rock. 

m’nalamtana latchash close to their lodges, 90, 9. 

Nii’wapksh yaAmakstan along the north bank of Goose Lake, 31, 7 and Note. 
pipélantana from opposite sides, on two sides. 

washitana beside the den, by the excavation. 


COMPOSITE NOMINAL INFLECTION. 


Many of the agglutinative languages possess the faculty of forming 
composite cases by using oblique cases as subjective cases and appending 
to them the other case-suffixes. Transformed in this manner, these new- 
formed substantives can be inflected like other nouns. The Klamath lan- 
guage is able to form composite inflections of this kind, in other nouns as 
well as in the substantive; but here and there this sort of inflection does not 
go through all cases, but is rather incomplete. Some of these binary case- 
compounds can be used again as subjective cases, and in this quality they 
may form ternary compounds, which of course do not occur very fre- 
quently, but follow entirely the laws of this language. This polysyn- 
thetism in case-suffixes seems quite extraordinary to those accustomed to 
languages with simple case-suffixes, but it is in no way stranger than the 
polysynthetism of the verbal derivational prefixes and suffixes. Instances 
of a quaternary case-compound I have not met with. 


COMPOSITE INFLECTION. 491 


The case-endings traceable in the binary composite nominal inflection 
are as follows: 

The objective animate case in -ash (not to be confounded with the 
derivational suffix -ash) connects with -tala: tuhushdshtala toward the coot; 
rarely, if ever, with -tka. 

The possessive case in -am, -lam most frequently of all turns into a 
subjective case, and connects itself with more case-endings than others. 
The possessive ending is supplanted by -ti, for -am could not stand twice 
in the same noun. When used of persons and things, -am becomes con- 
nected with all the purely locative case-endings except -i. 

The partitive case in -ti connects itself with -am, -tka. 

The temporal case in -émi connects itself with -kshi. 

The inessive case in -i connects itself with -tala, -tana. 

The adessive case in -kshi is found connected with -tat, -yéni, -na, 
-tala, -tana. 

The emphatic adessive case in -ksaksi may append the suffix -na. 

The locative cases in -zéni, -tala, -tana do not append any nominal 
endings, except derivational suffixes, whenever they form adjectives: na- 
koshze’nkni staying near a river-dam; tutashtalikshini one going everywhere. 

Specimens of the binary composite declensions will be presented among 
the inflectional substantive paradigms. 

A few instances of the ternary composite declension are as follows: 
k’mutechapkamkshize'ni at, toward the old man’s lodge. 
guizakshiimigshta (for -tat) at the time of the annual exodus, 148, 19. 
Shastiamkshtila toward a Shasti Indian’s lodge. 
pléntant tehiwi’shksaksam above their former camping-place ; perhaps 

for -ksaksi sham; cf., 22,1. 
wewalekshamkshzé ni where the old squaws-live. 


PARADIGMS. 


CONSONANTAL INFLECTION OF SUBSTANTIVE. 
Absolute form. Distributive form. 


Subjective case: — pshish, psi’s nose. pshipshash each nose. 


492 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Objective case: pshi’sh nose. pshipshash 
Possessive case: — pshisham of the nose. pshipshasham 
Partitive case: pshishti about the nose. pshipshashti 
Instrumental case: pshishtka by, through the nose. pshipshashtka 
Loeative case: pshishtat in, on, upon, from the nose. pshipshashtat 
Illative case: pshishzé’ni at, toward the nose. pshipshashze’ni 


Transitional case: 


Temporal case: 


Inessive case: pshishi (?. at the nose. pshipshashi(?) 
Adessive case: 


Emphatic adessive 


case: pshishkshakshi just at the nose. pshipshashksaksi 
Directive case: pshishtala toward the nose. pshipshashtala 
Juxtapositive case: pshishtana along the nose. pshipshashtana 


Absolute form. 


welékash old squaw. tihush mudhen, coot. shaplash seed-paddle. 
welékshash hah shaplash 
tuhushash 
weléksham tihusham 
tee ; ' shaplashti (used also for 
; i tuhushti 
welckshti poss. and loc.) 
tihushtat ——. 
welékshtka tihushtka shaplashtka 
welekszé’ni tihushyeéni 
weléksamkshi tuhushamksi 
weléksksaksi tuhushksaksi shaplashksaksi 
welékshashtala tuhushashtala ; 
welckshtala tihushtala shiplasitale 
welékshtana tihushtana shiplashtana 
Distributive form. 
wéwaleksh tuit’hush shashaplash, sAssaplash 
wewal¢ékshash (not in use.) shashaplash 


wewaléksham 


PARADIGMS OF SUBSTANTIVES. 493 


wewalckshti sAssaplashti (used also for 
wewalékshamti poss. and loc.) 
wewalékshtka sassaplashtka 
wewalekshzé'ni' 
wewalekshamkshzé ni? 
wewaléksamkshi 
wewaleksksaksi _ sassaplashksaksi 
wewalékshtala sassaplashtala 
Absolute form. 
wa’sh, wish excavation. shéllualsh war. watch horse. 
wash shéllualsh watch 
washam shéllualsham watcham 
washti shéllualshti watchti 
Atehtat 
washtat shéllualshtat yes 
watchat 
Atchatk 
washtka shéllualshtka eT. 
watchetka 
washna (?) 
washzé ni shellualshzéni ——— 
shellualshé’ mi — 
washi 
shellualshgfshi (Mod.) : 
ksAksi tchksak 
eee shellualshksaksi (KI.) twa Caer 
washitala watchtala 
washitana watchtana 
Distributive form. 
wawash shéshalualsh wawatch 
wawash shéshalualsh (inflected like the abso- 
wawasham shéshalualsham lute form, but rarely 
wawashti shéshalualshti used. ) 
wawashtat shéshalualshat 


' At the place where they became old squaws or women. 2At the place where the old squaws live. 


494 


wawashtka shéshalualshtka 
wawashna (?) 
wawashyé'ni 


wawashi 
wawashksaksi 


wawashitala 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


sheshalualshzé’ni 


sheshalualshgishi (Mod.) ) 
sheshalualshksaksi (K1.) § 


Absolute form. 


ttit tooth. lak hair. 


nép hand. 


ptéwip son’s child. 


tit lak nép ptéwa 
tiitam (likam) népam ptéwam 
lakti népti ptéwa 
cea. laktat néptat 
tutat 
titatka lakitka népatka ptéwa 
ptewamzé'ni 
ptéwamkshi 
tutksaksi lak’ksaksi népksaksi pte-uksaksi 
tuit’tala laktala néptala ptéwamtala 
néptana 
Distributive form. 
tritat lalak nénap ptéwishap and pteptéwip 
tlitat (not in use.) nénap ptéwisha pteptéwa 
tuitatam nénapam ptéwisham pteptéwam 
nénapti ptéwisha pteptéwa 
tuitatat nénaptat 
titat’tka nénapatka — ptéwisha pteptéwa 
ptewishamzé’ni pteptewamzé’ni 
ptewishamkshi pteptewamkshi 
tutatksaksi nenapksaksi ptewishksdksi — ptepte-uksiksi 
tiitat’tala nénaptala ptéwishamtala — pteptéwamtala 


nénaptana 


PARADIGMS OF SUBSTANTIVES. 495 


VOCALIC INFLECTION OF SUBSTANTIVES. 
Absolute form. 


Ambu, Aampu water. kako bone. kta-i, ktaf rock, stone. Shasti Shasti Indian. 


ambu kako kta-i Shastiash 
Ampuam kakowam ktayam Shastiam 
Amputi kako-uti kta-iti, ktaiti Shashtiamti 
ktayatat 
ambutat kakowatat kta-itat 
ktayat 
ambutka kakowatka pean Shastitka 
kta-itka 
ampuzé’ ni kta-izé'ni Shashtzé’ni? 
Shashtiamksi 
ampuksiksi kakoksaksi kta-iksaksi 
Aambutala kakotala ktaftala Shastiashtala 
ambutana ktaitana 
Distributive form. 
A-ampu kakgo ktakti ttimi Shasti 
A-ampu kikgo ktakti (plural) ete. 
d-ampuam kikgowam ktaktiam 
A-amputi kakgo-uti 
A-ambutat kakgowatat ktaktitat 
a-ambutka kikgowatka ktaktiatka 
a-ampuze ni ktaktiyé’ni 
a-ampuksaksi kakgoksaksi ktaktiksaksi 
a-Ambutala kikgotala ktaktitala 


a-ambutana 


Absolute form. 


skule, skill lark. kiitla earth. 


ered fen see 
watchaka aod. ta large seed-paddle. 


'Signifies ‘‘toward the Shasti country”, or, when used as a subjective case, it means “the 


country of the Shasti.” 


496 


; kifla 
seve kiiflash 
sktlelam kiiflalam 

kiflanti 
kiiflati 
kiflatat 
skuletat kiiflant 
kiiflat 
skiletka — 
skulezé’ni kiilayé’ni 
kiflaksi 
skuleksaksi kiilaksAksi 
sktletala kiflatala 
kiflatana 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Distributive form. 


skusk’le, shktishkéla kiikiifla 
skisk’le (rarely used.) 


sktisk’lelam 


skuisk’letat 
skusk’letka 
skusk’leyé@ni 
skusk’leksaksi 
skusk’letala 


watchiga ‘ 
tia 
wiatchagsh 
watchagalam tialam 
watchie’ti tiati 
watchigitat tiatat 
tiatka 
watchagzé ni 
watchagksaksi tiaksAksi 
watchagtala tiatala 
tiatana 
wa-utchaga tita 


wa-utchiga (not used.) 
wa-utchagsh 
wa-utchagalam 
wa-utchag’ ti 


wa-utchagitat 


wa-utchagzé’ni 
wa-utchagksaksi 
wa-utchagtala 


IV. DERIVATION. 


There is considerable analogy between the derivation of the substan- 


tive and that of the verb, although that of the latter is more complex. 


In- 


deed, the most frequent of the substantive-forming suffixes are also found 


in the nominal forms of the verb, like -ash, -ish, the preterital formative 


-uish, and various forms of the verb gi: -kish (-gish, -ksh ete.). 


Four 


principal modes of forming the substantive may be set down, as follows: 


DERIVATION OF SUBSTANTIVES. A497 


1. Derivation from a verb with all its prefixes and derivational suffixes, 
adding to it only a substantive-forming suffix. Ex.: latchash and latchaksh 
from latcha. 

2. Derivation from a noun through addition of a substantive-forming 
suffix. Ex.: kailash from kifla. 

3. Derivation from a radical syllable, or a thematic radical, through addi- 
tion of a formative suffix which is not of an exclusively nominal nature. 
Ex.: vin from wita, vita. 

4. A verb becomes a substantive without any other change save that of 
assuming case-suffixes. Ex.: vumf. 

Of these different modes of derivation, the first is the one which forms 
nomina verbalia, the origin of which need not be discussed here at length, 
as it would be a mere repetition of the derivation of verbs. Some of the 
longest substantives belong to this class, as hishtilankanke-6’tkish hoop as a 
plaything; shuashulaliampkish watchman. The verbs to which these nouns 
belong are either traceable in the language as spoken at present, or, if they 
have disappeared from it, they can be reconstructed without difficulty ; but 
while doing so, students should always recall what is said on page 253 of 
this Grammar concerning the formation of verbs and nouns. 

The second mode is of less frequent occurrence in Klamath, or in any 
other language, than the first. We may classify under this heading the sub- 
stantives formed by secondary inflection, as watiti metal, from wati knife- 
blade; all the names of plants and trees in -am, -lam, the diminutives in 
-aga, -ak, -ga etc; also a number of tribal and Jocal names. 

The most primitive substantives, as far as their form is concerned, are 
those formed by mode No. 3, and, but for their case-suflixes, many of them 
could not be discerned from verbs or other words by their exterior shape. 
We find among them many nouns that end in -k, -l, -t, or in vowels, -a, -i 
(-e), -i, -u, for which instances can be seen in our List of Suffixes. They 
are all of a concrete signification, a circumstance which testifies to their 
antiquity. We may classify under this heading also the nouns formed by 
abbreviation of some verbal basis, unless we choose to make a special class 
of these. Ex.: kii’k male organ, from k¢éka; ktchak mother of pearl shell, from 


ktchalk, ktchdélya; shké gray hawk, from skédshatko; ské’l marten, from 
32 


498 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


skélya to become dusky; shle'dsh wild hemp, from shlédsza; stip flint-stone, 
from stapka; tchak service tree, from tchaggdya. 

The substantives formed according to mode No. 4, which cannot prop- 
erly be called derivation, owe their existence to an apocope mainly due to 
careless pronunciation, and they have a parallel in the particles which are 
used as verbs, page 457. In many instances the form in -sh exists simul- 
taneously with the abbreviated form. Examples are as follows: ginshka 
slope, vhka scraper of stone, iwala top or end, isha funeral, kinyatp’na angle, 
corner, néwisht remains, pala and pélash liver, pita dry season (patash is 
spleen, milt), ské, skéa and sko’sh spring season, vum{ and vumish cache. 


DISTINCTION BETWEEN ABSTRACT AND CONCRETE NOUNS. 


All substantives are either abstract or concrete in their signification, 
and abstract nouns are all derived from concrete terms of verbal or nominal 
origin. No language is devoid of abstract nouns, but in the languages of 
primitive nations there is a perceptible scarcity of them when compared 
with their plenty in languages of mentally-developed populations. Many 
primitive peoples prefer to express abstractions by the verb and adjective 
rather than by the substantive; in the lexical and morphological portion of 
their grammar the tendency toward specializing prevails over that of using 
purely abstract forms. Our intention is to speak with precision, that of the 
Indian to speak graphically; the Indian individualizes, while we classify; he 
often expresses by circumlocution an abstraction which we express by one 
single term. But the power of abstraction varies greatly in degree among 
the different tribes or nations of uncivilized races in both hemispheres. 


1. Abstract substantives. 


What is said above is well exemplified by some characteristics of the 
Klamath language of Oregon. The idea contained in many of our more 
abstract substantives cannot be expressed substantively, but can be expressed 
by verbs, adjectives, or adverbs. That language possesses no terms for time, 
hope, health, haste, friendship, justice, thanks, thankfulness, greediness, vindic- 
tiveness, vision, feeling, intellect, sense, learning, manner. These are, however, 


rendered with accuracy by some finite verb, or an adjective or adverb, so 


ABSTRACT NOUNS. 499 


that no doubt can arise about their correct rendering. Thus time is expressed 
implicitly by klikuga nti J have no time, and a host of other expressions to 
be found in the English-Klamath part of the Dictionary; health is expressed 
by tidsh nti hushlta I am in good health; haste by hurried, hurriedly or 
to be ina hurry. The sensitive, moral faculties or feelings of man are all 
expressed by steinash heart, his perceptive and intellectual powers by hiish- 
kanksh thought, mind, or by tidsh shepelpelatko, shayuaksh sagacious. For 
soul and life there is but one term here and in many other Indian tongues: 
breath (hikish) like Latin spiritus, from spirare “to breathe.” Friendship 
would be expressed by to be friendly, to be or become friends. Absence and 
presence are rendered by the pronouns kéliak or né’g, Mod. na’g, absent, 
kéku the one standing before me or you, laki to be gone, etc. Our idea of sub- 
stance can be expressed by tua something, by the verbs gi, wa to exist, or by 
special terms for each substance, as enumerated in Dictionary, page 671. 
Color has to be replaced by the adjectival name of the color referred to, as 
the language has no other substantive but shnéluash, which means dye- 
stuff, coloring matter. 

The abstractions which this language can readily express are mainly 
of that kind which we call sensations, and form the nearest approach to 
concrete terms. ‘Thus we have: 


hashtaksh perforation. shalatchgudlash junction. 
kpapshash taste (of tongue). shendlakuish promise. 
ktchalshkash splendor. ttiménash noise. 
lushlishlish warmth. tid’mish hunger. 
ndétehkish blushing, shame. tchmt’ksh obscurity. 
netndlyish government. tyutyash al-omen. 
né-ulaksh law, rule, sway. wétish laughter. 


Many English abstract terms have to be expressed in Klamath by adjec- 
tives or verbal adjectives, which then assume the function of substantives: 


aishishtchi beautiful and personal beauty. 
yiamkampteh lazy and laziness. 

katagsh cold, chilly, and low temperature, frost. 
kélpoksh hot and heat, fever. 


500 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


litchlitchli powerful and power, strength. 
nkillitko powerful, strong and power, strength. 


It appears from what precedes that wherever abstract terms are ren- 
dered in substantive form, as nomina actionis, they are formed by the ending 
-sh, -s; when rendered in adjectival form, either by the terminals -li, -tko, 
or by -ptchi and its abbreviations. 


2. Concrete substantives. 


GENERIC NOUNS, or nomina appellativa, is the name given to substantives 
comprehending all the species or kinds of one class or family of animate 
or inanimate objects. In regard to their origin, we can establish two sorts 
of generic nouns: One class, generally traceable to a verbal origin, became 
restricted from a more comprehensive to a more specific meaning, like 
English bird, which originally meant brood, the young of any animal; the 
second class includes terms which formerly stood for certain definite objects 
or natural species, but afterward advanced to a wider signification, like 
English butterfly. In Klamath, nouns of this second class are more frequent. 


hishuaksh, in Mod. hishuatchzash husband, then male, man; originally 
‘one who associates, consorts with.” 

fwam berry, juice-berry; originally “‘whortleberry.” 

ktchak marine and fresh-water shell; originally ‘mother-of-pearl shell.” 

stina’sh lodge, house; originally lodge made of bent willow-rods, which 
signification it retains in the northern dialect. 

waménaksh snake in K1., really applies only to the black spotted snake, 
the most frequent snake-species in certain localities. 

welékash female, woman in Mod.; originally ‘‘old woman.” 


wishink, often used in KI. for snake; real signification ‘garter-snake.” 


It is a consequence of the specifying tendency of the Klamath language 
that many generic terms occurring in European languages find no equiva- 
lents in it. here is, e. g., no generic term for fox, squirrel, butterfly, and 
Jrog, but each species has its own name. For bird a distinction is made 
between forest-birds, tchikass, and aquatic birds, mii/makli, which are called 
after their color mixed from blue and gray; but kiii’m is a truly generic 


al 


. 


NAMES OF PERSONS. 501 


term for fish. No real term exists for animal, quadruped, and plant. Trees 
are called 4nku by Modocs and Klamath Lakes, ko’sh by Klamath Lakes 
(really ‘pitch pine”); shrubs are Anku also; weeds, and other plants growing 
near the soil, tchélash, ‘‘stalk”; all the grasses tchélash, and kshii’n “what 
is carried on the arms.” Various terms are used to describe fruits by their 
form: iwam, lIbtika, litish, titish, etc. Generic terms exist for mountain, 
river, and plain, but none for our term valley. Cf. also the Table on page 
145 (Texts). 

The collective nouns of this language present nothing of special interest, 
neither are they formed by any special mode of derivation, except those 
exhibiting the adjectival suffix -ni: ‘‘referring to”, or “all that kind of”, 
mentioned elsewhere. This suffix reduplicates as -nini, and is a specimen 
of the brevity of expression so often met with in this language. 

Diminutive nouns are derived from other nouns by the special suffix 
-aga, which appears under varying forms, and in a restricted number of 
substantives is found duplicated: vunakaga little son ;' -ia is possibly an- 
other diminutive suffix. No special suffix forms exist for the formation of 
augmentative, intensive, or enhancive substantives. 


3. The names of persons and personified beings. 


These are not sex-denoting, and if sex must be pointed out, it is done 
by adding the terms for man, boy, woman, girl, ete. Neither is the gender 
marked in the pronoun by special pronouns, and Klamath has this feature 
in common with many other North American languages. In regard to deri- 
vation several classes may be distinguished, some of which possess special 
suffixes. 

a. Substantives naming a person as engaged in some act at the time 
being: nomina agentis. Derived from verbs by means of -sh, sometimes by 
-ank, -an, and standing in the absolute, unreduplicated form. 

b. Substantives naming a person represented as the performer of an 
action, generally of a repeated or habitual action: nomina actoris. Derived 
from verbs by -ash, -ish, -6tkish. Nomina agentis, when changing from the 
absolute to the distributive or reduplicated form, become nomina actoris. 


' Other instances of substantives with duplicate diminutive endings are paishkaga little cloud, 
an nkashkidga belly, if this stands for nkashka-dga, transformed by vocalic dissimilation. 


502 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


c. Substantives indicative of provenience, nativity, tribal descent, or 
origin of persons or personified beings: nomina gentilitia. They are origi- 
nally and simultaneously adjectives, with the endings -kish, -kni, and 
-wash. 

d. Substantives expressing the degrees of relationship by blood or 
marriage, in the descending and in the ascending line: nomina affinitatis 
Formed by the prefix p- and by the suffix -p (-ap, -ip), a few by -sh; they 
exhibit fo modes of forming the distributive or plural number. ‘They are 
in fact verbs, and this explains it why in some of the oblique cases they are 
not inflected ; only the subjective, the possessive and the postpositional cases 
have the case-suffixes of substantives. 

e. Proper names of persons, male and female: nomina propria. No 
special mode of derivation exists for deriving these names from their pa- 
rents’ or some other appellation, though the name of the father is placed 
after that of the child (e. g., Wawaliks-Skaititko) in exceptional cases. 
Mixed-blood descent is indicated by tzdlamni hal/, or by the suffix -aga, 
Steamboat Frank was called so after his mother, and the children usually 
get no names before they are able to speak. Many male Indians have 
more than one name—one given in early years, the others referring to their 
occupation or to some other circumstance. The personal names of the two 
tribes often depict the bodily qualities of their owners very drastically, and 
would make an interesting subject for a separate treatise. Some of them 
are diminutives, others binary and ternary compounds or embodying whole 


phrases, and a few are borrowed from languages foreign to Klamath. 


4. The names of animals. 


Though often difficult to trace to their true origin, these are frequently 
nomina agentis, as ndukish, a species of hawk, from ndtka to hit; or they 
are nomina actoris, and then are often formed by distributive reduplication, as 
mundna-tatamnuish « mole-species, from timénti. The numerous onomato- 
poetic forms which occur in so many bird-names, as tiktukuash, waiwash, 
may be classed as nomina actoris also. Butterflies are mostly called by 
reduplicative names, as képkap, walwilékash, wékwak, from the motion or 
position of their wings, and it will be observed that in the majority of lan- 


_~ 


NAMES OF ANIMALS. 503 


guages the names for these insects are formed by reduplication. Names of 
some burrowing animals are formed with initial mu- (cf. mtina deep down): 
mui woodchuck, mikuaga jfield-mouse, mti-tie mole, mink generic term for 
mice and the other smallest quadrupeds. The suffix -aga, -ak designates 
the young of animals, but often applies to specific animals on account of 
their diminutive size: washla-Aga, walzatchaga, watchdga, ete. 

Male animals are distinguished from female animals by a separate term 
indicating their sex, which is placed before or after the animal’s name, and 
hence must be regarded as an attribute, not as an adjective Male is laki; 
male dog, laki watsaga; male dog pup, lakiag watsaga; male horse, laki wits; 
male deer, laki wPhle; young male deer, lakiaga wi’hle or wi’hlag lakiag; male 
eagle, laki yavzal. For the female two terms are in use, one of which, ndsilo, 
is applied to the domesticated quadrupeds only: female horse, or mare, ndsilo 


, 


wats; female dog, ndsilo watsag; female puppy, ndsiluag watsag. The fol- 
lowing are either names of birds or of wild quadrupeds: female cat, neulo, 
kulo pushish; female deer, ngilo wihle; female eagle, kilo yatizal; female black 
bear, witii'm kulo; her young, witii'm kiluak; shaizish gilu (ef. 163; 16); 
female lizard, kia kilu; the female kals-bird, kalsam kiilo; female wolf, kii’- 
utchish gilu. We also find, in 163, 9: ku-e welékash the old female frog or 
toad, and tikaga for the male of the mountain quail, q. v. 

There are very few animals whose males have a name differing froin 
the females. The female of the shké-hawk is called spti’m, and the term 
Shashapsh, Shashapamtch applies chiefly to the female Grizzly Bear with 
her two voung in mythologie stories, and not to the male. Compare, also, 
the terms for ox, steer, cow. 

The terms young, cub, pup, brood are rendered either by wéash offspring, 
weéka (for wé-aga) little offspring, or by appending the diminutive suffix -aga 
(-ak, -ka ete.) to the name of the animal. In a few instances the young 
has another name than the parent animal: colt is tz4-ush, not watchaga, for 
this means dog; wihlaga stands for young antelope, instead of tchéwaga, and 
in fact means young deer, young fawn; ef. wfhla im Dictionary, page 485. 
Tawalsh young quadruped refers to certain animals only: viinam tawalsh elk 
one year old. When the offspring of animals is referred to whose names end 
in -aga (cf. above, this page), an adjective for little (ndshékani, kitchkani) is 


504 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATEH LANGUAGE. 


placed before the name. Lelédshi and its diminutive leledshiaga refer to 
the young of mammals only. Cf. lilhanksh, in Dictionary. 

To the names of personified animals, occurring in the mythic stories of 
the two tribes, is appended the adjective 4mtchiksh, abbr. -amtch, -amts, old, 
ancient, bygone. In the conjurer’s song-lines, in which the same animals are 
frequently mentioned, I have not met with this adjective. 

Certain animals are known to these Indians under two or several 
names; one of them is the usual one, the others are mere predicates or 
epithets referring to individual peculiarities of the species. This sort of 
polyonymy recalls the fifteen names for the elephant and the twenty appel- 
lations for the sw formerly in use in Sanskrit literature; also familiar terms 
of European languages, like Master Bruin tor bear, Reginhart, renard for 
fox, Isengrim for wolf, Raminagrobis (French) for cat, ete. ‘Terms of this 
description, which I have found to exist in Klamath, are all more or less 


mythological, as follows: 


lik grizzly bear: Shashaph, Shashapamtch, Likamtch; likaga grizzly 
bear cub: shashapka. 

wandka little silver fox: mbaubéwash (the ‘“howler”), kenkatilatuash, 
kenkapshlii’li, ndundétatuash. 

tiggdga quail: takaga. 

yatizal white-headed eagle: shki'shki. 


With these we may fitly compare pshe-utiwash, the archaic term for 
maklaks people, human beings, which occurs in mythie stories only. 


5. The names of plants. 


Trees, shrubs, grasses, and all vegetal growths bearing edible fruit or 
berries, are very generally named after their products, and the names are 
derived from them through the suffix of the possessive case: -am, -lam. 
The noun to be supplied after this suffix, to make the phrase complete, 
inku, tkap, tehélash, is, except in a few cases, elliptically omitted, so: 
kpékam gooseberry bush, for kpédkam anku, kpék being the gooseberry 


Even the white oak, hidshnam, is called after its acorn, htidsha. 


INANIMATE OBJECTS. 505 


Terms deviating from this rule are, e. g., ko’sh pitch-pine tree, which is 
not named after its fruit, kti/lo pine-nut, though this is eaten by the Indians. 
Wokash, nii’t, nfi’tak, designate the plants as well as their seed. Welé'li 
barberry bush does not show the ending -am. Edible bulbs, roots, ete., gen- 
erally exhibit some other ending than -am, -lam, and even -ash, -ish is not 
very common among them. Cf. Texts, pp. 146-149. 

Among the terms in -am, fwam designates the whortleberry as well as 
the bush upon which it grows, and lé-usham, distr. lelé-usham, does not 
designate a plant, but a flower, blossom. 

Vegetal growths not producing edible fruits, berries, or seeds have 
names formed by a great variety of suffixes from nouns or verbs; ef. gilk- 
maks, kéndwat, néwal, skawanksh, shlé’dsh, vilalksh, ete. 


6. The names of inanimate objects. 


These are difficult to classify as to their derivation, on account of the 
large number of affixes occurring in their formation. Therefore the list 
below attempts to give only indications for the classification of some of 
their number. 

a. Nouns expressing the name of the material or substance from which 
an object is manufactured, or of which it consists, are often formed by the 
partitive suffix -ti, q. v. 

b. Nouns indicating the tool or instrument by which something is man- 
ufactured or performed are formed by appending -o’tkish (-utkish, -ii’teh) 
or -kish, q. v. 

ec. Parts of the human and animal body are formed chiefly by means 
of the suffixes -ash (-atch), -p, -u (-o). 

d. Topographic nouns—viz., terms for rivers, hills, prairies, woods, dis- 
tricts, sites, lakes, settlements, towns, ete.—are formed by -sh (-ash, -ish) 
and -kish, -lyish; proper names of places, sites, hills, ete., by -kshi, -zé’ni, 
-na, -i and other suffixes. Yaina mountain is an instance of a noun origin- 
ally formed by the suffix -na, and inflected through all cases. 


> 


THE ADJECTIVE. 


The attributive relation in the sentence is indicated by the adjective 
more than by any other part of man’s speech. Adjectives may be divided 


506 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


into numeral, indefinite or pronominal, verbal adjectives, and into adjec- 
tives designating quality. Only the two latter classes will be considered 
under this head; the indefinite will be treated under “ Pronoun”, and the 
numeral adjective under a separate heading, since numerals are used not 
only as adjectives, but also as adverbs. 

Adjectives qualify substantives in a similar manner as adverbs qualify 
verbs. In the language of which we treat the adjectival inflection is not 
so multiform and elaborate as that of the substantive noun, though this does 
not impair the clearness of sentences. ‘The suffixes -na, -i, -e’mi do not 
appear in the inflection of the adjective, and it also lacks special grammatic 


forms to indicate gradation. 


I. GENDER. 


Gender, animate and inanimate, is not distinguished in the adjective, 
for its principal distinctive mark, the objective case, does not differ in its 
suffix -sh, as the following sentences will show: 

mtinish wushmtish shitiga sha they kill a large ox; ef. 42, 2; 112, 21. 

atinsh ko’sh guka htik he climbed a tall pine tree. 

watsag mi ménish wawakash gitk foxr-hound, lit. “dog having long ears.” 

yananish pil maé-i pan they eat only the lower (part of the) tule reed. 

palpalish (or palpalsh) shlapsh gitko having a white flower. 

litchlitchlish stefnash eftko strong-hearted. 

If a distinction was made between the two genders, the above adjec- 
tives would, except in the first example, appear with the suffix -ni, -li. But 
another suffix, appearing in this and in other eases, is -a: tiima tua gitko 


possessing many things. Tt will be considered farther on. 


Il. ABSOLUTE AND DISTRIBUTIVE FORM. 


The distributive form derives itself in the same manner from the abso- 
lute as in the substantive and the verb. It is applied in the same manner 
and inflected by the same case-suffixes and case-postpositions as the abso- 
lute is, under stated restrictions. Whenever reduplication occurs, it may 
occur in the noun and in the adjective, or only in one of the two; in the 


latter case, it is usually the adjective which assumes the distributive form. 


INFLECTION OF ADJECTIVES. 507 


Even among the enclitic, unaccented adjectives there are some that will 
assume the distributive form; they resume their accentuation whenever 
they become joined to a noun showing this grammatic form. 

lt’k pipashptsh-tkani (gi) the seeds are blackish, 146, 3. 

kéladsh miimiitehmii'tehli lalkaya the kelddsh-berries grow blue, 146, 9. 


Ill. INFLECTION FOR CASE. 


The adjective inflects for case in a shape not very different from that 
of the substantive, and in both we find forms of the simple and of the com- 
posite declension. Some of the cases do not occur in every substantive, 
and still less so in every adjective; the paradigms will clearly show this. 
The linguistic principle effecting alterations like these is that of agglutination. 

Klamath has a double inflection of the adjectives in -v?, which may be 
compared in some respects to the one observed in German. Of this double 
inflection the shorter one is an abbreviation of the longer, showing the syl- 
lable -dn- or -én- before the case-suffix, and both are used almost indiserim- 


inately, although the longer one is more expressive. The adjective, when 


used predicatively, does not differ from the one used attributively, except 


sometimes by the position in the sentence, and in our texts the use of the 
adjective in either quality is rather frequent. The following examples will 


show the position of adjectives used predicatively : 


pgishap t’shishap ketchkaniénash 6’ gisht wéngga (Mod.) mother (and) 
father died when he was young, 55, 20. 

nash shui’sh sayuaks hi’imtcha kalak a song having pointed him out as 
relapsed; lit. ‘one song having discovered that he is of the kind 
called relapsed”, 72, 3. 

yamnashptchi It’loks Aishisham, Wandkalam kiki’kli 1/loks the fire of 
Aishish was purple-blue, that of Silver Fox was yellow, 99, 3. 

lap shilshesh mti’meni, sytitash tehish lpi ndshekane of gaming sticks 


there are two thick ones, of skin-covered sticks two slender ones, 79, 2. 


Not in every instance does the principle of agglutination unite the 
adjective closer to the substantive than the English laneuage does; but 


508 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


when this occurs one or the other loses its case-sign, and in a few instances 
both will lose theirs. 

A.—Both nouns retain their suffixes in the following instances : 

KWla-ushilpkash Yaina-dga-gishi at the Sand-covered Hill, 43, 12; ef. 56, 4. 

kédsha ntchcékayant kshi/nat i grows on small grasses, 148, 5. 

lik shewana shaplashti stiyanti to give away seeds from a full seed- 

paddle. 
nulidsha ko-idshantala kiiilatala kii-ilpAkshtala J am descending to the 
wretched, the burning land, 173; 2. 

ndanne’ntch wéwanshish yamnash shéwana to three (of his) wives he 
gave necklaces, 96, 9, 

ka-i gitanish Amputi biinui! do not drink of this water! 

pwka a sha ktiyatat kélpokshtat they roast them with heated stones, 
143,16. 17. CE YO. 13: 

B.—The preceding term, which is usually the adjective, retains the 
suffix, while the term standing last loses or abbreviates it: 

tidshantila kiifla into a good country, 39, 2. 40, 15. 

skétigshta vushdé shlin he shot (him) i the left breast, 42, 10. 

kaé-i pupashpt’shlish gushti Itvela they do not kill black hogs, 128, 2. 

C.—The term standing second retains its case-mark, while the one 
standing first loses or abbreviates it through attraction: 

gé-upgan mt/ni ¢-ushtat running into the great lake, viz, “the sea”, 

P27, 1A. 

kinkan’ smo’k gi’tk they have a spare beard, 90, 5; ef. 90. 17. 

inipni waitash during four days, 75, 14; ef. 88, 4. 

génta kiflatat about this world, 94, 2. 

palpal-tchileksh gitko person having a white skin, 55, 4. 

palpali watsatka upon a white horse, 183; 22. 

muni likiash neasht gi to agree with the great ruler, 40, 9. 

‘Truncated case-endings occur more frequently in the adjective than in 
the substantive. This abbreviated form is a consequence of agelutination 
to other terms to which they become intimately joined, and adjectives show- 
ing this form may be joined to substantives with an apocopated form or with 


a full form. Substantives joined to adjectives or numerals do not always 


INFLECTION OF ADJECTIVES. 509 


show the same case-suffixes as these, so that, e. g., -tala in the noun need not 


correspond to -tala in the adjective, but just as well to -sh, -nt, -4. The most 


frequent of these adnominal suffix-abbreviations are -a (-a) and -nt (-nta, -ta). 

-a (pronounced short) occurs in some oblique cases of the adjectives in 
-ptehi, -mtchi, -tchi, in some adjectives like tidshi good, ki-idshi bad, and in 
the numerals. We have also found this terminal in the substantives ending 
in -p (-ap, -ip). 

-nt, case-suffix abbreviated from -tat, -ta, the locative-case terminal, 
and subsequently nasalized. The same nasalizing process is observed in 
-ntka for -tka, and in -nti for -ti. It is frequently used as an adjectival suffix 
whenever the substantive belonging to it stands in one of the locative cases. 
It also appears as -anta, -ant, -ta, the latter occurring oftener in the .south- 
ern than in the northern dialect. 

The inflection of the adjective is effected by case-suffires only. When 
in the composite inflection a substantive assumes a case-suffix to which a 
case-postposition is added, its adjective-attribute shows the same case-suffix 
without any case-postposition, sometimes another; cf. Numeral. 

atiyii’nam welékshamkshi at the tall old squaw’s lodge. 

atiyii'n’sh welékshashtala toward the tall old squaw. 

To render the study of these correspondencies between the inflected 
adjective, numeral and substantive easier, I have laid them down in tabular 
form as follows, in the order of their frequency: 


Terminals of substantive : Terminals of adjective : 
correspond to: 

-ash and obj. case without suffix -sh (-ash, -ish), -4, -anta, -ant, ta. 
-am (-lam) -am (-lam), -nti. 
-ti, -At -nta (-nt), -ntka, -nti, -sh (-ash, -ish). 
-tat, -at -nta (-ant, -nt), -ntka, -tat, -sh. 
-tka, -tk : -ntka, -ntk, -tk. 
-yeni, -amzeéni -sh, -nt, -i-, am (-lam). 
-@’ mi -ntka, -ntk, -tk. 
-amkshi -am (-lam), -i. 
-ksaksi -sh, -nt, -3. 


-tala -sh, -nt, -i. 


510 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Some rules bearing upon the mechanical part of the adjectival declen- 
sion are as follows: ° é 
1. Adjectives, numerals, and indefinite pronouns in -ni show a double 
inflection; one of these inserts the syllable -dn-, -en- between the stem and 
the case-suffixes, while the other inflects the word without this insertion. 


Examples of this are: 


ketchkani small, young; obj. ketchkaniénash and kétehkan’sh. 
lapukni (abbr. lapuk) both ; obj. lapakénash and lapuksh. 

mini large, great; obj. muyii’nash (for muniénash), miinish, mtatch. 
udani, nddnni three; obj. ndannénash and ndanash. 

néinuk (for nanukni) all, whole; obj. nanukénash and ndnuk. 
tunépni five; obj. tunepii’nash and ttinipa. 


The longer form may stand without any substantive accompanying it; 
ef. htinkiash tunepii’nash five of them, 44, 2. The short form exists beside 
the longer one, and has apparently been formed from the latter by con- 
traction. The word atini long, tall forms atiénash and atiyénash, the -y- 
being inserted only for euphony, and so with others ending in -ini. 

2. Adjectives in -kni usually drop the -n- in the oblique cases. These 
are formed as if the adjective ended in -gish, -kish, and this suffix also 
appears in the subjective case of many of their number. 


K-ukshikni, obj. case E-ukshikishash. 
Mo’dokni and Mo’dokish, poss. case Modokisham. 
Walamskni and Walamskish, obj. case Walamskishash. 


3. Verbal adjectives (and participles) in -tko, -ntko. For the formation 
of their oblique cases, ef. -tko in “List of Suffixes” and ‘ Verbai Inflection.” 


Before we pass over to the paradigms, it will be of use to observe a few 
other examples, largely taken from our Texts, to illustrate further the work- 
ing of the rules established upon the preceding pages, under A, B,C. They 
are arranged after the cases observed in the substantive, commencing 


@ with 
the objective case, and include adjectives and pronouns. 


kii‘liant washash in the absence of the prairie-wolf, 105, 3. 


mit nkiTlipsh (for nkillipkash) ti’wish the quickly-rushing waters, 94, 5. 
gémptcha maiklakshash persons of that description; ef. 186; 54. 


PARADIGMS OF ADJECTIVES. 511 


ké-idsha skt’ksh a wicked spirit, 127, 18. 

palpalish shil Rhi’ulézan hoisting a white flag, 14, 2. 

tima nanuktuan gishaltko rich in all kinds of property. 

liwatkal shnilashtat hinkant they raised him up in that nest, 101, 18. 

kelidnta ké-ishtat when no snow was lying on the ground, 37, 21; ef. 41, 10. 

wi-ukayant kéladshamat on the low keladsh-bushes, 146, 8. 

taktaklanta kiiilatat upon level ground, 43, 29. 

nayant waitashtat on one and the same day; cf. 56, 7. 

géntka lildam this winter; géntka pata this summer. 

gaptchétka tzalampani about the middle of May, 36, 7. 

géntka skoshe’mi during this spring. 

na’dshash shelludlshgishi on one of the battle-fields, 56, 6. 

CONJUGATIONAL PARADIGMS. 

As I have remarked previously, both nouns, the adjective and the sub- 
stantive, may be inflected, or only one of the two. In the latter case, the 
endings -li, -ni may remain throughout unchanged: -ptchi, -dshi usually 
change into -ptcha, -tcha, -dsha in the oblique cases, and when used dis- 
tributively both may be reduplicated or one may remain in the absolute 
state. Paradigms of both kinds of inflection are presented below. 

Objective cases of adjectives in -li, -ni may be syncopated into -I’sh, 
-Ish, -n’sh, -ns, just as it is done in the substantive. 

Following are completely-inflected paradigms of adjectives: 


ADJECTIVE IN -LI. 


Absolute form. Distributive form. 
taktakli shlapsh red flower or flowers. tataktdkli shlashlapsh each red flower. 
taktaklish shlaipsh tataktaklish shlashlapsh 
taktakliam shlapsham tataktikliam shlashlapsham 
taktaklanti shlapshti tataktaklanti shlashlapshti 
taktaklantk shlapshtka tataktaklantk shlashlapshtka 
taktaklant shlapshtat tataktaklant shlashlapshtat 
taktaklish shlapshzé’ni tataktaiklish shlashlapshzé’ni 
taktaklant shlapshkséksi tataktaklant shlashapshksadksi 
taktaklish shlapshtala tataktiklish shlashlapshtala 


(or tataktaklant shlashlapshtala) 


i) GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ADJECTIVES IN -NI. 


Absolute form. + Distributive form. 
atini k0’sh tall pine tree. a-atini k6’sh each tall pine tree. 
ati-iin’sh, atinish, ati’nsh ko’sh a-atinish, a-atinsh k6’sh 
atiyi/nam, atiénam ko’sham a-atiyai/nam ko’sham 
atiyanti ko’shti a-atiyanti ko’shti 
ativantka ko’shtka a-attyantka ko’shtka 
atiyant ko’shtat a-atiyant ko’shtat 
ati’nsh koshzé’ni a-atinsh koshyé’ni 
ati’‘nsh koshksaksi a-atinsh koshksdksi 
ati‘nsh ko’shtala a-atinsh ko’shtala 


The distributive form of the adjective is here conjugated with the absolute 
of the substantive. 


The cases omitted in the following paradigm are the locative in -tat, -at, 
which does not occur in names of persons except when used instead of -ti; 
and -ksaksi, which in personal names must be affixed to other case-endings. 


Absolute form. Distributive form. 
muni lakf great chief, head chief: muttméni lalaki each great chief. 
muyiinash, munish lékiash mumiin’sh, mitménish lalakiash 
muyii’nam lakiam mumii’nam lalakiam 
muyii’nam lAkiamti mumii’nam lalakiamti 
muyi/ntka lakitka mumia ntka lalakitka 
muyi’nam lakiamzé’ni mumiad’nam lalakiamyé’ni 
muyii/nam ldkiamkshi mumii’nam lalakiamkshi 
muyi’n’sh, mtinish lakiashtala mumiiin’sh lalakiashtaéla 


INFLECTION OF ¢idshti GooD, AND OF ku-idshi BaD. 
Absolute form. Distributive form. 


tidshi pgfshap good mother. tidshi or titidshi pgishishap each good 


mother. 


oe 


- ADJECTIVAL PARADIGMS. 


Absolute form. 


tidsha pgisha | 
tidsha pgisham 
tidsha pgisha 

tidsha pgisha 

tidsha pgishamyé’ni 
tidsha pgishamkshi 
tidsha pgishamksaksi 
tidsha(nt) pgishatala 


513 
Distributive form. 


tidsha pgishisha 

tidsha pgishisham 
tidsha pgishisha 

tidsha pgishisha 

tidsha pgishishamye’ni 
tidsha pgishishamkshi 
tidsha pgishishamksaksi 
tidsha(nt) pgishishatala 


The absolute or distributive form in the adjective and the distributive form 
in the substantive; cf. 107, 8. 10. 11 with 107, 7: 


Absolute form. 


ki-idshi watsaga vicious dog. 


kt-idsha watsdgash and watsiga 

ku-idshii‘nam and ki-idsham watsa- 
galam 

kt-idsha watsagti 

ku-idshaintka watsagatka 

ku-idshtat (and ki-idsha) watsaga- 
tat, watsagat 

ki-idsha watsagzé’ni 

ki-idsha watsigaksi 

kit-idsha watsagksaksi 

kt-idshant watsagtala 


Distributive form. 


ki-idshi wa-utsag each vicious dog (or 
kukidshi wa-utsaga). 

kt-idsha wa-utsdgash and wa-utchaga 

ku-idshii‘nam wa-utchagalam 


ku-idsha wa-utsagti 

ku-idshantka wa-utsigatka 

ki-idshtat, ki-idsha wa-utsagatat, wa- 
utsagat 

ki-idsha wa-utsagz@ ni 

kt-idsha wa-utchagaksi 

kt-idsha wa-utchagksaksi 

kt-idshant wa-utchagtala 


The second column contains the absolute form in the adjective and the 


distributive form in the substantive. 


Although the suffix -dshi in these two adjectives is not identical with 


the suffix -pichi, -mtchi, -tchi, the adjectives and pronouns with this ending 


are inflected exactly in the same manner, and thus no new paradigm is 


required. 
33 


514 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ADJECTIVE IN -SH. 


Absolute form. 


kélpaksh ambu hot, boiling water. kelpakshze’ni_ Ambu, or kélpaksh 
kélpakshash, kélpokshash 4mbu ambuzé ni 

kélpkapkam émbuam kélpaks ambuksaksi, or Ambu_ kélp- 
kélpakshti Ambuti or Ambu kaksaksi 

kélpakshtka dambutka or Ambu kélpakshtal(a) Ambutal 


kélpakstat or kélpoksh 4mbutat 
It will be seen that some of the above forms are derived from kélpkatko, 
and not from kélpaksh, kélptiks. 
Distributive form. 


Kekalpaksh, kekalpoks is not in frequent use, the language preferring 
to substitute for it kekalpkatko, the participle of kélpka. For its inflection 
see Participles, and -tko in List of Suffixes. 


ADJECTIVE IN -A. 


Absolute form. Distributive form. 
kudta kta-i, ktai hard rock, hard stones. kakudta ktaf each hard rock. 
kudta ktai kakuata ktaf 
kudtanti ktiyam kakudtanti ktayam 
kudtanti ktaiti kakuatanti ktafti 
kudtantk ktdyatka kakuatantka ktayatka 
kudtant ktaitat, ktayat kakudtant ktaitat. 
kudtant ktaizé’ni kakuatant ktaiyé’ni 
kudtant ktafkshakshi kakuatant ktatksakst 
kudtant ktaftala kakudtant ktaftala 


The conclusions to be drawn from these various conjugational speci- 
mens are that some case-suffixes of the substantive (-na, -e’mi) and all the 
case-postpositions, -tala excepted, are not employed in the inflection of the 
adjective, but that others are substituted for them; that the language rather 
seeks differentiation than similarity in the endings of both, and that the 


STRUCTURE OF THE ADJECTIVE. 515 


inflection of the adjective is rather a matter of convenience than a process 
following strict rules or observing regularity. It adapts itself much more 
to the sense of the sentence or phrase than to the exigencies of grammatic 
rule, and diligently evades combinations obstructing rapid enunciation or 
injurious to euphony. 


IV. RADICAL STRUCTURE. DERIVATION. 


In regard to the structure of their radices, the adjectives subdivide 
themselves into two classes easily distinguishable from each other. Class 
A embodies all adjectives with a simple, mostly monosyllabic radix, while 
Class B comprehends all the adjectives formed by iterative reduplication 
and the suffix -li. Both classes possess a distributive form derived from the 
absolute by what I call distributive reduplication. 

The adjectives of Class A with a simple radix, as tidshi good, stani full, 
kélpoksh boiling, hot, take every ending occurring in adjectives save -li. 
The sound preceding the derivational suffix is usually a vowel, which some- 
times is elided; diminutives take the ending -aga (-ak, -ka, -ga). Their 
function is to express qualities inferred from observation and of an abstract 
and immaterial order. 

The adjectives of Class B with a radix formed by iteration of the whole 
radical syllable are very numerous, and end in -li without exception. ‘The 
sound preceding the suffix -li is usually consonantic, and then the radix 
belongs to the class which I call thematic roots. In palpali white this sound 
has coalesced with the suffix, the original form being pdalpal-li. The func- 
tion of this class is to express qualities perceived on objects of nature by 
the sense of vision (colored, striped, angular, in motion, ete.), by that of 
touch (smooth, rough, furry, level, etc.), of smell and taste; thus their signi- 
fication is always of a material, concrete nature. The diminutives of this 
class append -aga and -tkani to the radical instead of -li: 


lushlushdga a little warm. 

ketchiga rather small; from ketchkani smalt. 

luk pfipashptshtkani each seed is a little black, blackish, 146, 3. 
kiki’ktkani tchikass a yellowish bird, 180; 8. 


516 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Some of the adjectives in -li can drop this suffix. The remaining 
radix then serves for forming compound words, or it represents the adverb 
corresponding to the adjective: 


metsmets-siwals (for metsmétsli shawalsh) obsidian arrow-head; lit. 
“dark-blue arrow-tip.” 
pushptsh-uk shlé’sh (uk for hik) it is black to look at, 73, 6. 


The radix of the adjectives of Class B is, in some instances, found to 
occur in its simple, unreduplicated form, especially in compound substan- 
tives and in verbs. Analogous to this is the fact that the adjectives of color 
in the Sahaptin dialects occur regularly in both forms, the simple and the 
duplex, as in the Warm Spring dialect lii’mt and 1i’mtliimt for yellow. In 
Klamath we have: 


kal-kma half-spherical skull-cap, for kalkali kma, 

litchtakia to try hard, contains litehlitehli strong. 

pi’ytgi to dawn, lit. “to turn gray”, contains piikpii’kli gray. 
Push-kiu ‘Black-Posteriors”, nom. pr. masc., for Pushptshli ku. 
ta’ytki to become red, to blush, contains taktakli red. 


This is observed in some other verbs in -tki, -tyi, and is true even of 
some adjectives of Class B, which revert to their adverbial form without 
losing their adnominal signification: mt-lakf headchief, kétchalaki subchief. 

The following table will show the grammatic relation in which almost 
all the adjectives in -li, and a large number of those in -ni, -kni, -kani ete., 
stand to their corresponding adverbs. Verbal adjectives in -tko, -ntko of 
course do not form adverbs. Examples: 


litchlitch strongly, forcibly; litehlitehli valorous, powerful. 
kétchketch roughly; ketchkétehli rough to the touch. 

muti strongly, much, a great deal; muni large, great. 

ati far, high up; atini tall, distant; atikni stranger. 
ma’‘ntch long ago; ma‘ntchni belonging to the past. 

tank then, at that time; tankni belonging to that period. 

ttt over there; tikni coming from there. 


gita here; gitikni coming from here, there. 


DERIVATION OF THE ADJECTIVE. 517 


ké-i badly, wrongly ;. k6-idshi bad, wretched, wicked. 
kéteha a little, somewhat; ketchkani small, little, young. 


DERIVATION OF ADJECTIVES. 


The more important points on this subject having been previously 
stated, short references to these are all that are now needed for our purpose. 
Adjectives are derived from radicals and bases by suffixation exclusively. 
There exists no prefix especially devoted to the formation of these nouns. 
As to their derivation from the different parts of speech, the adjectives 
may be classed as taking the following suffixes: 
Adjectives of an adverbial, ete. origin: -ni, -kni (sometimes, as in 
numerals, abbreviated into -ni). 
Adjectives of a verbal origin and nature, verbal adjectives, ete: -tko, -a. 
Adjectives of a substantive origin: -sh (-ish, -ksh, -gs), -ni, -kni, -aga, 
-ptchi (-mtchi, -tchi). 
Adjectives of pronominal origin: -kani, -kni, -kianki, -ptehi. 
Adjectives derived from other adjectives: -ptchi. 
Adjectives proper: -li, -i. 


With respect to their signification, the formative endings of adjectives 
may be subdivided in suffixes conveying a concrete, material meaning (-li); 
an abstract meaning (-ni, -kianki, -kani); while all the others, even -ni 
sometimes, form adjectives belonging to both classes. 

In the enumeration of adjectival suffixes here following, it will be appro- 
priate to distinguish between those ending in -i and those showing other 
terminal sounds. While the former are of the more genuine adjectival 
type, the latter are in fact substantives. Compound suffixes are not infre- 
quent, and are often formed from oblique cases of a noun. 


-d, an exceptional suffix, occurring in wikaé (for wikéni) /ow, in kuata 
hard, which are in fact an adverb and verb. 


-ag a, -ak forms diminutives like tumidga @ few, and is mentioned in 
List of Suffixes. Some of the adjectives in -ak are formed by ak only, 
but, and are not really diminutive adjectives: kéliak deprived of, péniak 
unclothed, tankak a few only. 


518 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


-i appears separately as a suffix only in a few adjectives, as ki-idshi 
bad, tidshi good, ttmi many. Ati is abbreviated from atini, like wénni from 


wennini. 


-kani appears in a few adjectives only, as yénakani, ketchkani, ntch¢- 
kani, tzAlampankani; in the following it points to an uncounted, undeter- 
mined number or quality, and is equivalent to our some: tiumikani maklaks 
a number of persons, some people; kinkankani a few. It also forms the suffix 
-tkani, q. v. Cf. page 343. 


A 


-kianki, -gianggin; ‘for oneself”, in List of Suffixes. 


-kni forms adjectives marking provenience or origin from, and hence 
frequently occurs in tribal names. In oblique cases the -n- is usually 
dropped after the k-: ydémakni northern, obj. case: yamakishash, for the 
oblique cases are formed trom a suffix -kish. The suffix is a contraction of 
-kani, although it differs now greatly from it in its function. Adjectives in 
-kni have often to be rendered in English by the corresponding adverb : 


ti’kni p’li’ntankni sa shlin they shot from above in the distance, 23, 21. 
hunkélamskni ligs guikaga the slave ran away from this man’s house. 


Several adjectives in -kni are derived from the oblique, especially loc- 
ative cases of substantives and pronouns, and from adverbs or postpositions : 
kékagtalkni, Lékuashtkni, Shikueshtkni, nakushyé/nkni, p’laitalantni (for 
plaitalantkni?), 173; 1. 

-li forms concrete adjectives descriptive of surface-quality, or of inten- 
sity of motion. ‘Their radical structure and the affinity of -li with -ala (-la) 
and the prefix l- have been hinted at elsewhere. This suffix forms no com- 


pound suffixes. 


-ni forms adjectives, most of which are of an abstract or immaterial 
import; it also forms compound adjectival suffixes, often having an adverbial 
signification when translated into English. The ending may be preceded 
by a vowel, as in atini fall, ké-uni slow, tzé-uni first, or by a consonant, as 
in tunépni five and the other numerals, tyAlamni middle, komt’shni wild, ete. 
The insertion of -iin-, -en- in the oblique cases, and the forming of collect- 


ive nouns by appending -ni, distr. -nini, was mentioned above. Suffixes 


- SUFFIXES OF ADJECTIVES. 519 


composed with -ni are found in shuidshashksaksfni, tutashtalfksini, vusho- 
ksaksini, ydntani, tatyélampdnkani. 

The suffix -ni, used in an adverbial sense, occurs in the adverbial 
numerals: lépni twice; in tehtshni always, timéni often, and is not inflected 
then, as may be seen 112, 7. 10, where we find katni to those inside the 
kayata; if it was inflected as an adjective, we would expect katniash, or 
kayatniash. 


-ptchi, abbr. -tchi, -tch, -mtchi, -mtch, marks likeness to, similarity 
in appearance, and is comparable to our suflix -like, -ly. It forms adjectives 
from substantives, adjectives, pronouns and adverbs. 


-sh, -s composes adjectives having the nature of substantives, some of 
them referring to temperature: kélpaksh hot and heat, katags cold, ete. They 
appear either with the suffix -ish, -ésh, or with -kish, -gish, -ksh, -gs; ef. List 


of Suffixes. 


-tkant. Mentioned under -kani and elsewhere. 


