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COSMOS:

A SKETCH

PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE UNIVERSE.

BY

ALEXANDER VON HUMBOLDT.

TRANSLATED FROM THE ‘GERMAN,

BY £. C. OTTER.

Naturz vero rerum vis atque majestas in omnibus momentis fide caret, si quis modo partes.
ejus ac non totam complectatur animo.—Plin., Hist. Nat., lib, vil. c. 1.

VOL. I.

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1849.

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V

CONTENTS OF VOL. II.

PART I.

INCITEMENTS TO THE STUDY OF NATURE.
Page
THE IMAGE REFLECTED BY THE EXTERNAL WORLD ON THE IMAGINA-
NION.—POETIO. DESCRIPTION OF NATURE.—LANDSCAPE PAINTING.
—THE CULTIVATION OF EXOTIC PLANTS WHICH CHARACTERISE THE
VEGETABLE PHYSIOGNOMY OF THE VARIOUS PARTS OF THE
NEC BI Neda RS Si a egineh ALI ape Rem byt > 370-872

L. Description of nature.—The difference of feeling excited by the
contemplation of naiure at different epochs, and amongst dif-

SMMNNGG SECON OF TMM 357 ea ons Firs vo Sasi audann ddspdadieadehnsonssaane 372--439
Descriptions of nature by the ancients .............0...cscceeeseeeeeereees 373
Descriptions of nature by the Greeks ................ceecesee pia kacmatien 375
Descriptions of nature by the Romans ... ..............ccesecceeesesesses O89
Descriptions of nature in the Christian fathers ............ccec.0eee0ee 393
Descriptions of nature by the Indians .................. ccc cecececeesee ees 397
Descriptions of nature by the Minnesingers......................0c00000. 899
Descriptions of nature by the Arian races .............ccceeceeseeeeeees 403
Natural descriptions by the Indians ............... 0... cece cceceesceeesees 405
Natural descriptions in the Persian writers .................c.eeccceeeees 409
Natural descriptions in the Hebrew writers............ 0.0... ccececcee ees 411
MT ONIN 5 3h Onc vie vce en ckees bhp acds ogccab seh cA var dovesvagered ae eiaetes 413
MEMEO OF 000 APES 8285S SC ES uae 5, hows ae Latceeks So Chedeatetet tbe 415
NN NS OINONDEOD, Ai: acini cores ea sna dscdasecdcdade see eabdeee 417
Descriptions of nature in early Italian poets ..............cceecee eee ees 419
Descriptions of nature by Columbus ...................cccececeeeeeeeceeees 421
Descriptions of nature in Camoens’ Lusiad ................... (4s Ide 425
Descriptions of nature in Ercilla’s Araucana ...........0...0.0.0c cee eee 427
MUMPORORI en tLs3 hoc 62. 52.01265 coudes scadectdndaccanack saa dsdacicde elogedadei te 429
Modern prose writers ..............0.. Sets, 9 OD er Ree A ST bone kee 431
Travellers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries .................. 435
Modern travellers ...... hse ckases tina cuekebdeertie abe Se hoot ce wteaep take 437
RNID is 2k snd ipcacndiapdadig dic cidddc diced heséndkg dedévecigdeveckarsccaae 439

character and aspect of vegetation in differcnt zones ...... 440-457
Landscape painting among the ancients .................ceeeeeeceecee eee. 443
rOnern: Nake VO oo. 3) oo cet i 445
Landscape painting of sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ......... 447
MUG OE SAGRRIDED 225... ssi Docasavens oc0sz wlenpoead es ode ced sdesncee 449
Tntroduction of hot-houses in our garden .......0....ccecccceeceeeeeseeuee 450
The treasures open to the landscape painter in the tropies............ 451

V1 CONTENTS.

Page
The perfection of art in Greece ..........c.cscsesseececsescosccocsecseoessas 453
The condition of art in more modern times. ...............2c.escee cesses 454
PERO HIAOL BECRONY 5.) Zini. ioalchaatironlun paekokeas et aves ties cca ae 455
RATT BE 8 ae piss dp ox Since avn UR RRD TOR Oe ale ci le woigatl abe 457

Ill. Cultivation of tropical plants—Contrasts and assemblages of
vegetable forms.—I ba ese induced api the piusoonense and

character of the vegetation. .........s.sccceececccecercencersesere 458-465
RR MATNIONEE Savas slndagane nee osc cacasihie ERO A 461
Chinese parks ahd: gardens... ... 00.2... os 2s cehocsavnsvescecascncaenens 463.
Physiognomy of nature ...... As upiect sh dsece¥ oan SSREREaR Sea Etcas mae 465

PART IL

HISTORY OF THE PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE.—
PRINCIPAL CAUSES OF THE GRADUAL DEVELOPMENT AND
EXTENSION OF THE IDEA OF THE COSMOS AS A NATURAL

RRO ee! 208 eS SAEs ee acetates sad ae 466-479
The knowledge of nature amongst the ancients .................cceeees 469
Events which have been the means of extending a knowledge of

OD Le! ka tne devies sieve 4pUatgie cas dea 470
Qareparative philology. ..,... ...-.<ariedascdovaes concnsinne cdceiace eas scams 471
The idea of the unity of the Cosmos........... Jesse csecee see cceceereeee 474
History based on human testimony knows of no primitive race ... 475
Ancient reats of civilisation: ....../4. beck, pckde de cennetneensecauenbone 479

PRINCIPAL MOMENTA THAT HAVE INFLUENCED THE HISTORY OF THE
PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE .........2..0esee0ee-e. 480

I. The Mediterranean considered as the starting point ......... 480-517
Civilisation in the valley of the Nile................ceceececceeseecceetenee 485
The cultivation of the Phoenicians...... ..........:-ceecceeenceeceseeberenes 490
ROOMY TEAEGS 5.550 sas 555s chs ndatiswnn eee spansasa acdc sncnens ns Seana 493
The geographical myth of the Elysion ................cccescececeneeeenens 496
The expeditions of Hiram and Solomon .........,......:2scsceeceeereees 499
The Ophir (El Dorado) of Solomon .................:.2eeeeceenereteuer ene 501
PIER, FUT TBORDS |. s 5 aci0 v0.0 connnaniabaeaey anrnnitice mn seeesnens «nbinn sap inn 502
The highly-gifted Hellemic races ............2-.-ssaccacececconeresseepenss 504
The landscape OF CRGRL'. 2. oa ocnkes scnse> +0 napeckson ost sonenebe teeene na 506
The three events which extended the knowledge of the universe ... 507
The extent of inland traffic................... somal eanadtateaeehes ss cane 510
MES Doric migrations |: .iccesckeses o+- s+ s000e a desaeeeemenelens> yetehamneae 512
Ginitact with ‘the Bast... 00)... :-<'s-0>sedipaneke anche psenoen<sceeaneaies 513
The passage beyond the Pillars of Hercules .................2.sesceseeeee 515

Il. Hapeditions of the Macedonians under Alexander the Great 517-535
The foundation of Greek cities in Asia,............. iadimeceretels jetine 188

CONTENTS. vii
Page
The vast sphere of new ideas opened to mankind by the acne
of Alexander ..... . 520
The countries through which the Macedonians passed... Gil) SEZ
The natural products first made known ......... ch nanos 3 bowing cbt
I ono a cha nde tonnes sosubpdibiaehanteeaisbeding tusAnseens ustedes Mpeaas 525
The men of Aristotle’s school ............--.seessecseseeseeeseenceessseee O2D
BEN CONMMIURIOGT, OF TROOK wc cnisn cs wre Seg mw awernn veteoraign god can dan pase owe 531
The schools of Babylon ..... NAPA ayes ep meen OR
Alexander's advance to the land of the Five Rivers .................- 534
Ill. Zxtension of the contemplation of the universe under the Ptole-
ME Siocic sacs se cceuasuteaegiipureccdsieeds xenon asMinibiraensineahahs 536-546
The three great Ptolemies .. 537
The caravan trade, its influence in “extending a knowledge ‘of dif-
SORAT CORI TIOS: «lec Soa tea ndard ccd hanes Sab oobienntbiddn ad todbanntnges 538
Proofs of the commercial relations maintained by the Egyptians ... 540
The tendency of the schools of Alexandria .,...........-ceceeenseeceeees 541
The foundation of the Alexandrian Museum. ..............ccssseeeeeees 542
The Alexandrian aAStronOMers .......-.sssre-ncssnscongaccodageras cavers end 543
The slow advance of astronomy from those remote ages to its
pea TAT ERA oo ok aia oh 5 nth ae ceed onvcn shoes eoadiiees = enseaal 546
IV. Universal dominion of the Romans .......2..2. 202 ccecee seen 547-568
The extent of the area of the Roman dominions.......................5 548

The few observers of nature who appeared at this period ............ 550
The greatness of the national character of the Romans ............... 551

Diffusion. of the Latin tongue... ... 2.2.02. ce sseces vesevcccssnsesncesesens 552
The expeditions undertaken by Asiatic rulers................2.....0000 553
The works of Strabo and Ptolemy..................ccsccscceeceecseveeseeene 555
The way-measurers in use amongst the Chinese .................. Beas 559
er opeieal inquiries of Ptolemy: 2.2.) 05/505. cies cc.ceeesidsseendedvonaes 561
The botanical gardens of the Romans ......-.........eececeeeeeeeeeeeeees 568
ane Eastoria Naturales of Pliny 2.2.2.5. . .o.-6.6cenge sdsaadeaeesnng> an 564
Reference to the influence exercised by the establishment of Chris-
Oe o bias tices au gacgakeakeh a anne <p dseauccn renal iia detane 568
Pee WOMRUOW OE CAE AVADE ooo sc.-.cncannnddvcescce saanparcnss eee deqnss 569-600
Principal momenta of the recognition of the unity of nature......... 569
BN eee ee ace taitedh tau beed aban 571
emetral: products Gk Amaia 2... iccicdstedaaciacs dnee- ose cocnsdceoeael beans 574
emai Liles tis ASRS poco nak Lik saecunaentep~ ctawne ad saisnabe oy ROAR 577
Merttal culture of the ATADR ....2cc.<icececestece see ose ccnns ans nscoaedealgie 578
PNNAT SROMTODLOIR ooo acuse sacs dacs han ab dah yoidude neseabaeale 584
memeammed. men: Of APRDIG) oi 5c55..dacesc++c0sovnssecgesndsbamexbaennegin 587
Astronomical works of the Arabs .,.........+seccseceesesssnseseeeceseeress 593
SCE OF MOMDOME, ....,.0<clidacvvabunses ane deaedonkel dbonMarokdesae esa 597
VI. Period of Oceanic discoveries... .....cccccccccececceecceccecceces “OOF 980
The fifteenth century, its tendencies .............sceeceeceecseesecesdddes 601
The first discovery of America . sstisgh sade addedaawcdaas@a ene eee

Vili CONTENTS,

Page
The conjectured discovery of America by the Irish... Sicog ews oth NRE
eA PUMICE OL THISMIONSNIG oo soca de Maeeclacas sass beDeeceeasecencs 608
The traces of Gaelic supposed to be met with in American dialects 609
The re-discovery of America by Columbus ..................ceeceeeee eee 612
The discovery of tropical America ..........s0ccccscceescocserassencsoves 614
Albertus Magnus, Bacon, and Vincenzius of Beauvais ............... 615
Realists and Nominalists ...... Gohice legs) opts paetn ere
The encyclopzedic works of the fifteenth ‘century... doa'vaassekeensee name
the revival of Greek literature \. 2.23025... ...005. 0 iicedaeceod cca cseaceoes 622
POIpOriant Svante iN ASIA 2555065 05.05 5 25.4. non duaeamuanps coberomaene eae 624
Karly travellers ............ dedsy cdieahdgparesesstss4 See eRaeN ed ele agate aaa 625
MEMEO TE O10 BE NATTALIVOD )o 003. 225.55 < ieetnan a5 do scone de puslgeae ions con aMeede 626
ee OF tho magnetic noodle o.oo... ... 00 ..ser- oes nsepunedanucesbnsube 628
The supposed inventor of the mariner’s compass ...................220+8 629
Application of astronomy to navigation ............cccs ee eeeene cee eeees 630
Meereyr UO AMRMICTA |... .5....2.-20>-> +005 ccnceestanespeath nanan eee aan 635
The charts consulted by Columbus ................decceeceece ce ceeeeeee 638
The characteristics of Columbus ............... cee ceccecceecescenereereace 639
The discovery and navigation of the Pacific................0.sceeeeeee eee 643
The first circumnavigation of the earth ............ 2.2 ccecee cee eeeeee ees 647
EEG LOR OMIMUBBORON fis <i scan nasties Weaken somiey ooops ceeceke ne comme 648
The discovery of the Sandwich Islands, &. ..................ccecee eee eee 649
Spanish travellers in the new continent ............... cee ceecee senor eee 651
Teed Tie Of GOTAaPCAION - 65 c. cosn nosis inne civ voniecrnascmesbawersnn styonanle 655
Line without magnetic variation ...............ceccecceccscceteecceceesecs 656
PR IRR TIOGICS TIES |.) 755. ronsbs tee sbedss¥os cos dbasitaus tiempo sbinbes ge acnnman 659
eae Ue Of Perpetual SNOW. 2s. 65.15.05 5ios eas wes ecbassvaeenvedivececwasnepeney 660
PRAM COMBLGTIAN CHYFENG |... 5). 5.00605 s000seadeunoades daveheievedes akecuenieilen 662
The first descriptions of the southern constellations .................. 664
The coal-bags and the Magellanic clouds ..................ceeeeeeeeeeeees 665
PS MTENEEN CLORS .5.., 5:5. o oss: <n pe dans Chapdoouenels dip tanisbyccdiet esate 666
The determination of the ship’s place ...............ccececeeeceeeeeeeeeee 67
EMO ALC OLED CONGR sick wend ep aneacactescotcesans nel geecencen anette 675
VII. Great discoveries in the Heavens ........0c.ccceceecceteeceeees 681-737
TUM MEROMOO IE 65 co uikc-s cnn dciew dice sionedep Gert bined ode ucenaspate sete te esns cs aaa 681
The weventeanth contaryi.. so... ciel e sti aksoscdeceecstesdeecseesroomaie 682
VESNEIE RUOIMEMIOUR 0. acdc y balietc eens evesvaenssaeeesneacsebs suaeieae sae 683
The different stages of the development of cosmical contemplation 689
The theory of eccentric intercalated spheres ...............cceseeeee ees 697
The great men of the sevententh century...............c.2.ceeeeeeeeee eee 698
The accidental discovery of the telescope ............2...:-seeeeeeeeeeeeee 699
WOIGRCOPIC CISCOVETIOS... 5. oe voeuendoscscies «ass oav'cna due ton taeee ena ea eee arene 702
The discovery of. Jupiter's satellites .....5.......ccescedsceces-bocbevcsens 704
NO BPOts UPON the SUN. .... 66si..dissave :«0 jn danseanomsaeumegaete hevecs tn maeay 706
RN Ra Sade eae Five ovecnsnnyhenpebaiensdind euckin teactnnel 708
PME 2 cigs ogee sisin dons + vu uns'ses oibsneieeemeeaaeames oil Sinmesspeenend 709

RR SONAR) TE oo ss0 ens veosscunnnheavnges eeewonieeees yulcivaebas sees 712

CONTENTS. 1x

: Page
Polarization and interference of light .......s.ccccccsesesceseceesseseeee TLS
MMU VELOCIUY OF FIGIE 0... cccencecss coccceascacsonesoeteucursonacseen 716
NN co Ps as si aah ani h de lénibioncaeis IRs pxiendp ie samen 717
Edmund Halley . ssc Maia Rensbartnadidarcnnsdecentaky ars. tae
Land and sea expeditions toes PCAN egk yevbansshek s Cenokdad eoale'c ohh, earieaie 720

Instruments for measuring heat...............cccscecccccesceccccesccserceee COL
MNES FORA i. 5 eM, Ue taping vive h one's caleghiond detaanaceiaan abaneeh. Rae

RE NO SBCILORLG 2.5 susgttbindsalbcsa ios Nanette ivsnamapnansisas dey sle sus puis 727
MURGUMIDTIG CROTOIBELY 0. cnacevadessess soncsacsschsaeaseh seevenstoore bonnnsane 728
SNRONTAE DROTOMODS, occa. cis lw ca ccasncnpentonsaeser ceatea cas qnnsbeaaspns 732
The charm inherent in mathematical studies ................:0e0ec00e TOU
VIII. Retrospect of the epochs considered ..........ceseeeeeesvereess 738-742
MMNROUNTONL 5... avn ives pated thdetesmaleckex vad apseabsudagerdaces.ekancahe 738
The power of penetrating space... ........c.ecseccoeccerensrccoeccncsecseces 739
Early gems of natural knowledge ...............ssssesscccsscesecccesascees 740

The advance of various sciences ............... po Ae pg a LD, 741

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SUMMARY. [xi] |

Vor. II.
GENERAL SUMMARY OF THE CONTENTS.

A. Incitements to the Study of Nature. The image reflected by the

external world on the imagination . ; 7 . pp. 370-372 ¢
1. Poetic delineation of nature. The feeling entertained for nature
according to difference of times and races . pp. 372-439 -
Il. Landscape Painting. Graphical arensietes of the physio-
gnomy of vegetation . : ‘ . pp. 440-457
Ill. Cultivation of exotic —. tinstheoalid apposition of vegetable
forms F , - pp. 458-465

B. History cf the gigas linseenlasion of the universe. Principal
momenta of the gradual development and extension of the idea of
the Cosmos as one naturalwhole . . d . pp. 466-479

I. The Mediterranean the starting-point of the attempts at an advance
towards the north-east, (by the Argonauts), towards the south (to
Ophir), towards the west (by the Phcenicians and Coleus of Samos).
Simultaneous reference to the earliest civilisation of the nations who
dwelt around the basin of the Mediterranean . ’ . pp. 480-517

Il. Campaigns of the Macedonians under Alexander the Great.
Fusion of the East and West. Hellenism furthers the blending of
nations from the Nile to the Euphrates, the Jaxartes and the Indus.
Sudden extension of the contemplation of the Universe by direct
observation, as well as by intercourse with a espinal: civilized industrial
nations : : . pp. 517--536

IIL. Increased cecicansliteion of the unwerse wn. the Ptolemies. Mu-
seum at Serapeum. Encyclopedic learning. Generalisation of natural
views regarding the earth and the meee of a ani Increased maritime
trade towards the south : . . pp. 536-546

IV. Universal dominion of the tele Influence of a political
union on Cosmical views. Advance of geography by means of inland
trade. The development of Christianity oe and fosters the feel-
ing of the unity of the human race ; : . pp. 547-568

V. Irruption of the Arabian Races. Intellectual aptitude of this
branch of the Semitic races. Taste for the study of nature and its
forces. Medicine and chemistry. Extension of physical geography,
astronomy, and the mathematic sciences generally . - pp. 569-600

VI. Period of Oceanic Discoveries—Opening of the western hemi-
sphere. America and the Pacific. The Scandinavians. Columbus,
Cabot, and Gama; Cabrillo, Mendafia, and Quiros, The greatest
abundance of materials now presented itself to the western nations of
Europe for the establishment of physical geography - pp. 601-680

VIL. Period of the great Discoveries in the Regions of Space.—The

[ xii | COSMOS.

application of the telescope. Principal epochs in the history of astro-
nomy and mathematics from Galileo and Kepler to Newton and

Leibnitz ‘ Pre lloky eae . pp. 681-737

VIII. Retrospect. Multiplicity and intimate connection of the scien-
tific efforts of recent times.—The history of the physical sciences becomes -
gradually associated with the history of the Cosmos - pp. 738-741

SPECIAL SUMMARY,

A. Means of incitement to the Study of Nature . - pp. 370-372

I. Poetic delineation of nature. The principal results of obser-
vation referring to a purely objective mode of treating a scientific
description of nature, have already been treated of in the picture of
nature ; we now, therefore, proceed to consider the reflexion of the
image conveyed by the external senses to the feelings and a poetically
framed imagination. The mode of feeling appertaining to the Greeks
and Romans. On the reproach advanced against these nations of
having entertained a less vivid sentiment for nature. The expression
of such a sentiment is more rare amongst them, solely in consequence
of natural descriptions being used as mere accessories in the great forms
of lyric and epic poetry, and all things being brought in the ancient
Hellenic forms of art within the sphere of humanity, and being made
subservient to it. Psans to Spring, Homer, Hesiod. Tragic authors:
fragments of a lost work of Aristotle. Bucolic poetry, Nonnus, Antho-
logy, p. 379. Romans: Lucretius, Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, Lucilius the
younger. A subsequent period, in which the poetic element appears only
as an incidental adornment of thought ; the Mosella, a poem of Ausonius.
Roman prose writers ; Cicero in his letters, Tacitus, Pliny. Description
of Roman villas—p. 389. Changes in the mode of feeling and in their
representation produced by the diffusion of Christianity and by an
anchorite life. Minucius Felix in Octavius. Passages taken from the
writings of the fathers of the Church: Basil the Great in the wilderness
on the Armenian river Iris, Gregory Nyssa, Chrysostom. Melan-
choly and sentimental tone of feeling—pp. 393--396. Influence of the
difference of races manifested in the different tone of feeling pervading
the natural descriptions of the nations of Hellenic, Italian, North Ger-
yanic, Semitic, Persian, and Indian descent. The florid poetic litera-
ture of the three last-named races shows that the animated feeling for
nature evinced by the North Germanic races is not alone to be ascribed
toa long deprivation of all enjoyment of nature through a protracted
winter. The opinions of Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm on the chivalrie
poetry of the Minnesingers and of the German animal epos; Celto-
Jrish descriptions of nature—p. 402. East and west Arian nations
(Indians and Persians). The Ramayana and Mahabharata; Sakuntala
and Kalidasa’s Messenger of Clouds. Persian literature in the Iranian
highlands does not ascend beyond the period of the Sassanidee—
p. 407. (A fragment of Theodor Goldstiicker.) Finnish epie and
songs, collected by Elias Liénnrot from the lips of the Karelians—

SUMMARY. | xiii |

p. 411. . Arameic nations: natural poetry of the Hebrews in which
we trace the reflection of Monotheism—pp. 411--415. Ancient Arabic
poetry. Descriptions in Antar of the Bedouin life in the desert. De-
scriptions of nature in Amrul Kais—p. 416. After the downfall of the
Arameic, Greek, and Roman power, there appears Dante Alighieri,
whose poetic creations breathe from time to time the deepest sentiment
of admiration for the terrestrial life of nature. Petrarch, Bojardo and
Vittoria Colonna. The Mtna dialogus and the picturesque delinea-
tion of the luxuriant vegetation of the new world in the Historie
Yenete of Bembo. Christopher Columbus—p. 421. Camoens’ Lusiad
—p. 424. Spanish poetry: the Araucana of Don Alonso de Ercilla.
Fray Luis de Leon and Calderon, with the remarks on the same of
Ludwig Tieck. Shakspeare, Milton, Thomson—p. 430. French prose
writers: Rousseau, Buffon, Bernardin de St. Pierre and Chateaubriand
—pp. 431--484. Review of the narratives of the older travellers of
the Middle Ages, John Mandeville, Hans Schiltberger, and Bernhard
von Breitenbach; contrast with modern travellers. Cook’s compa-
nion George Foster—p. 437. The blame sometimes justly applied to
descriptive poetry as an independent form does not refer to the attempt
either to give a picture of distant zones visited by the writer, or
to convey to others by the force of applicable words an image of the
results yielded by a direct contemplation of nature. All parts of the
vast sphere of creation, from the equator to the frigid zones, are endowed
with the happy power of exercising a vivid impression on the human
mind, 439.

Il. Landscape painting in its animating influence on the study of
nature.— In classical antiquity, in accordance with the respective mental
direction of different nations, landscape painting and the poetic delinea-
tion of a particular region, were neither of them independent objects of
art. The elder Philostratus. Scenography. Ludius. Evidences of
landscape painting amongst the Indians in the brilliant period of Vi-
kramaditya. Herculaneum and Pompeii. Painting amongst Christians,
from Constantine the Great to the beginning of the Middle Ages; of
landscape painting in the historical pictures of the brothers Van Eyck.
The seventeenth century the most brilliant epoch of landscape painting.
Miniatures on manuscripts—p. 444. Development of the elements
of painting. (Claude Lorraine, Ruysdael, Gaspard and Nicholas Poussin,
Everdingen, Hobbima, and Cuyp.) Subsequent striving to give natural
truthfulness to the representation of vegetable forms. Representation
of tropical vegetation. Franz Post, the companion of Prince Maurice
of Nassau. LEckhout. Requirement for a representation of the phy-
siognomy of nature. The great and still imperfectly completed cos-
mical event of the independence of Spanish and Portuguese America,
and the foundation of constitutional freedom in regions of the chain of
Cordilleras between the tropics, where there are populous cities situated
at an elevation of 14,000 feet above the level of the sea, together with
the increasing civilisation of India, New Holland, the Sandwich Islands,
and Southern Africa, will undoubtedly impart a new impulse and a
more exalted character to landscape painting, no less than to meteoro-

[ xiv | COSMOS.

logy and descriptive geography. Importance and application of Barker's
panoramas. ‘The conception of the unity of nature and the feeling of
the harmonious accord pervading the Cosmos will increase in force
amongst men in proportion to the multiplication of the means for
representing all natural phenomena in delineating pictures.

Ill. Cultivation of exotic forms.—Impression of the physiognomy of
vegetable forms, as far as plantations are capable of producing such an
impression. Landscape gardening. Earliest plantation of parks in
Central and Southern Asia. Trees and groves sacred to the Gods—p. 462.
The gardens of the nations of Eastern Asia. Chinese gardens under
the victorious dynasty of Han. Poem ona garden by the Chinese states-
man, See-ma-kuang, at the close of the 11th century. Prescripts of
Lieu-tscheu. Poem of the Emperor Kien-long, descriptive of nature.
Influence of the connection of Buddhist monastic establishments on the
distribution of beautiful characteristic vegetable forms—p. 465.

B. History of the Physical Contemplation of the Universe-—The
history of the recognition of the universe is wholly different from
the history of the natural sciences, as given in our elementary works on
physics, and on the morphology of plants and animals. Thisis the history
of our conception of the unity of phenomena, and of the reciprocal con-
nection existing amongst the natural forces of the universe. Mode of
treating a history of the Cosmos: a. The independent efforts of reason
to gain a knowledge of natural laws: 6. Cosmical events which have
suddenly enlarged the horizon of observation: c. The invention of new
means of sensuous perception. Languages. Points of radiation from
which civilisation has been diffused. Primitive physics and the natural
science of barbarous nations obscured by civilisation—p. 480.

Principal momenta of a History of a Physical Contemplation of the
Universe.

I. The basin of the Mediterranean the starting point of the attempts
io extend the idea of the Cesmos. Sub-divisions in the form of the
basin. Importance of the form of the Arabian Gulf. Intersection of
two geognostic systems of elevation from N.E. to 8.W., and from 8.8.E.
to N.N.W. Importance of the latter direction of the lines of inter-
section considered with reference to general international intercourse.
Ancient civilisation of the nations dwelling round the Mediterranean.
The valley of the Nile, the ancient and modern kingdom of the Egyptians.
The Phoenicians, a race who favoured general intercourse, were the
means of diffusing alphabetical writing (Phcenician signs), coins as
medium of currency, and the original Babylonian weights and measures..
The science of numbers, arithmetic. The art of navigating by night.
West African colonies—p. 492.

Pelasgian Tyrrhenians and Etruscans (Rasen). Peculiar tendency
of the Etrurian races to maintain an intimate communion with natural
forces; the fulguratores and aquileges—p. 504.

Other anciently civilised races dwelling around the Mediterranean.
Traces of cultivation in the East, under the Phrygians and Lycians;
and in the West, under the Turduli and the Turdetani. Dawn of

SUMMARY. [xv]

Hellenic power. Western Asia the great thoroughfare of nations
emigrating from the East; the Aigean island-world the connecting
link between Greece and the far Hast. Beyond the 48th degree of
latitude, Europe and Asia are fused together as it were by flat steppes.
Pherecydes of Syros, and Herodotus considered the whole of North
Scythian Asia as appertaining to Sarmatian Europe. Maritime power,
and Doric and Ionic habits of life transmitted to the colonial cities
Advance towards the east, to the Huxine and Colchis; first acquaintance
with the western shore of the Caspian sea, confounded according to
Hecatzeus with the encircling eastern ocean. Inland trade and barter
carried on by the chain of Scytho-scolotic races with the Argippzeans,
Issedones, and the Arismaspes, rich in gold. Meteorological myth of
the Hyperboreans. Opening of the port of Gadeira towards the west,
which had long been closed to the Greeks. Navigation of Coleus of
Samos. A glance into the boundless; an unceasing striving for the far
distant; accurate knowledge of the great natural phenomenon of the
periodic swelling of the sea—p. 517.

Il. Campaigns of the Macedonians under Alexander the Great, and
the long-enduring influence of the Bactrian empire.—W ith the exception
of the one great event of the discovery and opening of tropical America
eighteen and a-half centuries later, there was no other period in which
a richer field of natural views, and a more abundant mass of materials
for the foundations of cosmical knowledge, and of comparative ethnolo-
gical study were presented at once to one single portion of the human
race. The use of these materials, and the intellectual elaboration of
matter, are facilitated and rendered of more importance by the direction
imparted by the Stagirite to empirical investigation, philosophical
speculation, and to the strict definitions of a language of science. The
Macedonian expedition was, in the strictest sense of the word, a scien-
tific expedition. Callisthenes of Olynthus, the pupil of Aristotle, and
friend of Theophrastes. The knowledge of the heavens, and of the earth
and its products, was considerably increased by intercourse with Babylon,
and by the observations that had been made by the dissolved Chaldean
order of priests—p. 535.

IIL. Increase of the contemplation of the universe under the Ptolemies.
—Grecian Egypt enjoyed the advantage of political unity, whilst its
geographical position, and the entrance to the Arabian Gulf, brought
the profitable traffic of the Indian Ocean within a few miles of the south-
eastern shores of the Mediterranean. The kingdom of the Seleucid
did not enjoy the advantages of a maritime trade, and was frequently
shaken by the conflicting nationality of the different Satrapies. Active
traffic on rivers and caravan tracks with the elevated plateaux of the
Seres, north of the Uttara-Kuru and the valley of the Oxus. Knowledge
of monsoons. Re-opening of the canal connecting the Red Sea with the
Nile above Bubastus. History of this water route. Scientific insti-
tutions under the protection of the Lagides; the Alexandrian Museum,
and two collections of books in Bruchium and at Rhakotis. Peculiar
direction of these studies. A happy generalisation of views manifests
“teelf, associated with an industrious accumulation of materials. Era-

[xvi | COSMOS.

tosthenes of Cyrene. The first attempt of the Greeks, based on imper-
fect data of the Bematists, to measure a degree between Syene and
Alexandria. Simultaneous advance of science in pure mathematics,
mechanics and astronomy. Aristyllus and Timochares. Views enter-
tained regarding the structure of the universe by Aristarchus of Samos,
and Seleucus of Babylon or of Erythrea. Hipparchus, the founder of
scientific astronomy, and the greatest independent astronomical observer
of.antiquity. Euclid. Apollonius of Perga, and Archimedes—p. 546.
IV. Influence of the universal dominion of the Romans and of their
empire on the extension of cosmical views.—Considering the diversity
in the configuration of the soil, the variety of the organic products,
the distant expeditions to the Amber lands, and under Allius Gallus to
Arabia, and the peace which the Romans long enjoyed, under the monarchy
of the Ceesarsthey might, indeed, during four centuries, have afforded more
animated support to the pursuit of natural science; but with the Roman
national spirit perished social mobility, publicity, and the maintenance
of individuality—the main supports of free institutions for the further-
ance of intellectual development. In this long period, the only observers
of nature that present themselves to our notice are Dioscorides, the
Cilician, and Galen of Pergamus. Claudius Ptolemy made the first
advance in an important branch of mathematical physics, and in the
study of optics, based on experiments. Material advantages of the
extension of inland trade to the interior of Asia, and the navigation of
Myos Hormos to India. Under Vespasian and Domitian, in the time
of the dynasty of Han, a Chinese army penetrates as far as the eastern
shores of the Caspian Sea. The direction of the stream of migration in
Asia is from east to west, whilst in the new continent it inclines from
north to south. Asiatic migrations begin, a century and a-half before
our era, with the inroads of the Hiungnu, a Turkish race, on the fair-
haired, blue-eyed, probably Indo-germanic race of the Yueti and Usun,
near the Chinese wall. Roman ambassadors are sent under Marcus
Aurelius to the Chinese Court by way of Tonkin. The Emperor Clau-
dius received an embassy of the Rashias of Ceylon. The great Indian
Mathematicians Warahamihira, Brahmagupta, and probably also Arya-
bhatta, lived at more recent periods than those we are considering; but
the elements of knowledge, which had been earlier discovered in India
in wholly independent and separate paths, may, before the time of
Diophantus, have been in part conveyed to the west by means of the
extensive universal commerce carried on under the Lagides and the
Cesars. The influence of these widely diffused commercial relations is
manifested in the colossal geographical works of Strabo and Ptolemy.
The geographical nomenclature of the latter writer has recently, by a
careful study of the Indian languages and of the history of the west
Jranian Zend, been recognised as a historical memorial of these remote
commercial relations. Stupendous attempt made by Pliny to give a
description of the universe; the characteristics of his encyclopedia of
nature and art. Whilst the long-enduring influence of the Roman
dominion manifested itself in the history of the contemplation of the
universe as an element of union and fusion, it was reserved for the dif-

SUMMARY. | xvii]

fusion of Christianity (when that form of faith was, from political
motives, forcibly raised to be the religion of the State of Byzantium) to
aid in awakening an idea of the unity of the human race, and by
degrees to give to that idea its proper value amid the miserable dissen-
sions of religious parties—p. 568.

V. Irruption of the Arabs.—Effect of a foreign element on the process
of development of European civilisation. The Arabs a Semitic primi-
tive race susceptible of cultivation, in part dispel the barbarism which
for two hundred years had covered Europe, which had been shaken by
national convulsions; they not only maintain ancient civilisation, but
extend it and open new paths to natural investigation. Geographical
figure of the Arabian peninsula. Products of Hadramaut, Yemen and
Oman. Mountain chains of Dschebel-Akhdar, and Asyr. Gerrha,
the ancient emporium for Indian wares, opposite to the Phoenician settle-
ments of Aradus and Tylus. ‘The northern portion of the peninsula was
brought into animated relations of contact with other cultivated states
by means of the spread of Arabian races in the Syro-Palestinian frontier
mountainous districts and the lands of the Euphrates. Pre-existing
indigenous civilisation. Ancient participation in the general commerce
of the universe. Hostile advances to the west and to the east. Hyksos
and Arizeus, Prince of the Hymyarites, the allies of Minus on the Tigris.
Peculiar character of the nomadic life of the Arabs, together with their
earavan tracks and their populous cities—pp. 569-578. Infiuence of the
Nestorians, Syrians, and of the pharmaceutico-medicinal school at
Edessa. ‘Taste for intercourse with nature and her forces. The Arabs
were the actual founders of the physical and chemical sciences. The
science of medicine. Scientific institutions in the brilliant epoch of AI-
Mansur, Harun Al-Raschid, Mamun, and Motasem. Scientific intercourse
with India. Employment made of the Tscharaka and the Susruta, and
ef the ancient technical arts of the Egyptains. Botanical gardens at
Cordova under the Caliph Abdurrahman, the poet—pp. 578-589. Efforts
made at independent astronomical observations and the improvement in
instruments. Ebn Junis employs the pendulum as a measure of time.
The work of Alhazen on the refraction of rays. Indian planetary tables.
The disturbance in the moon’s longitude recognised by Abul Wefa.
Astronomical Congress of Toledo, to which Alfonso of Castille invited
Rabbis and Arabs. Observatory at Meragha, of Ulugh Beig, the
descendant of Timur, at Samarkand and its influence. Measurement
of a degree in the plain between T'admor and Rakka.—The Algebra of
the Arabs has originated from two currents, Indian and Greek, which
long flowed independently of one another. Mohammed Ben Musa, the
Chowarezmier. Diophantus, first translated into Arabic at the close of the
tenth century, by Abul Wefa Buzjani—By the same path which brought
to the Arabs the knowledge of Indian Algebra, they likewise obtained
in Persia and on the Euphrates the Indian numerals and the knowledge
of the ingenious device of Position, or the employment of the value of
position. They transmitted this custom to the Revenue officers in
Northern Africa, opposite to the coasts of Sicily. The probability that
the Christians of the West were acquainted with Indian numerals earlier

[ xviii | COSMOS.

than the Arabs, and that they were acquainted, under the name of the
system of the Abacus, with the employment of nine ciphers according
to their position-value. The value of position was known in the
Suanpan, derived from the interior of Asia, as well as in the Tuscan
Abacus. Would a permanent dominion of the Arabs, taking into
account their almost exclusive predilection for the scientific (natural,
descriptive, physical, and astronomical,) results of Greek investigation
have been beneficial to a general and free mental cultivation, and to the
creative power of art ’—pp. 590-600.

VI. Period of the great Oceanic Discoveries.—America and the Pacific.
Events and extension of scientific knowledge which prepared the way
for great geographical discoveries. As the acquaintance of the nations
of Europe with the western portion of the globe constitutes the main
object of this section, it is absolutely necessary to divide in an incontes-
tible manner the first discovery of America in its northern and temperate
zone by the Northmen, from the rediscovery of the same continent in its
tropical regions. While the Caliphate of Bagdad flourished under the
Abbassides, America was discovered and investigated to the 414° north
latitude by Leif, the son of Erik the Red. The Firoe Islands and Ice-
Jand, accidentally discovered by Naddod, must be regarded as interme-
diate stations, and as starting points for the expeditions to the Scan-
dinavian portions of America. The eastern coasts of Greenland in
Scoresby’s Land (Svalbord), the eastern coasts of Baffin’s Bay to 72° 55/,
and the entrance of Lancaster Sound and Barrow’s Straits, were all
visited—Harlier (?) Irish discoveries. The White Men’s Land between
Virginia and Florida.—Whether previously to Naddod and Ingolf’s

‘colonisation of Iceland, this island was inhabited by Irish (west-men
from American Great Ireland), or by Irish missionaries (Papar, the
Clericit of Dicuil), driven by the Northmen from the Firoe Islands?
The national treasures of the most ancient records of Northern Europe,
endangered by disturbances at home, were transferred to Iceland, which
three and a half centuries earlier enjoyed a free social constitution,
and were there preserved to future ages. We are acquainted with
the commercial relations existing between Greenland and New Scot-
land (the American Markland) up to 1347; but as Greenland had lost
its republican constitution as early as 1261, and, as a crown-fief of
Norway, had been interdicted from holding intercourse with stran;

and therefore also with Iceland, it is not surprising that Columbus,
when he visited Iceland in 1477, should have obtained no tidings of
the new continent situated to the west. Commercial relations existed
however as late as 1484 between the Norwegian port of Bergen and
Greenland—pp. 601-612.

Widely different. in a cosmical point of view from the isolated and
barren event of the first discovery of the new continent by the North-
men, was its re-discovery in its tropical regions by Christopher Colum-
bus, although that navigator seeking a shorter route to Eastern Asia
had not the object of discovering a new continent, and like Amerigo
Vespucci, believed to the time of his death that he had simply reached
the eastern shores of Asia. The influence exercised by the nautical

SUMMARY. [xix]

discoveries of the close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the six-
teenth century on the rich abundance of the ideal world, cannot be
thoroughly understood until we have thrown a glance on the ages which
separate Columbus from the blooming period of cultivation under the
Arabs.—That which gave to the age of Columbus the peculiar character
of an uninterrupted and successful striving for an extended knowledge
of the earth, was the appearance of a small number of daring minds
(Albertus Magnus, Roger Bacon, Duns Scotus, and William of Occam),
who incited to independent thought and to the investigation of sepa-
rate natural phenomena; the revived acquaintance with the works of
Greek literature; the invention of the art of printing; the missionary
embassies to the Mogul Princes, and the mercantile travels to Eastern
Asia and South India (Marco Polo, Mandeville, and Nicolo de’Conti) ;
the improvement of navigation; and the use of the mariner’s compass or
the knowledge of the north and south pointing of the magnetic needle,
which we owe to the Chinese through the Arabs—pp. 613-629. Early
expeditions of the Catalans to the western shores of Tropical Africa; dis-
covery of the Azores; general atlas of Picigano of 1367. Relations
of Columbus to Toscanelli and Martin Alonso Pinzon. The more
recently known chart of Juan de la Cosa. The South Pacific and its
islands—pp. 629-650. Discovery of the magnetic line of no variation
in the Atlantic Ocean. Inflection observed in the isothermal lines
a hundred nautical miles to the west of the Azores. <A physical
line of demarcation is converted into a political one; the line of de-
marcation of Pope Alexander VI. of the 4th of May, 1493. Know-
ledge of the distribution of heat; the line of perpetual snow is recog-
nised as a function of geographical latitude. Movement of the waters
in the Atlantic Ocean. Great beds of sea-weed—pp. 650-663. Extended
view into the world of space; an acquaintance with the stars of the
southern sky; more a sensuous than a scientific knowledge. Improve-
ment in the method of determining the ship’s place; the political
requirement for establishing the position of the papal line of demarcation
increased the endeavour to discover practical methods for detérmining
longitude. The discovery and first colonisation of America, and the
voyage to the East Indies round the Cape of Good Hope coincide with
the highest perfection of art, and with the attainment of intellectual
freedom by means of religious reform, the forerunner of great political
convulsions. The daring enterprise of the Genoese seaman is the first
link in the immeasurable chain of mysterious events. Accident, and
not the deceit or intrigues of Amerigo Vespucci deprived the continent
of America of the name of Columbus. Influence of the new world on
political institutions, and on the ideas and inclinations of the people
of the old continent—-pp. 664-680.

VIL. Period of yreat discoveries in the regions of space.—The applica-
tion of the telesecope—A more correct view of the structure of the uni-
verse prepared the way for these discoveries. Nicholas Copernicus was
engaged in making observations with the astronomer Brudzewski at

Cracow when Columbus discovered America. Ideal connection between
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by Peurbach and Regiomontanus

{xx | ’ cosmos.

Copernicus never advanced his system of the universe as an hypothesis,
but as incontrovertible truth—pp. 681-694. Kepler and the empirical
planetary laws which he discovered—pp. 694-699. Invention of the
telescope ; Hans Lippershey, Jacob Adriaansz (Metius), and Zacharias
Jansen. The first fruits of telescopic vision: mountains of the moon :
clusters of stars and the milky way; the four satellites of Jupiter; the
triple configuration of Saturn; the crescent form of Venus ; solar spots ;
and the period of rotation of the sun. The discovery of the small system
of Jupiter indicates a memorable epoch in the fate and sound foundation
of astronomy. The discovery of Jupiter's satellites gave rise to the
discovery of the velocity of light, and the recognition of this velocity led
to an explanation of the abberration-ellipse of the fixed stars—the
perceptive evidence of the translatory movement of the earth. ‘To the
discoveries of Galileo, Simon Marius, and Johann Fabricius, followed
the discovery of Saturn’s satellites by Huygens and Cassini, of the
zodiacal light as a revolving isolated nebulous ring by Childrey, of the
variation in brilliancy of the light of the fixed stars by David Fabricius,
Johann Bayer, and Holwarda. A nebula devoid of stars in Andromeda
described by Simon Marius—pp. 699-714. While the seventeenth
century owed at its commencement its main brilliancy to the sudden
extension of the knowledge of the regions of space afforded by Galileo
and Kepler, and at its close to the advance made in pure mathematical
science by Newton and Leibnitz, the most important of the physical
problems of the processes of light, heat and magnetism, likewise
experienced a beneficial progress during this great age. Double refrac-
tion and polarisation; traces of the knowledge of the interference of
light in Grimaldi and Hooke. William Gilbert separates magnetism
from electricity. Knowledge of the periodical advance of lines without
variation. Halley’s early conjecture that the polar light (the phos-
phorescence of the earth) is a magnetic phenomenon. Galileo’s ther-
moscope and its employment for a series of regular diurnal observa-
tions at stations of different elevation. Researches into the radiation of
heat. Toricellian tubes and measurements of altitude by the position of
the mercury in them. Knowledge of aerial currents and the influence
of the earth’s rotation on them. Law of rotation of the winds con-
jectured by Bacon. Happy but short-lived influence of the Academica
del Cimento on the establishment of mathematical natural philosophy as
based onexperiment. Attempts to measure the humidity of the atmos-
phere ; condensation hygrometer. The electric process; telluric elec-
tricity ; Otto von Guerike sees, for the first time, light in induced elec-
tricity. Beginnings of pneumatic chemistry; observed increase of
weight in metals from oxidation; Cardanus and Jean Rey, Hooke and
Mayow. Ideas on the fundamental part of the atmosphere (spiritus
nitro-aereus) which enters into all metallic calxes, and is necessary to
all the processes of combustion, and the respiration of animals. Influ-
ence of physical and chemical knowledge on the development of geognosy
(Nicolaus Steno, Scilla, Lister); the elevation of the sea’s bottom and of
littoral districts. In the greatest of all geognostic phenomena—the
mathematical figure of the earth—we see perceptibly reflected all the

SUMMARY. [xxi]

conditions of a primitive age, or in other words, the primitive fluid state
of the rotating mass and its consolidation into a terrestrial spheroid.
Measurements of degrees and pendulum experiments in different lati-
tudes. Compression. The figure of the earth was known to Newton on
theoretical grounds, and the force discovered, of the operation of
which the laws of Kepler are a necessary consequence. The discovery
of such a force, whose existence is developed in Newton’s imperishable
work Principia, was nearly simultaneous with the opening of new
paths to mathematical discovery by the invention of the infinitesimal
caleulus—pp. 714-737.

VIII. Retrospect, multiplicity, and intimate connection existing
among the scientific efforts of modern times.— Retrospect of the principal
momenta in the history of cosmical contemplation connected with great
events. The multiplicity of the links of connection among the different
branches of science in the present day increases the difficulty of separa-
ting and limiting the individual portions— Intellectual activity hence-
forth produces great results almost without any external incitement,
and by its own internal power manifested in every direction. The
history of the physical sciences gradually fuses into that of the idea of
Universal Nature—pp. 738-741.

Vou. IT. *OB

370 COSMOS.

INCITEMENTS TO THE STUDY OF NATURE.

THE IMAGE REFLECTED BY THE EXTERNAL WORLD ON THE
IMAGINATION.—POETIC DESCRIPTION OF NATURE.—
LANDSCAPE PAINTING.—-THE CULTIVATION OF EXOTIC
PLANTS, WHICH CHARACTERISE THE VEGETABLE PHYSI-
OGNOMY OF THE VARIOUS PARTS OF THE EARTH’S
SURFACE.

WE aré now about to proceed from the sphere of objects to
that of sensations. The main results of observation which,
stripped of all the extraneous charms of fancy, belong to the
purely objective domain of a scientific delineation of nature,
have been considered in the former part of this work in the
mutually connected relations, by which they constitute one
sole picture of the universe. It now, therefore, remains for
us to consider the impressions reflected by the external senses
on the feelings, and on the poetic imagination of mankind.
An inner world is here opened before us, but in seeking to
penetrate its mysterious depths, we do not aspire, in turning
over the leaves of the great book of nature, to arrive at that
solution of its problems which is required by the philosophy
of art in tracing esthetic actions through the psychical
powers of the mind, or through the various manifestations of
intellectual activity, but rather to depict the contemplation of
natural objects, as a means of exciting a pure love of nature,
and to investigate the causes, which, especially in recent
times, have, by the active medium of the imagination, so
powerfully encouraged the study of nature, and the predilec-
tion for distant travels.* The inducements which promote
such contemplations of nature are, as I have already remarked,
of three different kinds, namely, the esthetic treatment of
natural scenery by animated delineations of animal and
vegetable forms, constituting a very recent branch of litera-

* See p. 38. rs

INCITEMENTS TO THE STUDY OF NATURE. 371

ture; landscape painting, especially where it has caught the
characteristic features of the animal and vegetable world; and
the more widely-diffused cultivation of tropical floras, and the
more strongly contrasting opposition of exotic and indigenous
forms. Each of these might, owing to their historical rela-
tions, be made the object of a widely extending consideration,
but it appears to me more in conformity with the spirit and
aim of this work merely to unfold a few leading ideas, in
order to remind the reader how differently the aspect of
nature has acted on the intellect and feelings of different
nations at different epochs, and how, at periods characterised
by general mental cultivation, the severer forms of science
and the more delicate emanations of fancy, have reciprocally
striven to infuse their spirit mto one another. In order to
depict nature in its exalted sublimity, we must not dwell
exclusively on its external manifestations, but we must trace
its image, reflected in the mind of man, at one time filling the
dreamy land of physical myths with forms of grace and
beanty, and at another developing the noble germ of artistic
creations.

_ In limiting myself to the simple consideration of the incite-
ments to a scientific study of nature, I would not, however,
omit calling attention to the fact that impressions arising
from apparently accidental circumstances often—as is repeat-
edly confirmed by experience—exercise so powerful an effect
en the youthful mind as to determine the whole direction of
a man’s career through life. The child’s pleasure in the form
of countries, and of seas and lakes,* as delineated in maps;
the desire to behold southern stars, invisible in our hemi-
sphere ;} the representation of palms and cedars of Lebanon as
depicted in our illustrated bibles, may all implant in the mind
the first impulse to travel into distant countries. If I might
be permitted to instance my own experience, and recal to
mind the source from whence sprang my early and fixed

* As the configuration of the countries of Italy, Sicily, and Greece,
and of the Caspian and Red seas, See Relation historique du.voy. aus
Régions équinoxiales, t. i. p. 208. .

+ Dante, Purg. i. 25-28.

Goder pareva il ciel di lor fiammelle:
O settentrional vedovo sito,
Poi che privato se’ di mirar quelle !

23582

372 COSMOS.

desire to visit the land of the tropics, I should name George
Forster’s Delineations of the South Sea Islands, the pictures of
Hodge, which represented the shores of the Ganges, and
which I first saw at the house of Warren Hastings, in Lon-
don, and a colossal dragon tree in an old tower of the Bota-
nical garden at Berlin. These objects which I here instance
by way of illustration belong to the three classes of induce-
ments which we have already named, viz., the description of
nature when springing from an animated impression of terres-
trial forms; the delineative art of landscape painting; and,
lastly, the direct objective consideration of the characteristic.
features of natural forms. The power exercised by these
incitements is, however, limited to the sphere embraced by
modern cultivation, and to those individuals whose minds
have been rendered more susceptible to such impressions by a
peculiar disposition fostered by some special direction in
the development of their mental activity.

DESCRIPTION OF NATURE.—THE DIFFERENCE OF FEEL-
ING EXCITED BY THE CONTEMPLATION OF NATURE AT
DIFFERENT EPOCHS, AND AMONGST DIFFERENT RACES
OF MEN.

Tr has often been remarked that, although the enjoyment derived
from the contemplation of nature was not wholly unknown to
the ancients, the feeling was, nevertheless, much more rarely,
and less vividly expressed than in modern times. In his
considerations on the poetry of the sentiments, Schiller thus
expresses himself.* “If we bear in mind the beautiful
scenery with which the Greeks were surrounded, and remem-
ber the opportunities possessed by a people living in so genial
a climate, of entering into the free enjoyment of the contempla-
tion of nature, and observe how conformable were their mode

* See Schiller’s Sdémmiliche Werke, 1826, bd. xviii. s. 231, 473, 480,
486; Gervinus, Neuere Gesch. der poet. National-Litteratur der Deut-
schen, 1840, bd. i. s. 185; Adolph Becker, in Charikles, th. i. s. 219.
Compare also Eduard Miiller, weber Sophokleische Naturanschauung
und die tiefe Naturempfindung der Griechen, 1842, s. 10, 26.

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE ANCIENTS. 373

of thought, the bent of their imaginations, and the habits of
their lives to the simplicity of nature, which was so faithfully
reflected in their poetic works, we cannot fail to remark with
surprise, how few traces are to be met amongst them of
the sentimental interest with which we, in modern times,
attach ourselves to the individual characteristics of natural
seenery. The Greek poet is certainly, in the highest degree,
correct, faithful, and circumstantial in his descriptions of
nature, but his heart has no more share in his words than if
he were treating of a garment, a shield, or a suit of armour.
Nature seems to interest his understanding more than his
moral perceptions; he does not cling to her charms with the
fervour and the plaintive passion of the poet of modern
times.”

However much truth and excellence there may be in these
remarks, they must not be extended to the whole of antiquity;
and I moreover consider that we take a very limited view of
antiquity when, in contradistinction to the present time, we
restrict the term exclusively to the Greeks and Romans. A
profound feeling of nature pervades the most ancient poetry
of the Hebrews and Indians; and exists, therefore, amongst
nations of very different descent—Semitic and Indo-Germanic.

We can only draw conclusions regarding the feelings en-
tertained by the ancients for nature, from those expressions
of the sentiment which have come down to us in the remains
of their literature, and we must, therefore, seek them with a
eare, and judge of them with a caution proportionate to the
infrequency of their occurrence in the grand forms of lyric
and epic poetry. In the periods of Hellenic antiquity—the
flowery season in the history of mankind—we certainly
meet with the tenderest expressions of deep natural emotion,
blended with the most poetic representations of human pas-
sion, as delineating some action derived from mythical history;
but specific descriptions of nature occur only as accessories,
for, in Grecian art, all things are centred in the sphere of
human life.

The description of nature in its manifold richness of form,
as a distinct branch of poetic literature, was wholly unknown
to the Greeks. The landscape appears among them merely
as the background of the picture of which human figures con-
stitute the main subject. Passions, breaking forth into

$74 COSMOS,

action, riveted their attention almost exclusively. An active
life, spent chiefly in public, drew the minds of men from dwell-
ing with enthusiastic exclusiveness on the silent workings
of - nature, and led them always to consider physical pheno-
mena as haying reference to mankind, whether in the relations
of external conformation or of internal development.* It
was almost exclusively under such relations that the conside-
ration of nature was deemed worthy of being admitted into
the domain of poetry under the fantastic form of comparisons,
which often present small detached pictures replete with
objective truthfulness.

At Delphi, peeans to Spring were sung,} being intended, proba-
bly, toexpress the delight of man at the termination of the discom-
forts of winter. A natural description of winter is interwoven
(perhaps by the hand of some Ionian rhapsodist) in the
Works and Days of Hesiod.{ This poem, which is composed -
with noble simplicity, although in accordance with the rigid
didactic form, gives instructions regarding agriculture, diree-
tions for different kinds of trade and labour, and ethic pre-
cepts for a blameless course of life. It is only elevated to the
dignity of a lyric poem, when the poet clothes the miseries of
mankind, or the exquisite mythical allegory of Epimetheus
and Pandora in an anthropomorphic garb. In the theogony
of Hesiod, which is composed of many ancient and dissimilar
elements, we frequently find, as, for instance, in the enume-
ration of the Nereides,§ natural descriptions of the realm of

* Schnaase, Geschichte der bildenden Kiinste bet den Alten, bd. ii.
1848, s. 128-138.

+ Plut.,deH.1.apud Delphos,c. 9. fan attempt of Plutarch’s to explain
the meaning of an inscription at the entrance of the temple of Delphi.
—Tr.| Regarding a passage of Apollonius Dyscolus of Alexandria
(Mirab. Hist., c. 40), see Otfr. Miiller’s last work, Gesch. der griech.
Litteratur, bd, i. 1845, s, 31.

t Hesiodi Opera et Dies, v. 502-561. Guttling, in Hes. Carm. 1831,
p. xix.; Ulrici, Gesch. der hellenischen Dichtkunst, th. i: 1835, s. 337.
Bernhardy, Grundriss der griech, Litteratur, th, ii, 8. 176. According
to the opinion of Gottfr. Hermann (Opuscula, vol. vi. p. 239) “ the -
picturesque description given by Hesiod of winter, bears all the evidence
of great antiquity.” ;

§ Hes. Theog., v. 283-264. The Nereid Mera (Od., xi. 326; JZ,
xviii. 48), may perhaps be indicative of the phosphoric light seen on the
surface of the sea, in the same manner as the same word paipa desig-
nates the sparkling dog-star Sirius. _

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE GREEKS. 875

Neptune concealed under the significant names of mythical
characters. The Beotian, and, indeed, all the ancient schools
of poetry, treat only of the phenomena of the external world,
under the personification of human forms.

‘But if, as we have already remarked, natural descriptions,
whether they delineate the richness and luxuriance of tropical
vegetation, or pourtray the habits of animals, have only
become a distinct branch of literature in the most recent
times, this circumstance must not be regarded as a proof of
the absence of susceptibility for the beauties of nature, where
the perception of beauty was so intense,* nor must we sup-
pose that the animated expression of a spirit of poetic con-
templation was wanting to the Greeks, who have transmitted
to us such inimitable proofs of their creative faculty, alike in
poetry and in sculpture. All that we are led by the tendency
of our modern ideas to discover as deficient in this depart-
ment of ancient literature, is rather of a negative than of a
positive kind, being evinced less in the absence of suscepti-
bility than in that of the urgent impulse to give expression,
in words, to the sentiment awakened by the charms of nature.
Directed less to the inanimate world of phenomena than to
the realities of active life, and to the inner and spontaneous
emotions of the mind, the earliest, and, at the same time, the
noblest directions of the poetic spirit were epic and lyric. In
these artificial forms, descriptions of nature can only occur as
incidental accessories, and not as special creations of fancy.
As the influence of antiquity gradually disappeared, and as the
bright beauty of its blossoms faded, rhetorical figures became
more and more diffused through descriptive and didactic
poetry. This form of poetry, which in its earliest philosophical,
half-sacerdotal type, was solemn, grand, and devoid of orna-
ment—as we see exemplified in the poem of Empedocles On
Nature—by degrees lost its simplicity and earlier dignity, as
it became more strongly marked by a rhetorical character.

I may be permitted here to mention a few particular
instances in illustration of these general observations. In
conformity with the character of the Epos, we find the most
attractive scenes of nature introduced in the Homeric songs
merely as secondary adjuncts. ‘The shepherd rejoices in

* Compare Jacobs, Leben und Kunst der Alten, bd. i, abth. i.
&. Vii. :

Vv

O76 COSMOS.

the stillness of night, in the purity of the sky, and in the starry
radiance of the vault of heaven; he hears from afar the rush
of the mountain torrent, as it pursues its foaming course
swollen with the trunks of oaks that have been borne along
by its turbid waters.’”** The sublime description of the
sylvan loneliness of Parnassus, with its sombre, thickly-
wooded and rocky valleys, ¢ontrasts with the joyous pictures
of the many-fountained poplar groves in the Phzacian island
of Scheria, and especially of the land of the Cyclops, “‘ where
meadows waving with luxuriant and succulent grass encircle
the hills of unpruned vines.”’{ Pindar, in a dithyrambus in
praise of spring, recited at Athens, sings of “the earth
covered with new-born flowers, when, in the Argive Nemza,
the first opening shoot of the palm announces the coming of
balmy spring.” Then he sings of Etna as “the pillar of
heaven, the fosterer of enduring snow;’’ but he quickly turns
away from these terrific forms of inanimate nature, to celebrate
Hiero of Syracuse, and the victorious combats of the Greeks
with the mighty race of the Persians.

We must not forget that Grecian scenery presents the
peculiar charm of an intimate association of land and sea, of
shores adorned with vegetation, or picturesquely girt round
by rocks gleaming in the light of aerial tints, and of an ocean ~
beautiful in the play of the ever-changing brightness of its
deep-toned moving wayes. |

Although to other nations, sea and land, in the different
pursuits of life to which they give rise, appeared as two sepa-
rate spheres of nature, the Greeks—not only those who in-
habited the islands, but also those occupying the southern
portion of the continent—enjoyed, almost everywhere, the
aspect of the richness and sublime grandeur imparted to the
scenery by the contact and mutual influence of the two ele-

* Tlias, viii. 555-559; iv. 452-455; xi. 115-119. Compare also the
erowded but animated description of the animal world, which precedes
the review of the army, ii. 458-475.

+ Od., xix. 431--445; vi. 290; ix. 115--199. Compare also “the ver-
dant overshadowing of the grove” near Calypso’s grotto, “ where even an
immortal would linger with admiration, rejoicing in the beautiful view,”
y. 55--73; the breaking of the surf on the shores of the Pheeacian
Islands, v. 400-442; and the gardens of Alcinous, vii. 113-130. On
the vernal dithyrambus of Pindar, see Béckh, Pindari Opera, t. ii.
pt. ii. p. 575-579. E

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE GREEKS. 3877

ments. How can we suppose that so intellectual and highly
gifted a race should have remained insensible to the aspect of
the forest-crowned cliffs on the deeply-indented shores of the
Mediterranean, to the silent interchange of the influences affect-
ing the surface of the earth, and the lower strata of the
atmosphere at the recurrence of regular seasons and hours,
or to the distribution of vegetable forms? How, in an age
when the poetic feelings were the strongest, could this
active state of the senses have failed to manifest itself in
ideal contemplation? The Greek regarded the vegetable
world as standing in a manifold and mythical relation to
heroes and to the gods, who were supposed to avenge
every injury inflicted on the trees and plants sacred to them.
Imagination animated vegetable forms with life, but the
types of poetry, to which the peculiar direction of mental
activity amongst the ancient Greeks limited them, gave only
a partial development to the descriptions of natural scenery.
Occasionally, however, even in the writings of their tragic
poets, a deep sense of the beauty of nature breaks forth
in animated descriptions of scenery in the midst of the most
excited passions, or the deepest tones of sadness. ‘Thus, when
CEdipus is approaching the grove of the Eumenides, the chorus
sings ‘ the noble resting-place of the illustrious Colonos, where
the melodious nightingale loyes to tarry and pour forth its
clear but plaintive notes.” Again, it sings “the verdant
gloom of the thickly mantling ivy, the narcissus steeped in
heavenly dew, the golden-beaming crocus, and the hardy and
ever fresh-sprouting olive-tree.”’** Sophocles strives to extol his
native Colonos, by placing the lofty form of the fated and royal
wanderer by the brink of the sleepless waters of Cephisus,
surrounded by soft and bright scenery. The repose of nature
heightens the impression of pain called forth by the image of
the noble form of the blind sufferer, the victim of mysterious

* Cid. Colon., v. 668-719. Amongst delineations of scenery, indi-
cative of a deep feeling of nature, I would here further mention, the
description of Cithzron in the Bacche of Euripides, v. 1045 (Leake,
North. Greece, vol. ii. p. 370), where the messenger ascends from the
valley of Asopus, the reference to the sunrise in the valley of Delphos,
in the Jon of Euripides, v. 82, and the gloomy picture in the Hymn
on Delos, v. 11, by Callimachus, in which the holy Delos is represented
as surrounded by sea-gulls, and scourged by tempestuous waves.

378 , COSMOS. |

and fatal passion. Euripides* also delights in picturesque
descriptions of ‘the pastures of Messenia and Laconia, which
under an ever mild sky, are refreshed bya thousand fountains,
and by the waters of the beautiful Pamisos.”

Bucolie poetry, which originated in the plains of Sicily,
and popularly inclined to the dramatic, has been justly termed
a transitional form. Its pastoral epics deseribe on a small
scale human beings rather than natural scenery; and in this
form it appears in its greatest perfection in the writings of
Theocritus. <A soft elegiac element is peculiar to the idyl,
as if it had emanated from ‘ the longing for some lost idea,”
as if in the breast of mankind, a certain touch of melancholy
was ever mingled with the deep feelings awakened by the
aspect of nature.

True Hellenic poetry expired with the freedom of the
Greeks, and became descriptive, didactic, and instructive.
Astronomy, geography, hunting, and fishing, were converted
in the time of Alexander into objects of poetic consideration,
and often adorned with a remarkable degree of metrical
skill. ‘The forms and habits of animals are depicted with
grace, and not unfrequently with such accuracy that the par-
ticular genera or even species may be recognized by the
classifying naturalist of the present day. All these compo-
sitions are, however, wholly wanting in that inner life—that
inspired contemplation of nature—by which the external world
becomes to the poet, almost unconsciously to himself, a sub-
ject of his imagination. The preponderance of the descrip-
tive element shows itself in the forty-eight cantos of the
Dionysiaca of the Egyptian Nonnus, which are remarkable
for their skilfully artistical versification. The poet dwells
with pleasure on the delineation of great convulsions of
nature; he makes a fire kindled by lightning on the woody
banks of the Hydaspes, burn up even the fishes in the bed of

* According to Strabo (lib. viii. p. 366, Casaub.), who accuses the
tragedian of giving a geographicaliy incorrect boundary to Elis. This
beautiful passage of Euripides occurs in the Cresphontes. The de-
scription of the excellence of the district of Messenia, is intimately
connected with the exposition of its political relations, as, for instance,
the division of the land amongst the Heraclide. The delineation of
nature is, therefore, here too, as Bickh ingeniously remarks, assoviated
with human interests. 3

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE GREEKS. 379

the river; and he shows how ascending vapours occasion
the meteorological processes of the storm and electric rain.
Although eapable of writing romantic poetry, Nonnus of
Panopolis is remarkably unequal in his style, being at one
time animated and exciting, and at another tedious and
verbose.

A deeper feeling for nature and a greater delicacy of sensi-
bility is manifested in some portions of the Greek ‘Anthology
which has been transmitted to us in such various ways, and
from such different epochs. In the graceful translation of
Jacobs, everything that relates to animal and vegetable forms
has been collected in one section,—these passages being small
pictures, consisting im most cases, of mere allusions to indi-
vidual forms. The plane-tree, which ‘nourishes amid its
branches the grape swelling with juice,’ and which in the
time of Dionysius the Elder, first penetrated from Asia Minor
through the island of Diomedes, to the shores of the Sicilian
Anapus, is, perhaps, too often introduced; still, on the whole,
the ancient mind shows itself more inclined in these songs
and epigrams, to dwell on the animal than on the vegetable
world. ‘The vernal idyl of Meleager of Gadara in Ceelo-Syria, is
a noble and at the same time a more considerable compoition.*

On account of the renown attached from ancient times to
the spot, I would not omit to mention the description of the

* Meleagri Reliquie, ed. Manso, p. 5. Compare Jacobs, Leben und
Kunst der Alien, bd. i. abth. i. s. xv. abth. ii. s. 150--190. Zenobetti
believed himself to have been the first to discover Meleager’s poem on
Spring, in the middle of the eighteenth century, (Mel. Gadareni in
Ver Idyllion, 1759, p. 5); see Brunckii Anal., t. iii. p. 105. There are
two fine sylvan poems of Marianos in the Anthol. Greca, ii. 511 and
512. Meleager’s poem contrasts well with tue praise of Spring in
the eclogues of Himerius, a sophist, who was teacher of rhetoric at
Athens under Julian. The style, on the whole, is cold and profusely
ornate, but in some parts, especially in the descriptive portions, this
writer sometimes approximates closely to the modern way of considering
nature. Himerii Sophiste Ecloge et Declamationes, ed. Wernsdorf,
1790. (Oratio iii. 5-6, and xxi. 5.) It seems extraordinary that the
lovely situation of Constantinople should not have inspired the sophists
(Orat. vii. 5-7; xvi. 3-8). The passages of N onnus, referred ts in the
text, occur in Dionys. ed. Petri Cunzi, 1610, lib. ii. p. 70, vi. p. 199,
xxiii. p. 16 and 619, xxvi. p. 694. Compare also Ouwaroff, Nonnus
von Panopolis, der Dichter, 1817,.8. 3,16, 21.

380 COSMOS.

wooded valley of Tempe, as given by Ailian,* probably in
imitation of some earlier notice by Diczarchus. It is the
most detailed description of natural scenery by any of the Greek
prose writers that we possess; and although topographical, it
is also picturesque, for the shady vale is animated by the
Pythian procession (theoria,) “‘ which breaks from the sacred
laurel the atoning bough.” In the later Byzantine epoch,
about the close of the fourth century, we meet more frequently
with descriptions of scenery interwoven in the romances of
the Greek prose writers, as is especially manifested in the
pastoral romance of Longus,}| in which, however, the tender
scenes taken from life greatly excel the expression of the sen-
sations awakened by the aspect of nature.

It is not my object in the present work, to extend these
references beyond what my own special recollection of par-
ticular forms of art may enable me to add to these general
considerations of the poetic conception of the external world.
I should here quit the flowery circle of Grecian antiquity,
if, in a work to which I have ventured to prefix the title
of Cosmos, I could pass over in silence the description of
nature with which the pseudo-Aristotelian book of Cosmos,
or, Order of the Universe, begins. It describes “ the earth as
adorned with luxuriant vegetation, copiously watered, and (as
the most admirable of all) inhabited by thinking beings.” t
The rhetorical colour of this rich picture of nature, so totally
unlike the concise and purely scientific mode of treatment
characteristic of the Stagirite, is one of the many indications
by which it has been judged that this work on the Cosmos is
not his composition. It may, in fact, be the production of

* Aliant Var. Hist. et Fragm., lib. iii. cap. 1. p. 189, Kiihn.
Compare A. Buttmann, Quest. de Dicewarcho (Naumb., 1832, p. 32,)
and Geogr. gr. min., ed. Gail, vol. ii. pp. 140-145. We observe in the
tragic poet Cheremona remarkable love of nature, and especially a pre-
dilection for flowers which has been compared by Sir William Jones to
the sentiments evinced in the Indian poets. See Welcker, Griechische
Trasédien, abth. iii. s. 1088.

+ Longi Pastoralia (Daphnis et Chloe, ed. Seiler, 1843,) lib. i. 9; iii.
12, and iv. 1--3; pp. 92, 125, 187. Compare Villemaine, Sus les
Romans grecs, in his Mélanges de Littérature, t. ii. pp. 485--448, where
Longus is compared with Bernardin de St. Pierre.

+ Pseudo-Aristot., de Mundo, cap. 3, 14-20, p. 392, Bekker.

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE GREEKS. 381

Apuleius,* or of Chrysippus,} or of any other author. In
the place of the passages relating to natural scenery which
we cannot venture to ascribe to Aristotle, we possess, how-
ever, a genuine fragment which Cicero has preserved to
us from a lost work of Aristotle.t It runs thus:—*“If
there were beings who lived in the depths of the earth, in
dwellings adorned with statues and paintings, and everything
which is possessed in rich abundance by those whom we
esteem fortunate; and if these beings could receive tidings
of the power and might of the gods, and could then emerge
from their hidden dwellings through the open fissures of the
earth, to the places which we inhabit; if they could suddenly
behold the earth, and the sea, and the vault of heaven; could
recognise the expanse of the cloudy firmament and the might
of the winds of heaven, and admire the sun in its majesty,
beauty, and radiant effulgence; and, lastly, when night veiled
the earth in darkness, they could behold the starry heavens,
the changing moon, and the stars rising and setting in the
unyarying course ordained from eternity; they would surely
exclaim, ‘there are gods, and such great things must be the
work of their hands.’’”’ Ithas been justly observed, that this
passage is alone sufficient to corroborate Cicero’s opinion of
“‘the golden flow of Aristotle’s eloquence,” § and that his
words are pervaded by something of the inspired force of
Plato’s genius. Such a testimony to the existence of the
heavenly powers, drawn from the beauty and stupendous ~
greatness of the works of creation, is rarely to be met with in
the works of antiquity.

* See Stahr, Aristoteles bei den Rémern, 1834, s. 173-177. Osann,
Beitrige zur griech. und rim. Litteraturgeschichte, bd. i., 1835, s.
165-192. Stahr (s. 172) supposes, like Heumanr, that the present
Greek is an altered translation of the Latin text of Apuleius. The
latter says distinctly (de Mundo, p. 250, Bip.), “ that he has followed
Aristotle and Theophrastus, in the composition of his work.”

+ Osann, op. cit., s. 194-266.

t Cicero, de Natura Deorum, ii. 37. A passage in which Sextus
Empiricus (adversus Physicos, lib. ix. 22, p. 554, Fabr.) instances a
similar expression of Aristotle, deserves the more attention from the
fact that the same writer shortly before (ix. 20) alludes to another work
of Aristotle (on divination and dreams) which is also lost to us.

§ “ Aristoteles flumen orationis aureum fundens.” Cic., Acad. Quest.,
ii. cap. 38. (Compare Stahr, Aristotelia, th. ii. s, 161, and Aristoteles
bet den Rémern, s. 53.)

082 COSMOS.

That which we miss in the works of the Greeks, I will not say
from their want of susceptibility to the beauties of nature, but
from the direction assumed by their literature, is still morerarely
to be met with amongst,the Romans. A nation which, in accord-
ance with the ancient Sicilian habits, evinced a decided predilee-
tion for agriculture and other rural pursuits, might have justified
other expectations; but with all their disposition to practical
activity, the Romans, with the cold severity and practical
understanding of their national character, were less susceptible
of impressions of the senses than the Greeks, and were more
devoted to every-day reality than to the idealising poétic con-
templation of nature. ‘These differences in the habits and
feelings of the Greeks and Romans, are reflected in their
literature, as is ever the case with the intellectual expression
of national character. Here, too, we must notice the acknow-
ledged difference that exists in the organic structure of their
respective languages, notwithstanding the affinity between the
races. The language of ancient Latium possesses less flexibi-
lity, a more limited adaptation of words, a stronger character
of “practical tendency,” than of ideal mobility. Moreover,
the predilection evinced in the Augustan age for imitating
Greek images, must have been detrimental to the free out-
pouring of native feelings, and to the free expression of the
natural bent of the mind; but still there were some powerful
minds which, inspired by love of country, were able by
creative individuality, by elevation of thought, and by the
gentle grace of their representations, to surmount all these
obstacles. The great poem of nature, which Lucretius has so
richly decked with the charms of his poetic genius, embraces
the whole Cosmos. It has much affinity with the writings of
Empedocles and Parmenides, the archaic diction of the
versification heightening the earnestness of the descriptions.
Poetry is here closely interwoven with philosophy, without,
however, falling into that frigidity of style which, in contrast
with Plato’s richly fanciful mode of treating nature, was so
severely blamed by Menander the Rhetorician, in the sentence
he pronounced on the Hymns of Nature.* My brother has

* Menandri Rihetoris Comment. de Encomiis, ex rec. Heeren, 1785,
sect. i. cap. 5, pp. 38, 39. The severe critic terms the didactic poem
On nature, a frigid composition, (vypdérepoy) in which the forces of
nature are brought forward divested of their personality—Apollo as

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE ROMANS. 383

shown with much ingenuity the striking analogies and differ-
ences which have arisen from the amalgamation of metaphysi-
eal abstractions with poetry in the ancient Greek didactic

ms, as in the works of Lucretius, and in the episode
iagevad of the Indian Epie Mahabharata.* The great
physical picture of the universe by the Roman poet, contrasts
in its cold doctrine of atoms, and in its frequently visionary
geognostic hypotheses, with his vivid and animated delinea-
tion of the advance of mankind from the recesses of the forest
to the pursuit of agriculture, to the control of natural forces,

the more elevated cultivation of mind and languages, and

through the latter to social civilisation.t When in the midst
of the active and busy life of the statesman, and in a mind
excited by political passion, a keen susceptibility for the beauties
of nature and an animated love of rural solitude still subsists,
its source must be derived from the depths of a great and
noble character. Cicero’s writings testify to the truth of this
assertion. As is generally known, many points in his book
De Legibus, and in that De Oratore, are copied from Plato’s
Phedrus; yet his delineations of Italian nature do not on

light, Hera as the concentration of all the phenomena of the atmos-
phere, and Jupiter as heat. Plutarch also ridicules the so-called poems
of nature, which have only the form of poetry (de aud. poet., p. 27,
Steph.) According to the Stagirite (de Poet., c. i), Empedocles was
more a physiologist than a poet, and has nothing in common with
Homer, but the rhythmical measure used by both.

* «Tt may appear singular, but yet it is not the less correct, to
attempt to connect poetry, which rejoices everywhere in variety of form,
colour, and character, with the simplest and most abstract ideas:
Poetry, science, philosophy, and history are not necessarily and essen-
tially divided; they are united wherever man is still in unison with the
particular stage of his development, or whenever, from a truly poetic

mood of mind, he can in imagination bring himself back’ to it.”
Wilhem von Humboldt, Gesammelte Werke, bd. i. s. 98-102. (Com-
pare also Bernhardy, Rom: Litteratur, s. 215-218, and Fried, Schlegel,
Stmmiliche Werke, bd. i. s. 108--110.) Cicero (Ad Quint. fratrem,
ii, 11.) ascribes, if not pettishly, at any rate very severely, more tact
than creative talent (ingenium) to Lucretius, who has been so highly
praised by Virgil, Ovid, and Quintilian.

' + Lucret., lib. v. v. 930-1455.

tt. Plato, Phadr., p. 230; Cicero, de Leg., i: 5, 15; ii. 2, 1-3; ii. 8, i
iGeaipare Wagner, Corament. perp. in, Cie. de Leg. ab ‘1814, P. 6); Gia
de Oratore, i. 7, 28, (p. 15, Ellendt.) > ;

384 COSMOS,

that account lose any of their individuality. Plato extols in
general terms, ‘“‘ the dark shade of the thickly-leaved plane-
tree; the luxuriance of plants and herbs in all the fragrance
of their bloom; and the sweet summer breezes which fan the
chirping swarms of grasshoppers.” In Cicero’s. smaller
sketches of nature we find, as has lately been remarked by an
intelligent enquirer,* all things described as they still exist in
the actual landscape, we see the Liris shaded by lofty poplars,
and as we descend from the steep mountain behind the old
towers of Arpinum, we see the grove of oaks on the margin
of the Fibrenus, and the island now called Isola di Carneilo,
which is formed by the division of the stream, and whither
Cicero retired in order, as he said, to “ give himself up to
meditation, reading, and writing.” Arpinum, situated on the
Volscian hills, was the birth-place of the great statesman,
and its noble scenery no doubt exercised an influence on his
character in boyhood. Unconsciously to himself, the external
aspect of the surrounding scenery impresses itself upon the soul
of man, with an intensity corresponding to the greater or less
degree of his natural susceptibility, and becomes closely inter-
woven with the deep original tendencies and the free natural
disposition of his mental powers.
In the midst of the eventful storms of the year 708
(from the foundation of Rome), Cicero found consolation in
his villas, alternately at Tusculum, Arpinum, Cumea, and
Antium. “Nothing can be more delightful,” he writes to
Atticus,{ “than this solitude—nothing more charming than
this country place, the neighbouring shore, and the view of the.
sea. In the lonely Island of Astura, at the mouth of the river
of the same name, on the shore of the Tyrrhenian sea, no
human being disturbs me; and when early in the morning I
retire to the leafy recesses of some thick and wild wood, I do

* See s. 431--434 of the admirable work by Rudolph Abeken, Rector
of the Gymnasium at Osnabriick, which appeared in 1835, under the
title of Cicero in seinen Briefen. The important addition relative to
the birthplace of Cicero is by H. Abeken, the learned nephew of the
author, who was formerly chaplain to the Prussian Embassy at Rome, and
is now taking part in the important Egyptian expedition of Professor
Lepsius. See also on the birthplace of Cicero, Valery, Voy. hist. en
Ttalie, t. iii. p. 421.

t Cic., Hp. ad Atticum, xii. 9 and 15.

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE ROMANS. 3885

not leave it till the evening. Next to my Atticus nothing is
so dear to me as solitude, in which I hold communion with
philosophy, although often interrupted by my tears. I strug-
gle as much as I am able against such emotions, but as yet
I am not equal to the contest.” It has frequently been
remarked, that in these letters and in those of the younger
Pliny, passages are met with which manifest the greatest
harmony with the expressions in use amongst modern senti-
mental writers; for my own part, I can only find in them the
echoes of the same deep-toned sadness, which in every age
and in every race bursts forth from the recesses of the heayily-
oppressed bosom.

Amid the general diffusion of Roman literature, an ac-
quaintance with the great poetic works of Virgil, Horace,
and Tibullus is so common, that it would be superfiuous to
dwell on individual examples of the tender and ever wakefu!
sensibility to nature, by which some of these works are ani-
mated. In Virgil’s great Epic, the nature of the poem tends
to make descriptions of scenery appear merely as accessories,
occupying only a very small space. There is no individual
portraiture of particular localities,* but a deep and intimate
comprehension of nature is depicted in soft colours. Where,
for instance, has the gentle play of the waves, or the stillness
of night been more happily described? And how well do
these pleasing pictures contrast with the powerful description
of the bursting tempest in the first book of the Georgies,
and the picture in the Aineid of the voyage and landing at
the Strophades, the. crashing fall of the rock, or the flames
emitted from Mount Etna.t

From Ovid, we might have expected as the fruit of his long
sojourn in the plains of Tomi in Lower Meesia, a poetic de-
seription of the marshes, of which, however, no account has

* The passages from Virgil, which are adduced by Malte-Brun
(Annales des Voyages, t. iii. 1808, pp. 235--266,) as local descriptions,
merely show that the poet had a knowledge of the produce of different
countries, as for instance, the saffron of Mount Tmolus, that he was
acquainted with the incense of the Sabeans, and with the true names of
seyeral small rivers, and that even the mephitic vapours which rise
iy a cavern in the Apennines near Amsanctus, were not unknown to

im.

+ Virg., Georg., i. 356-892; iii. 849-380; Zn., iii, 191-211; iv.
246-251; xii, 684-689,

2¢

386 d COSMOS.

been transmitted to us from antiquity. The exile did not
indeed see that kind of steppe-like plain which in summer is
densely covered with juicy plants, varying from four to six
feet in height, and which in every breath of wind present the
aspect of a waving sea of flowering verdure. The place of
his banishment was a desolate swampy marsh-land, and the
broken spirit of the poet, which gives itself vent in unmanly
lamentation, was preoccupied with the recollection of the
enjoyments of social life and the political occurrences at
Rome, and thus remained dead to the impressions produced
by the contemplation of the Scythian desert, with which he
was surrounded. As a compensation, however, this highly
gifted poet, whose descriptions of nature are so vivid, has
given us, besides his too frequently repeated representations of
grottoes, springs, and ‘“ calm moon-light nights,” a remark-
ably characteristic, and even geognostically important delinea-
tion of a volcanic eruption at Methone, between Epidaurus
and Treezene. The passage to which we allude, has already
been cited at another part of this work.* Ovid shows us, as
our readers will remember, “ how by the foree of the impreg-
nated vapour, the earth was distended like a bladder filled
with air, or like the’skin of the goat.”

It is especially to be regretted that Tibullus should have
left no great composition descriptive of the individual cha-
racter of nature. Amongst the poets of the Augustan age, he
belongs to the few, who being happily strangers to the Alex
andrian learning, and devoted to seclusion and a rural hfe,
drew with feeling and therefore with simplicity from the
resources of their own mind. Elegies,t ef which the land-

* Compare Ovid, Met., i. 568-576; iii. 155-164; iii. 407-412; vil.
180-188; xv. 296-306; T'rist., lib. i., Hl. 3, 60; lib. iii, BZ 4, 49;
El. 12, 15; Hx Ponto, lib. iii. Zp. 7--9, as instances of separate pictures
of natural scenery. There is a pleasant description of a spring at
Hymettus, beginning with the verse, :

“Est prope purpureos colles florentis Hyme’ti,”
(Ovid, de Arte. Am. iii. 687), which, as Ross has remarked, is one of the
rare instances that occur of individual delineations of na tre, referring
to 4 definite locality, The poet describes the fountain of Kallia sacred
to Aphrodite, so celebrated in antiquity, which breaks forth on the west-
ern side of Hymettus, otherwise so scantily supplied with water. (See
ap) yaed to Professor Vuros, in the Griech. medicin. Zeitschrift,
ane, ‘.
+ Tibullus, ed. Voss, 1811, Hleg., lib. i. 6, 21-84; lib. ii. 1. 37-66.

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE ROMANS, 387

scape only constitutes the background, must certainly be
ed as mere pictures of social habits, but the Lwstration
of the Fields, and the Sixth Elegy of the first book show us
what was to have been expected from the friend of Horace
and of Messala.
_ Luean, the grandson of the rhetorician M. dtealbein Gencea,
certainly resembles the latter too much in the rhetorical orna-
tion of his diction, but yet we find amongst his works an
admirable and vividly truthful picture of the destruction of a
Druidic forest,“ on the now treeless shores of Marseilles.
The half-severed oaks support themselves for a time by
leaning tottering against each other; and stripped of their
leaves, suffer the first ray of light to pieree their awful and
sacred gloom. He who has long lived amid the forests of the
New World, must feel how vividly the poet with a few touches
has depicted the luxuriant growth of trees, whose colossal
remains lie buried in some of the turf moors of France. In
the didactic poem of Zina by Lucilius the younger, a friend
of L. Anneus Seneca, we certainly meet with a truthful
description of the phenomena attending the eruption of a
voleano; but the conception has much less of individuality
than the work entitled Hina Dialogus;| by Bembo, of which
we haye already spoken in terms of praise.

When, finally, at the close of the fourth century, the sie of
poetry in its grander and nobler forms, faded away, as if
exhausted, poetic emanations, stripped of the charms of crea-
tive fancy, turned aside to the barren realities of science and
of deseription. A certain: oratorical polish of style could
not compensate for the diminished susceptibility for nature,
and an idealising inspiration. As a production of this
unfruitful age, in which the poetic element only appeared ag
an incidental external adornment of thought, we may instance
a poem on the Moselle by Ausonius. As a native of Aqui
_ * Lucan, Phars., iii. 400-452 (vol. i. p. 374-384, Weber). ;

+ The poem of ‘Lucilius, which is very probably a part of a large

tic work, on the natural characteristics of Sicily, was ascribed
by Wernsdosf to Cornelius Severus. The passages especially worthy
of attention are the praises of general knowledge considered as “ the
fruits of the mind,” vy. 270-280; the lava currents, v. 360--370 and
474-515; the eruptions of water at the foot of the volcano (?),. Vv. 395;

the formation of pumice, v. 425 (p. xvi~-xx. 32, 42, 46, 50, 55, ed,
Jacob, 1826.) _ e
202

388 COSMOS.

tanian Gaul, the poet had accompanied Valentinian in his
campaign against the Allemanni. The Mosella, which was
composed in ancient Treves,* describes in some parts, and
not ungracefully, the already vine-clad hills of one of the
loveliest of our rivers, but the barren topography of the
country, the enumeration of the streams falling into the
Moselle, and the characteristic form, colour, and habits
of some of the different species of fish that are found in
these waters, constitute the main features of this wholly
didactic composition.

In the works of the Roman prose writers, among which we
have already cited some remarkable passages by Cicero,
descriptions of natural scenery are as rare as in those of
Greek authors. It is only in the writings of the gréat his-
torians, Julius Cesar, Livy, and Tacitus that we meet with
some examples of the contrary, where they are compelled to
describe battle fields, the crossing of rivers or difficult moun-
tain passes, in their narrations of the struggle of man against
natural obstacles. In the Annals of Tacitus, I am charmed
with the description of the untoward passage of Germanicus
over the Amisia, and the grand geographical delineation of
the mountain chains of Syria and Palestine.t Curtius has
left us a fine natural picture of a woody desert to the west of

* Decii Magni Ausonii Mosella, v. 189--199, pp. 15, 44, Boécking:
See also the notice of the fish of the Moselle, which is not unimportant
with reference to natural history, and has been ingeniously applied by
Valenciennes, v. 85--150, pp. 9--12, and contrast it with Oppian (Bern-
hardy, Griech. Litt., th. ii. s. 1049.) The Orthinogonia and Theriaca
of Aimilius Macer of Verona (imitations of the works of Nicander of
Colophon) which have not come to us, belonged to the same dry didactic
style of poetry which treated of the products of nature. A natural
description of the southern coast of Gaul, which is to be found in a poeti-
cal narrative of a journey by Claudius Rutilius Numatianus, a statesman
under Honorius, is more attractive than the Mosella of Ausonius. Ruti-
lius, who was driven from Rome by the irruption of the Gauls, is return-
ing to his estates in Gaul. We unfortunately possess only a fragment
of the second book of this poem, and this does not take us beyond the
quarries of Carara. See Rutilit Claudii Numatiani de Reditu suo
{e Roma in Galliam Narbonensem) libri duo, rec. A. W. Zumpt, 1840,
p. xv. 31--219 (with a fine map by Kiepert). Wernsdorf, Poete Lat.
Min., t. v. pt. i. p. 125.

+ Tac. Ann., ii. 28--24; Hist., vy. 6. The only fragment preserved
by the Rhetorician Seneca, (Suasor., i. p. 11, Bipont) that we possess of

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE ROMANS, 389

Hecatompylos, through which the Macedonian army had to

in the marshy region of Mazanderan.* I would refer
more circumstantially to this passage if our uncertainty as to
the age in which this writer lived, did not prevent our
deciding what was due to the poet’s own imagination, and
what was derived from historic sources.

The great encyclopedic work of the elder Pliny, which, by
the richness of its contents, surpasses any other production or
antiquity, will be more fully considered in the sequel, when
we enter on the “ history of the contemplation of the universe.”
The natural history of Pliny, which has exercised a powerful
influence on the middle ages, is, as his nephew, the younger
Pliny, has elegantly remarked, ‘‘ manifold as nature itself.”
As the creation of an irresistible passion for a comprehensive,
but often indiscriminate and irregular accumulation of facts,
this work is unequal in style, being sometimes simple and
narrative, and sometimes full of thought, animation, and rhe-
torical ornament, and from its very character, deficient in
individual delineations of nature: although wherever the con-
nection existing between the active forces of the universe,
the well ordered Cosmos (nature majestas), is made the
object of contemplation, we cannot mistake the indications
of a true poetic inspiration.

We would gladly instance the pleasantly situated villas on
the Pincian hill, at Tusculum and Tibur, on the promontory of
Misenum, and at Puteoli and Baie, as proofs of a love of

a heroic poem, in which Ovid’s friend Pedo-Albinovanus describes the
deeds of Germanicus, likewise describes the unfortunate passage of the
Ems (Ped. Albinoy., Zlegie, Amst. 1703, p. 172). Seneca considers this
description of the stormy waters as more picturesque than any passage
to be found in the writings of the other Roman poets. He remarks,
however: Latini declamatores in Oceani descriptione non nimis vigu-
erunt ; nam aut tumide scripserunt aut curiose.

* Curt. in Alex. Magno., vi. 16. Compare Droysen, Gesch. Alex-
anders des Grossen, 1833, 8. 265. In Quest. Natur., lib. iii. ¢. 27-30,
pp. 677-686, ed. Lips. 1741, of the too rhetorical Lucius Annzeus Seneca,
there is a remarkable description of one of the several instances of the
destruction of an originally pure and subsequently sinful race, by an
almost universal deluge, commencing with the words, Cum fatalis dies
diluvit venerit; and terminating thus: peracto exitio generis humant
extinctisque pariter feris in quarum homines ingenia transierant. See

the description of chaotic terrestrial revolutions, in Bhagavata-
Purana, bk. iii. c. 17 (ed. Burnouf, t. i. p. 441),

390. ~ — COSMOS:

nature amongst the Romans, had not these buildings, like
those of Scaurus and Meecenas, of Lucullus, and Adrian, been
overstocked with edifices, designed for pomp and display;
temples, theatres, and race-courses alternating with aviaries,
and houses for rearmg snails and dormice. The elder
Scipio had surrounded his simpler country house at Litur-
num with towers in the castellated style. The name of
Matius, a friend of Augustus, has come down to us as that of
the person, who, in his love for unnatural stiffness, first caused
trees to be cut in imitation of architectural and plastic pat-
terns. The letters of the younger Pliny give us a charming
description of two of his numerous villas, Laurentinum and.
Tuscum.* Although im these two buildings, surrounded by
cut box-trees, we meet with a greater number of objects
crowded together, than we with our ideas of nature would
esteem in accordance with good taste, yet these descriptions,
as well as the imitation of the valley of Tempe in the Tibur-
tine villa of Adrian, show us that a love for the free enjoy-
ment of nature was not wholly lost sight of by the Roman
citizens in their love of art, and in their anxious solicitude for
their personal comfort in adapting the locality of their country
houses to the prevailing relations of the sun and winds. It
is gratifying to be able to add, that this enjoyment was less
disturbed on the estates of Pliny than elsewhere, by the
revolting features of slavery. This wealthy man was not
only one of the most learned of his age, but he likewise

* Plin., Epist., ii. 17; v. 6; ix. 17; Plin., Hist. Nat., xii. 6; Hirt,
Gesch. der Baukunst bei den Alten, bd. ii. s. 241, 291, 376. The villa
Haurentina of the younger Pliny, was situated near the present Torre
di Paterno in the littoral valley of Palombara, east of Ostia; see Viaggio
da Ostia a la villa di Plinio, 1802, p. 9, and Le Laurentin, by
Handeleourt, 1838, p. 62. A deep feeling for nature is expressed in
the few lines which Pliny wrote from Laurentinum to Minutius Fun-
danus, “ Mecum tantum et cum libellis loguor. Rectam sinceramque
vitam! dulce otiwm honestumque! O mare, o littus, verum secretumque
povosioy ! quam multa invenitis, quam multa dictatis!” (i. 9.)
Hirt was persuaded that the origin in Italy during the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries of that stiff and systematic style of gardening long
known as the French, in contradistinction to the freer mode of land-
scape gardening of the English, and the early taste for wearisome and
regular lines, is to be ascribed to a wish of imitating that which Pliny
the younger has described in his leticrs (@eschichte der Baukunst bet
den Alten, th. ii. s. 366). res hale

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE ROMANS. 391

entertained feelings of humane compassion for the enslaved
condition of the people, a sentiment which was but seldom
expressed in antiquity. On the estates of the younger Pliny
no fetters were used; and the slave was permitted freely to
bequeath, as a cultivator of the soil, that which he had
acquired by the labour of his own hands.*

No description has been transmitted to us from antiquity of
the eternal snow of the Alps, reddened by the evening glow
or the morning dawn, of the beauty of the blue ice of the gla-
ciers, or of the sublimity of Swiss natural scenery, although
statesmen and generals, with men of letters in their retinue,
continually passed through Helvetia on their road to Gaul. All
these travellers think only of complaining of the wretchedness
of the roads, and never appear to have paid any attention
to the romantic beauty of the scenery through which they
passed. It is even known that Julius Cesar, when he was
returning to his legions in Gaul, employed his time whilst he
was passing over the Alps in preparing a grammatical work,
entitled De Analogia.t+ Silius Italicus, who died in the time
of Trajan, when Switzerland was already considerably culti-
vated, describes the region of the Alps as a dreary and barren
wilderness,t at the same time that he extols with admiration
the rocky ravines of Italy, and the woody shores of the Liris
(Garigliano).§ It is also worthy of notice, that the remark-
able appearance of the jointed basaltic columns which are so
frequently met with, associated in groups, in central France,
on the banks of the Rhine, and in Lombardy, should never
have been described or even mentioned by Roman writers.

At the period when the feelings died away, which had
animated classical antiquity, and directed the minds of men
to a visible manifestation of human activity, rather than to a
passive contemplation of the external world, a new spirit
arose; Christianity gradually diffused itself, and wherever it

* Plin., Epist., iii. 19; viii. 16. |

+ Suet., in Julio Cesare, cap. 56. The lost poem of Cesar (Iter)
described the journey to Spain when he led his army to his last military
action from Rome to Cordova, by land, (which was accomplished in
twenty-four days, according to Suetonius, and in twenty-seven days,
according to Strabo and Appian,) when the remnant of Pompey’s party,
which had been defeated in Africa, had rallied together in Spain,
* } Sil. Ttal., Punica, lib. iii. v. 477.

§ Sil. Ital., Punica, lib. iv. vy. 348; lib. viii. v. 399.

392 COSMOS,

was adopted as the religion of the State, it not only exercised
a beneficial influence on the condition of the lower classes, by
inculcating the social freedom of mankind, but also expanded
the views of men in their communion with nature. The
eye no longer rested on the forms of Olympic gods. The
fathers of the Church, in their rhetorically correct and often
poetically imaginative language, now taught that the Creator
showed himself great in inanimate no less than in animate
nature, and in the wild strife of the elements no less than. in
the still activity of organic development. At the gradual dis-
solution of the Roman dominion, creative imagination, sim-
plicity, and purity of diction disappeared from the writings of
that dreary age, first in the Latin territories, and then in
Grecian Asia Minor. A taste for solitude, for mournful con-
templation, and for a moody absorption of mind may be
traced simultaneously in the style and colouring of the
language. Whenever a new element seems to develope
itself in the feelings of mankind, it may almost invariably
be traced to an earlier deep-seated individual germ. Thus
the softness of Mimnermus* has often been regarded as
the expression of a general sentimental direction of the
mind. The ancient world is not abruptly separated from
the modern, but modifications in the religious sentiments
and the tenderest social feelings of men, and changes in the
special habits of those who exercise an influence on the ideas
of the mass, must give a sudden predominance to that which
might previously have escaped attention. It was the ten~
dency of the Christian mind to prove from the order of the
universe and the beauty of nature the greatness and goodness
of the Creator. This tendency to glorify the Deity in His
works, gave rise to a taste for natural description. The
earliest and most remarkable instances of this kind are to be
met with in the writings of Minucius Felix, a rhetorician and
lawyer at Rome, who lived in the beginning of the third
century, and was the contemporary of Tertullian and Philo-
stratus. We follow with pleasure the delineation of his twi-
light rambles on the shore near Ostia, which he describes as
more picturesque and more conducive to health than we find
it in the present day. In the religious discourse, entitled

* On elegiac poetry, consult Nicol. Bach, in the Allg. Schul-Zeitung,
1829, abth. ii., No, 134, s. 1097.

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE IN THE CHRISTIAN FATHERS. 395

Octavius, we meet with a spirited defence of the new faith
against the attacks of a heathen friend.*

. The present would appear to be a fitting place to introduce
some fragmentary examples of the descriptions of nature,
which occur in the writings of the Greek Fathers, and which
are probably less well known to my readers than the evidences
afforded by Roman authors, of the love of nature entertained
by the ancient Italians. I will begin with a letter of Basii
the Great, for which I have long cherished a special predilec-
tion. Basil, who was born at Cesarea in Cappadocia, re-
nounced the pleasures of Athens, when not more than thirty
years old, and, after visiting the christian hermitages in
Ceelo-Syria and Upper Egypt, retired, like the Essenes and
Therapeuti before the christian era, to a desert on the shores of
the Armenian river Iris. There his second brother+ Naucra-
tius was drowned while fishing, after having led for five years
the rigid life of an anchorite. He thus writes to Gregory
of Nazianzum, “I believe I may at last flatter myself with
having found the end of my wanderings. The hopes of being
united with thee—or I should rather say my pleasant dreams,
for hopes have been justly termed the waking dreams of men
—haye remained unfulfilled. God has suffered me to find a
place, such as has often flitted before our imaginations; for
that which fancy has shown us from afar, is now made mani-
fest to me. A high mountain clothed with thick woods, is
watered to the north by fresh and ever-flowing streams.
At its foot lies an extended plain, rendered fruitful by
the vapours with which it is moistened. The surrounding
forest, crowded with trees of different kinds, encloses me as
in a strong fortress. This wilderness is bounded by two
deep ravines; on the one side the river rushing in foam down,
the mountain, forms an almost impassable barrier, whilst on

* Minucit Felicis Octavius, ex. rec. Gron. Roterod., 1743, cap. 2, 3,
p. 12, 28; cap. 16-18, p. 151-171.

+ On the death of Naucratius, about the year 357, see Basilii Magni,
Op. omnia, ed. Par. 1730, t. iii. p. xlv. The Jewish Essenes, two
centuries before our era, led an anchorite life on the western shores of
the Dead Sea, in communion with nature. Pliny, in speaking of them,.
uses the graceful expression (y. 15), “mira gens, socia palmurum.”:
The Therapeuti lived originally in monastic communities, in a charm-
ing district near Lake Meeris (Neander, Allg. Geschichte der chrisih:
Religion wad Kirche, bd. i. abth. i., 1842, s. 78, 108).

394 COSMOS.

the other, all access is impeded by a broad mountain-ridge.
My hut is so situated on the summit of the mountain, that I
ean overlook the whole plain, and follow throughout its course
the Iris, which is more beautiful and has\a more abundant
body of water, than the Strymon near Amphipolis. | The
river of my wilderness, which is more impetuous than any
other that I know of, breaks against the jutting rock, and
throws itself foaming into the abyss below—an object of
admiration to the mountain wanderer, and a source of profit
to the natives from the numerous fishes that are found in its
waters. Shall I describe to thee the fructifying vapours that
rise from the moist earth, or the cool breezes wafted over the
rippled face of the waters? Shall I speak of the sweet song
of the birds, or of the rich luxuriance of the flowering plants?
What charms me beyond all else is the calm repose of this
spot. It is only visited occasionally by huntsmen; for my
wilderness nourishes herds of deer and wild goats, but not
bears and wolves. What other spot could I exchange for
this? Alemeon, when he had found the Echinades, would
not wander further.”* In this simple description of scenery
and of forest life, feelings are expressed, which are more inti-
mately in unison with those of modern times, than anything
that has been transmitted to us from Greek or Roman
antiquity. From the lonely alpine hut to which Basil withdrew,
the eye wanders over the humid and leafy roof of the forest
below. The place of rest which he and his friend Gregory of
Nazianzum had long desired, is at length found.t The poetie
and mythical allusion at the close of the letter, falls on the
christian ear like an echo from another and earlier world.

* Basilii M. Epist. xiv. p. 93, Hp. ecxxiii. p. 339. On the beauti-
ful letter to Gregory of Nazianzum, and on the poetic frame of mind of
St. Basil, see Villemain, De Eloquence chrétienne dans le quatriéme
Siécle, in his M élanges historiques et littéraires, t. iii: pp. 320-325.
The Iris, on whose shores the family of the great Basil had formerly
possessed an estate, rises in Armenia, and after flowing through the
plains of Pontus, and mingling with the waters of the Lycus, empties
itself into the Black Sea,

++ Gregory of Nazianzum did not, however, suffer himself to be enticed
by the description of Basil’s hermitage, preferring -Arianzus in the
Tiberina Regio, although his friend had complainingly designated it:
as an impure Bapabpor; see Basilii Hpist., ii. p. 70, and Vita Sancta
Bas., p. xlvi. and lix. of the edition of 1730.

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE IN THE CHRISTIAN FATHERS. 395

Basil’s Homilies on the Hexemeron also give evidence of
his love of nature. He describes the mildness of the con-
stantly clear nights of Asia Minor, where, according to his
expression, the stars, ‘‘ those everlasting blossoms of heaven,”
elevate the soul from the visible to the inyisible.* When in
the myth of the creation, he would praise the beauty of the
sea, he describes the aspect of the boundless ocean plain, in
all its varied and ever-changing conditions, “ gently moved by
the breath of heaven, altering its hue as it reflects the beams
of light in their white, blue, or roseate hues, and caressing the
shores in peaceful sport.” We meet with the same senti-
mental and plaintive expressions regarding nature in the
writings of Gregory of Nyssa, the brother of Basil the Great.
“When,” he exclaims, “I see every ledge of rock, every
valley and plain, covered with new-born verdure, the varied
beauty of the trees, and the lilies at my feet decked by nature
with the double charms of perfume and of colour, when in the
distance I see the ocean, towards which the clouds are onward
borne, my spirit is overpowered by a sadness not wholly devoid
of enjoyment. When in autumn the fruits have passed away,
the leaves have fallen, and the branches of the trees, dried and
shrivelled, are robbed of their leafy adornments, we are in-
stinctively led, amid the everlasting and regular change in
nature, to feel the harmony of the wondrous powers pervad-
ing all things. He who contemplates them with the eye of
the soul, feels the littleness of man amid the greatness of the
universe.”’ +

Whilst the Greek christians were led by their adoration of
the Deity through the contemplation of his works to a poetic
delineation of nature, they were at the same time, during the

* Basilii Homil. in Hexem, vi. 1, and iv. 6, Bas. Op. Omnia, ed.
Jul. Garnier, 1839, t. i. p. 54-70. Compare with this the expression of
deep sadness in the beautiful poem of Gregorius of Nazianzum, bearing
the title On the Nature of Man, (Gregor. Naz. Op. omnia, ed. Par.,
1611, t. ii., Carm. xiii. p. 85).

+ The quotation given in the text from Gregory of Nyssa, is composed
of several fragments literally translated. They occur in 8. Gregorii
Nysseni, Op., ed. Par. 1615, t. i. p. 49 C, p. 589 D, p. 210 C, p. 780 0;
t. li. p. 860 B, p. 619 B, 619 D, p. 324 D. “ Be gentle towards the emo-
tions of sadness,” says Thalassius, in one of the aphorisms which were so
much admired by his contemporaries (Biblioth. Patrum., ed. Par. 1624,
t. ii. p. 1180 °C.) é one:

$96 COSMOS.

earlier ages of their new belief, and owing to the peculiar bent
of their minds, full of contempt for all works of human art.
Thus Chrysostom abounds in passages like the following:
“If the aspect of the colonnades of sumptuous buildings would
lead thy spirit astray, look upwards to the vault of heaven,
and around thee on the open fields, in which herds graze by
the water’s side; who does not despise all the creations of art,
when in the stillness of his spirit he watches with admiration
the rising of the sun, as it pours its golden light over the face
of the earth; when resting on the thick grass beside the
murmuring spring, or beneath the sombre shade of a thick.
and leafy tree, the eye rests on the far receding and hazy
distance?’’* Antioch was at that time surrounded by hermit-
ages, in one of which lived Chrysostom. It seemed as if
eloquence had recovered her element, freedom, from the
fount of nature in the mountain regions of Syria and Asia
Minor, which were then covered with forests,

But in those subsequent ages—so inimical to intellectual
culture—when christianity was diffused amongst the Germanic
and Celtic nations, who had previously been devoted to the
worship of nature, and had honoured under rough symbols its
preserving and destroying powers, intimate intercourse with
nature, and a study of its phenomena were gradually con-
sidered suspicious incentives to witchcraft. This communion
with nature was regarded in the same light as Tertullian,
Clement of Alexandria, and almost all the older fathers of the
church, had considered the pursuit of the plastic arts. In the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the Councils of Tours (1163)
and of Paris (1209) interdicted to monks the sinful reading of
works on physics.| Albertus Magnus and Roger Bacor. were

* See Joannis Chrysostomi Op. omnia, Par. 1838, (8vo. t. ix. p. 687
A, t. ii. p, 821 A, and 851 E, t. i. p. 79); compare also Joannis Philo-
pont in cap. 1, Geneseos de creatione Mundi libri septem, Vienne
Aust. 1630, p. 192, 236, and 272; as also Georgit Piside Mundi opr-
jiciwm, ed. 1596 v. 367-875, 560, 933, and 1248. The works of Basil
and of Gregory of Nazianzum soon arrested my attention, after I began
to collect descriptions of nature; but I am indebted to my friend and
colleague H. Hase, Member of the Institute, and Conservator of the
King’s Library at Paris, for all the admirable translations of Chrysostom.
and Thallasius, that I have already given.

+ On the Conciliwm Turonense, under Pope Alexander III., see
Ziegelbauer, Hist. Rei litter. ordinis S. Benedicti, t. ii. p. 248, ed.

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE INDIANS. 697

the first who boldly rent asunder these fetters of the intellect,
and thus as it were absolved nature, and restored her to her
ancient rights.

We have hitherto depicted the contrasts manifested accord-
ing to the different periods of time in the closely allied litera-
ture of the Greeks and Romans. But differences in the mode
of thought are not limited to those which must be ascribed to
the age alone, that is to say, to passing events which are con-
stantly modified by changes in the form of government, social
manners, and religious belief; for the most striking differences
are those generated by varieties of races and of intellectual
development. How different are the manifestations of an
animated love for nature and a poetic colouring of natural
descriptions amongst the nations of Hellenic, Northern Ger-
manic, Semitic, Persian, or Indian descent! The opinion has
been repeatedly expressed, that the love of nature evinced by
northern nations, is to be referred to an innate longing for the
pleasant fields of Italy and Greece, and for the wonderful
luxuriance of tropical vegetation, when contrasted with their
own prolonged deprivation of the enjoyment of nature during
the dreary season of winter. We do not deny that this long:
ing for the land of palms diminishes as we approach Southern
France or the Spanish peninsula, but the now generally
adopted and ethnologically correct term of Indo-Germanie
nations should remind us that too general an influence ought
not to be ascribed to northern winters. ‘The luxuriant poetic
literature of the Indians teaches us that within and near the
tropics south of the chain of the Himalaya, ever verdant and
ever blooming forests have at all times powerfully excited the
imaginations of the East-Arian nations, and that they have
always been more inclined towards poetic. delineations of
nature, than the true Germanic races who have spread them-

754; and on the Council at Paris in 1209, and the Bull of Gregory
{X., from the year 1231, see Jourdain, Recherches crit. sur les traduc-
tions d' Aristote, 1819, p. 204-206. The perusal of the physical works
of Aristotle was forbidden under penalty of severe penance. In the
Concilium Lateranense of 1189, Sacror. Concil. nova Collectio, ed.
Ven. 1776, t. xxi. p. 528, the practice of medicine was interdicted to
monks. See on this subject the learned and agreeable work of the young
Wolfgang von Giéthe, Der Mensch und die elementarische Natur,
1844, s. 10.

we

398 2 _ | COSMos,

selves over the inhospitable north as far as Iceland. : The
happier climates of Southern Asia are not, however, exempt
from a certain deprivation, or, at least, an interruption of the
enjoyment of nature; for the seasons are abruptly divided
from each other by an alternation of fructifying rain and arid
destructive drought. In the West-Arian plateaux of Persia,
the barren wilderness penetrates in many parts in the form of
bays into the surrounding highly fruitful. lands. A margin of
forest land often constitutes the boundary of these far extend-
ing seas of steppe, in Central and Western Asia. In this
manner the relations of the soil present the inhabitants of
these torrid regions with the same contrast of barrenness and
vegetable abundance in a horizontal plane, as is manifested
in a vertical direction, by the snow-covered mountain chains
of India and of Afghanistan. Great contrasts im seasons,
vegetation, and elevation are always found to be exciting ele-
ments of poetic fancy, where an animated love for the con-
templation of nature is closely interwoven with the mental
culture and the religious aspirations of a people.

Pleasure in the contemplation of nature, which is consonant
with the characteristic bent of mind of the Germanic nations
is in the highest degree apparent in the earliest poems of the
middle ages, as may be proved by many examples from the
chivalrie poetry of the Minnesingers, in the period of the Ho-
henstauffen dynasty. However numerous may be the histori-
eal points of contact connecting it with the romanesque songs of
the Provencals, we cannot overlook the genuine Germanic spirit
everywhere breathing through it. A deep and all-pervading
enjoyment of nature breathes through the manners and social
arrangements of the Germanic races, and through the very spirit

of freedom by which they are characterised.* Although moving

and often born in courtly circles, the wandering Minnesin-
gers never relinquished the habit of communing with nature.
It was thus that their productions were often marked by a
fresh, idyllic, and even elegiac tone of feeling. In order to

* Fried. Schlegel, Ueber nordische Dichtkunst, in his sdémmtliche
Werke, bd. x. s. 71 and 90. I may further cite, from the very early
times of Charlemagne, the poetic description of the Thiergarten at. Aix,
enclosing both woods and meadows, and which occurs in the life of the
great emperor, by Angilbertus, Abbot of St. Riques. (See Pertz,
Monum., vol. i. p. 393-408. bykad

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE MINNESINGERS. 399

form a just appreciation of the result of such a disposition of
mind, I avail myself of the labours of my valued friends Jacob
and Wilhelm Grimm, who have so profoundly investigated the
literature of our German middle ages. ‘‘ Our national poets
during that age,’’ writes the latter of the two brother enquirers,
““have never devoted themselves to a description of nature,
having no object but that of conveying to the imaginationa
glowing picture of the scene. A love of nature was assuredly
not wanting to the ancient German Minnesingers, although
they have left us no other expression of the feeling, than
what was evolved in lyric poems from their connection with
historical events, or from the sentiments appertaining to the
subject of which they treated. If we begin with the oldest
and most remarkable monuments of the popular epos, we shall
find that neither the Mebelungen or Gudrun* contain any
description of natural scenery, even where the occasion seems
specially to prompt its introduction. In the otherwise cir-
cumstantial deseription of the hunt, during which Siegfried
was murdered, the flowering heath and the cool spring under
the linden, are only casually touched upon. In Gudrun,
which evinces to a certain extent a more delicate finish, the
feeling for nature is somewhat more apparent. When the
king’s daughter and her attendants, reduced to a condition of
slavery, are carrying the garments of their cruel masters to the
sea shore, the time is indicated, when the winter is just melt-
ing away, and the song of rival birds has already begun.
Snow and rain are falling, and the hair of the maidens is
dishevelled by the rough winds of March. As Gudrun, hoping
for the arrival of her liberators, is leaving her couch, and the
sea begins to shine in the light of the rising morning star, she
distinguishes the dark helmets and shields of her friends. This
description is conveyed in but few words, but it calls before
the mind a visible picture, and heightens the feeling of sus-
pense preceding the occurrence of an important historical event.
Homer, in a similar manner, depicts the island of the Cyclops
and the well-ordered gardens of Alcinous, in order to produce
a visible picture of the luxuriant profusion of the wilderness

* See the comparison of the two epics, the poem of the Niebelungen,
(describing the vengence of Chriemhild, the wife of Siegfried), and that
of Gudrun, the daughter of King Hetel, in Gervinus, Geschichte der
~ deutschen Litt,, bd, i. s, 354-381.

400 COSMOS.

in which the giant monsters dwell, and of the splendid abode
of a powerful king. Neither of the poets purposes to give
an individual delineation of nature.” ;

«:'The rugged simplicity of the popular epic contrasts strongly
with the richly varied narratives of the chivalric poets of the
thirteenth century, who all exhibited a certain degree of art-
istical skill, although Hartmann von Aue, Wolfram von Eschen-
bach, and Gottfried von Strasburg* were so much distinguished
above the rest in the beginning of the century, that they may
be called great and classical. It would be easy to collect
examples of a profound love of nature from their comprehen-
sive works, as it occasionally breaks forth in similitudes; but the
idea of giving an independent delineation of nature does not
appear to have occurred tothem. They never arrested the plot
of the story to pause and contemplate the tranquil life of
nature. How different are the more modern poetic composi-
tions! Bernardin de St. Pierre makes use of events merely as
frames for his pictures. The lyric poets of the thirteenth cen-
tury, when they sang of Minne or love, which they did not
however invariably choose as their theme, often speak of the
genial month of May, of the song of the nightingale, or of the
drops of dew glittering on the flowers of the heath, but these ex-
pressions are always used solely with reference to the feelings
which they are intended to reflect. In like manner when
emotions of sadness are tc be delineated, allusion is made to
the sear and yellow leaf, the songless birds, and the seed
buried beneath the snow. These thoughts recur incessantly,
although not without gracefulness and diversity of expression.
The tender Walther von der Vogelweide and the meditative
Wolfram von Eschenbach, of whose poems we unfortunately
possess but a few lyrical songs, may be adduced as brilliant
examples of the cultivators of this species of writing.”

“The question, whether contact with Southern Italy, or the
intercourse opened by means of the crusades with Asia Minor,
Syria, and Palestine, may not have enriched Germanic poetry
with new images of natural scenery, must be answered generally
in the negative, for we do not find that an acquaintance with
the cast gave any different direction to the productions of the

* On the romantic description of the grotto of the lovers, in the
Tristan of Goitfried of Strasburg, see Gervinus, op. cit. bd. i. s. 450.

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE MINNESINGERS, 401

Minnesingers. The Crusaders had little connection with the
Saracens, and differences ever reigned amongst the various
nations who were fighting for one common cause. One of the
most ancient of the lyric poets was Friedrich von Hausen, who
perished in the army of Barbarossa. His songs contain many
allusions to the Crusades, but they simply express religious
views, or the pain of being separated from the beloved of his
heart. Neither he, nor any of those who took part in the
crusades, as Reinmar the elder, Rubin, Neidhardt, and Ulrich
yon Lichtenstein, ever take occasion to speak of the country
surrounding them. Reimmar came to Syria as a pilgrim, and
as it would appear, in the retinue of Duke Leopold VI. of
Austria. He laments that he cannot shake off the thoughts
of home, which draw his mind away from God. The date-tree
is occasionally mentioned when reference is made to the palm-
branches which the pilgrims should bear on their shoulders. I
do not remember an instance in which the noble scenery of
Italy seems to have excited the imaginative fancy of the
Minnesingers who crossed the Alps. Walther von der Vogel-
weide, who had made distant travels, had, however, not
journeyed further into Italy than to the Po; but Freidank* had
been in Rome, and yet he merely remarks that grass grows
on the palaces of those who once held sway there.”

- The German Animal epos, which must not be confounded
with the ‘animal fables”’ of the East, has arisen from a habit
of social familiarity with animals, and not from any special
purpose of giving a representation of them. This kind of
epos, of which Jacob Grimm has treated in so masterly a
manner in the introduction to his edition of Reinhart Fuchs,
manifests a genuine delight in nature. The animals, not
chained to the ground, passionately excited, and supposed to

* Vridankes Bescheidenheit, by Wilhelm Grimm, 1834, s. 1. and
exxviii. I have taken all that refers to the German national epos, and
the Minnesingers from a letter of Wilhelm Grimm to myself, dated
October, 1845. Ina very old Anglo-Saxon poem on the names of the
Runes, first made known by Hickes, we find the following character-
istic description of the birch-tree: “ Beore is beautiful in its branches:
it rustles sweetly in its leafy summit, moved to and fro by the breath of
heaven.” The greeting of the day is simple and noble: “ The day is the
messenger of the Lord, dear to man, the glorious light of God, a joy and
trusting comfort to rich and poor, beneficent to all!” See also Wilhelm
Grimm, Ueber deutsche Runen, 1821, 8, 94, 225, and 234,

2D

402 COSMOS,

be gifted with voice, form a striking contrast with the still life
of the silent plants, and constitute the ever-animated principle
of the landscape. ‘‘ Ancient poetry delights in considermg
natural life with human eyes, and thus lends to animals and
sometimes even to plants, the senses and emotions of human
beings, giving at the same time a fantastic and child-like in-
terpretation of all that had been observed in their forms and
habits. Herbs and flowers that may have been gathered and
used by gods and heroes, are henceforward named after them..
It seems, on reading the German Animal epos, as if the fra-
grance of some ancient forest were wafted from its pages.” *
We might formerly have been disposed to number amongst
the memorials of the Germanic poetry of natural scenery, the
remains of the Celto-Irish poems, which for half a century
flitted like vapoury forms from nation to nation under the
name of Ossian; but the charm has vanished since the liter
fraud of the talented Macpherson has been discovered by his
publication of the fictitious Gaelic original text, which was a
mere retranslation of the English work. There are un-
doubtedly ancient Irish Fingal songs, designated as Finnian,
which do not date prior to the age of christianity, and, pro-
bably, not even from so remote a period as the eighth century ;
but these popular songs contain little of that sentimental deli-
neation of nature, which imparted so powerful a charm to the
productions of Macpherson.t .
We have already observed that, although sentimental and
romantic excitement of feeling may be considered as in a high
degree characteristic of the Indo-Germanic races of Northern
Europe, it cannot be alone referred to climate, or, in other
words, to a longing, increased by protracted deprivation. We
have already remarked how the literature of the Indians and
Persians, which has been developed under the genial glow of
southern climes, presents the most charming descriptions, not
only of organic but of inanimate nature; of the transition from

* Jacob Grimm, in Reinhart Fuchs, 1834, s. eexciv. (Compare also
Christian Lassen, in his Indische Alterthumskunde, bd. i. 1848, s. 296.)

