SRRRUPS 3 Seis BNE rt = ¥ Roe Per Sear eieaas icra ts =, Ht LIBRARY ANNEX SEN aire eae is za eeewas : ioee hee Ra eR: ett Mabe nent te Soe Rents = 2 ea eaewndaan) Rie Di Wrst eae CAN CRE EORY siete Gornell University Library Dthaca, New York CHARLES WILLIAM WASON COLLECTION CHINA AND THE CHINESE THE GIFT OF CHARLES WILLIAM WASON CLASS OF 1876 1918 ait Sora O a orsia Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www. archive.org/details/cu31924023252194 JOURNAL OF THE RIGHT HON. SIR JOSEPH BANKS JOURNAL OF THE RIGHT HON. SIR JOSEPH BANKS BART., K.B., P.R.S. DURING CAPTAIN COOK’S FIRST VOYAGE IN HMS. ENDEAVOUR IN 1768-71 TO TERRA DEL FUEGO, OTAHITE, NEW ZEALAND, AUSTRALIA, : . THE DUTCH EAST INDIES, ETC. EDITED BY SIR JOSEPH D. HOOKER WITH PORTRAITS AND CHARTS London MACMILLAN AND CO.,, Lop. NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN CO. 1896 All rights reserved TO Rear-Avmiral J. WA. LH. Wiharton, ©.3., F.H.S., &e. &e. HYDROGRAPHER OF THE ADMIRALTY My pear ApMirat—Allow me to dedicate to you, as the able Editor of Captain Cook’s Journal of his first voyage round the world, that of his fellow-voyager Sir Joseph Banks, in token of the great assistance afforded me through your labour on the aforesaid work, and as the efficient and accomplished tenant of an office for which I have ever entertained a profound respect, that of Hydrographer of the Admiralty. Let me at the same time take the opportunity of coupling with your name my tribute to the memory of three of your predecessors, who honoured me with their friendship, and encouraged me in my scientific career as an officer in the service to which you belong— Admiral Sir F, Beaufort, Admiral Washington, and Captain Sir F, Evans. Believe me, Very sincerely yours, J. D. HOOKER. Tur Camp, SUNNINGDALE, May 1896. PREFACE My principal motive for editing the Journal kept by Sir Joseph Banks during Lieutenant Cook’s first voyage round the world is to give prominence to his indefatigable labours as an accomplished observer and ardent collector during the whole period occupied by that expedition, and thus to pre- sent him as the pioneer of those naturalist voyagers of later years, of whom Darwin is the great example. This appears to me to be the more desirable, because in no biographical notice of Banks are his labours and studies as a working naturalist adequately set forth. Indeed, the only allusion I can find to their literally enormous extent and value is in the interesting letter from Linneus to Ellis, which will be found on p. xl. In respect of Cook’s first voyage this is in a measure due to the course pursued by Dr. Hawkesworth in publishing the account of the expedi- tion, when Banks, with singular disinterestedness, placed his Journal in that editor’s hands, with permission to make what use of it he thought proper. The result was that Hawkesworth! selected only such portions as would interest 1 Dr. Hawkesworth devotes his ‘‘Introduction to the First Voyage” almost exclusively to the services which Banks rendered, and gratefully acknowledges that all such details as are not directly connected with navi- gation are extracted from the diary of that naturalist. But for the purpose of identifying the work of each observer this is insufficient, and barely does justice to the second of the two authors, who is in reality responsible for the greater portion of the book. In reference to Hawkesworth being employed as editor of Cook’s Journal, the following passage is extracted vili PREFACE the general public, incorporating them with Cook’s Journal, often without allusion to their author, and not unfrequently introducing into them reflections of his own as being those of Cook or of Banks. Fortunately the recent publication by Admiral Wharton of Cook’s own Journal’ has helped to rectify this, for any one comparing the two narratives can have no difficulty in recognising the source whence Hawkes- worth derived his information. Another motive for editing Banks’s Journal is to empha- sise the important services which its author rendered to the expedition. It needs no reading between the lines of the great navigator’s Journal, to discover his estimation of the ability of his companion, of the value of his researches, and of the importance of his active co-operation on many oceasions. It was Banks who rapidly mastered the lan- guage of the Otahitans and became the interpreter of the party, and who was the investigator of the customs, habits, etc., of these and of the natives of New Zealand. It was often through his activity that the commissariat was