-tko (-tk, -Itko, -ntko) forms verbal adjectives, as spigatko gray-covred, 
nkillitko strong, forcible, ete. 


To the above list we add a few adjectives of a rather general significa- 
tion. Many of them become so closely agglutinated to the substantive to 
which they belong as to lose their accent, and the shorter ones of them are 
postpositive, whereas the common adjective has its regular position in the 
sentence before the noun qualified. The distributive form, which a few of 


them have, is scarcely ever used. 


Amtchiksh abbr. -amtch, old, is transposed from ma‘ntch gi’sh, 
ma‘ntch; the definitions may be gathered from the Dictionary, page 21. 
When -amtch refers to ancestral belief, it is appended to all mythic beings 
of the Indian religion, as in Shikamtch Old Heron. It may refer also to 
old people, and then shows a derisive admixture incident to old age, like 
the Italian suffixes -accio, -uccio: Wakénamtch, nom. pr., Old Fellow 
changing his voice. Yn the sense of used up, or good for nothing, it is said 
of articles of household or daily use, as in sho’pamtch bad, miserable soap. 
Nouns ending in -sh, -s lose this suffix before -amtch. 


520 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


gitko, abbr. gitk, being, existing, doing, but much more frequently pos- 
sessed of, having, and. then construed with the objective case of the object 
possessed. This term is treated more in full elsewhere, but it may be 
remarked that through attraction it often changes into the participle in -tko 
of another verb; ef klana palpalish shlapshaltko the klana has a white flower, 
146, 14, when the correct expression would be: klina pélpalish shlapsh 
gitko. 


ydlank alike to, similar to; partic. of yélha to lay upon, viz., ‘to make 
congruent”: Béshtin ydlank after the fashion of the Americans, 59, 20. 


-pani is an enclitic adverb, up to, reaching as far as (pani in Diction- 
ary), which occurs in some adjectives, as tyalampani half, middle, lit. “up 
to the middle”, and with -kani forms -pankani, -pankni: tzdlampankani 


Sorming one-half. 


shitko, Mod. shitka, distr. shish4tko, shushdtka; enclitic: shitk, sitk 
comparable with, looking like; cf. List of Suffixes. Differs from -ptchi by 
giving comparisons of a more reflected, abstract nature. Modocs usually 
construe it with the objective, Klamath Lake Indians with the possessive 
case. 


-tud, enclit. -tua, refers chiefly to inanime jects: hin thin 
tud, enclit. -tua, refers chiefly to inanimate objects: a thing, something, 
some kind of; obj. case tuélash; poss. tudlam. Laki tima tud gitk @ rich 
man, lit. ‘a chief many things possessed of”; ndinuktua everything. 


V. GRADATION. 


The Klamath of Oregon belongs to those languages which resort to 
circumscriptive methods for expressing gradation; for it does not possess 
any suffixes to express with exactness our particles more, the most, less, or 
our suffixes -er, -est. Hence this subject belongs more to syntax than to 
morphology; but we shall see that the means of expressing gradation by 
particles are not entirely wanting. 

Comparatives are expressed as follows: ‘This boy surpasses his brother 
in strength”, or “this boy is strong; his brother is not”; “this boy is strong; 


his brother is weak.” 


MODES OF GRADATION. 521 


Superlatives. For the sentence, ‘“‘my child is the oldest of these chil- 
dren”, they will say “my child is old; the others are not”; or “my child 
surpasses the others in age.” 

Minuitives are rendered :, ‘The elk exceeds the deer in size”; or ‘the 
elk is large, the deer is small.” All this instead of our “the deer is less in 
size than the elk.” 

The ideas of excelling over, surpassing, exceeding can be renderea by 
several verbs differing from each other in their radicals and prefixes accord- 
ing to the form and number of the subjects and objects compared. For 
the selection of these, the Dictionary may be consulted. Kshuizi, partic. 
kshuizitko to surpass (one animate subject), ltizitko (round subject), uyé- 
zitko (tall subjects), wintzi, Mod. vuizi, partic. winfzitko, Mod. vufzitko, are 
the most common terms employed to indicate gradation. When speaking 
of bodily size or strength, terms designating these qualities are generally 
omitted, but when objects are compared for other qualities, this quality is 
added to the verb, generally in the form of an adjective. The objects 
compared to the subject of the sentence generally appear in the objective 
case. 

ko’sh muni uyéyitk kapka the pitch-pine is taller than the kapka-pine 

(uyézitko literally means “lifted up”, “raised”). 

ecku a ki’sh ké-i winizitk hd’nu this pine tree is smaller than that one ; 

lit. “this pine tree not surpassing-is that.” 

gé-u a kitchkani ii’puls, mitoks mini my apple is smaller than yours ; 

lit. ‘mine is small apple, yours-but large.” 
pawash a kédsha aity4ménash ko’l the pawash-root grows to less height 
than ko'l, 148, 7. 

luizitko kApiunksam lik tchipshash the seed of the kdpiunks-plant is 
larger than that of the tehipash (\-, prefix of luizitko, points to the 
round shape of the seed), 146, 3. 

fan’sh wintyi you are taller than I; lit. “you surpass me.” 

witch kshuizitk tydé-ushash the horse is larger than the colt; lit. “horse 

is conquering colt.” 

nia tima gitk winizi mish I have more than you; lit. “IT much-having 

exceed you.” 


522 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ninka pupashptshli maklaks, nankatoks ka-i some Indians look darker 
than others ; lit. “some dusky Indians, some not.” 

hat a hishuaksh atini, ndnuken’sh hak nalsh wintzi this man is the tallest 
of us; lit. “this man is tall, all of us just he surpasses.” 


When an adjective is enhanced by our very, quite, strongly, exceedingly, 
this gradation is rendered in Klamath by mu, mt prefixed, or by toks, ka, 
kd-a, ga-A, ka-@ prefixed or suffixed, sometimes proclitic and enclitic; taks, 
toks refers to something mentioned previously. 


mii nkillitko very rash, strong. 

ka-A ké-idshi very bad or mischievous, loathsome. 
ga atini very tall. 

tidshi toksh, tidshi ka-a very good, quite good. 
ka-a kitehkani, mii kétechkani very small or young. 


Outside of these syntactic means of gradation the language knows of 
some particles producing the same effect; but their use is rather limited, 
and this seems to show that their function is not exactly the same. 

For the minuitive no particle exists, but comparatives may be expressed 
by suftixing the enclitic ak only, but to the adjective. It becomes so closely 
fused to it that even case-suflixes are placed after it. The signification only, 
just, nothing but enables this particle to express also the enhancive particles 


very, quite, greatly: 


kitchkani small, kitehkaniak very small, kA-i kitchkani not so very small, 
not so small. 


shkaini strong, shkainiak stronger, very strong; obj. case shkainiaksh. 


To express a superlative, one of the vowels of the adjective is protracted 
to a length which is thought to meet the case in question. Mini is large, 
mit-uni pretty large, mt-ini very large, and mu-u-u-tini colossal; ttiimi many, 
tiimi-i-i a large number of: This very effective grammatic feature is ob- 
served in the majority of American languages. 

In the Modoe dialect, -ptchi, -tchi when appended to some adjectives 
effects gradation: tidshi good, dear; tidshitehi pretty good, or the dearest; atini 
tall; atinitchi (or -teha) 0 tehaki that boy is very tall. 


THE NUMERAL SERIES. 523 


The particle -la, -lé expresses our superlative, but only in adjectives 
referring to certain objects extending in length, as plants, trees ete. : 
kitechganla the smallest (of them). 


THE NUMERAL. 


The numeral is either a numeral adjective or a numeral adverb. 
While in the Klamath language the latter is of two kinds, one in -ni and 
the other in -ash, the numeral adjective, when in its complete form, shows 
but the ending -ni, though an apocopated form exists for all the numerals. 
A distributive form exists for all the four forms just described. The nu- 
meral adjective answers to our cardinal numeral; an ordinal numeral cor- 
responding to our numeral in -th, as fifth, ninth, does not exist in Klamath, 
but has to be rendered in a circumlocutory manner by some term of the 
four numeral series existing. An ordinal series is represented in the Mas- 
koki, Algonkin,* Iroquois, and Dakota dialects, but in the Pacific coast 
languages it is not universally met with. A distributive series, as we find 
it in Latin, is rarely met with in the languages of the Eastern hemisphere, 
but in America is not infrequent; and we find it also among the languages 
which make an extensive use of syllabic reduplication. As an appendix to 
the numerals we may consider the classifiers, which consist of verbal forms 
or particles, and are appended to the numeral to indicate the shape or exte- 
rior of the objects counted. They seem to belong almost exclusively to 
illiterate languages, and according to what G. Gibbs and H. de Charencey 
have written upon the subject, occur in the Polynesian languages, in the 
Selish and Nahua dialects, and attain their most extensive development in 
the Maya dialects. Multiplicative numerals generally coincide with the 
adverbial numeral expressing times, and so do they in the Klamath lan- 
guage; other modes of expressing them to be described below. 


I. THE NUMERAL SERIES. 


The first table contains the series of the first ten numerals in their 
complete form ending in -ni, which expresses the cardinals when inflected 


* The Shawano language, Algonkin family, forms its ordinals by prefixing mawi- and suffixing 
-sene, -thene to the cardinal numeral. Thus nisathui seven forms mawinisuathéne seventh. The suffix 
can also be dropped, and then we have mawinisuathut seventh. 


524 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


like an adjective, and the adverbial series when not inflected. It can also 
be used to express our ordinals, and instances of this use are mentioned 
below, the numeral then being inflected like an adjective, and consequently 
placed before the noun which it qualifies. 

The short or apocopated form of the numeral without the -77 represents 
the cardinal only. It mostly serves for counting, for rapid figuring, and 
for forming compound numerals above ten, and is represented in the second 
table. The distributive form in both tables corresponds to our seven to each, 
or seven times for each, and embodies the idea of severalty or apportionment. 


SXPLICIT FORMS OF THE NUMERALS UP TO TEN. 


Absolute form. Distributive form. 
né-igshtani, Mod. na‘gshtani one-half. ndnigshtani 
na‘dsh, na‘sh, na’s one (once, tina). nénash 
la‘péni, la’p’ni, 1a’pi two, twice. la‘lap’ni, lalapi 
ndanni, ndani three, thrice. ndandani 
vuinepni, wiinipni four, four times. vul-unepni 
tiinepni Jive, five times. titénepni 
nadshkshaptankni six, six times. nanashkshaptankni 
lapkshaptankni seven, seven times. lalapkshaptankni 
ndankshaptankni eight, eight times. ndandankshaptankni 
nadshskée’kni (Klamath Lake) — nine, nine times. nanadshské’kni 
shkékishkni (Modoc) nine, nine times. syesy¢ékishkni 
ta-unepni, té-unepni ten, ten times. tettinepni 


APOCOPATED FORMS OF THE NUMERALS UP TO TEN. 


nd-igshta, Modoc na’gshta one-half. nan’gshta 

na’sh, nds _ one. nanash 

la’p two. lalap 

ndan three. ndandan 

viinep, nip Sour. vu-unep, t-unip 
tlinep, ttinip jive. titénep 
nadshkshapta, na’sksapt sin. ndnashksapt 
lapkshapta, lapksapt seven. lilapksapt 


ndankshapta, ndanksapt eight. ndindanksapt 


THE NUMERAL SERIES. a2 


na‘dshskeksh, na’syeks (Klamath Lake) nine. nanadsyéksh 
shke’kish, ske’ks (Modoc) nine. szesyékish 
ta-unep, té-unip ten. tettinep, tettnip 


THE NUMERAL SERIES FROM ELEVEN UPWARD. 


Indians speaking the language correctly never omit adding a classifier 
to the units of the compound numeral. I have therefore added to each 
decad a different classifier, thus giving successively the whole series of 
classifiers in use, with their distributive forms. The classifiers and the 
special uses made of them will be explained below. To show the different 
ways of pronouncing each numeral I have varied their mode of spelling: 


11 ta-unepanta na‘dsh likla; d. lilakla 

12 ta-unepanta lip pé-ula; d. pépula 

13 ta-unepanta ndan pé-ula 

14 ta-unepanta vinep pé-ula 

15 ta-unepanta ttinep pé-ula 

16 ta-unepanta nddshkshapt pé-ula 

17 ta-unepanta lapkshapt pé-ula 

18 ta-unepadnta ndankshapt pé-ula 

19 ta-unepdénta na‘dshsyéks pé-ula 

20 la’péni ta-unep; d. lalap té-unep 

21 lap’ni ta-unepanta na’dsh liklatko; d. liléklatko 
22 la’p’ni ta-unepanta la’p pé-ulatko; d. peptilatko 
23 la’pni ta-unepanta ndan pé-ulatko 

24 la’pni ta-unepanta vinep pé-ulatko 

25 la’pni ta-unepanta tliinep pé-ulatko 

26 la’pni ta-unepadnta na‘shkshapt pé-ulatko 

27 la’pni ta-unepanta la’pksapt pé-ulatko 

28 la’pni ta-unepanta ndanksapt pé-watko 

29 la’pni ta-unepanta na‘dszeks pé-ulatko 

30 ndani ta-unep; d. ndandan td-unep 

31 ndani ta-unepanta na’sh kshikla; d. ksiksikla 
32 ndani ta unepanta lap ikla; d. i-Akla 

33 ndani ta-unepanta ndan ikla 


526 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATI LANGUAGE. 


39 ndadni ta-unepinta na‘dsyeks tkla 
40 vunépni ti-unep; d. vu-undépni ta-unep 
41 vun¢pni ta-unepénta na/dsh kshiklatko; d. ksiksaklatko 
42 vundépni ta-unepanta lip fklatko; d. i-dklatko 
vunépni ta-unepanta lapgsapt iklatko 
50 ttinepni ta-unep; d. tiiténepni ta-unep 
51 timepni ta-unepanta nadsh nékla; d. nenakla 
52 ttinepni ta-unepdnta lap nikla 
60 nadshkshaptankni ta-unep; d. nanadshaptankni ta-unep 
61 nadshksaptankni ta-unepanta na‘dsh néklatko; d. nenaklatko 
62 nadshksaptinkni ta-unepanta lap niklatko 
70 lapkshaptankni ta-unep; d. lalapksaptankni ta-unep 
71 lapksaptéinkni ta-unepanta na‘dsh shlékla; d. shleshlakla 
72 lapksaptinkni ta-unepanta la’p shlékla 
80 ndanksaptankni ta-unep; d. ndandanksaptankni ta-unep 
81 ndanksaptinkni ta-unepanta na’sh shléklatko; d. shleshlaklatko 
82 ndanksaptankni ta unepanta lip shléklatko 
90 nadshske’ksni ta-unep; d. nanadsze’ksni ta-unep 
9L nadszé’ksni ta-unepanta na’sh yala or ydlatko, i-dlatko 
92 nadszé’ksni ta-unepanta lap yala 
100 ta-unépni ta-unep; hiindred; tina hindred 
101 ta-unépni tai-unep (pen) na’/sh kshikla 
200 ldpéni ta-unépni ta-unep; lap’ni hindred 
300 ndéni ta-unépni ti-unep 
400 vunépni ta-unépni ta-unep 
434 vunipni ta-unépni ta-unep (pen) ndani ta-unep (pii’n) viinep pé-ula 
1000 ta-unépni ta-unépni ta-unep; tina totisan 
1889 tina totsin pen ndankshaptankni hindred pén ndankshaptankni ta- 


unep pin na‘dszeks pé-ulatko 


Concerning the mechanical side of the three series just enumerated, a 
few remarks are necessary. 
In the first series, the -nkni of six, seven, eight is often abbreviated into 


-ni: lapkshaptankni into lapkshaptani; ef. 44, 6. La’pi is the original form 


THE NUMERAL SERIES. 52M 


of the numeral for two, and lapéni means twice; cf. the Dictionary, page 181. 
In the list of the numerals above ten, the ending -anta, -ant in ta-unepanta 
is a locative case, nasalized from what would appear in a substantive as 
-atat, or -ata, -at; and ta-unepdnta has to be interpreted as upon the tew 
vuncpni ta-unepanta upon the forty. Every numeral has its distributive 
form, corresponding exactly to to the sepleni, deni of Latin; it is inflected 
and abbreviated exactly like the absolute form, and shows the same fune- 
tions, though in a distributive sense. When two or more numerals form a 
compound numeral, and no classifier is added, as is done in the numbers 
divisible by ten, the first one, not the following, is reduplicated whenever the 
whole number is spoken of distributively. ‘Thus when I say, Give me thirty 
eggs every day, this will be rendered by ndandan’sh té-unip napal nanuk wai- 
tash nish lti; not by ndandan’sh tettnip, nor by nddnish tettinip nadpal. 

The same principle of incorporation of several terms, which are inti- 
mately connected together into one phrase, we observe when a classifying 
term is added distributively to the numeral. It then suffices to reduplicate 
the classifier, though it would not be incorrect to do the same also with the 
first numeral of the number in question. The additive particle pén, piin 
again, and, should be used after ta-unepni with its multiples only (or after 
ti-unep, if this is abbreviated from t4-unepni); but some Indians insert it 
ungrammatically after ta-unepdnta and its decadic multiples as well. In the 
numerals above one hundred, only the units are inflected by case, not the 
hundreds nor the decades or tens; cf. the ti unep standing for ta unepanta, 
in the numeral series, under 101, 434, and 1889. When units are added to 
ten and its multiples, the smaller number can also stand first, followed by 
piin, pen or not. Forty-three may thus be expressed in different ways: 


vunépni ta-unepanta ndan pé-ula 
vunépni ta-unepni pén ndan pé-ula 
ndan pén vunépni ta-unep pé-ula 
ndin vunépni tai-unep pé-ula 


The fraction one-half, ni-igshtani, na’gshta, is usually placed after the 
classifier: ta-unepanta lap pé-ula nagshta tila na péwi I paid twelve dollars 
and a half. 


523 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Il, INFLECTION FOR CASE. 


Like the adjective in -x?, the numeral adjective possesses a long form 
in -d’n-, -en- and a shorter one. The longer form appears only in a few 
vases, however, and instances will be given below. 

The numeral may be used attributively, and then usually precedes the 
noun which it qualifies; or it may be used predicatively, and then its posi- 
tion in the sentence is more free. In both instances the numeral is inflected 
by case, like the adjective, but may at any time exchange its suffix with 
the uniform ending -’, which occurs in so many adjectives and pronouns 
in their oblique cases, and in rapid speech is dropped altogether. Only 


case-suftixes—and of case-postpositions only -tala and the inessive -i (in na-i 
on one side)—are employed in its inflection. 
The noun tatiksni in the paradigm following means children, and occurs 


in the distributive form only, though in the sense of a true plural: 


ndani. ndanni tataksni three children (subj.). 

ndannénash, ndanna tatikiash three children (obj.). 

ndannénam tatakiam of three children. 

nddnnantka tatakiamti or tatakiamat about three children. 

ndannantka tatakiashtka by means of three children. 

ndanna tatakiamyé’ni, tatakiamkshye’ni where three children are. 

ndanna tatakid4mkshi where three children live. 

ndinna tatakidmkshtala, abbr. tatakidimshtala toward the place where 
three children live. 


Another paradigm contains a combination with a substantive, in which 
the possessive case is impossible or unusual, and is therefore replaced by 
the partitive case: 


té-unipni shishilaga fen shreds. té-unipantk shishilagtat 
te-unipénash, té-unip shishilag(a) té-unipant(a) shishilagksaksi 
te-unipanti shishilagti té-unipant shishilagtala 


té-unipantk(a) shishilagatka 


The case-ending -tka, -ntka, -ntk frequently becomes connected with 


substantives standing in the locative case. 


INFLECTION FOR CASE. 529 


Other examples of inflection : 

ti’nipnish wéwan’s gitk Aishish Aishish had five wives, 99, 9. 

ndanné’ntch wéwanshish to three (of his) wives, 96, 9. 

nti té-unip willi’shik iwi’ya I have filled ten sacks, 74, 12. 

lapni ta-unepanta pii’n tinep pé-ula ni sii’tu I have counted twenty- 
Jive, 70, 8. 

wila sa hi’nkiast tt’/nipiins they asked those five (men), 17, 6; ef. 17, 
13; 44, 2. 

ti’nipni hak makléka Nilakskni five (men) only from Nilakshi were 
encamped, 17, 2. 


The numeral one, na‘dsh (radix na-), shows a large number of different 
forms, which necessitate a special paradigm. Besides the meaning one it 
also signifies other, another, somebody, and then usually has the longer form, 


ndyentch : 


subj. na’dsh, na’sh, nds one; nayents another. 

obj. na’dsh, na‘sh, 72, 8; nayi/nash, ndyen’sh, né-iints, nayiins, 72, 1. 
poss. na’dsham ; nayénam, na-ii’nam. 

partit. na-iti. 

instrum. nayantka, na-iint, nayant, 66, 10; nd-ent, 66, 2. 

locat. nayantat(?), nédyant, né-iint. 

illat. na-itze’ni on one end; on the other side (for na-iti-zé’ni). 

iness. nd-i on one side (in na-igshta half, na-iti etc.). 


direct. na‘dshtala, na-itala (ef. né-ital-télshna). 


From la’pi fwo, many cases of which were given in the Dictionary, is 
formed lApukni, abbr. lapuk both, which is inflected like other numerals. 

For the numerals from eleven to nineteen a shorter form exists besides 
the four forms mentioned above; it consists in omitting the number ten, 
and the classifier appears to be sufficient proof that the number spoken of 
is above ten, for numerals below ten never assume classifiers. Thus we 
have: 


12 lap pé-ula, instead of : ta-unepanta lap pé-ula; ef. 40, 1. 
18 ndénkshapt yala, instead of: ta-unep pén ndanksapt yala. 
34 


530 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


What we call an ordinal numeral is rendered in Klamath by the adjec- 
tival, inflected form of the numeral in -ni. The chief use made of this 
numeral in -ni is that of a cardinal, and though it is exceptionally used as 
an ordinal, it is not probable that the Indian considers it in these instances 
as an ordinal in our sense of the term. If his mind was susceptible for such 
a category of the numeral, he would probably have established a special 


grammatie ending for it. Examples: 


ishnila a sha hfink nddnant (or ndani) waitashtat they buried him on the 
third day. 
lapkshaptankiant waitashtat guikaka he started on the seventh day. 


The only ordinals existing in the language are fulfilling other functions 
besides. They are: lupini for first, tapini (topini) for second (in rank, order, 
time, ete.); tzdlamni: the second of three, or the middle one; tzyé-u: the 
first in age, the oldest; dimin. tzewaga; tzé-u a hik pe’p tima wewéash 
gitko her first daughter has many children. 


lupini kii’m g¢-u shniksh the first fish that I caught. 
tapini kiii’m gé-u shnikshti gi it is the second fish that I caught. 


THE ADVERBIAL NUMERAL. 


When numerals are serving to qualify an act or state expressed by a 
verb, not being joined to a substantive or other noun, they assume the 
adverbial endings of -ni, -tka, -ash, or the ubiquitous adjectival ending -a. 

The most frequently used of these suffixes is the terminal -ni, when 
indeclinable. We have seen it used in the general list of numerals as 
composing the tens (decades), hundreds, ete, in the form of multiplicative 
numerals: vunépni té-unep forty, lit. “four times ten.” — It closely corre- 
sponds to our times, and to the Latin -ies in decies, etc. It is especially fre- 
quent when used with verbs referring to sections of time, as waita to pass a 
night and a day, ete. 


tiinepni si-atsa sa nishta they danced the scalp-dance during five whole 
nights ; lit. ‘five times they scalp-danced all night long”, 16, 11. 
hik nda’/ni kéko-uya three times he attempted, 55, 10. 


THE ADVERBIAL NUMERAL. Spal 


nashkshaptanknitoks nti taméno'tka I have been there as often as (-toks) 
six times. 

ndani a nt shué-utka éwakatat gén waitash three times I went fishing to 
the pond to-day. 

lapéni, ndani wiiitdlank after three days, viz, “laying over three times.” 

tuténépni waitdlan (Mod.) after five days in every instance, 85, 1. 


The only numeral differing in its root from the corresponding cardinal 
(na‘dsh) is tina once, tinak (for tina ak) only once; d. titna and titatna on 
various occasions, repeatedly, more than once; ct. the Spanish plural anos. 
Tina’k shniwatchna to swallow at one gulp; tina stindé kiulan a little over one 
week. 

Adverbial numerals expressing instrumentality show the instrumental 
case -tka, -ntka, -ntk, which in the numeral adjective is often found to occur 
in a temporal and locative function. 


lapantka ha’ shlin he was shot twice, lit. “by two (shots).” 
hi’k ni’sh lapukantka shlatampk they drew their bows at me both simul 
taneously, 23, 17. 


The suffix -ash of the objective case is used in adverbial numerals to 
express the locative idea: at so many spots, places; nidshash or nadshashak 
at, to another place ; lapash, ndanash at, to a second, third place; ef. ndnukash 
at any place, everywhere. ‘The same form is also employed in a special kind 
of multiplicatives, to which is added some term pointing to repetition, as 
folding, being together, ete. 


la’‘psh, lapash pékalaksh twofold. 

ndanash, nda’nsh pakalaksh threefold. 

vunipsh pakalaksh fourfold. 

A parallel to this is formed by the following phrase, in which the abbre- 


viated numeral is used: 

lap shantchaktantko twofold, lit. “two growing together.” 

ndan shantchaktantko threefold, lit. ‘three growing together.” 

The term pair is rendered by lalpi each two; bunch by nanash syo'- 
syatch “united, bound into one.” Lapiak means two only; tunepantak or 


532 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


tunepAntok five only; lipok, lapuk both has, in the objective case, lapuka- 
yi’nash ; lapii’yala, lapeala to bear twins, lapii’yalsh teins. 

When cases of the numeral inflection appear abbreviated, in the form 
of the short -a in adverbial phrases, this mainly occurs when arithmetic 
fractions have to be expressed, and a term indicating separation, division, 
etc., is subjoined to the numeral, as follows: 


ndana sh¢éktatyatko one-third part. 

vunipa shéktatzatk one-fourth part. 

lApi tunipa shéktatyatko two-fifths. 
ti-unepa shcktatzatk one-tenth. 

nadsyéks té-unepa shéktatzatk nine-tenths. 


But there are also other ways to express fractions: 


na-igshtani kttishkuish one-half, lit. “one-half slice.” 

lApéni ta-unepanta ndan tala pé-ula pen nagshta twenty three dollars and 
a half. 

vunipashat shaktpaktzatko cut in four quarters (as an apple), Mod. 


The fraction eleven-fourteenths was rendered in the southern dialect in 
the following clumsy manner: vinip pé-ulatko nanuk nf shndékatko, ndan 
kA-i shnéka; lit. “having taken all fourteen, I do not take three.” 


Cf. also vinip kikanyatpatko fow-cornered, Mod. 
Ill. NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS. 


The custom of appending classifying terms of various descriptions to 
simple and compound numerals is often met with in foreign languages. 
The six classifiers of the Aztec language describe the exterior of the objects 
mentioned or counted, as -tetl is appended to round, -pantli to long articles, 
ete. In other languages, as in the Penobscot of Maine, the various termina- 
tions of the numeral adjective act as a sort of classifiers. Among the Maya 
languages, the Kiché seems to be the most productive in attributes of this 
kind, and they are not at all limited to numerals.* Other languages ex- 


* GrorGE Gress, Instructions for research relative to the ethnology and philology of America, 
pages 40 sqq. (Smithsonian Miscell. Coll., vol. 7, 1863). H. pe CUARENCEY, Des explétives numérales 
dans les dialectes de la famille Maya-Quiché, in ‘Revue de Lingnistique,” 1880, pages 339-386. THE 
SAME, Du systéme de numération chez les peuples de la famille Maya-Quiché, in Le Muséon, Louvain, 
1882, vol. 1, No. 2. 8°. 


NUMERAL CLASSIFIERS. 533 


clude them altogether from the numeral, but add them to certain substan- 
tives. But all of this largely differs from the mode in which classifiers are 
applied in the Klamath of Oregon, which is probably unique. 

In this language the classifiers are applied to numerals only. They are 
not suffixed adjectives or particles, as elsewhere, but verbs or their past parti- 
ciples, descriptive of form, shape, or exterior of the objects mentioned, and in- 
variably standing after the numeral, usually also after the name of the object. 
They are appended only to the numerals above ten, and not to the pecAviIc num- 
bers, or numbers divisible by ten This gives the clue to their origin and use, 
These suffixations are intended to classify only the unit or units after the 
decade, and not the decade itself. Indeed, the unit following immediately 
the decade in counting, as 11, 31, 71, 151, is in some instances qualified by 
other classifiers than the units between 2 and 9, as 32 to 39, 72 to 79, ete, 
because the former can be applied to single objects only, whereas the latter 
refer to a plurality of objects. When I say: lép’ni ta-unepanta na‘sh lutish 
likla twenty-one berries, this literally means, “upon the twenty berries one 
I lay (or you lay) on the top”; and when saying: ldpéni ta-unepdnta 
na‘dshkshapta lutish pé-ula twenty-six berries, | suggest by it ‘upon twice 
ten berries six I put (or he, she puts) on the top or lay down”; or ‘after 
twice ten berries six I lay down.” Likla and pé-ula both refer to round- 
shaped articles only; but the twenty berries previously counted are= not 
referred to by the classifier, only the wits mentioned with the number. 
The classifying verb may be rendered by the indefinite term counted, num- 
bered ; before it, some subject-pronoun, as J, you, he, she, is elliptically omit- 
ted, but not before its participles liklatko, pé-ulatko. 

The verbs serving as classifiers differ according to the shape of the 
counted objects, but all agree as to their common signification of deposit- 
ing, placing on the top of. The simple verbal form, absolute or distribu- 
tive, is employed when the speaker or other person is just engaged in 
counting the articles; the past participle /aid down in its direct or oblique 
cases, absolute or distributive forms, is used when the articles were 
counted previously and a statement of their number is made. A majority 
of the classifiers are formed from the verb ikla by means of various con- 


sonantal prefixes, 


534 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


The fact that the units from one to nine are not accompanied by these 
terms must be explained by some peculiarity of the aboriginal mode of 
counting. We may assume, from the original meaning of these verbs, that 
the first ten objects counted, as fish, baskets, bulbs, arrows, ete., were de- 
posited on the ground in a file or row, or aside of each other, and that with 
the eleventh a new file was commenced, or when the articles were of the 
proper shape they were piled on the top of the first ten articles. 

These classifiers, which to us appear to be an unnecessary and bur- 
densome addition to human speech, are not always applied correctly by the 
Indians, and are frequently omitted by them. Thus pe-ulApkash is omitted 
in 54,13; kshiklapkash incorrectly put in 55, 11, instead of pe-uldpkash. 
Pé-ulatko is unnecessary in 90, 2, but should stand instead of pé-ula in 90, 3. 

Likta, part. liklatko, with their distributive forms, as seen in our 
numeral series, are appended to numerals above ten embodying the single 
unit after the decade, as 21, 91, 241, ete, and mentioning articles of a cir- 
cular, globular, annular shape, or objects of a bulky, heavy-looking form. 
The prefix l- referring to rounded things only, the meaning of likla is “to 
lay down one rounded thing.” We find it used of beans, seeds, fruits, ber- 
ries, balls, eggs, coins, thimbles, bottles, knives, watches, rocks, stones, 
boxes, wigwams, and similar objects 

Pé-ula, part. pé-ulatko, with their distributive forms, are appended to 
numerals over ten made up of more than one unit after the decad, as 22-29, 
92-99, ete., and mentioning articles of the same description as given under 
likla, and in addition to these, persons, animals, and divisions of time. 
Pé-ula is derived from péwi ‘to give or bestow many rounded objects” by 
means of the completive formative suffix -déla, -ula. 

Kshikla or ksikla, part. kshiklatko, with their distributive forms, are 
appended to numerals over ten embodying a single unit only after the 
decade, as 51, 81, 441, ete., and mentioning a person, an animal or a long 
object. Kshikla is another derivative of the verb fkla, ‘‘to lay down one 
single animate being or a long object.” 

[kla, part. iklatko, with their distributive forms, are placed after 
numerals made up of two or more units after the decade, as 32-39, 42-49, 


and mentioning a plurality of inanimate objects of a tall, lengthy, or elon- 


ORIGIN OF THE NUMERALS. HSD 


gated shape, as sticks, logs, trees, poles, boards, fence-rails, rifles and pistols, 
boots, lead-pencils, ete. The verb properly means, ‘to lay down or deposit 
many tall, inanimate objects.” 

Nékla or nikla, part. néklatko, with their distributive forms, are ap- 
pended to numerals made up of units from one to nine after the decade, and 
introducing objects of a thin, filiform, smooth, and level surface or texture, as 
sheets of cloth or paper, kerchiefs, shirts, mats, and other tissues, excluding 
blankets, also ropes and strings. The verb shikla, which we would expect 
-to introduce single units after the decade, is not in use for this purpose. 

Shlékla, part. shléklatko, with their distributive forms, is found ap- 
pended to numerals made up of units from one to nine after the decade, and 
referring to blankets, bedcloth, skins, and other large articles of dress serving 
to envelope the whole body or parts of it. 

Yala, yalha, yéla, part. ydlatko, yélatko, with their distributive forms, 
are appended to numerals made up of units from one to nine, descriptive of 
long, tall, inanimate objects, and therefore analogous to fkla in their use. 
For single units, neither ila, which is the absolute form of the distributive 
i-ala, yala, yéla, nor another form kshéla, is actually used. Examples: 


wewanuish titoksni na’sh tatinep kshikla shuénka they killed eleven 
women and children, 37, 15 

tunépni ta-unepanta na’sh mAklakshash kshiklapkash i’-amnatko com- 
manding fifty-one Indians. 

ta-unepanta tlinep pe-ulapkash Modokishash hii shléa he found (there) 
Jifteen Modoc Indians. 

Tchimii’ntko lapéni ta-unepanta lap pé-ula illo‘latko gi Steamboat Frank 
(then) was twenty-two years old, 55, 8; ef. 19 and the passages in 
Dictionary, pages 264, 265. ; 

tina hundred pén lap pé-ula latchash (there are) one hundred and two 
lodges, 90, 3. 


ORIGIN OF THE NUMERALS. 


The quinary system is the most frequent of all the systems occurring 
in the numerals of American languages; its origin lies in counting objects 


by means of the fingers of both hands. When counting on their fingers, 


536 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Indians always begin with the smallest finger of the right or left hand, 
counting the fingers with the hand left free; after counting the thumb, they 
continue with the thumb of the other hand, and proceeding further, bend 
over the fingers of this other hand as soon as counted. That Klamath 
numerals have the quinary counting system for their basis is apparent from 
the repetition of the three first numerals in the terms for six, seven, and 
eight, while nine is formed differently. 

One and two are etymologically related to the corresponding numerals 
in Sahaptin and Cayuse dialects, and all must have a common origin. 
La’pi, lap two is but another form of nép hand, which appears also in the 
numerals vinep four and tiinep five, which are compounds of nép and the 
prefixed particles u- and tu-. Thus four means “hand up”, and five “hand 
away”, indicating the completion of the count on the four long fingers. 
Kshapta is abbreviated from kshapita to bend backward, to lean, recline upon ; 
as the component of numerals, it indicates the bending over of the digits 
named, as ndan-kshapta for ndan ni kshapata, “three I have bent over”, 
on the second hand. Nadsh-székish nine is in Modoe abbreviated into 
skékish, which signifies “left over”, one digit only being left over to com- 
plete the ten; ef. ski’kish, in the Dictionary. 'Té-unep fen, the original form 
of which appears to be tdi-unep, is probably a dissimilated repetition of 
tlinep five. 

If the origin of the Klamath numerals is thus correctly traced, their 
inventors must have counted only the four long fingers without the thumb, 
and jive was counted while saying hand away! hand off! The “four”, or 
hand high! hand up! intimates that the hand was held up high after count- 
ing its four digits; and some term expressing this gesture was in the case of 
nine substituted by ‘one left over”, skékish, which means to say, “only one 
is left until all fingers are counted.” 


THE PRONOUN. 


The pronominal roots, which, as we have seen in the preceding chap- 

ters, form a large number of verbal and nominal affixes, become of still 
’ to) ) 

greater importance in the subsequent chapters of the Grammar. The task 


which these roots have to fulfill in the organism of language is to provide it 


DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUN. 537 


with relational affixes, and with words expressing relation, as conjunctions, 
postpositions, and adverbs, As to the pronouns, they are all derived from 
this kind of roots, if we except a few so-called “indefinite pronouns”, as 
timi many, nanuk all, Originally, all true pronominal roots were of a 
demonstrative or deictic signification, whatever their signification may be 
at the present time. I shall therefore treat of them before I treat of the 
other pronouns. 

The class of pronouns in which the pronominal radix has not altered, 
or has but slightly altered, its demonstrative power is the demonstrative 
pronoun, Interrogative pronouns, formed from the deictic roots ka and ta, 
differ from the relative pronoun in their suffixes only, and form the inter- 
mediate link between the demonstrative and the relative pronoun, which, 
as it appears in this 1anguage, is simultaneously a demonstrative-relative. 
The demonstrative, interrogative, and relative pronouns referring to animate 
beings often differ from those referring to inanimate things. The indefinite 
pronoun is half pronoun, half adjective, and most pronouns of this class are 
derived from pronominal roots. The personal pronoun contains a demon- 
strative radix applied to persons specially, and the possessive, reflective, and 
reciprocal pronouns are derivatives of the personal pronoun. ‘This and some 
of the demonstrative pronouns do not reduplicate distributively, as the 


other pronouns do, but form real plurals like these. 
I. DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUN. 


Indians and other illiterate peoples point out with graphic accuracy 
the degree of proximity or distance in space separating the speaker from 
the one spoken of or spoken to by means of their demonstrative pronouns or 
particles, by the third person of the personal pronoun, and by some verbal 
forms. This well-known fact is stated here once for all; it is one of the 
more prominent peculiarities of our upland language also. 

The roots which form demonstrative pronouns in Klamath are pi, hu, ku 
(gu), ka (ga), and ké (gé). Ke marks close proximity, and reappears in 
ké-u, gé-u mine, my; hu marks distance within sight and beyond sight; ku 
distance beyond sight or far off; while ka forms a transition from the demon- 
strative to the indefinite pronoun, and also gives origin to interrogative 
pronouns. Pi, pl. pat, sha will be spoken of under Personal Pronoun. 


538 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


The demonstrative pronouns formed from the roots ne and ta may as well 
be considered as indefinite pronouns. 

The suffixes appended to the above radices mark the degree of distance, 
and in many instances distinguish the animate from the inanimate gender, 
which in the following list are presented in separate columns. ‘Two other 
pronouns pi and sha were added for comparison, pi being used (in the 
northern dialect chiefly) for persons and animals standing in the singular, 
pat for the same in the plural number, sha for persons only. 


List of demonstrative pronouns in the subjective case. 


Animate. Inanimate. 
this (so near as to be touched) ké‘/ku ké’ku 
this (close by, ‘“‘right here”) kek ; ge’k hank; gé, ké, pl. ke’ksha gen; gé, ke; gén hQnk 
gétnu, génu 
this (standing, being before you) hd’t, pl. ha’dsha ha‘/nu 
this (present, visible, within sight) hf/nk, pl hidsha, sha hin, hinu, hink 
that (visible, though distant) hi’t, pl. hd/dsha; guni; sha hain, hat, hinu, gén 
that (absent) hikt, pl. hiktsha; pi, pl. pat, sha hi’/nkt 
that (absent, departed) ne’g, pl. ne/gsha; Mod. nag, pl. na/gsha 
that (beyond sight) ha’k, 0’k, hQ’kta, pl. hiksha; ha/nkt, pl. hak, 0’k, hi’kta 


hd/nktsha; guni; pi, pl. pat, sha 


Where the Klamath Lake dialect has ht’k, hink, hi’'t in the singular, 
the Modoe dialect ordinarily uses ht instead. The suffix -ta, abbr. -t, refers 
not only to persons, but also to inanimate things standing upright, while 
inanimate objects seen upon the ground are indicated by the transitional 
particle -n (-na, -nu), forming no plural. 

Some of these pronouns are easily confounded with demonstrative 
adverbs of local or temporal import, as both are pronounced alike (hi, 
hak, hank, ete.). 

Demonstrative pronouns do not form all the cases of the nominal par- 
adigm. I therefore present here all the forms heard from the natives 
speaking both dialects, and beg to observe that all these forms also corre- 


spond to our personal pronouns he, she, and, when impersonal, to it. 


k 6, g@ this here; Latin: hicce, hocce; poss. kélam, kélem; dir. gétala. 
ké@’k, ge’g, ge’k, gii’e this, is the above ké in the reduplicated form, 
the second vowel being apocopated; Lat. hic, hoc; Gr. ovroai: 
Obj. case ké@’kish, o¢kish, @@’ksh; poss. kékélam, kékélem. PI. 

) i=) AP tS! } b] 


ké’ksha, g@’ksha; poss. kékélamsham, abbr. into sham, 


DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUN. 539 


gén, geénu this thing; loc. génta (for géntat) ; instr. géntka. 

ht’ nk, ha, Mod. ha, hii-u, u, 6 this one; obj. case hinkésh, hinkish, 
hi/nksh, hi’nk 24, 5; poss. htinkélam, hinkiam ; partit. hinkanti ; 
loc. hinta, hi/nkant; instr. hi/nkantka. Htink may become ab- 
breviated into ink, hak: ttila hak with him, with her. Pl. of per- 
sons; htidsha (preferable to hi’nksha), sha; obj. hinkiash, abbr. 
hi’/nksh, hi/nk; poss. hi’/nkélamsham, hi’nkiamsham; abbr. into 
sham, 108, 4. 122, 17. 132, 5. Htink occurs but seldom in the 
subjective case ; hi’nkt forms obj. ht’nktiash in a Modoc text. 

h i’ t that, Mod. hi, anim. and inan.; Lat. iste; pl. of persons: hutsha, 
hiidsha. 

h i’ k, Mod. hi’ that; iness.: hukf by or within him; pl. hi’ksha. Cf. 
Dictionary, page 74. 

hi’ksht, 6d’ksht that absent, far off, or deceased one, 192; 7. obj. hi’nksht. 

ht’ kt that absent one, anim. and inan.; obj. of sg. and pl. ht’nkt; pl. of 
persons hti’ktsha. 

h ti’ n this thing (visible), also referring to persons; hunt, hunitak i hes 
or her own mind; instr. hintka for this; loc. hiinta thus (conj.). 
gunf, guni, koné the one over there (visible); also adverb. Forms par- 
ticles like gunigshtant, gunitana ete., and is derived from radix 

ku- in ktti, guhudshka ete. Of. List of Prefixes, page 289. 


The following demonstrative pronouns show no inflection for case: 
g @' t, kii’t, Mod. kink, abbr. ka, so great, so large, and so much, so many. 
The cases formed from it lose their pronominal signification and 
become adverbs: gétant to the opposite side; gétyéni at this end, ete. 
kanni, ganni, abbr. kan, so many, so much; used when pointing at 
objects or counting them on the fingers. From this is formed the 
above kank so much; contr. from kanni ké (as kant is from kanni 
at) and correlative to tank. 
tanni, abbr. tan, d. tatanni, so many, so much; ka tanni so long. Cor- 
relative to kanni, and more frequently used interrogatively. 
tank, d. tatank, so many, so much; contr. from tanni ké. More fre- 
quently used as interrogative pronoun and as adverb: tank and 
tank. 


540 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


Diminutives are formed from the above demonstrative pronouns as fol- 
lows: huktaga this little one; pl. hikshataga; double diminutive, hiktakag; 
pl. hikshatakaga; neé’g that one absent, nékaga, nii‘kag, and others under 
Suffix -iga No. 2. 

Il. INTERROGATIVE PRONOUN. 


Interrogative pronouns are derived from the demonstrative roots ka 
and ta, tu, which also form the interrogative particles or adverbs. There is 
a distributive form for all the interrogative pronouns, except for tud. 

Kani or kani? who? which person? is more properly applied to per- 
sons (and animals) than to inanimate things, though it can be used for these 
also: which thing? Kaka? is the distributive form; and kéni also figures as 
pronoun indefinite. 


kani hit gi? who is he? who is she ? - 
kani laki! what (sort of a) husband! 186; 55. 
kani anku shlii’a i? which tree do you see ? 


Not to be confounded with the adjective kéni, kani being outside, one 
who is outdoors The pronoun kant is inflected as follows: 


Absolute. 

kAni? kant? who? which ? 

kdnash, kan’sh, kansh, kants? whom? to whom? inan. kini? kani? what? 
which? to which ? 

kAlam? Mod. kanam? whose ? of which ? 

kAlamkshi? at or to whose house ? 

kalamkshyé’ni? kalamkshtila? ete. 


Distributive. 
kaka? who? which persons or things ? 
kakiash? whom? which persons or things ? 
kakiam? whose? of which things ? 
kAkiamkshi? at whose houses ? 


kakiamkshyé@’ni? kakiamkshtala? ete. 


tui? which? what thing? is an indefinite pronoun as well as an inter- 


ergative, and has to be considered as a derivative of tt out there, pointing 


RELATIVE PRONOUN. 541 


to a distance. Its real meaning is: what kind or sort of? and so it has 
passed into the function of a substantive: thing, article, object, as in tiimi tua 
many things. Cf. Dictionary, page 415. It is inflected, like the pronoun 
tua, as follows: 


tui? encl. tua? which thing? what sort of ? 
tudlash? which ? 

tudlam? of which? and forms the particles: 
tudnkshi? at which place? tuatila? why? 


This pronoun often appears in an enclitic and proclitic form, Tua ki, 
contr. tuik? what is it? oceurs in: tua ki ni kéga? what is it T suck out? 
155; 17; ef. 153; 4.159; 58. Compare also the Klamath Lake and Modoc 
songs 154; 13. 156; 35.158; 56.173; 3.174; 8., and the instances given in 
the Dictionary. Sometimes it is used of animate beings. 

tanni, abbr. tan, tan, d. tatanni, how much? how many? to what amount ? 
in Lat. quot. This pronoun is not inflected, and, when in the full form, is 
always pronounced with two x. Tanni mi watch gi? how many horses have 
you? lit. “how many horses are yours”? tan ai wewéash gitk? how many 
children have you? Cf. Dictionary, page 389. 

tank, abbr. tan, abbr. from tanni ké; d. tatank, is used interrogatively 
in the same function as tanni, q. v. 

wak, wak, d. wawak, is in fact a particle: how ? but in many instances 
has to be rendered in English by an interrogative pronoun: what? E. ¢. 
in: wak ma? what do you say? the literal rendering of which is: ‘* how do 
I hear”? 


Ill. RELATIVE PRONOUN. 


The relative pronoun k at, proclit. kat, is of the same origin as the inter- 
rogative pronoun kdni? who? Kat is not only a relative pronoun, but 
simultaneously a demonstrative-relative pronoun, corresponding to 2 quale, 
lequel in Italian and French, the real meaning of which is that who, that which, 
the one which. The demonstrative pronoun hi’k, hi’nk, hin, ete, which 
should always accompany kat to make the phrase or sentence complete, is 
not found with it every time, though we meet with it in 97,1: kat htk 
ha’t tehui lali’ga Taha’shash which thing then remained sticking upon Mudhen ; 


542 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


lit. “that thing which then remained”, ete. The Lord’s Prayer, in 139, 1, 
has kat only: Naélam p’tishap, kat p’laf tehia Our Father who lives on high. 
Cf. also-61, 12. 17. 

The relative pronoun is sometimes abbreviated into ka, ga. 

The distributive form, kakat, inflects almost like that of kani? who ? 

Absolute. 

kat, kat who, what, which; that who, the one which. 

kantana, kandan, kAénda (kant, 65, 18) whom, to whom; which, to which. 

kdlam whose, of which, 68, 9. 

kalamkshi at whose house; kalamkshtdla ete. 

Distributive. 

kakat, abbr. kak, those who; each of whom or which. 

kakiash (objective case). 

kakiam (possessive case). 

kakiamkshi ete. 

Where it is feasib-e to avoid incident clauses, the language likes to 
replace them by verbals or participial constructions, and this accounts for 
the scarcity of the relative pronoun. A student of the language may stay 
many weeks among the natives before he becomes aware of its existence. 

hi’ksa, kak (for kakat) at tini’yi tsa those who had just gone up the hill, 

23, 13. 
né-wléka nti hiinkiasht kakat hak sisséka I punish those who have engaged 
in a fight, 61, 18. 

watsag hik k’leké kandan kpée’l ktakidla nti the dog is dead whose tail I 

cut off ; lit. “‘to whom I eut the tail off.” 

hak mat mbushéla, kAlamkshi tak nai tink mak’léya the man at whose 

house I stopped is married, they say. 

kandan hi’nk shlin the one whom I had shot, 23, 20. 

kanda nat hi’nk ii’na the one whom we brought, 24, 9. 


IV. INDEFINITE PRONOUN. 


Adjectives, the signification of which is so generic and indistinct that 
they can replace substantives, are called by the above term. Most of them 
undergo inflection. 


bi 


INDEFINITE PRONOUN. 543 


g @ t, giit, kiit so much, that much, Mod. kink; may be classed as well 
among the demonstrative pronouns, with tank, tanni ete.; giit i n’s skii’k- 
tanuapk so much you will have to pay me, 60, 10. 

hikak, htnkak, hitak, pl. hikshak, the same, the identical one. In- 
flected like the simple pronouns; huikak hishuaksh the same man. Same is, 
however, expressed in many other ways, for which cf. Dictionary, page 646. 

k Ani somebody, some one. Is used in counting, and often accompa- 
nied by gestures. Abbreviated in ka, ga, and figuring also as an interrog- 
ative pronoun (kant). 

ni tin ka-i kanash shapitak I shall not divulge it to anybody, 40, 8; cf. 

AO, 11. 


ntchalkni kani a young man; lit. “somebody young.” 


kank, abbr. ka, ga, so many, so much, that much; a contraction of kAnni 
ke, and serving as correlative to tank, q. v. For examples, see Dictionary, 
page 117. Kank is also used as adverb. Ka tani so far, that much; ka tani 
ak, Mod., only so far; that is the end. Not inflected. 

kanktak, the emphatic form of kaénk, adj. and adv. It also stands 
for enough, and serves as an exclamation; cf. Dictionary, page 117. More 
frequent in Modoc than in the northern dialect. 

kanni, ganni, abbr. kan, so many, such a number of ; used, e. g.. when 
pointing at objects or counting them; the correlative to tanni. 

ka-itua (1) nothing, (2) nobody; see under tua. 

nayentch other, the other, another one, next. Cf. na‘dsh, in Numerals. 

nanuk (1) all, every one of, Lat. omnis ; (2) total, entire, whole, the whole 
of, Lat. totus. Abbreviated from nanukni, and inflected regularly like the 
numerals in -ni, though without distributive form. Some of the cases have 
adjectival, some adverbial signification, while others combine both. 


nanuk all, whole. 

nanukénash, nanukin’sh; inan. ndnuk (obj. case); ndnukash, adv., 
everywhere. 

nanukénam of all, of the whole. 

nanukanti, adj.; and when adv.: everywhere. 

nanukant (for ndnukatat), adj.; abbr. ndkanta, ndkant. 


544 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


nanukantka, adj. and adv.; abbr. nékantka. 
nanukénamkshi at everybody's house. 


ninuktua every kind of thing; obj. nanuktudlash etc.; see under tua. 

panani, d. papanani, as long as, to the length of: 

pila, d pi’pil, alone, none but; see tala. 

tala, d. tatéila, in the sense of alone, none but, may be appended to 
any pronoun and also to substantives. Being in reality an adverb, it under- 
goes no inflection, but the noun or pronoun connected with it is inflected. 
Cf. Dictionary, page 385, under No. 3. The Klamath Lake Indians use 
more frequently pila, pil, d. pipil, in this function, and with them it also 
means bare. Cf. Dictionary, page 266. Gétak is used in the sense of alone 
res ies a) ear 

tainiani, d. taténiani, as large in size, so large. 

tank, d. tatank, so many, so much; not inflected for case, because it is 
in fact a particle. Cf. kank. ‘Tankni in an adverbial signification, ef. 43, 4 

tinkak a few, some, not many; emphatically tankakak. 

tanni, d. tatanni, abbr. tan, titan, so many, so much; correlative to 
kanni. 

tua, enclit. tua something, some article or object, is inflected in the same 
manner as when used as an interrogative pronoun. As an indefinite pro- 
noun, it is used also in a personal sense: somebody, some people; e. g., ka-i 
tudlam shlékish J am controlled by nobody; cf. Note to 192; 8, and the pas- 
sages in the Dictionary, page 415, and Texts, 112, 1. 2. 5. 7. 8. 12. 16. 
Compounds of tua are: 


ka-itua (1) nothing, (2) nobody; poss. ka-itudlam ete ; here the two com- 
ponents may also be found separated by other words: ka-i nadlsh 
i tua shutétki ku-idsha let us do nothing wicked, 139, 6; ka-i shash 
tua none of them, 20, 7. 

nanuktua (1) every kind of thing, (2) everything Inflected like tua. 


ttimi many, much, has no distributive form, but a diminutive: tumidga 
Jew, a little of. he locative case is tiimianta, the instrumental tumidntka, 
tumantka, the other oblique cases tiima, Before m and some other conso- 


nants the final -i of timi is dropped: tim Médokni gatpa many Modocs 


77 


PERSONAL PRONOUN. 545 


arrived, 13, 14. Tumi also means sufficient, enough of, and too many, too 
much ; it forms the adverbs tim and tiiméni, q. v. 
tumidagaa few; see timi. 


V. PERSONAL PRONOUN. 


We now pass over to another series of pronouns, called personal, and 
representing other pronominal roots than the ones heretofore considered. 
The three persons are, in the subjective case, all represented by monosyllabic 
terms, and in the plural the terminal -t may represent the aflix -ta, often 
used for persons. No distributive form exists here; the case-endings are 
the same as those in the adjective. The personal pronouns exist in a full, 
in an abbreviated, and in an emphatic form, to be discussed separately. 
The pronouns of the third person are used as demonstrative and as personal 
pronouns. ‘The synopsis of the personal pronouns in their subjective cases 
is as follows: 


First person, singular, nu, ni J; plural, nat, nad we. 
Second person, singular, i, ik thow; plural, at, a ye. 
Third person, singular, pi he, she; _ plural, pat, sha they. 


In regard to inflectional forms, the Modoc dialect sometimes differs 
from the other, as will be seen by this table: 


INFLECTION OF THE PERSONAL PRONOUNS. 


Singular. 
1. nu, na, niéi-fi; ni, ni 7 


A 


ntish, nish, n’s, ish me, to me. 
nushtala, nushtala toward me. 
nushamkshi at my home or lodge. 
nuishyé'ni toward me. 

2. i, i, i-i, ik, iké thou. 
mish, mish, m’sh thee, to thee. 
mishtala, mishtdla toward thee. 


mishamkshi at thy home. 
35 


546 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


3. pi, pi he, she, it (absent or invisible, unseen). 
pish, ptish; pash him, her, it; to him, to her, to it; for him, ete. 
pnd Mod., m’nd K1., of him, of her, of it; his, hers, its. 
pnatant, pnata, p’nat Mod.; m’natant K1., on, upon him, her, it. 
pant, manf, m’ni on him, on her, on it; by himself, ete. 
pnalamkshi Mod.; m’ndlamkshi K1., at his, her house. 
(For ha, hak, ht’nk, see Demonstrative Pronoun.) 


Plural. 
1. na’t, nad, nat, na we. 


nalash, na‘Ish, na‘sh, in Mod. also na’l, nal us, to us. 
ndlam of us; ndlamtant on, upon us. 
ndlamkshi at our house, lodge, home. 
nalshtala toward us. 
2. at, at, a ye. 
malash, ma‘Ish, in Mod. also ma‘l you, to you. 
malam of you. 
malamkshi at your lodge, home. 
malshtala toward you. 
3a. pat, pat, pat they. 
pnalash, p’nalsh, p’na’sh, pa’ntch, pash, posh, Mod.; m’nalash, m’ndlsh, 
pa'ntch, pash, K1., them, to them. 
pnalam Mod., m’nilam K1., of them, theirs; rarely abbreviated into 
p’na, K1. m’na. 
pnatant, KI. m’natant, on, upon them. 
pnalamkshi, Kl. m’ndlamksi, at their houses, homes. 
pnalshtala, K1. m’nalshtala, toward them. 
3b. sha, sa they (animate, present or absent). 
shash, sas them, to them. 
sham, sam of them, about them, by them. 