+ (Die Unéichtheit der Lieder Ossian’s wnd des Macpherson'schen
Ossian’s insbesondere, von Talvj, 1840.) The first publication of Ossian
by Macpherson was in 1760. The Finnian songs are, indeed, heard in
the Scottish Highlands, as well asin Ireland, but they have been carried,
according to O'Reilly and Drummond, from the latter country to Scot-
land,

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY THE ARIAN RACES. 403

drought to tropical rain; of the appearance of the first cloud
on the deep azure of the pure sky, when the long-desired
Etesian winds are first heard to rustle amid the feathery feliage
of the lofty palms. —

The present would appear a fitting place to enter somewhat
further into the domain of Indian delineations of nature.
*« If we suppose,” writes Lassen, m his admirable work on
Indian antiquity,* “that a part of the Arian race emigrated
‘to India from their native region in the north-western por-
tion of the continent, they would have found themselves sur-
rounded by a wholly unknown and marvellously luxuriant
vegetation. The mildness of the climate, the fruitfulness of
the soil, and its rich and spontaneous products, must have
imparted a brighter colouring to the new life opened before
them. Owing to the originally noble characteristics of the
Arian race, and the possession of superior mental endowments,
in which lay the germ of all the nobleness and greatness to
which the Indians have attained, the aspeet of external nature
gaye rise in the minds of these nations to a deep meditation on
the forees of nature, which has proved the means of inducing
that contemplative tendency, which we find so intimately
interwoven in the most ancient poetry of the Indians. The
all-powerful impression, thus produced on the minds of the
people, is most clearly manifested in the fundamental dogma
of their belief—the recognition of the divine in nature. The
freedom from care, and the ease of supporting existence in such
a climate, were also conducive to the same contemplative ten-
dency. Who could devote themselves with less hindrance
to a profound meditation of earthly life, of the condition of
man after death, and of the divine essence, than the anchorites,
dwelling amid forests, the Brahmins of India, whose ancient

* Lassen, Ind. Alierthumskunde, bd. i. s. 412-415.

+ Respecting the Indian forest-hermits, Vanaprestize (Sylvicole) and
Sramfni (a name which has’been altcred into Sarmani and Germani),
see Lassen, “de nominibus quibus veteribus appellantur Indorum phi-
losophi,” in the Rhein. Museum fiir Philologie, 1833, s. 178-180.
Wilhelm Grimm, recognises something of Indian colouring in the de-
scription of the magic forest, by a priest named Lambrecht, in the Sung
of Alexander, composed more than 1200 years ago, in immediate imi-
tation of a French original. The hero comes to a wonderful wood, where
maidens, adorned with supernatural charms, spring from large flowers,
He remains so long with them, thatAboth flowers and maidens fade away.

2D2

404 COSMOS.

schools constitute one of the most remarkable phenomena of
Indian life, and must have exercised a special influence on the
mental development of the whole race?”

In referring here, as I did in my public lectures, under the
guidance of my brother and other learned Sanscrit scholars, to
individual instances of that animated and frequently expressed
feeling for nature, which breathes through the descriptive
portions of Indian poetry, I would begin with the Vedas, the
most ancient and most valuable memorials of the civilisation of
the East Arian nations. The main subject of these writings is
the veneration and praise of nature. The hymns of the /ig-
Veda contain the most charming descriptions of the ‘ roseate
hue of early dawn,” and of the aspect of the “ golden-handed
sun.” The great heroic poems of Ramayana and Mahabharata
are of more recent date than the Vedas, but more ancient than
the Puranas; the adoration of nature being associated with the
narrative in accordance with the character of epic creations.
In the Vedas, the locality of the scenes which had been glori-
fied by holy beings was seldom indicated, but in the heroic
poems the descriptions of nature are mostly individual, and
refer to definite localities, from whence they derive that
animation and life which is ever imparted when the writer
draws his materials from the impressions he has himself
experienced. There is a rich tone of colouring throughout
the description of the journey of Rama from Ayodhya to the
residence of Dschanaka, in his life in the primitive forest, and
in the picture of the anchorite life of the Panduides.

The name of Kalidasa was early and widely known amongst
the western nations. This great poet flourished in the highly
cultivated court of Vikramaditya, and was consequently the
contemporary of Virgil and Horace. The English and German
translations of the Sacontala have added to the admiration
which has been so freely yielded to this poet,* whose tender-

eget Gervinus, bd. i. s. 282, and Massmann’s Denkméiler, bd. i. &
6.) These are the same as the maidens of Edrisi’s eastern magic
island of Vacvae, called in the Latin version of the Masudi Chothbeddin,
puellas vasvakienses (Humboldt, Haamen crit. dela Géographie, t. i.
. 53.) .
Pe Kalidasa lived at the court of Vikramaditya, about fifty-six years
before our era. It is highly probable that the age of the two great
heroic poems, Ramayana and Mahabharata, is much more ancient than

NATURAL DESCRIPTIONS BY THE INDIANS. 405

fiess of feeling, and richness of creative fancy, entitle him to
a high place in the ranks of the poets of all nations. The
eharm of his descriptions of nature is strikingly exemplified
in the beautiful drama of Vikrama and Urvasi, where the
king wanders through the thickets of the forest in search of
the nymph Urvasi; in the poem of The Seasons; and in
that of The Messenger of Clouds (Meghaduta). This last
poem describes with admirable truth to nature the joy with
which, after long drought, the first appearance of a rising
cloud is hailed as the harbinger of the approaching season of
rain. The expression, “truth to nature,” of which I have
just made use, can alone justify me in referring in connection
with the Indian poem of The Messenger of the Clouds, to a
picture of the beginning of the rainy season, which I sketched*
in South America, at a period when Kalidasa’s Meghaduta
was not known to me even through the translation of Chézy.
The mysterious meteorological processes which take place in
the atmosphere in the formation of vapours, in the form of the
clouds, and in the luminous electric phenomena, are the same
between the tropics in both continents; and the idealising art,
whose province it is to exalt reality into a picture, will lose
none of its charm from the fact that the analysing spirit of
observation of a later age may have succeeded in confirming
the truthfulness of an ancient and simply graphic delineation.
We now turn from the East Arians or Brahminical

that of the appearance of Buddha, that is to say, prior to the middle of
the sixth century before Christ. (Burnouf, Bhagavata-Purana, t. i.
p. exi. and exviii.; Lassen, Jnd. Alterthumskunde, bd. i, s, 356 and
492.) George Forster, by the translation of Sakuntala, 7. e., by his
elegant German translation of the English version of Sir William
Jones (1791) contributed very considerably to the enthusiasm for
Indian poetry which then first shewed itself in Germany. I take
ei in recalling some admirable lines of Géthe’s, which appeared in
92 :-—

* Willst du die Bliithe des friihen, die Friichte des spiiteren Jahres,
Willst du was reizt und entziickt, willst du, was sittigt und nihrt.
Willst du den Himmel, die Erde mit einem Namen begreifen ;

’ Nenn’ ich Sakontala, Dich, und so ist alles gesagt.”
The most recent German translation of this Indian drama is that by

Otto Béhtlingk (Bonn, 1842), from the important original text dis-|

zovered by Brockhaus.
_ ™ Humboldt, (Ueber Steppen und Wiisten), in the Ansichten der
Natur, 2te Ausgabe, 1826, bd. i. s. 33-37,

\/

406 COSMOS.

Indians, and the marked bent of their minds towards the
contemplation of the picturesque beauties of nature,* to the
West Arians or Persians, who had separated in different
parts of the Northern Zend, and who were originally disposed

* In order to render more complete the small portion of the text,
which belongs to Indian literature, and to enable me, (as I did before
with relation to Greek and Roman literature,) to indicate the different
works referred to, I will here introduce some notices on the more general
consideration of the love of nature evinced by Indian writers, and kindly
communicated to me in manuscript by Herr Theodor Goldstiicker, a dis-
tinguished and philosophical scholar thoroughly versed in Indian poetry :

“ Among all the influences affecting the intellectual development of
the Indian nation, the first and most important appears to me to have
been that which was exercised by the rich aspeet of the country. A deep
sentiment for nature has at all times been a fundamental characteristic
of the Indian mind. Three successive epochs may be pointed out in which
this feeling has manifested itself. Each of these has its determined cha-
racter deeply implanted in the mode of life and tendencies of the
people. A few examples may therefore suffice to indicate the activity
of the Indian imagination, which has been evinced for nearly three
thousand years. The first epoch of the expression of a vivid feeling for
nature is manifested in the Vedas; and here we would refer in the
Rigveda to the sublime and simple descriptions of the dawn of day
{Rigveda-Sanhité, ed. Rosen, 1838, Hymn xlvi. p. 88; Hymn xlviii.
p. 92; Hymn xcii. p. 184; Hymn cxiii. p. 283: see also Hofer, /nd.
Gedichte, 1841, Lese i. s. 3) and of ‘the golden-handed sun,’ (Rigveda-
Sanhité, Hymn xxii. p. 31; Hymn xxxv. p. 65). The adoration of
nature which was connected here, as in other nations, with an early
stage of the religious belief, has in the Vedas a peculiar significance, and
is always brought into the most intimate connection with the external
and internal life of man, The second epoch is very different. In ita
popular mythology was formed, and its object was to mould the sagas
contained in the Vedas intoa shape more easily comprehended by an
age far removed in character from that which had gone by, and to asso-
eiate them with historical events which were elevated to the domain.
of mythology. The two great heroic poems, the Ramayana and the
Mahabharata, belong to this second epoch. The last-named poem had
also the additional object of rendering the Brahmins the most influen-
tial of the four ancient Indian castes. The Ramayana is therefore the
more beautiful poem of the two; it is richer in natural feeling, and has
kept within the domain of poetry, not having been obliged to take up
elements alien and almost hostile to it. In both poems, nature does
not, asin the Vedas, constitute the whole picture, but only a part of it
Two points essentially distinguish the conception of nature at the period
of the heroic poems from that which the Vedas exhibit, without reference
to the difference which separates the language of adoration from that of
narrative. One of these points is the localisation of the descriptions

NATURAL DESCRIPTIONS BY THE INDIANS. 407

to combine a spiritualised adoration of nature with the dual-
istic belief in Ahrimanes and Ormuzd. What we usually
term Persian literature does not go further back than the
+ime of the Sassanides; the most ancient monuments of their

as for instance, according to Wilhelm von Schlegel, in the first book of the
Ramayana, or Balakanda, and in the second book, or Ayodhyakanda:
see also on the differences between these two great epics Lassen,
Ind. Alierthwmskunde, bd. i. s. 482. The next point, closely connected
with the first, refers to the subject which has enriched the natural
description. Mythical narration, especially when of a historical cha-
racter, necessarily gave rise to greater distinctness and localisation in
the description of nature. All the writers of great epics, whether it be
‘Valmiki, who sings the deeds of Rama, or the authors of the Mahabha-
rata, who collected the national traditions under the collective title of
Vyasa, show themselves overpowered, as it were, by emotions con-
nected with their descriptions of external nature. Rama’s journey from
Ayodhya to Dschanaka’s capital, his life in the forest, his expedition to
Lanka (Ceylon), where the savage Ravana, the robber of his bride,
Sita, dwells, and the hermit life of the Panduides, furnish the poet
with the opportunity of following the original bent of the Indian mind,
and of blending with the narration of heroic deeds the rich pictures of
a luxuriant nature. (Ramayana, ed, Schlegel, lib. i. cap. 26, v. 13-15:
lib. ii. cap. 56, v. 6-11: compare Nalus, ed. Bopp, 1832, Ges. xii. vy.
1-10). Another point in which the second epoch differs from that of
the Vedas in regard to the feeling for external nature, is in the greater
richness of the subject treated of, which is not like the first limited to
the phenomena of the heavenly powers, but comprehends the whole of
nature,—the heavens and the earth, with the world of plants and of ani-
tnals, in all its luxuriance and variety, and in its influence on the mind
of men. In the third epoch of the poetic literature of India, if we
except the Puranas, which have the particular object of developing the
religious principle in the minds of the different sects, external nature
exercises undivided sway, but the descriptive portion of the poems is
based on scientific and local observation. By way of specifying some of
the great poems belonging to this epoch, we will mention the Bhatti-
kdvya (or Bhatti’s poem), which, like the Ramayana, has for its sub-
ject the exploits and adventures of Rama, and in which there occur
successively several admirable descriptions of a forest life during a term
of banishment, of the sea and of its beautiful shores, and of the breaking
of the day in Ceylon (Lanka). (Bhatti-kdvya, ed. Cale. P. i. canto
vil. p. 432; canto x. p. 715; canto xi. p. 814. Compare also Fiinf
Gestinge des Bhatti-kdvya, 1837, s. 1-18, by Professor Schiitz of Biele-
feld; the agreeable description of the different periods of the day in
Magha’s Sisupalabdha, and the Naischada-tscharita of Sri Harscha,
where, however, in the story of Nalus and Damayanti, the expression of
the feeling for external nature passes into a vague exaggeration. This
extravagance contrasts with the noble simplicity of the Ramayana,

408 COSMOS.

poetry have perished. It was not until the country had been
subjugated by the Arabs, and had lost its original character-
istics, that it again acquired a national literature amongst the
Samanides, Gaznevides, and Seldschukes. The flourishing
period of their poetry extending from Firdusi to Hafiz and
Dschami, scarcely lasted more than four or five hundred years,
and hardly reaches to the time of the yoyage of Vasco de
Gama. We must not forget in seeking to trace the love of
nature evinced by the Indians and Persians, that these
nations, if we judge according to the amount of cultivation
by which they are respectively characterised, appear to be
separated alike by time and space. Persian literature belongs

as for instance where Visvamitra is described as leading his pupil to the
shores of the Sona. (Siswpaladha, ed. Cale. pp. 298 and 372; compare
Schiitz, op. cit. s. 25-28; Naischada-tscharita, ed. Cale. P. 1, y. 77-129;
and Ramayana, ed. Schlegel, lib. 1, cap. 35, v. 15-18.) Kalidasa, the
celebrated author of Sakuntala, has a masterly manner of representing
the influence which the aspect of nature exercises on the minds and
feelings of lovers. The forest scene which he has pourtrayed in the
drama of Vikrama and Urvasi may rank amongst the finest poetic
creations of any period. (Vikramorvasi, ed. Cale. 1830, p. 71; see the
translation in Wilson’s Select Specimens of the Theatre of the Hindus,
Cale. 1827, vol. ii. p. 63.) Particular reference should be made in the
poem of 7'he Seasons, to the passages referring to the rainy season and to
spring. (Ritusanhdra, ed. Bohlen, 1840, pp. 11-18 and 37-45, and
s. 80--88, 107--114 of Bohlen’s translation.) Inthe Messenger of Clouds,
likewise the work of Kalidasa, the influence of external nature on the
feelings of men is also the leading subject of the composition. This
poem (the Meghaduta, or Messenger of Clouds, which has been edited by
Gildemeister and Wilson, and translated both by Wilson and by Chézy

describes the grief of an exile on the mountain Ramagiri. In his longing
for the presence of his beloved, from whom he is separated, he entreats a
passing cloud to convey to her tidings of his sorrows, and describes to
the cloud the path which it must pursue, depicting the landscape as
it would be reflected in a mind agitated with deep emotion. Among
the treasures which the Indian poetry of the third period owes to the
influence of nature on the national mind, the highest praise must be
awarded to the Gitagovinda of Dschayadeva. (Riickert, in the Zeit-
schrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, bd. i. 1837, s. 129-1738;
Gitagovinda Jayadeve poete indici drana lyricum, ed. Chr. Lassen,
1836.) We possess a masterly rythmical translation of this poem by
Riickert, which is one of the most pleasing, and at the same time one of
the most difficult in the whole literature of the Indians. The spirit of
the original is rendered with admirable fidelity, whilst a vivid conce
tion of nature animates every part of this great composition.

ae

NATURAL DESCRIPTIONS IN THE PERSIAN WRITERS. 409

to the middle ages, whilst the great literature of India apper-
tains in the strictest sense to antiquity.

In the Iranian elevated plateaux nature has not the same
luxuriance of arborescent vegetation, or the remarkable diversity
of form and colour, by which the soil of Hindostan is embel-
lished. The chain of the Vindhya, which long continued to be
the boundary line of the East Arian nations, falls within the
tropical region, whilst the whole of Persia is situated beyond
the tropics, and a portion of its poetry belongs even to the
northern districts of Balkh and Fergana.

The four paradises celebrated by the Persian poets,* were
the pleasant valley of Soghd rear Samarcand, Maschanrud
near Hamadan, Scha’abi Bowan near Kal’eh Sofid in Fars,
and Ghute, the plain of Damascus. Both Iran and Turan
are wanting in woodland scenery, and also therefore in the
hermit life of the forest, which exercised so powerful an in-
fluence on the imagination of the Indian poets. Gardens
refreshed by cool springs, and filled with roses and fruit-trees,
can form no substitute for the wild and grand natural scenery
of Hindostan, It is no wonder then that the descriptive
poetry of Persia was less fresh and animated, and that it was
often heavy and overcharged with artificial adornment. If in
accordance with the opinion of the Persians themselves, we
award the highest praise to that which we may designate by
the terms spirit and wit, we must limit our admiration to the
productiveness of the Persian poets, and to the infinite diver-
sity of forms imparted to the materials which they employ;
depth and earnestness of feeling are wholly absent from their
writings.t

Descriptions of natural scenery do but rarely interrupt the
narrative in the historical or national epos of Firdusi. It
seems to me that there is much beauty and local truthful-
ness in the description of the mildness of the climate and the
force of the vegetation, extolled in the praise of the coast-land
of Mazanderan, which is put into the mouth of a wandering
bard. The king Kei Kawus is represented as being excited
by this praise to enter upon an expedition to the Caspian Sea,
_ * Journal of the Royal Geogr. Soc. of London, vol. x. 1841, pp.
2, 3; Riickert, Makamen Harir?’s, s, 261.

+ Gothe, in his Commentar zum west-dstlichen Divan, bd. vi. 1828, a,
73, 78, and 111,

410 COSMOS.

and even to attempt a new conquest.* The poems on Spring
by Enweri, Dschelaleddin Rumi (who is esteemed the greatest
mystic poet of the East), Adhad, and the half-Indian Feisi,
generally breathe a tone of freshness and life, although a petty
striving to play on words not unfrequently jars unpleasantly
on the senses.| As Joseph von Hammer has remarked, in his
great work on the history of Persian poetry, Sadi in his
Bostan and Gulistan (Fruit and Rose Gardens) may be regarded.
as indicating an age of ethical teaching, whilst Hafiz, whose
joyous views of life have caused him. to be compared to
Horace, may be considered by his love-songs as the type of a
high development of lyrical art; but that in both bombastic af-
fectation too frequently mars the descriptions of nature.[ The
darling subject of Persian poetry, the “loves of the night-
ingale and the rose,” recurs with wearying frequency, and a
genuine love of nature is lost in the East amid the artificial
conventionalities of the language of flowers.

On passing northward from the Iranian plateaux through
Turan (Tiirja§ in the Zend) to the Uralian Mountains,
which separate Europe and Asia, we arrive at the primitive
seat of the Finnish race; for the Ural is as much a land of the
ancient Fins as the Altai is of the ancient Turks. Among
the Finnish tribes who have settled far to the west in the low-

* See Le Livre des Rots, publié par Jules Mohl, t. i. 1838, p. 487. _

+ See Jos. von Hammer, Gesch. der schénen Redekiinste Persiens,
1818, s. 96 concerning Ewhadeddin Enweri, who lived in the twelfth cen-
tury, and in whose poem on the Schedschai a remarkable allusion has been
discovered to the mutual attraction of the heavenly bodies; s. 183, con-
cerning Dschelaleddin Rumi, the mystic; s. 259, concerning Dschelaled-
din Ahdad; and s. 403, concerning Feisi, who stood forth at the court
of Akbar as a defender of the religion of Brahma, and in whose Ghazuls
there breathes an Indian tenderness of feeling.

+ “ Night comes on when the ink-bottle of heaven is overturned,” is
the inelegant expression of Chodschah Abdullah Wassaf, a poet who
has, however, the merit of having been the first to describe the great
astronomical observatory of Meragha, with its lofty gnomon. Hilali, of
Asterabad, makes the disk of the moon glow with heat, and regards the
evening dew as “the sweat of the moon.” (Jos. von Hammer, s, 247
and 371.)

- § Tairja or Turan are names whose etymology is still unknown.
Burnouf (Yaena, t. i. pp. 427-430) has acutely called attention to
the Bactrian Satrapy of Turiua or Turiva mentioned in Strabo (lib.
xi. ps 517, Cas.); Du Theil and Groskurd would, however, substitute the
reading of Tapyria; see the work of the latter, th. ii. s. 410. - ee

NATURAL DESCRIPTIONS IN THE HEBREW WRITERS. 411

lands of Europe, Elias Lénnrot has collected from the lips of
the Karelians and the country people of Olonetz, a large
number of Finnish songs, in which “ there breathes,’ accord-
ing to the expression of Jacob Grimm, “an animated love of
nature rarely to be met with in any poetry but that of India.’’*
An ancient epos containing nearly three thousand verses treats
of a fight between the Fins and Laps, and the fate of a demi-
god named Vaino. It gives an interesting account of Fin-
nish country life, especially in that portion of the work where
Ilmarine, the wife of the smith, sends her flocks into the
woods, and offers up prayers for their safety. Few races
exhibit greater or more remarkable differences in mental cul-
tivation, and in the direction of their feelings, according as they
have been determined by the degeneration of servitude, war-
like ferocity, or a continual striving for political freedom, than
the Fins, who have been so variously subdivided, although
retaining kindred languages. In evidence of this, we need
only refer to the now peaceful population amongst whom the
epos above referred to was found, to the Huns, once cele-
brated for conquests that disturbed the then existing order of
things, and who have long been confounded with the Monguls,
and lastly, to a great and noble.people—the Magyars.

After having considered the extent to which intensity in
the love of nature, and animation in the mode of its expres-
sion may be ascribed to differences of race, to the peculiar in-
fluence of the configuration of the soil, the form of govern-
ment, and the character of religious belief, it now remains for
us to throw a glance over those nations of Asia who offer
the strongest contrast to the Arian or Indo-Germanic races,
or in other words, to the Indians and Persians.

The Semitic or Aramzic nations afford evidence of a pro-
found sentiment of love for nature, in the most ancient and
venerable monuments of their poetic feeling and creative fancy.
This sentiment is nobly and vividly manifested in their pastoral
effusions, in their hymns and choral songs, in all the splendour
of lyric poetry in the Psalms of David, and in the schools of
the seers and prophets, whose exalted inspiration almost
wholly removed from the past, turns its prophetic aspirations
to the future.

The Hebraic poetry, besides all its innate exalted sublimity,

_* Ueber ein finnisches Epos, Jacob Grimm, 1845, 8, 5.

S12. COSMOS.

presents the nations of the West with the special attraction of
being interwoven with numerous reminiscences connected
with the local seat of the religion professed by the followers
of the three most widely diffused forms of belief, Judaism,
Christianity, and Mahomedanism. ‘Thus missions, favoured
by the spirit of commerce, and the thirst for conquest evinced
by maritime nations, have combined to bear the geographical
names and natural descriptions of the East as they are pre-
served to us in the books of the Old Testament, far into the
forests of the New World, and to the remote islands of the
Pacific.

It is a characteristic of the poetry of the Hebrews, that as a
reflex of monotheism it always embraces the universe in
its unity, comprising both terrestrial life and the luminous
realms of space. It dwells but rarely on the individuality of
phenomena, preferring the contemplation of great masses.
The Hebrew poet does not depict nature as a self-dependent
object, glorious in its individual beauty, but always as in rela-
tion and subjection to a higher spiritual power. Nature is to
him a work of creation and order, the living expression of
the omnipresence of the Divinity in the visible world. Hence
the lyrical poetry of the Hebrews, from the very nature of its
subject, is grand and solemn, and when it treats of the earthly
condition of mankind, is full of sad and pensive longing. It
is worthy of remark that Hebrew poetry, notwithstanding
its grandeur, and the lofty tone of exaltation to which it is
often elevated by the charm of music, scarcely ever loses
the restraint of measure, as does the poetry of India. De-
voted to the pure contemplation of the Divinity, it remains
clear and simple in the midst of the most figurative forms of
expression, delighting in comparisons which recur with almost
rhythmical regularity.

As descriptions of nature, the writings of the Old Testa-
ment are a faithful reflection of the character of the country
in which they were composed, of the alternations of barren-
ness and fruitfulness, and of the alpine forests by which the
land of Palestine was characterised. They describe in their
regular succession, the relations of the climate, the manners of
this people of herdsmen, and their hereditary aversion to agri-
cultural pursuits. The epic or historical narratives are marked
by a graceful simplicity, almost more unadorned than those

HEBREW POETRY. 418

of Herodotus, and most true to nature; a point on which the
unanimous testimony of modern travellers may be received
as conclusive, owing to the inconsiderable changes effected in
the course of ages in the manners and habits of a nomadic
people. Their lyrical poetry is more adorned, and developes a
rich and animated conception of the life of nature. It might
almost be said that one single psalm (the 104th) represents
the image of the whole Cosmos:—‘* Who coverest thyself
with light as with a garment: who stretchest out the heavens
like a curtain: Who layeth the beams of his chambers in the
waters: who maketh the clouds his chariot: who walketh upon
the wings of the wind: Who laid the foundations of the earth
that it should not be removed for ever. He sendeth the
springs into the valleys, which run among the hills. They give
drink to every beast of the field: the wild asses quench their
thirst. By them shall the fowls of the heaven have their
habitation, which sing among the branches. He causeth the
grass to grow for the cattle, and herb for the service of man:
that he may bring forth food out of the earth; And wine that
maketh glad the heart of man, and oil to make his face shine,
and bread which’strengtheneth man’s heart. The trees of the
Lord are full of sap; the cedars of Lebanon which he hath
planted; Where the birds make their nests: as for the stork,
the fir-trees are her house.” ‘The great and wide sea’’ is
then described, “‘wherein are things creeping innumerable,
both small and great beasts. There go the ships: there is
that leviathan, whom thou hast made to play therein.” The
description of ,the heavenly bodies renders this picture of
nature complete:—“ He appointed the moon for seasons:
the sun knoweth his going down. Thou makest darkness,
and it is night: wherein all the beasts of the forest do creep
forth. The young lions roar after their prey and seek their
meat from God. The sun ariseth, they gather themselves
together, and lay them down in their dens. Man goeth forth
unto his work and to his labour unto the evening.”

We are astonished to find in a lyrical poem of such a limited
compass, the whole universe—the heavens and the earth—
sketched with a few bold touches. The calm and toilsome
labour of man, from the rising of the sun to the setting of the
same, when his daily work 1s done, is here contrasted with
the moving life of the elements of nature. This contrast and

414 COSMOS.

generalisation in the conception of the mutual action of
natural phenomena, and this retrospection of an omnipresent
invisible power, which can renew the earth or crumble it to
dust, constitute a solemn and exalted rather than a glowing
and gentle form of poetic creation.

Similar views of the Cosmos occur repeatedly in the Psalms*
(Psalm Ixv. 7-14, and Ixxiv. 15-17), and most fully perhaps
in the 37th chapter of the ancient, if not ante-mosaic Book. of
Job. The meteorological processes which take place in the
atmosphere, the formation and solution of vapour, according
to the changing direction of the wind, the play of its colours,
the generation of hail and of the rollmg thunder are deseribed
with individualising accuracy; and many questions are pro-
pounded which we in the present state of our physical knowledge
may indeed be able to express under more scientifie defini-
tions, but scarcely to answer satisfactorily. The Book of Job is
generally regarded as the most perfect specimen of the poetry
of the Hebrews. It is alike picturesque in the delineation of
individual phenomena, and artistically skilful in the didactie
arrangement of the whole work. in all the modern languages
into which the Book of Job has been translated, its images
drawn from the natural scenery of the East, leave a deep im-
pression on the mind. ‘The Lord walketh on the heights of
the waters, on the ridges of the waves towering high beneath
the force of the wind.” ‘The morning red has coloured the
margins of the earth, and variously formed the covering of
clouds, as the hand of man moulds the yielding clay.” The
habits of animals are described, as for instance those of the
wild ass, the horse, the buffalo, the rhinoceros, and the eroco-
dile, the eagle, and the ostrich. We see “the pure ether
spread during the scorching heat of the south wind, as a
melted mirror over the parched desert.” Where nature has

* Noble echoes of the ancient Hebraic poetry are found in the eleventh
century, in the hymns of the Spanish Synagogue poet, Salomo ben
Jehudah Gabirol, which contain a poetic paraphrase of the pseudo-Aris-
totelian book, De Mundo. See Die religidse Poesie der Judea in
Spanien, by Michael Sachs, 1845, s. 7, 217, and 229. The sketches
drawn from nature, and found in the writings of Mose ben Jakob ben
Esra (s. 69, 77, and 285), are full of vigour and grandeur.

++ I have taken the passages in the Book of Job from the translation
and exposition of Umbreit (1824), s. xxix.—xlii. and 290-314. (Com-

LITERATURE OF THE ARABS. 415

but sparingly bestowed her gifts, the senses of man are sharp-
ened, and he marks every change in the moving clouds of
the atmosphere around him, tracing in the solitude of the
dreary desert, as on the face of the deep and moving sea, every
phenomenon through its varied changes, back to the signs by
which its coming was proclaimed. ‘The climate of Palestine,
especially in the arid and rocky portions of the country, is
peculiarly adapted to give rise tosuch observations.

The poetic literature of the Hebrews is not deficient in
variety of form; for whilst the Hebrew poetry breathes a
tone of warlike enthusiasm from Joshua to Samuel, the
little book of the gleaner Ruth presents us with a charm-
ing and exquisitely simple picture of nature. Gdéthe,* at
the period of his enthusiasm for the East, spoke of it “as
the loveliest specimen of epic and idyl poetry which we
possess.”

Even in more recent times, we observe in the earliest
literature of the Arabs, a faint reflection of that grand con-
templative consideration of nature, which was an original
characteristic of the Semitic races. I would here refer to the
picturesque delineation of Bedouin desert life, which the gram-
marian Asmai has associated with the great name of Antar,
and has interwoven with other pre-mahomedan sagas of heroic
deeds into one great work. The principal character in this
romantic novel is the Antar (of the race of Abs, and son of the
princely leader Scheddad and of a black slave,) whose verses
haye been preserved among the prize poems (Moallakdt), hung
up in the Kaaba. The learned English translator Terrick
Hamilton, has remarked the biblical tone which breathes
through the style of Antar.* Asmai makes the son of the

pare generally Gesenius, Geschichte der hebr. Sprache und Schrift, s.
33; and Jobi antiquissimi carminis hebr. natura atque virtutes, ed.
Iigen, p. 28.) The longest and most characteristic description of an
animal which we meet with in Job, is that of the crocodile (xl. 25—xli.
26), and yet it contains one of the evidences of the writer being him-
self a native of Palestine. (Umbreit,s. xli. and 308.) As the river-horse
of the Nile and the crocodile were formerly found throughout the whole
Delta of the Nile, it is not surprising that the knowledge of such
strangely formed animals should have spread into the contiguous region

of Palestine. : i
, * Qothe, in his Commentar zum west-dsilichen Divan, s. 8,

416 COSMOS,

desert go to Constantinople; and thus a picturesque contrast
of Greek culture and nomadic ruggedness is introduced, The
small space occupied in the earliest Arabic poems by natural
delineations of the country, will excite but little surprise when
we remember, as has been remarked by my friend Freytag
of Bonn, who is so celebrated for his knowledge of this branch
of literature, that the principal subjects of these poems are
narrations of deeds of arms, and praise of hospitality and
fidelity, and that scarcely any of the bards were natives of
Arabia-Felix. A wearying uniformity of grassy plains and
sandy deserts could not excite a love of nature, except under
peculiar and rare conditions of mind.

Where the soil is not adorned by woods and forests, the
phenomena of the atmosphere, as winds, storms, and the long-
wished-for rain, occupy the mind more strongly, as we have
already remarked. ‘or the sake of referring to a natural
image of this kind in the Arabian poets, I would especiaily
notice Antar’s Moallakat, which describes the meadows ren-
dered fruitful by rain, and visited by swarms of buzzing
insects; the fine description of storms in Amru Kais, and
in the 7th book of the celebrated Hamasa;{ and, lastly, the
picture in the Nabegha Dhobyani of the rising of the Eu-
phrates, when its waves bear in their course masses of reeds
and trunks of trees.§ The 8th book of Hamasa, inscribed
“‘ Travel and Sleepiness,” naturally attracted my special atten-

* Antar, a Bedouin romance, translated from the Arabic by Terrick
Hamilton, vol. i. p. xxvi.; Hammer, in the Wiener Jahrbiichern der
Litteratur, bd. vi. 1819, s. 229; Rosenmiiller, in the Charakteren der
vornehmsten Dichter aller Nationen, bd. v. (1798) s. 251.

+ Antara cum schol. Sunsenii, ed. Menil., 1816, v. 15.

+ Amrulkeisi Moallakat, ed. E G. Hengstenberg, 1823; Hamasa, ed
Freytag, P. i. 1828, lib. vii. p. 785. Compare also the pleasing work,
entitled Amrilkais, the Poet and King, translated by Fr. Riickert,
1843, pp. 29 and 62, where southern showers of rain are twice described
with exceeding truth to nature. The royal poet visited the court of the
Emperor Justinian, several years before the birth of Mohammed, to seek
aid against his enemies. See Le Divan d’ Amro ‘lkais, accompagné
d'une traduction par le Baron Mac Quckin de Slane, 1837, p. 111.

§ Nabeghah Dhobyani, in Silvestre de Sacy’s Chrestom. arabe, 1806, t.
iii. p. 47. On the early Arabian literature generally, see Weil’s Die poet.
Intteratur der Araber vor Mohammed, 1837, s. 15 and 90, as well as
Freytay’s Darstellung der arabischen Verskunst, 1830, 8: 372-392. We

GENERAL RETROSPECT. 417

tion; I soon found, however, that “ sleepiness” * was limited
to the first fragment of the book, and that the choice of the
subject was the more excusable, as the composition is referred
to a night journey on a camel.

I have endeavoured in this section to manifest in a fragment-
ary manner, the different influence exercised by the external
world, or the aspect of animate and inanimate nature at different
periods of time, on the thoughts and mode of feeling of different
races. I have extracted from the history of literature the cha-
racteristic expressions of the love of nature. My object, there-
fore, as throughout the whole of this work, has been to give
general rather than complete views, by the selection of examples
illustrative of the peculiar characteristics of different epochs and
different racesof men. I have noticed the changes manifested in
the literature of the Greeks and Romans, to the gradual decay of
those feelings which gave an imperishable lustre to classical an-
tiquity in the West, and I have traced in the writings of the early
fathers of the Christian church, the beautiful expression of a love
of nature, developed in the calm seclusion of an anchorite life.
In considering the Indo-Germanie races (using the term in its
strictest definition), we have passed from the German poetry of
the middle ages, to that of the highly civilised ancient East Arians
(Indians) and of the less favoured West Arians or inhabitants
of ancient Iran. After a rapid glance at the Celtic Gaelic
songs, and the recently discovered Finnish epos, I have deli-
neated the rich life of nature that breathes forth from the
exalted compositions of the Hebrews and Arabs—races of
Semitic or Arameic origin; and thus we have traced the
images reflected by the external world on the imagination of
nations dwelling in the north and south-east of Europe, in
Western Asia, in the Persian plateaux, and in the Indian
tropical regions. I have been induced to pursue this course
from the idea that in order to comprehend nature in all its vast
sublimity, it would be necessary to present it under a two-fold
aspect, first objectively as an actual phenomenon, and next
subjectively as it is reflected in the feelings of mankind.

may soon expect an excellent and complete version of the Arabian poetry
descriptive of nature, in the writings of Hamasa, from our great poet
Friedrich Riickert.
* Hamase Carmina, ed. Freytag, P. i. 1828, p. 788, “ Here finishes,”
it is said in p. 796, “ the chapter on travel and sleepiness.”
2E

418 COSMOS,

‘When the glory of the Aramezic, Greek, and Roman domi.
nion—or I might almost say, when the ancient world ‘had
passed away, we find in the great and inspired founder of anew
era, Dante Alighieri, occasional manifestations of the deepest
‘sensibility to the charms of the terrestrial life of nature, when-
ever he abstracts himself from the passionate and ‘subj
tive control of that despondent mysticism, which constituted
the general circle of his ideas. The period in which he lived
followed immediately that of the decline of the Suabian Minne-
singers, of whom I have already spoken. At the close of the
first canto of his Purgatorio,* Dante depicts with inimitable
grace the morning fragrance, and the trembling light on. the
mirror of the gently moved and distant sea (tl tremolar della
marina); and in the fifth canto, the bursting of the clouds,
and the swelling of the rivers, when after the battle of Cam-
paldino, the body of Buonconte da Montefeltro was lost im the
Arno.t| The entrance into the thick grove of the terrestrial
paradise, is drawn from the poet’s remembrance of the pine
forest near Ravenna, “‘ la pineta in sul lito di chiasst,”} where
the matin song of the birds resounds through the leafy boughs.
The local fidelity of this picture of nature contrasts in the
celestial paradise with the “‘stream of ight flashing innumerable
sparks,§ which fall into the flowers on the shore, and then, as

* Dante, Purgatorio, canto i. y. 115:—
“'L’ alba vinceva 1’ ora mattutina
Che fuggia ’nnanzi, ‘si che di lontano
Conobbi il tremolar della marina”... .
+ Purg., canto v.,'v. 109—127:—
“Ben sai come nell’ aer si raccoglie
Quell’ umido vapor, che in acqua riede,
Tosto che sale, dove ’l freddo il coglie” ..
t Purg., canto xxviii. v. 1--24.
§ Parad., canto xxx. v. 61-69 :—

“E vidi lume in forma di riviera
Fulvido di fulgori intra due rive
Dipinte di mirabil primavera.
Di tal fiumana uscian faville vive
E d’ ogni parte si mettean ne’ fiori,
Quasi rubin, che oro-circonserive.
Poi come inebriate dagli odori,
Riprofondavan se nel miro gurge
£3’ una entrava, un altra‘n’ uscia fuori.”

7+ «©

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE IN EARLY ITALIAN POETS 419

if inebriated with their sweet fragrance, plunge back into the
stream, whilst others rise around them.” It would almost
seem-as if this fiction had its origin in the ‘poet’s recollection
of that pecuhar and rare phosphorescent condition of the
ocean, when luminous points appear to rise from the breaking
waves, and spreading themselves over the surface ofthe waters,
convert the liquid plain into a moving sea.of sparkling stars.
The remarkable conciseness of the style of the Divina ‘Com-
media adds to the depth and earnestness of the impression
which it produces.

In lingering on Italian ‘ground, although avoiding the fri-
gid pastoral romances, I would here refer after Dante to the
plaintive sonnet in which Petrarch deseribes the i impression
made on his mind by the charming valley of Vaucluse, after
death had robbed him.of Laura; the smaller:poems of Boiardo,
the friend of Hercules d’Hste; and more recently, the stanzas
of Vittoria ‘Colonna.*

I donot make any extracts from the Canzones of the Vita Nuova,
because the similitudes and images which they contain do not belong to
the purely natural range of terrestrial phenomena.
* J would here refer to Boiardo’s sonnet, beginning,

Ombrosa selva, che il mio duolo ascolti,
and the ‘fine stanzas of Vittoria ‘Colonna, which begin,

Quando miro la terra ornata e bella,

Di mille-vaghi ed odoratifiori ....
A fine and very characteristic description of the country seat of Fracas-
toro on the hill of Incassi (Mons Caphius), near Verona, is given by this
writer, (who was equally distinguished in medicine, mathematics, and
poetry), in his Naugertus de poetica dialogus. ‘Hieron. Fracastorii
Op. 1591, P.i. pp. 321-326. See also ina didactic poem by the same
writer, lib. ii, v. 208--219 (Op. p. 636), the pleasing passage on ‘the
culture of the Citrus in Italy. 1 miss with astonishment any expression
of feeling connected with the aspect of nature in the letters of Petrarch,
either when, in 1345, (three years, therefore, before the death of Laura),
he attempted the ascent of Mont Veutour from Vaucluse, in the eager
hope of beholding from thence a ‘part of ‘his native land; when he
ascended the banks of the Rhine to Cologne; or when the visited ‘the
Gulf of Baiz. He lived more in the world of -his classical remem-
brances of Cicero and the Roman ‘poets, or in the emotions of ‘his
ascetic melancholy, than in the actual scenes by which he was sur-
rounded. (See Petrarche Epist. de rebus familiaribus, lib. iv. 1, v.
8-and 4° pp. 119, 156, and 161, ed. Lugdun. 1601). There is, how-
ever, an exceedingly picturesque description of a great tempest which
he observed near Naples in 1343 (lib. v. 5, p. 165),

2E2

420 COSMOS.

When classical literature acquired a more generally diffused
vigour by the intercourse suddenly opened with the politically
degenerated Greeks, we meet with the earliest evidence of this
better spirit in the works of Cardinal Bembo, the friend and
counsellor of Raphael, and the patron of art; for in the ina
Dialogus, written in the youth of the author, there is a charm-
ing and vivid sketch of the geographical distribution of the
plants growing on the declivities of the mountain, from the
rich corn-fields of Sicily to the snow-covered margin of the
crater. The finished work of his maturer age, the Historie
Veneta, characterises still more picturesquely the climate and
vegetation of the New Continent.

Everything concurred at this period to fill the imaginations
of men with grand images of the suddenly extended bounda-
ries of the known world, and of the enlargement of human
powers, which had been of simultaneous occurrence. As, in
antiquity, the Macedonian expeditions to Paropamisus, and the
wooded alluvial valleys of Western Asia awakened impres-
sions derived from the aspect of a richly adorned exotic
nature, whose images were vividly reflected in the works or
highly gifted writers, even for centuries afterwards; so, in like
manner, did the discovery of America act in exercising a
second and stronger influence on the western nations than
that of the crusades. The tropical world, with all the luxu-
riance of its vegetation on the plains, with all the gradations
of its varied organisms on the declivities of the Cordilleras,
and with all the reminiscences of northern climates associated
with the inhabited plateaux of Mexico, New Granada, and
Quito, was now first revealed to the eyes of Europeans.
Fancy, without whose aid no truly great work can succeed in
the hands of man, lent a peculiar charm to the delineations
of nature sketched by Columbus and Vespucci. The first of
these discoverers is distinguished for his deep and earnest sen-
timent of religion, as we find exemplified in his description of
the mild sky of Paria, and of the mass of water of the
Orinoco, which he believed to flow from the eastern paradise;
while the second is remarkable for the intimate acquaintance
he evinces with the poets of ancient and modern times,
as shown in his description of the Brazilian coast. The reli-
gious sentiment thus early evinced by Columbus became
converted, with increasing years, and under the influence of

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE BY COLUMBUS, 421

the persecutions which he had to encounter, into a feeling of
melancholy and morbid enthusiasm.

In the heroic ages of the Portuguese and Castilian races it
was not thirst for gold alone, as has been asserted from
ignorance of the national character at that period, but rather
a general spirit of daring, that led to the prosecution of dis-
tant voyages. The names of Hayti, Cubagua, and Darien, acted
on the imaginations of men in the beginning of the sixteenth
century in the same manner as those of Tinian and Otaheite
have done in more recent times, since Anson and Cook. If
the narrations of far distant lands then drew the youth of the
Spanish peninsula, Flanders, Lombardy, and Southern Ger-
many, to rally around the victorious standard of an imperial
leader on the ridges of the Andes, or the burning plains of
Uraba and Coro, the milder influence of a more modern civi-
lisation, when all portions of the earth’s surface were more
generally accessible, gave other motives and directions to the
restless longing for distant travels. A passionate love of the
study of nature, which originated chiefly in the north, glowed
in the breast of all; intellectual expansion of views became
associated with enlargement of knowledge; whilst the poetic
and sentimental tone of feeling, peculiar to the epoch of
which we speak, has, since the close of the last century, been
identified with literary compositions, whose forms were
unknown to former ages.

On casting a retrospective glance on the great discoveries
which prepared the way for this modern tone of feeling, our
attention is especially attracted by the descriptions of nature
which we owe to the pen of Columbus. It is only recently that
we haye been in possession of his own ship’s journal, his letters
to the Chancellor Sanchez, to the Donna Juana de la Torre,
governess of the Infant Don Juan, and to Queen Isabella. I
have already attempted, in my critical investigation of the
history of the geography of the fifteenth and sixteenth cen-
turies,* to show with what depth of feeling for nature the
great discoverer was endowed, and how he described the
earth and the new heaven opened to his eyes, (viage nuevo al
nuevo cielo t mundo que fasta entonces estaba en occulto,) with
a beauty and simplicity of expression which can only be ade-

* Humboldt, Zaamen critique de Uhistoire de la Géographie du
nouveau Continent t. iii. pp. 227-248,

422 COSMOS.

quately appreciated by those who are conversant with the
ancient vigour of the language at the period in which he
wrote.

The physiognomy and forms of the vegetation, the impene-
trable thickets of the forests ““in which one can scarcely dis-
tinguish the stems to which the several blossoms and leaves
belong,’ the wild luxuriance of the flowering soil along the
humid shores, and the rose-coloured flamingoes which, fishing
at early morn at the mouth of the rivers, impart animation to
the scenery—all in turn arrested the attention of the old
mariner as he sailed along the shores of Cuba, between the
small Lucayan islands and the Jardinillos, which I too have
visited. Each newly discovered land seems to him more
beautiful than the one last described, and he deplores his
inability to find words in which to express the sweet impres-
sions awakened in his mind. Wholly unacquainted with
botany (although, through the influence of Arabian and Jew-
ish physicians, some superficial knowledge of piants had been
diffused in Spain), he was led, by a simple love of nature, to
individualise all the unknown forms he beheld. Thus, in
Cuba alone, he distinguishes seven or eight different species
of palms, more beautiful and taller than the date-tree (varie-
dades de palmas superiores a las nuestras en su belleza y altura).
He informs his learned friend Anghiera, that he has seen
pines and palms (palmeta et pineta) wonderfully associated
together in one and the same plain; and he even so acutely
observed the vegetation around him, that he was the first to
notice. that there were pines on the mountains of Cibao,
whose fruits are not fir-cones but berries like the olives of the
Axzarafe de Sevilla; and further, as I have already remarked,
Columbus* already separated the genus Podocarpus from the
family of Abietines.

“The beauty of the new land,” says the discoverer, “ far
surpasses the Campina de Cordova. The trees are bright,
with an ever-verdant foliage, and are always laden with fruit.
The plants on the ground are high and flowering. The air is
warm as that of April in Castile, and the nightingale sing
more melodiously than words can describe. At night the
song of other smaller birds resounds sweetly, and I have also
heard our grasshoppers and frogs. Once I came to a deeply

* See p. 285. ri

DESCRIPTIONS OF’ NATURE BY COLUMBUS. 423

enclosed harbour and saw a high mountain that had never been
seen by any mortal eye, and from whence gentle waters
(lindas aguas) flowed down. The mountain was covered with
firs and variously-formed trees adorned with beautiful blos-
soms. On sailing up the stream which empties itself into
the bay, I was astonished at the cool shade, the clear erystal-
like water, and the number of the singing birds. I felt as
= could never leave so charming a spot, as if a thousand
es would fail to deseribe all these things, and as if
d were spell-bound and refused to write, (para hacer
pe en a los Reyes de las cosas que vian no bastaran mal
lenguas. w referillo, ni la mano para lo eseribir, que le parecia
staba: encantado).” *

_ We here learn from the journal of a wholly unlettered sea-
man the power which the beauty of nature, in its individual
forms, may exercise on a susceptible mind. Feelings ennoble
language; for the style of the Admiral especially when at the
age of sixty-seven, on his fourth voyage, he relates his won-
derful dream,} on the shore of Veragua, if not more eloquent,
is at. any rate more interesting than the allegorical, pastoral
romances of Boccacio, and the two poems of Arcadia by San-
nazaro and Sydney, than Garcilasso’s Salicto y Nemoroso, or
than the Diana of Jorge de Montemayor. The elegiac idyllic
element unfortunately predominated too long in the literature
of the Spaniards and Italians. It required all the freshness of
delineation which characterised the adventures of Cervantes’
Knight of La Mancha to atone for the Galatea of the same
author. Pastoral romance, however it may be ennobled by
the beauty of language and tenderness of sentiment manifested
in the works of the above-named great writers, must, from its
very nature, remain cold and wearisome, like the allegorical |

artificial productions of the middle ages. Individuality’
of observation can alone lead to a truthful representation of

* Journal of Columbus: on his first voyage (Oct. 29, 1492; Nov.
25-29; Dee. 7-16; Dee. 21);: see also:his letter to Dotia Maria de Guz
man, ama del Principe D, Juan, Dee: 1500, in N avarrete, Coleccion de los
Viages que hiciéron por mar los Hspanoles, t. i. pp. 43, 65, 72, 82, 92,
100, and 266.

+ Navarrete, op. ctt., pp. 303-304, Carta del Almirante w los Reyes

gave en: Jamaioa:.a: % de Julio, 1503); Humboldt, er Crikey
iii, pp. 231-236.

424 COSMOS.

nature; thus it is supposed that the finest descriptive stanzas
in the Gerusalemma Jnberata* may be traced to impressions
derived from the poet's recollection of the beautiful scenery of
Sorrento by which he was surrounded.

The power of stamping descriptions of nature with the im-
press of faithful individuality, which springs from actual
observation, is most richly displayed in the great national
epic of Portuguese literature. It seems as if a perfumed
Eastern air breathed throughout this poem, which was written
under a tropical sky in the rocky grotto near Macao, and in
the Moluccas. Although I would not venture to assume that
my opinion could serve as a confirmation of the bold expres-
sion of Friedrich Schlegel, that “‘ the ZLusiad of Camoens far
surpasses Ariosto in richness of colour and luxuriance of
fancy,’’| I may be permitted to add, as an observer of nature,
that in the descriptive portions of the work, the enthusiasm
of the poet, the ornaments of diction, and the sweet tones
of melancholy never impede the accurate representation of
physical phenomena, but rather, as is always the case where
art draws from a pure source, heighten the animated impres- ,
sion of the greatness and truth of the delineations. Camoens
abounds in inimitable descriptions of the never-ceasing con~
nection between the air and sea—between the varying form
of the cloudy canopy, its meteorological processes, and the
different conditious of the surface of the ocean. He describes
this surface when, curled by gentle breezes, the short waves
flash beneath the play of the reflected beams of light; and
again, when the ships of Coelho and Paul de Gama contend
in a fearful storm against the wildly-agitated elements.{

* Tasso, canto xvi. stanze 9--16.

+ See Friedrich Schlegel’s Sdémmil. Werke, bd. ii. s. 96; and on the:
disturbing mythological dualism, and the mixture of antique fable with,
Christian contemplations, see bd. x. s. 54. Camoens has tried, in
stanzas 82--84, which have not met with sufficient admiration, to justify
this mythological dualism. Tethys avows, in a naive manner; but in
verses inspired by the noblest conception of poetry, “that she herself,
Saturn, Jupiter, and all the host of gods, are vain fables, created by the
blind delusion of mortals, and serving only to lend a charm to song—
A Sancta Providencia que em Jupiter aqui se representa.”

t Os Lusiadas de Camies, canto i. est. 19; canto vi. est. 71-82. See
also the comparison in the description of a tempest raging in a forest,
canto i, est. 35, ’

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE IN CAMOENS’ LUSIAD. 428

Camoens is, in the strictest sense of the word, a great sea-
painter. He had served as a soldier, and fought in the Em-
pire of Morocco, at the foot of Atlas, in the Red Sea, and on
the Persian Gulf; twice he had doubled the Cape, and,
inspired by a deep love of nature, he passed sixteen years in
observing the phenomena of the ocean on the Indian and
Chinese shores. He describes the electric fires of St. Elmo,
(the Castor and Pollux of the ancient Greek mariners,) ‘ the
living light,* sacred to the seaman.” He depicts the threat-
ening water-spout in its gradual development, “how the
cloud woven from fine vapour revolves in a circle, and, letting
down a slender tube, thirstily, as it were, sucks up the
water, and how when the black cloud is filled, the foot of the
cone recedes, and flying upwards to the sky, gives back in its
flight, as fresh water, that which it had drawn from the waves
with a surging noise.”+ “Let the book-learned,” says the
poet, and his taunting words might almost be applied to the
present age, “try to explain the hidden wonders of this
world, since, trusting to reason ane science alone, they are so
ready to pronounce as false what is heard from the lips of the
sailor, whose only guide is experience.”

The talent of the enthusiastic poet for describing nature is
not limited to separate phenomena, but is very conspicuous in
the passages in which he comprehends large masses at one
glance. ‘The third book sketches, in a few strokes, the form
of Europe,} from the coldest north to “the Lusitanian realm,

* The fire of St. Elmo, “o lume vivo que a maritima gente tem por
santo, em tempo de tormenta,’ (canto y. est. 18). One flame, the
Helena of the Greek mariners, brings misfortune, (Plin. ii. 37); two
flames, Castor and Pollux, appearing with a rustling noise, “like flut~
tering birds,” are good omens, (Stob., Hclog. Phys., i. p. 514; Seneca,
Nat. Quest..i. 1). On the eminently graphical character of Camoens’
descriptions of nature, see the great Paris edition of 1818, in the Vida
de Camies, by Dom Joze Maria de Souza, p. cii.

+ The waterspout in canto v. est. 19-22, may be compared with the
equally poetic and faithful description of Lucretius, vi. 423-442,
On the fresh water, which, towards the close of the phenomenon,
appears to fall from the upper part of the column of water, see Ogden
On Waterspouts, (from observations made in 1820, during a voyage
from Havannah to Norfolk,) in Silliman’s American Journal of Science,
vol. xxix. 1836, pp. 254-260,

+ Canto iii. est. 7-21. In my references I have always followed the text
of Camoens according to the editio princeps of 1572, which has been

426 COSMOS.

and the strait where Hercules achieved his last labour.”
Allusion is constantly made to the manners and civilisation of
the nations who inhabit this diversified portion of the earth.
From the Prussians, Muscovites, and the races ““que o Rheno
frio lava,” he hastens to the glorious plains of Hellas, “gue
ereastes os peitos eloquentes, e os juizos de alta phaniasia.” In
the tenth book he takes a more extended view. Tethys
leads Gama to a high mountain, to reveal to him the secrets of
the mechanism of the earth, (machina do mundo,) and to dis-
close the course of the planets (according to the Ptolemaic
hypothesis).* It is a. vision in the style of Dante, and as
the earth forms the centre of the movimg universe, all the
knowledge then acquired concerning the countries already
discovered, and their produce, is: mcluded im the deseription
of the globe.t Europe is no longer, as in the third book,
the sole object of attention, but all portions of the earth are,
in turns, passed in review, even “‘ the land of the Holy Cross”
(Brazil) is named, and the coasts discovered by Magellan, ‘ by
birth but not by loyalty a son of Lusitania.”

_ If I have specially extolled Camoens as a sea painter, it
was in order to indicate that the aspect of terrestrial life
appears to have attracted his attention less powerfully. Sis-
mondi has. justly remarked that the whole poem bears no
trace of graphical description of tropical vegetation, and its

iven afresh in the excellent and splendid editions of Dom Joze Maria de

ouza-Botelho (Paris, 1818). In the German quotations I have gene-
rally used the translation of Donner (1833). The principal aim of the
Lusiad of Camoens is to do honour to his nation. It would be a monu-
ment, well worthy of lis fame, and of the nation whom he extols, if
a hall were constructed in Lisbon, after the noble examples of the halls
of Schiller and Géthe in the Grand Ducal Palace of Weimar, and if
the twelve grand compositions of my talented and deceased friend
Gérard, which adorn the Souza edition, were executed in large dimen-
sions, in fresco, on well-lighted. walls. ‘The dream of the King Dom
Manoel, in which the rivers Indus and Ganges appear to him; the Giant
Adamastor hovering over the Cape of Good Hope (“‘ Hw sou aquelle
occulto e grande Cabo, a quem chamais vés outros Tormentorio”); the

-Taurder of Ignes de Castro, and the lovely ha de Venus, would all pro-
duce the most admirable effect.

..* Canto x. est. 79-90 ; Camoens, like Vespucci, speaks of the part of
the heavens nearest to the southern pole as poor in stars (canto-v. est. 14),
He is also acquainted with the ice of the southern seas (canto v.. est. 27).

_ 'f Canto x. est. 91-141,

DESCRIPTIONS OF NATURE IN ERCILEA’S ARAUCANA. 427

liar physiognomy. Spices and other aromatic substances,

her with useful products of commerce, are alone noticed.
The episode of the magic island* certainly presents the most
charming pictures of natural scenery, but the vegetation, as
befits an //ha de Venus, is composed of “myrtles, citrons,
fragrant lemon-trees, and pomegranates,” all belonging to the
elimate of Southern Europe. We find a greater sense of en-
joyment from the littoral woods, and more attention devoted
to the forms of the vegetable kingdom, in the writings of the
greatest navigator of his day, Columbus; but then, it must be
admitted, whilst the latter notes down in his.journal the vivid
impressions of each day as they arose, the poem of Camoens
was written to do honour to the great achievements of the Por-
tuguese. The poet, accustomed to harmonious sounds, could
not either have felt. much disposed to borrow from the language
ef the natives strange names of plants, or to have interwoven
them im the description of landscapes, which were designed
as backgrounds for the main subjects of which he treated.
_ By the side of the image of the knightly Camoens has often
been. placed the equally romantic one of a Spanish warrior,
who served under the banners of the great Emperor in Peru
aud Chili, and sang in those distant climes the deeds in
which he had himseif taken so honourable a share. But in
the whole epic: poem of the Araucana, by Don Alonso de
Ercilla, the aspect of volcanoes covered with eternal snow, of
torrid sylyan valleys, and of arms of the sea extending far
into the land, has not been productive of any descriptions
which may be regarded as graphical. The exaggerated praise
which Cervantes takes occasion to expend on Ercillo in the
ingenious satirical review of Doa Quixote’s books, is pro-
bably merely the result of the rivalry subsisting between the
Spanish and Italian schools of poetry, but it would almost
appear to have deceived Voltaire and many modern critics.
The Araucana is certainly penetrated by a noble feeling of
nationality. The deseription of the manners of a wild race, who
perish in struggling for the liberty of their country, is not

_* Canto ix. est. 51-63. (Consult Ludwig Kriegk, Schriften zur
allgemeinen Erdkunde, 1840, s. 338.) The whole [tha de Venus is
an allegorical fable, as is clearly shown in est, 89; but the beginning of
the relation of Dom Manoel’s dream describes an Indian mountain and
forest district (canto iv. est. 70).

428 COSMOS,

devoid of animation, but Ercilla’s style is not smooth or easy,
while it is overloaded with proper names, and 1s devoid of
all trace of poetic enthusiasm.*

This enthusiastic poetic inspiration is to be traced, how-
ever, in many strophes of the Romancero Caballeresco;}+ in

* A predilection for the old literature of Spain, and for the enchanting
region in which the Araucana of Alonso de Ercilla y Zuftiga was com-
posed, has led me to read through the whole of this poem (which, unfortu-
nately, comprises 42,000 verses) on two occasions, once in Peru, and
again recently in Paris, when, by the kindness ofa learned traveller, M.
Ternaux Compans, I received, for the purpose of comparing it with Ercilla,
a very scarce book, printed in 1596 at Lima, and containing the nineteen
eantos of the Arauco domado (compuesto por el Licenciado Pedro de
Ona natural de los Infantes de Engol en Chile). Of the epic poem of
Ercilla, which Voltaire regarded as an Jliad, and Sismondi as a news-
paper in rhyme, the first fifteen cantos were composed between 1555
and 1563, and were published in 1569; the later cantos were first
printed in 1590, only six years before the wretched poem of Pedro de
Ofia, which bears the same title as one of the master-works of Lope de
Vega, in which the Cacique Caupolican is also the principal personage.
Ercilla is unaffected and true-hearted, especially in those parts of his
composition which he wrote in the field, mostly on the bark of trees
and the skins of animals, for want of paper. The description of his
poverty, and of the ingratitude which he like others experienced at the
court of King Philip, is extremely touching, particularly at the close
of the 37th canto:

“Climas past, mudé constelaciones,
Golfos innavegables navegando,
Estendiendo Sefior, vuestra corona
Hasta casi la austral frigida zona”

‘*The flower of my life is past; led by a late-earned experience I will
renounce earthly things, weep, and no Jonger sing.” The natural
descriptions cf the garden of the sorcerer, of the tempest raised by
Eponamon, and the delineation of the ocean, (P. i. pp. 80, 135, and 173;
P. ii. pp. 130 and 161, in the edition of 1733,) are wholly devoid of life
and animation. Geographical registers of words are accumulated in
such a manner that, in canto xxvii., twenty-seven proper names follow
each other in a single stanza of eight lines. Part ii. of the Araucana is
not by Ercilla, but is a continuation, in twenty cantos, by Diego de
Santistevan Osorio, appended to the thirty-seven cantos of Ercilla,

+ See in Romancero de Romances caballerescos é historicos ordenado,
por D. Augustin Duran, P. i. p. 189, and P. ii. p. 237, the fine
strophes commencing Y ba declinando el dia—Su curso y ligeras horas,
and those on the flight of King Rodrigo, beginning

“Cuando las pintadas aves

Mudas estén, y la tierra
A tenta escucha los rios.”

CALDERON. 429

the religious melancholy pervading the writings of Fray Luis
de Leon, as, for instance, in his description of the charming
night, when he celebrates the eternal lights (resplandores
eternales) of the starry heavens;* and in the compositions of
Calderon. ‘At the period when Spanish comedy had at.
tained its fullest development,” says my friend Ludwig Tieck,
one of the profoundest critics of dramatic literature, “we
often find, in the romanesque and lyrical metre of Calderon
and his cotemporaries, dazzlingiy beautiful descriptions of the
sea, of mountains, gardens, and sylvan valleys, but these are
always so interwoven with allegorical allusions, and adorned
with so much artificial briliancy, that we feel we are reading
harmoniously rhythmical deseriptions, recurring continually
with only slight variations, rather than as if we could breathe
the free air of nature, or feel the reality of the mountain
breath and the valley's shade.’ In the play of Life is a
Dream, (la vida es sueho,) Calderon makes the Prince Sigis-
mund lament the misery of his captivity in a number of grace-
fully drawn contrasts with the freedom of all organic nature.
He depicts birds ‘* which flit with rapid wings across the wide
expanse of heayen;” fishes, “‘ which but just emerged from
the mud and sand, seek the wide ocean, whose boundlessness
seems scarcely sufficient for their bold course. Even the
stream which winds its tortuous way among flowers finds a
free passage across the meadow; and I,” cries Sigismund, in
despair, ‘“‘ I who have more life than these, and a freer spirit,
must content myself with less freedom!” In the same
manner Don Fernando speaks to the King of Fez, in The
Steadfast Prince, although the style is often disfigured by
antitheses, witty comparisons, and artificially turned phrases,
from the school of Gongora.} I have referred to these indi-
vidual examples because they show, in dramatic poetry, which

* Fray Luis de Leon, Obras proprias y traducciones, dedicadas a
Don Pedro Portocarero, 1681, p. 120: Noche serena. A deep feeling
for nature also manifests itself occasionally in the ancient mystic poetry
of the Spaniards (as, for instance, in Fray Luis de Granada, Santa
Teresa de Jesus, and Malon de Chaide); but the natural pictures are
generally only the external investment under which the ideal religious
conception is symbolised.

+ Calderon, in The Steadfast Prince, on the approach of the fleet,
Act i. scene 1; and on the sovereignty of the wild beasts in the forests,
Act iii. scene 2,

430 COSMOS.

treats chiefly of events, passions, and characters, that descrip.
tions become merely the reflections, as it were, of the disposi,
tion and tone of feeling of the principal personages. Shake-
‘speare who, in the hurry of his animated action, has hardly
ever time or opportunity for entering deliberately into the
descriptions of natural scenery, yet paints them by accidental
reference, and in allusion to the feelings of the principal
characters, in such:a manner that we seem to see them, and
live in them. Thus, in the Midsummer Night's Dream, we
live in the wood; and in the closing scenes of the Merchant

of Venice, we see the moonshine which brightens the warm © |

summer's night, without there being actually any direct
description of either. ‘‘ A-true-deseription of nature occurs,
however, in King Lear, where the seemingly mad Edgar
represents to his blind father, Gloucester, while on the plain,
that they are ascending Dover Cliff. The description of the
view, on looking into the depths below, actually excites ia
feeling of giddiness.’’*

If, in Shakespeare, the inward animation of the feelings,
and the grand simplicity of the language, gave ‘such a won-
derful degree of life-like truth and individuality to the expres-
sion of nature; in Milton’s exalted poem of Paradise Lost the
descriptions are, from the very nature .of the subject, more
magnificent than graphic. The whole richness of the poet's
fancy and diction is lavished on the descriptions of the Juxu-
riant beauty of Paradise, but, as in Thomson’s:charming didac-
tic poem of The Seasons, vegetation could only be sketched
in general and more indefinite outlines. According to the
judgment of critics deeply versed in Indian poetry, Kalidasa’s
poem on a similar subject, the Retusanhara, which was writ-
ten more than fifteen hundred years earlier, individualises,
with greater vividness, the powerful vegetation of tropical
regions, but it wants the charm which, in Thomson’s work,
springs from the more varied division of the year im northern
latitudes, as the transition of the autumn rich in fruits to the
winter, and of the winter to the reanimating season of spring;
and from the images which may ‘thus be drawn of the labours
or pleasurable pursuits of men in each part of the year.

* T have taken the passages distinguished in the text by marks of
quotation, and relating to Calderon and Shakespeare, from unpublished
letters, addressed to myself by Ludwig Tieck.

MODERN PROSE WRITERS. 432

If we proceed to a period nearer our own time, we
observe that since the latter half of the eighteenth century
delineative prose especially has developed itself with peculiar
vigour. Although the general mass of knowledge has been
so excessively enlarged from the universally extended study
of nature, it does not appear that in those susceptible of
a,yhigher degree of poetic mspiration, intellectual contempla-
tion has sunk under the weight of accumulated knowledge,
but rather that as a result of poetic spontaneity, it has gained
in comprehensiveness and elevation—and learning how t>
penetrate deeper into the structure of the earth’s crust, has
explored in the mountain masses of our planet the stratified
sepulchres of extinct organisms, and traced the geographical
distribution of animals and plants and the mutual connection
of races. Thus, amongst those who were the first by an
exciting appeal to the imaginative faculties, powerfully to
animate the sentiment of enjoyment derived from communion
with nature, and consequently also to give impetus to its
inseparable accompaniment—the love of distant travels,—we
may mention in France Jean Jacques Rousseau, Buffon, and
Bernardin de St. Pierre, and, exceptionally to include a still
living author, I would name my old friend Auguste de
Chateaubriand;* in Great Britain, the intellectual Playfair;
and in Germany, Cook’s companion on his second voyage of
circumnavigation, the eloquent George Forster, who was
endowed with so peculiarly happy a faculty of generalisation
in the study of nature. ;

It would be foreign to the present work, were I to under-
take to inquire into the characteristics of these writers, and in-
vestigate the causes which at one time lend a charm and
grace to the descriptions of natural scenery contained in their
universally diffused works, and at another disturb the impres-
sions which they were designed to call forth; but asa tra-
veller, who has derived the greater portion of his knowledge
from immediate observation, I may perhaps be permitted to
introduce a few scattered remarks on a recent, and on the
whole but little cultivated, branch of literature. Buffon—
greatand earnest as he was—simultaneously embracing a know-
ledge of the planetary structures, of organisation, and of the
laws of light and magnetic forees—and far more profoundly
* [This distinguished writer died July 4th of the present year (1848).]

—Tr

v4

432 COSMOS.

versed in physical investigations than his cotemporaries
supposed, shows more artificial elaboration of style and more
rhetorical pomp than individualising truthfulness, when he
passes from the description of the habits of animals to the
delineation of natural scenery, inclining the mind to the re-
ception of exalted impressions, rather than seizing upon the
imagination by presenting a visible picture of actual nature,,or
conveying to the senses the echo as it were of reality. Even
throughout the most justly celebrated of his works in this
department of literature, we instinctively feel that he could
never have left Central Europe, and that he is deficient in
personal observation of the tropical world, which he believes
he is correctly describing. But that which we most espe-
cially miss in the writings of the great naturalist, is a har-
monious mode of connecting the representation of nature
with the expression of awakened feelings; he is in fact defi-
cient in almost all that flows from the mysterious analogy
existing between the mental emotions of the mind and the
phenomena of the perceptive world.

A greater depth of feeling, and a fresher spirit of anima-
tion pervade the works of Jean Jacques Rousseau, Bernardin
de St. Pierre, and Chateaubriand. If I here allude to the per-
suasive cloquence of the first of these writers, as manifested
in the picturesque scenes of Clarens and La Meillerie on
Lake Leman, it is because in the principal works of this
zealous but ill-instructed plant-collector—which were written
twenty years before Buffon’s fanciful Hpoques de la Nature,*

* The succession in which the works referred to were published is as
follows: Jean Jacques Rousseau, 1759, Nouvelle Héloise; Button,
Epoques de la Nature, 1778, but his Histoire Naturelle, 1749--1767;
Bernardin de St. Pierre, Hiudes de la Nature, 1784, Paul et Virginie,
1788, Chaumiére Indienne, 1791; George Forster, Reise nach der
Siidsee, 1777, Kleine Schriften, 1794. More than half a century before
the publication of the Nouvelle Héloise, Madame de Sévigné, in her
charming letters, had already shown a vivid sense of the beauty of
nature, such as was rarely expressed in the age of Louis XIV. See
the fine natural descriptions in the letters of April 20, May 31, Au-
gust 15, September 16, and November 6, 1671, and October 23 and
December 28, 1689 (Aubenas, Hist. de Madame de Sévigné, 1842,
pp. 201 and 427.) My reason for referring in the text to the old
German poet, Paul Flemming, who, from 1633 to 1639, accompanied
Adam Olearius on his journey to Muscovy and to Persia, is that, accord-
ing to the convincing authority of my friend, Varnhagen von Ensc
(Biographische Denkw. bd. iv. s. 4, 75, and 129), “the character of

MODERN PROSE WRITERS. 438

—poetic inspiration shows itself principally in the innermost
peculiarities of the language, breaking forth as fluently in his
prose as in the immortal poems of Klopstock, Schiller, Goethe,
and Byron, Even where there is no purpose of bringing for-
ward subjects immediately connected with the natural sciences,
our pleasure in these studies, when referring to the limited
portions of the earth best known to us, may be increased by
the charm of a poetic mode of representation.

In recurring to prose writers, we dwell with pleasure on the
small work entitled Paul et Virginie, to which Bernardin de
St. Pierre owes the fairer portion of his literary reputation. The
work to which I allude, which can scarcely be rivalled by
any production comprised in the literature of other coun-
tries, is the simple picture of an island in the midst of a
tropical sea, in which, sometimes fayoured by the serenity of
the sky, and sometimes threatened by the violent conflict of the
elements, two charming creatures stand picturesquely forth from
the wild sylvan luxuriance surrounding them as with a varie-
gated flowery tapestry. Here, and in the Chaumiére Indienne,
and even in his tudes de la Nature, which are unfortunately
disfigured by wild theories and erroneous physical opinions, the
aspect of the sea, the grouping of the clouds, the rustling of
the air amid the crowded bamboos, the waving of the leavy
crown of the slender palms, are all sketched with inimitable
truth. Bernardin de St. Pierre’s master-work, Paul et Vir-
gine, accompanied me to the climes whence it took its origin.
For many years it was the constant companion of myself and
my valued friend and fellow-traveller Bonpland, and often
(the reader must forgive this appeal to personal feelings) in the
calm brilliancy of a southern sky, or when in the rainy season
the thunder re-echoed, and the lightning gleamed through the
forests that skirt the shores of the Orinoco, we felt ourselves
penetrated by the marvellous truth with which tropical nature
is described, with all its peculiarity of character, in this
little work. A like power of grasping individualities, without
destroying the general impression of the whole, and without
depriving the subject of a free innate animation of poetical
fancy, characterises, even in a higher degree, the intellectual
and sensitive mind of the author of Atala, René, Les Martyres,

Flemming’s compositions is marked with a fresh and healthful vigour,

whilst his images of nature are tender and full of life.”

2F

434 COSMOS,

snd Les Voyages a lV’ Orient. In the works of his creative
fancy, all contrasts of scenery in the remotest portions of the
‘earth are brought before the reader with the most remarkable
‘distinctness. The earnest grandeur of historical associations
could alone impart a character of such depth and repose to
the impressions produced by a rapid journey.

Tn the literature of Germany, as in that of Italy and Spain,
the love of nature manifested itself too long under the artificial
form of idyl-pastoral romances, and didactic poems. Such was
the course too frequently pursued by the Persian traveller,
Paul Flemming, by Brockes, the sensitive Ewald von Kleist,
Hagedorn, Salomon Gessner, and by Haller, one of the greatest
naturalists of any age, whose local descriptions possess, it must
hewever be owned, a more clearly defined outline, and more
objective truth of colouring, ‘The elegiac-idyllic element was
conspicuous at that period in the morbid tone pervading land-
scape poetry, and even in Voss, that noble and profound student
of classical antiquity, the poverty of the subject could not be
concealed by a higher and more elegant finish of style. It
was only when the study of the earth’s surface acquired pro-
foundness and diversity of character, and the natural sciences
were no longer limited to a tabular enumeration of marvellous
productions, but were elevated to a higher and more com-
prehensive view of comparative geography, that this finished
development of language could be employed for the purpose
of giving animated pictures of distant regions.

The earlier travellers of the middle ages, as for instance,
John Mandeville (1353), Hans Schiltberger of Munich
(1425), and Bernhard von Breytenbach (1486), delight us even
in the present day by their charming simplicity, their free-
dom of style, and the self-confidence with which they step
before a public, who, from their utter ignorance, listen with
the greater curiosity and readiness of belief, because they
have not as yet learnt to feel ashamed of appearmg ignorant,
amused, or astonished. ‘The interest attached to the narra-
tives of travels was then almost wholly dramatic, and the
necessary and easily introduced admixture of the marvellous,
gave them almost an epic colouring. The manners of foreign
nations are not so much described, as they are rendered inci-
dentally discernible by the contact of the travellers with the’
natives. The vegetation is unnamed and unheeded, with the

TRAVELLERS OF THE.147TH AND 15TH CENTURIES. 435!

exception of an occasional allusion to some pleasantly flavoured
or strangely formed fruit, or to the extraordinary dimensions
_of particular kinds of' stems or leaves of plants. Amongst
animals they describe, with the greatest predilection, first,
those which exhibit most resemblance to the human form, and
next, those which are the wildest and most formidable. The
-eotemporaries of these travellers believed in all the dangers
“which few of them had shared, and the slowness of navigation
and the want of means of communication, caused the Indies,
as all the tropical regions. were then called, to appear at an
immeasurable distance. Columbus* was not yet justified
in writing to Queen Isabella, “the world is small, much
smaller than people suppose.”
_ The almost forgotten travels of the middle ages to which
_we have alluded, possessed, however, with all the poverty of
their materials, many advantages in point of composition over
the majority of our modern voyages. They had that cha-
racter of unity which every work of art requires; everything
was associated with one action, and made subservient to the
narration of the journey itself. The interest was derived from
the simple, vivid, and generally implicitly believed relation of
dangers overcome. Christian travellers, in their ignorance of
what had already been done by Arabs, Spanish Jews, and
‘Buddhist missionaries, boasted of being the first to see and
describe everything. In the midst of the obscurity in which
_the East and the interior of Asia were shrouded, distance
_seemed only to magnify the grand proportions of individual
forms. This unity of composition is almost wholly wanting
in most of our recent voyages, especially where their object is
the acquirement of scientific knowledge. The narrative in the
_ latter case is secondary to observations, and is almost wholly
lost sight of. It +s only the relation of toilsome and frequently
uninstructive mountain ascents, and above all of bold mari-
_time expeditions, of actual voyages of discovery in unexplored
regions, or of a sojourn in the dreadful waste of the icy polar
zone, that can afford any dramatic interest, or admit of any
great degree of individuality of delineation; for here the deso-
lation of the scene, and the helplessness and isolation of the

me Letter of the Admiral from Jamaica, July 7, 1503: “ Hl mundoes
poco; digo que el mundo no es tan grande como dice el vulgo” (Navar-
_ Fete, Coleccion de. Viages esp. t. i. p. 300.)
F 2

436 COSMOS,

seamen individualise the picture, and excite the imagination
80 much the more powerfully.

If from what has already been said, it be undeniably true
that in modern books of travel the action is thrown in the
background, being in most cases only a means of linking
together successive observations of nature and of manners,
yet this partial disadvantage is fully compensated for by the
increased value of the facts observed, the greater expansion of
natural views, and the laudable endeavour to employ the
peculiar characteristics of different languages, in rendering
natural descriptions clear and distinct. We are indebted to
modern cultivation for a constantly advancing enlargement of
our field of view, an increasing accumulation of ideas and
feelings, and the powerful influence of their mutual reaction.
Without leaving the land of our birth, we not only learn to
know how the earth’s surface is fashioned in the remotest
zones, and by what animal and vegetable forms it is occu-
pied, but we may even hope to have delineations presented to
us, which shall vividly reflect in some degree, at least, the
impressions conyeyed by the aspect of external nature to the
inhabitants of those distant regions. To satisfy this demand,
to comply with a requirement that may be termed a species
of intellectual enjoyment wholly unknown to antiquity, is an
object for which modern times are striving, and it is an object
which will be crowned with success, since it is the common
work of all civilised nations, and because the greater perfec-
tion of the means of communication by sea and land, renders
the whole earth more accessible, and facilitates the comparison
of the most widely separated parts.

I have here attempted to indicate the direction in which
the power possessed by the observer of representing what he
has seen, the animating influence of the descriptive element,
and the multiplication and enlargement of views opened to us
on the vast theatre of natural forces, may all serve as means
of encouraging the scientific study of nature, and enlarging
its domain. ‘The writer who in our German literature, ac-
cording to my opinion, has most vigorously and successfully
opened this path, is my celebrated teacher and friend, George
Forster. Through him began a new era of scientific voyages,
the aim of which was to arrive at a knowledge of the compa-
rative history and geography of different countries. Gifted

MODERN TRAVELLERS, 437

with delicate esthetic feelings, and retaining a vivid impres-
sion of the pictures with which Tahiti and the other then
happy islands of the Pacific had filled his imagination, as in
recent times that of Charles Darwin,* George Forster was
the first to depict in pleasing colours the changing stages of
yegetation, the relations of climate and of articles of food in
their influence on the civilisation of mankind, according to
differences of original descent and habitation. All that can give
truth, individuality, and distinctiveness to the delineation of
exotic nature is united in hisworks We trace not only in his
admirable description of Cook’s second yoyage of discovery,
but still more in his smaller writings, the germ of that richer
fruit which has since been matured.t But alas! even to his
noble, sensitive, and ever hopeful spirit, life yielded no hap-
iness.

If the appellation of descriptive and landscape poetry
have sometimes been applied, as a term of disparagement, to
those descriptions of natural objects and scenes, which in
recent times have so greatly embellished the literature of
Germany, France, England and America, its application,
in this sense, must be referred only to the abuse of the
supposed enlargement of the domain of art. Rhythmical
descriptions of natural objects, as presented to us by Delile,
at the close of a long and honourably spent career, cannot
be considered as poems of nature, using the term in its
strictest definition, notwithstanding the expenditure of refined
rules of diction and versification. They are wanting in poetic
inspiration, and consequently strangers to the domain of
poetry, and are cold and dry, as all must be that shines by
mere external polish. But when the so-called descriptive
poetry is justly blamed as an independent form of art, such
disapprobation does not certainly apply to an earnest endea-
your to convey to the minds of others, by the force of well
applied words, a distinct image of the results yielded by the
richer mass of modern knowledge. Ought any means to be

* See Journal and Remarks, by Charles Darwin, 1832-1836, in the
Narrative of the Voyages of the Adventure and Beagle, vol. iii, pp.
479-490, where there occurs an extremely beautiful description of Tahiti,

+ On the merit of George Forster as a man and a writer, see
gta Gesch, der poet. National-Litteratur der Deutschen, th. v.
& aes ‘

4388 COSMOS.

left unemployed, by which an animated picture of a distant
zone, untraversed by ourselves, may be presented to the mind
with all the vividness of truth, ena us even to enjoy some
portion of the pleasure derived from the immediate contact
with nature? The Arabs express themselves no less truly
than metaphorically, when they say that the best description
is that by which the ear is converted into an eye.* It is one
of the evils of the present day, that an unhappy tendency to
vapid poetic prose, and to sentimental effusions, has infected
simultaneously in different countries even the style of many
justly celebrated travellers and writers on natural history.
Piesievageh dies of this nature are so much the more to be

regretted, where the style degenerates into rhetorical bombast ~

or morbid sentimentality, either from want of literary cultiva-
tion, or more particularly from the absence of all genuine
emotion.

Descriptions of nature, I would again observe, may be
defined with sufficient sharpness and scientific accuracy, with-
out on that account being deprived of the vivifying breath of
imagination. The poetic element must emanate from the
intuitive perception of the connection between the sensuous
and the intellectual, and of the universality and reciprocal
limitation and unity of all the vital forces of nature. The
more elevated the subject, the more carefully should all ex-
ternal adornments of diction be avoided. The true effect of
a picture of nature depends on its composition; every attempt
at an artificial appeal from the author must therefore necessarily
exert a disturbing influence. He who, familiar with the great
works of antiquity, and secure in the possession of the riches
of his native language, knows how to represent with ‘the sim-
plicity of individualising truth that which he has received
from his own contemplation, will not fail in producing the
impression he seeks to convey; for, in describing the bound-
lessness of nature, and not the limited circuit of his own’
mind, he is enabled to leave to others unfettered freedom of
feeling.

It 33 not, however, the vivid description of the richly
adorned lands of the equinoctial zone in which intensity of
ight and of humid heat accelerates and heightens the de-
velopment of all organic germs, that has alone imparted the

* Freytag’s Darstellung der arabischen Verskunst, 1830, 8. 402.

GOETHE. 439

powerful attraction which in the present day is attached to
the study of all branches of natural science. This secret
charm, excited by a deep insight into organic life, is not
limited to the tropical world. Hyery portion of ‘the earth
offers to our view the wonders of progressive formation and
development, according to ever-recurring or slightly devi-
ating types. Universal is the awful rule of those natural
owers, which amid the clouds that darken the canopy of
eayen with storms, as well as in the delicate tissues of
organic substances, resolve the ancient strife of the elements
into accordant harmony. All portions of the vast cirewt of
ereation—from the equator to the coldest zones—wherever
the breath of spring unfolds a blossom, the mind may rejoice

. In the inspiring power of nature. Our German land is espe-

cially justified in cherishing such a belief, for where is the
southern nation who would not envy us the great master of
poesy, whose works are all pervaded by a profound veneration
for nature, which is alike discernible in Zhe Sorrows of
Werther, in the Recollections of Italy, in the Metamorphoses
of Planis, and in so many of his poems? Who has more
eloquently excited his cotemporaries to ‘solve the holy pro-
blem of the universe,” and to renew the bond which in the
dawn of mankind united together philosophy, physics, and
poetry? Who has drawn others with a more powerful attrac-
tion to that land, the home of his intellect, where, as he sings,

Ein sanfter Wind vom blauem Himmel weht,

Die Myrte still, and hoch der Lorbeer stcht!

440 COSMOS.

LANDSCAPE PAINTING IN ITS INFLUENCE ON THE STUDY
OF NATURE—GRAPHICAL REPRESENTATION OF THE PHY-
SIOGNOMY OF PLANTS-—-THE CHARACTER AND ASPECT OF
VEGETATION IN DIFFERENT ZONES,

LANDscAPE painting, and fresh and vivid descriptions of
nature alike conduce to heighten the charm emanating from a
study of the external world, which is shown us in all its diver-
sity of form by both, while both are alike capable in a greater
or lesser degree, according to the success of the attempt, to
combine the visible and invisible in our contemplation of
nature. ‘The effort to connect these several elements, forms
the last and noblest aim of delineative art, but the present
pages, from the scientific object to which they are devoted,
must be restricted to a different point of view. Landscape
painting cannot therefore be noticed in any further relation
than that of its representation of the physiognomy and cha-
racter of different portions of the earth, and as it increases the
desire for the prosecution of distant travels, and thus incites
men in an equally instructive and charming manner to a free
communion with nature.

In that portion of antiquity which we specially designate
as classical, landscape painting, as well as poetic delineations
of places, could not, from the direction of the Greek and
Roman mind, be regarded as an independent branch of art.
Both were considered merely as accessories; landscape painting
being for a long time used only as the background of historical
compositions, or as an accidental decoration for painted walls.
In a similar manner, the epic poet delineated the locality of
some historical occurrence by a picturesque description of the
landscape, or of the background, I would say, if I may be per-
mitted here again to use the term, in front of which the
acting personages move. ‘The history of art teaches us how
gradually the accessory parts have been converted into the
main subject of description, and how landscape painting has
been separated from historical painting, and gradually estab-
lished as a distinct form; and lastly how human figures were
employed as mere secondary parts to some mountain or forest

sy

LANDSCAPE PAINTING. 441

scene, or in some sea or garden view. The separation of these
two species—historical and landscape painting—has been
thus effected by gradual stages, which have tended to favour
the advance of art through all the various phases of its de-
velopment. It has been justly remarked, that painting

nerally remained subordinate to sculpture among the an-
cients, and that the feeling for the picturesque beauty of
scenery which the artist endeavours to reproduce from his
canvass, was unknown to antiquity and is exclusively of
modern origin.

Graphic indications of the peculiar characteristics of a
locality must, however, have been discernible in the most an-
cient paintings of the Greeks, as instances of which we may
mention (if the testimony of Herodotus be correct),* that
Mandrocles of Samos caused a large painting of the passage
of the army over the Bosphorus to be executed for the Persian
King,} and that Polygnotus painted the fall of Troy in the
Lesche at Delphi. Amongst the paintings described by the
elder Philostratus, mention is made of a landscape in which
smoke was seen to rise from the summit of a voleano, and
lava streams to flow into the neighbouring sea. In this very
complicated composition of a view of seven islands, the most
recent commentators{ think they can recognise the actual re-
presentation of the voleanic district of the AZolian or Lipari
islands north of Sicily. The perspective scenic decorations
which were made to heighten the effect of the representation

* Herod., iv. 88.

+ A portion of the works of Polygnotus and Mikon (the painting of
the battle of Marathon in the Pokile at Athens) was, according to
the testimony of Himerius, still to be seen, at the end of the fourth
century (of our era), consequently when they had been executed 850
years. (Letronne, Lettres sur la Peinture historique murale, 1835, pp.
202 and 453.)

+ Philostratorum Imagines, ed, Jacobs et Welcker, 1825, pp. 79 and
485. Both the learned editors defend, against former suspicions, the
authenticity of the description of the paintings contained in the ancient
Neapolitan Pinacothek (Jacobs, pp. xvii. and xlvi.; Welcker, pp. lv. and
xlvi). Otfried Miiller conjectures that Philostratus’s picture of the islands
(ii. 17), as well as that of the marshy district of the Bosphorus (i, 9), and
of the fishermen (i. 12 and 13), bore much resemblance in their mode of
representation to the mosaic of Palestrina, Plato speaks, in the intro-
ductory part of Critias (p. 107), of landscape painting as the art Op
pictorially representing mountains, rivers, and forests.

4492 COSMOS.

of the master-works of Aischylus and Sophocles, gradually
enlarged this branch of art,* by mereasing the demand ‘for
an illusive imitation of inanimate objects, as buildings, woods,
and rocks.

In consequence of the greater perfection to which seeno-
graphy had attained, landscape painting passed: amongst the
Greeks and their imitators, the Romans, from the stage to
their halls, adorned with columns, where the long ranges of
wall were covered, at first, with more circumscribed views,} but
shortly afterwards with extensive pictures of cities, sea-shores,
and wide tracts of pasture-land, on which flocks were graz-
ing.t Although the Roman painter, Ludius, who lived in the
Augustan age, cannot be said to have invented these graceful
decorations, he yet made them generally popular,§ animating
them by the addition of small figures.|| Almost at the
same period, and probably even half a century:earlier, we find’
landscape painting mentioned as a much practised art among
the Indians during the brilliant epoch of Vikramaditya. In
the charming drama of Sakuntala, the image of his beloved is
shown to King Dushmanta, who is not satisfied with that
alone, as he desires that “the artist should depict the places
which were most dear to his beloved,—the Malini river,
with a sandbank on which the red flamingoes are standing; a
chain of hills skirting on the Himalaya, and gazelles resting
on these hills.” These requirements are not easy to comply
with, and they at. least indicate a belief in the practicability
of executing such an intricate composition.

In Rome, landscape painting was developed into a separate
branch of art from the time of the Cesars; but if we may

* Particularly through Agatharcus, or at least according to the rules,
he established. <Aristot. Poet., iv. 16; Vitruy., lib. v. cap. 7, lib. vil. in
Preef. (ed. Alois Maxinius, 1836, t. i. p. 292, t. ii. p. 56); compare
also Letronne’s work, op. cit. p. 271-280.

+ On Objects of Rhopographia, see Welcker ad Philosir. Imag.,

. 397.
, + Vitrnyv., lib. -vii. cap..5 (t. ii. p. 91).

” § Hirt., Gesch. der bildenden Kiinste bei den Alien, 1833, s. 332;
Letronne, pp. 262 and 468.

|| undius qui primus (?) instituit amcenissimam parietum picturam,
(Plin. xxxv.. 10). The topiaria opera of Pliny, and the varietates
topiorum of Vitruvius, were small decorative landscape paintings. The.
passage quoted in the text of Kalidasa occurs in the Sakuntala, act vi.

LANDSCAPE PAINTING AMONG THE ANCIENTS. 448

judge from the many specimens preserved tous in the exca-
vations of Herculaneum, Pompeii, and Stabiee, these pictures of
nature were frequently nothing more than bird’s-eye views of
the country, similar to maps, and more like a delineation of
seaport towns, villas, and artificially arranged gardens, than
the representation of free nature. ‘That which may have been
regarded as the habitably comfortable element in a landscape
seems to have alone attracted the Greeks and Romans, and
not that which we term the wild and romantic. Their imita-
tions might be so far accurate as frequent disregard of per-
spective and a taste for artificial and conventional arrangement
permitted, and their arabesque-like compositions, to which the
critical Vitruvius was averse, often exhibited a rhythmically —
recurring and well-conceived representation of animal and
vegetable forms; but yet, to borrow an expression of Otfried
Miller,* “the vague and mysterious reflection of the mind,
which. seems to appeal to us from the landscape, appeared
to the ancients, from the peculiar bent of their feelings, as
incapable of artistic development, and their delineations were
sketched with more of sportiveness than earnestness and
sentiment.”

We have thus indicated the analogy which existed in the
process of development of the two means—descriptive diction,
and graphical representations—by which the attempt to render
the impressions produced by the aspect of nature appreciable
to the sensuous faculties, has gradually attained a certain degree
of independence.

The specimens of ancient landscape painting in the manner
of Ludius, which have been recovered from the excavations at
Pompeii (lately renewed with so happy a result), belong most
probably to a smgle and very short period; viz., that intervening

* Otfried Miiller, Archiiologie der Kunst, 1880, s. 609. Having
already spoken in the text of the paintings found in Pompeii and
Herculaneum as being compositions but little allied to the freedom of
nature, | must here notice some exceptions, which may be considered
as landscapes in the strict modern sense of the word. See Pitture
@ Ercolano, vol. ii. tab. 45, vol. iii. tab. 53; and, as backgrounds in
charming historical compositions, vol. iv. tab. 61, 62, and 68. I do
not refer to the remarkable representation in the Monumenti dell?
Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica, vol. iii. tab. 9, since its
genuine antiquity has already been called in question by Raoal Rochette,
an archeologist of much acuteness of observation. .

444 COSMOS,

between Nero and Titus,* for the city, had been entirely de-
stroyed by an earthquake only sixteen years before the cele-
brated eruption of Vesuvius.

The character of the subsequent style of painting practised
by the early Christians, remained nearly allied to that of the
true Greek and Roman schools of art from the time of Con-
stantine the Great to the beginning of the middle ages. A rich
mine of old memorials is opened to us in the miniatures which
adorn splendid and well-preserved manuscripts, and in the rarer
mosaics of the same period.| Rumohr makes mention ofa Psalter
in the Barberina Library at Rome, where, ina miniature, David
is represented “ playing the harp, and surrounded by a pleasant
grove, from the branches of which nymphs look forth to listen.
This personification testifies to the antique nature of the whole
picture.”” Since the middle of the sixth century, when Italy
was impoverished and politically disturbed, the Byzantine art
in the Eastern empire still preserved the lingering echoes
and types of a better epoch. Such memorials as these form
the transition to the creations of the later middle ages, when
the love for illuminated manuscripts had spread from Greece,
in the east, through southern and western lands into the
Frankish monarchy, amongst the Anglo-Saxons, and the in-
habitants of the Netherlands. It is, therefore, a fact of no

* In refutation of the supposition of Du Theil (Voyage en Italie,
par l’Abbé Barthélemy, p. 284) that Pompeii still existed in splendour
under Adrian, and was not completely destroyed till towards the close
of the fifth century, see Adolph von Hoff, Geschichte der Verdinderungen
der Erdoberfliche, th. ii. 1824, s. 195-199.

+ See Waagen, Kunstwerke und Kiinstler in England und Paris,
th. iii. 1889, s, 195-201; and particularly s, 217-224, where he de-
scribes the celebrated Psalter of the tenth century (in the Paris Library),
which proves how long the “antique mode of composition” maintained
itself in Constantinople, I was indebted to the kind and valuable
communications of this profound connoisseur of art (Professor Waagen,
Director of the Gallery of Paintings of my native city), at the time of
my public lectures in 1828, for interesting notices on the history of art
after the period of the Roman empire. What I afterwards wrote on the
gradual development of landscape painting, 1 communicated in Dresden
in the winter of 1835 to Baron von Rumohr, the distinguished and too
early deceased author of the Jtalienische Forschungen. 1 received
from this excellent man a great number of historical illustrations, which
he even permitted me to publish if the form of my work should render
it expedient, ;

THE BROTHERS VAN EYCK. 445

slight importance for the history of modern art that “the cele-
brated brothers Hubert and Johann van Eyck belonged essen-
tially to a school of miniature painters which since the last half
of the fourteenth century attained to a high degree of perfection
in Flanders.”’*

The historical paintings of the brothers van Eyck present
us with the first instances of carefully executed landscapes.
Neither of them ever visited Italy, but the younger brother,
Johann, enjoyed the opportunity of seeing the vegetation of
Southern Europe, when in the year 1428 he accompanied the
embassy which Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, sent to
Lisbon when he sued for the hand of the daughter of King
John I. of Portugal. In the Museum of Berlin are preserved
the wings of the famous picture which the above-named cele-
brated painters—the actual founders of the great Flemish
school—executed for the cathedral at Ghent. On these wings
which represent holy hermits and pilgrims, Johann van Eyck
has embellished the landscape with orange and date trees
and cypresses, which, from their extreme truth to nature,
impart a solemn and imposing character to the other dark
masses in the picture. One feels, on looking at this painting,
that the artist must himself have received the impression of
a vegetation fanned by gentle breezes.

In considering the master-works of the brothers van Eyck
we have not advanced beyond the first half of the fifteenth cen-
tury, when the more highly perfected style of oil-painting, which
was only just beginning to replace painting in tempera, had
already attained to a high degree of technical perfection. The
taste for a vivid representation of natural forms was awakened,
and if we would trace the gradual extension and elevation of
this feeling for nature, we must bear in mind, that Antonio di
Messina, a pupil of the brothers van Eyck, transplanted the
predilection for landscape painting to Venice, and that the
pictures of the van Eyck school exercised a similar action in
Florence on Domenico Ghirlandaio and other masters. The

* Waagen, op. cit., th. i. 1837, s. 59; th. iii. 1839, s. 352-359. [See
Lanzi’s History of Painting. Bohbn’s Standard Library, 1847, vol. i.,
pp. 81-87.]|—7r.

+ “Pinturicchio painted rich and well composed landscapes as inde-
pendent decorations, in the Belvidere of the Vatican. He appears to
have exercised an influence on Raphael, in whose paintings there are
many landscape peculiarities which cannot be traced to Perugino, In

446 / COSMOS,

_artists at this epoch directed their efforts to a careful, but
almost timid imitation of nature, and the master-works of
‘ Titian afford the earliest evidence of freedom and grandeur
in the representation of natural scenes; but in this re
also, Giorgione seems to haye served as a model for that great
painter. I had the opportunity for many years of admiring in
the gallery of the Louvre at Paris. that picture of Titian
which represents the death of Peter Martyr, overpowered
‘in a forest by an Albigense, in the presence of another Domi-
-nican monk.* The form of the forest-trees, and their foliage,
the mountainous and blue distance, the tone of colouring, and
the lights glowing through the whole, leave a solemn impres-
sion of the earnestness, grandeur, and depth of feelings which
_pervade this simple landscape composition. So vivid was
Titian’s admiration of nature, that not only in the pictures of
beautiful women, as in the background of his. exquisitely
formed Venus in the Dresden Gallery, but also in those of a
graver nature, as for instance, in his picture of the poet
Pietro Aretino, he painted the surrounding landscape and
sky in harmony with the individual character of the sub-
ject. Annibal Caracci and Domenichino, in the Bolog-

Pinturicchio and his friends we also already meet with those singular,
pointed forms of mountains which, in your lectures, you were disposed
to derive from the Tyrolese dolomitic cones which Leopold von Buch
has rendered so celebrated, and which may have produeed an impression
on travellers and artists from the constant intercourse existing between
‘Jtalyand Germany. Jam more inclined to believe that these conical forms
in the earliest Italian landscapes are either very old conventional modes
of representing mountain forms, in antique bas-reliefs and mosaic works, or
that they must be regarded as unskilfully foreshortened views of Soracte
and similarly isolated mountains in the Campagna di Roma.” (From a
letter addressed to me by Carl Friedrich von Rumohr, in October
1832). In order to indicate more precisely the conical and pointed
mountains in question, I would refer to the fanciful landscape which
-forms the background in Leonardo da Vinci’s universally admired
picture of Mona Lisa (the consort of Francesco del Gioconde). Among
the artists of the Flemish school who have more particularly devoloped
landscape painting as a separate branch of art, we must name Patenier’s
successor, Herry de Bles, named Civetia from his animal monogram,
-and subsequently the brothers Matthew and Paul Bril, who excited a
strong taste in favour of this particular branch of art during their
sojourn in Rome. In Germany, Albrecht Altdorfer, Durer’s
-practised landscape painting even somewhat earlier and with greater
suecess than Patenier.
* Painted for the Church of San Giovanni e Paolo at Venice.

.

LANDSCAPE PAINTING OF 167m AND 17TH CENTURIES. 447

nese school, adhered faithfully to this elevation of style. If,
hhowever, the great epoch of historical pamting belong to
the sixteenth century, that of landscape painting appertains
undoubtedly to the seventeenth. As the riches of nature be-
came more known, and more carefully observed, the feeling
of art was likewise able to extend itself over a greater diver-
sity of objects, while at the same time the means of technical
representation had simultaneously been brought to a higher
degree of perfection. The'relations between the inner tone
of feelings and the delineation of external nature became more
intimate, and bf the links thus established between the two,
the gentle and mild expression of the beautiful in nature was
elevated, and, as a consequence of this elevation, belief in
the power of the external world over the emotions of the
mind was simultaneously awakened. . When this excitement,
in conformity with the noble aim of all art, converts the
actual into an ideal object of fancy, when it arouses within
. our minds a feeling of harmonious repose, the enjoyment is
not unaccompanied by emotion, for the heart is touched
whenever we look mto the depths of nature or of humanity.*
In the same century we find thronged together Claude Lor-
'raine, the idyllic painter of light and aerial distance; Ruys-
dael,.with his dark woodland scenes and lowering skies;
Gaspard and Nicholas Poussin, with their nobly delineated
forms of trees; and Everdingen, Hobbima, and Cuyp, so true
to life'in their delineations.}

In this happy period of the development of art, a noble
effort was manifested to introduce all the vegetable forms
_ yielded by the North of Europe, Southern Italy, and the
Spanish Peninsula. The landscape was embellished with

* Wilhelm von Humboldt, Gesammelie Werke, bd. iv. s. 37; see algo,
_ on the different gradations of the life of nature, and on the tone of mind
awakened by the landscape around, Carus, in his interesting work,
| Briefen iiber die Landschaftmalerei, 1831, s. 45.

+ The great century of painting comprehended the works of Johann
Breughel, 1569-1625; Rubens, 1577-1640; Domenichino, 1581-1641 ;
Philippe de Champaigne, 1602-1674; Nicolas Poussin, 1594--1655; Gas-
par Poussin (Dughet), 1613-1675; Claude Lorraine, 1600-1682; Albert
- Cuyp, 1606-1672; Jan Both, 1610-1650; Salvator Rosa, 1615-1673;
- Everdingen, 1621-1675; Nicolaus Berghem, 1624-1683; Swanevelt,
1620-1690; Ruysdael, 1635-1631; Minderhoot Hobbima, Jan Wynants,
Adriaan van de Velde, 1639-1672; Carl Dujardin, 1644-1687...

448 COSMOS.

oranges and laurels, with pines and date-trees; the latter
(which, with the exception of the small Chamerops, origin-
ally a native of European sea-shores, was the only member of
the noble family of palms known from personal observation),
was generally represented as having a snake-like and scaly
trunk,* and long served as the representative of tropical
vegetation; as, in like manner, Pinus pinea is even still very
generally supposed to furnish an exclusive characteristic of
the vegetable forms of Italy. The contour of high mountain-
chains was but little studied, and snow-covered peaks, which
projected beyond the green Alpine meadows, were, at that
period, still regarded by naturalists and landscape painters as
inaccessible. The physiognomy of rocky masses seems scarcely
to have excited any attempt at accurate representation,
excepting where a water-fall broke in foam over the moun-
tain side. We may here remark another instance of the
diversity of comprehension manifested by a free and artistic
spirit in its intimate communion with nature. Rubens, who,
in his great hunting pieces, had depicted the fierce moye-
ments of wild animals with inimitable animation, succeeded,
as the delineator of historical events, in representing, with
equal truth and vividness, the form of the landscape in the
waste and rocky elevated plain surrounding the Escurial.t}
The delineation of natural objects included in the branch of
art at present under consideration, could not have gained in
diversity and exactness, until the geographical field of view
became extended, the means of travelling in foreign countries
facilitated, and the appreciation of the beauty and configura-
tion of vegetable forms, and their arrangement in groups of
natural families, excited. The discoveries of Columbus, Vasco
de Gama, and Alvarez Cabral, in Central America, Southern
Asia, and the Brazils; the extensive trade in spices and drugs
carried on by the Spaniards, Portuguese, Italians, and Flem-
ings, and the establishment of botanical gardens at Pisa,
Padua, and Bologna, between 1544 and 1568, although not
yet furnished with hot-houses properly so called, certainly

* Some strangely fanciful representations of date palms, which have
a knob in the middle of the leafy crown, are to be seen in an old pic-
ture of Cima da Conegliano, of the school of Bellino (Dresden Gallery,
1835, No. 40).

+ Dresden Galiery, No, 917.

LANDSCAPE PAINTERS OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 449

made artists acquainted with many remarkable forms of exotic
products, including even some that belong to a tropical vege-
tation. Single fruits, flowers, and branches were painted
with much natural truth and grace by Johann Breughel,
whose reputation had been already established before the
close of the sixteenth century; but it is not until the
middle of the seventeenth century that we meet with land-
seapes, Which reproduce the individual character of the torrid
zone, as impressed upon the artist’s mind by actual observa-
tion. The merit of the earliest attempt at such a mode of
representation belongs probably, as I find from Waagen, to
the Flemish painter, Franz Post, of Haarlem, who accompa-
nied Prince Maurice of Nassau to Brazil, where that Prince,
who took great interest in all subjects connected with the
tropical world, was Dutch Stadtholder, in the conquered
Portuguese possessions, from 1637 to 1644. Post continued,
for many years, to make studies from nature at Cape St.
Augustine, in the Bay of All Saints, on the shores of the
riyer St. Francisco, and at the lower course of the Amazon.*

* Franz Post, or Poost, was born at Haarlem, in 1620, and died there
in 1680. His brother also accompanied Count Maurice of Nassau
as an architect. Of the paintings, some representing the banks of the
Amazon are to be seen in the picture galiery at Schleisheim while
others are at Berlin, Hanover, and Prague. The line engravings in
Barliius, Reise des Prinzen Moritz von Nassau, and in the royal collec-
tion of copper-plate prints at Berlin, evince a fine conception of nature
in depicting the form of the coast, the nature of the ground, and
the vegetation. They represent musacex, cacti, palms, different
species of ficus, with the well known board-like excrescences at
the foot of the stem, rhizophorse, and arborescent grasses. The pic-
turesque Brazilian voyage is made to terminate (plate iv.), singularly
enough, with a German forest of pines which surround the castle of
Dillenburg. The remark in the text, on the influence which the
establishment of botanic gardens in Upper Italy, towards the middle
of the sixteenth century, may have exercised on the knowledge of the
physiognomy of tropical forms of vegetation, leads me here to draw
attention to the well founded fact that, in the thirteenth century,
Albertus Magnus, who was equally energetic in promoting the Aristote-
lian philosophy and the pursuit of the science of nature, probably had a
hothouse in the convent of the Dominicans at Cologne. This cele-
brated man, who was suspected of sorcery on account of his speaking
machine, entertained the King of the Romans, William of Holland, on
his passage through Cologne on the 6th of January, 1259, in a large
space in the conyent garden, where he preserved fruit trees and plants

26

450 COSMOS.

These studies he himself partly executed as paintings, and
partly etched with much spirit. To this period belong the

in flower throughout the winter by maintaining a pleasant degree of heat.
The account of this banquet, exaggerated into something marvellous,
occurs in the Chronica Joannis de Beka, written in the middle of the
fourteenth century (Beka et Heda de Hpiscopis Ultrajectinis, recogn.
ab. Arn. Buchelio, 1643, p. 79; Jourdain, Recherches critiques sur 1 Age
des Traductions d’ Aristote, 1819, p. 831; Buhle, Gesch. der Philoso-
phie, th. v. s. 296). Although the ancients, as we find from the exca-
vations at’ Pompeii, made use of panes of glass in buildings, yet nothing
has been found to indicate the use of glass or hot. houses in ancient. hor-
ticulture. The mode of conducting heat by the caldaria into baths might
have led to the construction of such forcing or hothouses, but the
shortness of the Greek and Italian winters must have caused the want
of artificial heat to be less felt in horticulture. The Adonis gardens
(xRzrot Adwvicoc), so indicative of the meaning of the festival of Adonis,
consisted, according to Béckh, of plants in small pots, which were, no
doubt, intended to represent the garden where Aphrodite met Adonis,
who was the symbol of the quickly fading bloom of youth, of luxuriant
growth, and of rapid decay. The festivals of Adonis were, therefore,
seasons of solemn lamentations for women, and belonged to the
festivals in which the ancients lamented the decay of nature. As I
have spoken in the text of hothouse plants, in contrast with those
which grow naturally, I would add that the ancients frequently used
the term “ Adonis gardens” proverbially, to indicate something which
had shot up rapidly, without promise of perfect maturity or duration.
These plants, which were lettuce, fennel, barley, and wheat, and not
variegated flowers, were forced, by extreme care, into rapid growth in
summer (and not in the winter), and were often made to grow to
maturity in a period of only eight days. Creuzer, in his Symbolik und
Mythologie, 1841, th. ii. s. 427, 480, 479, und 481, supposes “ that strong
natural and artificial heat, in the room in which they were placed, was
used to hasten the growth of plants in the Adonis gardens.” The
garden of the Dominican convent at Cologne reminds us of the Green-
land or Icelandic convent of St. Thomas, where the garden was kept
free from snow by being warmed by natural thermal springs, as is
related by the brothers Zeni, in the account of their travels (1383-
1404), which, from the geographical localities indicated, must be con-
sidered as very problematical. (Compare Zurla, Viaggiatori Veneziani,
t. ii. pp. 63--69; and Humboldt, Zxamen critique de l Hist. de la Géo-
graphie, t. ii. p. 127.) The introduction in our botanic gardens of
regular hothouses seems to be of more recent date than is generally
supposed. Ripe pineapples were first obtained at the end of the seven-
teenth century (Beckmann’s History of Inventions, Bohn’s Standard
Library, 1846, vol. i. pp. 103-106); and Linneeus even asserts, in the
Musa Cliffortiana florens Hartecampi, that the first banana which
apo in Europe was in.1731, at Vienna, in the garden of Prince
ugene,

DELINEATIONS OF NATURAL SCENERY. 451

remarkably large oil pictures preserved in Denmark, in a gal-
lery of the beautiful palace of Frederiksborg, which were
painted by Eckhout, who, in 1641, was also on the Brazilian
coast with Prince Maurice of Nassau. In these compositions,
palms, papaws, bananas, and heliconias, are most characteris-
tically delineated, as are also brightly plumaged birds, and
small quadrupeds, and the form and appearance of the natives.

These examples of a delineation of the physiognomy of
natural scenery were not followed by many artists of merit
before Cook’s second voyage of circumnavigation. What
Hodges did for the western islands of the Pacific, and
my distinguished countryman, Ferdinand Bauer, for New
Holland and Van Diemen’s Land, has been since done, in
more recent times, on a far grander scale, and in a masterly
manner, by Moritz Rugendas, Count Clarac, Ferdinand Bel-
- lermann, and Edward Hildebrandt; and for the tropical vege-
tation of America, and for many other parts of the earth, by
Heinrich von Kittlitz, the companion of the Russian Admiral
Liitke, on his voyage of circumnavigation.*

He who, with a keen appreciation of the beauties of
nature manifested in mountains, rivers, and forest glades,
has himself travelled over the torrid zone, and seen the
luxuriance and diversity of vegetation, not only on the
cultivated sea coasts, but on the declivities of the snow-
erowned Andes, the Himalaya, or the Nilgherry mountains
of Mysore, or in the primitive forests, amid the network of
rivers, lying between the Orinoco and the Amazon, can alone
feel what an inexhaustible treasure remains still unopened by
the landscape painter, between the tropics in both continents,
or in the island-world of Sumatra, Borneo, and the Philippines ;

* These views of tropical vegetation, which designate the “physiog-
nomy of plants,” constitute, in the Royal Museum at Berlin, (in the de-
partment of miniatures, drawings, and engravings,) a treasure of art
which, owing to its peculiarity and picturesque variety, is incomparably
superior to any other collection. The title of the papers edited by Von
Kittlitz is Vegetations-Ansichten der Kiistenliéinder und Inseln des
stillen Oceans, aufgenommen 1827-1829, auf der Entdeckungs-reise
der kais. russ. Corvette Senjdwin (Siegen, 1844), There is also great
fidelity to nature in the drawings of Carl Bodmer, which are engraved
in a masterly manner, and which greatly embellish the large work of
the travels of Prince Maximilian of Wied in the interior of North

ca,
242

452 COSMOS.

and how all the spirited and admirable efforts already made in
this portion of art fall far short of the magnitude of those
riches of nature, of which it may yet become possessed. Are
we not justified in hoping that landscape painting will flourish
with a new and hitherto unknown brilliancy when artists of
_ merit shall more frequently pass the narrow limits of the
- Mediterranean, and when they shall be enabled, far in the
interior of continents, in the humid mountain valleys of the
tropical world, to seize, with the genuine freshness of a pure
and youthful spirit, on the true image of the varied forms of
nature?

These noble regions have hitherto been visited mostly by
travellers, whose want of artistical education, and whose dif-
ferently directed scientific pursuits, afforded few opportunities
of their perfecting themselves in landscape painting. Only
very few amongst them have been susceptible of seizing on
the total impression of the tropical zone, in addition to the
botanical interest excited by the individual forms of flowers
and leaves. It has frequently happened that the artists ap-
pointed to accompany expeditions fitted out at the national
expense, have been chosen without due consideration, and
almost by accident, and have been thus found less prepared
than such appointments required; and the end of the
voyage may thus have drawn near before even the most
talented amongst them, by a prolonged sojourn amongst grand
scenes of nature, and by frequent attempts to imitate what
they saw, had more than begun to acquire a certain technical
mastery of their art. Voyages of circumnavigation are,
besides, but seldom of a character to allow of artists visiting
any extensive tracts of forest-land, the upper courses of large
rivers, or the summits of inland chains of mountains.

Coloured sketches, taken directly from nature, are the only
means by which the artist, on his return, may reproduce the
character of distant regions in more elaborately finished pic-
tures; and this object will be the more fully attained, where
the painter has, at the same time, drawn or painted directly
from nature a large number of separate studies of the foliage
of trees; of leafy, flowering, or fruit-bearing stems; of pros-
trate trunks, overgrown with pothos and orchider; of rocks
and of portions of the shore, and the soil of the forest. The
possession of such correctly drawn and well proportioned

LANDSCAPE PAINTING. 453

sketches will enable the artist to dispense with all the decep-
tive aid of hothouse forms, and so-called botanical delineations.

A great event in the history of the world, such as the
emancipation of Spanish and Portuguese America from the
dominion of European rule, or the increase of cultivation in
India, New Holland, the Sandwich Islands, and the southern
colonies of Africa, will incontestably impart to meteorology
and the descriptive natural sciences, as well as to landscape
painting a new impetus and a high tone of feeling, which

robably could not have been attained independently of these
ocal relations. In South America populous cities lie at an
elevation of nearly 14,000 feet above the level of the sea.
From these heights the eye ranges over all the climatic grada-
tions of vegetable forms. What may we not, therefore,
expect from a picturesque study of nature, if, after the
settlement of social discord, and the establishment of free
institutions, a feeling of art shall at length be awakened in
those elevated regions?

All that is expressed by the passions, and all that relates to
the beauty of the human form, has attained its highest perfec-
tion in the temperate northern zone under the skies of Greece
vand Italy. The artist, drawing from the depths of nature, no
less than from the contemplation of beings of his own species,
derives the types of historical painting alike from free crea-
tion and from truthful imitation. Landscape painting, though
not simply an imitative art, has a more material origin, and a
more earthly limitation. It requires for its development a
large number of various and direct impressions which, when
received from external contemplation, must be fertilized by
the powers of the mind, in order to be given back to the
senses of others as a free work of art. The grander style of
heroic landscape painting is the combined result of a pro-
‘found appreciation of nature, and of this inward process of
the mind.

Everywhere, in every separate portion of the earth, nature
4s indeed only a reflex of the whole. The forms of organ-
asms recur again and again in different combinations. Even
the icy north is cheered for months together by the presence
of herbs and large Alpine blossoms covering the earth, and
by the aspect of a mild azure sky. Hitherto landscape paint-
ing amongst us has pursued her graceful labours, familiar

454 COSMOS.

only with the simpler forms of our native floras, but not, on
that account, without depth of feeling and richness of creative
fancy. Dwelling only on the native and indigenous forms of
our vegetation, this branch of art, notwithstanding that it has
been circumscribed by such narrow limits, has yet afforded .
sufficient scope for highly gifted painters, such. as the Carracci,
Gaspard Poussin, Claude Lorraine, and Ruysdael, to produce
the loveliest and most varied creations of art, by their magical
power of managing the grouping of trees and the effects of
light and shade. That progress which may still be expected
in the different departments of art, and to which I have
already drawn attention, in order to indicate the ancient
bond which unites natural science with poetry and artistic
feeling, cannot impair the fame of the master works above
referred to, for, as we have observed, a distinction must be
made in landseape painting, as in every other branch of art,
between the elements generated by the more limited field of
contemplation and direct observation, and those which spring
from the boundless depth of feeling and from the force of
idealising mental power. The grand conceptions which land-
scape painting, as a more or less inspired branch of the poetry
of nature, owes to the creative power of the mind are, like
man himself, and the imaginative faculties with which he is
endowed, independent of place. These remarks especially
refer to the gradations in the forms of trees from Ruysdael
and Everdingen, through the works of Claude Lorraine to
Poussin and Annibal Caracci. In the great masters of art
there is no indication of local limitation. But an extension
of the visible horizon, and an acquaintance with the nobler
and grander forms of nature, and with the luxurious fulness
of life in the tropical world, afford the advantage of not
simply enriching the material groundwork of landscape paint-
ing, but also of inducing more vivid impressions in the
minds of less highly gifted painters, and thus heightening
their powers of artistic creation.

I would here be permitted to refer to some remarks which
I published nearly half a century ago, in a treatise which has
been but little read, entitled [deen zu einer Physiognomik der
Gewiichse,* and which stands in the most intimate connection

* flumboldt, Ansichten der Natur, 2te Ausgabe, 1826, bd. i. s. 7,
16, 21, 36, and 42. Compare also two very instructive memoirs,

TROPICAL SCENERY. 455

with the subject under consideration. He who comprehends
nature at a single glance, and knows how to abstract his mind
from local phenomena, will easily perceive how organic force
and the abundance of vital development increase with the
increase of warmth from the poles to the equator. This
charming luxuriance of nature mereases, In a lesser degree,
from the north of Europe to the lovely shores of the Mediter-
ranean than from the Iberian Peninsula, Southern Italy, and
Greece, towards the tropics. The naked earth is covered
with an ‘nequally woven, flowery mantle, thicker where the
sun rises high in a sky of deep azure, or is only veiled
by light and feathery clouds, and thinner towards the
gloomy north, where the returning frost too soon blights the
opening bud or destroys the ripening fruit. Whilst in the
cold zones the bark of the trees is covered with dry moss, or
with lichens, the region of palms and of feathery arborescent
ferns shows the trunks of Anacardia and of the gigantic spe-
cies of Ficus, embellished by Cymbidia and the fragrant
Vanilla. The fresh green of the Dracontium, and the deeply
serrated leaves of the Pothos, contrast with the variegated
blossoms of the Orchidexe, while climbing Banhinie, Passi-
floree, and yellow-blossomed Banisteriz, entwining the stems
of forest trees, spread far and high in air, and delicate flowers
are unfolded from the roots of the Theobrome, and from the
thick and rough bark of the Crescentiz and the Gustaviee. In
the midst of this abundance of flowers and leaves, and this
luxuriantly wild entanglement of climbing plants, it is often
difficult for the naturalist to discover to which stem different
flowers and leaves belong; nay, one single tree adorned with
Paulliniz, Bignoniew, and Dendrobia, presents a mass of vege-
table forms, which, if disentangled, would cover a considerable
space of ground.

Each portion of the earth has, however, its peculiar and
characteristic beauty: to the tropics belong diversity and
grandeur in the forms of plants; to the north, the aspect of
tracts of meadow-land, and the periodic and long-desired
revival of nature, at the earliest breath of the gentle breezes
of spring. As in the Musacee (Pisang) we have the greatest
expansion, so in the Casuarine and in the needle tree we have
Friedrich von Martius, Physiognomie des Pflanzenreiches in Brasilien
1824, and M. von Olfers, allgemeine Uebersicht von Brasilien, in Feld.
ner's Reisen, 1828, th. i. s. 18-23. ‘

456 COSMOS.

the greatest contraction of the leaf vessels. Firs, Thuja, and
Cypresses constitute a northern flora which is very uncom-
mon in the plains of the tropics. Their ever-verdant green
enlivens the dreary winter landscape, and proclaims to the
inhabitants of the north, that even when snow and ice have
covered the ground, the inner life of vegetation, like Prome-
thean fire, is never extinguished on our planet.