sup- plied with food. He was on various occasions the thief- taker, especially in the case of his hazardous expedition for the recovery of the stolen quadrant, upon the use of which, in observing the transit of Venus across the sun’s disc, the success of the expedition so greatly depended. And, above all, it is to Banks’s forethought and at his own risk that an Otahitan man and boy were taken on board, through whom Banks directed, when in New Zealand, those inquiries into the customs of its inhabitants, which are the founda- from Prior's Life of Malone :—‘‘ Hawkesworth, the writer, was introduced by Garrick to Lord Sandwich, who, thinking to put a few hundred pounds into his pocket, appointed him to revise and publish Cook’s Voyages. He scarcely did anything to the MSS., yet sold it to Cadell and Strahan, the printer and bookseller, for £6000. . . .” 1 Captain Cook’s Journal during his First Voyage round the World in HM. Bark ‘‘ Endeavour,” 1768-71, with Notes and Introduction by Captain W. J. L. Wharton, R.N., F.R.S., Hydrographer of the Admiralty. PREFACE ix tion of our knowledge of that interesting people. And when it is considered that the information obtained was at comparatively few points, and those on the coast only, the fulness and accuracy of the description of the New Zea- landers, even as viewed in the light of modern knowledge, are very remarkable. Nor should it be forgotten that it was to the drawings made by the artists whom Banks took in his suite that the public is indebted for the magnificent series of plates that adorn Hawkesworth’s account of the voyage. Still another motive is, that Banks’s Journal gives a life-like portrait of a naturalist’s daily occupation at sea and ashore nearly one hundred and thirty years ago ; and thus supplements the history of a voyage which, for extent and im- portance of geographic and hydrographic results, was unique and “to the English nation the most momentous voyage of discovery that has ever taken place” (Wharton’s Cook, Pre- face), and which has, moreover, directly led to the prosperity of the Empire; for it was owing to the reports of Cook and Banks, and, it is believed, to the representations of the latter on the advantages of Botany Bay as a site for a settlement, that Australia was first colonised. The following brief history of the Journal itself is in- teresting. On Sir J. Banks’s death without issue in 1820, his property and effects passed to the Hugessen (his wife’s) family, with the exception of the library, herbarium, and the lease of the house in Soho Square. These were left to his librarian, the late eminent botanist, Robert Brown, F.R.S., with the proviso that after that gentleman’s death, the library and herbarium were to go to the British Museum. Banks’s papers and correspondence, including the Journal of the voyage of the Endeavour, were then placed by the trustees in Mr. Brown’s hands, with the object of his writ- ing a Life of Banks, which he had agreed to do. Age and infirmities, however, interfered with his prosecution of this x PREFACE work, and at his suggestion the materials were transferred with the same object to my maternal grandfather, Dawson Turner, F.R.S.,! an eminent botanist and antiquarian, who had been a friend of Banks. Mr. Turner at once had the whole faithfully transcribed, but for which precaution the Journal would as a whole have been irretrievably lost, as the sequel will show. Beyond having copies of the manuscript made, Mr. Turner seems to have done nothing towards the Life, and after a lapse of some years the originals were returned, together with the copies, to Mr. Knatchbull Hugessen, who placed them in the hands of the late Mr. Bell, Secretary of the Royal Society, in the hopes that he would undertake to write the Life. For their subsequent wanderings and the ultimate fate of many portions, I am indebted to Mr. Carruthers, F.R.S., late Keeper of the Botanical Collections at the British Museum, who has favoured me with the following interesting letter concerning them :— British Muszum (Natura History), CRoMWELL Roap, SoutH Kensineron, 8.W., 14th July 1893. Dear Sir JosrpH—Since I saw you about the Journal of Sir Joseph Banks in Captain Cook’s Voyage, I have been making further inquiries regarding the original document. The Banksian Journal and correspondence were sent to the Botani- cal Department, after correspondence with Mr. Knatchbull Hugessen, to remain in my keeping till the death of Lady Knatchbull, when it would become the property of the trustees. I was instructed to deposit it in the Manuscript