Sha forms compounds with many demonstrative pronouns, by which 
they are turned into plurals, as huuktsha, ke’ksha ete. 

In perusing this list of inflections, we find that a considerable number 
of case-suffixes and case-postpositions met with in the substantive and adjee- 


PERSONAL PRONOUN. 547 


tive are not represented here, but that the existing ones coincide with those 
inflecting other nouns. 

The pronouns of the singular all end in -i, and ni has a parallel form 
nti; in the plural all end in -at, with long a; the plural objective case ends 
in -lash, the possessive in -lam, though sha they, which is not represented 
in the singular, and probably was once a reflective pronoun, forms an 
exception. 

A majority of the monosyllabic pronouns is unaccented, and therefore 
used proclitically and enclitically. Subject-pronouns are often placed twice 
in the same sentence, another term intervening. 

Na, ni of the first person is etymologically related to nat we, and pi he, 
she to pat they; the oblique cases in the second person make it probable that 
the original forms of i and at were mi and mat, and that they took their 
present forms to distinguish them from mi thine and the particle mat, ma. 
Apparently, no difference exists between nfi and ni J; but the objective 
cease niish, nish abbreviates in ish only, not in tish, and the emphatic forms 
nutoks, ntitak, nti tala are much more frequent than nitoks, nftak, ni tala. 
In a few instances we find nti used for the plural we, for we includes also 
the first person of the singular: 


ldpi ai nai witii’mak here we are two young black bears, 177; 2. 


lapi ai ni gi’wash here we are two squirrels, 177; 14. 


I thou appears sometimes in a compound emphatic form: ik, iké, Mod. 
iki, é’ki, the second part being the demonstrative pronoun ke, ke, gé, gi this 
one, or the demonstrative adverb ke, ki right here. This compound form is 
chiefly used in imperative and interrogative sentences. I and ik, iké are 
often used for the plural at ye, because when in a meeting one is addressed, 
the others are addressed also. Examples: 


i lapuk both of you, 60, 6. 

gépke i tul’ ish husho’kank ik a watchatka! come and ride with me on 
horseback! 

na’s pen li’ktch’ ik shankish-pakish! bring me one more watermelon! 

wak lish i’k 1dli a nen Tetématchishash? why, then, do ye believe what 
Tetématchish says? 64,10. Cf. ibid., 11. 15. 59, 7. 


548 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


INFLECTION OF THE ABBREVIATED PERSONAL PRONOUNS. 


The position of the full-toned, vocalic personal pronouns in the sen- 
tence is before as well as after the verb, but the position of the abbreviated 
personal pronouns is usually, though not necessarily, after it. These become 
enclitie or proclitic syllables, and are pronounced so rapidly that, after losing 
the word-accent, many of them also lose the vowel through syncope or apo- 
cope. Subject-pronouns suffer abbreviation as well as object-pronouns and 
dissyllabic forms. A single instance of apheresis is observed in ish for nish 
me, tome. Pronouns of the second person stand before those of the first 
when one of them or both are abbreviated. 

a- before a pronoun is the declarative particle a. Initial i-, as in insh for 
nish, results from vocalic metathesis. The abbreviated subject-pronoun -n 
can disappear altogether. 

Compare with all this our conjugational specimens given above (pages 
240-243, 418), in which the abbreviated pronouns are seen united almost 
into one word with the verb. No real incorporation of the pronouns into the 
verb takes place, however, for the same pronouns can in every instance be 
pronounced separately and with their full accentuation. 


A 


ni, ni: n, -n, an. 

nish: ish, ansh, insh, n’s, ns, -sh. 

niish: n’sh, ansh, n’s, ns, -sh. 

mish: m’sh, m’s, msh, ms. 

pnd: p’na, m’na. 

pnatant: p’nata, p’nat; m’ndtant: m’nat. 

nat: na, -nt, nut. 

na‘lash: na’Ish, nash, natch, na‘ts, nads, nas; Mod. na/l, nal. 

abieetinr as 

mialash: ma‘Ish; Mod. ma’l, mal. 

pnalash: p’na’sh, pa‘ntch; m’ndlash: m’nalsh. 

sha, sa: -sh, -s, -tch. 

Instances of the above abbreviations appear in the following sen- 
tences: 


lap st’ndin lapukayiins ilht I lock both up for two weeks, 61, 19. 


POSSESSIVE PRONOUN. 549 


ka-i tchin wak 6/skank J do not think much about it, 65, 1. 

shniikelui uApkan J will remove (him) from office, 59, 18. 

tchin na’sh shippash spilhi I lock him up for one month (tehin, for 
tchui ni) 61, 10. 

ni ni/-ulyan I command, T order. 

hunkantf ms ni shetchdktanuapk J shall get angry with you (ms) on that 
account, 58, 15. 

tstishni’ m’sh ni skuyfi’shkuapk I shall separate you forever (from her), 
60, 20. 

nii-ulakuapkaé m’s ni I shall punish you, 59, 3. 4. 

ti’nep i’ n’s tala ski’ktanuapk you must pay me five dollars, 60, 8. 

i insh fyak! you win me! sa shewana’sh they gave me. 

Ambush tchiktchi! go and fetch water for me! (for dmbu ish.) 

tala ish vulyi! lend me money! 

ish shla’t! shoot at me! 41, 5. 

ké-i hik watch spuni-uapka m’sh she need not give a horse to you, 60, 15. 

illi-uapka m’s I will have you imprisoned, 59, 7. 

shfuktak mish na fin! then we shall kill you! 41, 3. 

shiidshank 4 nit shné’pka we have a fire near the lodge. 

nat ka-i kaktant we did not sleep, 31, 8. 9. 

na’sh na’ds Béshtin tti’la an American was with us, 19, 7. 

na’sh sé’gsa sa they commanded us, 20, 9. 

t'shishap nal shetiyuen (Mod.) the father has sent us, 40, 15; ef. 41, 3. 

mal shitanktgi in order to treat with you, 40, 15; ef. 41, 5. 

gepzapélissa and gépgaplish, for gépgapéli sha, they returned home. 

tsii géna, ti’ pée’n maklézash then they proceeded, and encamped again 
(for: makléya sha), 19, 10. 


VI. POSSESSIVE PRONOUN. 


This pronoun has not assumed the form or suffix of an adjective, but 
it is simply the possessive case of the personal pronoun corresponding, with 
the exception of the two first persons of the singular. It inflects through a 
few cases only, the locative among them. When used attributively, like 
our my, thy, its natural position in the sentence is before the noun qualified, 


550 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


like that of the possessive case and the adjective. When used predicatively, 
like our mine, thine, its position is more free, and it may occupy the place 
in the sentence which emphasis may assign to it. 


The list of these pronouns is as follows: 

gé-u, ké-u my, mine; loc. gé-utant ; instr. g¢-utantka. 

mi, mi thy, thine; loc. mitant; instr. mitantka; me for mi, ef. 142, 7. 

hinkélam, abbr. hinkiam, his, her (hers), its, when present or visible. 

m’na, m’nd, Mod. p’na, his, her (hers), tts, when absent; loc. m’natant, 
119, 11; pe’na, Mod., his, dts own. 

nalam our, ours. 

malam your, yours. 

hinkélamsham, abbr. htnkiamsham, himkimsham, their, theirs, when 
present, visible. 

m'nilam, Mod. pnalam, their, theirs, when absent; m’na stands for 
m’ndlam in 29, 16. 101, 8. 

sham, sam their, theirs, absent or present; to be regarded here as an 
abbreviation of hinkélamsham: p’tissap sam their father, 101, 11. 
It sometimes stands for n’ndlam, p’ndlam; ef. 107, 13. 108, 4. 


Some instances are found in the Texts, where the possessive pronoun, 
though used attributively, occupies the place after its noun, instead of pre- 
ceding it: i’yaks mi thy gain, 59, 22; shéshatuish m’na his marriage fee, 58, 
16. Cf..also'54, 4 59, 12:94, 8. 10. 109, 3. 


VII. REFLECTIVE PRONOUN. 


When the act of the transitive verb has for its object the subject of the 
verb, this is expressed by a reflective verb. The object of the reflective 
verb is either a pronoun standing separately for itself, called reflective pro- 
noun, or it is expressed synthetically in the verb itself by means of a prefix 
or suffix, This synthetic mode of forming reflective verbs has been discussed 
previously (ef Prefixes h-sh-, sh-); but in Klamath another mode is in use, 
which applies only when the pronominal object is the indirect object of any 
active verb. Giank, gink takes the locative case-suffix -i, which also occurs 
in the pronouns hunf, huk{, panf, and forms the following series of pronouns, 


REFLECTIVE PRONOUN. 551 


when appended to the emphatic pronoun in -tak in the sense of for oneself, 
in the interest of me, him, ete. Cf. Emphatic Pronoun, pages 552, 553. 


First person, singular, nutagianki, nutagink (for nitak gidnki) 
Second person, singular, ftagianki, itakink, itaginggi 

Third person, singular, pitagiank, pitaginge 

First person, plural, nitakiank, nataginggi 

Second person, plural, Atakiank, Atakinggat 

Third person, plural, patakink; hikshagianggi 


This ending is also found appended to the oblique cases of the same 
pronouns; its origin is explained under Suffix -gien, q. v. 

In the third persons of the singular and plural, the change of k and k 
in hinkelam his, her, hinkish him, her, hinkiash them, renders these pro- 
nouns reflective The different cases of pi, pat, sha they can serve as 
reflective pronouns without undergoing any change or suffixation; this is the 
case with pish, pash, ptish, po’sh, p’na, p’nalam; m’na, m’ndlam; shash, sham. 
Thus we have: Afshish tiména shtt’tzishalsht pish hlilika Ashish heard 
that his wives had wept for him in mourning. Cf. also, in Modoe war, pi 38, 
10; pi’sh 36, 15. 16; pish 36, 16; p’ndlam 38, 17, ete.; in the northern dia- 
lect, pi’sh 71, 2. The change from k to k, as observed in verbs, has been 
referred to previously (pages 292. 424), but even in substantives it is some- 
times observed. When these natives speak of other Indians than themselves, 
they pronounce: maklaks Indian; but when of themselves, méklaks. 

The most frequent way of expressing the reflective pronoun is that of 
appending -tak, -tok to the personal pronoun: 


kitita piték nkash her (the female wolf’s) belly burst, 105, 16. 

shliibépk hi‘nitak he himself perceived; lit. “he observed in his own 
mind”, 108, 5. 

anku pitak (for pishtaék) vulddshan gi he is splitting wood for himself 

tchashésh nanuk watch tehla‘lya, pitakmant the skunk drowned all the 
horses, itself also, 127, 12. 

mulinank itagidanggi! cut some hay for yourself ! 

natak shitlagien, shitlagin or shitla gidnegin we collect for ourselves. 

natak hi’shlan we shot people of our ow: party, 24, 4. 


or 
ou 
bo 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


VIII. RECIPROCAL PRONOUN. 


This class of pronouns is not represented by special forms, and the 
relation of reciprocity can be expressed only by means of the medial pre- 
fix sh- or its compound, h-sh-, although shash, sham is sometimes used as a 
reciprocal pronoun; cf. 58, 10. 13.61, 14, and Note. There exists an adverb, 
or adverbial phrase, referring to reciprocity: shipapélankshtant against each 
other, among each other. Personal and emphatic pronouns are often added 
to reciprocal verbs to complete the sense by showing in which of the three 
persons the object stands, as we saw it done also in the case of the reflect- 
ive pronouns. 


shishtika posh ka-a they fight hard among themselves, Mod. 
patak huhashtapkuak stabbing each other themselves, 114, 3. 
pat hashtaltal they disputed among themselves, 104, 3. 

gé’k shash shiushuak pepéwa these girls washed each other. 


IX. EMPHATIC PRONOUN. 


When the run of the sentence causes the speaker to lay emphasis upon 
pronouns, this is usually done by subjoining tak, tok to it; or when a 
close connection exists with preceding words or statements, taks, taksh, 
or toks. This chiefly applies to pronouns contained in adversative sen- 
tences: htitak, hitoks but he; he however, and other terms expressing con- 
trast. Cf. kanktak, tanktak. 

Placed after the possessive pronoun, tak, tok means one’s own: gé-utak 
tchuyésh hin gi this is my own hat; pnatak kiflatat tchia to live wm one’s own 
country, 39, 7; pitak (for pishtak) sht-ita to daub one’s own body over. For 
the third person Modoes possess a special form of p’nd: hi pe’na she’shash 
shtimaluash that he had written his own name, 34, 6; ef. péniak, in Dictionary. 
Another Modoe form is pitakmant, of a reflective signification. 

Personal pronouns having this particle suffixed may be rendered in 
English in different ways, according to the sense. Thus nutak, nti’toks is 
myself, none but me; I, however, I at least, ete. Ex.: ka-i hank, nittoks wash 
shlin not he, but I, shot the prairie-wolf. In most instances, however, niitoks 
stands for myself, itak, {-itok for thyself, and so the others: pitak, natak 


THE POSTPOSITION, 553 


(for nat-tak), a’tak (for a’t-tak), patak (for pat-tak). This particle is also 
appended emphatically to some other pronouns, as kanitak ? kdnitoks? who 
then? ke'tok, ké lish tok she certainly, 189; 7. An emphatic form is also 
ike, éki for thou; lit. ‘thou here.” 

Another series of emphatic pronouns is formed by the suftixed particle 
tla, abbr. tal, tal, which expresses amazement, surprise, and is not always 
translatable in English. Thus we find: tudtala? what then? what after all? 
158; 56. 173; 3; which kind then? 112, 2. 5. 12; ka tal (for kani tala) ? who 
then? 139; 7. Appended to an adverb, it occurs in 110, 10; ht’-ttak tala! 
none but he, or it was himself! 173; 3. When tala follows personal and 
possessive pronouns, it means alone: nii tala I alone; gé-u tala p’ti’shap your 
father alone; mitala steinash only your heart. This definition ‘‘alone” is only 
a specific application of the more general function of this particle: but, only, 
solely. 

THE POSTPOSITION. 

The postpositions correspond, in regard to their signification, to the | 
prepositions of Germanic languages, the separable as well as the insepa- 
rable, but differ from these as to their position in the sentence. They are 
usually placed after, and not before, the noun they govern; hence their 
name. Their natural position is after their complement, although it is 
neither incorrect nor unfrequent to place them before it, here as well as in 
other languages of America. The cause of this is that many of them are in 
reality verbs, or derived from verbs, the usual position of which is at the end 
of the sentence, unless for reasons of rhetoric another position be assigned to 
them. Through the law of analogy, the other postpositions which are not of 
verbal descent have assumed the same subsequent position, a circumstance 
justifying the appellation of postposition given to these parts of Indian speech 
in preference to that of preposition. 

Although the derivation of some postpositions is uncertain, many are 
undoubtedly derived from pronominal roots and formed through nominal 
case-endings. Their number is considerable, and this has prompted me to 
place the chapter on “ Postpositions” just after that on “Pronouns.” It is 
chiefly this class of postpositions which is as frequently found standing 
before its complement as after it, especially when their length does not 


554 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


exceed the measure of two syllables. Many of the verbs which figure as 
postpositions are built up of pronominal roots, as ginhiéna, i-ukakidmna. 

Those of our prepositions which are of an abstract nature, as about, in 
behalf of, for, concerning, ete., are expressed in Klamath by inflectional suf- 
fixes appended to the verb or noun, and all the postpositions we meet are 
of a concrete, locative signification. Even the few temporal postpositions 
are locative at the same time. In their purely locative aspect, postposi- 
tions bear the strongest analogy with the case-postpositions -i, -kshi, 
-ksaksi, -tala, -tana; -tana, abbr. -tan, -ta, is their most common affix; -ksh- 
is another, and in fact the use of postpositions is nothing else but a further 
extension of the nominal inflection. In gunigshtant beyond, e. g., the pro- 
noun guni is inflected just like a noun by the postpositions -kshi, -tana, 
-tat or -ti. Muatita southward of is composed of mttat south, -ti suffix of 
partitive case, -tala, -ta foward, and these inflectional terms of the secondary 
or ternary stage mostly occur in an apocopated form. 

The nominal complements connected with the postpositions derived 
from verbs stand in the same case which they would occupy if these post- 
positions were verbs governing nouns—either in the objective case, which 
in inanimate nouns cannot be distinguished from the subjective, or in the 
locative case (-tat, -at) if rest, and not motion, has to be expressed. Modoes 
frequently use the terminal -an of the present participle where Klamath Lake 
has-a. The majority of the postpositions assumes distributive reduplication. 

Adverb postpositions are those postpositions which are sometimes used 
adverbially without a complement, as ginhiéna, kuita, pélui, ete. 

In the following list of postpositions I have marked those terms which 
appear as verbs and postpositions at the same time. For a better study of 


each of the postpositions, readers will do well to consult the Dictionary. 


LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL POSTPOSITIONS. 


gindgshtant, gindkshta and gindtant, gindta this side of, on this side, in 
Sront of: ginatan ko’sh in front of the pine tree; correlative to guni- 
eshtant. 

ginhiéna, d. gigganhiéna inside of, within; said of a plurality of subjects; 


also verb and adverb. 


LIST OF POSTPOSITIONS. 555 


ginkakidmna-all around, when the surrounding body is hollow, spher- 
ical; also verb. 

gitlank, Mod. gitilan, past, after ; a temporal postposition, derived from 
gitila to be over, past. Cf. the names of the week-days. 

gunigshtant, gunikshta; also ginitana, gtinitan, kunitan, guni’ta on the 
other side of, opposite to; guni’ta mish beyond you, your house, 183; 
17; correlative to gindgshtant. 

hintila, d. hihantila, underneath, under, below; said of one subject that 
has fallen under something; also verb. 

inotila wnderneath, under ; lit. “placed underneath”; also verb. 

i-ukakidmna around, in the neighborhood of. 

f-ukuk and i-uktikag inside of, within; said of lodges, ete. 

i-utamszya and met’tamsya among, amid, between; the latter referring to 
something excavated; also used as verbs. 

{wahak, {wa-ak in the midst of water, Mod. 

{wutit farther off than, beyond. 

yamatitana northward of. 

yuhiéna inside of, within ; also verb. 

yulalina alongside of, along the brink of, as of rivers ; also verb. 

yutila, i-utilan wnder, underneath ; lit. “placed underneath”; used when 
speaking of long objects; also verb. 

kanftant, kanfta, kantan outside of: 

kuti and kuitit on this side of, as of a river, hill, ridge. 

kuitana, kuita in the rear of, back of. 

lupia and lupitana, lupitan (1) i front of, before, this side of ; (2) earlier, 
sooner than. 

lupian on the east side of, eastward of. 

lutila inside of, within, speaking of round objects; also verb. 

muatitala, muatita southward, to the south of. 

pani, pani, d. papani, as far as, reaching up to. 

pat to or of the size of: tydpo pat as thick as the thumb. 

pélui down below ; farther off than. 

pipélangshta and pipélantana on both or two sides of, from opposite sides. 


plaftana, p’laita above, higher than. 


556 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


pléntant, plii’ntan on the upper side or top of some object. 

tilaak directly toward; talaak nats toward us, 29, 15; also adverb and 
adjective ; 

tapi, tapiak later than, posterior to. 

tapitana, tapita, topfta after, behind, in the rear of. 

tyilam, KI. tatyélam in the midst of: between, among, when all are on the 
same level. 

tzilamtana through the midst of; to the west of. The latter may be ex- 
pressed also by tyzalmakstant and tzalamtitala. 

ti’gshtanta, tigshta on the opposite side of, across, beyond ; chiefly refers 
to rivers, waters. 

tila, tula, téla with, in company of, along with; tula’k (emphatic); ké-i 
tila without; til ish with me. The verb is tilha or tila to form a 
party or swarm. 

itina, tii-una, d. titana, around; the d. form also means beyond, on the 
other side of, and is chiefly used of mountains. 

tunki’ma all around, when following the line of the horizon; also 
verb. 

tche’k, tsik wnt, till; pitehash tche’k until the fire went out. 

tchutila, tsutila wader, below ; refers to one subject sitting or lying below, 
utila referring to one long subject; both are used as verbs also. 

welitana, welitan at a distance from, away from. 


wigdtana, wikata close to, aside of; wiggita kimétat near the cave. 


THE CONJUNCTION. 


Conjunctions, or conjunctive particles, are links necessary to bring 
about certain sequential or logical relations in human speech by establish- 
ing a connection between single terms, phrases, or whole sentences. The 
true function of these particles can in every language be understood only 
after a thorough study of its syntax. They are the most fanciful and arbi- 
trary, often intranslatable, parts of human speech, and the literary culture 
of a tongue largely depends on their development and judicious use. The 


classic languages of antiquity and the modern languages of Europe would 


THE CONJUNCTION. 557 


never have attained their ascendency in the oratorical, historical, and di- 
dactic prose style without their abundant and most expressive assortment 
of conjunctions. 

We distinguish two principal relations in connecting together words or 
sentences—the co-ordinative and the adversative. Languages of primitive 
culture possess as many of the latter as of the former, because they feel the 
same need forthem. Klamath can enumerate but very few conjunctions con- 
necting co-ordinate parts of speech, either nouns or verbs, to each other: 
damka, pén, tehi’sh, tchkash; but the number of conjunctions co-ordinating 
co-ordinate and adversative sentences is much larger. Being a synthetic lan- 
guage, Klamath expresses many causal, temporal, and modal relations by 
participles and verbals which we would express analytically by distinct 
sentences introdyced by a conjunction. This is not a deficiency in the 
language, and moreover it is largely counterbalanced by a wealth of con- 
junctions introducing subordinate clauses to the principal sentence. 

All modes are expressed by conjunctions, as ak, am, ya, and even the 
-at, -t of the conditional mode is the conjunction at, at the time being, agglu- 
tinated to the verbal stem. Our and has no exact equivalent, but is ren- 
dered by also or again; our then (temporal) by afterward, subsequently, the 
particle tehui corresponding accurately to the French puis, from Latin postea. 
No Klamath term corresponds exactly to our that, though, although, but the 
language has two distinct ‘oral particles” to render our as reported, as I 
hear or heard, as they say or allege. 

All true conjunctions are formed from pronominal roots, and though 
they do not reduplicate distributively, the majority of them appears under 
two forms—the simple conjunction and the conjunction with suffix -sh (-s, 
-ds, -dsh, -tch, -ts). This suffixed sound is nothing else but a remnant of 
the conjunction tchi’sh, tsis also, too. So we have Liluts for Lilu tehish, 
Lilu also; nids or ni tchish I also; nats for nat tehish we also 29, 18; hi 7 
ki-uapkats also if you should tell lies; tche’ks for tchée’k tehish and then. In 
most instances the additional idea of also, too, and disappears, and what 
remains of it is that this enlarged particle poiats to a closer connection with 
the foregoing than does the conjunction without the suffix. This suffix also 
appears with other particles. 


558 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Many of the conjunctions are unaccented, and these may be used pro- 
clitically as well as enclitically. Some conjunctions also have adverbial 
functions. 

Details of the functional peculiarities of the conjunctions are reserved 
for the Syntax. The alphabetic list now following only quotes the principal 
conjunctions and their suffixed forms, without mentioning all of the com- 
pound ones, as Aténen just now, as alleged, and readers are referred to the 
examples given in the Dictionary. 

LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL CONJUNCTIONS. 

a, the declarative particle. 

a, -a; see ha. 

a, abbr from at, q. v. 

ak, ak a, aka, ka, kam, ak ya, suppositive and potential, optative par- 

ticles: ‘‘perhaps, possibly, likely.” 

ak appended to verbals in -sht and other verbal forms; e. g., pa’ksht 

ak as soon as or after it is dried. 

am; see kam, titch. 

Ampka, 4mka (1) or; the Latin vel; (2) lest, unless, or else. 

at, abbr a, a, at the time; now, just now, then, at that time. Coalesces 

with some words and grammatic forms, as in bélat for pila at, 
illdlat for illdla at, gi’tyitkt for gitzitko at, 112, 9 Composes: 
at a, aténen, atch, Atui. 

Atui, Kl. dt yu, atiu, adverb, interjection, and conjunction, just now, 

just then. Cf. gétui as to the ending. 

gintak, generally postpositive, thereupon, hereafter ; though, in spite of. 

ha, ha, a, -4, interrogative particle, mostly postpositive; la’k, Mod. for 

le ha ak? is it perhaps so? 

hai, a-i, a-f; in Mod. also kati, zaf, with suffix: haftch apparently, evi- 

dently, as you see, as I see or hear, of course. Cf. Dictionary. 

hia, hii’, he if, when, supposing that; enlarged: hii'tch, hi’ts. Its correla- 

tive is tchii’, tché: hi... .- COG. 27 sane then. 

himasht, d. humémasht, adverb and conjunction, so, thus; himasht 

gtug hence, on that account, therefore; himasht shihunk giug for 


the same reason, and other combinations. Cf. Dictionary 


LIST OF CONJUNCTIONS. 559 


hinkanti, hunkantchi’, hiintala therefore, for that reason. 

ya, ya, f-a indeed, surely, really. 

kam (from ak, am) adverb and conjunction, expressive of desire, hope, 
probability ; cf. our adverb fain. 

kayutch, kayudsh, Mod. ka-iu, adverb and conjunction: before, prior to. 

k4-i not, the usual negative particle, is sometimes used as a conjunction, 
and may even stand at the end of a sentence. 

k’léwiank, partic. of k’léwi, is used in the sense of subsequently 

lish is used as a particle of asseveration and interrogation, answering 
to our “is itnot so?” It is derived from le, lé, the putative adverb 
not, being its enlarged form. 

lupiak before, prior to, earlier than. 

mat, apoc. ma, ét zs said, as they say or allege, as reported; refers to facts 
or deeds spoken of Tua ma? what is it? Mat mostly stands 
after the first word of the sentence. 

na-asht, na’sht, nash, nas, Mod. né-asht, thus, so, as follows ; when some- 
body’s words are mentioned verbally; often used as adverb. 

nen, abbr. né, ne, -n, oral particle: as you say, as they say, report, allege, 
as I hear; used when people make mention of something said, 
spoken, or heard. Tua nen? what did you say? nént thus now; 
it is right so, Mod. 

pa, pa, suffixed: pash, intranslatable particle, referring to the subject of 
the sentence. Pa ak, abbr. pa, J do not know. 

pin, pén, pé'n again, hereupon, subsequently ; at piin after this, now, and ; 
ka-1 pén no longer, no more; tehti pen hereupon; and in numerals. 
Piin is also adverb. 

shtihank-shitko at the time when; ef. 109, 12. 

tadsh, ta’dsh, tads, the enlarged form of the adverb tat, is marking an 
unexpected contrast: but, however, though Not used at the head 
of a sentence. 

tak, tak, tok, tik, suffixed taks, toksh, ti’‘ksh, a frequent emphatic, 
adversative, and disjunctive particle, appended to all parts of 
speech; answers best to however, but, though, and in Modoc forms 
a future tense Cf Emphatic Pronouns. 


560 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


tam, tim, interrogative particle, answering to Latin nwm, an and to the 
French est-ce que? 

tami, suffixed tamtidsh, (1) interrogative particle; (2) disjunctive con- 
junction, whether, whether or not. 

tankt after this, afterward. 

tché’k, apoe. tché, tehii; enlarged forms tchiitch, tchéks, tehkash then, 
dfier, at last, since then. chi serves as a correlative particle to 
hi ¢f, q. v. Cf. Wntchek, under tin. 

tchi, tsi so, thus, in this manner; sometimes used as conjunction, like 
ga-asht, htimasht, na-asht. A compound is tehi hink, tehiyunk. 

tchish, apoe. -tch, -ts, -sh, postpositive conjunction and the suffixed 
form of tchi, also, too, and. 

tchkash, suffixed form of tche’k and syncopated from tehékash, tehék a 
tchish, also, finally, too, besides. Postpositive like tehe’ksh, tche’ks, 
which is the Modoe form. 

tchti, tsui afier that, then, subsequently. Very frequent in historie and 
other narratives, and forming many compounds: tchttyuk, teht- 
yunk, tehti piin, at tehii. 

titch, tids, suffixed form of u, ht, 7f or if not, whether. Appears in com- 
pounds only, as kayutch, tamtdsh, or when found standing by 
itself it is interjectional. 

tin, temporal particle, usually added in Modoc to hii 7f lish, and other 
conjunctions for enhancive purposes, and not easily translatable. 
Its compound untchek, after a while, sometimes figures as a con- 
junction. 

wak, wak, tik how, how then, why, is also used as interrogative particle 
and conjunction. Wakai? why not? 


THE ADVERB. 


This part of speech stands in the same relation to the verb as the adjec- 
tive or “adnominal” stands to the noun; it qualifies and specializes the act 
expressed by the verb in regard to various categories, as degree, quantity, 
space, time, or quality (modality). Its natural position in the sentence is 
before the verb, just as that of the adjective, when used attributively, is 


before the noun. 


THE ADVERB. 561 


Adverbs show no inflection, if we except the distributive form, which 
occurs in some of their number. The gradation of adverbs is more imper- 
fect than that of adjectives. 

As to derivation, one portion of adverbs is formed of pronominal roots, 
which affix different formative suffixes to themselves, cases of the nominal 
inflection used in a temporal sense, adjectival suffixes like -ni, etc., or appear 
in the apocopated form of certain adjectives: Ati high, far, wénni strange and 
strangely; wika low. Another portion of adverbs is derived from predicative 
radices. Many of these are forming adjectives also; the adverb then repre- 
sents the radix without the adjectival ending. Others are verbs, with the 
suffix -a, appearing as adverbs. 

Some adverbs are at the same time postpositions and conjunctions, and 
im a few cases it is even difficult to decide to which one of these three forms 
of speech a certain particle belongs. 

A gradation is effected for the comparative and minuitive by syntactic 
means, v1z., by placing two sentences in opposition to each other,-just as it 
is done with the adjective. Disjunctive conjunctions are not always used 
for this purpose, and such terms as “‘more” or “less” do not exist. Another 
mode to effect gradation is to affix -ak to the adverb, a particle which serves 
for many other uses beside: 

Moéatuash lipiak Modokishash kédshika the Pit River Indians became 

exhausted sooner than the Modocs. 

m’na inakag mii’ak t’shi’sht for the time when his little son would grow 

taller, 109, 13. 

The object compared stands in the objective case in the first example, 
and in the gradation of the adjective we observe the same thing. 

Enhancive particles, like ka-4 very, mii and tim much, largely, joined 
to an adverb will place it into what we call superlative. 

The distributive form, which some of the adverbs possess, and which is 
rather infrequent with some others, is formed in the sim? manner as in the 
verb and noun, as will appear from tie following instances: 

Médokni lakf litchlitch shéllual the Modoc chief fought bravely 

Médokni Iflatehlitch shéllual nanuk of the Modocs every man fought 


bravely 
36 


562 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


tila hémkank’ i! ¢ell the truth! 

tatila hémkank’ i! ¢ell the truth in every instance! 

ka-i pélak heméy’i! do not speak fast! (when you meet me once). 

ka-i pap’lak heméz’ i! do not speak fast! (every time you meet me, or 
each time you converse). 

ma’ntchak gitk after a while. 

mamantchak gitk after a while (severally speaking). 


LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL ADVERBS. 


The following list of the more frequently occurring adverbs will ex- 
hibit to the best advantage the modes of adverbial derivation. Some of 
them are used in very different acceptations. The numerals have branched 
out into two adverbial series, one in -ash, the other in -ni: ndanash fo or at 
a third place, and ndani three times; cf. pages 530 to 582. 

Temporal adverbs have all evolved from locative adverbs, and hence 
often retain both significations; all the so-called ‘seasons” of the Indian year 
ending in -é’mi, -ii’mi, as mehiashii’mi in the trout season, may be joined to 
the list below. Many of the adverbs of modality arc formed by iterative 
reduplication, of which only a few examples are given below; other adverbs 
possess a correlative belonging to the same subdivision. Cf. page 262, and 
suffix -li, pages 352, 515-517. 


Adverbs of quantity and degree. 


gii‘tak, kétak, Mod. kanktak so much, enough. 

ka, d. kak, so, thus; derived from the relative pronominal radix, ana 
forming gé-asht, ka-A, kanktak, ka tiriani, ete 

ka-d, ka-a, ka, ga much, largely, very. 

kétcha, gii’dsa, kédsa a little, a trifle, not much; ketsigak very little 
only. 

mii, d. mfi’m, much, largely; the adverb of muni great. 

ti’m much, a great deal; the adverb of timi, many. 

tchatchui a great deal; tim tehatchui too much. 


wiga, wika not much, a little. 


LIST OF ADVERBS. 563 


Adverbs of space. 


This class of adverbs is very numerous and multiform, almost all the 
pronominal radices having contributed to the list. Some of those which 
frequently occur are as follows: 


ati, d. 4-ati, far, far off, afar, distantly ; high up. 

gen, gin here, right here; gena, gina there now, right here. 

ectui at a short distance out. 

gi’nt, gént, génta thereabout, around there, over there. 

gita near by, close to this place. 

gitak right there, close by. 

gitdla, @étal in that direction, further off. Its correlative is tuishtala. 

gitata just here, at this very spot. 

gunigshtant (also postp.) on the opposite side. 

ha, & on the person, on oneself, in one’s hand, by hand, at hand; forms 
compounds, as gend, tulad ete. 

hatak, hatok here, on this spot, over yonder. 

hatakt, hatokt over there (when out of sight). 

hataktana by that spot, through that locality. 

hataktok right there, at the same spot. 

hatkak, hatkok on this very spot or place. 

hi, i on the ground, toward home, at home, at one’s camp, close by. 

hita, abbr. hi’d right here, close by. 

hitkshi at this place; from this point. 

hu, hai (Mod. hi, 1) there, here; referring to places visible and distant or 
above ground, but chiefly appearing as an affix. 

hiya near by, in close vicinity. 

i’wa outside of camp, in the mountains or hills; t wak, iwag a short dis- 
tance from home or camp. 

yamatala northward. 

yana, yéna down hill, downward, down stairs. 

yanta (for yantala) downward. 

_ ya-uka within that place, house, lodge (Mod.). 
kant outside, outdoors, without 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ké, ki, kie right here, here; more in use among Modocs. 

koné, kunf, gunt over yonder. 

ktti away from, at a distance; ktita im the rear. 

kttinag away from town, village, or houses. 

lupi, d. lulpi, firstly (of local precedence). 

liipitala eastward. 

muatala southward. 

muina down below, on the bottom; mina tii, or tii mtina, deep down. 

nanukash everywhere. 

na’shash to another place; cf. Numerals. 

shétatyak half-way up. 

-tak, -tok, particle, suffixed to many local adverbs for emphasis. 

talaak in a straight direction. 

tapi, d. tatpi, lastly, coming last (in space). 

tata, abbr. tat, tat, where, at which place; also interrogative: where? 
whereto? tata-i? where? ka-i tat nowhere. 

tii'tak right there; correlative to gitak, gétak. 

ti/taktak right at the spot where. 

tyilampani halfways; is adjective as well as adverb. 

tydlamtala westward; talaat tyalamtital due west. 

tii, tl, d. tiita, tit, far off, up there; refers to a great distance, to 
objects within or out of sight on the ground or high above 
ground. 

tuankshi at which spot, where; somewhere; also interrogative. 

tiiksh from that locality. 

tila, tula’k together; is used adverbially and as a conjunction. 

tlish, d. titash, somewhere in the distanc2, far out; interrog. at which 
(distant) place? enlarged from tt. 

tlishak at some other place. 

tushtala toward or at that (distant) place, spot. Cf. gitala. 

wiga, wika, d. wi-uka, near the ground, close to, near by, nigh; not exten- 
sively. 

wiga-ak not far from. 

wigitak at the same place ; together, unitedly. 


TEMPORAL ADVERBS. 565 


Temporal adverbs. 


at, a, a (also conj.) at the time; now, then; at a just now; Atutu already. 

gétak, kia’tak, Mod. kanktak, finally, at last. 

hiya, tya for a while, during a short time. 

hunk, hank, tink, a particle expressing distance, and when temporal 
the past tense, though this is not unexceptional. The Modoes 
often replace it by hi; no word of English corresponds exactly 
to it. Cf. Verbal Inflection, pages 402-404. 

ye, yé now, presently; firstly; Mod. 

yunekszeé'ni between sunset and dusk. 

ké-ag, ga-ag, gdhak long ago, many years ago. 

kayutch, Mod. kéyu, ké-iu (also conj.), not yet, not now; never, at no 
time, not at all; kayak not yet; never. 

kishé’mi, kissiim, d. kikshé’mi, at sundown. 

luldam in the cold season, in winter time. 

litzi, litye in the evening. 

lupi, d. lulpi, at first, firstly. 

lupitana, d. lulpitana, for the first time. 

ma‘ntch, d ma’mantch, during a long time; refers to past and future. 
Dim. ma‘ntchak, d. mama‘ntchak, for a short while, K1.; quite a while 
ago, Mod. 

mbushant, d. mbimbishant, on the next morning ; next day, to-morrow, K1. 

ménik, d. mnimnak, for a short time. 

nayantka shappésh next month; nd-iintka shko’shtka next spring. 

nia, d. ninia, lately, recently ; a short or long time ago; nia sundé last week. 

nink next day, Mod. 

nishta all night through; at night-time; nishtak in the same night. 

pi’dshit, padshit or padshit watta to-day; at the time. 

pata in the warm season, in summer time. 

pén, pén, piin, pen a (also conj.) again, once more, a second time, repeatedly. 

pshé, d. pshépsha, i the day-time. 

pshikst, d. pst/psaksht, at noon. 

pshin at night; pshinak during the same night ; pshin-tatzélam at midnight ; 
ndnuk pshin every night. 


566 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


tank, d. tatank, at that time, then; long ago; tank na‘sh shdppésh last 
month; tinkak a short while ago; tankt at that time; tankt at on a 
sudden, at once; tanktak pretty soon, shortly afterward; formerly. 

tapi, d. tatpi (also conj.), for the last time ; at last; subsequently, afterward ; 
tapi tita, tapi titna a short time afterward ; tind tapi for the last time. 

tata, d. tatata? (1) interrogative, when? at which time or period? tata 
mantch? how long ago? (2) when, that time when; ka&-i tata never ; 
titatak at the time when, just when. 

tina, d. titna and titatna, once, one time, a single time; ata time; titna 
sometime; titatna a few times, not often; tinatoks some other time ; 
tina’k at once ; simultaneously. 

tudna, tudn, Mod., always, at all times. 

ti’m frequently ; for a long time; a long while. 

ttuméni often, frequently; the adverb of ttimi many. 

ttish gish that time, then; when? what time? 

tcha, tsa instantly, just now ; teha-u at the present moment. 

tché, d. tchétché, then, at that time; points to the future; tché-etak at 
length, finally ; in time. 

tchek, abbr. tché, finally, at last, in future; is adverb, postposition, and 
conjunction; tchéksh, tchi’g, same meaning; tche’ksla after a while. 

tchushak, tstissak always, constantly, ever ; tchishniak forever, unceas- 
ingly. 

tin, t’n then, sometime; tma, und im the past, some time ago; yesterday ; 
und pshin last night; tna gin long ago; undik early in the morning ; 
untchek, undsé’k, abbr. undsii’, some time from now; tnash to- 
morrow (Mod.). 

waitash, waftan, waita all day long, the whole day; waitdlank, Mod. 
waitélan, yesterday; lit. “having passed one day”; hiinkantka 
waitashtka on the same day. 

we, u-@, wii’ for some time, for a while ; still, even now. 

wigapani for a short while. 


Adverbs of quality or modality. 


ak, hak, or when suffixed -ak, -ag, only, just only, merely, solely. 


ADVERBS OF QUALITY. 567 


gé-asht, ké-asht, ké-ash thus, so, in this manner. 

huimasht, d. humamasht, thas, so, in this way; himasht gink, himasht 
gisht in that manner; acting this way; himashtak equally, in the 
same manner. 

himtsantka in the same way, equally; ef. Dictionary, page 554. 

hunashak groundlessly, in vain; falsely; gratuitously; accidentally, forfu- 
itously; unawares; nii’nsak (for ndyentch ak) has the same 
meaning. 

1, 1-i, € yes, yea, certainly. 

katak, Mod. katchan, truly, surely, certainly. 

ké-una and ké-uni, d. kektini slowly, gently, loosely. 

ki, ke, Mod. kie, so, thus; when words are quoted verbatim. 

ka-i not; no. 

ku-i, ké-i badly, wickedly, mischievously. 

-la, enhancive particle, suffixed: very, greatly. 

lé, le not, in a putative sense. 

litchlitch strongly, forcibly, powerfully ; adverb of litehlitehli. 

na-asht, na‘sht, nas thus, so; refers only to sounds and spoken words. 

nadsha‘shak at once, in one batch; also locative and temporal adverb. 

nkillank, killan, nkfla, kil, d. nkinkal, kikal, rashly, quickly, strongly ; 
forcibly ; aloud. 

paulak, Mod. pélak, d. pap’lak, pép’lak, fast, quickly, hurriedly; palakak, 
Mod pélakag, fast. 

patpat, d. papa’tpat, smoothly, Mod.; adverb of patpatli. 

pila, pil, d. pipil, only, merely, solely; pila’k solely. 

ska, @ skaska, strongly, coldly; also verb. Cf. the adjective shkaini. 

tila, d. tatdla, correctly; none but, only; talaak rightly, truly. 

tidsh, d. titadsh, well, nicely, adequately; tidsh gi to be friendly; adverb 
of tidshi. 

tehi so, thus, in this way; tchik (from tchi gi), same signification. 

wik? Mod. wak, ak, i’k? why? wherefore? somehow; wak gi? how? 
wakai? why? wak a gitiga! of course, certainly! wakaktoksh in the 
same manner as; wak gisht? in which manner? ik wép? how then? 
Mod. 


568 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


THE INTERJECTION. 


This class of words is composed of exclamations resulting from wilful 
or unwilful outbursts of feeling, and may serve to express assert, welcome, 
wonderment, surprise and joy, or terror, trouble, pain, distress and disap- 
proval. The two kinds of {nterjections can be easily distinguished from 
each other: One of them consists of organic words of the language, either of 
single terms, inflected or not, or of phrases and even sentences; the other 
is formed by inarticulate, natural sounds, representing the crude utterances 
of certain physical or mental feelings. Exclamations of this sort do not 
form organic parts of the language and are not inflected, hence are no 
words in the strict sense of the term. 


A.—INTERJECTIONAL WORDS AND PHRASES. 


As to their origin, the interjections of this class are of the most various 
description. Adverbs and verbs are mainly used for the purpose, often 
with an altered signification. 


‘tui! now! at once! found in Modoc imperative sentences. 

ectak! gii’‘tak! Mod. kanktak! stop! quit! that’s enough! that will do! 

gin! pl. ginkat! do it! go on! hurry up! 

hagg@’i! hika! pl. haggat! Mod. hageai €! lo! look here! behold! haké 
yé pak! let me eat first! Mod. 

hatata! implies menace, threats, like the Vergilian quos ego! 

hi! ht-i! htf-itok! down on the ground! sit down! 

hiya! hu-tya! don’t go! stay where you are! 

himasht! that’s right! 

hundmasht? ?s that so? indeed? Mod. 

kalash! abbr. ka’sh! exclamation heard from old Modoc men. 

kiiflash stini! the most opprobrious epithet in the northern dialect. 

kapkablantaks! Mod. kapkapagink i! pl. kakapkagink at! hush up! 
silence! stop talking about this! 

kuitak! get away! go back! away from here! 

ké-ash, kii’-ash! bad thing! a tern used in speaking to children, derived 


from ki-i badly, and forming the verb kii-ashtamma, q. v. 


INTERJECTION. 569 


Iéki! 1é gf! pl. lékat! quit! stop! cease! dont! 

nént (for nén at)! so it is! that is right! nént nént! right! right! Mod. 

oké-ilagén, d. okA-ilagén! KI. wak haf la gen! certainly! of course! 

pa-ak, abbr pa! Z do not know! 

ské! d sktsku! come up! used when thinking over something not 
remembered immediately. 

titch, ids! never mind! don’t care if! used when worrying oneself about 
something; t’tch git gf! let go! quit! stop ! 

tchawai! well then! for tchd-u haf now then; tchawai na! let us do it 
now! Mod. 

waktchi huk! how curious! (waktchi for wAkaptchi, q. v.), 24, 18. 

wakéanhua! wak ydnhua! I will be sick if I dowt! 


B.—INTERJECTIONS OF AN INORGANIC NATURE. 


Ejaculations of this sort do not form organic parts of the sentence, and, 
being no words, are excluded from the morphologic part of the grammar. 
They are the true, genuine interjections, and are nearest related to what we 
call a root, in its abstract, naked form. Indeed, some of these interjections 
are forming words or derivatives in every language; for Klamath, some are 
mentioned below and on page 250. In their origin, these derivatives come 
nearest to the derivatives of onomapoetic roots, as names of animals, espe- 
cially birds, as quoted pages 250, 323. Some interjections are formed by 
iterative reduplication, which appears here as an onomatopoetic element. 
War and dance songs are largely made up of unmeaning syllables and terms 
which resemble interjections of this sort, Repetitions of this same character 
also occur in such forms as ttimi-i-i tit many, many teeth, which stands for a 
superlative of timi many*, and strongly reminds us of the Semitic tébtob 
very good, from tdb good. 


andna! anand! expression of bodily pain or distress; from this the 
verb anana-a fo cry anand. 

#/-oho, f-uhu, i-uhuht, war ery or yell comparable to the Greek alald, 

éleXed, and forming a verb like this: i-oho-hitchna fo advance 

while crying a -oho. 


“Cf. Gradation of the Adjective, page 522. 


570 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


é! @-e! i! an exclamation, forming a sort of vocative: tchékan’ é a kéla- 
ush! the sand here is so fine! ef. haggai &, Mod., and page 468. 

hii! hihi! The syllable hi imitates sounds uttered by men and ani- 
mals. Derivatives; hii’ma, hamdasha, hiihii’tamna, ete. 

hé-i! hé-é! look here! 

kémkem! zémyem! kémkemtak! silence! hush up! 

o! 6! marks surprise, and is often pronounced with inspiration of 
breath. 

tututu! utututi! implies fright, dismay, pain. 


——a 


SYNTAX. 571 


SY NA X. 


The syntax* of a language deals with that part of its grammar which 
gives a systematic account of the structure of the sentence and its portions, 
selects the existing grammatic forms, and assigns to them their proper places 
in the composition of the sentence. 

Thus the grammatic forms presented by morphology, and the lexical 
treasure of a language furnished by the dictionary are but the raw material 
with which sentences are composed conformably to the laws of syntax. The 
words found there become true words only when they become constituents 
of the sentence; and, to reach their full effect, words and sentences have to 
be placed in such adequate logical relation to each other as expresses best 
the meaning of the speaker or writer. 

No sentence can be considered complete in which three elements of 
speech—subject, predicate, and copula (or substantive verb)—are not 
expressed or implied. This is true of all languages, although the means 
for expressing the three elements may widely differ, since the predicate and 
the copula are frequently embodied in one and the same word. 

The simple sentence, composed by the above-mentioned three parts 
only, becomes enlarged—the transitive verb by the direct and indirect ; the 
intransitive verb by the indirect object or complement; and both may 
become qualified by adverbs (or adverbial attributes). Then the subject 
and the objects are qualified by attributes of various kinds, which may 
even appear under the form of a whole sentence. Based upon these funda- 
mental categories of speech, the whole syntactic material divides itself into 
the following chapters: 

The predicative relation. 

The objective relation. 

The attributive relation. 


*The proper signification of the Greek term syntaxis is that of ‘‘ arrangement”, ‘putting in 
order.” 


572 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Besides this, syntax deals (1) with the various forms under which sen- 
tences may be addressed to others in the simple sentence—the declarative 
form, the negative form, the interrogative form; (2) with the compound 
sentence, and its subdivision into a co-ordinate and a subordinate sentence. 


THE VERB A NOUN-VERB. 


Comparative researches embracing languages outside the pale of the 
Aryan and Semitic families have disclosed the fact that they do not possess 
a true verb, as we have, but use terms of a nominal function in its stead, 
which may be best compared to our abstract nouns, to nouns formed of 
verbs, and to participles. This morphologic quality of the verb influences 
not only the inflectional forms of this part of speech, but also the laws of 
syntax; and investigators of a hitherto unknown language have to consider 
as one of their most important grammatic tasks to ascertain the origin and 
true character of its verb. 

What makes of the Aryan and Semitic verb a true verb is the thorough 
and intimate connection of a radix, assumed to be predicative, with certain 
affixes representing number, tense, mode, voice, and especially with affixes 
representing person. ‘This is so because, in the inflective languages, the 
finite verb is controlled and determined in every instance by the subject of 
the sentence (pronominal subjects appearing as personal affixes); whereas, 
in the so-called agglutinative languages, the finite verb is partly controlled 
by another agent than the subject. The powerful agency which has fused 
all the above category-signs into words, and has even influenced the vocalic 
part of the radix, is met with only in the two linguistic families above men- 
tioned ; for agglutinative languages, which constitute the great majority of 
all tongues, do not show in their verb the same assertive and predicative 
power. 

That the Klamath verb is a verb of the agglutinative class will suffi- 
ciently appear from the data contained in this Grammar. But the question 
how far this verb has developed in the way of approaching the standard of 
a truly assertive verb may be considered under two aspects: (1) What are 
the properties which assimilate it to that standard? And (2) by what pecu- 


liarities are we compelled to class it amone the verbs constituting a nominal 
oD t=, 


THE VERB A NOUN-VERB. 573 


expression? It should be remembered here that, at the earliest period of 
its existence, language possessed neither nouns nor verbs, but that these 
distinctions arose only gradually. Whenever the aboriginal mind wanted 
to give a nominal character to a radix, it affixed certain pronominal roots 
to it, considered to signify number, location, sex, ete.; when a radix had to 
receive a verbal or assertive meaning, pronominal affixes, pointing to tense, 
mode, person, form, location, and other categories, were placed before or 
after it* But in thus establishing relation, every nation or tribe followed 
different methods; and thus originated, not the genealogical differences of 
languages, but the difference of their grammatic structure. Different meth- 
ods were followed because each nation was in the habit of viewane things 
from different logical or conventional aspects. 


The Klamath verb approaches the predicative Aryan and Semitic verb 
in the following features: 


a. In what we call the finite forms, the verb is connected with a per- 
sonal pronoun, figuring as the grammatic subject of the sentence, and not 
with a possessive pronoun, as found in the Algonkin dialects and many 
other American and foreign languages, in the place of a subject, which is 
there only the logical, not the grammatic, subject of the sentence. This 
latter stage is represented in Klamath by some of the verbals, but these are 
pure nominal forms, and do not exhibit such forms as correspond to our 
finite verb. 

b. The majority of the verbal inflectional affixes differ from those used 
in inflecting the noun. The process of incorporating pronominal objects 
into the verb is here in the same stage as in some modern languages of 
Europe, viz., only in its beginning. 

c. Klamath clearly distinguishes between the subjective and the objec- 
tive case in the adjective, the past participle, the pronoun, and the substan- 
tive of the animate order, the objective case standing for the direct as well 
as the indirect object. The objective case is formed by the suffix -sh, -s 
with a vowel preceding, but the usual suffix of the subjective case in sub- 
stantives is -sh, -s also. 


* For further discussion of this topic, ef. page 253 of this Grammar. 


574 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


On the other side, the Klamath verb difers from the true predicative 
verb, and rangestitself among the noun-verbs of agglutinative languages by 
the following characteristic features: 

a. The transitive verb is controlled and modified by its object (espe- 
cially its direct object), and not by its subject. ‘This becomes chiefly appar- 
ent by the way in which the distributive form of the verb is applied. In 
many intransitive verbs, this form connects itself with subjects standing in 
the plural number; but, from the study of Morphology, it becomes evident 
that the true cause of the reduplicative process in this instance lies in the 
repetition or severalty of an act or state, and not in the grammatic number 
of the subject. 

b. The verb possesses no personal inflection, if we except the rudiment- 
ary agglutination to it of some personal pronouns. It has no real personal 
pronoun of the third person. It has a grammatic form for two tenses only, 
and the modal inflection is rudimentary also. As to number, a sort of 
prefix-inflection is perceptible in a long series of verbs, which tends to 
prove their nominal nature. That part of the verbal inflection, which is 
developed more extensively than all the others, is made up by the verbals, 
which, by themselves, are nominal forms. 

c. Several suffixes, inflectional and derivational, serve for the inflection 
and derivation of the noun, as well as for that of the verb. The fact that 
cértain nouns can become preterital by inserting -u-, shows better than 
anything else can, the imperfect differentiation between the noun and 
the verb. 

d. For the passive voice, the same form is used as for the active voice; 
shléa is to see and to be seen. 

e. Some verbs are used as nouns without change—that is, without as- 
suming the derivational suffix -sh, -s of substantives. But the existence of 
the binary and ternary case-inflection shows that the inflectional, polysyn- 
thetic power of the noun, theoretically, almost equals the power of affixation 
in the verb. The mere possibility of a binary and ternary case-inflection 
proves that some of the Klamath case-signs are of the material kind of 
affixes, and not of the relational kind, which are not susceptible of any fur- 


ther affixation to themselves. The inflective languages have relational case- 


THE VERB Gi. 575 


signs only, and therefore binary and ternary noun-inflection is unknown 
among them. 

From all that has been stated heretofore, the conclusion is fully justi- 
fiable that the Klamath verb is not a true verb, but a noun-verb, on account 
of its imperfect differentiation between noun and verb. The lack of inti- 
mate connection between the subject-pronoun and the identity of the active 
and passive form also show its true nature. It expresses the verbal act or 
state in its abstract, impersonal, and indefinite form, and, with the particle of 
actuality -a appended, comes nearest to our infinitive. Thus i yékua anku 
thou breakest a stick could be transcribed in the most literal manner by 
“thou-to break-stick”, or in German, ‘‘du-brechen-Stock.” Whether transi- 
tive verbs are used actively or passively must be ascertained from the con- 


text,* for the verbal term in this instance contains nothing but the abstract 
idea of “break.” 


THE SUBSTANTIVE VERB Gi. 


The inquiry whether a language possesses a substantive verb fo be or 
not, is closely related to the one treated in the previous chapter. Languages 
lacking the verb to be employ, instead of it, other verbs of a more material 
signification, use more auxiliary verbs or even particles, overloading the 


grammar with forms; or use attributive verbs—a clumsy expedient, which is 
attained only by, verbifying the substantive, adjective, pronoun, and even 
particles. By all this, nothing more is attained than what we reach by using 
our short verb fo be. The existence of this verb testifies, not only to a con- 
siderable power of abstraction and reflection on matters of language, but is 


generally associated with a tendency of the language to become analytic, 


and to divest itself of the embarrassing wealth of synthetic forms. 


* The nearest approach to a verb in this condition, which I was able to find, is contained in Fr. 
MULLER, Novara- Reise, linguistischer Theil, 1867, page 247 sqq., where the author speaks of languages of 
Southern Australia. Isubjoin an extract in the words as used by Professor MULLER: ‘In australischen 
Sprachen wird dieselbe Form activ und passiv gebraucht, die letztere jedoch mit Objectivprouomen: 
puntan pan, ich schlage, doch nicht ‘schlagend ich’; puntan tia, ich werde geschlagen, wortlich,: schlagen 
mich.’ Das dortige Verb ist demnach ein abstractes Nomen, unpersénlich zu fassen und erst dann jius- 
serlich auf das Nomen bezogen. Die Handlung tritt abstract, unpersénlich ein und wird erst da mit 
einem Subject oder Object in Verbindung gesetzt: ‘das Schlagen trat ein und ich vollfiibrte es.’ Sub- 
ject und Pridicat sind nur iiusserlich auf einander bezogen; das Pronomen, das das Verbum begleitet, 
ist indess stets ein rein subjectives.” 