Every zone of vegetation has, besides its own attractions, a
peculiar character, which calls forth in us special impressions.
Referring here only to our own native plants, I would ask,
who does not feel himself variously affected beneath the
sombre shade of the beech, on hills crowned with scattered
pines, or in the midst of grassy plains, where the wind
rustles among the trembling leaves of the birch? As in dif-
ferent organic beings we recognise a distinct physiognomy,
and as descriptive botany and zoology are, in the strict defi-
nition of the words, merely analytic classifications of animal
and vegetable forms; so there is also a certain physiognomy or
nature exclusively peculiar to each portion of the earth. The
idea which the artist wishes to indicate by the expressions,
‘Swiss nature,” or “Italian skies,” is based on a vague sense
of some local characteristic. The azure of the sky, the form
of the clouds, the vapoury mist resting in the distance, the
luxuriant development of plants, the beauty of the foliage, and °
the outline of the mountains, are the elements which deter-
mine the total impression produced by the aspect of any
particular region. To apprehend these characteristics, and to
reproduce them visibly, is the province of landscape painting;
while it is permitted to the artist, by analysing the various
groups, to resolve beneath his touch the great enchantment
of nature—if I may venture on so metaphorical an expression
—as the written words of men are resolved into a few simple
characters.

But even in the present imperfect condition of pictorial deli-
neations of landscapes, the engravings which accompany, and too
often disfigure, our books of travels, have, however, contributed
considerably towards a knowledge of the physiognomy of
distant regions, to the taste for voyages in the tropical zones,
and to a more active study of nature. The improvements in
landscape painting on a large scale, (as decorative paintings,
panoramas, dioramas and neoramas,) have also increased the
generality and force of these impressions. The representations

PANORAMAS. 457

satirically described by Vitruvius and the Egyptian, Julius Pol-
lux,as “exaggerated representations of rural adornments of the
stage,” and which, in the sixteenth century, were contrived by
Serlio’s arrangement of Coulisses to increase the delusion, may
now, since the discoveries of Prevost and Daguerre, be made, in
Barker’s panoramas, to serve, in some degree, as a substitute
for travelling through different regions. Panoramas are more
productive of effect than scenic decorations, since the spec-
tator, enclosed as it were within a magical circle, and wholly
removed from all the disturbing influences of reality, may the
more easily fancy that he is actually surrounded by a foreign
scene. ‘These compositions give rise to impressions which,
after many years, often become wonderfully interwoven with
the feelings awakened by the aspect of the scenes when actu-
ally beheld. Hitherto panoramas, which are alone effective
when of considerable diameter, have been applied more fre-
quently to the representation of cities and inhabited districts
than to that of scenes in which nature revels in wild luxuri-
ance and richness of life. An enchanting effect might be
produced by a characteristic delineation of nature, sketched
on the rugged declivities of the Himalaya and the Cordilleras,
or in the midst of the Indian or South American river valleys,
and much aid might be further derived by taking photographic
pictures, which, although they certainly cannot give the leafy
canopy of trees, would present the most perfect representation
of the form of colossal trunks, and the characteristic ramifica-
tion of the different branches.

All these means, the enumeration of which is specially
comprised within the limits of the present work, are calculated
to raise the feeling of admiration for nature; and I am of
opinion that the knowledge of the works of creation, and an
appreciation of their exalted grandeur, would be powerfully
increased if, besides museums, and thrown open like them, to
the public, a number of panoramic buildings, containing alter-
nating pictures of landscapes of different geographical lati-
tudes and from different zones of elevation, should be erected
in our large cities. The conception of the natural unity, and
the feeling of the harmonious accord pervading the universe,
cannot fail to increase in vividness amongst men, in propor-
tion as the means are multiplied, by which the phenomena of
nature may be more characteristically and visibly manifested.

458 COSMOS.

CULTIVATION OF TROPICAL PLANTS—CONTRAST AND ASSEM-
BLAGE OF VEGETABLE FORMS-—-IMPRESSIONS INDUCED
BY THE PHYSIOGNOMY AND CHARACTER OF THE VEGE-
TATION.

LANDSCAPE painting, notwithstanding the multiplication of
its productions by engravings, and by the recent improve-
ments in lithography, is still productive of a less powerful
effect than that excited in minds susceptible of natural beauty,
by the immediate aspect of groups of exotic plants in hot-
houses or in gardens. I have already alluded to the subject
of my own youthful experience, and mentioned that the sight
of a colossal dragon-tree and of a fan palm in an old tower
of the botanical garden at Berlin, implanted in my mind the
seeds of an irresistible desire to undertake distant travels.
He who is able to trace through the whole course of his
impressions that which gave the first leading direction to his
whole career, will not deny the influence of such a power.

I would here consider the different impression produced
by the picturesque arrangement of plants, and their associa-
tion for the purposes of botanical exposition; in the first
place, by groups distinguished for their size and mass, as
Musaceee and Heliconie, growing in thick clumps, and
alternating with Corypha-palms, Araucarie, and Mimose,
and moss-covered trunks, from which shoot forth Dracontia,
delicately leaved Ferns, and richly blossoming Orchidez;
and in the next, by an abundance of separate lowly plants,
classed and cultivated in rows for the purpose of affording
instruction in descriptive and systematic botany. In the first
case, our attention is challenged by the luxuriant development
of vegetation in Cecropie, Carolinie, and light feathery
Bamboos; by the picturesque association of the grand and
noble forms, which embellish the shores of the Upper Orinoco,
the wooded banks of the Amazon, or of the Huallaga, so
vividly and admirably described by Martius and Edward
Péppig; and by the sentiment of longing for the lands in
which the current of life flows more abundantly and richly,
and of whose beauty a faint but still pleasing image is reflected
to the mind by means of our hothouses which originally
served as mere nurseries for sickly plants.

CULTIVATION OF EXOTIC PLANTS. 459

It undoubtedly enters within the compass of landscape
painting to afford a richer and more complete picture of
nature than the most skilfully arranged grouping of cultivated
plants is able to present, since this branch of art exercises an
almost magical command over masses and forms. Almost
unlimited in space, it traces the skirts of the forest till they
are wholly lost in the aerial distance, dashes the mountain
torrent from cliff to cliff, and spreads the deep azure of the
tropical sky alike over the summits of the lofty palms and
over the waving grass of the plain that bounds the horizon.
The luminous and coloured effects imparted to all terrestrial
objects by the light of the thinly veiled or pure tropical sky
gives a peculiar and mysterious power to landscape painting,
when the artist succeeds in reproducing this mild effect of
light. The sky in the landscape, has, from a profound
appreciation for the nature of Greek tragedy, been ingeni-
ously compared to the charm of the chorus in its general and
mediative effect.*

The multiplication of means at the command of paint-
ing for exciting the fancy, and concentrating the grandest
phenomena of sea and land on a small space, is denied to our
plantations and gardens, but this deficiency in the total effect
is compensated for by the sway which reality everywhere
exercises over the senses. "When in the Messrs. Loddiges’
palmhouse, or in the Pfauen-Jnsel, near Potsdam, (a monu-
ment of the simple love of nature of my noble and departed
sovereign,) we look down from the high gallery in the
bright noonday sun on the luxuriant reed and tree-like palms
below, we feel, for a moment, in a state of complete delusion
as to the locality to which we are transported, and we may
even believe ourselves to be actually in a tropical climate,
looking from the summit of a hill on a small grove of palms.
It is true that the aspect of the deep azure of the sky, and the
impression produced by a greater intensity of light, are want-
ing, but, notwithstanding, the illusion is more perfect, and
exercises a stronger effect on the imagination than is excited
by the most perfect painting. Fancy associates with every
plant the wonders of some distant region, as we listen to the
rustling of the fan-like leaves, and see the changing and filit-

| Abie von Humboldt, in his Briefwechsel mit Schiller, 1830,
s. 470.

‘460 ; COSMOS.

‘ting effect of the light, when the tops of the palms, gently
moved by currents of air, come in contact as they wave to
and fro. So great is the charm produced by reality, although
‘the recollection of the artificial care bestowed on the plants
certainly exercises a disturbing influence. Perfect develop-
ment and freedom are inseparably connected with nature,
‘and in the eyes of the zealous and botanical traveller, the
dried plants of an herbarium, collected on the Cordilleras of
‘South America, or in the plains of India, are often more
‘precious than the aspect of the same species of plants within
an European hothouse. Cultivation blots out some of the
original characters of nature, and checks the free development
of the several parts of the exotic organisation.
The physiognomy and arrangement of plants and their
-contrasted apposition must not be regarded as mere objects of
natural science, or incitements towards its cultivation; for the
attention devoted to the physiognomy of plants is likewise of
the greatest importance with reference to the art of landscape
gardening. I will not yield to the temptation here held out
to me of entering more fully into this subject, merely limiting
myself to a reference to the beginning of this section of the
present work, where as we found occasion to praise the more
frequent manifestation of a profound sentiment of nature
noticed amongst nations of Semitic, Indian, and Iranian
-descent, so also we find from history that the cultivation of
parks originated in Central and Southern Asia. Semiramis
caused gardens to be laid out at the foot of the Mountain
Bagistanos, which have been described by Diodorus,* and
whose fame induced Alexander, on his progress from Kelone
‘to the horse pastures of Nysea, to deviate from the direct road.
The parks of the Persian kings were adorned with cypresses,
‘whose obelisk-like forms resembled the flame of fire, and were,
on that account, after the appearance of Zerduscht (Zoroaster),
first planted by Gushtasp around the sacred precincts of the
Temple of Fire. It is thus that the form of the tree itself has

* Diodor. ii. 18. He, however, ascribes to the celebrated gardens of
“Semiramis a circumference of only twelve stadia. The district near the
pass of Bagistanos is still called the “bow or circuit of the gardens”—
Tauk-i-bostan, (Droysen, Gesch. Alexanders des Grossen, 1833, 8. 553.,

EASTERN GARDENS. 461

led to the myth of the origin of the cypress in Paradise.*
The gardens of the Asiatic terrestrial paradises (mapadeccor)
excited the early admiration of the inhabitants of the West;}
and the worship of trees may be traced amongst the Iranians,
to the remote date of the prescripts of Hom, named, in the
Zend-Avesta, the promulgator of the old law. We learn
from Herodotus the dehignt taken by Xerxes in the great
plane-tree in Lydia, on whith he bestowed decorations of gold,
appointing one of the “immortal ten thousand” as its special

* In the Schahnameh of Firdusi it is said, “a slender cypress,
reared in Paradise, did Zerdusht plant before the gate of the temple
of fire” (at Kishmeer in Khorasan). “ He bad written on this tail cypress,
that Gushtasp had adopted the genuine faith, of which the slender
tree was a testimony, and thus did God diffuse righteousness. When
many years had passed away, the tall cypress spread and became so
large that the hunter’s cord could not gird its circumference. When
its top was surrounded by many branches, he encompassed it with a
palace of pure gold...... and caused it to be published abroad,
Where is there on the earth a cypress like that of Kishmeer? From
Paradise God sent it me, and said, Bow thyself from thence to Paradise.”
When the Caliph Motewekkil caused the cypresses, sacred to the Ma-
gians, to be cut down, the age ascribed to this one was said to be 1450
years. See Vuller’s Fragmente iiber die Religion des Zoroaster, 1831,
s. 71 und 114; and Ritter, Hrdkunde, th. vi. i. s. 242. The original
native place of the cypress (in Arabic arar, wood, in Persian serw kohi,)
appears to be the mountains of Busih, west of Herat (Géographie
@ Edrisi, trad. par Jaubert, 1836, t. i. p. 464).

+ Achill. Tat., i. 25; Longus, Past. iv. p. 108; Schifer. “ Gesenius,
(Thes. Lingue Hebr., t. ii. p. 1124,) very justly advances the view
that the word Paradise belonged originally to the ancient Persian lan-
guage, but that iis use has been lost in the modern Persian. Firdusi,
although his own name was taken from it, usually employs only the word
behischt ; the ancient Persian origin of the word is, however, expressly
corroborated by Pollux, in the Onomast., ix. 3; and by Xenophon
(Gicon. 4, 13, and 21; Anab., i. 2,7, and i. 4,10; Cyrop.,i. 4, 5). In
its signification of pleasure-garden, or garden, the word has, probably,
passed from the Persian into the Hebrew (pardés, Cant. iv. 13; Nehem.
ii. 8; and Heel. ii. 5); into the Arabic (firdaus, plur. faradisu, com-
pare Alcoran, 23, 11, and Luc., 23, 43); into the Syrian and Arme-
nian (partés, see Ciakciak, Dizionario Armeno, 1837, p. 1194; and
Schréder, Thes. Ling. Armen., 1711. preef. p. 56). The derivation of
the Persian word from the Sanscrit (pradésa, or paradésa, circuit, or
district, or foreign land), which was noticed by Benfey (Griech. Wur-
zellexikon, bd. i. 1839, s. 138), and previously by Bohlen. and Gesenius,
suits perfectly in form, but not so well in sense.”—Buschmann.

462 COSMOS.

guard.* The ancient adoration of trees was connected,
owing to the refreshing and humid shadow of the leafy
canopy, with the worship of the sacred springs.

To this consideration of the primitive worship of nature
belongs a notice of the fame attached amongst the Hellenic
races to the remarkably large palm-tree in the island of Delos,
and to an ancient plane-tree in Arcadia. The Buddhists of
Ceylon venerate the colossal Indian fig-tree, the Banyan of
Anurahdepura, which is supposed to have sprung from the
branches of the original tree under which Buddha, as the
inhabitant of the ancient Magadha, fell into a state of beati-
tude, spontaneous extinction, nirwdna.t As separate trees
became objects of adoration from the beauty of their forms, so
likewise groups of trees were venerated as groves of the gods.
Pausanias speaks in high terms of admiration of a grove
round the Temple of Apollo at Grynion Molis,t whilst the
grove of Colonus is likewise celebrated in the famous chorus
of Sophocles.

The feeling for nature manifested by the early cultivated
East Asiatic nations, in the choice and the careful attention
of sacred objects chosen from the vegetable kingdom, was
most strongly and variously exhibited in their cultivation of
parks. In the remotest parts of the Old Continent the
Chinese gardens appear to have approached most nearly to
what we are now accustomed to regard as English parks.
Under the victorious dynasty of Han, gardens were so fre-
quently extended over a circuit of many miles that agricul-
ture was injured by them, and the people excited to revolt.§
‘“‘ What is it that we seek in the possession of a pleasure gar-
den?’’ asks an ancient Chinese writer, Lieu-tscheu. It has
been universally admitted, throughout all ages, that planta-
tions should compensate to man for the loss of those charms
of which he is deprived by his removal from a free communion
with nature, his proper and most delightful place of abode.

* Herod., vii. 31 (between Kallatebus and Sardes).

+ Ritter, Hrdkunde, th. iv, 2..s. 287, 251, und 681; Lassen, Jndische
Alterthumskunde, bd. i. s. 260.

{ Pausanius, i. 21, 9. Compare also Arboretum Sacrum, in Meursii
Op. ex recensione Joann. Lami, vol. x. Florent., 1753, pp. 777-844.

§ Notice historique sur les Jardins des Chinois, in the Mémoires
concernant les Chinois, t. viii. p. 309.

CHINESE PARKS AND GARDENS. 468

“The art of laying out gardens consists in an endeavour
to combine cheerfulness of aspect, luxuriance of growth,
shade, solitude, and repose, in such a manner that the senses
may be deluded by an imitation of rural nature. Diversity,
which is the main advantage of free landscape, must, therefore,
be sought in a judicious choice of soil, an alternation of chains
of hills and valleys, gorges, brooks, and lakes covered with
aquatic plants. Symmetry is wearying, and ennui and dis-
gust will soon be excited in a garden where every part betrays
constraint and art.”* The description given by Sir George
Staunton of the great imperial garden of Zhe-hol,} north of
the Chinese wall, corresponds with these precepts of Lieu-
tscheu—precepts to which our ingenious contemporary, who
formed the charming park of Muskau,{ will not refuse his
approval.

In the great descriptive poem written in the middle of the
last century, by the Emperor Kien-long, in praise of the
former Mantchou capital, Mukden, and of the graves of his
ancestors, the most ardent admiration is expressed for free
nature, when but little embellished by art. The poetic prince
shows a happy power in fusing the cheerful images of the lux-
uriant freshness of the meadows, of the forest-crowned hills
and the peaceful dwellings of men, with the sombre picture of
the tombs of his forefathers. The sacrifices which he offers in
obedience to the rites prescribed by Confucius, and the pious
remembrance of the departed monarchs and warriors, form
the principal objects of this remarkable poem. A long enu-
meration of the wild plants and animals that are natives of
the region is wearisome, like every other didactic work: but
the blending of the visible impressions produced by the land-
scape, which serves, as it were, for the background of the pic-
ture, with the exalted objects of the ideal world, with the fulfil-
ment of religious duties, together with the mention of great
historical events, gives a peculiar character to the whole com-
position. The fecling of adoration for mountains, which was

* See the work last quoted, pp. 318-320.

+ Sir George Staunton, Account of the Embassy of the Earl of
Macartney to China, vol. ii. p. 245.
_ = Prince Piickler-Muskau, Andeutungen iiber Landschaftsgértneret,
1834. Compare also his Picturesque Descriptions of the Old and New
English Parks, as well as that of the Egyptian Gardens of Schubra.

464 COSMOS.

so deeply rooted amongst the Chinese, leads Kien-long to
give a careful delineation of the physiognomy of inanimate
nature, for which the Greeks and Romans eyinced so little
feeling. The form of the separate trees, the character of their
ramification, the direction of the branches, and the form of
the foliage, are all dwelt on with special predilection.*

If I have not yielded to the distaste for Chinese literature,
which is, unfortunately, disappearing too slowly from amongst
us, and if I have dwelt tco long on the consideration of the
delineations of nature met with in the works of a contemporary
of Frederick the Great, I am so much the more bound to
ascend seven and a half centuries further back into the annals
of time, in order to refer to the poem of the Garden, by See-
ma-kuang, a celebrated statesman. The pleasure-grounds
described in this poem are certainly much crowded by build-
ings in the fashion of the old Italian villas, but the minister
likewise celebrates a hermitage, which is situated amongst
rocks and surrounded by high fir-trees. He extols the open
view over the broad River Kiang, crowded with vessels, and
expects, with contentment, the arrival of friends, who will
read their verses to him, since they will also listen to his
compositions.{| See-ma-kuang wrote about the year 1086,
when, in Germany, poetry was in the hands of a rude clergy,
and was not even clothed in the garb of the national tongue.

At this period, and probably five hundred years earlier, the
inhabitants of China, of Eastern India, and Japan, were
already acquainted with a great variety of vegetable forms.
The intimate connection which existed amongst the different
Buddhist sacerdotal establishments contributed its influence
in this respect. Temples, cloisters, and burying-places, were
surrounded by gardens, adorned with exotic trees, and covered
by variegated flowers of different forms. Indian plants
were early diffused over China, Corea, and Nipon. Siebold,
whose writings give a comprehensive view of all matters
referring to Japan, was the first to draw attention to the
cause of the mixture of the floras of remotely separated
Buddhist lands.

* Eloge de la Ville de Moukden, Poéme composé par |’Empereur
Kien-long, traduit par le P. Amiot, 1770, pp. 18, 22-25, 37, 63-68,
73-87, 104, and 120.

+ Mémoires concernant les Chinois, t. ii. p. 643-650.

+ Ph. Fr. yon Siebold, Kruidkundige Naamlijst van japansche en

PHYSIOGNOMY OF NATURE. 465

The rich abundance of characteristic vegetable forms pre-
sented by the present age to scientific observation and to
landscape painting, must act as a powerful incentive to trace
the sources which have yielded us this increased knowledge
and enjoyment of nature. The enumeration of these sources
must be reserved for the history of the.contemplation of nature
in the succeeding portion of this work. Here my object has
_ been to depict, in the reflection of the external world on the
mental activity and the feelings of mankind, those means
which, in the progress of civilisation, have exercised so
marked and animated an influence on the study of nature.
Notwithstanding a certain freedom of development of the
several parts, the primitive force of organisation binds all
animal and vegetable forms to fixed and constantly recurring
types, determining, in every zone, the character that peculiarly
appertains to it, or the physiognomy of nature. We may, there-
fore, regard it as one of the most precious fruits of European
civilisation, that it is almost everywhere permitted to man, by
the cultivation and arrangement of exotic plants, by the charm
of landscape painting, and by the inspired power of language
to procure a substitute for familiar scenes during the period
of absence, or to receive a portion of that enjoyment from
nature which is yielded by actual contemplation during long
and not unfrequently dangerous journeys through the interior
of distant continents.

chineesche Planten, 1844, p. 4. What a difference do we not find on
comparing the variety of vegetable forms cultivated for so many cen-
turies past in Eastern Asia, with those enumerated by Columella, in his
meagre poem de Cultu Horiorum, (vy. 95--105, 174-176, 225-271,
295--306,) and to which the celebrated garland-weavers of Athens were
confined! It was not until the time of the Ptolemies that, in Egypt,
and especially in Alexandria, the more skilful gardeners appear to have
devoted any great attention to variety, particularly for winter cultiva-
tion. (Compare Athen., v. p. 196.)

2H

7

466 COSMOS.

HISTORY OF THE PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE
UNIVERSE.—PRINCIPAL CAUSES OF THE GRADUAL DEVE-
LOPMENT AND EXTENSION OF THE IDEA OF THE COSMOS
AS A NATURAL UNITY.

Tue history of the physical contemplation of the universe is
the history of the recognition of the unity of nature, the repre-
sentation of the efforts made by man to comprehend the
combined action of natural forces on the earth and in the
regions of space; and hence it designates the epochs of
advancement in the generalisation of views; being a portion of
the history of our world of thought, in as far as it refers to
objects manifested by the senses, to the form of conglomerated
matter and the forces inherent in it.

In the section of the first portion of this work, relating to
the limitation and scientific treatment of a physical description
of the universe, I’ hope I may have succeeded in developing
with clearness the relation existing between the separate
natural sciences and the description of the universe, (the
science of the Cosmos,) and the manner in which this science
simply draws from these various branches of study the mate-
rials for its scientific foundation. The history of the know-
ledge of the universe, of which I here present the leading
ideas, and which, for the sake of brevity, I name, either simply
the history of the Cosmos, or the history of the physical con-
templation of the universe, must not, therefore, be confounded
with the history of the natural sciences, as given in many
of our leading elementary works on physics and physiology,
or on the morphology of plants and animals.

In order to give some idea of what has been collected at
separate epochs, under this point of view, it appears most
desirable to adduce separate instances illustrative of the sub-
jects which must either be treated of or discarded in the
succeeding portions of this work. The discoveries of the
compound microscope, of the telescope, and of coloured polari-
sation, belong to the history of the Cosmos, since they have
afforded the means of discovering that which is common to
allorganisms; of penetrating into the remotest regions of space ;
of distinguishing between reflected or borrowed light, and the

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 467

light of seif-luminous bodies, or—in other words-—determin-
ing whether solar light be radiated from a solid mass or from
a ous envelope. The enumeration of the experiments
which, since Huygens’ time, have gradually led to Arago’s
discovery of coloured polarisation must be reserved for the
history of optics. The consideration of the development of
the principles, in accordance with which variously formed
plants admit of being classified in families, falls, in like man-
ner, within the domain of the history of phytognosy, or botany ;
whilst the geography of plants, or a study of the local and
climatic distribution of vegetation over the whole earth—alike
over the solid portions and in the basins of the sea—censti-
tutes an important section in the history of the physical con-
templation of the universe.

The intellectual consideration of that which has led man to
an insight into the unity of nature is, as we have already
observed, as little entitled to the appellation of the complete
history of the cultivation of mankind as to that of a history
of the natural sciences. An insight into the connection of
the vital forces of the universe must certainly be regarded as
the noblest fruit of human civilisation, and as the tendency to
arrive at the highest point to which the most perfect develop-
ment of the intellect can attain; but the subject at present
under consideration must still constitute only a part of the his-
tory of human civilisation, embracing all that has been attained
by the advance of different nations in the pursuit of every
branch of mental and moral culture. By assuming a more
limited physical point of view, we necessarily become restricted
to one section of the history of human knowledge, and our
attention is specially directed to the relation existing between
the knowledge that has been gradually acquired and the whole
extent of the domain of nature; and we dwell less on the
extension of separate branches of science than on the results
capable of generalisation, and the material aids contributed by
different ages towards a more accurate observation of nature.

We must, above all, distinguish carefully between an early
presentiment of knowledge, and knowledge itself. With the
increasing cultivation of the human race, much has passed
from the former to the latter, and by this transition the
history of discovery has been rendered indistinct. An intel-
lectual and ideal combination of the facts already established

2H 2

468 . COSMOS.

often guides almost imperceptibly the course of presage, ele-
vating it as by a power of inspiration.. How much has been
enounced amongst the Indians and Greeks, and during the
middle ages, regarding the connection of natural phenomena,
which, at first, either vague, or blended with the most un-
founded hypotheses, has, at a subsequent epoch, been confirmed
by sure experience, and then been recognised as a scientific
truth! The presentient fancy and the vivid activity of spirit
which animated Plato, Columbus, and Kepler, must not be
disregarded, as if they had effected nothing in the domain of
science, or as if they tended, of necessity, to draw the mind
front the investigation of the actual.

As we have defined the history of the physical contempla-
tion of the universe to be the history ofthe recognition of nature
in the unity of its phenomena, and of the connection of the
forces of the universe, our mode of proceeding must consist in
the enumeration of those subjects by which the idea of the
unity of the phenomena has been gradually developed. We
would here distinguish: |

1, The independent efforts of reason to acquire a knowledge
of natural laws, by a meditative consideration of the pheno-
mena of nature.

2. Events in the history of the world which have suddenly
enlarged the horizon of observation.

3. The discovery of new means of sensuous perception,
as well as the discovery of new organs by which men have
been brought into closer connection, both with terrestrial
objects and with remote regions of space.

This threefold view serves as a guide in defining the prin-
cipal epochs that characterise the history of the science of the
Cosmos. For the purpose of further illustration I would
again adduce some examples indicative of the diversity of the
means by which mankind attained to the intellectual posses-
sion of a great portion of the universe. Under this head I
inelude examples of an enlarged field of natural knowledge,
great historical events, and the discovery of new organs.

The knowledge of nature, as it existed amongst the Hellenic
nations under the most ancient forms of physics, was derived
more from the depth of mental contemplation than from the
sensuous consideration of phenomena. Thus the natural phi-

losophy of the Ionian physiologists was directed to the funda-

Fe ee

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 469

mental ground of origin, and to the metamorphoses of one
sole element, whilst the mathematical symbolicism of the
Pythagoreans, and their consideration of numbers and forms,
disclose a philosophy of measure and harmony. The Doric-.
Italian school, by its constant search for numerical elements,
and by a certain predilection for the numerical relations of
space and time, laid the foundation, as it were, of the subse-
quent development of our experimental sciences. The history
of the contemplation of the universe, as I interpret its limits,
designates not so much the frequently recurring oscillations
between truth and error, as the principal epochs of the gradual
approximation to more accurate views regarding terrestrial
forces and the planetary system. It shows us that the Py-
thagoreans, according to the report of Philolaus of Croton,
taught the progressive movement of the non-rotating earth,
its revolution round the focus of the world (the central fire,
hestia), whilst Plato and Aristotle imagined that the earth
neither rotated nor advanced in space, but that, fixed to one
central point, it merely oscillated from side to side. Hicetas
of Syracuse, who must, at least, have preceded Theophrastus,
Heraclides Ponticus, and Ecphantus, all appear to have had
a knowledge of the rotation of the earth on its axis; but
Aristarchus of Samos, and more particularly, Seleucus of
Babylon, who lived one hundred and fifty years after Alexan-
der, first arrived at the knowledge that the earth not only
rotated on its own axis, but also moved round the sun as the
centre of the whole planetary system. And if, in the dark
period of the middle ages, Christian fanaticism, and the linger-
ing influence of the Ptolemaic school, revived a belief in the
immobility of the earth, and if, in the hypothesis of the Alex-
andrian, Cosmas Indicopleustes, the globe again assumed
the form of the dise of Thales, it must not be forgotten that
a German Cardinal, Nicholas de Cuss, was the first who had
the courage and the independence of mind, again to ascribe
to our planet, almost a hundred years before Copernicus, both
rotation on its axis and translation in space. After Coperni-
cus, the doctrines of Tycho Brahe gave a retrograde movement
to science, although this was only of short duration, and when
once a large mass of accurate observations had been collected,
to which Tycho Brahe himself contributed largely, a correct
view of the structure of the universe could not fail to be

470 COSMOS.

speedily established. We have already shown how a period of
fluctuations between truth and error is especially one of presen-
timents and fanciful hypotheses regarding natural philosophy.

After treating of the extended knowledge of nature as a
simultaneous consequence of direct observations and ideal
- combinations, we have proceeded to the consideration of those
historical events which have materially extended the horizon
of the physical contemplation of the universe. To these
belong migrations of races, voyages of discovery, and mili-
tary expeditions. Events of this nature have been the means
of our acquiring a knowledge of the natural character of
the Earth’s surface, (as, for instance, the configuration of
continents, the direction of mountain chains, and the relative
height of elevated plateaux), and in the case of extended
tracts of land, of presenting us with materials for expound-
ing the general laws of nature. It is unnecessary, in this
historical sketch, to give a connected tissue of events, and. it
will be sufficient, in the history of the recognition of nature
as a whole, to refer merely to those events which, at early
periods, have exercised a decided influence on the mental
efforts of mankind, and on a more extended view of the
universe. Considered in this light, the navigation of Coleeus
of Samos, beyond the pillars of Hercules; the expedition of
Alexander to Western India; the dominion exercised by the
Romans over the then discovered portions of the world; the
extension of Arabian cultivation, and the discovery of the New

Continent, must all be regarded as events of the greatest’

importance for the nations settled round the basin of the
Mediterranean. My object is not so much to dwell on the
relation of events that may have occurred, as to refer to the
action exercised on the development of the idea of the Cosmos
by events, whether it be a voyage of discovery, the establish-
ment of the predominance of some highly developed language
rich in literary productions, or the sudden extension of the
knowledge of the Indo-African monsoons.

As I have already incidentally mentioned the influence of
language in my enumeration of heterogeneous inducements, I
will draw attention generally to its immeasurable importance
in two wholly different directions. Languages, when exten-
sively diffused, act individually as means of communication
between widely separated nations, and collectively when several

a Me i

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 471

are compared together, and their internal structure and degrees
of affinity are investigated, as means of promoting a more pro-.
found study of the history of mankind. The Greek language,
which is so intimately connected with the national life of the
Hellenic races, has exercised a magical power over all the foreign
nations with which these races came in contact.* The Greek
language appears in the interior of Asia, through the influence
of the Bactrian empire, as a conveyer of knowledge, which, a
thousand years afterwards, was brought back by the Arabs to
the extreme West of Europe, blended with hypotheses of Indian
origin. The ancient Indian and Malayan tongues furthered the
advance of commerce and the intercourse of nations in the
island-world of the south-west of Asia, in Madagascar, and on
the eastern shores of Africa; and it is also probable that tidings
of the Indian commercial stations of the Banians, may haye
given rise to the adventurous expedition of Vasco de Gama.
The predominance of certain languages, although it unfortu-
nately prepared a rapid destruction for the idioms displaced,
has operated favourably, like Christianity and Buddhism, in
bringing together and uniting mankind.

Languages compared together and considered as objects of the
natural history of the mind, and when separated into families
according to the analogies existing in their internal structure,
have become a rich source of historical knowledge; and this is
probably one of the most brilliant results of modern study in
the last sixty or seventy years. From the very fact of their
being products of the intellectual force of mankind, they lead
“us, by means of the elements of their organism, into an
obseure distance, unreached by traditionary records. The
comparative study of languages shows us that races now
separated by vast tracts of land are allied together, and have
migrated from one common primitive seat; it indicates the
course and direction of all migrations, and, in tracing the
leading epochs of development, recognises, by means of the
more or less changed structure of the language, in the per-
manence of certain forms, or in the more or less advanced
destruction of the formative svstem, which race has retained

* Niebuhr, Rim. Geschichte, th. i. s. 69; Droysen, Gesch. der Bildung
des hellenistischen Staatensystems, 1843, s. 31-34, 567-573; Fried.
Cramer, de Studits queweteres ad aliarum Gentium contulerint Linguas,
1844, pp. 2--13.

ew”

472 COSMOS,

most nearly the language common to all who had migrated
from the general seat of origin. The largest field for such
inyestigations into the ancient condition of language, and
consequently into the period when the whole family of man-
kind was, in the strict sense of the word, to be regarded as
one living whole, presents itself in the long chain of Indo-
Germanic languages, extending from the Ganges to the
Iberian extremity of Europe, and from Sicily to the North
Cape. The same comparative study of languages leads us
also to the native country of certain products, which, from
the earliest ages, have constituted important objects of trade
and barter. The Sanscrit names of genuine Indian products,
as those of rice, cotton, spikenard, and sugar, haye, as we
find, passed into the language of the Greeks, and, to a certain
extent, even into those of Semitic origin.*

From the above considerations, and the examples by which
they have been illustrated, the comparative study of languages
appears as an important rational means of assistance, by »
which scientific and genuinely philological investigations may
lead to a generalisation of yiews regarding the affinity of
races, and their conjectural extension in various directions
from one common point of radiation. The rational aids towards

* In Sanscrit, rice is vrihi, cotton karpdsa, sugar ’sarkara, and
spikenard nanartha; see Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, bd. i,
1843, s. 245, 250, 270, 289,-and 538. On ’sarkara and kanda (whence:
our sugar-candy), consult my Prolegomena de distributione geogra-
phica Plantarum, 1817, p. 211. “ Confudisse videntur veteres saccha-
rum verum cum Tebaschiro Bambusz, tum quia utraque in arundinibus
inveniuntur, tum etiam quia vox sanscradana scharkara, que hodie (ut. °
pers. schakar et hindost. schukwr) pro saccharo nostro.adhibetur, obser-
vante Boppio, ex auctoritate Amarasinhe, proprie nil dulce (madu)
significat, sed quicquid lapidosum et arenaceum est, ac vel caleulum
vesice. Verisimile igitur, vocem scharkara initio dumtaxat tebaschi-
rum (saccar nombu) indicasse, posterius in saccharum nostrum humili-
oris arundinis (ikschu, kandekschu, kanda), ex similitudine aspectus.
translatam esse. Vox Bambusz ex mambu derivatur; ex kanda nostra-
tium voces candis zuckerkand. In tebaschiro agnoscitur Persarum.
schir, h. e. lac, sanser. kschiram.” The Sanscrit name for tabaschir is .
twakkschird, bark-milk; milk from the bark. See Lassen, bd. i.
8. 271-274; compare also Pott, Kurdische Studien in the Zeitschrift
Siir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, bd. vii. s. 163--166, and the masterly .
a vi Carl Ritter, in his Hrdkunde von Asien, bd. vi. 2, 8.
232--237.

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 47%

the gradual development of the science of the Cosmos are,
therefore, of very different kinds; viz., investigations into the
structure of languages; the deciphering of ancient inscrip-
tions and historical monuments in hieroglyphics and arrow-
headed writing; the greater perfection of mathematics,
especially of that powerful analytic, calculus by which the
form of the earth, the ebb and flow of the sea, and the regions
of space are brought within the compass of calculation. To
these aids must be further added the material inventions
which have procured for us, as it were, new organs, sharpened
the power of our senses, and enabled men to enter into a
closer communication with terrestrial forces, and even with the
remote regions of space. In order to enumerate only a few
of the instruments, whose invention characterises great epochs
in the history of civilisation, I would name the telescope,
and its too long delayed connection with instruments of mea-
surement; the compound microscope, which furnishes us with the
means of tracing the conditions of the process of development.
of organisms, which Aristotle gracefully designates as ‘the for-
mative activity the source of being ;” the compass, and the differ-
ent contrivances invented for measuring terrestrial magnetism
the use of the pendulum asa measure of time; the barometer;
the thermometer; hygrometric and electrometric apparatuses ;
and the polariscope, in its application to the phenomena of
coloured polarisation, in the light of the stars, or in luminous
regions of the atmosphere.

The history of the phyneel contemplation of the universe,.
which is based, as we have already remarked, on a meditative
consideration of natural phenomena, on the connection of great. -
events, and on inventions which enlarge the domain of sen-
suous perception, can only be presented in a fragmentary and
superficial manner, and only in its leading features. I flatter
myself with the hope that the brevity of this mode of treat-.
ment will enable the reader the more readily to apprehend the:
spirit in which a picture should be sketched, whose limits it is. -
so difficult to define. Here, as in the picture of nature which .
is given in the former part of this work, it will be my object
to treat the subject not with the completeness of an individual-
ising enumeration, but merely by the development of leading |
ideas, that indicate some of the paths which must be pursued.
by the physicist in his historical investigations. ‘The know-

474 ' COSMOS. |

ledge of the connection of events and their causal relations is
assumed to be possessed by the reader, and it will conse-
quently be sufficient merely to indicate these events, and
determine the imfluence which they have exercised on the
gradual increase of the knowledge of nature as a whole.
Completeness, I must again repeat, is neither to be attained,’
nor is it to be regarded as the object of such an undertaking.
In the announcement of the mode in which I propose treating
my subject, in order to preserve for the present work its
peculiar character, I shall, no doubt, expose myself again to
the animadversions of those who think less of what a book
contains than of that which, according to their individual
views, ought to be found in it. I have purposely been much
more circumstantial with reference to the more ancient than
the modern portions of history. Where the sources of infor-
mation are less copious the difficulty of a proper combination
is increased, and the opinions advanced then require to be
supported by the testimony of facts less generally known. I
woud also observe that I have permitted myself to treat my
subject with inequality, where the enumeration of individual
facts afforded the advantage of imparting greater interest to
the narrative.

As the recognition of the unity of the Cosmos began in an
intuitive presentiment, and with merely a few actual observa-
tions on isolated portions of the domain of nature, it seems in-
cumbent that we should begin our historical representation of
the universe, from some definite point of our terrestrial planet.
We will select for this purpose that sea basin, around which
have dwelt those nations, whose knowledge bas formed the
basis of our western civilisation, which alone has made an
almost uninterrupted progress. "We may indicate the main
streams from which Western Europe has received the ele
ments of the cultivation and extended views of nature,
but amid the diversity of these streams we are unable to
trace one primitive source. A deep insight into the forces of
nature, and a recognition of the unity of the Cosmos does not
appertain to a so-called primitive race—a term that has beer
applied amid the alternations of historical views, sometimes to
a Semiticrace in Northern Chaldea—Arpaxad (the Arrapachitis
_of Ptolemy) *—and sometimes to a race of Indians and Ira-

* Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, bd. i. 1848, s. 382-334; Las

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 475

nians, in the ancient Zend, in the district surrounding the
sources of the Oxus and the Jaxartes.* History, as far as it is
based on human testimony, knows of no primitive race, no one
primitive seat of civilisation, and no primitive physical natural
science, whose glory has been dimmed by the destructive bar-
barism of later ages. The historical enquirer must penetrate
through many superimposed misty strata of symbolical myths,
before he can reach that sclid foundation, where the earliest

ym of human culture has been developed in accordance
with natural laws. In the dimness of antiquity, which consti-
tutes as it were the extreme horizon of true historical knows
ledge, we see many luminous points, or centres of civilisation,
simultaneously blending their rays. Among these we may
reckon Egypt, at least five thousand years before our era,}

sen, Ind. Alterthumskunde, bd. i. s. 528. Compare Rédiger, in the
Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenlandes, b. iii. s. 4, on Chaldeans
and Kurds, the latter of whom Strabo terms Kyrti.

* Bordj, the watershed of the Ormuzd, nearly where the chain of the
Thian-schan (or celestial mountains), at its western termination, abuts in
veins against the Bolor (Belur-tagh), or rather intersects it, under the
name of the Asferah chain, north of the highland of Pamer (Upa-Méru
or country above Meru). Compare Burnouf, Commentaire sur le Yagna,
t. i. p. 239, and Addit., p. clxxxy. with Humboldt, Asie centrale, t. i.
p. 163, t. ii. pp. 16, 377-390.

+ The principal chronological data for Egypt are as follows :—“ Menes,
3900 B.c. at least, and probably tolerably correct; 3430, commence-
ment of the fourth dynasty, which included the pyramid builders,
Chephren-Schafra, Cheops-Chufu, and Mykerinos or Menkera; 2200,
invasion of the Hyksos under the twelfth dynasty, to which belongs
Amenemha IIL, the builder of the original Labyrinth. A thousand
years, at least, and probably still more, must be conjectured for the
gradual growth of a civilisation which had been completed, and had
in part begun to degenerate, at least 3430 years B.c.” (Lepsius, in
several letters to myself, dated March, 1846, and therefore after his
return from his memorable expedition.) Compare also Bunsen’s Con-
siderations on the Commencement of Universal History, which, strictly
defined, is only a history of recent times, in his ingenious and learned
work, Agyptens Stelle in der Weltgeschichte, 1845, erstes Buch, s. 11-13.
The historical existence and regular chronology of the Chinese go back
to 2400, and even to 2700 before our era, far beyond Ju to Hoang-ty.
Many literary monuments of the thirteenth century B.c. are extant, and
in the twelfth century B.c. Thscheu-li records the measurement of the
length of the solstitial shadow taken with such exactness by Tscheu-
kung, in the town of Lo-yang, south of the Yellow River, that Laplace
found that it accorded perfectly with the theory of the alteration of

476 COSMOS.

Babylon, Nineveh, Kashmir, Iran, and also China, after the first
colony migrated from the north-eastern declivity of the Kouen-
Lun into the lower river valley of the Hoang-ho. These
central points involuntarily remind us of the largest amongst
the sparkling stars of the firmament, those eternal suns in the
regions of space, the intensity of whose brightness we certainly
know, although it is only in the case of a few that we have
been able to arrive at any certain knowledge regarding the
relative distances which separate them from our planet.

The hypothesis regarding the physical knowledge supposed to

the obliquity of the ecliptic, which was only established at the close of
the last century.’ All suspicion of a measurement of the earth's direction
derived by calculating back, falls therefore to the ground of itself. See
Edouard Biot sur la Constitution politique de la Chine au 12éme siécle
avant notre ére (1845), pp. 3and 9. The building of Tyre and of the
original temple of Melkarth, (the Tyrian Hercules), would, according
to the account which Herodotus received from the priests (II. 44), reach
back 2760 years before our era, Compare also Heeren, Jdeen déber
Politik und Verkehr der Volker, th. i. 2, 1824, s. 12: Simplicius eal-
culates, from a notice transmitted by Porphyry, that the date of the
earliest Babylonian astronomical observations which were known to
Aristotle, was 1903 years before Alexander the Great; and Ideler, who
is so profound and cautious as a chronologist, considers this estimate in
no way improbable. See his Handbuch der Chronologie, bd. i. s. 2073;
the Abhandlungen der Berliner Akad. auf das J. 1814, s. 217; and
Bockh, Metrol. Untersuchungen iiber die Masse des Alterthums, 1838,
s. 86. Whether safe historic ground is to be found in India earlier than
1200 B.c., according to the chronicles of Kashmeer (Radjatarangini,
trad. par Troyer,) is a question still involved in obscurity, while Mega-
sthenes (Jndica, ed. Schwanbeck, 1846, p. 50), reckons for 153 kings of
the dynasty of Magadha from Manu to Kandragupta from sixty to
sixty-four centuries, and the astronomer Aryabhatta places the beginning
of his chronology 3102 B.c. (Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk., bd. i. s. 473-505,
507, and 510). In order to give the numbers contained in this note‘a
higher significance in respect to the history of human civilisation, it will
not be superfluous to recal the fact that the destruction of Troy is-placed
by the Greeks, 1184, by Homer 1000 or 950, and by Cadmus the Mile-
sian, the first historical writer-among the Greeks, 524 years before our
era. This comparison of epochs proves at what different periods the
desire for an exact record of events and enterprises was awakened among
the nations most highly susceptible of culture, and we are involuntarily
reminded of the exclamation which Plato, in the Timceus, puts in the
mouth of the priests of Sais: “‘O Solon, O Solon! ye Greeks still remain
ever children; nowhere in Hellas is there an aged man.. Your souls are
ever youthful, ye bave in them no knowledge of antiauity, no ancient
belief, no wisdom grown venerable by age.”

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 477

have been revealed to the primitive races of men—the natural
philosophy ascribed to savage nations, and since obscured b
civilisation—belongs to a sphere of science or rather of belief,
which is foreign to the object of the present work. We find
this belief deeply rooted in the most ancient Indian doctrine
of Krischna.* “Truth was originally implanted in mankind,
but haying been suffered gradually to slumber, it was finally
forgotten, knowledge returning to us since that period as a
recollection.” We will not attempt to decide the question
whether the races, which we at present term savage, are all
in a condition of original wildness, or whether, as the struc-
ture of their languages often allows of our conjecturing, many
among them may not be tribes that have degenerated into a
wild state, remaining as the scattered fragments saved from
the wreck of a civilisation that was early lost. A more inti-
mate acquaintance with these so-called children of nature
reyeals no traces of that superiority of knowledge regarding
terrestrial forces, which a love of the marvellous has led men
to ascribe to these rude nations. A vague and terror-stricken
feeling of the unity of natural forces, is no doubt awakened in
the breast of the savage, but such a feeling has nothing in
common with the attempt to prove, by the power of thought,
the connection that exists among all phenomena. True cos-
mical views are the result of observation and ideal combination,
and of a long-continued commnion with the external world;
nor are they a work of a single people, but the fruits yielded
by reciprocal communication, and by a great if not general
intercourse between different nations.

As in the considerations on the reflection of the external
world on the powers of the imagination, at the beginning of
this section of the present work, I selected from the general
history of literature, examples illustrative of the expression of
an animated feeling for nature, so in the history of the contem-
plation of the universe, I would likewise bring forward from the
general history of civilisation, whatever may serve to indicate
the progress that has been made towards the recognition of the
unity of nature. Both portions—not separated arbitrarily,
but by determined principles—have the same relations to one
another as the studies from which they have been borrowed.

* Wilhelm von Humboldt, Ueber eine Episode des Maha-Bharaia, in
his Gesammelte Werke, bd. i. s. 73

478 COSMOS.

The history of the civilisation of mankind comprises im itself the
history of the fundamental powers of the human mind, and
also therefore of the works in which these powers have been
variously displayed in the different departments of literature
and art. In a similar manner, we recognise in the depth and
animation of the sentiment of love for nature, which we have
delineated according to its various manifestations at different
epochs and amongst different races of men, active means of
inducement towards a more careful observation of phenomena,
and a more earnest investigation of their cosmical connection.

Owing to the diversity of the streams which have in the
course of ages so unequally diffused the elements of a more
_ extended knowledge of nature over the whole earth, it will be
most expedient, as we have already observed, to start in the
history of the contemplation of the external world from a
single group of nations, and for this object I select the one,
from which our present scientific cultivation, and indeed that
of the whole of Western Europe, has originated. The mental
cultivation of the Greeks and Romans must certainly be
regarded as very recent in comparison with that of the
Egyptians, Chinese, and Indians, but all that the Greeks and
Romans received from the east and south, blended with what
they themselves produced and developed, has been uninter-
ruptedly propagated on our European soil, notwithstanding
the continual alternation of historical events, and the admix-
ture of foreign immigrating races. In those regions in which
a much greater degree of knowledge existed thousands of
years earlier, a destructive barbarism has either wholly dark-
ened the pre-existing enlightment, or where a stable and
complex system of government has been preserved together
with a maintenance of ancient customs, as is the case in
China, advancement in science or the industrial arts has been
very inconsiderable, whilst the almost total absence of a free
intercourse with the rest of the world has interposed an
insuperable barrier to the generalisation of views. The cul-
tivated nations of Europe, and their descendants who have
been transplanted to other continents, may be said, by the
gigantic extension of their maritime expeditions to the
remotest seas, to be familiarised with the most distant shores;
and those countries which they do not already possess, they
may threaten. In the almost uninterrupted course of the

gE

<r at

PHYSICAL CONTEMELATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 479

knowledge transmitted to them, and in their ancient scientific
nomenclature, we may trace as the guiding points of the history
of the human race, recollections of the various channels, through
which important inyentions, or at any rate their germs, have
been conveyed to the nations of Europe; thus from Eastern
Asia has flowed the knowledge of the direction and declination
of a freely suspended magnetic rod; from Pheenicia and Egypt
the knowledge of chemical preparations, as glass, animal and
~egetable dyes, and metallic oxides; and from India the general
use of position in determining the increased values of a few
numerical signs.

Since civilisation has left its most ancient seat within the
tropics or the sub-tropical zone, it has remained permanently
settled in the portion of the earth, whose northern regions are
less cold than those of Asia and America under the same
latitude. The continent of Europe may be regarded as a
western peninsula of Asia, and I have already observed how
much general civilisation is favoured by the mildness of its
climate, and how much it owes to the circumstances of its
variously articulated form, first noticed by Strabo; to its
position in respect to Africa which extends so far into the
equatorial zone, and to the prevalence of the west winds,

- which are warm winds in winter owing to their passing over

the surface of the ocean. The physical character of Europe
has opposed fewer obstacles to the diffusion of civilisation,
than are presented in Asia and Africa, where far-extending
parallel ranges of mountain chains, elevated plateaux, and
sandy deserts, interpose almost impassable barriers between
different nations.

We will therefore start in our enumeration of the principal
momenta that characterise the history of the physical consi-
deration of the universe, from a portion of the earth, which is
perhaps more highly favoured than any other, owing to its
geographical position, and its constant intercourse with other
countries, by means of which the cosmical views of nations
experience so marked a degree of enlargement.

48U COSMOS.

PRINCIPAL MOMENTA THAT HAVE INFLUENCED
THE HISTORY OF THE PHYSICAL CONTEM-
PLATION OF THE UNIVERSE.

THE MEDITERRANEAN CONSIDERED AS THE STARTING-POINT
FOR THE REPRESENTATION OF THE RELATIONS WHICH
HAVE LAID THE FOUNDATION OF THE GRADUAL EXTEN-
SION OF THE IDEA OF THE COSMOS.—SUCCESSION: OF
THIS RELATION TO THE EARLIEST CULTIVATION
AMONGST HELLENIC NATIONS.—ATTEMPTS AT DISTANT
MARITIME NAVIGATION TOWARDS THE NORTH-EAST
(BY THE ARGONAUTS); TOWARDS THE souTH (TO
OPHIR); TOWARDS THE WEST (BY COLHUS OF SAMOS).

Prato, in his Phedo, describes the narrow limits of the
Mediterranean in a manner that accords with the spirit of
enlarged cosmical views.* ‘* We who inhabit the region
extending from Phasis to the Pillars of Hercules, occupy only
a small portion of the earth,” he writes, “‘ where we have
settled ourselves round the inner sea, like ants or frogs round
a swamp,” ‘This narrow basin, on the borders of which
Egyptian, Pheenician, and Hellenic nations, flourished and
attained to a high degree of civilisation, is the point from
which the most important historical events have proceeded, no
less than the colonisation of vast territories in Africa and
Asia, and those maritime expeditions which have led to the
discovery of the whole western hemisphere of the globe.

The Mediterranean shows in its present configuration the
traces of an earlier subdivision into three contiguous smaller
closed basins.}

* Plato, Phedo, p. 109, B. (compare Herod. ii. 21). Cleomedes sup*
posed that the surface of the earth was depressed in the middle, in order
to receive the Mediterranean (Voss, Crit. Blatter, bd. ii. 1828, s. 144
ang 150).

+ I first developed this idea in my Rel. hist. du voyage aux régions
équinoaiales, t. iii. p. 286; and inthe Hxamen crit. de Uhist. de la Géogr.

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 481

The Egean is bounded to the south by the curved line formed
by the Carian coast of Asia Minor, and the islands of Rhodes,
Crete, and Cerigo, and terminating at the Peloponnesus, not
far from the Promontory of Malea. Further westward is
the Ionian Sea, the Syrtic’ basin, in which lies Malta. The
western extremity of Sicily here approaches within forty-eight
geographical miles of the coast of Africa. The sudden appear-
ance and short continuance of the upheaved volcanic Island of
Ferdinandea in 1831, to the south-west of the calcareous rocks of
Sciacca, seem to indicate an effort of nature, to reclose the
Syrtic basin, between Cape Grantola, Adventure Bank, ex-
amined by Captain Smyth, Pantellaria, and the African Cape
Bon, and thus to divide it from the third western basin, the
Tyrrhenian. This last sea receives the ocean which enters
the Pillars of Hercules from the west, and surrounds Sardinia,
the Balearic islands, and the small voleanic group of the
Spanish Columbratee.

This triple constriction of the Mediterranean has exercised
a great influence on the earliest limitations, and the subsequent
extension of Phoenician and Greek voyages of discovery. The
latter were long limited to the Egean and Syrtic Seas. In
the Homeric times the continent of Italy was still an “ unknown
land.’ The Phoceans opened the Tyrrhenian basin west of
Sicily, and Tartessian mariners reached the Pillars of Her-
cules. It must not be forgotten that Carthage was founded
at the boundary of the Tyrrhenian and Syrtic basins. The
physical configuration of the coast line influenced the course
of events, the direction of nautical undertakings, and the
changes in the dominion of the sea; and the latter reacted
again on the enlargement of the sphere of ideas.

The northern shore of the Mediterranean possesses the
advantage of being more richly and variously articulated than

aw 15éme siécle, t. i. pp. 36-38. See also Otfried Miiller, in the Géttin-
gische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1838, bd. i. s. 376. The most western basin,
which I name generally, the Tyrrhenian, includes, according to Strabo,
the Iberian, Ligurian, and Sardinian Seas. The Syrtic basin, east of
Sicily, includes the Ausonian or Siculian, the Libyan, and the Ionian
Seas. The southern and south-western part of the Egean Sea was called
Cretic, Saronic, and Myrtoic. The remarkable passage in Aristot. de
Mundo, cap. iii. (p. 393, Bekk.), refers only to the bay-like configuration
of the coasts of the Mediterranean, and its effect on the ocean flowing
into it.
21

482 COSMOS.

the southern or Libyan shore, and this was, according to
Strabo, noticed already by Eratosthenes.* Here we find three’
peninsulas, the Iberian, the Italian and the Hellenic, which
owing to their various and deeply indented contour, form
together with the neighbouring islands and the opposite
coasts, many straits and isthmuses. Such a configuration of con-
tinents and of islands that have been partly severed, and partly
upheaved by volcanic agency in rows or in far projecting fis-
sures, early led to geognostic views regarding eruptions, ter-
restrial revolutions, and outpourings of the swollen higher
seas into those below them. The Euxine, the Dardanelles,
the straits of Gades, and the Mediterranean with its numerous
islands, were well fitted to draw attention to such a system of
sluices. The Orphic Argonaut, who probably lived in Chris-
tian times, has imterwoven old mythical narrations in his
composition. He sings of the division of the ancient Lyktonia
into separate islands, ‘when the dark-haired Poseidon, in
anger with Father Kronion, struck Lyktonia with the golden
trident.” Similar fancies, which may often certainly have
sprung from an imperfect knowledge of geographical relations,
were frequently elaborated in the erudite Alexandrian school,
which was so partial to everything connected with antiquity.
Whether the myth of the breaking up of Atlantis be a vague
and western reflection of that of Lyktonia, as I have elsewhere
shown to be probable, or whether according to Otfried Miiller
“the destruction of Lyktonia (Leukonia), refers to the Samo-
Thracian legend of a great flood which changed the form of
that district,”’+ is a question that it is unnecessary here to
decide.

* Humboldt, Aste centrale, t. i. p. 67. Thetwo remarkable passages
of Strabo, are as follows:— Eratosthenes enumerates three, and Poly-
bius five points of land in which Europe terminates. The first-men-
tioned of these writers names the projecting point which extends to the
Pillars of Hercules, on which Iberia is situated; next, that which ter-
minates at the Sicilian Straits, to which Italy belongs; and, thirdly, that
which extends to Malea, and comprises all the nations between the
Adriatic, the Euxine, and the Tanais.”—(lib. ii. p. 109.) “ We begin
with Europe because it is of irregular form, and is the quarter most
favourable to the mental and social ennoblement of men. It is habitable
in all parts except some districts near the Tanais, which are not peopled
on account of the cold.”—(lib. ii. p. 126.)

+ Ukert, Geogr. der Griechen und Rémer, th. i. abth. 2, s, 345-348,
and th. ii. abth. 1, s.194; Joannes v. Miiller, Werke, bd. i. s. 38; Hum-

i

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 488

But that which, as has already been frequently remarked,
has rendered the geographical position of the Mediterranean
most beneficial in its influence on the intercourse of nations,
is the proximity of the eastern continent, where it projects

boldt, Haamen critique, t. i. pp. 112 and 171; Otfried Miiller, Minyer,
s. 64; and the latter again in a too favourable critique of my memoir
on the Mythische Geographie der Griechen, (Gott. gelehrte Anzeigen,
1888.) I expressed myself as follows:—“In raising questions which
are of so great importance with respect to philological studies, I
cannot wholly pass over all mention of that which belongs less to the
description of the actual world, than to the cycle of mythical geography.
{t is the same with space as with time. History cannot be treated
from a philosophical point of view, if the heroic ages be wholly lost
sight of. National myths when blended with history and geography, ©
cannot be regarded as appertaining wholly to the domain of the
ideal world. Although vagueness is one of its distinctive attributes, and
symbols cover reality by a more or less thick veil, myths, when intimately
connected together, nevertheless reveal the ancient source, from which
the earliest glimpses of cosmography and physical science have been
derived. The facts recorded in primitive history and geography, are not
mere ingenious fables, but rather the reflection of the opinion generally
admitted regarding the actual world.” The great investigator of anti-
quity (whose opinion is so favourable tome, and whose early death inthe
land of Greece, on which he had bestowed such profound and varied
research, has been’ universally lamented,) considered, on the contrary,
that “ the chief part of the poetic idea of the earth, as it occurs in Greek
poetry, is by no means to be ascribed to actual experience, which may
have been invested, from credulity, and love of the marvellous, with a
fabulous character, as has been conjectured especially with respect
to the Phcenician maritime legends; but rather that it was to be
traced to the roots of the images which lie in certain ideal presuppo-
sitions and requirements of the feelings, on which a true geographical
knowledge has only gradually begun to work. From this fact there
has often resulted the interesting phenomenon, that purely subjective
creations of a fancy guided by certain ideas, become almost imperceptibly
blended with actual countries, and well-known objects of scientific geogra-
phy. From these considerations it may be inferred, that all genuine, or
artificially mythical pictures of the imagination belong, i in their proper
groundwork, to an ideal world, and have no original connexion with the
actual extension of the knowledge of the earth, or of navigation beyond
the Pillars of Hercules.” The opinion expressed by me in the French
work, agreed more fnlly with the earlier views of Otfried Miiller, for in
the Prolegomenon zu einer wissenschafilichen Mythologie, s. 68 and
109, he said very distinctly, that “in mythical narratives of that which
is done and that which is imagined, the real and the ideal, are most
closely connected together.” See also on the Atlantis and ’ Lyktonia,
Martin, Htudes sur le Timée de Piaton, t. i. pp. 293-826.
212

4384 COSMOS.

into the peninsula of Asia Minor; the number of islands in the
Egean Sea, which have served as a means for facilitating the
spread of civilisation ;* and the fissure between Arabia, Egypt,
and Abyssinia, through which the great Indian Ocean pene-
trates under the name of the Arabian Gulf or the Red Sea,
and which is separated by a narrow isthmus from the Delta
of the Nile, and the south-eastern coasts of the Mediterra-
nean. By means of all these geographical relations, the influ-
ence cf the sea as a connecting element was speedily mani-
fested in the growing power of the Pheenicians, and subse-
quently in that of the Hellenic nations, and in the rapid
extension of the sphere of general ideas. Civilisation in its
early seats in Egypt, on the Euphrates, and the Tigris, in
Indian Pentapotamia and China, had been limited to lands
rich in navigable rivers; the case was different, however, in
Pheenicia and Hellas. The active life of the Greeks, espe-
cially of the Ionian race, and their early predilection for
maritime expeditions, found a rich field for its development in
the remarkable configuration of the Mediterranean, and in its
relative position to the oceans situated to the south and west.

The existence of the Arabian Gulf as the result of the
irruption of the Indian Ocean through the straits of Bab-el-
Mandeb belongs to a series of great physical phenomena,
which could alone have been revealed to us by modern
geognosy. The European continent has its main axis directed
from north-east to south-west; but almost at right angles to
this direction, there is a system of fissures, which have given
occasion partly to a penetration of sea-water, and partly to the
elevation of parallel mountain chains. This inverse line of
strike directed from the south-east to the north-west is discern-
ible from the Indian Ocean to the efflux of the Elbe in Northern
Germany; in the Red Sea, the southern part of which is in-
closed on both sides by voleanic rocks; in the Persian Gulf,
with the deep valleys of the double streams of the Euphrates
and the Tigris; in the Zagros chain in Luristan; in the moun-
tain chains of Hellas and in the neighbouring islands of the
Archipelago, and, lastly, in the Adriatic Sea, and the Dalma-
tian caleareous Alps. The intersection} of these two systems

* Naxos, by Ernst Curtius, 1846, s. 11; Droysen, Geschichte der
Bildung des hellenistischen Staatensystems, 1843, s. 4-9.

+ Leopold von Buch, Ueber die yeognostischen Systeme von Deutsch-
and, 8, xi.; Humboldt, Asie centrale, t. i. pp. 284-286.

——~r

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 485

of geodetic lines directed from N.E. to 8.W., and from S.E.,
to N.W. (the latter of which I consider to be the more
recent of the two), and whose cause must undoubtedly be
traced to disturbances in the interior of our planet, has
exercised the most important influence on the destiny of man-

. kind, and in facilitating intercourse amongst different nations.

This relative position and the unequal degrees of heat expe-
rienced by Eastern Africa, Arabia, and the peninsula of
Western India at different periods of the year, occasion a
regular alternation of currents of air (Monsoons), fayour-
ing navigation to the Myrrhifera Regio of the Adramites
in Southern Arabia, tc the Persian Gulf, India, and Ceylon;
for at the season of the year (from April and May to October)
when north winds are prevailing in the Red Sea, the south-
west monsoon is blowing from Eastern Africa to the coast of
Malabar, whilst the north-east monsoon (from October to April)
which favours the return passage, corresponds with the period
of the south winds between the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb and
the isthmus of Suez.

After having sketched that portion of the earth to which
foreign elements of civilisation and geographical knowledge
might have been conveyed to the Greeks from so many different
directions, we will first turn to the consideration of those
nations inhabiting the coasts of the Mediterranean, who en-
ipyed an early and distinguished degree of civilisation, viz.,

e Egyptians, the Pheenicians with their north and west
African colonies, and the Etrurians. Immigration and com-
mercial intercourse have here exercised the most powerful
influence. The more our historical horizon has been extended
in modern times by the discovery of monuments and inscrip-
tions as well as by philosophical investigation of languages,
the more varied does the influence appear which the Greeks in
the earliest ages experienced from Lycia and the district sur-
rounding the Euphrates, and from the Phrygians allied to
Thracian races,

In the valley of the Nile, which plays so conspicuous a part
in the history of mankind, ‘ there are well authenticated car-
touches of the Kings as far back as the beginning of the fourth
dynasty of Manetho, in which are included the builders of
the Pyramids of Giseh (Chephren or Schafra, Cheops-Chufu,
and Menkera or Mencheres).” I here avail myself of the

486 COSMOS.

account of the most recent investigations of Lepsius,* whose
expedition has resulted in throwing much important light on
the whole of antiquity. ‘‘ The dynasty of Manetho began more
than thirty-four centuries before our christian era, and twenty-
three centuries before the Doric immigration of the Heraclide.
into the Peloponnesus.{ The great stone pyramids of Daschur,
somewhat to the south of Giseh and Sakara, are considered by
Lepsius to be the work of the third dynasty. Sculptural in-
scriptions have been discovered on the blocks of which they
are composed, but as yet nonames of kings. The last dynasty
of the ancient kingdom, which terminated at the invasion of
the Hyksos, and probably 1200 years before Homer, was the
twelfth of Manetho, and the one to which belonged Ame-
nemha III., the prince who caused the original labyrinth
to be constructed, and who formed Lake Meeris artificially
by means of excavations and large dykes of earth running
north and west. After the expulsion of the Hyksos, the
new kingdom began under the eighteenth dynasty (1600
years B.c.) Ramses Miamoun the Great (Ramses II.), was
the second ruler of the nineteenth dynasty. The sculptured
delineations which perpetuate his victories were explained
to Germanicus by the priests of Thebes.} He is noticed
by Herodotus under the name of Sesostris, which is probably
owing to a confusion with the almost equally victorious
and powerful conqueror Seti (Setos), who was the father of
Ramses IT.” /

I have deemed it necessary to mention these few points of
chronology, in order that where we meet with solid historical
ground, we may pause to determine the relative ages of great
events in Egypt, Phoenicia, and Greece. As I have already
brieflv described the geographical relations of the Mediterra-

* All that relates to Egyptian chronology and history, and which is dis-
tinguished in the text by marks of quotation,.is based on manuscript
communications which I received from my friend Professor Lepsius, in
March, 1846.

+ I place the Dorie immigration into the Peloponnesus, 328 years
before the first Olympiad, agreeing in this respect with Otfried Miiller,
(Dorier, abth. ii. s, 486). .

+ Tac., Annal., ii. 59. In the Papyrus of Sallier (Campagnes de
Sésostris), Champollion found the names of the Javani or louni and
that of the Luki (lonians and Lycians?). See Bunsen, Zgypten, buch. i.
8. 60. . .

PHYSI.AL CONTEMPLATION »OF THE UNIVERSE. 487

nean, I would now also call attention to the number of cen-
turies that intervened between the epoch of human civilisation
m the valley of*the Nile, and its subsequent transmission to
Greece; for without such simultaneous reference to space and
time, it would be impossible, from the nature of our mental
faculties, to form to ourselves any clear and satisfactory picture
of history.

Civilisation, which was early awakened and arbitrarily
modelled in the valley of the Nile, owing to the mental
requirements of the people, the peculiar physical character of
the country, and its hierarchical and political institutions,
excited there, as in every other portion of the earth, an im-
pulse towards increased intercourse with other nations, and
a tendency to undertake distant expeditions, and establish
eolonies. But the records preserved to us by history and
monumental representations, testify only to transitory con-
quests on land, and to few extensive voyages of the Egyp-
tians themselves. ‘This anciently and highly civilised race
appears to have exercised a less permanent influence on
foreigners than many other smaller nations less stationary in
their habits. The national cultivation of the Egyptians, which
from the long course of its development was more favourable
to masses than to individuals, appears isolated in space, and
has on that account probably remained devoid of any beneficial
result for the extension of cosmical views. Ramses-Miamoun,
(who lived from 1388 to 1322 B.c., and therefore 600 years
before the first Olympiad of Corcebus) undertook distant expe-
ditions, having, according to the testimony of Herodotus,
penetrated into Ethiopia (where Lepsius believed that he
found his most southern architectural works at Mount Barkal),
through Palestinian Syria, and crossing from Asia Minor to
Europe, through the lands of the Ssythians and Thracians to
Colchis and the river Phasis, where those of his soldiers who
were weary of their wanderings, remained as settlers. Ramses
was also the first, according to the priests, ‘‘ who by means of
his long ships subjected to his dominion the people who
inhabited the coasts of the Erythrean Sea. After this achieve-
ment, he continued his course until he came to a sea, which
was not nayigable owing to its shallowness.”* Diodorus

- ™ Herod., ii. 102 and 103; Diod. Sic., i. 55 and 56. Of the memorial
‘pillars (orfAar) which Ramases Miamoun set up as tokens of victory in

488 COSMOS.

expressly says, that Sesostris (Ramses the Great) penetrated
into India beyond the Ganges, and that he brought captives
back with him from Babylon. ‘The only certain fact with
reference to Egyptian navigation is that from the earliest ages,
not only the Nile but the Arabian Gulf was navigated. ‘The
celebrated copper mines near Wadi-Magaha, on the peninsula
of Sinai, were worked as early as the fourth dynasty, under
CKeops-Chufu. The sculptural inscriptions of Hamamat on
the Cosseir road, which connected the valley of the Nile with
the western coasts of the Red Sea, go back as far as the sixth
dynasty. Attempts were made under Ramses the Great,* to
form the canal from Suez, probably for the purpose of facili-
tating intercourse with the land of the Arabian copper mines.”
More considerable maritime expeditions, as for instance, the
frequently contested, but not, I think improbable,} cireum-

the countries through which he passed, Herodotusexpressly names three—
(ii. 106)—“ one in Palestinian Syria, and two in Ionia, on the road from
the Ephesian territory to Phoczea, and from Sardis to Smyrna.” A rock
inscription, in which the name of Ramases is frequently met with, has
been found near the Lycus in Syria, not far from Beirut (Berytus), as
well as another ruder one in the valley of Karabel, near Nymphio, and,
according to Lepsius, on the road from the Ephesian territory to Pho-
cea. Lepsius, in the Ann. dell Institute archeol., vol. x. 1838, p. 12;
and in his letter from Smyrna, Dec. 1845, published in the Archéolo-
gische Zeitung, Mai, 1846, No. 41, s. 271--280. Kiepert, in the same
periodical, 1843, No. 3, 8.35. Whether, as Heeren believes, (see in his
Geschichte der Staaten des Alterthums, 1828, s. 76), the great conqueror
penetrated as far as Persia and Western India, “as Western Asia
did not then contain any great empire,” (the building of Assyrian
Nineveh is placed only 1230 B.c.) is a question that will undoubtedly
soon be settled from the rapidly advancing discoveries now made in
archeology and phonetic languages. Strabo (lib. xvi. p. 760), speaks
of a memorial pillar of Sesostris, near the Strait of Deire, now known as
Bab-el-Mandeb. It is moreover also very probable that even in “ the
Old Kingdom,” above 900 years before Ramases Miamoun, Egyptian
kings may have undertaken similar military expeditions into Asia. It
was under Setos II., the Pharaoh belonging to the nineteenth dynasty,
and the second successor of the great Ramases Miamoun, that Moses
went out of Egypt, and this, according to the researches of Lepsius, was
about 1300 years before our era.

* According to Aristotle, Strabo, and Pliny; but not according to
Herodotus. See Letronne, in the Révue des deux Mondes, 1841, t,
Xxvil. p. 219; and Droysen, Bildung des hellenist. Staatensystems, 8. 735.

+ To the important opinions of Rennell, Heeren, and Sprengel, who

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 489

navigation of Africa under Neku II. (611-595 B.c.), were
confided to Pheenician vessels. About the same period or a
little earlier, under Neku’s father, Psammitich (Psemetek),
and somewhat later, after the termination of the civil war
under Amasis (Aahmes), Greek mercenaries, by their settle-
ment at Naucratia, laid the foundation of a permanent foreign
ecommerce, and by the admission of new elements, opened the
way for the gradual penetration of Hellenism into Lower Egypt.
Thus was introduced a germ of mental freedom, and of greater
independence of local influences—a germ which was rapidly

are inclined to believe in the reality of the cireumnavigation of Libya,
we must now add that of a most profound philologist, Etienne Quatre-
mére (Mémoires de l Acad. des Inscriptions, t. xv. P. 2, 1845, pp. 380--
388). The most convincing argument for the truth of the report of
Herodotus (iv. 42), appears to me to be the observation which seems
to him so incredible, viz., “that the mariners who sailed round Libya
(from east to west), had the sun on their right hand.” In the Mediter-
ranean, in sailing from east to west, from Tyre to Gadeira, the sun at
noon was seen to the left only. A knowledge of the possibility of
such a navigation must have existed in Egypt previous to the time of
Neku IJ. (Nechos), as Herodotus makes him distinctly command the
Phoenicians “to return to Egypt through the passage of the Pillars of
Hercules.” It is singular that Strabo, who (lib. ii. p, 98) discusses
at such length the attempted circumnavigation of Eudoxus of Cyzicus
under Cleopatra, and mentions fragments of a ship from Gadeira, which
were found on the Ethiopian (eastern) shore, considers the accounts given
of the circumnavigations actually accomplished as Bergaic fables (lib.
il. p. 100); but he does not deny the possibility of the circumnavigation
itself (lib. i. p. 38), and declares that from the east to the west, there
is but little that remains for to its completion (lib. i. p. 4). Strabo by
no means agreed to.the extraordinary isthmus-hypothesis of Hippar-
chus and Marinus of Tyre, according to which Eastern Africa is
joined to the south-east end of Asia, and the Indian Ocean con-
verted into a Mediterranean Sea. (Humboldt, Examen crit. de 0 Hist.
de la Géographie, t. i. pp. 189-142, 145, 161, and 229; t. ii. pp. 370--
373). Strabo quotes Herodotus, but does not name Nechos, whose
expedition he confounds with one sent by Darius round Southern
Persia and Arabia (Herod. iv. 44). Gosselin even proposed, somewhat
too boldly, to change the reading from Darius to Nechos. A counter-
part for the horse’s head of the ship of Gadeira, which Eudoxus is
said to have exhibited in a market-place in Egypt, occurs in the
remains of a ship of the Red Sea, which was brought to the coast of
Crete by westerly currents, according to the account of a very trust-
worthy Arabian historian (Masudi, i in the Morudj-al-dzeheb, Quatremére,
p. 389, and Reinaud, Relation des Voyages pd CInde, 1845, t. iD:
xvi. and t. ii p. 46).

490 COSMOS,

and powerfully developed during the period of the new cosmi-
cal views that succeeded the Macedonian conquest. The
opening of the Egyptian ports under Psammitich, is an event
of very great importance, as the country up to that period, at,
least at its northern extremity, had for a long time been
completely closed to strangers, as Japan is at the present day.*

In our enumeration of the non-Hellenic civilised nations
who dwelt around the basin of the Mediterranean—the most
ancient seat and the starting point of our mental cultivation,—
we must rank the Pheenicians next to the Egyptians. This
race is to be regarded as the most active in maintaining inter-
course between the nations from the Indian Ocean to the
west and north of the Old Continent. Although circumscribed
in many spheres of mental cultivation, and less familiar with
the fine arts than with mechanics, and not endowed with
the grand form of creative genius, common to the more
highly gifted inhabitants of the valley of the Nile, the Pheeni-
cians as an adventurous and commercial race, and especially
by the establishment of colonies (one of which far sur-
passed the parent city in political power), exerted an influ-
ence on the course of ideas, and on the diversity and number
of cosmical views, earlier than all the other nations inhabiting
the coasts of the Mediterranean. The Pheenicians made use
of Babylonian weights and measures,} and, at least since the
Persian dominion, employed stamped metallic coinage, as a
monetary currency, which strangely enough was not known
in the artificially arranged political institutions of the highly
cultivated Egyptians. But that by which the Pheenicians
contributed most powerfully to the civilisation of the nations
with which they came in contact, was the general spread of
alphabetical writing, which they had themselves employed for

* Diod., lib. i. cap. 67, 10; Herod., ii. 154, 178, and 182. On the
probability of the existence of intercourse between Egypt and Greece,
before the time of Psammetichus, see the ingenious observations of Lud-
wig Ross, in Hellenika, where he expresses himself as follows, bd. i,
1846, s. v. and x. “In the times immediately preceding Psammeti-
chus, there was in both countries a period of internal disturbance, which
must necessarily have bronght about a diminution and partial inter-
ruption of intercourse.”

+ Bockh, Metrologische Untersuchungen iiber Gewichte, Miinzfiisse
od Masse des Alterthums in threm Zusammenhang, 1838, s. 12,
und 273.

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 491

a long period. Although the whole mythical relation of the
colony of Cadmus in Beeotia remains buried in obscurity, it is
not the less certain that the Hellenes obtained the alphabeti-
cal characters long known as Phoenician symbols, by means of
the commercial intercourse subsisting between the Ionians and
the Phenicians.* According to the views which, since
Champollion’s great discovery, have been generally adopted
regarding the earlier condition of the development of alphabe-
tical writing, the Phcenician as well as the Semitic characters
are to be regarded as a phonetic alphabet, that has originated
from pictorial writing, and as one in which the ideal significa-
tion of the symbols is wholly disregarded, and the characters
are considered as mere signs of sounds. Such a phonetic
alphabet was, from its very nature and fundamental character,
syllabic, and perfectly able to satisfy all requirements of a gra-
phical representation of the phonetic system of a language.
“As the semitic written characters,” says Lepsius in his
treatise on alphabets, ‘‘ passed into Europe to Indo-Germanie
nations, who showed throughout a much stronger tendency to
define strictly between vowels and consonants, and were by
that means led to ascribe a higher significance to the vowels
in their languages, important and lasting modifications were
effected in these syllabic alphabets.” + ‘The endeavour to do
away with syllabic characters, was very strikingly manifested
amongst the Greeks. The transmission of Pheenician signs not
only facilitated commercial intercourse amongst the races
inhabiting almost all the coasts of the Mediterranean, and
even the north-west coast of Africa, by forming a bond of
union that embraced many civilised nations, but these alpha-
betical characters when generalised by their graphical flexibi-
lity were destined to be attended by even higher results. They
became the means of conveying as an imperishable treasure to
the latest posterity, those noble fruits developed by the Hellenic
races in the different departments of the intellect, the feelings,
and the enquiring and creative faculties of the imagination.

* See the passages collected in Otfried Miiller’s Minyer, s. 115, and
in his Dorier, abth. i. s. 129; Franz, Elementa Epigraphices Grece,
1840, pp. 138, 32, and 34.

’ ++ Lepsius, in hismemoir, Ueber die Anordnung und Verwandtschaft

des Semitischen, Indischen, Alt-Persischen, Alit-Zigyptischen und Aithio-
pischen Alphabets, 1836, s. 23, 28, und 57; Gesenius, Scripture Pive-
‘iciee Monumenta, 1837, p. 17. ;

492 COSMOS,

The share taken by the Phcenicians in increasing the ele«
ments of cosmical contemplation was not, however, limited
to the excitement of indirect inducements, for they widened
the domain of knowledge in several directions by independent
‘inventions of their own. A state of industrial prosperity,
based on an extensive maritime commerce, and on the enter-
prise manifested at Sidon in the manufacture of white and
coloured glass-wares, tissues and purple dyes, necessarily led
to advancement in mathematical and chemical knowledge,
and more particularly in the technical arts. “The Sidonians,”
writes Strabo, “are described as industrious inquirers in
astronomy, as well asin the science of numbers, to which they
have been led by their skill in arithmetical calculation, and in
navigating their vessels by night, both of which are indispen-
sable to commerce and maritime intercourse.’”* In order to
give some idea of the extent of the globe, opened by the navi-
gation and caravan trade of the Phcenicians, we will mention
the colonies in the Euxine, on the Bithynian shore (Pronectus
and Bithynium), which were probably settled at a very
early age; the Cyclades and several islands of the Egean Sea,
first known at the time of the Homeric bard; the south of
Spain rich in silver (Tartessus and Gades); the north of Africa
west of the Lesser Syrtis (Utica, Hadrumetum, and Car-
thage); the tin and amber lands of the north of Europe;} and

* Strabo, lib. xvi. p. 757.

+ The locality of the “land of tin” (Britain and the Scilly islands), is
more easily determined than that of the “amber coast ;” for it appears
very improbable that the old Greek denomination xaco.repoc, which
was already in use in the Homeric times, is to be derived from a moun-
tain in the south-west of Spain, called Mount Cassius, celebrated for its
tin ore, and which Avienus, who was well acquainted with the country,
placed between Gaddir and the mouth of a small southern Iberus (Ukert,
Geogr. der Griechen und Romer, theil ii. abth: i. s, 479). Kassiteros
is the ancient Indian Sanscrit word kastira. Dédn in Icelandic; zinn in
German; ¢in in Englishand Danish; and tenn in Swedish, are rendered, in
the Malay and Javanese language, by t/mah; a similarity of sound which
calls to mind that of the old German word glessum (the name applied
to transparent amber), with the modern German Glas, glass. The names
of wares and articles of commerce pass from one nation to another, and
into the most different families of languages. Through the intercourse
which the Phoenicians maintained with the eastern coast of India, by
means of their factories in the Persian Gulf, the Sanscrit word kastira,
which expressed so useful a product of further India, and still exists

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 493

two commercial factories in the Persian Gulf,* (the Baharian
islands, Tylos and Aradus.)

The amber trade, which was probably directed, first to the
west Cimbrian shores,} and subsequently to the land of the

among the old Armeic idioms in the Arabian word kasdir, may have
become known to the Greeks even before Albion and the British Cassi-
terides had been visited (Aug. Wilh. v. Schlegel, in the Jndische Biblio-
thek, bd. ii. s. 393; Benfey, Indien, s. 307; Pott, Hiymol. Forschungen,
th, ii. s. 414; Lassen, Jndische Alierthumskunde, bd.i. s. 239). A name
often becomes a historical monument, and the etymological analysis of
languages, however it may be derided, is attended by valuable results.
The ancients were also acquainted with the existence of tin—one of the
rarest metals—in the country of the Artabri and the Callaici, in the
north-west part of the Iberian continent (Strabo, lib. iii. p. 147; Plin.,
xxxiv. ¢c. 16); which was nearer of access, than the Cassiterides (Cs-
trymnides of Avienus), from the Mediterranean. When, before embark-
ing for the Canaries, I was in Galicia, in 1799, mining operations,
although of very inferior nature, were still carried on, in the granitic
mountains (see my Fel. hist., t. i. pp. 51 and 53). The occurrence of tin
is of some geognostic importance, on account of the former connection
of Galicia, the peninsula of Brittany, and Cornwall.

* Etienne Quatrémere, op. cit. pp. 363-370.

+ The opinion early expressed (see Heinzen’s Neue Kielishes Maga-
zin, th. ii. 1787, s. 339; Sprengel, Gesch. der geogr. Entdeckungen,
1792, s. 51; Voss, Krit. Bldtter, bd. ii. s. 392-403), that amber
was brought by sea, at first only from the west Cimbrian coast, and
that it reached the Mediterranean chiefly by land, being brought
across the intervening countries by means of inland barter, continues
to gain in validity. The most thorough and acute investigation of
this subject is contained in Ukert’s memoir Ueber das Electrum, in
Die Zeitschrift fiir Alterthumswissenschaft, Jahr. 1838, No. 52-55,
s. 425-452. (Compare with it the same author’s Geographie der
Griechen und Rémer, th. ii. abth. 2, 1832, s. 26-36; th. ili. i. 1843,
s. 86, 175, 182, 320, and 349.) The Massilians, who, under Pytheas,
advanced, according to Heeren, after the Phoenicians, as far as the
Baltic, hardly penetrated beyond the mouths of the Weser and the Elbe.
Pliny (iv. 16), placed the amber islands (Glessaria, also called Aus-
trania), decidedly west of the Cimbrian promontory, in the German
Sea; and the connection with the expedition of Germanicus suffici-
ently teaches us that the island signified is not in the Baltic. The
great effect of the ebb and flood tides in the estuaries which throw up
amber, where, according to the expression of Servius, “ mare vicissim
tum accedit, tum recedit,” applies to the coasts between the Helder and
the Cimbrian Peninsula but not to the Baltic, in which the island of
Baltia is placed by Timzeus (Plin. xxxvii. 2). Abalus, a day’s journey
from an stuarium, cannot, therefore, be the Kurish Nehrung; see also,
on the voyage of Pytheas to the west shores of Jutland, and on the amber

494 © » GOSMOS,

ZEstii on the Baltic, owed its origin to the daring per-
severance of Phoenician coasting traders. Its subsequent
extension affords a remarkable example in the history of the
contemplation of the universe, of the influence which may be
exercised on the establishment of international intercourse,
and on the extension of the knowledge of large tracts of land,
by a predilection for even a single product. In the same
manner as the Phocean Massillians conveyed British tin
through the whole extent of Gaul to the shores of the Rhone,
amber passed from people to people through Germany and
the territory of the Celts, on both sides of the Alps, to the
Padus, and through Pannonia to the Borysthenes. This in-

trade along the whole coast of Skage, as far as the Netherlands, Wer-
lauff, Bidrag til den nordiske Ravhandels Historie (Kopenh. 1835). In
Tacitus, and not in Pliny, we find the first acquaintance with the gles-
sum of the shores of the Baltic, in the land of the Astui (#stuorum
gentium), and of the Venedi, concerning whom the great philologist Shaf-
farik (Slawische Alterthiimer, th. i. s. 151-165), is uncertain whether
they were Slaves or Germani. ‘The more active direct connection with
the Samland coast of the Baltic, and with the Esthonians, by means of the
overland route through Pannonia, by Carnuntum, which was first fol-
lowed by a Roman knight under Nero, appears to me to have belonged
to the iater times of the Roman Cesars (Voigt, Gesch. Preussen’s, bd. i.
s.&5). The relations between the Prussian coasts and the Greek colo-
nies on the Black Sea are proved by fine coins, struck probably before the
eighty-fifth Olympiad, which have been recently found in the Netz dis-
trict (Lewezow, in the Abhandl. der Berl. Akad. der. Wiss. aus dem
Jahr 1833, s. 181-224). The electron, the sun-stone of the very
ancient mythus of the Eridanus (Plin. xxxvii. cap. 2), the amber stranded
or buried on the coast, was, no doubt, frequently brought to the south,
both by land and by sea, from very different districts. The “amber
which was found buried at two places in Scythia was, in part, very dark-
coloured.” Amber is still collected near Kaltschedansk, not far from
Kamensk, on the Ural; and we have obtained, at Katharinenburg,
fragments imbedded in lignite. See G. Rose, Reise nach dem Ural,
bd. i. s. 481; and Sir Roderick Murchison, in the Geology of Russia,
vol. i. p. 366. The petrified wood which frequently surrounds the amber
had early attracted the attention of the ancients. This resin, which was,
at that time, regarded as so precious a product, was ascribed either to
the black poplar (according to the Chian Seymnus, v. 396, p. 367,
Letronne), or to a tree of the cedar or pine genus (according to Mithri-
dates, in Plin. xxxvii. cap. 2and 8). The recent admirable investiga-
tions of Prof. Giéppert, at Breslau, have shown that the conjecture of the
Roman collector was the more correct. Respecting tke petrified amber-
tree (Pinitessuccinifer) belonging to an extinct vegetation, see Berendt
Organische Resie im Bernstein, bd, i. abth. 1, 1845, s. 89. -

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 495

land trade thus first connected the inhabitants of the coasts of
the North Sea with those living on the shores of the Adriatic
and the Euxine.

The Pheenicians of Carthage, and probably those inhabiting
the cities of Tartessus and Gades, which had been colonised
two hundred years earlier, visited a considerable portion of the
north-west coast of Africa, even beyond Cape Bojador, although
the Chretes of Hanno is neither the Chremetes of the Meteoro-
logica of Aristotle, nor yet our Gambia.* Here were situated
the numerous Tyrian cities, whose numbers were estimated by
Strabo at 300, which were destroyed by Pharusians and Nigri-
tians. Amongst these was Cerne (Dicuil’s Gaulea according
to Letronne), the principal station for ships, as well as the chief
emporium of the colonies on the coast. The Canary Islands
and the Azores, (which latter were regarded by Don Fernando,
the son of Columbus, as the Cassiterides discovered by the
Carthaginians,) and the Orkneys, Faroe Islands, and Iceland,
became the respective western and northern intermediate
stations for passing to the New Continent. They indicate
the two directions by which the European portion of the
human race first became acquainted with the natives of North
and Central America. This consideration gives a great, and
I might almost say, a cosmical importance to the question
whether and how early the Pheenicians of the mother-country
or those of the Iberian and African settlements (Gadeira,
Carthage, and Cerne), were acquainted with Porto Santo;
Madeira, and the Canary Islands. In a long series of events
we willingly seek to trace the first and guiding link of the
chain. It is probable that fully 2000 years elapsed from the
foundation of Tartessus and Utica by Pheenicians, to the
discovery of America by the northern course, that is to say,
to Eric Randau’s voyage to Greenland, which was followed by
voyages to North Carolina; and that 2500 years intervened
before Christopher Columbus, starting from the old Phcenician
oer of Gadeira, made the passage by the south-west
route.

* On the Chremetes, see Aristot., Meteor., lib. i. p. 850 (Bekk.); and
on the most southern points of which Hanno makes mention in his
ship’s journal, see my Rel. Hist,, t.i. p. 172; and Examen crit. dela
_Géog. t. i. pp. 39, 180, and 288; t. iii. p. 135. Gosselin, Recherches sur la
Géog. System. des Anciens, t.i. pp. 94 and 98; Ukert, th. i. 1, s. 61-66.
+ Strabo, lib, xvii. p. 826. The destruction of Phoenician colonies

496 COSMOS.

In accordance with the requirements for the generalisation
of ideas demanded by the present work, I have considered the
discovery of a group of islands, lying only 168 miles from the
African shore, as the first member of a long series of similarly
directed efforts, but I have made no allusion to the Elysium,
the Islands of the Blessed, fabled by the poetic visions of fancy,
as situated on the confines of the earth, in an ocean warmed
by the rays of the near setting sun. All the enjoyments of
life and the choicest products of nature were supposed to be
placed at the remotest distance of the terrestrial globe.*
The ideai land—the geographical myth of the Elysion—-was
removed further to the west, even beyond the Pillars of fer-
cules, as the knowledge of the Mediterranean was extended
amongst the Hellenic races. True cosmical knowledge, and
the earliest discoveries of the Phcenicians, regarding whose
precise period no certain tidings have come down to us, did
not probably give rise to this myth of the ‘Islands of the
Blessed,” the application to which was made subsequently.
Geographical discovery has merely embodied a phantom of
the imagination to which it served as a substratum.

Later writers (as an unknown compiler of the collection of
wonderful relations ascribed to Aristotle, who made use of
Timeeus, and more especially of Diodorus Siculus), have spoken
of “ Pleasant islands,’ which must be supposed to be the
Canaries, and of the great storms to which their accidental dis-
covery is due. It is said that ‘ Phceenician and Carthaginian
vessels, which were sailing towards the settlements already
then founded on the coast of Libya, were driven out to sea.”
This event is supposed to have occurred in the early period of
the Tyrrhenian navigation, and in that of the contest between
the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians and Pheenicians. Statius Sebosus

by Nigritians (lib. ii. p. 181), appears to indicate a very southern
locality ; more so, perhaps, than the crocodiles and elephants mentioned
by Hanno, since both these were certainly, at one period, found north
of the desert of Sahara, in Maurusia, and in the whole western Atlas
country, as is proved from Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 827; lian. de Wat.
Anim., vii. 2; Plin. v. 1, and from many occurrences in the wars between
Rome and Carthage. See, on this important subject, referring to the
geography of animals, Cuvier, Ossemens fossiles, 2 6d. t. i. p. 74; and
Quatremére, op. cit., pp. 891--394),
* Herod. iii. 106.

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 497

and the Numidian King Juba first gave names to the separate
islands, but, unfortunately, not Punic names, although undoubt-

y in accordance with notices taken from Punic works. As
Plutarch says that Sertorius, when driven away from Spain,
wished to save himself and his attendants, after the loss of his
fleet, on a group of two Atlantic islands, ten thousand stadia to
the west of the mouth of the Beetis, it has been supposed that
he meant to designate the two islands of Porto Santo and
Madeira,* which were clearly indicated by Pliny as the Pur-

* T have treated in detail this often-contested subject, as well as the
passages of Diodorus (vy. 19 and 20), and of the Pseudo-Aristot. (Mirab.
Auscult., cap. 85, p. 172, Bekk.), in another work (Hxamen crit., t. i.
pp. 130-139; t. ii. pp. 158 and 169; t. iii. pp. 137-140). The compi-
lation of the Mirab. Auscult. appears to have been of a date prior to the
end of the first Punic war, since, in cap. 105, p. 211, it describes Sardinia
as under the dominion of the Carthaginians. It is also worthy of notice
that the wood-clad island, which is mentioned in this work, is described
as uninhabited (therefore not peopled by Guanches). The whole group of
the Canary Islands was inhabited by Guanches, but not the island of Ma-
deira, in which no inhabitants were found, either by John Gonzalves and
Tristan Vaz, in 1519, or still earlier by Robert Masham and Anna Dorset,
(supposing their Crusoe-like narrative to possess a character of veracity.)
Heeren applies the description of Diodorus to Madeira alone, yet he
thinks that in the account of Festus Avienus (vy. 164), who is so conversant
with Punic writings, he can recognise the frequent volcanic earthquakes
of the Peak of Teneriffe. (See Jdeen iiber Politik und Handel, th. ii.
abth. i. 1826, s. 106.) To judge from the geographical connection, the
description of Avienus would appear to indicate a more northern locality,
perhaps even the Kronic sea. (Hxamen crit., t. iii. p.138.) Ammianus
Marcellinus (xxii. 15) also notices the Punic sources of which Juba availed
himself. Respecting the probability of the Semitic origin of the appella-
tion of the Canary Islands (the dog island of Pliny’s Latin etymology !),see
Credner’s Biblische Vorstellung vom Paradiese, in Ilgen’s Zeitschr. fiir
die historische Theologie, bd. vi. 1836, s. 166-186. Joaquim Jose da
Costa de Macedo, in a work entitled Memoria em que se pretende
provar que os Arabes nao conheceréio as Canarias antes dos Portu-
guezes, 1844, has recently collected all that has been written from the
most ancient times to the middle ages, respecting the Canary Islands.
Where history, so far as it is founded on certain and distinctly expressed
evidence, is silent, there remain only different degrees of probability;
but an absolute denial of all facts in the world’s history, of which
the evidence is not distinct, appears to me no happy application of
philological and historical criticism, The many indications which have
come down to us from antiquity, and a careful consideration of the rela-
tions of geographical proximity to ancient undoubted settlements on the
African shore, lead_me to believe that the Canary Islands were known to

2K

498 . COSMOS.

purarie. The strong oceanic current, which is directed
beyond the Pillars of Hercules from north-west to south-east,
«might long have prevented the coast navigators from discover-
ing the islands most remote from the continent, and of which
only the smaller, Porto Santo, was found to be inhabited in
the fifteenth century; and owing to the curvature of the earth
the summit of the great voleano of Teneriffe could not be
seen, even with a strong refraction, by Pheenician mariners
sailing along the coast; although I found, from my own
observations, that it was discernible from the slight elevations
‘that surround Cape Bojador,* especially in cases of eruption,
and by the reflection of a high cloud resting over the volcano.
It is even asserted that eruptions of Mount Etna have been
seen, in recent times, from Mount Taygetos in Greece.

In the enumeration of the elements of an extended know-
ledge of the universe, which were early brought tothe Greeks
from other parts of the Mediterranean basin, we have hitherto
followed the Phoenicians and Carthaginians in their inter-

the Pheenicians, Carthaginians, Greeks, and Romans, perhaps even to
the Etruscans.

* Compare the'calculationsin my Rel. Hist.,t. i. pp. 140 and 287. The
Peak of Teneriffe is distant 2° 49’ of an are from the nearest point of the
African coast. In assuming a‘mean refraction of 0°08, the summit of
the Peak may be seen from a height of 1291 feet, and, therefore, from
ithe Montafias Negras, not far from Cape Bojador. In this calculation,
the elevation of the Peak above the level of the sea has been taken at
12,175 feet; Captain Vidal has recently determined it trigonometrically
at 12,405, and Messrs. Coupvent and Dumoulin, barometrically, at

-12,150. (D’Urville, Voyage au Pole Sud, Hist., t. i. 1842, pp.
81, 32.) But Lancerote, with a volcano, la Corona, 1918 feet in
height (Leop. v. Buch, Canarische Jnsein, s. 104),.and Fortaventura,
lie much nearer to the mainland than Teneriffe: the distance of the
first-named island being 1° 15’, and that of the second 1° 2’.

+ Ross has only mentioned thisassertion as a report (Hellenika, bd.i.
s. xi). May the observation not have rested on a mere deception ?
if we take the elevation of Etna above the sea at 10,874 feet (lat.
87° 45’, long. from Paris 12° 41’), and that of the place of observation,
on the Taygetos (Mount Elias), at 7904 feet (lat. 36° 57’, long. from
Paris 20° 1’), and the distance between the two at 352 geographical
miles, we have for the point from which light was emitted above Htna,

-and was visible on Taygetos, fully 48,675 feet, which is four and a half
times greater than the elevation of Etna. If, however, we might

“assume, as my friend Professor Encke has remarked, the reflecting
surface to be 184 miles from Htna and 168 miles from Taygetos, its
height above the sea would only require to be 1829 feet.

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 499

‘course with the northern tin and amber lands, as well as in
their settlements near the tropics, on the west coast of Africa.
It now, therefore, only remains for us to refer to a voyage of
the Pheenicians ‘to the south, when they proceeded 4000
geographical miles east of Cerne and Hanno’s Western
Horn, far within the tropics, to the Prasodic and Indian Seas.
Whatever doubt may exist regarding the localisation of the
-distant gold lands (Ophir and Supara), and whether these gold
lands are the western coasts of the Indian peninsula, or the
eastern shores of Africa, it is, at any rate, certain that this
‘active, enterprising Semitic race, who so early employed
alphabetical writing, had a direct acquaintance with the pro-
ducts of the most different climates, from the Cassiterides to
the south of the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, far within the
tropics. The Tyrian flag floated simultaneously in the British
‘and Indian seas. The Pheenicians had commercial settlements
‘m the northern parts of the Arabian Gulf, in the ports of
‘Elath and Ezion Geber, as well as on the Persian Gulf at
Aradus and Tylos, where, according to Strabo, temples had
‘been erected, which, in their style of architecture, resembled
those on the Mediterranean.* The caravan trade, which was
carried on by the Pheenicians in seeking spices and incense,
“was Aeaiod. to Arabia Felix, through Palmyra, and to the
Chaldean or Nabatheic Gerrha, on the western or Arabian
side of the Persian Gulf.

The expeditions sent by Hiram and Solomon, and which
were undertaken conjointly by Tyrians and Israelites, sailed
from Ezion Geber through the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb to
Ophir (Opheir, Sophir, Sophora, the Sanscrit Supara of
Ptolemy).f Solomon, jwho loved pomp, caused a fleet to be

* Strabo, lib.:xvi.yp. 767, Casaub. According to Polybius, it would
‘seem that the Euxine and the Adriatic Sea were discernible from
Mount Aimon—an assertion ridiculed by Strabo (lib. vii. p. 313).
Compare Scymnus, p.'93.

_ + On ithe synonym of Ophir, see my Zxzamen crit. de 0 Hist. de la
Géographic, t. ii..p. 42. Ptolemy,in Tb. vi. cap. 7, p. 156, speaks of,,a
Sapphara, the metropolis of Arabia; and in lib. vii. cap. 1, p. 168, of
-Supara, in the Gulf of Camboya (Barigazenus sinus, according to Hesy-
vehius), as“ adistrictrichin gold!” Supara signifies in Indian a fair shore

, Diss. de Taprobane, p. 18, and Indische Alterthumskunde, ~
wbd. i. 8. 107; also Professor Keil of Lorpat, Ueber die Hiram-Salo-
-monische Schiffahrt nach Ophir pat ee ‘8. 40-45),

2K

500 COSMOS.

constructed at the Red Sea, and Hiram supplied him
with experienced Phoenician seamen, and Tyrian vessels,
“ships of Tarshish.”** The articles of commerce which
were brought from Ophir, were gold, silver, sandal-wood (ad-
gummin), precious stones, ivory, apes (kophim), and peacocks
(thukkiim). These are not Hebrew but Indian names.

* On the question whether ships of Tarshish mean ocean ships, or
whether, as Michaelis contends, they have their name from the Pheeni-
cian Tarsus, in Cilicia? see Keil, op. cit., s. 7, 15-22, and 71-84.

+ Gesenius, Thesaurus Lingue Hebr., t. i. p. 141; and the same in
the Encycl. of Ersch and Gruber, sect. iii. th. iv. s. 401; Lassen, Jnd. Al-
terthumskunde, bd. i. s. 538 ; Reinaud, Relation des Voyages faits par
les Arabes dans Inde et en Chine, t. i, 1845, p. xxviii. The learned
Quatremére, who, in a very recently published treatise (Mém. de ? Acad.
des Inscriptions, t. xvi. pt. 2, 1845, pp. 349--402), still maintains with
Heeren, that Ophir is the east coast of Africa, has explained the word
thukkiim (thukkiyyim) as parrots, or Guinea-fowls, and not peacocks (p.
375). Regarding Sokotora, compare Bohlen, Das alte Indien, th. ii. s.
139, with Benfey, Indien, s. 30-32. Sofala is described by Edrisi (in
Amédée Jaubert’s translation, t. i. p. 67), and subsequently by the
Portuguese, after Gama’s voyage of discovery (Barros, Dec. 1 liv.
x. cap. i; pt. ii, p. 375; Kiilb, Geschichte der Entdeckungsreisen,
th. i. 1841, s. 236), as a country rich in gold. I have elsewhere
drawn attention to the fact that Edrisi, in the middle of the twelfth
century, speaks of the application of quicksilver in the gold-washings
of the negroes of this district, as a long known process of amalga-
mation. When we bear in mind the great frequency of the interchange of
r and /, we find that the name of the East African Sofala is perfectly re-
presented by that of Sophara, which is used with several other forms, in the
version of the Septuagint, for the Ophir of Solomon and Hiram. Ptolemy
also, as has been already noticed, was acquainted with a Sapphara, in
Arabia (Ritter, Asien, bd. viii. 1, 1846, s. 252), and a Supara in India.
The significant (Sanscrit) names of the mother country had been con-
ferred on neighbouring or opposite coasts, as we find, under similar
relations in the present day, in the Spanish and English parts of Ame-
rica. The trade to Ophir might thus, according to my view, be extended
in the same manner as a Pheenician expedition to Tartessus might touch
at Cyrene and Carthage, Gadeira and Cerne; and as one to the Cassi-
terides might touch at the Artabrian, British, and East Cimbrian coasts.
It is, nevertheless, remarkable, that incense, spices, silk, and cotton
cloth are not named among the wares from Ophir, together with ivory,
apes, and peacocks. - The latter are exclusively Indian, although, on ac-
count of their gradual extension to the west, they were frequently
termed by the Greeks “ Median and Persian birds:” the Samians even
supposed them to have belonged originally to Samos, on account of their
being reared by the priests in the sanctuary of Hera, From a pas

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 501

It would appear highly probable, from the careful investiga-
tions of Gesenius, Benfey, and Lassen, that the Pheenicians,
who had been early made acquainted with the periodic preva-
lence of the monsoons through their colonies on the Persian
Gulf, and their intercourse with the inhabitants of Gerrha,
must have visited the western coasts of the Indian Peninsula.
Christopher Columbus was even persuaded that Ophir (the El
Dorado of Solomon) and Mount Sopora were a portion of East-
ern Asia, the Chersonesus Aurea of Ptolemy.* As it appears
difficult to form an idea of Western India as a fruitful source
of gold, it will, I think, scarcely be necessary to refer to the
** gold-seeking ants’’ (or to the unmistakeable account given
by Ctesias of a foundry in which, however, gold and iron
were said, according to his account, to be fused together),} it
being sufficient to direct attention to the geographical proxi-
mity of Southern Arabia, of the Island of Dioscorides (the
Diu Zokotora of the moderns, a corruption of the Sanscrit

sage in Eustathius (Comm. in Iliad, t. iv. p. 225, ed. Lips., 1827), on
the sacredness of peacocks in Libya, it has been unjustly inferred that
the rawe also belonged to Africa.

* See the remarks of Columbus on Ophir, and el Monte Sopora, “which
Solomon’sfleet could not reach within a term of three years,” in Navarrete,
Viages y Descubrimientos que hiciéron los Espanoles, t. i. p. 103. In
another work, the great discoverer says, still in the hope of reaching Ophir,
“the excellence and power of the gold of Ophir cannot be described; he
who possesses it does what he will in this world; nay, it even enables him
to draw souls from purgatory to paradise” (“llega a que echa las animas
al paraiso”), Carta del Almirante, escrita en la Jamaica, 1503; Navar-
rete, t. i. p. 309. (Compare my Hxamen critique, t. i. pp. 70 and 109;
t. ii. pp. 388-44; and on the proper duration of the Tarshish voyage,
see Keil, op. cit., s. 106.) ‘

+ Ctesiae Cnidii Operum Reliquie, ed. Felix Baehr, 1824, cap. iv.
and xii. pp. 248, 271, and 300. But the accounts collected by the phy-
sician at the Persian Court from native sources, which are not, therefore,
altogether to be rejected, refer to districts in the north of India, and
from these the gold of the Daradas must have come by many circuitous
routes to Abhira, the mouth of the Indus, and the coast of Malabar.
(Compare my Asie centrale, t. i. p. 157, and Lassen, Jnd. Alterthums-
kunde, bd. i.s. 5.) May not the wonderful story related by Ctesias, of
an Indian spring, at the bottom of which iron was found, which was very
malleable when the fluid gold had run off, have been based on a misun-
derstood account of a foundry? The molten iron was probably taken for
gold owing to its colour, and when the yellow colour had disappeared in
cooling, the black mass of iron was found below it,

502. COSMOS.

Dvyipa Sukhatara), cultivated by Indian colonists, and to the
auriferous coast of Sofala in Eastern Africa. Arabia and the
island last referred to, to the south-east of the Straits of Bab-
el-Mandeb, may be regarded as affording intermediate links of
connection between the Indian Peninsula and Hastern Africa,
for the combined commerce of the Hebrews and Phoenicians.
The Indians: had, from the earliest time, made settlements in
the eastern part of Africa, and.on the coasts immediately
opposite their native country; and the traders to Ophir might:
have found, in the basin of the Erythreian and Indian see
other sources of gold besides India itself.

Less influential than the Pheenicians in extending the geo-’
graphical sphere of our views, and early affected by the Greek
influence of a band of Pelasgian Tyrrhenians, who invaded:
their ‘country from the sea, the Etruscans present themselves:
to our observation as a gloomy and stern race. They carried
on no inconsiderable inland trade to distant amber countries,
through Northern Italy and across the Alps, where a via
sacra® was protected by all the neighbouring tribes. The:
primitive Tuscan race of the Rasenee appears to have followed
almost the same road on their way from Rheetia to the Padus,’
and even further southward. In accordance with our object,,
which is always to seize on the most general and permanent
features, we would here consider the influence which the
general character of the Etruscans exercised on the most’
ancient political institutions of Rome, and through these on the
whole of Roman life. It may be said that the reflex action of
this influence still persists in its secondary and remote political
effects, inasmuch as, for ages, Rome stamped her character,
with more or less permanence on the civilisation and mental
culture of mankind.+

A peculiar characteristic of the Tuscans which demands our
special notice in the present work, was their inclination for cul-
tivating an intimate connection with certain natural pheno-
mena. Divination, which was the occupation of their eques-
trian hierarchical caste, gave occasion for a daily observation
of the meteorological processes of the atmosphere. The Pud-

i * Aristot., Mirab. Auscult., cap. 86 and 111, pp. 175 and 225,
ekk,

+ Die Htrusker, by Otfried Miiller, abth.ii.s. 350; Niebuhr, comer:
che Geschichte, th. ii. s. 380.

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION: OF THE UNIVERSE. 503)

yres, observers of lightning, occupied themselves in inves-.
tigating the direction of the lightning, with “‘ drawing it down,”
and “turning it aside.’”** They carefully distinguished
between flashes of lightning, from the higher regions of’ the
clouds, and those which Saturn, an Earth God,} caused to
ascend from below, and which were called Saturnine-terres-
trial lightning ; a distinction which modern physicists have;

* The story formerly current in. Germany, and reported on the. testi-
mony of Father Angelo Cortenovis, that the tomb described by Varro,
of the hero of Clusium, Lars Porsena, ornamented with a bronze hat and
bronze pendant chains, was an apparatus for collecting atmospherical’
electricity, or for conducting lightning (as were also, according to
Michaelis, the metal points on Solomon’s temple) was related at a:
time when men were inclined to attribute to the ancients the remains.of
asupernaturally revealed primitive knowledge of physics, which was, how-
ever, soon again obscured. The most important notice of the relations
between lightning and conducting metals (which it was not difficult to’
discover), appears to me to be that of Ctesias (/ndiea, cap. 4, p. 169, ed.
Lion; p. 248, ed. Baehr). “He had possessed, it is said, two iron
swords, presents from the King Artaxerxes Mnemon, and from Pary-.
satis, the mother of the latter, which, when planted in the earth,
averted clouds, hail, and strokes of lightning. He had himself seen the
results of this operation, for the king had twice made the experimené.
before his eyes.” The great attention paid by the Etruscans to the
meteorological processes: of the atmosphere in all that differed from the

i course of natural phenomena, makes: it certainly a cause for
regret that nothing has come down to us from the books of the Fulgura-
tores. The epochs of the appearance of great comets, of the fall of
meteoric stones, and of showers of falling stars, were, no doubt, recorded
in them, as in the more ancient Chinese annals made use of by Edouard
Biot. Creuzer (Symbolik und Mythologie der alten Volker, th. iii.
1842, s. 659) has endeavoured to prove that the natural features of
Etruria acted on the peculiar direction of mind of its inhabitants, A
“calling forth” of the lightning, which is ascribed to Prometheus, calls.
to mind the strange pretended “drawing down” of lightning by the
Fulguratores. This operation consisted, however, in a mere conjura-
tion, which was probably not more efficacious than the skinned ass’
head, supposed, in accordance with Etruscan religious usages, to have
the faculty of preserving against the danger of thunder storms.

+ Otfr. Miller, Htrusker, abth. ii, s. 162-178. It would appear
that, in accordance with the very complicated Etruscan augur-theory,
a distinction was made between the “soft reminding lightnings propelled
by Jupiter by his own independent power, and the violent electrical
means of chastisement which he could only send forth in obedience te
established constitutional prescriptions, after consulting with the other
twelve gods” (Seneca, Vat.. Quest., ii. p. 41).

504 COSMOS.

thought worthy of especial attention. Thus were established
regular official notices of the occurrence of storms.* The
Aquelicium, the art of discovering springs of waters, which was
much practised by the Etruscans, and the drawing forth of water
by their Aguileges, indicate a careful investigation of the
natural stratification of rocks, and of the inequalities of the
ground. Diodorus, on this account, extols the Etruscans as
industrious inquirers of nature. We may add to this com-
mendation, that the patrician and powerful hierarchical caste
of the Tarquinii offered the rare example of fayouring physical
science.

We have spoken of the ancient seats of human civilisation
in Egypt, Pheenicia, and Etruria, before proceeding to the
highly-gifted Hellenic races, with whose culture our own
civilisation is most deeply rooted, and from whom we have
derived a considerable portion of our early knowledge of other
nations, and of our views regarding the universe. We have
considered the basin of the Mediterranean in its characteristic
configuration and position, and the influence of these relations
on the commercial intercourse established with the western
coasts of Africa, the extreme north, and the Indo-Arabian Sea.
No portion of the earth has been the theatre of greater changes
of power, or of greater or more animated activity under the in-
fluence of mental guidance. This movement was transmitted far
and enduringly by the Greeks and Romans, especially after the
latter had destroyed the Pheenicio-Carthaginian power. That
which we term the beginning of history is, therefore, only the
period when later generations awoke to self-consciousness. It
is one of the advantages of the present age that, by the bril-
liant progress that has been made in general and comparative
philology, by the careful investigation of monuments and
their more certain interpretation, the views of the historical
inquirer are daily enlarged, and the strata of remote antiquity
gradually opened, as it were, before our eyes. Besides the
civilised nations of the Mediterranean which we have just
enumerated, there are many others who show traces of ancient
cultivation; among these we may mention the Phrygians and
Lycians in Western Asia, and the ‘furduli and Turdetani in
the _extieme west.}| Of the latter, Strabo observes, “they

* Joh. Lydus de Ostentis, ed. Hase, p. 18, in preefat.

+ Strabo, lib. iii. p. 139, Casaub. Compare Wilhelm von Humboldt,

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 505

are the most cultivated of all the Iberians; they employ the
art of writing, and have written books containing memorials of
ancient times, and also poems and laws set in verse, for which
they claim an antiquity of six thousand years.” I have dwelt on
these separate examples in order to show how much of ancient
cultivation, even amongst European nations, has been lost
without our being able to discover any trace of its existence,
and how the history of the earliest contemplation of the uni-
verse must continue to be limited to a very narrow compass.

Beyond the 48th degree of latitude, north of the Sea of Azof
and of the Caspian, between the Don, the Wolga, and the Jaik,
where the latter flows from the southern auriferous Uralian
mountains, Europe and Asia are, as it were, fused together by
flat steppes. Herodotus, in the same manner as Pherecydes
of Syros had previously done, regarded the whole of northern
Scythian Asia (Siberia), as belonging to Sarmatian Europe,
and even as forming a portion of Europe itself.* Towards
the south, our quarter of the globe is sharply separated from
Asia, but the far projecting peninsula of Asia Minor, and the
richly varied /Agean Archipelago (serving as a bridge between
the two separate continents), have afforded an easy passage
for different races, languages, customs, and manners. West-
ern Asia has, from the earliest ages, been the great thorough-
fare for races migrating from the east, as was the north-west
of Greece for the Illyric races. The Aigean Archipelago,
which was in turn subject to Phoenician, Persian, and Greek
dominion, was the intermediate link between Greece and the
far East.

When Phrygia was incorporated with Lydia, and both
merged into the Persian Empire, the contact led to the gene-
ral extension of the sphere of ideas amongst Asiatic and
European Greeks. The Persian rule was extended by the
warlike expeditions of Cambyses and Darius Hystaspes
from Cyrene and the Nile to the fruitful lands of the

Ueber die Urbewohner Hispaniens, 1821, s. 123 and 181-1386. The
Iberian alphabet has been successfully investigated in our own times by
M. de Saulcy; the Phrygian, by the ingenious discoverer of arrow-headed
writing, Grotefend; and the Lycian, by Sir Charles Fellowes, (Compare
Boss, Hellenika, bd. i. s. xvi.) |

* Herod., iv. 42 (Schweighiiuser ad Herod., t. v. p, 204). Company
Humboldt, Asie centrale, t. i. pp. 54 and 577.

506. . COSMOS,

Euphrates and the Indus. A Greek, Seylax of Karyanda, was
employed to explore the course of the Indus, from the then-
existing territory of Caschmeer (Kaspapyrus)* to its mouth.
An active intercourse was’ carried on between Greece and
Egypt (with Naucratis and the Pelusian arm of the Nile),
before the Persian conquest, and even under Psammitichus and
Amasis.| These extensive relations of intercourse with other
nations drew many Greeks from their native land, not only for
the purpose of establishing those distant colonies which we
shall consider in a subsequent part of the present work, but
also as’ hired soldiers who formed the nucleus of foreign
armies in Carthage,t Egypt, Babylon, Persia, and in the
Bactrian district of the Oxus.

A deeper insight into the individuality and national charac-
ter of the different Greek races has shown that, if a grave and’
reserved exclusiveness prevailed amongst the Dorians, and in
part also amongst the Aiolians, we must, on the other hand,
ascribe to the gayer Ionic race a mobility of mind, which,
under the stimulus of an eager spirit of enquiry, and an ever-
wakeful activity, was alike manifested in a faculty for mental
contemplation and sensuous perception. Directed by the
objective bent of their mode of thought, and adorned by a
luxuriance of fancy in poetry and im art, the Ionians scattered
the beneficent germs of progressive cultivation, wherever they
established their colonies in other countries.

As the landscape of Greece was so strikingly characterised
by the peculiar charm of an intimate blending of land and
sea, the configuration of the coast line to which this cha-’
racter was owing, could not fail early to awaken in the
minds of the Greeks a taste for navigation, and to excite them
to an active commercial intercourse and contact with foreign
nations.§ The maritime dominion.of the Cretans and Rhodians
was followed by the expeditions of the Samians, Phoccans,.
Taphians, and Thesprotians, which were, it must be owned,

* Regarding the most probable etymology of Kaspapyrus of Heea-
teus (fragm. ed. Klausen, No. 179, v. 94), and the Kaspatyrus of
Herodotus (iii. 102, and iv. 44), see my Asie centrale, t. i. pp. 101--104.

+ Regarding Psammitiehus and Aahmes, see pi 489.

+ Droysen, Geschichte der Bildung des: hellenistischen oo,
tems: 1843, s. 23.

§ See p. 376.

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 507

originally directed to plunder and to tne capture of slaves.
Hesiod’s disinclination to a seafaring life is probably to be
ded merely asthe expression of an individual opiion, or

as the result of a timid ignorance of nautical affairs, which’
may have prevailed on the mainland of Greece at the early
dawn of civilisation. On the other hand, the most ancient’
legends and myths abound in reference to distant expeditions
by land and sea, as if the youthful imagination of mankind
i in the contrast between its own ideal creations and’

a limited reality; in illustration of this sentiment we may
mention the expeditions of Dionysus and Hercules (Melkarth
in the temple at Gadeira), the wanderings of Io;* of the often-
resuscitated Aristeas; and of the Hyperborean Magician,
Aberis, in whose “guiding arrow’’} some commentators have’
supposed that they recognised the compass. In these nar-:
ratives we trace the reciprocal reflection of passing events, and’
ancient cosmical views, and the progressive modification which:
the latter effected in these mythical representations of his-.
tory. In the wanderings of the heroes returning from Troy,
Aristonicus makes Menelaus circumnavigate Africa more than’
five hundred years before Neco sailed from Gadeira to India.
At the period, which we are here considering, of the his-’
tory of Greece, before the Macedonian expeditions into Asia,
there occurred three events which exercised a special influence
in extending the views of tlie Greeks regarding the universe.
These events were the attempts to penetrate beyond the basin
of the Mediterranean towards the east; the attempts towards’
the west; and the establishment of numerous colonies from the
Pillars of Hercules to the north-eastern extremity of the Euxine,.
which, by the more yaried form of their political constitution,

* Volker, Mythische Geographie der Griechen und Rémer, th. i.
1832, s. 1-10; Klausen, Ueber die Wanderungen der Iound des Hera~
kles, in Niebuhr and Brandis Rheinische Museen fiir Philologie, Ges-
chichte und griech. Philosophie, Jahrg. iii. 1829, s. 293-323.

+ In the myth of Abaris (Herod., iv. 36), the magician does not.
travel through the air on an arrow, but he carries the arrow, “which
Pythagoras gave him (Jambl., de Vita Pythag., xxix. p. 194, Kiess-
ling), in order that it may be useful to him in all difficulties on his long
journey ;” Creuzer, Symbolik, th. ii. 1841, s. 660-664, On the repeat-
edly disappearing and re-appearing Arimaspian bard, Aristeas of Procon-
nesus, see Herod., iv. 13-15.

. $ Strabo, lib. i. p. 38, Casaub.

508 COSMOS,

and by their furtherance of mental cultivation, were more in-
fluential than those of the Phcenicians and Carthaginians in
the Aigean Sea, Sicily, Theria, and on the north and west
coasts of Africa.

The advance towards the East, about twelve centuries before
our era, or one hundred and fifty years after Rameses Miamoun
(Sesostris), is known in history as the expedition of the Argo-
nauts to Colchis. The true version of this event, which is
clothed in a mythical garb, and concealed under a blending of
ideal images, is simply the fulfilment ofa national desire to open
the inhospitable Euxine. The myth of Prometheus, and the
unbinding of the fire-kindling Titan on the Caucasus by Her-
cules, during his expedition to the East; the ascent of Io
from the valley of the Hybrites* to the heights of the Cauca-
sus; the mythof Phryxus and Helle; all indicate the same
direction of the course on which the early Phoenician nayiga-
tors had adventured.