Department. This was in October 1873. Some time thereafter I persuaded Mr. Daydon Jackson to look at the correspondence with the view of preparing a biography of Banks. This he agreed to do. I wrote to Mr. Bell, who informed me in a letter written 14th February 1876, that he had tried to get Lord ? It was when on a visit to my grandfather in 1833 that I first saw the original Journal in Banks’s handwriting. It was then being copied, and I was employed to verify the copies of the earlier part by comparison with the original. I well remember being as a boy fascinated with the Journal, and I never ceased to hope that it might one day be published. PREFACE xi Stanhope to undertake the biography, when he found that he could not himself face it, and thereafter Mr. Colquhoun and then Mr. John Ball, F.R.S. I obtained from the box, by leave from Mr. Bond, then Keeper of MSS., in the beginning of 1876, the transcripts made for Mr. Dawson Turner by his two daughters, which have remained under my care in the Botanical Department. The story of the originals after I parted with them is a distressing one, Some seven or eight years ago Lord Brabourne claimed the letters as his property. Mr. Maunde Thompson remonstrated, and told him that they were to remain in the museum till the death of Lady Knatchbull, and then they were to become the property of the trustees. Lord Brabourne would not accept this view, but claimed them as his own, and carried off the box and its contents. They were afterwards offered to the museum for sale, but the price offered by the Keeper of the MSS. was not satisfactory, and the whole collec- tion was broken up into lots, 207, and sold by auction at Sotheby’s on 14th April 1886, The Journal of Cook’s voyage was lot 176, and was described in the catalogue as “ Banks’s (Sir Joseph) Journal of a Voyage to the Sandwich Islands and New Zealand, from March 17691 to July 1771, in the autograph of Banks.” It was purchased by an autograph dealer, John Waller, for £7:2:6. Mr. Britten has gone to Waller’s to inquire after the Journal. Waller did not specially remember that purchase, and he does not believe he has got the manuscript. So where it is now no one knows? As you will see, the earlier portion of the Journal was missing in the lot sold. Waller bought in all 57 lots. The letters were broken up and sold as autographs; those that he purchased and did not know, like those of Brass, Nelson, Alex. Anderson, etc, and were of no money value, he would probably at once destroy, so he told Mr. Britten. So now all is gone—for whether the letters are preserved by autograph collectors, or were at once thrown into the wastepaper basket, they are equally lost to science. The 207 lots realised in all £182 : 19s. ! The result is that the Journal and letters transcribed for Dawson Turner, and now here, are the only ones available. I am thankful they have been saved out of the catastrophe. Your transcriber is diligently at work.—I am, faithfully yours, Wm. CaRRUTHERS, 1 That is some time after leaving Rio, and before arriving at Otahite. 2 T have since ascertained that the Journal came into the possession of J. Henniker Heaton, Esq., M.P., who informs me that he disposed of it to a gentleman in Sydney, N.S. W. xii PREFACE It will be seen from the above that the present work owes its existence to the copy of the original made by the Miss Turners, and of which I was permitted by the Trus- tees of the British Museum to have a transcript made for publication. In doing this I have largely exercised my duties as editor in respect of curtailments. The Journal was literally a diary, to which may truly be applied the motto nulla dies sine linea, and contains nearly double the quantity of matter here reproduced. The omitted por- tions are chiefly observations on the wind and weather ; extracts from the ship’s log, which find their proper place in Cook’s Journal; innumerable notices of birds and marine animals that were of constant recurrence; and lists of plants and animals, many with MS. names that have since been superseded. Owing also to the Journal being a diary written up from day to day, and in no way revised for publication, the grammar and orthography are in the original very loose, and I have therefore corrected the language to accord with modern requirements; the only exceptions being in the case of native words, such as Otahite, tattowing, kangooroo, etc, of which the spelling is consistent throughout, and which consequently really represent Banks’s own impres- sion of the native pronunciation of such words. It