576 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Klamath is among the languages possessed of a true substantive-verb, 
the inflection of which is well-nigh as complete as that of any other noun- 
verb pertaining to this language. Its presence accounts for the relative 
scarcity of attributive verbs, like kélpka to be hot, ma’sha and shila to be sick, 
shuilka to be warm, techkawa to be cold. It is the only auxiliary verb of the 
language in forming periphrastic and other conjugational forms (ef. -udpka 
of the future tense). But besides the abstract signification of fo be, the verb 
ei has other meanings of a more concrete nature—to become; to belong to; to 
do, perform; to say—all of which, together with the origin of gi, have been 
discussed at length in a chapter of Morphology. Here we are concerned 
only in the signification fo be, though the earlier meaning of a casual, acci- 
dental existence is still as frequently implied by it as that of real, essentia 
existence. The various definitions are exemplified at length in the Dic- 
tionary and Morphology. In periphrastic conjugation, gi is the real sub- 
stantive verb; in other connections, it is sometimes replaced by tchia fo sit,- 
stay, live, dwell, in sentences like the following: 


pia tehia tehishzéni he is at home. 
nilam p’tishap, kat p’laf tehia our Father, who is above, 139, 1. 


In short sentences, rapidly spoken, it is often omitted by ellipse: 


kdélam hit unak? whose boy is this? 

kdlam i-utila? whose is that thing below? 

kdlam gétant? whose is the thing on this side? 

kdlam gé p'léntan? whose is the thing here on the top? 
kaknégatko mi shuldtish your dress is dirty. 


Further instances of the various uses of the verb gi, not previously 
mentioned, are as follows: 


(1) gi to be, of casual existence; the Spanish estar: 
hit snawedsh kui gi k’‘lekénapkuk that woman is so sick that she will die. 
K-wkskni toks lapi’k (for la’pi gi) but of the Lake men, there were two. 
hitak a kéknish gi Ati here heavy snows have fallen. 
hii kd-idshi wawdkish gi when the ears are misshaped, 91, 8. 
tii kAtan hi ki! over there at the lodge she is, I suppose, Mod. 


THE VERB Gti. 577 


(2) gi to become, to begin to be, to turn into: 

ati ht’k lildam gi’t! that winter would become too long, 105, 9. 

ni gémptcha pshe-utiwashash gitki gi I declare (nt gi) the human beings 
must become so, 103, 11. 12. 

Modokishash “ Béshtin giuapk” kshapa they declared the Modocs wanted 
to become Americans. 


(3) gi to be, of real existence; the Spanish ser: 
tatkni i gi? where are you from? 
kant gi? who is it? who is he? 
muni nai laki gi J am a powerful ruler, 192; 8. 
tupaksh taksh i fin gé-u gi! you certainly are my sister! 


The three syntactic relations of human speech manifest themselves, in 
‘analogous shape, in the simple and in the compound sentence. These rela- 
tions are the predicative, the objective, and the attributive relation. They will 
be treated in the same order as now mentioned. 


THE PREDICATIVE RELATION. 


It is the relation existing between subject and verb, or, to use a term 
_more adapted to the Klamath language, the relation between subject and 
noun-verb. It includes the whole syntax of the verb, excepting only the 
relation of the verb to its object and (adverbial) attribute. When the pred- 
icate is not a noun-verb, but a noun (substantive, adjective, pronoun), this 
noun connects itself with the subject either by the verb gi to be or some 
other term replacing it, as shésha to name, call, k’léka to become, turn ito, 
73, 6, ete. Concerning appositions, ef. ‘“Attributive Relation.” 

The adjectives in -ni, -kni often express relations which, in English, 
are rendered by a prepositional or adverbial phrase, and have to be consid- 
ered as adverbs; e. g.: Kaimom yémakni gi Katmom is from the north ; p'lai- 
talkni tchtishnini tehfa God lives forever. 

A nominal predicate always agrees with its subject in case, but not 
always in number. 


578 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


THE SUBJECT OF THE VERB. 


The subject of the noun-verb, or, as I will henceforth call it for con- 
venience, of the verb, stands in the subjective case, whether it appears as 
substantive, adjective, participle, or pronoun. This, of course, applies only 
to the subject of the finite verb; the subject of verbals, as the verbal defi- 
nite and indefinite, follows other rules to be mentioned below. When the 
subject is a personal pronoun, it is often repeated and, curiously enough, 
without any special emphasis being attached to it: 

tids taks mi’sh ni kuizé m’s ni I know you pretty well, 65, 10. 

tankt ni snii’kélui-uapka ni then I shall remove (him), 59, 17. 

Especially in songs subject-pronouns are scattered in profusion; ef. 
pages 176-178 and first Note. Just as frequently, a personal pronoun is 
omitted altogether whenever it can be readily supplied from the context. 
So, in 30, 7, nat we is omitted before ga-t’lya, because it stands in the sen- 
tence preceding it; cf. also at ye before pa-uapk, in 70, 4. 

When a transitive verb is used passively, the grammatic subject stands 
in the subjective, and the person or thing by which the act is performed in 
the possessive case, which often figures as the logical subject ;* or it is 
expressed by a possessive pronoun. 

That an oblique case can figure as the subject of the sentence, as in 
Sahaptin dialects, of this we have an instance for an intransitive verb in 
the incantation 158; 48: kiflanti nai shilshila, which is interpreted by the 
Indians themselves as: “I, the earth, am resounding like thunder within 
(-nti) myself.” An oblique case thus figures as the verbal subject. This 
recalls the circumstance that, from certain case-forms, as yamat north, 
ki/mat back, lé-usham flower, new substantives originate with the above as 
their subjective cases. 

The plural number of the subject of the sentence may be indicated in 
the following different ways: 

a. Plurality is indicated analytically by adding to the noun a numeral 
or an indefinite pronoun, like kinka, tumidga a few, nanka some, nanuk all, 
tiimi many. 


*From Hor. HAte’s Notes on the Nez-Percé Language and PANbDosy’s Yakama Grammar, we 
gather that in some Sahaptin dialects the subjective case is supplanted by the possessive, even when 
the verb is used in the active sense. 


PERSONAL INFLECTION. 579 


b. Plurality is shown by the noun being a collective, or one of the sub- 
stantives designating persons, which possess a form for the real plural. 

e. The large majority of substantives having no real plural, their plu- 
rality is indicated in the intransitive verbs connected with them by the 
distributive form of the verb, and in a few transitive verbs, like std-ila, 
luela, by a special form which has also a distributive function. 

d. When there are but two, three, or, at the utmost, four subjects to 
certain intransitive verbs, the dual form of the latter will be used. Cf. 
Verbal Inflection, pages 437-441. 


PERSONAL INFLECTION. 


In his choice between the analytic and one of the synthetic forms 
combining the subject and object pronoun into one word with the verb, the 
speaker is guided entirely by the impulse of the moment. If he intends to 
lay any stress on the personal pronoun, he will place it at the head of the 
sentence, or at least before the verb, which usually stands at the end, or he 
repeats the pronoun. The synthetic form of the subject-pronoun is less 
frequent than the other, and not every person has a form for it. In the 
second person of the plural it might be confounded with the imperative, 
and hence it is more frequently used only in the first singular and plural 
and in the third plural. Object-pronouns, like mish thee, to thee, are placed 
between the verb and the subject-pronoun: ; 


shli-uapkamsha they will shoot you (for mish sha). 
ne-ulakuapkamshni I shall punish you. 


A list of all the possible syntheses of personal pronouns is presented 
above (pages 548. 549). 


TENSE-FORMS OF THE VERB. 


There are only two tense-forms of the verb—the simple verb-form, 
generally ending in -a, and the form of the incompleted act, with suffix 
-uapka. Nevertheless all tenses of the English verb can be expressed with 
accuracy by these two forms, when supplemented or not by temporal par- 
ticles, and by the substantive verb gi in its various inflectional forms. ‘To 


580 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


what extent the category of tense permeates other modes than the declara- 
tive, to which the present chapter chiefly refers, will be seen in the chapter 
of “The Modes of the Verb.” 


THE FORMS OF THE PRESENT TENSE. 


Klamath distinguishes three varieties of the present tense by separate 
forms in the declarative mode. ‘The other modes are represented by a con- 
ditional, two imperatives, a participle, and some verbals. 

A.—The pure present tense, as contained in sentences like we are walking, 
itis raining, is expressed by the nude form of the verb. ‘This form is, in the 
northern dialect, usually preceded or followed by the declarative particle a, 
which here serves also to indicate the tense. Modocs generally omit this 
particle, but in both dialects other particles can supplant it to point to the 
present tense. Connected with hii i/, when, this tense also forms conditional 
sentences, and often stands where European languages use their conjunctive 
mode. Examples: 


ké a shtdsha Anku he is burning wood. 
kélpka a Ambu the water is hot. 

tam nish i léla? do you believe me? 

at wawipka wé they are still sitting (there). 
at a pan pala-ash ye are eating bread. 


B.—The usitative form of the present tense, describing habit, custom, or 
practice, constantly observed, expresses it in a presential form by appending 
to the verb -nk (-ank, -ink ete.) in KL, -n (-an, -in ete.) in Modoc. In form 
it coincides with the participle of the present, but being connected with the 
personal pronouns, it serves the purpose and has the function of a finite 
verb. It oceurs when habits and customs of individuals and tribes are 
sketched, though the naked verb appears in this function just as frequently: 
ilyéta, ilktcha, 87, 4, 6; shidsha, 90,9. On the origin of the suffix -nk, -n, 
see Participles. 

maklaks kiukayunk flags the people stick out flags obliquely, 134, 3. 4. 

papkashti shti’tank box they make a coffin of lumber, 87, 2. 

sha shipatytikank they were repeatedly eclipsing each other, 105, 2. 


luishnank sha shné’lakshtat they roast it in the fire-place, 150, 7. 


FORMS OF THE PRESENT TENSE. 581 


vunip sbulshéshlank they play the stick-game with four sticks, 79, 2. 
tamadsank téwas they fasten the net on the bow, 149, 22. 

nash kaflatoks tehpi/nualank they bury at one place only, 88, 1. 

tsii mantsak mbusii‘lank or mbusii‘lan gi and he lived for a while with 


(her), 77, 2. 


This same tense-form in -nk, -n occurs sometimes in sentences which 
contain no usitative verb; still, a finite verb is expressed by it, and the sen- 
tence is often of an imperative or jussive character: 

tchtleksh ish tehiléyank! give me a piece of meat! 

nfish tud tchiléyank i! give me something (soft or flexible)! 

kni‘ksh ish néyank! give me some thread! 


Other instances will be found under Participles ; see below. 


C.—The simultaneous tense-form is employed to show that an act was 
performed or a state existed just then, right then and there, at the time referred 
to, either simultaneously with another act or state mentioned, or following 
this act in immediate succession. It is marked by placing the emphasis 
upon the last syllable of the verb; the verb is then frequently accompanied 
by particles specifying the time. Whether, in oxytonizing these verbs, the 
declarative particle ha, a has coalesced with the terminal -a or not depends 
on the contents of the phrase or sentence; cf. Note to 54, 9. This accent- 
uation is not peculiar to any tense, and may be also due to other causes to 
be specified below. 


a. Following are some instances which refer to a present tense: 


tsti hak k’leka tawi’sh then the bewitched one dies, 62, 3; cf. 66, 1. 
ki-i-4 a nen she lies when saying this, 64, 4. 

pitchka a ldloks the fire is out, or has gone out. 

saka a po’ks then they eat camass raw, 74, 5. 

ka-i sptini vushutk they do not give (her), being afraid (of him), 93, 1. 


The class of verbs mentioned on page 239 often or usually bears the 
accent on the last syllable, because they suggest an immediate or simulta- 
neous act. 


582 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


b. In the following instances oxytonized verbs refer to acts performed 
simultaneously with others in the historic past, or at another time bygone: 


ki‘lilks shliia they then perceived the dust, 29, 7; ef. 65, 9. 

tstii nat wawdpk k’makkaé nat then we sat down and were on the lookout, 
PATHS 

tsf hii’mkank shaptik so she said when speaking about it, 65, 13. 

wudoka hushtsédza sha they struck and killed him right then and there, 


69, 1. 
lupi’ hank shpunkanka, tehi’i lakialé first she kept, then married him, 
55, 18. 


tchulhitla teh’t’nk, guka at he took off his shirt, then climbed up, Mod. 
a'tunk ati kedsha ’apata kalo when it had grown high, it touched the sky, 
Mod. . 


In several instances the possibility exists, however, that this oxyton- 
ized verb is but an apocopated participle in -tko (ef. pahd dried, 74, 6; 
nzitsd atrophied ete.), or that an enclitic term following has attracted the 
accent to the last syllable. Cf. what is said on Enclisis, pages 240-243, 
and guhud nish I am swollen, 138, 3; kleka taks nti but I am dying, 138, 6; 
Kliikuish gint nish after I have died, 64, 15; tind nat we took with us, 31, 6; 
tawi shash he bewitches them, 62, 3. 


THE PRETERIT TENSES. 


All our preterits, as the past, perfect, and pluperfect tense, are ren- 
dered by the simple noun-verb, and can be distinguished from the present 
only through the syntactic connection or by the addition of temporal ad- 
verbs. These latter being frequently omitted, the run of the sentence is 
often the only point by which tense can be discerned. In the other modes 
the preterit is represented by the verbals and a participle. 


A.—Past and perfect. ‘These two tenses of the English grammar are 
not distinguished from each other in Klamath. Transitive and intransitive 


verbs may or may not assume, either before or after the verb, the adverbs 


PAST AND PLUPERFECT TENSE. 583 


hak, hank, hfin, and ha, designating the past tense. These adverbs are 
locative and temporal simultaneously*, their use implying the idea that 
what is performed in places locally distant is temporally distant also when- 
ever it comes to be spoken of. Therefore their use is not strictly limited 
to the past, but applies also to other relations distant in time; ef. 105, 8. 

hi’k refers to acts performed in presence or absence of the one speak- 
ing or supposed to speak. 

hiink refers to acts performed or states undergone near to or far away 
from the one speaking. ' 

hin refers to acts performed on inanimate things, present or visible. 
It also refers to thoughts and abstract ideas. 

ha in Modoe stands for all the three above-named particles of the Kla- 
math Lake dialect, which appear in Modoc also, and in the same fune- 
tions. 

The above-named particles are often connected with or replaced by 
other adverbs, as tchti, nfa, tina, tak, toksh. With tehui, they form com- 
pounds, like tchiyuk (tehai hik), teht’yunk (K1.), teh’ha’nk, tcht’nk 
(Mod.), and others. Cf. pages 402-404. 


tam haitch insh hink ldéla tehvi? did you believe me then? 

ndani waittilan nia mi suéntch kayeke your baby died three days ago, 
Mod. 

nishtoks maklaks shléa people have seen me, Mod. 

pa-ula toks nai pii’dshit J ate just now, Mod. 

una nti pa-ula I ate some time ago. 

7 nash tila hink wudtka htnksh you and I struck him. 

7 unk (for htink) hi’ma you were shouting. 

B.—Pluperfect tense. This tense points to the priority of one act to 
another connected with it syntactically in the same sentence. Although 
the Klamath has no special form to express this tense, it is clearly pointed 
out by the logical connection, or by particles, grammatic and derivational 
forms of the language, in many different ways. 


* Local adverbs and other particles often assume temporal significations. Cf. the adverb always ; 
the German hdujig. ; 


584 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


(1) Two or more co-ordinate sentences contain each a verb in the past 
tense, one of which the English language would render by the pluperfect 
tense: 


siimtsalza hi’k a gén tawi; ti’ tawipk....-- tankt tawi’pk she discov- 
ered that he had bewitched that man; that he had bewitched him out 
there; that he had bewitched him at that time, 64, 2. 3. 

tstti hi’k na’s hukayapk ma’ns i-t'ta then the one who had retired to the 
woods shot for a long time, 23, 21. 

nd-iins shlin wii’k he had shot another man in the arm, 24,1. Cf. stfltchna, 
43. 22; sptini, 20, 18. 


(2) The verb expressing the act previously accomplished stands m tne 
presential tense-form, and is connected with the other past tense by means 
of the particle at, then to be rendered by after, though its original meaning 


is now, now that. 


lalayi shuggtlagei at, Techmi’tch hiiméze after the “chiefs” had assem- 
bled, Riddle said, 41, 20. 

hi’yuka sha hi’/nk kté-i at, tehti sha méklaks ptelhi’ after they had 
heated the stones, they threw the people into (the bucket), 112, 21. 

kaytids hak k’li’kat (for k’léka at) he had not died yet, 24, 6. 


The conjunction at may be accompanied or even supplanted by other 
temporal particles, as techui, teh’ht’nk, dtech’unk (for at tehti hta’nk, Mod.), 
tchtiiyunk, hii tankt, (Mod.) ete. 


(3) The verb containing the act performed previously to another act 
may be expressed by one of the verbals. In this case, there is only one 
finite verb in the sentence, for all the verbals represent nominal forms. 
The verbals are those in -sh, with their case-forms (-sham ete.), in -uish and 
in -sht. 

efyishtok Mi’shash k’léka Tchashgayak but after (or while) Southwind 

had put his head out, Little Weasel died, 111, 9. 
tii géna Moéatuash k’liiwisham at away went the Pit River Indians, now 
that (firing) had ceased, 20, 5. 


PLUPERFECT TENSE. 585 


Kémi’sh i-a’sh tidshampéli shfi’dshan géinkanktchuish Aémukdmtch 
carried willows on his back to build a fire after (Atshish) had gone 
hunting, Mod. 

noksht-ak sha ktai i’zakpéle after stewing, they took out the stones again, 
113525 ch 113; 9: 

Afshish shataldi’/ldamna ati at kédshisht Aéshish looked down constantly 
till after it (the little pine tree) had grown tall, 95, 3. 4. 

Kémi’sh kshélui f’nk mé-itkasht hi’nk we-ulii’kash A’mukamtch lay 
down close to the fire after the wives (of Atshish) had gone to dig roots, 
Mod. ; 


(4) Pluperfects may also be rendered by participial forms, the present 
participle being more frequently used for this purpose than the past participle. 
(a) Present participle in -nk, Mod. -n: 
kayak wémpélank k’leka having never fully recovered he died, 65, 20. 
Skélamtch shanatchvilank nélya m’na tehtyesh Old Marten, after tak- 
ing off his hat, laid it down, 112, 18; ef. 112, 13. 
gAtpamnan kiilatat wawalya having arrived on the ground, they sit down, 
85, 2. Mod. 
tchi’sh shnélyan shemashla having burnt down the lodge, they remove else- 
where, 85, 13. Mod. 
This construction is quite analogous to the use made in English of the 
participle in -ing; in French of the participle in -ant. 
(b) Past participle in -tko: 
hekshatlékitko k’leyApkash watch géna the horse walks carrying the 
body; lit. “having been made to carry the body transversely”, 
85, 4. 
gélyalgitk hi’kanshampéle having climbed down he hurried out again, 
roel 
(5) The most expressive way of rendering the English pluperfect is 
the use of the completive form in -déla, -ta, which the majority of verbs 
can assume. Generally the participle in -dlank or one of the verbals serves 
the purpose, and at times the participle present of those verbs of motion 
which can assume the suffix -tka (-tkank, Mod. -tkan) is used instead — Cf. 


586 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


List of Suffixes, -éla, -tka. A temporal conjunction, like at, tehti ete , often 
accompanies these forms — . 


lapéni waitdlank, Hloldlank after two days, years had elapsed, KA. 

at nat neli/nulank at gémpéle after having scalped him (lit. “having fin- 
ished scalping”), we returned home, 30, 20. 

tehvii sha lialya pé-ulank and having done eating they went to bed, 113, 11. 

kshatgatn@lank shiuga sndwedsh having drawn out the woman he killed 
hers Vide te 

shé-fitanktilash tche’k after having concluded peace, 39, 13. 


THE FUTURE TENSES. 


The future marks an act or state not yet begun, or only intended, or 
an act or state begun but not yet completed. It is expressed by the suffix 
-uapka, a compound of the verb wa to stay within, to exist, live, and the dis- 
tancial suffix -pka (ef. Suffixes, -Apka, -pka), which has assumed here a tem- 
poral function.* In the northern dialect, -uapka is the most frequent mode 
of expressing the future tenses in principal and in incident clauses, whereas 
the southern or Modoe dialect is apt to substitute for it the nude verbal 
stem with -tak, -tok (not -taksh, -toks) appended. ‘This is done, e. g., when 
one sentence is subordinated to another, the particle then appearing in one 
of the two or in both, often accompanied by un, tin. Instances of -tak to 
indicate the future tense are not frequent in the northern dialect; k’likdtak 
ni I might die, 129, 4, is the conditional mode, and could be spelled k’likat ak. 

Verbs with the suffix -uapka assume various modal functions, to be 
sketched below. This tense forms no conditional in -t, but otherwise pos- 
sesses all the grammatie forms of the simple verb in -a, -i ete, and can 
almost be regarded as forming an independent verb for itself. 

Verbs in the -uapka form are put to many different uses, all of which 
have this in common, that they point to an act or state not yet begun or 
completed. The scarcity of temporal forms in Klamath has accumulated s » 
many functions upon this suffix, that adverbs and conjunctions must some 


times be employed as helps to distinguish one from another. 
* The same suffix, -uapka, appears also in a contracted form as opka, are forming desiderative 
verbs. Mentioned under Suffix -opka, q. v. 


FUTURE TENSES. 587 


The various future tenses designated by -uapka and -tak are as follows: 


A.—The future simple, pointing to the occurrence of an act at a future 
epoch more or less remote. Temporal particles serve often to specify the 
time, tchek being one of the most frequent among them; cf. 59, 17. 


medshampéli-uapk nti [ shall remove to the former place again. 

nad ke’ksh vutukuapka we will club him. 

undsii’ ni né-ulakuapk some time hence I shall arraign (her), 65, 1. 
tankt ni shi’gsuapk this time I will speak out my mind, 65, 3; ef. 59, 17. 
kawaliii’kuapk sii’-ug believing they would ascend, 29, 15. 

mish nfi shpuléktak J shall lock you up, 36, 3. Mod. 

tidsh hink gi/uapk he will act rightly, 59, 21; ef. 22. 

wikak hiink tehiuapk? how will they live? 105, 8. 


The particle hfink, usually met with some preterit tense, accompanies 
the future in the two last examples. 


B.—The anterior future, Lat futurum exactum, indicates the completion 
of an action or state before another will take place at a time to come. 


tud ni shutii’-uapk shiigok? what would I have profited if I had killed 
hyn? G4, 12 cts: 

hii i mbusedalp’luapk, spilhi-uapké m’sh ni if you live with her again, I 
shall imprison you, 60, 21. 

hi i paltak (for palla tak), spilhitak sha nash tin if you steal, they will 
lock you up, Mod.; ef. 39, 21. 


C.—The form -uapka also serves to designate acts or states which had 
to be performed or undergone at a time known to be past when made men- 
tion of. We circumscribe this by had to be done, had to occur, was or were 
to do, ete. 
tsi tchi’k sa waltakuapk and afterward they were to deliberate (again), 
Ghy 15, 

hi’-itak tchui tchi’-uapk here he was going to stay, 95, 6. 

huk ki’meti kéktchanudpka they were to be withdrawn from the cave, 
42, 21. Mod. 


588 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


hushtankudpka mbi’shan they were to meet the next day, 41, 12. Mod. 
gatpampéli-udpka sha at they had almost reached their home, Mod. 


D.—This suffix has also a sort of usitative function in describing acts 
habitually done, under certain conditions or at certain seasons of the year, 
and therefore prospectively to be performed also in future times under like 
conditions. In this sense, the future is used in many other languages also. 
nad giti piénuapk pdlokuantch, ktiilowalshuapka we shall there scrape 
up chrysalids, gather pine-nuts, 75, 3; ef. 12. 

nash sdpash e¢pgapéliuapk, tsialsh kawi tchish épkuapk im one month 
they will or would return; salmon and lamprey-eels they will bring, 
93, 4; of. 3. 


E.—The future in -uapka is used to express the idea of compulsion 
by force, by nature, or by imperative command of others. Cf. ‘Methods 
to express compulsion” (below). 


IF.—The future in -uapka is used in its verbals, or connected with vari- 
ous particles, to express the ideas of possibility and volition. Cf. ‘Modes 
of the Verb.” When connected with hii if, or other conditional particles, 
it forms conditional sentences. 


MODES OF THE VERB. 


Of the three modes of the finite noun-verb—the declarative, the con- 
ditional, and the imperative—only the first and last show the beginnings 
of an incorporation of the personal pronoun. The conjunctive, optative, 
and potential of other languages are here expressed analytically by par- 
ticles added to the two first-mentioned modes, and these are spoken of 
under separate headings. 


THE DECLARATIVE MODE, 


It corresponds very closely to the indicative of European languages, 
and has been treated of at length under “Tense Forms”, pages 579 sqq. It 
is used in the style of historic narrative, in queries and replies, in affirma- 
tive, negative, and interrogative sentences, in conditional sentences when 
formed, e. g., with hii if, and often serves where we would use the con- 
junctive or another mode. 


CONDITIONAL MODE. 589 


THE CONDITIONAL MODE. 


Verbs in the conditional mode introduce an act performed or a status 
undergone under a certain condition, which is either enunciated by a sep- 
arate, often incident or participial clause, or silently understood and ad- 
mitted. The origin of the suffix -t, from: at now, then, at the time, readily 
suggests all the uses to which this mode can be put. The hearer is notified 
by it that such an act took place ‘under such temporal conditions”, or 
“under these circumstances.” 

The various uses to which the conditional mode is put will appear 
more clearly by distinguishing those instances which connect a conditional 
sentence with it from those which present that mode standing alone for 
itself. The verbal conditional will be considered separately. 


A.—The conditional mode, when accompanied by a verbal or a condi- 
tional sentence, is often connected with the potential particle ak or its com- 
binations. ‘The idea of possibility thus becomes more apparent. By a sort 
of syntactic attraction, both correlative sentences sometimes place their verb 
in the conditional mode. 


klakat n’ a’nk shli-dk J may die for having seen (the spirit), 129, 5; ef. 
130, 3. 

hisstnuk tehiitch ni’sh ka-i siti’gat when songs are applied as medicine, 
then it may possibly not kill me, 129, 5. 

hi nen wii’o’n ki’git, énank i‘lktcha when no wagon is at hand they carry 
him out for burial, 87, 5. 

shle-tita ni mish shéwant a when I find it I will give it to you. 

hi na nen hétchant, shlit nish a nen if I had run away they would have 
shot me, they said. 

ni ka-i sptilhit syokti’sht nish I do not imprison him provided he has 
paid me, 62, 5. 

sta-dtank kaitua pat while fasting he would eat nothing, 83, 2. 


Also the passages 105, 8. 9; 147, 13. 


B.—The conditional mode, when standing alone for itself, generally 
corresponds to the English verb accompanied by the auxiliaries would, may, 


590 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


might. ‘The other sentence needed for completing the sense is here sup- 
pressed, and its contents have to be supplied by the hearer. The particles 
ak, kam, ete., added tothe form in -t, give it the character of a special rela- 
tion, as that of volition, possibility, ete. 


pi ak shuint (for shuinat) he can sing; supply “if he wants to sing.” 

hi’nk ak taksh tin nt shléat I can see him; supply “if I choose.” 

ni’ kam hi’tksh telulit J wish to look down from there, 192; 4. 

ka-itat sa nelli/nat, ha’shtchok’huya hak sa they would never scalp (ene- 
mies), they only killed a few (of them), 19, 4. 

gita tehipash ka-i tti’m kédshant not much tchipash-grass will grow here- 
about, 149, 10. 

wokslat, wokash shutii’shlat, awo’lat, péksat shiulina they may collect, 
grind, and cook the pond-lily seed, and rub it fine upon the metate ; 
supply ‘whenever they camp out there”, 74, 7-9; ef. 15. 

tu kam a nti kit shashapkéat I do not know what story I am going to tell 
you, Mod. 

k4-i hank shli-at hi’nkesh kii’mat skékshash I may possibly not see 
the dead man’s spirit in the fish, 129, 7; ef. 1. Cf. also 120, 17. 

hi’nk kaé-i mat pi’sh siukat I did not kill him, as alleged, 64, 5; ka-i nti 
ha’nk sitigat I have not killed him, 64, 11. 


It has been stated above that conditional sentences, when introduced 
by particles, like hii, tchi, at, taksh, are just as often expressed. by means 
of the declarative mode of the present and of the future. The “Legal 
Customs”, pages 58-62, afford many instances; cf. also 38, 20; 65, 6. 7; 
115) 07: 

THE IMPERATIVE MODE. 


This mode fulfills the same office in Klamath as in English, though it 
differs from it by being generally accompanied by a personal pronoun, 
except in the third persons. In such sentences as vuly’ ish tala! lend me 
money! the pronoun i thow has coalesced with the i- of nish, apheretically 
ish me, to me. This sentence may be expressed also by: tala ish vulzi! 


b] 


In the chapter on “Modal Inflection”, morphological part, the uses of 


the two forms of the imperative—the imperative proper and the exhortative 


IMPERATIVE MODE. 591 


form—have been discussed, though it will be appropriate to add a few more 
syntactic examples here for illustration. The future in -uapka, which has 
no exhortative form, is sometimes supplanting the imperative under certain 
conditions. We also find the participle in -nk, -n replacing the imperative, 
but rather unfrequently; ef. ‘ Usitative tense-form,” page 581, and below. 


gév’ i! go thou! szotk’ ish! cross me over! 

spizia na! now let us pull! gend-atak na! let us go there! 

nanuk tids wawalzat! all of you stand up straight! 90, 14. 
ktiwalyat na-éntch tehkash! post ye up another man besides! 22, 15. 
ka’hlantak na tin! let us enter now! Mod. 

i shutétki! let thou perform! 139, 6. 

‘ts gint, shlitki nish! never mind, let them fire at me! 22, 10. 

ka-i i téltkitak! you must not look downward! Mod, 

tchelzan! sit down! nish tchiléyan i gi! give it to me! Mod. 
tchtleks ish tehiléyank i! give me some meat! KI. 

lumko’ktki kiidshikilaktki! take a steam-bath and take a rest! Mod. 
pvh gépkan tchimi! come and eat right here! 

kayak kilhuan! do not get angry! Mod. 


Many imperative locutions suppress their verb, which, of course, can 
be replaced without difficulty by the hearers; cf. page 568, and: 


hi-itok at! sit down! down! 
pélak tehimi! here! quick! pélak kimi! over there, quick! hiya! don’t go! 
ka-i ta! do not! hold on! ka-i tehe’k i! do not (shoot)! Mod. 


THE PARTICIPIAL FORMS. 


The two forms of Klamath now to be spoken of correspond in almost 
every particular to the participles of the European languages, and I have 
therefore not hesitated to call them by this name. Participles and verbals 
afford excellent means to build up periods, in the most breviloquent and 
expressive manner, by subordinating certain acts or facts to the main verb 
and incorporating all into one sentence. What the Klamath and the classic 
languages of antiquity express by a participle or verbal, modern languages 
will often resolve into an incident clause, or into a principal clause, correl- 


592 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ative to the main verb; but to turn the sentence into a nominal form of the 
verb often has the great advantage of brevity and vigor over the analytic 
wording of it. 


1. The participle in -nk, -n temporally expresses the past and present, 
sometimes the pluperfect, though I call it the present participle for the sake 
of brevity. Its subject is mostly identical with that of the main verb, and 
whenever it fulfills the function of an adjective its natural position is before 
that verb. Like the English participle in -ing, it frequently stands where 
the Latin would use its gerund-form in -xdo; ef. shulatchtilan tehélya to be 
on one's knees, in Morphology, page 407; and this also has to be placed 
before the verb of the sentence, 
The structure of this participle as a part of the sentence presents no 
difficulties, and we therefore give only a few instances of its use: 
kii’shga tcha, pli’ i’tchuank. . . .-. lé’vuta they combed, oiled, and dressed 
him, 95, 17. 

Tchika shlaa Aishishash huyégank, hi’tan ku-ishéwank shli‘péle [chika 
saw Aishish sitting far off, jumped up, being glad to find him again, 
96, 5. Here huyegapkash seems preferable to huyégank. 

itpampélank yamnash shash shewadna bringing the beads home he gave 
them to them, 96, 8. 

hi’ktag haillatchtyank pakakélank piksh nitolala Itlukshtat the little 
one ran back and forth, and, jerking off the pipe, swung it into tie fire, 
96. 1G: 

eéknan shla-uki! go out and close the door! Mod. 


\nstances of its use may be found on almost every page of the Texts. 
Compare, e. g., the passages 22, 16; 34, 13; 42, 7; 71, 7; 109, 4. 

The use of this participle as a usitative and imperative form has been 
alluded to severally; cf. pages 580, 581. A similar form is produced when 
the finite verb of a sentence is supplanted by the present participle, as in: 


tchi sha hatokt gelo‘lank shewdtzyastka thus they dismounted there at 
noon-time, 19, 10. 


USES OF PARTICIPLES. 593 


na'dshak hik hishuékshlank K’mikamtchash only one consorted (at that 
time) with Kmiukamtch, 95, 11. 
mo-éwe htink hitapénan a mole ran past him, 127, 1. 


2. The participle in -tko and the morphology of its suffix has been pre- 
viously described (pages 378 sqq., 408, 447, 451), and it remains now to 
exemplify its syntactic uses more extensively. I call it past participle, from 
its prevailing application to past facts or conditions, but it may designate 
the present tense also whenever it forms verbal adjectives or is used in a 
possessive sense. In its origin, it is neither active nor passive exclusively, 
and when forming derivatives from intransitive verbs it is neither the one 
nor the other. In its nominal inflection, we find not only the simple case- 
forms, but those of the secondary nominal inflection as well, and it is 
attributively and predicatively conjugated with the noun it qualifies. 

With the auxiliary verb gi, in all its various verbal forms, the participle 
in -tko forms a periphrastic conjugation, and this is especially the case 
whenever the participle is used passively or is formed from an intransitive 
verb. The gi then assumes, so to say, a demonstrative function. Thus 
é-ush wétko gi means the lake is frozen, as you and everybody can see, the 
result being visible to all; but ¢-ush wétko would simply mention the fact 
that the lake is frozen. Even when gi is suppressed, the form in -tko is to 
be regarded as a finite verb, like the usitative form of -nk. Examples: 


ké-isham i kégatko you have been bitten by a rattlesnake. 
tchi’sh ka-i wétk the place in the lodge did not freeze, 111, 21. 


Whenever -tko is construed with gi in the sense of the passive voice, 
and the logical subject of the periphrastic form is mentioned, this subject 
is placed in the possessive case in -am (-lam), or, if pronominal, it is intro- 
duced as a possessive pronoun. Possessive participles ending in -altko, 
-tko must be considered as circumscribing the participle gitko possessed of, 
and are construed like this, the object possessed or worn being then con- 
tained in the word itself. Stefnshaltko, ‘‘having a heart”, is equivalent to 
stefnash gitko; and mi’ stefnshaltko equivalent to mi/nish steinash gitko 


magnanimous ; lit. “having a great heart.” In wewékalam sha taldshitko 
38 


594 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


they, armed with the little arrows of the children, 123, 6, taldshitko stands for 
taldshi gitko, ‘arrows having.” 


a. Instances of the active signification of -tko. 


ktchi’dsho skalaps shultilatko @ bat holding a decoy-mask under its wing ; 
lit. “having placed a decoy-mask ete.” 127, 1. 

hashtchaktchuitk carrying (an object) in his dress, 111, 13. 

hii ni shuishaltk (gi) if I recur to magic songs, 130, 3. 

tti’ma wash shléa kshitlyapkash he saw many coyotes dancing, 128, 8. 

lap’ni ta-unepanta illdlatko twenty years old; lit. “having completed 
twenty years”, 55, 20. 

késhga ka-i nti kii’kotko I did not succeed when I tried. 


tatyélampani gageitk having crossed (the river) half way, 123, 2. 
b. Instances of the active possessive signification of -tko. 


While referring to the syntactic examples to be given under “Methods 
to express possession,” q. v., I anticipate here a few sentences relating to 
possession, in which the object possessed is more distinctly determined : 
tyé-u pé-ip kinkdnish weweshc¢ltxo the elder daughter has (but) a few 
children; ef. 85, 16. 

ntitoks shléa gé-u lilpatko (for lilpaltko) or nitak shlépapka gé-utan- 
tkak lilpaltko I saw it with my own eyes (stands for gé-utantka 
ei lilpaltko). 
tchuyétk Yamsham nish dressed with the head of South Wind serving as 
BY Uietey WN. ILS): 

klina palpalish shlapshaltko the kldna-plant has a white flower (for péal- 
palish shlips gitko), 146, 14. 

inbushakshaltko possessed of obsidian tools. 

ti’ma watchaltko owning many horses, 127, 9. 

c. Instances of passive function of -tko. 

kédsha hemkankatko when speeches had been made for a short while 34, 
16; ef. 44, 5 and Note. 

mish gé-u skitash skutaipkash you, wrapped up in my own garment, 126, 
12; cf. 125, 2. 


USES OF PARTICIPLES. 595 


kima’dsham patko tooth-aching ; lit. ‘eaten by the ant.” 

wakash Aggaipksh the bone-awl which was stuck into (the ceiling), 120, 22. 
tchiktchikam lupatkuelatko scarred by a wagon. 

sawalktko having been given presents, 136, 7. 


d. .Anstances of participles in -tko derived from intransitive verbs. 


Many of them can be distinguished only with difficulty from the verbal 
adjectives of the same terminal. Some have even turned into substantives, 
abstract as well as concrete: k’lekatko corpse, i-utautko heavy load ; strength, 
k’mutchatko old man. Cf. Suffix -tko, No. 5. 

shléa wawakayapkash lynaes sitting upon (trees), 125, 2. 

kikaskankatk having walked about, 24, 20. 

(nti) hatokt gatpantk I was going there, 140, 6. 

p’gi’sh-lilatko, shashimoks-ldlatko bereaved of mother, relatives ; lit. “the 

mother, the relatives having died.” 

giulya, for giulzatko, born; ef. léluidshish, in Dictionary. 


e. Instances of verbal adjectives formed by -tko, -tk. 


These words are often the participles of attributive verbs, q. v. Add 
to these all the comprehensive terms of relationship in -altko, as shapta- 
laltko ete. 


sa-ulankankatk (his) followers, 100, 17. 

kti’mme lalatishaltko the hard-rock cave, 42, 19. 

tsmo’k pi'luitk smelling after rotten fish, 146, 7. 

hémkanks ttiménatk they were acquainted with the language, 23, 3. 

wika-télantko short-faced, 190; 14. « 

Others are: kshuizitko, liizitko, wintzitko superior to, surpassing ; mia'- 
shetko, mashitk tasting like; shawigatko irritable; tishilatko crooked; tish- 
yalkuleatko plicated; uléyatko flexible. 


THE NOMINAL FORMS CALLED VERBALS. 


The various nominal forms of the verb, called verbals, are a peculiar 
feature of Indian languages, and since some of them differ in their uses 
from all we know in European languages, their correct use is not an easy 


596 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


matter to acquire. Their function is to express more concisely what we 
convey by our participle in -ing, preceded by some particle (for, while, ete.), 
or by incident clauses of an adverbial, conditional, or other nature. In his 
use of the verbals, the Indian is guided not only by the matter he intends 
to express, but he will choose one verbal when the subject of the noun- 
verb is identical with that of the verbals, and another when it differs from 
this. The corresponding. chapters in Morphology will explain many facts 
concerning the syntax of the verbals, but the examples to be now given 
are intended as additional contributions to teach their correct use. The 
infinitive mode is here regarded as one of the verbals, and all the verbals 
inflected by case are here treated in one single chapter, with subdivisions, 
just as thev were in Morphology. 


1. The infinitive. 


Concerning this form, I have nothing to add to the statements maae in 
Morphology. It occurs but rarely, and shows no inflection save that for 
severalty. Cf. pages 409, 410. 


2. The verbal indefinite. 


A.—The suBJEcTIVE CASE of the verbal indefinite ends in -sh, -s (-ash, 
-ish), and possesses no exact equivalent in the English language, though 
we may define it as occupying a middle position between the verb and the 
noun. Sometimes its function is that of an abstract substantive; sometimes 
it is predicative, though in most instances the English participle in -ing 
corresponds best to it. Tiii’mish g¢é-u, “my being hungry”, expresses the 
same idea as my hunger; hemézish m’na, “his speaking or saying”, is nearly 
identical with his speech. 

The rules of its structure, whether used actively or passively, having 
been illustrated previously (pages 323, 338, 368, 410-413), we proceed to 
state under which circumstances this verbal is used. 

a. The verbal indefinite may stand in its subjective, uninflected, case 
as the subject of a sentence, governing a verb, but not being governed by 
any verb whatever—or, as forming a phrase, which has to be rendered by a 
subordinate clause in English. 


VERBAL INDEFINITE. 597 


tud lish mi pélpelsh gi gitaki? what is your business here? lit. “what 
your working is here”? 

gé-u gttikak hi’k It’gs spuni’sh the slave transferred (spuni‘sh) by me 
(gé-u) ran away, 20, 17. 

kani gén gé-u kdpa k6-i shutépka shlelytchandlish gé-u? who spoiled 
my coat which I left behind? lit. “the one dropped behind by me”? 

kédsha képka koki’sh g¢-u the pine tree grew while I climbed it, 101, 16 ; 
kikuish gé-u would signify after I had climbed it; lit. “the one 
climbed by me before.” 

nat ké-i kakno’lsh slé-ipéle ne-uzalp’lish gintak lakiam we did not return 
the parfleshes, though the chief ordered us repeatedly (to do so), 21, 6; 
lit. ‘though we were the repeatedly ordered ones by the chief.” 


b. When the verbs of telling, thinking, wishing, conceding, and refusing 
require in English a sentence to express their object or complement—which 
is usually introduced by the particle that—this objective sentence, when not 
containing the idea of a command, purpose, or plan, and having the same 
subject as the main verb, is expressed by the verbal indefinite. Verbs which 
are construed in this manner are shapa, shapiya, heméze, hémta to say, to 
fell, and other derivatives of hi’ma; héwa, shéwa, ht’shka, hi’shkanka 
(Mod. képa), to suppose, reflect, think; haméni, shaméni, shanaholi to wish, 
desire, want; shayuadkta to know, tiiména to hear, heshégsha to complain, vila 
to inquire. Cf. Verbal conditional, No. ec. 


kani’ shapfya, ma‘lash na‘lim shuenkudpkash? who says that we intend 
to kill you? 40,18. Cf. 35, 10. 

kd-i nf fin kanash shapitak tué mi shaptyash I shall divulge to nobody 
what you tell me; lit. “what was told by you”, 40, 11. 

gité na gitpa kiiila shéshatuish haménitiga wanting to sell lands, I came 
to this place. 

tatank iték shéwanash hém’nian ish, shpunkaénktak ni wishmush J will 
sell you the cow for what you like to give me, Mod. 

ndi-ulézApkash maéklaks shand-uli nelinash after he fell, the Indians at- 
tempted to scalp him, 42,15. Cf. 35, 11. 18; 36, 19; 42, 19. 


598 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


Tchmi'tchim tilaak shlepakudpkash shayudkta he knew that by Frank 
Riddle he would be protected with firmness, 36, 12. 15. 

lakf heshégsha E-ukshikisham ktchinksh pén pdallash the chief com- 
plained that the Klamath Lake Indians haa again stolen their rails, 
35, 17. 

léwitchta Canby watch shewanapélish Canby refused to return the horses, 
$9, 12. “CE 24,16" 36,135 14 

.--. shii’walsh ttiména (nf) J heard that he has slandered, 185; 38. 


c. Another series of verbs requiring the verbal indefinite to express 
their syntactic object or complement are those expressing inability, stoppage, 
termination, exhaustion, dread, and also those indicating habit or custom. We 
find, e. g., the following verbs construed with this verbal: késhka and 
tchdna to be unable; kéléwi to cease, stop; vina, vinha to finish, terminate ; 
kédshika to be tired, exhausted; yiyaki to be afraid of; nétu to have the prac- 


tice of; kélya ntiish I am accustomed to. 


késhka nti ko’sh hishaktgish I am unable to shake the pine tree; cf. 42, 6. 

késhguga idshi’sh being unable to remove them, 38, 1. 

kKlewi-uapka nat shéllualsh we will quit fighting. 

vun’a an g¢-u stéginsh lédshish I have finished knitting my stocking. 

nti kédshika hémkanksh I am tired of talking, 42, 3. 

nti yd’yavki gukish I dread to climb up. 

nctu an Iédshish stéginsh I am practiced in knitting stockings. 

kélya an’sh tnak gé-u patkalsh J am wont to rise early; lit. “rising 
early by me is habitual with me.” 


B.—The VERBAL INDEFINITE in -SHAM contains the possessive pronoun 
sham, which is here so closely agglutinated to the verbal indefinite that 
the -sh, -s of one of the two has disappeared. Sham may be either the 
possessive case of sha they, or an abbreviation of ht’/nkélamsham, hi‘ksham, 
hi’/nktsham, ke’ksham, or of any of the pronouns forming their plural by 
means of final sha they. That sham is really a word separate from the ver- 
bal indefinite preceding it is proved by the passage 23, 9: ka-i sim wii’walsh 
shlin I shot (her) because they would not allow (her to me), which is equiva- 
lent to ké-i wii’walsham (for wewa-tlash sham, d. form of wé-ulash, from 


VERBAL INDEFINITE. 599 


wé-ula to allow) shlin. The logical subject contained in sham of them, their, 
theirs differs from the subject of the verbal indefinite, and also from the 
graminatic subject of the finite verb, on which the latter depends ; and when 
the verbal indefinite is made from a transitive verb it has often to be taken 
in the passive sense, for the possessive case is the case expressing the logi- 
cal subject of a passive verb. 

But intransitive verbs are also construed in this manner, and transitive 
verbs may retain their active function, as appears from the passage quoted 
on page 413. That the form in -sham always indicates a plural subject is 
made apparent by the signification of the pronoun itself. This difficult 
matter will appear more lucid through the following examples: 


ti’ géna Méatuash k’léwisham at the Pit River Indians went away when 
(the Lake men) had ceased (fighting), 20, 5. Here the intransitive 
k’léwish (the stoppage, the ‘act of ceasing”) has for its subject 
the Lake men, not the Pit River Indians, and this subject is re- 
ferred to by -sham their, of them: “after the ceasing by them.” 


The following examples all contain transitive verbs: 


kdhaha shlisham he ached because they had wounded (him), 22, 11; lit. 
‘‘he ached, being wounded by them.” 

liks t’shin spi’/ntpisham a slave grew up after they had brought (him 
there), 16, 14; lit. “grew up, carried off (or brought) by them”— 
spt’ntpish sham. 

nanka gaggitha peno’dsasam some hid before their pursuers, 17, 14: lit. 
“hid, being followed by them”—by others than the subject of the 
sentence. 

wétta kiibatyo’Isham he laughed when they uncovered (him), 24, 14; lit. 
‘the laughed, being uncovered by them.” 


C.—The VERBAL INDEFINITE in -SHTI, -STI is of rare occurrence, and the 
syntactic instance given, page 413, of its causative function shows that the 
-ti found there really means about, concerning, a function which it shows 
sometimes when appended to nouns. In the verbal, the additive signification 
is more frequent, and examples may be found on page 478. In the example 


600 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


quoted, page 413, the verbal in -ti does not refer to the subject of the main 
sentence, but to its object. 

D.—The VERBAL INDEFINITE in -SHE’MI, -SHAM is used just like an ad- 
verb, and since no subject is mentioned with it, it refers to the subject of the 
sentence. It points to things done during periods of time having a certain 
length, and the same suftix, -émi, is frequently found appended to substan- 
tives. It occurs in passages like 55, 8. 19; 56, 1. and, from 148, 19 we 
gather the information that it is capable of combining with other case-end- 
ings into a ternary case-inflection. 

E.—The VERBAL INDEFINITE in -sHI, -SI is remarkable for combining a 
temporal with a locative function, and for placing its nominal or pronominal 
subject, which differs from that of the main sentence, into the objective case. 
It refers to a distinct place or spot where, and to a certain moment when 
something occurred, and not to a longer lapse of time, like -shé’mi. 


ni hi’tpa hfhassuaksas hatokt liuka-isi (for liukayash-) by running I 
reached the men while they were gathered there, 22, 4. 

tsti hutapéno'Ishi n’s néiyéns shlin pii’n nt’sh then, after I had arrived 
there running, another (man) was shot in the head, 22, 11; w’s (for 
nish me) being the subject of dutapéno'Ishi. 

nats a gépksi (for ndlash a g¢épkash-1) at shla’pka Sa’tas when we arrived, 
they (the soldiers) saw the Snake Indians, 29, 19; cf. Note. 

siindétanksi nat sash gatpa while they fought, we reached (them), 29, 20. 

Sa’t hak téwi gatpdnkshkshi (for gatpankshkash) hi’nk wats the 
Snakes fired at him when he had almost reached the horse, 30, 4. 5, 
and Note. 

nat guhdshktcha shewatzti'lsi we started in the afternoon, 24, 6, and 
Note. 


F.—The VERBAL INDEFINITE in -SHTKA, -STKA, which I call verbal desid- 
erative from one of the uses to which it is applied, connects itself with all 
the inflectional forms of gi to be, but is found almost as often without these, 
and then has to be considered as incomplete, as stated pages 413 sq. But 
when the form -shtkak occurs, the form is complete, for the final -k represents 


the abbreviated -gi. Whenever this instrumental case -tka is appended to 


VERBAL INDEFINITE. 601 


the verbal indefinite of transitive verbs, it expresses a desire, a wishing or 
craving for, a tendency toward, an attempt; but when appended to the verbal 
of intransitives, it has to be rendered by being on the point of, going to be. 

Concerning their syntactic use, we have to distinguish whether verbals 
in -shtka are used like finite verbs, independent of any other verb, or are 
governed by another verb. = 

1. When used independently of any other verb, this verbal is not in- 
flected, except through the auxiliary gi fo be, and is hence to be compared 
to the usitative form in -nk, -n (-ank, -an) referred to pages 408. 580 sq. 
The subject noun or pronoun joined to it and the substantive verb gi, 
whether added or left out elliptically, gives it the predicative power of a 
finite verb. 


ninka A’-ukskni ligsdlshtkak, nanya sfukshtkak some Klamath Lake men 
wanted to make a slave of him, others to kill (him), 24, 16; ef. 17. 

shntkshtkan na’sh siwak hai’nk J want to seize this one girl, 23, 8. 

na‘sh shnuktsdstkak ha’nk watch one (man) attempted to seize that horse, 
30, 2. 

tstti sa sakatpampéléastka gi then they desired to have a horse-race, 20, 14. 

hii htt mish piin shli’shtka gi’uapk if he should attempt to shoot at you 
again, 110, 4. 


2. When governed by another verb standing in the same sentence, the 
subject of the verbal desiderative is also that of the finite verb governing it, 
as appears from the following: 
keké-uya shitlkishyeé’ni géshtga giti’ea he attempted repeatedly to go to 
the reservation, 55, 11. 

ninka ké-i shéwanat pash shi’ukshtka gfug others gave (him) no victuals, 
desirous of starving (him) to death, 66, 10. 11. 

hulladshui wéka K’mtkdmtchash pa’‘ksh pakakdéleshtka the little boy ran 
toward K’mukamtch, desirous of jerking off (from his neck) the tobacco- 
pipe, 96, 14. 


There are a few forms of the verbal indefinite in our Texts which in- 


dicate the existence of other case forms of this verbal than are mentioned 


602 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


above. Thus I may refer to the objective case of the distributive verbal 
of shemtchalya to discover, find out, in 65, 3: li ni wak nii’-ulaktanuapk 
sheshamtsalzishash hi’nk J do not know how to proceed against (her), who has 
(or for having) discovered every part of it. Another passage contains the 
emphatic adessive case-suflix appended to the verbal of sptika to be prostrate: 
spt’ksksaksi where the (man) lay extended, 24, 19. An uncommon peri- 
phrastic form is also kedshnitash kin if was growing all the while, taken from 
a Modoe text. As soon as more parallel forms are gathered, it will be 
possible to investigate all the uses to which these new forms are put. 


3. The verbal conditional in -sht. 


This verbal ending in -sht, -st undergoes no inflectional change, and in 
the majority of instances has to be rendered in English by a clause depend- 
ent of the main sentence. It enunciates the cause, condition, circumstance, 
or time of the act or state which is mentioned in the principal clause; és 
subject necessarily differs from that of the finite verb of the principal sentence. 
Whenever the noun or pronoun of the verbal conditional is mentioned, 
which is done in the majority of instances, it is preceding or following the 
verbal in the objective case, as it does with the verbal indefinite in -shi, q. v. 
Since cause or condition for an act or state necessarily precedes in time the 
act or state itself, our verbal differs in its temporal relation from the sub- 
jective case of the verbal indefinite by referring more frequently to the past. 
There are sentences in which we have to render it by the English past, 
the perfect, the pluperfect, and others where the English present and even 
the future is in place. 


a.. Verbal in -sht in a causative function. One of the more frequent uses 
made of this verbal is to express causality or condition for the performance 
of an act, and, as the ending -t shows, the conditional function gave to this 
form its origin. The difference between it and the suffix -dga, -ok, -uk, 
when indicative of cause, lies in the subject of the two—when the finite 
verb and the verbal have the same subject, -dga is the form to be used; 


when both differ in their subjects, the verbal in -sht has to step in. 


VERBAL CONDITIONAL. 603 


From the large number of instances which could be extracted from our 
Texts, I select what follows: 


tsi’/ks ké-usht tehékéle kitks ftkal when a leg is fractured, the conjurer 
draws the (infected) blood out, 71, 8. 

ndé-ulyan shlii-ank hi’/nkt layipakst (for layipkast) I let myself down, 

perceiving that he had (his gun) pointed at me, 30, 13. 

sawika watch m’na mba-utisht he became angry because his horse had 
been shot, 19, 9. 

k4-i gé-isht, tpfiidshantak! if they do not go, expel (them)! 37, 2. 

hushtsézva sha kfuksas k’Iléksht hi’nk snawédshash they killed the con- 
jurer, since this woman had died (bewitched by him), 69, 1. 

shawigank k’lepgi’ kekewélaksht shash hem¢ze angered at their having 
wasted red paint she said, 121, 2. 

shaptya ké-i teht’leksh patki, shpatitish itampkash gi’sht he told (them) 
not to eat of the meat, poison having been put on it, 13, 17. 


The following examples refer to causalities and conditions of the main 
act, which can be fulfilled in the future only: 


Skélamtch nteyakaliya, m’na tinakag mt’ak t’shi’sht Old Weasel made 
little bows for the time when his boy would have grown taller, 109, 13. 

Méatuash n’hi’ ké-i ltela sk6é tehidlash tehukaé k’le-ugtki-uapkasht the 
Pit River Indians do not kill the grouse in spring, unless the salmon 
would cease to come up stream, 135, 3. 

----pt’tank nalsh k’lekudpksht (our mother forbid us to dive in the 
water) lest we might smother and die, 120, 6; ef. 120, 2. 4. 


More instances may be found in Texts 13, 4. 7; 55, 17. 120, 17. 


b. Verbal in -sht in a circumstantial function. This verbal is often em- 
ployed in sentences not purely causative or conditional, nor strictly tem- 
poral, the act expressed by the main verb showing a connection with that 
of the verbal, which recalls a very distant causal nexus, and as to time 
generally precedes the latter. The term ‘circumstantial function” will 


hence be found acceptable. 


604 “GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


plaitalkni nfi’sh shli’popk hi’mkankst God observes me as I speak, 64, 12. 