Before the migrations of the Dorians and Eolians the
Beeotian Orchomenus, near the eastern extremity of the Lake
of Copais, was already a rich commercial city of the Mynians.
The Argonautic expedition began at Ioleus, the principal seat
of the Thessalian Mynians, on the Pagasean Gulf. The
locality of the myth, considered with respect to the aim of the
undertaking, after having been variously modified} at different

* Probably the valley of the Don, or of the Kuban; see my Asie
centrale, t. ii. p.164. Pherecydes expressly says (Pragm. 37, ex Schol.
A pollon., ii. 1214), thatthe Caucasus burned, and, that, therefore, Typhon
fied to Italy; a notice from which Klausen, in the work already men-
tioned, s. 298, explains the ideal relation of the “ fire-kindler” (xvprasve),
Prometheus, to the burning mountain. Although the geognostical con-
stitution of the Caucasus (which has been recently so ably investigated
by Abich), and its connection with the volcanic chain of the Thian-
schan, in the interior of Asia (which, I think, I have shown in my Asie
centrale, t. ii. pp. 55-59), render it in no way improbable that remi-
niscences of great volcanic eruptions may have been preserved in the
most ancient traditions of men; yet we may rather assume that a
bold and somewhat hazardous spirit of etymological conjecture may
have led the Greeks to the hypothesis of the burning. On the Sanscrit
etymologies of Graucasus (or shining mountain), see Bohlen’s and Bur-
nouf’s statements, in my Asie centrale, t. i. p. 109.

+ Otfried Miiller, Minyer, s. 247, 254, and 274, Homer was not
acquainted with the Phasis, or with Colchis, er with the Pillars of Her-
cules; but the Phasis is named by Hesiod, The mythical traditions

—_

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 509

times, was finally associated with the mouth of the Phasis
(Rion), and with Colchis, a seat of ancient civilisation, instead
of with the uncertain and remote land of Aea. The expedi-
tions of the Milesians and their numerous colonial cities on
the Euxine, enabled them to obtain a more exact knowledge
of the eastern and northern limits of that sea; and thus
gave a more definite outline to the geographical portion of the
myth. A number of important new views was thus simul-
taneously opened. The Caspian had long been known
only on its western coast; and even Hecatzus regarded this
shore as the western boundary of the encircling Eastern
Ocean.* The father of history was the first who taught that
the Caspian Sea was a basin closed on all sides, a fact which,
after him, was again contested, for six centuries, until the
time of Ptolemy.

At the north-eastern extremity of the Black Sea a wide
field was also opened to ethnology. Astonishment was
felt at the multiplicity of languages amongst the different
races,t and the necessity for skilful interpreters (the first

concerning the return of the Argonauts through the Phasis into the
Eastern Ocean, and across the “double” Triton Lake, formed either by
the conjectured bifurcation of the Ister, or by volcanic earthquakes
(Asie centrale, t. i. p. 179; t. iii. pp. 135-137; Otfr. Miiller, Minyer,
s. 357), are especially important in arriving at a knowledge of the earli-
est views regarding the form of the continents. The geographical phan-
tasies of Peisandros, Timagetus, and Apollonius of Rhodes, were continued
until late in the middle ages, and showed themselves sometimes as bewil-
dering and deterring obstacles, and sometimes as stimulating incitements
to actual discoveries. This reaction of antiquity on later times, when men
suffered themselves to be led more by opinions than by actual observa-
tions, has not been hitherto sufficiently considered in the history of
geography. My object here is not merely to present bibliographical
sources from the literature of different nations, for the elucidation of
the facts advanced in the text, but also to introduce into these notes,
which permit of greater freedom, such abundant materials for reflection
as I have been able to derive from my own experience and from long
continued literary studies.

* Hecatei, Fragm., ed. Klausen, pp. 39, 92, 98, and 119. Seealso my
investigations on the history of the geography of the Caspian Sea, from
Herodotus down to the Arabian El-Istachri, Edrisi, and Ibn-el-Vardi,

_on the Sea of Aral, and on the bifurcation of the Oxus and the Araxes,
‘in my Aste centrale, t. ii. pp. 162-297.

+ Cramer, de Studiis que veteres ad aliarum gentium contulerint
linguas, 1844, pp. 8 and 17. The ancient Colchians appear to have

‘610 COSMOS.

aids and rough instruments in a comparative study of
languages) was keenly felt. ‘The intercourse established by
‘barter and trade was carried from the Meeotic Gulf, then sup-
posed to be of very vast extent, over the Steppe ‘where the
central Kirghis horde now pasture their flocks, through a
hain of the Scythio-Scolotic tribes of the Argippseans _
Issedones,* whom I regard as of Indo-Germanie origin, to

the Arimaspes on the northern declivity of the Altai moun-
tains, who possessed large treasures in gold.t| Here, there-
fore, we have the ancient realm of the Griffins, the seat-of

been identical with the tribe of the Lazi (Lazi, gentes Colchorum,
Plin,, vi. 4; the AaZoi of Byzantine writers); see Vater (Professor in
Kasan), Der Argonautenzug aus den Quellen dargestellt, 1845, Heft. i.
‘s. 24; Heft. ii.s. 45, 57, and 103. In the Caucasus, the names Alani
(Alanethi, for the land of the Alani), Ossi, and Ass, may still be heard.
According to the investigations begun with a truly philosophic and
philological spirit by George Rosen in the valleys of the Caucasus, the
‘language spoken by the Lazi possesses remains of the ancient ‘Colchian
idiom. ‘The Iberian and Grussic family of languages includes the
JLazian, Georgian, Suanian,:and Mingrelian, all belonging to the group
of the Indo-Germanic languages. The language of the Osseti bears a
«greater affinity to the Gothic than to the Lithuanian.

* Onthe relationship of the Scythians (Scolotes or Sacae), sheen shin,
Massa-Getze, and the Yueti of the Chinese historians, see Klaproth, in
the:commentary to the Voyage du Comte Potocki, t.i. p. 129, as well
as my Asie centrale, t.i. p. 4003 t. ii. p. 252. Procopius himself says
wery definitely (De Belio gothico, iv. 5, ed. Bonn, 1833, vol. ii. ~. 476),
‘that the Goths were formerly called Scythians. Jacob Grimm, in ins
recently published work, Ueber Jornandes, 1846, 8. 21, has shown the
identity of the ‘Getz and the Goths. The opinion of Niebuhr (see
his Untersuchungen iiber die Geten und Sarmaten, in his Kleine histo-
rische und philologische Schriften, lte sammlung, 1828, 8s. 362, 364, and
°895), that the Scythians of Herodotus belong ‘to the family of the Mon-
‘goliantribes, appears the less probable, since these tribes, partly under the
yoke of the Chinese, and partly under that of the Hakas or Kirghis
(Xeoxice of Menander), still lived, far in the east of Asia, round Lake
Baikal, in the beginning of the thirteenth century. Herodotus distin-
guishes also the bald-headed Argippeeans (iv. 23), from the Scythians; and
if the first named are charactised as “ flat-nosed,” they have, at the same
“time, a “long chin,” which, according to my experience, is, by no means,
‘a physiognomical characteristic of the Calmucks, or of other Mongolian
-races, but rather of the blonde (Germanising?) Usun and Tingling,
towhom ithe Chinese historians ascribe “long horse faces.”

+ On the dwelling-place of the Arimaspes, and on the gold trade of
morth-western Asia in the time of 7 see my A:sie centrale, t. i.
“pp. 389-407.

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 611

the meteorological myth of the Hyperboreans,* which has
wandered with Hercules far to the west.

We may conjecture that the portion of Northern Asia above
alluded to, which has again, in our days, become celebrated
by the Siberian gold washings, as well as the large quantity of
gold accumulated, in the time of Herodotus, by the gothic
tribe of the Massagetee, must have become an important
source of wealth and luxury to the Greeks, by means of the
intercourse opened with the Euxine. I place the locality of
' this source of wealth between the 53rd and 55th degrees of
latitude. The region of the gold-sand, of which the travellers
were informed by the Daradas (Darder or Derder), mentioned
in the Mahabharata, and in the fragments collected by Megas-
thenes, and which, owing to the accidental double meaning of
the names of some animals,} has been associated with the often-

* “The story of the Hyperboreans is a meteorological myth. The wind
-of the mountains (B’Oreas) is believed to issue from the Rhipean moun-
tains, while beyond these mountains there prevail a calm air, anda
genial climate, as on the Alpine summits, beyond the region of clouds.
In this we trace the dawn of a physical science, which explains the dis-
tribution of heat and the difference of climates by local causes, by the
direction of predominating winds, the vicinity of the sum,and the action
of a saline or humid principle. The consequence of these systematic
ideas'was the assumption of a certain independence supposed to exist
between the climate and the latitude of the place; thus the myth of the
Hyperboreans, connected by its origin with the Dorian worship of
Apollo, which was primitively Boreal, may have proceeded from the
north towards the west thus following Hercules in his progress towards the
sources of the Ister, to the island of Erythia, and to the gardens of the
Hesperides. The Rhipes, or Rhipean mountains, have also a meteoro-
logical meaning, as the word indicates. They are the mountains of im-

_pulsion, or of the glacial souffle (g.77), the place from which the Boreal
tempests are unloosened.” Asie centrale, t. i. pp. 892, 403.
_ + In Hindostanee there are two words which might easily be con-
founded, as Wilford has already remarked, one of which is tschiéintd,
a kind of large black ant (whence the diminutive tschiunti, tschinti,
‘the small common ant); the other tschitd, a spotted panther, ‘the
little hunting leopard (the Felis jubata, Schreb.) This word (tschitd)
is the Sanscrit tschitra, variegated or spotted, as is shown by the
Bengalee name for the animal (tschitdbdgh and tschitibdgh, trom bdgh,
Sanscrit wyaghra, tiger). (Buschmann.) In the Mahabharata (ii.
1860), there is a passage recently discovered in which the ant-gold
“is mentioned, “ Wilso invenit (Jowrn. of the Asiat. Soc., vii. 1843, p.
143), mentionem fieri etiam in Indicis litteris bestiarum aurum éffodi-
entium, quas, quum terram effodiani,.eodem noniine (pipilica) .atque

512 COSMOS

repeated fable of the gigantic ants, is situated within a more.
southern latitude of 35° or 37°. This region must, according to
one of two combinations, be situated either in the Thibetian
highlands, east of the Bolor chain, between the Himalaya and
Kouen-Lun, west of Iskardo; or north of the latter mountain-
chain towards the desert of Gobi, which has likewise been
described as an auriferous district by the accurate Chinese
observer and traveller Hiuen-thsang, who lived at the begin-
ning of the seventh century of our era. How much more
accessible must the gold of the Armiaspes and Massagete
have been to the traders in the Milesian colonies on the
northern shores of the Euxine! I have alluded to these
sources of wealth for the purpose of not omitting to mention
a fact which may be regarded as an important and still active
result of the opening of the Euxine, and of the first advance
of the Greeks towards the East. 4

The great event of the Doric migrations, and of the return.
of the Heraclide into Peloponnesus, which was productive
of such important changes, falls about one hundred and fifty
years after the demi-mythical expedition of the Argonauts,
which is synonymous with the opening of the Euxine to
Greek navigation and commercial intercourse. This nayiga-
tion simultaneously gave occasion to the founding of new
states and new governments, and to the establishment of a
colonial system designating an important period in the life of
the Hellenic races, and it has further been most influential in
extending the sphere of cosmical views, based upon mtellec-
tual culture. Europe and Asia thus owed their more intimate
connection to the establishment of the colonies, which formed
a continuous chain from Sinope (Dioscurias) and the Taurie
Panticapeum to Saguntum and Cyrene, the latter of which
was founded by the inhabitants of the rainless island of Thera.

No nation of antiquity possessed more numerous and, on the
whole, more powerful colonial cities than the Greeks. It
must, however, be remembered, that a period of four hundred
or five hundred years intervened between the establishment
of the most ancient Aolian colonies, amongst which Mytilene

formicas Indi nuncupant.” Compare Schwanbeck, in Megasth. Indicis,
1846, p. 73. It struck me to see that, in the basaltic districts of the
Mexican highlands, the ants bring together heaps of shining grains of
hyalite, which I was able to collect out of their hillocks,

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 515

and Smyrna were pre-eminently distinguished, to the founda-
tion of Syracuse, Croton, and Cyrene. The Indians and Ma-
layans made only weak attempts to found colonies on the
eastern coast of Africa, in Zokotora (Dioscorides), and in the
South Asiatic Archipelago. Amongst the Pheenicians a highly
developed colonial system had been extended over a larger space
than that occupied by the, Greeks, stretching, although with
wide intervals between the stations, from the Persian Gulf to
Cerne on the western coast of Africa. No mother country
ever established a colony which was as powerful from con-
quests, and as famed for its commercial undertakings, as Car-
thage. But, notwithstanding this greatness, Carthage stood
far below that degree of mental and artistical cultivation
which has enabled the Greek colonial cities to transmit to us so
many noble and lasting forms of art.

It must not be forgotten that many populous Greek cities
flourished simultaneously in Asia Minor, the Aigean Sea, Lower
Italy, and Sicily; and that, like Carthage, the colonial cities
of Miletus and Massilia again founded other colonies; that
Syracuse, when at the zenith of her power, fought against
Athens, and the army of Hannibal and Hamilkar; and that
Miletus was, for a long time, the first commercial city in the
world after Tyre and Carthage. Whilst a life so rich in en-
terprise was being developed externally by the activity of a
people whose internal condition was frequently exposed to
violent agitations, new germs of national intellectual develop-
ment were continually called forth with the increase of pros-
perity and the transmission to other nations of native cultiva-
tion. One common language and religion bound together the
most distant members of the whole body, and it was by this
union that the small parent country was brought within the
wider circle embraced by the life of other nations. Forei
elements were incorporated in the Hellenic world, without, on
that account, depriving it of any portion of its great and
characteristic independence. The influence of contact with the
East, and with Egypt before it had been connected with Persia,
and above one hundred years before the irruption of Cam-
byses, was, no doubt, from its very nature, more permanent

than the influence of the colonies of Cecrops from Sais, of

Cadmus from Pheenicia, and of Danaus and Chemmis, whose
21

614 . ; COSMOS.

‘existence has so often been contested, and is, at any rate,
-wrapped in the deepest obscurity. :
The characteristics by which the Greek colonies differed
so widely from all others, especially from the less flexible
Phoonicians, and which affected the whole organisation of their
system, arose from the individuality and the primitive dif-
ferences existing in the tribes which constituted the whole
mother country, and thus gave occasion to a mixture of con-
necting and separating forces in the colonies as well as in Greece
itself. These contrasts occasioned diversities in the direction
of ideas and feelings, and in the form of poetry and harmoni-
ous art, and created a rich fulness of life, in which all the appa-
rently hostile elements were dissolved, according to a higher
law of universal order, into a gentle harmonious unison. :
Notwithstanding that Miletus, Ephesus, and Colophon were
Tonic; Cos, Rhodes, and Halicarnassus Doric; and Croton
and Sybaris Achaic; the power and the inspired poetry of
the Homeric song everywhere made their power appreciable
in the midst of this diversity of cultivation, and even in Lower
Italy, in the many contiguous colonial cities founded by diffe-
rent races. Amid the most firmly rooted contrasts in man-
ners and political institutions, and notwithstanding the flue-
tuations to which the latter were subject, Greece retained its
nationality unbroken, and the wide domain of ideal and artistic
creations achieved by the separate tribes was regarded as th
common property of the whole nation.
It still remains for me to mention, in the present section,
the third point which we have already indicated, as having,
conjointly with the opening of the Euxine, and the establish-
ment of colonies on the basin of the Mediterranean, exercised
so marked an influence on the history of the contemplation of
the universe. The foundation of Tartessus and Gades, where
a temple was dedicated to the wandering divinity Melkart (a
son of Baal), and of the colonial city of Utica, which was older
than Carthage, remind us that the Pheenicians had already
navigated the open sea for many centuries before the Greeks
passed beyond the straits termed by Pindar the “ Gadeirian
Gate.”* In the same manner as the Milesians in the East,
* Strabo, lib. iii. p. 172 (Békh, Pind. Fragm. v. 155). The expedi-
tion of Colzeus of Samos falls, according to Otfr. Miiller (Prolegomena
zu einer wissenschaftlichen Mythologic), in Olymp. 31, and according to

PHYSICAL CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE. 515

by the way of the Euxine,* established relations of inter-
national contact which laid the foundation of an inland
trade between the north of Europe and Asia, and subsequently
with the Oxus and Indus; so the Samianst and Phoceans{
were the first among the Greeks who endeavoured to pene-
trate from the basin of the Mediterranean towards the west.

~ Coleus of Samos sailed for Egypt, where, at that time, an

intercourse had begun, under Psammitichus, with the Greeks,

which probably was only the renewal of a former connec-
tion. He was driven by easterly storms to the island of
Platea, and from thence Herodotus significantly adds “ not
without divine direction,” through the straits into the ocean.
The accidental and unexpected commercial gain in Iberian
Tartessus conduced less than the discovery of an entranee
into an unknown world, (whose existence was scarcely conjec-
tured, as a mythical creation of fancy,) towards giving to this
eyent importance and celebrity wherever the Greek language
was understood on the shores of the Mediterranean. Beyond
the Pillars of Hercules (earlier known as the Pillars. of
Briareus, of Aigzeon, and of Cronos), at the western margin
of the earth, on the road to Elysium and the Hesperides,
the primeval waters of the circling Oceanus§ were first seen,
in which the source of all rivers was then sought.

Letronne’s investigation (Zssai sur les idées cosmographiques gui se rat-
tachent au nom d’ Atlas, p. 9), in Olymp. 35,1, or in the year 640. The
epoch depends, however, on the foundation of Cyrene, which is placed by
Otfr. Miller between Olymp. 35 and 37 (Minyer, s. 344, Prolegomena,
s. 63): forin the time of Coleeus (Herod., iv. 152), the way from Thera to
Lybia was not as yet known. Zumpt places the foundation of Carthage
in 878, and that of Gades in 1100 B.c. ;

* According to the manner of the ancients (Strabo, lib. ii. p. 126),
I reckon the whole Euxine, together with the Meeotis (as required by
physical and geological views), to be included in the common basin of
the great “‘ Inner Sea.”

+ Herod., iv. 152.

t Herod., i. 163, where even the discovery of Tartessus is ascribed to
the Phoceans; but the commercial enterprise of the Phocsans was
seventy years after the time of Coleus of Samos, according to Ukert
(Geogr. der Griechen und Romer, th. 1. i. s. 40).

§ According to a fragment of Phavorinus, o«eavdc, (and therefore
@yny also) are not Greek words, but merely borrowed from the barba-
rians (Spohn de Nicephor. Blemm. duobus opusculis, 1818, p. 23). My
brother was of opinion that they were connected with the Sanscrit roots

21L2

516 COSMOS.

At Phasis, the navigators of the Euxine again found them.
selves on a coast beyond which a Sun Lake was supposed to
be situated, and south of Gadeira and Tartessus their eyes, for
the first time, ranged over a boundless waste of waters. It
was this circumstance which, for fifteen hundred years, gave to
the gate of the inner sea a peculiar character of importance.
Ever striving to pass onwards, Phcenicians, Greeks, Arabs,
Catalans, Majoreaus, Frenchmen from Dieppe and La Ro-

chelle, Genoese, Venetians, Portuguese, and Spaniards in turn
attempted to advance across the Atlantic Ocean, long held
to be a miry, shallow, dark, and misty sea, Mare tenebrosum ;
-until proceeding from station to station, as it were, these
southern nations, after gaining the Canaries and the Azores,
finally came to the New Continent, which, however, had
already been reached by the Northmen at an earlier period and
from a different direction.

Whilst Alexander was opening the far east, the great Sta-
girite* was led, by a consideration of the form of the earth, to
conceive the idea of the proximity of India to the Pillars of
Hercules; whilst Strabo had even conjectured that there
might be “ many other habitable tracts of land} in the northern
hemisphere, perhaps in the parallel which passes through
those Pillars, the island of Rhodes and Thine, between the
coasts of Western Europe and Eastern Asia.” The hypothe-
‘gis of the locality of such lands, in the prolongation of the
major axis of the Mediterranean, was connected with a grand
geographical view of Eratosthenes, current in antiquity,
.and in accordance with which the whole of the Old Con-
tinent, in its widest extension from west to east, and nearly in
the 36° of latitude, was supposed to present an almost con-
tinuous line of elevation.t

ogha and ogh (see my Hxamen critique de hist. de la Géogr. t. ic pp.
33 and 182).

* Aristot., de Celo, ii. 14 (p..298, b. Bekk.); Meteor., ii. 5 (p. 362,
Bekk.) Compare my Mxamen critique, t. i. pp. 125-180. Seneca ven-
tures to say (Vat. Quest. in preefat. 11), “ Contemnet curiosus spectator
domicilii (terree) angustias. Quantum enim est quod ab ultimis iittori-
bus Hispanize usque ad Indos jacet? Paucissimorum dierum spatium,
si navem suus ventus implevit.” (Hwxamen critique, t. i. p. 158.)

: HN aes lib. i, pp. 65 and 118, Casaub. (Haamen critique, t. i. p.
"152.
' In the Diaphragma of Diczearchus, ky which the earth is divided,

INFLUENCE OF THE MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGNS. 517’

The expedition of Coleus of Samos does not, however,
alone indicate an epoch in which the Hellenic races, and the
nations to whom their cultivation was transmitted, developed
new views that led to the extension of maritime expeditions,
but it also immediately enlarged the sphere of ideas. The
great natural phenomenon which, by the periodic elevation of
the level of sea, exhibits the connection existing between the
earth, and the sun, and moon, now first permanently arrested
the attention of men. In the African Syrtic Sea this pheno-
menon had appeared to the Greeks to be accidental, and had
not unfrequently been attended by danger. Posidonius, who
had observed the ebb and flow of the sea at Ilipa and Gadeira,
compared his observations with the facts of which he was
informed by the experienced Pheenicians concerning the influ-
ence supposed to be exercised by the moon.*

EXPEDITIONS OF THE MACEDONIANS UNDER ALEXANDER
THE GREAT.—CHANGES IN THE RELATIONS OF THE
WORLD.—FUSION OF THE WEST WITH THE EAST.—
THE GREEKS PROMOTE THE INTERMIXTURE OF RACES
FROM THE NILE TO THE EUPHRATES, THE JAXARTES
AND THE INDUS.—SUDDEN EXTENSION OF COSMICAL
VIEWS, BOTH BY MEANS OF DIRECT OBSERVATION OF
NATURE, AND BY THE RECIPROCAL INTERCOURSE OF
ANCIENT CIVILISED AND INDUSTRIAL NATIONS.

THE campaigns of the Macedonians under Alexander the
Great; the downfall of the Persian dominion; the rising in-
tercourse with Western India; and the action of the Greco-
Bactrian empire, which continued to prevail for one hundred
and sixteen years, may be regarded as amongst the most import-
ant social epochs in the process of the development of the his-

the elevation passes through the Taurus, the chains of Demavend and
Hindoo-coosh, the Northern Thibetian Kuen-lun and the mountains of
the Chinese provinces Sse-tschuan and Kuang-si, which are perpetually
covered with snow. See my orographical researches on these lines of
elevation in my Asie centale, t. i. pp. 104-114, 118-164; 1. ii. pp. 413
and 438.

* Strabo, lib. iii. p. 173 (Examen crit., t. iii. p. 98).

$18 E COSMOS.

tory, of mankind as far as it indicates. a closer connection. of
Southern Europe, with the south-west of Asia, the Nile, and
Lybia. Independently of the almost immeasurable extension.
opened to the sphere of development. by the advanee of the
Bee son.ins. their campaigns acquired a character of profound
moral greatness by the incessant efforts of the conqueror to.
amalgamate all races, and to establish, under the noble influence
of Hellenism, a unity throughout the world.* The foundation
of many new cities at points, the selection of which indicates
higher aims, the arrangement and classification. of an independ-
ently responsible form of government for these cities, and the
tender forbearance evinced by Alexander for national customs
and national forms of worship, all testify that the plan of one
great and organic whole had been laid. That which was perhaps.
originally foreign to a scheme of this kind developed. itself
subsequently from the nature of the relations, as is always the
case under the influence of comprehensive events. If we re-
member that only fifty-two Olympiads intervened, from the
battle of the Granicus to the destructive irruption into. Bactria.
of the Sacee and Tochi, we shall be astonished at, the perma-
nence and the magical influence exercised by the introduction.
from the west of Hellenic cultivation. This cultivation,
blended with the knowledge of the Arabians, the modern Per-
sians and Indians, extended its influence in so great a degree
even to the time of the middle ages, that it is often difficult to
determine the elements which are due. to Greek literature,
and. those which have originated, independently of all, admix-
ture, from the inventive spirit of the Asiatic races.

. The principle of unity, or rather the feeling of the bene-

ficent political influence incorporated in this principle, was.

deeply implanted in the breast of the great conqueror,as
is testified by all the arrangements. of his polity; and its
application to Greece itself was a subject that had. already
early been inculcated upon him by his great teacher. In the

Politica of Aristotle we read as follows:{ “The Asiatic

* Droysen, Gesch. Alexanders des Grossen, s. 544; the same in his
Gesch, der Bildung des hellenistischen Staatensystems, 8. 23-34, 588-592,
748-755.

7k Avistot., Polit., vii. 7. p. 1827, Bekker; (compare also iii. 16.,
and the remarkable passage of Eratosthenes in Strabo, lib. i. pp. 66 and
97, Casaub.) ; a

eo

INFLUENCE OF THE MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGNS. 9519

nations are not deficient in activity of mind and artistic inge-
nuity, yet they live in subjection and servitude without evine-
ing the courage necessary for resistance, whilst the Greeks,
yaliant and energetic, living in freedom and therefore well
governed, might, if they were united into one state, exercise
dominion over all barbarians.” Thus wrote the Stagirite
during his second stay at Athens,* before Alexander had
passed the Granicus. These dogmas of the philosopher, how-
ever contrary to nature he miay have professed. to consider an
unlimited dominion, (the rapBaci\cia,) no doubt, made a more
vivid impression on the conqueror than the fantastic narra-
tions of Ctesias respecting India, to which August Wilhelm
yon Schlegel, and prior to him Ste. Croix, ascribed so import-
ant; an influence.} :

In the preceding pages, we have attempted to give a brief
delineation. of the sea as a means of furthering international
contact and union, and of the influence exercised in this re-
spect by the extended navigation of the Phoenicians, Carthagi-
nians, Tyrrhenians, and Etruscans. We have further shown
how the Greeks, whose maritime power was. strengthened by
numerous colonies, endeavoured to penetrate beyond the basin
of the Mediterranean towards the east and the west by the
argonautie expedition from Ioleus, and by the voyage of
Colzeus. of Samos; and lastly, how the fleet of Solomon and
Hiram visited distant gold lands in their voyages to Ophir
through the Red Sea, . The present section will lead us to the
interior of a great continent, through different routes opened to
inland trade and river navigation. In the short period of
twelve years are compressed the campaigns in Western Asia
and Syria, with the battles of the Granicus, and the passes. of
TIssus; the taking of Tyre, and the easy conquest of Egypt;
the Persico-Babylonian campaign, when the dominion of the
Achzemenide was annihilated at Arbela, in the plain of
Gaugamela; the expedition to Bactria and Sogdiana, between
the Hindoo Coosh and the Jaxartes (Syr); and lastly, the bold
advance into the country of the five rivers, the Pentapotamia
of Western India. Alexander founded Greek colonies almost
everywhere, and diffused Greek manners and customs over the

* Stahr, Aristotelia, th. ti. s. 114.

“# Ste. Croix, Lxamen critique des Historiens d’ Alexandre, p. 731.
Schlegel, Ind. Bibliothek, bd. i. s. 150.)

520 COSMOS.

vast tracts of land that extend from the Temple of Ammon in
the Lybian Oasis, and from Alexandria on the Western Delta
of the Nile to Alexandria on the Jaxartes, the present Kho-:
djend in Fergana.

_ The extension of the sphere of new ideas—and this is the
point of view from which the Macedonian, expeditions, and the
prolonged duration of the Bactrian empire, must be considered—
was owing to the magnitude of the space made known; and tothe
variety of climates manifested from Cyropolis on the Jaxartes
(in the latitude of Tiflis and Rome), to the eastern delta of
the Indus at Tira, under the tropic of Cancer. To these we
may further add the wonderful diversity in the configuration
of the country, which alternated in luxurious and fruitful dis-
tricts, in arid plains and snow-crowned mountain ranges; the
novelty and gigantic size of animal and vegetable forms; the
aspect and geographical distribution of races of men of various
colour; the actual contact with Oriental nations in some respects
so highly gifted and enjoying a civilisation of almost primitive
antiquity, and an acquaintance with their religious myths,
systems of philosophy, astronomical knowledge and astro-
logical phantasies. In no age, excepting only the epoch of
the discovery and opening of tropical America, eighteen cen-
turies and a half later, has there been revealed, at one time and
to one race, a richer field of new views of nature, ur a greater
mass of materials for laying the foundation of a physical know-
ledge of the earth, and of comparative ethnological science.
The vividness of the impression thus produced is testified by
the whole literature of the west, and is also manifested by the
doubts—such as accompany, in all cases, an appeal to the
imagination in the description of natural scenery—which were
excited in Greek, and subsequently in Roman writers, by the
narrations of Megasthenes, Nearchus, Aristobulus, and other
companions of Alexander’s campaigns. These narrators,
influenced by the tone of feeling characteristic of their age,
and closely connecting together facts and individual opinions,
have experienced the varying fate of all travellers; meeting at
first with bitter animadyersion, and subsequently with a
milder judgment. The latter has been more frequent in our own
day, since a more profound study of Sanscrit, a more genera!
knowledge of geographical names, the discovery of Bactrian
coins in Topes, and, above all, an actual acquaintance with the

pe

INFLUENCE OF THE MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGNS. 521

country and its organic productions, have placed more correct
elements of information at the disposal of the critic than those
yielded to the partial knowledge of the cavilling Eratosthenes,
or of Strabo and Pliny.*

If we compare, according to differences in longitude, the
length of the Mediterranean with the distance from west to
east, which separates Asia Minor from the shores of the
Hyphasis (Beas), from the Altars of return, we shall perceive
that the geographical knowledge of the Greeks was doubled
in extent in the course of a few years. In order to define
more accurately that- which we have termed the mass of
materials, added to the sciences of natural philosophy and
physical geography, by the different campaigns and by the

* Compare Schwanbeck, “ de fide Megasthenis et pretio,” in his edi-
tion of that writer, pp. 59-77. Megasthenes frequently visited Palibo-
thra, the court of the King of Magadha. He was deeply initiated in the
study of Indian chronology, and relates “how, in past times, the All
had three times come to freedom: how three ages of the world had run
their course, and how the fourth had begun in his own time” (Lassen,
Indische Alterthumskunde, bd, i. s. 510). Hesiod’s doctrine of four ages
of the world, as connected with four great elementary destructions,
which together embrace a period of 18028 years, is also to be met with
among the Mexicans. (Humboldt, Vwes des Cordilléres et Monumens
des peuples indigénes de 1 Amérique, t. ii. pp. 119-129.) A remarkable
proof of the exactness of Megasthenes, has been discovered in modern
times by the study of the Rigveda and of the Mahabharata. Consult
what Megasthenes relates concerning “ the land of the long-living
blessed beings” in the most northern parts of India,—the land of Uttara-
kuru (probably north of Kashmeer, towards Belurtagh), which, according
to his Greek views, he associates with the supposed “ thousand years of
the life of the Hyperboreans.’”’ (Lassen, in the Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde
des Morgenlandes, bd. ii. s. 62.) A tradition mentioned by Ctesias
(who has been too long esteemed below his merits), of a sacred place in
the northern desert, may be noticed in connection with this point. (/nd.,
ap. viii. ed. Baehr, pp. 249 and 285). The martichoras mentioned by
Aristotle (Hist. de Animal., ii. 3, § 10; t. i. p. 51, Schneider), the griffin
half eagle and half lion, the kartazonon noticed by lian, and a one-
horned wild ass, are certainly spoken of by Ctesias as real animals; they
were not, however, the creations of his inventive fancy, for he mistook, as
Heeren and Cuvier have remarked, the pictured forms of symbolicak.
animals, seen on Persian monuments, for representations of strange beasts
still living in the remote parts of India. There is, however, as Guig-
naut has well observed, much difficulty in identifying the martichoras
with Persepolitan symbols. (Creuzer,-Religions de VAntiquité; notes.
et éclaircissements, p. 720.)

522 rate. COSMOS.

colonial -instifutions of Alexander, I would first refer to
the diversity in the form of the earth’s crust which has,
however, only been more specially made known to us by the
experiments and researches of recent times. In the countries
through which he passed, low lands, deserts, and salt steppes
devoid of vegetation (as on the north of the Asferah chain,
which isa continuation of the Thian-Schan, and the four large
cultivated alluvial districts of the Euphrates, the Indus, Oxus,
and Jaxartes), contrasted with snow-clad mountains, having
an: elevation of nearly 20,000 feet. The Hindoo Coosh, or
Indian Caucasus of the Macedonians, which is a continuation
of the North Thibetian Kouen Lun, west of the south trans-
verse chain of Bolor, is divided in its prolongation towards
Herat into two great chains bounding Kafiristan,* the southern
of which is the loftier of the two. Alexander passed over the
plateau of Bamian, which lies at an elevation of about 8500
feet, and in which men supposed they had found the cave: of:
Prometheus}, to the erest of the Kohibaba, and beyond
Kabura along the Choes, crossing the Indus somewhat to the
north of the present Attok. A comparison between the low
Tauric chain, with which the Greeks were familiar, and the
eternal snow surmounting the range of the Hindoo Coosh, and
which, according to Burnes, begins. at an elevation of 13,000
feet, must have given occasion to a recognition, on a more
colossal scale, of the superposition of different zones of climate
aud vegetation. In active minds direct contact with the ele-
mentary world produces the most vivid impression on the senses.
And thus we find that Strabo has described, in the most per-
fectly truthful characters, the passage across the mountainous
district of the Paropanisads, where the army with difficulty
cleared a passage through the snow, and where arborescent.
vegetation had ceased.

*'T have considered these intricate orographical relations in my Asie
centrale, t. ii. pp. 429-434. |
+ Lassen, in the Zeitschrift fiir die Kunde des Morgenl., bd. i. s, 230.
The country between Bamian and Ghori. See Carl Zimmermann’s
excellent orographical work Uebersichtsblatt von Afghanistan, 1842;
(compare Strabo, lib. xv. p. 725; Diod. Sicul., xvii. 82; Menn, Meletem.
hist., 1839, pp. 25 and 31; Ritter, Ueber Alexanders Feldzug am Indi-
schen Kaukasus, in the Abhandl. der Berl. Akad., of the year 1829, s.
150;:Droysen, Bildung des hellenist. Staatensystems, 8. 614). I write,
Paropanisus, as it occurs in all the good codices of Ptolemy, and not Paro-

as

INFLUENCE OF THE: MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGNS. 528

‘More certain knowledge was now transmitted to the west
from the Macedonian colonies respecting those Indian pro-
duets of nature and art, which had hitherto been only imper-
feetly known from commercial intercourse, or from the narra-
tions of Ctesias of Cnidus, who lived: seventeen years at the
court of Persia as physician to Artaxerxes Mnemon. Among
the objects thus made known we must reckon irrigated rice-
fields, for whose cultivation Aristobulus gives special direc-
tions; the cotton tree, and the fine tissues and the paper for
which it* furnished the materials; spices and opium; wine
made from rice and the juice of palms, whose Sanscrit name of
tala has been preserved in the works of Azvrian;{ sugar from
the sugar-cane,{ which is certainly often confounded in the
Greek and Roman writers with the tabaschir of the bamboo.
reed; wool from the great Bombax tree;§ shawls made of the
Thibetian goat’s hair, silken (Seric) tissues;|| oil from the
white sesamum (Sanserit é/a), attar of roses and other per-
fumes; lac (Sanscrit /dkschd, in the vulgar tongue lakkha);4
and lastly, the hardened Indian wutz-steel.

pamisus. I have explained the reasons in my Asie centrale, t. i. pp. 114—
118... (See also Lassen, zur Gesch. der Griechischen und Indoskythis-.
chen Kénige, s, 128.)

* Strabo, lib. xv. p. 717, Casaub. :

+ Tala, the name of the palm borassus flabelliformis, which is very
characteristically termed by Amarasinha, “a king of the .grasses;”
Arrian, Ind., vii. 3. I

~ The word tabaschir is deduced from the Sanscrit tvakkschird (bark
railk).: In 1817, in the historical additions to my work De distribu-
tione geographica plantarum, secundum cali, temperiem et altitu~
dinem montium, p. 215, I drew attention to the fact, that the
companions of Alexander learnt to know ‘the true sugar of the sugar-
cane of the Indians, as well as the tabaschir of the bamboo. (Strabo,
lib. xv. p. 693; Peripl. maris Hrythr., p. 9.) . Moses of Chorene,.
who lived in the middle of the 5th century, was the first (Geogr., ed.
Whiston, 1736, p. 364) who circumstantially described the preparation:
of sugar from the juice of the saccharwm officinarum, in the province of
Chorasan.
“-§ Strabo, lib. xv. p. 694.
' ) Ritter, Hrdkunde von Asien, bd. iv. 1; s. 487; bd. vi. 1, 8. 698
Lassen, Ind. Alterthumskunde, bd. i. s. 317-323. The passage in Aris-
totle’s Hist. de Animal., v. 17 (t. i. p. 209, ed. Schneider), relating to
the web of a great horned caterpillar, refers.to the island of Cos,
“ Thus AXdexog yowparwvoc in the Peripl. maris Erythr., p. 5 (Lassen.

‘s

8. 316);

524 COSMOS.

Besides the knowledge of these products, which soon be-
came objects of universal commerce, and many of which were
transported by the Seleucid to Arabia,* the aspect of a richly
embellished tropical nature speedily yielded the Greeks enjoy-
ments of another kind. The gigantic forms of hitherto
unknown animals and plants filled their imaginations with the
most exciting images. Writers, whose dry scientific style is
usually devoid of all animation, became poetic when they
described the characteristics of animals, as, for instance, ele-
phants, or when they spoke of the height of trees, whose
summits cannot be reached by the arrow in its flight, and
whose leaves are larger than the shields of the infantry, of ‘ the
bamboo, a light feathery tree-like grass,” “each of whose
jointed parts (internodia) may serve for a many-oared keel,”
or of the Indian fig-tree that takes root by its branches, and
whose stem has a diameter of twenty-eight feet, and which, as
Onesicritus remarked, with much truth to nature, forms “a
leafy canopy similar to a tent, supported by numerous. pil-
lars.” ‘The tall arborescent ferns, which, according to my
opinion, constitute the greatest ornament of tropical scenery,
are never mentioned by Alexander’s companions,} although
they speak of the noble fan-like umbrella palm, and the deli-
cate and ever fresh green of the cultivated banana.

* Plin., Hist. Nat., xvi. 82. (On the introduction of rare Asiatic
plants into Egypt, by the Ptolemies; see Pliny, xii. 14 and 17.)

+ Humboldt, De distrib. geogr. plantarum, p. 178.

+ I have often corresponded since the year 1827 with Lassen, on the
remarkable passage in Pliny, xii. 6:—‘ Major alia (arbor) pomo et
suavitate praecellentior, quo sapientes Indorum vivunt. Folium alas
avium imitatur, longitudine trium cubitorum, latitudine dufim. Frue-
tum cortice mittit, admirabilem succi dulcedine ut uno quaternos satiet.
Arbori nomen pale, pomo ariene.” The following is the result of
my learned friend’s investigation; “Amarasinha places the banana
(musa, pisang) at the head of all nutritive plants. Among the many
Sanscrit names which he adduces, are varanabuscha, bhanuphala (sun
fruit), and moko, whence the Arabic mauza. Phala (pala) is fruit in
general, and it is therefore only by a misunderstanding that it has been
taken for the name of the plant. In Sanscrit varana without buscha is
not used as the name of the banana, although the abbreviation may have
been characteristic of the popularlanguage. Varana would be in Greek
ovapeva, which is certainly not very far removed from ariena.” (Com-
pare Lassen, Ind. Alterthumskunde, bd. i. p. 262; my Essai politique
sur la Nouv. Espagne, t. ii. 1827, p. 382; and Relation hist., t: i. p. 491.)

INFLUENCE OF THE MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGNS. ‘525

The knowledge of a great portion of the earth may now be
Said to have been opened for the first time. The objective
world began to assume a preponderating force over that of
mere subjective creation, and while the fruitful seeds yielded
A language and literature of the Greeks were scattered
abroad by the conquests of Alexander, scientific observation and
the systematic arrangement of the knowledge already acquired,
were elucidated by the doctrines and expositions of Aristotle.*
We here indicate a happy coincidence of favouring relations,
for, at the very period when a vast amount of new materials
was revealed to the human mind, their intellectual conception
was at once facilitated and multiplied through the direction
given by the Stagirite to the empirical investigation of facts
in the domain of nature, to the profound consideration of spe-
culative hypothesis, and to the development of a language of
Science based on strict definition. Thus Aristotle must still
remain for thousands of years to come, as Dante has grace-
fully termed him,

“41 maestro di color che sanno.”+

The belief in the direct enrichment of Aristotle’s zoological
knowledge, by means of the Macedonian campaigns, has, how-
ever, either wholly disappeared, or, at any rate, been rendered
extremely uncertain by recent and more carefully conducted
researches. The wretched compilation of alife of the Stagi-
rite, which was long ascribed to Ammonius, the son of Her-
mias, had contributed to the diffusion of many erroneous
views, and amongst others to the belief that} the philosopher
accompanied his pupil as far at least as the shores of the Nile.§

The chemical connection of the nourishing amylum with sugar was
detected both by Prosper Alpinus and Abd-Allatif, and they sought to
explain the origin of the banana, by the insertion of the sugar-cane, or
the sweet date fruit, into the root of the colocasia (Abd-Allatif, Relation
del Egypte, trad. par Silvestre de Sacy, pp. 28 and 105).

* Compare, on this epoch, Wilhelm von Humboldt’s work, Ueber
dre Kawi-Sprache und die Verschiedenheit des menschlichen Sprach-
baues, bd. i. s. ccl. and ccliv; Droysen, Gesch. Alexanders des Gr., s.
547; and hellenist. Staatensystem, 8. 24.

+ Dante, Inf., iv. 130.

+ Compare Cuvier’s assertions in the Biographie universelle, t. ii.

~ 7811, p. 458 (and unfortunately again repeated in the edition of 1848, t.
ii. p. 219), with Stahr’s Aristotelia, th. i. s. 15 and 108.
§ Cuvier, when he was engaged on the Life of Aristotle, inclined to

526 | COSMOS.

The great work on animals appears to haye been written
only a short time after the Meteorologica, the date of which
would seem, from internal evidence,* to fall in the 106th,
or, at the latest, in the 111th Olympiad, and, therefore, either
fourteen years before Aristotle came to the court of Philip,
or, at the furthest, three years before the passage across the
Granicus. It must, however, be admitted, that some few
facts may be advanced as evidence against this assumption
of an early completion of the nine books of Aristotle’s history
of animals. Among these must be reckoned the accurate
knowledge possessed by Aristotle of the elephant, the bearded
horse-stag (hippelaphus), the Bactrian two-humped camel, the
hippardion, supposed to be the hunting-tiger (guepard), .and
the Indian buffalo, which does not appear to have been intro-
duced into Europe before the time of the Crusades. But here
it must be remarked, that the native place of this large and
singular stag, having a horse’s mane, which Diard and Duyan-
cel sent from Eastern India to Cuvier, who gaye to it the
name of Cervus aristotelis, is, according to Aristotle’s own
account, not the Indian Pentapotamia traversed by Alexander,
but Arachosia, west of Candahar, which, together with Gedro-

the belief of the philosopher having accompanied Alexander to Egypt,
“whence,” he says, “ the Stagirite must have brought back to Athens
(Olymp. 112, 2) all the materials for the Historia Animalium.” Subse-
quently (1830) the distinguished French naturalist abandoned this
opinion; because after a more careful examination he remarked, “ that
the descriptions of Egyptian animals were not sketched from life, but
from notices by Herodotus.” (See also Cuvier, Histoire des sciences
naturelles, publiée par Magdeleine de Saint Agy, t. i. 1841, p. 136.) .

* To these internal indications belong the statement of the perfect insu-
lation of the Caspian Sea; the notice of the great comet, which appeared
under Nicomachus when holding the office of Archon, Olymp. 109, 4
(according to Corsini), and which is not to be confounded with that which
von Boguslawski has lately named the comet of Aristotle (under the
Archon Asteus, Olymp. 101, 4; Aristot., Meteor., lib. i. cap. 6, 10; vol.
i. p. 895, Ideler; and which is probably identical with the comets of
1695 and 18437%); and lastly the mention of the destruction of the tem-
ple at Ephesus, as well as of a lunar rainbow, seen on two occasions in
the course of fifty years. (Compare Schneiderad Aristot. Hist. de Ani-
malibus, vol. i. pp. xl. xlii. ciii.and exx.; Ideler ad Aristot. Meteor., vol.
i. p. x.; and Humboldt, Asie cent., t. ii. p. 168.) We know that the
Historia Animalium “was written later than the Meteorologica,” from
the fact that allusion is made in the last-named work to the former as
to a work about to follow (Meteor., i. 1. 3, and iv. 12, 13).

INFLUENCE OF THE MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGNS. 6527

sia, constituted one satrapy of ancient Persia.* May not the
Amowledge of the form and habits of the animals above referred
to, and which, for the most part, was comprised in short
notices, have been transmitted to Aristotle, independently of

* The five animals named in the text, and especially the hippelaphus
(horse-stag with a long mane), the hippardion, the Bactrian camel and
the buffalo, are instanced by Cuvier as proofs of the later composition
of Aristotle’s Historia Animalium (Hist. des Sciences Nat., t. i. p.
154). Cuvier, in the fourth volume of his admirable Recherches sur les
Ossemens fossiles, 1823, pp. 40-43 and p. 502, distinguishes between
two Asiatic stags with manes, which he calls Cervus hippelaphus and
Cervus aristotelis. He originally regarded the first-named, of which he
had seen a living specimen in London, and of which Diard had sent
him skins and antlers from Sumatra, as Aristotle’s hippelaphus from
Arachosia (Hist. de Animal., ii. 2, § 3, and 4, t. i. pp. 43, 44, Schneider) ;
but he afterwards thought that a stag’s head, sent to him from Bengal by
Duvaucel, agreed still better, according to the drawing of the entire large
animal, with the Stagirite’s description of the hippelaphus. This stag,
which is indigenous in the mountains of Sylhet in Bengal, in Nepaul,
and in the country east of the Indus, next received the name of Cervus
aristotelis. If, in the same chapter in which Aristotle speaks generally
of animals with manes, the horse-stag (Equicervus), and the Indian
guepard or hunting tiger (Felis jubata), are both understood, Schneider
(t. iii. p. 66) considers the reading wdpdtoy preferable to that of 7d
imzaodwy. The latter reading would be best interpreted to mean the
giraffe, as Pallas also conjectures (Spicileg. Zool., fasc.i.p. 4). If Aristo-
tle had himself seen the guepard, and not merely heard it described, how
could he have failed to notice non-retractile claws in a feline animal ?
It is also surprising that Aristotle, who is always so accurate, if, as
August Wilhelm von Schlegel maintains, he had a menagerie near his
residence at Athens, and had himself dissected one of the Elephants
taken at Arbela, should have failed to describe the small opening near the
temples of the animal, where at the rutting season a strong smelling fluid
is secreted, often alluded to by the Indian poets. (Schlegel’s Jndiscehe
Bibliothek, bd. i. s. 163-166.) I notice this apparently trifling cireum-
stance thus particularly, because the above-mentioned small aperture
was made known to us from the accounts of Megasthenes, to whom, never-
theless, no one would be led to ascribe anatomical knowledge. (Strabo,
lib. xv. pp. 704 and 705, Casaub.) I find nothing in the different zoolo-
gical works of Aristotle which have come down to us, that necessarily
implies his having had the opportunity of making direct observations on
elephants, or of his having dissected any. Although it is most probable
that the Historia Animalium was completed before Alexander’s cam-
‘paigns in Asia Minor, there is undoubtedly a possibility that the work
may, as Stahr supposes (Avristotelia, th. ii. s. 98), have continued to
receive additions until the end of the author's life, Olymp. 114, 3, and
therefore three years after the death o* Alexander; but we have no

528 COSMOS.

the Macedonian campaigns, either from Persia or from Babylon,
which was the seat of a widely extended foreign commercial
intercourse? Owing to the utter ignorance that prevailed at
this time of the preparation of aleohol* nothing but the skins
and bones of animals, and not the soft parts capable of dissee-
tion, could be sent from remote parts of Asia to Greece.
However probable it may be that Aristotle reccived the most
liberal aid from Philip and Alexander for the furtherance of
his studies in physical science, for procuring an immense
number of zoological specimens both from Greece and the
neighbouring seas, and for forming a collection of books, unique
in that age, and which passed successively into the hands, first
of Theophrates, and afterwards of Neleus of Skepsis, we must,
nevertheless, regard the accounts of ‘the presents of eight
hundred talents, and the maintenance of so many thousand
collectors, overseers of fish-ponds, and bird-keepers,” as mere
exaggerations of a later period, or as traditions misunder-
stood by Pliny, Athenzeus, and Aiélian.t —ee

direct evidence on this subject. That which we possess of the corres-
pondence of Aristotle is undoubtedly not genuine (Stahr, th. is, 194-
208, th. ii. s. 169--234), and Schneider says very confidently (Hist. de
Animal., t. i. p. xl), “‘ hoe enim tanquam certissimum sumere mihi lice-
bit, scriptas comitum Alexandri notitias post mortem demum regis
fuisse vulgatas.”

* JT have elsewhere shown, that although the decomposition of sul-
phuret of mercury by distillation is described in Dioscorides (Mat. med.,
vy. 110, p. 667, Saracen.), the first description of the distillation of a
fluid (the distillation of fresh water from sea water,) is, however, to be
found in the commentary of Alexander of Aphrodisias to Aristotle’s
work de Meteorol.; see my Hxamen critique de (histoire de la Géogra-
phie, t. ii. pp. 308-316, and Joannis (Philoponi,) Grammatici in libro de
Generat. et Alexandri Aphrod., in Meteorol. Comm. Venet., 1527, p.
97, b. Alexander of Aphrodisias in Caria, the learned commentator
of the Meteorologica of Aristotle, lived under Septimius Severus and
Caracalla; and although he calls chemical apparatuses, yuud dpyava,
yet a passage in Plutarch (de Jside et Osir., ¢. 33), proves that
the word Chemie, applied by the Greeks to the Egyptian art, is not
derived from yéw. Hoefer (Histoire de la Chimie, t. i. pp. 91, 195,
and 219, t. ii. p. 109).

+ Compare Sainte-Croix, Hxamen des Historiens d’ Alexandre, 1810,
p. 207; and Cuvier, Histoire des Sciences naturelles, t. i. p. 137, with
Schneider, ad Aristot. de Historié Animalium, t. i. pp. xlii-xlvi, and
Stahr, Avistotelia, th. i. s. 116-118. If, therefore, the transmission of
specimens from Egypt and the interior of Asia seems to be highly im-

INFLUENCE OF THE MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGNS. 529

‘The’ Macedonian campaign, which opened so large and
beautiful a portion of the earth to the influence of one sole
highly-gifted race, may, therefore, certamly be regarded, in
the strictest sense of the word, as a scientific expedition; and,
moreover, as the first in which a conqueror had surrounded
himself with men learned in all departments of science, as
naturalists, geometricians, historians, philosophers, and artists.
The results that we owe to Aristotle are not, however, solely
to be referred to his own personal labours, for he acted also
through the intelligent men of his school who accompanied
the expedition. Amongst these shone pre-eminently Callisthe-
nes of Olynthus, the near kinsman of the Stagirite, who had
already, before the campaign, composed a work on botany,
and a treatise on the organs of vision. Owing to the rigid
austerity of his morals, and the unchecked freedom of his
speech, he was regarded with hatred by Alexander himself,
who had already fallen from his noble and elevated mode of
thought, and by the flatterers of the prince. Callisthenes
undauntedly preferred liberty to life, and when in Bactria he
was implicated, although guiltless, in the conspiracy of Hermo-
laus and the pages, he became the unhappy occasion of Alex-
ander’s exasperation against his former instructor. Theo-
phrastes, the warm friend and fellow disciple of Callisthenes,
had the generosity to undertake his defence after his fall.
Of Aristotle we only know that he recommended prudence to
his friend before his departure, for being, as it would appear,

probable, yet the latest writings of our great anatomist Johannes
Miiller, show with what wonderful delicacy Aristotle dissected the
fishes of the Greek seas. See the learned treatise of Johannes Miiller,
on the adherence of the ovum to the uterus, in one of the two species
of the genus Mustelus living in the Mediterranean, which in its foetal
state possesses a placenta of the vitelline vesicle connected with the
uterine placenta of the mother; and his researches on the yaXede AEiog
of Aristotle in the Abhandl. der Berliner Akad. aus d. J. 1840, 8.
192-197. (Compare Aristot. Hist. Anim., vi. 10, and de Gener.
Anim. iii. 3.) The distinction and detailed analysis of the species of
cuttle-fish, the description of the teeth of snails, and the organs of other
gasteropodes, all testify to the delicate nicety of Aristotle's own anatomi-
cal examinations. Compare Hist. Anim., iv. 1 and 4, with Lebert in
Miiller’s Archiv der Physiologie, 1846, s. 463 and 467, I, myself, in
1797, called the attention of modern naturalists to the form of snails’
— ;see my Versuche iiber die gereizte Muskel und Nervenfaser, ba
8. 261,

2™M

530. - = Cosmos.

familiar with a court-life, from his long sojourn with Philip of
Macedon, he counselled him to “‘ converse as little as possible
with the king, and where necessity required that he should do
so, always to coincide with the views of the sovereign.”’*

_Aided by the co-operation of chosen men of the school of
the Stagirite, Callisthenes, who was already conyersant with
nature before he left Greece, gave a higher direction to the
investigations of his companions in the extended sphere of
observation now first opened to them. The richness of vegeta-
tion, and the diversity of animal forms, the configuration of the
soil, and the periodical rising of great rivers, no longer sufficed
to engage exclusive attention, for the time was come when
man and the different races of mankind, in their manifold
gradations of colour and of civilisation, could not fail to be
regarded, according to Aristotle’s own expression, t “as the
central point and the object ofall creation ; and as the beings in
whom the divine nature of thought was first made manifest.”
From the little. that remains to us of the narratives of Onesi-
critus, who was so much censured in antiquity, we find that
the Macedonians were astonished on penetrating far to the
east to meet: with no African, curly-haired. negroes, although
they found the Indian races spoken of by Herodotus as “ dark-
coloured, and resembling Ethiopians.”} The influence of the
atmosphere on colour, and the different effect produced by dry
and moist winds, were carefully noticed. In the early
Homeric ages, and even long after that period, the depend-
ence of the temperature of the air on latitude was wholly
unknown, and the relations of east and west then constituted
the whole thermie meteorology of the Greeks. The countries
lying to the east were regarded as near the sun—sun lands,
and the inhabitants as “coloured by the near sun-god in his
course with a sooty lustre,§ and their hair dried and crisped
with the heat of his rays.”

* Valer. Maxim., vii. 2; “ut cum Rege ant rarissime aut quam
jucundissime loqueretur.”

+ Aristot., Polit., i. 8, and Hth. ad Hudemum, vii. 14.

~ } Strabo, lib. xv. pp. 690 and 695. Herod., iii. 101.

§ Thus says Theodectes of Phaselis, see p. 362.—Northern tracts of
sand were considered to lie more towards the West, and southern countries
to the East. Consult Volcker, Ueber Homerische Geographie und
Weltkunde, s. 43 und 87. The indefinite meaning of the word Indies,
even at that age, as connected with ideas of position, of the complexion of

INFLUENCE OF THE MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGNS. 6531

‘Alexander’s campaigns first gave occasion to a comparison,
on a. grand seale, between the African races: which predomi-
nated so. much in Egypt with the Arian races beyond the
Tigris and the ancient Indian Aborigines, who were very
dark-coloured, but not woolly-haired. The elassification of
mankind into varieties, and their distribution over the surface
of the earth, which is to be regarded rather as a consequence
of historical events than as the result of protracted climatic
relations, (when the types have been once firmly fixed,) together
with the apparent contradiction between colour and places of
abode, were subjects that could not fail to produce the most
vivid impression on the mind of thoughtful observers. We
still find, in. the interior of the great Indian continent, an exten-
sive territory, which is inhabited by a population of dark,
almost black Aborigines, totally different from the lighter-
coloured Arian races, who immigrated at a subsequent period.
Amongst. these we may reckon as belonging to the Vindhya
races, the Gonda, the Bhilla im the forest districts of Malava
and Guzerat, and the Kola of Orissa. The acute observer
Lassen regards it as probable, that at the time of Herodotus,
the black Asiatic races, ‘‘the Ethiopians of the sun-rising,”
which resembled the Lybians in the colour of their skin but
not in the character of their hair, were diffused much further
towards the north-west than at present.* In like manner, in
the ancient. Egyptian empire, the actual woolly-haired negro
races, which were so frequently conquered by other nations,
moved their settlements far to the north of Nubia.}

the inhabitants, and of precious products, contributed to. the extension
of these meteorological hypotheses; for Western Arabia,-the countries
between Ceylon and the mouth of the Indus, Troglodytie Ethiopia, and
the African myrrh and cinnamon lands south of Cape Aroma, were all
termed India. (Humboldt, Examen crit., t: ii. p. 35.)

. ™* Lassen, Ind. Alterthumskunde, bd. iz s.. 369, 372-375, 379, wad.
389; Ritter, Asien, bd. iv. I, s. 446.

+ The geographical distribution of mankind can no more be abit
mined in entire continents by degrees of latitude, than that of plants
and animals. The axiom advanced by Ptolemy (Geogr., lib, i. .cap.
9), that north of the parallel of Agisymba, there are no elephants,
rbhinoceroses, or negroes, is entirely unfounded (Hzamen. critique, t. t.
p- 39). . The doctrine of the universal influence of the soil and climate
on. the intellectual capacities and on the civilisation of mankind, was
peculiar to the Alexandrian school of Ammonius Sakkas, and more espe
cially to Longinus. See Proclus, Comment. in. Tiim., p. 50,

2M 2

532 COSMOS,

The enlargement of the sphere of ideas, which arose from the
contemplation of numerous hitherto unobserved physical pheno-
mena, and from a contact with different races, and an acquaint-
ance with their contrasted forms of government, was not, unfor-
tunately, accompanied by the fruits of ethnological comparative
_ philology, as far as the latter is of a philosophical nature
depending on the fundamental relations of thought, or is
simply historical.* This species of inquiry was wholly un-
known to classical antiquity. But, on the other hand, Alex-
ander’s expedition added to the science of the Greeks those
materials yielded by the long accumulated knowledge of more
anciently civilised nations. I would here especially refer to
the fact that, with an increased knowledge of the earth and
its productions, the Greeks likewise obtained from Babylon.a
considerable accession to their knowledge of the heayens, as
we find from recent and carefully conducted investigations.
The conquest of Cyrus the Great had certainly greatly dimi-
nished the glory of the astronomical college of the priests im
the Oriental capital. The terraced pyramid of Belus (at once
a temple, a grave, and an observatory, from which the hours
of the night were proclaimed) had been given over to de-
struction by Xerxes, and was in ruins at the time of the
Macedonian campaign. But from the very fact of the disso-
lution of the close hierarchical caste, and owing to the forma-
tion of many schools of astronomy,f Callisthenes was enabled

* See Georg. Curtius, Die Sprachvergleichung in ihrem Verhiltniss
zur classichen Philologie, 1845, s. 5--7, and his Bildung der Tem-
pora und Modi, 1846, s. 3-9. (Compare also Pott’s Article, Indo-
germanischer. Sprachstamm, in the Allgem. Encyklopddie of Ersch
and Gruber, sect. ii. th. xviii. s, 1-112.) Investigations on lan-
guage in general, in as far as they touch upon the fundamental relations
of thought, are, however, to be found in Aristotle, where he develops
the connection of categories with grammatical relations. See the lumi-
nous statement of this comparison in Adolf Trendelenburg’s Histor.
Beitrige zur Philosophie, 1846, th. i. s. 28-32. i

+ The schools of the Orchenes and Borsipenes (Strabo, lib. xvi. p.
739). In this passage four Chaldean mathematicians are indicated by
name, in conjunction with the Chaldean astronomers. This cireum-
stance is so much the more important in a historical point of view,
because Ptolemy always mentions the observers of the heavenly bodies,
under the collective name of Xaddaiou, as if the observations at Babylon
were only made collectively in collegiate bodies (Ideler, Handbuch der
Chronologie, bd. i. 1825, 8. 198).

INFLUENCE OF THE MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGNS. 533

(and as Simplicius maintains, in accordance with the advice of
Aristotle) to send to Greece observations of the stars for a
yery long period (Porphyrius says for 1903 years) before
Alexander’s entrance into Babylon, Ol. 112, 2. The earliest
Chaldean observations mentioned by Almagest (probably the
oldest which Ptolemy found available for his object), only go
back 721 years before our era, that is to say, to the first
Messenian war. It is certain “‘ that the Chaldeans knew the
mean motions of the moon with an exactness which induced
the Greek astronomers to employ their calculations for the foun-
dation of a lunar theory.”* The planetary observations to which
they were led by their ancient love of astrology, appear also to
have been used for the true construction of astronomical tables.
The present is not the place to decide how much of the
Pythagorean views regarding the true structure of the heavens,
the course of the planets, and of the comets which, according
to Apollonius Myndius return in long regulated orbits,} may
be due to the Chaldeans. Strabo calls the mathematician,
Seleucus, a Babylonian, and distinguished him in this mannerf{
‘from the Erythrean, who measured the tides of the sea. It
is sufficient to remark that the Greek zodiac was most probably
taken from “ the Dodecatemoria of the Chaldeans, and that,
according to Letronne’s important inyestigations,§ it does not

* Ideler, op. cit., bd. i. s. 202, 206, und 218. When a doubt is
advanced regarding the astronomical observations said to have been
sent by Callisthenes from Babylon to Greece, on the ground that there
is no trace of these observations of a Chaldean priestly caste to be found
in the writings of Aristotle (Delambre, Hist. de l’Astronomie ancienne, t.
1. p. 308), it is forgotten that Aristotle, in speaking (De Ceelo, lib. ii. cap.
12) of an occultation of Mars by the Moon, observed by himself, expressly
adds, that “similar observations had been made for many years on the
other planets by the Egyptians and the Babylonians, many of which
have come to our knowledge.” On the probable use of astronomical
tables by the Chaldeans, see Chasles, in the Comptes rendus del Aca-
démie des Sciences, t. xxiii. 1846, pp. 852--854.

+ Seneca, Nat. Quest., vii. 17.

_£ Compare Strabo, lib. xvi. p. 739, with lib. iii. p. 174.

_§, These investigations were made in the year 1824 (see Guigniaut,
Religions de l Antiquité, ouvrage traduit de l Allemand de F. Creuzer,
t.i, pt. 2, p. 928). See a more recent notice by Letronne, in the Journal des
Savans, 1839, pp. 338 and 492; aswell as the Analyse critique des Repré-
sentations zodiacalesen Egypte, 1846, pp.15 and 34. (Compare with these
Ideler, Veber den Ursprung des Thierkreises, in the Abhandlungen der
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin aus dem Jahr. 1838, s, 21.)

5a4.°' cosMOS.

go further back than to the beginning of the sixth century
before our era.”’

The direct result of the contact of the Hellenic races with
nations of Indian origin at the time of the Macedonian expe-
dition is wrapped in obscurity. In a scientific point of view
the gain was probably inconsiderable, since Alexander did not
advance beyond the Hyphasis, in the land of the five rivers
(the Pantschanada), after he had traversed the kingdom of
Porus between the Hydaspes (Jelum), skirted by cedars* and
the Acesines (Tschinab); he reached the point of junction,
however, between the Hyphasis and the Satadru, the Hesi-
drus of Pliny. Discontent amongst his troops, and the appre-
hension of a general revolt in the Persian and Syrian provinces,
forced the hero to the great catastrophe of his return, not-
withstanding his wish to advance to the Ganges. ‘The coun-
tries traversed by the Macedonians were occupied by races
who were but imperfectly civilised. In the territories inter-
vening between the Satadru and the Yamuna (the district of
the Indus and Ganges), an insignificant river, the sacred Saras-
vati; constitutes an ancient classical boundary between the “ pure,
worthy, pious’’ worshippers of Brahma in the east, and the “im-
pure kingless” tribes in the west, which are not divided into
castes.t Alexander did not, therefore, reach the true seat of

* The magnificent groves of Cedrus deodvara, which are most fre-
quently met with at an elevation of from 8,000 to nearly 12,000 feet
on the Upper Hydaspes (Behut), which flows through the Pilgrim’s
lake in the Alpine valley of Kashmeer, supplied the materials for the
fleet. of Nearchus (Burnes’ 7'ravels, vol. i. p. 60). The trunk of this
cedar is often forty feet in circumference, according to the observation
of Dr. Hoffmeister, the companion of Prince Waldemar of Prussia,
he was unhappily too early lost to science by his death on the battle

eld. hi

+ Lassen, in ‘his Pentapotamia indica, pp. 25, 29, 57-62, and 77;
and also in his Jndische Alterthumskunde, bd. i. s. 91. Between the
Sarasvati in the north-west of Delhi, and the rocky Drischadvati, there
lies, according to Menu’s code of laws, Brahmavarta, a priestly district
of Brahma, established by the gods themselves; on the other hand, in
-the wider sense of the word, Aryavarta, the land of the worthy (Arians),
designates in the ancient Indian geography the whole country east of
“the Indus, between the Himalaya and the Vindhya chain, to the south
‘of which the ancient non-Arian aboriginal population began. Madhya-
Desa, the middle land referred to in the text, see p. 15, was only a
portion of Aryavarta, ‘Compare my Aste centrale, t. i. p. 204, and

INFLUENCE OF THE MACEDONIAN CAMPAIGNS. 585

higher Indian civilisation. Seleucus Nicator, the founder of
the great empire of the Seleucid, penetrated from Babylon
towards the Ganges, and established political relations with
the powerful Sandrocottus (Tschandraguptas), by means of the
repeated missions of Megasthenes to Pataliputra.*

- In this manner a more animated and lasting contact was
established with the most civilised portions of Madhya-Desa
(the middle land). There were, indeed, learned Brahmins
living.as anchorites in the Pendschab (Pentapotamia), but we
do not know whether those Brahmins and Gymnosophists
were acquainted with the admirable Indian system of num-
bers, in which the value of a few signs is derived merely from
position, or whether, as we may however conjecture, the
value of position was already at that time known in the
most civilised portions of India. "What a revolution would
haye been effected in the more rapid development and the
easier application of mathematical knowledge, if the Brahmin
Sphines, who accompanied Alexander, and who was known in
the army by the name of Calanos,—or at a later period in the
time of Augustus, the Brahmin Bargosa,—before they volun-
tarily ascended the scaffold at Susa and Athens, could have
imparted to the Greeks a knowledge cf the Indian system of
numbers, in such a manner as to admit of its being brought
into general use! The ingenious and comprehensive investi-
gations of Chasles have certainly shown that the method of
the Abacus or Algorismus of Pythagoras, as we find it explained
in the geometry of Boethius, was nearly identical with the
Indian numerical system based upon the value of position, but
this method, which long continued devoid of practical utility
among the Greeks and Romans, first obtained general appli-
eation in the middle ages, and especially when the zero had
been substituted for a vacant space. The most beneficent
discoveries have often required centuries before they were
recognised and fully developed.

Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk., bd. i. s. 5, 10, and 93. The ancient Indian
free states, the territories of the “kingless” (condemned by orthodox
eastern poets), were situated between the Hydraotes and the Hyphasis
(the present Ravi and Beas).

_* Megasthenes, Indica, ed. Schwanbeck, 1846, p. 17.

‘

536 | cOsMOS

EXTENSION OF THE CONTEMPLATION OF THE UNIVERSE
UNDER THE PTOLEMIES.—MUSEUM AT SERAPEUM.—
PECULIAR CHARACTER OF THE DIRECTION OF SCIENCE
AT THIS PERIOD.—ENCYCLOPZDIC LEARNING.—GENE-
RALISATION OF THE VIEWS OF NATURE RESPECTING
THE EARTH AND THE REGIONS OF SPACE.

Arter the dissolution of the Macedonian empire, which in-
cluded territories in three continents, those germs were yari-
ously developed, which the uniting and combining system of
government of the great conqueror had cast abroad in a
fruitful soil. The more the national exclusiveness of the Hel-.
lenic mode of thought vanished, and the more its creative
force of inspiration lost in depth and intensity, the greater
was the increase in the knowledge acquired of the connection of
phenomena by a more animated and extensive intercourse with...
other nations, as well as by a rational mode of generalising .
views of nature. In the Syrian kingdom, under the Attalidee of
Pergamus, and under the Seleucide and the Ptolemies, learn-
ing was universally favoured by distinguished rulers. Grecian-
Egypt enjoyed the advantage of political unity, as well as that
of a geographical position, by which the traffic of the Indian.
ocean was brought within a few miles of the Mediterranean
by the influx of the Arabian Gulf from the Straits of Bab-el-
Mandeb to Suez and Akaba (running in the line of intersection.
that inclines from south-south-east to north-north-west).*
The kingdom of the Seleucide did not enjoy the same
advantage of maritime trade as that afforded by the form and
configuration of the territories of the Lagides (the Ptolemies),
and its stability was endangered by the dissensions fomented by
the various nations occupying the different satrapies. ‘The
traffic carried on in the Seleucidean kingdom was besides
more an inland one, limited to the course of rivers or to the
carayan routes, which defied all the natural obstacles presented
by snow-capped mountain chains, elevated plateaux, and
extensive deserts. The great inland carayan trade, whose
most valuable articles of barter were silk, passed from the
interior of Asia, from the elevated plains of the Seres, north

* See p. 485.

INFLUENCE OF THE PTOLEMAIC EPOCH. 537

of Uttara Kuru by the stony tower* (probably a fortified
carayansery), south of the sources of the Jaxartes through the
valley of the Oxus to the Caspian and Black Seas. On the
other hand, the principal traffic of the Ptolemaic empire was,
in the strictest sense of the word, a sea trade, notwithstanding
the animation of the navigation on the Nile, and the commu-
nication between the banks of the river, and the artificially
constructed roads along the shores of the Red Sea. According
to the grand views of Alexander, the newly founded Egyptian
city of Alexandria and the ancient Babylon were to have con-
stituted the respective eastern and western capitals of the
Macedonian empire; Babylon never, at any subsequent period,
realised these hopes, and the prosperity of Seleucia, which
was built by Seleucus Nicator on the Lower Tigris, and had
been connected by canals with the Euphrates,} contributed to
its entire downfall.

Three great rulers, the three first Ptolemies, whose reigns
occupied a whole century, gave occasion, by their love of
science, their brilliant institutions, for the promotion of mental
culture, and their unremitting endeavours for the extension of
maritime trade, to an increase of knowledge regarding distant
nations aud external nature hitherto unattained by any people.
This treasure of genuine, scientific cultivation passed from the
Greek settlers in Egypt to the Romans. Under Ptolemeus Phi-
ladelphus, scarcely half a century after the death of Alexander,
and even before the first Punic war had shaken the aristocratic
republic of the Carthaginians, Alexandria was the greatest
commercial port in the world, forming the nearest and most
commodious route from the basin of the Mediterranean to the
south-eastern parts of Africa, Arabia, and India. The Ptolemies
availed themselves with unprecedented success of the advan-
tages held out to them by a route which nature had marked, as
it were, for a means of universal intercourse with the rest of the
world by the direction of the Arabian Gulf,t and whose import-
ance cannot even now be duly appreciated until the savage vio-
lence of eastern nations, and the injurious jealousies of western
powers, shall simultaneously diminish. Even after it had become

* Compare my geographical researches, in Asie centrale, t. i. pp. 145
and. 151-157; t. ii. p. 179.

+ Plin., vi. 26 (2).

+ See Droysen, Gesch. des hellenistischen Staatensystems, s. 749.

538 COSMOS.

a Roman province, Egypt continued to be the seat of immense
wealth, for the increased luxury of Rome, under the Czsars,
reached to the territory of the Nile, and turned to the universal
commerce of Alexandria for the chief means of its satisfaction.

The important extension of the sphere of knowledge regard-
ing external nature and different countries under the Ptolemies
was mainly owing to the caravan trade in the interior of
Africa by Cyrene and the Oases; to the conquest in Ethiopia
and Arabia Felix under Ptolemy Evergetes; to the maritime
trade with the whole of the western peninsula of India, from
the Gulf of Barygaza (Guzerat and Cambay), along the shores
of Canara and Malabar (Malayavara, a territory of Malaya), to
the Brahminical sanctuaries of the promontory of Comorin
(Kumari),* and to the large island of Ceylon (Lanka in the
Ramayana, and known to the cotemporaries of Alexander as
Taprobane, a corruption of the native name).t | Nearchus had
already materially contributed to the advance of nautical
knowledge by his laborious five months’ voyage along the
coasts of Gedrosia and Caramania (between Pattala, at the
mouths of the Indus, and the Euphrates). y

Alexander’s companions were not ignorant of the existence
of the monsoons, by which navigation was so greatly favoured
between the eastern coasts of Africa and the northern and
western parts of India.. After having spent ten months in
navigating the Indus, between Nicwa on the Hydaspes and
Pattala, with a view of opening the river to a universal trafic,
Nearchus hastened, at the beginning of October (Ol., 113, 8),
to sail from Stura, at the mouth of the Indus, since he knew
that his passage would be favoured by the north-east and
east monsoons to the Persian Gulf along the coasts running in
the same parallel of latitude. The knowledge of this remark-
able local law of the direction of the winds subsequently
emboldened navigators to attempt to sail from Ocelis, on the

* See Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, bd. i.s. 107, 1538-158.

* A corruption of Témbapanni. This Pali form sounds in Sanscrit
Tamraparnt. The Greek form TJ'aprobane, gives half the Sanserit (Tdm-
bra, Tabro), and half the Pali. (Lassen, op. cit., s. 201; compare Las-
sen, Diss..de Taprobane insula, p. 19.) The Laceadives (lakke for
lakscha, and dive for dwipa, one hundred thousand islands), as well as
the Maldives (Malayadiba, islands of Malabar), were known to Alexan-
drian mariners. Sok cols shane veg Hath

i

INFLUENCE OF THE PTOLEMAIC EPOCH. 539

Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb, across the open sea to Muzeris
(south of Mangolar), the great Malabar emporium of trade, to
which products from the eastern shores of the Indian penin-
sula, and even gold from the distant Chryse (Borneo?), were
brought by inland trade. The honour of having first applied
the new system of Indian navigation is ascribed to an other-
wise unknown seaman named Hippalus, but considerable
doubt is attached to the age in which he lived.*

The history of the contemplation of the universe embraces
the enumeration of all the means which have brought nations
into closer contact with one another, rendered larger portions
of the earth more accessible, and thus extended the sphere of
human knowledge. One of the most* important of these
means was the opening of a road of communication from the
Red Sea to the Mediterranean, by means of the Nile. At the
point where the scarcely connected continents present a line
of bay-like indentations, the excavation of a canal was begun,
if not by Sesostris (Rameses Miamoun), to whom Aristotle and
Strabo ascribe the undertaking, at any rate by Neku, although
the work was relinquished in consequence of the threatening
oracular denunciations directed against it by the priests.
Herodotus saw and described a canal completed by Darius Hys-

es, one of the Achemenide, which entered the Nile some-
what above Bubastus. This canal,after having fallen into decay,
was restored by Ptolemy Philadelphus in so perfect a manner
that, although (notwithstanding the skilful arrangement of
sluices), it was not navigable at all seasons of the year, it
nevertheless contributed to facilitate Ethiopian, Arabian, and
Indian commerce, at the time of the Roman dominion under
Marcus Aurelius, or even as late as Septimus Severus, and,
therefore, a century and a half after its construction. A
similar object of furthering international communication
through the Red Sea led to a zealous prosecution of the works
necessary for forming a harbour in Myos Hormos and Berenice,

* Hippalus is not generally supposed to have lived earlier than the
time of Claudius; but this view is improbable, even though under the first
Lagides, a great portion of the Indian products were only procured in
Arabian markets. The south-west monsoon was, moreover, itself, called
Hippalus, and a portion of the Erythrean or Indian Ocean, was known
as the Sea of Hippalus, Letronne, in the Journal des Savans, 1818,
p. 405; Reinand, Relation des Voyages dans V'Inde, t: i. p. xxx.

540 COSMOS.

which was connected with Coptos by means of an admirably
made artificial road.*

All these various mercantile and scientific enterprises of the
Lagides were based on an irrepressible striving to acquire
new territories and penetrate to distant regions, on an idea of
connection and unity, and on a desire to open a wider field of
action, by their commercial and political relations. This
direction of the Hellenic mind so fruitful in results, and
which had been long preparing in silence, was manifested,
under its noblest type, in the efforts made by Alexander in his
campaign to fuse together the eastern and western worlds,
Its extension under the Lagides characterises the epoch which
I would here pourtray, and must be regarded as an important
advance towards the attainment of a knowledge of the uniyerse
in its character of unity.

As far as abundance and variety in the objects presented to
the contemplation are conducive to an increased amount of
knowledge, we might certainly regard the intercourse existing
between Egypt and distant countries; the scientific explori
expeditions into Ethiopia at the expense of the OE
distant ostricht and elephant hunts; and the establishment of

* See the researches of Letronne, on the construction of the canal
between the Nile and the Red Sea, from the time of Neku to the Caliph
Omar, or during an interval of more than 1300 years, in the Revue des
deux Mondes, t. xxvii, 1841, pp. 215-235. Compare also Letronne, de
la Civilisation égyptienne depuis Psammitichus jusqu’a la conquéte
ad’ Alexandre, 1845, pp. 16-19.

+ Meteorological speculations on the remote causes of the swelling of ~
the Nile gave occasion to some of these journeys; since, as Strabo
expresses it (lib. xvii. pp. 789 and 790), “ Philadelphus was constantly
seeking new diversions and new objects of interest from a desire for
knowledge and from bodily weakness.” ,

+ Two hunting inscriptions, “ one of which principally records the
elephant hunts of Ptolemy Philadelphus,” were diseovered and copied
from the colossi of Abusimbel (Ibsambul) by Lepsius during his Egyptian
journey (compare, on this subject, Strabo, lib. xvi. pp. 769 and 770; Adlian,
De Nat. Anim., iii. 34, and xvii. 3; Athenzeus, v. p. 196). Although In-
dian ivory was an article of export from Barygaza, according to the Perz-
plus maris Erythrei, yet, from the statement of Cosmas, ivory would also
appear to have been exported from Ethiopia to the western peninsula of
India. Elephants have withdrawn more to the south in Eastern Africa,
also since ancient times. According to the testimony of Polybius (vy.
84), when African and Indian elephants were opposed to each other on
fields of battle, the sight, smell, and cries of the larger and stronger

INFLUENCE OF THE PTOLEMAIC EPOCH. 54%

menagerics of wild and rare animals in the “ king’s houses of
Bruchium,” as means of incitement towards the study of natural
history,* and as amply sufficient to furnish empirical science
with the materials requisite for its further development; but
the peculiar character of the Ptolemaic period, as well as of
the whole Alexandrian school which retained the same indi-
viduality of type until the third and fourth centuries, mani-
fested itself in a different direction, inclining less to an imme-
diate observation of particulars than to a laborious accumulation
of the results of that which had already been noted by others,
and to a careful classification, comparison, and mental elabo-
ration of these results. During a period of many centuries,
and until the powerful mind of Aristotle was revealed, the
phenomena of nature, not regarded as objects of acute
observation, were subjected to the sole control of ideal inter-
pretation, and to the arbitrary sway of vague presentiments
and yacillating hypotheses, but from the time of the Stagirite
a higher appreciation for empirical science was manifested,
The facts already known were now first critically examined.
As natural philosophy, by pursuing the certain path of
induction, gradually approached nearer to the scrutinising cha-
racter of empirism, it became less bold in its speculations,
and less fanciful in its images. A laborious tendency to accu-
mulate materials enforced the necessity for a certain amount of
polymathic learning; and although the works of different dis-
tinguished thinkers occasionally exhibited precious fruits, these
were unfortunately too often accompanied, in the decline of
ereative conception amongst the Greeks, by a mere barren
erudition devoid of animation. The absence of a careful
attention to the form as well as to animation and grace of
diction, has likewise contributed to expose Alexandrinian learn-
ing to the severe animadversions of posterity.

The present section would be incomplete if it were to omit
a notice of the accession yielded to general knowledge by the

Indian elephants, drove the African ones to flight. The latter were
probably never employed as war elephants in such large numbers as
in Asiatic expeditions, where Kandragupta had assembled 9000, the
powerful King of the Prasii 6000, and Akbar an equally large num-
ber. (Lassen, /nd. Alterthumskunde, bd. i. s. 305-307.)

* Athen., xiv. p. 654; compare Parthey, Das alexandrinische Mu-
seum, eine Preisschrift, s. 55 und 171.

542 . COSMOS,

epoch of the Ptvlemies, both by the combined action of external
relations, the foundation and proper endowment of several
large institutions (the Alexandrian Museum and two libraries‘at
Bruchium and Rhakotis),* and by the collegiate association of
so many learned men actuated by practical views. This ency-
clopeedic species of knowledge facilitated the comparison of
observations and the generalisation of natural views.t The
great scientific institution which owes its origin to the first of
the Ptolemies long enjoyed, amongst other advantages, that
of being able to give a free scope to the differently directed
pursuits of its members, and thus, although founded in a foreign
country, and surrounded by nations of different races, it could
still preserve the characteristics of the Greek acuteness of
mind and a Greek mode of thought.

A few examples must suffice, in accordance with the spirit
and form of the present work, to show how experiments and
observations, under the protecting influence of the Ptolemies,
acquired their appropriate recognition as the true sources of
knowledge regarding celestial and terrestrial phenomena, and
how, in the Alexandrian period, a felicitous generalisation of
views manifested itself conjointly with a laborious aceumula-
tion of knowledge. Although the different Greek schools of

hilosophy, when transplanted to Lower Egypt, gave occasion,
by their Oriental degeneration to many mythical hypotheses
regarding nature and natural phenomena, mathematics still
constituted the firmest foundation of the Platonic doctrines

* The library in the Bruchium, which was destroyed in the burning
of the fleet under Julius Caesar, was the more ancient. The library at
Rhakotis formed a part of the “ Serapeum,” where it was connected with
the museum. By the liberality of Antoninus, the collection of books at
Pergamus, was joined to the library of Rhakotis. ie

+ Vacherot, Histoire critique de l Ecole d’ Alexandrie, 1846, t. i. pp.
vy.and 103. The institute of Alexandria, like all academical corpora-
tions, together with the good arising from the concurrence of many
labourers, and from the acquisition of material aids, exercised also some
narrowing and restraining influence, as we find from numerous facts
furnished by antiquity. Adrian appointed his tutor, Vestinus, High
Priest of Alexandria (a sort of minister presiding over the management
of public worship), and at the same time Head of the Museum (or Pre-
sident of the Academy). (Letronne, Recherches pour servir a& [ His-
toire de | Egypte pendant la domination des Grecs et des Romains,
1823, p. 251.) .

INFLUENCE OF THE’ PTOLEMAIC EPOCH. 543

ineuleated in the Alexandrian’ Museum;* and this science
comprehended in the advanced stages of its development pure
mathematics, mechanics, and astronomy. In Plato’s high
econgrgan of mathematical development of thought, as well
as in Aristotle’s morphological views which embraced all
organisms, we discover the germs of the subsequent advances
of physical science. They became the guiding stars which led
the human mind through the bewildering fanaticism of the
dark ages, and prevented the utter destruction of a sound and
scientific manifestation of mental vigour.
. The mathematician and astronomer, Eratosthenes of Cyrene,
the most celebrated of the Alexandrian librarians, employed
the materials at his command to compose a system of universal
geography. He freed geography from mythical legends, and,
although himself oceupied with chronology and history,
separated geographical descriptions from that admixture of
historical elements with which it had previously been not un-
gracefully embodied. The absence of these elements was,
however, satisfactorily compensated for by the introduction of
mathematical considerations on the articulation and expansion
of continents; by geognostic conjectures regarding the connec-
tion of mountain chains, the action of clouds, and the former
submersion. of lands, which still bear all the traces of having
constituted a dried, portion of the sea’s bottom. Favourable
to the oceanic sluice-theory of Strabo of Lampsacus, the Alex-
andrian librarian was led, by the belief of the former swelling
ef the Euxine, the penetration of the Dardanelles, and the
consequent opening of the Pillars of Hercules, to an important
investigation of the problem of the equal level of the whole
“ external seat} surrounding all continents.” An additional
proof of this philosopher’s power of generalising views is
afforded by his assertions that the whole continent of Asia is
traversed by a continually connected mountain chain, TUuRMiNg

.* Fries, Geschichte der Philosophie, bd. ii. s. 5; and the same
author's Lehrbuch der Naturlehre, th. i. s. 42. Compare also the con-
siderations on the influence which Plato exercised on the foundation of the
experimental Sciences by the application of mathematics, in Brandis,
Geschichte der griechisch-rémischen Philosophie, th. ii. abth. i. s. 276.

“* On the physical and geognostical sets of Eratosthenes, see
Strabo, lib. i. pp. 49-56, lib. ii. p. 108.

544 COSMOS.

from west to east in the parallel of Rhodes (in the diaphragm
of Diceearchus).*

An animated desire to arrive ata generalisation of views,—
the consequence of the intellectual movement of the age,—
gave rise to the first Greek measurement of degrees between
Syene and Alexandria, and this experiment may be regarded
as an attempt on the part of Eratosthenes to arrive at an approx-
imative determination of the circumference of the earth. In
this case, it is not the result at which he arrived from the
imperfect premises afforded by the Bematists which excites
our interest, but rather the attempt to rise from the narrow
limits of one circumscribed land to a knowledge of the mag-
nitude of the whole earth.

A similar tendency towards generalisation may be traced in
the splendid progress made in the scientific knowledge of the
heavens in the epoch of the Ptolemies. I allude here to the
determination of the places of the fixed stars by the earliest
Alexandrian astronomers, Arystillus and Timochares ; to Aris-
tarchus of Samos, the cotemporary of Cleanthes, who, con-
versant with ancient Pythagorean views, ventured upon an
investigation of the construction of the universe, and who was
the first to recognise the immeasurable distance of the region
of fixed stars from our small planetary system; nay, he even
conjectured the twofold motion of the earth round its axis and
round the sun; to Seleucus of Erythrea (or of Babylon),} who

* Strabo, lib. xi. p. 519; Agathem, in Hudson, Geogr. grec. mins
vol. ii. p. 4. On the accuracy of the grand orographic views of
Eratosthenes, see my Asie centrale, t. i. pp. 104-150, 198, 208-227,
413-415; t. ii. pp. 8367 and 414-435; and Hxamen critique de Hist. de
la Géogr., t. i. pp. 152-154. I have purposely called the measurement
of a degree made by Eratosthenes, as the first Hellenic one, since a very
ancient Chaldean determination of the magnitude of a degree in camels’
paces is not improbable. Sce Chasles, Recherches sur ? Astronomie
indienne et chaldéenne, in the Comptes rendus de i’ Acad. des Sciences,
t. xxiii. 1846, p. 851.

+ The latter appellation appears to me the more correct, since Strabo,
lib. xvi. p. 739, quotes, “Seleucus of Seleucia, among several very
honourable men, as a Chaldean, skilled in the study of the heavenly
bodies.” Seleucia, on the Tigris, a flourishing commercial city, is
probably the one meant. It is indeed singular, that Strabo also speaks of
a Seleucus, an exact observer of the tides, and terms him, too,
@ Babylonian (lib. i. p. 6), and subsequently (lib. iii. p. 174), perhaps
from carelessness, an Erythrean, (Compare Stobeeus, Hel. phys., p. 440.)

INFLUENCE OF THE PTOLEMAIC EPOCH. 545

a century subsequent to this period, endeavoured to esta-

1 the hypothesis of the Samian philosopher, which, re-
sembling the views of Copernicus, met with but little atten-
tion during that age; and lastly, to Hipparchus, the founder
of scientific astronomy, and the greatest astronomical observer
of antiquity. Hipparchus was the actual originator of astro-
nomical tables amongst the Greeks,* and was also the dis-
coverer of the precession of the equinoxes. On comparing his
own observations of fixed stars (made at Rhodes and not at
Alexandria), with those made by Timochares and Aristyllus
he was led, probably, without the apparition of a new star,
to this great discovery, to which indeed the earlier Egyptians
might have attained by a long continued observation of the
heliacal rising of Sirius.

A peculiar characteristic of the labours of Hipparchus is
the use he made of his observations of celestial phenomena
for the determination of geographical position. Such a con-
nection between the study of the earth and of the celestial
regions, mutually reflected on each other, animated through
its uniting influences the great idea of the Cosmos. In the
new map of the world constructed by Hipparchus, and
founded upon that of Eratosthenes, the geographical degrees
of longitude and latitude were based on lunar observations
and on the measurements of shadows, wherever such an
application of astronomical observations was admissible. While
the hydraulic clock of Ctesibius, an improvement on the earlier
clepsydra, must have yielded more exact measurements of
time, determinations in space must likewise have improved
in accuracy, in consequence of the better modes of measuring
angles, which the Alexandrian astronomers gradually pos-
sessed, from the period of the ancient gnomon and the scaphe
to. the invention of astrolabes, solstitial armils, and linear
dioptrics. It was thus that man, and step by step as it were,

* Ideler, Handbuch der Chronologie, bd. i. s. 212 und 329.

+ Delambre, Histoire de l Astronomie ancienne, t. i. p. 290.

+ Bokh has entered into a discussion, in his Philolaos, s. 118, as te
whether the Pythagoreans were early acquainted, through Egyptian
sources, with the precession, under the name of the motion of the
heayens of the fixed stars. Letronne (Observations sur les Représen-
tations zodiacales qui nous restent de l Antiquité, 1824, p. 62), and
Ideler (in his Handbuch der Chronol., bd. i. s. 192), vindicate the exclu-
sive claim of Hipparchus to this discovery.

2N

54ێ COSMOS.

by the acquisition of new organs, arrived at a more exact
knowledge of the movements of the planetary system. Many
centuries however elapsed before any advance was made
towards a knowledge of the absolute size, form, mass, and
physical character of the heavenly bodies.

Many of the astronomers of the Alexandrian Museum were
not only distinguished as geometricians, but the age of the
Ptolemies was, moreover, a most brilliant epoch in the prose-
cution of mathematical investigations. In the same century
there appeared Euclid, the creator of mathematics asa science,
Apollonius of Perga, and Archimedes who visited Egypt and
was connected through Conon with the school of Alexandria.
The long period of time which leads from the so-called geo-
metrical analysis of Plato, and the three conic sections of
Menzchmes,* to the age of Kepler and Tycho Brahe, Euler
and Clairaut, d’Alembert and Laplace, is marked by a series of
mathematical discoveries, without which the laws of the motion
of the heavenly bodies and their mutual relations in the
regions of space would not have been revealed to mankind.
While the telescope serves as a means of penetrating space,
and of bringing its remotest regions nearer to us, mathe-
matics, by inductive reasoning, have led us onwards to the
remotest regions of heaven, and brought a portion of them
within the range of our possession; nay, in our own times—
So propitious to extension of knowledge—the application of all
the elements yielded by the present condition of astronomy
has even revealed to the intellectual eye a heavenly body, and
assigned to it its place, orbit, and mass, before a single tele-
scope had been directed towards it.t

* Tdeler, on Hudoxus, s. 23.
+ The Planet discovered by Le Verrier.

547

UNIVERSAL DOMINION OF THE ROMANS.—INILUENCE OF
A VAST POLITICAL UNION ON COSMICAL VIEWS.—AD-
VANCE OF GEOGRAPHY BY MEANS OF INLAND TRADE.
—STRABO AND PIOLEMY.—TIHE FIRST ATTEMPTS TO
APPLY MATHEMATICS TO OPTICS AND CHEMISTRY.
PLINY ’S ATTEMPTS TO GIVE A PHYSICAL DESCRIPTION
OF THE UNIVERSE.—THE RISE OF CHRISTIANITY PRO-
DUCTIVE OF, AND FAVOURABLE TO, THE FEELING OF
THE UNITY OF MANKIND.

In tracing the intellectual advance of mankind, and the gra-
dual extension of cosmical views, the period of the universal
dominion of the Romans presents itself to our consideration as
one of the most important epochs in the history of the world.
We now, for the first time, find all the fruitful districts which
surround the basin of the Mediterranean associated together in
one great bond of political union, and even connected with
many vast territories in the East.

The present would seem a fitting place again to remind my
readers* that the general picture I have endeavoured to draw
of the history of the contemplation of the universe acquires,
from this condition of political association, an objective unity
of presentation. Our civilisation, understanding the term as
being synonymous with the intellectual deyelopment of all the
nations included in the European Continent, may be regarded
as based on that of the inhabitants of the shores of the Medi-
terranean, and more directly on that of the Greeks and
Romans. That which we, perhaps too exclusively, term clas-
sical literature, received the appellation from the fact of its
being recognised as the source of a great portion of our early
knowledge, and as the means by which the first impulse was
awakened in the human mind, to enter upon a sphere of ideas
and feelings most intimately connected with the social and
intellectual elevation of the different races of men.t In these
considerations we do not by any means disregard the import-
ance of those elements which have flowed in a variety of dif-
ferent directions—from the valley of the Nile, Phoenicia,

* See pp. 470, 474, 478, and 504,

+ Wilhelm yon Humboldt, Ueber die Kawi-Sprache, bd. i. s. xxxvii.
2N 2

548 COSMOS.

the Euphrates, and the Inaus, into the great stream of Greek
and Roman civilisation; but even for these elements we are
originally indebted to the Greeks and to theRomans, who were
surrounded by Etruscans and other nations of Hellenic
descent. How recent is the date of any direct investigation,
interpretation, and secular classification of the great monu-
ments of more anciently civilised nations! How short: is
the time that has elapsed since hieroglyphics and arrow-
headed characters were first deciphered, and how numerous
are the armies and the caravans which, for thousands of
years, have passed and repassed without ever divining their
import!

The basin of the Mediterranean, more especially in its
varied northern peninsulas, certainly constituted the starting
point of the intellectual and political culture of those nations
who now possess what we may hope is destined to prove an
imperishable and daily increasing treasure of scientifie know-
ledge and of creative artistic powers, and who have spread
civilisation, and, with it servitude at first, but subsequently
freedom, over another hemisphere. Happily, in our hemi-
sphere, under the favour of a propitious destiny, unity and
diversity are gracefully blended together. The elements
taken up have been no less heterogeneous in their nature than
in the affinities and transformations effected under the influ-
‘ence of the sharply contrasting peculiarities and individual
characteristics of the several races of men by whom Europe
-has been peopled. Even beyond the ocean, the reflection of
-these contrasts may still be traced in the colonies and settle-
ments which have’ already become powerful free states, or
which, it is hoped, may still develope for themselves an equal
amount of political freedom.

The Roman dominion in its monarchical form under the
Ceesars, considered according to its area,* was certainly ex-

* The superficial area of the Roman Empire under Augustus, is cal-
culated by Professor Berghaus, the author of the excellent Physical
. Atlas, at rather more than 400,000 geographical square miles (accord-
ing to the boundaries assumed by Heeren, in his Geschichte der
Staaten des Alterthums., s. 408--470), or about one-fourth greater than
the extent of 1,600,000 square miles assigned by Gibbon, in his History
of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. i. chap. i. p. 89, but
which he indeed gives as a very uncertain estimate.

%

INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 549

ceeded in absolute magnitude by the Chinese empire under
the dynasty of Thsin and the Eastern Han (from thirty years
before, to one hundred and sixteen years after our era), by the
Mongolian empire under Ghengis Khan, and by the present
area of the Russian empire in Europe and Asia; but with the
single exception of the Spanish monarchy—as long as ‘it
extended over the new world—there has never been combined
under one sceptre a greater number of countries favoured by
climate, fertility, and position, than those comprised under
the Roman empire from Augustus to Constantine.

This empire, extending from the western extremity of
Europe to the Euphrates, from Britain and part of Caledonia
to Geetulia and the confines of the Lybian desert, manifested
not only the greatest diversities in the form of the ground, in
organic products and physical phenomena, but it also exhi-
bited mankind in all the various gradations from civilisation
to barbarism, and in the possession of ancient knowledge and
long practised arts, no less than in the imperfectly lighted
dawn of intellectual awakening. Distant expeditions were
prosecuted with various success to the north and south, to
the amber-lands, and under #lius Gallus and Balbus, to
Arabia, and to the territory of the Garamantes. Measure-
ments of the whole empire were begun even under Augustus,
by the Greek geometricians, Zenodoxus and Polycletus, whilst
itineraries and special topographies were prepared for the
purpose of being distributed amongst the different governors
of the provinces, as had already been done several hundred
years before in the Chinese empire.* These were the first
statistical labours instituted in Europe. Many of the prefec-
tures were traversed by Roman roads, divided into miles, and
Adrian even visited his extensive dominions from the Iberian
Peninsula to Judea, Egypt, and Mauritania, in an eleven years’
journey, which was not, however, prosecuted without frequent
interruptions. Thus the large portion of the earth’s surface,
which was subject to the dominion of the Romans, was opened
and rendered accessible, realising the idea of the pervius orbis
with more truth than we can attach to the prophecy in the
chorus of the Medea as regards the whole earth.

* Veget., de Re Mil., iii. 6.

+ Act ii. v. 371, in the celebrated prophecy which, from the time of

the son of Columbus, was interpreted to relate to the discovery of
America.

550 COSMOS.

The enjoyment of a long peace might certainly have led us
to expect, that the union under one empire of extensive coun-
tries having the most varied climates, and the facility with
which the officers of state, often accompanied by a numerous
train of learned men, were able to traverse the provinces,
would have been attended, to a remarkable extent, by an
advance not only in geography but in all branches of natural
science, and by the acquisition of a more correct knowledge of
the connection existing among the phenomena of nature: yet
such high expectations were not fulfilled. In this long period
of undivided Roman empire, embracing a term of almost four
centuries, the names of Dioscorides the Cilician, and Galen of

-Pergamus, have alone been transmitted to us as those of
observers of nature. The first of these, who increased so con-
siderably the number of the deseribed species of plants, is far
inferior to the philosophically combining Theophrastes, whilst
the delicacy of his manner of dissecting, and the extent of his
physiological discoveries, place Galen, who extended his
observations to various genera of animals, “ very nearly as
high as Aristotle, and, in some respects, even above him.”
This judgment embodies the views of Cuvier.* .

_ Besides Dioscorides and Galen, our attention is called to a
third and great name—that of Ptolemy. I do not mention
him here as an astronomical systematiser, or as a geographer,
but as an experimental physicist, who measured. refraction,

and who may, therefore, be regarded as the founder of an im-
portant branch of optical science, aithough his incontestible
claim to this title has been but recently admitted.t| However

* Cuvier, Hist. des Sciences naturelles, t. i. pp. 312--328.

+ Liber Ptholemei de opticis sive aspectibus; a rare manuscript
of the Royal Library at Paris (No. 7310), which 1 examined on the occa-
sion of discovering a remarkable passage on the refraction of rays in
Sextus Empiricus (adversus Astrologos, lib. v. p. 351, Fabr.). The
extracts which I made from the Paris manuscript in 1811 (therefore
before Delambre and Venturi), will be found in the introduction to my
Recueil d’ Observations astronomiques, t. i. pp. lxv.-lxx, The Greek
original has not been preserved to us, and we have only a Latin translation
of two Arabic manuscripts of Ptolemy’s Optics. The name of the Latin
translator was Amiracus Eugenius, Siculus. Compare Venturi, Com-
ment. sopra la storia ele teorie dell’ Ottica, Bologna, 1814, p. 227;
rs Hist. de l Astronomie ancienne, 1817, +t. i.p. 61, and t. ii. pp.

432.

INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE, 5451

important were the advances made in the sphere of organic
life, and in the general views of comparative zootomy, our
attention is yet more forcibly arrested by those physical expe-
riments on the passage of a ray of light, which, preceding the
period of the Arabs by an interval of five hundred years, mark
the first step in a newly opened course, and the earliest indica-
tion of a striving towards the establishment of mathematical
physics.

The distinguished men whom we have already named as
shedding a scientific lustre on the age of the imperial rulers
of Rome, were all of Greek origin. The profound arithmeti-
cian and algebraist Diophantus (who was still unacquainted
with the use of symbols), belonged to a later period.* Amid
the different directions presented by intellectual cultivation in
the Roman empire, the palm of superiority remained with the
Hellenic races, as the older and more happily organised
people, but after the gradual downfall of the Egypto-Alexan-
drian school, the dimmed sparks of knowledge and of intellec-
tual investigation were scattered abroad, and it was not until
a later period that they reappeared in Greece and Asia Minor.
As is the case in all unlimited monarchies, embracing a vast
extent of the most heterogeneous elements, the efforts of the
Roman government were mainly directed to avert, by mili-
tary restraint and by means of the internal rivalry existing in
their divided administration, the threatened dismemberment
of the political bond; to conceal, by an alternation of severity
and mildness, the domestic feuds im the house of the Cesars,
and to give to the different dependencies such an amount of
peace, under the sway of noble rulers, as an unchecked and
patiently endured despotism is able periodically to afford.

The attainment of universal sway by the Romans certainly
emanated from the greatness of the national character, and
from the continued maintenance of rigid morals, coupled with
a high sense of patriotism. When once universal empire was
attained, these noble qualities were gradually weakened and
altered under the unavoidable influence of the new relations in-
duced. The characteristic sensitiveness of separate individuals

* Letronne shows, from the occurrence of the fanatical murder of the
daughter of Theon of Alexandria, that the much contested epoch of
Diophantus cannot be placed later than the year 389 (Sur [Origine
grecque des Zodiaques prétendus égyptiens, 1837, p. 26).

552 COSMOS.

became extinguished with the national spirit, and thus vanished
the two main supports of free institutions—publicity and indi-
viduality. The eternal city had become the centre of too
extended a sphere, and the spirit was wanting which ought
to have permanently animated so complicated a state. Chris-
tianity became the religion of the state when the empire was
already profoundly shaken, and the beneficent effects of the
mildness of the new doctrine were frustrated by the dogmatie
dissensions awakened by party spirit. That dreary contest
of knowledge and of faith had already then begun, which
continued through so many centuries, and proved, under
various forms, so detrimental to intellectual investigation.

If the Roman empire, from its extent and the form of con-
stitution necessitated by its relations of size, was wholly
unable to animate and invigorate the intellectual activity of
mankind, as had been done by the small Hellenic republics in
their partially developed independence, it enjoyed, on: the
other hand, peculiar advantages to which we must here allude.
A rich treasure of ideas was accumulated as a consequence of
experience and numerous observations. The objective world
became considerably enlarged, and was thus prepared for that.
meditative consideration of natural phenomena which has
characterised recent times. National intercourse was ani-
mated by the Roman dominion, and the Latin tongue spread
over the whole west, and over a portion of Northern Africa.
In the east Hellenism stil predominated long after the
destruction of the Bactrian empire under Mithridates the I., and
thirteen years before the irruption of the Sacee or Scythians.

With respect to geographical extent, the Latin tongue
gained upon the Greek, even before the seat of empire had
been removed to Byzantium. The reciprocal transfusion of
these two highly organised forms of speech which were so rich:
in literary memorials, became a means for the more complete
amalgamation and union of different races, whilst it was likewise
conducive to an increase of civilisation, and to a greater sus-
ceptibility for intellectual cultivation, tending, as Pliny says,
‘“*to humanise men and to give them one common country.’’*

* This beneficial influence of civilisation, exemplified by the extension
of alanguage in exciting feelings of general good will, isfinely characterised
in Pliny’s praise of Italy: “ omnium terrarum alumna eadem et parens,
numine Detim electa, quee sparsa congregaret imperia, ritusque molliret,

INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 55d

However much the languages of the barbarians, the dumb,
dyhoooot, a8 Pollux terms them, may have been generally
despised, there were some cases in which, according to the
examples of the Lagides, the translation of a literary work
from the Punic was undertaken in Rome by order of the
authorities; thus, for instance, we find that Mago’s treatise on
agriculture was translated at the command of the Roman
Senate.

Whilst the empire of the Romans extended in the Old Con-
tinent as far westward as the northern shores of the Medi-
terranean—reaching to its extremest confines at the holy
promontory—its eastern limit, even under Trajan who navi-
gated the Tigris, did not advance beyond the meridian of the
Persian Gulf. It was in this direction that. the progress of
the international contact produced by inland trade, whose
results were so important with respect to geography, was
most strongly manifested during the period under considera-
tion. After the downfall of the Greeco-Bactrian empire, the
reviving power of the Arsacidee fayoured intercourse with the
Seres, although only by indirect channels, as the Romans
were impeded by the active commercial intervention of the
Parthians from entering into relations of direct intercourse
with the inhabitants of the interior of Asia. Movements,
which emanated from the remotest parts of China, produced
the most rapid, although not long persisting changes in the
political condition of the vast territories which lie between
the voleanic celestial mountains (Thian-schan), and the chain
of the Kuen-Lun in the north of Thibet. A Chinese expedi-
tion subdued the Hiungnu, levied tribute from the small terri-
tory of Khotan and Kaschgar, and carried its victorious arms
as far as the eastern shores of the Caspian. This great expe-
dition, which was made in the time of Vespasian and Domitian,
was headed by the general Pantschab, under the Emperor
Mingti, of the dynasty of Han, and Chinese writers ascribe a
grand plan to the bold and fortunate commander, maintainin
that he designed to attack the Roman empire (Tathsin), but
was deterred by the admonitory counsel of the Persians.*

et tot populorum discordes ferasque linguas sermonis commercio contra-
heret, colloquia, et humanitatem homini daret, breviterque una cuncta-
rum gentium in toto orbe patria fieret.” (Plin., Hist. Nat., iii. 5.)

* Klaproth, Zableaux Historiques de [ Asie, 1826, pp. 65--67.

554 COSMOS.

Thus there arose connections between the shores of the Dead
Sea, the Schensi, and those territories on the Oxus, in which
an animated trade had been prosecuted from an early age
with the nations inhabiting the coasts of the Black Sea.

The direction in which the stream of immigration inclined.
in Asia was from east to west, whilst in the New Continent it
was from north to south. A century and a half before our
era, about the time of the destruction of Corinth and Ca
the first impulse to that “ immigration of nations,” which did
not, however, reach the borders of Europe until five hundred
years afterwards, was given, by the attack of the Hiungnu (a
Turkish race confounded by De Guignes and Johann Miller
with the Finnish Hunns) on the fair-haired and blue-eyed Yueti
(Geta ?), probably of Indo-Germanic descent,* and-on the Usun,
who dwelt near the wall of China. In this manner the stream
of population flowed from the upper river valleys of the
Hoang-ho westward to the Don and the Danube, and the
opposite tendencies of these currents, which at first brought
the different races into antagonist conflict in the northern
parts of the Old Continent, ended in establishing friendly
relations of peace and ecommerce. It is when considered
from this point of view, that great currents of migration,
advancing like oceanic currents between masses which are
themselves unmoved, become objects of cosmical importance.

In the reign of the Emperor Claudius the embassy of
Rachias of Ceylon came to Rome by way of Egypt. Under
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (named An-tun, by the writers
of the history of the dynasty of Han), Roman legates visited
the Chinese court, hayimg come by sea by the route of Tunkin.
We here observe the earliest traces of the extended inter-

* To this fair-haired, blue-eyed Indo-Germanic, Gothic, or Arian
race of Eastern Asia, belong the Usun, Tingling, Hutis, and great Yueti.
The last are called by the Chinese writers a Thibetian nomadic race,
who, three hundred years before our era, migrated to the district between
the upper course of the Huang-ho and the snowy mountains of Nanschan.
There recal this descent, as the Seres (Plin., vi. 22) are also described as
“rutilis comis et exruleis oculis,” (compare Ukert, Geogr. der Griech.
und Rémer, th. iii. abth. 2. 1845,s. 275). Weare indebted for the know-
ledge of these fair-haired races (who, in the most eastern part of Asia,
gave the first impulse to what has been called “ the great migration of
nations”), to the researches of Abel Remusat and Klaproth, which belong
to the most brilliant historical discoveries of our age.

INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 558

course of the Romans with China and India, since it is highly
probable that the knowledge of the Greek sphere and zodiac,
as well as that of the astrological planetary week, was not
generally diffused until the first century of our era, and that
it was then effected by means of this intercourse between the
two countries.* The great Indian mathematicians, Waraha-
mihira, Brahmagupta, and perhaps even Aryabhatta, lived at
a more recent period than that under consideration;+ but the
elements of knowledge, either discovered by Indian nations,
frequently in different and wholly independent directions, or
existing amongst these ancient civilised races from primitive
ages, may have penetrated into the west even before the time
of Diophantus, by means of the extended commercial relations
existing between the Ptolemies and the Caesars. I will not
here attempt to determine what is due to each individual race
and epoch, my object beimg merely to indicate the different
channels by which an interchange of ideas has been effected,

The strongest evidence of the multiplicity of means, and the
extent of the advance that had been made in general inter-
course, is testified by the colossal works of Strabo and Ptole-
my. The gifted geographer of Amasea does not possess the
numerical accuracy of Hipparchus, or the mathematical and
geographical information of Ptolemy; but his work surpasses
all other geographical labours of antiquity by the diversity of
the subjects, and the grandeur of the composition. Strabo,
as he takes pleasure m informing us, had seen with his own
eyes a considerable portion of the Roman empire, “ from
Armenia to the Tyrrhenian coasts, and from the Euxine to the
borders of Ethiopia.” After he had completed the historical
work of Polybius by the addition of forty-three books, he had
the courage, in his eighty-third year,t to begin his work on

* See Letronne, in the Qdservations critiques et archéologiques sur
les représentations zodiacales de l Antiquité, 1824, p. 99, as well as his
pond cng Sur Vorigine grecque des Zodiaques prétendus égyptiens,
of ithe sound enquirer, Colebrooke, places Warahamihira in the fifth,
Brahmagupta at the end of the sixth century, and Aryabhatta rather
indefinitely between the years 200 and 400 of our era. (Compare
Holtzmann, Ueber den griechischen Ursprung des indischen Thier-
kreises, 1841, s. 23.)

~ On the reasons on which we base our assertion of the exceedingly

late commencement of Strabo’s work, see Groskurd’s German transla-
tion, th. i. 1831, s. xvii.

556 COSMOS.

geography. He remarks, “that in nis time the empire of
the Romans and Parthians had attended the sphere of the
known world more even than Alexander’s campaigns, from
which Eratosthenes derived so much aid.” The Indian trade
was no longer in the hands of the Arabs alone, and Strabo, when
in Egypt, remarked with astonishment the increased number
of vessels passing directly from Myos Hormos to India.* In
imagination he penetrated beyond India as far as the eastern
shores of Asia. At this point, m the parallel of the Pillars of
Hercules and the island of Rhodes, where, according to his idea,
a connected mountain chain, a prolongation of the Taurus, tra-
versed the Old Continent in its greatest width, he conjectured.
the existence of another continent between the west of Europe.
and Asia. ‘‘ It is very possible,” he writes,} ‘‘ that in the same

* Strabo, lib. i. p. 14; lib. ii. p. 118; lib. xvi. p. 781; lib. xvii. pp.
789 and 815.

+ Compare the two passages of Strabo, lib. i. p. 65, and lib. ii. p. 118
(Humboldt, Hxamen critique de l Hist. de la Géographie, t. i. pp. 152-
154). In the important new edition of Strabo, published by Gustay
Kramer, 1844, th. i. p. 100, “the parallel of Athens is read for the
parallel of Thine, as if Thine had first been named in the Pseudo-
Arrian, in the Periplus Maris Rubri.” Dodwell places the Peri-
plus under Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, whilst according
to Letronne, it was written under Septimius Severus and Caracalla.
Although five passages in Strabo, according to all our manuscripts, have
Thine, yet lib. ii. pp. 79, 86, 87, and above all 82, in which Eratosthenes
himself is named, prove decidedly that the reading should be the
“parallel of Athens and Rhodes.” These two places were confounded,
as old geographers made the peninsula of Attica extend too far towards
the south. It would also appear surprising, supposing the usual reading
Ody Kirdoc to be the more correct, that a particular parallel, the Dia-
phragm of Diceearchus, should be called after a place so little known as
that of the Sines (T'sin). However, Cosmas Indicopleustes also connects
his Tzinitza (Thine) with the chain of mountains which divides Persia and
the Romanic districts no less than the whole habitable world into two
parts, subjoining the remarkable observation, that this division is, accord-
ing to the “ belief of the Indian philosophers and Brahmins.” Compare
Cosmas, in Montfaucon, Collect. nova Patrum., t. ii. p. 137; and my
Asie centrale, t. i. pp. xxiii. 120-129, and 194-208, t. ii. p. 413. Cosmas
and the Pseudo-Arrian, Agathemeros, according to the learned investiga-
tions of Professor Franz, decidedly ascribe to the metropolis of the Sines,
a high northern latitude (nearly in the parallel of Rhodes and Athens) ;
whilst Ptolemy, misled by the accounts of mariners, has no knowledge
except of a Things three degrees south of the equator (Geogr., i. 17). I
conjecture that Thinee merely meant generally, a Chinese emporium, a

INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 557

temperate zone, near the parallel of Thine or Athens, which

sses through the Atlantic Ocean, besides the world we
inhabit, there may be one or more other worlds peopled by
‘beings different from ourselves.” It is astonishing that this

‘expression did not attract the attention of Spanish writers,
‘who, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, believed that
they everywhere, in classical authors, found the traces of a
‘knowledge of the new world.

** Since,” as Strabo well observes, “in all works of art which
are designed to represent something great, the object aimed at is
not the completeness of the individual parts,” his chief desire, in
his gigantic work, is pre-eminently to direct attention to the form
ofthe whole. This tendency towards a generalisation of ideas
did not. prevent him, at the same time, from prosecuting re-
searches which led to the establishment of a large number of
admirable physical results, referring more especially to geog-
nosy.* He entered, like Posidonius and Polybius, into the con-
sideration of the influence of the longer or shorter interval that
occurred between each passage of the sun across the zenith; of
the maximum of atmospheric heat under the tropics and the
equator; of the various causes which give rise to the changes
experienced by the earth’s surface; of the breaking forth of
originally closed seas; of the general level of the sea, which was
already recognised by Archimedes; of oceanic currents; of
‘the eruption of submarine volcanoes; of the petrifactions of
shells and the impressions of fishes; and lastly, of the periodic

harbour in the land of Tsin; and that therefore one Thinze (Tzinitza) may
have been designated north of the equator, and another south of the
equator.

* Strabo, lib. i. pp. 49-60, lib. ii. pp. 95 and 97, lib. vi. p. 277, lib. xvii.
p. 830. On the elevation of islands and of continents, see particu-
larly lib. i. pp. 51, 54, and 59. The old Eleat Xenophanes was led to
conclude, from the numerous fossil marine productions found at a dis-
tance from the sea, that “the present dry ground had been raised from
the bottom of the sea,” (Origen, Philosophumena, cap. 4). Apuleius
collected fossils at the time of the Antonines from the Geetulian (Mauri-
tanian) mountains, and attributed them to the Deucalion flood, to which
“he ascribed the same character of universality, as the Hebrews to the
Deluge of Noah, and the Mexican Azteks to that of the Coxcox. Pro-
fessor Franz, by means of very. careful investigation, has refuted the

lief entertained by Beckmann and Cuvier, that Apuleius possessed a
collection of specimens of natural history. (See Beckmann’s History of
Inventions, Bohn’s Standard Library (1846), vol. i. p. 285; and Hist.
des Sciences nat., t. i. p. 350.)

558 COSMOS.

oscillations of the earth’s crust, a subject that most especially
attracts our attention, since it constitutes the germ of modern
geognosy. Strabo expressly remarks, that the altered limits of
the sea and land are to be ascribed less to small inundations
than to the upheaval and depression of the bottom, for
“not only separate masses of rock and islands of different
dimensions, but entire continents, may be upheaved.” Strabo,
like Herodotus, was an attentive observer of the descent of
nations, and of the diversities of the different races of men,
whom he singularly enough calls “land and air animals, which
require much light.’”** We find the ethnological distinction
of races most sharply defined in the Commentaries of Julius
Cesar, and in the noble eulogy on Agricola by Tacitus.

Unfortunately Strabo’s great work, which wasso rich in faets,
and whose cosmical views we have already alluded to, remained
almost wholly unknown in Roman antiquity until the fifth
century, and was not even then made use of by that universal
collector, Pliny. It was not until the close of the middle
ages that Strabo exercised any essential influence on the
direction of ideas, and even then in a less marked degree than
that of the more mathematical and more tabularly concise geo-
graphy of Claudius Ptolemeus, which was almost wholly
wanting in views of a truly physical character. This latter
work served as a guide to travellers as late as the sixteenth
century, whilst every new discovery of places was always sup-
posed to be recognised in it under some other appellation.

In the same manner as natural historians long continued to
include all recently discovered plants and animals under the
classifying definitions of Linneus, the earliest maps of the
New Continent appeared in the atlas of Ptolemy, which Agatho-
deemon prepared at the same time that, in the remotest part of
Asia among the highly civilised Chinese, the western provinces
of the empire were already marked in forty-four divisions.}
The universal geography of Ptolemy has indeed the advantage
of presenting us with a picture of the whole world represented
graphically in outlines, and numerically in determinations
of places, according to their parallels of longitude and lati-
tude, and to the length of the day; but, notwithstanding the
constant reference to the advantages of astronomical results

* Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 810.

+ Carl Ritter, Asien, th. v. s. 560.

INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 559

over mere itinerary measurements by land and sea, it
is, unfortunately, impossible to ascertain, amongst these un-
certain positions (upwards of 2500 of which are given), the
nature of the data on which they are based, and the relative
probability which may be ascribed to them, from the itinera-
ries then in existence.

The entire ignorance of the polarity of the magnetic needle,
and consequently of the use of the compass (which, twelve cen-
turies and a half before the time of Ptolemy, under the Chinese
Emperor Tsingwang, had been used, together with a way mea-
surer, in the construction of the magnetic cars), caused the
most perfect of the itineraries of the Greeks and Romans to be
extremely uncertain, owing to the deficiency of means for
learning with certainty the direction or the line which formed
the angle with the meridian.*

In proportion as a better knowledge has been acquired, in
modern times, of the Indian and ancient Persian (or Zend)
languages, we are more and more astonished to find that a
great portion of the geographical nomenclature of Ptolemy
may be regarded as an historical monument of the commercial
relations existing between the west and the remotest regions
of Southern and Central Asia.; We may reckon the know-

* See a collection of the most striking instances of Greek and Roman
errors, regarding the directions of different mountain chains, in the
introduction to my Asie centrale, t. i. pp. xxxvii—xl. Most satisfac-
tory investigations, respecting the uncertainty of the numerical bases of
Ptolemy’s positions, are to be found in a treatise of Ukert, in the
Rheinische Museum fiir Philologie, Jahrg., vi. 1838, s. 314-324.