remains gratefully to record my obligations to the Trustees of the British Museum, for permission to tran- scribe the Journal, and to the Officers of the Natural History Department, Sir W. Flower, Mr. Carruthers, and Mr. Murray, and to Mr. E. R. Sykes, an acute malacologist, for aid in the endeavour to determine some of the animals designated by MS. names in the Journal. My friend Mr. B. D. Jackson, Sec.L.S., author of the article on Banks in the Dictionary of National Biography, has kindly supplied me with information for the Life of Banks, and has con- PREFACE xiii tributed that of Solander. My son, Reginald H. Hooker, has aided me in the revision of the Journal and in the press work, and has drawn up the notices of the earlier voyagers and naturalists to whom reference is made by Banks. Lastly, I have cordially to thank the Presidents and Councils of the Royal and Linnean Societies respectively, for permission to reproduce in photography the admirable portraits of Banks and Solander which adorn their meeting-rooms. J. D. HOOKER. THE Camp, SUNNINGDALE, May 1896. CONTENTS BioGRAPHICAL SKETCHES OF BANKS AND SOLANDER . és Page xxiii NATURALISTS AND VOYAGERS MENTIONED IN THE JOURNAL » xliiii List oF OFFICERS OF THE ‘‘ ENDEAVOUR” AND Banxs’s STAFF ,, lii CHAPTER I ENGLAND TO RIO DE JANEIRO Departure—Birds and marine animals—Species of Dagysa—Madeira—Dr. Heberden— Madeira mahogany—Wine-making—Vines—Carts—Vege- table productions—Convent—Chapel wainscoted with bones—General account of Madeira—Peak of Teneriffe—Marine animals—Cross the equator— Climate of tropics— Luminous animals in the water—Trade winds—Brazilian fishermen—Sargasso weed—Rio harbour . Page 1 CHAPTER II RIO DE JANEIRO Obstacles to landing — Viceroy memorialised — Boat’s crew imprisoned — Vegetation, etc.—Ship fired at—Leave Rio harbour—Description of Rio—Churches—Government—Hindrances to travellers—Population— Military—Assassinations—Vegetables— Fruits — Manufactures— Mines —Jewels—Coins—Fortifications—Climate . . - « Page 26 CHAPTER III RIO TO TERRA DEL FUEGO Birds — Christmas — Insects floating at sea—‘‘ Baye sans fond” — Cancer gregarius—Fucus giganteus—Penguins—Terra del Fuego—Staten Island —Vegetation—Winter’s bark, celery —Fuegians—Excursion inland— xvi CONTENTS Great cold and snow-storm—Sufferings of the party—Death of two men from cold—Return to ship—Shells—Native huts—General appearance of the country—Animals—Plants—Scurvy grass, celery—Inhabitants and customs—Language—Food—Arms—Probable nomadic habits— Dogs—Climate . : . : . . . ‘i . Page 48 CHAPTER IV. TERRA DEL FUEGO TO OTAHITE Leave Terra del Fuego—Cape Horn—Albatross and other birds, ete.—Multi- plication of Dagysa—Cuttlefish—Cross the line drawn by the Royal Society between the South Sea and the Pacific Ocean—Tropic birds— Occultation of Saturn—Freshness of the water taken on board at Terra del Fuego —Speculations respecting a southern continent — Marine animals—Suicide of a marine—Scurvy—Lemon juice—Lagoon Island— King George III. Island—Means adopted for preventing the scurvy— Preserved cabbage ; j ‘ : : é : Page 62 CHAPTER V OTAHITE Reception by natives—Peace offerings and ceremonies—Thieving—Natives fired upon—Death of Mr. Buchan, the artist—Lycurgus and Hercules— Tents erected—An honest native—Flies—Music—A foreign axe found —Thefts—Names of the natives—The Dolphin’s Queen—Quadrant stolen—Dootahah made prisoner—Visit to Dootahah— Wrestling — Tubourai offended—Natives at divine service—Cask stolen—Natives swimming in surf—Jmao—Transit of Venus—Nails stolen by sailors— Mourning—Previous visit of foreign ships—Banks takes part in a native funeral ceremony—Travelling musicians—Canoes seized for thefts—Dogs as food—Circumnavigation of the island—Image of man made of basket- work—Gigantic buildings (marai)—Battlefield — Return to station— Bread-fruit—Excursion inland—Voleanic nature of the island—Seeds planted — Dismantling the fort—Banks engages a native to go to England. : a . : ; ' ; : . Page 73 CHAPTER VI OTAHITE TO OHETEROA Departure from Otahite—Huahine—Ulhietea—God-houses—Boats and boat- houses — Otahah — Bola-Bola — Return to Ulhietea— Reception by natives—Dancing— Pearls—The King of Bola-Bola—Native drama— Oheteroa—Dress—Arms é ; : . : . Page 110 CONTENTS xvii CHAPTER VII GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE SOUTH SEA ISLANDS Description of the people—Tattowing—Cleanliness—Clothing—Ornaments and head-dress—Houses—Food—Produce of the sea—Fruits—Animals —Cooking—Mahai-making—Drinking salt water—Meals—Women eat apart from the men—Pastimes—Music—Attachment to old customs— Making of cloth from bark—Dyes and dyeing—Mats—Manufacture of fishing-nets—Fish-hooks—Carpentry, etc.