Agency tehti g¢épksht tapi’ ti’ta shash, ktiugfulank ké-ishtish they hav- 
ing a while after gone to the Agencyshe kicked the door open, 66, 12. 

ndiulaksht ni’sh tin ti’mi ginti’ltak after I have fallen, many will lie under 
(me), 40, 5. 

Aishish shataldi’‘Idamna etiként'ta, ati at kédshisht Aishish, while climb- 
ing up (the kApka-tree), steadily looked down until it had grown high, 
95; 3. 4. 

sha kaé-i shi’‘ktgisht ti’/shkansha kt’métat as she did not stir, they two ran 
out of the cave, 122, 4. 

lwliksh shpitcht (Mod. for spitchasht) when the fire has gone out, 85, 10. 

Aishish pa‘ksh ke-uldlapka nadshpaksht Aishish pushed the tobacco-pipe 
into the fire until it was burnt, 96, 17. 

ti’ salzi’ta snawédsh gé-u shillalsht over there my wife lies bewitched, 
having fallen sick, 68, 1.2; ef. 9. 

.---kélekApkash itpano’pkasht (for itpanudpkasht) until the corpse is 
brought; lit. “will be brought”, 85, 3. 

nid pii’ktgist gikiamna when it dawned, we surrounded (them), 21, 14. 


We may classify under this heading such adverbial locutions as htimasht 
thus; himasht gisht in this manner, hence, therefore; lit. “having done so”; 
wik gisht? why? lit. “how acting”? “how having been”? psh¢éksht (for pshé 
gisht) at noon-time, ete. 


c. Verbal in -sht in a temporal function. A purely temporal use of this 
verbal is not observed so frequently in our Texts as other uses, but the fol- 
lowing examples suflice to prove it: 


ketchkaniénash 0’ gisht wéngga they (his parents) died when he was an 
injant, 5b, 21, Cf. 55, 7. 56,2. 

K-ukshikni tutenépni waitdlan kéléksht viimi' the Klamath Lake Indians 
bury on the fifth day after death, 85, 1. 

..--kéyuteh tud kii’sh mé-isht, (she filled her basket) before (She- 
Grizzly) had dug any ipo-bulbs, 118, 4. 5. 

tit nénuk ni’kualksht the teeth having all fallen, 80, 2. 


kayu ktétehasht nti shtilta hi/nksh before it rained I sent him away. 


VERBAL PRETERIT. 605 


d. Verbal in -sht after certain verbs. Sentences expressing the direct 
object of the verbs of knowing, believing, hearing, speaking, inquiring, and 
others mentioned on page 597, are rendered by the verbal indefinite in -sh; 
but when they refer to causes, conditions, or circumstances of the act, and 
especially when their subject differs from that of the main verb, the verbal 
in -sht is employed, and the verbal in -tki, -tgi, if a purpose or order, com- 
mand is mentioned. 


lla washam pakluipkash k’lékuapksht tchék they believe that when the 
coyote howls they (other Indians than themselves) will die, 133, 2. 

tsi n styuakta tina Méatuashash séllualst (shash) thas I know that they 
(the Lake people) have once fought the Pit River Indians, 20, 21. 

tumi hi’nk shayuakta hi’masht-gisht tchuti’sht many know it, that (the 
conjurer) has cured (patients) i this manner, 73, 8. 

shemtchalza hi’nk, tawi’sht Dr. Johnash k’lekapkash she discovered that 
Dr. John had bewitched the deceased (man), 66, 1. 

Aishish ttiména shttitzishalsht pish hlilika A?shish heard that his wives 
had wept for him in mourning, Mod.; ef. 39, 20. 

vila: ‘tim tatikiash shlé’sht”? she asked whether he had seen the chil- 
dren, 122, 18 (indirect question). 

ni’sh sa litwii’-Gla ha’kuapksht they did not allow me to run across, 22, 5. 


A, The verbal preterit in -uish. 


This verbal shows, in its function, considerable analogy with abstract 
substantives and the nouns in -uish in general, but differs from them by its 
lack of case-inflection. It refers tc acts or states belonging to the past, and 
the subordinate clauses by which we express its bearings have to be worded 
in our past or pluperfect tense; discontinuation of the verbal act is not 
always implied by its use. When the grammatic subject of the verbal is 
expressed by a substantive or personal pronoun, it stands in the objective 
or possessive case: if by a possessive pronoun, in the objective case. It 
sometimes differs from the subject of the finite verb in the sentence. 

1. When the object or complement of the verbs of telling, announcing, 
thinking, replying, hearing, and others enumerated on page 597, consists in a 


606 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


clause belonging to the past tense, this clause is expressed by the verbal in 
-uish, then often equivalent to one of our substantives. 
miaklaksh ké-i képa ti’sh p’ndlim ki-i giwish the Indians did not think 
that they did wrong then, 38, 17, Mod. 
at gatpAmpélan shapfya (sha) mikliksam hemkankuish after they had 
returned, they reported what had been said by the Indians, 40, 6. 
Dr. Thomas shapfya p’né shendlakuish Dr. Thomas informed (him) what 
he had agreed upon, or of his compact, 41, 13. 


2. When the verbal in -uish does not form the object or complement 
of the finite verb in the sentence, it may stand as introducing a causal, 
temporal, or other circumstance belonging to the statement, and has usually 
to be rendered in English by an incident clause, not by a substantive. In 
many instances, this incident clause contains a pluperfect, and the verbal is 
accompanied by: at or some other temporal particle. 


tapitan gakitiluish at, hiimdasha hi’nk after they had gone (underground), 
she called (the children), Mod. 

himasht-ak i tsékuapk kliikui’sh gint nti’sh you shall perish in the same 
manner as I have perished, 64, 15. 

shitina sha k’lékuish tutiks m’ndlam when he had expired, they sang what 
each had dreamed, 65, 20. ? 

klékuish at, sndwedsh gi when he had died, the woman said. 

tinkt shi’ldsham génuish maklaks shuénka hi’nk finally, after the sol- 
diers had retreated, the Indians killed the (wounded) ones, 38, 2. 

killilga kdltam génuish after the otter has left, dust is rising, 166; 24. 

wi walhag ktanhuish shutuyakiéa dnkutka the young antelopes bombarded 
(her) with sticks, after she had fallen asleep, 122, 3. 

i/nagin shash génuish hi’ksha gatpa long after their departure (from the 
cave), they reached (Old Crane’s home), 122, 16. 


5. The verbal causative in -vga. 


The suffix -tiga, -6ga is one of factitive verbs, and implies localization 
(1) within, or (2) on the surface of some object. But when -tiga is used for 


inflectional purposes, its function becomes an abstract one. It assumes the 


VERBAL CAUSATIVE. 607 


power of designating either the cause of an act or state—a function probably 
originating from the one given above, ‘on the surface of”; or it may des- 
ignate a temporal relation to the verb of the sentence—a function proceeding 
from the original locative signification within, inside.* The causative fune- 
tion of -tiga largely prevails in frequency over the temporal one, which we 
have to indicate by when in rendering the verbal by a subordinate clause. 
The grammatic subject of the verbal is ‘the same as that of the governing 
verb; if the subjects of both were not identical, the verbal conditional would 
stand instead. Cf. page 415. 

1. The verbal in -uga designates the natural or logical cause of the act 
or state pointed out by the finite verb of the sentence. In English it has 
to be rendered by for, to, in order to, because of, on account of, or other par- 
ticles of the same import. 


shapfya tua gatpamnoka he told what he had come for, 34, 1. 
géna sha mbishant mé-idshuk kii’sh next day they went to dig ipo-bulbs, 
118, 6: 
nad geld‘la pa-uk we dismounted for repast, 19, 7. 
tchiliilya sha tehileks mbushant tche’k pa-uapkuk they saved the meat 
in order to eat it next morning, 119, 16. 
ni génuapk né’gsh ma/lam p’gisha haitchnuk J shall start to search for 
- your absent mother, 119, 19; ef. 122, 17. . 
weéka ku-ishé-uk hflladshuitamna p’luksha m/’na the little boy, being full 
of joy, ran up to his grandfather and back again, 96, 13. 
taitktish ishkuk kiuks hanshna ma’shish 7m order to extract the disease, the 
conjurer sucks at the patient, 71, 5. 6. 
tunip hushtséz sheno’tankok they killed five men when fighting. 
nishta hii’ma mikash tzt'tzuk when the owl predicts (misfortune), it hoots 
all night long, 88, 6. 
Compare also the passages 77, 3; 122, 5.10; 123, 3; 136, 1. The 
connection of this verbal with se’gsa, in 20, 9, is rather uncommon 
2. The verbal in -zga points to the time or epoch of the act or state 
mentioned by the finite verb of the sentence. In some instances, the causal 


* We have a parallel to this in the Creek language, where -6fa, -6fan means within, inside of, 
when appended to nouns; while, during, when suffixed to verbs. 


608 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


relation is still apparent, together with the temporal one, while in others the 
relation is a purely temporal one. Cf. the verbal in -she’mi. 
tim watch ftpa sa hi’nk li’gs sesatui’tkuk they brought home many horses 
when returning from the sale of slaves, 20, 19. 
sha-amoksh hadaktna geno’ga kta-i nutola’ktcha when a relative passes 
that spot, he throws a stone upon it, 85, 15. 
hémkankatchna génuk she said repeatedly while walking, 121, 19. 
mbawa steinash nfi‘dshnuk (one) heart exploded while flying off, 114, 4. 
wéwanuish tehi’mma-uk tinkanka women, when playing the tchimmda-ash 
game, run back and forth, 80, 7. Cf. also 105, 16. 


6. The verbal durative in -uta. 


This terminal is forming, when derivational, durative, usitative, and 
instrumental verbs, but when inflectional it fulfills one function only, and 
remains unchanged. This function is to express an act or condition which 
lasted or occurred while the act of the finite verb by which the verbal is 
governed took place. Thus the ending -tita corresponds to our while, or, 
when nouns are used to render it, to our during, pending. The subject of 
the main verb has to be identical with that of the verbal. 


tchaki hfink shuaktchdéta pan the boy cried and ate at the same time. 
shle-vita nti mish shéwant a when J find it I will give tt to you. 
ki’tagsh stt/’kapksh galalinédta (him) who was gigging minnows while 
skirting the water, 122, 6. 
shlii-6tak (for shli-éta ak) A-ukskisas tinsna at the mere sight of the 
Klamath Lake Indians they fled, 19, 3. . 
yimatala géntita shtishtédshna during his journey to the north he created 
them, 108, 3. 
gentita shuaktcha Shashapamtch Old Grizzly wept while walking, 121, 18. 
Different forms of the durative verbs express exactly the same thing as 
the verbal durative does, but have to be kept asunder grammatically, be- 
cause the former inflect, while the latter do not. Even the present partici- 
ples in -nk, -n have to be distinguished from the verbal, though the Modocs 


use -titan and Klamath Lakes -titank as frequently as -tita, and in the same 


VERBAL INTENTIONAL. 609 


sense.* Inflected forms of -vita mostly belong to instrumental, not to dura- 
tive verbs. 
Titak kishkankétank shluyakiga Titak whistles while walking about. 
k@1sh kuledétank ki’ nak én gi’ the badger, while entering (his den), makes 
nak, nak, 185; 43. Cf. 83, 2. 


7. The verbal intentional in -tki. 

Identical in form, and almost alike in its purport with the exhortative 
form of the imperative mode, is the verbal in -tki, -tgi. Unlike other ver- 
bals, its subject is either that of the finite verb of the sentence, or differs from 
it, and in the latter case the subject of the verbal, whether nominal or pro- 
nominal, stands in the objective case. The function of the verbal in -tki is 
to indicate purpose, intention, order, or command. Whenever the verbs, which 
usually connect themselves with the verbal indefinite to express their gram- 
matic or syntactic direct object (page 597) introduce a statement expressing 
the intention or command of somebody, they are followed by this verbal. 
Therefore it is but natural that verbs suggesting a command or injunction, 
as shatéla, né-ulza, tpéwa, are accompanied by this verbal in the majority 
of instances. The verbal is in many instances followed by some inflec- 
tional form of the auxiliary verb gi, especially by gitga, abbr. giug. Cf. 
also what is said in Morphology, pages 416, 417. 

a. Examples in which the subject of the finite verb is the same as that 
of the verbal: 

iwam ltitki n’s léwitchta 4 they refused to give me whortleberries, 75, 10. 

gatpa na tehékéli vudshozalkitki we came here to wipe off the blood, 40, 16. 

nal shgttyuen mal shiitanktgi he sent us to conclude peace with you, 40, 15. 

ka-i ni shandhule ntish sha-akaktantgi I do not wish to be blamed. 

b. Examples in which the subject of the finite verb differs from that of 
the verbal. The subject of the verbal is sometimes mentioned; at other 
times, not: 

k4-i tehi/leksh patki shapfya he told (them) not to eat any meat, 13, 17. 

alahia K’mukamts kokdntki gitg Kmikamtch showed (him) the pine tree 

(he had) to climb, 100, 6. 


* Mention was made of them in this connection on page 416. 


39 


610 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ka-i wé-ula gulitki hit gfug I do not allow (anybody) to enter. 

p’gishap nalam ka-i shanahdle nalsh shuhdtluléatki gfug ow mother does 
not want us to jump down (from the lodge), 120, 1. 

laki ka-i shana-uli ki-ukshash snawédshash shiukatgi the chief did not 
desire that the conjurer should kill (this) woman, 41, 6. 

laki ké-i E-ukshikishash tpéwa tala shewanitki the agent did not order 
the Klamath Lake men to pay money, 35, 13. 

shatéla snawédshash lutatkatki pish he hired a woman to interpret for 
hips Way, Wal. 

Kmukamtch né-ulza paplishash gitki giug Aimékamtch resolved that a 
dam should come into existence, 94, 5. 

Skiilamtch shtali ta’pia m’na fktchatki giug kma’ Old Weasel told his 
younger brother to obtain skull-caps, 109, 2. 3. 

pnd maklakshash hi’ushga ka-i nanuk shildshash shuénktgi he enjoined 
his men not to kill all the soldiers, 56, 6. 7. 

hin nti shuté-uapk snawédshash kii’sh meitgiug I shall create woman to 
dig the ipo-bulb. 


RECAPITULATION OF THE VERBALS. 


Of all the morphologic forms of the Klamath verb, and the verb of 
many other Indian languages, the verbals show the greatest difference when 
compared with the parallel forms in the modern literary tongues of Europe. 
Only by grasping the real meaning of the verbals can we expect to come to 
a full comprehension of the Klamath noun-verb. There are several other 
categories which the genius of that upland language has incorporated into 
the verb almost as constantly and regularly as the categories expressed by 
the verbals—e. ¢., that of completion (-dla), repetition (-péli), motion toward 
(-ipka), motion away from (-apka). But since these suffixes are forming 
verbs with an inflection separate from that of the simple verb, these verbs 
have to be considered as derivational, not as inflectional forms, and find 
their proper place in the List of Suffixes. The verbals of Klamath are few 
in number and remarkably well-defined in their functions, easy to handle 
on account of their lack of inflection and their laconic brevity. If we count 


the six case-inflections of the verbal in -sh as separate verbals, the whole 


VERBALS RECAPITULATED. 611 


number of verLals amounts to twelve. The verbals of the majority of such 
transitive verbs as can assume a direct object may be used in a passive sense 
also. : 

The verbal in -sh, -s is the only Klamath verbal susceptible of inflec- 
tion. Whenever the forms in -uish show marks of inflection, they are sub- 
stantives, and not verbals; when the forms in -tga, -tita are inflected, they 
are verbs, and not verbals. The case-forms of the verbals in -sh are not 
inflexible; -shé’mi, when it turns into a subjective case, cannot any longer 
be considered as a verbal. 

The verbals which are periphrastically conjugable by means of the 
substantive verb gi ¢o be and its various inflectional forms, are those in -sh, 
-shtka, -tki. 

The subject of the verbal has to be identical with the subject of the 
finite verb of the sentence in the case of -sh, -she’mi, -shtka, -dga, -tta. It 
has to differ from it in the case of -sham, -shi, -sht. The subjects of both 
may differ or not differ in the case of -shti, -tki. Whenever the subjects of 
both differ, the subject of the verbal stands in the objective case, whether 
nominal or represented by a personal pronoun. When the verbal -sh is 
used in a passive sense, its nominal subject stands in the possessive case, 
its pronominal subject in the possessive form of the pronoun. 

Causality is expressed by the verbal in -uga; occasionally by those in 
-sht, -shti, -tki. 

Duration is expressed by the verbals in -tita and -shé’mi; sometimes 
by those in -sh and -tiga. 

Tense is expressed by various verbals—the present by -sh, -shé’mi, 
-shtka; the past by -uish, -sht; the pluperfect by -sh, -sht; the future in 
some instances by -tki. But this does not exclude that these verbals may 
be used to mark other tenses besides the ones specialized here. 


THE DISTRIBUTIVE FORM. 


In the earlier periods of the Klamath language the category of number 
in the noun and noun-verb did not appear to the natives as being of much 
importance. This is proved by the fact that there are different ways to 
express number, and in the noun-verb all seem to be of recent origin, with 


612 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


the exception of that by which a change of radix is broug}it about in the 
intransitive verb. Had number been of great value to the native mind, it 
would have been expressed by the same grammatic form throughout. This 
was done, however, concerning the category of severalty, for which only 
one form exists, though this one form is applied in many different ways. 
This feature is the distributive syllabic reduplication; it pervades the whole 
language, down to the postposition and some adverbial particles. The same 
grammatic form which in Pima, Opata, and other Nahua languages expresses 
a plural, reappears here, in the Selish and Malayo-Polynesian dialects, as 
pointing to severalty or distribution, sometimes involving the idea. of cus- 
tom, frequency, repetition, or that of a gradual process. In the verbs of 
the Aryan family, it once fulfilled the function of marking a preterit tense. 

Whenever we see intransitive and objective-transitive verbs used in the 
distributive form, we naturally expect that the subjects of the former and 
the direct objects of the latter should assume the same form. But the Indian 
does not always apply our Aryan ideas of syntactic congruence to his own 
speech; his syntactic views are rather of the incorporative order, and what 
is expréssed by one part of a sentence applies to the whole sentence, for it 
is needless to repeat a grammatic fact previously stated. Thus the idea of 
severalty, and atso that of plurality, when pointed out by the verb, will 
hold good for the governing or governed noun also, and needs no repetition. 
When adjectives are joined attributively to substantives or pronouns, the 
same incorporative principle applies to the case-forms and the distributive 
forms, as shown in Morphology. But there are some other reasons of a 
more stringent nature which, at times, prevent the use of the distributive 
forms in one of the syntactic components. They are as follows: 

When the verb of the sentence is an intransitive verb, showing the dis- 
tributive form, its subject will usually show the same form when animate, 
and the absolute form when inanimate; but when the verb is transitive and 
shows the distributive form, the object will stand in the absolute form if 
only one object has been acted upon, or if the object is a collective noun, 
and in the distributive if each object has been acted upon separately. 
But when there are many subjects acting all at once, we have to expect the 
subject either in the plural or in the distributive form and the verb in the 


USE OF DISTRIBUTIVE FORM. 613 


absolute form, and this would agree with the real function of the distribu- 
tive form, as developed on previous pages of this Grammar. 

Sometimes the distributive form, in the noun or in the verb, is a pho- 
netic impossibility, and then some analytic means have to be employed. 
Personal and some other pronouns do not possess the distributive form. 

Thus we obtain three possibilities for the use of the distributive form 
in the sentence: 


1. The verb alone assumes it. 
2. The subject or object alone assumes it. 
3. Both verb and noun assume it. 


While the two first modes of construction are frequently met with, the 
third one is decidedly the most unfrequent of all. Syntactic instances for 
all three are as follows: 


1. Distributive reduplication applied to the object or subject alone : 


wiwalag villa shashdshapkash the young antelopes asked the bear cubs, 
119, 23. 

ké-i hfink visa tumé maéklaks kakakndlatk giug each being armed with 
parfleshes, they were not afraid of many men (attacking them), 17, 4. 

tatala hémkank i! fell the truth in every instance! 

tanna i wewéash gitk? how many children have you? 

ngii’-isa sha wéwaliiks pila they shot the old women only, 28, 3. 

lelahéwitko watch wuzdyi he traded slow horses, 189; 8. 


2. Distributive reduplication applied only to the verb: 


tiimi shtina’sh nenalya many houses were burnt, Mod. 

kakii’gi a n’sh teho’ks I am lame in both legs. 

tstii ni shlin hi’nk, kat hak yii'ta then I wounded the one who was shoot- 
ing continually, 23, 1. 

suashuala Sa’t hifink kta-i the Snake Indians piled up stones, 30, 9. 

wakaitch gfug nii’g tti’m haktch shapésh shushata? why did the absent 
(mother) make so many moons? 105, 7. 

Ki’kakilsh yématala gentita shtishtédshna he created the bearded men at 
different times (or places) when he had gone north, 103, 2. 


614 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


nikushzyénkni shti’ya shishi’dsha each of the men living at the dam put 
pitch on his head, 132, 6. 

Méatuash adho-udtchna (for -huhatchna) the Pit River Indians raised 
their war-cry while running, 23, 15. 
3. Distributive reduplication observed in the noun and verb: 

kek wa-utchaga titadshi gi these dogs are faithful. 

etek shash shiushuak a pepéwa these girls wash each other. 

sa hi’nk 1f’luags wii’k shnishnézank shnikshtlya seizing the captives by 
the arms, they made them dance, 16, 12. 

wiwalag ti’shkampéle the young deer were running out again, 120; 12,15, 

tchitchaluish kintdla young fellows are walking about, 186; 52. 

at gakidmna shlishlolélan then they surrounded (her), each cocking his gun 
41, 3, Mod. 


METHODS OF EXPRESSING POSSESSION. 


There is no exact equivalent in this language for our verbs to possess, 
to own, to have; and with the verb gi, which is chiefly used to express pos- 
session, the logical subject is not identical with the grammatic subject. The 
different methods in use to express this idea are the following: 

1. The substantive verb gi fo be, when not occurring in its participial 
form, gitko, requires the possessor to stand in the possessive case of a noun, 
or, if expressed by a pronoun, a possessive pronoun fulfills this function. 
The object possessed then figures as the grammatic subject of the finite 
verb gi, and the sentence becomes equivalent to our to be somebody's. The 
verb gi, or inflectional forms of it, are often dropped altogether: 

kdlam gé latchash? or kilam gé latehash gi? who owns this lodge? KI. 

kdkiam gék shuldtish? whose (pl.) are these garments? 

tiimi malam maklaksam luldamalaksh gi your tribe has many winter-lodges. 

ude-udalkatko ké-u wakish gi J have a streaked roof-ladder ; lit. “my 

inside roof-ladder is speckled”, 175; 14: 


And other examples on page 432. 


2. But whenever the participle gitko, abbr. gitk, having, possessed of, is 
employed instead of one of the finite forms of gi, the grammatical subject 


POSSESSION. 615 


becomes also the logical subject, and the object possessed stands in the ob- 
jective case. The sentence is complete only when gi is or are is added to 
gitko; gi is not possessive in that case, but it represents the substantive 
verb, and is frequently dropped or coalesces with the gitko preceding into 
one word. 
kek watsag miménish wawdkash gftko this dog has long ears. 
tima ni] gitk ndlam shi’p our sheep carry much wool. 
wakwakli nii’sh gitko conical-headed. 
k4-i nti shanahuli snawédshash kékuapkash 10’/Ip gipkash I do not want 
a wife having swollen eyes, 186; 54. 

(i) tima tua gitkuapka (for gitko gi-uapka) you will be possessed of much 
property, 182; 7. 

(sha) kinkén’ smo’k gi’tk, atinsh lik gi’tko they have a spare beard; they 
wear the hair long, 90, 5. 6. 

3. The idea of possession is intimately connected with that of wearing, 
using, being provided with, or carrying an object, when the participial suffix 
-tko, abbr. -tk, is appended to the object worn, used, or carried. This ap- 
plies to parts of the human or animal body, to the organs of trees or other 
plants, to manufactured articles, tools, and garments, as hats or coats, or 
to domestic animals. More stress is laid on the use of these articles than 
on their possession. Some of these forms in -tko are derived from a corre- 
sponding verb, as kiikatko, from kuka to wear a gown, but the majority are 
the product of the suffixation of gitko to the noun of which they appear to 
be the derivatives, and of a subsequent contraction. But as to taldshitko 
provided with small arrows, for instance, it would be out of place to suppose 
that there ever was a verb taldsha to provide with arrows; the word is a 
contraction of taildshi gitko “arrows having.” More will be found in List 
of Suffixes, under -tko, No. 4. 


kili’wash shktitatk dressed in a woodpecker mantle, 189; 6. 

pi a wawakshnatk he has moccasins on. 

tsé-usam tstryiitk (hit gi) he wears a hat adorned with the feathers of the 
yellow-hammer, 181; 1. 

tidsha kékatk i shéwa you believe that you are dressed nicely, 189; 5. 

wika-télantko having a short face, 190; 14. 


616 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


4. Possession is also expressed by the suffix -altko, in the oblique cases 
-Alpkash, -dlpkam, under similar conditions as in case No. 3. Being deriv- 
atives of real or supposed inchoative verbs in -ala, the forms in -altko do 
not exactly refer to dress or wear, but to possession acquired by purchase 
or otherwise, or increasing steadily, or property becoming accessible grad- 
ually. The possession of mental and moral qualities is also expressed by 
this verbal form. The verb gi, in its various inflectional forms, may be 
added to it, but is generally omitted. Cf. -altko, page 317; also page 594. 


nfi a tchuyéshaltko (gi) I own a hat. 

nti a loloksgishaltk I possess, carry a gun. 

ia watchikaltko you have a dog. 

pat a wa-utchaltko (gi) they own horses. 

hii lish sn4wedshash vunipa weweshéltko (K1. weweshaltko) this woman 
has four children, Mod. 

hi talaltko, tchek ak nti ta-uni gént if Thad money, I would go to the city. 

hishuaksh hfin mii talaltko this man is wealthy, K1. 

K-ukshikni litchlitchlish steinshaltko the Klamath Lake people are brave ; 
equivalent to: E-ukshikni litchlitchlish stefnash gitko, “strong 
hearts are having.” 


5. Among other terms sometimes resorted to to express ownership,* we 
quote the following, and add their real signification: kéliak not having, not 
possessed of, with the object in the objective case; shunuishdltko, shétalu- 
atko having property; hashtaltampka to manage one’s property, to lord it over. 


METHODS OF EXPRESSING COMPULSION. 


According to the degree of compulsion which is brought to bear upon 
somebody, different modes of expression will be used. If the impulse is 
a mere inducement, advice, or suggestion, the exhortative mode in -tki is 
employed: 


tche’kslé ni gatpantki let me go there after a while. 


* Other ways of expressing ownership or possession in various North American languages are 
referred to in “‘American Anthropologist” of 1888, page 340. 


COMPULSION. 617. 


kaftoks ni’sh ti-una Lémaikshina kayaktgi (hii) he ought not to pursue 
me around Shasta Butte, 40, 4; ef. 54, 8. 
ké-i nalsh i tué shutétki ki-idsha let thou do us nothing wicked, 139, 6. 


A more forcible mode of compulsion is expressed by the imperative 
proper, or jussive mode. A form for it exists in both tenses—in the past- 
present and in the future—and the former is of a more commanding and 
purely mandatory character than the second, because it insists upon the 
command being carried out at once. Often it becomes difficult to distin- 
cuish the declarative mode from the imperative of both tenses. 

lielat hi’nksh hi’t! kell ye this fellow on the spot! 190; 15. 

ka-i nalash ké-i shutii do not make us wicked, 139, 11. 

tchély’ at am i kii’dshikuk ye ought to sit down, because ye are tired. 

tuni’pni i spukle-udpka five days you shall sweat, 142, 13. 

tchussak at katak gi-uapk ye shall always speak the truth. 

kilank at shuinuapk! ye must sing loud! 


The declarative mode of the future tense is used extensively, instead of 
the imperative, to express regulations of law, practice, commands of chiefs 
or other people in authority, strong suggestive hints to compel people to 
act in a certain sense, and the necessities of natural laws. The “Legal 
Customs”, pages 58-62 and Notes, furnish a large number of instances to 
show how the future tense is employed in law regulations. This form thus 
corresponds to our terms I must, I ought to, I have to, I am obliged. 

k4-i i witsam tehi’kluapk wiinniki’sham do not ride the horse of another 

man, 58, 11. 

ké-i i lap snawii/dsaluapk you shall not marry two wives, 60, 17. 

ké-i i shli-uapk shash don’t shoot each other, 58, 10. 

tumantka shute-uapka laki the chief must be elected by the majority, 90, 3. 

in’s shatudyuapka you must help me, 75, 14. 

ninuk maklaks k’lékuapka every person must die. 


POTENTIALITY, POSSIBILITY, VOLITION. 


The first of these abstract terms describes the power or ability to 
perform an act, or to bring on certain events or conditions; whereas the 
second points to chance, casual occurrence, or to actions that might be per- 


618 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


formed, or not performed, according to somebody’s arbitrary choice. All 
this we express by the so-called auxiliary verbs I can, I could, I may, I 
might, I hope, I expect, may be, and by the particles perhaps, possibly, proba- 
bly, likely. The Klamath language possesses none of these verbs, nor any 
particles corresponding exactly to the English particles mentioned. Nev- 
ertheless all the above ideas can be expressed with accuracy in Klamath, 
either by verbs differing somewhat in their function, or by the particle ak, 
which, combined with other particles, appears as ak a, aka, dka, ka, kam 
(for ak am), wak ak; their connection with the conditional mode in -t, 
whenever it occurs, also expresses possibility. Ak is nothing else but the 
enclitie particle ak, which means only, but, just, and also appears as dimin- 
utive suffix; but here it appears in a somewhat different function. The 
conditional mode is sufficient to express possibility and potentiality by itself 
alone, without any particle. 

A.—Potentiality. Whenever I can is used in the potential sense of I 
am able in body or mind—I have the faculty to perform a thing—it is ex- 
pressed by the conditional mode, by ak, ka, or by the verbal indefinite. 
In the latter case, “I can ride”, “I can make arrows”, becomes wholly 


’, “T am an arrow-maker”; and when the sen- 


equivalent to “I am a rider’ 
tence is negatived ké-i is added to it. The ak may be dropped if the verb 


stands in the conditional mode. 


pi ak shuint he, she can sing; he, she is able to sing. 

pi ak ka-i shuint he, she cannot, is unable to sing. 

Ak a nti ka-i péwat I cannot swim. 

k4-i Aka nfi kékant ko’shtat I cannot climb the pine tree. 

ka-i nfi’sh shfugat tata he can never kill me (under these conditions), 
96,22. Of. 129, 7. 

pil maklaks hfik shla’t sk’ks only dead Indians can see spirits, 129, 2. 

tim i shyesyenfsh yi? can you row? lit. ‘are you a rower”? 


ni nanukash shlii’sh ki J can see everywhere, 22, 17. 


Whenever the ability of performing an act is negatived, there are two 
verbs in Klamath expressing what we render by J cannot: késhga (or 


ke’shka, a derivative of ké-i mof) and tchana. Both of these take their 


POSSIBILITY, VOLITION. 619 


verbal object in the form of the verbal indefinite in -sh (-ash, -ish), as seen 
previously; cf. page 598. 


késhga nti shlé-ish hinkélam I can or could not see him; lit. “IT cannot 
be a seer of him.” 

pia késhka nkil hemézish he is unable to speak loud. 

késhga a na ptinuash I cannot drink. 

késhka yat ni kii’kotko I did not succeed when trying. 

tchanish nai szé’sh gi I cannot row. 

tchdnish tchiluish gitiga for being unable to swim, Mod. 


B.—Possibility. The idea of possibility, referring to acts or occurrences 
physically possible, or dependent upon the arbitrary decision of men, ex- 
pressed in English by I may or might, I expect, probably, possibly, and other 
particles of this kind, is rendered in Klamath by ak, ka and their combina- 
tions with other particles, generally accompanied by the conditional mode. 


hi’kt kam gétpant he may come; I hope he will come. 

i kam gatpant you expect to come. 

yéi-a ak at a nen I believe ye are crying. 

shlit ak nai Iflhanksh hii ni shléat na’sh I would shoot a deer vf I saw one. 

ni aka hiin shléa, or hfink Ak taksh fin nti shléat [can see him (if I wish 
to do so). 

Ampyiinkni ak sas hushtsézuapk the Wasco Indians might kill them, 93, 7. 

hii tidshf gitk mdklaks, tankt ni gé/nt if the people were good-hearted 
then I might go there, 93, 9. 

Klakaét n’ a/nk shli-6k I may possibly die for having seen him, 129, 5. 


tchiitch ni’sh ké-i sitgat then he may possibly not kill me, 129, 6. 


Some instances of possibility are found in Texts, page 118, 10-12; the 
verb stands in the declarative mode of the future tense, for the future tense 
of the finite verb has no conditional form in -t. 

Two instances where the verbal conditional of the future tense is used 
instead of a finite verb to express possibility are as follows: 


shiluashka tch’t’/nk gitki gi: ‘‘i-i f-amnash kewe-udpkasht” he told him 
to take off his dress: “you might break your beads,” Mod. 


620 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


shushateléma télish, p’na’sh ktchdlyishtka shkukludpkasht they smear it 
on their faces to preserve themselves from possible chapping on account 
of sunburns, 150, 8. Cf. 185, 3. 

C.— Volition is expressed in a similar manner as possibility, and the lan- 
guage has no word equivalent to our J will, It may be rendered by shana- 
ho'li to wish, desire, to want, as in 105, 11, a verb for which the Modoes 
often use himéni; or we find it expressed by the future tense, when it is 
equivalent to I am resolved, I am willful, or one of the above suppositive 
particles may be used. All these different means are resorted to to express 
volition, because the language lacks a real optative mode. 

medshampéli-uapka nti [ will remove to the former place again. 

pi a nish tila génuapk he will go with me. 

ké-a mish ni ka-a ni mbushdéaluapka very much I want you for a husband, 

182; 7; cf. 182; 6. | 

ni-kam hi’tksh telulit J wish to look down on it from there, 192; 4. 

nt kam tehi‘k mish shléat I wish I could see you again, Mod. 


THE OBJECTIVE RELATION. 


. Whenever the sentence, composed of subject, predicate, and copula, 
becomes enlarged beyond this narrowly circumscribed limit, it will soon 
extend in the direction of its objective relation. The intransitive verb — 
will complement itself by means of some indirect object. Transitive verbs 
are either objectless or objective; that is, some of them require no direct 
object, some do; and the same may be said of the impersonal verbs. But 
these three sorts of verbs may all be qualified by indirect objects, which 
often correspond to the dative and ablative case, or contain locative or tem- 
poral indications, or have to be expressed by a whole sentence. This gives 
origin to a compound sentence, of which another chapter will treat. But 
when the object is expressed by a noun or pronoun, no distinction is made 
in KJamath between the direct and the indirect object, except under the 
restriction mentioned below. Several verbs which in English require a 
preposition before the object are in Klamath connected with the objective 


case without postposition: kiifla gutila to enter into the ground; Aishishash 


THE DIRECT OBJECT. 621 


hin galdshui unite yourself to Aishish, 193; 11; spattish shniaktcha to send 
Jor poison, 13, 14. ; 

The linguistic matter coming within the scope of the objective relation 
will be treated under the following headings: Object expressed (a) by a 
noun; (b) by a pronoun; (¢) by a verbal form. In the case of the indirect 
object the noun is often accompanied by a postposition. The distinction 
drawn between the direct and the indirect object is made from the stand- 
point of English, not of Klamath grammar. 


THE DIRECT OBJEOT. 


Only transitive and some impersonal verbs can take a direct object. 
The direct object, if nominal or pronominal, must be in the objective case. 

A. Nouns As opsects.—The substantives of the animate class, which 
includes persons, personified beings, quadrupeds, etc.; all the adjectives and 
the numeral adjectives assume the terminal -ash, -sh in the objective case, 
whereas the substantives of the inanimate order, which comprehend all the 
lower animals, plants, lifeless objects, and abstract nouns, form their object- 
ive case like the subjective. The possessive pronouns have to be classed 
with the inanimate order of substantives in regard to their objective case. 

But this rule often becomes infringed by phonetic influences, by the 
use of adjectives as attributes of nouns, and by other circumstances. Of 
this a separate chapter gives the particulars. There are a few instances 
where the object is expressed by other oblique cases : 


li‘lhankshti i’tpa he brought venison, 112, 15. 


nanuktuanta pépuadshnish one who spends everything. 


We would expect here: liThankshti tchulé’ks i’tpa and nanuktudlash 
pépuadshnish (from ptiedsha to spend, throw away). 

There are also instances of one verb having two or more direct objects, 
commonly one to designate a person and the other or others an inanimate 
thing: 


ski'tash sha pallapka ht’nksh they robbed him of a blanket. 
na-iins shlin wii’k E-ukshki’shas he had shot another (man), a Klamath 
Lake, in the arm, 24, 2. 


622 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ilkshyé@’ni a sha shnika né’p k’lakapkash at the grave they seize the de- 
ceased by the hand, 87, 10. 
Aishishash shtilta shntlash he sent Aishish after a nest, 94, 9. 


One object is pronominal and the other nominal in: 


gt’tash nu’sh ki’pga nish a louse bites me on the head, 119, 3. 

tt’m shash ngii’-isha Moatoki’shash many of these Modoc men they 
wounded ; lit. “many them they wounded Modoes,” 21, 16. 

vusso’k sas tilli’ndsa wéwanuish frightened, they abandoned their females ; 
lit ‘them they left the women,” 19, 16. 


In the last two examples shash, as hi’nk does in others, appears super- 
fluous to us, but it does not appear so to those who speak the Klamath 
language correctly. 

The regular and natural position of the nominal object in the sentence 
is after the subject and before the verb. 

B. Pronouns as opsects.—When the direct object is expressed by a 
personal or demonstrative, interrogative or relative pronoun, these are given 
in the full or syncopated, absolute or distributive form of the objective case. 
When expressed in their full form, their position in the sentence is usually 
before the verb, but when the syncopated form is employed they may be 
placed before or after it. Reflective and emphatic pronouns are dealt with 
in the same manner as personal pronouns. When the direct personal or 
impersonal object is expressed by a demonstrative pronoun, its distance 
from the speaker, and the circumstance whether it is within his sight or 
not, is indicated by the selection of the pronoun. Even the deceased are 
referred to by special pronouns, as hi’t, hi’ksht, ete.; for it would be a sin 
against the sacred customs of this people to pronounce the name by which 
a deceased person was known during life. The above has been referred to 
in numerous examples given on previous pages of the Grammar. 

Impersonal verbs have their pronominal or personal object in the 
objective case; but whether this is a direct or an indirect object in the 
sense employed in the grammars of European languages is not always easy 
to determine. Cf. the list of objective impersonal verbs on page 430, and 
Note to 72, 1. 


THE INDIRECT OBJECT. 623 


Pronouns serving to express a direct object are sometimes suppressed 
in the conversational form of language, whenever they can be easily sup- 
plied by the hearer from what precedes. 


tstti sa ltiluagsla then they made captives ; supply: shash them, 19, 16. 
sha shitiga they killed; supply hi’nksh her, 123, 7. 


In 40, 5 it is uncertain whether the object nish belongs to ndiulaksht as 
direct object, or to ginti’ltak they will le under me, as indirect object. 

Reciprocal and reflective verbs bear their pronominal direct object 
within themselves, since it is embodied in the prefixes sh- and h- sh-. Long 
lists of these verbs are given in this Grammar, pages 278, 279, 285, 296, 
423-425. The majority of the prefixes give a hint at the form, quality, or 
number of their direct objects, but these have to be expressed by separate 
words to make the reference intelligible. Thus luyéga nf means I pick 
up one round object, and pe-uyéga many of them, but léwash ball or tala 
dollar-coin have to be added to determine the kind of the object or objects 
which were picked up by me. 

C. Verses As opsects.—When the direct object is expressed by a verb, 
this verb will either be the verb of a separate sentence, and then the sen- 
tence itself is in fact the object, not the verb alone; or the verb will assume 
tle form of a verbal indefinite in -sh or that of a verbal intentional. This 
can be done only when the finite verb of the sentence belongs tu certain 
classes, the particulars to be found under ‘‘ Verbal Indefinite,” pages 410- 
413, 596-598, and “Verbal Intentional,” pages 416-417, 609-610. 

These matters have been anticipated and described under ‘ Predicative 
Relation.” 


THE INDIRECT OBJECT. 


Every verb may take to itself an indirect object or complement, and, 
when the sentence requires it, two or more of these may be governed by 
one and the same verb. The fact that the objective case is one of the forms 
to express the indirect ‘object and also the direct object proves that this 
case is not really a grammatic or relational case, but has an admixture of a 
material, or, we might say, locative function. The indirect object is in its 


624 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


nature much more varied than the direct object, and thus it requires differ- 
ent modes of expression. | 

A. Nouns as opsects.—All the seven oblique cases and the five post- 
position-cases of the noun may serve to express indirect objects, though 
some are more frequently employ ed than others. 

. The objective case in -ash, -sh is employed whenever the indirect 
ee corresponds to what we are wont to call the dative case, which is 
introduced by the particles fo, for, at, in behalf of, against, or the locutions 
Sor the benefit of, to the damage of, ete. This case also stands when an object 
or thing is mentioned upon which the verbal act extends; the parts of the 
human or animal body or parts of the dress are frequently construed after 
this rule, which answers exactly to that of the accusative of relation in Greek 
grammar, and is, in fact, when combined with the accusative of the person, 
nothing else but an inanimate direct object expressed by the accusative 
case. Whether we have to regard these objects, when mentioned in that 
connection, as direct or indirect complements of the verb it is difficult to 
state ; but by all means this construction corresponds to what is called the 
accusative of relation, as previously mentioned. 


(a). Instances of a personal or animate indirect object : 


halladshui K’mfikamtchash he ran up to Kmukamtch, 96, 14. 

at undk nii’-ulakta Afsisas then after daybreak he plotted against Aishish, 
100, J: 

Béshtin pipa mit’/ni lakiash shnigdéta Americans sent by mail a petition to 
the President, 36, 21 

maklakshash wishmiish shiukiéshtka he would kill an ox for the Indiais, 
oreo: 

mo-éwe ktchidshuash hutnan the mole running against the bat, 127, 5. 

hémta m’na tipia he said to his younger brother. 

Knukaga mi tipakshash né-i hand the thread to your sister. 

hi a tidsh shutankudépka na‘lash if ye will negotiate with us, 38, 19 


hii ni skuyt’shkuapka m’sh if I should separate (her) from you, 61, 1. 
(b). Instances of an inanimate indirect object; parts of the body, ete.: 


shtié shupéléka nii'ss she laid resin on her head, 89, 6. 


THE INDIRECT OBJECT. 625 


na-ends nii‘sh shlin another man was shot in the head, 21,18. Cf. 24, 7. 

wiik shnushnézank li’luags seizing each captive by the arm, 16, 12. 
Cf. 24, 2. 

tsni’pal sa shlin they wounded him in the shoulder, 24, 1. 

hushnata a n’sh spéluish J burnt myself on the index finger. 

na‘d natkash mama’sha we have sore throats. 

watcham tchtleks k’lekapkash i’dshya they place the horse’s flesh upon the 
corpse, 85, 8. 

tsuyii’sh ni shlin I was shot through the hat or cap, 138, 2. 

htink E-ukshikishash techak maéklaks shita he created the Klamath Lake 
people from a service-berry bush, 103, 1. 2. 


Whenever the indirect object is of a temporal import, referring to time 
or sections of time, it is frequently expressed by a noun standing in the 
objective case, as in the following instances : 

knéwa pshin, or knéwa nanuk psin to put out the fishing-line for the night. 

Cf. 54, 6, and Note to 83, 3. 

gén waitash ktétchuapka it will rain to-day. 

la‘p shappash (nti) spa’lhi I imprison (him) for two months, 61, 11. 

té-uniipni illélash (sha) tila tehia they lived together for ten years, 54, 3. 

ttuméni illélash through many years. 


2. The locative case in -tat, abbr. -ta, -at, may express the indirect 
object whenever this contains a locative complement to the verb of the sen- 
tence and is expressed in English by prepositions like in, into, at, on, upon, 
through, towards, from, out from, out of. The ending is often dropped, 
especially when the noun is attributively connected with an adjective, but 
sometimes, also, when the object noun stands for itself, as in kifla, tchpinu 
below, and then may be easily confounded with the objective case. 

ké’kga mbi’shan kt’metat they went out of the cave next morning, 43, 3. 

la‘p ishka ati kiifla two they took to a distant place or land, 44, 7. 

vu@hitakuéla kté&yat he rolled (him) over the rocks, 131, 11. 

na’s wipka hii Ambotat one escaped into the water, 88, 7. 

shnélya toks hiink tchpinfi (instead of tehpinutat) they cremated on the 


burying-ground, 
40 


626 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


shakdlshtat lakf tmélhak the tmélhak-squirrel is most powerful in games 
(as a charm), 134, 6. 


Many other instances will be found on pages 479 sqq. 

3. Besides the objective and the locative there are other cases employed 
to express the indirect object of verbs: the partitive case in -ti, syntactic 
instances of which were given on pages 477, 478; the instrumental case in 
-tka, page 479; the illative and the transitional case in -zéni and -na, and 
the temporal case in -emi, pages 482-485. The five case-postpositions are 
all subservient to the same purpose, and when -ksaksi changes into -kstiksi 
it becomes temporal, like -émi, but refers to the past tense only. 

The indirect complement of the verb is expressed just as frequently by 
nouns connected with postpositions, which may be of a locative or temporal 
character. When motion is implied, these nouns usually stand in the ob- 
jective, when rest, in the locative, but frequently in the objective case as 
well. Cf page 554. 

In addition to the frequent examples of indirect objects presented in 
the previous portions of the Grammar, I add the following syntactic 
instances, which could be multiplied ad infinitum from our Texts: 


(a). Object expressed by cases and case-postpositions : 

ko'l shtapka ktayatka they pound the ko'l-root with stones, 147, 11. 

tstii sa saikiin géna then they went to the prairie, 107, 2: 

shné-ilakshtala gutéktcha they went in to the fire-place, 120, 20. 

wayalpa nanuk wa’shin everything froze in the lodge, 111, 20, and Note. 

sta-ila sha kshune’mi they gather (it) at haying-time, 148, 3. 

géna hink, haitkal maklakufsh-gishi he then started and followed them 
to their camping-place, Mod. 

(b). Object expressed by a noun and postposition : 

at Afsis tt’ kalo wika’t now Aéshish (was) far away, almost up to the sky, 
LOS Gt 

é-ush guni’gshta kiiilalfa he made a world for them beyond the ocean, 
103, 5. 

Kayutchish ht’k gatpa Ki'uti kuitit Gray Wolf arrived at a place above 
Kiuti, 181, 5. 


THE INDIRECT OBJECT. 627 


kié’m nutuyakia nakosh gii‘tant (they) threw fish to the other side of the 
dam, 132, 3. 4. 

at luldlyat pipélantan ish now lie ye down on each side of me, Mod. 

mish guni’ta huwaliéga he ran up the hill beyond your lodge, 183 ; 17. 


4. Forms of the composite nominal inflection may be used for express- 
ing indirect objects just as well as the case-forms of the simple declension. 
This composite inflection is either binary or ternary ; instances of it may be 
found in the paradigms of substantival inflection, pages 493, 494, 495, and 
syntactic examples on page 491. 

B Pronouns As opsEcts.—When a personal or olen pronoun is 
the indirect object of a transitive or intransitive verb, it is usually expressed 
by the objective case in -sh, -s, unless some locative or other reference re- 
quires another case or the combination of the pronoun with some postposition. 

The objective case of the personal pronoun may be used to indicate 
somebody’s home, house, or dwelling, just as in French chez moi, chez soi. 
Special forms of the reflective pronoun are those in -i, as hunitak within or 
by oneself, in one’s mind; and the suffix -gien, -giank, -gidnggi, formed of the 
participle of gi to act, perform (giank) and the above particle i; ef. page 329. 

liya mish nti léwash J give you a playing-ball. 

shewana ’sh nadshashak give all at once to me, Mod. 

ani’k tehakéla n’s skaf tak J send a basket to get me something in, 75, 9. 

lutatkatki pish shatéla he hired (her) to interpret for him, 15, 11. 

tankt mish ni skuyt’shkuapk finally I shall separate (her) from you, 

60, 22. 
sli’bopk hi‘nitak ti’ sas hisho’kst he knew by himself that out there they 
had killed each other, 108, 5 

kanita pi’sh outside of his lodge, lit. ‘outside of himself,’ 71, 2. 

mish guni’ta beyond your home, 183; 17. 

The indirect object of a medial verb is pronominal, and is indicated by 
the medial prefix sh-, s-; the object of some of the reciprocal verbs is an 
indirect object in English, and in Klamath is referred to by the same prefix 
sh- or by the compound prefix h-sh-. Cf. page 425. 

C. OBJECT EXPRESSED BY VERBS.—The indirect object in a sentence 
may find expression in a verb, and in that case an incident clause is usually 


628 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


formed dependent on the verb of the main sentence. This clause may 
appear under the form ef an adverbial, conditional, or other clause, and as 
such will be spoken of under the heading ‘‘Compound Sentence”; or the 
verbal object appears under the form of a causative, intentional, durative, 
or other verbal, examples of which have been presented under their respect- 
ive headings in previous parts of the Syntax. 

Many verbs which are accompanied by a nominal or pronominal indi- 
rect object figuring as a separate term have a way of pointing to that object 
by means of some sound or syllable forming an integral part of these verbs. 
Among these affixes we remark -ia, -iya, a verbal suffix pointing to an ani- 
mate being for which, or in whose interest, an act is performed, and -pa, a 
suffix referring to an act directed toward the subject of the verb. Cf. -éa, 
-gien, and the above two, in: List of Suffixes. 

The external form of an indirect object, like that of a direct one, is 
outlined by a number of prefixes, as a-, i-, l-, n-, nu-, pe-, shl-, u-, and 
others, some of these being also indicators of number. 'To make the refer- 
ence intelligible, the indirect object has to be added, and this is usually 
done by means of a noun. Leéna fo travel describes travel by means of a 
round object, and the phrase is complete only when we say: tchiktchikatka 
Iéna i you travel on a wagon, cart, or carriage; tkéka to perforate with some- 
thing long, as a knife, or the hand: watitka, népatka; upata, upatia to inflict 
a wound with a long article, as with a knife; watitka, ulii’tza to knock down 
with a stick or club. The following distinctions remind us of the six instru- 
mental prefixes occurring in the Dakota language: latchdya to split with a 
knife, ntchdya to split with edge and maul, patchaya éo split with some tool 
in hand, utchaya to split with the long way ax or hatchet; add to this: kta- 
tchaya to cut into strips.* 


THE ATTRIBUTIVE RELATION. 


After the simple sentence has become enlarged by the addition of a 
direct and indirect complement to the finite verb, it can expand still further 


*In the Sioux-Dakotan dialect, pa- indicates an act performed by pushing or rubbing with the 
hand; na- an act performed with the feet; ya- with the mouth; ba- by cutting or sawing; ba- by piere- 
ing; ka- by striking with a stick or ax. 


wid 


THE ATTRIBUTIVE RELATION. 629 


in the direction of the attribute. The attributive relation is a relation quali- 
fying either the verb or the noun. The verb may become qualified or 
determined by an adverb, an adverbial phrase or locution, or an adverbial 
clause containing a finite verb. The noun, generally the substantive only, 
may be determined by some attributive, so-called adnominal term; this 
may be either an appositive noun or a qualifying noun (added to it in the 
possessive or partitive case), an adjective (qualitative or numeral), or a 
pronoun. 

The compounding of words and the extent to which it is carried on forms 
an important chapter in every language. I have omitted it in the Mor- 
phology in order to treat more fully of it in Syntax, and in fact this lin- 
guistic feature belongs rather to the syntactic than to the morphologic part 
of grammar, for it finds its true position in the chapter on the attributive 
relation. Under the term of word-composition I comprehend the compound 
verbs and compound nouns only, excluding all the other ways of word- 
compounding, as the polysynthesis of formative affixes, otherwise called 
derivation ; the incorporative process, ete. 

Word-composition is a process of synthesis which is of greater gram- 
matic importance than it would seem at first to be. We have first to 
observe carefully which one of the terms, the qualifying or the qualified 
one, stands before the other, for this gives us an insight into the logical facul- 
ties of the people speaking the language. Usually the qualifying term has: 
the precedence, because it is considered more important for the understand- 
ing of the whole sentence. The location of the rhetoric accent upon the 
first or the second part of the compound is not without signification, and 
the combination of the two elements into a new word with a curious or 
unexpected definition is at times of great ethnographic and psychologic 
importance. The compounding may be effected in two ways, whether 
there are two, three, or more elements to be combined into one: (a) by 
agglutination, viz., by connecting the elements without any or without im- 
portant phonetic alteration, the parts retaining their usual accentuation ; 
(b) by fusion, viz., by an intimate, thorough connection of the elements 
to form a new term, attended by the loss of accentuation on one side and 
an occasional entire change of signification, as well as a loss of phonetic 


630 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


elements by contraction. This second stage forms the transition to what is 
generally called incorporation, and many of the forms produced by fusion 
are decidedly incorporative, like metsmetsdwals obsidian arrowhead, mt-laki 
head-chief: 
The attributive relation thus presents itself under the following as- 
pects : 
A. The verb, attributively qualified: 


(a). By an adverb standing separate. 
(b). By an adverb agelutinated to.it as a prefix, and thus forming a 
compound verb. 


(c). By the agglutination of two verbs into a compound verb. 
B. The noun, attributively qualified: 


(a). By another noun placed before it in the possessive or partitive case, 
(b). By another noun forming apposition. 

(c). By another noun, both forming a compound noun. 

(@). By an adjective or numeral. 


A.—THE VERB WITH ITS ATTRIBUTIVE QUALIFICATION. 


When verbs become qualified by other terms, these terms are most 
generally of an adverbial description. They may be either adverbs, or 
phrases used in an adverbial sense, or separate clauses determining the verb 
adverbially, that is, in regard to quantity and degree, to space, to time, to 
quality. These adverbial clauses will be spoken of in a separate chapter 
as a part of the division “Compound Sentence.” Adverbial phrases are 
composed of two or more words forming but one idea, such as tapi titna a 
short time afterward, pi dshit pshin to-night, wikaktoksh in the same manner 
as, tti mina deep down; while others form the rudiments of separate clauses, 
though they have to be considered as locutions or phrases only: himasht 


gink in that manner, wik a gitga of course, nanuk pshi'n gisht every night. 


(a). Adverb standing separately. 


Of the adverb the usual position in the sentence is before the verb it 


qualifies, and, therefore, whenever it coalesces with the verb into one word, 


ATTRIBUTE OF THE VERB. 631 


it becomes its prefix or first part. When standing separate, some of them 
assume the reduplicated form when used in a distributive sense, though the 
majority of adverbs lack this grammatic form ; the qualified verb sometimes 
assumes the distributive form also. A few adverbs are exactly like the 
adjectives formed of the same basis, and concerning these it may be difficult 
to decide whether the Indian uses them as adverbs or as adjectives; cf. 
wénnitoks kék shita he acts differently from others. 

The numeral adverb corresponding to our four times, five times, ete., 
and some of the locative adverbs pointing to direction, or to the points of 
the compass, show the ending -ni, which remains uninflected. Another 
series of numeral and other adverbs ends in -ash, a terminal which repre- 
sents the objective case of the numeral adjective. Both endings have been 
discussed in Morphology, pages 530, 531. 


tidsh nti hushlta I feel well, healthy. 

tina’k shniwatchna to swallow at one gulp. 

pa dshit pshin ka-4 tchémuka it is very dark to-night. 

Ati éwa the water is deep ; lit. “it stands, fills up deeply.” 

A-ati e-éwa the waters are deep. 

wi-uka (or uytiga) e-éwa the waters are shallow. 

wewani a sha htink pén shuldta they dress differently. 

nddnni shtita hii he did so three times. 

tunépni gé-u laludlatko I own five pins. 

sa shlin ti’kni they shot him from the other side, 23, 21. 

kokagtalkni gépgap')’ they returned over a brook, 29, 14. 