‘+ For examples of Zend and Sanscrit words, which have been pre-
served to usin Ptolemy’s Geography, see Lassen, Diss. de Taprobane
insula, pp. 6, 9, and 17; Burnouf’s Comment. sur le Yagna, t. i. pp. xciii.
—cexx. and clxxxi.—clxxxy.; and my Hxamen crit. de l' Hist. de la
Géogr., t. i. pp. 45-49. In a few cases Piolemy gives both the Sanserit
names and their significations, as for the island of Java “ barley island,”
‘TaBaciov, 6 onparver xpidqc vijooc, Piol. vii. 2 (Wilhelm von Hum-
boldt, Ueber die Kawi-Sprache, bd. i. s. 60-63). According to Busch-
mann, the two-stalked barley, Hordeum distichon, is still termed in the
principal Indian languages (as in Hindustanee, Bengalee, and Nepaulese,
and in the Mahratta, Guzerat, and Cingalese languages), as well as in
Persian and Malay, yava, dschav, or dschau, and in the language of
Orissa, yaa. (Compare the Indian translation of the Bible, in the pas-
sage Joh. vi. 9 and 13; and Ainslie, Materia Medica of Hindoostan,
Madras, 1813, p. 217.) |

560 COSMOS.

ledge of the complete insulation of the Caspian Sea as one of
the most important results of these relations, but it was not
until after a period of five hundred years that the accuracy of
the fact was re-established by Ptolemy. Herodotus and Aris-
totle entertained correct views regarding this subject, and the
latter fortunately wrote his AMJeteorologica before the Asiatic
campaigns of Alexander. The Olbiopolites, from whose lips
the father of history derived his information, were well ac-
quainted with the northern shores of the Caspian Sea, be-
tween Cuma, the Volga (Rha), and the Jaik (Ural), but
there were no indications that could lead to the supposition
of its connection with the Icy Sea. Very different causes
led to the deception of Alexander’s army, when passing
through Hecatompylos (Damaghan), to the humid forests
of Mazanderan, at Zadrakarta, a little to the west of the
present Asterabad, they saw the Caspian Sea stretching
northward in an apparently boundless expanse of waters.
This sight first gave rise, as Plutarch remarks in his Life of
Alexander, to the conjecture that the sea they beheld was a
bay of the Euxine.* The Macedonian expedition, although
on the whole extremely favourable to the advance of geogra-
phical knowledge, nevertheless gave rise to some errors which
long held their ground. The Tanais was confounded with the
Jaxartes (the Araxes of Herodotus), and the Caucasus with
the Paropanisus (the Hindoo Coosh). Ptolemy was enabled,
during his residence in Alexandria, as well as from the expedi-
tions of the Aorsi, whose camels brought Indian and Babylonian
goods to the Don and the Black Sea,} to obtain accurate
knowledge of the countries which immediately surrounded the
Caspian (as, for instance, Albania, Atropatene, and Hyrea-
nia). If Ptolemy, in contradiction to the more correct know-
ledge of Herodotus, believed that the greater diameter of the
Caspian Sea inclined from west to east, he might, perhaps,
have been misled by a vague knowledge of the former great
extension of the Scythian gulf (Karabogas), and the existence
of Lake Aral, the earliest definite notice of which we find in
the work of a Byzantine author, Menander, who wrote a con-
tinuation of Agathias.t
* See my Hxamen crit. del Hist. de la Géographie, t. ii. pp. 147--188.

+ Strabo, lib. xi .p. 506.
> Menander, de Legationibus Barbarorum ad Romanos, et Roma-

INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 561

It is to be regretted that Ptolemy, who had arrived at so
correct a knowledge of the complete insulation of the Caspian
(after it had long been considered to be open, in accordance
with the hypothesis of four gulfs, and even according to sup-
posed reflections of similar forms on the moon’s disc),* should
not have relinquished the myth of the unknown southland con-
necting Cape Prasum with Cattigara and Thine (Stnarum
metropolis), joining, therefore, Eastern Africa with the land
of Tsin (China). This myth which supposes the Indian Ocean
to be an inland sea, was based upon views which may be
traced from Marinus of Tyre to Hipparchus, Seleucus the
Babylonian, and even to Aristotle.| .We must limit ourselves
in these cosmical descriptions of the progress made in the con-
templation of the universe, to a few examples illustrative of
the fluctuations of knowledge, by which imperfectly recognised
facts were so often rendered still more obscure. The more the
extension of navigation and of inland trade led to a hope that
the whole of the earth’s surface might become known, the
more earnestly did the ever-wakeful imagination of the Greeks,
especially in the Alexandrian age under the Ptolemies, and
under the Roman empire, strive by ingenious combinations to
fuse ancient conjectures with newly acquired knowledge, and
thus speedily to complete the scarcely sketched map of the earth.
We have already briefly noticed that Claudius Ptolemeeus, by
his optical enquiries which have been in part preserved to us by
the Arabians, became the founder of one branch of mathematical

-physies, which, according to Theon of Alexandria, had already
been noticed, with reference to the refraction of rays of light,

norum ad gentes, e rec. Bekkeri et Niebuhr., 1829, pp. 300, 619, 623,
and 628.

* Plutarch, de Facie in orbe lune, pp. 921,19 (compare my Hxamen
crit., t. i. pp. 145--191).. I have myself met, among highly-informed Per-
sians, with a repetition of the hypothesis of Agesianax, according to
which, the marks on the moon’s disc, in which Plutarch (p. 935, 4)
thought he saw “a peculiar kind of shining mountains” (volcanoes %),
were merely the reflected images of terrestrial lands, seas, and isthmuses.
These Persians would say, for instance, “ What we see through tele-
scopes on the surface of the moon are the reflected images of our own
country.” .

+ Ptolem., lib. iv. cap. 9; lib. vil. cap. 3. and 5. Compare Letronne,
in the Journal de Savans, 1831, pp. 476--480, and 545--555; Hum-
boldt, Zxamen crit., t. i. pp. 144, Ae and 329; t. ii. pp. 370-378,

6 :

562 . COSMGS.

in the Catoptrica of Archimedes.* We may esteem it as an
important advance when physical phenomena, instead of being
simply observed and compared together (of which we have memo-
rable examples in Greek antiquity, in the comprehensive pseudo-
Aristotelian problems, and in Roman antiquity in the works of
Seneca), are intentionally evoked under altered conditions, and
are then measured.t ‘This latter mode of proceeding charac-
terises the investigations of Ptolemy on the refraction of rays
in their passage through media of unequal density. Polemy
caused the rays to pass from air into water and glass, and
from water into glass, under different angles of incidence, and
he finally arranged the results of these physical experiments
in tables. This measurement of a physical phenomenon
called forth at will, of a process of nature not dependent upon
a, movement of the waves of tight, (Aristotle, assuming a move-
ment of the medium between the eye and the object,) stands
wholly isolated in the period which we are now considering. }
This age presents, with respect to investigation into the ele-
ments of nature, only a few chemical experiments by Diosco-
rides, and, as I have already elsewhere noticed, the technical
art of collecting fluids by the process of distillation.§ Chemis-
try cannot be said to have begun until man learnt to obtain
mineral acids, and to employ them for the solution and libera-
tion of substances, and it is on this ‘account that the distillation
of sea water, described by Alexander of Aphrodisias under
Caracalla, is‘so worthy of notice. It designates the path by
which man gradually arrived at a knowledge of the heteroge-

* Delambre, Hist. de U Astronomie ancienne, t. i. p. liv.; t. ii. p. 551.
Theon never makes any mention of Ptolemy’s Optics, although he lived
fully two centuries after him.

+ It is often difficult in reading ancient works on physics, to decide
whether ‘a particular result has sprung from a phenomenon purposely
called forth, or accidentally observed. Where Aristotle (De'Celo, iv. 4)
treats of the weight of the atmosphere, which, however, Ideler appears
to deny (Meteorologia veterum Greecorum et Romanorum, p. 23), he

-says distinctly, “an inflated bladder is heavier than an empty one.” ‘The
experiment must have been made with condensed air, if actually tried.

t — de Anima., ii. 7; Biese, Die Philosophie des Aristot., bd.
ii. s. 147,

' § Joannis (Philoponi) Grammatici, in libr. de Generat., and Alexan-
“dri Aphrodis., in Meteorol. Comment. (V enet. 1527), p. 97, b. Compare
my Lxamen critique, t. li. pp. 306-312.

INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 563

neous nature of substances, their chemical composition, and
their mutual affinities.

The only names which we can bring forward in connection
with the study of organic nature, are the anatomist Marinus,
Rufus of Ephesus who dissected apes and. distinguished
‘between nerves of sensation and of motion, and Galen of
Pergamus, who eclipsed all others. The natural history of
animals by AZlian of Praeneste, and the poem on fishes by
Oppianus of Cilicia, contain scattered notices, but no facts based
on personal examination. It is impossible to comprehend how
the enormous multitudes of elephants, rhimoceroses, hippopo-
tamuses, elks, lions, tigers, panthers, crocodiles, and ostriches,
which for upwards ef four centuries were slain in the Roman
circus, should have failed to advance the knowledge of com-
parative anatomy.* I have already noticed the merit of
Dioscorides in regard to the collection and study of plants,
and it only remains therefore to observe that his works exer-
cised the greatest influence on the botany and pharmaceutical
chemistry of the Arabs. The botanical garden of the Roman
physician Antonius Castor, who lived to be upwards of a hun-
dred years of age, was perhaps laid out in imitation of the
botanical gardens of Theophrastes and Mithridates, but it did
not in all probability lead to any further advancement in
science than did the collection of fossil bones formed by the
Emperor Augustus, or the museum of objects and products of
nature which has been ascribed on very slight foundation to
-Apuleius of Madaura.t

The representation of the contributions made by the epoch of
the Roman dominion to cosmical knowledge, would be incom-
plete, were I to omit mentioning the great attempt made by
Caius Plinius Secundus to comprise a description of the uni-
verse in a work consisting of thirty-seven books. In the

* The Numidian Metellus caused 142 elephants to be killed im the
circus. In the games which Pompey gave, 600 lions and 406 panthers
were assembled. Angustus sacrificed 3500 wild beasts in the national
festivities, and a tender husband laments that he could not celebrate the
day of his wife’s death by a sanguinary gladiatorial fight at Verona,
“because contrary winds had detained in port the panthers which had
‘heen bought in Africa!” (Plin., Zpist., vi. 34.)

+ See p. 557. Yet Apuleius, as Cuvier remarks (Hist. des Sciences
naturelies, t. i. p. 287), was the first to describe accurately the bony
‘hook in the second and third stomach of the Aplysize.

202

564 COSMOS.

whole of antiquity nothing similar had been attempted, and,
although the work grew, from the nature of the undertaking,
into a species of encyclopedia of nature and art (the author
himself, in his dedication to Titus, not scrupling to apply to
his work the then more noble Greek expression éyxuxdoradeia,
or conception and popular sphere of universal knowledge), yet
it must be admitted that, notwithstanding the deficiency of an
internal connection amongst the different parts of which the
whole is composed, it presents the plan of a physical deserip-
tion of the universe.

The Historia Naturals of Pliny, entitled in the tabular
view which forms what is known as the first book, Historia

Mundt, and in a letter of his nephew to his friend Macer still
_ more aptly, Nature Historia, embraces both the heavens and
the earth, the position and course of the heavenly bodies, the
meteorological processes of the atmosphere, the form of the
earth’s surface, and all terrestrial objects, from the vegetable
mantle with which the land is covered, and the mollusca of the
ocean, up to mankind. Man is considered, according to the
variety of his mental dispositions and his exaltation of these
spiritual gifts, in the development of the noblest creations of art.
I have here enumerated the elements of a general knowledge of
nature which lie scattered irregularly throughout different
parts of the work. ‘The path on which I am about to
enter,” says Pliny, with a noble self-confidence, “ is untrodden
(non trita auctoribus via), no one amongst my own country-
men, or amongst the Greeks, has as yet attempted to treat of
the whole of nature under its character of universality (memo
apud Grecos qui unus omnia tractaverit). If my undertakin
should not succeed, it is, at any rate, both beautiful and noble
(pulchrum atque magnificum) to have made the attempt.”

A grand and single image floated before the mind of the
intellectual author, but suffering his attention to be distracted
by specialities, and wanting the living contemplation of nature,
he was unable to hold fast this image. The execution was
incomplete, not merely from a superficiality of views, and a
want of knowledge of the objects to be treated of (here we, of
course, can only judge of the portions that have come down to
us), but also from an erroneous mode of arrangement. We
discover in the author the busy and occupied man of rank,
who prided himself on his wakefulness and nocturnal labours,

INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 565

but who, undoubtedly, too often confided the loose web of an
endless compilation to his ill-informed dependents, whilst he
was himself engaged in superintending the management of
public affairs, when holding the place of Governor of Spain,
or of a superintendent of the fleet in Lower Italy. This taste
for compilation, for the laborious collection of the sepa-
rate observations and facts yielded by science as it then
existed, is by no means deserving of censure, but the want of
success that has attended Pliny’s undertaking is to be ascribed
to his incapacity of mastering the materials accumulated, of
bringing the descriptions of nature under the control of higher
and more general views, or of keeping in sight the point of
view presented by a comparative study of nature. . The germs
of such nobler, not merely orographic but truly ,geognostic
views, were to be met with in Eratosthenes and Strabo, but
Pliny never made use of the works of the latter, and only on
one occasion of those of the former; nor did Aristotle’s his-
tory of animals teach him their division into large classes
based upon internal organisation, or lead him to adopt the
method of induction, which is the only safe means of generalis-
ing results.

Beginning with pantheistic considerations, Pliny descends
from the celestial regions to terrestrial objects. He recognises
the necessity of representing the forces and the glory of
nature (nature vis atque maestas) as a great and comprehen-
sive whole (I would here refer to the motto on the title of my
work), and at the beginning of the Third Book he distin-
guishes between general and special geography; but this
distinction is again soon neglected when he becomes absorbed.
in the dry nomenclature of countries, mountains, and rivers.
The greater portions of Books VIII.-XXVII., XXXIII.
and XXXIV., XXXVI. and XXXVIL., consist of categorical
enumerations of the three kingdoms of nature. Pliny the
Younger, in one of his letters, justly characterises the work of
his uncle as “ learned and full of matter, no less various than
nature herself (opus diffusum, eruditum, nec minus varium
guam wsa natura). Many things which have been made
subjects of reproach against Pliny as needless and irrelevant
admixtures, rather appear to me deserving of praise. It has
always afforded me especial gratification to observe that he
refers so frequently, and with such evident partiality to the

566 COSMOS.

influence exercised by nature on the civilisation and mental’
development of mankind. It must, however, be admitted that:
his points of connection are seldom felicitously chosen (as, for
instance, in VII. 24-47; XXV. 2; XXVI.1; KXXV. 2;
XXXVI. 2-4; XXXVII. 1). Thus the consideration of the
nature of mineral and vegetable substances leads to the intro-
duction of a fragment of the history of the plastic arts, but
this brief notice has become more important in the present
state of our knowledge than all that we can gather regarding
descriptive natural history from the rest of the work.

The style of Pliny evinces more spirit and animation than.
true dignity, and it is seldom that his descriptions possess any
degree of pictorial distinctness. We feel that the author has
drawn. his impressions from books and not from nature, how-:
ever freely it may have been presented to him in the different
regions of the earth which he visited. A grave and sombre
tone of colour pervades the whole composition, and this sen-.
timental feeling is tinged with a touch of bitterness whenever
he enters upon the consideration of the conditions of man and
his destiny. On these occasions, almost as in the writings of
Cicero, although with less simplicity of diction,* the aspect.
of the gtand unity of nature is adduced as productive of
encouragement and consolation to man.

The conclusion of the Historia Naturalis of Pliny—the great-
est Roman memorial transmitted to the literature of the middle
ages—is composed in a true spirit of cosmical description. It
contains, in the condition in which we have possessed it since
1831,} a brief consideration of the comparative natural history
of countries in different zones, an eulogium of Southern
Europe between the Mediterranean and the chain of the Alps,
and a description in praise of the Hesperian sky, “where the
temperate and gentle mildness of the climate had,” according
to a dogma of the older Pythagoreans, “early hastened the
liberation of mankind from barbarism.” |

* “Est enim animorum ingeniorumque naturale quoddam quasi
pabulum consideratio contemplatioque nature. Erigimur, elatiores
fieri videmur, humana despicimus, cogitantesque supera atque ccelestia
hee nostra, ut exigua et minima, contemnimus.” (Cic., Acad., ii. 41.) |

+ Plin., xxxvii. 13 (ed. Sillig., t. v. 1836, p. 320). All earlier edi-
tions closed with the words “ Hispaniam quacunque ambitur mari.”
The conclusion of the work was discovered in 1831, in a Bamberg
Codex, by Herr Ludwig v. Jan, Professor at Schweinfurt. |

INFLUENCE OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE. 567

The influence of the Roman dominion as a constant element
of union and fusion required the more urgently and forcibly
to be brought forward in a history of the contemplation of the
universe, since we are able to recognise the traces of this
influence in its remotest consequences even at a period when
the bond of political union had become less compact, and was
even partially destroyed by the inrvads of barbarians. Clau~
dian, who stands forth in the decline of literature during the
latter and more disturbed age of Theodosius the Great and
his sons, distinguished for the endowment of a revived poetic:
productiveness, still sings, in too highly laudatory strains,
of the dominion of the Romans.*

FTec est, in gremium victos que sola receptt,
Humanumque genus communi nomine fovit,

Matris, non domine, ritu; civesque vocavit

Quos domuit, nexuque pio longinqua revinait.

Hujus pacificis debemus moribus omnes

Quod veluti patrits regionibus utitur hospes. . . «

External means of constraint, artificially arranged civil
institutions, and long continued servitude, might certainly
tend to unite nations by destroying the individual existence
of each one, but the feeling of the unity and common condition
of the whole human race, and of the equal rights of all men, has
a nobler origin, and is based on the internal promptings of
the spirit and on the force of religious convictions. Christianity
has materially contributed to call forth this idea of the unity
of the human race and has thus tended to exercise a
favourable influence on the humanisation of nations in their
morals, manners, and institutions. Although closely inter-
woven with the earliest doctrines of Christianity, this idea of
humanity met with only a slow and tardy recognition, for at
the time when the new faith was raised at Byzantium, from
political motives, to be the established religion of the state, its
adherents were already deeply involved in miserable party
dissensions, whilst intercourse with distant nations was
impeded, and the foundations of the empire were shaken in
many directions by external assaults. Even the personal
freedom of entire races of men long found no protection in
Christian states, from ecclesiastical landowners and corporate
bodies. ,

* Caudian in Secundum consulatum Stillichonis, v. 150--155,

568 COSMOS.

Such unnatural impediments, and many others which stand
in the way of the intellectual advance of mankind and the
ennoblement of social institutions, will all gradually disappear.
The principle of individual and political freedom is implanted
in. the ineradicable conviction of the equal rights of one sole
human race. Thus, as I have already remarked,* mankind
presents itself to our contemplation as one great fraternity,
and as one independent. unity, striving for the attainment of
one aim—the free development of moral yigour. This consi-
deration of humanity, or rather of the tendency towards it,
which sometimes checked, and sometimes advancing with a
rapid and powerful progressive movement,—and by no means
a discovery of recent times,—belongs, by the generalising influ-
ence of its direction, most specially to that which elevates and
animates cosmical life. In delineating the great epoch of
the history of the universe, which includes the: dominion of
the Romans and the laws which they promulgated, together
with the beginning of Christianity, it would have been impos-
sible not to direct special attention to the manner in which
the religion of Christ enlarged these views of mankind, and to
the mild and long-enduring, although slowly operating, influ-
ence which it exercised on general, intellectual, moral, and
social development.

* See p. 368, and compare also Wilhelm yon Humboldt, Ueber die
Kawi-Sprache, bd. i. 8, xxxviii.

569 \

INVASION OF THE ARABS.—INTELLECTUAL APTITUDE OF
THIS BRANCH OF THE SEMITIC RACES.-——-INFLUENCE
OF FOREIGN ELEMENTS ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF
EUROPEAN CULTURE.—THE INDIVIDUALITY OF THE
NATIONAL CHARACTER OF THE ARABS.—-TENDENCY TO
A COMMUNION WITH NATURE AND PHYSICAL FORCES.
—MEDICINE AND CHEMISTRY.—EXTENSION OF PHY-
SICAL GEOGRAPHY.—ASTRONOMY AND MATHEMATICAL
SCIENCES IN THE INTERIOR OF CONTINENTS.

In the preceding sketch of the history of the physical contem-
plation of the universe we have already considered four
principal momenta in the gradual development of the recog-
nition of the unity of nature, viz. :—

1.:The attempts made to penetrate from the basin of the
Mediterranean, eastward, to the Euxine and Phasis; south-
ward, to Ophir and the tropical gold-lands; and westward,
through the Pillars of Hercules, into the “all encircling
ocean.’’

2. The Macedonian campaign, under Alexander the Great.

3. The age of the Ptolemies.

4. The universal dominion of the Romans.

We now, therefore, proceed to consider the important
influence exercised on the general advancement of the
physical and mathematical sciences, first, by the admixture
of the foreign elements of Arabian culture with European
civilisation, and, six or seven centuries later, by the mari-
time discoveries of the Portuguese and Spaniards; and like-
wise their influence on the knowledge of the earth and the
regions of space, with respect to form and measurement, and
to the heterogeneous nature of matter, and the forces inherent
init. The discovery and exploration of the New Continent,
through the range of its volcanic Cordilleras and its elevated
plateaux, wh@re climates are ranged in strata, as it were, above
one another, and the development of vegetation within 120
degrees of latitude, undoubtedly indicates the period which

has presented, in the shortest period of time, the greatest
abundance of new physical observations to the human mind.

From this period the extension of Cosmical knowledge

570 cosMos

ceased to be associated with separate and locally defined poli-
tical occurrences. Great inventions now first emanated from
spontaneous intellectual power; and were no longer solely
excited by the influence of separate, external causes. ‘Lhe
human mind, acting simultaneously in several directions,
created, by new combinations of thought, new organs, by which
the human eye could alike scrutinise the remote regions of
space and the delicate tissues of animal and vegetable structures
which serve as the very substratum of life. Thus the whole of
the seventeenth century, whose commencement was brilliantly
signalised by the great discovery of the telescope, together
with the immediate results by which it was attended—from
Galileo’s observation of Jupiter's Satellites, of the crescentic
form of the disc of Venus, and the spots on the sun, to the
theory of gravitation discovered by Newton—vranks as the
most important epoch of a newly-created physical astronomy.
This period constitutes, therefore, from the unity of the
efforts made towards the observation of the heavenly bodies,
and in mathematical investigations, a sharply-defined section
in the great process of intellectual development, which, since
then, has been characterised by an uninterrupted progress.

In more recent times, the difficulty of signalising separate mo-
menta increases in proportion as human activity becomes more
variously directed, and as the new order of social and political
relations binds all the various branches of science in one
closer bond of union. In some few sciences, whose develop-
ment has been considered in the history of the physical con-
templation of the universe, as, for instance, in chemistry and
descriptive botany, individual periods may be instanced, even
in the most recent time, in which great advancement has been
rapidly made, or new views suddenly opened, but, in the his-
tory of the contemplation of the universe, which, from its
very nature, must be limited to the consideration of those
facts regarding separate branches of science, which most
directly relate to the extension of the idea of the os con-
sidered as one natural whole, the connection of definite
epochs becomes impracticable, since that which we have
named the process of intellectual development pre-supposes
an uninterrupted simultaneous advance in all spheres of Cos-
mical knowledge. At this important point of separation
between the downfall of the universal dominion of the Romans

THE ARABS. 571

and the introduction of a new and foreign element: of civilisa-
tion, by means of the first direct contact of our continent
with the land of the tropics, it appears desirable that we
should throw a general glance over the path on which we are
about to enter.

The Arabs, a people of Semitic origin, partially dispelled
the barbarism which had skrouded Europe for upwards of
two hundred ‘years after the storms by which it had been
shaken, from the aggressions of hostile nations. The Arabs
lead us back to the imperishable sources of Greek philoso-
phy; and besides the influence thus exercised on scientific
cultivation, they have also extended and opened new paths in
the domain of natural investigation. In our continent these
disturbing storms began under Valentinian I., when the Huns
(of Finnish, not Mongolian origin) penetrated beyond the Don
in the closing part of the fourth century, and subdued, first
the Alani, and subsequently, with their aid, the Ostrogoths. In
the remote parts of Eastern Asia, the stream of migratory
nations had already been moved in its onward course for
several centuries before our era. The first impulse was
given, as we have already remarked, by the attack of the
Hiungnu, a Turkish race, on the fair-haired and blue-eyed
Usuni, probably of Indo-Germanic origin, who bordered on
the Yueti (Geti), and dwelt in the upper river valley of the
Hoangho, in the north-west of Chima. ‘The devastating
stream of migration directed from the great wall of China,
which was erected as a protection against the inroads of the
Hiungnu (214 Bs. c.), flowed on through Central Asia, north
of the chain of the Celestial mountains. These Asiatic hordes
were uninfiuenced by any religious zeal before they entered
Europe, and some writers have even attempted to show that
the Moguls were not as yet Buddhists when they advanced
victoriously to Poland and Silesia.* Wholly different rela-

* Tf, as has often been asserted, Charles Martel, by his victory at
Tours, protected Central Europe against the Mussulman invasion, it
cannot be maintained, with equal justice, that the retreat of the Moguls
after the battle of Liegnitz prevented Buddhism from penetrating to the
shores of the Elbe and the Rhine. The Mongolian battle, which was
fought in the plain of Wahlstatt, near Liegnitz, and in which Duke
Henry the Pious fell fighting bravely, took place on the 9th of April,1241,
four years after Kaptschak (Kamtschatka), and Russia became subject to

572 COSMOS.

tions imparted a peculiar character to the warlike aggressions
of a more southern race—the Arabs.

Remarkable for its form, and distinguished as a detached
branch of the slightly articulated continent of Asia, is situated
the peninsula of Arabia, between the Red Sea and the Persian
Gulf, the Euphrates and the Syro-Mediterranean Sea.* It is
the most western of the three peninsulas of Southern Asia, and
its vicinity to Egypt, and to a European sea-basin, gives it
signal advantages in a political no less than a commercial
point of view. In the central parts of the Arabian Peninsula
lived the tribe of the Hedschaz, a noble and valiant race, un-
learned, but not wholly rude, imaginative, and, at the same
time, devoted to the careful observation of all the processes of
free nature, manifested in the ever-serene vault of heaven,
and on the surface of the earth. This people, after having
continued for thousands of years almost without contact with
the rest of the world, and advancing chiefly in Nomadic
hordes, suddenly burst forth from their former mode of life,
and acquiring cultivation from the mental contact of the
inhabitants of more ancient seats of civilisation, converted
and subjected to their dominion the nations dwelling between
the Pillars of Hercules and the Indus, to the point where the
Bolor chain intersects the Hindoo Coosh. They maintained
relations of commerce, as early as the middle of the ninth
century, simultaneously with the northern countries of
Europe, with Madagascar, Eastern Africa, India, and China;
diffused languages, money, and Indian numerals, and founded
a powerful and long-enduring communion of lands united
together by one common religion. In these migratory
advances great provinces were often only temporarily occu-
pied. The swarming hordes, threatened by the natives, only
rested for awhile, according to the poetical diction of their

the Asiatic horde, under Batu, the grandson of Ghengis Khan. But
the earliest introduction of Buddhism among the Mongolians took
place in the year 1247, when, in the east at Leang-tscheu, in the
Chinese province of Schensi, the sick Mongolian Prince Godan caused
the Sakya Pandita, a Thibetian archbishop, to be sent for, in order to
cure and convert him. (Klaproth in a manuscript fragment. “ Ueber
die Verbreitung des Buddhismus im éstlichen und nérdlichen Asien.”)
The Mongolians have never occupied themselves with the conversion of
conquered nations.
* See p. 295.

THE ARABS. 573

own historians, “ like groups of clouds which the winds ere
long will scatter abroad.” No other migratory movement
has presented a more striking and instructive character; and
it would appear, as if the depressive influence, manifested in
circumscribing mental vigour, and which was apparently in-
herent in Islamism, acted less powerfully on the nations under
the dominion of the Arabs than on Turkish races. Persecution
for the sake of religion was here, as everywhere, even among
Christians, more the result of an unbounded, dogmatising
despotism, than the consequence of any original form of
belief, or any religious contemplation existing amongst the
people. The anathemas of the Koran are especially directed
against superstition and the worship of idols, amongst races
of Arameeic descent.*

As the life of nations is, independently of mental culture,
determined by many external conditions of soil, climate, and
vicinity to the sea, we must here remember the great
varieties presented by the Arabian peninsula. Although
the first impulse towards the changes effected by the Arabs in
the three continents emanated from the Ismaelitish Hedschaz,
and owed its principal foree to one sole race of herdsmen,
the littoral portions of the peninsula had continued for thou-
sands of years, open to intercourse with the rest of the world.
In order to understand the connection and existence of great
and singular occurrences, it is necessary to ascend to the
primitive causes, by which they have been gradually prepared.

Towards the south-west, on the Erythrean Sea, lies Yemen,
the ancient seat of civilisation (of Saba), the beautiful, fruit-
ful, and richly cultivated land of the Joctanide.t It pro-
duced incense (the lebonah of the Hebrews, perhaps the Bos-

* Hence the contrast between the tyrannical measures of Motewekkil,
the tenth Caliph of the house of the Abassides, against Jews and
Christians (Joseph von Hammer, Ueber die Ldnderverwaltung unter
dem Chalifate, 1835, s. 27, 85, und 117), and the mild tolerance of
wiser rulers in Spain (Conde, Hist. de la Dominacion de los Arabes
en Espana, T. i. 1820, p. 67). It should also be remembered, that
Omar, after the taking of Jerusalem, tolerated every rite of Christian
worship, and concluded a treaty with the Patriarch favourable to the
Christians. (Fundgruben des Orients, Bd. v. s. 68.)

+ It would appear from tradition, that a branch of the Hebrews mi-
grated to southern Arabia, under the name of Jokthan (Qachthan,) be-

574 COSMOS.

wellia thurifera. of Colebrooke),* myrrh, (a species of amyris,
first accurately described by Ehrenberg,) and the so-called
balsam of Mecca, (the balsamodendron gileadense, of
Kunth). These products constituted an important branch of
commerce between the contiguous tribes and the Egyptians,
Persians, and Indians, as well as the Greeks and Romans;

fore the time of Abraham, and there founded flourishing kingdoms.
(Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, Bd. i. 8. 337 und 450.)

* The tree which furnishes the Arabian incense of Hadramaut, cele-

brated from the earliest times, and which is never tobe found in the Island
of Socotora, has not yet been discovered and determined by any botanist,
not even by the laborious investigator Ehrenberg. An article similar
to this incense is found in eastern India, and particularly in Bundel-
cund, and is exported in considerable quantities from Bombay to
China. This Indian incense is obtained, according to Colebrooke (Asi-
atic Researches, vol. ix. p. 377), from a plant made known by Rox-
burgh, Boswellia thurtfera, or serrata, (included in Kunth’s family of
Burseracee). Asfrom the very ancient commercial connections between
the coasts of southern Arabia and western India (Gildemeister, Serip-
torum Arabum. Loci de rebus Indicis, p. 35), doubts might be enter-
tained as to whether the AiGavo¢e of Theophrastus, (the thus of the
Romans), belonged originally to the Arabian peninsula, Lassen’s remark
(Indische Alterthumskunde, Bd. i. s. 286), that incense is called “yd-
‘wana, Javanese, 7. e., Arabian,” in Amara-Koscha itself becomes very im-
portant apparently implying that this product is brought to India from
Arabia, ltis called Turuschka pindaka’ sihlé, (three names signify-
ing incense,) “ydéwané” in Amara-Koscha. (Amarakocha, publ. par
A. Loiseleur Deslongchamps, P. i. 1839, p. 156.) Dioscorides also
distinguishes Arabian from Indian incense. Carl Ritter, in his exeel-
lent monograph on the kinds of incense (Asien, Bd. viii. Abth. i. s.
356--372), remarks very justly, that, from the similarity of climate,
_ this species of plant (Boswellia thurifcra,) might be diffused from India
through the south of Persia to Arabia. The American incense (Oliba-
num americanum of our Pharmacopeeias,) is obtained from Jeica guja-
nensis, Aubl. and Jcica tacamahaca, which Bonpland and myself fre-
quently found growing on the vast grassy plains (Llanos) of Calaboso,
in South America. Jcica, like Boswellia, belongs to the family of
Burseracee.

The red pine (Pinus abies, Linn.,) produces the common incense
of our churches. The plant which bears myrrh, and which Bruce
thought he had seen, (Ainslie, Materia Medica of Hindostan, Madras,
1813, p. 29), has been discovered by Ehrenberg, near el-Gisan in Arabia,
and has been described by Nees von Esenbeck from the specimens col-
lected by him, under the name of Balsamodendron myrrha, The
Balsamodendron Kotaf of Kunth, an Amyris of Forskaal, was long
erroneously regarded as the true myrrh-tree.

THE ARABS. 575

and it was owing to their abundance and luxuririance that
the country acquired the designation of “ Arabia Felix,”
which occurs as early as in the writings of Diodorus and
Strabo. In the south-east of the peninsula, on the Persian
‘Gulf, and opposite the Pheenician settlements of Aradus and
Tylus, lay Gerrha, an important emporium for Indian articles
of commerce.

Although the greater “ot of the interior of Arabia may
be termed a barren, treeless, and sandy waste, we yet meet
in Oman, between Jailan and Basna, with a whole range of
well-cultivated oases, irrigated by subterranean canals; and
we are indebted to the meritorious activity of the traveller,
Wellsted, for the knowledge of three mountain chains, of
which the highest and wood-crowned summit, named Dschebel-
Akhdar, rises six thousand feet above the level of the sea
near Maskat.* In the hilly country of Yemen, east of Loheia,
and in the littoral range of Hedschaz, im Asyr, and also to
the east of Mecca, at Tayef, there are elevated plateaux,
whose perpetually low temperature was known to the geo-
grapher, Edrisi.t

The same diversity‘of mountain landscape characterises
the peninsula of Sinai, the Copper-land of the Egyptians of
the old kingdom, (before the time of the Hykses,) and the
stony valleys of Petra. I have already elsewhere spoken of
the Pheenician commercial settlements on the most northern
portion of the Red Sea, and of the expeditions to Ophir,
under Hiram and Solomon, which started from Ezion-Geber.t
Arabia, and the neighbouring island of Socotora, (the island
of Dioscorides,) inhabited by Indian colonists, participated in
the universal traffic with India and the eastern coasts of Africa,
The natural products of these countries were interchanged
for those of Hadramaut and Yemen. “ All they from
Sheba shall come,” sings the prophet Isaiah of the drome-
daries of Midiau, “they shall bring gold and incense.”§
‘Petra was the emporium for the costly wares destined for Tyre
and Sidon, and the principal settlement of the Nabatei, a
people once mighty in commerce, whose primitive seat is

* Wellsted, Travels in Arabia, 1828, vol. i. pp. 272-289.

+ Jomard, Hiudes géogr. et hist. sur lV Arabie, 1889, pp. 14 and 32.
. ab See p. 499. La :

_ § Isaiah, ch. ly. v. 6.

576 COSMOS

supposed by the philologist Quatremére, to have been situ-

ated among the Gerrhwan mountains, on the Lower Euphrates.

This northern portion of Arabia maintained an active con-
nection with other civilised states, from its vicinity to Egypt,

the diffusion of Arabian tribes over the Syro-Palestinian

boundaries and the districts around the Euphrates, as well as by

means of the celebrated caravan track from Damascus through

Emesa and Tadmor (Palmyra) to Babylon. Mohammed him-

self, who had sprung from a noble but impoverished family

of the Koreischite tribe, in his mercantile occupation, visited,

before he appeared as an inspired prophet and reformer, the

fair at Bosra on the Syrian frontier, that at Hadramaut the

land of incense, and more particularly that held at Okadh,

near Mecca, which continued during twenty days, and whither

poets, mostly Bedouins, assembled annually, to take part ir

the lyric competitions. I mention these individual facts -
referring to international relations of commerce, and the”
causes from which they emanated, in order to give a more ani-
mated picture of the circumstances which conduced to prepare
the way for a universal change.

The spread of Arabian population towards the north,
reminds us most especially of two events, which, notwith-
standing the obscurity in which their more immediate rela-
tions are shrouded, testify that even thousands of years before
Mohammed, the inhabitants of the peninsula had occasionally
taken part in the great universal traffic, both towards the
west and east, in the direction of Egypt and of the Euphrates.
The Semitic or Arameeic origin of the Hyksos, who put an
end to the old kingdom under the twelfth dynasty, two thou-
sand two hundred years before our era, is now almost univer-
sally admitted by all historians. Eyen Manetho says, ‘‘ some
maintain that these herdsmen were Arabians.” Other autho-
rities call them Phoenicians, a term which was extended in
antiquity to the inhabitants of the valley of the Jordan, and
to all Arabian races. The acute Ewald refers especially to
the Amalekites, who originally lived in Yemen, and then
spread themselves beyond Mecca and Medina to Canaan and
Syria, appearing in the Arabian annals as rulers over Egypt,
in the time of Joseph.* It seems extraordinary that the

_ * Ewald, Gesch. des Volkes Israel, Bd. i. s. 300 und 450; Bunsen,
Agypten, Buch iii. s.10 und 82. The traditions of Medes and Per:

THE ARABS. 577

nomadic races of the Hyksos should have been able to subdue
the ancient powerful and well-organized kingdom of the Egyp-
tians. Here the more freely constituted nation entered into a
successful contest with another long habituated to servitude, but
yet the victorious Arabian immigrants were not then, as in
more modern times, inspired by religious enthusiasm. The
Hyksos, actuated by fear of the Assyrians, (races of Arpasch-
schad,) established their festivals and place of arms at Avaris,
on the eastern arm of the Nile. This circumstance seems to
indicate attempted advances on the part of hostile warlike
bodies, and a great migration westwards A second event,
which occurred probably a thousand years later, is mentioned
by Diodorus on the authority of Ctesias.* Arizus, a powerful
prince of the Himyarites, entered into an alliance with Ninus,
on the Tigris, and after they had conjointly defeated the
Babylonians, he returned laden with rich spoils to his home
in southern Arabia.}

Although a free pastoral mode of life may be regarded as
predominating in the Hedschaz, and as constituting that of a
great and powerful majority, the cities of Medina and of Mecca
with its ancient and mysterious temple-holiness, the Kaaba,
are mentioned as important places, much frequented by
foreigners. It is probable that the complete and savage
wildness generated by isolation, was unknown in those dis-
tricts which we term river valleys, and which were contiguous
to coasts or to caravansery tracks. Gibbon, who knew so well
how to consider ‘the conditions of human life, draws atten-
tion to the essential differences existing between a nomadic
life in the Arabian peninsula and that described by Hero-
dotus and Hippocrates, in the so-called land of the Scythians;
since, in the latter region, no portion of the pastoral people
ever settled in cities; whilst in the great Arabian peninsula,

sians in northern Africa indicate very ancient migrations towards the
west. They have been connected with the various versions of the myth
of Hercules, and with the Phoenician Melkarth. (Compare Sallust,
Bellum Jugurth. cap. 18, drawn from Punic writings, by Hiempsal; and
Pliny, V. 8.) Strabo even terms the Maurusians, (inhabitants of Mav-
ritania,) “ Indians who had come with Hercules,’

* Diod. Sic. lib. ii. cap. 2 and 3. ~ :

+ Ctesie Cnidii Operum reliquie, ed. Baehr, Fragmenta Assyriaca,
p. 421; and Carl Miiller, in Dindorf’s edition of Herodotus, (Par. 1844,)
pp. 13-165.

2P

678 _ COSMOS.

the country people still hold communion with the inhabitants
of the towns, whom they regard as of the same origin as them-
selves.* In the Kirghis steppe, a portion of the plain, inha-
bited by the ancient Scythians, (the Scoloti and Sacw,) and
which exceeds in extent the area of Germany, there has
never been a city for thousands of years, and yet at the time
of my journey in Siberia, the number of the tents (Yurti or
Kibitkes), occupied by the three nomadic hordes, exceeded
400,000, which would give a population of 2,000,000. It
is hardly necessary to enter more cireumstantially into the
consideration of the effect produced on mental culture, by
such great contrasts in the greater or less isolation of a
nomadic life, even where equal mental qualifications are
presupposed.

In the more highly-gifted race of the Arabs, natural adap-
tibility for mental cultivation, the geographical relations we
have already indicated, and the ancient commercial inter-
course of the littoral districts with the highly civilized neigh-
bouring states, all combine to explain how the irruption into
Syria and Persia, and the subsequent possession of Egypt,
were so speedily able to awaken in the conquerors a love for
science, and a tendency to the pursuit of independent obser-
vation. It was ordained in the wonderful decrees by which
the course of events is regulated, that the Christian sects
of Nestorians which exercised a yery marked influence.on the
geographical diffusion of knowledge, should prove of use to
the Arabs, even before they advanced to the erudite and con-
tentious city of Alexandria, and that protected by the armed
followers of the creed of Islam, these Nestorian doctrines of
Christianity were enabled to penetrate far into Eastern Asia.
The Arabs were first made acquainted with Greek literature
through the Syrians, a kindred Semitic race, who had them-
selves acquired a knowledge of it only about a hundred and
fifty years earlier through the heretical Nestorians.{ Physi-
cians, who had been educated in the scholastic establishments
of the Greeks, and in the celebrated school of medicine founded

* Gibbon, Hist. of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire,
vol. ix. chap. 50, p. 200, (Leips. 1829.)

+ Humboldt, Asie centr. T. ii. p. 128.

t Jourdain, Recherches critiques sur ? Age des Traductions dA ristote,
1819, pp. 81 and 87.

THE ARABS. 579

by the Nestorian Christians at Edessa in Mesopotamia, were
settled at Mecca as early as Mohammed’s time, and there
lived on a footing of friendly intercourse with the Prophet
and Abu-Bekr.

The school of Edessa, a prototype of the Benedictine
schools of Monte Cassino and Salerno, gave the first impulse
toa scientific investigation of remedial agents yielded from the
mineral and vegetable kingdoms. When these establishments
were dissolved by Christian fanaticism, under Zeno the Isau-
rian, the Nestorians were scattered over Persia, where they
soon attained to political importance, and founded at
Dschondisapur, m Khusistan, a medical school, which was
afterwards much frequented. They succeeded towards the
middle of the seventh century, in extending their know-
ledge and their doctrines as far as China, under the Thang
dynasty, 572 years after Buddhism had penetrated thither
from India.

The seeds of western civilization, which had been scattered
over Persia by learned monks and by the philosophers of the last
Platonic school at Athens persecuted by Justinian, had exer-
cised a beneficial influence on the Arabs during their first
Asiatie campaigns. However faint the sparks of know-
ledge diffused by the Nestorian priesthood might have been,
their peculiar tendency to the investigation of medical phar-
maey, could not fail to influence a raee which had so long
lived in the enjoyment of a free communion with nature,
and which preserved a more vivid feeling for every kind of
natural investigation, than the Greek and Italian inhabitants
of cities. The eosmical importance attached to the age of
the Arabs depends in a great measure on the national charac-
teristics, which we are here considering. The Arabs, I would
again remark, are to be regarded as the actual founders of
physical science, considered in the sense which we now apply
to the words. didi

It is undoubtedly extremely difficult to associate any abso-
lute beginning with any definite epoch of time in the history
of the mental world, and of the intimately connected ele-
ments of thought. Individual luminous points of knowledge,
and the processes by which knowledge was gradually attained,
may be traced, scattered through very early periods of time.
How great is the difference that separates Dioscorides, who

222

580 COSMOS.

distilled mercury from cinnabar, from the Arabian chemist,
Dscheber; how widely is Ptolemy, as an optician, removed
from Alhazen; but we must, nevertheless, date the founda-
tion of the physical sciences, and even of natural science, from
the point where new paths were first trodden by many dif-
ferent investigators, although with unequal success. To the
mere contemplation of nature, to the observation of the
phenomena accidentally presented to the eye in the terres-
trial and celestial regions of space, succeeds investigation
into the actual, an estimate by the measurement of magnitudes
and the duration of motion. The earliest epoch of such a spe-
cies of natural observation, although principally limited to
organic substances, was the age of Aristotle. There remains
a third and higher stage in the progressive advancement of
the knowledge of physical phenomena, which embraces
an investigation into natural forces and the powers by
which these forces are enabled to act, in order to be able to
bring the substances liberated into new combinations. The
means by which this liberation is effected are experiments,
by which phenomena may be called forth at will.

This last-named stage of the process of knowledge, which
was almost wholly disregarded in antiquity, was raised by
the Arabs to a high degree of development. This people
belonged to a country which enjoyed, throughout its whole
extent, the climate of the region of palms, and in its greater
part that of tropical lands, (the tropic of Cancer intersecting
the peninsula in the direction of a line running from Maskat
to Mecca,) and this portion of the world was, therefore, cha-
racterized by the highly developed vital force pervading yege-
tation, by which an abundance of aromatic and balsamic
juices was yielded to man from various beneficial and dele-
terious vegetable substances. The attention of the people
must early have been directed to the natural products of their
native soil, and those brought as articles of commerce from
the accessible coasts of Malabar, Ceylon, and Eastern Africa.
In these regions of the Torrid Zone, organic forms become
individualized within very limited portions of space, each one
being characterised by individual products, and thus increas-
ing the communion of men with nature, by a constant
excitement towards natural observation. Hence arose the
wish to distinguish carefully from one another these precious

THE ARABS. 581

articles of commerce, which were so important to medicine,
to manufactures, and to the pomp of temples and palaces; and
to discover the native region of each, which was often art-
fully concealed from motives of avarice. Starting from the
staple emporium of Gerrha, on the Persian Gulf, and from
Yemen, the native district of incense, numerous caravan-
tracks intersected the whole interior of the Arabian penin-
sula to Pheenicia and Syria, and thus everywhere diffused a
taste for and a knowledge of the names of these powerful
natural products.

The science of medicine which was founded by Dioscorides
in the school of Alexandria, when considered with refe-
rence to its scientific development, is essentially a creation of
the Arabs, to whom the oldest and, at the same time, one of
the richest sources of knowledge, that of the Indian physi-
cians, had been early opened.* Chemical pharmacy was
created by the Arabs, whilst to them are likewise due the
first official prescriptions regarding the preparation and ad-
mixture of different remedial agents,—the dispensing recipes
of the present day. These were subsequently diffused over
the south of Europe by the school of Salerno. Pharmacy and
Materia Medica, the first requirements of practical medicine,
led simultaneously, in two directions, to the study of botany
and to that of chemistry. From its narrow sphere of utility,
and its limited application, botany gradually opened a wider
and freer field, comprehending investigations into the struc-
ture of organic tissues, and their connection with vital forces,
and into the laws by which vegetable forms are associated
in families, and may be distinguished geographically, accord-
ing to diversities of climate and differences of elevation above
the earth’s surface.

From the time of the Asiatic conquests, for the mainte-
nance of which Bagdad subsequently constituted a central
point of power and civilization, the Arabs spread themselves,

* On the knowledge which the Arabs derived from the Hindoos
regarding Materia Medica, see Wilson’s important investigations in
the Oriental Magazine of Calcutta, 1823, Feb. and March; and those
of Royle, in his Hssay on the Antiquity of Hindoo Medicine, 1837,
pp. 56-59, 64--66, 78, and 92. Compare an account of Arabic phar-
maceutical writings, translated from Hindostanee, in Ainslie, (Madras
edition,) p. 289.

582 . COSMOS.

in the short. space of seventy years, over Egypt, Cyrene, and.
Carthage, through the whole of Northern Asia to the far
remote western peninsula of Iberia. The inconsiderable
degree of cultivation possessed by the people and their
leaders, might certainly incline us to expect every demon-
stration of rude barbarism, but the mythical account of the
burning of the Alexandrian Library by Amru, including the
account of its application during six months,. as fuel to heat:
4000 bathing rooms, rests on the sole testimony of two
writers who lived 580 years after the alleged oceurrence took
_ place.* Weneed not here describe how, in more peaceful
times, during the brilliant epoch of Al-Mansur, Haroun Al-'
Raschid, Mamun, and Motasem, the courts: of princes, and
public scientific mstitutions, were enabled to draw together
large numbers of the most distinguished men, although with-
out imparting a freer development to the mental culture of
the mass of the people. Itis not my object in the present work:
to give a characteristic sketch of the-far extended and variously
developed literature of the Arabs, or to distinguisly the ele-
ments that spring from the hidden depths of the organiza-
tion of races, and the natural unfolding of their character,
from those which are owing to external inducements and
accidental controlling causes. The solution of this important
problem belongs to another sphere of ideas, whilst our histo-
rical considerations are limited to a fragmentary enumeration
of the various elements which have contributed in mathema-
tical, astronomical, and physical science, towards the diffu-
sion of a more general contemplation of the universe amongst
the Arabs.

Alchemy, magie, and mystic fancies, deprived by scho-
lastic phraseology of all poetic charm, corrupted here, as
elsewhere, in the middle ages, the true results of enquiry;
but still the Arabs have enlarged the views of nature, and.
given origin to many new elements of knowledge, by their in-
defatigable and independent labours, while, by means of careful
translations into their'own: tongue, they have appropriated to
themselves the fruits of the labours of earlier eultivated

_* Gibbon, vol. ix. chap. 51, p. 392; Heeren, Gesch. des Studiums der
classischen Litteratur, bd. i.1797, 8. 44 und 72; Sacy, Abd-Allatiy,
p. 240; Parthey, Das alexandrinische Museum, 1838, 8. 106.

THE ARABS. 583

generations. Attention has been justly drawn to the great
difference existing in the relations of civilization between im-
migrating Germanic and Arabian races.* The former became
cultivated after their immigration, the latter brought with
them from their native country, not only their religion but a
highly polished language, and the graceful blossoms of a
poetry, which has not been wholly devoid of influence on the
Provencals and Minnesingers.

The Arabs possessed remarkable qualifications, alike for
appropriating to themselves, and again diffusing abroad,

e seeds of knowledge and general intercourse, from the
Euphrates to the Guadalquiver, and to the south of Central
Africa. They exhibited an unparalleled mobility of cha-
racter, and a tendency to amalgamate with the nations whom
they conquered, wholly at variance with the repelling spirit of
the Israelitish castes, while, at the same time, they adhered
to their national character, and the traditional recollections
of their original home, notwithstanding their constant change
of abode. No other race presents us with more striking ex-
amples of extensive land journeys, undertaken by private
individuals, not only for purposes of trade but also with the
view of collecting. information, surpassing in these respects
the travels: of the Buddhist priests of Thibet and China,
Marco Polo, and the Christian Missionaries, who were sent
on an embassy to the Mongolian princes. Important ele-
ments of Asiatic knowledge reached Europe, through the
intimate relations existing between the Arabs and the natives
of India and. China,, (for at the close of the seventh century,
under the Caliphate of the Ommajades, the Arabs had already

extended their conquests: to Kaschgar, Kabul, and the Pun~

jaub.){ The acute investigations of Reinaud have taught us

-* Heinrich Ritter, Gesch..der christlichen: Philosophie, th. iii. 1844,
8. 669--676. .

+ Reinaud, in three late writings; which show how much may still
be derived from’ Arabic and Persian; as well’ as Chinese sources;
Fragments Arabes et Persanis inédits relatifs & l Inde antérieure-
ment au XIe siécle de Pere chrétienne, 1846, pp. Xx.~xxxiiii; Relax
tion des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les' Persans dans VInded @
la Chine dans le [Xe siecle de notre ére, 1845, t..i.p. xlvii; Mémoire
géog. et hist. sur ?Inde d apres’ les écrivains Arabes; Persans, et
Chinois, anterieurement an nviliew dw onziéme siecle de Vere chre-

tienne, 1846, p. 6 The second of these memoirs of the learned.

584 COSMOS.

the amount of knowledge regarding India that may be
derived from Arabian sources. The incursion of the Moguls
into China certainly disturbed the intercourse with the nations
beyond the Oxus, but the Moguls soon served to extend the
international relations of the Arabs, from the light thrown on
geography by their observations and careful investigations,
from the coasts of the Dead Sea to those of Western Africa,
and from the Pyrenees to Scherif Edrisi’s marsh lands of
Wangarah, in the interior of Africa.* According to the
testimony of Frahn, Ptolemy’s geography was translated into
Arabic by order of the Caliph Mamun, between the years
813 and 833; and it is not improbable that several fragments
of Marinus Tyrius, which have not come down to us, were
employed in this translation.

Of the long series of remarkable geographers, presented to
us in the literature of the Arabs, it will be sufficient to name
the first and last, El Istachri and Alhassan, (Johannes
Leo Africanus).t Geography never acquired a greater
acquisition of facts, even from the discoveries of the Portu-
guese and Spaniards. Within fifty years after the death of the

Oriental scholar is based on the incomplete treatise of the Abbé
Renaudot, Anciennes Relations des Indes, et de la Chine, de deux
Voyageurs Mahométans,” 1718. The Arabic manuscript contains
only one notice of a voyage, that of the merchant Soleiman, who em-
barked on the Persian Gulf in the year 851. ‘To this notice is added,
what Abu-Zeyd-Hassan, of Syraf in Farsistan, who had never travelled
to India or China, had learnt from other well-informed merchants.

* Reinaud et Favé Du Feu grégeois, 1845, p. 200.

+ Ukert, Ueber Marinus Tyrius und Ptolemaus die Geographen,
in the Rheinische Museum fiir Philologie, 1839, s. 329-332; Gilde-
meister, De rebus Indicis, pars 1, 1838, p. 120; Asie centrale, t. ii.
p. 191.

t The “Oriental Geography of Ebn-Haukal,” which Sir William
Ouseley published in London in 1800, is that of Abu-Ishak el-Istachri,
and, as Frihn has shown (Ibn Fozlan, p. ix. xxii. and 256-263), is
half a century older than Ebn-Haukal. The maps which accompany
the “ Book of Climates,” of the year 920, and of which there is a fine
manuscript copy in the library of Gotha, have afforded me much aid in
my observations on the Caspian Sea and the Sea of Aral (Asic
centrale, t. ii. pp. 192-196). We have lately been put in possession of
an edition of Istaichri, and a German translation; (Liber Climatum,
ad similitudinem codicis Gothani delineandum, cur. J. H. Moeller,
Goth. 1839; Das Buch der Lénder, translated from the Arabic by
A, D. Mordtmann, Hamb. 1845).

THE ARABS. 585

Prophet, the Arabs had already reached the extremest western
eoasts of Africa and the port of Asfi. Whether the islands of
the Guansches were visited by Arabian vessels subsequently,
as I was long disposed to conjecture, to the expedition of the
so-called Almagrurin adventurers to the Mare tenebrosum, is
a question that has again been lately regarded as doubtful.*
The presence of a great quantity of Arabian coins, found
buried in the lands of the Baltic, and in the extreme northern
parts of Scandinavia, is not to be ascribed to direct inter-
course with Arabian vessels in those regions, but to the
widely-diffused inland trade of the Arabs. :
Geography was no longer limited to a representation of the
relations of space, and the determinations of latitude and lon-
gitude, which had been multiplied by Abul-Hassan, or to a
description of river districts and mountain chains; but it
rather led the people, already familiar with nature, to an
acquaintance with the organic products of the soil, especially
those of the vegetable world.{ The repugnance entertained by

* Compare Joaquim Jose da Costa de Macedo, Memoria em que se
pretende provar que os Arabes nio conhecerio as Canarias antes dos
Portuguezes, (Lisboa, 1844,) pp, 86--99, 205-227, with Humboldt,
Examen crit. de 0 Hist. de la Géographie, t. ii. pp. 137-141. *

+ Leopold von Ledebur, Ueber die in den Baltischen Landern
gefundenen Zeugnisse eines Handels-Verkehrs mit dem Orient zur
Zeit der Arabischen Weltherrschaft, 1840, s. 8 und 75.

t+ The determinations of longitude which Abul-Hassan Ali of Mo-
rocco, an astronomer of the thirteénth century, has embodied in his
work on the astronomical instruments of the Arabs, are all calculated
from the first meridian of Arin. M. Sédillot, the younger, first directed
the attention of geographers to this meridian; I have also made it an
object of careful inquiry, because Columbus, who was always guided by
Cardinal d’Ailly’s Imago Mundi, in his phantasies regarding the differ-
ence of form between the easternand western hemispheres, makes mention
of an Isla de Arin: “centro de el hemispherio del qual habla Toloméo
y ques debaxo la linea equinoxial entre el Sino Arabico y aquel de
Persia.” (Compare I. I. Sédillot, Traité des Instrumens astronomiques
des Arabes, publ. par L. Am. Sédillot, t. i. 1834, pp. 312-318, t. ii.
1835, preface, with Humboldt’s Hxamen crit. de Hist. de la Géogr.
t. iii. p. 64, and Asie centrale, t. iii. pp. 593-596, in which the data
vecur which I derived from the Mappa Mundi of Alliacus of
1410, in the “ Alphonsine Tables,” 1483, and in Madrignano’s Jtine-
rarium Portugallensium, 1508. It is singular that Edrisi appears to
know nothing of Khobbet Arin (Cancadora, more properly Kankder).
Sédillot the younger (in the Mémoire sur les systémes géographiques

556 - COSMOS.

all the adherents of Islamism towards anatomical investigations,
impeded their advance in zoology. ‘They remained contented
with that which they were able to appropriate to themselves
from translations of the works of Aristotle and Galen ;* but,

des Grecs et des Arabes, 1842, pp. 20--25,) places the meridian of
Arin in the group of the Azores; whilst the learned commentator of
Abulfeda, Reinaud (Mémoire sur (Inde anterieurement au XTJe
siécle de Vére chrétienne daprés les écrivains Arabes et Persans,
pp. 20--24), assumes that “the word Arin has originated by confusion from
Azyn, Ozein, and Odjein, an old seat of cultivation, (according to
Burnouf, Udjijayani in Malwa,) the 'OZyvn of Ptolemy. This Ozcne was
supposed to be in the meridian of Lanka, and in later times Arin was
conjectured to be an island on the coast of Zanguebar, perhaps the
Eoovvoy of Ptolemy.” Compare also Am. Sédillot, Mém. sur les Instr.
astron. des Arabes, 1841, p. 75.

* The Caliph Al-Mamun caused many valuable Greek manuscripts’
to be purchased in Constantinople, Armenia, Syria, and Egypt, and to
be translated direct from Greek into Arabic, in consequence of the
earlier Arabic versions having long been founded on Syrian translations
(Jourdain, Recherches crit. sur lage et sur Vorigine des traductions
latines d’ Aristote, 1819, pp. 85, 88, and 226). Much has thus been
rescued by the exertions of Al-Mamun, which, without the Arabs, would
heave been wholly lost to us. A similar service has been rendered. by
Armenian translations; as Neumann of Munich was’ the first to show.
Unhappily, a notice by the historian Geuzi of Bagdad, which has been
preserved by the celebrated geographer Leo Africanus, in a memoir
entitled De viris inter Arabes illustribus, leads to the conjecture, that
at Bagdad itself many Greek originals, which were believed to be use-
less, were burnt; but this passage may not perhaps refer to important
manuscripts already translated. It is capable of several interpretations,
as has been shown by Bernhardy (Grundriss der Griech. Litteratur,
th. i. s. 489), in opposition to Heeren’s Geschichte der classischen Lit-
éeratur, bd. i. s: 135. The Arabic’ translations of Aristotle have often
been found serviceable in executing’ Latin versions of the original ; as,
for instance, the eight books of Physics, and the History of Animals;
but the larger and better part of the Latin translations have been made
direct from the Greek (Jourdain, Rech. crit. sur ldge des traductions
d' Aristote, pp. 230-236). An allusion to the same two-fold source’may
be recognized in the memorable letter of the Emperor Frederic II. of
Hohenstaufen, in which he recommends the translations of Aristotle
which he presents, in 1232, to his universities, and especially to that of
Bologna. This letter expresses noble sentiments, and shows that it was
not only the love of natural history which taught Frederic II. to
appreciate the philosophical value of the “ Compilationes varias que
ab Aristotele aliisque philosophis sub . greecis: arabicisque vocabulis
antiquitus editze sunt.” He writes as follows: “We have from our
earliest youth striven to attain to a more intimate’aequaintance with

THE ARABS. 587

nevertheless, the zoological history of Avicenna, in the pos-
session of the Royal Library at Paris, differs from Aristotle’s
work on the same subject.* As a botanist we must name Ibn-
Baithar of Malaga, whose travels in Greece, Persia, India,
and Egypt, entitle him to be regarded with admiration for
the tendency he evinced to eompare together, by independent
observations, the productions of different zones in the east
and west.{ ‘The point from whence all these efforts ema-
nated was the study of medicine, by which the Arabs long
ruled the Christian schools, and for the more perfect develop-
ment of which Ibn-Sina, (Avicenna,) a native of Aschena
near Bochara, Ibn-Roschd (Averroes) of Cordova, the
younger Serapion of Syria, and Mesue of Maridin on the
Euphrates, availed themselves of all the means yielded by
the Arabian caravan and sea trade. I have purposely enume-
rated the widely removed birth-places: of celebrated Arabian
literati, since they are ealculated to remind us of the great

science, although the cares: of government have withdrawn us from it;
we have delighted in spending our time in the careful reading of excel-
lent works, in order that our soul might be enlightened and strengthened
by exercise, without which the life of man is: wanting both in rule and
in freedom (ut anime clarius vigeat instrumentum in acquisitione
seientiz, sine qua mortalium vita. non regitur liberaliter), Libros
ipsos tamquam premium amici Cesaris gratulantur accipite, et ipsos
antiquis philosophorum operibus, qui vocis vestrze ministerio reviviscunt,
aggregantes in auditorio vestro.” (Compare Jourdain, pp. 169--178, and
Friedrich yon Raumer's excellent work Geschichte der Hohenstaufen,
Bad. iii. 1841, s. 413.) The Arabs have served as a uniting link between
ancient and modern science. If it had not been for them and their love
of translation, a great portion of that which the Greeks had either formed
themselves, or derived from other nations, would have been’ lost to
succeeding ages, It is when considered from this point of view, that
the subjects which have been touched upon, though apparently merely
linguistic, acquire general cosmical interest.

.* Jourdain, in his Traductions dAristote, pp: 135-138, and
Schneider, Adnot. ad Aristotelis de Animalibus Hist. lib. ix. eap. 15,
speak of Michael Scot's translation of Aristotle’s Historia Animalium,
= of a similar work by Avicenna (Manuscript No. 6498, in the Paris

ibrary).

_+ OnIbn-Baithar, see Sprengel, Gesch. der Arzneykunde, Th. ii. 1823;
8. 468; and Royle, On the Antiquity of Hindoo Medicine; p: 28. We
have possessed, since 1840, a German translation of Ibn-Baithar, under
the title Grosse Zusammenstellung iiber die Kréfte der bekannten
einfachen Heil- und Nahrungs-mittel., translated from the Arabic by
J. vy. Sontheimer, 2 Bindes. .

588 COSMOS.

area over which the peculiar mental direction, and the simul-
taneous a ctivity of the Arabian race, extended the sphere
of ideas. , |

The scientific knowledge of a more anciently civilized race
—the Indians—was also drawn within this circle, when under
the Caliphate of Harun Al-Raschid, several important works,
probably those known under the half-fabulous name of
Tscharaka and Susruta,* were translated from the Sanserit
into Arabic. Avicenna, who possessed a powerful grasp of
mind, and who has often been compared to Albertus Magnus,
affords in his work on Materia Medica a striking proof of the
influence thus exercised by Indian literature. He is ac-
quainted, as the learned Royle observes, with the true San-
serit name of the Deodwar of the snow-crowned Himalayan
Alps, which had certainly not been visited by any Arab in.
the eleventh century, and he regards this tree as an alder, a
species of Juniper, from which oil of turpentine was ex-
tracted.t| The sons of Averroes lived at the court of the
great. Hohenstaufen, Frederic II., who owed a portion of
his knowledge of the natural history of Indian animals and
plants to his intercourse with Arabian literati and Spanish
Jews, versed in many languages .{ The Caliph Abdurrahmanl.,
himself laid out a botanical garden at Cordova,§ and caused

* Royle, pp. 35--65.. Susruta, the son of Visvamitra, is considered
by Wilson to have been a cotemporary of Rama. We havea Sanserit
edition of his work (The Sus’ruta, or System of Medicine taught by
Dhanwantari, and composed by his disciple Sus’ruta, ed. by Sri
Madhusfidana. Gupta, vol. i. ii, Calcutta, 1835, 1836), and a Latin
translation, Sus’rutas. dyurvedas. Id est Medicine systema a venera-
bili Dhavantare demonstratum, a Susruta discipulo compositum.
Nune pr. ex Sanskrita in Latinum sermonem vertit Franc. Hessler,
Erlangee, 1844, 1847, 2 vol.

+ Avicenna speaks of, the Deiudur (Deodar), of the genus ’abhel
(Juniperus); and also of an Indian pine, which gives a peculiar milk, syr
deiudar (fluid turpentine).

t+ Spanish Jews from Cordova transmitted the opinions of Avicenna
to Montpellier, and principally contributed to the establishment of its
celebrated medical school, which was framed according to Arabian
models, and belongs to the twelfth century. (Cuvier, Hist. des Sciences
naturelles, t. i. p. 387.)

§ Respecting the gardens of the palace of Rissafah, which was built
by Abdurrahman Ibn-Moawijeh, see History of the Mohammedan
Dynasties in Spain extracted from Ahmed Ibn Mohammed Al-Mak-

THE ARABS. 589

rare seeds to be collected by his own travellers in Syria and
other countries of Asia. He planted, near the palace of
Rissafah, the first date-tree known in Spain, and sang its
praises in a poem, expressive of plaintive longing for his
native Damascus.

The most powerful influence exercised by the Arabs on
general natural physics was that directed to the advances of
chemistry; a science for which this race created a new era.
It must be admitted that alchemistic and new Platonic fancies
were as much blended with chemistry as astrology with
astronomy. The requirements of pharmacy, and the equally
urgent demands of the technical arts, led to discoveries which
were promoted, sometimes designedly, and sometimes by
a happy accident depending upon alchemistical investiga-
tion into the study of metallurgy. The labours of Geber, or
rather Djaber (Abu-Mussah-Dschafar-al-Kufi), and the much
more recent ones of Razes (Abu Bekr Arrasi), have been
attended by the most important results. This period is cha-
racterized by the preparation of sulphuric and nitric acids,*
aqua regia, preparations of mercury and of the oxides of other
metals, and by the knowledge of the alcoholic process of fermen-
tation.| The first scientific foundation, and the subsequent

‘kari, by Pascual de Gayangos, vol. i. 1840, pp. 209--211. “En su
Huerta planto el Rey Abdurrahman una palma que era entonces (756)
unica, y de ella procediéron todas las que huy en Espafia. La vista del
arbol acrentaba mas que templaba su melancolia.” (Antonio Conde,
Hist. de la Dominacion de los Arabes en Espana, t. i. p. 169.)

* The preparation of nitric acid and aqua regia by Djaber (more
properly Abu-Mussah-Dschafar), dates back more than five hundred years
before Albertus Magnus and Raymond Lully, and almost seven hundred
years before the Erfurt monk, Basilius Valentinus. The discovery of
these decomposing (dissolving) acids, which constitutes an epoch in
the history of science, was, however, long ascribed to the three last-
named experimentalists.

+ For the rules given by Razes for the vinous fermentation of amy-
lum and sugar, and for the distillation of alcohol, see Héfer, Hist. de
la Chimie, t. i. p. 325. Although Alexander of Aphrodisias (Joannis
Philoponi Grammatict in libr. de generatione et interitu Comm.
Venet. 1527, p. 97), properly speaking, only gives a circumsiantial
description of distillation from sea-water, he also draws attention to
the fact that wine may likewise be distilled. Thisstatement is the more
remarkable, because Aristotle (Meteorol. ii. 3, p. 358, Bekker) had
advanced the erroneous opinion, that in natural evaporation fresh water
only rose from wine, as from the salt water of the sea.

590 COSMOS. ©

advances of chemistry, are so much the more important as
they imparted a knowledge of the heterogeneous character of
matter, and the nature of forces not made manifest by motion,
but which now led to the recognition of the importance of com-
position, no less than to that of the perfectibility of form assumed
m accordance with the doctrines of Pythagoras and Plato.
Differences of form and of composition are, however, the
elements of all our knowledge of matter,—the abstractions
which we believe capable, by means of measurement and
analysis, of enabling us to comprehend the whole universe.

It is difficult, at present, to decide what the Arabian
chemists may have acquired through their acquaintance with
Indian literature (the writings on the Rasayana);* from the
ancient technical arts of the Egyptians; the new alchemistic
precepts of the pseudo-Demoeritus and the sophist Synesius;
or even from Chinese sources, through the ageney of the
Moguls. According to the recent and very careful investiga-
tions of a celebrated Oriental scholar, M. Reinaud, the inven-
tion of gunpowder,} and its application to the discharge of
hollow projectiles, must not be aseribed to the Arabs.
‘Hassan Al-Rammah, who wrote between 1285 and 1295, was
not acquainted with this application; whilst even in the
twelfth century, and therefore nearly two hundred years

* The chemistry of the Indians, embracing alchemistic arts, is called
rasdyana (rasa, juice or fluid, also quicksilver; and dyana, course or
process), and forms, according to Wilson, the seventh division of the
, dyur- Veda, the “science of life, or of the prolongation of life.” (Royle,

Hindoo Medicine, pp. 39-48.) ‘The Indians have been acquainted from
the earliest times (Royle, p. 181) with the application of mordants in
ealico or cotton printing, an Egyptian art, which is most clearly described
in Pliny, lib. xxxv. cap. 11,"No. 150. The word “ chemistry’ indicates
literally “ Egyptian art,” the art of the black land ; for Plutarch (de side
et Osir. cap. 38) knew that the Egyptians called their country Kapia,
from the black earth. The inscription on the Rosetta stone has Chmi.
I find this word, as applied to the analytic art, first in the decrees of
Diocletian against “the old writings of the Egyptians which treat of
the ‘ynpia’ of gold and silver,” (asp: ynpiacg apytpov Kai yevcod).
Compare my Lxamen crit. de Vhist. de la Géographie et de VAstrono-
mie nautique, t. li. p. 314. j

+ Reinaud et Favé, du Feu grégeois, des Feux de guerre ct des
origines de la poudre ad canon, t. i. 1845, pp. 89, 97, 201 and 211;
Piobert, Traité dArtillerie, 1886, p. 25; Beckmann, Technologie,
8. 342.

THE ARABS. 591-

‘before Berthold Schwarz, a species of gunpowder was used to
blast the rock in the Rammelsberg, mm the Harz mountains.
The invention of an air thermometer is also aseribed to
Avicenna from a notice by Sanctorius, but this notice is very
obscure, and six centuries passed before Galileo, Cornelius
Drebbel, and the Academia del Cimento, by the establishment
of an exact measurer of heat, created an important means for
penetrating into a world of unknown phenomena, and com-
prehending the cosmical connection of effects in the atmosphere,
the superimposed strata of the ocean, and the interior of the
earth; thus revealing phenomena whose regularity and
periodicity excite our astonishment. Among the advances
which science owes to the Arabs, it will be sufficient to
mention Alhazen’s work on refraction, partly borrowed,
perhaps, from Ptolemy’s Optics, and the knowledge and first
application of the pendulum as a means of measuring time,
due to the great astronomer, Ebn-Junis.*

* Laplace, Précis de? Hist. de? A stronomie, 1821, p. 60; and Am. Sédil-
Mémowre sur les Instrumens astr. des Arabes, 1841, p. 44. Thomas |
Young (Lectures on Natural Philosophy and the Mechanical Avis,
1807, vol. i. p. 191) does not either doubt that Ebn-Junis, at the end of
the tenth century, applied the pendulum to the measurement of time, but
he ascribes the first combination of the pendulum with wheel-work to
Sanctorius, in 1612, therefore forty-four years before Huygens. With
reference to the very elaborately constructed clock included in the
presents which Haroun Al-Raschid, or rather the Caliph Abdallah, sent,
two hundred years earlier, from Persia to Charlemagne at Aix-la-
Chapelle, Eginhard distinctly says, that it was moved by water, (Horolo-
gium ex aurichaleo arte mechanica mirifice compositum, in quo duode-
cim horarum cursus ad clepsidram vertebatur); Hinhardi Annales,
in Pertz’s Monumenta Germanie Historica, scriptorum, t. i. 1826, p.
195. Compare H, Mutius, De Germanorum origine, gestis, &e.
Chronic. lib. viii. p. 57, in Pistorii Germanicorum scriptorum, t. ii.
Francof. 1584; Bouquet, Recueil des Historiens des Gaules, t. v. pp.

, 333 and 354. ‘The hours were indicated by the sound of the fall of small
balls, and by the coming forth of small horsemen from as many opening
doors. The manner in which the water acted in such clocks may indeed
have been very different among the Chaldeans, who “weighed time”
(determining it by the weight of fluids), and in the clepsydras of the
Greeks and the Indians; for the hydraulic clockwork of Ctesibius, under
Ptolemy Euergetes II., which marked the (civil) hours throughout the
year at Alexandria, was never known, according to Ideler, under the
common denomination of ekelidpa. (Ideler’s Handbuch der Chrenologie,
1825, bd. i. s. 231.) According to the description of Vitruvius (‘ib. ix.

592 COSMOS.

Although the purity and rarely disturbed transparency of
the sky of Arabia, must have especially directed the attention: —
of the people, in their early uncultivated condition, to the
motions of the stars, as we learn from the fact that the
stellar worship of Jupiter, practised under the Lachmites by
the race of the Asedites, included Mercury, which, from its
proximity to the sun, is less frequently visible; it would,
nevertheless, appear that the remarkable scientific activity
manifested by the Arabs in all branches of practical astro-
nomy, is to be ascribed less to native than to Chaldean and

cap. 4), it was an actual astronomical clock, a “horologium ex aqua,” avery
complicated “ machina hydraulica,” working by toothed wheels (versatilis
tympani denticuli eequales alius alium impellentes). It is therefore not
improbable, that the Arabs who were acquainted with the improved
mechanical constructions in use under the Roman empire, may have
succeeded in constructing an hydraulic clock with wheel-work, (tympana
que nonnulli rotas appellant, Graeci autam zepiroya. Vitruvius, x. 4.)
Leibnitz (Annales Imperii Occidentis Brunsvicenses, ed. Periz, t. i.
1843, p. 247) expresses his admiration of the construction of the clock
of Haroun Al-Raschid (Abd-Allatif, trad. par Silvestre de Sacy, p. 578).
The piece of mechanism which the Sultan sent from Egypt, in 1232, to
the Emperor Frederic II., seems, however, to have been much more
remarkable. It was a large tent, in which the sun and moon were
moved by mechanism, and made to rise and set, and show the hours of
the day and night at correct intervals of time. In the Annales Gode-
Sridi Monachi 8. Pantaleonis apud Coloniam Agrippinam, it is said
to have been a “tentorium, in quo imagines solis et lunee artificialiter
mote cursum suum certis et debitis spaciis peragrant, et horas diei et
noctis infallibiliter indicant.” (Preheri rerum germanicarum scriptores,
t. i. Argentor. 1717, p. 398.) The monk Godefridus, or whoever else »
may have written the annals of those years in the chronicle composed for
the convent of St. Pantaleon at Cologne, which was probably the work
of many different authors, (see Béhmer, Fontes rerum germanicarum,
bd. ii, 1845, s. xxxiv.—xxxvii.), lived in the time of the great Emperor
Frederic II. himself. The emperor caused this curious work, the value
of which was estimated at 20,000 marks, to be preserved at Venusium,
with other treasures. (Fried. von Raumer, Gesch. der Hohenstaufen,
bd. iii. s. 480.) That a movement like that of the vault of heaven should
have been given to the whole tent, as has often been asserted, appears
to me very improbable. In the Chronica Monasterit Hirsaugiensis,
edited by Trithemius, we find scarcely anything beyond a mere repe-

tition of the passage in the Annales Godefridi, without any information |

regarding the mechanical construction. (Joh. 7rithemtt Opera historica,
P. ii. Francof. 1601, p. 180.) Reinaud says that the movement was
imparted “par des ressorts cachés.” (Wztraits des Historiens Arabes
relatifs aux guerres des Croisades, 1829, p. 435.)

THE ARABS. 593

Indian influences. Atmospheric conditions merely favoured
that which had been called forth by mental qualifications, and
by the contact of highly-gifted races with more civilized neigh-
bouring nations. How many rainless portions of tropical
America, as Cumana, Coro, and Payta, enjoy a still more
transparent atmosphere than Egypt, Arabia, and Bockhara !
A tropical sky, and the eterna! clearness of the heavens,
radiant in stars and nebulous spots, undoubtedly every-
where exercise an influence on the mind, but they can
only lead to thought, and to the solution of mathematical pro-
positions, where other internal and external incitements,
independent of climatic relations, affect the national character,
and where the requirements of religious and agricultural
pursuits make the exact division of time a necessity prompted
by social conditions. Among calculating commercial nations
(as the Pheenicians); among constructive nations, partial to ar-
chitecture and the measurement of land (as the Chaldeans and
Egyptians), empirical rules of arithmetic and geometry were
early discovered; but these are merely capable of preparing
the way for the establishment of mathematical and astrono-
mical science. It is only in the later phases of civilization
that the established regularity of the changes in the heavens
is known to be reflected, as it were, in terrestrial phenomena,
and that, in accordance with the words of our great poet; we
seek the ‘‘fixed pole.” The conviction entertained in all
climates of the regularity of the planetary movements, has
contributed more than anything else to lead man to seek
similar laws of order in the moving atmosphere, in the oscil-
lations of the ocean, in the periodic course of the magnetic
needle, and in the distribution of organisms over the earth’s
surface.

The Arabs were in possession of planetary tables* as early
as the close of the eighth century. We have already ob-
served that the Susruéa. the ancient incorporation of all the

* On the Indian tables which Alphazari and Alkoresmi translated
into Arabic, see Chasles, Recherches sur ? Astronomie Indienne, in the
Comptes rendus des Séances de l Acad. des Sciences, t. xxiii. 1846, pp.
846-850. The substitution of the sine for the arc, which is usually
ascribed to Albategnius, in the beginning of the tenth century, also-
belongs originally to the Indians; tables of sines are to be found in the
Surya-Siddhanta. ;

2Q

§94. COSMOS.

medical. knowled:ze of the Indians, was. translated by learned»

men belonging tv the court of the Caliph Harun Al-Raschid,—
_ a proof of the early introduction of Sanserit literature. The
Arabian mathematician Albiruni even went to India for the
purpose of studying astronomy. His writings, which have
only recently been made accessible to us, prove how intimately
he had made himself aequainted with the country, traditions,

and comprehensive knowledge of the Indians.*
_ However much the Arabian astronomers may have owed to

the earlier civilized nations, and especially to the Indian and.

Alexandrian schools, they have, nevertheless, considerably
extended the domain of astronomy by their own practical
endowments of mind; by the number and direction of their ob-
servations; the improvement.of their instruments for angular
measurement; and their zealous efforts to rectify the older
tables by a comparison with the heavens. In the seventh
book of the Almagest of Abul Wefa, Sedillot found a notice
of the important mequality in the moon’s longitude, which

disappears at the syzygies and quadratures, attains its maxi-.

mum at the octants, and has long been regarded, under the
name of variation, as the discovery of Tycho Brahe.| The
observations of Ebn-Junis in Cairo, have become extremely
important with reference to the perturbations and secular
changes of the orbits of the two largest planets, Jupiter and
Saturn.t The measurement of a-degree, which the Caliph
Al-Mamun caused to be made in the great plain of Sindschar,

* Reinaud, Fragments Arabes relatifs a@ ’Inde, pp. xii.—xvii. 96-126,
and especially 135-160. Albiruni’s proper name was Abul-Ryhan.
He was a native of Byrun in the valley of the Indus, and a friend
of Avicenna, with whom he lived at the Arabian academy which had
been formed in Charezm. His stay in India, and the composition of his
history of that country (Tarikhi-Hind), of which Reinaud has made
known the most remarkable fragments, belong to the years 1030-1032.

+ Sédillot, Matériaux pour servir al Histoire comparée des Sciences
Mathematiques chez les Grecs et les Orientaux, t. i. pp. 50-89; also
in the Comptes rendus de l Acad. des Sciences, t. ii. 1836, p. 202,
t. xvii. 1843, pp. 1638-173, t. xx. 1845, p..1308. In opposition to this

opinion Biot maintains that the fine discovery of Tycho Brahe by no.
means belongs to Abul-Wefa, and that the latter was acquainted, not.

with the “variation,” but. only with the second: part of the “evection.”

Journal des Savans, 1843, pp. 518-532, 609-626, 719-737; 1845,

pp. 146-166; and Comptes rendus, t. xx. 1845, pp. 1319-1328.)
~ Laplace, Hxpos. du Systéme du Monde, note 5, p. 407.

Fn he ee pees

THE ARABS. 595.

between Tadmor and Rakka, by observers whose names have’
been transmitted to us by Ebn-Junis, has proved less im-
portant in its results than by the evidence which it affords of
the scientific culture of the Arabian race.

We must regard among the results yielded by the reflection
of this culture, in the west, the astronomical congress held
at Toledo, in Christian Spain, under Alfonso of Castille, in
which the Rabbin Isaac Ebn Sid Hazan played an important
part; and in the far east, the observatory founded by IIschan
Holagu, the grandson of the great conqueror Kenghis Khan,
on a hill near Meraghar, and supplied with many instruments.
It was here that Nassir Eddin of Tus, in Khorasan, made his
observations. These individual facts deserve to be noticed in»
a history of the contemplation of the universe, since they tend -
vividly to remind us of how much the Arabs have effected:
in diffusing knowledge over vast tracts of territory and in
accumulating those numerical data which contributed in a.
great degree during the important period of Kepler and
Tycho, to lay the foundation of theoretical astronomy, andi of
correct views of the movements of the heavenly bodies. The
spark kindled in those parts of Asia which were peopled by’
Tartars spread, in the fifteenth century, westward to Samar--
eand, where Ulugh Beig, of the race of Timour, esta-°
blished, besides an observatory, a gymnasium after the
manner of the Alexandrian Museum, and caused a catalogue
of stars to be drawn up, which was based on wholly new and.
independent observations. *

Besides making laudatory mention of that which we owe.
to the natural science of the Arabs in both the’ terrestrial
and celestial spheres, we must likewise allude to their con-
tributions in separate paths of intellectual development to the’
general mass of mathematical science. According to the most:
recent works which have appeared in England, France, and.
Germany} on the history of mathematics, we learn that “the

* On the observatory of Meragha, see Delambre, Histoire de lA stro-.
nomie du Moyen Age, pp. 198-203; and Am. Sédillot, Mém. sur les:
Instrumens Arabes, 1841, pp. 201-205, where the gnomon is described’:
with a circular opening. On the peculiarities of the star catalogue of
Ulugh Beig, see J. J. Sédillot, Traité des Imstrumens Astronomaques
des Arabes, 1834, p. 4. ere £iy) OR

+ Colebrooke, Algebra with Arithmetic and M. ensuration, from the

2Q2

596 COSMOS.

algebra of the Arabs originated from an Indian and a Greek
source, which long flowed independently of one another.”
The Compendium of Algebra which the Arabian mathema-
tician, Mohammed Ben-Musa (the Chorowazneir), framed by
command of the Caliph Al-Mamun, was not based on Dio-
_ phantus, but on Indian science, as has been shown by my
- lamented and too-early deceased friend, the learned Friedrich
Rosen ;* and it would even appear that Indian astronomers
had been called to the brilliant court of the Abassides, as
early as the close of the eighth century under Almansor.
Diophantus was, according to Castri and Colebrooke, first
translated into Arabic by Abul-Wefa Buzjani, towards the
cluse of the tenth century. The process of establishing a
conclusion by a progressive advance from one proposition to
another, which seems to have been unknown to the ancient
Indian Algebraists, was acquired by the Arabs from the
Alexandrian school. This noble inheritance, enriched by their
additions, passed in the twelfth century, through Johannes
Hispalensis and Gerhard of Cremona, into the European:
literature of the middle ages.| ‘In the algebraic works of.
the Indians, we find the general solution of indeterminate
equations of the first degree, and a far more elaborate mode
of treating those of the second, than has been transmitted
to us in the writings of the Alexandrian philosophers; there
is, therefore, no doubt that if the works of the Indians had
reached us two hundred years earlier, and were not now first
made known to Europeans, they might have acted very bene-
ficially in favouring the development of modern analysis.”
The same channels and the same relations which led the

Sanscrit of Brahmegupta and Bhascara, Lond.1817. Chasles, Apercu
historique sur Vorigine et le développement des méthodes en Géo-
métrie, 1837, pp. 416-502; Nesselmann, Versuch einer kritischen
Geschichte der Algebra, th. i. s. 30-61, 273-276, 302-306.

* Algebra of Mohammed Ben Musa, edited and translated by F.
Rosen, 1881, pp. viii. 72, and 196-199. The mathematical knowledge of
India was extended to China about the year 720; but this was at a period
when many Arabians were already settled in Canton and other Chinese
cities. Reinaud, Relation des Voyages faits par les Arabes dans Inde
et a la Chine, t. i. p. cix.; t. ii. p. 36.

+ Chasles, Histoire de l’ Algébre, in the Comptes rendus, t. xiii. 1841,

p. 497-524, 601-626; compare also Libri, in the same volume,
pp. 559-563. )

THE ARABS. 597

Arabs to a knowledge of Indian algebra, enabled them also to
obtain, in the ninth century, Indian numerals from Persia and
the shores of the Euphrates. Persians were established at
that period as revenue-collectors on the Indus, and the
use of Indian numerals was gradually transmitted to the
revenue officers of the Arabs in Northern Africa, opposite the
‘shores of Sicily. Nevertheless, the important historical in-
vestigations of the distinguished mathematician Chasles,*
have rendered it more than probable, according to his correct
interpretation of the so-called Pythagorean table in the
Geometry of Boethius, that the Christians in the west were
familiar with Indian numerals even earlier than the Arabs,
“and that they were acquainted with the use of nine figures or
characters, according to their position-value, under the
name of the system of the abacus.

The present is not a fitting place to enter more fully into
the consideration of this subject, which I have already treated
of in two papers (written in 1819 and 1829,) and presented
to the Academie des Inscriptions at Paris, and the Academy
of Sciences at Berlin,} but in our attempts to solve a historical

* Chasles, Apergu historique des Methodes en Géométrie, 1837,
pp. 464-472; also in the Comptes rendus de l Acad. des Sciences,
t. vili. 1839, p. 78; t. ix. 1839, p. 449; t. xvi. 1843, pp. 156-173, and
218--246; t. xvii. 1843, pp. 148-154.

+ Humboldt, Ueber die bei verschiedenen Vélkern iiblichen Systeme
von Zahlezeichen und iiber den Ursprung des Stellenwerthes in den
indischen Zahlen, in Crell’s Journal fiir die reine und angewandte
Mathematik, bd..iv. (1829), s. 295--231; ¢ompare also my Hxamen crit.
del Hist. de la Géographie, t. iv. p. 275. The simple enumeration of
the different methods which nations, to whom the Indian arithmetic by
position was unknown, employed for expressing the multiplier of the
fundamental groups, furnishes, in my opinion, an explanation of the
gradual rise or origin of the Indian system. If we express the number
3568, either perpendicularly or horizontally, by means of ‘ indicators,”
corresponding to the different divisions of the abacus, (thus, M°C°*X°I8),
we shall easily perceive that the group-signs (MCXI) might be omitted.
But our Indian numbers are, however, nothing more than these indi-

~~ eators—the multipliers of the different groups. We are also reminded

of this designation by indicators by the ancient Asiatic Suanpan

* the reckoning machine which the Moguls introduced into Russia),

which has successive rows of strings, to represent thousands, hundreds,

. tens, and units. These strings would bear in the numerical example

* Just cited, 3, 5,6, and 8 balls. In the Suanpan there is no apparent
group-sign; the group-signs are the positions themselves; and these

598 _ <@08MO8,

problem, concerning which much yet ‘remains to be elucidated,
the question arises, whether position-value—the ingenious
application of position—which occurs in the Tuscan abacus,
and in the Suampan of Inner Asia, has been twice indepen-

positions (strings) are occupied by units (3, 5, 6, and 8) as multipliers or
indicators. In both ways, whether by the figurative (the written) or by
the palpable arithmetic, we arrive at the value of position, and at the
simple use of ninenumbers. If a string be without any ball the place
‘will be left blank in writing. Ifa group (a member of the progression)
be wanting, the vacuum is graphically filled by the symbol of a vacuum
(stnya, sifron, tziiphra). Inthe “ Method of Hutocius,” I find in the
group of the myriads, the first trace of the exponential or indicational
system of the Greeks, which was so influential in the east: M“, M®, MY,
designate 10,000, 20,000, 30,000. That-which is here alone applied to
the myriads, passes among the Chinese and the Japanese, who derived
their knowledge from the Chinese, two hundred years before the Chris-
tian era, through all the multiples of the groups. In the Gobar, the
Arabian “dust writing,” (discovered by my deceased friend and teacher
Silvestre de Sacy, in a manuscript in the library of the old Abbey of St.
Germain des Prés) the group-signs are points—therefore zeros or
ciphers; for in India, Thibet, and Persia, zeros and points ‘are identical.
In the Gobar, 3° is written for 80; 4°* for 400; and 6** for 6000.
The Indian numbers, and the knowledge of the value of position, must
‘be more modern than the separation of the Indians and the Arians; for
‘the Zend nation only used the far less convenient Pehlwi numbers. The
conjecture of the successive improvements that have been made in the
Indian notation, appears to me to be supported ‘by the Tamul system,
which expresses units by nine characters, and all other values by group-
signs for 10, 100, and 1000, with multipliers added to the left. The
Singular ao:Ouoi ivduot in a scholium of the monk Neophytos, dis-
- eovered by Prof. Brandis in the library of Paris, and kindly communi-
cated to me for publication, appear to corroborate the opinion of such a
gradual process of improvement. ‘The nine characters of Neophytos
are, with the exception of the 4, quite similar to the present Persian;
but the value of these nine units is raised 10, 100, 1000 fold by writing

one, two, or three ciphers or zero signs above them; as 2 for 20, 24

for 24, % for 500, and 36 for 306. If we suppose points to be
used instead of zeros, we have the Arabic dust-writing, Gobar. As my
brother, Wilhelm von Humboldt, has often remarked of the Sanscrit,
that it is very inappropriately designated by the terms “ Indian” and
“ancient Indian” language, since there are in the Indian peninsula
several very ancient languages not at all derived from the Sanscrit; ‘so
the expression, Indian or ancient Indian arithmetical characters, is also
“very vague, and this vagueness applies bothto the form of the characters
and to the spirit of the methods, which sometimes:consist in mere juxta-
“position, sometimes in the employment of coefficients and indicators,

THE ARABS. 595

dently invented in the east under the Ptolemies and in the
west ? or, whether the system of position-value may not have
been transferred by the direction of universal traffic, from the
Indian western peninsula to Alexandria, and subsequently have
been given out amid the renewed dreams of the Pythagoreans,
as an invention of the founder of their sect? The bare possi-
bility of ancient and wholly unknown combinations anterior to
the sixtieth Olympiad, is scarcely worthy of notice. Wherefore
should a feeling of similar requirements not have severally
given rise, among highly-gifted nations of different origin, to
combinations of the same ideas ?

Whilst the algebra of the Arabs, by means of that which
they had acquired from the Greeks and Indians, combined with
the portions due to their own invention, acted so beneficially
on the brilliant epoch of the Italian mathematicians of the
middle ages, notwithstanding a great deficiency in sym-
bolical designations, we likewise owe to the same people the
merit of having furthered the use of the Indian numerical
system from Bagdad to ‘Cordova by their writings and their
extended commercial relations. Both these .effects—the
‘simultaneous diffusion of the knowledge of the science of num-
bers and of numerical symbols with value by position—have
variously, but powerfully favoured the advance of the mathe-
matical portion of natural science, and facilitated access to the

and sometimes in ‘the actual value of position. Even the existence of
the cipher or zero is, as the scholium of Neophytos shows, not a necessary
condition of the simple position-value in Indian numerical characters.
The Indians who-speak the Tamul language, have arithmetical symbols
which differ from their alphabetieal characters, and of which the 2 and
the 8 havea faint resemblance to the 2 and the 5 of the De i
figures, (Rob. Anderson, Rudiments.of Tamul Grammar, 1821, p. 135) ;
and yet an accurate comparison proves that the Tamul arithmetical
characters are derived from the Tamul alphabetical writing. According
to Carey the Cingalese are still more different from the Devanagari
characters. In the Cingalese and in the Tamul, there is no position-

‘value or zero sign, ‘but symbols for the groups of tens, hundreds, ‘and

-thousands. The ‘Cingalese work, like the Romans, by juxta-position,
the Tamuls by coeflicients. Ptolemy uses ‘the present wero sign to
represent the descending negative scale for degrees and minutes, both
in his Almagest and in his Geography. The zero sign was consequently
in use in the west much earlier than the epoch of the invasion of the
Arabs. (See my work above cited, and the memoir printed in Crell’s
Mathematical Journal, pp. 215, 219, 228, and 227.)

600 COSMOS.

more abstruse departments of astronomy, optics, physical
geography, and the theories of heat and magnetism, which,
without such aids, would have remained unopened.

The question has often been asked, in the history of nations,
what would have been the course of events if Carthage had
conquered Rome, and subdued the west? ‘“ We may ask,
with equal justice,” as Wilhelm von Humboldt* observes,
“what would be the condition of our civilization at the
present day, if the Arabs had remained, as they long did, the
sole possessors of scientific knowledge, and had spread them-
selves permanently over the west? A less favourable result
would probably have supervened in both cases. It is to the
same causes which procured for the Romans a dominion over
the world—the Roman spirit and character—and not to
external and merely adventitious chances, that we owe the
influence exercised by the Romans on our civil institutions,
our laws, languages, and culture. It was owing to this bene-
ficial influence, and to the intimate alliance of races, that we
were rendered susceptible to the influence of the Greek mind
and language; whilst the Arabs directed their consideration
‘principally only to those scientific results of Greek investiga-
tion, which referred to the description of nature, and to
physical, astronomical, and purely mathematical science.”
‘The Arabs, by carefully preserving the purity of their native
tongue and the delicacy of their figurative modes of ex-
pression, were enabled to impart the charm of poetic colouring
to the expression of feeling and of the noble axioms of wisdom ;
but to judge from what they were under the Abbassides, had
they built on the same foundation with which we find them
familiar, it is scarcely probable that they could have produced
those works of exalted poetic and creative art, which, fused
together in one harmonious accord, are the glorious fruits of
the mature season of our European culture.

* Wilhelm von Humbolit, Veber die Kawi-Sprache, bd. i. 8. eclxii.
Compare also the excellent description of the Arabs in Herder'’s Jdeen
zur Gesch. der Menscheit, book xix, 4 and 5.

601

PERIOD OF OCEANIC DISCOVERIES.-OPENING OF THE
WESTERN HEMISPHERE.-—EXTENSION OF SCIENTIFIC
KNOWLEDGE, AND THOSE EVENTS WHICH LED TO
OCEANIC DISCOVERIES.—COLUMBUS, SEBASTIAN CABOT
AND GAMA.—AMERICA AND THE PACIFIC.——CABRILLO,
SEBASTIAN VIZCAINO, MENDANA AND QUIROS.——-THE
RICHEST ABUNDANCE OF MATERIALS FOR THE FOUN-
DATION OF PHYSICAL GEOGRAPHY IS PRESENTED TO
THE NATIONS OF WESTERN EUROPE.

Tue fifteenth century belongs to those remarkable epochs in
which all the efforts of the mind indicate one determined and
general character, and one unchanging striving towards the
same goal. The unity of this tendency, and the results by
which it was crowned, combined with the activity of whole
races, give to the age of Columbus, Sebastian Cabot and Gama
a character both of grandeur and enduring splendour. In the
midst of two different stages of human culture, the fifteenth
century may be regarded as a period of transition, which
belongs both to the middle ages and to the beginning of more
recent times. It is the age of the greatest discoveries in
space, embracing almost all degrees of latitude and all
elevations of the earth’s surface. While this period doubled
the number of the works of creation known, to the inhabitants
of Europe, it likewise offered to the intellect new and
powerful incitements towards the improyement of natural
sciences, in the departments of physics and mathematics.*
The world of objects now, as in Alexander’s campaigns,
although with still more overwhelming power, manifested itself
to the combining mind in individual forms of nature, and in
the concurrent action of vital forces. The scattered images
of sensuous perception were gradually fused together into one
concrete whole, notwithstanding their abundance and diver-
sity, and terrestrial nature was conceived in its general
character, and made an object of direct observation, and not
of vague presentiments, floating in varying forms before the -
imagination. The vault of heaven revealed to the eye, which

* Compare Humboldt, Hxamen crit. de (Hist. de la Géographie, t. i.
pp. Vili. and xix,

602 COSMOS.

was as yet unaided by telescopic powers, new regions, un-
known eonstellations, and separate revolving nebulous masses.
At no other period, as we have already remarked, were a
greater abundance of facts, and a richer mass of materials
for the establishment of comparative physical geography,
presented to any one portion of the human race. At no
-other period have discoveries in the material world of space
called forth more extraordinary changes in the manners and
“well-being of men, and in the long-enduring condition of
slavery of a portion of the human race, and their late
awakening to political freedom; nor has any other age
afforded so large an extension to the field of view by the
multiplication of products and objects of barter, and by the
establishment of colonies, of a magnitude hitherto unknown.
On investigating the course of the history of the universe,
we shall discover that the germ of those events which have
imparted any strongly marked progressive movement to the
human mind, may be traced deeply rooted in the track of
preceding ages. It does not lie in the destinies of mankind,
that all should equally experience mental obscuration. A
principle of preservation fosters the eternal vital process of
advancing reason. The age of Columbus attained the object of
its destination so rapidly because a track of fruitful germs had
already been cast abroad by a number of highly-gifted men, who
formed, as it were, a lengthened beam of light amid the dark-
ness of the middle ages. One single century—the thirteenth
—shows us Roger Bacon, Nicolaus Scotus, Albertus Magnus,
‘and WVincentius of Beauvais. The mental activity once
awakened, was soon followed by an extension of geographical
knowledge. When Diego Ribero returned, in the year 1525,
from the geographical and astronomical congress which had
been held at the Puente de Caya, near Yelves, for the purpose
of settling the contentions that had arisen regarding the
boundaries of the two empires of the Portuguese and the
Spaniards, the outlines of the new continent had been already
laid down from Terra del Fuego to the coasts of Labrador.
On the western side of America opposite to Asia, the advance
was, of course, less rapid; although Rodriguez Cabrillo had
penetrated further northward than Monterey as early as 1548 ;
and notwithstanding that this greatand daring mariner met
‘his death in the canal of Santa Barbara, in New California,

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 603

_ the pilot, Bartholomeus Ferreto, conducted the expedition to
the 43rd degree of latitude, where Vancouver's Cape Oxford
issituated. The emulous enterprise of the Spaniards, English,
and Portuguese, directed to one and the same object, ‘was
then so great, that fifty years sufficed to determine the
external configuration or the general direction of the coasts
of the countries in the western hemisphere.

Although the acquaintance of the nations of Europe with
the western part of the earth is the main subject of our con-
sideration in this section, and that around which the nume-
rous relations of a more correct.and a grander view of the
universe are grouped, we must yet draw a strong line of
separation between the undoubted first discovery of America,
m its northern portions, by the Northmen, and its subsequent
re-discovery in its tropical regions. Whilst the Caliphate
still flourished under the Abassides at Bagdad, and Persia was
under the dominion of the Samanides, whose age was so
favourable to poetry, America was discovered in the year
1000 by Leif, the son of Eric the Red, by the northern route,
and as far as 41° 30’ north latitude.* The first, although
accidental, incitement towards this event emanated from
Norway. Towards the close of the ninth century Naddod
was driven by storms to Ieeland whilst attempting to reach
the Faroe Islands, which had \already been visited by the
Irish. The first settlement of the Northmen was made in
875 by Ingolf. Greenland, the eastern peninsula of a land
which appears to be everywhere separated by the sea from
America Proper, «was early seen,} although it was first

* Parts of America were seen, although no landing was made on
them, fourteen years before Leif Eiricksson, in the voyage which Bjarne
Herjulfsson undertook from Greenland to the southward, in 986. Leif
first saw the land at the island.of Nantucket, 1° south of Boston; then
in Nova Scotia; and, lastly, in Newfoundland, which was subsequently
called “ Litla Helluland,” but never “ Vinland.” he gulf, which
divides Newfoundland from the mouth of the great River St. Lawrence,
was called by the Northmen, who had settled in Iceland and Greenland,
Markland’s Gulf. See Caroli Christiani Rafn Antiquitates Ameri-
cane, 1845, pp. 4, 421, 423, and 463.

+ Gunnbjorm was wrecked, in 876 or 877, on the rocks subsequently
called by his name, which were lately re-discovered by Captain Graab.
Gunnbjirn saw the east,.coast of Greenland, but did not land upon it.
(Rafh, Antiquit. Amer.. pp. 11, 98, and 304.) ~ Bion ae

604 COSMOS.

peopled from Iceland a hundred years later (983). The
colonisation of Iceland, which Naddod first called Snow-land,
Snyoland, was carried through Greenland in a south-western
direction to the New Continent.

The Faroe Islands and Iceland must be considered as
intermediate stations and starting points for attempts made to
reach Scandinavian America. In a similar manner the set-
tlement at Carthage served the Tyrians in their efforts to
reach the Straits of Gadeira, and the Port of Tartessus; and
thus, too, Tartessus, in its turn, led this enterprising people
from station to station on to Cerne, the Gauleon (Ship Island)
of the Carthaginians.*

Notwithstanding the proximity of the opposite shores of
Labrador (Helluland it mikla), one hundred and twenty-five
years elapsed from the first settlement of the Northmen in
Iceland to Leif’s great discovery of America. So small were
the means possessed by a noble, enterprising, but not wealthy
race for furthering navigation in these remote and dreary
regions of the earth. The littoral tracts of Vinland, so called
by the German Tyrker from the wild grapes which were
found there, delighted its discoverers by the fruitfulness of
the soil, and the mildness of its climate, when compared with
Iceland and Greenland. This tract, which was named by
Leif the ‘Good Vinland”’ (Vinland zt goda), comprised the
coast line between Boston and New York, and consequently
parts of the present States of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and
Connecticut, between the parallels of latitude of Civita Vecchia,
and Terracina, which, however, correspond there only to mean
annual temperatures of 47°-8 and 52°-1. This was the prin-
cipal settlement of the Northmen. The colonists had often

* See p. 494.

+ These mean annual temperatures of the eastern coast of America,
under the parallels of 42° 25’ and 41° 15’, correspond in Europe to the
latitudes of Berlin and Paris, places which are situated 8° or 10° more
to the north. Besides the decrease of mean annual temperature, from
lower to higher latitudes is here so rapid that, in the interval of lati-
tude between Boston and Philadelphia, which is 2° 41’, an increase of one
degree of latitude corresponds to a decrease in the mean annual tempe-
rature of almost 3°.6, while, according to my researches, on the system
of isothermal lines in Europe, the same decrease of temperature scarcely
eo to half a degree for the same interval. (Asie centrale, t. iiL
p. 227.

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 605

to contend with a very warlike race of Esquimaux, who then
extended further to the south under the name of the Skra-
linger. The first Bishop of Greenland, Eric Upsi, an Ice-
lander, undertook, in 1121, a Christian mission to Vinland;
and the name of the colonised country has even been dis-
covered in old national songs of the inhabitants of the Faroe
Islands.*

The activity and bold spirit of enterprise manifested by the
Greenland and Icelandic adventurers are proved by the cir-
cumstance that, after they had established settlements south
of 41° 30’ north latitude, they erected three boundary pillars
on the eastern shores of Baffin’s Bay, at the latitude of
72° 55’, on one of the Woman’s Islands,} north-west of the
present most northern Danish colony of Upernayick. The
Runic inscriptions, which were discovered in the autumn of
the year 1824, contain, according to Rask and Finn Mag-
nusen, the date 1135. From this eastern coast of Baffin’s
Bay, more than six hundred years before the bold expeditions
of Parry and Ross, the colonists very regularly visited Lan-
caster Sound and a paxt of Barrow’s Straits for the purpose of
fishing. The locality of the fishing ground is very definitely
described, and Greenland priests, from the Bishopric of
Gardar, conducted the first voyage of discovery (1266).
This north-western summer station was called the Kroksfjar-
dar Heath. Mention is even made of the drift wood (un-
doubtedly from Siberia) collected there, and of the abundance
of whales, seals, walrusses, and sea bears.

* See Carmen Ferdicum in quo Vinlandie mentio fit. (Rafn,
Antiquit. Amer., pp. 320-332.)

+ The Runic stone was placed on the highest point of the Island of
Kingiktorsoak “on the Saturday before the day of victory,” 7.e., before
the 21st of April, a great heathen festival of the ancient Scandinavians,
which, at their conversion to Christianity, was changed into a Christian
festival. (Rafn,Antiquit. Amer., pp. 347-355.) On the doubts which
Brynjulfsen, Mohnike, and Klaproth, express respecting the Runic num-
bers, see my Hxamen crit., t. ii. pp. 97-101; yet, from other indica-
tions, Brynjulfsen and Graah are led to regard the important monument
on the Woman’s Islands (as well as the Runic inscriptions fuund at
Igalikko and Egegeit, lat. 60° 51’ and 60° 0’, and the ruins of buildings
near Upernavik, lat. 72° 50’) as belonging undoubtedly to the eleventh
and twelfth centuries.

t Rafn, Antiquit. Amer., pp. 20, 274, and 415-418 (Wilhelmi, diber
Island, Hvitramannaland, Greenland, und Vinland, s. 117-121).

606 COSMOS.

_ Certain accounts of the intercourse maintained between’
the extreme north of Europe or between Greenland and Ice-:
land with the American Continent, properly so called, do not:
extend beyond the fourteenth century: In the year 1347 a.
ship was sent from Greenland to Markland (Nova Scotia), to:
collect building timber and other necessary articles. On the
return voyage “the ship encountered heavy storms, and was
obliged to take refuge at Straumfjord in the west of Iceland.
These are the latest accounts preserved to us by ancient Sean-"
dinavian authorities of the visits of Northmen to America.*

We have hitherto kept strictly on historical ground. By»
means of the critical and highly praiseworthy efforts of:
Christian Rafn, and of the Royal Society of Northern Antiqui-*
ties at Copenhagen, the sagas and narratives of the voyages’

According toa very ancient saga, the most northern part of the east coast

of Greenland was also visited in 1194, under the name of Svalbard, at a

part which corresponds to Scoresby’s Land, near the point 73° 16’, where

my friend Col., then Capt., Sabine made his pendulum observations, and

where there is a very dreary cape bearing my name. Raf, (Antiquit. |
Amer., p. 303, and Apergu de Vancienne Géographie des Régions.

axctiques de LAmerique, 1847,.p. 6:)

* Wilhelmi,. op. cit., s. 226; Rafn, Amtiquit. Amer., pp, 264 and
453. The settlements on the west coast of Greenland, which, until the
middle of the fourteenth century, were in a very flourishing condition,
fell gradually to decay, from the ruinous operation of commercial
monopolies, from the attacks of Hsquimaux (Skralinger), the “ black
death” which, according to Hecker, depopulated the north during the
years 1347 to 1351, and from the inyasion of a hostile fleet, regarding
whose course nothing is known. At the present day no faith is any
longer attached. to the meteorological myth of a sudden alteration ‘of '

climate, and of the formation of a barrier of ice, which was immediately

followed by the entire separation from their mother country of the
colonies established in Greenland. As these colonies. were only on the
more temperate district of the west coast of Greenland, it cannot be
possible that a Bishop of Skalholt, in 1540, should. have seen. “ shep-
herds feeding their flocks” on the east coast of Greenland, beyond the
icy wall. The accumulation of masses of ice on the east. coast opposite
to Iceland depends on the configuration of the land, the neighbourhood
of a chain of mountains having glaciers and ruaning parallel to the
coast line, and on the direction of the oceanic. current. This state of
things cannot. be solely referred to the close of the fourteenth or the be-
ginning of the fifteenth century. As Sir John Barrow has very justly
shown, it has been subject to many accidental alterations, particularly .
in the years 1815-1817. (See Barrow, Voyages of Discovery within
the Arctic Regions, 1846, pp. 2-6.) Pope Nicholas V. appointed a
bishop for Greenland as late as 1448,

OCEANIC. DISCOVERIES. 607

of the Northmen to Helluland (Newfoundland), to Markland
(the mouth of the St. Lawrence and Nova Scotia), and to
Vinland (Massachusetts), have been separately printed,
accompanied by able commentaries.* The length of the

age, the direction of its course, and the times of the rising
and setting of the sun, are all minutely detailed.
- Less certainty appertains to the traces which have been
supposed to be found of a discovery of America before the:
year 1000 by the Irish. The Skralinger related to the
Northmen settled in Vinland, that further southward, beyond
the Chesapeake Bay, there dwelt ‘white men, who clothed
themselves in long, white garments, carried before them poles
to which cloths were attached, and called with a loud voice.”
This account was interpreted by the Christian Northmen to
indicate processions, in which banners were borne accom-
panied by singing. In the oldest sagas, the historical narra-
tions of Thorfinn Karlsefne, and the Icelandic Landnama. book,
these southern coasts, lying between Virginia and Florida,
are designated under the name of the Land of the White
Men. ‘They are expressly ealled Great Ireland (Jrland #&.
mikla), and it is maintained that they were peopled by the
Trish. According to testimonies which extend to 1064, before
Leif discovered Vinland, and probably about the year 982,
Ari Marsson of the powerful Icelandic race of Ulf the squint-
eyed, was driven in a voyage from Iceland to the south
by storms on the coasts of the Land of the White Men, and
there baptised m the Christian faith; and not being allowed
to depart, was recognised by men from the Orkney Islands
and Iceland.t »

An opinion has been advanced’ by some northern antiqua-
rians that, as in the oldest Icelandic documents the first

* The main sources of information are the historic narrations of Eric
the Red, Thorfinn Karlsefne, and Snorre Thorbrandsson, probably writ-
ten in Greenland itself as early as the twelfth century, and partly by
descendants of settlers born in Vinland (Rafn, Antiquit. Amer., pp. vii.
xiv. and xvi). The care with which genealogical tables were kept was
so great that that of Thorfinn Karlsefne, whose son, Snorre Thorbrands-
son, was born in America, has been. brought down from 1007 to 1811.

+ Hvitramannaland, the land. of the white men. Compare the
original sources of information, im Rafn, Antiguit. Amer., pp. 208-206,
i 446--451; and Wilhelmi, Ueber Island, Hvitramannaland, &c.;
& 75-81, j

608 COSMOS.

inhabitants of the island are called ‘‘ west men, who had come.
across the sea’’ (emigrants settled in Papyli on the south-east
coast, and on the neighbouring small island of Papar), Ice-
land was not at first peopled directly from Europe but from
Virginia and Carolina, (Great Ireland, the American White
Men’s Land,) by Irishmen, who had earlier emigrated to
America. The important work, de Mensura Orbis Terre,
composed by the Irish monk Dicuil about the year 825, and,
therefore, thirty-eight years before the Northmen acquired
their knowledge of Iceland from Naddod, does not, however,
confirm this opinion.

Christian anchorites in the north of Europe, and pious
Buddhist monks in the interior of Asia, explored and opened —
to civilisation regions that had previously been inaccessible.
The eager striving to diffuse religious opinions has sometimes
paved the way for warlike expeditions, and sometimes for the
introduction of peaceful ideas, and the establishment of rela-
tions of commerce. Religious zeal, which so strongly charac-
terises the doctrines promulgated in the systems of India,
Palestine, and Arabia, and which is so widely opposed to the
indifference of the ancient polytheistic Greeks and Romans,
was the means of furthering the advance of geographical know-
ledge in the earlier portions of the middle ages. Letronne,
the commentator on Dicuil, has shown much ingenuity in his
attempts to prove that after the Irish missionaries had been
driven from the Faroe Islands by the Northmen, they began,
about the year 795, to visit Iceland. The Northmen, when
they first reached Iceland, found Irish books, mass bells, and
other objects, which had been left by the earlier settlers, called
Papar. These Pape, fathers, are the Clerict of Dicuil.* If,
as his testimony would lead us to conclude, these oLjects had
belonged to Irish monks, who had come from the Faroe Islands,
the question naturally arises, why these monks (Papar’) should
be termed in the native sagas Westmen (Vestmenn), who had
‘“‘come from the west across the sea? (Kommuir til vestan um
haf.)’ The deepest obscurity still shrouds everything con-
nected with the voyage of the Gaelic chief, Madoc, son of Owen
Guineth, to a great western land in the year 1170, and the

* Letronne, Recherches géogr. et crit. sur le Livre “de Mensura

Orbis Terre,’ composé en Irlande, par Dicuil, 1814, pp. 129-146,
Compare my Hxamen crit. del Hist. de le. Géogr., t. ii. pp. 87--91.

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 609 -

‘

connection of this event with the Great Ireland of the Ice-
landic Saga. In like manner the race of Celto-Americans,
whom credulous travellers have professed to discover in many

of the United States, have also disappeared since the
establishment of an earnest and scientific ethnology, based not
on accidental similarities of sounds, but on grammatical forms
and organic structure.*

* The statements which have been advanced from the time of Raleigh,
of natives of Virginia speaking pure Celtic; of the supposition of the
Gaelic salutation, hao, hut, iach, having been heard there; of Owen
Chapelain, in 1669, saving himself from the hands of the Tuscaroras,
who were about to scalp him, “ because he addressed them in his native
Gaelic,” have all been appended to the ninth book of my travels (Rela-
tion historique, t. iii, 1825, p. 159). These Tuscaroras of North Caro-
lina are now, however, distinctly recognised by linguistic investigations,
as an Iroquois tribe. See Albert Gallatin on Jndian Tribes, in the
Archeeologia Americana, vol ii. (1836), pp. 23 and 57. An extensive
catalogue of Tuscarora words is given by Catlin, one of the most
admirable observers of manners who ever lived amongst the aborigines
of America. He, however, is inclined to regard the rather fair,
and_ often blue-eyed, nation of the Tuscaroras, as a mixed people,
descended from the ancient Welsh, and from the original inhabitants of
the American continent. See his Letters and Notes on the Manners,
Customs, and Conditions, of the North American Indians, 1841, vol. i.
p. 207; vol. ii. pp. 259 and 262-265. Another catalogue of Tuscarora
words is to be found in my brother's manuscript notes respecting lan-
guages, in the Royal Library at Berlin. “ As the structure of American
idioms appears remarkably strange to nations speaking the modern lan-.
guages of Western Europe, and who readily suffer themselves to be
led away by some accidental analogies of sound, theologians have gene-
rally believed that they could trace an affinity with Hebrew, Spanish
colonists with the Basque, and the English or French settlers with
Gaelic, Hrse, or the Bas Breton. I one day met on the coast of Peru a
Spanish naval officer and an English whaling captain, the former of
whom declared that he had heard Basque spoken at Tahiti, and the
other Gaelic, or Erse, at the Sandwich Islands.” Humboldt, Voyage
aux Régions Hquinoctiales, Relat. hist., t. iii. 1825, p. 160.

Although no connection of language has yet been proved, I by no
means wish to deny that the Basques and the people of Celtic origin
inhabiting Ireland and Wales, who were early engaged in fisheries on
the most remote coasts, may have been the constant rivals of the Scan-
dinavians in the northern parts of the Atlantic, and even that the Irish
preceded the Scandinavians in the Fiiroe Islands and in Iceland. It is
much to be desired that, in our days, when a sound and severe spirit of
criticism, devoid of a character of contempt, prevails, the old investiga-
tions of Powel and Richard Hakluyt (Voyages and Navigatioas, vol.

2k

610 COSMOS.

That this first discovery of America, in or before the
eleventh century, should not have produced the important and
permanent results yielded to the physical contemplation of the
universe by the re-discovery of the same continent by Colum-
bus at the close of the fifteenth century, was the necessary
consequence of the uncivilized condition of the people, and the
nature of the countries to which the early discoveries were
limited. The Seandinavians were wholly unprepared, by pre-
vious scientific knowledge, for explormg the countries in
which they settled, beyond what was absolutely necessary for
the satisfaction of their immediate wants. Greenland and
Iceland, which must be regarded as the actual mother
countries of the new colonies, were regions in which man had
to contend with all the hardships of an inhospitable climate.
The wonderfully organized free state of Iceland, neverthe-
less, maintained its independence for three centuries and a
half, until civil freedom was annihilated, and the country
became subject to Hako VI. King of Norway. The flower
of Icelandic literature, its historical records, and the-eollection
of the Sagas and Eddasappertain to the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries.

It is a remarkable phenomenon in the history of the culti-
vation of nations, that when the safety of the national treasures
of the most ancient records of Northern Europe was en-
dangered at home by domestic disturbances, they should haye
been transported to Iceland, and have been there carefully pre-
served, and thus rescued for posterity. This rescue, the remote

iii. p. 4), might be resumed in England and in Ireland. Is the state-
ment based on fact, that the wanderings of Madoc were celebrated in
the poems of the Welsh bard Meredith, fifteen years before Columbus’
discovery? I donot participate in the rejecting spirit which has, but
too often, thrown popular traditions into obscurity, but I am, on the
contrary, firmly persuaded that, by greater diligence and perseverance,
many of the historical problems which relate to the maritime expedi-
tions of the early part of the middle ages; to ‘the striking identity in
religious traditions, manner of dividing time, and works of art in
America and Eastern Asia ; to the migrations of the Mexican nations ;
to the ancient centres of dawning civilisation in Aztlan, Quivira, and
Upper Louisiana, as well as in the elevated plateaux of Cundinamarca
and Peru, will one day be cleared up by discoveries of facts with which
we have hitherto been entirely unacquainted. See my Hxamen crit.
de I Hist. de la.Géogr. du Nouveau Continent, t. ii. pp. 142-149,

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES, 611

consequence of Ingolf’s first colonization in Iceland, in the year
875, has proved, amid the vague and misty forms of Scandi-
navian myths and symbolical cosmogonies, an event of great

‘importance in its influence on the poetic fancy of mankind.

It was natural knowledge alone that acquired no enlargement.
Icelandic travellers certainly occasionally visited the univer-
sities of Germany and Italy, but the discoveries of the Green-
landers in the South, and the inconsiderable intercourse main-
tained with Vinland, whose vegetation presented no remark-
able physiognomical character, withdrew colonists and mariners
so little from their European interests, that no knowledge of
these newly colonised countries seems to have been diffused
amongst the cultivated nations of southern Europe. It would
even appear that no tidings of these regions reached the great
Genoese navigator in Iceland. Iceland and Greenland had
then been separated upwards of two hundred years, since
1261, when the latter country had lost its republican form of
government, and when, on its becoming a fief of the crown of
Norway, all intercourse with foreigners and even with Iceland
was interdicted to it. Christopher Columbus, ina work “On
the five habitable zones of the earth,’’ which has now become
extremely rare, says that inthe month of February 1477, he
visited Iceland, ‘where the sea was not at that time covered
with ice, and which had been resorted to by many traders from
Bristol.* If he had there heard tidings of the earlier coloni-
sation of an extended and continuous tract of land, situated on

* Whilst this circumstance of the absence of ice in February 1477,
has been brought forward as a proof that Columbus’ Island of Thule
could not be Iceland, Finn Magnusen found in ancient historical. sources,
that until March 1477, there was no snow in the northern part of Ice-
land, and that in February of the same year, the southern coast was free

from ice. Hxamen crit., t. i. p. 105; t. v. p. 213. It is very remark-

able, that. Columbus, in the same “ T’ratado de las cinco zonas habi-
tables,’ mentions a more southern island, Frislanda; a name which is
not in the maps of Andrea Bianeo (1436), or in that of Fra Mauro
(1457-1470), but which playsa great part inthe travels, mostly regarded
as fabulous, of the brothers Zeni (1388-1404). (Compare Zxamen crit.,
t. ii. pp. 114-126.) Columbus cannot have been acquainted with. the
travels of the Fratelli Zeni, as they even remained unknown to. the
Venetian family until the year 1558, in which Marcolini first published

them, fifty-two years after the death of the greatadmiral. Whence.came

the admirals acquaintance with the name Frislanda? e
2R 2

612 COSMOS,

the opposite coast, Helluland it mikla, Markland and the good
Vinland, and if he connected this knowledge of a neighbouring
continent with those projects which had already engaged his
attention since 1470 and 1473, his voyage to Thule (Iceland)
would have been made so much the more a subject of consi-
deration during the celebrated law-suit regarding the merit of
an earlier discovery, which did not end till 1517, since the
suspicious fiscal officer mentions a map of the world (mappa
mundo) which had been seen at Rome by Martin Alonzo
Pinzon, and on which the New Continent was supposed to be
marked. If Columbus had desired to seek a continent of
which he had obtained information in Iceland, he would
assuredly not have directed his course south-west from the
Canary Islands. Commercial relations were maintained
between Bergen and Greenland until 1484, and, therefore, until
seven years after Columbus’ voyage to Iceland.