Mo’dokni nda‘nash pelpeltampka the Modocs began to work at a third 
place, 35, 20. 


A special use is made of the numeral adverb when days and years are 
mentioned, which differs from English considerably. For our terms day and 
year ave not always expressed by the substantives illdlash, illi’lsh year and 
waitash, wiiitash day of twelve or day of twenty-four hours, but at times by 
the verbs ilhula, illdla (in Klamath illoldla) to complete a year, to pass a full 
year, waita, wiiita, wilitdla to wait or pass one day, to lay over for a whole day, 
or day and night. ‘Then this verb is qualified by the adverbial in -ni, not 


632 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


by the cardinal numeral, and tina once is substituted to na’sh or na‘dsh one. 
In mentioning certain numbers of days, wiifta or wiitéla is often dropped 
from the sentence, the numeral alone remaining. 


lap’ni illélan after two years, Mod., cf. lap’ni illdlash during two years. 

ti’na illdlolatk Sha’t gtikak after one year the Snake Indians left, 28) 
14s ea 

illdluapka the year will be at an end, Mod. ) 

tina tchiank illoldla he lived one year ; lit. “he completed one year while 
living,” KI. 

té-uniipni illoldlatko ten years old, K1. 

miak’lék tind nat wafta we encamped and lay over one day, 29, 9. 

nat waituapk (without tina) we will wait one day, 75, 2. 

nda‘ni tchék waitélank finally after the lapse of three days, 66, 6; cf. 66, 
8. 85, 1, and many other passages mentioned in the Dictionary. 


(b). Adverb prefixed. 


Many adverbial particles, especially when consisting of one syllable 
only, lose their accentuation when standing immediately before a verb, and 
coalesce so closely with it as to appear as prefixes. A considerable number 
of these are mentioned, with grammatic examples, in the List of Prefixes, 
and are referred to on page 303 as “prefixes embodying relations expressed 
by adverbs,” having either a locative or a modal function. They are as 
follows: 


i-, y- No. 2. (page 286), locative prefix referring to the soil, ground. 
ino-, inu- (page 286) away from. 

yan-, ya- (page 286) downward, down below. 

yu- (page 287) downward. 

k-, gi- (page 287) thus, so, in this manner. 

kui-, ku-, gu- (page 289) away, from, into distance. 

l- No. ¢ (page 291) along a side, slope, declivity. 

le- (page 292) not, when used in a putative sense. 

tu- No. 1 (page 300) out there, out at a distance. 


u-, vu- No. a (page 301) away from (horizontally and vertically). 


COMPOUND VERB. 633 


Some other prefixes of this sort could be placed here almost as well, 
e. g.m-, pointing to a curvilinear motion along the ground, and its compound 
km-, ef. page 288. Like many other prefixes, the above often figure as 
radical syllables or as parts of such; cf. page 282 

There exist a number of adverbial terms in the language which at 
times occur as independent words and at other times as prefixes to verbs or 
nouns, in which case they lose their accentuation. The majority of them 
are real adverbs, susceptible of reduplication within the compound word 
formed by them and undergoing apocope or contraction like the English 
agoing for ‘“‘on going,” or “dof for “do off.” 


ka-a, ka- strongly, vehemently: kayd-a to cry aloud, for ka-a yd-a, Mod.; 
kayéga to begin to grow tall, for ké-a wyéga. Cf. also kahaha. 

ké-i not, no: kayai, d. kayaiyai not to cry; kaizéma not to know, not to 
recognize; kéliak not possessed of, or absent. 

kui badly: kuyéga to become or fall sick; kuyéwa to be disgusted at, to 
dislike. 
mii-, m’hi-, prefix referring to the incomplete filling of a vase, recep- 
tacle; m’hiiwiya to fill partially; cf. iwiza to put into, to fill into. 
mti-, mu- largely, greatly, much, the adverb of mini great: mtlbika to 
grow as a large round fruit upon the ground (also subst.); mit’lza 
to be dense, thick, from mii lyin; milkualza to emit smoke. From 
the distributive form mutchutchuydpka to laugh, smile, it appears 
that mu- is the above adverb, and the second part is probably 
tehuitchua to croak. 

na-i on one side, the inessive case of the numeral nddsh one: na-ital- 
télshna to ride women-fashion, lit. ‘to look to one side only;” na-i- 
shlakgish horned beetle, lit. ““pincher on one side;” na-igshtani half 

takanilya to fall right side up, from talaak straight; nélya to lay down. 

tidshéwa to rejoice at, to like, from tidsh well, héwa to think, consider ; 
cf. ko-ishéwa, kuyéwa. 


(c). Two verbs forming a compound verb. 


The modus of compounding a verb from two verbs is unusual in 
Aryan, but not unfrequent in American languages, and is extensively em- 
’ D5 D ’ 


634 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ployed in Iroquois, Kayowé, and Ataikapa. In Klamath it is frequent 
enough to require a separate chapter of the Grammar. When the verbs 
combine in one, the first one in some instances loses its conjugational suf- 
fixes, and appears only in the shape of its radix or base, while the second 
verb retains its inflectional elements. Compounds of exactly the same de- 
scription are the verbs formed by means of the suffixes -kakiimna, -kakua, 
-ki (-gi), -kidsha, -taémna, all of which are originally verbs. To the follow- 
ing list I add after the two-verb compounds those nominal compounds, the 
first of which is a verb, the second a substantive formed from a verb. 
lepleputii’na to play the “smothering” game, altered from léwalewa-putii'na; 
this from léwa to play, pita to smother. 
shalatchgudla to be joined to, connected with; from latcha to intertwine, 
edwal to go or place on the top of. 
shepkédsha to thank, from shapa to tell, kédsha to reply (differs here 
from the suffix -kidsha). 
shneke’gi to spill, waste, lose; a compound of kégi, kii’gi (ka-i gi) it as 
no longer, it is absent, and the radix ni-, ne- occurring in niwa fo 
drive out. 
shnukaléna to carry a round or bulky object by the handle ; lit. ‘to hold 
and carry ;” from shntka to seize, hold, léna to carry something 
round. Of. shnukalendétkish handle. 
shnutchéka to burn or singe to death; a compound of tchdka, tehtka to 
die a violent death and the radix nu- in nita to burn. 
tilampudshéa fo roll oneself about, from tila to roll, ptiedsha to cast away, 
scatter, throw. 
tchawitya to wait for, expect, from tchia to sit, stay, watha to wait. 
tchiluyéza to brawl, halloo, make noise, from y¢éka to shout, the first term 
being either tchiluish boy or tchilla to stay together, to side with. 
Compound words, of which one part is a verb and the other a noun, 
are as follows: 
gdma-pala-ash flour- or grist-mill. 
gdnta-papalish sneak-thief. 
shalatchgapshtish room in a house, lit. ‘‘structure adjacent,” from latcha 


to build a lodge, lit. “to intertwine ;” kiptcha to be in contact with. 


ATTRIBUTE OF THE NOUN. 635 


spaka-wésh tool for breaking ice. 

te-iniwa-ash young woman, lit. “young growing” or ‘‘newly existing ;” 
also other terms formed of the verb wa. 

tchliuyiigétkish slit in pocket-knife blade to facilitate its opening, from 
tehlika to grasp, uyéga to lift up. 


Remark.—Vo incorporate nouns or pronouns into the verb is a method 
of word composition frequent in many languages of Europe and America. 
Greek is characteristic for its facility for incorporating nouns and verbs into 
one term, the noun being usually the direct object of the verb. In Nahuad 
the transitive verb incorporates either its nominal object or a pronominal 
particle instead of it. But in Klamath I know of no instance of this sort, 
for ish lulpalpaliat make ye eyes for me again, 154; 11, is not derived from 
lulp eyes and pélpela fo work, but from lilpala to make eyes, -pali- for -péli 
again, at ye. 

An instance of a pronoun incorporated into a verb seems to be: htimasht, 
d. humamasht so, i this manner. 


B.—THE NOUN WITH ITS ATTRIBUTIVE QUALIFICATION. 


The natural position of the attribute is before the qualified noun, and 
not after it. The parts of grammar which serve to qualify the noun are 
chiefly adjectives and substantives, and when two substantives unite into a 
compound, this is frequently done by syncopation. 


(a). Nominal compounds expressing possessive relation. 


Whenever a noun standing in the possessive (-am, -lam) or in the par- 
titive case (-ti) is placed before another noun, the antecedent qualifies the 
following noun as to ownership, appurtenance, origin, substance, or material. 
The ending of the possessive case is sometimes shortened to -a, or drops off 
altogether in rapid conversation, and this forms the transition to the prop- 
erly so-called compound nouns. 

Instances of possessive case : 


ko’ltam wash otter den. 


kuls tgé-ush (for kilsam tgéwash) place where the badger stands in water. 


636 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Ikém ii’-ush black lake, lit. “lake of coal.” 
ldloks-wii’génam sttt railroad, lit. “fire-wagon’s road.” 
Mo‘dokisham kiifla the country of the Modocs. 
p'gisham wéash the mother’s child. 
shléa sktitash lyna-skin mantle. 
szi1 kaflish otter-skin belt. 
tehikémen pdko iron kettle. 

Instances of partitive case : 
kiifla latchash earth lodge (for kiiilati latchash). 
mumeanti tapdzti lutish thimbleberry, lit. “berry on large leaves.” 
nishti kako skudl, lit. “on head the bone.” 
yainati tikiga mountain quail. 


More examples will be found on page 477. 
(b). Noun with its apposition. 


Nouns with their appositions form a peculiar and rather frequent class 
of nominal compounds. In the mutual position of both there is a certain 
freedom, as the apposition precedes the noun just as often as it follows it. 

The apposition occupies the first place in: 


Aishish kaf nai sha flo’la J Ashish I am swinging my sword, 193; 10. 
hishudkga-kéhiegsh boy-orphan. 

mbtshaksh tuekétkish borer made of obsidian. 

pilpil shuish virginity song. 

sessaldlish laki leader of war expeditions. 

shuitchash lawalsh wrine-bladder. 

shi-ttankdétkish-paksh council-pipe, lit. ““peace-making pipe,” 14, 6. 
skenshniitkish mbu-itch sinew-thread. 

skiks-kiii’m spirit-fish, viz., “fish containing a dead person’s soul.” 
skilhash pe’t ambulance-bed. 


tehatcha-p'lit sweet sap of the sugar pine. 


The apposition stands after the noun in: 


i snawii’dsh you as a woman, 58, 15; ef. 59, 2. 6. 


NOMINAL COMPOUNDS. 637 


ké-e welékash the old female frog. 

spt’klish lawish promontorial sweat-lodge. 

stépalsh tama’dsh solitary peeled pine, 74, 16. 

tchashkai laki male of weasel. 

tchii'lish pawa hii he eats as or like a porcupine, 190; 14. 
tsdshash-kitiks the skunk as a conjurer, 134, 8. 

tnaka m’na Aifshishash his son Aishish, 94, 8. 

wékwak wéwanuish the female butterflies, 95, 14. 


(c). Compounds formed of two or more substantives. 


Under this heading are gathered compound terms which are dependent 
on and governed by each other. Both portions are substantives, but one of 
the two is sometimes a compound by itself, thus forming no longer a binary 
but a ternary combination. The combination may consist of a substantive 
of verbal origin with its direct object, or with its indirect object, or with an 
object accompanied by a postposition or with adverbs ; therefore, compounds 
of this sort often contain nouns standing in the objective, locative, and other 
cases. Here, as well as in the majority of other languages, the qualifying 
noun precedes the noun qualified. 

Instances of the objective case : 


kiifla-shuishatish miner and mole, lit. ‘‘ earth-worker.” 
kiii‘m-luelétkish jish-trap, lit. “fish-killing instrument.” 
k’lekapkash iwizétkish coffin, lit. “‘corpse-receiving tool.” 
let’m-ldaklish and lgti'm-loliégish moth, lit. ‘coal-lifter.” 
liluks-skutchaltko one wrapped up in fire. 
maklaksh-papish (for maklakshash-papish) man-eater, lion. 
ni'sh-tilansnéash twrn-head. 

pe'nsh likash-luelétkish pitfall to kill grizzly bears, Mod. 
p'tish-, p’gish-lilatko one who has lost his father, mother. 
tchikass-kshi’kshnish sparrow-hawk, lit. ‘‘ravisher of little birds.” 
tchikémen-mpamptish blacksmith, lit. “‘iron-beater.” 
tchéke né-utko field with pumice-stone. 

watchash-nétzish bridle of Indian manufacture. 


638 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Instances of other inflectional cases: 


ati-kiiila-gi’sh foreigner, lit. “living in a distant land.” 

pakshtat tulish pipe-stem, lit. “handle in the pipe.” 

stinde-kii’klkish preacher, lit. “Sunday gesticulator.” 

wawa-tuti’ksh ear-wax, for wawakshtat tutfi’ksh, lit. ““what is taken 
from the ears.” 


(d). Compounds formed of adjectives and substantives. 


When adjectives become connected with substantives so closely as to 
form compound nouns they often appear in the apocopated form, especially 
the adjectives ending in -li, -ni. Numeral adjectives also appear in a shorter 
form. Having previously mentioned a few adjectives which appear chiefly 
in the form of suffixes, as -amtch, -kani, -shitko, -tkani (pages 518-520), and 
also adjectival abbreviations like kal-kmia sku/l-cap, and three others on page 
516, I add the following examples : 


Kal-Lilp “ Round-Eye,” nom. pr. mase. 

kalaenémoksh glow-worm, firefly, Mod. 

kal-tchitchiks spider, from kalkali round, tehi‘dsha to remain. 

litch-katchfash strong person of short stature, from litchlitehli strong, pow- 
erful, and kétcha in ketchkani small, short. 

métsmets-sawals obsidian arrow-head. 


When adjectives and numerals are used in a sentence or phrase imply 
ing possession, they may become connected with a participle of the past, 
and then stand in their objective case. To the examples previously enu- 
merated (page 616) I add the following, all from the Modoe dialect: 


ha sniwedshash vunipa weweshéltko this woman has four children (vu- 
nipa abbr. for vunipénash). 

kudsha anku shtinashaltko a woodrat having a wooden house. 

kudsha shnawédshaltko p’gishé péna a woodrat had his mother for a wife. 


viinam mbé-ush tehutchieshaltko dressed in elk-skin caps, 90, 17. 


NOMINAL COMPOUNDS. 639 


(e). Other nominal compounds. 


Substantives can form other compounds—with adverbs, for instance. 
They take the second or last place in the compound, and their verbal nature 
becomes more apparent than in other compounds : 


hatak-tchitko settler, inhabitant. 

hunashak shéshash nickname. 

kétcha bubdnuish tippler. 

kétcha muatitala shléwish west-south-west wind. 

killan shishtkish brave warrior. 

k6-i timénash noise, lit. “disagreeable hearing.” 
Te'p-kleks (supply p’gishap) mother who lost her children. 
muna tatamnuish mole, lit. ““walker in the deep.” 
nanukash-kiilakni people from every land, strangers. 


POSITION OF WORDS IN THE SENTENCE. 


Languages endowed with a copious array of inflectional affixes ex- 
press the mutual relation of words by means of these, and need, there- 
fore, no strict rules for position of each word in the sentence. Mono- 
syllabic languages cannot inflect their words; therefore they indicate the 
subject, object, ete., exclusively by their position among the other words, 
while English, which preserves a remnant of its former wealth of inflec- 
tion, is more free in this respect, and Klamath is freer still. Neverthe- 
less, this language follows certain principles in arranging the elementary 
parts of the sentence, which are disregarded only when rhetoric effects 
are attempted. 

The chief rule for the simple, declarative sentence is: “The subject 
stands before its verb, and its usual position is at the head of the sentence. 
If the verb or predicate does not include the copula (viz., the verb to be), 
then the copula comes after the predicate. Direct and, less frequently, in- 
direct objects precede the verb, standing between it and its subject. The 
attribute precedes the noun, the adverb the verb which it qualifies.” Sen- 


640 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


tences exhibiting the parts of the sentence in their natural order run as 
follows : 


nad lap méhiash na‘dsyeks ngdk tehish htink shnékua we caught two 
trouts and nine turtles. 

palpali walwili’gash ki’shtat huntiméni a white butterfly flew up on the 
pime-tree. 


Incident clauses are not incapsulated within the parts of the main sen- 
tence, as is done sometimes in English, but precede or more frequently follow 
it, no matter whether they contain a verbal or a real, finite verb. This holds 
good when the object or the attribute is expressed by several words, by a 
phrase, er by a sentence: 


hi nish ké-i matchatka tpéwash he does not listen to my orders, lit. “he 
to me not listens when ordering.” 

ké-iu Béshtinash gatpish, Mo’dokni mba-ush shulo’tantko (gi) before the 
Americans arrived the Modocs were dressed in buckskin, 90, 16. 

ni mish htink shéshatui wateha4ga muiménish wawakash gipkash I sold 
you a dog having long ears. 

siimtsalya Doctor John a gén tawi she discovered that Doctor John had 
bewitched him, 64, 2; ef. 13, 16. 17. . 

tidshéwa nti mish gatpisht J am glad that you came. 


There are many agencies which tend to modify the natural sequence of 
the syntactic elements in a sentence, as outlined above. All of them are re- 
ducible to rhetoric causes, viz, to greater emphasis laid upon certain words 
or a whole phrase or sentence. The more important a term or phrase appears 
to the speaker the more he will seek te-bring it out by emphasis or transpo- 
sition. In the following examples the narrator desired to lay particular 
stress upon the word which he has placed first: 


kaknegatko gi mi shuldtish! dirty is your dress! 

lap’ni’ sha shéllual Walamski’sas E-ushkni tevice the Lake people fought 
the Rogue River Indians, 16, 1. 

léla 4-1 mish nti I believe you, lit. “believe I do you.” 


POSITION OF WORDS. 641 


ni’shta hi’/ma mi’‘kash tzf’tzuk all night long does the owl screech for 
presaging, 88,6. Cf. all the terms heading paragraphs on page 75. 

nishtoks maklaks shléa the people have seen me. 

nish tila géna i! you come with me! 

shikitchipk tchikéa kémutsatk on a stick walks the decrepit old man, 136, 
5; ef. ki’shtchipk in 136, 6. 

shmauyoléshtat ktchalhui sappash afier rain comes sunshine. 


The following are instances of terms placed at the end of sentences for 
emphasis : 


géna mi at huki’sh! now is gone your spirit! 87, 15. 
pupakuak a sha ndnuktua ilzéta,.... . tilatoks ka-i they bury with 
~ him various cups .... . but no money, 87, 4. 5. 


Transposition of words from the natural order, as the placing of the 
attribute in the possessive case after the noun on which it depends, and of 
the adjectival attribute after its substantive is often resorted to to produce 
variety and to relieve the monotony of the regular order of words: 


mahiash Aishisham the shadow of Aishish, 96, 2. 

pé'tch ktakta skii‘tish tapi’dshnish he cuts off the left hind leg, 134, 15. 
ptisa m’ndlam their father, 101, 10: ef. 61, 19. 21. 

shnilashtat shki’lelam in the nest of the lark, 95, 5. 

snawedsas Aisisam a wife of Aishish, 100, 5; ef. 13. 


Probably for the same cause transposition has been made in : 


nat gii’-tna géna htink ngii’-isapksh di’nok ndanna we went on slowly, car- 
rying the three wounded men, 24, 7, instead of ndanna ngii-isapkash 
di’nok. 

nat wal’hha kawaliii’kuapk si’-ug we watched them, believing they would 
ascend, 29, 15, instead of sii’-ug kawaliii’kuapk. 


In various examples to be found on page 123 the indirect object follows 
the verb, as it does also in 24, 6: nat guhdshktcha shewatzii'lsi at noon we 


started, and in numerous other passages. 
41 


642 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


The syntactic feature called incorporation often causes inversion and 
other changes in the natural position of the words, examples of which will 
be quoted under the caption of “ Incorporation.” 

In the negative, interrogative, and interrogative-negative sentence the 
position of the words is in the main identical with the one observed in the 
declarative or affirmative sentence ; in the oratio obliqua or indirect mode of 
speaking and in indirect questions it does not differ from the sequence of 
words in the direct mode of speaking (oratio recta) and the direct questions. 

The syntactic arrangement of the sentence exercises some influence 
upon the word-accent. Some remarks on this have been inserted in Pho- 
nology, pages 236-243. 

There is, perhaps, no part of the Klamath Grammar less subject to rules 
than the position of words in the sentence. ‘This is so because this language 
differentiates the parts of speech better than many other Indian languages, 
and in regard to the placing of the attribute is even freer than French, En- 
glish, and German. In some points all languages of the world agree, as in 
the placing of the conjunctions at the head of the sentence ; the subject also 
leads the sentence in the large majority of languages when it is expressed 
by a noun. 

Many other indications concerning the position of words are dissemi- 
nated throughout the Grammar, as in the chapter on adjectives, pronouns, 
and particles. The negative particle ké-i usually leads the sentence, but 
the putative negative lé not in most instances stands immediately before the 


verb qualified by it: 


pi hank nen ak 1é képka he does not want to come, he says. 
watchag lé génug wawa a dog howls for not (being permitted) to go. 


THE SENTENCE. 


STRUCTURE OF THE SENTENCE. 


The simple sentence is the most frequent and also the most ancient form 
of the sentence. This form need not contain anything else but the subject 


and its predicate, or, when the latter is a transitive verb requiring an object, 


THE SIMPLE SENTENCE. 643 


the subject, object, and predicate. The next step to a higher complexity is 
the coordination of two or more sentences, which may stand in a continu- 
ative or in an adversative relation to each other. Next in order is the com- 
pound sentence, in which one or more clauses are placed in a relation of 
dependency to another clause which figures as the principal clause. Many 
statements which, in English, would figure as dependent or incident clauses, 
are, in the more synthetic languages, as Klamath, expressed by participles, 
and more especially by verbals, which of course do not form sentences by 
themselves, but express verbal ideas subordinate to the main verb. Lan- 
guages showing a complex structure in their sentences presuppose a con- 
siderable mental development in their originators. The latest form of lin- 
guistic evolution in the sentence is the incapsulation of many sentences into 
one, implying interdependence of many sentences from a single one. Lan- 
guages in the primitive stage do not show this, and even in the best devel- 
oped languages it is a difficult matter to combine incapsulation with cor- 
rectness of expression. Our Klamath language has remained free from this 
stage. 

The above considerations prompt me to divide this syntactic section 
into two portions: the simple sentence and the compound sentence. Many 
points discussed in the first portion apply as well to the principal clause of 
the compound sentence, and partially also to the incident clause ; e. g. what 
is said concerning certain particles and the negative form of speech. 


I. THE SIMPLE SENTENCE. 


According to the intention or spirit in which a speaker may address 
his hearers, and the various rhetoric modes consequent upon it, the simple 
sentence is subdivided in the declarative, the negative, the interrogative, 
the imperative, the exhortative, the exclamatory sentence. Coordinate sen- 
tences, when they are in the shape of principal and not of incident clauses, 
I also consider as simple sentences. 


A.—The declarative sentence. 


This form of speech, also called affirmative, is used in communicating 


thoughts or news, in stating facts, in narrating stories, fables, myths, his- 


644 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


toric events, and also figures prominently in the oratory and poetic style. 
The declarative mode is the proper form for this sentence, the use of the 
conditional mode being rather scarce. Potentiality and possibility may be 
expressed by the declarative sentence also. 


B.— The negative sentence. 


Whenever a sentence has to be negatived, negation is expressed by 
two particles: ké-i, sometimes pronounced kaf, and le, le, la not. They are 
words standing separate in most instances; but there is a number of verbs 
and other terms to which they become prefixed, to be enumerated below. 
Cf. pages 292. 632. Ka-i forms several compound particles. 

The difference between the two particles consists in this: k4-i opposes 
a flat denial to the statement contained in the verb or sentence, and is, 
therefore, used in negative replies: xo! whereas lé implies a putative denial 
existing in the minds of those acting or supposed to act or speak. Ka-i 
stands at the head of the sentence, before the verb, and this may have pre- 
vented the formation of a special negative inflection of the Klamath verb, 
which exists in so many foreign and American languages, e. g. of the Mas- 
koki and Algonkin family ; there the negative particle figures as a suflix to 
the verbal stem. Its position before the verb it has in common with all 
other particles; it also accompanies imperatives and exhortatives as a pro- 
hibitory adverb when, at the head of a sentence, it is pronounced with em- 
phasis and a raising of the voice. 


kA an ttish shléa ptish J have not seen him anywhere. 

ké-i nad ukatizosh liashtat shléa we do not see the moon through the fog. 

ka-i kilank gakuat shlankoshtat, ké-uni at gdkuant! do (ye) not run 
Fast over the bridge, but go (ye) slow! 

kaé-i nti shéshatuish 4-i gi! I am not a trader! 


Particles and other terms derived from kaé-i not are: kayak not yet, 
kayu, ka-iu before, kattua nothing, no one, kiyutch and kayu never, ké-itata 
nowhere, no more, never, kéliak or kafleak being without or deprived of, absent, 
kiya to tell lies, késhka to be unable, kédshika to be tired, exhausted, kii’gi or 


kayéke to be gone, not to exist, to be weak, with its derivative heshzé’gi to kill, 


THE INTERROGATIVE SENTENCE. 645 


k4-ikéma not to know, etc. Cf. also page 633. The use of these terms nega- 
tives the whole phrase or sentence, and examples for their use may be found 
in the Dictionary. Another negative verb to be unable, and parallel to ké- 
shga, is tchana: nti pélpelash tchana or tehanish I cannot work, lit. “I do not 
know how to work.” On the construction of these two verbs, ef. page 598. 

A passage in which ka-i stands at the end of a sentence is 87, 5: kmii’ 
yamnash tchish, talatoks ka-i skull-caps and beads, money none. But here 
ka-i negatives not a whole sentence, only a noun, that is a portion of a sen- 
tence. Our no! when it forms a reply to queries, is usually expressed in 
Klamath as a whole sentence; cf. Dictionary, page 162. 

The other negative particle, lé, is of a putative character, and is used 
only when the denial is a conditional one, or when it is not outspoken and 
existing only in somebody’s mind, or when it is only in the stage of uncer- 
tainty or doubt, and is not uttered as a flat denial. Le composes the inter- 
rogative particle lish, the verb laki if is gone, lewé-ula, and several other 
terms to be found in the List of Prefixes and in the Dictionary. Cf. also 
lé wak, ka-i wak, on page 458 and in the Dictionary. 


lé nti ak géna I do not expect to go. 

lé nti wak J am uncertain; I do not know. 

lé wé-ula a n’sh sha they do not allow it to me; cf. 23, 9. 
pi hank nen ak lé képka he says he don’t want to come. 


In the negative sentence the position of the words is the same as in the 
declarative sentence, lé and ka-i preceding the verb. In the negative ques- 
tions the interrogative particle leads the sentence: wak gi ht ka-i gépk? 
why does he not come? 


C.—The interrogative sentence. 


In the interrogative sentence the query is put either directly or indi- 
rectly. In the language of which we treat the position of words in the 
direct question does not differ from their position in the indirect question. 
Indirect questions form here as elsewhere incident clauses dependent upon 
the finite verb of a principal sentence, and hence follow the structure of the 
incident clause; of this a later chapter will treat. Thus we will have to 
deal here with the form of the direct question only. 


646 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


The direct question begins either with an interrogative particle of pro- 
nominal origin or with the interrogative 4, ha placed after another term or 
at the end of the sentence, or with some interrogative pronoun standing at 
the head of the sentence in one of its inflectional cases, usually the subject- 
ive. One of the particles, tam, occurs in interrogative sentences only, but 
there is no distinction made between particles introducing questions which 
require aflirmative replies and those which elicit negative replies. ‘The verb 
usually closes the sentence. 

Questions introduced by an interrogative particle : 


tata i gepkudpka? when will you come? 

tit i géna? tat at géna? where do you go? where do ye go? 

tat’ manteh i tchi-uapk lakiam latchashtat? vunipni hak waitash how 
long will you stay in the chief’s house? four days only. 

tit gisht shnawédshash t’nk? where is that woman? (Mod.) 

tuatala tak i letelina? why did you not let it alone? 

wak i pii’dshit hishlta? (Mod.) wak i gi gén waitash? (K1.) how do 
you do to-day? wak gi? why? 

wak lish i gitga ké-i nish walya? why don’t you reply to me? 

wakaitch nti tin né-ulaktak? how shall I decide now? 

waik ma? or wik nen? what did you say? or what did he say? 


Questions introduced by an interrogative pronoun : 


kainam kék f-amnash? whose are these beads? 

kant haitch hat gi? who is he? who is she? 

kanf gén pakélesh shlin? who shot this mule-deer ? 

tink i méhiiish shnédkua? how many trout did you catch? 
tui i hushkanka? what do you think about? 

tua i yewantku ki? what are you filled with? 

wiktchi n’ tin gitak? what shall I do now? 


Tam, a purely interrogative particle untranslatable in English, like 
num or an, or the postpositive -xe of Latin, introduces questions when there 
is no other particle to introduce them. It frequently connects itself with 
other particles for reinforcement, so to say, and precedes them: tamu (for 


THE INTERROGATIVE SENTENCE. 647 


tam hii), tam hai, tama (tam ha), tamtidsh, and (Mod.) tam lish, tamt lish, 
tami’ ha. 


tim lish 4-ati e-éwa? are the waters deep? Cf. page 631. 

tam lish i-i tehti tiména? 1-1, ni tiména! do you hear me? yes, I hear 
you! (Mod.) 

timfidsh kek hishuakga hémkanka? can this boy speak? 

tamti a pi-ula ma‘l? did ye finish eating? (Mod.) 

tami’ lish & muld’la? are ye ready? (Mod.) 


Ha, ha, -4, -a, a, always occupies some place after the first word of the 
sentence and refers to actual time or the time being. It expresses nearly 
what we express by a raising of the voice toward the end of a question. 
When it stands alone for itself, it signifies that a question has not been well 
understood. 


Ampu a? i, Ampu! do you want water? yes, I want water ! 

at ha pitcha Iéloks? i, pitcho’la at ldloks! is the fire gone out? yes, the 
_ fire is out! (Mod.) 

hain 4 nanuk ko’/sham wakwakshtka hi’/ntka hai taménti? did you travel 

on the top of every pine-tree there? (Mod. myth.) 

ka-itak hé i nish lédla? did you not believe me? 

shana-ul’ i A4mpu? do you want water ? 

tilaak ha? is that correct? is he right? 

tud ha aka ik? what could this be? 

tua ha i shlii‘popk? what are you looking at? 


Direct questions may be put also by merely using the special intona- 
tion of a questioner without any particle or pronoun heading the sentence. 


néwatala i hat (or tit)? did you dip this (cloth) in water? 
shuhidluléna nat? shall we skip down? 119, 23. 


D.—The imperative sentence. 


Sentences of a mandatory character may be expressed in a harsh man- 
ner as a command, behest, or in a more kindly, patronizing mode as advice 
or counsel. The jussive mode, or imperative proper, serves best for the 


648 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


command, while the exhortative form in -tki expresses the second or advice- 
form. It is the verbal intentional, either in its full or abbreviated shape. 
The structure of both kinds of the imperative sentence differs in nothing 
from that of the declarative sentence, if we except the point that the pro- 
noun of the person addressed is with greater freedom placed either before 
or after the verb, and is sometimes repeated. The exhortative form is 
found connected with all the personal pronouns.  Interjections used in 
mandatory sentences are mentioned (pages 568, 569); the negative particle 
introducing prohibitory sentences is ké-i. Sometimes the form in -tki is 
replaced by the future tense in -uapka. 


Examples of the jussive sentence: 


eén’ at kini, ludltak ma nai tin! ye go away (or) I shall kill you! (Mod.) 
etn’ i ganktak! make him stop! (Mod.) 

ké-i gé-u kshinksh guizidshi! don’t cross my fence! 

niish pélak kitchyéli! get away from me quick! 

tehim’ i shnéki! here! take this! 


Examples of the exhortative sentence : 


ké-i a hin guné tashtant a! nobody dare to touch that! 

kaitoks ni’sh ti’/-una Lémaikshina kéyaktgi he should not pursue me 
around Shasta Butte, 40, 3. 

nish i-akashétki! press your foot upon me! 

itch hi’nksh gii’mpélitki! let him go home! 

ai'ts gint (for gintak), shli’tki nfish! never mind, they may shoot me! 22 
5 pope sue ’ ’ 4 El aay 
10; cf 17, 9. 


EK. 


The exclamatory sentence. 


It differs from other sentences, not in the mutual arrangement of the 
words composing it, but by a frequent use of interjections and a raising of 
the voice to a higher pitch. The dropping of the verb is very common in 
sentences of this sort, especially when they contain a wish or command. 
A list of the interjections usually occurring is presented in Morphology; a 


particle often employed in them is titeh, (ds! never mind! mostly con- 


THE EXCLAMATORY SENTENCE. 649 


nected with gintak, gi/nt. Utch gi’ntak! let it go! is said when something 
is held tightly. 
gikan a na’t! d’tch na‘Ish hushtcho’ktgi! let us go out, whether they kill 
us or not! 17, 9. 
génu i git’, o-dlka, kinhiii’na! come right inside, o litile pigeon! 182; 4. 
ya! ati’ a na‘Ish winni’yitk tua’ ki! to be sure! he is somebody much 
stronger than we are! 112, 11. 12. 
ka-i yaf hi’kt gi! it is not he! (Mod.) 
tti’sh ak nen hi’k wak kii/la? what can they be doing somewhere? 110, 19. 


tuitutu! wennini tua gdtpa! by heavens! some strange man has come in! 


112, 7. 
tik hai! uk ta we’k ha, tudn a! why! perhaps he did some evil to him! 
(Mod.) 


(teh gintak am nti gent! I have a good notion to go! 
atch gintak am nfi kaé-i git! Ihave changed my mind and will not do it! 


F.—List of particles frequently used in the simple sentence. 


Under this heading I have gathered a number of particles, partly un- 
translatable, or to be rendered in English by a separate phrase or sentence 
only, which are peculiar to Indian speech and of rather frequent occurrence. 
Among them are two oral particles, which in recounting stories are repeated 
to satiety by the Maklaks ; similar particles are introduced into almost every 
sentence of a narrative by Iroquois, Omaha, Ponka, Ténkawe, and other 
North American Indians. Some of these particles must be considered as 
adverbs, while others participate more of the nature of conjunctions. 

a. The declarative particle a represents the idea of actuality, action 
at the present time; it stands either separately or forms the declarative 
mode of the verb, or words of verbal origin, or composes suffixes, as -dga, 
-tka, -uapka, ete. Standing separately it points to the present tense, and 
is more frequently used in this function in the northern than in the south- 
ern dialect. In sound it is like the interrogative 4, and should not be con- 
founded with it. 


at a na Ish pinii’dsha now she has caught up with us, 121, 22. 
ia shudktcha you are just weeping. 


650 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


kank a ni sii‘tu Z am counting so many, 70, 9. 

nia gatpa pii’p J, the marten, am coming, 177; 10. 

shudédshna tehi’/nk at pé’n a then again they went to gamble (Mod.). 

Instances where a coalesces with other particles or words may be 
found in Dictionary, page 15. 

at now, presently; at that time; then, hereupon, finally. This particle 
may be abbreviated into a, and is pronounced mostly with the vowel long ; 
(at); it either points to the present tense or to an act preceding (cf. page 
584) or following another act. It can serve as a conjunction or as an 
adverb, and its position in the sentence is very free; when it becomes the 
final word of a sentence it is generally pronounced with emphasis. 

When closely connected with other particles, at often fulfils the oftice 
of a mere expletive: tcha at now, presently, 87, 14; tehti at hereupon, 23, 4; 
and in the following particles taken from Modoc: tehiktnk at and then, for 
techik hi/nk at; Atchktnk then, for at tehék hink; aAttink, atchtink then, here- 
upon, for at htnk, at tehish hink. Other particles are subordinate to at 
in locutions like the following: Att, Atui now, at present; Atiti just now, 


already ; atch, ats then, for at tchish. 


1. At used as a conjunction: 
at gatpa at shlo’kla when they had arrived they shot at the mark, 100, 20. 
itha tink nanuk tehulishtat, tehulian fink at kin all beads he placed on 
his buckskin shirt and thereupon he dressed in it (Mod.). 
Waniga htink at gémpéle, i-amnash ndnuk i’tcha i‘kgan after Young 
Silver Fox had returned home he won all the beads (from them; Mod.): 
2. At serving as an adverb: 
at nti k’léwi now I quit; now I have enough of it. 
At nen gépka pé’n a now they come again, said they (Mod.). 
ats (for at tchish) nal ne tudna shuédshipka now they approach us again 
Sor gambling (Mod.). 
ka-i ktehalhui ukatizosh pii‘dshit at the moon does not shine to-night. 


tua nad shuté-uapka at? what shall we do now? 


hai, ai, ai, a-i (Mod. haf, kai, zai, ai)—enlarged haftch, aftch. This 


particle, whenever translatable, corresponds best to our evidently, clearly, 


LIST OF PARTICLES. 651 


of course, as you see; it conveys the idea that an act or state is visible or 
perceptible to somebody or to all in its process or through its effects, or can 
be observed at the time being. It always refers to the verb, not to the 
object or any other word of the sentence, conveys emphasis, and brings on 
a higher pitch to the whole sentence. Hence it often stands in interroga- 
tive sentences when the interrogative pronoun or particle heads the sen- 
tence; also in exclamatory phrases. As a rule it holds the second place in 
a proposition, and the enlarged form haitch, though more impressive and 
emphatic, does not differ from haf as to its position. It may be stated that 
hai, haftch refer to the sense of vision in the same manner as mat and nen 
refer to the sense of hearing. Examples: 


at kai kapata wa’hlaks but evidently they landed while being watched (Mod.). 

géna ai sha they have gone, as I have seen. 

hai kai at géna! there he goes now! 

léshma ai i’ nalsh certainly you will not discover us, 121, 1 

Meacham kaf ht pipa itpa Meacham openly laid down the document, 34, 6. 

‘mitch yai nish shishtilya the old man wrestled with me (Mod.). 

shli’ wish 4-i nish wilhua the wind blows at me (you and I feel it), 155; 
rae (One UCR Ge alrite 

tidsh kaf nfi hishlta I am in good health, as you see. 

tii’sh hai at tataksni wawatiwa where the children sat outside the lodge, 
as seen previously, 121, 7. 

uk haf la gen, niti zai nuk tehti tehek u hi’kt gi! certainly, this time L 
reasonably suppose that it is himself! (Mod.) 

wélwash kaf nish paldlla my spring has run dry, I perceive, 173; 4. _ 


Connected with other particles, hai, af appears in tchawai now then, 
from tché-u haf; wakai? why? from wak hai, Mod. tk’hai. 
The enlarged form, haitch or aitch, occurs in: 


kani haitch hit gi? who is he or she? 

taté mantch haftch hak hishuaksh ma‘sha? how long was this man sick? 
(viz., how long did you see him to be sick ?) 

tua haitch hit gi? what is that? 


tishtal haitch sha géna? which way did you see them go? 


652 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


tik haftch mish na t’/n sha-amakpikta? how can I call you one of my 
relatives? (Mod.) 
wakaitch ? waki’tch? why then? tt’sh haitch? where then? 


mat, abbr. ma, -m. This particle serves to partly supply the want 
of special grammatic forms for the indirect mode of speech, or oratio obliqua, 
by which sentences or speeches pronounced by others are referred to or 
reproduced by the relator. The adverbial particle mat refers only to facts, 
acts, events, occurrences to be spoken of, or to the condition or state 
observed upon somebody or something. It makes no difference whether 
the events occurred long ago or recently, or whether they took place at 
home or in foreign parts, provided the one speaking relates them from 
hearsay. Mythic stories usually begin with mat, ma, which occupies the 
second place in the sentence, and refers to the whole story. It corresponds 
nearest to our alleged by, as they say, as reported, ete., and to the Latin aiunt, 
Serunt, dicunt, ut fertur, ete. Verbs of saying, telling, ete., are usually 
omitted, for mat supplies their function, or directly supplants them, as in 
the sentence below: tehé mat ht’k. The form mit, 190; 19, is the oral 
particle mat with a, hu infixed, which points to elevation or distance. 


hémtchnam: “szétk’ ish!” they shouted: “cross me over!” (-m abbre- 
viated from mat), Mod. 

hi’nk ké-i mat pi’sh sitkat J did not kill him, as alleged, 64, 5. 

kdpaltch’ 4, ma, ké-i ti’sh kéluipktak shtina’shtat kanam ‘gather 
stalks!” the story says, ‘Sand do not go to anybody’s lodge any- 
where.” (Mod.) 

Kmiukamtch mat kiifla shita Amaékamtch created the world, we are told. 

shué’tchna mat sha, shnéna mat sha liloks they wre said to have gone 
Strom place to place gambling and making camp-fires ; Mod.; ef. 99, 2. 

Skilamtch mat tehia shetyé-unaltz Techashgdyaks Old Marten, they say, 
was the elder brother of Little Weasel, 109, 2. 

tua ma? what is it? 

tuména nti mashish pil mat pa-ula I hear that the patient has at last been 
eating, 140, 7. 


tché mat hi’k thus he said, as reported (Mod.). 


=. 


— a = J — Retina a) 


LIST OF PARTICLES. 653 


nen, abbr. nén, ne, né, -n, the other of the two oral particles in the 
language, may, whenever translatable, be rendered by alleged by, as they 
say, as reported, like the preceding one, but it also supplants the verbs J say 
or said; he, she says, said; they say or said so, so I am told. Not only words 
spoken by oneself or others are referred to by this ubiquitous particle, but 
also musical sounds, sounds of nature, noises, cries of men or animals. It, 
however, does not refer to acts, events, situations, like mat. This may be 
better understood when considering its prefix n-, which refers to motions 
extending along the ground or the earth’s surface; ef. néna, nénu (nii/ni), 
népka, népaksh, in Dictionary. This particle, which saves many circum- 
locutory sentences to the natives, differs also from mat in its capacity of 
heading a sentence, and serves, like mat, to introduce verbatim quotations 
or indirect speech. Nen also stands for fo name, to call; cf. page 458. 


(a). Nen referring to sounds, noises, ete.: 


kanftani nen kani gi? who is outside? (nen referring to the noise heard 
outdoor). 

niin u wika-shitko mtkash hi’ma an owl is hooting apparently close by, 
as IT hear; \92)- 2. 

nii ai nen ntta’yamna I am buzzing around, you hear, 165; 16, and Note; 


said by the wasp. 


(6). Nen referring to spoken words, often as a mere expletive: 


aténen (for at a nen) gakayoluapka, na-asht nen waltka now they will 
leave the woods, so I hear them say, 23, 5. 6. 

at ne tehui tchek Aishish gépka this time Aishish has come, so ye say 
yourselves (Mod.). 

humasht tehi nen hémkanka i’! that’s the way you talk! (we heard you). 

ka-i nfi nen ki I shall not do what you say. 

k@ksha ak nen wénkat these men would have died, I am told. 

klika nti nen J say I have no time. 

lakiam ne tnaka mpadsa ne at wow they have made blind the chiefs son, 
as reported (Mod.). 


nén ka tanni ak that’s all, lit. “just so far they report.” 


654 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


nent né/nt! that’s the way! (the way to say, to call; for nén at). 

shled tel’htink ti’gshtakni, at nen “eépka pén a” and when those on the 
other side perceived (the smoke), they said (nen) ‘now they come 
again” (Mod.). 

shli’t nish a nen! shoot ye at me, I say! 

tit ne g¢émpka? where did she say she would go? 

tuA i nen hémkank? what do you talk about? 

tui nen? what is it you say or said? ef. 41, 14. 


ta’dsh, ta ds is another conjunction used in connecting sentences of 
an adversative import. It introduces a more unexpected contrast than tak, 
taksh, and answers to our in spite of, although; it does not occupy the first, 
but usually the second place in the sentence. A considerable number of 
instances were given in the Dictionary, page 382. 

tak, tok, ték, enlarged taksh, -taks, toksh, -toks, tiksh, is a connect- 
ive particle, the fuil significance of which can be studied only from its 
use in the compound sentence. Nevertheless, some points may be brought 
out Lere concerning its use in the simple sentence. It belongs to the 
enclitic particles and does not reduplicate ; sometimes it can be translated 
in English, sometimes not. Its purport is either of an emphatic or of an 
adversative, disjunctive nature, and when used in the latter’sense it cor- 
responds in many cases to the German doch. It is appended to all parts 
of speech, though after substantives it occurs but rarely; ef. 100, 20. 
Vowels before tak, toks often become elided through syncope; e. g. télin- 
tok for telinatok. The enlarged forms of the particle virtually possess 
the same signification as the simple ones, but words and sentences are 
connected by them more closely to what precedes, and they are not em- 
ployed to form a future tense; I have therefore treated both in separate 
articles in the Dictionary. 

A.—The emphatic use of tak, toksh appears : 
(a). In the emphatic pronoun: nitak myself; hitak himself; kahaktok 
whatsoever, 71, 7, etc.; ef. Emphatic Pronoun, pages 552, 553. 
(0). In verbs like the following: nfi kmakatoks I look all around; ef. nti 
kmika I look around. 


LIST OF PARTICLES. 655 


(c). After adjectives: ké-unitoks quite slow ; kd-idshitoks rather bad ; wén- 
nitoks quite strange, abbr. from wennini different, curious, strange; 
ndannantak but for three, 142, 15. After substantives it is found 
ria ya(O Wiad eter 

(d). After adverbs like the following: kanktak enough, so far, cf. kank 
so much, so many ; tapitak right after, cf. tapi lastly, at last; tinktaks 
long ago, cf. tink some time ago; ké-itoks not at all, ka-itoks na 
hishkanka ka-i gitpisht I despair entirely of his coming. 

Cf. also page 531 (first example); it appears twice in hataktok right 
there, at the same place; ef. hatak here. It connects itself also with many 
conjunctions: at toks, hi’toksh, ete. 

B—The particle tak serves in forming a future tense, though more 
regularly in the Modoc than in the Klamath Lake dialect ; ef. Future Tense. 
This use is but a special application of the use indicated under D, q. v. 

C.—Tak is used in an adversative sense, to mark contrast, difference 
in quality, time, ete., in such connections as the following: 


k4-itak ha i nish Idla? did you not believe me? 
k6é-idshitoks washam tchuleks coyote-meat is unpalatable (when compared 
to the meat of other quadrupeds). 
shnélyatoks hfink tehpinutat they formerly (hink) cremated in the bury- 
ing ground (but they do it no longer). 
D.—Tak, toksh serves to connect two co-ordinate sentences, when one 
of these stands in an adversative relation to the other, though not syntae- 
tically depending on it. It then corresponds to our but, however. 


na’dshak htk hishudékshlank K’muikamtchash, naénka toks ké-i shana- 
ho'li one only consorted with K’mukamtch, but the others did not want 
him, 95, 11. 

. . na’sh wi-uka kshé’sh; kshawinasht tiksh kaftua wi-uyant ... . 
they gain one check; but if they (the teeth) fall unequally, they win 

nothing, 80, 4. 5; ef. 71, 2. 
Other particles connecting simple sentences are pén, tehish, abbr. 
teh, ts; teheék or tehik; tehui, tsti and its compounds tehtiyuk (tehti 


hak), tehtyunk (tehui hank), Atchui (at tehui), all these of a temporal im- 


656 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


port. They present no syntactic difficulties ; the list of conjunctions, pages 
556-560, and the Dictionary fully suffice to teach the uses made of them, 
which mainly consist in connecting co-ordinate sentences. 


IW. THE COMPOUND SENTENCE. 


Compound sentences consist of two or more clauses with finite verbs 
showing some temporal, causal, or other logical connection, and forming 
but one period. When the compound sentence is composed of two clauses, 
one of the two is subordinate to the other; when composed of three or 
more clauses, one of them figures as the principal clause, the others being 
dependent of it. The sign of connection between the principal clause and 
the incident clause or clauses is a conjunction. Clauses may be embodied 
also in sentences in which the finite verb is replaced by a participle or 
verbal; but then they are not clauses in the grammatic sense of the term, 
although they may fulfill the same syntactic office as these. Compound 
sentences may also be formed by a multiple system of clauses, one of these 
clauses being dependent from a principal one, the other clauses being inci- 
dent to the one depending directly from the principal clause. 

Whiat we express by incident clauses is often rendered in Klamath by 
copulative sentences co-ordinate to each other; and it may be stated as a 
general principle that in the languages of primitive populations the co-ordi- 
nate sentence is a more natural and frequent syntactic form of expression 
than the compound sentence. 


kii’gi a n’sh teho‘ksh, hi ni génuapk though one of my legs is lame, I shall 
walk to the lodge. 


Nothing is more common in our literary languages than subjective, 
objective, and attributive clauses, terms which express the fact that sub- 
jects and objects of sentences and attributes of nouns are not rendered by 
single words but by sentences. This practice is greatly favored by the 
extensive use of the relative pronoun and the numerous particles derived 
from it, as well as by the analytic character of these languages. But in 
Klamath and many other Indian tongues the relative pronoun is seldom 


employed, certain particles possess a more limited function than ours, and 


THE COMPOUND SENTENCE. 657 


the synthetic character of these languages militates against an unlimited 
use of incident clauses, the structure of which is not so developed nor so 
intricate as in our tongues. Hence our subject-, object-, and attribute- 
clause is in Klamath mostly rendered by a participle or by a verbal, and 
this gives to the sentence an eminently synthetic (either adjectival or ad- 
verbial) turn. Incorporative locutions also replace some of our incident 
clauses, whereas the comparative, superlative, and minuitive of our adjec- 
tive, sometimes of our adverb also, usually have to be expressed by two sen- 
tences, which are usually co-ordinate and not subordinate to each other. 

As will be seen by the introductory words and the list in the article 
“Conjunction,” pages 556 sqq., the language has a considerable number of 
conjunctions introducing incident clauses, some of which are found in prin- 
cipal clauses as well. But our while, when, after, because, for can be ren- 
dered by Klamath conjunctions in rare instances only; there are verbals 
in the language which are intended especially for the expression of these. 
No particle in Klamath corresponds exactly to our and, but, however, though, 
then; but there are expedients to express the ideas contained in these par- 
ticles as clearly as we can express them. Some of the conjunctions do not 
stand at the head of the sentence. 

When verbals are found in texts where we have to employ incident 
clauses with a finite verb, their subject usually stands in the objective case, 
a mode of synthesis which strikingly resembles the accusativus cum infinitivo 
construction of Latin. The use of the verbal indefinite in -sht corresponds 
in many instances to the ablativus absolutus of Latin and the genetivus abso- 
lutus of Greek, since in both the subject has to differ from the subject of the 
principal clause and the verb is not a finite verb. As far as syntax is con- 
cerned, probably no parts of Klamath speech offer more analogies to Latin 
and Greek grammar than the verbals and participles. 

CORRELATIVE SENTENCES consist of antecedent and consequent clauses 
introduced by pronouns or particles corresponding to each other in their 
signification, and therefore called correlatives. Disjunctive words used for 
this purpose are: the one, the other; on one side, on the other side ; either, or ; 
where, there ; when, then; etc. One of the two sentences, generally the ante- 


cedent or the one first in order, is subordinate to the other, but in Klamath 
42 


658 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


this is evidenced only by the pronoun or particle introducing it, not by the 
position of the words. In the main sentence or apodosis the correlative term 
is not unfrequently omitted for brevity, especially in conditional sentences. 
hii sliudpkst, teh ma’Ish ngdtuapk néhlis if ye will be shot, then to you 
will snap the bowstring, 21, 10. 
tankté nat hi’nk tataété nat suko‘Ikip'l, tankt sa ha’nk gawal kikaskan- 
katk when we gathered in a crowd at that time, then they found him 
as they walked about, 24, 19. 20. 
tiitiktak hik kalak ma’sha, gii’tak ubd-ush ktf’shka as far as the re- 
lapsed (patient) is infected, just so large a (piece ot) buckskin he cuts 
out, (3, 2. 


The PosITION OF THE WorRDs in the incident clause, which forms such a 
perplexing feature in the grammars of Germanic languages, is identical 
in Klamath with the position of words in the principal clause. The only 
addition is formed by the conjunction introducing the clause, and if the 
words are arrayed in another than the usual order, this is done for purely 
rhetoric reasons. 

The incident clause is not incapsulated within the main or principal 
sentence, but precedes or more frequently follows it, as pointed out on a 
previous page, where examples are given. 

Subdivision —The various kinds of incident clauses necessitate a sub- 
division of them into classes, and I have classified them under the following 
headings : 


Conditional clauses. 

Adverbial (temporal, ete.) clauses. 
Relative clauses. 

Indirect questions. 


A. THE CONDITIONAL CLAUSE. 


This clause is formed by a sentence stating the condition or conditions 
under which the fact or circumstance expressed by the principal clause 
takes place, and is subordinate to this principal clause, whether it stands 


before or is placed after it. It is commonly introduced by a conditional 


THE CONDITIONAL CLAUSE. 659 


conjunction, as hii if, and to this corresponds, at the head of the apodosis 
or main sentence, another conjunction correlative to the above, like tchi 
then, though this is frequently omitted. There are instances, also, when 
the conjunction of the conditional clause is dropped and that of the apodosis 
alone is inserted. 

Hi, he if, supposing that, is proclitic, and mostly used in a purely con- 
ditional, not often in a temporal sense, like our when. It often combines 
with a, -tak, -toks, tchish, tchui into a compound particle, and then becomes 
accented, as in hii‘tak, hii‘toks, hi’ a toks but if; ha tchii, abbr. hii’tchi, 
hii‘tsi if then; hii’ tchish, abbr. hii’tch and if. The terms for if are usually 
inflected or case-forms of pronominal roots, and so hii seems formed either 
from ha on hand, by hand or from hit this one* by the addition of the tem- 
poral and local particle 7. Hii usually connects itself with the declarative 
mode, but the conditional mode is not unheard of; ef. 87, 5. 

In the apodosis, tchi then corresponds correlatively to the hii, he of the 
subordinate, conditional clause, but is very frequently omitted or replaced 
by some other particle. Its vocalic ending is analogous to that of hii if, 
and tchii, tche is etymologically connected with tcha-u now, at the present 
time, and with tchek finally, at last. 'Tche’k is nothing but the particle tchii 
enlarged by the demonstrative adverb ke, ke, abbr. -k, is usually postposi- 
tive and often ends the principal clause, especially when connected with 
the future tense. But it also stands for our until, and in that case intro- 
duces statements of a purely temporal import. 

If the act or state described by the incident conditional clause is laid 
in the future tense, the Modoc dialect prefers the use of the particle -tak 
(not -toks, -taks) appended to the base of the verb, while the northern 
dialect clings to the suffix -uapka. For the sake of parallelism, Modoc 
repeats the same form in the apodosis and often adds the particle fin, tn a, 
na in one of the clauses or in both. This particle is temporal, and corre- 
sponds nearest to our sometime, but is not often translatable in the English 
rendering of Modoc sentences. 


*In the same manner our when is derived from hva, the radix of the relative and interrogative 
pronoun ; if, in Gothic ibu, is the instrumental case of the pronominal radix i ; the Latin si if is a con- 
traction of svai, sei, and with the Oscan svae is the feminine locative case of the reflective pronominal 
radix sva-. 


660 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


hii ndnuktua ki-i gi’-uapka, tankt ni shniikélui-udpkan i’-alhishash 7 he 
does wrong in everything, then I shall remove the guardsman, 59, 18. 

hii‘toks i lap snawii’dsaluapk, nii’-ulakuapka m’sh . . . . but if you should 
marry two wives, I shall punish you, 60, 18. 

hii’ tchi m’s snawiidsh giskuapk . . . . , ka-i spuni-uapk a m’sh watch 
then if (your) wife runs away from you, she need not transfer a horse 

. to you, 60, 14. 15. 

hi’ tchilloyéga 10’k shiuka, At htk sheshaldlesh k’léza when a young man 
killed a grizzly, then he was made a warrior, 90, 19. 20. 

kukaludk taksh takani‘Ikuk gélya, tstii sha na’sh kshé’sh wi-uya if the 
lower (teeth) only come down in falling right side up, then they win 
one check, 80, 3 (taksh stands here instead of hi). Cf. 80, 4. 

wakianua hisstinuk, tehiitch ni’sh ké-i sitgat should I recur to magic 
songs, then (the spirit) might not kill me, 129, 5. (Here the condi- 
tional clause is expressed by the verbal causative.) 

watchag wawa-a i-unégshtka, ktt-i tchi m’l uk if a dog whines just afier 
sunset, it is a bad omen for you, 133, 6. 


Sentences in the Modoe dialect: 


hii ké-i haf nish léla i, vulanudpka nti nanukénash 7f you do not believe 
me, as I see, I will ask anybody. 

hii i paltak, spulhitak sha mish tin if you (shall) steal, they will lock 
you up. . 

hii i tn shléatok tua, mish ni in shéwant a if I find something I may 
give it to you. 


THE CONCESSIVE CLAUSE. 


Concessive clauses have to be regarded as a special sort of conditional 
clauses. They are introduced by a concessive particle like though, although, 
but, nevertheless, and Klamath expresses them more frequently by the use 
of verbals and participles than by the finite verb, joined to the particle gint 
or gintak, which in most cases occupies the second place in the sentence or 
phrase. This postpositive location of the particle is due to its verbal nature, 


since it has originated from giant, gfant ak, and was contracted to gint like 


ee 


THE ADVERBIAL CLAUSE. 661 


the suffix -gink from gfank. Its original meaning is, therefore: ‘may be, 
could be so, perhaps, for instance,” and from this the concessive though has 
eradually evolved. The Modoe dialect seldom uses it, and the instances 
below will show how frequently it is connected with verbals and participles. 
In 112, 3 we find it connected with an adjective ; ef. itch in Dictionary. 


kli’yatk gintak i hi’tkalpalank shli-uapk hi’nksh though dead, you shall 
skip up again and shoot him, 110, 6. 

k’mi'tchatk gintak tchiltgipéletim’ntiik in order to be restored again to 
life repeatedly, though in old age, 103, 10. 

nf’ ak ya hin shkayent gi/ntak (for: shkaini at gi’ntak) ewhli’plit 7 
can certainly get into, although he is strong, 112, 2. 3 

tsutish gi/ntak ku-i gi she gets worse, though treated (by a conjurer), 68, 8. 


B. THE ADVERBIAL CLAUSE. 


This grammatic term comprehends all the incident clauses by which a 
finite verb or the principal clause containing this finite verb is determined 
in an adverbial manner. Following the classification adopted in Morphol- 
ogy, pages 562 sqq., we thus have adverbial clauses of (a) quantity and 
degree; (b) of space; (c) of tense; (d) quality or modality and cause. 
Many of these clauses appear as rudimentary sentences, viz., as phrases 
containing a verbal or participle or embodying no part of a verb at all, 
like piidshit pshin to-night. Adverbial clauses are mainly of a temporal, 
sometimes of a causative import, and the conjunctions introducing them 
either stand at the head of the sentence or occupy the second place in it. 
The conjunctions occurring in this kind of clauses have all been mentioned 
in the list, pages 562 sqq. The “Legal Customs” Text, pages 58-63, is full 
of instances where sentences which we would render in the form of adverbial 
clauses are resolved into simple sentences and made co-ordinate to the prin- 
cipal clause ; cf. page 61. The same may be said of many of the sentences 
introduced by tehti in the “Snake Fights,” pages 28-33. 

At gatpa at shlo’kla when they had arrived, they shot at the mark, 100, 20. 

at gii’tak ni styuakta, hii’masht sillual A’/-ukskni Walamski’shash this 

is all I know how the Klamath Lakes fought the Rogue River Indians, 
17, 18. 19. 


662 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


at nti’ka wékash, woksalsha at when the pond-lily seed is ripe, then they 
gather it, 74, 7. 

at tinkt ké-i tidsh hemkénka, Mo‘dokni at gii’‘mpéle as no treaty was 
made at that time, the Modocs returned homeward, 13, 17; ef. 38, 1. 2. 

at wiiitélan when a day is over, 91, 3. 

hi’masht-gisht shni’‘kp’lisht la’p shappash spt'lhi because he took (his 
wife) back I imprison him for two months, 61, 10. 

k4-iu Béshtinash gatpish . . . . before the Americans arrived, ete., 90, 16; 
ef. 184; 37. 

ma‘ntch gisht or ma’ntch gitko sometime afterward. 

nanuk pshi’n gisht every night. 

nats gaya-itsampk shi’ldshash huk, lupiak nats giilzalgi’pka the mili- 
tary had advanced in front of us, before we had descended from the 
fall, 29, Wi. 18: 

nish ak gintak witchnoka Itlula i you are rattling around (the lodge) 
perhaps because you love me, 183; 16. 

pt’ks pahatko ma‘ntch gi’ntak i’pakt camass, after it is dried, may lie a 
long time, 148, 14. 

tstti_ nat lapi guli’ndsa, skuyii natch hi’k lalaki then two of us went 
down into (that place), as the commanders had detailed us, 29, 11. 

wik gisht how; wik giug, wak gitko why, for what cause. 

waita shéllual, tinolo'‘lish tchék kéléwi they fought all day, until they 
ceased at sundown, 37, 21. 


C. THE RELATIVE CLAUSE. 


The relative clause is introduced either by the relative pronoun kat, 


abbr. ka, and its inflectional cases or by a particle formed from the pro- 


nominal roots ka- (kank) and ta- (tink) for the purpose of qualifying the 


subject or object (direct and indirect) of the main sentence. As the lan- 


guage possesses many other means to qualify these, relative clauses are 


comparatively scarce, and usually stand after the principal clause, or may 


be incapsulated into it. Sometimes a demonstrative pronoun precedes it 


as correlative. 


a 


THE INDIRECT QUESTION. 663 


Besides the examples given on page 542 and in the Dictionary, the 
following may be quoted here: 


hantehipka tehi‘k, kahaktok nanuktua nshendshkane then he sucks out, 
whatsoever is of small size, 71, 6. 7. 

hi’nkst ni nash sindé spi'lhi, kat sas ha’k wudshdya I imprison the 
one for one week, who has whipped them, 61, 17; cf. 61, 12, and 
129, 7. 

hi’nk shillalpksh, kant sha shi/uks gishdpa that sick man, whom tewy re- 
ported killed, 65, 18. 

tchdkiak, kat gen gént, xég¢e the boy, who went there, is dead. 

wila sa ti’nipiins, kit hak tankt mdk’léza they asked those five, who at 
that time had encamped there, 17, 7. 


D. THE INDIRECT QUESTION. 


The direct question mentions the words of the inquirer verbally, whereas 
the indirect question gives only the sense of them, and clothes its contents 
in the garb of a subordinate clause. Utterances of doubt, suspicion, incer- 
titude, when enunciated in a clause depending of a principal clause, also 
come under the caption of queries indirectly put. Only their contents, not 
the position of the words, stamp them as indirect questions; they are not 
always introduced by conjunctions, and verbals or participles sometimes 
serve to express them. A comparison of the examples added below, with 
those mentioned under “The Interrogative Sentence” will be the best means 
to show the syntactic difference between the two modes of interrogation. 
Like the direct question, the indirect question may be aftirmative or nega- 
tive, and if introduced by any conjunctions at all, these conjunctions are 
about the same as used in making direct questions. 


ka-i nti shayudkta tam nai din shlé-etak I do not know whether I shall 
Jind (him, it). 

ka-itoks nti hushkanka ké-i gatpisht J despair of his coming; lit. “not 
indeed I think (he) not to be coming.” 

ki‘uks suawinuk sas kants sliudpkst when a conjurer examined them (to 
find out) who might be wounded, 21, 9. 10. 


664 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Lémé-ish gikua shlé’dshuk, Skélamtchash tami’dsh ktanshisht one of 
the Thunders crossed over to observe whether Old Marten was asleep 
(or not), 113, 15; ef. 122, 3. 4. 

vivla Shi’/kamtchash, tam tatdkiash shle’sht? she asked Old Crane 
whether he had seen the children, 122, 18. 


wak gt hi ka-i gépk? what is it, that he does not come? 


What is called in Latin syntax oratio obliqua, viz., the paraphrasing of 
the verbatim quotation of what has been said or written into the form of a 
dependent clause, also exists to a certain extent in Klamath syntax, and in 
its structure comes as near as possible to the “indirect question.” Perhaps 
more frequently than this, it is expressed by verbals, and in our printed 
texts the informants avoided this form as much as possible, preferring the 
oratio recta, or verbatim quotation of spoken words. All sentences intro- 
duced by gishdpa, kshipa to declare, to say so, are also worded in the oratio 
obliqua; cf. Dictionary. 


hemkanka nanuk méklaks: at ndnuk tehékéli vimi’ p’ndlam shellud- 
luish all the tribes declared, that now all blood is buried of their former 
Sights, 54, 18; p’ndlam instead of ndlam in oratio recta. 

sha‘téla htiink snawédshash: méaklaks gatpdéntki, shu-utdinktgi pi’sh 
giiga maklaks; shapiya, miklakshash wtshmfish shiukidéstka he 
instructed this woman (to say) that the Indians should come, that he 
wanted to meet the Indians in council; he announced that he would 
kill an ox for the Indians, 18, 12.18. Cf. 43, 22. 

Toby hemkanka: “ké-i hthatchantgi,” Toby shouted that they should not 
run, 54, 8. 


By the oral particle nen, ne words are introduced which were spoken 
by others, and therefore sentences with en form a substitute for the oratio 
obliqua of European languages. This may be said also of many sentences 


embodying the particle mat. Cf. mat and nen, pages 652-654. 


INCORPORATION. 


[have relegated this important topic to the close of the syntactic por- 


tion because incorporation is a general feature, and pervades to some extent 


INCORPORATION. 665 


all portions of this language, although the instances where we can trace it 
are not very frequent. 

There has been much wrangling and contention among linguists con- 
cerning ‘incorporation in American languages.” Although many of them 
were agreed as to the facts, and acknowledged also the existence of incor- 
poration in Basque and other languages of the Eastern hemisphere, the 
main cause of the strife was this, that every one of the contestants had a 
definition of the term “incorporation” for himself. Lucien Adam regards 
it as a special sort of polysynthesis,* while others use both terms for the 
same sort of linguistic structure. D. G. Brinton gives a circumstantial 
definition of the two,ft and considers incorporation as a structural process 
confined to the verb only. Several recent authors refer to ‘the incorpo- 
rating languages of America” in a manner likely to induce readers into the 
belief that all Indian languages of America possess this mode of structure. 
But of the whole number of from three to five hundred dialects spoken in 
North, Central, and South America we are acquainted with perhaps one- 
tenth only; thus nobody is entitled to include the other nine-tenths, of 
which we know nothing, into a classification of this sort. At all events, the 
American languages which have been studied differ enormously among each 
other as to the quality, degree, and extent of their incorporative faculties. 

In the present report I am using the two terms above mentioned in 
the following sense, to avoid all further misconception : 

Polysynthesis I regard as an exclusively morphologic term, and mean 
by it the combination of a radix with one, two, or more elements of a rela- 
tional or material signification, joined to it to build up words either by 
inflection or by derivation. 

By incorporation 1 mean the combination of two or more words exist- 
ing in the language into ove whole, be it a phrase or a sentence, non-predi- 
cative or predicative, nominal or verbal, by aphaeresis or apocope of the 
inflectional or derivational affixes; the operation bearing the impress of a 
syntactic, not of a morphologic process, and producing in the hearer’s 
mind the effect of an inseparable whole or entirety. 


* Preface to his “Etudes sur six langues américaines,” Paris, 1878, page vii. 
+ On polysynthesis and incorporation as characteristics of American languages; Philadelphia, 1885, 
pages 14, 15 (forms part of Transact. Am. Philosoph. Soc., Phila., vol. xxiii, 48-86). 


666 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


From the above it follows that polysynthesis as well as incorporation 
can occur in agglutinative and inflective languages only, and that the modes 
and degrees of both species of synthesis must be almost infinite in number. 
The Greek language exhibits more polysynthetism than Latin, German, 
English, the Semitic, and many American languages, but many of the latter 
incorporate in a larger. degree than most European tongues. Going into 
further details, the two modes of synthesis which occupy our attention 
extend over the following grammatic points : 


PoLysyNTHESIS embraces the phenomena as below: 


(a). Prefixation and suffivation for inflexional and derivational purposes; 
also infixation of elements into the radix, wherever this uncommon mode of 
synthesis can be traced with certainty. The order in which the affixes 
follow each other is too important to be neglected by the students of lan- 
guage. 

(b). Phonetic change of the radix or of affixes, when traceable not to 
the ablaut, but to elements reaching the radix through extraneous addition. 

(c). Reduplication of the radix or of its parts, or of other portions of the 
word, for the purpose of inflection or of derivation. 

(d). Gemination or phonetic repetition or lengthening of certain ele- 


ments in the word. 


IycorPorRATION as a syntactic feature may manifest itself in the follow- 


ing processes : 


. 


(a). In the formation of compound terms by binary, ternary, or other 
multiple combination. Only then are the parts combined by real incorpora- 
tion into one term, when one or some are losing sounds or syllables by the 
process, either by aphaeresis, ellipse, or apocope. For Klamath we have 
instances of this in kal-kma, L6k-Pshi’sh, tchawaya; nouns and verbs are 
equally liable to undergo this mode of synthesis. More instances will be 
mentioned under the heading: ‘Conversational form of language.” 

(b). Direct and indirect nominal and pronominal objects are incorpo- 
rated into the verb whenever they become altered from their usual form 
and placed between the pronominal subject and the verb. Incorporation 


also takes place when the pronominal object is so closely affixed, either 


INCORPORATION. 667 


prefixed or postfixed, to the verb as to lose its accent and form one word 
with it, and then it usually occurs in the altered form, as in French: donne- 
le-lui, or in the Italian: a riveder vi to see you again. Klamath does not 
alter the nominal object, but concerning the personal pronominal object a 
beginning of incorporation is perceptible. In some instances the pronomi- 
nal subject is also changed and incorporated into the verb by postfixation, 
by what I call the synthetic form of inflection. 

(c). The effect of incorporation is shown in many striking instances in 
the case-inflection of the substantive, when inflected simultaneously with an 
adjective or pronoun used attributively. The use of the apocopated form 
in numerals, as lap, ndan, ete., implies incorporation also. In these adnom- 
inal parts of speech case-forms are not so extensively developed nor so poly- 
synthetic as in the substantive, and placed by the side of it have some of 
their endings truncated, altered, or lost, because the words are no longer 
felt to be separate words. They are regarded now as a unity or combina- 
tion, and hence one case-terminal, either in the noun or in its attribute, is 
thought to suffice for both. The principal relation in which Klamath is 
incorporative is the attributive relation, and the examples below will show 
what kinds of combination the noun is able to undergo, especially if the 
verbal signification is still apparent. Klamath is undoubtedly an incorpo- 
rating language, but in a limited degree, and polysynthetie more in the 
derivation of verbs than in their inflection. 

Instances of incorporation like the ones to be considered occur in all 
European languages, when phrase-like compounds or parts of sentences, 
even whole sentences, are used as single words, often in a rather burlesque 
manner. Thus we have in Spanish: tamano size, from Latin tantum so 
much, magnus large; in German: Gottseibeiuns, for the devil; in French: 
affaire (4, faire: business, lit. ‘something to do”), un téte-d-téte, un en-tout- 
cas; in English, popular wit and ingenuity are inexhaustible in forming 
such combinations as go-ahead people; get-up bell; penny-a-liner; stick-in- 
the-mud concern; a go-as-you-please match; a catch-as-catch-can wrestler; 
a how-come-you-so condition. <A two-eggs’ omelet is an instance of com- 
pounding by juxtaposition ; a two-egg-omelet one of compounding by incor- 
poration. 


668 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


The Klamath examples do not differ much from the above except that 
they are susceptible of inflection by case-endings. If I am justified in re- 
garding word-composition as a syntactic process, nominal compounds might 
all be considered as instances of incorporation. But it is safer to regard 
them so only when such compounds show loss or alteration by aphaeresis 
or apocope, because this goes to prove that the combining of the elements 


has been of a close and forcible nature. 


at{-kiifla-eish foreigner, for atinish kiiflatat gish. 

ga-ulipkan é-ushtat gunigshta arriving at the opposite shore of the lake, 
Mod.; stands for ga-ulfpkan gunigshtant ¢-ush. 

hatak-tchi’tko settler, lit. ‘‘a liver there.” 

yaukéla stuptiyuk stina’sh menstrual lodge, lit. “ery and dance- for first 
menses-lodge.” 

kiifla-tatamnuish mole, for kiiflatat tataémnuish. 

kapkdgatat-stina’sh lutila to stay in a brush-lodge. This inversion from 
kapkaga-shtina’shtat can take place only, because both terms are 
practically considered as being one word. 

kétcha-bubanuish tippler, lit. “a pettily drinker.” 

liluks-skutchaltko wrapped in fire, for lilukshtat skitchaltko. 

mishishtat shi’-usha shatélaks salve, lit. “on sores-to line-oneself rub- 
bing-substance.” 

puksh gé-u ipakshkshakshi géna nti I go to my camass-storing place. 
[paksh storing-place stands for fpkash through metathesis, and is the 
verbal indefinite of fpka to be kept or stored; puiksh camass is object- 
ive case depending of fpaksh, the verbal function being retained. 

shitlkishyéni ‘‘Mo’dok Point” shéshash gishi gatpa they went to the reser- 
vation called Modoc Point, lit. “to the reservation Modoe Point (its) 
name-at they went,” 34, 19. Cf. also shésha in 189; 3, and Note. 

spaka-we’sh ice-punch, ice-breaker, for wé’sh spako’tkish. 

vii lyashti kili’wash-shkttatk whlutuina dressed in a borrowed woodpecker 
skin mantle he trails it along the ground, 189; 6. Here vii'lyashti 
and kili’wash are both equally dependent of shktitatk (‘‘dressed in 
mantle”), and vi’lyashti again depends of kili’wash. The full case- 
form would here be viilyashti kili’washti or kili’washtat, but the 
suffix -ti occurring in one part of the combine will do for both. 


INCORPORATION. 669 


(d). Only a limited number of adverbs, mostly monosyllables, can 
become incorporated into the verbs which they define and then they 
figure as their prefixes, as the natural position assigned to attributes is 
before, not after the word qualified. Adverbial prefixes of this description 
sometimes partake of the functions of our separable and inseparable prep- 
ositions, and a list of them is found in “Syntax,” under ‘“Adverb Pre- 
fixed,” page 632. A list of adverbs which can appear also as independent 
words with an accent of their own, like ka-a, ki-i, mf, tidsh, is added to 
the above list. But wherever any adverb included in the above lists be- 
comes a real prefix, there, of course, we have to do with polysynthesis and 
no longer with incorporation. 


RHETORICAL FIGURES. 


To conclude the syntactic section of this grammar, a chapter on figures 
is subjoined, to some of which allusion has been made previously. Rhetorical 
figures occur in all languages of the world, though one and the same figure 
may largely differ as to frequency in the one or the other tongue; anaphora, 
ellipsis, metaphor, and tautology are perhaps the most frequent, no language 
being deficient in them. 

Alliteration should be given a separate place among the rhetoric figures, 
because it is a phonologic rather that a syntactic feature of language. We 
know it best through its frequent use in the poems of the Germans and 
Anglo-Saxons dating before A. D. 1100, in a literary period when rhyming 
was yet unknown as a factor in rhythmic poetry. We find alliteration in 
many of our Klamath song-lines, but whether the song-makers used it there 
on purpose and designedly like the Anglo-Saxon poets or not I am unable 
to say. Syllabic reduplication must have prompted its use. The allitera- 
tion is consonantic only, whereas the Germanic nations made use also of 
vowels for this rhythmic purpose. <A few examples of alliteration are as 
follows : 


g: gutitgilash gé-u népka, 166; 27. 
k: ktsalui ki’alam gé-u ké-ish, 165; 14. Cf. 13. 
I: luash ai nt'sh a 1i’lamnapka, 158;.57. Cf. 157; 40. 


670 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Zand p: palak! ish hai lilpalpaliat! 154; 11. 

n: nanuktua nt papi’sh gi, 158; 53. Cf 165; 10, 16. 
nand w: wanam wéash ni wilamnapka, 156; 30. 

w: wiwiwa! nish shawalsh witnank! 153; 2. 


In our prose texts nothing occurs worth noticing that could be called 
alliteration. A sort of rhyme is sometimes produced in the song-lines by 
repeating the same word at the end of two or three lines following each 
other. Of assonance used as a metrical help but few instances can be 
found. 

Anakoluthon consists in a change of syntactic construction within the 
range of the same period. Thus we sometimes notice a change of subjects 
in sentences following each other, where no intimation of such a change 
going to occur is given by pronouns or other words. 


Pil snawii’dshla Pampiam pii‘ia lupi’; tsti wii/kala, tstii tat’ maéntsak 


mbusii’lan gi; tstti kii’tsa . . . . at first Paul married Pdmpi's 
daughter, then (she) bore a child (and he) lived with her quite a 
while, then (he) left her .... 77, 1.2. Cf 78, 1. 


Anaphora, or repetition of a term or phrase, even of a sentence, gen- 
erally with interposition of some words, is more frequently met with in 
{Klamath than any other rhetoric figure. Emphasis is the main cause for 
anaphora, and short, monosyllabic pronouns are chiefly figuring in these 
constructions. The repetition of personal pronouns has been previously 
alluded to. 


a ni nd-asht gi: “hdgea shli’k!” tehi ni gi then I said: “let me shoot 
now!” so I said, 22, 19. 

i pil, i hissuaksh p‘l shii’wanuapk watch you only, you the husband must 
transfer horses, 60, 15. 16. 

kiifla nt gutila nfi I am crawling into the ground, 154; 5. Cf. 167; 36. 

tehti ni ni hi’lipéli L then ran down ayain, 23, 15. 

tstii ni shli’n, patdé n shli’n then I shot him, I wounded him on the cheek, 
30, 16. 

tinep tala i skiktanuapk hink pil, mfi’yiins pi’la lakiash five dollars you 
have to pay to him, to the head-chief only, 60, 8. 


RHETORICAL FIGURES. 671 


Asyndeton, or lack of connective particle between two nouns, phrases, 
or sentences (co-ordinate or subordinate). Since the language possesses 
no particle corresponding to our and, this rhetorical figure is rather natural, 
unless it occurs where a subordinate sentence has to be connected with the 
principal one. And is often replaced by tchish also and by tchui hereupon 
and its compounds. 

kii’s wé-uyalks tsélash gi’tk, shlapsh gi’tk the ipo-plant has a furcated 

stem (and) has flowers, 147, 8. 
lap Modokishish shuénka, ndan shliuiya, ete., they killed two Modoes, 
they wounded three, ... . 54, 13. 

t’shi’shap p’ki’shap k’léka (her) father (and) mother died, 54, 2. 

Ellipsis, or the dropping of words and short phrases from a sentence, 
is frequently met with in the conversational style, when the sentence can 
be easily understood or its meaning guessed at without their presence. 
Thus, the ellipsis of the verb gi to be, to say, is of a very frequent ocecur- 
rence, as in: ki'llitk nii’-ulaks laldkiam the laws of the chiefs are rigorous, 


a 


60, 4; talaak ha? is that correct? tsti nish sa (gi) then they (said) to me. 


Metaphors and metonymics are of rare occurrence in this language. A 
metaphor implies a resemblance between two objects by assigning to one 
the name, attribute, or action of the other, while through metonymy we 
call one object by the name of another that possesses an acknowledged 
relation to it. The oratory of these Indians is not by far so much given to 
flowery, symbolic, figurative language as that of the Eastern Indians, among 
whom this style forms such a paramount feature. There are, however, 
some instances in our Texts, and we must take care not to confound them 
with idiomatic forms of speech. 


at laldki hii/ntsak i nen Idla, kélamtsank si’tk lt’dshna now ye chiefs, ye 
are believing without any ground, ye walk along as with closed eyes, 
64, 10. Cf also 54, 18. 
plaiki’sham palpdlish shi] k’hi‘ulézan raising the white flag of the one in 
heaven, 14, 2. 
Syllepsis is called the construing of words according to the meaning 
they convey and not by the strict requirements of grammatic rules. It is 


672 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


a constructio ad sensum, of which a phonetic parallel exists exemplified by 
me under “Assimilation,” page 233. It might also be called syntactic 
attraction wherever no omission of terms has taken place as in the seventh 


example below. 


ga-ulipkan é-ushtat gunigshtat landing on the opposite shore of the lake, 
Mod., where ¢-ushtat stands for ¢-ush. 

eémpéeli tk Kamish Aishisham shi’luatnan K’mikamtch went home 
dressed in Aishish’s garments, Mod. myth. Here shuldtish garments 
has to be supplied between Aishisham and shii’luatnan. 

k4-ii watsam tchi‘kluapk wiinniki’sham you shall not ride a stranger's 

horse, 58, 11; where wats would be the correct form. 
kdtok ni gé-u siigsii’wa I think I told my truth, 65, 7; stands for: “TI 
told the truth as I think it to be.” 

. Modoki’shish shishukshé’mi at the time of the Modoc war, 55, 19; lit. 
“at the time of the Modocs being fought by the Americans,” the 
latter, Béshtinam, being omitted from the sentence. 

nitak hink shlépapka gé-utantkak ltilpatko I observed with my own 
eyes. Here lilpatko (“‘having eyes”) is made to agree with nitak 
myself, whereas the correct form would be lilpatka with eyes, by 
eyes, forming agreement with gé-utantka ak. 

télak ¢é-u my arrow, instead of télak shitkish gé-u the arrow that killed 
me, 138, WV: 


Tautology repeats a word, phrase, or idea by using not the same words, 
as is done by anaphora, but synonymous or equivalent terms: 
li’ a nat wik ka-d, li’ nat wak galdsawid-a! we do not know how to act, 
not how to approach! 22, 2. 
tua ni wak giug shiukuapk? why should I have killed him? 64, 9; why 
is here repeated twice. 


APPENDICES TO THE GRAMMAR. 673 


APPENDICES. 


The chapters following do not form a structural part of the grammar 
proper, and therefore they were relegated to the end of this section as 
appendices. They include many points needed for acquiring a thorough 
knowledge of Klamath, but could not be conveniently inserted in either 
the lexical or grammatic section because they partake equally of the char- 
acter of both. Several of these chapters could have been made consider- 
ably more voluminous, but, as there must be a limit to everything, what 
is given below was thought to suffice as specimens of the subject-matter 
treated. The subjects are treated in the following order: 


Appendix I: Idioms. 

Apepndix II: Conversational form of language. 
Appendix III: Dialectic differences. 

Appendix IV: Syntactic examples. 

Appendix V: Complex synonymous terms. 
Appendix VI: Roots with their derivatives. 


I. IDIOMS. 


Idioms are certain modes of expression having something striking, 
quaint, pointed, or unusual about them, although they are founded in the 
structure of the language to which they belong, and they do not unfre- 
quently appear as rhetorical figures. Idiomatic expressions may be con- 
tained in phrases or sentences or in single words; occasionally the idiomatic 
use made of certain terms implies another meaning than the common one, 
and their peculiar wording often renders their translation into other lan- 
guages difficult. Agencies most active in producing idiomatic forms of 
language are the psychic qualities of the people, social customs, historic 
occurrences, climatic associations, witty sayings, and similar causes. They 
impart life and color to language, and no investigator of popular thought 
can dispense entirely with the study of them. Books composed in our lit- 
erary languages do not often exhibit them conspicuously, but a freer display 


of them is made in the conversational style, in curses, oaths and other asseyv- 
43 


674 ' GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


erations, in fclklore, in the comic drama, the newspaper, and the dialects, in 
proverbs and proverbial locutions. Among the exclamations and interjec- 
tions many are idiomatic, and several archaic terms have to be considered 
as such also. 

Among idiomatic expressions there are some special classes, and one of 
the more remarkable is that of the cant terms, though I have not found it to 
be much developed in this language. In the southern dialect we may class 
here the use of wéwaliiksh when it is denoting generically the females, and 
not the “old women” only. In Klamath Lake we can regard as cant terms 
yika (for yii’ka, yéka), shnikshékshuka, tehitmléza,and Kii’katilsh, a term 
invented for deriding white men who are wearing beards, 

The classifiers used with the numerals above the number fen have also 
to be considered idiomatic, although such are occurring in several other 
languages on the Pacific slope. Verbification of certain particles, as at 
eitak, hitak, léwak, 1é wak ka-d, nen, ete., as enumerated in Morphology, 
page 457 sq., also belongs to the idioms. Women use the same terms and 
phonetic forms as men, and there are no reverential or ceremonial forms 
found here as we find them frequently occurring further south and among 
the tribes of the Mississippi plains. The use of certain pronouns in order to 
avoid giving the proper names of deceased individuals is found to be the 
custom all along the Pacific Coast, probably elsewhere too, and in this sense 
may be considered idiomatic. Klamaths use for this purpose hi’k, hi’nkt, 
hi’ksht that one, those ones, ete. 

The manner by which the verb fo be has to be expressed in Klamath, 
when connected with a locative adjunct, appears to us idiomatic, though it 
is found in many other Indian languages, and is much less artificial than 
our use of the verb fo be in this connection. Whenever an animate or inan- 
imate subject or object is referred to as being somewhere, either indoor or 
outdoor, around, below, between, or above somebody or something, in the 
water or on the ground, the verb gi fo be is not employed, but the adverbial 
idea becomes verbified in the form of some intransitive verb, so that belovv, 
e. g., becomes i-utila to be or le below, underneath. The mode of existence 
has also to be distinctly qualified in that verbified term; it has to be stated 


whether the subject or object was standing, sitting or lying, staying, living, 


D>?) 


IDIOMS. 675 


sleeping. Usually the idea of staying and living coincides with that of 
sitting, and sleeping with that of lying on a certain spot. Moreover, 
number has to be expressed by the use either of the verbal singular or of 
the dual or plural, and exterior or form is indicated by the form-prefixes 
so frequently discussed in the Grammar. What term has to be used in 
every instance can be found out best by consulting the second part of the 
Dictionary. 

The Texts and the Dictionary are full of instances showing the partic- 
ular use of the verbs alluded to, and the following examples will perhaps 
prove sufficient for a preliminary guidance of the reader : 


kilo hatakt tttya a juniper-tree was there below (me), 30, 12. 

watch tkalamna a horse was or stood above, on a hill, 30, 2. 

latchash tipka a house stands on the same level (with me). 

watch saigatat tchia, tgtitga the horse is on the prairie. 

watch tchiktchikat lévulita horses are (harnessed) before the carriage. 

Itéks shuldtishtat laliga a stain is on the dress. 

nilam pt’ks kiiilatat ipka owr camass is, lies on the floor. 

watksim mina t’sha ka‘latat the watksam-plant is or grows deep in the 
ground, 149, 19. 

tsuni’‘ka kiiflatat isha the tsunika-bulb is (found) above the ground, 
149, 18. 

watchag tébullat i-utila dogs are or lie under the table. 

kii’m Ambutat wa fish are or live in the water. 

nanuk laléki latchashtat Iftuzuga all the chiefs are (sit or lie) within the 
lodge. 

wéwanuish windta liukidmnank the women accompany (the conjurer’s) 


song while being around him, 71, 5. 


The following words and sentences may be regarded as specimens of 
idioms, representing both dialects; for a thorough understanding of them the 
Dictionary should be consulted. 


Ambu wigdta ‘near water,” when used for island (K1.). 
at kapakt gi teha! all be quiet now! ni kapakt gi Tam quiet. 


676 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Clya, d. e-dlya, elliptic for shéshash ¢lya to give name, to name; the d. 
form e-dlza also to read; Clya also elliptic for shéshatuish or shé- 
shash ¢lya to set a price or value upon; kétcha, tima ¢lza to sell 
cheap, dear. 

gii‘tak! (XL) kanktak! (Mod.) stop! cease! enough of this! When a 
story is finished, the Klamath Lakes say: at gii’tak; the Modoes: 
nen ka tanni ak just so far! 

gitkulsh! I cannot think of it now! (Mod.); ské “come up!” (K1.). 

hann! wait! 

hi or hiénash, when used for brother, sister, and connected only with 
possessive pronouns in the locative case. From hi in the lodge, at 
home; ef. -yéna, -hiéna, a verbal suffix referring to an act per- 
formed indoors, within, in the lodge. Mi hiénash, miénash your 
brother or sister; kii’gi gé-utant hi (or hiénash) I lost my brother, 
sister; gé-utant, m’ndtant hiénash shléa nti J see my or his brother, 
sister ; viz., “I see (those) within my, his lodge;” p’natant hiénash 
Jrom her brother. he locative case here indicates a dwelling or 
stay within the lodge. 

hishuikshash, snawédshash palla to seduce a married man, woman. 

hitak i tehém! (for tehimi) hold on now! (Mod.). 

i, tché tehtink! yes, so it is! or yes, so he, she said. 

ya-uka talaak right in the next house ; just in the neighborhood. 

ka-4 mish nti ko-ishéwatko shléa I am quite glad to find you. 

kiiflash stani! you dirty fellow! 

ké-ash, kii’-ash bad thing; term used to prevent children from doing 
certain things; ef. kii-ashtamna. 

klekapkashtala telshampka (abbr. k’le’kshtala, k’le’ksh telsh4mpka) to 
be moribund ; lit. “to look toward a deceased one.” 

k6-idshi, tidshi stefnash of wicked, of good disposition, mind. 

k6-i gi-udpka it would not be a good way. 

k6-i tiimenish noise, clatter ; lit. disagreeable hearing.” 

né-itala télshnank hushd’tehna to ride sideways on horseback. 

ni’tu in fact, really, it is so (Mod.). 


COLLOQUIAL FORMS. 677 


ndshéka nish négshtant ma’shok being deaf in one ear I cannot hear with 
it; ear is omitted. 

pi’dshit ni m’nik ktana I slept very litile last night. 

pukéwish nish, p. shfi’m blockhead, lit. ‘“Jeather head,” “leather mouth.” 

tidsh hémkanka, lit. “‘to speak favorably”: to conclude peace ; to make a 
satisfactory arrangement ; to speak in favor of order, justice ; to give laws. 

tidsh, ké-i hishkanka to be or feel happy; to be sorrowful. 

tuinika (for tuinizitko) tak i fin you will be a man in woman's clothes ; 
said to little boys, when disobedient. 

tehii’ m’l tik it is a bad omen for you. 

tehtii kéléwi then I, he, she, they quit; often added unnecessarily, as a 
standing formula, at the end of narratives. 

titawa! dead broken! exclamation of despair. 

wak ydnhua! wakianua! J will be dead if I do! 

witchag shli’ki na‘sh liklash péla-ash the dog ate up the whole loaf; lit. 
“the flour lying there in one heap.” 


Il. CONVERSATIONAL FORM OF LANGUAGE. 


In every language two modes of speaking are easily distinguished from 
each other. One of these is the style of conversation used in everyday in- 
tercourse which, by its free unconventionality, differs from the more elabo- 
rate forms heard in oratory and poetry and in historic or other narratives. 
While the latter employs rounded up, unabbreviated, and carefully worded 
grammatic forms and sentences, and has a more extended vocabulary at its 
disposal, the popular or conversational mode of expression shows a tendency 
toward brevity, truncation of words, contractions and ellipses of sounds and 
words, indistinct utterance of sounds and incomplete phraseology. When 
opportunity is offered for literary development, it is the former that will 
develop into a literary language, whereas the latter may degenerate into a 
jargon full of slang and cant terms, or, when used as means of interna- 
tional intercourse, lose its grammatic affixes, as we see it done in the trade 
jargons spoken in several parts of the world. 

Of the differences existing between the two styles in the Klamath lan- 


guage only a few examples can be given within the narrow limits allotted, 


678 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


and these I have classified under the headings of Phonology, Morphology, 
and Syntax. 


PHONOLOGY. 


Of unusual sounds oceurring only in the conversational style of lan- 
guage I have met three: (1) a thick 7 pronounced with the tongue-tip 
applied to the middle palate, and resembling exactly the Polish tin dtony ; 
I heard it in such terms as téptal loon. (2) areal sound was heard in 
kéfka to bite for képka, pii’f daughter for pii’-ip; however, I consider it safer 
to spell these terms: kév’hka, pii’v’h, for v is known to be a sound of the 
ruage, while f is not. (3) the palatalized 1 (or 1) I have met in one 


¢ 
5 


lan 
Modoe word only: kéla to enter a lodge, which is related to gwhli, guli to 
enter, go into. Here the unusual 1 sound, so common in the languages of 
the Willamet Valley and on Columbia River (where / occurs also) prob- 
ably originated from hi. 

Some vowels show frequent interchangeability among themselves; e 
and @ are rather frequently replacing i and i: e, é for i, 1 thou, e’ki for ike 
thou here; yéllitk forcible for killitk; né’l far for ni‘l; Nélaks, nom. pr. for 
Nilakshi; me thine for mi. In popular talk we also meet ¢hua to be full for 
éwa; dwalues island, 74, 14, for Awaluash; kiiflu juniper for kii‘lu, ki’lo; 
katki, kayeke it is not for kii’gi, ke’gi; hiapdtzoksh stocking for yapatyoksh; 
Mod. hipityzoksh. Preference is frequently given to the deep vowels o and 
d over a, whether the vowel be long or short, as in makloks people for mak- 
laks, yépontk dug for yépantko, 87, 8, ishképéli to take out again for ishka- 
peli, ktépka to slap for kttipka, nétodsha to hurl for nuto’dsha, ndsdskop’l to 
wipe off again for ndshashkapéli, stéka to stab, gig for stika, suétchuopk for 
shuédshuapka, fut. of shuédsha to gamble, ta’pia younger for tipia, 114, 2. 
In distributive reduplication, short o and w occasionally appear instead of 
short @ in the second or reduplicated syllable. In many of these instances 
the removal of the accent had something to do with the vocalic interchange. 
To use pii’p, pe’p instead of pé-ip daughter is considered a vulgarism, and 
might cause confusion with pé’p pine-marten, sable. 

Among the consonants, s, ts, are more frequently heard in conversation 
than sh and ¢s, whether initial, medial, or final, and Dave Hill’s text-pieces 


COLLOQUIAL FORMS. 679 


will give full evidence of this. 'The simple sounds are also more original 
than the assibilated sh, tch, and belong to an earlier status of the language. 
Both sometimes appear in the same word, as in séshash name, sti’ldshas and 
shiildshas soldier. The use of ts, tch instead of s, sh is not unfrequent, 
especially in Modoe, but is considered faulty; ef. tsuina for shuina to sing, 
90, 12; but pawatch tongue, in Molale apé-us, is regarded as more correct 
than pawash. 

Conversational speech likes gemination of such consonants as can be 
doubled: genalla (k’nélla), ndanni, sassiga, tchimmé-ash, ete., and also 
shows tendency toward nasalizing such terminals in substantives as -t, -tka, 
-tki into -nt, -ntka, -ntki, -ntk. Instead of -tka, the suffix of the instru- 
mental case, we often hear -tko, -tku, -tki, -tk. T'slipa shoulder is a vulgar- 
ism for tsnipal, tehnipal. 


MORPHOLOGY. 


In the second or morphologic part of grammar the difference between 
conversational and oratorical style is chiefly brought about by the tendency 
of saving exertion in speaking. Owing to hurried speaking and the retro- 
ceding of the accent consequent upon it, numerous contractions and apo- 
copes occur, not of one sound or syllable only, but even of two syllables, 
so that certain words become unrecognizable. Aphaeresis is of rare occur- 
rence, except in words like ’muitcha old man for kémutcha, this from kému- 
tchatko, ‘“‘grown old.” 

Contractions by ellipsis, ekthlipsis, synizesis, and other losses from the 
middle of the word are not more frequent than in the oratorical style, and 
are observed in stilpsoks for shulipshkish forearm, elbow; Wlpatko for lilp- 
altko provided with eyes; tatamnish for tatémnuish traveler. 

Apocope is observed in the ending -a replacing the longer -atko: paha 
dried for pahatko ; shésha named for shéshatko, 189; 3; cf. page 408; in the 
loss of -tki of the verbal intentional as in ltela giug for luelitki or lucltki 
gitiga, ete.; cf. page 417, 450; in the loss of the verbal endings -a and -na, 
as in Atsik for atchiga to twist, sthamui for shahamtya, nik’kang nép to 
beckon for nik’kanka nép, yékii-u for yekéwa to break, smash, tzalam between 
for tyAlamna, klamtchtam for kélamtchtamna to nictate. Under the influence 


680 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


of words following in immediate succession other terminals are lost in laki 
for lakiash the chief, 44, 2; lalaki for lalékiash chiefs, 90, 1; shitk, sit for 
shitko alike, tiii’mant hungry for tii’mantko, pin up to for pani, tigshtakni 
coming from the opposite side for tugshtaladkni, miatch, obj. case of mini 
large, for minish, kitchk little for kitehkéni; the endings -atch and -6tch 
for -6tkish, as in shtimaluatch, cf. pages 325, 363. In its abbreviated form 
tiipaksh, the word tipakship younger sister is more frequent than in the full 
form. 

The pronouns kat who, kani? who? what kind of? ave frequently abbre- 
viated into ka, ga; so are also the adverbs ka-é greatly, kank so much, and 
the abbreviation ta may represent either tila merely, but, or tala then in wak 
ta giug how then? why then? or tata, tat where, whereto: ti lish giémpka i? 


where did you go to? 
SYNTAX. 


In rapid conversation two or three words often coalesce so closely to- 
gether as to be pronounced as one only; this chiefly occurs with enclitie 
and other short words when united to words which preserve the accent. 
Thus nén ak becomes nak, kttipka-mat: kttipkam, ha nen: hann, gé-ishtka 
ei nat let us depart: kishtkak, inuhuashkapk’ i, 139, 6: inthuashkpak. The 
enclitic pronouns appearing in pallansh for palla nish, ne-ulapkam’shni for 
né-ulapka mish ni, tehfyash dmbu for tehiya i ish A4mbu, tchiimluk for tehii 
milash tik, and other sentences like these implying the use of object pro- 
nouns have been mentioned repeatedly; ef. pages 232. 240-242. 419. 430. 
and “Pronouns.” The verb gi in its different functions loses its vowel and 
becomes agglutinated to the preceding word: né-ashtg, Mod. né-ashtg; 
la’pik for lapi gi; ka-i n’ gi’tkik m’s pila not to you alone I tell to do it, 61, 4, 
and Note; katak to tell the truth for katak gi; cf. page 242. The frequent 
and unnecessary repetition of the personal pronouns ni or nq, i, nat or na, 
ete., is also characteristic for the conversational form of language, and is 
found in the conjurers’ songs as well. 

Apocope is of frequent occurrence in compound words, and since I 
have treated of these in the syntactic part, and also under the heading of 


incorporation, a short mention of them will suffice here. >is the qualify- 
neorporat hort mention of tl ll suffice 1 It is the qualify 


COLLOQUIAL FORMS. 681 


ing word that loses some of its phonetic elements, not the qualified one, 
and at times the loss is so great that the word is with difficulty recogniz- 
able. Lyalyamnishti lulinash ground-up lily-seed packed away, 74, 10, be- 
comes lydlyam-lulinash, and wawakshtat tutt’ksh ear-wax turns into wawa- 
tuti’ksh. Proper names, especially of persons, are usually pronounced 
fast, and thus their first or qualifying element suffers loss by attrition: 

Gushu-Lilp ‘“ Hog’s Eye,” for Gt’shuam Lip. 

La’‘k-Pshi’sh ‘“ Grizzly’s Nose,” for Likam Pshi’sh. 

Mak-Nush “ Light-brown Head,” for Makmakli Ni’sh. 

Tataktak-Mpatu Gi'tk “Red Pimpled Cheeks,” for Tataktaklish Mpatu 

Gitko. 
Tchak-Pshi’sh ‘Sharp Nose,” tor Tehaktchakli Pshi’sh. 
Techtl-Pshi'sh “ Pierced Nose,” for Shulitko Pshi’sh. 


Omission of the verb from a sentence occurs very frequently in Kla- 
math conversation, especially in such connections where it can be readily 
supplied by the hearer. Several instances of this have been exemplified 
under ‘‘Idioms,” and under “ Particles used as Verbs.” This feature is often 
met with in sentences beginning with wak, tk, tk how, and t’tch, an exclam- 
atory particle, and nothing is more frequent than the omission of the verb 
gi to exist, to be, to become, to do from sentences where it is easily supplied by 
hearer. Cf. pages 477. 592. 614-616. 


katgash at ak i nish ye will believe that I told the truth (Mod.); the verb 
Idla is omitted before i. 

pikish wik kii'tsag! how good is the gudgeon to cat! 178; 1 (KL). 

tk gish 4 lish! do as you like! (Mod.). 

t’k hai, t’k hak ta how then, in which manner (shall I call it; Mod.). 

tik i ma‘ntch tehkash! how long have you been away! (Mod.). 

tts kam i nish! please do not trouble me! (Mod.). 


Ill. DIALECTIC DIFFERENCES. 


Upon the pages preceding frequent occasions were offered to refer to 
the discrepancies existing between the Klamath Lake and the Modoc dia- 


lect, but this topic can only be discussed systematically and ina bulk after 


682 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


a full elucidation of the grammatie laws upon which the structure of the 
language is resting. Only then a full comprehension of these differences 
is made possible, and since they extend over the lexicon as well as over the 
three parts of grammar the best place to consider them is the appendix part 
of the volume. 

On the whole the two dialects differ but slightly, and this made it pos- 
sible to treat them both in the same work. ‘The existing differences are 
much more of a lexical than of a grammatie nature, and in grammar the 
morphologic part shows more differences than the phonologie portion. The 
Indians, having the auditory sense keenly developed, are well aware of 
these differences; they are very apt to find fault with unusual terms or 
accentuation, and hence visitors are told by the people on Upper Klamath 
Lake that the Modoes “do not speak correctly” (Mo‘dokni ké-i talaak 
hémkanka), or that “their talk is strange” (wénni hémkanka). All over 
the world we find people that think their own dialect to be the only good one. 

Other petty linguistic differences exist between each portion or settle- 
ment of both divisions, as, for instance, between the Klamaths on the Lake 
and the Klamaths on Sprague River; they chiefly refer to the mode of pro- 
nunciation. The Tchakii’nkni or “Inhabitants of the Service Berry Tract,” 
near Flounce Rock, north of Fort Klamath, intruders from the Molale tribe 
of Oregon, were reputed to speak the Klamath very incorrectly. 

The Texts obtained from individuals of both sections clearly show 
some disparity in the languages of the two, but afford no distinct clue upon 
the length of time during which they have lived separately. Before the 
Modoe war of 1872-1873 they lived at a distance of sixty to seventy miles 
from each other; they met every year at the Klamath Marsh, when hunt- 
ing and collecting pond-lily seed, and besides this often joined their forces 
to undertake raids in common upon surrounding tribes; in spite of the 
rivalry existing between both sections, intermarriages often took place. 
The more ancient customs and myths are common to both, nevertheless the 
name Méatokni or ‘‘southerners,” which implies segmentation of the tribe, must 
date from an early epoch. The northern dialect is more archaic or original 
in some terms, as nidszéksh nine, nee absent, whereas the southern shows 


earlier forms in knanflash bat-species, shidnhish rafter. 


DIALECTIC DIFFERENCES. 683 


PHONOLOGIC DIFFERENCES. 


In regard to the vocalism of the two dialects, the Modoc sometimes 
uses the diphthong ai where Klamath Lake has @, e: kékai (and kéke) 
river, creek, Klamath L. kéke, kéka; kailpoks heat, hot, Klamath L. ké’lpoks, 
kélpoksh ; shnatligsh eyebrow, Klamath L. shnékélish. 

Klamath wa-, wo-, is in a few terms replaced in Modoc by w-: uk for 
wak how; tikash for wékash pond-lily seed. 

Of more importance is the substitution of short and long a of Klamath 
Lake by short and long e, also by d, in Modoc. This is observed almost 
exclusively in accented syllables, and even then in a few instances only; 
these vowels always stand between two consonants. This singular fact 
cannot be explained by a supposed insertion of ¢ after the a of Klamath 
Lake because the e resulting from a contraction of ai would in most in- 
stances remain long, which is not the case. Examples: 

gd-ash, Mod. géash thus, so. 

yana, Mod. yana and yéna downward, downhill. 

nd-asht, nd-ash, Mod. néasht thus, so, in this manner. 

nashki, Mod. néshki to butcher, flay; nashkétkish, ete. 

padshit, Mod. pii’dshit i the morning. 

pilak, Mod pélak fast, quickly. 

shalakla, Mod. shélakla to cut, slash oneself. 

shatma, Mod. shétma to call to oneself. 

shnapémpema, Mod. shnepémpema fo fool somebody. 

ulaplpa, Mod. uléplpa to flicker about. 

weweshaltko, Mod. wewesheltko having offspring. 

But there are also instances on hand where the reverse takes place, 
Modoe showing a where Klamath Lake has e: 

métkla, mii’‘tkla, Mod. mitkla to carry on back, shoulder. 

ne’e, dimin. nékag, Mod. na’g, nikag that absent one. 

wéktash, Mod. waktash plait of females; the verb being wékta in both 

dialects. 

The term for brown varies in both dialects: ka-uké-uli, kii-ukii’-uli, ke- 
uké-uli, kevkévli. 


684 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


Dissimilation in the iteratively reduplicated adjectives, all ending in li, 
as described on page 234, is observed much less in the southern than in the 
northern dialect. 

In the consonantic sounds of the Klamath language s-, sh-, sl-, shl-, 
when initial, are oftener replaced by ts-, teh-, tsl-, tchl- in the Modoe than 
in the Klamath Lake dialect, where this is considered as a corruption; 
tchka for shka tt blows hard or cold, tchkél for shkél marten, tszile for shkiile 
lark, tehléyamna for shléyamna to hold something soft in hand, tehpal for 
spal ocher. Cf. pages 296. 297. 

Modoe redoubles / in a few words like kéllak being without, kAlliu fur- 
mantle, where Klamath Lake has kéliak, kailiu. 

In a very limited number of terms Modoc has / where Klamath Lake 
shows ”; cf. heshelidta to barter, Mod. shenitita; kintechna to go single file, 
Mod. kildshna. Cf. shnintatka (below). 

Another change, already referred to on page 230, is the substitution 
of the arrested sound 2 for the lingual k in Modoe only, which disappears 
in the following terms, e. g.: ’6ga for kéga to bite; ’wWhpa, ’dpa for képa to 
think; “izpash for kézpash thought; ’wWhli for kwhli to enter, ereep into; ’dke 
for kéke river, creek; "dlkoli for kélkoli, kilkuli round, globiform; ’0’sh for 
k0’sh, kii’/sh pitch-pine. When k is a final sound, or stands within the word, 
it is not dropped; and even when k and ¢ are pronounced, the arrested 
sound is always heard after them; cf. pages 216. 226 


MORPHOLOGIC DIFFERENCES 


A few slight differences between the two dialects occur in the forma- 
tion of the distributive reduplication, which have been alluded to under 
that heading. 

A difference in the prefix is noticed in the verbs kpuli to drive into, 
kpwlya to expel, kpitcha to oust, drive out, ete., where Modoc has tpult, 
tpulya, tptitcha, or tpudsha. All these forms are used when the act of driv- 
ing refers to a few (not many) objects; ef. page 436. In both dialects the 
prefix w- may also be pronounced vu-, wu-, q. v. 

More difference is observable in derivational suffixation. The Modoc 


verbal suffix -i is in some instances replaced by -a in the northern dialect: 


DIALECTIC DIFFERENCES. 685 


shitchpalui to tattoo; KI. shitchpalua; shuatAwi to stretch oneself; K1. shu- 
atiwa. Other Modoc verbs have -a as well as -i: tehlaldla and tehlalali to 
roast upon the coals. To designate an act almost completed, -htiya, -tiya is 
more frequent in Modoc than -kshska, -kska, which is preferred by the 
Klamath Lake dialect. For inchoative or inceptive verbs -éga, -iéga is 
preferred by Klamath Lake, -tampka by Modoes, though both suffixes oc- 
cur extensively in either dialect. Cf. List of Suffixes. For hishuaks hus- 
band, man, Modoc has in the subjective case: hishuakshash; for sndwedsh 
wife, woman: snawédshash, and from these terms the verbs for to marry are 
also shaped differently. Transposition of sounds takes place in some sub- 
stantives ending in -ksh; thus Klamath waltoks, waltaksh discourse, talk, 
speech, appears in Modoe as waltkash; others are enumerated page 349. 

As to inflectional suffixation, the most important discrepancy exists in 
the formation of the present participle, where Modoe has -n (-an) and Kla- 
math Lake the compound ending -nk (-ank); a fact discussed repeatedly in 
the previous pages. The inflection of the noun is effected by the same 
case-suffixes and case-postpositions in both dialects, except that in the em- 
phatic adessive case the compound -kshi gi’shi of Modoe is condensed into 
-ksiksi, -kshikshi, -ksiksi and -ksfi’ksi in Klamath Lake. 

Of the impersonal objective verbs many differ in regard to their struct- 
ure in both dialects, as shown pages 429. 430. From this it would appear 
that Modoc usually prefers to place the person in the subjective case when 
expressed either by a pronoun or a noun. 

The following peculiarities are of a morphologic as welt as of a syn- 
tactic character, and therefore may be appended here : 

The future tense, composed with the particle tak, is preferred by Modoe 
in the incident and in many principal clauses to the future in -uapka. In 
the Klamath Lake Texts the future in tak occurs nowhere except in 70, 2. 
The particles pén, piin, and tin are much more frequent in the southern than 
in the northern dialect; this may be said of pén especially in its function 
of connecting the small numerals with the decades. 

In interrogative and other sentences the particle lish is largely used in 
Modoe, and placed after the interrogative or initial particle. The northern 
dialect employs that particle rather sparingly. 


686 - GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 
LEXICAL DIFFERENCES. 


The number of Modoc words differing in radicals, in derivation, or in 
sound from their equivalents in the northern dialect is considerable, as may 
be gathered from a short inspection of the Dictionary. I have therefore 
compiled a specimen list of lexical differences, including only representative 
vocables from the Dictionary and from information obtained lately, and 
placing the Modoc term with letter M. after the Klamath Lake term. With 
the exception of a few, the Modoc terms are readily understood by their 
congeners on Upper Klamath Lake, but some are not in actual use among 
them, or, if they are, they have adopted a signification differing materially 
or slightly from theirs. The Modocs have adopted more terms from the 
Shasti language than the Klamath Lake Indians, and these more terms 
from Chinook jargon than the Modoes. Among the terms of relationship 
some differ in the formation of the distributive form and also in their mean- 
ings. Some of the Modoc terms were entirely unknown to my Klamath 
Lake informants, as kalmémoks glowworm, kshita to escape, and its causa- 
tive shnékshita; lumkdéka to take a steam bath, tikésh clay, loam, techatchdkma 
haze is forming, tchiptchima to drizzle down in atoms. 


épka to bring, haul, carry to; M. itpa. 

hésha to send away; M. shni‘dsha. 

hishka, hishkanka to think, reflect; M. képa; hishkanksh thought; M. 
kézpash, ’Whpash. 

hushtanka to go and meet somebody; M. shu-utinka. 

isha, ilktcha, p’ndna to bury, to dispose of the dead by interment or cre- 
mation; M. ilktcha, vumi; KI]. use vumit only for caching provi- 
sions, ete. 

ké-ishna to close an opening, doorflap, door; M. shla-uki. 

kapka little pitch-pine tree; M. kiga, dim. of ko’sh pine. 

katak truly and to tell the truth; M. kana, katak, katchan truly, surely ; 
kana tche’k certainly. 

ke, ki thus, so, in this strain; M. kie, ke. 

kla’dsh dry, rocky land, table land; M. kna’t. 


k’léka to reach, to die; M. often pronounces: kalika, kalaka. 