Wholly different from the first discovery of the New Conti-
nent in the eleventh century, its re-discovery by Christopher
Columbus and his explorations of the tropical regions of Ame-
rica, have been attended by events of cosmical importance, and
by a marked influence on the extension of physical views.
Although the mariners who conducted this great expedition at
the end of the fifteenth century, were not actuated by the
design of attempting to discover a new quarter of the world,
and although it would appear to be proved that Columbus and
Amerigo Vespucci died in the firm conviction that they had
merely touched on portions of Eastern Asia,* yet the expedi-

* See the proofs, which I have collected from trustworthy documents,
for Columbus, in the Hxamen crit., t. iv. pp. 233, 250, and 261, and for
Vespucci, t. v. p. 182-185. Columbus was so fully convinced that Cuba
was part of the continent of Asia, and even the south part of Khatai
(the province of Mango), that on the 12th of June, 1494, he caused all
the crews of hissquadron (about 80 sailors) to swear that they were con-
vineed he might go from Cuba to Spain by land, “que esta tierra de Cuba
fuese la tierra firme al comienzo de las Indias y fin 4 quien en estas partes
quisiere venir de Espaiia por tierra”); and that “if any who now swore
is should at any future day maintain the contrary, they would have to
expiate their perjury, by receiving one hundred stripes, and having the
tongue torn out.” (See Lnformacion del Escribano publico, Fernando
Perez de Luna, in Navarrete, Viages y Descubrimientos de los Espa-
fioles, t. ii, pp. 148, 149.) When Columbus was approaching the island
of Cuba on his first expedition, he believed himself to be opposite the

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 613

tion manifested the perfect character of being the fulfilment
of a plan sketched in accordance with scientific combinations.
The expedition was safely conducted westward, through the
gate opened by the Tyrians and Coleus of Samos, across the
immeasurable dark sea, mare tenebrosum, of the Arabian geogra-
phers. -They strove to reach a goal, with the limits of which
they believed themselves acquainted. They were not driven
accidentally thither by storms, as Naddod and Gardar had
been borne to Iceland, and Gunlijérn, the son of Ulf Kraka, to
Greenland. Nor were the discoverers guided on their course
by intermediate stations. The great cosmographer, Martin
Behaim of Niinberg, who accompanied the Portuguese Diego
Cam on his important expedition to the western coasts of
Africa, lived four years, from 1486 to 1490, in the Azores; but
it was not from these islands, which lie between the coasts of
Spain and Maryland, and only at 3th the distance from the
latter, that America was discovered. The preconception of
this event is celebrated with rich poetical fancy in those
stanzas of Tasso, in which he sings of the deeds which Her-
cules ventured not to attempt.

Non osd di tentar l’alto Oceano:

Segnd le mete, en troppo breve chiostri,

L’ardir ristrinse dell’ingegno umano,

Tempo verra che fian d’Ecole i segni

Favola vile ai naviganti industri

Un uom della Liguria avri ardimento

AI? incognito corso esporsi in prima.

Tasso, xv. sb. 25, 30 et 31.

Chinese commercial cities of Zaitun and Quinsay (y es cierto, dice el
Almirante questa es la tierra firme y que estoy, dice el, ante Zayto y
Guinsay). “He intends to present the letters of the Catholic Monarchs
to the great Mogul Khan (Gran Can) in Khatai; and to return imme-
diately to Spain (but by sea), as soon as he shall have thus discharged the
mission entrusted to him. He subsequently sends on shore a baptized
Jew, Luis de Torres, because he understands Hebrew, Chaldee, andsome
Arabic,” which are languages in use in Asiatic trading cities. (See
Columbus’ Journal of his Voyages, 1492, in Navarrete, Viages y Descu-
brim., t. i. pp. 37, 44 and 46.) Evenin 1533, the astronomer Schoner
maintained that the whole of the so-called New World was a part of
Asia (superioris Indiae), and that the city of Mexico (Temistitan), con-
quered by Cortes, was no other than the Chinese commercial city of
Quinsay, so excessively extolled by Marco Polo. (See Joannis Schoneré
Ss See Opusculum geographicum, Norimb, 1538, pars ii, eap

614: COSMOS.

_ And yet it was of this “ wom della Liguria’ that the great
Portuguese historical writer, Johannes Barros*, whose first
decade appeared in 1552, simply remarked that he was a vain
and fanciful babbler (homem fallador e glorioso em mostrar
suas habilidades, e mars fantastico, e de imaginagées com sua
Itha Cypango). Thus, through all ages and through all
stages of civilization, national hatred has striven to obscure
the glory of honourable names.

‘The discovery of the tropical regions of America by Chris-
topher Columbus, Alonso de Hojeda, and Alvarez Cabral,
cannot be regarded in the history of the contemplation of the
universe as one isolated event. Its influence on the extension
of: physical science, and on the increase of materials yielded
to the ideal world generally, cannot be correctly understood
without entering into a brief consideration of the period
which separates the epoch of the great maritime expeditions
from that of the maturity of scientific culture amongst the
Arabs. That which imparted to the age of Columbus its
peculiar character of uninterrupted and successful efforts
towards the attainment of new discoveries and extended
geographical knowledge, was prepared slowly and in various
ways. The means which contributed most strongly to favour
these efforts were a small number of enterprising men, who
early excited a simultaneous and general freedom of
thought, and an independence of investigation into the sepa-
rate phenomena of nature; the influence exercised on the
deepest sources of mental vigour by the renewed acquaintance
formed in Italy with the works of ancient Greek literature;
the discovery of an art which lent to thought at once wings of
speed and powers of perpetuity; and the more extended
knowledge of Eastern Asia acquired by travelling merchants,
and by monks who had been sent on embassies to the Mogul
rulers, and which was diffused by them amongst those nations
of the south-west of Hurope who maintained extensive com-
mercial relations with other countries, and who were there-
fore most anxious to discover a nearer route to the Spice
Islands. To these means, which most powerfully facilitated
the accomplishment of the wishes so generally entertamed at
the close of the fifteenth century, we must add the advance in’

* Da Asia de Joao de Barros ¢ de Diego de Couto, dec. i. liv. iii.
cap. 11 (Parte i. Lisboa, 1778, p. 250).

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 615

the art of navigation, the gradual perfection of nautical
instruments, both magnetic and astronomical, and finally, the
application of certain methods for the determination of the
ship's place, and the more general use of the solar and lunar
ephemerides of Regiomontanus.

Without entering into the details of the history of science,
which would be foreign to the present work, I would enu-
merate amongst those who prepared the way for the epoch of
Columbus and Gama, three great names—Albertus Magnus,
Roger Bacon, and Vincenzius of Beauvais. I have named them
according to time, but the most celebrated, influential and
intellectual, was Roger Bacon, a Franciscan monk of Ilchester,
who devoted himself to the study of seience at Oxford and
Paris. All the three were in advance of their age, and acted
influentially upon it. In the long and generally unfruitful
contests of the dialectic speculations and logical dogmatism of
a philosophy which has been designated by the indefinite and
equivocal name of scholastic. we cannot fail to recognise the
beneficial influence exercised by what may be termed the
reflex-action of the Arabs. The peculiarity of their national
character, already described in a former section, and their
predilection for communion with nature, procured for the
newly translated works of Aristotle an extended diffusion
which was most instrumental in furthering the establishment
of the experimental sciences. Until the close of the twelfth
and the beginning of the thirteenth century, misconceived
dogmas of the Platonic philosophy prevailed in the schools.
Even the fathers of the church believed that they could trace in
them the prototypes of their own religious views.* Many of
the symbolising physical fancies of Timzeus were eagerly taken
up, and erroneous cosmical views, whose groundlessness had
long been shown by the mathematical school of Alexandria,
were revived under the sanction of Christian authority.
Thus the dominion of Platonism, or, more correctly speak-
ing, the new adaptations of Platonic views, were propagated
far into the middle ages, under varying forms, from

_ * Jourdain, Rech. crit. sur les traductions d’ Aristote, pp. 230-234,
and 421-423; Letronne, Des opinions cosmographiques des Péres de
ULglise, rapprochées des doctrines philosophiques de la Gréce, in the
Revue des deux Mondes, 1834, t. i. p. 632.

616 COSMOS.

Augustine to Alcuin, Johannes Scotus, and Bernhard of
Chartres.*

When the Aristotclian philosophy gained the ascendancy
by its controlling influence over the direction of the human
mind, its effect was manifested in the two-fold channel of
investigation into speculative philosophy and a philosophical
elaboration of empirical natural science. Although the
former of these directions may appear foreign to the object I
have had in view in the present work, it must not be passed
without notice, since in the midst of the age of dialectic
scholastics, it incited some few noble and highly-gifted men
to the exercise of free and independent thought in the most
various departments of science. An extended physical con-
- templation of the universe not only requires a rich abundance
of observation as the substratum for a generalization of
ideas, but also a preparatory and invigorating training of the
human mind, by which it may be enabled, unappalled amid
the eternal contest between knowledge and faith, to meet the
threatening impediments which, even in modern times,
present themselves at the entrance of certain departments of
the experimental sciences, and would seem to render them
inaccessible. There are two points in the history of the
development of man, which must not be separated—the con-
sciousness of man’s just claims to intellectual freedom, and
his long unsatisfied desire of prosecuting discoveries in remote
regions of the earth. These free and independent thinkers
form a series, which begins in the middle ages with Duns
Scotus, Wilhelm of Occam, and Nicolas of Cusa, and leads
from Ramus, Campanella, and Giordano Bruno to Des-
cartes.}

The seemingly impassable gulf between thought and actual
being—the relations between the mind that recognises and

* Friedrich von Raumer, Ueber die Philosophie des Creizehnten
Jahrhunderts, in his Hist. Taschenbuch, 1840, s. 468. On the ten-
dency towards Platonism in the middle ages, and on the contests of the
schools, see Heinrich Ritter, Gesch. der christl. Philosophie, th. ii. 8.
159; th. iii. s. 131-160, and 381-417.

+ Cousin, Cours del Hist. de la Philosophie, t. i. 1829, pp. 360 and
389-436; Fragmens de Philosophie cartésienne, pp. 8-12 and 403,
Compare also the recent ingenious work of Christian Bartholomés,
entitled Jordano Bruno, 1847, t. i. p. 808; t. ii. pp. 409-416,

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 617

the object that is recognised—separated the dialectics into the
two celebrated schools of realists and nominalists. ‘The almost
forgotten contests of these schools of the middle ages deserve
a notice here, because they exercised a special influence on
the final establishment of the experimental scienecs. The
nominalists, who ascribed to general ideas of objects only a
subjective existence in the human mind, finally remained the
dominant party in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, after
having undergone various fluctuations of success. From
their greater aversion to mere empty abstractions, they urged
before all the necessity of experiment, and of the increase of
the materials for establishing a sensuous basis of knowledge.
This direction was at least influential in favouring the culti-
vation of empirical science; but even among those with whom.
the realistic views were maintained, an acquaintance with
the literature of the Arabs had successfully opposed a taste
for natural investigation against the all-absorbing sway of
theology. ‘Thus we see that in the different periods of the
middle ages, to which we have perhaps been accustomed to
ascribe too strong a character of unity, the great work of
discoveries in remote parts of the earth, and their happy
adaptation to the extension of the cosmical sphere of ideas,
were gradually being prepared on wholly different paths and
in purely ideal and empirical directions.

Natural science was intimately associated with medicine and
philosophy amongst the learned Arabs, and in the Christian
middle ages with theological polemics. The latter from their
tendency to assert an exclusive influence, repressed empirical
enquiry in the departments of physics, organic morphology,
and astronomy, which was for the most part closely allied to
astrology. ‘The study of the comprehensive works of Aristotle
which had been introduced by Arabs and Jewish Rabbis, had
tended to lead to a philosophical fusion of all branches of
study ;* and hence Ibn-Sina (Avicenna) and Ibn-Roschd
(Averroes), Albertus Magnus, and Roger Bacon, passed for
the representatives of all the knowledge of their time. The
fame which in the middle ages surrounded the names of these
great men was proportionate to the general diffusion of this
opinion of their endowments. —

* Jourdain, Sur les trad. @ Aristote, p. 236; and Michael Sacha,
Die religitse Poesie der Juden in Spanien, 1845, s. 180-200,

618: COSMOS.

Albertus Mugnus, of the family of the Counts of Bollstadt,
must also be mentioned as an independent observer in the
domain of analytic chemistry. It is true that his hopes were
directed to the transmutation of the metals, but in his attempts
to fulfil this object, he not only improved the practical manipu-
lation of ores, but he also enlarged the insight of men into the
general mode of action of the chemical forces of nature. His
works contain some extremely acute observations on the
organic structure and physiology of plants. He was ac-
quainted with the sleep of plants, the periodical opening and
closing of flowers, the diminution of the sap during evaporation
from the surfaces of leaves, and with the influence of the
distribution of the vascular bundles on the indentations of the
leaves. He wrote commentaries on all the physical works of
the Stagirite, although in that on the history of animals he
followed the Latin translation of Michael Scotus from the
Arabic.* The work of Albertus Magnus, entitled Liber cosmo-
graphicus de natura locorum, is a kind of physical geography.
I have found in it observations, which greatly excited my
surprise, regarding the simultaneous dependence of climate on
latitude and elevation, and the effect of different angles of
incidence of the sun’s rays in heating the earth’s surface.
Albertus probably owes the praise conferred on him by
Dante, less to himself than to his beloved pupil St. Thomas
Aquinas, who accompanied him from Cologne to Paris in
1245, and returned with him to Germany in 1248.

* The greater share of merit in regard to the history of animals
belongs to the emperor Frederic II. Weare indebted to him for important
independent observations on the internal structure of birds. (See
Schneider, in Reliqua librorum Frederici II. imperatoris de arte
venandi cum avibus, t. i. 1788, inthe Preface.) Cuvier also calls this
prince of the Hohenstaufen line, the “first independent and original
zoologist of the scholastic middle ages.” On the correct view of Albert
Magnus, on the distribution of heat over the earth’s surface under dif-
ferent latitudes and at different seasons, see his Liber cosmographicus de
natura locorum, Argent. 1515, fol. 14b. and 23a. (Hxamen crit., t. i.
pp. 54-58.) In his own observations, we, however, unhappily too often
find, that Albertus Magnus shared in the uncritical spirit of his age.
He thinks he knows “ that rye changes on a good soil into wheat; that
from a beech wood which has been hewn down, a birch wood will spring
up from the decayed matter; and that from oak-branches stuck into the
earth vines arise.” (Compare also Ernst Meyer, Ueber die Botanik des
13ten Jahrhunderts, in the Linnea, bd. x. 1836, s. 719.) :

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 619

Questi, che m’? a destra pid vicino,

Frate e maestro fummi; ed esso Alberto

FE’ di Cologna, ed io Thomas d’Aquino.

li Paradiso, x. 97-99.

- In all that has directly operated on the extension of the
natural sciences, and on their establishment on a mathematical
basis, and by the calling forth of phenomena by the process
of experiment, Roger Bacon, the contemporary of Albertus
of Bollstadt, may be regarded as the most important and
influential man of the middle ages. These two men occupy
almost the whole of the thirteenth century; but to Roger
Bacon belongs the merit that the influence which he exercised
on the form of the mode of treating the study of nature, has
been more beneficial and lasting than the various discoveries
which, with more or less justice, have been ascribed to him.
Stimulating the mind to independence of thought, he severely
condemned the blind faith attached to the authority of the
schools, yet, far from neglecting the investigations of the
ancient Greeks, he directed his attention simultaneously to
philological researches,* and the application of mathematics
and of the Scientia experimentalis, to which last he devoted a
special section of the Opus majus.t Protected and favoured
by one Pope (Clement IV.), and accused of magic and im-
prisoned by two others (Nicholas III. and IV.), he experienced
the changes of fortune common to great minds in all ages.
He was acquainted with the Optics of Ptolemy,{ and with

* So many passages of the Opus majus show the respect which Roger
Bacon entertained for Grecian antiquity, that, as Jourdain has already
remarked (p. 429), we can only interpret the wish expressed by him in
a letter to Pope Clement IV., “to burn the works of Aristotle, in order
to stop the diffusion of error among the scholars,” as referring to the bad
Latin translations from the Arabic. ;

+ Scientia experimentalis a vulgo studentium penitus ignorata; duo
tamen sunt modi cognoscendi, scilicet per argumentum et experien-
tiam (the ideal path, and the path of experiment). Sine experientia
nihil sufficienter sciri potest. Argumentum concludit, sed non certificat,
neque’removet duditationem; et quiescat animus in intuita veritatis,
fiisi eam inveniat via experientie.” (Opus majus, pars. vi. cap. 1.) I
have collected all the passages relating to Roger Bacon’s physical know
ledge, and to his proposals for various inventions, in the Lxamen crit.
de U Hist. dela Geogr., t. ii. pp. 295-299. Compare also Whewell,
Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences, vol. ii. pp. 323-337,

t Sce vol. ii. p. 562. I find Ptolemy’s Optics cited in the Opus

620 COSMOS,

the Almagest. As he, like the Arabs, always calls Hip-
parchus, Abraxis, we may conclude that he also made use of
only a Latin translation from the Arabie. Next to Bacon’s
chemical experiments on combustible explosive mixtures, his
theoretical optical works on perspective, and the position of
the focus in concave mirrors, are the most important. His
profound Opus majus contains proposals and schemes of
practicable execution, but no clear traces of successful optical
discoveries. Profoundness of mathematical knowledge can-
not be ascribed to him. That which characterizes him is
rather a certain liveliness of fancy, which, owing to the
impression excited by so many unexplained great natural
phenomena, and the long and anxious search for the solution
of mysterious problems, was often excited to a degree of
morbid excess in those monks of the middle ages who devoted
themselves to the study of natural philosophy.

Before the invention of printing, the expense of copyists,
rendered it difficult, in the middle ages, to collect any large
number of separate manuscripts, and thus tended to produce
a great predilection for encyelopeedic works after the extension
of ideas in the thirteenth century. These merit special consider-
ation, because they led to a generalisation of ideas. There ap-
peared the twenty books de rerum natura of Thomas Cantipra-
tensis, Professor at Louvain (1280); The Mirror of Nature
(speculum naturale), written by Vincenzius of Beauvais (Bello-
vacensis) for St. Louis and his consort Margaret of Provence
(1250); The Book of Nature, by Conrad von Meygenberg, a
priest at Ratisbon (1349); and the Picture of the World (Jago.
mundt) of Cardinal Petrus de Alliaco, Bishop of Cambray (1410),

majus (ed. Jebb, Lond. 1733), pp. 79, 288, and 404. It has been justly
denied (Wilde, Geschichte der Optik, th. i. s. 92--96) that the knowledge
derived from Alhazen, of the magnifying power of segments of spheres,,
was actually the means of leading Bacon to construct spectacles. This.
invention would appear to have been known as early as 1299, or to belong
to the Florentine, Salvino degli Armati, who was buried, in 1317, in the
Church of Santa Maria Maggiore at Florence. If Roger Bacon, who
completed his Opus majus in 1267, speaks of instruments by means of
which stall letters appear large, “utiles senibus habentibus oculos
debiles,” his words prove, as do also the practically erroneous considera-
tions which he subjoins, that he cannot himself have executed that
which obscurely floated before his mind as possible.

OCEANIC prsvovVERIES. 621

each work being in a great measure based upon the preceding
ones. ‘These encyclopedic compilations were the forerunners
of the great work of Father Reisch, the Margerita philosophica,
the first edition of which appeared in 1486, and which for
half a century operated in a remarkable manner on the dif-
fusion of knowledge. I must here pause fora moment, to
consider the ‘Picture of the World” of Cardinal Alliacus
(Pierre d’Ailly). Ihave elsewhere shown that the work en-
titled ‘‘ Imago Mundi,” exercised a greater influence on the
discovery of America, than did the correspondence with the
learned Florentine Toscanelli.* All that Columbus knew of
Greck and Roman writers, all those passages of Aristotle,
Strabo, and Seneca, on the proximity of Eastern Asia to the
Pillars of Hercules, which, as his son Fernando says, were the
means of inciting him to discover the Indian lands (autoridad
de los escritores para mover al Almirante & descubrir las
Indias), were gathered by the Admiral from the writings of
the Cardinal. He must have carried these works with him on
his voyages, for in a letter which he addressed to the Spanish
monarchs from the Island of Haiti, in the month of October
1498, he translated word for word a passage from Alliacus’
treatise, de quantitate terre habitabilis, which appears to have
made a deep impression on his mind. Columbus probably
did not know that Alliacus had also transcribed verbatim
from an earlier work, the Opus majus of Roger Bacon.} Sin-
gular age, when the combined testimony of Aristotle and
Avyerroes (Avenryz), of Esdras, and of Seneca, regarding the
small extent of the ocean in comparison with continental masses,
could serve to convince monarchs of the expediency of a costly
enterprise!

I have already drawn attention to the marked predilection
manifested at the close of the thirteenth century for the study
vf natural forces, and the progressive and philosophical diree-

* See my Hxamen crit., t. i. pp. 61, 64-70, 96-108; t. ii. p. 349.
* There are five memoirs de Concordantia astronomia cum theologia,
ly Pierre d’Ailly, whom Don Fernando Colon always calls Pedro de
Helico. These essays remind us of some very recent ones on the Mosaic
Geolory, published four hundred years after the Cardinal’s.”

+ Compare Columbus's letter, Navarrete, Viages y Descubrimientos,
t. i. p. 244, with the Imago mundi of Cardinal dAilly, cap. 8, and
Roger Bacon’s Opus majus, p. 183.

622 COSMOS.

tion assumed by this study in its scientific establishment on
the basis of experiment. It still remains briefly to consider
the influence exercised by the revival of classical literature, at
the close of the fourteenth century, on the deepest sources of
the mental life of nations, and, therefore, on the general con-
templation of the universe. The individuality of certain
highly-gifted men had contributed to increase the rich mass
of facts possessed by the world of ideas. The susceptibility
of a freer intellectual development already existed when Greek
literature, driven from its ancient seats, acquired a firm footing
in western lands, under the favouring action of apparently
accidental relations.

The Arabs in their classical studies had remained strangers
to all that appertains to the inspiration.of language; their
studies being limited to a very small number of the writers
of antiquity, and in accordance with their strong national
predilection for natural investigation, principally to the physi-
eal books of Aristotle, to the Almagest of Ptolemy, the bota-
nical and chemical treatises of Dioscorides, and the cosmologi-
eal fancies of Plato. The dialectics of Aristotle were blended
by the Arabs with the study of Physics, as in earlier times, in
the Christian medieval age they were with that of theology.
Men borrowed from the ancients what they judged susceptible
of special application, but they were far removed from appre-
hending the spirit of Hellenism in its general character, from
penetrating to the depths of the organic structure of the lan-
guage, from deriving enjoyment from the poetic creations of
the Greek imagination, or of seeking to trace the marvellous
luxuriance displayed in the fields of oratory and historical
composition. oy

Almost two hundred years before Petrarch and Boecacio,
John of Salisbury and the Platonic Abelard had already exer-
cised a favourable influence with reference to an acquaintance
with certain works of classical antiquity. Both possessed the
power of appreciating the charm of writings in which freedom
and order, nature and mind, were constantly associated
together; but the influence of the esthetic feeling awakened
by them, vanished without leaving a trace, and the actual merit
of having prepared in Italy a permanent resting place for the
muses exiled from Greece, and of having contributed most
powerfully to re-establish classical literature, belongs of right to

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 623

two poets, linked together by the closest ties of friendship,
Petrarch and Boccacio. A monk of Calabria, Barlaam, who
had long resided in Greece under the patronage of the Emperor
Andronicus, was the instructor of both*. They were the first to
begin to make a careful collection of Roman and Greek manu-
scripts; anda taste fora comparison of languages had even been
awakened in Petrarch}, whose philological acumen seemed to
strive towards the attainment of a more general contempla-
tion of the universe. Emanvel Chrysoloras, who was sent as
Greek ambassador to Italy and England (1391), Cardinal
Bessarion of Trebisond, Gemistus Pietho, and the Athenian
Demetrius Chalcondylas, to whom we owe the first printed
edition of Homer, were all valuable promoters of the study of
the Greek writers{. All these came from Greece before the
eventful taking of Constantinople, (29th May 1453;) Con-
stantine Lascaris alone, whose forefathers had once sat on the
Byzantine throne, came later to Italy. He brought with him
a precious collection of Greek manuscripts, now buried in the
rarely used library of the Escurial§. The first Greek book
was printed only fourteen years before the discovery of
America, although the invention of printing, was pro-
bably made simultaneously and wholly independently, by Gut-
tenberg in Strasburg and Mayence, and by Lorenz Yansson
Koster at Haarlem, between 1436 and 1439, and, therefore, in
the fortunate period of the first immigration of the learned
Greeks into Italy.||

* Heeren, Gesch. der classischen Litteratur, bd. i. s. 284-290.

+ Klaproth, Mémoires relatives a V Asie, t. iii. p. 1138.

+ The Florentine edition of Homer of 1488; but the first printed
Greek book was the grammar of Constantine Lascaris,in 1476.

§ Villemain, Mélanges historiques et littéraires, t. ii. p. 135.

| The result of the investigations of the librarian Ludwig Wachler,
at Breslau (see his Geschichte der Litteratur, 1833, th. i. s. 12-23).
Printing without moveable types does not go back, even in China, be-
yond the beginning of the tenth century of our era. The first four books
of Confucius were printed, according to Klaproth, in the province of
Sziitschun, between 890 and 925; and the description of the technical
manipulation of the Chinese printing press might have been read in
western countries even as early as 1310, in Raschid-eddin’s Persian his-
tory of the rulers of Khatai, According to the most recent results of
the important researches of Stanislas Julien, however, an ironsmith in
China itself, between the years 1041 and 1048 a.D., or almost 400 years

- before Guttenberg, would seem to have used moveable types, made of

624 COSMOS.

Two centuries before the sources of Greek literature were
opened to the nations of the west, and twenty-five years before
the birth of Dante—one of the greatest epochs in the history
of the civilization of Southern Europe,—events occurred in the
interior of Asia as well as in the east of Africa, which, by ex-
tending commercial intercourse, accelerated the period of the
circumnavigation of Africa and the expedition of Columbus.
The advance of the Moguls in twenty-six years from Pekin
and the Chinese wall, to Cracow and Liegnitz, terrified Christ-
endom. A number of able monks were sent forth as mission-
aries and ambassadors: John de Plano Carpini and Nicholas
Ascelin to Batu Khan, and Ruisbrock (Rubruquis) to Mangu
Khan at Karakorum. The last-named of these travelling mis-
sionaries has left us many clear and important observations on
the distribution of languages and races of men in the middle
of the thirteenth century. He was the first who recognized
that the Huns, the Baschkirs (inhabitants of Paskatir, the
Baschgird of Ibn Fozlan), and the Hungarians, were of Finnish
(Uralian) race; and he even found Gothic tribes who still re-
tained their language, in the strongholds of the Crimea.*
Rubruquis excited the eager cupidity of the great maritime
nations of Italy—the Venetians and Genoese—by his de-
scriptions of the inexhaustible treasures of Kastern Asia. He
is acquainted with the “silver walls and golden towers” of
Quinsay, the present Hangtscheutru, although he does not men-
tion the name of this great commercial mart, which twenty-
five years later acquired such celebrity from Marco Polo, the
greatest traveller of any age.t ‘Truth and naive error are

burnt clay. This is the invention of Pi-sching, but it was not brought
into application.

* Sce the proofs in my Zxamen crit., t. ii. pp. 316-320. Josafat
Barbaro (1436), and Ghislin von Busbech (1555), still found, between
Tana (Asof), Caffa, and the Erdil (the Volga), Alani and Gothic tribes
speaking German. (Ramusio, Delle navigationt et viaggi, vol. ii. pp.
92b and 98a.) Roger Bacon merely terms Rubruquis frater Wulliel-
mus, quem dominus Rex Francie misit ad Tartaros.

+ The grea tand admirable work of Marco Polo (J/ Mfilione di Messer
Marco Polo), as we possess it in the correct edition of Count Baldelli,
is inappropriately termed the narrative of “ 7’ravels."’ It is for the most
part a descriptive, one might say, a statistical, work, in which it is diffi-
cuit to distinguish what the traveller had seen himself and what be had
learnt from others, and what he derived from topographical descriptions,

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 625

are singularly intermixed in the Journal of Rubruquis, which
has been preserved to us by Roger Bacon. Near Khatai,
which is bounded by the Eastern Sea, he describes a happy
land, where, on their arrival from other countries, all menand
women cease to grow old.’’*

More credulous than the monk of Brabant, and, therefore,

rhaps far more generally read, was the English knight, Sir
John Mandeville. He describes India and China, Ceylon and
Sumatra. The comprehensive scope and the individuality of
his narratives (like the itineraries of Balducci Pegoletti and
the travels of Roy Gonzalez de Clavijo) have contributed con-
siderably to increase a disposition towards a great and general
intercourse among different nations.

It has often and with singular pertinacity been maintained,
that the admirable work of the truthful Marco Polo, and more
particularly the knowledge which it diffused regarding the
Chinese ports and the Indian Archipelago, exercised great in-
fluence on Columbus, who is even asserted to have had a copy

in which the Chinese literature is so rich, and which might be accessible
to him through his Persian interpreter. The striking similarity pre-
sented by the narratives of the travels of Hiuan-thsung, the Buddhistie
pilgrim of the seventh century, to that which Marco Polo found in 1277
(respecting the Pamir-Highland), early attracted my whole attention.
Jacquet, who was unhappily too early removed bya premature death, from
the investigation of Asiatic languages, and who, like Klaproth and my-
self, was long occupied with the work of the great Venetian traveller,
wrote to me, as follows, shortly before his decease: “I am as much struck.
as yourself by the composition of the Milione. It is undoubtedly
founded on the direct and personal observation of the traveller, but he
probably also made use of documents either officially or privately com-
municated to him. Many things appear to have been borrowed from
Chinese and Mongolian works, although it is difficult to determine their
precise influence on the composition of the Milione; owing to the suc-
cessive translations from which Polo took his extracts. Whilst our
modern travellers are only too well pleased to occupy their readers with
their personal adventures, Marco Polo takes pains to blend his own
observations with the official data communicated to him, of which, as
Governor of the city of Yangui, he was able to have a large number.” (See
my Asie centrale, t. ii. p. 395.) The compiling method of the celebrated
traveller, likewise explains the possibility of his being able to dictate his
book at Genoa in 1295, to his fellow prisoner and friend, Messer Rustigielo
of Pisa, as if the documents had been lying before him. (Compare
Marsden, Travels of Marco Polo, p. xxxiii.)
* Purchas, Pilgrims, part iii. ch. 28 and 56 (pp. 23 and 34),
25

626 COSMOS.

of Marco Polo’s narratives in his possession during his first
voyage of discovery.* I have already shewn that Christopher
Columbus and his son Fernando make mention of the Geo-
graphy of Asia by Aineas Sylvius (Pope Pius II), but never
of Marco Polo or Mandeville. What they knew of Quinsay,
Zaitun, Mango and Zipangu may have been learnt from the
celebrated letter of Toscanelliin 1474,on the facility of reaching
Eastern Asia from Spain, and from the relations of Nicolo
de Conti, who was engaged during twenty-five years in travel-
ling over India and the southern parts of China, and not through
any direct acquaintance with the 68th and 77th chapters of
the second book of Marco Polo. ‘The first printed edition of
these travels was no doubt the German translation of 1477,
which must have been alike unintelligible to Columbus and to
Toscanelli. ‘The possibility of a manuscript copy of .the nar-
rative of the Venetian traveller being seen by Columbus
between the years 1471 and 1492, when he was occupied by
his project of “seeking the east by the west,” (buscar el
levante por el poniente, pasar a donde nacen las especerias,
navegando al occidente) cannot certainly be denied; but
wherefore in a letter written to Ferdinand and Isabella from
Jamaica, on the 7th of June, 1503, in which he deseribes the
coast of Veragua as a part of the Asiatic Ciguare near the
Ganges, and expresses his hope of seeing horses with golden
harness, should he not rather refer to the Zipangu of Marco
Polo, than to that of Pope Pius?

Whilst the diplomatic missions of Christian monks, and the
mercantile expeditions by land, which were prosecuted at a
period when the universal dominion of the Moguls had made
the interior of Asia accessible from the Dead Sea to the
Wolga, were the means of diffusing a knowledge of Khatai
and Zipangu (China and Japan) amongst the great sea-faring

* Navarrete, Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos que hiciéron
por mar los Espanoles, t. i. p. 261; Washington Irving, History of the
dife and Voyages of Christopher Ooluwmbus, 1828, vol. iv. p. 297.

+ Haxamen crit. de Uhist. de la Géog., t. i. pp. 63 and 215; t. ii.
p. 850. Marsden, 7’ravels of Marco Polo, pp. lvii. lxx. and Ixxv. The
first German Nuremberg version of 1477 (das puch des edeln Ritters un
landifarers Marcho Polo) appeared in print in the lifetime of Colum-
bus; the first Latin translation in 1490, and the first Italian and Portu-
guese translations in 1496 and 1502,

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 627

nations of Europe; the mission of Pedro de Covilham and
Alonso de Payva (in 1487), which was sent by King John IT. to
seek for the African Prester John, prepared the way, if not for
Bartholomew Diaz, at all events, for Vasco de Gama.* ‘Trust-
ing to the reports brought by Indian and Arabian pilots to
Calicut, Goa, and Aden, as well as to Sofala, on the eastern
shores of Africa, Covilham sent word to King John II., by two
Jews from Cairo, that, if the Portuguese would prosecute their
voyages of discovery southward, along the west coast, they
would reach the termination of Africa, from whence the
navigation to the Moon Island, the Magastar of Polo, to Zan-
zibar and to Sofala, “rich in gold,” would be extremely easy.
But before this news reached Lisbon, it had been already long
known there, that Bartholomew Diaz had not only made the
discovery of the Cape of Good Hope (Cabo tormentoso) but
that he had also sailed round it, although only for a short dis-
tance.t| Accounts of the Indian and Arabian trading-places
on the eastern shores of Africa, and of the configuration of
the southern extremity of the continent, may, indeed, early in

* Barros, dec. i. liv. iii. cap. 4, p. 190, says expressly, that Bartholomew
Diaz, “e os de sua companhia per causa dos perigos e tormentas, que em o
dobrar delle passiram, Ihe pazeram nome Tormentoso.” The merit of
first doubling the Cape does not, therefore, belong, as usually stated, to
Vasco de Gama. Diaz was at the Cape in May 1487, nearly, therefore,
at the same time that Pedro de Covilham and Alonso de Payva
set forth from Barcelona on their expedition. In December of the
same year (1487), Diaz brought the news of this important discovery to
Portugal.

+ The planispherium of Sanuto, who speaks of himself as “ Marinus
Sanuto, dictus Torxellus de Veneicis,” appertain to the work, entitled
Secreta fidelium Crucis. “Marinus ingeniously preached a crusade
in the interest of commerce, with a desire of destroying the prosperity
ef Egypt, and directing the course of trade in such a manner as to carry
the products of India through Bagdad, Bassora, and Tauris (Tebriz),
to Kaffa, Tana (Azow), and the Asiatic coasts of the Mediterranean.
Sanuto, who was the cotemporary and compatriot of Polo, with whose
Milione he was, however, unacquainted, was characterised by grand
views regarding commercial policy. He may be regarded as the Raynal
of the middle ages, without the incredulity of the philosophical abbé
of the eighteenth century.” (Hxamen critique, t. i. pp. 231, 333-348.)
The Cape of Good Hope is set dowa as Capo di Diab on the map of Fra
Mauro, compiled between the years 1457 and 1459. Consult the learned
treatise of Cardinal Zurla, entitled J7 Mappamundo di Fra Maure
Camaldolese, 1806; § 54.

282

628 . COSMOS.

the middle ages, have been transmitted to Venice through
Egypt, Abyssinia, and Arabia. The triangular form of
Africa is indeed distinctly delineated as early as 1306, on
the planispherium of Sanuto, in the Genoese Portulano della
Mediceo-Laurenziana of 1351, discovered by Count Baldelli;
and on the map of the world by Fra Mauro. I have briefly
alluded to these facts, since the history of the contemplation
of the universe should indicate the epochs at which the prin-
cipal details of the configuration of great continental masses
were first recognised.

Whilst the gradually developed knowledge of relations in
space incited men to think of shorter sea routes, the means
for perfecting practical navigation were likewise gradually
increased by the application of mathematics and astronomy,
the invention of new instruments of measurement, and by a
more skilful employment of magnetic forces. It is extremely
probable that Europe owes the knowledge of the northern and
southern directing powers of the magnetic needle,—the use
of the mariner’s compass,—to the Arabs, and that these people
were, in turn, indebted for it to the Chinese. In a Chinese
work (the historical Szuki of Szumathsian, a writer who lived
in the earlier half of the second century before our era) we
meet with an allusion to the “magnetic cars,’ which the
Emperor Tschingwang, of the ancient dynasty of the Tscheu,
had given more.than nine hundred years earlier to the ambas-
sadors from Tunkin and Cochin China, that they might not
miss their way on their return home. In the third century
of our era, under the dynasty of Han, there is a deseription
given in Hiutschin’s dictionary Schuewen, of the manner in
which the property of pointing with one end towards the south,
may be imparted to an iron rod by a series of methodical blows.
Owing to the ordinary southern direction of navigation at that
period, the south-pointing of the magnet is always the one
especially mentioned. A century later, under the dynasty of
Tsin, Chinese ships employed the magnet to guide their course
safely across.the open sea; and it was by means of these ves-
sels that the knowledge of the compass was carried to India,
and from thence to the eastern coasts of Africa. The Arabic
designations Zohron and Aphron (south and north),* which

* Avron, or avr (aur), is a more rarely employed term for north,
used instead of the ordinary “ schemdl;” the Arabic Zohron, or Zohr,

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES, 629

Vincenzius of Beauvais gives in his “ Mirror of Nature” to
the two ends of the magnetic needle, indicate, like many Arabic
names of stars which we still employ, the channel, and the
people from whom western countries received the elements
of their knowledge. In Christian Europe the first mention
of the use of the magnetic needle occurs in the politico-
satirical poem, called La Buble, by Guyot of Provence, in
1190, and in the description of Palestine by Jacobus of Vitry,
Bishop of Ptolemais, between 1204 and 1215. Dante (in his
Parad., xii. 29) refers, in a simile, to the needle (ago),
** which points to the star.”

The discovery of the mariner’s compass was long ascribed
to Flavio Gioja of Positano, not far from the lovely town of
Amalfi, which was rendered so celebrated by its widely ex-.
tended maritime laws; and he may, perhaps, have made some
improvement in its construction (1302). Evidence of the
earlier use of the compass in European seas, than at the begin-
ning of the fourteénth century, is furnished by a nautical trea-
tise of Raymond Lully of Majorca, the singularly ingenious
and eccentric man whose doctrines excited the enthusiasm of
Giordano Bruno when a boy,* and who was at once a philo-
‘sophical systematiser and an analytic chemist, a_ skilful

from which Klaproth erroneously endeavours to derive the Spanish se,
and the Portuguese sul, which, without doubt, like the German siid,
are true German words, does not properly refer to the particular desig-
nation of the quarter indicated; it signifies only the time of high noon;
south is dschenub. On the early knowledge possessed by the Chinese,
of the south pointing of the magnetic needle, see Klaproth’s important
investigationsin his Lettre @ M.A. de Humboldt, sur Vinvention de
Za Boussole, 1834, pp. 41, 45, 50, 66, 79,and 90; and the treatise of
Azuni of Nice, which appeared, in 1805, under the name of Disserta-
tion sur lorigine de la Boussole, pp. 35, and 65-68. Navarrete, in his
Discurso historico sobre los progresos del Arte de Navegar en Espaka,
1802, p. 28, recals a remarkable passage in the Spanish Leyes de las
Partidas (11. tit. ix. ley 28), of the middle of the thirteenth century :—
“The needle, which guides the seaman in the dark night, and shows
-him, both in good and in bad weather, how to direct his course, is the
intermediary agent (medianera) between the loadstone (la piedra) and
the north star..... ” See the passage in Las siete Partidas del
sabio Re, Don Alonso el IX. (according to the usually adopted chro-
nological order Alonso the Xth.), Madrid, 1829, t. i. p. 473.

_ * Jordano Bruno, par Christian Bartholoms, s. 1847, t. ii. pp.
.181--187.

63¢ COSMOS.

mariner and a successful propagator of Christianity. In his
book entitled Fenix de das maravillas del orbe, and published
in 1286, Lully remarks, that the seamen of his time employed
“instruments of measurement, sea charts, and the magnetic
needle.”’* The early voyages of the Catalans to the north
eoast of Scotland and the western shores of tropical Africa
(Don Jayme Ferrer reaching the mouth of the Rio de Ouro, in
the month of August 1367), and the discovery of the Azores
(the Bracir Islands, on the Atlas of Picigano, 1367) by the
Northmen, remind us that the open western ocean was navi-
gated long before the time of Columbus. The voyages prose-
cuted under the Roman dominion in the Indian Ocean,
between Ocelis and the coasts of Malabar, in reliance on the
regularity of the direction of the winds,} were now conducted
by the guidance of the magnetic needle.

The application of astronomy to navigation was prepared
by the influence exercised in Italy, from the thirteenth to the
fifteenth centuries, by Andalone del Nero and John Bianchini,
the corrector of the Alphonsine tables, and in Germany by
Nicolaus de Cusa,} George von Peuerbach, and Regiomontanus.
Astrolabes designed for the determination of time and of
geographical latitudes by meridian altitudes, and capable of
being employed at sea, underwent gradual improvement from
the time that the astrolabium of the Majorcan pilots was im
use, which is described by Raymond Lully.§ in 1295, in

* “Tenian los mareantes instrumento, carta, compas y aguja.” Sala-
zar, Discurso sobre los progresos de la Hydrograsia en Espana, 1809,

p. 7.

+ See p. 538.

t+ Regarding Cusa (Nicolaus of Cuss, properly of Cues, on the Moselle),
see p. 469, and also Clemens’ treatise, Ueber Giordano Bruno und
Nicolaus de Cusa, 8. 97, where there is given an important fragment,
written by Cusa’s own hand, and discovered only three years since,
respecting a threefold movement of the earth. (Compare also Chasles,
Apercu sur lorigine des méthodes en Géométrie, 1807, p. 529.)

§ Navarrete, Dissertacion historica sobre la parte que tuvieron los
Espanoles en las guerras de Ultramar 6 de las Cruzadas, 1816, p. 100;
and Hxamen crit., t. i. pp. 274--277. An important improvement in
observation by the use of the plummet, has been ascribed to George von
Peuerbach, the instructor of Regiomontanus. The plummet had, how-
ever, long been employed by the Arabs, as we learn from Abul-Hassan-
Ali’s description of astronomical instruments, written in the thirteenth
century. Sédillot, 7raité des instrumens astronomiques des Arabes,
1835, p 379; 1841 p. 205.

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 631

his Arte de navegar, till the invention of the instrument
made by Martin Behaim in 1484 at Lisbon, and which was,

rhaps, only a simplification of the meteoroscope of his
friend Regiomontanus. When the Infante Henry, Duke of
Viseo, who was himself a navigator, established an academy
for pilots at Sagres, Maestro Jayme of Majorca was named its
director. Martin Behaim received a charge from King John
II. of Portugal to compute tables for the sun’s declination,
and to teach pilots to ‘ navigate by the altitudes of the sun
and stars.” It cannot at present be decided whether, at
the close of the fifteenth century, the use of the log was
known as a means of estimating the distance traversed
whilst the direction is indicated by the compass; but it is
certain that Pigafetta, the companion of Magellan, speaks of
the log (la catena a poppa), as of a well-known means of
measuring the course passed over.*

* Tn all the writings on the art of navigation which I have examined,
I have found the erroneous opinion that the log for the measurement
of the distance traversed, was not used before the end of the sixteenth
or the beginning of the seventeenth century. In the Hncyclopedia
Britannica (seventh edition, 1842), vol. xiii. p. 416, it is further stated,
“The anthor of the device for measuring the ship’s way is not known,
and no mention of it occurs till the year 1607, in an East Indian voyage
published by Purchas.” This year is also named in all earlier and later
dictionaries as the extreme limit (Gehler, bd. vi. 1831, s. 450). Navar-
rete alone, in the Dissertacion sobre los progresos del Arte de Navegar,
1802, places the use of the log-line in English ships in the year 1577.
(Dufiot de Mofras, Notice biographique sur Mendoza et Navarrete,
1845, p. 64.) Subsequently, in another place (Coleccion de los Viages
de los Espaioles, t. iv. 1837, p. 97), he asserts that, “in Magellan’s
time the speed of the ship was only estimated by the eye (@ ajo),
until, in the sixteenth century, the corredera (the log) was devised.”
The measurement of the distance sailed over by means of throwing the
log, although this means must, in itself, be termed imperfect, has
become of such great importance towards a knowledge of the velocity
and direction of oceanic currents, that I have been led to make it an
object of careful investigation. I here give the principal results
which are contained in the sixth (still unpublished) volume of my
Examen critique de Uhistoire de la Géographie et des progrés de
LAstronomie nautique. The Romans, in the time of the republic, had
in their ships way-measurers, which consisted of wheels four feet high,
provided with paddles attached to the outside of the ship, exactly asin
our steamboats, and as in the apparatus for propelling vessels, which
‘Blasco de Garay had proposed, in 1543, at Barcelona to the Emperor

632 COSMOS

The influence exercised by Arabian etvilisation through the
astronomical schools of Cordova, Seville, and Granada, on the
navigation of the Spaniards and Portuguese, cannot be over-
looked. ‘The great instruments of the schools of Bagdad and

Charles V. (Arago, Annuaire du Bur. des Long., 1829, p.152.) The
ancient Roman way-measurer (ratio a majoribus tradita, qua in via
rheda sedentes vel mari navigantes scire possumus quot millia numero
itineris fecerimus) is described in detail by Vitruvius (lib. x. cap. 14),
the credit of whose Augustan antiquity has, indeed, been recently much
shaken by C. Schultz and Osann. By means of three-toothed wheels
acting on each other, and by the falling of small round stones from a
wheel-case (loculamentum), having only a single opening, thé number of
revolutions of the outside wheels which dipped in the sea, and the num-
ber of miles passed over in the day’s voyage were given. Vitruvius
does not say whether these hodometers, which might afford “both use and
pleasure,” were much used in the Mediterranean. In the biography of
the Emperor Pertinax, by Julius Capitolinus, mention is made of the
sale of the effects left by the Emperor Commodus, among which was a
travelling carriage, provided with a similar hodometric apparatus. (cap.
8 in Hist. Auguste Script. ed. Lugd. Bat., 1671, t. i. p. 554.) The
wheels indicated both “ the measure of the distance passed over, and the
duration of the journey,” in hours. A much more perfect way-measurer,
used both on the water and on land, has been described by Hero of
Alexandria, the pupil of Ctesibius, in his still inedited Greek manu-
script on the Dioptra. (See Venturi, Comment supra la Storia dell’
Oitica, Bologna, 1814, t. i. pp. 134-139.) There is nothing to be found
on the subject we are considering, in the literature of the middle ages,
until we come to the period of several “ books of Nautical Instruction,”
written or printed in quick succession by Antonio Pigafetta (7’rattato di

Navigazione, probably before 1530); Francisco Falero (1535 a brother »

of the astronomer Ruy Falero, who was to have accompanied Magellan
on his voyage round the world, and left behind him a “ Regimiento para
observar la longitud en la mar’); Pedro de Medina of Seville (Arte de
Navegar, 1545); Martin Cortes of Bujalaroz (Breve Compendio de la
esfera, y de la arte de Navegar, 1551); and Andres Garcia de Cespedes
(Regimiento de Navigacion y Hidrografia, 1606). From almost all
these works, some of which have become extremely rare, as well as from
the Suma de Geografia, which Martin Fernandez de Enciso had pub-
lished in 1519, we learn, most distinctly, that the “ distance sailed
over” is learnt, in Spanish and Portuguese ships, not by any distinct
measurement, but only by estimation by the eye, according to certain
established principles. Medina says (libro iii. cap. ll and 12), “in order
to know the course of the ship, as to the length of distance passed over,
the pilot must set down in his register how much distance the vessel
has made according to hours (i.e. guided by the hour-glass, ampol-
deta) ; and for this he must know that the most a ship advances in an

-hour is four miles, and with feebler breezes, three, or only two.” Ceg-

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 633

Cairo were imitated, on a small scale, for nautical purposes.
Their names even were transferred; thus, for instance, that
of “astrolabon,” given by Martin Behaim to the mainmast,
belongs originally to Hipparchus. When Vasco de Gama

_ pedes (Regimiento, pp. 99 and 156) calls this mode of proceeding “ echar
punto por fantasia.” This fantasia, as Enciso justly remarks, depends, if
great errors are to be avoided, on ‘the pilot’s knowledge of the qualities
of his ship: on the whole, however, every one who has been long at sea
will have remarked, with surprise, when the waves are not very high,
how nearly the mere estimation of the ship’s velocity accords with the
subsequent result obtained by the log. Some Spanish pilots call the
old, and, it must be admitted, hazardous, method of mere estimation
(cuenta de estima), sarcastically, and certainly very incorrectly, “la
vorredera de los Holandeses, corredera de los perezosos.” In Colum-
bus’ ship’s journal, reference is frequently made to the dispute with
Alonso Pinzon, as to the distance passed over since their departure
from Palos. The hour or sand-glasses, ampollctas, which they made use
of, ran out in half an hour, so that the interval of a day and night was
reckoned at 48 ampolletas. We find in this important journal of Colum-
bus (as, for example, on the 22nd of January, 1493): “ andaba 8 millas
por hora hasta pasadas 5 ampolletas, y 3 antes que comenzase la guardia,
que eran 8 ampolletas.” (Navarrete, t. i. p. 143.) No mention is ever
made of the log (la corredera). Are we to assume that Columbus was
acquainted with and employed it, and that he did not think it necessary
to name it, owing to its being already in very general use, in the same
way that Marco Polo has not mentioned tea, or the great wall of China?
Such an assumption appears to me very improbable, because I find in
the proposals made by the pilot, Don Jayme Ferrer, 1495, for the exact
determination of the position of the Papal line of demarcation, that
when there is a question regarding the distance sailed over, the appeal
is made only to the accordant judgment (juicio) of twenty very experi-
enced seamen (“que apunten en su carta de 6 en6 horas el camino que
la nao faré segun su juicio”). If the log had been in use, no doubt
Ferrer would have indicated how often it should be thrown, I find the
first mention of the application of the log in a passage of Piga-
fetta’s Journal of Magellan’s voyage of circumnavigation, which long lay
buried among the manuscripts in the Ambrosian Library at Milan. It
is there said, that, in the month of January 1521, when Magellan had
already arrived in the Pacific, “Secondo la misura che facevamo del
viaggio colla catena a poppa, noi percorrevamo da 60 in 70 leghe al
giorno” (Amorelli, Primo Viaggio intorno al Globo terracqueo, ossia
Navigazione fatia dai Cavaliere Antonio Pigafetta sulla squadra del
Cap. Magaglianes, 1800, p. 46). Whatcan this arrangement of a chain
at the hinder part of the ship (catenaa poppa), “which we used through-
out the entire voyage to measure the way,” have been, except an apparatus
similar to our log? No special mention is made of the log-line divided
into knots, the ship's log, and the half-minute or log-glass, tut this

634 COSMOS.

landed on the eastern coast of Africa he found that the
Indian pilots at Melinde were acquainted with the use of
astrolabes and ballestilles.* Thus by the more general inter.
course consequent on increasing cosmical relations, by original
inventions, and by the mutual fructification afforded by the
mathematical and astronomical sciences, were all things gra-
dually prepared for the discovery of tropical America; the
rapid determination of its configuration; the passage round
the southern point of Africa to India; and, finally, the first
circumnavigation of the globe—great and glorious events
which, in the space of thirty years (from 1492 to 1522),
contributed so largely in extending the general knowledge of
the regions of the earth. The minds of men were rendered
more acute and more capable of comprehending the vast
abundance of new phenomena presented to their considera-
tion, of analysing them, and by comparing one with another,
of employing them for the foundation of higher and more
general views regarding the universe.

It will be sufficient here to touch upon the more prominent
elements of these higher views, which were capable of lead-
ing men toa clearer insight into the connection of pheno-
mena. On entering into a serious consideration of the
original works of the earliest writers of the history of the
Conquista, we are surprised so frequently to discover the
germ of important physical truths in the Spanish writers of
the sixteenth century. At the sight of a continent in the
vast waste of waters which appeared separated from all other
regions in creation, there presented themselves to the excited
curiosity, both of the earliest travellers themselves and of those
who collected their narratives, many of the most important
questions which occupy us in the present day. Among these
were questions regarding the unity of the human race, and its
varieties from one common original type; the migrations of
nations, and the affinity of languages, which frequently mani-
fest greater differences in their radical words than in their
inflections or grammatical forms; the possibility of the migra-

silence need not surprise us when reference is made to a long-known
matter. In the part of the J'rattato di Nawigazione of the Cavalier
Pigafetta, given by Amoretti in extracts, amounting, indeed, only to
ten pages, the “ catena della poppa” is not again mentioned.

’ * Barros, Dee. 1, liv. iv. p. 320. lca ali

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 635

tion of certain species of plants and animals; the cause of the
trade winds, and of the constant oceanic currents; the regu-
lar decrease of temperature on the declivities of the Cordil-
leras, and in the superimposed strata of water in the depths
of the ocean; and the reciprocal action of .the volcanoes
occurring in chains, and their influence on the frequency
of earthquakes, and on the extent of circles of commotion.
The groundwork of what we at present term physical geo-
graphy, independently of mathematical considerations, is con-
tained in the Jesuit Joseph Acosta’s work, entitled Historva
natural y moral de las Indias, and in the work by Gonzalo
Hernandez de Oviedo, which appeared hardly twenty years
after the death of Columbus. At no other period since the
origin of society, had the sphere of ideas been so suddenly and
so wonderfully enlarged in reference to the external world
and geographical relations; never had the desire of observing
nature at different latitudes and at different elevations above
the sea’s level, and of multiplying the means by which its
phenomena might be investigated, been more powerfully
felt.

We might, perhaps, as I have already elsewhere remarked,*
be led to adopt the erroneous idea, that the value of these
great discoveries, each one of which reciprocally led to others,
and the importance of these twofold conquests in the physical
and the intellectual world, would not have been duly appreciated
before our own age, in which the history of civilisation has
happily been subjected to a philosophical mode of treatment.
Such an assumption is, however, refuted by the cotemporaries
of Columbus. The most talented amongst them foresaw the
influence which the events of the latter years of the fifteenth
century would exercise on humanity. ‘‘ Every day,” writes
Peter Martyr de Anghiera,{ in his letters written in the years

* Examen crit., t. i. pp. 3-6 and 290.
+ Compare Opus Epistolarum Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediola-

~nensis, 1670, ep. exxx. and clii. “ Pree letitia prosiliisse te vixque &

lachrymis pre gaudio temperasse quando literas adspexisti meas, quibus
de Antipodium Orbe, latenti hactenus, te certiorem feci, mi suavissime
Pomponi, insinuasti. Ex tuis ipse literis colligo, quid senseris. Sen-
sisti autem, tantique rem fecisti, quanti virum summa doctrina insigni-
tum decuit. Quis namque cibus sublimibus prestari potest ingeniis

‘isto suavior? quod condimentum gratius? & me facio conjecturam.
‘Beari sentio spiritus meos, quauao accitos alloquor prudentes aliquos ¢x

636 , COSMOS.

1493 and 1494, “ bring us new wonders from a new world—
from those autipodes of the west—which a certain Genoese
(Christophorus qudam, vir Ligur), has discovered. Although
sent forth by our monarchs Ferdinand and Isabella, he could,
with difficulty, ebtain three ships, since what he said was re-
garded as fabulous. Our friend, Pomponius Letus (one of
the most distinguished promoters of classical learning, and
persecuted at Rome for his religious opinions), could scarcel
refrain from tears of joy, when I communicated to him the first
tidings of so unhoped for an event.’ Anghiera, from whom
we take these words, was an intelligent statesman at the
Court of Ferdinand the Catholic and of Charles V., once,
ambassador at Egypt, and the personal friend of Columbus,
Amerigo Vespucci, Sebastian Cabot, and Cortes. His long
life embraced the discovery of Corvo, the westernmost island
of the Azores, the expeditions of Diaz, Columbus, Gama, and
Magellan. Pope Leo X. read to his sister and to the car-
dinals, “ until late in the night,” Anghiera’s Oceanica. “I
would wish never more to quit Spain,’ writes Anghiera,
** since I am here at the fountain head of tidings of the newly
discovered lands, and where I may hope, as the historian of
such great events, to acquire for my name some renown with
posterity.’’* Thusclearly did cotemporaries appreciate the glory
of events which will survive in the memory of the latest ages.
Columbus in sailing westward from the meridian of the

his qui ab ea redeunt provincia (Hispaniola insula).” The expression,
“Christophorus quidam Colonus,”’ reminds us, I will not say of the too
often and unjustly cited “nescio quis Plutarchus”.of Aulus Gellius
(Noct. Attice, xi. 16), but certainly of the “quodam Cornelio
scribente,” in the answer written by the King Theodoric to the Prince
of the Aistyans, who was to be informed of the true origin of amber, as
recorded in Tacitus, Germ., cap. 45. .

* Opus Epistol., No. eceexxxvii. and plxii. The remarkable and
intelligent Hieronymus Cardanus, a magician, a fantastic enthusiast, and
at the same time an acute mathematician, also draws attention in his
“‘physical problems,” to how much of our knowledge of the earth was
derived from facts, to the observation of which one man has led. Car-
dani Opera, ed. Lugden. 1663, t. ii. probl. pp. 630 and 659, at nunc
quibus te laudibus afferam Christophore Columbi, non familiz tantum,
non Genuensis urbis, non Italize Provincie, non Europe, partis orbis
solum, sed humani generis decus. I have been led to compare the
“problems” of Cardanus with those of the later Aristotelian school,
because it appears to me remarkable, and characteristic of the sudden

Se ee

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 637

Azores, through a wholly unexplored ocean, and applying the
newly improved astrolabe, for the determination of the
ship's place, sought eastern Asia by a western course, not as
a mere adventurer, but under the guidance of a systematic
plan. He certainly had with him the sea-chart which the
Florentine physician and astronomer, Paolo Toscanelli, had
sent him in 1477, and which, fifty-three years after his death,
was still in the possession of Bartholomew de las Casas.* It

enlargement of geography at that epoch, that, amidst the confusion and
the feebleness of the physical explanations which prevail almost equally
in both collections, the greater part of these problems relate to compa-
rative meteorology. I allude to the considerations on the warm insular
climate of England contrasted with the winter at Milan ; on the depend-
ence of hail on electric explosions; on the cause and direction of
oceanic currents; on the maxima of atmospheric heat and cold occurring
after the summer and winter solstices; on the elevation of the region of
snow under the tropics; on the temperature dependent on the radiation
of heat from the sun and from all the heavenly bodies; on the greater
intensity of light in the southern hemisphere, &. “Cold is merely
absence of heat. Light and heat are only different in name, and are in
themselves inseparable.” Cardani Opp., t. i. de vita propria, p. 40;
t. ii. Probl. 621, 630-632, 653, and 713; t. iii. de subtilitate, p. 417,

* See my Haamen crit., t. ii. pp. 210-249. According to the manu-.
seript, Historia general de las Indias, lib. i. cap. 12, “la carta de
marear que Maestro Paulo Fisico (‘Toscanelli) envio 4 Colon,” was in
the hands of Bartholomé de las Casa$ when he wrote his work. Colum-
bus’ ship’s journal, of which we possess an extract (Navarrete, t. i,
p. 13), does not entirely agree with the relation which I find in a manu-
seript of Las Casas, for a communication of which I am indebted to M.
Ternaux-Compans. The ship’s journal says, “Iba hablando e] Almi-
rante (martes 25 de Setiembre, 1492), con Martin Alonso Pinzon,
capitan de la otra carabela Pinta, sobra una carta que le habia enviado
tres dias hacia 4 la carabela, donde segun parece tenia piniadas ef
Almirante ciertas islas por aquella mar..... ” Tn the manuscript
of Las Casas (lib. i. cap. 12), we find, on the other hand, as follows :—
“ La carta de marear que embid (Toscanelli al Almirante,) yo que esta
historia escrivo la tengo en mipoder. Creo que todo su viage sobre esta
carta fund6” (lib. i. cap. 38); “asi fué que el martes 25 de Setiembre,
Ilegase Martin Alonzo Pinzon con su caravela Pinta 4 hablar con Chris-
tobal Colon, sobre una carta de marear que Christobal Colon le avia
embiado ..... Esta carta es la que le embio Paulo Fisico el Florentin.
la qual yo tengo en mi poder con otras cosas del Almirante y escrituras
de su misma mano que traxéron d mi poder. En ella le pinto muchas
OS ” Are we to assume that the Admiral had drawn upon
the map of Toscanelli, the islands which he expected to reach, or would
‘tenia pintadas” merely mean that “the Admiral had a map on which
these were painted .... ?”

638 COSMOS.

would appear from Las Casas’ manuscript history, which T
have examined, that this was the same “ carta de marear,”’
which the admiral shewed to Martin Alonzo Pinzon on the
25th of September, 1492, and on which many prominent
islands were delineated. Had Columbus, however, alone
followed the chart of his counsellor and adviser, Toseanelli,
he would have kept a more northern course in the parallel of
Lisbon; but instead of this, he steered half the way in the
latitude of Gomera, one of the Canaries, in the hope of more
speedily reaching Zipangu (Japan); and subsequently keep-
ing a less high latitude, he found himself on the 7th of Octo-
ber, 1492, in the parallel of 25° 30’. Uneasy at not disco-
vering the coast of Zipangu, which, according to his reckon-
ing, ought to lie 216 nautical miles further to the east, he
yielded, after long contention, to the commander of the
caravel Pinta, Martin Alonzo Pinzon, of whom we have
already spoken (one of three wealthy and influential brothers,
hostile to him), and steered towards the south-west. This
change of direction led, on the 12th of October, to the dis-
covery of Guanahani.

We must here pause to consider the wonderful concatenation
of trivial circumstances which undeniably exercised an influence
on the course of the world’s destiny. Thetalented and ingenious
Washington Irving has justly-observed, thatif Columbus had
resisted the counsel of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and continued
to steer westward, he would have entered the Gulf Stream,
and been borne to Florida, and trom thence probably to Cape
Hatteras and Virginia,—a circumstance of incalculable im-
portance, since it might have been the means of giving to
the United States of North America a catholic Spanish popu-
lation, in the place of the protestant English one by which
those regions were subsequently colonized. “It seems to
me like an inspiration,” said Pinzon to the Admiral, “ that
my heart dictates to me (el corazon me da): that we ought
to steer in a different direction.” It was on the strength of
this circumstance, that in the celebrated lawsuit which Pinzon
carried on against the heirs of Columbus, between 1513 and
1515, he maintained that the discovery of America was alone
due to him. This inspiration, emanating from the heart,
Pinzon owed, as was related by an old sailor of Moguez, at
the same trial, to the flight of a flock of parrots which he had

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 639

observed in the evening flying towards the south-west, in
order, as he might well have conjectured, 10 roost on trees on
the land. Never has a flight of birds been attended by more
important results. It may even be said that it has decided
the first colonization in the new continent, and the original
distribution of the Roman and Germanic races of man.*

The course of great events, like the results of natural pheno-
mena, is ruled by eternal laws, with few of which we have any
perfect knowledge. The fleet which Emanuel, king of Portu-
gal, sent to India, under the command of Pedro Alvarez Cabral,
on the course discovered by Gama, was unexpectedly driven
on the coast of Brazil on the 22nd of April, 1500. From
the zeal which the Portuguese had manifested since the expe-
dition of Diaz in 1487, to cireumnavigate the Cape of Good
Hope, a recurrence of fortuitous circumstances similar to
those exercised by oceanic currents on Cabral’s ships, could
hardly fail to manifest itself. The African discoveries would
thus probably have brought about that of America south of
the equator; and thus Robertson was justified in saying that
it was decreed in the destinies of mankind, that the new con-
tinent should be made known to European navigators before
the close of the fifteenth century.

Among the characteristics of Christopher Columbus we
must especially notice the penetration and acuteness with
which, without intellectual culture, and without any know-
ledge of physical and natural science, he could seize and com-
bine the phenomena of the external world. On his arrival in
a new world, and under a new heaven,} he examined with
care the form of continental masses, the physiognomy of
vegetation, the habits of animals, and the distribution of heat

* Navarrete, Docwmentos, No. 69, in t. iii. of the Viages y Discubr.,
pp. 565-171; Hxamen crit., t. i. pp. 234-249 and 252; t. iii. pp. 158-165
and 224. On the contested spot of the first landing in the West Indies,
see t. ili. pp. 186--222, The map of the world of Juan de la Cosa, made
six years before the death of Columbus, which was discovered by
Waickenaer and myself in the year 1832, during the cholera epidemic,
and has since acquired so much celebrity, has thrown new light on
these mooted questions.

+ On the graphical and often. poetical descriptions of nature found in
Columbus, see pp. 421-428,

640 COSMOS,

and the variations in terrestrial magnetism. Whilst the old
admiral strove to discover the spices of India, and the rhubarb
(rutbarba), which had already acquired a great celebrity
through the Arabian and Jewish physicians, and through the
account of Rubruquis and the Italian travellers, he also
examined with the greatest attention, the roots, fruits, and
leaves of the different plants. In drawing attention to
the influence exercised by this great age of nautical disco-
verers on the extension of natural views, we impart more
animation to our descriptions, by associating them with the
individuality of one great man. In the journal of his voyage,
and in his reports, which were first published from 1825 to
1829, we find almost all those circumstances touched upon,
to which scientific enterprise was directed in the latter half
of the fitteenth and throughout the whole of the sixteenth
centuries.

We need only revert generally and cursorily to the exten-
sion imparted to the geography of western nations from the
pericd when the Infante Dom Henrique the navigator, at his
country-seat of Terca Naval, on the lovely Bay of Sagres,
sketched his first plan of discovery, to the expeditions of
‘Gaetano and Cabrillo to the South Sea. The daring expe-
ditions of the Portuguese, Spaniards, and English, evince the
suddenness with which a new sense, as it were, was opened
for the appreciation of the grand and the boundless. The
advance of nautical science and the application of astrono-
mical methods to the correction of the ship’s reckoning,
favoured the efforts which gave to this age its peculiar cha-
racter, and revealed to men the image of the earth in all its
completeness of form. The discovery of the mainland of
tropical America (on the lst of August, 1498.) occurred
seventeen months after Cabot reached the Labrador coast of
North America. Columbus did not see the terra firma of
South America on the mountainous shores of Paria, as has
generally been supposed, but at the Delta of the Orimoco, to
the east of Cano Macareo.* Sebastian Cabot} landed on the

* See the results of my investigations, in the Relation hist. du Voyage
aux Régions equinoxiales du nouveau Continent, t. ii. p. 702; and in
the Hxamen crit. de 1 Hist. de la Géographie, t. i. p. 309. :

+ Biddle, Memoir of Scbastian Cabot, 1831, pp. 52-61; Haamen
crit., t. iv. p. 231.

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 641

24th of June, 1497, on the coast of Labrador, between 56°
and 58° north latitude. It has already been noticed that
this inhospitable region had been visited by the Icelander Lief
Erikson, five hundred years earlier.

Columbus attached more importance on his third voyage to
the circumstance of finding pearls in the islands of Margarita
and Cabagua, than to the discovery of the terra firme, for he
continued firmly persuaded to the day of his death, that he
had already touched a portion of the continent of Asia, when
on his first voyage he reached Cuba, in November, 1492.*
From this point, as his son Don Fernando, and his friend the
Cura de los Palacios, relate, he proposed, if he had provisions
enough, ‘to continue his course westward, and to return to
Spain, either by water, by way of Ceylon (Taprobane) rode-
ando todo la tierra de los Negros, or by land, through Jerusa-
lem and Jaffat.” Such were the projects by which the admiral,
in 1494, proposed to circumnavigate the globe, four years
before Vasco de Gama, and twenty-seven years before Magellan
and Sebastian de Eleano. The preparations for Cabot’s second
voyage, in which he penetrated through blocks of ice to
67° 30’ north latitude, and endeayoured to find a north-west

* In a portion of Columbus’ Journal, Nov. 1, 1492, to which but
little attention has been directed, it is stated, “I have (in Cuba) opposite
and near to me, Zayto y Guinsay (Zaitun and Quinsay, Marco Polo,
ii. 77) of the Gran Can.” Navarrete, Viages y Descubrim. de los Espa-
holes, t. i. p. 46. The curvature towards the south, which Columbus on
his second yoyage remarked in the most western part of the coast of
Cuba, had an important influence, as I have elsewhere observed, on the
discovery of South America, and on that of the Delta of the Orinoco
and Cape Paria; see Hxamen crit., t. iv. pp. 246-250. Anghiera
(Epist., elxviii. ed. Amst. 1670, p. 96) writes as follows: “ Putat
(Colonus) regiones has (Parize) esse Cube contiguas et adheerentes: ita
quod utreeque sint Indiz Gangetidis contitiens ipsum. .... « ed

+ See the important manuscript of Andres Bernaldez, Cura de la villa
de los Palacios (Historia de los Reyes Catolicos, cap. 123). This history
comprises the years from 1488 to 1513. Bernaldez had received Colum-
bus into his house, in 1496, on his return from his second voyage.
Through the special kindness of M. Ternaux-Compans, to whom the
History of the Conquista owes much important elucidation, I was
enabied at Paris, in Dec. 1838, to make a free use of this manuscript,
which was in the possession of my distinguished friend the historio-
grapher, Don Juan Bautista Mufioz. (Compare Fern, Colon, Vida det
Almirante, cap. 56.)

2T

Ww

642 COSMOS. —

passage to Cathai (China), led him to think at “some future
time of an expedition to the north pole” (4 Jo del polo arctico).*
The more it became gradually recognised that the newly-
discovered land constituted one connected tract, extending
from Labrador to the promontory of Paria, and as the recently
found map of Juan de la Cosa (1500) testified, beyond the
equator, far into the southern hemisphere, the more intense
became the desire of finding some passage either in the south
or in the north. Next to the re-discoyery of the continent of
America and the knowledge of .the extension of the new
hemisphere southwards from Hudson’s Bay to Cape Horn,
discovered by Garcia Jofre de Loaysa,t the knowledge of the
South Pacific, which bathes the western shores of America,
was the most important cosmical event of the great epoch
which we are here describing.

Ten years before Balboa, on the 25th of September, 1518,
first caught sight of the Pacific from the heights of the Sierra
de Quarequa at the Isthmus of Panama, Columbus distinctly
learnt when he was coasting along the eastern shores of Ve-
ragua, that to the west of this land there was a sea “ which
in less than nine days’ sail would bear ships to the Cher-
sonesus aurea of Ptolemy and to the mouth of the Ganges.”
In the same Carta rarisstma, which contains the beautiful
and poetic narration of a dream, the admiral says, that ‘the
opposite coasts of Veragua, near the Rio de Belen, are situated
relatively to one another as Tortosa on the Mediterranean,

* Examen crit., t. iii. pp. 244-248,

+ Cape Horn was discovered by Francisco de Hoces in February,
1526, in the expedition of the Commendador Garcia de Loaysa, which,
following that of Magellan, was destined to proceed to the Moluccas.
Whilst Loaysa was passing through the Straits of Magellan, Hoces with
his caravel, the San Lesmes, was separated from the flotilla, and driven
as far as 55° S. latitude. ‘‘ Dijeron los del buque, que les parecia que
era alli acabamiento de tierra.” (Navarrete, Viages de los Hspaholes,
t. v. pp. 28 and 404-488.) Fleurieu maintains that Hoces only saw the
Cabo del Buen Successo, west of Staten Island. Towards the end of the
sixteenth century such a strange uncertainty again prevailed respecting
the form of the land, that the author of the Araucana (canto i. oct. 9)
believed that the Magellanic Straits had closed by an earthquake, and
by the upheaval of the bottom of the sea; whilst, on the other hand,
Acosta (Hisjoria natural y moral de las Indias, lib. iii. cap. 10) regarded °
the Terra del Fuego as the beginning of a great south polar land. (Com:
pare also p. 428.‘

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 643

and Fuenterrabia in Biscay, or as Venice and Pisa.” The
great ocean, the South Pacific, was even at that time regarded
as merely a continuation of the Simus magnus (yéyas xédmos)
of Ptolemy, situated before the golden Chersonesus, whilst
Cattigara and the land of the Sines (Thine) were supposed to
constitute its eastern boundary. The fanciful hypothesis of
Hipparchus, according to which this eastern shore of the

t gulf was connected with the portion of the African
continent which extended far towards the east, and thus
supposed to make a closed inland sea of the Indian Ocean,
was but little regarded in the middle ages, notwithstanding
the partiality to the views of Ptolemy;—a fortunate circum-
stance, when we consider the unfavourable influence which it
would doubtlessly have exercised on the direction of great
maritime enterprises. )

The discovery and navigation of the Pacifle indicate an
epoch which was so much the more important with respect
to the recognition of great cosmical relations, since it was
owing to these events, and therefore scarcely three centuries
and a half ago, that not only the configuration of the western
eoast of the new, and the eastern coast of the old continent
were determined; but also, what is far more important to
meteorology, that the numerical relations of the area of land
and water upon the surface of our planet, first began to be
freed from the highly erroneous views with which they had
hitherto been regarded. The magnitude of these areas, and
their relative distribution, exercise a powerful influence on
the quantity of humidity contained in the atmosphere, the
alternations in the pressure of the air, the foree and vigor of
vegetation, the greater or lesser distribution of certain species
of animals, and on the action of many other general pheno-
mena and physical processes. The larger area apportioned to
the fiuid-over the solid parts of the earth’s crust (in the
ratio of 24 to 1), does certainy diminish the habitable
surface for the settlements of the human race, and for the

_ * Whether the isthmus hypothesis, according to which Cape P L
on the eastern shore of Africa, was connected with the eastern Asiatic
isthmus of Thine, is to be traced to Marinus of Tyre, or to Hipparchus,
or to the Babylonian Seleucus, or rather to Aristotle, de Calo (ii. 14),
is a question treated in detail in another work, Hxzamen crit., t. i. pr
144, 161, and 829; t. ii. pp. 370-872.

27 2

644 COSMOS.

nourishment of the greater portion of mammalia, birds, and
reptiles; but it is nevertheless, in accordance with the existing
laws of organic life, a beneficent arrangement, and a necessary
condition for the preservation of all lying beings inhabiting
‘continents.

When at the close of the fifteenth century a keen desire was
awakened for discovering the shortest route to the Asiatic spice
lands, and when the idea of reaching the east by sailing to the
west s:multaneously awoke in the minds of two intellectual men
of Italy,—the navigator Christopher Columbus, and the phy-
‘sician and astronomer Paul Toscanelli,*—the opinion esta-
blished in Ptolemy’s Almagest still prevailed, that the old
continent occupied a space extending over 180 equatorial
degrees from the western shore of the Iberian peninsula to
the meridian of eastern Sine, or that it extended from east
to west over half of the globe. Columbus, misled by a long
series of false inferences, extended this space to 240 degrees,
and in his eyes the desired eastern shores of Asia appeared
to advance as far as the meridian of San Diego in New
California. He therefore hoped that he should only haye to
sail 120 degrees, instead of the 231 degrees at which the
wealthy Chinese commercial city of Quinsay is actually situ-
ated to the west of the extremity of the Spanish penin-
sula. Toscanelli, in his correspondence with the Admiral,
diminished the expanse of the fluid element in a manner
still more remarkable and more favourable to his designs.
According to his calculations, the extent of the sea between
Portugal and China was limited to 52 degrees, so that in
conformity with the expression of the prophet Esdras, six-
sevenths of the earth were dry. Columbus, at a subsequent
period, in a letter which he addressed to Queen Isabella from
Haiti, immediately after the completion of his third voyage,
showed himself the more inclined to these views, because they

* Paolo Toscanelli was so greatly distinguished as an astronomer, that
Behaim’s teacher, Regiomontanus, dedicated to him, in 1463, his
work De Quadratura Circuli, directed against the Cardinal Nicolaus de
Cusa. He constructed the great gnomon in the church of Santa Maria
Novella at Florence, and died in 1482, at the age of 85, without having
lived long enough to enjoy the pleasure of learning the discovery of the
Cape of Good Hope by Diaz, and that of the tropical part of the new
continent by Columbus.

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 645

had been defended in the Jmago Mundi by Cardinal d’Ailly,
whom he regarded as the highest authority*.

Six years after Balboa, sword in hand, and wading to his
knees through the waves, claimed the possession of the Pacific

* As the old continent, from the western extremity of the Iberian
peninsula to the coast of China, comprehends almost 130° of longitude,
there remain about 230° for the distance which Columbus would have
had to traverse if he wished to reach Cathai (China) ; but less if he
only desired to reach Zipangi (Japan), This difference of 230°, which
I have here indicated, depends on the position of the Portuguese Cape
St. Vincent (11° 20’ W. of Paris), and the far projecting part of the
Chinese coast, near the then so celebrated port of Quinsay, so often
named by Columbus and Toscanelli (lat. 30° 28’, long. 117° 47’ E. of
Paris). The Synonyms for Quinsay, in the province of Tschekiang
are Kanfu, Hangtscheufu, Kingszu. The East Asiatic general com-
merce was shared in the thirteenth century between Quinsay and Zaitun
(Pinghai or Ssetthung), opposite to the island of Formosa (then Tung-
fan), in 25° 5’ N. lat. (see Klaproth, T'ableaux hist. de ? Asie, p. 227).
The distance of Cape St. Vincent from Zipangi (Niphon) is 22° of
longitude less than from Quinsay, therefore about 209°, instead of
230° 53’. It is striking that the oldest statements, those of Eratos-
thenes and Strabo (lib. i. p. 64) come through accidental compensations
within 10° of the above-mentioned result of 129° for the difference of
longitude of the oicoupévn. Strabo, in the same passage in which he
alludes to the possible existence of two great habitable continents in the
northern hemisphere, says that our otcovpévy in the parallel of Thine,
Athens (gee p. 557), constitutes more than one-third of the earth’s
circumference. Marinus the Tyrian, misled by the length of the time
occupied in the navigation from Myos Hormos to India, by the erro-
neously assumed direction of the major axis of the Caspian from west to
east, and by the over estimation of the length of the land route to the
country of the Seres, gave to the old continent a breadth of 225°, in-
stead of 129°. The Chinese coast was thus advanced to the Sandwich
Islands. Columbus naturally preferred this result to that of Ptolemy,
according to which Quinsay should have been found in the meridian of
the eastern part ofethe archipelago of the Carolinas. Ptolemy, in the
the Almagest (II. 1), places the coast of Sinz at 180°, and in his:
Geography (lib. i. cap. 12), at 1774°. As Columbus estimated the
navigation from Iberia to Sinz, at 120°, and Toscanelli at only 52°,
they might certainly, estimating the length of the Mediterranean
at about 40°, have called this apparently hazardous enterprise a
“brevissimo camino.” Martin Behaim, also, on his “ World apple”
the celebrated globe which he completed in 1492, and which is still
preserved in the Behaim house at Nuremberg, places the coast of China,
(or the throne of the King of Mango, Cambalu, and Cathai,) at only 100°
west of the Azores,—. ¢., as Behaim lived four years at Fayal, and pro-
bably calculated the distance from that point—119° 40’ west of Cape

646 COSMOS.

for Castille, and two years after his head had fallen by the
hand of the executioner in the revolt against the tyrannical
Pedrarias Davila,* Magellan appeared in the Pacific (27th
of November, 1520), and traversing the vast ocean from
south-east to north-west, in a course of more than ten thousand
geographical miles, by a singular chance, before he dis-
covered the Marianas (his Jslas de los Ladrones, or de las
Velas Latinas) and the Philippines, saw no other land but two
small uninhabited islands (the Desventuradas, or unfortunate
islands), one of which, if we may believe his journal and his
ship’s reckoning, lies east of the Low Islands, and the other

St. Vincent. Columbus was probably acquainted with Behaim at
Lisbon, where both lived from 1480 to 1484 (see my Hxamen crit. de
UHist. de la Géographie, t. ii. pp. 357--369). The many wholly erro:
ueous numbers which we find in all the writings on the discovery of
America, and the then supposed extent of Eastern Asia, have induced
me more carefully to compare the opinions of the middle ages with those
of classical antiquity.

* The eastern portion of the Pacific was first navigated by white men
in a boat, when Alonso Martin de Don Benito (who had seen the'sea
horizon with Vasco Nufiez de Balboa on the 25th September, 1513, from
the little Sierra de Quarequa) descended a few days afterwards to the
Golfo de San Miguel, before Balboa enacted the strange ceremony of
taking possession of the ocean. Seven months before, in the month of
January, 1513, Balboa had announced to his court, that the South Sea,
of which he had heard from the natives, was very easy to navigate :—
‘“‘mar muy mansa y que nunca anda brava como la mar de nuestra
banda” (de las Antillas). The name Oceano Pacifico was, however, as
Pigafetta tells us, first given by Magellan to the Mar del Sur (Balboa).
Before Magellan’s expedition (in August, 1519), the Spanish Go-
vernment, which was not wanting in watchful activity, had given
sceret orders, in November, 1514, to Pedrarias Davila, Governor of
the province of Castilla del Oro (the most north-western part of South
America), and to the great navigator Juan Diaz de Solis:—for the
former to have four caravels built in the Golfo de San Miguel, “to
voake discoveries in the newly-discovered South Sea;” and to the lat-
ter, to seek for an opening (“abertura de Ja tierra,”) from the eastern
coast of America, with the view of arriving at the back (“4 espel
das”) of the new country, 7. ¢., of the western portion of Castilla del
Oro, which was surrounded by the sea. The expedition of Solis (Octo-
ber, 1515, to August, 1516) led him far to the south, and to the dis-
covery of the Rio de la Plata, long called the Rio de Solis. (Compare, on
the little known first discovery of the Pacific, Petrus Martyr, Zptst.
dxl. p. 296, with the documents of 1513-1515, in Navarrete, t. iii.
pp. 134 and 357; also my Hxamen crit., t. i. pp. 320 and 350).

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 647

somewhat to the south-west of the Archipelago of Mendafia.*
Sebastian de Eleano completed the first cireumnavigation of
the earth in the Victoriaafter Magellan’s murder on the Island
of Zebu, and obtained as his armorial bearings a globe, with
the glorious inscription, Primus circwmdedisti me.’ He en-
tered the harbour of San Lucar in the month of September,
1522, and scarcely had a year elapsed before the Emperor
Charles, stimulated by the suggestions of cosmographers,
, in a letter to Hernan Cortez, the discovery of a passage
“by which the distance to the spice lands would be shortened
by two-thirds.” ‘The expedition of Alvaro de Saavedra was
despatched to the Moluccas from a port of the province Zaca-
tula, on the western coast of Mexico. Hernan Cortez writes
in 1527 from the recently conquered Mexican capital, Te-
nochtitlan “to the Kings of Zebu and Tidor in the Asiatic
island world.” So rapidly did the sphere of cosmical views
enlarge, and with it the animation of general intercourse !
Subsequently, the conqueror of New Spain himself entering
upon a course of discoveries in the Pacific, proceeded from
thence in search of a north-east passage. Men could not
habituate themselves to the idea that the continent extended
uninterruptedly from such high southern to such high northern
latitudes. When tidings arrived from the coast of California,
that the expedition of Cortez had perished, the wife of the
hero, Juana de Zufiiga, the beauiful daughter of the Count
d’ Aguilar, caused two ships to be fitted out and sent forth to

* On the geographical position of the Desventuradas (San Pablo,
$. lat. 164°, long. 1358° west of Paris; Isla de Tiburones, 8. lat. 103°,
W. long. 145°,) see my Hxamen crit., t. i. p. 286; and Navarrete, t. iv.
p. lix. 52, 218 and 267, The great period of geographical discoveries
gave occasion to many illustrious heraldic bearings, similar to the one men-
tioned in the text as bestowed on Sebastian de Elcano and his descend-
ants, (the terrestrial globe, with the inscription, “ Primus circumdedisti
me.”) The arms which were given to Columbus as early as May, 1493,
to honour his person “‘para sublimarlo,” with posterity, contain the
first map of America,—a range of islands in front ofa gulf, (Oviedo.
Hist. general de las Indias, ed. de 1547, lib. ii. cap. 7, fol. 10 a; Navar-
rete, t. ii. p. 37 ; Hxamen crit., t. iv. p. 236). The Emperor Charles V.
gave to Diego de Ordaz, who boasted of having ascended the volcano of
Orizaba the drawing of that conical. mountain; and to the historian
Oviedo (who lived in tropical America uninterruptedly for thirty-four
years, from 1513 to 154%), the four beautiful stars of the scuthern cross,
as armorial bearings. (Oviedo, lib, ii. cap. 11, fol. 16, b.)

648 COSMOS.

ascertain its fate*. California was already, in 1541, recognised
to be an arid, woodless peninsula,—a fact that was forgot-
ten in the seventeenth century. We moreover gather from
the narratives of Balboa, Pedrarias Davila, and Hernan Cortez,
that hopes were entertained at that period, of finding in the
Pacific, then considered to be a portion of the Indian Ocean,
groups of islands, rich in spices, gold, precious stones, and
pearls. Excited fancy urged men to undertake great enter-
prises, and the daring of these undertakings, whether suc-
cessful or not, reacted on the imagination, and excited it still
more powerfully. Thus, notwithstanding the thorough ab-
sence of political freedom, many circumstances concurred at
this remarkable age of the Conquista, —a period of over-
wrought excitement, violence, and of a mania for discove-
ries by sea and land,—to favour individuality of character,
and to enable some highly-gifted minds to develope many
noble germs drawn from the depths of feeling. ‘They err
who believe that the Congwistadores were incited by love
of goid and religious fanaticism alone. Perils always exalt
the poetry of life; and, moreover, the remarkable age whose
influence on the development of cosmical ideas we are now
depicting, gave to all enterprises, and to the natural impres-
sions awakened by distant travels, the charm of novelty and
surprise, which is beginning to fail us in the present well-
instructed age, when so many portions of the earth are
opened to us. Not only one hemisphere, but almost two-
thirds of the earth, were then a new and unexplored world,—
as unseen as that portion of the moon’s surface which the law
of gravitation constantly averts from the glance of the inha~-
bitants of the earth. Our deeply-inquiring age finds in the
increasing abundance of ideas presented to the human mind a
compensation for the surprise formerly induced by the noyeity
of grand, massive, and imposing natural phenomena,—a com-
pensation which will, it is true, long be denied to the many,
but is vouchsafed to the few familiar with the condition of
science. To them the increasing insight into the silent
operation of natural forces, whether in electro-magnetism or
in the polarisation of light, in the influence of diathermal

* See my Essai politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle Espagne,
t, ii. 1827, p. 259; and Prescott, History of the Conquest of Mexico
(New York, 1843), vol. iii. pp. 271 and 336. ~

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 649

substances or in the physiological phenomena of vital or-
ganisms, gradually unveils a world of wonders, of which we
have scarcely reached the threshold.

The Sandwich Islands, Papua or New Guinea, and some
portions of New Holland, were all discovered in the early half
of the sixteenth century.* These discoveries prepared the way
for those of Cabrillo, Sebastian Vizcaino, Mendafia and Quiros, |
whose Sagittaria is Tahiti, and whose Archipelago del Espiritu |
Santo is the same as the New Hebrides of Cook.| Quiros was
accompanied by the bold navigator who subsequently gave his
name to the Torres Straits. The Pacific no longer appeared as
it had done to Magellan, a desert waste; it was now animated
by islands, which, however, for want of exact astronomical ob-
servations, appeared to have no fixed position, but floated from
place to place over the charts. The Pacific remained for @
long time the exclusive theatre of the enterprises of the
Spaniards and Portuguese. The important South Indian
Malayan Archipelago, dimly described by Ptolemy, Cosmas,
and Polo, unfolded itself in more distinct outlines after Albu-
querque had established himself in 1511 in Malacca, and after
the expedition of Anton Abreu. It is the special merit of the
classical Portuguese historian, Barros, the cotemporary of
Magellan and Camoens, to haye so truly recognised the phy-

* Gaetano discovered one of the Sandwich Islands in 1542. Respect
ing the voyage of Don Jorge de Menezes (1526) and that of Alvaro
de Saavedra (1528), to the Ilhas de Papuas, see Barros da Asia, dec.
iv. liv. i. cap. 16; and Navarrete, t. v. p. 125. The “ Hydrography’
of Joh. Rotz (1542), which is preserved in the British Museum, and has
been examined by the learned Dalrymple, contains outlines of New
Holland; as does also the collection of maps of Jean Valard of Dieppe
(1552), for the first knowledge of which we are indebted to M. Coquebert
Monbret.

+ After the death of Mendafia, his wife, Dona Isabela Baretos, a
woman distinguished for personal courage and great mental endowments;
undertook in the Pacific the command of the expedition which did not
terminate until 1596 (Zssai polit. sur ia Nouv. Esp., t. iv. p. 111).

Quiros practised in his ships the distillation of fresh from salt water.
on a considerable scale, and his example was followed in several instances
(Navarrete, t. i. p. liii). The entire operation, as I have elsewhere
shown on the testimony of Alexander of Aphrodisias, was known as
panly. 68 the third century of our era, although it was not then practised
in ships.

650 COSMOS.

sical and ethnological character of this archipelago, as to be
the first to propose that the Australian Polynesia should be dis-
tinguished as a fifth portion of the earth. It was not until the
Dutch power acquired the ascendancy in the Moluccas, that
Australia began to emerge from its former obscurity and to
assume a definite form in the eyes of geographers.* Now
began the great epoch of Abel Tasman. We do not purpose
here to give the history of individual geographical discoveries,
but simply to refer tothe principal events by which, in a short
space of time and in continuous connexion, two-thirds of the
earth’s surface were opened to the apprehension of men, in
consequence of the suddenly awakened desire to reach the
wide, the unknown, and the remote regions of our globe.

An enlarged insight into the nature and the laws of
physical forces, into the distribution of heat over the earth’s
surface, the abundance of vital organisms and the limits of
their distribution, was developed simultaneously with this
extended knowledge of land and sea. The advance which
the different branches of science had made towards the close
of the middle ages, (a period which, in a scientific point of view,
has not been sufficiently estimated,) facilitated and furthered
the sensuous apprehension and the comparison of an unbounded
mass of physical phenomena now simultaneously presented to
the observation of men. The impressions were so much the
deeper and so much the more capable of leading to the estab-
lishment of cosmical laws, because the nations of western
Europe, even before the middle of the sixteenth century, had
explored the new continent, at least. along its coasts, in the
most different degrees of latitude in both hemispheres; and
because it was here that they first became firmly settled in the
region of the equator, and that, owing to the singular configu-
ration of the earth’s surface, the most striking contrasts of
vegetable organisations and of climate were presented to them
at different elevations within very circumscribed limits of
space. If I again take occasion to allude to the advantages
presented by the mountainous districts of the equinoctial
zone, I would observe, in justification of my reiteration of the
same sentiment, that to the inhabitants of these regions alone

* See the excellent work of Professor Mcinicke of Prenzlau, entitled
“ap a Australien, eine geogr. Monographie, 1837, th. i.
8. 2-10,

OCEANIG DISCOVERIES. 651

it is granted to behold all the stars of the heaven, and almost all
families and forms of vegetation—but to behold is not to ob-
serve by a mental process of comparison and combination.
Although in Columbus, as I hope I have succeeded in shew-
ing in another work, a capacity for exact observation was
developed in manifold directions, notwithstanding his entire
deficiency of all previous knowledge of natural history, and
solely by contact with great natural phenomena, we must by
no means assume a similar development in the rough and war-
like body of the Conquistadores. Europe owes to another
and more peaceful class of travellers, and to a small number
of distinguished men among municipal functionaries, eccle-
siastics and physicians, that which it has unquestionably ac-
quired by the discovery of America, in the gradual enrich-
ment of its knowledge regarding the character and composition
of the atmosphere, and its action on the human organisation;
the distribution of climates on the declivities of the Cordilleras;
the elevation of the line of perpetual snow in accordance with
the different degrees of latitude in both hemispheres ; the suc-
cession of volcanoes; the limitation of the circles of commotion
inearthquakes; the laws of magnetism ; the direction of oceanic
currents; and the gradations of new animal and vegetable
forms. The class of travellers to whom we have alluded, by
residing in native Indian cities, some of which were situated
twelve or thirteen thousand feet above the level of the sea, were
enabled to observe with their own eyes, and by a continued
residence in those regions, to test and to combine the observa-
tions of others, to collect natural products, and to describe and
transmit them to their European friends. It will suffice here
to mention Gomara, Oviedo, Acosta, and Hernandez. Colum-
bus brought home from his first voyage of discovery some
natural products, as for instance, fruits and the skins of ani-
mals. Ina letter written from Segovia (August 1494), Queen
Isabella enjoins on the Admiral to persevere in his collections;
and she especially requires of him that he should bring with
him specimens of “all the coast and forest birds peculiar to
countries which have a different climate and different seasons.”
Little attention has hitherto been given to the fact that Martin
Behaim’s friend, Cadamosto, procured for the Infante Henry
the Navigator, black elephants’ hair, a palm and a half in length,
from the same western coast of Africa, whence Hanno almost

652 COSMOS.

two thousand years earlier, had brought the “tanned skins of
wild women,” (of the large Gorilla apes) in order to suspend
them inatemple. Hernandez, the private physician of Philip
II., and sent by that monarch to Mexico, in order to have all
the vegetable and zoological curiosities of the country depicted
in accurate and finished drawings, was able to enlarge his col-
lection by copies of many very carefully executed historical
pictures, which had been painted at the command of Neza-
hualcoyotl, a king of Tezcuco,* half a century before the arrival
of the Spaniards. Hernandez also availed himself of a collec-
tion of medicinal plants which he found still growing in the
celebrated old Mexican garden of Huaxtepec, which owing to
its vicinity to a newly established Spanish hospital,} the Con-
quistadores had not laid waste. Almost at this time the fossil
mastodon bones on the elevated plateaux of Mexico, New
Granada and Peru, which have since become so important
with respect to the theory of the successive elevation of
mountain chains, were collected and described. The designa-
tions of giant bones and fields of Giants (Campos de G'igantes)
sufficiently testify the fantastic character of the early interpre-
tation applied to these fossils.

* This king died in the time of the Mexican king Axayacatl, who
reigned from 1464 to 1477. The learned native historian, Fernando de
Alva Jxtlilxochitl, whose manuscript chronicle of the Chichimeque, I
saw in 1808, in the palace of the Viceroy of Mexico, and of which, Mr,
Prescott has so ably availed himself in his work (Conquest of Mexico,
vol. i. pp. 61, 173 and 206; vol. iii. p. 112), was a descendant of the
poet king Nezahualcoyotl. The Aztec name of the historian, Fernando
de Alva, means Vanilla face. M. Ternaux-Compans, in 1840, caused a
French translation of this manuscript to be printed in Paris. The notice
of the long elephants’ hair collected by Cadamosto occurs in Ramusio,
vol. i. p. 109, and in Grynceus, cap. 43, p. 33.

+ Clavigero, Storia antica del Messico (Cesena, 1780), t. ii. p. 153.
There is no doubt from the accordant testimonies of Hernan Cortes
in his reports to the Emperor Charles V., of Bernal Diaz, Gomara,
Oviedo and Hernandez, that at the time of the conquest of Mon-
tezuma’s empire, there were no menageries and botanic gardens in any
part of Europe which could be compared with those of Huaxtepec, Cha-
poltapee, Iztapalapan, and Tezcuco. (Prescott, op. cit, vol. i. p. 178;
vol.ii. pp. 66 and 117-121; vol. iii. p. 42). On the early attention which
is mentioned in the text as having been paid to the fossil bones in the
“fields of giants,’ see Garcilaso, lib. ix. cap. 9; Acosta, lib, iv. cap. 303
and Hernandez (ed, of 1556), t. i. cap. 32. sp. 105.

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 653

One circumstance which specially contributed to the exten-
sion of cosmical views at this enterprising period, was the
immediate contact of a numerous mass of Europeans with the
free and grand exotic forms of nature, on the plains and
mountainous regions of America, and, (in consequence of the

-yoyage of Vasco de Gama), on the eastern shores of Africa

and Southern India. Even in the beginning of the sixteenth
century, a Portuguese physician, Garcia de Orta, under the
protection of the noble Martin Alfonso de Sousa, established,
on the present site of Bombay, a botanical garden, in
which he cultivated the medicinal plants of the neighbour-
hood. The muse of Camoens has paid Garcia de Orta the
tribute of patriotic praise. ‘The impulse to direct observation
was now everywhere awakened, whilst the cosmographical
writings of the middle ages were to be regarded less as the
result of actual observation than as mere compilations, re-
flecting the opinions of classical antiquity. Two of the greatest
men of the sixteenth century, Conrad Gessner and Andreas
Ceesalpinus, have the high merit of having opened a new path
to zoology and botany.
In order to give a more vivid idea of the early influence
exercised by oceanic discoveries on the enlarged sphere of
the physical and astronomical sciences connected with navi-
gation, I will call attention, at the close of this description, to
some luminous points, which we may already see glimmering
through the writings of Columbus. Their first faint light
deserves to be traced with so much the more care, because
they contain the germs of general cosmical views. I will not
pause here to consider the proofs of the results which I have
enumerated, since I have given them in detail in another
work, entitled Examen critique de Vhistoire de la géographte
du nouveau continent et des progrés de lastronomee nautique
aux xv¢ et xvi° siécles. But in order to avoid the imputation
of undervaluing the views of modern physical knowledge, in
comparison with the observations of Columbus, I will give the
literal translation of a few lines contained in a letter which
the Admiral wrote from Haiti in the month of October,
1498. He writes as follows: “ Each time that I sail from

Spain to India, as soon as I have proceeded about a hun-

dred nautical miles to the west of the Azores, I per-
ceiye an extraordinary alteration in the moyement of the

654 COSMOS,

heavenly bodies, in the temperature of the air, and in the
character of the sea. I have observed these alterations with
especial care, and I notice that the mariner’s compass (agwas
de marear), whose declination had hitherto been north-east,
was now changed to north-west; and when I had crossed this
line (raya), as if in passing the brow of a hill, (como guten
traspone una cuesta,) 1 found the ocean covered by such a
mass of sea-weed, similar to small branches of pine covered
with pistachio nuts, that we wereapprehensive that, for want
of a sufficiency of water, our ships would run upon a shoal.
Before we reached the line of which I speak, there was no
trace of any such sea-weed. Of the boundary line, one
hundred miles west of the Azores, the ocean becomes at once
still and calm, being scarcely ever moved by a breeze. On
my passage from the Canary Islands to the parallel of Sierra
Leone, we had to endure a frightful degree of heat, but as
soon as we had crossed the above-mentioned line (to the west
of the meridian of the Azores,) the climate changed, the air
became temperate, and the freshness increased the further we
advanced.” :"

This passage, which is elucidated by many others in the
writings of Columbus, contains views of physical geography,
observations on the influence of geographical longitude on
the declination of the magnetic needle, on the inflection of
the isothermal lines between the western shores of the old
and the eastern shores of the new continent, on the position
of the Great Saragossa bank in the basin of the Atlantie
Ocean, and on the relations existing between this part of the
ocean and the superimposed atmosphere. Erroneous observa-
tions made in the vicinity of the Azores, on the movement of
the polar star,* had misled Columbus during his first voyage,
from the inaccuracy of his mathematical knowledge, to enter-
tain a belief in the irregularity of the spheroidal form of the
earth. In the western hemisphere, the earth, according to his
views, ‘is more swollen, so that ships gradually arrive nearer
the heavens on reaching the line (raya), where the magnetic
needle points due north, and this elevation (cewesia) is the cause

* Observations de Christophe Oolomb sur le passage de la Polaire

par le Méridien, in my Relation hist. t. i. p. 506, and in the Hxamen,

crit., t. iii. pp. 17-20, 44-51, and 56-61. (Compare also Navarrete, in

Columbus’ Journal of 16th-to 30th of September, 1492, pp. 9, 15,

and 254.)

ee ee

OCEANIG DISCOVERIES. 655

of the cooler temperature.” The solemn reception of the
Admiral in Barcelona took place in April, 14938, and as early
as the 4th of May of the same year, the celebrated bull was
signed by Pope Alexander VI., which “ establishes to all
eternity,” the line of demareation* between the Spanish and
Portuguese possessions, at a distance of one hundred miles
to the west of the Azores. If we consider further, that
Columbus, immediately after his return from his first voyage
of discovery, proposed to go to Rome, in order, as he said,
to “give the Pope notice of all that he had discovered,”
and if the importance attached by the cotemporaries of Co-
lumbus to the discovery of the line of no variation, be further
borne in mind, it will be admitted, that I was justified im
advancing the historical proposition, that the Admiral, at the
moment of his highest court favour, strove to have a “ phy-
stcal line of demarcation converted into a political one.”

The influence which the discovery of America, and the

* On the singular differences of the “ Bula de concesion 4 los Reyes _.
Catolicos de las Indias descubiertas y que se descubieren,” of May
3, 1493, and the “Bula de Alexandro VI., sobre la particion del
oceano,” of May 4, 1493, (elucidated in the Bula de estension of the
25th of September, 1493) see Hxamen crit., t. iii. pp. 52-54. Very
different from this line of demarcation is that settled in the “Capitula-
cion de la particion del Mar Oceano entre los Reyes Catolicos y Don
Juan, Rey de Portugal,” of the 7th June, 1494, 370 leagues (174 to an
equatorial degree) west of the Cape Verd Islands. (Compare Navar-
rete, Coleccion de los Viages y descub. de los Esp., t. ii. pp. 28--35,
116-143, and 404; t. iv. pp. 55 and 252.) This last-named line, which
led to the sale of the Moluccas (de el Moluca) to Portugal, 1529, for
the suza of 350,000 gold ducats, did not stand in any connection wi
magnetical or meteorological fancies. The papal lines of demarcation
deserye, however, more careful consideration in the present work, be-
cause, as I have mentioned in the text, they exercised great influence
on the endeavours to improve nautical astronomy, and especially on the
methods attempted for the determiration of the longitude. It is also
very deserving of notice, that the capitulacion of June 7, 1494, affords
the first example of a proposal for the establishment of a meridian ina
permanent manner by marks graven in rocks, or by the erection of towers.
It is commanded, “que se haga alguna sejial 6 torre,” that some signal
or tower be erected wherever the dividing meridian, whether in the
eastern or the western hemisphere, intersects an island or a continent
in its course from pole to pole. In the continents, the rayas were to
be marked at proper intervals, by a series of such marks or towers,
which would indeed have been no slight undertaking, |

656 COSMOS.

oceanic enterprises connected with that event, so rapidly
exercised on the combined mass of physical and astrono-
mical science, is rendered most strikingly manifest, when we
recal the earliest impressions of those who lived at this period,
and the extended range of those scientific efforts, of which
the more important are comprehended in the first half of the
sixteenth century. Christopher Columbus has not only the
‘merit of being the first to discover a line without magnetic va-
vation, but also of having excited a taste for the study of
terrestrial magnetism in Europe, by means of his observations
on the progressive increase of western declination in rece-
ding from that line. The fact that almost everywhere the
ends of a freely moving magnetic needle, do not point ex-
actly to the geographical north and south poles, must have
repeatedly been recognised, even with very imperfect in-
struments, in the Mediterranean, and at all places where,
in the twelfth century, the declination amounted to more
than eight or ten degrees. But it is not improbable that
the Arabs or the Crusaders, who were brought in contact
with the east between the years 1096 and 1270, might,
while they spread the use of the Chinese and Indian mariner’s
compass, also have drawn attention to the north-east and
north-west pointing of the magnetic needle in different
regions of the earth, as to a long known phenomenon. We
learn positively from the Chinese Penthsaoyan, which was
written under the dynasty of Song,* between 1111 and 1117,

* It appears to be a remarkable fact, that the earliest classical writer
on terrestrial magnetism, William Gilbert, who cannot be supposed to
have had the slightest knowledge of Chinese literature, should regard the
mariner’s compass as a Chinese invention, which had been brought to
Europe by Marco Polo. “ Illa quidem pyxide nihil unquam humanis
excogitatum artibus humano generi profuisse magis, constat. Scientia
nautice pyxidule traducta videtur in Italiam per Paulum Venetum,
- qui circa annum meclx. apud Chinas artem pyxidis didicit.” (@uil-
elmi Gilberti Colcestrensis, Medici Londinensis de Magnete Physio-
logia nova, Lond. 1600, p. 4.) The idea of the introduction of the
compass by Marco Polo, whose travels occurred in the interval between
1271 and 1295, and who, therefore, returned to Italy after the mariner’s
compass had been mentioned as a long-known instrument by Guyot de
Provins in his poem, as well as by Jacques. de Vitry and Dante, is not
supported by any evidence. Before Marco Polo set out on his travels in
the middle of the thirteenth century, Catalans and Basques aiready
made use of the compass. (See Raymond Lully, in the Treatise De
Contemplatione, written in 1272.)

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 657

that the mode of measuring the amount of western declina-
tion had long been understood. The merit due to Columbus
is not to have made the first observation of the existence of
magnetic variation, since we find, for example, that this is
set down on the chart of Andrea Bianco, in 1436, but that
he was the first who remarked, on the 13th of September,
1492, that “ 2° east of the island of Corvo, the magnetic
variation changed and passed from N.E. to N.W.”

This discovery of a magnetic line without variation marks
a memorable epoch in nautical astronomy. It was celebrated
with just praise by Oviedo, Las Casas, and Herrera. We can-
not assume with Livio Sanuto, that this discovery is due to
the celebrated navigator, Sebastian Cabot, without entirely
losing sight of the fact, that Cabot’s first voyage, made at
the expense of some merchants of Bristol, and distinguished
for its success in reaching the continent of America, was not.
accomplished until five years after the first expedition of Co-
lumbus. ‘The great Spanish navigator has not only the merit
of having discovered a region in the Atlantic Ocean, where
at that period the magnetic meridian coincided with the geo-
graphical, but also that of having made the ingenious observa-
tion, that magnetic variation might likewise serve to deter-
mine the ship’s place with respect to longitude. In the
journal of the second voyage (April, 1496), we find that the
Admiral actually determined his position by the observed de-
clination. The difficulties were, it is true, at that period
still unknown, which oppose this method of determining longi-
tude,—especially where the magnetic lines of declination are
so much curved as to follow the parallels of latitude for consi-
derable distances, instead of coinciding with the direction of the
meridian. Magnetic and astronomical methods were anxiously
sought, in order to determine on land and at sea, those points.
which are intersected by the ideal line of demarcation. The
imperfect condition of science, and of all the instruments
used at sea in 1493, to measure space and time, were un-
equal to afford a practical solution to so difficult a problem.
Under these circumstances, Pope Alexander VI. actually ren-
dered, without knowing it, an essential service to nautical
astronomy and the physical science of terrestrial magnetism,
by his presumption in dividing half the globe between two
powerful states. From that time forth the maritime powers

2u

658 COSMOS.

were continually beset by a host of impracticable proposals.
Sebastian Cabot, as we learn from his friend, Richard Eden,
boasted on his death-bed, of having had a “ divine revelation
made to him of an infallible method of finding geographical
longitude.” This revelation consisted in a firm conviction
that magnetic declimation changed regularly and rapidly with
the meridian. The cosmographer, Alonso de Santa Cruz,
one of the instructors of Charles V., undertook, although cer-
tainly from very imperfect observations, to draw up the first
general variation chart,* in the year 1530, and, therefore,
one hundred and fifty years before Halley.

The advance or movement of the magnetic lines, the know-
ledge of which has generally been ascribed to Gassendi, was
not even conjectured by William Gilbert, although Acosta,
“from the instruction of Portuguese navigators,” had at a much
earlier period assumed that there were four lines without decli-
nation over the earth’s surface.t| No sooner was the dipping-
needle invented in England, in 1576, by Robert Norman,
than Gilbert boasted that, by means of this instrument, he
could determine a ship’s place in dark starless nights (aere
calignoso).t Immediately after my return to Europe I showed.

* In corroboration of this statement regarding Sebastian Cabot on
his death-bed, see the well written and critically historical work by
Biddle, entitled 4 Memoir of Sebastian Cabo, (p. 222). “ We do not.
know with certainty,” says Biddle, “ neither the year of the death or
the burying place of the great navigator who gave to Great Britain
almost an entire continent, and without whom (as without Sir Walter
Raleigh,) the English language would perhaps not have been spoken by
many millions who now inhabit America.” On the materials according
to which the variation chart of Alonzo de Santa Cruz was compiled, as
well as on the variation-compass, whose construction allowed allti-
tudes of the sun to be taken at the same time, see Navarrete, NVoticia
biogratica del cosmografo Alonso de Santa Cruz, pp. 3-8. The first
variation-compass was constructed before 1525, by an ingenious apothe-
cary of Seville, Felipe Guillen. The endeavours to learn more exactly
the direction of the curves of magnetic declination were so earnest, that,
in 1585, Juan Jayme sailed with Francisco Gali from Manila to Aca-
pulco, merely for the purpose of trying in the Pacific a declination in-
strument which he had invented. See my J/issai politique sur ta
Nouvelle Espagne, t. iv. p. 110.

+ Acosta, Hist. natural de las Indias, lib. i. cap 17. These four
magnetic lines without variation led Halley, by the contests between
Henry Bond and Beckborrow, to the theory of four magnetic poles.

t Gilbert, de Magnete Physiologia nova, lib. vy. cap. 8. p. 200.

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 659

from my own observations in the Pacific, that under certain
local relations, as for instance during the season of the con-
stant mist (yarwa), on the coasts of Peru, the latitude might
be determined from the magnetic inclination with sufficient
accuracy for the purposes of navigation. Ihave purposely dwelt
at length on these individual points, in order to show in our con-
sideration of an important cosmical event, that with the ex-
ception of measuring the intensity of magnetic force, and the
horary variations of the declination, all those questions were
broached in the sixteenth century, with which the physicists
of the present day are still occupied. On the remarkable chart
of America, appended to the edition of the geography of Pto-
lemy, published at Rome in 1508, we find the magnetic pole
marked as an insular mountain, north of Gruentlant (Green-
land), which is represented as a part of Asia. Martin Cortez
in the Breve Compendio de la Sphera (1545), and Livio Sanuto
in the Geographia di Tolomeo (1588), place it further to the
south. The latter writer entertained a prejudice, which has
unfortunately survived to the present time, that “if we were
so fortunate as to reach the magnetic pole (2 calamitico), we
should there experience some miraculous effects (aleun mira-
culoso stupendo effetto.”’)

Attention was directed at the close of the fifteenth and
the beginning of the sixteenth century, in reference to
the distribution of heat and meteorology, to the decrease of
_ heat with the increase of western longitude* (the curvature
of the isothermal lines); to the law of rotation of the winds,
generalized by Lord Bacon;{ to the decrease of humidity

* Tn the temperate and cold zones, this inflection of the isothermal
lines is general between the west coast of Europe and the east coast of
North America, but within the tropical zone the isothermal lines run
almost parallel to the equator; and in the hasty conclusions into which
Columbus was led, no acconnt was taken of the difference between sea
and land climates, or between east and west coasts, or of the influence of
latitudes and winds,—as, for imstance, those blowing over Africa:
(Compare the remarkable considerations on climates which are brought
together in the Vida del Almirante cap 66). The early conjecture of
Columbus regarding the curvature of the ‘isothermal lines in the
Atlantic Ocean was well founded, if limited to the extra-tropical (tem-
perate and cold) zones. ;

+ An observation of Columbus, (Vida del Almirante, cap. 55;
Examen crit., t. iv. p. 253; and see also vol. i. p. 322.) ‘ .
2u0 2

660 COSMOS.

in the atmosphere, and of the quantity of rain owing to
the destruction of forests;* to the decrease of heat with
the increase of elevation above the level of the sea; and
to the lower limit of the line of perpetual snow. The fact
of this limit being a function of geographical latitude was first
recognized by Peter Martyr Anghiera in 1510. Alonso de
- Hojeda and Amerigo Vespucci had seen the snowy mountains
of Santa Marta (Zterras nevadas de Citarma), as early as the
year 1500; Rodrigo Rastidas and Juan de la Cosa examined
them more closely in 1501; but it was not until the pilot Juan.
Vespucci, nephew of Amerigo, had communicated to his friend
and patron Anghiera, an account of the expedition of Colme~
nares, that the ¢ropical snow region visible on the mountainous
shore of the Caribbean Sea, acquired a great and, we might
say, a cosmicalimportance. A connexion was now established
between the lower limit of perpetual snow and the general re-
lations of the decrease of heat and the differences of climate.
Herodotus, (ii. 22,) in his investigations on the rising of
the Nile, wholly denied the existence of snowy mountains
south of the tropic of Cancer. Alexander’s campaigns indeed
led the Greeks to the Nevados of the Hindoo Coosh range
(dpn aydvuupa), but this is situated between 34° and 86° north
latitude. The only notice of snow in the equatorial region
with which I am acquainted, before the discovery of America,
and prior to the year 1500, and which has been but little re-
garded by physicists, is contained in the celebrated inscrip-
tion of Adulis, which is considered by Niebuhr to be later than
Juba and Augustus. The knowledge of the dependence of the
lower limit of snow on the latitude of the place,} the first in-
sight into the law of the vertical decrease of temperature and

* The Admiral, says Fernando Colon (Vida del Alm. cap. 58), as-
scribed the extent and denseness of the forests which clothed the ridges
of the mountains, to the many refreshing falls of rain, which cooled the air
whilst he continued to sail along the coast of Jamaica. He remarks in
his ship’s journal, on this occasion, that “formerly the quantity of rain
was equally great in Madeira, the Canariesand the Azores; but since the
trees which shaded the ground have been cut down, rain has become much
more rare.” This warning has remained almost unheeded for three cen-
turies and a half.

+ See vol i. p. 336, Haamen crit., t. iv. p. 294; Asie centrale, t. iil.
p. 285. The inscription of Adulis, which is almost fifteen hundred years
older than Anghiera, speaks of “ Abyssinian snow, in which the traveller
sinks up to the knees,”

Tn ee ee

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 661

the sinking of an almost equally cold upper stratum of air
from the equator towards the poles, designate an important
epoch in the history of our physical knowledge.

If on the one hand, accidental observations, having a wholly
unscientific origin, favoured this knowledge in the suddenly
enlarged spheres of natural investigation, the age we are de-
scribing was, on the other hand, from an unfortunate combina-
tion of circumstances, singularly deficient in the advantages
arising from a purely scientific impulse. Leonardo da Vinci,
the greatest physicist of the fifteenth century, who combined
an enviable insight into nature with distinguished mathema-
tical knowledge, was the cotemporary of Columbus, and died
three years after him. Meteorology, as well as hydraulics
and optics, had occupied the attention of this celebrated
artist. The influence which he exercised during his life, was
made manifest by his great works in painting, and by the elo-
quence of his discourse, and not by his writings. Had the
physical views of Leonardo da Vinci not remained buried in
his manuscripts, the field of observation opened by the new
world, would in a great degree have been worked out in many
departments of science, before the great epoch of Galileo,
Pascal, and Huygens. Like Francis Bacon, and a whole cen-
tury before him, he regarded induction as the only sure method
of treating natural science (“dobbiamo cominciare dall’
esperienza, e per mezzo di questa scoprirne la regione’’).*

As we find, notwithstanding, the want of instruments of
measurement, that the questions of climatic relations in the
tropical mountainous regions,—the distribution of heat, the
extremes of atmospheric dryness, and the frequency of electric
explosions,—were frequently discussed in the accounts of the
first land journeys; so also it appears that mariners very early
acquired correct views of the direction and rapidity of the

* Leonardo da Vinci correctly observes of this proceeding, “ questo é
jl methodo daosservarsi nella ricerca de’ fenomeni della natura.” See
Venturi, Hssai sur les Ouvrages physico-mathematiques de Leonardo
da Vinci, 1797, p. 31; Amoretti, Memorie storiche sa la Vita di Lio-
nardo da Vinci, Milano, 1804, p. 143 (in his edition of Z’rattato della
Pittura, t. xxxiii of the Classici Maliani); Whewell, Philos. of the
Inductive Sciences, 1840, vol. ii. pp. 368-370 ; Brewster, Life of New-
ton, p. 332. Most of Leonardo da Vinci's physical works bear the date
of the year 1498.

662 COSMOS,

currents which traverse the Atlantic Ocean, like rivers of
very variable breadth. The actual equatorial current, the
movement of the waters between the tropics, was first des-
cribed by Columbus. He expresses himself most positively
and generally, on the subject, on his third yoyage, saying, “the
waters move with the heavens (con los cielos) from east to
west.” Even the direction of separate floating masses of sea-
weed confirmed this view.* A small pan of tinned iron,
which he found in the hands of the natives of the island of
Guadaloupe, confirmed Columbus in the idea that it might
be of European origin and obtained from the remains of a
shipwrecked vessel, borne by the equatorial current from Spain
to the coasts of America. In his geognostic fancies, he
regarded the existence of the series of the smaller Antilles
and the peculiar configuration of the larger islands, or, in
other words, the correspondence in the direction of their

* The great attention paid by the early navigators to natural pheno-
mena may be seen in the oldest Spanish accounts. Diego de Lepe, for
instance, found, in 1499 (as we learn.from a witness in the law-suit against.
the heirs of Columbus), by means of a vessel having valves, which did
not open until it had reached the bottom, that at a distance from the
mouth of the Orinoco, a stratum of fresh water of 6 fathoms depth flowed
above the salt water (Navarrete, Viages y Descubrim., t. iii. p. 549),
Columbus drew milk-white sea water, (“ white as if meal had been
mixed with it,’’) on the south coast of Cuba and carried it to Spain in
bottles (Vida del Almirante, p. 56). I have myself been at the same
spots, for the purpose of determining longitudes, and it surprised me to
think that the milk-white colour of sea-water, so common on shoals,
should have been regarded by the experienced Admiral as a new and un:
expected phenomenon. With reference to the gulf-stream itself, which
must be regarded as an important cosmical phenomenon, many effects.
had been observed long before the discovery of America, produced by
the sea washing on shore at the Canaries and the Azores stems of bam-
boos, trunks of pines, corpses of strange aspect from the Antilles, and
even living men in canoes “which could never sink.” Theseeffects were
however then attributed solely to the strength of the westerly gales (Vida
del Alinirante, cap. 8; Herrera, Dec. i. lib. i. cap. 2, lib. ix. cap. 32);
whilst the movement of the waters, which is wholly independent of the
directionof the winds—the returning stream of the oceanic current, which
brings every year tropical fruits from the West Indian Islands to the
coasts of Ireland and Norway, was not accurately recognized. Compare
the memoir of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, On the Possibility of a North-
west Passage to Cathay, in Hakylut, Navigations and Voyages, vol. iil.
p. 14; Herrera, Dec. i. lib. ix. cap. 12; and Hxamencrit., t. ii. pp. 247-
257 ; t. iii. pp. 99-108. .

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 663

coasts with that of their parallels of latitude, as the long con-
tinued action of the movement of the sea between the tropics
from east to west.