DIALECTIC DIFFERENCES. 687 


latchash, generic term for lodge, building, house ; M. stina’sh. 

liuna to produce a roaring, rushing sound, as a landslide; unused in K1. 

lela, hushtchéza to kill more than one object; M. lela, heshzii’gi, 
shuénka. 

lukslaksh ashes, Kl. and M.; the M. lapkeksh means /inest, atomic ashes. 

nadszékish, nadszéksh nine; M. skékish. ; 

nanilash, smallest species of bat; M. knanilash. 

pvhpash earwax; M. wawa-tuti’ksh, from tuta to take from. 

pala-ash flour, bread; M. shapéle. a 

papkash in the sense of poker; M. kpa-u, kpa. 

p’tishap father; M. t’shishap, from t’shin to grow. 

ptchiklya to pat, caress; M. ptchaklya. 

shanhish rafter; M. shianhish. 

shawalini’-ash companion, fellow, friend; M. shitchlip. 

shewitza it is noon-time; M. ga-ulapka. 

skintchna to crawl, creep, as reptiles; M. szidsha. 

shlélaluash eyelid; M. shlélaluish, which means cream in K1. 

shli’ktchna to spit, spit out; M. distinguishes between kpftchtchna to 
spit close by, and shli’ktchna to spit into distance. 

shnikiwa to throw, hurl, cast; M. shnikéa. 

shnintatka to interpret; M. shniltatka. 

spelétakliteh rake; M. wakatchétkish. 

shukikash parents, progenitors ; M. shokeka-ash. 

shuéntch baby-board; M. stiwizétkish. 

te’hlt@hli flat, depressed, low ; deep; M. teltélhi. 

tupakship, abbr. tipaksh younger sister; M. sister. 

tchatchgalam bur, pine-bur; M. tchatchgélinks. 

vuyukiaks armpit; M. yukii‘kish. 

vulan to watch fish over ice-holes ; M. ulawa. 

waklgish and pdklgish table; M. paklgish only. 

Walamskni Rogue River Indian; M. Walamswash. 

walish, wali’sh rock-cliff; M. wali/dsh; also generic for rim. 

waltoks, waltaksh talk, speech; M. waltkash. 

witchiak rainbow ; M. shtchdlapshtish. 

witchkinsh dew; M. tchitaksh. 


688 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


IV. SYNTACTIC EXAMPLES. 


What follows is a selection of sentences which were omitted while com- 
posing the previous pages of the Grammar to exemplify grammatie facts. 
What is dialectic in them is not so much the syntactic structure of the sen- 
tences as the morphologic and lexical character of the terms occurring in 
them. Sentences worded in the Klamath Lake dialect are not marked as 
such, but those obtained from Modoes are designated by the letter M. 
When two sentences are combined in the same item, and have the English 
rendering between them, the former is of the Klamath Lake, the latter of 
the Modoe dialect. This does not signify that any of the Klamath Lake 
sentences is unintelligible to the Modoes, or conversely, but that it is their 
more natural mode of utterance. In some of these items the decisive words 
are arranged alphabetically. 

Distributive reduplication. 

tiimi maklaks a-atini many Indians are tall. (M.) 

gégamtchi shuitka shle’sh gi it looks like these things. ~(M.) 

wa-utchiga i-efpa kiitlanti the dogs scratch in the ground; ef. yépa. 

titaksni, ish liloktehi pélakak shanksh-paki’sh children, bring me each 

one watermelon, quickly. 

édshash nat ptipanua nénuk we all drink milk. 

tam i kétkoga nép shashtashyékan tkitka? do you stand with your 

hands in pocket because you feel cold? (M.) 


The future tense. 
In the third, fourth, and fifth sentence the future form is used impera- 
tively. 
tim i ndlash tila genudpka? will you go with us? 
tim intch (for i nish) gen shenittiipk’ i-Amnash? will you barter beads 
with me? tam lish i shiyutudpka nish yamnash ? 
ka-i kant hi gatpanudpka nobody is allowed to go there. (M.) 
shumali’lasht tchek i ntish hemézi-uapk speak only after I have written. 
hi’nk-shitk hak 4-1 i heméyi-uapk, mAmantchak gitk, ge-uni hak repeat 
it exactly the same way (lit “you shall speak just only alike to”) 


stopping at intervals, and but slowly. 


SYNTACTIC EXAMPLES. 689 


tud na shute-udpka at? nad tin nadshashak ta-uni géntak what shall 
we do now? we will go to town together. (M.) 

tim i nish watch vulzudpka? will you lend me your horse? 

tidshéwan mish nu tin vi'lktak I shall lend it to you willingly. (M.) 

hi tin lildam 4-ati kéntak at keno’lasht techgt’mnuapka, vishmush tin 
kshtn késhktak pash(t), shtawan tin weénktak if deep snow falls in 
winter, and after the snowfall frost should come, the cattle will be 
unable to eat the grass, and will starve to death. (M_) 

hi ka-i ktédshtak shké, kii’gitok tin kshtin vishmtsham if it does not 
rain in spring, there will be no grass for the cattle. (M.) 

lé-utak na tin nalam pshakam hashuashtat pii‘dshit ; telmtok nat tin fo- 
day we will play in our uncles garden; he will allow it to us. (M.) 

tcheks i shéwantok hinkesh tala you have to pay money to him. (M.) 

pélak mish na’t tin shlé-elkitak we will soon come to visit you. (M.) 


The imperative mode. 


emf ish shuéntch, or: emi ish hand that baby (on the cradle-board) over 

. to me. (M.) 

gen a tehélzank gépk’ i; or: gin 4 tehélzé gépke! come (close to me) 
and sit down right here. 

pin hiiméz’ i; ké-uni hak heméy’ i say this once more; say it slowly. 

nanka ish shit’/ngs-bakish i‘ktchi bring me some watermelons. 


er 
roe 4 


ka-i mi petéke skttash do not tear your blanket; ka-i mi spakag 


shktitash. 

shatua hel oi i’sh do the thing with me; tchimé ish tila shilodtcha i. 

nush wika sha-ulantchi go « short distance with me. (M.) 

kntks ish hin skén’ i (or: skii-an i’ tak) buy a rope for me; tintish 
ish skii’-an i’. 

kitchkani! i shlaukipéle boy! shut that door. (M.) 

shlépkipal’ i’sh gé-u ténish kApo bring me my new coat. 

tidsh shualaliimpk’ i take good care of it. 

gin 4 tehaly’ (or tehély’ i) sit right here. 

tcheléyan hin i mantchdkash shapéle give some bread to this old man. (M.) 

44 


690 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 
The present participle. 


i kilfwash ftnan pukéwishtat you are sewing the woodpecker-scalp upon 
the buckskin dress. (M.) 

Utiltalsh ya-uks shewénan heshuampéli Utiltalsh effects cures by giving 
medicine. (M.) 

yéna nti gén géna; guli’sht nish ‘mutchiga sziIpkan kténan hléka I 
went down stairs; when I came in, the old man was sleeping in bed 
and snoring. (M.) 

ma‘ntch ni tehiténan kékish heshudmpéli J treated him a long time and 


cured him. (M.) 
The past participle. 
(a). Used in an active signification. 


kayudsh hishuakga hit hémkankatk gi this little boy cannot speak yet. 
tunépnish lilualsh fyamna nti J had five pins ; tunépni gé-u laludlatko 
(abbr. from laludlaltko). 
kayak toks nt hink shléatko gi I could not see him. 
nalam laki tidsh shishikatki (for shishukatko gi), tidsh shayuaksh our 
chief is a good fighter and intelligent. 
(b). With a passive or intransitive signification. 
nish gé-u nanuk gukuitko my neck is all swollen. (M.) 
lp hahantakudtko gi his eyes were wide open. (M.) 
ipkapkash anku shti'dsha at ye are burning piled-up wood. (M ) 
fmnaks mii kikanudla(-tko) beads with a wide perforation. (M.) 
tchokéyaltko sha-ika (gi) the field is covered with gravel. 
kek a kshi’n ipka ati uyégatk this haystack is very high. 
. , Al 


gi-udpka 2? will it be cold to-morrow? tina 


tam lish mbtishan kitags g 


pshin ki-a katags ¢¢-uga Ampti tehfpkatko wén last night it was very 


onl 


cold, so that the water froze in the pail; lit. “the pailed water.” (M.) 


The verbals. 
(a). The infinitive: 
ne-ulikta sha, kokii’kish f’nk né-ulya mtiash shlewitki they decided 


that the conjurers should order the wind to blow from the south. (M.) 


SYNTACTIC EXAMPLES. 691 


kuyumishtat hai tidsh get utchin im muddy water net-fishing is profit- 
able. (M.) 

kiii’m tehtika shatma they call the fish to swim up-stream, 135, 4. Cf. 
also HOT ae bla, 1. 


(b). The verbal indefinite : 
uk ha pend gishalsh in this manner he treated (me); lit. ‘that is how his 
handling was.” (M.) 
Yamakni tti’m yuhu lueldlish ki the northern Indians (habitually) killed 
many buffaloes. (M.) 
tainkak nad-entk stinditka pa-ulash gé-u J ate (of it) last week. 
wak lish ha shlé’sh ki? how does this look? (M.) 
ke’shga nti shl¢é-ish htnkélam J could not see him or her. (M.) 
shthank-shitko shle’sh kish shana-uli he wants to look alike. (M.) 
tua i shandhuli shiyttash? for what will you barter this? (M.) 
(c). The verbal causative : 
ko-ishéwa mish nti shlé-uga I am glad to see you. 
tata gen shle-tiga kuypdéktak i ntish when you see this, remember me. (M.) 
(ad). The verbal conditional : 
titatnak hiiméy’ i; kaé-itoks ni hi’shkanka pap’lak mish hemézisht tell 
me only one word at a time; I do not remember (them) when you 
speak fast. 
ka-iu ktétchasht ktchalhui sAppash before the rain the sun shines. (M_.) 
(e). The verbal intentivnal : 
nti hin tpéwa pelpéltki, léwitchta ta’dsh pélpelsh I ordered him to work, 
but he refuses to work. (M.) 
géntki ma’Ish nti ei’ TL order you to go. (M.) 
hunktiash we-ulii’‘kash nutétki gitiga i-a’sh mpampatkanka the willows 


were sputtering i the fire to burn up these women. (M. myth.) 
The intransitive verb. 


éwa vu'nsh ¢-ushtat the canoe floats upon the lake. (M.) 
wash a natch g@éluipk’ hiya the coyotes are coming near us; wash nélsh 
wigatan holufpka. 


692 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


udshiksh huhtyi the sucker fish skips out of the water. (M.) 

hii yaki Anko i-utila, shlémp’le! if the seed-basket is under the tree, take 
it home! (M.) 

lapi anku yampka two sticks lie on the ground (M.) 

liaipka sha wiiitash (or wiiitash nanuk) they sit around the whole day. 

ka-i hat pitchka léloks the fire is not out. 

tim lish tehiwa shtina’shtat (or stina’sh)? ha tehiwa; was he in the 
house? Yes, he was. (M.) 


nanuktua kiifla yutila wa all that grows under ground (bulbs, ete.). 
J ! ) 


The interrogative sentence. 


(a). Introduced by the particle tam. 
tim kanf gité gitpa? has anybody been here? (M.) 
tim i shléa gé-u p’tisha? 1! have you seen my father? yes! tami gé-u 
t’shisha shléa? i’! 
tam i shléa p’gi’sha m’na? ka-i! have you scen his mother? no! tim i 
shléa hi’nkelam p’gi’sha? ka-i! 
tam lish hu shila? és he, she sick? (M.) 
tim lish i-i tehti tiména? i-i, ni tiména! do you hear me? yes, I hear 
you! (M.) 
(b). Introduced by the pronoun tua. 
tud haitch hi’'t gi? what is that? tud hi? 
tui haitch wik gi? wak lish i gi? what is the matter? what does it 
mean? 
tud lish i hit’shkank? what are you studying about? or: what do you 
think of this? 
tud i pélpela? shéshatuish yaf nai ki; what is your business? I am a 
trader. (M.) 


(c). Introduced by the particles wAk, wak lish, wik gitiga. 


wik lish i gitiga ké-i g¢-u Wloksgish épka? ké-i lish shlé-uka why did 
you not bring my rifle? because I did not find it. (M.) 


wak lish i giuga ké-i nish wélya? why don’t you answer me? 


SYNTACTIC EXAMPLES. 693 


wak é@ n’sh gi’ug ka-i walyza? why don’t you reply to me? wak lish i nen 
ka-i walya? 


(d). Introduced by various pronouns and particles. 


watch ha hai gi? is that a horse? (M.) 

tink i méhiiish shnédkua kdéketat? how many trout did you catch in the 
river? lap méhiiish! two trout! (M.) 

tinni latchash malim kiiflatat! how many lodges are on your land? 

tanni mi t’shishim watch gi? how many horses has your father? (M.) 

tita i patkéléla? what time did you rise from sleep? tush kish i patkal ? 

tata ma’ntch haftch hak hishuaksh madsha? how long was this man sick? 


The cases of the substantive. 


(a). The objective case. 


i hushnakpdpka nép you are holding your hands together upon some- 
thing. (M.) 

lvepalsh shtina’sh powet¢ka the lightning-stroke shattered the house. (M.) 

shmukatan’ nti gét nti shuldtish J am wetting that garment; ni’toks han 
shpdga shul6tish. . 

gék mushmush lép’ni ta-unep shésha this cow is worth twenty dollars. 

pétatko pshi’sh one whose nose-perforation is disrupted. (M.) 

hashuash ni hishua [am planting maize. (M.) 

hai stani yaina-dga kima’tch the ant-hill teems with ants. (M.) 

watchkina ntish kéka spéluish @ raccoon bit me in the index-finger. 

klash han mi tzé-una shewan’ i give this hide to your elder brother. (M.) 


(b). The possessive and partitive case. 


maklaksam shmiutka na (for ndlam) shtina’sh the house is full of our 
people. (M.) 

letumnéti timi pan they have a carousal, or feast; lit. “many of them 
eat in a noise.” 


(c). The locative case. 


kiliwash Ankutat ské-ukua the red-headed woodpecker picks holes in the 


tree. (M.) 


694 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


pi Ipéli hai teht’shak ydlkamat he works in bad weather all the time; ht 
ko-itchdnta nkfllan nindklkish. 
gé-u t’shishap 4mpti kiiflatat kititehna my father has spilt the water on 
the ground. (M.) 
shewani ish tila ¢¢-u kiii’mat! pay me for my fish! (M.) 
nanuk mi vishmatish safgatat pAwa all your cattle graze on the prairie. (M.) 
ha Tityash shvhmdéka shtina’shtat he called Titak out of the house. (M.) 
téliks i-uktikag shtindshtat the basket is inside the lodge. (M.) 
pi’dshit klalha tindluléshtat there was a hailstorm at sundown to-day. 
ni neyéna tehuyéshtat Lam lining a hat. (M.) 
(d). The instrumental case. 
timia gék tv’htash gén ilhdlésh, ké-itoks né-entka illolashtka ttimi wii’ 
tank there were many grasshoppers this year, but not many last year. 
puishtka hushiitantko (gi) he wears a fringed belt. (ML) 


The adjective. 


tat pélaiwasham shnilash wikéyanta ka-tanian teha’dshui pinakpké- 
gishtat kuigatat (gi) there the nest of the golden eagle (lay) upon a 
low pine-tree, only that high, and dwarfed. (M.) 

vunipa ¢ ship ati-kiifla-i-ishash nadshénash mdklakshash shewan i you 
sold four sheep to a foreigner; lit. “to one in distant-land living.” 

k4yam mutmuatch nikshtanish shepdtya ht he tore to pieces one of a 
Jjackass-rabbit’s ears. (M. myth.) 

wéwanuish maklaksamkshkni kikashkanka wikalak i-ukéga women of 
the tribe are walking inside of the inclosure. 

nti tink shitka gitak ha’nksh J would act as he did. (M.) 


The adverb. 


pi tink shnéka i ytkiak he caught a mocking-bird on the ground; lt kat 
hi yuikiak shnika. 

wik ka-tan nish ke k’l¢éka something is probably the matter with me. (M.) 

lé nti pan, bi’nua TJ do not eat, drink. 

snawédshash lupitkni gdtpa, nitoks yamatkni the woman comes from the 
east, I come from the north. (M.) 


SYNTACTIC EXAMPLES. 695 


génii hundshak nti shla’papka I am looking at it unintentionally. (M.) 

tidsh sha hishuatchzash shualalidmpka they watch the man closely. (M.) 

tim tchatchui 4mpti i binua you drank too much water. (M.) 

tink nf na’sh illédlash vinshtat syusyiyamnish gi, tanktchikni gé-u 
kewa wii'k last year I was able to row the canoe, (but) since then I 
broke my arm. (M.) 


Temporal locutions, mainly of an adverbial nature. 


tina illélash tank ni hin shléa J saw him a year ago. 

tina ok ilhdéla pa-ulash gé-u I ate (of it) last year. 

nilam a shi’p tim ni‘] a gén illi’Ish owr sheep have much wool this year. 

lapni tchék illo’‘lan shékélui shéllualsh after two years the war came to 
an end. (M.) 

tVhtash géntka pita timi wa, tainktoks kaitua there were many grass- 
hoppers this summer, but not any last year. 

pata ma‘ntch waita, lildam toks pépélak waita i summer the days are 
long, in winter they are short; lit. ‘the days pass rapidly.” 

eéntka lildam ké-i gi-udpka wésh this winter there will be no ice. (M.) 

tank na’/sh shappésh kéke wetko gi’ last month the river was frozen. (M.) 

ma’/ntchtoks at padshit wiiftash the days are long now. (M.) 

una ha shtipa waita it was cloudy all day yesterday. (M.) 

nishta wash yéa the prairie wolves have howled all night; pi dshit pshin 
ye-a& wash. 


The conjunction. 


(a). The particle ak, aka, ka expresses probability and potentiality. 
ku-i ak mish né’pkia you may feel uncomfortable. (M.) 
hank ak taksh tin (for hi’n) nf shléat J can see him; nti aka lin shléa. 
nti kai ak ha’nkish hi’nkptchi a (ei) I would act, do, or be like him. (M.) 
shléat ak taksh fn nai (fin for: hi’n) T can see that. 
tim i kékant ko’shtat? ka-i Aka nfi kékant can you climb the pine-tree? 
I cannot. 


696 


GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


ki-i ak nush gé-u t’shishap wewialtant probably my father will not allow 
it to me. (M.) 

kd-i aka kéléka, or: ké-i nfi léla ht’/nkesh k’léksht I do not believe he is 
dead. (M.) 

ké-i aka hi’ ukauzo’sh ktchdlhui padshit at I do not think that the moon 
shines now, 12, 132; lit. “to-day.” (M.) ; 

ttim hak tcha i hushyikta! you ask probably too much for it! tim hat i 
nen élya! 


(b). The particle ha, a. 


nanuk an’ fink ho/shkanka I recollect all (these) things; hi’nktaks nti 
hushkanka nénuk. 

kek nisyaga ka-i a mish tidshéwa this little girl does not like you. 

ké-e a ududémtchna Ambutat frogs live in the water ; ké-e kai Amputat wa. 

ka-i i pén ha humasht gi-udpka you will never do it again. (M.) 


(c). The particle hai (haftch, zat). 
ké haf litehlitchli maklaks that man is certainly robust — (M.) 
tinn’ a haitch wewéash gitk laki? how many children has the chief? 
tinni lish lakiam wewéash ? 
kani haftch hit gi? who is he, she? kani hi? 
géash yaf mish ni képa tehd’shak thus I always think of you. (M.) 
tua haitch i shandhuli hintka? what do you want for it? 


(ad). The particle nen. 


tui i nen hémkank? what do you talk about? wak lish i hémkank ? 
ka-i ni nén ki J refuse to do so. (M.) 


A 


wik lish na (for: nen a) gi? what is the matter? wak lish? 
(e). The particle toks (taksh, tak). 


liki toksh ta sytIpka shildka the chief lies sick in bed. (ML) 
hinkélam unik k6-idshi, pé-ip toks tidshi his son as ugly, but his daugh- 
ter is pretty. (M.) 


ké-idshitoks kék yatna this mountain is quite rough or steep. (M.) 


SPECIMENS OF SYNONYMY. 697 


V. COMPLEX SYNONYMOUS TERMS. 


The great facility possessed by certain languages of forming complex 
or polysynthetie words by an exuberant power of derivational affixation is 
also productive of certain complex synonymous terms, which the analytic 
languages of modern Europe habitually express by separate words, mainly 
of an attributive character, or transcribe by separate sentences. Some lan- 
guages of the American aborigines are rich in terms of this sort, and we 
are often wondering why the punctilious and seemingly unimportant dis- 
tinctions embodied in them are expressed by a single word formed with this 
purpose. It is curious to observe how inuch stress is laid upon using spe- 
cific terms for certain things and acts which white people do not even notice 
as being distinct from other things or acts of a similar nature; and, on the 
other side, objects which are totally different among themselves are called 
by the same term in certain languages on account of some resemblance 
observed upon them. Thus, green and yellow, green and blue, are expressed 
by the same term in many languages. The Cherokee expresses butterfly 
and elephant by the same term, kaméma, both being provided with a pro- 
boseis shaped alike. In Creek rabbit and sheep are both called tehifi, in 
Chiecasa tchukfi, on account of their woolly covering, and the horse is to 
the Creeks the great deer: ttchu-‘liko, abbr. tchu‘lako. 

Sometimes the reason for expressing the same act or condition by dif- 
ferent verbs does not lie in the act itself, but in the difference of the verbal 
subject or object, its shape, quality, or number; of this we have conspicu- 
ous examples in this language in the chapter on verbal “Inflection for 
number,” pages 433-441, to which may be added the instances, pages 460. 
461, referring to the verb ¢o give, and what is said about prefixes in general. 
The English-Klamath part of the Dictionary mentions six terms for gray, 
eight for to seize, twelve for to sever, fourteen for to wash, about as many for 
to walk, wear, weep, while the terms expressing the different modes of going, 
running, standing, lying, sitting, looking, rolling, placing, and lifting consider- 
ably exceed the above in number. The list of the adjectives expressing color 
does not reach that of a Herero tribe in Southern Africa, which possesses 
twenty-six terms for such cattle alone as is spotted in different ways,* 


* Cf, H. Magnus, d. Farbensinn bei d. Naturvélkern, pages 9. LO, 19-21 (Jena, 1880). 


698 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


but is extensive enough to equal that of English, if we deduct from this the 
large number of artificial terms derived from manufactured objects. Wounds 
are called differently according to the weapon or instrument which inflicts 
them; scars, when flesh is removed, are shitktashkuish; without removal of 
flesh, shaktkaluish.* When a strong wind shakes a tree, the bending down- 
ward of the tree is wawiwi, but its moving up to the former position is wa- 
wilakpéli, the continual rocking wawikanka. To roll an object in the mouth 
is, kpfamna when it protrudes from it, but when wholly inclosed in the 
mouth, shikpualkdna. 

Many more examples of this sort might be mentioned to show the keen 
sense of perception and graphic expressiveness traceable in the language. 
Utilitarians will regard this mental tendency as productive of cumbersome, 
unnecessary toil, while the philosophical linguist sees in it a sign of fresh 
and poetical ingenuity, which is manifesting itself everywhere in genuine 
conceptions of the untutored children of nature. 

Below I present some instarices of verbs and nouns, the definitions of 
which are ideas not simple, but of considerable complexity, and in which 
the great power of forming synonyms is traceable into the more minute 
- details. Several of these terms were taken from the collection of Modoe 
vocables recently acquired by me. 

The act of carrying a babe is expressed in many different ways, which 
chiefly differ among themselves by the circumstance whether the carrying 
is done upon the shuéntch or cradle-board or without it. The verb éma ‘‘to 
hand over to somebody a baby tied upon the cradle-board” forms several 
derivatives: émtchna “to go and carry, to bring it somewhere upon the 
board” (also upon the arm), for which kshéna may be used as well; ém- 
tchipka “to carry it toward somebody,” émtakla (or émtkal) and émkiana 
“to carry ou the back a babe tied to the board.” “To carry on the back” 
any other object except a babe is tutkal, “to carry home on one’s back” 
tiitchampéli. Shmdmka “to nurse or take care of a baby” is probably 
derived from éma also. ‘To carry a babe, when just born, on the back” 
and not tied to the board, is spukutakla and shlukttakla; stintakla (or 
stintyal) when not on the board and not necessarily upon the back. Ha- 


*Cf. also u’blopatana and upatia in the Dictionary. 


SPECIMENS OF SYNONYMY,. 699 


shupat’lamna is ‘“‘to tie it around the back in a piece of cloth,” hashpuakia 
“to carry it while placing the arms or one arm under its legs,” hashkiga 
“to carry it on the breast.” 

Folding is expressed generically by spagalya, “to fold, double up ;” 
the nouns pakalaksh and spdgalaksh signify “fold, crease,” and the former 
term figures in numeral adjectives like fourfold, sixfold.* These words 
are all derivatives from paka, mbaka ‘to break.” “To fold” in such a 
manner as blankets or other sheets are folded in a warehouse is skipalza; 
“to fold” as folds appear in the dress as worn, shkashkapshtchalza ; skitash 
shkashkapshtchalzyatko “the blanket shows folds when enveloping the body.” 

To grasp, when used in the general sense of ‘taking, seizing,” is shnika, 
shnikua, “taking to oneself” shnikpa; ‘to grasp a small object,” so that 
the fingers of the seizing hand touch the thumb on the other side, shatash- 
tanka; when the object is larger, so that the “fingers do not meet on the 


side opposite,” 


shatashtzapka (-apka expressing distance); when the object 
is ‘grasped so that the fingers of one or both hands keep moving along its 
circumference,” shatashkakiamna. 

To stick up on one’s head is an act expressed by a large variety of terms. 
Sha-tla is ‘‘to stick up something upon the top of the head” that will ex- 
tend upon it from the forehead to the occiput, hence shawalsh crest of birds 
and other related significations, q. v. ‘To take off that object from the 
head-top” is sha-uldla; ‘to place erect upon, to make stand one object on 
one’s head,” is shdtuala, upon “another person’s head” hashatuala; hence 
shatualtko lash “one feather standing up vertically on one’s head,” haésha- 
tualtko lash ‘‘on another person’s head.” When many objects are “made 
to stand up straight on one’s head in a bunch,” this is shildshuala; ‘feathers 
set up” in that- manner: shiltchawaltko or sildshualtko lash. Shakwal is 
‘to place a bunch of feathers on the top of one’s head,” shikwaltko lash “a 
bunch of feathers stuck up there;” shakizi is ‘“‘to have it” or ‘“‘wear it upon 


? 


the back of the head or the shoulders ;” shakizitko lash ‘‘one who wears it” 
there. ‘A crest of hair going over the top of the head” is hishkwaltko lak. 
Tita, d. tutata, tut’ta, signifies ‘to stick obliquely one long object upon 


somebody,” either on his head or body; hence the reflective form shiitéta 


*Cf, shantehaktantko ia Dietionary and on page 531 of Grammar, 


vit) GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


‘to stick up on one side of one’s head or body;” p’lafwasham (lash) shit’- 
tantko ‘wearing an eagle’s feather stuck up obliquely.” But when many 
feathers or long objects “are stuck up obliquely on oneself,” this is ex- 
pressed by hashkatchka: lash hashkatchtintko nt’sh “many feathers fast- 
ened on one’s head.” Shutéwaltko ‘fixed or fastened upon the head” may 
refer to objects of various form, not to long articles only. But when 
“T fasten a feather upon my forehead,” this is nt shatelika lash; upon 
“another's forehead,” hashtelika; hashtelikatko lash may refer to more 
than one feather also, and describe it as ‘‘standing erect” or as “leaning 
back across the top of the head.” 

Noise and to make noise is a fruitful field for word-formation in all lan- 
guages, and onomatopceia often plays a large part in it. The large num- 
ber of expressions compels us to separate the noises made by man and 
animals from those made by the elementary forces of nature. Among the 
former, hima is generic for all the roaring, crying, whooping, and chirping 
produced by animals; also for the shouts and cries uttered by man to call 
other people’s attention. To shout at festivals, dances, is yéka, “to howl, 
ery, or sing in chorus ;” hence probably yatkéla “to perform a puberty- 
dance.” Yd-uya or yauydwa refers more particularly to a noise made 
with a rattle,* and noise in general is ké-i timénash “disagreeable to hear.” 


“To behave in a boisterous, loud manner,” 


is Itdula, waltka, and tehilu- 
yéya. “To crack with the teeth” is pukpuka. Other noises ascribed to 
human beings are expressed by the verbs tka and tchi’lga; the noisy re- 
joicings heard of children when they see their parents coming is shitiaika. 
Ya-a, yéa is “to scream” or “howl aloud,” and wawd-a “to whine.” The 
noises made by the elemental powers are just as multiform in their lexical 
rendering as they are with us. ‘To explode” is mbiwa; ‘to cause an 
explosion by a stroke of the hand,” shnambua. The noise made by the 
surf or by waterfalls is tiwish, from tiwi “to rush with force ;” the roaring 


, 


of a landslide or falling rocks liuna, of other elementary noises shtchayé- 
shla, of the wind yéwa, the cracking of plants, rotten wood, ete., walta, the 
rustling, crackling of hay, straw, dry bulrushes, ete, ktishkusha. “To 
beat a drum” is udinténa; “to ring,” when said of a little bell, litiza, v. 


* To raitle when said of the rattlesnake is shuatchaltchna, its rattle: shla-imugsh. 


ROOTS AND DERIVATIVES. 7TO1 


int®., hence the clapper of the bell is named liti-izatko “making noise ;” tintan 
liluiza “little bells are tinkling.” ‘The sizzling of hot water” is tchiyé-a, 
tchia-a, a derivative of ya-a, and the sputtering out of steam inclosed in 
burning wood is mpampat’ta, the cracking of the wood mpatchitchka. La- 
ulawa is said of the clattering noise made by dry substances, as bones, 
striking against each other. 


VI. ROOTS WITH THEIR DERIVATIVES. 


There is no better means of showing the mode of word-derivation in a 
language than to unite and class all the derivatives of one root systematic- 
ally under the heading of that root. The functions and frequency of each 
derivational means employed, as aftixation, reduplication, voealic change, 
or the compounding of words then appear at once and illustrate each other 
mutually. Seme roots of the Klamath language have given origin to fam- 
ilies of derivatives of wonderful extent, and the stems or bases formed by 
them have branched off into different directions again, so that the progeny 
or offspring has expanded into a startling multiplicity. The association of 
ideas and the branching out of one idea from another often bear a peculiar 
stamp which will surprise those not accustomed to Indian thought. Many 
of the verbal radices quoted below gave origin to transitive as well as in- 
transitive verbs; some show a predilection for prefixation, others for suffix- 
ation. Vocalic changes are not infrequent in the radix, and many of them 
can be explained by a weakening of the vowel through a lengthening of the 
word and the shifting of the accent consequent upon it. 

The items given below do not aim at any degree of completeness, but 
are intended only to serve as specimens of derivation. They will give a 
general idea of the method which has to be followed whenever a complete 
“root-dictionary” of this upland tongue should be attempted, a task which 
ean be undertaken only at a future time, when a much larger stock of 
vocables and texts has been gathered among the individuals speaking both 
dialects. 

Ena to bring, to carry, originally referred to a plurality of objects only, 
but its use has extended over a wider range, so that the verb may pass for 
being the generic term for to carry. The number of prefixes which con- 


702 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


nect themselves with éna is remarkably large, as will be seen from the list 
following: dna to take away from, abstract, with ania and other derivatives ; 
kéna it is snowing, lit. ‘it is carrying (snow) obliquely, or from the sides”; 
kshéna to carry something long in the arm or arms, as a baby, a load of 
wood, straw, grass, etc., whence kshtn hay; léna to carry a round object, or 
to travel upon something round, as the wheels of a wagon, car, etc.; hence 
eléna, kléna (1) to carry fire by means of a stick burning at the end and 
swung in a circle; (2) fo hop, viz., ‘to swing one’s body ina circular way” (a 
derivative of this being klukalgi); shléna to move something in a circle, or in 
a round orbit, as is done with the small rubbing stone or lipaklish (Mod.), 
shilaklkish or pé’ksh (K1.), upon the mealing stone or lématch; ef. lentko. 
The verb shlin to shoot appears to be originally the same word as shléna, 
though now differentiated from it in signification; it may have referred at 
first to the curved or round path in the air described by the arrow when 
impelled by the relaxation of the bowstring. Néna to carry something thin 
and to move something flat, as the wings; pana fo dive, plunge; piéna to scrape 
sideways really means ‘to carry or bring upon the ground toward oneself.” 
There is another verb shléna differing from the one above as to the origin 
of its prefix, and signifying fo take along garments, mantles, ete., or some- 
thing soft or pliant. Sténa is fo carry in a bucket, pail, or other portable 
vase of this sort. Shuéntch baby-board, in Modoe baby, is lit. “what is ear- 
ried on oneself,” and presupposes a verb shuéna, which is not recorded. 
But there is a verb wéna to wear out, to use up, as garments, the original 
function of it being apparently ‘‘to wear, to carry upon oneself.” A verb 
tchéna to go, walk, serves in Modoc to express a plurality of subjects walk- 
ing or going; cf. Grammar, page 439. 

‘na also forms derivatives with some suffixes; enfa fo carry to some- 
body, e’mpéli, for énapéli, to convey back or home, and ni spirit-land, place 
where spirits are being carried or wafted ; cf. the Latin: manes, from manare 
lo be moved. Ema to bring, hand over, said of infants, contains the same 
radix e- with the suffix -ma of motion upon the ground, and forms a large 
number of derivatives by means of compound suffixes. 

Ewa to be. full of, to be filled up by, refers especially to water, liquids, 


and such substances as sand, seeds, food, ete., and forms a family of words 


ROOTS AND DERIVATIVES. 703 


very instructive in regard to its prefix-elements. In its signification and 
derivatives it closely approaches i’wa, but must be distinguished from it, as 
iwa refers more specially to something being inside. Ewa forms ¢-ush, 
i’-ush lake, sheet of water, with its diminutive ewaga little lake, and a large 
number of verbs, some of which assume transitive functions, as ¢wa does 
itself when it signifies to empty upon. As an impersonal verb it means fo be 
satiated with; hence €-una to fill oneself with food, ewisi to digest, e-undla to 
defecate. From éwa descends quite a family of terms distinct by their pre- 
fixes, as the verbs yéwa, kshéwa, léwa, néwa, péwa, stéwa, shuéwa, tchéwa. 
Yéwa to burrow really means the filling of the den with winter provisions 
by the rodents which excavate the dens, yé-ush, the prefix i-, y- pointing 
to a multitude of long objects. Kshdéwa to put upon or place inside refers to 
one long or animate object only; ef. Dictionary, page 147. Of léwa, which 
differs somewhat from lfwa, q. v., the original signification is to be in the 
midst of a circle, or to be within something round; then to form a cluster, to 
be or exist together in the shape of bunches, clusters, grapes, the prefix 1- 
being indicative of round shape. Thus lé-usham, d. lelé-usham flower de- 
scribes ‘‘what is in a cluster;” pushptshli liwayaks is the pupil of the eye. 
Néwa to form a sheet is said of large water-sheets, prairies, and level lands; 
hence né-ush tilled ground, né-utko field, né-upka to run into a lake, said of 
rivers; knéwa to let the fish-line float on the water over day or night, the 
oblique direction of the pole or line being indicated by the prefix k-. Kné- 
udshi is the object causing the line to float; this being made of light bark, 
the term finally came to mean bark. Péwa to be in the water refers to ani- 
mate beings, and passes into the signification of bathing or swimming and 
washing oneself in cold water, péwash bathing place; stéwa is to mix a sub- 
stance with a liquid, and may be used in reference to kneading dough. 
Shuéwa is a medial verb coming nearest in signification to knéwa to ish 
with the line, to angle; its derivatives being shué-ush, shué-udsha, shuc-utka. 
Tchéwa means to float, as aquatic birds; when said of men it refers to a 
plurality of them, and belongs to géwa to go into the water; cf. page 43%. 
Tchiwa to form a body of water is identical in meaning with éwa (1) and (2) 
in Dictionary, and forms tchi’wish standing water, pool, or spring, techiwizi 
to put a liquid into a vase so as not to fill it, and tehi’pka to‘be full of or to 
contain water or some other liquid, it being a contraction of tchiwipka. 


704 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


Tpsna, itsa to carry, transport, to make go, to remove, appears as a verb 
assuming various prefixes, but also figures as a suffix or rather as a part of 
suffix in others. Originally it referred, and still does so in many instances, 
to a plurality of long-shaped objects, especially people, and ktchi’dsha to 
crawl, creep along the ground, stands for kshidsha, and in fact represents the 
singular form of the verb. Edsha means to suck, extract by sucking, but 
refers to blood, water, and milk (¢dshash) only, while hintchna has reference 
to other objects. Thus fdsha forms transitive as well as intransitive verbs, 
one verb being often used in both senses. Thus pitcha is to become extinct 
(fire), but its medial form spitcha is used for to extinguish, put out, to drag 
behind or to pull after oneself, besides the intransitive to go out. WKidsha is 
to crawl, creep, and to swim under the water's surface, to dive, originally ‘to 
make go sideways;” hence kidshash fin and ktidsha dorsal back fin and gud- 
geon. More distantly derived from kidsha are kintchna to walk, march, move 
in a file, skintchna to crawl, creep, for which Modoc has szidsha, and ki-insh, 
ki’nsh wasp. Médsha to migrate, to travel refers especially to the prairie, lit. 
“to remove in a curvilinear direction,” hence the medial form shemashla éo 
migrate with one’s family, and the derivative kima’dsh aunt, lit: ‘the one moy- 
ing obliquely.” Another derivative, shni’dsha, also pronounced tchni’dsha, 
means ‘“‘to go forward in a straightout direction.” The original function of 
fdsha to carry, transport has become reflective in the verb médsha, but re- 
appears in midsho spoon, “what serves for carrying (to the mouth).” 

[ka to take out, remove from, is another prolific derivative of the radix 
i-, and like fdsha, fla, fta has formed a good number of derivatives by pre- 
fixation. Thus we have ¢-ika, efya to put the head out, ktchtka to crawl off, 
viz. “to take oneself out obliquely,” nik’ka, nika to put the arm or arms out, 
spii’ka to lie spread out on the ground, spika to draw, pull out, spikanash 
needle, spiika to put the feet out and to lie down, shika to drive out of, if this 
is not the medial form of htika to run at; finally tchika fo leak. The verbs 
and nouns formed by suffixation from fka are all arranged in alphabetic 
order in the Dictionary; they are tkaga, ikaytla, fkaks, fkampéli and fkna, 
yikashla, fkla and iklash, ikta, iktcha, fkuga and ikudkpéli with kshékuga 

KKAK9, KAKU bone is a term which reappears with a nasalized initial in 


ngak, nkak top of the head, skull top, which joined to gi to produce, to make, 


ROOTS AND DERIVATIVES. TO5 


to do forms the verb nka‘kgi, nzakgi to give birth. In searching after the 
origin of this term, the fact suggests itself that in delivery the top of the 
infant’s head usually appears first; but we may attach to it perhaps a 
widely different interpretation: fo produce bones, kak’ gi, in view of the be- 
lief current among several tribes that life really resides in the bones, and 
not in the flesh, nerves, or blood; or that man has two souls, one of which 
remains after death in his body. In the Tonkaweé language of Texas to 
be born is nikaman yekéwa ‘“‘to become bones.”* In fact, after decease the 
skeleton frame of a person outlasts all other parts of the body, and should 
the soul remain in it this is reason enough to explain the universal dread 
about the revenge of the one buried. This is one of the great causes ac- 
counting for the reluctance of many Indians to refer to anything recalling 
the memory of the deceased. Kako is formed by reduplication of the radix 
ka, ko, ku which we find in many verbs of biting: kéka to bite, ko-tyua 
(plur. of obj.), ko-itchatchta, kékanka, shkéks, shukéka, kuatchala (Diction- 
ary, pages 514. 515), and a few others not in the Dictionary, as kowakii’- 
kala to eat holes into, to gnaw to pieces, to spoil by gnawing; kuakikakiamna 
to go around an object while eating of it. The radix is not reduplicated in 
kata to gnaw, kii’dsho chin, kuadtcha to bite off small pieces, kudtchaka to bite 
into, kua‘ka to bite or tear off from, kwi'ldsha to erode, kwii’shka to bite off, 
kttpka to bite or eat repeatedly, ké-ish rattlesnake. he jaw is our organ for 
biting, and is called kako just like the bone. 

LAma to be dizzy, giddy, drunk, bewildered, and to curse contains a radix 
lam-, the primitive signification of which is that of turning in a circle, re- 
volving, reeling. This will appear from the following derivatives: lématch 
(for lamo’tkish) the Indian mealing stone or Mexican metate (Aztec: metlatl), 
upon which the shilaklgish or rubbing-stone, flat below, is moved in circular 
lines for grinding seeds and grains. The term for thunder, lémé-ish, shows 
that this phenomenon of nature was likened to the circular motion of roll- 
ing rocks or something heavy, for ’ména, léména it thunders is from laména. 
Lémewilzya means to be moved off by circular motion, as logs in a river. Lem- 
léma, the iterative reduplication of lima, is to be dizzy, to reel, limlemsh, 
with vocalic dissimilation, dizziness, giddiness, but lim spirituous liquor is 


*Cf. Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. I, 237 sq. and II, 68 (Cambridge, Mass., 1888. 1889). 
45 


. 


TO6 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE, 


derived from rum through the Chinook jargon. ShldAmia is to feel bewildered, 
deeply aggrieved by the loss of a relative or friend ; hence also to mowrn some- 
body’s death. Cf. lémé’sham and leméwalicksh in the Dictionary. 

Nuva to burn, to blaze up, v. intr. and impers., can turn into a transitive 
verb to destroy by fire. Its numerous derivatives are remarkable by the 
vocalic changes which the radix nu- is undergoing in them. The vowel u- 
is preserved in the noun ntit and its diminutive nitak, the small seed of the 
glycerium-grass, which explodes when heated; also in niyua and nitkolua 
to shine from a distance. The causative form of the latter verb is shnatkolua. 
Nitka or néka to roast, cook, and to become ripe, forms nukéla to shrink by 
heat, shni’ya to parch, nékla to roast or boil on the hot coals; nytita and 
nytitagia (for noktita ete.), to burn at the bottom of a cooking vessel; by a 
vocalic change we get shnikanua to allow time for ripening and its iterative 


e, not to fruits or seeds only. 


>) 


shnikanudnka, which is also applied to fishin 
Other derivatives of shni’ya are shnitchfza to fry and shnitchkua, v. trans., 
to broil, to fry, to dry such substances as meet, etc. The medial form of 
ntita: shniita, is transitive only: to burn, to build a fire, and to parch, and 
from it are derived shnttya, abbr. shnuti, v. intr., fo burn, to shine; also when 
noun: polar light; shnuitimpka to keep burning, shniish a peculiar smoke or 
fog appearing at times in the northwest and ascribed by the natives to deities; 
shnutchéka to burn or singe to death, a verb compounded of the two stems 
nu- and tchék- in tehdéka to die; shntikia to build a fire next to something, as 
a wall, hole, tree. The vowel a appears in other derivatives of the same 
radix, as in natchaka v. intr. to melt by heat and its causative shnatchika, v. 
trans., fo melt, dissolve by fire-heat, as wax; ndtspka to be consumed by fire ; 
natkalga to blaze up and its causative shnatkalga to kindle up, set on fire. 
Nahlua, nélua to be burnt on the skin or surface as by the sun, fire, begins 
a series of derivatives showing the vowel e. From it we have the causative 
shnélua to stain, color, dye and the noun shnéluash dye-stuff, coloring matter. 
Shnéka is intransitive and means (1) fo be lit up, to shine, (2) to burn one- 
self, and (3) to burn through; hence shnektipka to shine from above or from a 
distance. Nélka, nélya to be burnt up is probably identical with ni‘Tka @ zs 
dawning, but both are now pronounced with different vowels; nélka gave 


origin to shnélya (for shné-ilya) to seé on fire, to burn down, whence shné- 


ROOTS AND DERIVATIVES. TO7 


ilaksh fire-place, hearth, and lodge. Shnéna is to build a fire when out travel- 
ing; shné-ish camp-fire made on a journey, shneé’nkish the spot where such a 
fire is or was made. Shné’pka (for shné-ipka) to build a camp-fire habitually 
is a usitative verb formed by the suffix -pka; its noun shné-ipaksh usual 
Jire-place, also stands for the lodge or habitation itself, and differs from shné- 
ilaksh only by the circumstance that people stay longer in the latter than 
in the former. Ni'Ika it is dawning is closely connected with nilfwa to burst 
into a light, and refers to the rays of sunlight shooting up from the horizon 
and apparently coming from a burning fire; it forms derivatives like nilakla, 
metathetically for nilkala, to appear first, as daylight, the local name Nilak- 
shi, q. v., nilakldla, nilaklolttmna ; ef. Dictionary, under nilakla. 

This radix nu-, one of the most fecund in forming derivatives in this 
upland language, must be carefully distinguished from another element 
nu-, which signifies to throw and to fly, when round or bulky objects are 
spoken of. It is a contraction from niwa to drive, and is found in nidsha, 
ntlidsha, nutolala, nutédsha, shnuntowd-udsha, and other terms. 

PAua to be or become dry is transitive also: to render dry, to exsiccate, 
and does not apply to the fading processes of the vegetable world only, but 
as well to sickness of men and animals. A relation between disease and 
dryness is traceable in many languages, as disease induces fever, and fever 
is productive of thirst, which is the result of loss of water from the blood ; 
our term sick, the German siech are in fact identical with the Latin siccus 
dry. With the use of three different verbal suffixes the root pa- in paha 
forms paka (through pa’hka), pala (from pahala, pa’hla), pata (from pa’hta). 
The verb paka, among other significations, means fo wither, fade, and to break, 
crack from being dry, and then is usually pronounced mbaka; mbiakla fo be 
parched up, to crack, is transitive also, with change of vowel mbika, ptka; 
when used as a noun, this means dust. Mpzkuala is to dry up on the top, and 
is said of trees. Pii’ka to render dry, to dry out, has special reference to 
thirst, and appears also as an impersonal verb: pii’ka nish I am thirsty, lit. 
‘it makes me dry”; pii’kam is the dry moss growing below trees. Pala to 
be dry and to render dry also forms many derivatives, and in some of their 
number the ’h after the radix pa- is still pronounced, as in the noun pd’hla, 


pala tray, originally ‘implement for drying seeds,” ete., now used for a 


708 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


matted dish, and a sort of scoop or paddle, larger than the shdplash (for sha- 
pwhlash) matted plate, dish, or paddle. Pala also designates the liver, an 
organ of the body which the popular mind puts in close connection with 
the feelings of thirst. Pala-ash is dried food, either flour or bread, palala, 
an inchoative verb: to become dry, palkish dry river bed, palpali (for pélpal-li) 
white, lit. “bleached,” or the color of dry vegetation ; spal, in Modoe tehpél 
ocher, yellow paint, lit. “becoming dry upon somebody,” wapdlash dead tree, 
for upalash ; stépéla and stépalsha to scrape off the fibrous bark of pine-trees, 
lit. “to render dry (pine-trees) on the top ;” stépalsh fiber-bark of coniferze. 
The verb pata it is dry season or summer also became a noun: summer, 
summer-heat, and in the form of pata, mpata, mpatash also means milf, 
spleen. Paha forms pahalka to dry, v. trans., to become dry, v. intr. and to 
suffer of a lingering disease, whence pa’hlaksh emaciated ; pahalka to be per- 
manently sick, papahuatko having dried-up eyes, pvhtchna to be thirsty, pWh- 
pwhsh, pd’hpash earwax, lit. “what turns dry.” 

Piva to disrupt contains a radix pet- resembling in its function that of 
pu- in pui. The derivatives of it are petila to be a midwife and midwife, ef. 
page 375; ktepcéta or ktépta to notch, indent and lepéta to tear off particles 
from the rim of a round object and to mark the ears of cattle; lelpétatko 
indented. This radix also appears with change of vowel in kmapat’hiéna- 
tko wrinkled, furrowed; but petéga, pitéza to break, tear has to be derived 
from téga, ndéga, not from pét’a. 

P’uat, plat up, above, on high, and wpward has formed many derivatives 
without and with vocalic alteration of the radix. Directly derived from it 
are p'laikni ¢/e one being above or coming from the upper parts of, p'laitankni 
(same), ple’ ntana upon the top, plaiwash golden eagle, lit. “the one staying 
high up,” p’letotzi to lift or purse up, especially said of the lips, ete. With 
the vowel ¢ p'lai appears in pélpela to work, which seems to refer to repeated 
lifting of the arms or hands for manual labor; in péclta to put out the tongue, 
pélhipéli to draw the tongue in; the vowel e becomes displaced by anathesis 
in shepalta to touch part of one’s body with the tongue, shepalua to put the 
tongue in and out as a gesture of mockery, shepolamna to carry about on one’s 
shoulders, an act which implies a lifting up like its causative hishplé’mna to 


tow by means of a rope or string slung over the shoulder. With the vowel a 


ROOTS AND DERIVATIVES. ; 709 


the radix appears in pilla to steal, purloin, in Modoe also palna, to which we 
may compare English terms like “to lift cattle,” “shoplifter; ” pdlak, Modoe 
pélak quickly, rapidly, implying a rapid lifting of the feet, palakmaélank at a 
rapid gait. The suffix -peli, -pli, -bli is a form not derived from p’lai, but 
sprung from the pronominal pi directly, as a form parallel to p'lai, and from 
this came pipélangshta on both sides. Pil, pila on him, on her has to be dis- 
tinguished from pil, pila only, but, merely, and from the former p’lu fat, 
grease, seems derived, together with pilui to smell, v. intr., piluyé-ash emitting 
smell or stink, ship'lkanka (and shipalkanka) to go about stinking, p’lin to 
become fat, p’litko fat, adj., shnipélan to fatten. 

Pt1 to cut into strips or fringes forms a basis which has been quite fer- 
tile in all sorts of derivatives. The radix pu- points to a separation or cut- 
ting asunder so as to cause divergence below. We meet it in the noun: 
pt’sh whorl, as seen on the cat-tail, ete., and in its derivatives pt’shak bunch 
of pine-needles, pt’shyam twig of conifers. Pti'ish is a fringe, leather fringe 
when loose; after being fastened to the garment it is called puitléntchish ; 
puash a flour-sack made of cloth. Pukéwish set of fringes, fringe of a skin 
garment, strap and leather belongs to the same radix pu-, which refers as 
well to the diverging of the legs in the human and animal body, as may 
be gathered from terms like pf’shaklish part of leg between hip and knee, 
sptya, Mod., to stretch the legs, pitchka to part the legs or feet and pi'tchta, 
hushpt'tza to touch with the feet, spitchta and hushpatchta to frighten, scare, 
lit. “to make the legs part;” ptitchkanka to move the legs quickly and to hold 
them apart. Very probably pe'tch foot (and leg with smaller animals) is 
of the same radix, though the change of the vowel is not quite plain; ef. 
shepatchtila to place the legs under oneself, and spiéga to help up another on 
his legs. Another prefix occurs in l’bi’ka (for Ipti’ka) to lie on the ground, 
said of round subjects, as roots, bulbs, ete. 

TKAp stalk, stem of plant, maize-stalk appears as -kap in its compounds 
and derivatives, t- being the prefix indicating upright position of one sub- 
ject. Tka-, tga- also forms the radix in the verbs of standing when the 
subject is in the singular number. Kap as a base or stem in the sense of 
stick or pole is found in yankapshtia and kmakapshti to place into an opening 
and to bar an entrance with some long object, as a stick. For stalk and 


710 GRAMMAR OF THE KLAMATH LANGUAGE. 


maize-stalk the Modoe dialect has kép, not tkap; ef. kapala, kApaltcha to be 
about gathering stalks, reeds, ete. In Klamath Lake kapka, a species of low 
pine, Pinus contorta, stands for tkapaga, tkapka, and has a diminutive kap- 
kaga young kapka-pine; for kipka Modoc prefers ki’ga, diminutive of ko’sh, 
ki’sh pine. The radix found in kapata to reach up to, gaptcha to hide or go 
behind is ka-, related to géna to go and not to kap. 

T’sui’N or téshi’n, d. t’shi’t’shan and ti’t’shan to grow applies to men and 
animals only, kédsha to plants. Though intransitive, this verb is a parallel 
to tchiya to give to somebody a liquid, as water, milk; t’shin therefore means 
to be brought up with milk, water, ete., in the earliest stage of life. Cf. 
tpéperv to feed on milk, to feed, to curdle. From that verb comes t’shishap 
Kl father, like rpogos nurse from rpéperv; the Modoc form p’tishap recalls 
the distributive form tit’shan of t’shin. The circumstance that the father or 
progenitor is only called the ‘‘feeder,” “nourisher,” throws an interesting 
light upon the primitive conditions once existing among these western In- 
dians ; besides this, p’gishap mother really means “the maker.” From t’shi’n 
are further derived: (1) t’shika to grow old, to be old, and as a noun: old man. 
Its diminutive t’shika-dga is short old man and parent. (2): ndshilo, dim. 
ndshiluaga female animal, lit. “the suckler, feeder.” (3): hishtatcha, the 
‘ausative form of t’shi’n, to bring up, raise, said of children and the young 
brood of animals. 

Wiixra fo plait. A series of words begitining with w- possesses in com- 
mon the signification of twisting, plaiting, but varies considerably in regard 
to the vowel following the initial sound, thus forming thematic roots like 
wa-, we-, wi-; the real radix is apparently u-, which as a component of 
diphthongs turns into w-. We also find that, e. g., wapdlash dead tree is a 
transformation of upalash, washdélalya for huhashdlalya, watakia for utakia. 
From the form wa- the radix u- forms terms like wapil'ma to tie, twist, or 
wind around, wiptash water running through ponds and small lakes with 
visible motion resembling a twisting, waptashi-iga rope twisted out of grass, 
stalks, ete., wikogsh bucket, called so because of the hoops winding around 
it, wikshna moccasin, viz., garment tied around the feet. The diphthong 
we- stands as initial in wékta ¢o plait, whence wéktash (K1.) plait of females, 


for which Modoc has wiktash, a form less original than wcéktash; wépla to 


ROOTS AND DERIVATIVES. flit 


wind something around, to wrap up, envelop; weplakiamna to bend or coil up, 
to form rings; wépiaks middle part of bow, because strengthened by leather 
tied around it: wipka overshoe or cover of shoe consisting of twisted material. 
From witchya, v. tr., to wind around as a rope, are derived witchkatko 
mountain ridge «nd witchiak, the Modoc term for rainbow, both named after 
their winding shape. 

Wira fo blow at contains a radix wi- meaning fo blow, but greatly vary- 
ing in its significations according to the suffixes that may become connected 
with it. Wita and witna form witka to blow out of, witzndla to cease blowing 
out of; the basis wika to blow out, to emit air, gave rise to the derivatives 
wikansha to blow across, to sweep over, and to wiklawi to blow in a side direc- 
tion, to drift along the ground, and to wiknish felltale, tattler, one ‘who 
blows at somebody.” Wili is to blow or waft through, wildla to blow into the 
fire. Witcha refers to continual blowing, and forms witchdéla to cease to blow, 
witchulina to blow underneath, witchuyektamna to blow something up contin- 
ually (implying an inchoative verb witchuyéga), and witchtka to continue 
blowing in return, forms witchtaks tempest, storm. Finally we have wina, 
which, with the suffix -na indicating gradual process and short distance, 


means fo sing, lit. ‘to blow at intervals ;” 


windta to sing im a chorus, espe- 
cially when the song is started by the conjurer. The medial form shuina 
to sing referred originally to a solo chant, but now applies to choruses as 
well; its noun shui’sh is not song only, but also magic song effecting cures 
of disease and obtained by inspiration through dreams. For the other 


derivatives of wina and shuina see Dictionary. 


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