When the Admiral on his fourth and last voyage discovered
the inclination from north to south of the coasts of the conti-
nent from Cape Gracias 4 Dios to the Laguna de Chiriqui, he
felt the action of the violent current which runs N. ana
N.N.W.., and is induced by the contact of the equatorial cur-
rent with the opposite dyke-like projecting coast line.
Anghiera survived Columbus sufficiently long to become ac-
quainted with the deflection of the waters of the Atlantic
throughout their whole course, and to recognize the existence
of the rotatory movement in the Mexican Gulf, and the pro-
pagation of this movement to the Tierra de los Bacallaos
(Newfoundland) and the mouth of the St. Lawrence. I have
elsewhere circumstantially considered how much the expedi-
tion of Ponce de Leon, in the year 1512, contributed to the
establishment of more exact ideas, and have shown that in a
treatise written by Sir Humphrey Gilbert between the years
1567 and 1576, the movement of the waters of the Atlantic
Ocean from the Cape of Good Hope to the banks of New-
foundland, is treated according to views which coincide al-
most entirely with those of my excellent deceased friend,
Major Rennell.

At the same time that the knowledge of oceanic currents
was generally diffused, men also became acquainted with those
great banks of sea-weed, (/ucus natans,)—the oceanic meadows
which presented the singular spectacle of the accumulation of
a social plant over an: extent of space almost seven times
greater than the area of France. The great Fucus Bank, the
Mar de Sargasso, extends between 19° and 34° north latitude.
The major axis is situated about 7° west of the island -of
Corvo. The lesser Fucus Bank lies in the space between the
Bermudas and the Bahamas. Winds and partial currents
variously affect, according to the character of the season, the
length and circumference of these Atlantic fucoid meadows, for
the first description of which we are indebted to Columbus.
No other sea in either hemisphere presents an accumulation of
social plants on so large a scale.’’*

_ * Examen crit., t. iii. pp. 26 and 66-99; and see also, Cosmos, p. 818.

564 COSMOS.

‘The important era of geographical discoveries and of the
sudden opening of an unknown hemisphere, not only extended
our knowledge of the earth, but it also expanded our views of
the whole universe, or in other words, of the visible vault of
heaven. Since man, to borrow a fine expression of Garci-
laso de la Vega, in his wanderings to distant regions sees
‘* lands and stars simultaneously change,’’* the advance to the
equator on both coasts of Africa and even beyond the
southern extremity of the New Continent, must have pre-
sented to travellers by sea and land, the glorious aspect of
the southern constellations, longer and more frequently
than could have been the case at the time of Hiram and
the Ptolemies, or during the Roman dominion, and the period
in which the Arabs maintained commercial intercourse with
the nations dwelling on the shores of the Red Sea or of the
Indian-Ocean, between the straits of Bab-el-Mandeb and the
western peninsula of India. Amerigo Vespucci, in his letters,
Vicente Yanez Pinzon, Pigafetta, the companion of Magel-
Jan and Eleanc, and Andrea Corsali, in his voyage to Cochin
in the East Indies, in the beginning of the sixteenth century,
gave the first and most animated accounts of the southern sky
(beyond the feet of the Centaur and the glorions constellation
Argo). Amerigo, who had higher literary acquirements, and
whose style was also more redundant than that of the others,
extolls, not ungracefully, the glowing richness of the light and
the picturesque grouping and strange aspect of the constella-
tions that circle round the southern pole, which is surrounded
by so few stars. He maintains in his letters to Pierfrancesco de’
Medici, that he had carefully devoted his attention, on his third
voyage, to the southern constellations, having made drawings
of them and measured their polar distances. His communica-
tions regarding these observations do not indeed leave much
cause to regret that any portion of them should have been lost.

I find that the first mention of the mysterious black
specks (coal-bags) was made by Anghiera, in the year 1510.
They had already been observed in 1499 by the companions
of Vicente Yajiez Pinzon, on the expedition dispatched from
Palos, and which took possession of the Brazilian Cape San

* Alonso de Ercilla has imitated the passage of Garcilaso in the
Araucana ; “Climas passt, mud? constelaciones.”—-See Cosmos, p. 428.

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 665

Augustin.* The Canopo fosco (Canopus nger) of Amerigo,
is probably also one of these coal-bags. The intelligent Acosta
compares them to the darkened portion of the moon’s disc
(in partial eclipses), and appears to ascribe them to a void in
the heavens, or to an absence of stars. Rigaud has shown
how the reference to the coal-bags, of which Acosta says
positively, that they are visible in Peru (and not in Europe),
and move round the south pole, has been regarded by a cele-
brated astronomer as the first notice of spots on the sun.f
The knowledge of the two Magellanic clouds, has been un-
justly ascribed to Pigafetta, for I find that Anghiera, on the
observations of Portuguese seamen, mentions these clouds
fully eight years before the termination of Magellan’s voy-
age of circumnayigation. He compares their mild efful-
gence to that of the milky way. The larger cloud did not,
however, escape the vigilance of the Arabs, and it is proba-
bly the white ox (/ Bakar) of their southern sky, the white
spot of which the astronomer Abdurrahman Sofi says that
it could not be seen at Bagdad or in northern Arabia, but at
Tehama, and in the parallel of the Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb.
The Greeks and Romans, who followed the same path under
the Lagides and later, did not observe, or at least make no
mention in their extant writings, of a cloud of light which,
nevertheless, between 11° and 12° north latitude, rose three
degrees above the horizon, at the time of Ptolemy, and more
than four degrees in that of Abdurrahman, in the year 1000.
At the present day, the altitude of the central part’ of the

* Petr. Mart. Ocean., Dec. i. lib .ix. p. 96; Hxamen crit., t. iv. pp. 221
and 317.

+ Acosta, Hist. natural de las Indias, lib. i. cap. 2; Rigaud, Ac-
count of Harriots Astron. Papers, 18338, p. 37.

t Pigafetta; Primo Viaggio intorno al Globo terracqueo, pubbl. da
C. Amoretti, 1800, p. 46; Ramusio, vol. i. p. 355, ¢.; Petr. Mart.
Ocean., Dec. iii. lib. i. p. 217. (According to the events referred to by
Anghiera, Dee. ii. lib. x. p. 204, and Dec. iii. lib. x. p. 232, the pas-
sage in the Oceanica which speaks of the Magellanic clouds, must
have been written between 1514 and 1516.) Andrea Corsali (Ramusio,
vol. i. p. 177) also describes, in a letter to Giuliano de Medici, the
rotatory and translatory movement of “due nugolette di ragionevol gran-
dezza.” The star which he represents between Nubecula major and
minor appears to me to be 8 Hydre ; Hxamen crit., t. v. pp. 234-238).
Regarding Petrus Theodori of Embden, and Houtmann, the pupil of
the mathematician Plancius, see an historical article by Olbers, in
Schumacher’s Jahrbuch fiir 1840, s. 249.

666 COSMOS.

Nubecula major may be about 5° at Aden. The reason that
seamen usually first see the Magellanic clouds in much more
southern latitudes, as, for imstance, near the equator, or
even far to the south of it, is probably to be ascribed to the
character of the atmosphere, and to the vapours near the
horizon, which reflect white light. In southern Arabia,
especially in the interior of the country, the deep azure of
the sky, and the great dryness of the atmosphere, must
favour the recognition of the Magellanic clouds, as we see
exemplified by the visibility of comets’ tails at daylight, be-
tween the tropics and in very southern latitudes.

The arrangement of the stars near the antarctic pole into
new constellations was made in the seventeenth century.
The observations made with imperfect instruments by the
Dutch navigators, Petrus Theodori of Embden, and Fried-
rick Houtmann, who was a prisoner in Jaya and Sumatra: to
the King of Bantam and Atschin (1596-1599), were incor-
porated. in the celestial charts of Hondius Bleaw (Jansonius
Ceesius,) and Bayer.

The less regular distribution of masses of light gives to the
zone of the southern sky situated between the parallels of
50° and 80°, which is so rich in crowded nebulous spots and
starry masses, a peculiar, and one might almost say pictu-
resque character, depending on the grouping of the stars of
the first and second magnitudes, and their separation by
intervals, which appear to the naked eye desert and devoid
of radiance. These singular contrasts,—the milky way, which
presents numerous portions more brilliantly illumined than the
rest, and the insulated, revolving, rounded Magellanic clouds,
and the coalbags, the larger of which lies close upon a beautiful
constellation,—all contribute to augment the diversity of the
picture of nature, and rivet the attention of the susceptible
mind to separate regions on the confines of the southern sky.
One of these, the constellation of the Southern Cross, has
acquired a peculiar character of importance from the begin-
ning of the sixteenth century, owing to the religious feelings. of
Christian navigators and missionaries, who have visited the tro-
pical and southern seas, and both the Indies. The four principal
stars of which it is composed, are mentioned in the Almagest,
and, therefore, were regarded in the time of Adrian and Anto-
ninus Pius, as parts of the constellation of the Centaur.* It

* Compare the researches of Delambre and Encke with Ideler,

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 667

seems singular, that since the figure of this constellation is so
striking, and is so remarkably well defined and individualized,
in the same way as those of the Greater and Lesser Bear, the
Scorpion, Cassiopea, the Eagle, and the Dolphin, these four
stars of the Southern Cross should not have been earlier sepa-
rated from the large ancient constellation of the Centaur ; and
this is so much the more remarkable, since the Persian
Kazwini, and other Mahomedan astronomers, took pains to
discover crosses inthe Dolphin and the Dragon. Whether
the courtly flattery of the Alexandrian literati, who converted
Canopus into a Ptolem@on likewise included the stars of
our Southern Cross, for the glorification of Augustus, in a
_Cesaris thronon, never visible in Italy, is a question that can-
not now be very readily answered.}| At the time of Claudius
Ptolemeeus, the beautiful star at the base of the Southern
Cross had still an altitude of 6° 10’ at its meridian passage
at Alexandria, whilst in the present day it culminates there
several degrees below the horizon. In order at this time
(1847) to see a Crucis at an altitude of 6° 10’, it is neces-
sary, taking the refraction into account, to be ten degrees
south of Alexandria, in the parallel of 21° 43' north latitude.
In the fourth century the Christian anchorites in the Thebaid
‘desert might have seen the Cross at an altitude of ten degrees.
‘I doubt, however, whether its designation is due to them, for
Dante, in the celebrated passage of the Purgatorio :—
lo mi volsi a man destra, e posi mente

AlValtro polo, e vidi quattro stelle
Non viste mai fuor ch’ alla prima gente;

and Amerigo Vespucci, who, at the aspect of the starry skies
of the south, first called to mind this passage on his third
voyage, and even boasted that he now ‘ looked on the four
stars never seen till then by any save the first human pair,”
were both unacquainted with the denomination of the Southern
Cross. Amerigo simply observes, that the four stars form a
rhomboidal figure (wna mandorla), and this remark was made
in the year 1501. The more frequently the maritime expe-
‘ditions on the routes opened by Gama and Magellan, round
the Cape of Good Hope and through the Pacific, were multi-

Ursprung der Sternnamen, 8. xlix. 263 und 277; also my Heamen
erit., t. iv. pp. 319-324; t. v. pp. 17-19, 30 and 230-234,
» oo Phin. ii. 70; Ideler, Sternnamen, s. 260 und 295.

668 COSMOS.

plied, and as Christian missionaries penetrated into the newly
discovered tropical lands of America, the fame of this constel-
lation continually increased. 1! find it mentioned first by the
Florentine, Andrea Corsali, in 1517, and subsequently, in
1520, by Pigafetta, as a wonderful cross (croce maravigtiosa),
more glorious than all the constellations in the heavens. The
learned Florentine extols Dante’s ‘ prophetic spirit,” as if the
great poet had not as much erudition as creative imagination,
and as if he had not seen Arabian celestial globes, and con-
versed with many learned oriental travellers of Pisa.* Acosta,
in his Historia natural y moral de las Indiast remarks, that
in the Spanish settlements of tropical America, the first set-
tlers were accustomed, even as is now done, to use, as a celes-
tial clock, the Southern Cross, calculating the hour from its
inclined or vertical position.

* IT have elsewhere attempted to dispel the doubts which several
distinguished commentators of Dante have advanced in modern times,
respecting the “ quattro stelle.” To take this problem in all its com-
pleteness, we must compare the passage, “lo mi volsi,” &c. (Purgat.
1. v. 22--24), with the other passages:—Purg. 1. v. 37; viii. v. 85-93;
xxix. v. 121; xxx. v. 97; xxxi. v. 106; and Jnf. xxvi. v. 117 and 127.
‘The Milanese astronomer, De Cesaris, considers the three “ facelle”
(“ Di che il polo di qua tutto quanto arde,” and which set when the
four stars of the Cross rise,) to be Canopus, Achernar, and Fomalhaut.
I have endeavoured to solve these difficulties by the following considera-
tions. “The philosophical and religious mysticism which penetrates and
vivifies the grand composition of Dante, assigns to all objects, besides
their real or material existence, an ideal one. It seems almost as if we
beheld two worlds reflected in one another. The four stars represent,
in their moral order, the cardinal virtues, prudence, justice, strength,
and temperance; and they, therefore, merit thename of the holy lights,
“luci sante.” The three stars, which light the pole, represent the theo-
logical virtues, faith, hope, and charity. The first of these beings
themselves reveals their double nature, chanting, ‘ Here we are nymphs,
in heaven we are stars;’ Voit sem qui ninfe, e nel cielo semo stelle.
In the land of truth, in the terrestrial paradise there are seven nymphs,
In cerchio faceran di se claustro le sette ninfe. This is the union of
all the cardinal and theological virtues. Under these mystic forms, we
can scarcely recognise the real objects of the firmament, separated from
each other, according to the eternal laws of the celestial mechanism.
The ideal world is a free creation of the soul, the product of poetic
inspiration.” (Hxamen crit., t. iv. pp. 324--332.)

+ Acosta, lib. i. cap. 5. Compare my Relation historique, t. i.
p. 209. As the stars a and y of the Southern Cross have almost the
same right ascension, the Cross appears perpendicular when passing the
meridian; but the natives too often forget that this celestial clock

ay Se

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 669

In consequence of the precession of the equinoxes, the
starry heavens are continually changing their aspect from every
portion of the earth’s surface. The early races of mankind
beheld in the far north the glorious constellation of our
southern hemisphere rise before them, which, after remaining
long invisible, will again appear in those latitudes after the
lapse of thousands of years. Canopus was fully 1° 20’ be-
low the horizon at Toledo (39° 54’ north latitude), in the
time of Columbus; and now the same star is almost as much
above the horizon at Cadiz. While at Berlin, and ‘in the
northern latitudes the stars of the Southern Cross, as well as
a and 8 Centauri, are receding more and more from view,
the Magellanic clouds are slowly approaching our latitudes.
Canopus was at its greatest northern approximation during
the last century, and is now moving nearer and nearer to the
south, although very slowly, owing to its vicinity to the
south pole of the ecliptic. The Southern Cross began to
become invisible in 52° 30’ north latitude 2900 years before
our era, since, according to Galle, this constellation might
previously have reached an altitude of more than 10°. When
it disappeared from the horizon of the countries on the Baltic,
the great pyramid of Cheops had already been erected more
than five hundred years. The pastoral tribe of the Hyksos
made their incursion seven hundred years earlier. The past
seems to be visibly nearer to us when we connect its measure-
ment with great and memorable events.

The progress made in nautical astronomy, that is to say,
in the improyement of methods of determining the ship’s
place (its geographical latitude and longitude), was simultane-

marks the hour each day 3’ 56" earlier. I am indebted to the commu-
nications of my friend, Dr. Galle, by whom Le Verrier’s planet was first
discovered in the heavens, for all the calculations respecting the visi-
bility of southern stars in northern latitudes. “The inaccuracy of
the calculation, according to which the star a of the Southern Crogs,
taking refraction into account, would appear to have begun to be invi-
sible in 52° 25’ north latitude, about the year 2900 before the Christian
era, may perhaps amount to more than 100 years, and could not
be altogether set aside, even by the strictest mode of calculation, as
the proper motion of the fixed stars is probably not uniform for such
long intervals of time. The proper motion of a Crucis is about one-third
of a second annually, chiefly in right ascension. It may be presumed
that the uncertainty produced by neglecting this, does not exceed the
above-mentioned limit,”

670 COSMOS.

ous with the extension of a knowledge of the regions of space,
although this knowledge was more the result of sensuous ob-
servation than of scientific induction. All that was able in the
course of ages to favour advance in the art of navigation—the
compass and the more correct acquaintance with magnetic
declination; the measurement of a ship’s speed by a more
careful construction of the log and by the use of chronometers
and lunar observations; the improved construction of ships;
the substitution of another force for that of the wind; and
lastly, and most especially, the skilful application of astronomy
to the ship’s reckoning,—must all be regarded as powerful
means towards the opening of the different portions of the
earth, the more rapid and animated furtherance of general
intercourse, and the acquirement of a knowledge of cosmical
relations. Assuming this as one point of view, we would again
observe, that even in the middle of the thirteenth century nau-
tical instruments capable of determining the time by the altitude
of the stars, were in use among the seamen of Catalonia and
the Island of Majorca, and that the astrolabe described by Ray-
mond Lully in his Arte de Navegar, was almost two hundred
years older than that of Martin Behaim. The importance of
astronomical methods was so thoroughly appreciated in
Portugal, that towards the year 1484, Behaim was nominated
President of a Junta de Mathematicos, who were to form
tables of the sun’s declination, and, as Barros observes, to
teach pilots the method of navigating by the sun’s altitude,
maniera de navegar por altura del Sol.* This mode of nayi-
gating by the meridian: altitude of the sun was even at that
time clearly distinguished from that by the determination of
the longitude, por la altura del Este-Oeste.}

The importance of determining the position of the
papal line of demarcation, and of thus fixing the limits
‘between the possessions of the Portuguese and Spanish crowns
in the newly discovered land of Brazil, and in the group
of islands in the South Indian Ocean, increased, as we
have already observed, the desire for ascertaining a practical
method for determining the longitude. Men ‘perceived how
rarely the ancient and imperfect method of lunar eclipses

* Barros, da Asia, Dec. i. liv. iv. cap. 2 (1788), p. 282.

+ Navarrete, Coleccion de los Viages y Descubrimientos que hiciéron
por mar los Hspanoles, t. iv. p. xxxii. (in the Noticta biographica de
Fernando de Magellanes.)

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 671

employed by Hipparchus could be applied, and the use of
lunar distances was recommended as early as 1514 by the
Nuremburg astronomer, Johann Werner, and soon afterwards -
by Orontius Finewus and Gemma Frisius. Unfortunately,
however, these methods also remained impracticable, until
after many fruitless attempts with the instruments of Peter
Apianus, (Bienewitz,) and Alonso de Santa Cruz, the mirror
sextant was invented by the ingenuity of Newton, in 1700,
and was brought into use amongst seamen by Hadley in 1731.

The influence of the Arabian astronomers acted, through
the Spaniards, on the general progress of nautical astronomy.
Many methods were certainly attempted for determining the
longitude which did not succeed; and the fault of the want of
success was less rarely ascribed to the incorrectness of the
observation, than to errors of printing in the astronomical ephe-
merides of Regiomontanus which were then in use. The Por-
tuguese even suspected the correctuess of the astronomical data
as given by the Spaniards, whose tables they accused of being
falsified from political grounds.* The suddenly awakened desire
for the auxiliaries which nautical astronomy promised, at any
rate theoretically, is most vividly expressed in the narrations
of the travels of Columbus, Amerigo Vespucci, Pigafetta, and
of Andreas de San Martin, the celebrated pilot of the
Magellanic expedition, who was in possession of the methods
of Ruy Falero for determining the longitude. Oppositions of
planets, occultations of the stars, differences of altitude
between the moon and Jupiter, and changes in the moon’s
declination, were all tried with more or less success. We
possess observations of conjunction by Columbus, on the night
of the 13th of January, 1493, at Hayti. The necessity for
attaching a special and well-informed astronomer to every
great expedition was so generally felt, that Queen Isabella
wrote to Columbus on the 5th of September, 1493, “ that
although he had shown in his undertakings that he knew more
than any other living being (que ninguno de los nacidos), she
counselied him, nevertheless, to take with him Fray Antonio
de Marchena, as being a learned and skilful astronomer.”
Columbus writes in the narrative of his fourth voyage, that
“there was only one infallible method of taking a ship’s
reckoning, viz., that employed by astronomers. He who
undexstands it, may rest satisfied; for that which it yields is

* Barros, Dec. iii. parte 2. pp. 650 and 658-662.

672 COSMOS,

like unto a prophetic vision (viszon profetica).”* Our ignorant

* The queen writes to Columbus: “Nosotros mismos y no otro
alguno, habemos visto algo del libro que nos dejtistes,” “we ourselves,
and no one else, have seen the book you haye sent us,” (a journal of his
voyage, in which the distrustful navigator had omitted all numerical
data of degrees of latitude and of distances): quanto mas en esto plati-
camos y vemos, conocemos cuan gran cosa ha seido este negocio vuestro,
y que habeis sabido en ello mas que nunca se pensé que pudiera saber
ninguno de los nacidos. Nos parece que seria bien que llevasedes con
vos un buen Estrologo, y nos parescia que seria bueno para esto Fray
Antonio de Marchena, porque es buen Estrologo, y siempre, nos parecié
que se conformaba con vuestro parecer.” “The more we have examined
it, the more we have appreciated your undertaking, and the more we
have felt that you have shown byit, that you know more than any
human being could be supposed to know. It appears to us that it
would be well for you to take with you some astrologer, and that Fray
Antonio de Marchena would be a very suitable person for such a pur-
pose.” Respecting this Marchena, who is identical with Fray Juan Perez,
the guardian of the Convent de la Rabida, where Columbus, in his
poverty, in 1484, “asked the monks for bread and water for his child,”
see Navarrete, t. ii. p. 110; t. iii. pp. 597 and 603. (Muiioz, Hist. del
Nuevo Mundo, lib. iv. § 24.) Columbus, in a letter from Jamaica, to
the Christianisimos Monarcas, July 7, 1503, calls the astronomical ephe-
merides, “una vision profetica.” (Navarrete, t. i. p. 306.) The Por-
tuguese astronomer, Ruy Falero, a native of Cubilla, nominated by
Charles V., in 1519, Caballero de la Orden de Santiago, at the same time
as Magellan, played an important part in the preparations for Magel-
lan’s voyage of circumnuvigation. He had prepared, expressly for him,
a treatise on determinations of lowgitude, of which the great historian
Barros possessed some chapters in manuscript (Hxamen crit., t. i.
pp. 276 and 302; t. iv. p. 315), probably the same which were printed
at Seville by John Escomberger in 1535. Navarrete (Obra pdstuma
sobre la Hist. de la Nautica y de las ciencias matematicas, 1846,
p. 147) had not been able to find the book even in Spain. Respect-
ing the four methods of determining the longitude which Falero
had received from the suggestions of his “‘ Demonio familiar,” see
Herrera, Dee. 11, lib. ii. cap. 19; and Navarrete, t. v. p. xxvii. Subse-
quently the cosmographer Alonso de Santa Cruz, the same who (like the
apothecary of Seville, Felipe Guillen, 1525) attempted to determine the
longitude by means of the variation of the magnetic needle, made im-
practicable proposals for accomplishing the same object by the con-
veyance of time; but his chronometers were sand-and-water clocks,
wheelworks moved by weights, and even by wicks “dipped in oil,”
which were consumed in very equal intervals of time! Pigafetta
(Transunto del Trattato di Navigazione, p. 219) recommends altitudes
of the moon at the meridian. Amerigo Vespucci, speaking of the
method of determining longitude by lunar distances, says with great
naiveté and truth, that its advantages arise from the “ corso pid leggier
de la luna,.”’ (Canoyai, Viaggt, p. 57.)

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES, 678

ilots, when they haye lost sight of land for several days
ow not where they are. They would not be able to find
the countries again which I have discovered. ‘To navigate
a ship requires the compass (compas y arte), and the know-
ledge or art of the astronomer.”

I have given these characteristic details in order more
clearly to show the manner in which nautical astronomy—the
powerful instrument for rendering navigation more secure,
and thereby of facilitating access to all portions of the earth
—was first developed in the period of time under consider-
ation, and how, in the general intellectual activity of the
age, men perceived the possibility of establishing methods
which could not be made practically applicable until im-
provements were effected in solar and lunar tables, and in the
construction of time-pieces and instruments for measuring
angles. If the character of an age be “the manifestation of
the human mind in any definite epoch,” the age of Columbus
and of the great nautical discoveries must be regarded as
haying given a new and higher impetus to the acquirements
of succeeding centuries, whilst it increased in an unexpected
manner the objects of science and contemplation. It is the
peculiar attribute of important discoveries at once to extend
the domain of our possessions, and the prospect into the new
territories which yet remain open to conquest. Weak minds
complacently believe that in their own age humanity has
reached the culminating point of intellectual progress ; for-
getting that by the internal connection existing among all
natural phenomena, in proportion as we advance, the field to
be traversed acquires additional extension, and that it is
bounded by an horizon which incessantly recedes before the
eyes of the enquirer.

Where, in the history of nations, can we find an epoch
similar to that in which events so fraught with important
results as the discovery and first colonisation of America, the
passage to the East Indies round the Cape of Good Hope, and
Magellan’s first cireumnavigation, occurred simultaneously
with the highest perfection of art, with the attainment of
intellectual and religious freedom, and with the sudden
enlargement of the knowledge of the earth and the heavens?
Such an age owes a very inconsiderable portion of its greatness
to the distance at which we contemplate it, or to the circum-

2x

674 COSMOS,

stance of its appearing before us amid the records of history,
and free from the disturbing reality of the present. But here
too, as in all earthly things, the brilliancy of greatness is
dimmed by the association of emotions of profound sorrow.
The advance of cosmical knowledge was bought at the price
of the violence and revolting horrors which conquerors—the
so-called civilisers of the earth—spread around them. But it
were irrational and rashly bold to decide dogmatically on the
balance of blessings and evils in the interrupted history of
the development of mankind. It becomes not man to pro- |
nounce judgment on the great events of the world’s history,
which slowly developed in the womb of time belong but
partially to the age in which we place them.

The first discovery of the central and southern portions of
the United States of America by the Northmen coinvides very
nearly with the mysterious appearance of Manco Capac in the
elevated plateaux of Peru, and is almost two hundred years
prior to the arrival of the Azteks in the valley of Mexico.
The foundation of the principal city (Tenochtitlan) occurred
fully three hundred and twenty-five years later. If these
Scandinavian colonisations had been attended by permanent
results, if they had been maintained and protected by a
powerful mother-country, the advancing Germanic races
would still have found many unsettled hordes of hunters in
those regions: where the Spanish conquerors met with only
peacefully settled agricuiturists.* |

* The American race, which was the same from 65° north latitude to
55° south latitude, passed directly from the life of hunters to that of
cultivators of the soil, without undergoing the intermediate gradation
of a pastoral life. This circumstance is so much the more remarkable,
because the bison, which is met with in enormous herds is susceptible of
domestication, and yields an abundant supply of milk. Little attention has
been paid to an account given in Gomara (Hist. gen. de las Indias, eap.
214); according to which it would appear that in the sixteenth century
there was a race of men living in the north-west of Mexico, in about 40°
north latitude, whose greatest riches consisted in herds of tamed bisons
(bueyes con una giba). From these animals the natives obtained materials
for clothing, food, and drink, which was probably the blood, (Prescott,
Conquest of Mexico, vol. iii. p. 416,) for the dislike to milk, or at least its
non-employment appears, before the arrival of Europeans, to have been
common to all the natives of the new continent, as well as to the inha-
bitants of China and Cochin-China. There were certainly, from the
earliest times, herds of domesticated Hamas in the mountainous parts of

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 675

The age of the Conquista, which comprises the end of the
fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century, indi-
cates a remarkable concurrence of great events in the political
and social life of the nations of Europe. In the same month
in which Hernan Cortez, after the battle of Otumba, advanced
upon Mexico, with the view of besieging it, Martin Luther
burnt the Pope’s bull at Wittenberg, and laid the founda-
tion of the Reformation which promised to the human mind
both freedom and progress on paths which had hitherto.
been almost wholly untrodden.* Still earlier, the noblest
forms of ancient Hellenic art, the Laocoon, the Torso, the
Apollo de Belvidere and the Medicean Venus, had been
resuscitated as it were from the tombs in which they had so
long been buried. There flourished in Italy, Michael Angelo,
Leonardo da Vinci, Titian, and Raphael; and in Germany,
Holbein and Albert Durer. The Copernican system of the
universe was discovered, if not made generally known, in the
year in which Columbus died, and fourteen years after the
discovery of the new continent.

The importance of this discovery, and of the first coloni-
sation of Europeans involves a consideration of other fields of
enquiry besides those to which these pages are devoted, and

Quito, Peru, and Chili. These herds constituted the riches of the nations
who were settled there, and were engaged in the cultivation of the soil; in
the Cordilleras of South America there were no “pastoral nations,” and
“pastoral life” was not known. What are the “tame deer,” near the
Punta ‘de St. Helena, which are mentioned in Herrera Dee. II, lib. x,
cap. 6, (T. I. p. 471, ed. Amberes, 1728)? ‘hese deer are said to have
given milk and cheese, “ciervos que dan leche y queso y se crian en
casa!” From what source is this notice taken? It cannot have arisen
from a confusion with the llamas (having neither horns nor antlers) of
the cold mountainous region, of which Garcilaso affirms that in Peru,
and especially on the plateau of Collao, they were used for ploughing.
(Convment reales, P. 1. lib. v. cap. 2, p. 133. Compare also Pedro de
Cieca de Leon, Chronica del Peru, Sevilla, 1553, cap. 110, p. 264.)
This employment of llamas appears, however, to have been a rare excep-
tion, and a merely local custom. In general the American races were
remarkable for their deficiency of domesticated animals, and this had a
profound influence on family life.

* Qn the hope which Luther in the execution of his great and free-
minded ‘he placed especially on the younger generation, the youth of

, See the remarkable expressions in a letter written in J une,
1618. Giemdsr, de Vicelio, p. a
2x2

676 COSMOS.

closely bears upon the intellectual and moral influences exer-
cised on the improvement of the social condition of mankind
by the sudden enlargement of the accumulated mass of new
ideas. "We would simply draw attention to the fact, that since
this period, a new and more vigorous activity of the mind and
feelings, animated by bold aspirations and hopes which can
scarcely be frustrated, has gradually penetrated through all
grades of civil society; that the scanty population of one-half
of the globe, especially in the portions opposite to Hurope,
has favoured the settlements of colonies, which have been
converted by their extent and position into independent
states, enjoying unlimited power in the choice of their mode
of free government; and finally that religious reform—the
precursor of great political revolutions—could not fail to pass
through the different phases of its development in a portion
of the earth which had become the asylum of all forms of
faith, and of the most different views regarding divine things.
The daring enterprise of the Genoese seaman is the first link
in the immeasurable chain of these momentous events.
Accident, and not fraud and dissensions, deprived the
continent of America of the name of Columbus.* The

* T have shown elsewhere how a knowledge of the period at which
Vespucci was named royal chief pilot, alone refutes the accusation first
brought against’ him by the astronomer Schoner, of Nuremberg, in 1533,
of haying artfully inserted the words “Zerra di Amerigo” in charts
which he altered. The high esteem which the Spanish court paid to the

hydrographical and astronomical knowledge of Amerigo Vespucci, is’

clearly manifested in the instructions (Real titulo con extensas facul-
tades) which were given to him when he was appointed piloto mayor, on
the 22nd of March, 1508. (Navarrete, t. iii, pp. 297-302.) He was
placed at the head ofa true Deposito hydrografico, and was to prepare
for the Casade Contratacion in Seville, (the central point of all oceanic
expeditions,) a general description of coasts and account of positions,
(Padron general) in which all new discoveries were to be annually entered.
But even as early as 1507, the name of “ Americi terra” had been proposed
for the new continent, by a person whose existence even was undoubtedly
unknown to Vespucci, the geographer Waldsee-miiller (Martinus Hyla-
ccomylus) of Freiburg, in the Breisgau, (the director of a printing
establishment at St. Dié in Lorraine,) in a small work intitled Cosmo-
graphic Introductio, insuper quatuor Americi Vespucti Navigationes
impr. in oppido 8. Deodati, 1507). Ringmann, professor of cosmo-
graphy at Basle, (better known under the name of Philesius) Hyla-
comylus, and Father Gregorius Reisch, who edited the Margarita

ee ee

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 677 .

new world continuously brought nearer to Europe during
the last half century, by means of commercial intercourse

Philosophica, were intimate friends. In the last-named work we find a
treatise written in 1509 by Hylacomylus on architecture and perspective.
(Hzamen crit. t. iv. p. 112.) Laurentius Phrisius of Metz, a friend of
Hylacomylus, and like him patronised by Duke René, of Lorraine,
who maintained a correspondence with Vespucci, in the Strasburg
edition of Ptolemy, 1522, speaks of Hylacomylus as deceased. In the
map of the new continent contained in this edition, and drawn by
Hylacomylus, the name of America occurs for the first time in the
editions of Ptolemy's Geography. According to my investigations, a
map of the world by Petrus Apianus, which was once included in Cra-
mer’s edition of Solinus, and a second time in the Vadian edition of
Mela, and represented, like more modern Chinese maps, the Isthmus of
Panama broken through, had appeared two years earlier. (Hxamen crit.
t. iv. pp. 99-124; t. v. pp. 168-176.) Itisa great error to regard the
map of 1527, obtained from the Ebner library at Nuremberg now in
Weimar, and the map of 1529 of Diego Ribero, which differs from the
former and is engraved by Gussefeld, as the oldest maps of the new
continent, (Op. cit. t. ii. p. 184; +. iii. p. 191). Vespucci had visited the
coasts of South America in the expedition of Alonso de Hojeda, a year
after the third voyage of Columbus, in 1499, in company with Juan de la
Cosa, whose map, drawn at Puerto de Santa Maria in 1500, fully six
years before Columbus’ death, was first made known by myself.
Vespucci could not have had any motive for feigning a voyage in the
year 1497, for he, as well as Columbus, was firmly persuaded, until his
death, that only parts of Eastern Asia had been reached. (Compare the
letter of Columbus, February, 1502, to Pope Alexander VI., and another,
July, 1503, to Queen Isabella, in Navarrete, t. i. p. 304, t. ii. p. 280; and
Vespucci’s letter to Pierfrancesco de’ Medici, in Bandini’s Vita e Lettere
di Amerigo Vespucci, pp. 66 and 83.) Pedro de Ledesma, the pilot
of Columbus on his third voyage, says even in 15138, in the lawsuit
against the heirs, “that Paria is regarded as a part of Asia, la tierra
firme que dicese que es de Asia.” Navarrete, t. iii. \p. 539. The
frequent periphrases, Mondo nouvo, alter Orbis, Colonus novit Orbis
repertor, are not at variance with this, as they only denote regions
not before seen, and are so used by Strabo, Mela, Tertullian, Isidore of
Seville, and Cadamosto. (Hxamen crit. t. i. p. 118; t. v. pp. 182-184.)
For more than twenty years after the death of Vespucci, which occurred
in 1512, and until the calumnious charges of Schoner, in the Opusculum
geographicum, 1533, and of Servet, in the Lyons’ edition of Ptolemy’s
Geography of 1535, we find no complaint against the Florentine navi-
gator. Christopher Columbus, a year before his death, calls him
mucho hombre de bien, a man of worth, “worthy of all confidence,”
and “always inclined to render him service.” (Carta a mi muy caro
jijo D. Diego, in Navarrete, t. i. p. 351.) Fernando Colon expresses the
same goodwill towards Vespucci; he wrote the life of his father in 1535,

678 COSMOS.
and the improvement of navigation, has exercised an im-

in Seville, four years before his death, and with Juan Vespucci, a nephew
of Amerigo’s, attended the astronomical junta of Badajoz, and the pro-
' ceedings respecting the possession of the Moluceas; similar feelings
were entertained by Petrus Martyr de Anghiera, the personal friend of
' the admiral, whose correspondence goes down to 1525; by Oviedo,
who seeks for everything which can lessen the fame of Columbus; by
Ramusio; and by the great historian Guiccardini. If Amerigo had
intentionally falsified the dates of his voyages, he would have brought
them into agreement with each other, and not have made the first voyage
terminate five months after the second began. The confusion of dates
in the many different translations of his voyages is not to be attributed
to him, as he did not himself publish any of these accounts. Such con-
fusions of figures were, besides; very frequently to be met with in
writings printed in the sixteenth century. Oviedo had been present, as
ne of the Queen’s pages, at the audience at which Ferdinand and Isabella,
in 1493, received Columbus with much pomp on his return from his first
voyage of discovery. Oviedo has three times stated in print that this
audience took place in the year 1496, and even that America was dis-
covered in 1491. Gomara had the same printed, not in numerals but in
words, and placed the discovery of the tierra firme of America in 1497;
in the very year, therefore, which proved so fatal to Amerigo Vespucci’s
reputation. (Hxamen crit. t. v. pp. 196-202.) The wholly irreproachable
conduct of the Florentine, (who never attempted to attach his name to
the new continent, but who, in the grandiloquent accounts which he
addressed to the Gonfalionere Piero Goderini, to Pierfranceseo de’
Medici, and to Duke René IL., of Lorraine, had the misfortune of
drawing upon himself the attention of posterity more than he d

is most positively proved by the lawsuit. which the fiscal authorities

carried on from 1508 to 1527 against the heirs of Christopher Columbus, .

for the purpose of withdrawing from them the rights and privileges
which had been granted by the crown to the admiral in 1492. Amerigo
entered the service of the state as Piloto mayor, in the same year that
the lawsuit began: He lived at Seville during four years of this suit, in
which it was to be decided what parts of the new continent had been first
reached by Columbus. The most miserable reports found a hearing, and
| were converted into subjects of accusation by the fiscal; witnesses were
| sought for at St. Domingo, and all the Spanish ports, at Moguer, Palos,
and Seville, and even under the eyes of Amerigo Vespucci and his nephew
Juan. The Mundus novus, printed by Johann Otmer, at Augsburg,
in 1504; the Raccolta di Vicenza, (Mondo novo e paesi novamente
retrovati da Alberico Vespuzio Fiorentino,) by Alessandro Zorzi, in 1507,
and generally ascribed to Fracanzio di Montalboddo; and the
Navigationes of Martin Waldsee-mtiller (Hylacomylus) had already
appeared; since 1520, maps had been constructed on which was marked
the name of America, which had. been proposed by Hylacomylus in 1507,
and praised by Joachim Vadius in a letter addressed to Rudolphus

ee a

OCEANIC DISCOVERIES. 679
portant influence on the political institutions, the ideas and

Agricola from Vienna, in 1512; and yet the person to whom widely-
-eirculated writings in Germany, France, and Italy, attributed a voyage
of discovery in 1497, to the tierra jirme of Paria, was neither cited by the
fiscal as a witness in the lawsuit which had been begun in 1508, and was
_eontinued during nineteen years, nor was he even spoken of as the
“predecessor or the opponent of Columbus. Why, after the death of
‘Amerigo Vespucci (22nd Feb. 1512, in Seville), was not his nephew,
‘Juan Vespucci, called upon to show (as Martin Alonso, Vicente Yafiez
Pinzon, Juan dela Cosa and Alonso de Hojeda had done) that the coast
‘of Paria, which did not derive its importance from its being “part of the
main land of Asia,” but on account of the productive pearl fishery in its
“vicinity, had been already reached by Amerigo, before Columbus landed
there on the Ist of August 1498. The disregard of this most important
‘testimony is inexplicable if Amerigo Vespucci had ever boasted of
having made a voyage of discovery in 1497, or if any serious import had.
been attached at that time to the confused dates and mistakes in the print-
ing of the “ Quatuor Navigationes.” The great and still unprinted work
of a friend of Columbus, Fra Bartholomé de las Casas (the Historia
general de las Indias), was written, as we know with certainty, at
very different periods. It was not begun until fifteen years after the
‘death of Amerigo in 1527, and was finished in 1559, seven years before
the death of the aged author, in his 92nd year. Praise and bitter blame
‘are strangely mingled in it. We see that dislike and suspicion of fraud
augmented in proportion as the fame of the Florentine navigator spread.
In the preface (Prologo) which was writien first, Las- Casas says;
« Amerigo relates what he did in two voyages to our Indies, but he
appears to have passed over many circumstances, whether designedly (4
saviendas) or because he did not attend tothem. This circumstance has
led some to attribute to him that which is due to others, and which
ought not to be taken from them.” The judgment pronounced in the
Ist book (chap. 140) is equally moderate: “Here I must speak of the
injustice which Amerigo, or perhaps those who printed (6 los que impri-
miéron) the Quatuor Navigationes, appear to have committed towards
the Admiral. To Amerigo alone, without naming any other, the dig
covery of the continent is ascribed. He is also said to have placed the
name of America in maps, thus sinfully failing towards the admiral. As
Amerigo was learned and had the power of writing eloquently (era
latino y eloquente), he represented himself in the letter to King
“René as the leader of Hojeda’s expedition; yet he was only one of the
seamen, although experienced in seamanship and learned in cosmo-
‘graphy (hombre entendido en las cosas de la mar y docto en Cos-
mographia) .. In the world the belief prevails that he was the first
‘to set foot on the mainland. If he purposely gave currency to this
belief, it was great wickedness; and if it was not done intentionally it
looks like it (clara pareze la falsedad: y si fué de industria hecha
maldad grande fué ; y ya que no lo fuese, al menos parezelo). .. Amerigo

680 COSMOS,

feelings of those nations who occupy the eastern shores of the
Atlantic, the boundaries of which appear to be constantly
brought nearer and nearer to one another. (See my Hzamen
crit. de l Hist. de la Géographie, t. iii. pp. 154-158 and
225-2277.)

_ is represented as having sailed in the year 7 (1497): a statement that
seems indeed to have been only an oversight in writing, and not an
intentional false statement (pareze aver avido yerro de pendola y no
malicia), because he is stated to have returned at the end of eighteen
months. The foreign writers call the country America; it ought to be called
Columba.” This passage shows clearly that up to that time Las Casas
had not accused Amerigo of having himself brought the name America
into usage. He says, an tomado los escriptores estrangeros de nombrar
la nuestra Tierra firme America, como si Americo solo y no otro con él
y antes que todos la oviera descubierto, In lib. i, cap. 164--169, and in
lib. ii. cap. 2, of the work, his hatred is fully expressed; nothing is now
attributed to erroneous dates, or to the partiality of foreigners for
Amerigo; all is intentional dezeit, of which Amerigo himself is guilty
(de industria lo hizo . . . persisit6 en elengano ... de falsedad esta
claramente convencido). Bartholomé de las Casas takes pains, more-
over, in two passages to show especially that Amerigo, in his accounts,
falsified the succession of the occurrences of his first two voyages, placing
many things which belonged to the second voyage in the first, and vice
versa. It seems very strange to me that the accuser does not appear
to have felt how much the weight of his accusations is diminished by the
circumstance that he himself speaks of the opposite opinion, and of the
indifference of the person who would have been most interested in
attacking Vespucci, if he had believed him guilty and hostilely disposed
against his father and himself. “I cannot but wonder,” says Las Casas
(cap. 164), “ that Hernando Colon, a clear-sighted man, who, as I cer-
tainly know, had in his hands Amerigo’s accounts of his travels, should
not have remarked in them any deceit or injustice towards the Admiral.”
As I had a fresh opportunity, a few months ago, of examining
the rare manuscript of Bartholomé de las Casas, I would wish to em-
body in this long note what I did not employ in 1839, in my Haamen
critique, t. v. pp. 178-217. The conviction which I then expressed, in
the same volume, pp. 217 and 224, has remained unshaken. “ Where
the designation of a large continent generally adopted as such, and con-
secrated by the usage of many ages, presents itself to us as a monument
of human injustice, it is natural that we should at first sight attribute
the cause to the person who would appear most interested in the matter.
A careful study of the documentary evidence has, however, shown that
this supposition in the present instance is devoid of foundation, and that
the name of America has originated in a distant region (as for instance
in France and Germany), owing to many concurrent circumstances which
appear to remoyeall suspicion from Vespucci. Here historical criticiem

681

GREAT DISCOVERIES IN THE HEAVENS BY THE APPLICA.
TION OF THE TELESCOPE.—-PRINCIPAL EPOCHS IN
THE HISTORY OF ASTRONOMY AND MATHEMATICS,
FROM GALILEO AND KEPLER TO NEWTON AND LEIBNITZ.
—LAWS OF THE PLANETARY MOTIONS AND GENERAL
THEORY OF GRAVITATION.

Arter having endeavoured to enumerate the most distinctly
defined periods and stages of development in the history of
the contemplation of the universe, we have proceeded to
delineate the epoch in which the civilized nations of one
hemisphere became acquainted with the inhabitants of the
other. The period of the greatest discoveries in space over
the surface of our planet was immediately succeeded by the
revelations of the telescope, through which man may be said
to have taken possession of a considerable portion of the
heavens. The application of a newly created organ—an
instrument possessed of the power of piercing the depths of
space—calls forth a new world of ideas. Now began a brilliant

stops, for the field of wnknown causes and possible moral contingencies
does not come within the domain of positive history. We here find a
man, who during a long life enjoyed the esteem of his contemporaries,
raised by his attainments in, nautical astronomy to an honourable
employment. The concurrence of many fortuitous circumstances gave
him a celebrity which has weighed upon his memory, and helped to
throw discredit on his character. Such a position is indeed rare in the
history of human misfortunes, and affords an instance of a moral stain
deepened by the glory of an illustriousname. It seems most desirable, to
examine, amid this mixture of success and adversity, what is owing to the
navigator himself, to the accidental errors arising from a hasty supervision
of his writings, or to the indiscretion of dangerous friends.” Copernicus
himself contributed to this dangerous celebrity; for he also ascribes the
discovery of the new part of the globe to Vespucci. In discussing the
“centrum gravitatis” and “ centrum magnitudinis” of the continent, he
adds; “ magis id erit clarum, si addentur insule eetate nostra sub Hispa-
niarum Lusitanizeque Principibus reperte et preesertim America ab
inventore denominata navium prefecto, quem, ob incompertam ejus
adhue magnitudinem, alterum orbem terrarum putant.” (Nicolas
Copernici de Revolutionibus orbium celestium, libri sex, 1548, p, 2, a.)

682 COSMOS.

age of astronomy and mathematics; and in the latter the
long series of profound enquirers leading us on to the “ all
transforming” Leonhard Euler, the year of whose birth, (1707)
is so near that of the death of Jacques Bernouilli,

A few names will suffice to give an idea of the gigantic
strides with which the human mind advanced in the seven-
teenth century, especially in the development of mathematical
induction, under the influence of its own subjective force
rather than from the incitement of outward cireumstances,
The laws which control the fall of bodies and the motions of
the planets were now recognised. The pressure of the
atmosphere; the propagation of light, and its refraction and
polarisation, were investigated. Mathematical physics were
created, and based on a firm foundation. The imvention of
the infinitesimal calculus characterises the close of the
century; and strengthened by its aid, human understanding
has been enabled, during the succeeding century and a half,
successfully to venture on the solution of the problems pre-
sented by the perturbations of the heavenly bodies; by the
polarisation and interference of the waves of light; by the
radiation of heat; by electro-magnetie re-entering cur-
rents; by vibrating chords and surfaces; by the capillary
attraction of narrow tubes; and by many other natural phe-
nomena.

Henceforward the work in the world of thought progresses
uninterruptedly, each portion continually contributing its aid
to the remainder. None of the earlier germs are stifled. With
the abundance of the materials to be elaborated, strictness. in.
the methods and improvements in the instruments of obser-
vation are simultaneously increased. We will here limit
ourselyes more especially to the seventeenth century, the age
of Kepler, Galileo, and Bacon, of Tycho Brahe, Descartes and
Huygens, of Fermat, Newton, and Leibnitz. The labours of
these distinguished enquirers are so generally known, that
slight references will be sufficient to point out those portions
by which they have most brilliantly contributed to the
enlargement of cosmical views. |

We have already shown* how the discovery of telescopic
vision gave to the eye—the organ of the sensuous contempla-
tion of the universe—a power from whose limits we are still
_* See Cosmos, p. 67.

DISCOVERIES IN ‘THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 683

far removed, and which in its first feeble beginning, when
seareely magnifying thirty-two linear diameters,* was yet
said to penetrate into depths of space which until then
had remained closed to the eyes of man. The exact know-
ledge of many of the heavenly bodies which belong to our
solar system, the eternal laws which regulate their revolution
in their orbits, and the more perfect insight into the true
structure of the universe, are the characteristics of the age
which I'am here delineating. The results produced by this
epoch determine the principal outlines of the great natural
picture of the Cosmos, and add to the earlier investigated
contents of terrestial space the newly acquired knowledge of
the contents of the celestial regions, at least with reference to
the well-organised arrangement of one planetary group. In
my desire of assuming only general views, I will confine
myself to the consideration of the most important objects of
the astronomical labours of the seventeenth century. I would
here refer to their influence in powerfully inciting to great
and unexpected mathematical discoveries, and to more
‘comprehensive and grander views of the universe.

I have already remarked that the age of Columbus, Gama,
and Magellan—the age of great maritime enterprises—coin-
eided in a most wonderful manner with many great events,
with the awakening of a feeling of religious freedom, with the
development of nobler sentiments for art, and with the diffu-
sion of the Copernican views regarding the system of the uni-
verse, Nicolaus Copernicus (who in two letters still extant calls
himself Koppernik,) had already attained his twenty-first year,
and was engaged in making observations with the astronomer
Albert Brudzewski, at Cracow, when Columbus discovered
America. Hardly a year after the death of the great disco-
verer, and after a six years’ residence at Padua, Bologna, and
Rome, we find him returned to Cracow, and busily engaged
in bringing about a thorough revolution in the astronomical
views of the universe. By the favour of his uncle, Lucas

* «he telescopes which Galileo constructed, and others of which he
made use for observing Jupiter’s satellites, the phases of Venus, and the
solar spots, possessed the gradually increasing powers of magnifying four,
seven, and thirty-two linear diameters, but they never had a higher
pet: (Arago, in the Annuaire du Bureaw des Longitudes pour

an 1842, p. 268.)

684 COSMOS.

Waisselrode of Allen, bishop of Ermland, he was nominated,
in 1510, canon of Frauenburg, where he laboured for thirty-
three years on the completion of his work, entitled De Revo-
lutionibus orbium celestium.* The first printed copy was
brought to him, when, shattered in mind and body, he was
preparing himself for death. He saw it and touched it, but
his thoughts were no longer fixed on earthly things, and he
died—not as Gassendi says—a few hours, but several days
afterwards (on the 24th of March, 1543+). Two years earlier

* Westphal, in his Biographie des Copernicus (1822, s. 83), dedicated
to the great astronomer of Kiénigsberg, Bessel, calls the Bishop of
Ermland Lucas Watzelrodt von Allen, as does also Gassendi. According
to explanations which I have very recently obtained, through the kind-
ness of the learned historian of Prussia, Voigt, Director of the Archives,
“the family of the mother of Copernicus is called in original documents
Weiselrodt, Weisselrot, Weiselrodt, and most commonly Waisselrode.
His mother was undoubtedly of German descent, and the family of
Waisselrode, who were originally distinct from that of ven Allen,
which had flourished at Thorn from the beginning of the 15th century,
probably took the latter name in addition to their own, through
adoption, or from family connections.” Sniadecki and C i
(Kopernik et ses Travaux, 1847, p. 26) call the mother of the great
Copernicus Barbara Wasselrode, and state that she was married at
Thorn, in 1464, to his father, whose family they believe to be of
Bohemian origin. The name of the astronomer, which Gassendi writes
Tornzeus Borussus, Westphal, and COzynksi write Kopernik, and
Krzyzianowski, Kopirnig. In a letter of the Bishop of Ermland,
Martin Cromer of Heilsberg, dated Nov. 21, 1580, it is said, “ Cum
Jo. (Nicolaus) Copernicus vivens ornamento fuerit, atque etiam nunc
post fata sit, non solum huic ecclesiz, verum etiam toti Prussiz patriz
suse, iniquam esse puto, eum post obitum carere honor esepulchri sive
monumenti.”

+ Thus Gassendi, in Nicolai Copernict Vita, appended to his
biography of Tycho, (Tychonis Brahet Vita, 1655, Hagee Comitum,
p. 320: “eodem die et horis non multis priusquam animam efflaret.”
It is only Schubert, in his Astronomy, th. i. s. 115, and Robert Small,
in the very learned Account of the Astronomical Discoveries of Kepler,
1804, p. 92, who maintain that Copernicus died “a few days after the
appearance of his work.” This is also the opinion of Voigt the Director
of the Archives at Kénigsberg ; because, in a letter which George Donner,
canon of Ermland, wrote to the Duke of Prussia shortly after the death
of Copernicus, it is said, that “the estimable and worthy Doctor
Nicolaus Koppernick sent forth his work, like the sweet song of the
swan, a short time before his departure from this life of sorrows.”
According to the ordinarily received opinion, (Westphal, Wikolaus
Kopernikus, 1822, s. 73 and s. 82,) the work was begun in 1507, and

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES, 685

an important part of his theory had been made known by
the publication of a letter of one of his most zealous pupils
and adherents, Joachim Rheticus to Johann Schoner, Pro-
fessor at Nuremberg It was not, however, the propagation
of the Copernican doctrines, the renewed opinion of the
existence of one central sun, and of the diurnal and annual
movement of the earth, which somewhat more than half
a century after its first promulgation led to the brilliant as-
tronomical discoveries that characterise the commencement
of the seventeenth century; for these discoveries were
the result of the accidental invention of the telescope,
and were the means of at once perfecting and extendin
the doctrine of Copernicus. Confirmed and extended by
the results of physical astronomy (by the discovery of’
the satellite-system of Jupiter and the phases of Venus)
the fundamental views of Copernicus have indicated to
theoretical astronomy paths which could not fail to lead to
sure results, and to the solution of problems which of neces-
sity demanded, and led to a greater degree of perfection in
the analytic calculus. While George Peurbach and Regio-
montanus (Johann Miiller, of Kénigsberg in Franconia) exer-
cised a beneficial influence on Copernicus and his pupils
Rheeticus, Reinhold, and Méstlin, these in their turn in-
fluenced in a like manner, although at longer intervals of
time, the works of Kepler, Galileo, and Newton. These are
was so far completed in 1530, that only a few corrections were
subsequently added. The publication was hastened by a letter from
Cardinal Schonberg, written from Rome in 1536. The cardinal wishes
to have the manuscript copied and sent to him by Theodor von Reden.
We learn from Copernicus himself, in his dedication to Pope Paul IIL,
that the performance of the work has lingered on into the quartum
novennium. If we remember how much time was required for print-
ing a work of 400 pages, and that the great man died in May, 1543, it
may be conjectured that the dedication was not written in the last-
named year; which, reckoning backwards thirty-six years, would not
give us a later, but an earlier year than 1507. Herr Voigt doubts
whether the aqueduct and hydraulic works at Frauenburg, generally
ascribed to Copernicus, were really executed in accordance with hig
designs. He finds that, so late as 1571, a contract was concluded be-
tween the Chapter and the “skilful master Valentine Lendel, manager
of the water-works, at Breslau,” to bring the water to Frauenburg, from
the mill-ponds to the houses of the canons. Nothing is said of any
previous waterworks, and those which exist at present cannot have been
commenced until twenty-eight years after the death of Copernicus,

686 COSMOS.

the ideal links which connect the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries; and we cannot delineate the extended astronomical
views of the latter of these epochs, without taking into consi+
deration the incitements yielded to it by the former.

An erroneous opinion unfortunately prevails even in the
present day,* that Copernicus, from timidity and from appre-
hension of priestly persecution, advanced his views
the planetary movement of the earth, and the position of the
sun in the centre of the planetary system as mere hypotheses
which fulfilled the object of submitting the orbits of the hea-
venly bodies more conveniently to calculation, ‘‘ but which need
not necessarily either be true or even probable.’ These sin-
gular words certainly do occur in the anonymous preface}

* Delambre, Histoire de l Astronomie Moderne, t. i. p. 140.

++ “ Neque enim necesse est, eas hypotheses esse veras, imo ne veri-
similes quidem, sed sufficit hoc unum, si caleulum observationibus con-
gruentem exhibeant,” says the preface of Osiander. ‘“ The bishop of
Culm, Tidemann Gise, a native of Dantzig, who had for years urged
Copernicus to publish his work, at last received the manuscript, with the
permission of having it printed fully in accordance with his own free
pleasure. He sent it first to Rheeticus, Professor at Wittenberg, who
had until recently been living for a long time with his teacher at
Frauenburg. Rheeticus considered Nuremberg as the most suitable
place for its publication, and entrusted the superintendence of the
printing to Professor Schoner and to Andreas Osiander.” (Gassendi,
Vita Copernici, p. 319.) "The expressions of praise pronounced on the
work, at the close of the preface, might be sufficient, to show without the
express testimony of Gassendi, that the preface was by another hand. .
Osiander has used an expression, on the title of the first edition, uid of
Nuremberg, 1543,) which is always carefully avoided in all the wri
of Copernicus, “motus stellarum novis insuper ac admirabilibus h
thesibus ornati,” together with the very ungentle addition, “Igitur
studiose lector, eme, lege, fruere.” In the second Basle edition of
1566, which I “have very carefully compared with the first Nuremberg
edition, there is no longer any reference in the title of the book to the
“admirable hypothesis ;” but Osiander’s Prefatiuncula de Hypothe-
sibus hujus Operis,” as Gassendi calls the intercalated preface, is pre~
served. That Osiander, without naming himself, meant to show that
the Prefatiuncula was bya different hand from the work itself, appears
very evident, from the circumstance of his designating the dedication to
Paul III. as the “ Prefatio Authoris.” The first edition has only 196
leaves; the second 218, on account of the Narratio Prima of the astro-
nomer George J oachim Rhecticus, and a letter addressed to Schoner,
which, as I have remarked in the text, was printed in 1541 by the in«
tervention of the mathematician Gassarus of Basle, and gave to the.

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 687

attached to the work of Copernicus, and inscribed De Hypo-
thestbus kayus operis; but they are quite contrary to the
inions expressed by Copernicus, and in direct contradiction
with his dedication to Pope Paul III. The author of these
fatory remarks was, as Gassendi most expressly says, in
his Life of the great astronomer, a mathematician then living
at Nuremberg, and named Andreas Ossiander, who, together
with Schoner, superintended the printing of the work De
Revolutionibus, and who, although he makes no express decla-
_ ration of any religious scruples, appears nevertheless to have
thought it expedient to speak of the new views as of an
hypothesis, and, not like Copernicus, as of demonstrated
truth.

The founder of our present system of the universe (for
to him incontestibly belong the most important parts of it,
and the grandest features of the design) was almost more
distinguished, if possible, by the intrepidity and confidence
with which he expressed his opinions, than for the knowledge
to which they owed their origm. He deserves to a high
degree the fine eulogium passed upon him by Kepler, who, in
the introduction to the Rudolphine Tables, says of him,
“ Vor fuit maximo ingemo et quod in hoe exercitio (combating
prejudices) magni momenti est, animo liber.” When Coper-
nicus is describing, in his dedication to the Pope, the origin
of his work, he does not scruple to term the opinion generally
expressed amongst theologians of the immobility and central
position of the earth “an absurd acroama,” and to attack the
stupidity of those who adhere to so erroneous a doctrine. “If
even,” he writes, “any empty-headed babblers (yaravoddyor),

learned world the first accurate knowledge of the Copernican system.
Rheeticus had resigned his professional chair at Wittenberg, in order
that he might enjoy the instructions of Copernicus at Frauenburg itself.
(Compare, on these subjects, Gassendi, pp. 310—319.) The explana-
tion of what Osiander was induced to add from timidity, is given by
Gassendi: “Andreas porro Osiander fuit, qui non modo operaram
inspector (the superintendent of the printing) fait, sed Preefatiunculam
quoque ad lectorem (tacito licet nomine) de Hypothesibus operis
adhibuit. Ejus in ea consilium fuit, ut, tametsi Copernicus Motum
Terree habuisset, non solum pro Hypothesi, sed pro vero etiam placito;
ipse tamen ad rem, ob illos, qui hine offenderentur, leniendam, exeu-
satum eum faceret, quasi talem motum non pro dogmate, sed pro

.- . ”
Hypothesi mera assumpsisset.” ,

— 688 COSMOS.

ignorant of all mathematical science, should take upon them-
selves to pronounce judgment on his work through an inten- —
tional distortion of any passage in the holy Scriptures
(propter aliquem locum scripture male ad suum propositum
detortum,) he should despise so presumptuous an attack. It
was, indeed, universally known that the celebrated Lac-
tantius, who however could not be reckoned among mathema-
ticians, had spoken childishly (puwerdhter) of the form of the
earth, deriding those who held it to be spherical. On mathe-
matical subjects one should write only to mathematicians. -In
order to show that, deeply penetrated with the truth of his
own deductions, he had no cause to fear the judgment that
might be passed upon him, he turned his prayers from a
remote corner of the earth to the head of the Church, begging.
that he would protect him from the assaults of calumny, since
the Church itself would derive advantage from his investigations
on the length of the year, and the movements of the moon.”
Astrology and improvements in the calendar long procured
protection for astronomy from the secular and ecclesiastical
powers, as chemistry and botany were long esteemed as purely
subservient auxiliaries to the science of medicine. .
The strong and free expressions employed by Copernicus
sufficiently refute the old opinion, that he advanced the
system which bears his immortal name as an hypothesis con-
venient for making astronomical calculations, and one which
might be devoid of foundation. ‘“‘ By no other arrangement,”
he exclaims with enthusiasm, “have I been able to find so
admirable a symmetry of the universe, and so harmonious a
connection of orbits, as by placing the lamp of the world,
(lucernam mundi,) the sun, in the midst of the beautiful temple of
nature as ona kingly throne, ruling the whole family of circling
stars that revolve around him (circumagentem gubernans as-
trorum familiam.)’* Even the idea of universal gravitation or

* Quis enim in hoc pulcherrimo templo lampadem hance in alio vel
meliori loco poneret, quam unde totum simul possit illuminare? Si-
quidem non inepte quidam lucernam mundi, alii mentem, alii rectorem
vocant. Trismegistus visibilem Deum, Sophoclis Electra intuentem
omnia. Ita profecto tanquam in solio regali Sol residens circuma-
gentem gubernat Astrorum familiam: Tellus quoque minime fraudatur
lunari ministerio, sed ut Aristoteles de animalibus ait, maximam Luna
cum terra cognationem habet. Concepit interea a Sole terra, et im-
pregnatur annuo partu. Invenimus igitur sub hac ordinatione admi-

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES, 689

attraction (appetentia gquedam naturalis partibus indita) towards
the sun as the centre of the world (centrum mundi,) and
which is inferred from the force of gravity in spherical bodies,
seems to have hovered before the mind of this great man, as
is proved by a remarkable passage in the 9th chapter of the
1st Book De Revolutionibus.* |

On considering the different stages of the development of
cosmical contemplation, we are able to trace from the earliest
ages faint indications and presentiments of the attraction of
masses, and of centrifugal forces. Jacobi, in his researches on

randam mundi symmetriam ac certum harmonise nexum motus et mag-
nitudinis orbium : qualis alio modo reperiri non potest. (Nicol. Copern.
De Revol. Orbium Celestium, lib. i. cap. 10, p. 9b.) In this passage,
which is not devoid of poetic grace and elevation of expression, we recog-
nise, as in all the works of the astronomers of the 17th century, traces of
long acquaintance with the beauties of classical antiquity. Copernicus
had in his mind Cic. Somn. Scip. c. 4; Plin. ii. 4; and Mercur. Tris-
meg., lib. v. (ed. Cracov, 1586,) pp. 195 and 201. The allusion to the
Electra of Sophocles is obscure, as the sun is never anywhere expressly
termed “all-seeing,” as in the Jliad and the Odyssey, and also in the
Choephore of Aischylus, (v. 980,) which Copernicus would not probably
have called Hiectra. According to Béckh’s conjecture, the allusion is
to be ascribed to an imperfect recollection of verse 869 of the Hdipus
Coloneus of Sophocles. It very singularly happens that quite lately, in
an otherwise instructive memoir (Czynski, Kopernik et ses Travaux,
1847, p. 102), the Hlectra of the tragedian is confounded with electric
currents. The passage of Copernicus, quoted above, is thus rendered :
«If we take the sun for the torch of the universe, for its spirit and its
guide—if Trismegistes call it a God, and if Sophocles consider it to
be an electrical power which animates and contemplates all that is con-
tained in creation a,

* Pluribus ergo existentibus centris, de centro quoque mundi non
temere quis dubitabit, an videlicet fuerit istud gravitatis terrenz, an
alind. Equidem existimo, gravitatem non aliud esse, quam appeten-
tiam quandam naturalem partibus inditam a divina providentia officis
universorum, ut in unitatem integritatemque suam sese conferant in
formam globi coéuntes. Quam affectionem credibile est etiam Soli,
Lunz, ceeterisque errantium fulgoribus inesse, ut ejus efficacia in ea qua
se repraesentant rotunditate permaneant, quee nihilominus multis modis
suos efficiunt circuitus. Si igitur et terra faciat alios, utpote secundum
centrum (mundi), necesse erit eos esse qui similiter extrinsecus in
multis apparent, in quibus invenimus annuum circuitum.—Ipse
denique Sol medium mundi putabitur possidere, quee omnia ratio
ordinis, quo illa sibi invicem succedunt, et mundi totius harmonia nos
docet, si modo rem ipsam ambobus (ut aiunt) oculis inspiciamus.”
(Copern. De Revol, orb, ccel., lib. i. cap. 9, p. 7, b.)

2¥

690 , COSMOS.

the mathematical knowledge of the Greeks, (unfortunately
still in manuscript,) justly comments on ‘ the profound consi-
deration of nature evinced by Anaxagoras, in whom we read
with astonishment a passage, asserting that the moon, if its
centrifugal force ceased, would fall to the earth like a stone
from a sling.’’*

I have already, when speaking of aerolites, noticed similar.
expressions of the Clazomenian and of Diogenes of Apollonia
on the “cessation of the rotatory foree.’+ Plato truly had a
clearer idea than Aristotle of the attractive force exercised by
the earth’s centre on all heavy masses removed from it, for
the Stagyrite was indeed acquainted, like Hipparehus, with
the acceleration of falling bodies, although he did not correctly
understand the cause. In Plato, and according to Democritus,
attraction is limited to bodies having an affinity for one ano-
ther—or, in other words, to those in which there exists a
tendency of the homogeneous elementary substances to combine
together.{| John Philoponus, the Alexandrian, a pupil of Am-
monius, the son of Hermias, who probably lived im the sixth
pat was the first who ascribed the movement of the hea-
venly bodies to a primitive impulse, connecting with this idea

* Plut. de faciein orbe Lune, p. 923. (Compare Ideler, Meterologia
wveterum Grecorum et Romanorum, 1832, p. 6.) In the passage of
Plutarch, Anaxagoras is not named; but that the latter applied the
same theory of “ falling where the force of rotation had been intermitted”
to all (the material) celestial bodies, is shown in Diog. Laert. ii, 12,
and by the many passages which I have collected (p. 122.). Compare
also Aristot. de Colo, ii. 1, p. 284, a. 24, Bekker, and a remarkable
passage of Simplicius, p. 491, b, in the Scholia, according to the
edition of the Berlin Academy, where the “non-falling of heavenly
bodies” is noticed “when the rotatory force predominates over the
actual falling force or downward attraction.” With these ideas, which
_ also partially belong to Empedocles and Democritus, as well as to
- Anaxagoras may be connected the instance adduced by Simplicius,
(L ¢.) “that water in a phial is not spilt when the movement of rotation
is more rapid than the downward movement of the water,” rijg iwi ro
KkaTw Tov vdaTog Papae.

+ See Cosmos, p. 122. (Compare Letronne, Des opinions cosmogra-
phiques des Péres de l'Eglise, in the Revue des deux Mondes, 1834,
Cosmos, t. i. p. 621.)

+ See, regarding all that relates to the ideas of the ancients on
attraction, gravity, and the fall of bodies, the passages collected with
great industry and discrimination, by Th. Henri Martin, Etudes sur le
Timée de Platon, 1841, t. ii. pp. 272—280, and 341.

DISCOVERIES IN EFHE CELESTIAL SPACES. 691

that of the fall of bodies, or the tendency of ail substances,
whether heavy or light, to reach the ground.* The idea
conceived by Copernicus, and more clearly expressed by
Kepler, in his admirable work De Stella Martis, who even
wplied it to the ebb and flow of the ocean, reeeived in 1666
and 1674 a new impulse and a more extended application
through the sagacity of the ingenious Robert Hooke;:}| New-
ton’s theory of gravitation, which followed these earlier ad-
vances, presented the grand means of converting the whole of
physical astronomy into a true mechanism of the heavens.
rnicus, as we find not only from his dedication to the
Pope, but also from several passages in the work itself, had a
tolerable knowledge of the ideas entertained by the ancients
of the structure of the universe. He, however, only names
in the period anterior to Hipparchus, Hicetas (or, as he
always calls him Nicetas,) of Syracuse, Philolaus the P
gorean, the Timeeus of Plato, Eephantus, Heraclides of Pon-
tus, and the great geometrician Apollonius of Perga. Of
the two mathematicians, Aristarchus of Samos, and Seleucus
of Babylon, whose systems came most nearly to his own,
he mentions only the first, making no reference to the
second.§ It has often been asserted that he was not ac-

* Joh. Philoponus de creatione mundi, lib. i. cap. 12. ;

+ He subsequently relinquished the correct opinion (Brewster, War-
tyrs of Sciences, 1346, p. 211); but the opinion that there dwells in the
central body of the planetary system—the sun—a power which governs
the movements of the planets, and that this solar force decreases either
as the squares of the distances or in direct ratio, was expressed by
Kepler, in the Harmonices Mundi, completed in 1618.

+ See Cosmos, pp. 28 and 45.

§ See op. cit. p. 544. The scattered passages to be found in the work of
Copernicus, relating to the Ante-Hipparchian system of the structure
of the universe are, exclusive of the dedication, the following :—lib. i.
eap. 5 and 10; lib. v. cap. 1 and 3 (ed. princ. 1543, p. 3,b; 7,b; 8,b;
133, b; 141 and 141, b; 179 and 181, b). Everywhere Copernicus
shows a predilection for, and a very accurate acquaintance with, the

views of the Pythagoreans, or, to speak less definitely, with those which
were atiributed to the most ancient among them. Thus, for instance,
he was acquainted, as may be seen by the beginning of the dediea-
tion, with the letter of Lysis to Hipparchus, which, indeed, shows that
‘the Italian school in its love of mystery, intended only to communicate
its opinions to friends, “as had also at first been the purpose of Coper-
‘hieus.” The age in which Lysis lived is somewhat uncertain; he is
2x 2

692 COSMOS,

quainted with the views of Aristarchus of Samos, regarding
the central sun, and the condition of the earth as a planet,
because the Arenarius, and all the other works of Archimedes,
appeared only one year after his death, and a whole century
after the invention of the art of printing ; but it is forgotten
that Copernicus, in his dedication to Pope Paul III., quotes a
long passage on Philolaus, Ecphantus, and Heraclides of
Pontus, from Plutarch’s work on Zhe Opinions of Philoso-
phers, (III. 13) and therefore that he might have read in the
same work (II. 24), that Aristarchus of Samos regards the
sun as one of the fixed stars. Amongst all the opinions of the

sometimes spoken of as an immediate disciple of Pythagoras himself;
sometimes, and with more probability, as a teacher of Epaminondas
(Béckh, Philolaos, s, 8—15). The letter of Lysis to Hipparchus, an
old Pythagorean, who had disclosed the secrets of the sect, is, like
many similar writings, a forgery of later times. It had probably be-
come known to Copernicus from the collection of Aldus Manutius,
Epistola diversorum philosophorum (Rome, 1494), or from a Latin
translation by Cardinal Bessarion (Venet.,1516). In the prohibition of
Copernicus’ work, De Revolutionibus, in the famous decree of the Con-
gregazione dell’ Indice of the 5th of March, 1616, the new system of
the universe is expressly designated as “falsa illa doctrina Pythagorica,
Divinee Scripturze omnino adversans.” The important passage on
Aristarchus of Samos, of which I have spoken in the text, occurs in the
Arenarius, p. 449 of the Paris edition of Archimedes of 1615, by
David Rivaltus. The editio princeps is the Basle edition of 1544, apud
Jo. Hervagium. The passage in the Arenarius says, very distinetly,
that “Aristarchus had confuted the astronomers who supposed the earth
to be immoveable in the centre of the universe. The sun, which con-
stituted this centre, was immoveable like the other stars, while the earth
revolved round the sun.” In the work of Copernicus, Aristarchus is
twice named, pp. 69b and 79, without any reference being made to
his system. Ideler, in Wolf and Buttmann’s Museum der Alterthum’s-
Wissenschaft (Bd. ii, 1808, s. 452), asks whether Copernicus was ac-
quainted with Nicolaus de Cusa’s work, De docta ignorantia, The first.
Paris edition was indeed published in 1514, and the expression “jam
nobis manifestum est terram in veritate moveri,” from a platonising
cardinal, might certainly have made some impression on the Canon
of Frauenburg (Whewell, Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences, vol. ii.
p. 348); but a fragment of Cusa’s writing discovered very recently (1843)
by Clemens in the library of the Hospital at Cues, proves sufficiently, as
does the work De venatione sapientie, cap. 28, that Cusa imagined that
the carth did not move round the sun, but that they moved together,’
though more slowly, “round the constantly changing pole of the uni-
verse.” (Clemens, in Givrdano Bruno, and Nicol. von Cusa, 1847,
8. 97--100.)

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 698

ancients, those which appeared to exercise the greatest influence
on the direction and gradual development of the ideas of
Copernicus, are expressed, according to Gassendi, in a passage
in the encyclopedic work of Martianus Mineus Capella,
written in a half-barbarous language, and in the System of
the World of Apollonius of Perga. _ According to the opinions
deseribed by Martianus Mineus of Madaura, and which have
been very confidently ascribed, sometimes to the Egyptians,
and sometimes to the Chaldeans,* the earth is immoveably

* See the profound treatment of this subject in Martin, Htudes sur
Timée, t. ii. p. 111 Cosmographie des Egyptiens), and pp. 129-133
(Antécédents du Systeme de Copernic). The assertion of this learned
philologist, that the original system of Pythagoras differed from that of
Philolaus, and that it regarded the earth as fixed in the centre of the
universe, does not appear to me to be entirely conclusive (t. ii. pp. 103
and 107). I would here explain myself more fully respecting the remark-
able statement of Gassendi, regarding the similarity of the systems of
Tycho Brahe and Apollonius of Perga, to which I have referred in the text.
We find the following passage in Gassendi’s biographies :—“ Magnam
imprimis rationem habuit Copernicus duarum opinionum affinium,
quarum unam Martiano Capelle, alteram Apollonio Pergaco attribuit.
—Apollonius solem delegit, circa quem, ut centrum, non modo Mercurius
et Venus, verum etiam Mars, Jupiter, Saturnus suas obirent periodos,
dum Sol interim, uti et Luna, circa Terrum, ut circa centrum, quod
foret Affixarum mundique centrum, moverentur; que deinceps quoque
opinio Tychonis propemodum fuit. Rationem autem magnam harum
opinionum Copernicus habuit, quod utraqne eximie Mercurii ac Veneris
circuitiones repreesentaret, eximieque causam retrogradationum, direc-
tionum, stationum in iis apparentium exprimeret et posterior (Pergeei)
guoque in tribus Planetis superioribus preestaret.” (Gassendi, T'ychonis
Brahei Vita, p. 296.) My friend the astronomer Galle, to whom
I applied for information, agrees with me in thinking that nothing could
justify Gassendi’s decided statement. ‘In the passages” he writes to
me, “to which you refer in Ptolemy’s Almagest (in the commence-
ment of Book XII.), and in the works of Copernicus (lib. v. cap. 3,
p. 141,a; cap. 35, p. 179, a and b; cap. 36, p. 181, b), the onjy
questions considered are the retrogressions and stationary conditions of
the planets in which Apollonius’ assumption of their revolution round
the sun, is indeed referred to, (and Copernicus himself mentions expressly
the assumption of the earth’s standing still) but it cannot be deter-
mined when he became acquainted with what he supposes to have been
derived from Apollonius. We can only therefore conjecture that he
assumed, on some later authority, that Apollonius of Perga had con-
structed a system similar to that of Tycho, although I do not find, even
in Copernicus, any clear exposition of such a system, or any reference
to ancient passages in which it may be spoken of. If lib. xu. of the

694 COSMOS.

fixed in a central point, while the sun revolves around it as a
circling planet, attended by two satellites, Mercury and
Venus. Such a view of the structure of the world might,
indeed, prepare the way for that of the central force of the
sun. ‘There is, however, nothing in the Almagest, or in the
works of the ancients generally, or in the work of Copernicus
— De Revolutionibus, which justifies the assertion so confidently
maintained by Gassendi, of the perfect resemblance existing
between the system of Tycho Brahe and that which has been
ascribed to Apollonius of Perga. After Béckh’s complete
investigation, nothing further need be said of the confusion
of the Copernican System with that of the Pythagorean, Phi- —
lolaus, according to which, the non-rotating earth (the
Antichthon or opposite earth, being not in itself'a planet, but
merely the opposite hemisphere of our planet) moves like the
sun itself round the focus of the world,—the central fire, or
vital flame of the whole planetary system.
The scientific revolution originated by Nicolaus Coper-
nicus has had the rare fortune (setting aside the tempor
retrograde movement imparted by the hypothesis of Tycho
Brahe) of advancing without interruption to its object—
the discovery of the true structure of the universe. The rich
abundance of accurate observations furnished by Tycho
Brahe himself, the zealous opponent of the Copernican sys-
tem, laid the foundation for the discovery of those eternal.
laws of the planetary movements which prepared imperish-
able renown for the name of Kepler, and which, interpreted

Almagest should be the only source from whence the complete Tychonic
view is ascribed to Apollonius, we may consider that Gassendi has
gone too far in his suppositions, and that the case is precisely the same.
as that of the phases of Mercury and Venus, of which Copernicus
spoke (lib. i. cap. 10, p. 7,b, and 8,a,) without decidedly applying them
to his system, Apollonius may, perhaps, in a similar manner have
treated mathematically the assumption of the retrogressions of the
planets under the idea of a revolution round the sun, without adding
anything definite and general as to the truth of this assumption. The
difference of the Apollonian system, described by Gassendi, from that of
Tycho, would only be, that the latter likewise explained the inequalities
of the movements. The remark of Robert Small, that the idea which
forms the basis of Tycho’s system was by no means unfamiliar to the
mind of Copernicus, but had rather served him as a point of transition
to his own system, appears to me well founded.”

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 695

by Newton, and proved to be theoretically and necessarily
true, have been transferred into the bright and glorious
domain of thought, as the intellectual recognition of nature.
It has been ingeniously said, although, perhaps, with too
feeble an estimate of the free and independent spirit which
ereated the theory of gravitation, that ‘* Kepler wrote a code
of laws, and Newton the spirit of those laws.*”

The figurative and poetical myths of the Pythagorean and
Platonic pictures of the umiverse, changeable as the fancy
from which they emanated,f may still be traced partially
reflected in Kepler; but while they warmed and cheered his
often saddened spirit, they never turned him aside from his
earnest course, the goal of which he reached in the memorable
night of the 15th of May, 1618, twelve years before his.
death.t Copernicus had furnished a satisfactory explana-

* Schubert, Astronomie, th. i. s. 124. In the Philosophy of the
Inductive Sciences, vol. ii. p. 282, Whewell, in his Inductive Table of
Astronomy, has given an exceedingly good and complete view of the-
astronomical contemplation of the structure of the universe, from the
earliest ages to Newton's system of gravitation. Be

+ Plato in the Phedrus adopts the system of Philolaus; but in the-
Timeus, that according to which the earth is immoveable in the centre,
and which was subsequently called the Hipparchian, or the Ptolemaic,
(Béckh, De Platonico systemate celestium globorum, et de vera indole
astronomie Philolaice, pp. xxvi.-xxxii.; the same author in the Phi-
lolaos, s. 104-108. Compare also Fries, Geschichte der Philosophie,
bd. i. s. 325-347, with Martin’s Ztudes sur Timéc, t. ii. pp. 64--92.) -The
astronomical vision, in which the structure of the universe is shrouded,
at the end of the Book of the Republic, reminds us at once of the inter-
calated spherical systems of the planets, and of the concord of tones,
“the voices of the Sirens moving in concert with the revolving spheres.”
{See on the discovery of the true system of the universe, the fine and
comprehensive work of Apelt, Hpochen der Gesch. der Menscheit, bd. i.
1845, s. 205-305, and 379-445.)

t Kepler, Harmonices Mundi, libri quinque, 1619, p.189. ‘* On the
8th of March, 1618, it occurred to Kepler, after many unsuccessful
attempts, to compare the squares of the times of revolution of the
planets with the cubes of the mean distances; but he made an error in
his calculations, and rejected this idea. On the 15th of May, 1618, he
again reverted to it, and calculated correctly. The third law of Keplerwas
now discovered.” This discovery, and those related to it, coincide with
the unhappy period when this great man, who had been exposed from early
childhood to the hardest blows of fate, was striving to save from the tor-
ture and the stake his mother, who, at the age of seventy years, ina
trial for witchcraft, wiich lasted six years, had been accused of poison-

696 COSMOS.

tion of the apparent revolution of the heaven of the fixed
stars by the diurnal rotation of the earth round its axis;
und by its annual movement round the sun he had afforded
an equally perfect solution of the most striking movements
of the planets (their stationary conditions and their retro-
eressions), and thus given the true reason of the so-called
second imequality of the planets. The first inequality, or
the unequal movement of the planets in their orbits, he left
unexplained. True to the ancient Pythagorean principle
of the perfectibility inherent in circular movements, Co-
pernicus thought that he required for his structure of the
universe some of the epecycles of Apollonius of Perga, besides
the eccentric circles haying a vacuum in their centre. How-
ever bold was the path adventured on, the human mind could
not at once emancipate itself from all earlier views.

The equal distance at which the stars remained, while the
whole vault of heaven seemed to move from east to west, had
led to the idea of a firmament and a solid crystal sphere,—in
which Anaximenes (who was probably not much later than
Pythagoras), had conjectured that the stars were rivetted like
nails.* Geminus of Rhodes, the cotemporary of Cicero,
doubted whether the constellations lay in one uniform plane ;

mixing, inability of shedding tears, and of sorcery. The suspicion was
increased from the circumstance that her own son, the wicked Christo-
pher Kepler, a worker in tin, was her accuser; and that she had been
brought up by an aunt, who was burnt at Weil asa witch. See an ex-
ceedingly interesting work, but little known in foreign countries, drawn
from newly-discovered manuscripts by Baron von Breitschwert, entitled
“ Johann Keppler’s Leben und Wirken,” 1831, s. 12, 97--147, and 196.
According to this work, Kepler, who in German letters always signed
his name Keppler, was not born on the 21st December, 1571, in the
Imperial town of Weii, as is usually supposed, but on the 27th of Decem-
ber, 1571, in the village of Magstadt, in Wurtemberg. It is uncertain
whether Copernicus was born on the 19th of January, 1472, or on the
19th February, 1473, as Mostlin asserts, or (according to Czynski) on
the 12th February of the same year. The year of Columbus’ birth was
long undetermined within nineteen years. Ramusio places it in 1430,
Bernaldez, the friend of the discoverer, in 1486, and the celebrated histo-
rian Mufioz, in 1446.

* Plat., De plac. Philos., ii. 14; Aristot. Meteorol. xi. 8; De Ccelo. ii,
8. On the theory of spheres generally, and on the retrograding spheres
of ae in particular, see Ideler’s Vorlesung iiber Hudoxus, 1828,
8. 49--60, .

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 697

being of opinion that some were higher and others lower than
the rest. The idea formed of the heaven of the fixed stars
was extended to the planets ; and thus arose the theory of the
eccentric intercalated spheres of Eudoxus and Menzchmus, and
of Aristotle, who was the inventor of retrogradespheres. The
theory of epicycles,—a construction which adapted itself most
readily to the representation and calculation of the planetary
movements,—was, a century afterwards, made by the acute
mind of Apollonius to supersede solid spheres. However much
I may incline to mere ideal,_abstraction, I here refrain from
attempting to decide historically whether, as Ideler believes,
it was not until after the establishment of the Alexandrian
Museum that “a free movement of the planets in space was
regarded as possible,’—or whether before that period the
intercalated transparent spheres (of which there were twenty-
seven according to Eudoxus, and fifty-five according to Aris-
totle), as well as the epicycles which passed from Hipparchus
and Ptolemy to the middle ages, were regarded generally not
as solid bodies of material thickness, but merely as ideal
abstractions. It is more certain that in the middle of the
sixteenth century, when the theory of the seventy-seven ho-
mocentric spheres of the learned writer, Girolamo Fracas-
toro, found general approval; and when, at a later period,
the opponents of Copernicus sought all means of upholding
the Ptolemaic system, the idea of the existence of solid
spheres, circles, and epicycles, which was especially favoured
by the Fathers of the Church, was still very widely diffused.
Tycho Brahe expressly boasts that his considerations on
the orbits of comets first proved the impossibility of solid
spheres, and thus destroyed the artificial fabrics. He filled
the free space of heaven with air, and even believed that
the resisting medium when disturbed by the revolving
heavenly bodies, might generate tones. The un-imagina-
tive Rothmann believed it necessary to refute this renewed
Pythagorean myth of celestial harmony.

Kepler’s great discovery that all the planets move round the
sun in ellipses, and that the sun lies in one of the foci of these
ellipses, at length freed the original Copernican system from
eccentric circles and all epicycles.* The planetary structure

* A better insight into the free movement of bodies, and into theinde-
pendence of the direction once given to the earth’s axis, and into the

698 COSMOS.

of the world now appeared objectively, and as it were archis
tecturally, in its simple grandeur ; but it remained for Isaae
Newton to disclose the ‘play pee eonnection of the internal
forces which animate and preserve the system of the universe.
We have already often remarked in the history of the gra-
dual development of human knowledge, that important but
apparently accidental discoveries, and the simultaneous ap-
pearance of many great minds, are crowded together in a
short period of time ; 3 and we find this phenomenon most
strikingly manifested in the first ten years of the seventeenth
century; for Tycho Brahe (the founder of modern astronomica.
calculations), Kepler, Galileo, and Lord Bacon, were cotempo-
raries. All these, with the exception of Tycho Brahe, were
enabled, in the prime of life, to benefit by the labours of Des-
cartes and Fermat. The elements of Bacon’s Jnstauratio
Magna appeared in the English language in 1605, fifteen years
before the Novum Organon, The invention of the telescope, and
the greatest discoveries in physical astronomy (viz., Jupiter's
satellites, the sun’s spots, the phases of Venus, and the
remarkable form of Saturn), fall between the years 1609 and
1612. Kepler’s speculations on the elliptic orbit of Mars,*
were began in 1601, and gave occasion, eight years after, to
the completion of the work entitled Astronomia nova seu
Physica celestis. ‘By the study of the orbit of Mars,”
writes Kepler, “‘ we must either arrive at a knowledge of the
secrets of astronomy, or for ever remain ignorant of them,
I have succeeded, by untiring and continued labour, in sub-
jecting the inequalities of the movement of Mars to a natural
law.’’ The generalization of the same idea led the highly-
gifted mind of Kepler to the great cosmical truths and pre-
sentiments which, ten years. later, he published in. his work
entitled Harmonices Mundi libri quingue. ‘‘ I believe,” he
well observes in a letter to the Danish astronomer Longo-

rotatory and progressive movement of the terrestrial planet in its orbit,
has freed the original system of Copernicus from the of a
declination-movement, or a8o-called third movement of the (De Re-
volut. orb. ceel., lib. i, cap. 11, triplex motus telluris.) The parallelism
of the earth’s axis is maintained in the annual revolution round the
sun, in conformity with the law of inertia, without the aaa of a
correcting epicycle,

* Delambre, Hist. del Astronomie ancienne, t. ii. p. 381.

par

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 699

mortanus, “ that astronomy and physics are so intimately
associated together, that neither can be perfected without the
other.” The results of his researches on the structure of the
eye and the theory of vision, appeared in 1604 in the Para-

a ad Vitellionem,and in 1611* in the Dioptrica. Thus
were the knowledge of the most important objects in the
perceptive world and in the regions of space, and the mode
of apprehending these objects by means of new discoveries,
alike rapidly increased in the short period of the first ten or
twelve years of a century which began with Galileo and Kep-
ler, and closed with Newton and Leibnitz.

The accidental discovery of the power of the telescope to
penetrate through space, originated in Holland, probably in
the closing part of the year 1608. From the most recent
investigations it would appear that this great discovery may
be claimed by Hans Lippershey, a native of Wesel and a
spectacle-maker at Middleburg ; by Jacob Adriaansz, surnamed
Metius, who is said also to have made burning-glasses of ice ;
and by Zacharias Jansen.{ The first-named is always called

* See Sir David Brewster's judgment on Kepler's optical works, in
the “Martyrs of Science,” 1846, pp. 179-182. (Compare Wilde,
Gesch. der Optik, 1838, th. i. s. 182-210.) If the law of the refraction
of the rays of light belong to Willebrord Snellius, professor at Leyden,
(1626), who left it behind him buried in his papers, the publication of
the law in a trigonometrical form was, on the other hand, first made by
Descartes. See Brewster, in the North British Review, vol. vii. p. 207;
Wilde, Gesch. der Optik, th. i. s. 227. :

+ Compare two excellent treatises on the discovery of the telescope,
by Professor Moll of Utrecht, in the Journal of the Royal Institution,
1881, vol. i. p. 319; and by Wilde, of Berlin, in his Gesch. der Optik,
1838, th. i.s. 1388-172. The work referred to, and written in the Dutch
language, isentitled “ Geschiedkundig Onderzock naar de eerste Uitfinders
der Vernkykers, uit de Aunekenningen van wyle den Hoogl. van Swin-
den zamengesield door, G. Moll,’ Amsterdam, 1831. Albers has given
an extract from this interesting treatise in Schumacher’s Jahrbuch fiir
1843, s. 56-65. The optical instruments with which Jansen furnished
Prince Maurice of Nassau, and the Archduke Albert, (the latter gave
his to Cornelius Drebbel), were (as is shown by the letter of the ambas-
sador Boreel, who, when a child, had been often in the house of Jansen,
the spectacle-maker, and who subsequently saw the instruments in the
shop), microscopes eighteen inches in length, “through which smal
objects were wonderfully magnified when one locked down at them from
above.” The confusion between the microscope and the telescope has

700 cosmos.

Laprey in the important letter of the Duich ambassador’
Boreel to the physician Borelli, the author of the treatise De
vero telescopw imventore (1655). If the claim of priority be
determined by the periods at which offers were made to the
General States, the honour belongs to Hans Lippershey ; for,
on the 2nd of October, 1608, he offered to the government
three instruments “by which one might see objects at a dis-
tance.” The offer of Metius was made on the 17th of Octo-
ber of the same year; but he expressly says, “that he has

rendered the history of the invention of both instruments obscure. The
letter of Boreel (Paris, 1655), above alluded to, notwithstanding the
authority of Tiraboschi, renders it improbable that the first invention
of the compound microscope belonged to Galileo. Compare, on this
ovscure history of optical instruments, Vicenzio Antinori, in the Saggi
di Naturali Hsperienze fatte nell? Accademia del Cimento, 1841, pp.
22--26. Even Huygens, who was born scarcely twenty-five years after
the conjectural date of the invention of the telescope, does not venture
to decide with certainty on the name of the first inventor (Opera
reliqua, 1728, vol. ii. p. 125). According to the researches made in pub-
lic archives by Van Swiden and Mole, Lippershey was not only in posses-
sion of a telescope made by himself as early as the 2nd of October, 1608,
but the French ambassador at the Hague, President Jeannin, wrote, on
the 28th of December of the same year, to Sully, “that he was in treaty
with the Middleburg spectacle-maker for a telescope, which he wished
to send to the king, Henry IV.” Simon Marius (Mayer of Genzen-
hausen, one of the discoverers of Jupiter’s satellites) even relates that a
telescope was offered for sale in the autumn of 1608, at Frankfort-on-
Maine by a Belgian, to his friend Fuchs of Bimbach, Privy Councillor
of the Margrave of Ansbach. Telescopes were made in London in
February, 1610, therefore a year after Galileo had completed his own.
(Rigaud, On Harriots Papers, 1833, pp. 23, 26, and 46.) They were
at first called cylinders. Porta, the inventor of the camera obscura, like
Francastero, the cotemporary of Columbus, Copernicus and Cardanus,
at earlier periods, had merely spoken of the possibility “ of seeing all
things larger and nearer” by means of convex and concave glasses being
placed on each other (duo specilla ocularia alterum alteri superposita);
but we cannot ascribe the invention of the telescope to them (Tirabos-
chi, Storia della Letter., ital. t. xi. p. 467 ; Wilde, Gesch. der Optik,
th. i.s. 121). Spectacles had been known in Haarlem since the begin-
ning of the fourteenth century ; and an epitaph in the church of Maria
Maggiore, at Florence, names Salvino degli Armati, who died in 1317,
as the inventor (inventore degli occhiali). Some apparently authentic
notices of the use of spectacles by aged persons are to be met with as
early as 1299 and 1305. The passages of Roger Bacon refer to the
magnifying power of spherical segments of glass. See Wilde, Giesch. der
Optik, th. i. s. 93--96 ; and above, p. 619.

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 701

already for two years constructed similar instruments, through
industry and thought.” Zacharias Jansen, (who like Lip-
pershey, was a spectacle-maker at Middleburg), invented, in
conjunction with his father Hans Jansen, towards the end of
the sixteenth century, and probably after 1590, the compound
mieroscope, the eye-piece of which is a concave lens; but, as
we learn from the ambassador Boreel, it was not until 1610 that
he discovered the telescope, which he and his friends directed
to distant terrestrial, but not toward celestial objects. The
influence which has been exercised by the microscope in
giving us a more profound knowledge of the conformation
and movement of the separate parts of all organic bodies,
and by the telescope in suddenly opening to us the regions of
space, has been so immeasurably great, that it seems requi-
site to enter somewhat circumstantially into the history of
these discoveries.

When, in May, 1609, the news of the discovery made in
Holland of telescopic vision reached Venice, Galileo, who was
accidentally there, conjectured at once what must be the
essential points in the construction of a telescope, and imme-
diately completed one for himself at Padua.* This instrument

* The above-named physician and mathematician of the Margravate
of Ansbach, Simon Marius, after receiving a description of the action of
a Dutch telescope, is likewise believed to have constructed one himself
as early as the year 1608.—On Galileo’s earliest observation of* the
mountainous regions in the moon, to which I have referred in the text,
compare Nelli, Vita di Galilei, vol. i. pp. 200-206; Galilei, Opere,
1744, t. ii. pp. 60, 403, and (Lettera al Padre Cristoforo Grienberger,
in materia delle Montuosita della Luna, pp. 409--424.) Galileo found
én the moon some circular districts, surrounded on all sides by moun-
tains similar to the form of Bohemia. ‘‘ Hundem facit aspectum Lunee
locus quidam, ac faceret in terris regio consimilis Boemiz, si montibus
altissimis, inque peripheriam perfecti circuli dispositis occluderetur
undique” (t. ii. p. 8). The measurements of the mountains were made
by the method of the tangents of the solar ray. Galileo, as Helvetius
did still later, measured the distance of the summit of the mountains
from the boundary of the illuminated portion, at the moment when the
mountain summit was first struck by the solar ray. I find no obser-
vation of the lengths of the shadows of the mountains. He found the
summits “ incirca miglia quattro” in height, and “much higher than
the mountains on our earth.” The comparison is remarkable, since, ac-
cording to Riccioli, very exaggerated ideas of the height of our mountains
were then entertained, and one of the principal or most celebrated of
these elevations, the Peak of Teneriffe, was first measured trigonometri-

702 cosMos.

he first directed towards the mountainous parts of the moon,
and showed how their summits might be measured, whilst he,
like Leonardo da Vinci and Méstlin, ascribed the ash-
coloured light of the moon to the reflection of solar light from
the earth to the moon. He observed with low magnifying
powers the group of the Pleiades, the starry cluster in Can-
cer, the Milky Way, and the group of stars in the head of
Orion. Then followed in quick succession the great discove-
ries of the four satellites of Jupiter, the two handles of
Saturn (his indistinctly-seen rings, the form of which was not
recognised), the solar spots, and crescent shape of Venus.

The moons of Jupiter, the first of all the secondary planets
discovered by the telescope, were first seen, almost simul-
taneously and wholly independently, on the 29th of Decem-
ber, 1609, by Simon Marius at Ansbach, and on the 7th of
January, 1610, by Galileo at Padua. In the publication
of this discovery Galileo, by the Nuncius Siderius (1610),
preceded the Mundus Jovialis (1614), of Simon Marius,*

cally, with some degree of exactness, by Feuillée, in 1724, Galileo, like
all other observers up to the close of the eighteenth century, believed
in the existence of many seas and of a lunar atmosphere.

* I here again find occasion (Cosmos, p. 179) to refer to the proposition
laid down by Arago :—“'The only rational and just method of writing
the history of science is to base it exclusively on works, the date of
whose publication is certain. All beyond this must be confused and ob-
scure.”—The singularly-delayed publication of the Frdnkische Kalender
or Practica (1612), and of the astronomically important memoir entitled
“ Mundus Jovialis anno 1609 detectus ope perspicilli Belgici (Feb.
1614),” may indeed have given occasion to the suspicion that Marius
had drawn his materials from the NWwncius Sidcreus of Galileo, the
dedication of which is dated March, 1610, or even from earlier manu-
script communications. Galileo, irritated by the still remembered law-
suit against Balthasar Capra, a pupil of Marius, calls him the
of the system of Jupiter, “Usurpatore del sistema di Giove,” and he
even accuses the heretical Protestant astronomer of Gunzenhausen, of
having founded his apparently earlier obscrvation on a confusion be-
tween the calendars. ‘“Tace il Mario di far cauto il lettore, come
‘essendo egli separato della chiesa nostra, ne avendo accettato Pemenda-
tione gregoriana, il giorno 7 di gennaio del 1610, di noi cattolici (the
day on which Galilco discovered the satellites) @ Vistesso, che il di 28 di
Decembre del 1609, di loro eretici, e questa é tutta Ja precedenza delle
sue finte osservationi” (Venturi, Memoire é Letiere di G. Galilei, 1818,
P. i. p. 279; and Delambre, Hist. del Aste. mod. t.i. p. 696). According
toa letter written by Galileo in 1614, to the Aceademia di Lincei, it would

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 708

who had proposed to give to Jupiter’s satellites the name
of Sidera Brandenburgica ; whilst Galileo preferred the names
Sidera Cosmica or Medicea, of which the latter found most

oval at the court of Florence. This collective appel-
lation did not satisfy the yearnings of flattery. Instead of
designating the satellites by numbers, as we do at present,
Marius had named them Io, Europa, Ganymede, and Cal-
listo; but for these mythological designations Galileo's no-
menclature substituted the family names of the ruling house
of Medici,—Catherina, Maria, Cosimo the elder, and Cosimo
the younger.

appear that he attempted somewhat unphilosophically, to direet his com-
plaint against Marius to the Marchese di Brandeburgo. On the whole,
however, Galileo continued well-disposed towards the German astrono-
mers. He writes, in March, 1611, “ Gliingegnisingolari, che in gran nu-
-mero fioriscono nell’ Alemagna, mi hanno lungo tempo tenuto in desiderio
di vederla” (Opere, t. ii. p.44). It has always appeared very remarkable
to me, that if Kepler in a conversation with Marius, was playfully
adduced as a sponsor for these mythological designations of Io and
Callisto, there should be no mention of his countryman, either in the
Commentary published in Prague, in April, 1610, to the Nuncius Side-
rius, nuper ad mortales a Galileo missus, or in his letters to Galileo, or
im those addressed to the Emperor Rudolph in the autumn of the same
year; but that on the contrary Kepler should everywhere speak of “the
glorious discovery of the Medicean stars by Galileo.” In publishing
his own observations on the satellites, from the 4th to the 9th of Septem-
ber, 1610, he gives to a little memoir which appeared at Frankfort in
1611, the title, “ Kepleri Narratio de observatis a se quatuor Jovis
saiellitibus erronibus quos Galileus Mathematicus Florentinus jure in-
ventionis Medicea Sidera nuncupavit.” A letter from Prague, October
25, 1610, addressed to Galileo, concludes with the words “neminem
habes, quem metuas amulum.” Compare Venturi, P.1. pp. 100, 117,
139, 144, and 149. Misled by a mistake, and after a very careless
examination of the valuable manuscripts preserved at Petworth, the
seat of Lord Egremont, Baron von Zach asserted that the distinguished
astronomer and Virginian traveller, Thomas Harriot, had discovered
the satellites of Jupiter simultaneously with, or even earlier than
Galileo. A more careful examination of Harriot’s manuscripts, b
Rigaud, has shown that his observations began, not on the 16th, of
January, but only on the 17th of October, 1610, nine months after
Galileo and Marius. (Compare Zach, Corr. Astron., vol. vii. p. 105.
Rigaud, Account of Harriots Astron. Papers, Oxf., 1833, p. 37;
Brewster, Martyrs of Science, 1846, p..32.) The earliest original obser-
vations of Jupiter's satellites made by Galileo and his pupil Renieri,
were only discovered two years ago.

-?

704 COSMOS.

The knowledge of Jupiter’s satellite-system, and of the
phases of Venus, has exercised the most marked influence on
the establishment and general diffusion of the Copernican
system. The little world of Jupiter (Mundus Jovialis) pre-
sented to the intellectual contemplation of men a perfect
image of the large planetary and solar systems. It was
recognised, that the secondary planets obeyed the laws dis-
covered by Kepler; and it was now first observed that the
squares of their periodic times were as the cubes of the mean
distances of the satellites from the primary planets. It was
this which led Kepler, in the Harmonices Mundi, to state,
with the firm confidence and security of a German spirit of
philosophical independence, to those whose opinions bore sway
beyond the Alps; ‘eighty years have elapsed,* during which
the doctrines of Copernicus, regarding the movement of the
earth, and the immobility of the sun, have been promulgated
without hinderance, because it is deemed allowable to dis-
pute concerning natural things, and to elucidate the works of
God; and now that new testimony ts discovered in proof of
the truth of those doctrines—testimony which was not known
to the spiritual judges—ye would prohibit the promulgation of |
the true system of the structure of the universe!” Such a
prohibition—a consequence of the old contest between natural
science and the Church—Kepler had early encountered in
Protestant Germany.} |

The discovery of Jupiter’s satellites marks an ever-memo-
rable epoch in the history and the vicissitudes of astro-
nomy.{ The occultations of the satellites, or their entrance
into Jupiter’s shadow, led to a knowledge of the velocity
of light (1675), and, through this knowledge, to the expla-
nation of the aberration-ellipse of the fixed stars (1727), in
which the great orbit of the earth, in its annual course
round the sun, is, as it were, reflected on the vault of
heaven. These discoveries of Rémer and Bradley have
been justly termed “the keystone of the Copernican sys-

* It should be seventy-three years; for the prohibition of the Coper-
nican system, by the Congregation of the Jndex, was promulgated on
the 5th of March, 1616.

+ Freiherr von Breitschwert, Keppler’s Leben, 8. 36,

} Sir John Herschel, Aséron., s. 465.

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 705

tem,” the perceptible evidence of the translatatory motion of
the earth.

Galileo had also early perceived (September 1612), the
importance of the occultations of Jupiter's satellites for geo-
graphical determinations of longitude on land. He pro-
posed this method, first to the Spanish court in 1616, and
afterwards to the States General of Holland, with a view of
its being applied to nautical purposes,* little aware, as it -
would appear, of the insuperable difficulties presented to its
practical application on the unstable element. He wished to
go himself, or to send his son Vicenzio, to Spain, with a hun-
dred telescopes, which he would prepare. He required as a
recompense ‘ una croce di San Jago,” and an annual payment
of 4000 scudi, a small sum, he says, considering that hopes
had been given to him, in the house of Cardinal Borgia, of
receiving 6000 ducats annually.

The discovery of the secondary planets of Jupiter was soon
followed by the observations of the so-called triple form
of Saturn as a planeta tergeminus. As early as November

* Galilei, Opere, t. ii. (Longitudine per via de’ Pianeti Medicet)
pp. 435-506; Nelli, Vita vol. ii. pp. 656-688; Venturi, Memorie e
Lettere di G. Galilei, P. i. p. 177. As early as 1612, or scarcely two
years after the discovery of Jupiter’s satellites, Galileo boasted, some-
what prematurely indeed, of having completed tables of those secondary
satellites “to within 1’ of time.” A long diplomatic correspondence was
carried on with the Spanish ambassador in 1616, and with the Dutch
ambassador in 1636, but without leading to the desired object. The
telescopes were to magnify from forty to fifty times. In order more
easily to find the satellites when the ship isin motion, and (as he
believed) to keep them in the field, he invented, in 1617 (Nelli, vol. ii.
p- 663), the binocular telescope, which has generally been ascribed to
the Capucinie monk, Schyrleus de Rheita, who had much experience in
optical matters, and who endeavoured to construct telescopes magnify-
ing four thousand times. Galileo made experiments with his binocular
(which he also called a celatone or testiera), in the harbour of Leghorn,
while the ship was violently moved by a strong wind. He also caused a
contrivance to be prepared in the arsenal at Pisa, by which the observer
of the satellites might be protected from all motion, by seating himself
in a kind of boat, floating in another boat filled with water or with oil
(Letiera al Picchena de 22 Marzo, 1617; Nelli, Vita, vol. i. p. 281;
Galilei, Opere, t. ii. p. 473; Lettera a Lorenzo Realio del 5 Giugno,
1637). The proof which Galileo (Opere, t. ii. p. 454) brought forward of
the advantage to the naval service of his method over Morin’s method of
lunar distances is very striking.

22

706 COSMOS.

1610, Galileo informed Kepler that “‘Saturn consisted of three
stars, which were in mutual contact with one another.’ In
this observation lay the germ of the discovery of Saturn’s
ving. Hevelius, in 1656, described the variations in its form,
the unequal opening of the handles (ansze), and their occa-
sional total disappearance. ‘The merit of having given a
scientific explanation of all the phenomena of Saturn’s ring
belongs, however, to the acute observer Huygens, who, in
1655, in accordance with the suspicious custom.of the age,
and like Galileo, concealed his discovery in ‘an anagram of
eighty-eight letters. Dominicus Cassi was the first who
observed the black stripe on the ring, and, in 1684, he recog-
nised that it is divided into at least two concentric rings. I
have here collected together what has been learnt durmg a
century regarding the most wonderful and least anticipated of
all the forms occurring in the heavenly regions,—a form which
has led to ingenious conjectures regarding the original mode
of formation of the secondary and primary planets.

The spots upon the sun were first observed through tele-
scopes by Johann Fabricius of East Friesland, and by Galileo
(at Padua or Venice as is asserted); in the publication of the
discovery, in June 1611, Fabricius incontestibly preceded
Galileo by one year, since his first letter to the Burgomaster,
- Marcus Welser, is dated the 4th of May, 1612. The earliest
observations of Fabricius were made, according to Arago’s
careful researches in March 1611,* and, according to Sir David
Brewster, even as carly as towards the close of the year 1610 ;
while Christopher Scheiner did not carry his own observations
back to an earlier period than April 1611, and it is probable
that he did not seriously occupy himself with the solar spots
until the October of the same year. Concerning Galileo we

* See Arago, in the Annuaire for 1842, pp. 460-476 (Décowvertes
des taches Solaires et de la Rotation du Soleil). Brewster (Martyrs
of Science, pp. 86 and 89), places the first observation of Galileo in
October or November 1610. Compare Nelli, Vita, vol. i. pp. 324-384 ;
Galilei, Opere, +. i. p. lix.; t. ii. pp. 85-200; +t. iv.:p.. 53. On Harriot’s
observations, see Rigaud, pp. 32 and 88. The Jesuit Scheiner, who was
summoned from Gratzto Rome, has been accused of striving to revenge
himself on Galileo, on account of the literary contest regarding the dis-
covery of the solar spots, by getting it whispered to Pope Urban VIIL.,
through another Jesuit, Grassi, that he (the Pope), in the Dialoghi delle
Scienze Nuove, was represented as the foolish and ignorant Simplicio
(Nelli, vol, ii. p. 515).

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPAUWES. 707°

possess only very obscure and discrepant data on this subject.
It is probable that he recognised the solar spots in April
1611, for he showed them publicly at Rome in Cardinal Ban-
dini’s garden on the Quirinal, in the months of April and May
of that year. Hariot,to whom Baron Zach ascribes the dis-
covery of the sun’s spots, (16th of January, 1610), certainly saw
three of them on the 8th of December, 1610, and noted them
down in a register of observations; but he was ignorant that
they were solar spots; thus, too, Flamstead, on the 23rd of
December, 1690, and Tobias Mayer, on the 25th of Septem-
ber, 1756, did not recognise Uranus as a planet when it
passed across the field of their telescope. Hariot first observed
the solar spots on the Ist of December, 1611, five months,
therefore, after Fabricius had published his-discovery. Gali-
leo had made the observation that the solar spots, ‘“‘ many of
which are larger than the Mediterranean, or even than Africa
and Asia,’ form a definite zone on the sun’s disk. He ocea-
sionally noticed the same spots return, and he was convinced
that they belonged to the ‘sun itself. Their differences of
dimension in the centre of the sun, and, when they disap-
peared on the sun’s edge, especially attracted his attention,
but still I find nothing in his second remarkable letter of the
14th of August, 1612, to Marcus Welser, that would indicate
his having observed an inequality in the ash-coloured margin
on both sides of the black nucleus when approaching the sun’s
edge (Alexander Wilson’s accurate observation in 1773). The
Canon Tarde, in 1620, and Malapertus in 1638, ascribed all
obseurations of the sun to small cosmical bodies revolving
around it and intercepting its light, and named the Bourbon
and Austrian stars* (Borbonia et Austriaca Sidera). ¥abri-
cius recognised, like Galileo, that the spots belonged to the
sun itself;} he also noticed that the spots he had seen vanish
allre-appear; and the observation of these phenomena taught
him the rotation of the sun, which had already been conjec-
tured by Kepler before the discovery of the solar spots. The
most accurate determinations of the period of rotation were,
however, made in 1630, by the diligent Scheiner. Since the
strongest light ever produced by man, Drummond’s incan-

* Delambe, Hist. de (A stronomie moderne, t. i. p. 690.
+ The same opinion is expressed in Galileo’s Letters to Prince Cesi
(May 25, 1612); Venturi, P.i. p. 172.

232

708 COSMOS.

descent lime-ball appears inky black when thrown on the sun’s
disk, we cannot wonder that Galileo, who undoubtedly, first
described the great solar facule, should have regarded the
light of the nucleus of the sun’s spots as more intense than
that of the full moon, or the atmosphere near the sun’s disk.*
Fanciful conjectures regarding the many envelopes of air,
clouds, and light, which surround the black earth-like nucleus
of the sun, may be found, in the writings of Cardinal Nicholas
of Cusa, as early as the middle of the fifteenth century.}

To close our consideration of the cycle of remarkable dis-
coveries which scarcely comprised two years, and in which
the great and undying name of the Florentine shines pre-
eminent, it still remains for us to notice the observation of
the phases of Venus. In February 1610, Galileo observed the
creseentic form of this planet, and, on the 11th of De-
cember, 1610, in accordance with a practice already alluded
to, he concealed this important discovery in an ana-
gram, of which Kepler makes mention in the preface to his
Dioptrica. We learn also, from a letter of his to Benedetto
Castelli (80th of December, 1610), that he believed, notwith-
standing the low magnifying power of his telescope, that he
could recognise changes in the illumined disk of Mars. The
discovery of the moon-like or crescent shape of Venus was the
triumph of the Copernican system. The founder of that sys-
tem could scarcely fail to recognise the necessity of the exist-
ence of these phases; and, we find, that he discusses cireum-
stantially, in the tenth chapter of his first book, the doubts which
the more modern adherents of the Platonic opinions advance
against the Ptolemaic system on account of these phases.
But, in the development of his own system, he does not speak
expressly of the phases of Venus, as is stated by Thomas
Smith in his Opiies.

The enlargement of cosmical knowledge, whose description
cannot, unhappily, be wholly separated from unpleasant dis-
sensions regarding the right of priority to discoveries, excited,

* See some ingenious and interesting considerations on this subject
by Arago, in the Annuaire pour lan 1842, pp. 481-488. Sir John
Herschel, in his Astronomy, §. 334, speaks of the experiments with
Drummond’s light projected on the sun’s disk.

+ Giordano Bruno und Nic. von Cusa verglichen, von J. Clemens,
1847, s. 101. On the phases of Venus, see Galilei, Opere, t. ii. p. 53,
and Nelli, V2éa, vol. i. pp. 2138-215.

nak

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 709

like all that refers to physical astronomy, more general atten-
tion, from the fact that several great discoveries in the heayens
had aroused the attention of the public mass at the respective

iods of thirty-six, eight, and four years prior to the inven-
tion of the telescope in 1608, viz., the sudden apparition and
disappearance of three new stars, one in Cassiopea in 1572,
another in the constellation of the Swan in 1600, and the
third in the foot of Ophiuchus in 1604. All these stars were
brighter than those of the first magnitude, and the one
observed by Kepler in the Swan continued to shine in the
heavens for twenty-one years, throughout the whole period of
Galileo’s discoveries. Three centuries and a half have now
nearly passed since then, but no new star of the first or
second magnitude has appeared; for the remarkable event
witnessed by Sir John Herschel in the southern hemisphere
(in 1837),* was a great increase in the intensity of the light
of a long known star of the second magnitude (7 Argo),
which had not until then been recognised as variable. The
writings of Kepler and our own experience of the effect pro-
duced by the appearance of comets visible to the naked eye,
will teach us to understand how powerfully the appearance of
new stars, between the years 1572 and 1604, must haye
arrested attention, increased the general interest in astrono-
mical discoveries, and excited the minds of men to the com-
bination of imaginative conjectures. Thus, too, terrestrial
natural events, as earthquakes in regions where they have
been but seldom experienced; the eruption of voleanoes that
had long remained inactive; the sounds of aerolites traversing
our atmosphere and becoming ignited within its confines,
impart a new stimulus, for a certain time, to the general
interest in problems, which appear to the people at large
even more mysterious than to the dogmatising physicist.

My reason for more particularly naming Kepler in these
remarks on the influence of direct sensuous contemplation,
has been to point out how, in this great and highly-gifted
man, a taste for imaginative combinations was combined with
aremarkable talent for observation, an earnest and severe
method of induction, a courageous and almost unparalleled
perseverance in calculation, and a mathematical profoundness
of mind, which revealed, in his Stereometria doliorum, exer-

* Compare Cosmos, pp. 54, and 363.

710 COSMOS.

cised a happy influence on Fermat, and, through him, on the
invention of the theory of the infinitesimal caleulus.* A man
endowed with such a mind was pre-eminently qualified by the
richness and mobility of his ideas,} and by the bold cosmical
conjectures which he advanced, to animate and augment the
movement which led the seventeenth century uninterruptedly
forward to the exalted object presented in an extended con-
templation of the universe.

The many comets visible to the naked eye, from 1577 to
the appearance of Halley’s comet in 1607 (eight in number),
and the sudden apparition already alluded to of three stars
almost at the same period, gave rise to speculations on the
origin of these heavenly bodies from a cosmical vapour ee
the regions of space. Kepler, like Tycho Brahe, believed
that the new stars had been conglomerated from this vapour,
and that they were again dissolved in it.t Comets to which,
before the discovery of the elliptic orbit of the planets, he
ascribed a rectilinear and not a closed revolving course, were
regarded by him, in 1608, in his “new and singular discourse

-on the hairy stars,” as having originated from “ celestial air.”
He even added, in accordance with ancient fancies on spon-
taneous generation, that comets arise ‘‘as a herb springs from

* Laplace says. of Kepler’s theory of the measurement of casks
(Stereometria doliorum,) 1615, “which, like the sand-reckoning of
Archimedes, develops elevated ideas on a subject of little importance;”
“Kepler présente dans cet ouvrage des vues sur l’infini qui ont influé sur
la révolution que la. Géométrie a éprouvée 4 la fin du 17™* siecle; et
Fermat, que l’on doit regarder comme le véritable inyenteur du caleul
différentiel, a fondé sur elles sa belle méthode de maximis ef minimis.
(Précis de Vhist. de lAstronomie, 1821, p. 95).” On the geometrical
power manifested by Kepler in the five books of his Harmonices:
Mundi, see Chasles, Apergu hist. des Méthodes: en Géométrie, 1837,
pp. 482-487.

+ Sir David Brewster elegantly remarks, in the account of Kepler’s
method of investigating truth, that “ the influence of imagination as an
instrument of research has been much overlooked by those who have
ventured to give laws to philosophy. This faculty is of greatest value in
physical inquiries; if we use it as a guide and confide in its indications
it will infallibly deceive us; but if we employ it as an auxiliary, it will
afford us the most invaluable aid” (Martyrs of Science, p. 215).

£ Arago, in the Annuaire, 1842, p. 434 (De la transformation des
NV. ivi et dela matiére diffuse en étoiles). Compare Cosmos, pp. 134
and 142,

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 71L

the earth without seed, and as fishes are formed in the sea by
a generatio spontanea

Happier in his other cosmical conjectures, Kepler ha-
zarded the following propositions:—that all the fixed stars
are suns like our own luminary, and’ surrounded by planetary
systems; that our sun is enveloped in an atmosphere which
appears like a white corona of light during 4 total solar
eclipse; that our sum is so situated im the great cosmicar
island as to constitute the centre of the compressed stellar
ring of the milky way ;* that the sun itself, whose spots had
not then been discovered, together with all the planets and
fixed stars, rotates on its axis; that satellites, like those dis-
eovered by Galileo round Jupiter, will also be discovered
round Saturn and Mars; and that in the much too great
interval of space’ between Mars and Jupiter,t where we are
now acquainted with seven asteroids: (as: between Venus and
Mercury), there revolve planets: which, from. their smallness
alone, are invisible to the naked eye. Presentient proposi-
tions of this nature, felicitous conjectures of that which was
subsequently discovered, excited general interest, whilst none
of Kepler's: cotemporaries, including Galileo, conferred any
adequate praise on the discovery of the three laws, which,
since Newton and the promulgation of the theory of gravita-
tion, have immortalised the name of Kepler.{ Cosmical con-
siderations, even when. based: merely om feeble analogies and

* Compare the ideas of Sir John Herschel on the position of our
planetary system, vol. i. p. 141, also Strave, Hiudes. d’ Astronomie
stellaire, 1847, p. 4.

+ Apelt says (Hpochen der Geschichte der Menschheit, bd. i. 1845,
8. 223): “ The remarkable law of the distances, which is usually known
under the name of Bode's law (or that of Titius), is the discovery of
Kepler, who, after many years of persevering industry, deduced it from
the observations of Tycho de Brahe.” See Harmonices Mundi libri
quinque, cap. 3. Compare also Cournot’s Additions to his French
Translation of Sir John Herschel’s Astronomy, 1834, § 484, p. 324, and
Fries, Vorlesungen iiber die Sternkunde, 1813, s. 325 (On the Law of
the distances in the secondary planets). The passages from Plato, Pliny,
Censorinus, and Achilles Tatius, in the Prolegomena to the Aratus, are
carefully collected in Fries, Geschichte der Philosophie, bd. i. 1837,
8. 146-150; in Martin, Htudes sur le Timée, t. ii. p. 38; and in
Brandis. Geschichte der Griechisch- Rémischen Philosophie, th. ii. abth,
i, 1844, s,. 364.

+ Delambre, Hist. de ? Astronomie moderne, t. i. p. 360.

712 COSMOS.

not on actual observations, rivetted the attention more power-
fully then, as they still frequently do, than the most important
results of calculating astronomy.

After having described the important discoveries which in

so small a cycle of years extended the knowledge of the
' regions of space, it still remains for me to revert to the
advances in physical astronomy, which characterise the latter
half of this great century. The improvement in the construc-
tion of telescopes led to the discovery of Saturn’s satellites.
Huygens, on the 25th of March, 1655, forty-five years after
the discovery of Jupiter’s satellites, discovered the sixth of
these bodies through an object-glass which he had himself
polished. Owing to a prejudice which he shared with other
astronomers of his time, that the number of the secondary
planetary bodies could not exceed that of the primary planets,*
he did not seek to discover other satellites of Saturn. Domi-
nicus Cassini discovered four of these bodies, the Sidera
Lodivicea, viz., the seventh and outermost, (in 1671) which
exhibits great alternation of light, the fifth in 1672, and the
fourth and third, in 1684, through Campani’s object-glass,
having a focal length of 100-136 feet; the two innermost, the
first and second, were discovered more than a century later
(1788 and 1789), by William Herschel through his colossal
telescope. The last-named of these satellites presents the
remarkable phenomenon of accomplishing its revolution round
the primary planet in less than one day. | |

Soon after Huygens’ discovery of a satellite of Saturn,
Childrey first observed the zodiacal light, between the years
1658 and 1661, although its relations in space were not deter-
mined until 1688 by Dominicus Cassini. The latter did not
regard it as a portion of the sun’s atmosphere, but believed,
with Schubert, Laplace, and Poisson, that it was a detached
revolving nebulous ring.t| Next to the recognition of the
existence of secondary planets, and of the free and concen-
trically divided rings of Saturn, the conjecture of the probable
existence of the nebulous zodiacal light belongs incontestibly
to the grandest enlargement of our views regarding the
planetary system, which had previously appeared so simple.
In our own time the intersecting orbits of the small planets

* Arago, in the Annuaire for 1842, pp. 560--564; also Cosmos, p. 82.
+ Compare Cosmos, pp. 126—134.

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 713

between Mars and Jupiter, the interior comets, which: were
first proved to be such by Encke, and the swarms of falling
stars associated with definite days, (since we cannot regard
these bodies in any other light than as such cosmical masses
moving with planetary velocity,) have enriched our views of
the universe with a remarkable abundance of new objects.

During the age of Kepler and Galileo our ideas were
very considerably enlarged regarding the contents of the
regions of space, or, in other words, the distribution of all
created matter beyond the outermost circle of the planetary
bodies, and beyond the orbit of any comet. In the same period
of which (1572-1604) three new stars of the first magnitude
suddenly appeared in Cassiopea, Cygnus, and Ophiuchus,
David Fabricius, pastor at Ostell in East Friesland (the
father of the discoverer of the sun’s spots), in 1596, and
Johann Bayer at Augsburg in 1603, observed in the neck
of the constellation Cetus, another star which again dis-
appeared, whose changing brightness was first recognised by
Johann Phocylides Holwarda, Professor at Franeker (in 1638
and 1639), as we learn from a treatise of Arago which has
thrown much light on the history of astronomical discove-
ries.* The phenomenon was not singular in its occurrence,
for, during the last half of the seventeenth century, variable
stars were periodically observed in the head of Medusa, in.
Hydra, and in Cygnus. The manner in which accurate
observations of the alternations of light in Algol are able to
lead directly to a determination of the velocity of the light of
this star has been ably shown by the treatise to which 1 have
alluded, and which was published in 1842.

* Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes pour Van 1842, pp. 312-353
(Etoiles changeantes ou périodiques). In the seventeenth century
there were recognised, as variable stars, besides Mira Ceti (Holwarda,
1638), « Hydree (Montanari, 1672), 6 Persei or Algol, and y Cygni
(Kirch, 1686). On what Galileo calls nebula, see his Opere, t. ii. p. 15,
and Nelli, Vita, vol. ii. p. 208. Huygens, in the Systema Saturninum,
refers most distinctly to the nebula in the sword of Orion, in saying of
nebulz generally :—*Cui certe simile aliud nusquam apud reliquas
fixas potui animadvertere. Nam ceterze nebulose olim existimate
atque ipsa via lactea, perspicillis inspecte, nullas nebulas habere com-
periuntur, neque aliud esse quam-plurium stellarum congeries et fre-
quentia.” It is seen from this passage that the nebula in Andromeda,

which was first described by,Marius, had not been attentively considered
by Huygens any more than by Galileo.

714 COSMOS:

The use of the telescope now excited astronomers to the
earnest observation of a class of phenomena, some of which
could. not. even escape the naked eye. Simon Marius des-
cribed in 1612 the nebula in Andromeda,. and: Huygens: in
1656, drew the figure of that in the stars.of the sword of Orion.
Both nebulz might serve as types of a more or less: advanced.
condensation of nebulous cosmical matter. Marius, when he
compared the nebula in Andromeda, to) “ a wax-taper seem
through a semi-transparent medium,’ indicated. very forcibly:
the difference between nebule generally and the stellar masses:
and groups in the Pleiades and in Cancer, examined by
Galileo. As early as the sixteenth century Spanish and Por-:
tuguese sea-farers, without the aid of telescopic vision, had.
noticed: with. admiration the two Magallenic clouds: of light,
revolving round the south-pole,. of which one, as we have: ob-
served, was known as “the white spot,” or ‘“‘ white ox,” of
the Persian astronomer, Abdurrahman Sufi, who lived im the:
middle of the tenth century. Galileo in the nuneius. Sidercus:
uses the terms, “ stelle nebulose’” and “nebulose,” to desig-.
nate clusters of: stars, which, as he expresses it, like areole
sparsim per ethera subfulgent.. As he did not bestow any
especial attention on the nebula in Andromeda, which although:
visible to the naked. eye,. had not hitherto: revealed any star
under the highest. magnifying powers, he: regarded all nebu-
lous appearances, all his: nebulose, and the milky way itself,
as luminous masses:formed of closely-compressed stars. He
did not distinguish between the nebula and. star, as Huygens
did in the case of the nebulous spot of Orion. These are the
feeble beginnings of the great works on Nebule, which have:
so honourably occupied the-first astronomers of our own. time,
in. both hemispheres..

Although the: seventeenth century’ owes its principal splen~
dour at its beginning to the sudden enlargment afforded to the
knowledge of the heavens, imparted by the labours of Galileo
and Kepler, and at its close to the advance in mathematical
science, due to Newton and Leibnitz,. yet the greater number
of the physical problems, which oceupy us in the: present day,.
likewise experienced beneficial consideration in the same cen-
tury. In order not to depart from the character peculiarly
appropriate to a history. of the contemplation of the universe,
I limit myself to a mere enumeration of the works which have

PISCOVERIES IN THE CHLESTIAL SPACES. 715.

exercised direct and. special influence on general, or in other
words, on eosmical views of nature.. With reference to the pro-
cesses of light, heat, and magnetism, I would first name Huy-.
géns, Galileo, and Gilbert. While Huygens was occupied with
the double refraction of light in erystals of Iceland spar, 4. ¢.,.
with the separation of the pencils of light into two parts, he also
discovered in: 1678 that kind of polarisation of light which bears
his name. The discovery of this: isolated phenomenon, which
was not published till 1690, and consequently only five years

before the death of Huygens, was: followed, after the lapse of

more than a century, bythe great discoveries of Malus, Arago,.
Fresnel, Brewster, and Biot.* Malus, in 1808, discovered
polarisation: by reflection from polished. surfaces, and Arago im
1811, made: the discovery of coloured polarisation. A world
of wonder composed. of manifold modified waves: of light,
having new properties, was now revealed. A ray of light
which reaches our eyes, after traversing: millions of miles,
from the remotest regions of heaven, announces: of itself in
Arago’s polariscope, whether it is reflected or refracted, whe-
ther it emanates from a solid,. or fluid, or gaseous: body ; an-:
nouncing even the degree of its.intensity.| By pursuing this
course, which leads us back through Huygens to the seven~
teenth century, we are instructed concerning the constitution
of the solar body and its envelopes; the reflected or the pro-
per light of cometary tails and the zodiacal light; the optical
properties of our atmosphere; and the position of the four
neutral points. of polarisation{ which Arago, Babinet, and
Brewster discovered. Thus does man create new organs which
when skilfully employed, reveal to him new views of the
universe.

Next to polarisation, I should name the eerference of light,
—the most striking of all optical phenomena, faint traces of
which were also observed in the seventeenth century by Gri-
maldi in 1665, and by Hooke, although without a proper

* On the important law discovered by Brewster, of the connection
between the angle of complete polarisation and the index of refraction,
see Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society for the year 1815,
pp. 125-159.

+ See Cosmos, pp. 18 and 33.

t Sir David Brewster, in Berghaus and Johnson’s Physical Atlas,
1847, part vii, p: 5 (Polarisation of the Atmosphere).

\ if

716 COSMOS.

understanding of its original and causal conditions.* Modern
times owe the discovery of these conditions, and the clear in-
sight into the laws, according to which (unpolarised) rays of
light emanating from one and the same source, but with a
different length of path, destroy one another and produce
darkness, to the successful penetration of Thomas Young.
The laws of the interference of polarised light were discovered
in 1816, by Arago and Fresnel. The theory of undulations
advanced by Huygens and Hooke, and defended by Leonhard
Euler, was at length established on a firm and secure
basis.

Although the latter half of the seventeenth century acquired
distinction from the attainment of a successful insight intothe
nature of double refraction, by which optical science was so
much enlarged; its greatest splendour was derived from New-
ton’s experimental researches and Olaus Rémer’s discovery, in
1675, of the measurable velocity of light. Ualf a century
afterwards, in 1728, this discovery enabled Bradley to regard
the variation he had observed in the apparent place of the stars
as a conjoined consequence of the movement of the earth in
its orbit, and of the propagation of light. Newton’s splendid
work on Optics did not appear in English till 1704, haying
been deferred, from personal considerations, till two years
after Hooke’s death; but it would seem a well attested
fact that even before the years 1666 and 1667} he was in
possession of the principal points of his optical researches,
his theory of gravitation and differential calculus (method of
fluxions).

* On Grimaldi’s and Hooke’s attempt to explain the polarisation of
soap-bubbles by the interference of the rays of light, see Arago, in the
Annuaire for 1831, p. 164, (Brewster’s Life of Newton, p. 53).

+ Brewster, Zhe Life of Sir Isaac Newton, p.17. The date of the year
1665 has been adopted for that of the invention of the method of flux-
ions, which, according to the official explanations of the Committee of
the Royal Society of London, April 24, 1712, is “one and the same with
the differential method, excepting the name and mode of notation.”
With reference to the whole unhappy contest on the subject of priority
with Leibnitz, in which, strange to say, accusations against Newton’s
orthodoxy were even advanced, see Brewster, pp. 189-218. The fact that all
colours are contained in white light was already maintained by De la
Chambre, in his work entitled “Za Dumiére” (Paris, 1657), and by Isaac
Vossius, (who was afterwards a Canon at Windsor,) in a remarkable me-

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 717

In order not to sever the links which hold together the general

rimitive phenomena of matter in one common bond, I would
Bere immediately, after my succinct notice of the optical disco-
yeries of Huygens, Grimaldi, and Newton, pass to the consider-
ation of terrestrial magnetism and atmospheric temperature, as
far as these stiences are included in the century which we have
attempted to deseribe. The able and important work on mag-
netic and electric forces, the Phystologia nova de Magnete, by
William Gilbert, to which I have frequently had occasion to
aliude,* appeared in the year 1600. This writer, whose sagacity
of mind was so highly admired by Galileo, conjectured many
things of which we have now acquired certain knowledge.f
Gilbert regarded terrestrial magnetism and electricity as two
emanations of a single fundamental force pervading all matter,
and he therefore treated of both at once. Such obscure con-
jectures, based on analogies of the effect of the Heraclean
magnetic stone on iron, and the attractive force exercised on
dry straws by amber, when animated, as Pliny expresses it, with
a soul by the agency of heat and friction, appertain to all ages
and all races, to the Ionic natural philosophy, no less than to
the science of the Chinese physicists.| According to Gilbert’s
idea, the earth itself is a magnet, whilst he considered that

moir, entitled “ De Lucis natura et propriciate,” (Amstelod., 1662,) for
the knowledge of which I was indebted two years ago, to M. Arago, at
Paris. Brandis treats of this memoir in the new edition of Gehler’s phy-
sikalische Wérterbuch, bd. iv. (1827,) s. 48, and Wilke notices it very
fully, in his Gesch. der Optik, th. i. (1838,) s. 223, 228, and 817.
Isaac Vossius, however, considered the fundamental substance of all
colours (cap. 25, p. 60,) to be sulphur, which forms, according to him, a
component part of all bodies. In Vossit Responsuwm ad objecta, Joh.
de Bruyn, Professoris Trajectini, et Petri Petiti 1663, it is said, p. 69—
Nec lumen ullum est absque calore, nec calor ullus absque lumine. Lux
sonus, anima (!) odor, vis magnetica, quamvis incorporea, sunt tamen
aliquid. (De Lucis Nat. cap. 13, p. 29).

* Cosmos, pp. 170, 172, and 656.

+ Lord Bacon, whose comprehensive and generally speaking, free
and methodical views, were unfortunately accompanied by very limited
mathematical and physical knowledge, even for the age at which he
_ lived, was very unjust to Gilbert. “ Bacon showed his inferior aptitude
for physical research, in rejecting the Copernican doctrine which
William Gilbert adopted” (Whewell, Philosophy of the Inductive
Sciences, vol. ii. p. 378).

+ Cosmos, p. 194,

718 COSMOS.

the inflections of the lines of equal declination and inclina-
tion depend upon the distribution of mass, the configuration
of continents, or the form and extent of the deep intervening
oceanic basins. It is difficult to connect the periodic -varia-
tions which characterise the three principal forms of mag-
netic phenomena (the isoclinal, isogonic, and isodynamic
lines), with this rigid system of the distribution ‘of force and
mass, unless we represent to ourselves the attractive force of
the material particles modified by similar periodic changes ‘of
‘temperature in the interior of ‘the terrestrial planet.

In Gilbert’s theory, as in gravitation, the quantity of the
material particles is merely estimated, without regard to the
specific heterogeneity of substances. This :cireumstance
gave his work, at the time of Galileo and Kepler, a charae-
ter of cosmical greatness. The unexpected discovery of rota-
tion-magnetism, by Arago in 1825, has shown practically,
that every kind of matter is susceptible of magnetism; :and
the most recent investigations of Faraday on dia-magnetic
substances have, under especial conditions of meridian or
equatorial direction, and of solid, fiuid, or gaseous inactive
conditions of the bodies, confirmed this important result. Gil-
bert had so clear an idea of the force imparted by telluric
magnetism, that he ascribed the magnetic condition of iron
rods on crosses of old church towers to this action of the
earth.*

The increased enterprise and activity of navigation to the

higher latitudes, and the improvement of magnetic instruments
to which had been added since 1576,the dipping needle (incli-
natorium) constructed by Robert Norman of Ratcliff, were
the means, during the course of the seventeenth century, of
extending the general knowledge of the periodical advance
of a portion of the magnetic curves or lines of no vari-
ation. The position of the magnetic equator which was be-
lieved to be identical with the geographical equator, remained

* The first observation of the kind was made (1590,) on the tower of
the church of the Augustines at Mantua. Grimaldiand Gassendi were
acquainted with similar instances, all occurring in geographical latitudes
where the inclination of the magnetic needle is very considerable. On
the first measurements of magnetic intensity by the oscillation of aneedle,
compare my Relation hist, t. i. pp. 260-264, and Oosmos, pp. 179
— 181,

RE SR ee

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 719

uninvestigated. Observations of inclination were only carried
on in a few of the capital cities of Western and Southern
Europe; Graham, it is true, attempted in London in 1723, to
measure by the oscillations of a magnetic needle, the intensity
of the magnetic terrestrial force, which varies both with space
and time, but since Borda’s fruitless attempt on his last voy-
age to the Canaries, in 1776, Lemanon was the first who
succeeded in La Perouses’s expedition, in 1785, in comparing
the intensity in different regions of ‘the earth.

In the year 1683, Edmund Halley sketched his theory of four
magnetic poles or points of convergence, and of the periodical
movement of the magnetic line without declination, basing
his theory:on a large number of existing observations of de-
clination of very unequal value, by Baffin, Hudson, James
Hall, and Schouten. In order to test this theory, and render
it more perfect by the aid of new and more exact observations,
the English Government permitted him to make three voyages
(1698-1702) im the Atlantic Ocean, im a vessel under his own
command. In one of these he reached 52° S. lat. This expedi-
tion constituted an epoch in the history of telluric magnetism.
Its result was the construction of a general variation chart, on
which the points at which navigators had found an equal
amount of variation were connected together by curved lines. -
Never before, I believe, had any government fitted out a naval
expedition for an object whose attainment promised such ad-

“vantages to practical navigation, while at the same time it
deserved to be regarded as peculiarly scientific and physico-
mathematical.

As no phenomenon can be thoroughly investigated by a
careful observer, without being considered in its relation to
other phenomena, Halley, on his return from his voyage
hazarded the conjecture that the northern light was of a
magnetic origin. I have remarked, in the general picture of
nature, that Faraday’s brilliant discovery (the evolution of
light by magnetic force) has raised this hypothesis, enounced
‘as early as in the year 1714, to empirical certainty.

But if the laws of terrestrial magnetism are to be thoroughly
investigated—~that is to say, if they:are to be sought in the
great cycle of the periodic movement in space of ‘the three
varieties of magnetic curves, it is by no means sufficient that

the diurnal regular or disturbed course of the needle should be

720 COSMOS.

observed at the magnetic stations which, since 1828, have begun
to cover a considerable portion of the earth’s surface, both in
northern and southern latitudes;* but four times in every cen-
tury an expedition of three ships should be sent out, to examine
as nearly as possible at the same time the state of the mag-
netism of the earth, so far as it can be investigated in those
parts which are covered by the ocean. The magnetic
equator, or the curve at which the inclination is null, must
not mereiy be inferred from the geographical position of its
nodes (the intersections with the geographical equator); but

the course of the ship should be made continually to vary’

according to the observations of inclination, so as never to
leave the tract of the magnetic equator for the time being.
Land expeditions should be combined with these voyages, in
order, where masses of land cannot be entirely traversed, to
determine at what points of the coast-line the magnetic
curves (especially those having no variation) enter. Special
attention might also perhaps be deservedly directed to the
movement and gradual changes in the oval configuration, and
almost concentric curves of variation of the two isolated
closed systems in Eastern Asia, and in the South Pacific in
the meridian of the Marquesas Group.t Since the memo-
rable Antarctic expedition of Sir James Clarke Ross, (1839-——
1843,) fitted out with admirable instruments, has thrown so
much light over the polar regions of the southern hemisphere,

and has determined empirically the position of the magnetic _

south pole; and since my honoured friend, the great mathe-
matician, Frederick Gauss, has succeeded in establishing the
first general theory of terrestrial magnetism, we need not
renounce the hope that the many requirements of science and
navigation will lead to the realisation. of the plan I have
already proposed. May the year 1850 be marked as the first
normal epoch in which the materials for a magnetic chart
shall be collected ; and may permanent scientific institutions
(Academies) impose upon themselves the practice of reminding
every twenty-five or thirty years governments, favourable to
the advance of navigation, of the importance of an under-
taking whose great cosmical importance depends on its long
continued repetition.

* Cosmos, pp. 184—186.

+ Op. cit. p. 175.

ne Sk ee ee ee

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 721

The invention of instruments for measuring temperature
(Galileo's thermoscopes of 15938 and 1602,* depending
simultaneously on the changes in the temperature and the
external pressure of the atmosphere,) gave origin to the idea
of determining the modifications of the atmosphere by a
series of connected and successive observations. We learn
from the Diario dell’ Academia del Cimento, which exercised
so happy an influence on the taste for experiments conducted
in a regular and systematic method during the brief term of
its activity, that observations of the temperature were made
with spirit-thermometers similar to our own at a great num-
ber of stations, amongst others at Florence, in the convent
Degli Angeli, in the plains of Lombardy, on the mountains near
Pistoja, and even in the elevated plain of Innspruck, as early
as 1641, and five times daily.| The Grand Duke Ferdinand
II. employed the monks in many of the monasteries of his
states to perform this task.{ The temperature of mineral
springs was also determined at that period, and thus gave
occasion to many questions regarding the temperature of the
earth. As all natural phenomena—all the changes to which
terrestrial matter is subject—are connected with modifications
of heat, light, and electricity, whether at rest or moving in
currents, and as likewise the phenomena of temperature acting
by the force of expansion, are most easily discernible by the
sensuous perceptions; the invention and improvement of
thermometers must necessarily, as I have already elsewhere
observed, indicate a great epoch in the general progress of
natural science. The range of the applicability of the ther-

* On the oldest thermometers, see Nelli, Vita e commercio let-
terario di Galilei (Losanna, 1793), vol. i. pp. 68-94; Opere di Galilei
(Padovo, 1744), t.i. p.lv.; Libri, Histoire des Sciences mathématiques
en Italie, t. iv, (1841,) pp. 185—197. As evidences of first comparative
observations on temperature, we may instance the letters of Gianfrancesco
Sagredo, and Benedetto Castelli in 1613, 1615, and 1633, given in
Venturi, Memorie e Lettere inedite di Galilei,-P. i. 1818, p. 20.

+ Vincenzio Antinori, in the Saggi di Naturali Esperienze, fatie
nell Accademia del Cimento, 1841, pp. 30—44.

¢ On the determination of the thermometric scale of the Accademia
del Cimento, and on the meteorological observations continued for six-
teen years by a pupil of Galileo, Father Raineri, see Libri, in the
Annales de Chimie et de Physique, T*xlv. 1830, p. 354; and a more
recent similar work by Schouw, in his Vableau du Climat et de la
Végétation de Italie, 1839, pp. 99—106.

3A

722 COSMOS.

mometer, and the rational deductions to be arrived at from its
indications, are as immeasurable as the sphere of those natural
forces which exercise their dominion over the atmosphere,
the solid portions of the earth, and the superimposed strata
of the ocean—alike over inorganic substances, and the chemi-
cal and vital processes of organic matter.

The action of radiating heat was likewise investigated, a
century before the important labours of Scheele, by the
Florentine members of the Academia del Cimento by remark-
able experiments with concave mirrors against which non-
luminous heated bodies, and masses of ice, weighing 500lbs.
actually and apparenily radiated.* Mariotte, at the close of
the seventeenth century, entered into investigations regard:
ing the relations of radiating heat in its passage through glass
plates. It has seemed necessary to allude to these isolated.
experiments, since in more recent times the doctrine of the
radiation of heat has thrown great light on the cooling
of the ground, the formation of dew, and many general
climatic modifications, and has led, moreover, through Mel-
loni’s admirable sagacity, to the contrasting diathermism.
of rock-salt and alum.

To the investigations on the changes in the temperature of
the atmosphere, depending on the geographical latitude, the
seasons of the year, and the elevation of the spot, were soou
added other enquiries into the variation of pressure and the.
quantity of vapour in the atmosphere, and the often observed
periodic results, known as the law of rotation of the winds.
Galileo’s correct views respecting the pressure of the atmo-
sphere led. Torricelli, a year after the death of his great
teacher, to the. construction of the barometer: It would
appear that the fact that the column of mereury im thie
Torricellian column stood’ higher at the base of a tower
or hili than. at its summit, was first observed at Pisa
by Claudio. Beriguardi;+ and. five years later in: France,
at the suggestion. of Pascal. by Perrier, the brother-in-
law of the latter, when he ascended: the Puy de» Dome;
which is: nearly one thousand feet higher than Vesuvius.
The idea of employing barometers for: measuring: elevations

* Antinori, Saggi. dell’ Accad. del’ Cim. 1841, p. 114, and imthe
Aggiunte at the end of the book, p. lxxvi.

t+ Antinori, p. 29,

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 723

now presented itself readily; it may perhaps have been sug»
gested to Pascal, im a letter of Descartes*. It is not neces-
sary to enter into any especial explanation of the influence
exercised on the enlargement of physical geography and
meteorology by the barometer when used as a hypsometrical
instrument in determining the local relations of the earth’s
surface; and: as a meteorological instrument in ascertaining
the influence of atmospheric currents. The theory of the
atmospheric currents already referred to, was established on a
solid foundation before: the close of the seventeenth century.
Bacon had the merit,. in 1664, in his celebrated work: entitled
Historia naturalis: et experimentalis de ventis,} of considering
the direction of the winds in their dependence on thermome-
trie and. hydrometric relations;: but’ unmathematically deny-
ing’ the: correctness: of the Copernican system,. he conjectured
the possibility “that ow atmosphere may daily turnround the
earth like the: heavens,. and thus: occasion the tropical east
wind.”

Hooke’s comprehensive genius here also diffused order and
light.{ He recognised the influence of the rotation of the earth,
and the existence of the upper and:lower currents of warm
and cold air which pass from the equator to the poles, and
return from the poles to the equator. Galileo, in his last
Dialogo, had indeed also regarded the trade winds. as the
consequence of the rotation of the earth; but he ascribed. the
detention. of the particles: of air within the tropics (when
compared with the velocity of the earth’s rotation) to a va-
pourless purity of the air in the tropical regions.§ Hooke’s

* Ren. Cartesii pistole, (Amstelod. 1682). P. iii. Ep. 67.

+ Bacon’s Works by Shaw, 1733, vol. iii. p. 441. (See Cosmos,

» $21.

a Hooke’s Posthumous Works; p. 364. (Compare my Relat. histo-
sigue, T. 1, p. 199.) Hooke, however, like Galileo, unhappily assumed
a difference in the velocity of the rotation of the earth and of the at-
sphere: see Posth. Works, pp. 88 and 363.

§ Although, according to Galileo’s views, the detention of the particles
of air, is one of the causes of the trade winds; yet his-hypothesis ought not
to be confounded, as has:recently been done, with that of Hooke and Had-
ley. Galileo, in the Dialogo quarto (Opere, t. iv. p. 311), makes Salviati
say: “‘Dicevamo pur’ ora che’ l’aria, come corpo tenue, e fluido, e
non saldamente congiunto alla terra, pareva’ che non avesse necessita,
d’obbedire al suo moto, se non’ in quanto |’ asprezza della superficie ter-
restre ne rapisce, e seco porta una parte a se contigua, che di non molto

3A 2

724 Cosmos.

more correct view was taken up by Halley late in the
eighteenth century, and was then more fully and satisfactorily
explained with reference to the action of the velocity of rota-
tion peculiar to each parallel of latitude. Halley, prompted
by his long sojourn in the torrid zone, had even earlier
(1686) published an admirable empirical work on the geo-
graphical extension of trade winds and monsoons. It is sur-
prising that he should not have noticed, in his magnetic expe-
ditions, the law of rotation of the winds, which is so important
for the whole of meteorology, since its general features had
been recognised by Bacon and Johann Christian Sturm of
Hippolstein (according to Brewster, the actual discoverer of
the differential thermometer.*)

In the brilliant epoch characterised by the foundation of
mathematical natural philosophy, experiments were not want-
ing for determining the connection existing between the
humidity of the atmosphere, and the changes in the tem-
perature and the direction of the winds. The Academia del
Cimento had the felicitous idea of determining the quantity of

intervallo sopravanza le maggiori altezze delle montagne; la qual
pozzion d’aria tanto meno dovra esser renitente alla conversion terrestre,
quanto che ella @ ripiena di vapori, fumi, ed esalazioni, materie tutte
participanti delle qualita terrene: e per conseguenza atte nate per lor
natura (!) a i medesimi movimenti. Ma dove, mancassero le cause del
moto, cioé dova la superficie del globo avesse grandi spazii piani, e meno
vi fusse della mistione de i vapori terreni, quivi cesserebbe in parte la
causa, per la quale |’ aria ambiente dovesse totalmente obbedire al
rapimento della conversion terrestre ; si che in tali uoghi, mentre che la
terra si volge verso Oriente, si dovrebbe sentir continuamente un vento,
che si ferisse, spirando da Levante verso Ponente; e tale spiramento
dovrebbe farsi pit sensibile, dove la vertigine del globo fusse pid veloce:
il che sarebbe ne i luoghi pid remoti dai Poli, e vicini al cerchio
massimo della diurna conversione. L’esperienza applaude molto a questo
filosofico discorso, poiché ne gli ampi mari sottoposti alla Zona torrida,
dove anco l’evaporazioni terrestri mancano (?) si. sente una perpetua
aura muovere da Oriente. .... :

* Brewster, in the Hdinburgh Journal of Science, vol. ii. 1825,
p. 145. Sturm has described the Differential Thermometer in a little
work, entitled Collegium experimentale curiosum, (Nuremberg, 1676,)
p. 49. On the Baconian law of the rotation of the wind, which was first
extended to both zones, and recognised in its ultimate connection with
the causes of all atmospheric currents, by Dove, see the detailed trea-
tise of Muncke, in the new edition of Gehler’s Physikal. Worterbuch,
Bd, x. S, 2008—2019 and 2030—2035.

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 725

vapour by evaporation and precipitation. The oldest Flo-
ventine hygrometer was accordingly a condensation-hygro-
meter,—an apparatus in which the quantity of the discharged
precipitated water was determined by weight.* In addition
to the condensation-hygrometer, which, by the aid of the
ideas of Le Roy in our own times, has gradually led to the
exact psychrometrical methods of Dalton, Daniell, and August,
we have (in accordance with the examples set by Leo-
nardo da Vincit), the absorption-hygrometer, composed of
substances taken from the animal and vegetable kingdoms,
made by Santori (1625), Torricelli (1646), and Molineux. Cat-
gut and the spikes of grasses were employed almost simul-
taneously. Instruments of this kind, which were based on the
absorption by organic substances of the aqueous vapour con-
tained in the atmosphere, were furnished with indicators or
pointers, and small counter-weights, very similar in their
construction to the hair and whalebone hygrometers of Saus-
sure and Deluc. The instruments of the seventeenth century
were, however, deficient in the fixed points of dryness and
humidity so necessary to the comparison and comprehension
of the results, and which were at length determined by Reg-
nault; (setting aside the susceptibility acquired by time in the
hygrometrical substances employed.) Pictet found the hair of
a Guanche mummy from Teneriffe, which was perhaps a thou-
sand years old, sufficiently susceptible in a Sausgure’s hygro-
meter.

The electric process was recognised by William Gilbert as
the action of a proper natural force allied to the magnetic
force. The book in which this view is first expressed, and in
which the words electric force, electric emanations, and elec-
tric attraction are first used, is the work of which I have
already frequently spoken,§ and which appeared in the year

* Antinori, p. 45, and even in the Saggi, p. 17-19.

+ Venturi, Hssai sur les ouvrages physico-mathématiques de Leo-
nard de Vinci, 1797, p. 28.

£ Bibliotheque universelle de Genéve, T. xxvii. 1824, p. 120.

§ Gilbert, de Magnete, lib. ii. cap. 2-4, p. 46-71. With respect to
‘the interpretation of the nomenclature employed, he already said:—
Electrica quee attrahit eadem ratione ut electrum; versorium non mag-
neticum ex quovis metallo, inserviens electricis experimentis. In the
text itself we find as follows:—-Magnetic® ut ita dicam, vel electric?
attrahere (vim illam clectricam nobis placet appellare . . . .) (p. 52)3

726 COSMOS.

1600, under the title of ‘‘ Physiology of magnets and of the
earth as a great magnet (de magno magnete tellure.)” “The

property,’ says Gilbert, “ of attracting light substances,
when rubbed, be their nature what it:may, is not peculiar

to amber, which is a condensed ,earthy juice cast up by the

waves of the sea, and in which flying insects, ants, and
worms lie entombed as in eternal ‘sepulchres (eeternis sepul-
chris). The force of attraction belongs to a whole class of
very different substances, as glass, sulphur, sealing-wax, and
all resinous substances, rock crystal, and all precious stones,
alum, and rock salt.’ :Gilbert measured the strength of the
excited electricity by means of a -small needle, not made of
iron, which moved freely on a pivot (wersoriwm electricum),
and perfectly similar to the apparatus used by Hauy and
Brewster intesting the electricity excited in minerals by heat
and friction. ‘“‘ Friction,” says Gilbert further, “‘ is produc-
tive of a stronger effect im dry than in humid air; and rub-
bing with silk cloths is most advantageous. ‘The globe is
held together as by an electric foree (?) ‘Globus ‘telluris per

effluvia electrica, attractiones electrice. We do not find either the
abstract expression electricitas, or the barbarous word magnetismus
introduced in the eighteenth century. On the derivation of #Asxrpov,
“the attractor and the attracting stone,” from £Aé:c and Key already
indicated in the Timeeus of Plato, p. 80 c, and the probable transition
through a harder é\exrpoy, see Buttmann, Mythologus, bd. ii. (1829),
s. 857. Among the theoretical propositions put forward by Gilbert
(which are not always expressed with equal clearness), I give the follow-
ing: “Cum.duo sint corporum genera, que manifestis sensibus nostris
motionibus corpora.allicere videntur, Electrica et Magnetica ; Electrica
naturalibus ab humore effluviis ; Magnetica formalibus efficientiis seu
potius primariis -vigoribus, incitationes faciunt. Facile est homini-
bus ingenio acutis, absque experimentis et usu rerum labi, et errare.
Substantie proprictates aut familiaritates, sunt generales nimis, nec
tamen vere designate: cause, atque, ut ita dicam, verba quedam
sonant, re ips’ nihil in specie ostendunt. Neque ista succini credita
attractio, a singulari aliqua proprietate substantiz, aut familiaritate
assurgit ; cum in pluribus aliis corporibus eundem effectum, majori indus-
tria invenimus, et omnia etiam corpora cujusmodicunque proprietatis,
ab omnibus illiis alliciuntur.” (De Magnete, pp. 50, 51, 60, and 65.)
Gilbert’s principal labours appear to fall between the years from 1590 to
1600. Whewell justly assigns him an important place among those whom
he terms “practical reformers of the physical sciences.” Gilbert was
surgeon to Queen Elizabeth and James I., and died in 1603. After his

death there appeared a second work, entitled “De Mundo nostro sub-
dunari Philosophia Nova.”

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 727

se electrice congregatur et coheret; for the tendency of the
electric action is to produce the cohesive accumulation of
matter (motus electricus est motus coacervationis materie).”
In these obscure axioms we trace the recognition of ¢erres-
trial electricity—the expression of a foree—which, like mag-
netism, appertains as such to matter. As yet we meet with
no allusions to repulsion, or the difference between insulators
and conductors.

Otto von Guerike, the ingenious inventor of the air-
‘pump, was the first whoobserved anything more than mere
phenomena of attraction. In his‘experiments with a rubbed
piece of sulphur, he recognised the phenomena of repulsion,
which subsequently led to the establishment of the laws of
the sphere of action, and of the distribution of electricity.
He heard the first sound, and saw the first light in artificially
produced electricity. In an experiment instituted by Newton
in 1675, the first traces of the electric charge ina rubbed plate
of glass were seen.* We have here only‘sought the earliest
germs of electric knowledge, which, in its great and singu-
larly retarded development, has not-only become one of the
most important branches of meteorology, but has also thrown
much light on the internal action of terrestrial forces, since
magnestism has been recognised as one of the simplest forms.
under which electricity is manifested.

Although Wall in 1708, Stephen Gray in 1734, and Nollet,
conjectured ‘the identity of friction-electricity and of lightning,
it was first proved with empirical certainty in the middle
of the eighteenth century by the successful efforts of the ‘cele-
brated Benjamin Franklin. From this period the electric pro-
cess passed from the domain of speculative physics into that of
cosmical contemplation,—from the recesses of the study to
the freedom of nature. The doctrine of electricity, like that
of optics and of magnetism, experienced long periods of
extremely tardy development, until in these three sciences
the labours of Franklin and Volta, of Thomas Young and
Malus, of Oersted and of Faraday, roused their cotempo-
varies to an admirable degree of activity. Such are the
alternations of slumber and of suddenly-awakened activity
that appertain to the progress of human knowledge.

But if, as we have already shown, the relations of tem-

* Brewster, Life of Newton, p. 807.

728 ‘aheatin:

perature, the alternations in the pressure of the atmosphere,
and the quantity of the vapour contained in it, were made
made the object of direct investigation by means of the inven-
tion of appropriate, although still very imperfect, physical in-
struments, and by the acute penetration of Galileo, Torricelli,
and the members of the Academia del Cimento ; all that refers
to the chemical composition of the atmosphere, remained, on
the other hand, shrouded in obscurity. The foundations of
pneumatic chemistry were, it is true, laid by Johann Baptist
von Helmont, and Jean Rey, in the first half of the seventeenth
century, and by Hooke, Mayow, Boyle, and the dogmatising
Becher in the closing part of the same century, but however
striking may have been the correct apprehension of detached
and important phenomena, the insight into their connection
was still wanting. The old belief in the elementary simplicity
of the air which acts on combustion, on the oxidation of metals
and on respiration, constituted a most powerful impediment.
The inflammable, or light-extinguishing gases occurring in

caverns and mines (the spuritus letales of Pliny), and the escape -

of these gases in the form of vesicles in morasses and mineral
springs, had already attracted the attention of Basilius Valen-
tinus, a Benedictine monk of Erfurt, (probably at the close of
the fifteenth century) and of Libavius, an admirer of Paracel-
sus, in 1612. Men drew comparisons between that which was
accidentally. observed in alchemistical laboratories, and that
which was found prepared in the great laboratories of nature,
especially in the interior of the earth. The working of mines
in strata, rich in ores, (especially those containing iron pyrites,
which become heated by oxidation and contact-electricity,)
led to conjectures of the chemical relation existing between
metals, acids, and the external air having access to them. Even
‘ Paracelsus, whose visionary fancies belong to the period of
the first discovery of America, had remarked the evolution
of gas when iron was dissolved in sulphuric acid. Van
Helmont, who first employed the term gas, distinguished it
from atmospheric air, and also, by its non-condensability,
from vapours. According to him the clouds are vapours, and
become converted into gas when the sky is very clear, “by
means of cold and the infiuence of the stars.” Gas can only
become water, aiter it has been again converted into vapour.
Such were the views entertained in the first half of the seven-

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES 729

teenth century, regarding the meteorological process. Van
Helmont was not acquainted with the simple method of taking
up and separating his gas sylvestre, (the name under which he
comprehended all un-inflammable gases, which do not main-
tain combustion and respiration, and differ from pure atmos-
pheric air;) but he caused a light to burn in a vessel under
“water, and observed that when the flame was extinguished the
water entered, and the volume of mr diminished. Van
Helmont likewise endeavoured to show by determinations
of weight, (which we find already given by Cardanus), that
all the solid portions of plants are formed from water.

The alchemistic opinions of the middle ages regarding the
composition of metals, and the loss of their brilliancy by com-
bustion in the open air, (incineration, calcination) led to a desire
of investigating the conditions by which this process was at-
tended, and the changes experienced by the calcined metals,
and by the air in contact with them. Cardanus, as early
as in 1558, had noticed the increase of weight that accom-
panies the oxidation of lead, and perfectly in accordance
with the idea of the myth of Phlogiston, had attributed it to the
escape of a “celestial fiery matter,” causing levity; and it was
not until eighty years afterwards that Jean Rey, a remarkably
skilful experimenter at Bergerac, who had investigated with
the greatest care the increase of weight during the calci-
nation of lead, tin, and antimony, arrived at the important
conclusion that this increase of weight must be ascribed to
the access of the air to the metallic calx. “Je responds et
soutiens glorieusement,” he says, ‘que ce surcroit de poids
vient de Yair qui dans le vase a été espessi.”’*

.

* Rey, strictly speaking, only mentions the access of air to the oxides;:
he did not know that the oxides themselves (which were then called the
earthy metals,) are only combinations of metals and air. According to
him, the air makes “the metallic calx heavier, as sand increases in weight
when water hangs: about it.” The calx is susceptible of being saturated:
with air. “L/air espaissi sattache 4 la chaux, ainsi le poids augmente du
commencement jusqu’d la fin: mais quand tout en est affublé, elle n’en
seauroit prendre davantage. Ne continuez plus votre calcination soubs
cet espoir, vous perdriez vostre peine.” Rey’s work thus contains the
first approach to the better explanation of a phenomenon, whose more
complete understanding subsequently exercised a favourable influence in
- reforming the whole of chemistry. See Kopp, Gesch. der Chemie, Th. iii.

730 COSMOS.

‘Men had now discovered the path which was to lead them
to the chemistry of the present day,and through it to the know-
ledge of a great cosmical phenomenon, 'viz., the connection
between the oxygen of the atmosphere and vegetable life.
The combination of ideas, however, which presented itself to
the minds of distinguished men, was strangely complicated in
its nature. ‘Towards the close of the seventeenth century, a
belief arose in'the existence of-nitrous particles, (spirtus nitro—
aéreus pabulum mitrosum), which, contained in the air, and
identical with ‘those which .are fixed in salt-petre, were sup-
posed to possess the necessary requirements for combustion,
an opinion which obscurely expressed by Hooke in his Miero-
graplia (1671), is found more fully developed by Mayow in
1669, and by Willis m 1671. ‘“ It was maintained that the
extinction of flame in a closed ‘space, is not owing to the
over-saturation of the air with vapours emanating from the
burning body, but is the.consequence.of the entire:absorption
of the spiritus nitroaéreus contained in ‘the nitrogenous.air.”
The sudden increase of the glowing -heat, when fusing ‘salt-
petre (emitting oxygen),.is strewed upon coals,.and the for-
mation of saltpetre on .clay walls in contact with the atmo-
sphere appear to have contributed jointly to the adoption of
this view. The nitrous particles of the air influence, according
_ to Mayow, the respiration of animals, the result of which is to
generate animal heat and to deprive the blood of its dark
-eolour; and while they control all the processes of combustion.
and the calcination of metals, they play nearly the same part
in the antiphlogistic chemistry.as oxygen. The cautious and
doubting Robert Boyle was well aware that the presence of a
certain constituent of atmospheric air was necessary to com-
bustion, but he remained uncertain with regard to its nitrous
mature.

Oxygen was to Hooke and Mayow an ideal object—a delu-
sion of the intellect. The acute chemist and vegetable phy-
siologist, Hales, first.saw oxygen evolved in the form of a gas,
‘when im 1727, he was engaged at Mennige in calcining a
Targe quantity of lead, under a very powerful heat. He
observed the escape of the gas, but he did not examine its

8. 181-138. (Compare also in the same work, Th. i. s. 116-127, and
“Th, iii,s, 119-188, as well ass. 175-195.)

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 731

nature, or notice the vivid burning of the flame. Hales
had no idea of the importance of ‘the substance he had pre-
pared. The vivid evolution of light in bodies burning in oxy-
gen, and its properties, were, as many persons maintain, dis-
covered independently—by Priestley m 1772-1774, by Scheele
in 1774-1775, and by Lavoisier and Trudaine in 1775:*

The dawn of pneumatic chemistry has been touched upon
in ‘these ‘pages, with respect to its historical relations, because,
like the feeble beginning of electrical science, it prepared the
way for those grand views regarding the constitution of the
atmosphere and its meteorological changes, which were mani-
fested in the following century. The idea of specifically
distinct gases was never perfectly clear to those who, in the
seventeeth century, produced these gases. The difference
between atmospheric air and the irrespirable light-extinguish-
ing or inflammable gases, was now again exclusively ascribed
to the admixture of certam vapours. Black and Cavendish
first showed, in 1766, that carbonic acid (fixed air) and
hydrogen (conibustible air), are specifically «different aéri-
form fiuids. So long did ‘the ancient belief of ‘the elementary
simplicity of the atmosphere check all progress of know-
ledge. ‘The final knowledge of the chemical composition of
the atmosphere, acquired by means of ‘the delicate diserimi-
nation of its quantitative relations, by the beautiful researches
of Boussingault and Dumas, is one of the brilliant pomts of
modern meteorology.

The extension of physical and ‘chemical knowledge, which
we have here briefly sketched, could not fail ‘to exercise an
influence on ‘the earliest development of geognosy. A great
number of the geognostic questions, with the solution ‘of
which our own age has been occupied, were put forth by a
man of the most comprehensive acquiremernts, the great
Danish ‘anatomist, Nicolaus Steno (Stenson), m the ‘service
of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Ferdmand II.; by another
physician, Martin Lister, an Englishman, and by Robert
Hooke, the “‘ worthy rival” of Newton.f Of Steno’s ser-

* Priestley’s last complaint of that which “ Lavoisier is considered to
have appropriated to himself,” is put forth in his nih aoe entitled,
“ Phe Doctrine of Phlogiston established,” 1800, p. 4

+ Sir John Herschel, Discourse on the Study of N atural Philoso-

phy. p. 116.

732 COSMOS.

vices in the geognosy of position I have treated more
circumstantially in another work.* Leonardo da Vinci,
towards the close of the fifteenth century, (probably when he
was planning the canals in Lombardy, which intersect the
alluvial and tertiary formations,) Frascastoro, in 1517, on the
occasion of the accidental exposure of rocky strata, con-
taining fossil fishes, at Monte Bolea, near Verona, and
Bernard Palissy, in his investigations regarding fountains, in
1563, had indeed recognised the existence of traces of an
earlier oceanic animal world. Leonardo, as if with a pre-
sentiment of a more philosophical classification of animal
forms, terms conchylia “ animal che hanno UVossa ch
fuora.” Steno, in his work on the substances contained in
rocks, (de Solido intra Solidum naturaliter contento,) distin-
guishes (1669) between (primitive?) rocky strata which have
become solidified before the creation of plants and animals,
and, therefore, contain no organic remains, and sedimentary
strata (turbidi maris sedimenta sibi invicem imposita) which
alternate with one another, and cover the first-named strata.
All fossiliferous strata were originally deposited in horizontal
beds. This inclination (or fall) has been occasioned partly
by the eruption of subterranean vapours, generated by
central heat (ignis in medio terre) and partly by the giving
way of the feebly supported lower strata.| The valleys are
the result of this falling in.”

Steno’s theory of the formation of valleys is that of Delue,
whilst Leonardo da Vinci, like Cuvier, regards the valleys
as the former beds of streams.{ In the geognostie cha-
racter of the soil of Tuscany, Steno recognised convul-
sions which must, in his opinion, be ascribed to six great
natural epochs. (Sex sunt distinctee Etrurie facies ex pre-
senti facie Etrurie collecte.) The sea had broken in at six
successive periods, and after continuing to cover the interior
of the land for a long time, had retired within its ancient
limits. All petrefactidns were not, however, according to

* Humboldt, Hssai géognostique sur le Gisement des Roches dans
les deux Hémispheres, 1823, p. 38.

+ Steno de Solido intra Solidum naturaliter contento, 1669, pp. 2,
17, 28, 63, and 69 (fig. 20-25).

t Venturi, Hssai sur les Ouvrages physico-mathématiques de Leo
nard de Vinci, 1797, § 5, No. 124.

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES, 733

his opinion, referable to the sea; and he distinguished be-
tween pelagic and fresh-water formations. Scilla, in 1670,
gave drawings of the petrifactions of Calabria and Malta;
and among the latter our great anatomist and zoologist,
Johannes Miiller, has recognised the oldest drawing of the
teeth of the gigantic Hydrarchus of Alabama, (the Zeuglodon
cetoides of Owen) a mammal of the great order of the
Cetacea.* The crown of these teeth is formed similarly to
those of seals.

Lister, as early as 1678, made the important assertion,
that each kind of rock is characterised by its own fossils, and
that ‘‘ the species of Murex, Tellina, and Trochus, which occur
in the stone quarries of Northamptonshire, are indeed similar
to those existing in the present seas, but yet when more closely
examined, they are found to differ from them.” They are,
he says, specifically different.| Strictly conclusive proofs of
the truth of these grand conjectures could not, however, be
advanced in the then imperfect condition of descriptive
morphology. We here indicate the early dawn and speedy
extinction of light prior to the noble paleontological re-
searches of Cuvier and Alexander Brongniart, which have
given a new form to the geognosy of sedimentary formations.
Lister, whose attention had been drawn to the regular suc-
cession of strata in England, first felt the want of geognostic
maps. Although these phenomena and their dependence on

* Agostino Scilla, La vana Speculazione disingannata dal Senso,
Nap. 1670, tab. xii. fig. 1. Compare Joh. Miiller, Bericht iiber die von
Herrn Koch, in Alabama gesammelten fossilen Knochenreste seines
Hydrachus, (the Basilosaurus of Harlan, 1835; the Zeuglodon of
Owen, 1839; the Squalodon of Grateloup, 1840; the Dorudon of Gib-
bes, 1845,) read in the Royal Academy of Sciences at Berlin, April
—June, 1847. These valuable fossil remains of an ancient world, which
were collected in the state of Alabama, (in Washington County, near
Clarksville,) have become, by the munificence of our king, the property
of the Zoological Museum at Berlin, since 1847. Besides the remains
found in Alabama and South Carolina, parts of the Hydrarchus have
been found in Europe, at Leognan near Bordeaux, near Linz on the
Danube, and, in 1670, in Malta. —

+ Martin Lister, in the Philosophical Transactions, vol. vi. 1671,
No. lxxvi. p. 2283.

= See a luminous exposition of the earlier progress of palzeontolo-
gical studies, in Whewell’s History of the Inductive Sciences, 1837,
vol. iii. pp. 507-545.

734 CCSMOS..

ancient inundations (either single or repeated), rivetted' the:
attention of men, and, mingling belief and knowledge together,
gave: origin in England to the so-called systems of Ray.
Woodward, Burnet, and Whiston; yet: owing to the total
want of mineralogical distinction between the constituents of
compound minerals, all that relates to crystalline and massive:
rocks of eruption remained unexplored. Notwithstanding
the opinions held with respect to a central heat in the earth,
earthquakes, hot springs, and volcanic eruptions, were not
regarded: as: the consequence of the reaction of the: planet
against its:external crust,. but were attributed to: trifling local.
causes, as; for instance, the spontaneous combustion of beds:
of iron pyrites:. The unseientific experiments: of Lemery
(1700): unhappily: exercised a long» continued: influence on.
volcanic: theories, although the latter: might certainly have:
been raised to: more general views: by the richly imaginative:
Protogea of Leibnitz:(1680).

The Protogea occasionally even: more: imaginative than: the:
many’ metrical attempts of the same author, which have lately
been made: known,** teaches ‘‘ the:scorification of the cayern--
ous;.glowing, once self-luminous crust of the: earth, the gra--
dual cooling: of. the: radiating: surface enveloped im vapours;.
the precipitation and condensation: of the gradually cooled!
vaporous atmosphere into water, the:sinking of the level of:
the sea. by the:penetration of water into the internal cavities:
of the earth, and finally the breaking in of these caves, which
occasions the fall,. or horizontal inclination, of these strata.’
The physical portion. of this wild. and fanciful view presents:
some’ features which will not appear to merit entire rejee-.
tion by the adherents. of our modern’ geognosy, notwith-

standing its more perfect development: in all its branches.

Among these better traits. we must reckon the movement and
heat in the interior of the globe, and the cooling occasioned.
by radiation from the surface; the existence of an atmo-.
sphere of vapour; the pressure exercised by these vapours:
on. the earth’s strata during’ their consolidation; and the:

* Leibnizens geschichtliche Aufsitze und Gedichte; edited by Pertz,
1847, in the Gesammelie Werke: Geschichte, bd. iv. On the first
sketch. of the Protogwa of 1691,. and on. its subsequent revisions,
see Tellkampf, Jahresbericht der Biirgerschule zw Hannover, 1847,,
8. 1-32,

ia ieee a, .
any " Fillion Sp nel Biome tS

DISCOVERIES IN THE CELESTIAL SPACES. 735

two-fold. origin of the masses. by fusion. and solidification, or
by precipitation from the waters. The typical character and
mineralogical. differences: of rocks,. or, in, other words, the
associations of certain mostly crystallised substances recurring:
in the most. remote regions, are as little made: a subject of
consideration: in: the Protogea asin Hooke’s geognostie views.
Even in the last-named writer, physical. speculations on
the action. of subterranean, forces in earthquakes, in. the:
sudden upheaval of the sea’s bottom and of littoral districts, and
in. the: origin of islands. and. mountains, hold a prominent
place.. The nature of the organic remains of a former world
even led him to. conjecture that the. temperate zone must:
originally. have enjoyed.the heat. of. a: tropical climate.

It, still remains for us: to. speak of the greatest of all.
geognostic phenomena,—the mathematical figure of the earth,,
—in which: we: distinctly trace a reflection of the primitive:
world in the condition of fluidity of the rotating mass, and
its-solidification into our terrestrial spheroid. The main out-
lines of the figure of the earth were sketched as-early as the:
close of the seventeenth. century, although the relation be-.
tween the polar and. equatorial axes. was. not ascertained with:
numerical exactness.. Picard’s. measurement. of a. degree,,
made in 1670 with instruments which he had himself im--
proved, is so much. the more important, since it was. the
means of inducing Newton to resume with renewed zeal his:
theory of gravitation, (which he discovered. as early as 1666,
but had subsequently, neglected,) by, offering to that profound
and successful investigator, the means. of proving how the
attraction of the earth maintained the moon in its orbit,
whilst urged. on its.course by the centrifugal force. The fact
of the compression. of the poles.of Jupiter, which. was much
earlier recognised,* had, as it is supposed, induced Newton
to. reflect. on the causes. of a form. which deviated so con-
siderably from. sphericity. The experiments: on the: actual
length of the seconds pendulum. by Richer at: Cayenne im
1673, and by Varin. on the western coast of Africa, had’
been. preceded’ by others of less decisive character, prose-
cuted in London, Lyons, and Bologna, at a difference of 7° of
latitude.

* Cosmos, p. 156:

+ Delambre, Hist. de l_Astronomie mod. t. ii: p. 601

736 CoSMOs. —

The decrease of gravity from the poles to the equator,
which even Picard had long denied, was now generally
admitted. Newton recognised the polar compression, and the
spheroidal form of the earth as a consequence of its rotation;
and he even vetured to determine numerically the amount of
_ this compression, on the assumption of the homogeneous
nature of the mass. It remained for the comparative mea-
surements of degrees in the eighteenth and nineteenth cen-
turies, at the equator, near the north pole, and in the tem-
perate zones of both the southern and northern hemispheres,
to determine exactly the mean amount of this compression,
and by that means to ascertain the true figure of the earth.
The existence of this compression announces, as has already
been observed in the “ Picture of Nature,” * that which may
be named the most ancient of all geognostic events,—the con-
dition of general fluidity of a planet, and its earlier and pro-
gressive solidification.

We began our description of the great epoch of Galileo,
Kepler, Newton, and Leibnitz, with the discoveries in the
regions of space by means of the newly invented tele-
scope, and we now close it with the figure of the earth, as it
was then recognised from theoretical conclusions. “‘ Newton
was enabled to give an explanation of the system of the
universe, because he succeeded in discovering the force,t
from whose action the laws of Kepler necessarily result, and _
which most correspond with these phenomena since these.
laws corresponded to and predicted them.” The disco-
very of such a force, the existence of which Newton has
developed in his immortal work, the Principia, (which com-
prise the general sciences of nature) was almost simultaneous
with the opening of the new paths to greater mathematical

* Cosmos, p. 154. The dispute regarding priority as to the know-
ledge of the earth’s compression, in reference to a memoir read by Huy-
gens, in 1669, before the Paris Academy, was first cleared up by Delambre
in his Hist. de l Astr. mod. t. i. p. lii. and t. ii. p. 558. Richer’s return
to Europe occurred indeed in 1673, but his work was not printed until
1679; and as Huygens left Paris in 1682, he did not write the Addita-
mentum to the Memoir of 1669, the publication of which was very
late, until he had already before his eyes the results of Richer’s Pen-
dulum Experiments, and of Newton’s great work, Philosophie Natu-
ralis Principia Mathematica. :

+ Bessel, in Schwmacher’s Jahrbuch fiir 1843, 8. 32,

CELESTIAL SPACES. 737

discoveries. by means of the invention of the Infinitesimal
Calculus. Intellectual labour shows itself in all its exalted
grandeur, where, instead of requiring external material
means, it derives its light exclusively from the sources opened
to pure abstraction, by the mathematical development of
thought. There dwells an irresistible charm, venerated by
all antiquity, in the contemplation of mathematical truths,—
in the everlasting revelations of time and space, as they
reveal themselves in tones, numbers, and lines.* The im-
provement of an intellectual instrument of research—~analysis
—has powerfully accelerated the reciprocal fructification of
ideas, which is no less important than the rich abundance of
their creations. It has opened to the physical contemplation of
the universe new spheres of immeasurable extent, in the ter-
restrial and celestial regions of space, revealed both in the
periodic fluctuations of the ocean, and in the varying pertur-
bations of the planets. |

* Wilhelm yon Humboldt, Gesammelie Werke, Bd. i. 8, 11.

738

RETROSPECT OF THE EPOCHS THAT HAVE BEEN SUC-
SESSIVELY CONSIDERED.—INFLUENCE OF EXTERNAL
OCCURRENCES ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE RECOG-
NITION OF THE UNIVERSE AS ONE WHOLE.—MULTI-
PLICITY AND INTIMATE CONNECTION OF THE SCIEN-
TIFIC EFFORTS OF RECENT TIMES.—THE HISTORY OF
THE PHYSICAL SCIENCES BECOMES GRADUALLY ASSO-
CIATED WITH THE HISTORY OF THE COSMOS.

J approacn the termimation of my bold ‘and difficult under-
taking. Upwards of two thousand years have been passed in
review before us, from the early stages of civilisation amongst
the nations who dwelt around the basin of the Mediterranean
and the fruitful river valleys of Western Asia, to the begin-
ning of the last century, to a period, therefore, at which
general views and feelings were already beginning to blend
with those of our own age. I have endeavoured, in seven
sharply-defined sections, forming, as it were, a series of as
many separate pictures, to present a history of the physical
contemplation of the universe, or in other words, the history
of the gradual development of the knowledge of the universe
asa whole. To what extent success may have attended the
attempt to apprehend the mass of accumulated matter, to
seize on the character of the principal epochs, and to indicate
the paths on which ideas and civilisation have been advanced,
cannot be determined by him, who with a just mistrust of
his remaining powers, 1s alone conscious that the image of so
great an undertaking has been present to his mind im clear
though general outlines.

At the commencement of our consideration of the period of
the Arabs, and in beginning to describe the powerful influ-
ence exercised by the admixture of a foreign element in
European. civilisation, I indicated the limits beyond which
the history of the Cosmos coincides with that of the physical

sciences. According to my idea, the historical recognition of '

the gradual extension of natural science in the two spheres of
terrestrial and celestial knowledge (geography and astro-
nomy), is associated with certain periods and certain active

ee ee

GENERAL RETROSPECT. 789

intellectual events which impart a peculiar character and
colouring to those epochs. Such, for imstanee, were the
undertakings which led Europeans into the Euxine, and

itted them to conjecture the existence of another sea-
shore beyond the Phasis; the expeditions to tropical lands
rich in gold and incense; the passage through the Western
Straits, or the opening of that great maritime route on which
were discovered, at long intervals of time, Cerne and the
Hesperides, the northern tin and amber lands, the voleanic
islands of the Azores, and the New Continent of Columbus,
south of the ancient settlement of the Scandinavians. To
the consideration of the movements which emanated from the
basin of the Mediterranean, and the most northern part of
the neighbouring Arabian Gulf, and of the expeditions on the
Euxine and to Ophir, succeed, in my historical delineation,
the campaigns of the Macedonian conqueror, and his attempts
to fuse together the west and the east; the influence exer-
cised by Indian maritime trade and by the Alexandrian
Institute under the Ptolemies; the universal dominion of the
Romans under the Czesars; and, lastly, the taste evinced by
the Arabs for the study of nature and of natural forces,
especially with reference to astronomy, mathematics, and
practical chemistry, a taste that exercised so important and
beneficial an influence. According to my view, the series of
events which suddenly enlarged the sphere of ideas, excited
-a taste for the investigation of physicallaws, and animated the
efforts of men to arrive at the ultimate comprehension of the
universe as a whole, terminated with the acquisition of an
entire hemisphere which had till then lain concealed, and
which constituted the greatest geographical discovery ever
made. Since this period, as we have already remarked, the
human mind has brought forth great and noble fruits without
the incitement of external occurrences, and as the effect of
its own inherent power developed simultaneously in all
directions.

Amongst the instruments which man formed for himself,
like new organs -as it were, to heighten his powers of
sensuous perception, there was one which exercised an
influence similar to that of some great and sudden event.
By the power of penetrating space, possessed by the tele-
-seope, considerable portions of the heavens were almost at

3B2

740 COSMOS.

once explored, the number of known heavenly bodies was
increased, and attempts made to determine their forms and ©
orbits. Mankind now first attained to the possession of the
‘celestial sphere” of the Cosmos. Sufficient foundation for a
seventh section of the history of the contemplation of the
universe seemed to be afforded by the importance of the
acquisition of this celestial knowledge, and of the unity of the
efforts called forth by the use of the telescope. If we com-
pare another great invention, and one of recent date, the
voltaic pile, with the discovery of this optical instrument, and
reflect on the influence which it has exercised on the ingeni-
ous electro-chemical theory; on the production of the metals
of the earths and alkalies; and on the long-desired discovery
of electro-magnetism, we are brought to the consideration of
a series of phenomena called forth at will, and which, by
many different paths, lead to a profound knowledge of the
rule of natural forces, but which constitute rather a section in
the history of physical science than a direct portion of the
history of cosmical contemplation. It is this multiplied con-
nection between the various departments of modern know-
ledge that imparts such difficulty to the description and limi-
tation of its separate branches. We have very recently
seen that electro-magnetism, acting on the direction of the
polarised ray of light, produces modifications like chemical —
mixtures. Where, by the intellectual labours of the age, all
knowledge appears to be progressing, it is as dangerous to
attempt to describe the intellectual process, and to depict —
that which is constantly advancing as already at the goal of —
its efforts, as it is difficult, with the consciousness of one’s —
own deficiencies, to decide on the relative importance of the
meritorious efforts of the living and of the recently departed.
In the historical considerations I have almost everywhere
in describing the early germs of natural knowledge designated,
the degree of development to which it has attained in recent
times. The third and last portion of my work will, for the —
- better elucidation of the general picture of nature, set forth —

those results of observation on which the present condition of q |

scientific opinions is principally based. Much that, accord- —

ing to other views than mine, regarding the composition of a |

book of nature may have appeared wanting, will there find 7}
its place. Excited by the brilliant manifestation of new dis- |}

GENERAL RETROSPECT. 741

coveries, and nourishing hopes the fallacy of which often
continues long undetected, each age dreams that it has
approximated closely to the culminating point of the recog-
nition and comprehension of nature. I doubt whether, on
serious reflection, such a belief will tend to heighten the
enjoyment of the present. A more animating .<nviction, and
ene more consonant with the great destiny of cu race, is, that
the conquests already achieved constitute only a very incon-
siderable portion of those to which free humanity will attain
in future ages by the progress of mental activity and general
cultivation. Every acquisition, won by investigation, 1s
merely a step to the attainment of higher things in the event-
ful course of human affairs.

That which has especially favoured the progress of know-
ledge in the nineteenth century, and imparted to the age its
principal character, is the general and beneficial endeavour
not to limit our attention to that which has been recently
acquired, but to test strictly, by measure and weight, all
earlier acquisitions ; to separate certain knowledge from mere
conjectures founded on analogy, and thus to subject every
portion of knowledge, whether it be physical astronomy,
the study of terrestrial natural forces, geology, or archeology,
to the same strict method of criticism. The generalisation of
this course has, most especially, contributed to show, on each
occasion, the limits of the separate sciences, and to discover
the weakness of certain studies in which unfounded opinions
take the place of certain facts, and symbolical myths mani-
fest themselves under ancient semblances as grave theories.
Vagueness of language, and the transference of the nomen-
clature of one science to another, have led to erroneous views
and delusive analogies. The advance of zoology was long
endangered, from the belief that, in the lower classes of ani-
mals, all vital actions were attached to organs similarly
formed to those of the higher classes. The knowledge of the
history of the development of plants in the so-called Crypto-
gamic Cormophytes (mosses and liverworts, ferns, and lyco-
podiacez), or in tke still lower Thallophytes (alga, lichens,
and fungi), has been still more obscured by the supposed
general discovery of analogies with the sexual propagation
of the animal kingdom.* .

* Schleiden, Grundziige der wissenschaftlichen Botanik, th. i, 1845,

742. COSMOS.

If art may be said to dwell within the magic circle of the:.

imagination, the extension of knowledge, on the other hand,
especially depends on contact with the external world, and
this becomes more manifold and close in proportion with the.
inerease of general intercourse. The creation of new
’ (instruments of observation) increases. the intellectual and
not unfrequently the physical powers of man. More. rapid.
. than light the closed electric current conveys thought. and.
’ will to the remotest distance. Forces, whose silent operation.
’ in elementary nature, and in the delicate: cells of organic
tissues, still escape our senses, will, when recognised,.
employed, and awakened to higher activity, at some future:
time enter within the sphere of the endless: chain of means
which enable man. to subject to his control separate domains
of nature, and to approximate toa more animated recognition
of the Universe as a Whole.

s. 152, th. ii. s. 76; Kunth, Lehrbuch der Botantk, th. i. 1847, s. 91-100,
and 505.

INDEX TO VOL. I.

Azaris, the Magician, myth of his
— and ‘ guiding’ arrow,

Mbinrebian I. (Caliph), his promotion
of the study of botany, 588, 589.

Abeken, Rudolph, admirable work by,
* Cicero, in his Letters,’ 384.

Abelard, 622.

Abul Hassan Ali, of Morocco, an
Arabian astronomer, 585.

Abul Wefa, the Almagest of, 594.

Acosta, Joseph, ‘Natural and Moral
History of the Indies, 635, 642, 658,
665, 668.

Adriaansz, Jacob, his claim to the
discovery of the telescope discussed,
699—701.

Adrian (Emperor), 542; visit to his
various dominions, 549.

Adulis, inscription of, 660.

Blian, description of the Vale of
Tempe, 380; Natural History; 563.
f£olians, their mentai characteristics,

506

Africa, early colonisation of its northern
coast, 480—482; early circumnavi-
gation, 489; settlements of the Phe.
nicians, 405; earliest comparison of
the African races with the Arian
— and the Indian aborigines,
53

Agathodemon, 558.

Agesinax, hypothesis,of-the:marks on
the moon's disc, 561,

Albertus, Magnus, 396, 449, 450, 602,
615, 617; his scientific researches
and writings, 618; commendation
of, by Dante, 618, 619.

Albinovanus, Pedo, heroic poem on the
deeds of Germanicus, 388, 389.

Albiruni (Arabian mathematician),
History of India, by, 594.

Alexander the Great, magnitude of the
influence of his campaigns, 516,
517, 519, 520; their rapidity, 519;
unity and grandeur- of his polity,

518; diversity of the countries he

traversed, 520, 522; views respectin:
Alexandria and Babylon, 537.

Alexandria, its commercial greatness,
537; Alexandrian school of philoso-
phy, 482; its scientific characteris-
tics, 541; museum and libraries,,.
542, 543; myth of the burning of
its library, 582.

Alexander of Aphrodisias, on distilla-
tion of sea-water, 562, 589, 649,

Alexander VI. (Pope), his ‘line of de-
marcation,’ 655

Alhassen, Arabian geographer, 584,
591, 620. '

Alliacus, Cardinal, his ‘ Picture of the
World, 620, 621, 645.

Al-Mamun (Caliph), translation of
numerous works from the Greek,.
&e., 586, 587; measurement of a
degree, 594.

Alphabets, ancient, investigation of,

505.

Alphabetical writing, spread of, by the
Pheenicians, its powerful influence
on civilisation and higher results,
490, 491.

Amber coast, visited by the Pheeni-
cians, its probable locality, 492, 493 ;
amber trade, its origin and extension,
493, 494,

Amenemha IIT. formed Lake Meeris,
486

America, discovery of, its influence on
men’s imaginations, 420, 421, 635,
636; on the physical and mathe-
matical sciences, 569, 570, 612—
615, 650—680; accidental discovery
by the Northmen, 603; dates of its
discovery by the Spaniards and
Portuguese, 640—643; supposed
discovery by Madoc, 608--610; im-
portant results of trivial cireum-
stances in its discovery, 638, 639;
its discoverers and adventurers, Ame-
rigo Vespucci, 612—681; Balboa,
642—646, 648; Columbus, 636—
663; Cortez, 647, 648, 675; Gama,

[2]

639 ; accidents which led to the
naming of America, 676—681.

Anghiera, correspondence and writings
of, 422, 635, 636, 646, 660, 663—
665, 678.

Anglo-Saxon poem, on the names of
the Runes, 401.

Animal Epos (the German), its genuine
delight in nature, 401, 402.

Antar, early Bedouin poem, 415, 416.

Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius, his emn-
bassy to China, 554.

Apollouius Myndius, on comets, 533,

Apollonius, of Perga, 546, 696; simi-
larity of his ‘System of the World’
to that of Tycho Brahe, 693, 694.

Appianus, of Cilicia, poem on fishes,
563,

Apuleius, his conjectures on fossils,
557, 563.

Aquinas (St. Thomas), 618, 619.

Arabian Gulf, its geognostic pheno-
mena, 484, 485.

Arabs, their poetry, in relation to
nature, 415; its characteristics, 416;
influence of their invasions on the
advancement of the physical and
mathematical sciences, 569—600,
615—618; their incursions, com-
merce, &c., 572, 573; configuration
of Arabia and its natural productions,
573—575; their nomadic life. as
compared with that of the Scythians,
577, 578; intercourse with the Nes-
torians, 578, 579; their knowledge
of botany and the science of medi-
cine, 580—681; scientific qualifi-
cations, 583, 584; their geographers,
584—586 ; repugnance to anatomy,
586; valuable translations from
Greek, Syriac, Indian, &c., 586,
588; their botanists and school of
medicine, 587 ; chemistry and phar-
macy, 589—591; astronomy, 592—
596, 665 ; algebra, 596—599 ; general
results of their scientific researches,
600.

Arago, on the magnifying power of
Galileo's telescope, 683 ; true method
of writing the history of science,
702; treatise on changing or periodic
stars, 713; discovery of coloured
polarisation, 715, 716.

Archimerles, 546, 557 ; his ‘ Catoptrica’
. :

562

Argonautic expedition to Colchis, elu.
cidation of the myth, 508.

Aristarchus, of Samos, his correct

knowledge of the Earth's structure,
469; of astronomy, 544, 645; ac-
_ quaintance of Copernicus with his
* writings, 691—694.

Aristobulus, 520, 523. °

Aristotle, noble passage on the effect of
natural scenery, 38]; on Empedo-
cles, 383; on Ramses the Great, 488;
his idea of the proximity of India to
the Pillars of Hercules, 516; on the
advantages of political unity, 518,
519; his doctrines and expositions,
525; Dante on, 525; his ‘Historia
Animalium’ and ‘ Meteorologica,’
526—528, 560, 565; his zoological
specimens and collection of books,
528; anatomical dissection, 528,
529; his school and leading fol-
lowers, 529, 530; important results
of his teaching, 541, 543; on the
weight of the atmosphere, 562; Ara-
bic translations of, 586; letter of
the Emperor Frederick II. on, 586,
587; influence of his philosophy in
the middle ages, 616, 617 ; imperfect
ideas. on attraction, 690; inyentor
of retrograde spheres, 697.

Aryabhatta, Indian mathematician,
555.

Arystillus, early Alexandrian astrono-
mer, 544, 545,

Astrolabes, use of, in navigation, 630
—638.

Astronomy, knowledge of, by the Chal-
deans, 532—534; Greeks, 532, 533,
543—546; Arabs, 592—595; obser-
vations by the discoverers of Ame-
rica, 664—673; application of, to
navigation, 630—638, 669—674;
brilliant progress from the discovery
of the telescope, 681—687.

Augustus, his collection of fossils, 563.

Ausonius, descriptions of nature, in his
poem ‘ Mosella,’ 388,

Australia, discovery of, 649, 650,

Avicenna, Zoological History of, 587;
work on Materia Medica, 588.

Avienus Festus, writings of, 497,

Bacon, Lord, ‘ Instauratio Magna,’ 698;
conjectures on atmospheric currents,
723.

fees]

Bacon, Roger, 396, 602, 615, 617,
700; his scientific writings and their
influence on the extension of the
natural sciences, 619, 620.

Balboa, Vasco Nunez de, his naviga-
tion of the Pacific, 642—646, 648.
Banana (the), the ariena of Pliny, 524,

525.

Barometer, invention of, 722; hypso-
metrical uses, 723. .

Barros, Johannes, Portuguese histo-
rian, writings of, 614,649, 650, 670,
672.

Basil the Great, simple and beautiful
description of Nature in his letter to
Gregory of Nazianzum, 393—394;
his Hexameron, 3995.

Behaim, Martin, of Nurnberg, 613,
631, 645—616, 670.

Bembo, Cardinal, his tna Dialogus,
387, 420; Historie Venete, 420.
Berghaus, Professor, on the extent of

the Roman Empire, 548.

Beriguardi, Claudio, first observed the
pressure of the atmosphere at varying
altitudes, 722.

Bernaldez, Andres, MS. writings of,
641.

Bhatti-Kavya, Indian poem, 407.

Bles, Henry de, Flemish landscape
painter, 446.

Boccaccio, a reviver of the study of
classical literature, 622, 623.

Bockh, on the ‘ Adonis Gardens’ of the
ancients, 450; on the knowledge of
the Pythagoreans of the ‘ preces-
sion, 545.

Bodner, Carl, fidelity of his drawings
to nature, 451,

Boethius, Geometry of, 597.

Boiardo, smaller poems of, 419.

Boreas, meteorological myth of; 511.

Botanical knowledge of the Arabs,
581, 587; of the Mexicans, 652.

Brahmagupta, Indian mathematician,

Bishi and Brahminical districts,
534, 535.

Breughel, Jouann, his fruit and flower
pieces, 449,

Brewster, Sir David, on Kepler's me-.

thod of investigating truth, 710; im-
lew discovery of the connection

tween the angle of complete pola-
risation ana the index of refraction,

715; on the date of Newton's optical
discoveries, 716.

BreytenLach, Bernhard von, early tra-
veller, 434.

Bril, Matthew and Paul,
landscape painters, 446.

Brongniart, Alexander,
gical researches of, 733.

Bruchium, Library of, 542.

Bucolic poetry, its characteristics, 378.

Buffon, 431; deficiency of personal
observation in his writings, 431, 432.

Bunsen, Chevalier, note from his
‘ Egypt,’ 486.

Byron, Lord, his poetry, 433.

Flemish

palzontolo-

Cabot, Sebastian, voyages and disco-
veries of, 640—642, 657, 658.

Cabral, Alvarez, 614, 639.

Cabrillas Rodriguez, 602, 649.

Cesar, Julius, writings of, 388, 391,
558.

Calderon, dazzling descriptions of na-
ture, in his writings, 429.

Callimachus, gloomy descriptions of
Nature, in his ‘Hymn on Delos,’
377.

Callisthenes of Olynthus, 529, 530,
532.

Camoens, faithful individuality of na-
ture in his ‘ Lusiad, “and its inimi-
table description of physical pheno-
mena, 424—427,.

Canary Islands, regarded by Don
Fernando, son of Columbus, as the
Cassiterides, of the Carthagenians,
495; supposed ‘happy islands’ of
the ancients, 496; early notices of,
497.

Caravan trade, of the Pheenicians, 492,
493; of Western Asia, 536, 537;
Egypt, 538.

Cardanus Hieronymus, writings of,
636, 637.

Carthage, its geographical site, 481;
navigation, 405; greatness, 513,
See Pheenicians.

Carus, on the tone of mind, awakened
by landscape, 447.

Caspian Sea, 508, 509; Chinese expe-
dition to, 553.

Cassini, Dominicus, his observations
on Saturn’s ring, 706, 712; Zodiacal
light, 712. -

MDS

[ te]

Cassius, Mount, the probable ‘ amber
coast. of the Phcenicians, 492, 493.

—e heroic. ages, impulses of,
421.

Castor, Antonius, botanical gardens
of, 563.

Catlin, ow the language and descent of
the Indian tribe of the Tuscaroras,
609.

Caucasus, Grecian myths. respecting;
508.

Celto-Irish poems, 402.

Cervantes; his Don Quixote, and, Ga-
latea, 423, 427.

Choeremon; his. remarkable love. of
nature compared by Sir William
Jones, to that of the Indian poets,
380.

Chaldean. astronomers and mathema-
ticians, 532, 583, 644.

Charlemagne, Arabian presents: sent
to, 591.

Charles V., letter to Cortez, 647.

Chateaubriand, Auguste de, 431—434.

Chemistry, pneumatic, dawn of, 729—
731; chemical knowledge of the
Romans, 562, 563; of the Arabs,
§81, 582, 589.

Childrey, first. observed the. Zodiacal
light, 712

Chinese, their pleasure-gardens, and
passages from their writers on the
subject, 462—464; antiquity of their
chronology, 475, 476; warlike expe-
dition, to the Caspian, 553, Romam
embassy to China, 554, 555; early
use of the magnetic needle, 559,
628; of moveable types in printing,
623.

Chivalric poetry of the thirteenth cen-

, 400.

Christianity, results of its diffusion in
the expansion of the views of men,
in. their communion with nature,
392; its humanisation of nations,
567, 568.

Chrysostom, his. eloquent admiration of
nature, 396.

Cicero, on the golden flow of. Aristo-
tle’s eloquence, 381; his. keen sus-
ceptibility for the beauties of nature,
383, 384, 385;/ on the ennobling
results. of its contemplation, 566.

Cimento, Accademia del, scientific. re-
searches of, 72]—728.

Civilization, early centres of, 475, 476,
478, 484

Classical literature, why so termed,
548; influence of its revival on the
contemplation of nature, 622—624.

Claude, Lorraine, his landscapes, 447,
454.»

Claudian, quotation from, on the domi-
nion of the Romans, 567.

Coleus, of Samos, his,passage through
the. pillars of Hercules, into the:
Western Ocean, 514, 515, 517. .

Colchis, Argonautic expedition to, 508,

509.

Colebrooke, on the epochs of the In-
dian mathematicians, 555; on the
incense of Arabia, 574; Arabic
translation. of Diophantus, 596.

Colonna, Vittoria, her poems, 419.

Columbus, peculiar charm lent to. his,
delineations. of nature, 420; their
religious. sentiment, 420, 421; their.
beauty and_ simplicity, 422;_ his
acute and discriminating observation
of nature, 422, 423; his dream on
the shore of Veragua, 423; letter to
Queen Isabella, 435; on the land of
Ophir, 501; visit to Iceland, 611,
612; died in the belief that the
lands discovered in America were
portions of Eastern Asia, 612, 613,
611; made use of the writings of
Cardinal Alliacus, 623, 626; his
letter to Ferdinand and. I éabella, on
the coast of Veragua, 626; on his
knowledge of the log, 633; scientific
characteristics, 639, 640, 651; erro-
neous views on the extent of the. old
continent, 644, 645; heraldic bear-
ings bestowed on, 647: physical ob-
servations in his letter from Hayti,
October, 1498, 653, 654; discovery
of the magnetic line of no variation, -
654, 657 ; first deseribed the equa-
torial current, 662, 663; the Mar
de Sargasso, 663; on the inetbod of
taking a ship's reckoning, 671—673,

Compass, its discovery and employ-
ment; 62S. — 630; trausmission
throngh the Arabs to Europe from
the Chinese, 628—630.

Conquista, age of the, great events, it
embraced, 675.

Cina, implore which. ani-

ee)

Copernicus, 681; atness of his’
epoch, 683; his life and studies,

684, 685; grandeur of his viéws,
and boldness of his teaching, 686—
689’; his eloquent description of his

- system, 688, 689; knowledge of the
ideas of the ancients om the struc-
ture of the universe, 691, 692.

Cortenovis, Father Angelo, story re-
lated by, on the tomb of Lars Por-
sena, 503.

Cortez, on tag expeditions of, 647
—648, 6

poe ae ms la, map of the: world.
639, 642, 677.

Cosmas; Indicopleustes, 556, 557, 649.

Cosmos, its science and history diseri-
minated, 466, 468;

Coupvent and Dumoulin, on the height
of the Peak of Teneriffe, 498.

Covilham, Pedro de, and Alonso de
Pavya, embassy to Prester John,
627.

Creunse; om the ‘Adonis Gardens’ of
the:ancients, 450.

Crusades, slightness of their influence
on the min » 400, 401.

Ctesias, his account of an Indian
spring, 501;.0n the relations be-
tween lightning and conducting
metals, 503; om India, 519, 521,
523.

Ctesibus; hydraulic clock of, 544, 591.

Curtius, fine natural picture, in his
writings, 388, 389.

Cuss, Nicholas de, a German cardinal,
revived the doctrine: of the earth's
rotation on its axis, and translation
im space, 469.

Cuvier, his life-of Aristotle, 525—528 ;
on the: seientifie: merits of Frederick
IL., 618; paleontological researches,
733.

Cuyp, his landscapes, 447.

Dante, * southern stars; quotation, 371;
instanees.of his. sensibili
the charms of nature, 418, 419; no-
tices in his poetry—om Aristotle, 525 ;
om Albertus Magnus, 619; on the
magnetic needle, 629; on the con-
stellation of the southerm cross, 667,

. 668:
Darwin, Charles, vivid pictures: in» his
writings, 437.~ ;

- Delille, his: poems on nature, 437.

Dsehayadeva, Indian poet, his ‘ Gitae
govinda, 408.
Diaz, Bartholemew, his: discovery» of
the Cape of Good "Hop e, 627.
Dicwarchus, prmtemrts of, 516, 517,
544,

Dicuil, Trish monk, his work ‘ De -Men-
sura Orbis Terres, 608.

Diodorus, on the Gardens of Semi
ramis, 460, praise of the Btrus-
cans, 504,

Diophantus, the arithmeticiam and al-
gebraist, 551, 555, 596.

Dioscorides of Cibeiy botanical inves-
tigations of, 550, 562, 563, 574, 580,
581.

Distillation of a fluid, first mention of,
§28.

Dorians, their mental characteristies,
506; migrations, 512—514.

Drummond's incandescent’ lime-ball,
707, 708:

Dschebar, Arabian chemist, 580, 589.

Duran D. Augustin, his Romancero,
428.

Ebn-Junis, first employed a pendulum
to measure time, 591; his astrono-
mical observations, 594, 595.

Eckhout, his large pictures of tropical
productions, 451.

Eginhard, on the Arabian clock: sent
to Charlemagne, 591.

Egypt, its chronological data; 475,
485—490; civilization, 487—490;
monuments of its kings, 485, 486 ;
victories and distant expeditions of
Ramses Miamen, 486—488 ; Egyp-
tian navigation, 487—490; founda-
tion of a permanent forei
merce introduced With G Greek hired
troops, and its results, 489, 490, 501;
its greatness under ‘the Ptolemies,
536—546; intercourse with distant
countries, 538—540.

Ehrenberg, on the incense and myrrh
of Arabia, 574.

Elceano, Sebastian de, completed the
first circumnavigation of the globe
after the death of Magellan, 647,

Electrical science, gradual dawn» of,
725—728.

Elephants, African and Indian, 540
541; immense armies of 541.

{ ey

El Istachri, Arabian geographer, 584.

Elliptic movement of the planets, dis-
covery of, 795—799.

Elmo, St., fire of, 425.

Elysium, or ‘ Islands of the Blessed, of
the ancients, 496.

Empedocles, his poems ‘on Nature,’
375.

Encke, Professor, on the distance at
which eruptions of Etna are visible
498.

Encyclopedic, scientific works of the
Middle Ages, 620, 621.

Epochs, early comparisons of among
civilized nations, 475, 476.

Epochs, great, in the advancement of
human knowledge, 683, 698.

Equatorial current, first described by
Columbus, 662, 663.

Eratosthenes, 516, 518, 521, 556 on
the number of peninsulas in the Me-
diterranean, 482; his geographical
labours, 543, 544; conjecture of the
equal level of the whole external
sea, 543; measurement of degrees,
544; enlarged physical and geog-
nostic opinions, 543—545, 566.

Ercilla, Don Alonso de, his Epic
poem ‘Araucana, 427, 428, 642,
664.

‘Eric Upsi, first bishop of Greenland,
605

Etna, Mount, on the distance at which
its eruptions are visible, 498.

Etruscans, the, their inland traffic,
502; influence of their character on
Rome, and her political institutions,
502; their notice of the meteorolo-
gical processes of nature, 502—504.

Euclid, 546,

Eudoxus, his attempted circumnavi-
gation of Cyzicus, 489.

Euripides, picturesque descriptions of
nature in his writings, 377, 378;
prophecy in the chorus of his Medea,
549,

Eutocius, method of. See Numerals.

Everdingen, his landscapes, 447, 454.

Eyck, Hubert and Johann van, land-
scapes in their paintings, 445,

Fabricius, Johann, first observed the
solar spots, 706, 707.

Falero, Ruy, Portuguese astronomer,
672.

Faraday, investigations on dia-magnetic
substances, 718; discovery of the
evolution of light by magnetic force,
719, 727.

Ferdinandea, volcanic island of, 481,

Finnish Tribes, their poetry, in rela-
tion to nature, 411.

Firdusi, Persian poet, 409; myth of
the origin of the cypress in Paradise,
461.

Flemming, Paul, old German poet,
432—434,

Forster's ‘Delineations of the South
Sea Islands, its effect on the au-
thor’s mind, 372; his translation of
Sacontala, 405; his merits as a
writer, 436, 437.

Frederick I1. of Hohenstaufen, letter of,
to his universities, on the transla-
tion of Aristotle, 586, 587; inter-
course with Arabian and Spanish
literati, 588; curious piece of me-
chanism presented to him, 592; re-
searches in natural history, 618.

Freytag, remark on the Arabic poetry,
416

Fulgatores, the, of the Etruscans, 502

Galen, of Pergamus, his scientific re-
searches, 550, 563.

Galileo, 591, 700, 701; his telescopic
discoveries, 700—714; of the moun-
tains in the moon, 701, 702; satel-
lites of Jupiter, 702—704; ring of
Saturn, 706,707; solar spots, 706—
708; crescent shape of Venus, 708,
709; conjectures on nebule, 714;
his invention of the binocular teles-
cope, 705; thermoscopes, 721; on
the origin of the trade winds, 723.

Galle, Dr., on the constellation of the
Southern Cross, 669.

Gardens, pleasure derived from, 462—
463; arrangement, 463, 464; extent
and character of the Chinese gar-
dens, 462, 463; Roman, 563.

Gassendi, on Copernicus, 684, 693;
on the similarity of the systems of
Apollonius of Perga and Tycho
Brahe, 693, 694.

Gauss, Frederick, 720.

Geography, as blended with national
myths, 482, 483,

Geographies, maps and charts of the

a

ancients and the writers of the mid-
dle ages,—Universal Geography of
Eratosthenes, 543—545; ‘ Map of
the World’ of Hipparchus, 545;
Geographies,—of Strabo, 555—558 ;
of Claudius Ptolemens, 558—562;
of El Istachri and Alhassen, 584,
585; of Dicuil, 608; of Albertus
Magnus, 618; Picture of the World
of Cardinal Alliaco, 620, 621; Plani-
spherium of Sanuto, 627, 628; Sea-
chart of Paolo Toscanelli, 637, 638 ;
Map of the World by Juan de la
Cosa, 639; World-apple of Martin
Behaim, 645, 646 ; Hydrography of
Joh. Rotz, 649; Variation chart of
Santa Cruz, 658.

Gérard, his illustrations to the ‘ Lusiad’
of Camoens, 426.

Germanic nations, their poetry, 397—
400; love of nature in the Minne-
singers, 399, 400; their ‘ Animal
Epos,’ its genuine delight in nature,
401, 402.

Gibbon, his estimate of the extent of
the Roman empire, 548; on the
nomadic life of the Arabs as com-
pared with that of the Scythians,
577, 578.

Gilbert, William, of Colchester, on the
compass, 656, 658; magnetic dis-
coveries, 717, 718; observations on
electricity, 725—727.

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 662, 663.

Giorgione, 446.

Gobar (Arabian ‘ dust writing’), 598.

Goethe, his fine distichs on the appear-
ance of Forster's translation of the
Sacontala, 405; profound veneration
for Nature in his works, 439.

Gold-sand, region of, in Northern Asia,
its locality, 511, 512.

Goldstacker, Herr Theodor, MS.
Notes on Indian Literature, 406—
408.

Gravitation, general discovery of, 690,
691.

Greece, peculiar charm of its scenery,
376, 506; heightened by its deeply
indented shore line, 377, 506.

Greeks, infrequency of a poetic treat-
ment of nature in their writings, 373,
374; mythical treatment of the
vegetable world, 377; decay of the
true Hellenic poetry in the time of

Alexander, 878; deep feeling for
nature in the Greek anthology, 379;
Greek prose writers, 380, 381;
Greek fathers, descriptions of Na-
ture in their writings, 393—396;
landscape painting, 440—444 ; Greek
language, its magical power over
all kindred and foreign nations, 471 ;
their voyages of discovery, 481;
intercourse with Egypt, 489, 490,
506; mental characteristics of the
Greek races,506; their early maritime
expeditions, 481, 506, 507; elucida-
tion of the myths of the Argonautic
expedition, Prometheus, Io, and
others, 508—511; colonies, 612—
515; mental and artistical cultiva-
tion, 513, 514; important results of
the campaigns of Alexander, 617—
535, 560; celebrated scientific wri-
ters, 550, 551; revival of the study
of Greek literature in the middle
ages, 622, 623.

Gregory of Nazianzum, letter of Basil
the Great to, 393, 394; his beauti-
ful poem ‘On the nature of Man,’
395.

Gregory of Nyssa, plaintive expressions
regarding nature in his writings,
395.

Greenland, first colonisation of, 608,
604—606.

Grimm, Wilhelm, on the Minne.
singers, 399, 400.

Gudrun, old German epos, 399.

Guerike, Otto von, discoverer ofthe
air-pump, 727.

Guillen, Felipi, constructed the first
variation-compass, 658, 672. .

Gunpowder, its invention discussed
590, 591.

Hafiz, Persian poet, 410.

Haller, his local descriptions, 434,

Halley, Edmund, theory of four mag:
netic poles, 719; on the northerr
lights, 719; atmospheric currents,
724,

ge ge sculptural inscriptions of,
4

Happy Islands, of the ancients, 496.

Haroun Al-Raschid, curious clock, pre«
sented by, to the Emperor Frederick
II., 591, 592,

Harriott, Thomas, observations by, of

Le 3

the: satellites of Jupiter, 703; on the
solar spots, 707.

Heat, «gradual imvestigations of its
phenomena, 721—725.

‘Hebrews, profound feeling for nature
in their:most ancient poetry, 373, 411
-—415 ; its special at'raction for the
nations of the West. 412; its charac-
‘teristics, 412; 1ts bold ‘and faithful
‘descriptions, 412—413,

Hedschaz, Arabian tribe.af, 572, 577.

Heeren, on the circummsrigation of
Libya, 488; on Madeira, 497; on
Ophir, 500; writings of Ctesias,

621;-extent of the Roman-empire, |

48,
Hellenic. See Greece, Greeks.
Helmont, Johann Baptiste von, one of

the founders of pneumatic chemistry, —

728, 729.

Heraclide,their return into Péloponze-

sus, 512.

Herculaneum, Pompeii, and Stabie,
landscape paintings discovered at,
442, 443.

Hernandez, physician to Philip IL.,
652.

Herodotus, account of ancient paint-
tings, 441; delight taken by Xerxes
in the great plane-tree of Lydia, 461;
his notices of the memorial pillars of
the victories of Ramses Miamen,
A86—489; notices on the cireum-
navigation of Lydia, 489; of the
expeditions and conquests of Ramses
Miamen, 486—4S88; regarded Scy-
thian Asia as a portion of Europe,
505; myth of Aristeas, 507; accu-
rate knowledge of the configuration
of ‘the Caspian Sea, 509, 560; his
description of the Indian races, 530 ;
canal completed by Darius Hys-
taspes, 539.

Herschel, Sir William, his discovery
of the two innermost ‘satellites of
Saturn, 712.

Hesiod, his ‘ Works and Days, 374;
doctrine of four ages of the world,
621.

Hicetas of Syracuse, his knowledge of
the earth’s rvtation on its axis, 469.
imerius, the Sophist, Eelogues -of,
379.

Hippalus, 539.

Hipparchus, his isthmus-hypothesis,

489, 645, 644; the originator of
astronomical tables, and the disco-
verer of the precession of the equi-
noxes, 545, 555.

Hiram, ruler of T'yre, 499, 500,

Hirt, on the origin of the French style
of gardening, 390.

Historical events which have extended
the horizon of the physical contem-
plation of the universe, 470.

Hiuen-thsang, early Chinese traveller,
512, 625.

‘Hiungnu (a Turkish race), migrations

of, 554, 571.
Hobbima, landscapes of, 447.
Hoces, Francisco de, discovery of Cape
Horn, 642.
Hoftmeister, Dr., girth of the trunk of
the Cedrus deodvara, 534.
Hogeda, Alonso de, 614, 660, 677, 679.
Homer ‘and the Homeric songs, their
beautiful and sublime deseriptions
of nature, 375, 376, 399—400.
Hooke, Robert, 691, 715 ; correct views
on the rotation of the earth, 723—
724; observed the existence of ni-
trous particles in the air, 730.
Humboldt, Alexander von, works ‘by,
quoted in various notes :—
Ansichten der Natur, 454.
Asie Centrale, 482, 501, 506, 508

—511, 517, 522—523, 526, 534, |

537, 544, 556, 559,.578, 584—
585, 604, 625, 660.

De _ distributione Geographica
Plantarum, 523, 524.

Essai Geognostique, sur le Gise-
ment des Roches, 732.

— Politique, sur la Nouvelle
Espagne, 524, 648—649, 658.

Examen Critique de l’'Histoire de
la Géographie, 450, 480, 483,
489, 497, 499, 501, 516, 528,
531, 544, 556, 560, 562, 585,
590, 597, 601, 608—612, 619,
621, 627, 631, 637, 639, 640
—647, 658,655, 659, 660—663,
665—668, 672, 677, 678, 680.

Recueil d'Observations Astrono-
miques, 550.

Rélation Historique du Voyage
aux Régions équinmoxiales, 371,
480, 493, 498, 524, 609, 640,
668, 718, 723.

Vues des Cordilléres, 125.

ee Le ll

(9

Humboldt, Wilhelm von, ‘comparison
of the works of Lucretius, with an
Indian epic, 383; the sky in the
‘landscape compared in its effect to
the charm of the chorus in the Greek
“tragedy, 459; irresistible charm of
mathematical studies, 737.

Huygens, first explained the phenom-
ena of Saturn's ring, 706, 712; on
the nebule im ‘the sword of Orion,
713; his researches on light, 715—
717.

Hygrometers, invention of, 725.

Hyksos, ‘the, their Semitic origin and
migration, 576, 577.

‘Hyperboreans, ‘the,
myth of, 510, 511.

meteorological

‘Tbn-Baithar, Arabian*botanist, 587.

Iceland, its discovery and colonization
‘by the Northmen, 603, 604; its early
free constitution and literature, 610.

‘ischan Holagu, observatory founded
by, 595.

Incense ‘of Arabia, researches on the,
“673, 574.

Ondia, expedition of Alexander to, and
its important results on physical and
geographical science, 517—523.

fudians, profound ‘feeling of nature in
“their most ancient poetry, 373, 460;
“itsinfluence on the imagination of the
‘Bast Arian nations, 897, 402—405 ;
its characteristics, 406—408 ; their
“knowledge ‘of landscape painting,
442; numerical system, 535, 597—
‘598; their chemistry, 590; planetary
‘tables, 593, 594; algebra, 596—599.

Inductive reasoning, 546.

Infinitesimal Calculus, results of its in-
‘vention, 787.

Ingolf, his colonisation of Iceland, 607,
611.

Tonians, ‘their mental characteristics,

Trish, conjectures on their early dis-
covery of America, 607—610.

Isabella, Queen, letters ‘to Columbus,
‘651, 671, 672.

Isaiah, quotation ‘from his prophecies,
‘575.

Islands of the Blessed, myth of the an-
‘cients, 496.

Italian poetry, as descriptive of nature,
“#1 S—420.

Ivory, commerce in, 540, 541.

Jansen, Zacharias, optical instruments
invented by, 699—701.

Job, book of, its impressive descriptions
of the yatural scenery of the East,
414,415.

John of Salisbury, 622.

Jupiter, controversy on the discovery
of his satellites,.and marked influence
of the discovery on the extension
of the Copernican system, 702—704.

‘Kalidasa, Indian poet, 404—408; his
Saknntala, 404,405, 442; Vikrama
and Urvasi,,405, 408; The Seasons,
405,408, 430 ; Messenger of Clouds,
405, 408,

Kepler, his eulogium on ‘Copernicus,
687; ideas on gravitation, 691;
great discovery of the elliptic mo-
tion of the ‘planets round the ‘sun,
695--699; astronomical writings,
‘698, 699; on the Papal prohibition
of the Copernican system, 704; his
great mental and scientific charac-
teristics, 709, 710; on comets and
fixed stars, 710—712; Brewster,
Chasles, and Laplace, on his writings
and theories, 710.

Kien-Long, Chinese Emperor, de-
scriptive poem by, 463, 464.

Kirghis Steppe, its extent and popula-
tion, 578.

Klaproth, his researches on the Indo-
Germanic races, 554; letter to
Humboldt on the invention of the
compass, 629.

‘Klopstock, 433.

‘Lagides, the. ‘See Ptolemies.

Lambrecht, his "Song of Alexander
403.

Landscape painting. See Painting.

Languages, their value and importance
in the history of the physical con-
templation of the ‘universe, 470—
473.

Laplace, on Kepler’s theory of the
measurement of casks, 710; on the
zodiacal light, 712.

Las Casas, Burthvlomew de, 637, 638,
679, 680.

Lassen, author's correspondence with
on the ariena of Pliny, 524; on 'the

[ 10 ]

black Asiatic races, 531; on the in-
cense of Arabia, 574.

Leibnitz, character of his Protogea,
734, 735.

Leif, his diseovery of America, 603,

Lepsius, his chronological data for
Egvpt, 475, 486; on the monuments
of the distant expeditions of Ramses
Miamen, 487; on the Semitic writ-
ten characters, 491.

Letronne, on the Greek Zodiac, 533,
534; on the canal of the Red Sea,
540; on the epoch of Diophantus,
551; on the early discoveries of the
Trish, 608.

Leignitz, Mongolian battle at, 571,
624.

Lieu-tscheu, ancient Chinese writer,
on the pleasure felt in the possession
of gardens, 462, 463.

Light, gradual discovery of its’ pheno-
mena, 715—717.

Lippershey, Hans, his claims to the
discovery of the telescope discussed,
699—701.

Lister, early researches by, in paleon-
tology, 733.

Livy, writings of, 388.

Log, use of in navigation, and date of
its introduction, 631—634.

Longinus, 531.

Longus, his pastoral romance, ‘ Daphnis
et Chloe,’ 880.

Lénnrott, Elias, collection of Finnish
songs, 411.

Lucan, vivid description of nature in
his works, 387.

Lucius the younger, his didactic poem
of Aitna, 387.

Lucretius, his great poem, ‘De Na-
turd, 382, 383, 425.

Ludius, ancient Roman painter, 442.

Luis, Fray de Leon, description of
night, 429.

Tully, Raymond, scientific acquire-
ments of, 629, 630.

Lusiad, of Camoens, its truth to nature,
424427,

Macedo, J. J. da Costa de, work on the
discovery of the Canaries, 497.

Macedonians, inflnence of their cam-
paigns under Alexander the Great,
617, 518, 560.

Macpherson’s Ossian, 402.

Madeira, supposed notice of in Plu-
tarch, 497.

Madoc, western voyage of, 608, 609
610.

Magellan, navigation and discoveries
of, in the Pacific, 646, 647.

Magellanic clouds, first notices of, 665,
666, 714, .

Magnetism, observations and disco-
veries in the middle ages—of Colum.
bus, 654—657; Cabot, 657, 658;
Gassendi, 658; Robert Norman,
688,718; modern researenes,—Wil-
liam Gilbert's, 717, 718; Arago,
718; Faraday, 718,719; Edmund
Halley, 719; Frederick Gauss, 720,
Antarctic expeditions, 719, 720.

Mahabharata, Indian heroic poem,
404, 406, 407, 511, 521.

Malus, discovery of polarisation by,
715, 727.

Mandeville, John, his travels, 434;
their characteristics, 625.

Manetho, Egyptian dynasty of, 486.

Marco Polo, his travels and admirable
narrative, 624—626; early editions
of, and whether known to Columbus,
626.

Marinus Sanuto, writings of 627, 628.

Marinus of Tyre, his isthmus hypo-
thesis, 489, 643; myth on. the
Indian Ocean, 561; on the breadth
of the old continent, 645.

Marius, Simon, on the invention of the
telescope, 700, 701; discovered the
moons of Jupiter simultaneously with
Galileo, 702, 703; nebula in An-
dromeda, 714.

Martel, Charles, on the results of his
victory over the Moslems at Tours,
571.

Masudi, Arabian historian, account of
the remains of a ship of the Red Sea,
489,

Materia Medica, Hindoo and Arabic
knowledge of, 581.

Mathematicians, Grecian, 529, 530,
543—546; Babylonian, 533; Indian
535, 596, 597; Arabic, 596; of the
middle ages, 619, 620, 630, 661;
modern, 683—737.

Mayow, on the influence of nitrous
particles in the air, 730.

Mediterranean, its geographical posi-

— Ee

Citat J

tion and configuration, 480; > its
triple construction, 481, 482.
Megasthenes, 520; his descriptive ac-
curacy, 521; embassies, 635.
Meleager, of Gadara, his: Idyl, ‘on
Spring,’ 379.
Menander, the rhetorician, his severe

criticism on the poems of Empe- .

docles, 382, 383.

Messina, Antonio di, transplanted the
predilection for landscape painting to
Venice, 445.

Microscope, its discqgvery and scientific
results, 166, 167, 699, 700.

Migration, direction of its early im-
pulses, 554, 571.

Miletus, 513.

Milton, character of the descriptions of
nature in his ‘ Paradise Lost,’ 430.
Minnesingers, love of nature as ex-
pressed in their poetry, 398—400.
Minucius, Felix, early Christian writer

on nature, 392, 393.

Missals, landscape illustrations in, 444,

Mohammed, 576, 579.

Mohammed Ben-Musa, his compen-
dium of Algebra, 596.

Mongolians, battle at Leignitz, 571,
624; Buddhism, 572.

Monsoons, known to the companions
of Alexander, 538, 539.

Monsoon, Indian, causes of, 485.

Mosaics, Byzantine, 444.

Miiller, Johannes. See Regiomonta-

nus.

Miiller, Otfried, on the characteristics
of the landscape paintings of the an-
cients, 443; on the myth of the de-
struction of Lyktonia, 482; on na-
tional myths blended with history
and geography, 483; date of the
Doric immigration into the Pelopon-
nesus, 486.

Museum of Alexandria, 542, 543.

Naddod, his discovery of Iceland, 603
— 604,

Nature, incitements to the study of,
370; inducements, three different
kinds, 38, 370, 371; i. Poetical de-

scriptions of nature, 372—439; ii. -

Landscape painting, 440—457, 459;

iii. Cultivation of tropical plants,

458—465; powerful effect in after

years of striking impressions iw
VOL. II.

childhood, 371; an increased impulse
lent to the study of nature, by the
discoyery of America, 420, 421;
modern descriptive and landscape
poetry, 437, 438.

Nautical astronomy, 630—638, 669—
680.

Nearchus, 520, 588,

Neku, commenced the canal of the
Red Sea, 539.

Neophytos, numeral characters of, 598.

Nestorians, their intercourse with the
Arabs and Persians, and its results,
578, 579.

Newton, Sir Isaac, his invention of
the mirror sextant, 671; discovery
of the law of gravitation, 695, 698,
714, 735, 736; experiments on the
velocity of light, 716, 717; early
electrical experiment, 727.

Niebelungen, absence of any descrip-
tion of natural scenery in, 399.

Nominalists, school of, in the Middle
Ages, 617.

Nonnus, his Dionysiaca, 378, 379.

Norman, Robert, his invention of the
dipping needle, 658, 718.

North, nations of, their love of nature,
397

Northmen, dates of their discovery and
colonization of America, Greenland,
and Iceland, 603—605.

Numerals, Indian, 535; spread of,
597—599; early methods of ex-
pressing the multiplier of the funda-
mental groups, 597, 598; ‘Suanpan,’
‘Method of Eutocius, ‘ Gobar,’ Ara-
bian ‘dust writing,’ characters of
Neophytos, 597—599.

Oceanic discoveries, 601—680.

Omar, Caliph, his religious toleration,
573. ‘

Onesicritus, on the Indian fig-tree,
521; on the Indian races, 530.

Ophir, conjecture on its locality, 499—
501; its exports, 500.

Optical instruments, dates of their dis
covery, 699—701; optical experi-
ments of Claudius Ptolemeus, 550—
551, 561, 562.

Osiander Andreas, his preface to the
writings of Copernicus, 686, 687.
Ossian, and the Celte-Irish poems, 402
Ovid, his vivid pictures of nature, 386,

30

[ 12 ]

Oxygen and its properties, first notices
of, 730, 731.

Pacific, discovery and navigation of,
642—650; its results on the exten-
sion of cosmical kmowledge, 643,
644,

Painting, Landseape, its influence on
the study of nature, 440—457;
early paintings of the Greeks, 441,
442; of the Romans, 442—444;
of the Indians, 442; paintings found
at Herculaneum, Pompeii, Stabie,
443'; missals and mosaics of By-
zantine art, 444; Flemish school
of the Van Eycks, 445; Venetian

_ and Bolognese schools, 446, 447;
Claude and the Landscape painters,
447, 448; early paintings of tropical
scenery, 449—451; advantages of-
fered to the artist by the landscapes
and vegetation of the tropics, 451—
453; panoramas, dioramas, and neo-
ramas, their scenic effect, 456, 457.

Paleontological science, dawn of, 731
—734.

Panoramas, more productive of effect
than scenic decorations, 457; sug-
gestions for their increase, 457.

Pantschab, Chinese expedition under,
to the shores of the Caspian, 553.

Parks of the Persian kings, 461, 462.

Pastoral romances, their defects, 428.

Pendulum, earliest use as a time mea-
surer, 591; modern, 735.

Persia, extension of its rule, 505, 506.

Persians, their poetry in relation to
nature, 397, 398, 402, 403, 406—
410, 460—462; its characteristics,
409; the four paradises celebrated
by the Persian Poets, 409; parks of

_ the Persian kings, 460.

Petrarch, his sonnet ‘on the death of

Laura,’ 419; revival of the study of ©

classical literature, 622, 623.
Pheenicians, their position among the
non-Hellenic civilized nations, on
the shores of the Mediterranean,
their colonies, commerce, and navi-
gation, 480—502; use of weights
and measures, and metallic coinage,
490; of alphabetical writing, 490,
491; extent of their navigation and
_ caravan trade, 492,493,499; amber
” trade, 498—495,

Pharmacy, chemical, first created by
the Arabs, 581.

Philostratus, his mention of ancien
paintings, 441.

Pigafetta, Antonio, nautical works. of
631—634, 664, 665, 668, 671.

—_ his descriptions of nature

6.

Pinturicchio, landscapes of, 445, 446,

Pinzon, Martin Alonzo, his disputes
with Columbus, 633, 638, 639.

Plato, character of his descriptions of
nature, 381—384; on landscape
painting, 441; limits of the Medi-
terranean, 480; value of his doc-
trines in the dark ages, 542, 543;
misconceived dogmas, 615, 616; his
ideas on attraction, 690, 691; on
the structure of the universe, 695.

Playfair, 431.

Pliny, the elder, his great work on
Nature, 389; its arrangement and
style, 563—566; on the locality of
the amber islands, 493; his descrip-
tion of the ariena (banana) of India
§24; on the benefits of civilization,
562, 553.

Pliny, the younger, descriptions of na-
ture in his letters, 385, 390, 391;
on the ‘History of Nature, by his
uncle, 565.

Plutarch, notice of two Atlantic islands,
in his works, supposed to be Porto
Santo and Madeira, 497; on the
marks on the moon's disc, 561;
work on ‘The Opinions of Philo-
sophers,’ 692.

Poetry, modern, descriptive, and land-
scape, its defects, 437—439.

Polarisation of light, discovery of, 716..

Polybius, on the number of peninsulas
in the Mediterranean, 482; ‘on Af-
rican and Indian elephants, 540,
641.

Polygnotus, paintings of, 441.

Porsena, Lars, tradition on his tomb
503

Porto Santo, 497, 498. See Plutarch.

Portuguese heroic ages, impulses of,
421; faithful individuality of na-
ture in their great epic poet, Ca-
moens, 424, 427.

Posidonius, his comparison of the tides
with the moon’s supposed influence,
517.

pares

L ae sD

Post, Franz, his paintings of South
American landscapes, 449, 450.

Poussin, Gaspard and Nicholas, their
landscapes, 447, 454.

Printing, invention of, 623.

Prometheus, myth of, 508.

Psalms, the, their sublime poetic feel-
ing for nature, 411, 413, 414.

Ptolemeus, Claudiys, on the locality
of Sapphara, 499, 500; influence of
his Universal Geography, its merits
and defects, 558—560; researches
on optical refraction, 550, 551, 561,
562; geographical and mathematical
knowledge, 550, 551, 555; on the
configuration of the Caspian, 560,
561.

Ptolemies, the, important result of their
rule in Egypt, 536—546; their in-
tercourse with distant countries, 538
—540; scientific expeditions, 540,
541; peculiar character of the Pto-
lemaic period, 541; accessions to
general knowledge, 543; to astrono-
mical knowledge, 544—546; ma-
thematical investigations, 546.

Ptolemy, Philadelphus, his restoration
of the canal of Darius Hystaspes,
539; scientific researches, 540, 541.

Punic, see Carthage, Phcenicians;
Punic work on agriculture, 553.

Pythagoreans, their views on the struc-
ture of the universe, 469; on the
motion of the planets, 695—697,

Quatremére, Etienne, on the circum-
navigation of Libya, 489; on the
locality of Ophir, 500.

Quinsay, Chinese city, as described by
Rubruquis, 624; erroneous views of
Columbus on its geographical lo-
cality, 644, 645.

Rachias, his embassy from Ceylon to
Rome, 554,

Rafn, Christian, American antiquities
of, 603, 606, 607.

Ramayana, Indian heroic poem, 404,
406, 407.

Ramses Miamen, King of Egypt, his
expeditions, victories, and achieve-
ments, 486, 487, 539. :

Razes, Arabian Chemist, 589.

a schoo] of, in the middle ages,

Red Sea, canal of, early attempts at its
construction, 539.

Regiomontanus (Johann. Miiller), 630,
644, 685; on the anatomical dissec-
tions of Aristotle, 529; on the drawings
of petrifactions by Scilla, 733; me-
teoroscope of, 631; astronomical
ephemerides, 671.

Reisch, Gregory, Margarita Philoso-
phica, 621, 676, 677.

Remusat, Abel, researches on the
Indo-Germanic races, 554.

Renaud, his researches on the inter-
course of the Arabs and Persians
with India, 583, 584.

Reubens, truth and vividness of his
landscapes, 448,

Rey, Jean, one of the founders of
pneumatic chemistry, 728; experi-
ments by, 729

Rhakotis, library of, 542.

Ritter, Carl, his monograph on incense,
574,

Romans, the, rarity of their poetic de-
scriptions of nature, 382; their
landscape paintings, 442—444; in-
fluence of their universal dominion,
547—568; extent of their empire
and its diversity, 548, 549; their
expeditions and statistical labours,
549; (on the superior scientific
knowledge of the Hellenic races,
550, 551;) causes of the rise and fall
of their universal sway, 551, 552;
embassy to China, 554, 555; use of
way measurers in their navigation,
631, 632.

Romer, Olaus, discovery of the mea-
surable velocity of light, 716.

Rosen, Friedrich, translated the Algebra
of Mohammed Ben-Musa, 596.

Ross, Sir James Clark, Antarctic ex-
pedition of, 720. .

Ross, Ludwig,,on the early intercourse
between Greece and Egypt, 490.

Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 431, 432.

Riickert, his translations from Eastern
literature, 408, 416.

Rufus, of Ephesus, early anatomist,
563.

Ruisbrock (Rubruquis), travels of, and
results of his narrative, 624, 626,
640.

Rumohr, Baron von, description of an
early Psalter, 444; on conical forms

302

L

of mountains in early Italian land-

seapes, 445, 446.

Ruth, book of, its naive simplicity,
Ald,

Ruysdael, his landscapes, 447, 454.

Sadi, Persian Poet, 410.

Ste. Croix, 519.

St. Pierre, Bernardin de, 400, 431,
432; inimitable truth to nature of
his writings, 433.

Sanctorius, 591.

Sanscrit language, its
with the Greek, 472.

Santa Cruz, Alonzo de, his general
variation chart, 658; proposals for
determining longitudes, 672.

Saturn, gradual discovery of its ring,
705, 706; Kepler's conjectures, 711;
discovery of its satellites, 712.

Scheiner, Christopher, his observations
on the solar spots, 706—708.

Schiller, on the rarity of descriptions of
nature in the poetry of Greece, 372,
373.

‘ Schiltberger, Hans, of Munich, early

traveller, 434.
‘Schlegel, August Wilhelm von, 519,
5

intermixture

Schéner, Johann, of Nuremberg, ca-
lumnies on Amerigo Vespucci, 676,
680; superintended the publication
of the writings of Columbus, 686,
687.

Scilla, drawings by, of the petrifactions
of Calabria and Malta, 733.

Scotus, Nicolaus, 602.

Scylax, of Karyanda, explored the
course of the Indus, 506.

Scythians, the, investigations on their
relationship to the Goths, 510.

Sédillot, M., on the astronomical in-
struments of the Arabians, 585, 594
—595, 630.

See-ma-kuang (early Chinese states-
man), his poem of ‘the Garden,’ 464.

Seleucide, 536.

Seleucus of Babylon, his correct know-
ledge of the earth's structure, 469,
691; of astronomy, 544, 545.

Seleucus Nicator, 535, 537.

Seneca, Etruscan Augur-theory, 503;
narrow confines of the earth, 516.

Sévigné, Madame de, letters of, 432.

1 94 4

Sextus Empiricus, 550

Shakspeare, powerful descriptions of
natural scenery in his writings, 430.

Sidonians, their commerce, knowledge
of astronomy, arithmetic, and nayi-
gation, 492. See Phenicians,

Silins, Italicus, scenery of the Alps
and Italy, 391.

Simplicius, on the date of Babylonian
astronomical notices, 476.

Sismondi, on Camoens, 426; Ercilla,
428,

Solis, Juan Diaz de, discovery of the
Rio de Ja Plata, 646,

Solomon, route of his maritime ex
ditions, 499, 500. ,

Sophocles, beautiful descriptions of '

nature, in his ‘(£dipus Colones,
377, 462.

Sousa, Martin Alfonso de, botanic
garden at Bombay, 653.

Southern Cross, constellation of, early
notices, 666—669.

Spanish writers of the 16th century,
characteristics of, 684—640,

Staunton, Sir George, description of
the imperial garden of Zhehol, 463.

Steno, on the substances contained in
rocks, 732.

Strabo, on the Mediterranean coast
line, 48], 482; on Ramses the
Great, 488; on the circumnavigation
of Libya, 489; on the Sidonians,
492; on the Tyrian cities of the
North-west Coast of Africa, 405;
Pheenician commercial settlements in
the Persian Gulf, 499; on the Tur-
duli and Turdetani, 504, 505; con-
jecture of undiscovered lands in the
Northern hemisphere, 516; on the
passage of Alexander's army across
the mountainons district of the Pa-
ropanisade, 522; his great work on
Geography, 555—558; supposed
existence of another continent be-
tween the west of Europe and Asia,
556, 557, 645.

Sturm, Johann Christian, discoverer of
the differential thermometer, 724.
Suanpan, Mogul reckoning machine,

597

Syracuse, 513

Tacitus, descriptions of nature in his

os ne

ee

writings, 388 ; acquaintance with the
glessum of the shores of the Baltic,
494; discrimination of humam races,
558.

Tasso, his ‘ Jerusalem Liberated, 424;
stanza on the discovery of America,
613.

Teneriffe, volcano of, 498.

Telescope, results of its invention, 681
—683, 739, 740; date of its accidental
discovery discussed, 699—701.

Theocritus, his idyls, 378.

Theophrastes, 550, 563.

Thermometers, invention of, 721—723.

Thomson, his ‘ Seasons, 430.

Tibullus, his ‘ Lustration of the Fields,
386, 387.

Tieck, Ludwig, quotation from, on
Calderon, 429; on Shakspeare, 430.

Timochares, early Alexandrian astro-
nomer, 544, 545.

Tin, early commerce for, 492, 493.

Titian, landscapes in his pictures, 446.

Toledo, astronomical congress of, 595.

Torricelli, his invention of the baro-
meter, 722.

Toscanelli, letters of, 621, 626; sea-
chart, 637, 638; scientific acquire-
ments, 644,

Travels and travellers of the middle
ages, 434, 435, 624—628, 634, 635;
character of their narratives com-
pared with those of modern times,
435, 436.

Tropics, luxuriant beauty of the land-
scapes, 455; cultivation of exotic
plants, 458—465 ; paintings of tropi-
cal scenery, 449—451; why more
accurate and beautiful paintings
may be anticipated, 458; associations
connected with descriptions of tropi-
cal scenery, 458.

Troy, data of its destruction, 476.
Tscheu-kung, early measurement of the
length of the solstitial shadow, 475.
Tsing-wang (Chinese Emperor), use of
the compass and ‘magnetic cars,’

559, 628.

Tuscaroras, on the language and des-
cent of, 609.

Tycho Brahe, 469, 694, 697; his as-
tronomical discovery of the ‘ varia-
tion, 594,

Tyre, Tyrians. See Phoenicians.

.

Ukert, on the amber trade of the an-
cients, 493.

Ulugh Beig, observatory and gymna-
sium founded by, 596,

Vedas, Indian hymns, in praise of na-
ture, 404,

Vegetation of the cold and tropical
zones, 455, 456.

Venus, discovery of its crescent shape,
708, 709.

Vespucci, Amerigo, 612, 660, 664, 667,
671, 672; peculiar charm lent to
his delineations of nature, 420; ex-
amination of the accidental causes
which led to the naming of the New
World, 676—681.

Vidal, Capt., height of the Peak of
Teneriffe, 498.

Vincentius of Beauvais, 602, 615; his
‘ Mirror of Nature,’ 620, 629.

Vinci, Leonardo da, landscape in his
picture of Mona Lisa, 446; attain-
ments in physical science, 661; on
the ash-coloured light of the moon,
702; geognostic conjectures, 732.

Vinland, early American settlement of
the Northmen, 603—605, 612.

Virgil, beauty of his descriptions of
nature, 385.

Vitruvius, 443, 456, 457, 632.

Voltaic pile, its discovery compared
with that of the telescope, 741.

Voltaire, on the ‘Araucana,’ of Er-
cilla, 427, 428. ,

Vossius, Isaac, researches on light,
716, 717.

Waagen, Professor, notes on early
paintings, 444, 446.

Warahamihara, Indian mathematician,
555.

Wellsted, first reported the existence
of three mountain chains in Arabia,
575.

Weilauff, on the amber trade, 493,
Ag

Xenophanes, his geognostic conjec-
tures, 557 ,

Lae
— its natural products, 578— | Zeni, the Fratelli, travels of, 611.
: Zodiacal light, its discovery and scien:
Young, Robert, his discovery of the tific results, 712, 713. . :

interference of light, 716, 727. Zuniga, Juana de, wife of Cortez,
647, 648. :
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