—Boats and boat-building— Fighting, fishing, and travelling ivahahs—Instability of the boats— Paddles, sails, and ornaments— Pahies— Predicting the weather— Astronomy—Measurement of time and space—Language—Its resem- blance to other languages—Diseases—Medicine and surgery—Funeral ceremonies—Disposal of the dead—Religion—Origin of mankind—Gods — Priests — Marriage — Marais — Bird- as — Government — Ranks — Army and battles—Justice . 5 : : . Page 127 CHAPTER VIII SOUTH SEA ISLANDS TO NEW ZEALAND (THAMES RIVER) Waterspout—Comet : its effect on natives—Diary at sea—Condition of ship’s supplies—Port Egmont hens—Land of New Zealand made—A native shot—Conflict with natives—Capture of a canoe—Poverty Bay—Natives come on board—Their appearance and clothing—Boy seized by natives —Appearance of the land—Occupations of the natives—Bracken as food —Mode of fighting—Religion—A large canoe—Natives throw stones on board—Coast along New Zealand—Habits of natives—Transit of Mercury —Shags—Oysters—Lobster- ea or forts—Thames River —Timber trees. 5 . . Page 179 CHAPTER Ix CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF NEW ZEALAND Tattowing—Thieving of the natives—Cannibalism—Rapid healing of shot- wounds — Native seines— Paper mulberry — Native accounts of their ancestors’ expedition to other countries—Three Kings’ Islands—Christ- mas Day—Albatross swimming—Mount Egmont—Murderers’ Bay— Queen Charlotte’s Sound—Threats of natives—Corpses thrown into the sea— Cannibalism — Singing - birds—Fishing-nets—Human head pre- served—Discovery of Cook’s Straits—Native names for New Zealand, and traditions— Courteous native family—Leave Queen Charlotte’s Sound—Tides—Cape Turnagain—Coast along the southern island— Banks’ Peninsula—Appearance of minerals—Mountains along the west coast—Anchor in Admiralty Bay . ‘ i p : . Page 203 b XVili CONTENTS CHAPTER X GENERAL ACCOUNT OF NEW ZEALAND Its discovery by Tasman—Mountains—Harbours—Cultivation—Trees—Suita- bility of Thames River for colonisation—Climate—Absence of native quadrupeds— Birds —Insects— Fish— Plants—Native and introduced vegetables—A bsence of fruits—New Zealand flax—Population—Qualities of thenatives—Tattowing and painting—Dress—Head-dresses—ar-and nose-ornaments—Houses—Food—Cannibalism amongst men—Freedom from disease—Canoes—Carving—Tools—Cloth fabrics—Nets—Tillage— Weapons—Spontoons—Warand othersongs—Human trophies—Heppahs —Chiefs—Religion—Burial—Language ‘ 4 3 . Page 221 CHAPTER XI NEW ZEALAND TO AUSTRALIA (ENDEAVOUR RIVER) Choice of routes—Reasons in favour of and against the existence of a southern continent—Suggestions for a proposed expedition in search of it—Leave New Zealand—Malt wort—Portuguese man-of-war and its sting—Hot weather—Land seen—Waterspouts—Variation of the com- pass—Natives—Their indifference to the ship—Opposition to landing— Excursion into the country—Vegetation and animals seen—Botanising —Timidity of the natives—Enormous sting-rays—Treachery of the natives—Leave Botany Bay—Ants—Stinging caterpillars—Gum trees —Oysters—Crabs—Figs impregnated by Cynips—East Indian plants— Ants’ nests—Butterflies—Amphibious fish—Ship strikes on a coral rock —Critical position—Fothering the ship—Steadiness of the crew— The ship taken into the Endeavour River—Scurvy . . Page 254 CHAPTER XII AUSTRALIA (ENDEAVOUR RIVER) TO TORRES STRAITS Pumice-stone—Ship laid ashore—Kangooroos seen—White ants—Preserving plants—Chama gigas—Fruits thrown up on the beach—Excursion up the country—Making friends with the Indians—A kangooroo killed— Turtle—Indians attempt to steal turtle and fire the grass—Didelphis— Among the shoals and islands—Lizard Island—Signs of natives crossing from the mainland—Ship passes through Cook’s passage—Outside the grand reef—Ship almost driven on to the reef by the tides—Passes inside the reef again — Corals — Straits between Australia and New Guinea ; : . . , : : i . Page 281 CONTENTS xix CHAPTER XIII SOME ACCOUNT OF THAT PART OF NEW HOLLAND NOW CALLED NEW SOUTH WALES General appearance of the coast—Dampier’s narrative—Barrenness of the country—Scarcity of water—Vegetables and fruits—Timber—Palms— Gum trees—Quadrupeds—Birds—Insects—Ants and their habitations— Fish—Turtle—Shell-fish—Scarcity of people—Absence of cultivation— Description of natives—Ornaments—Absence of vermin—Implements for catching fish—Food—Cooking— Habitations— Furniture—Vessels for carrying water—Bags—Tools—A bsence of sharp instruments—Native method of procuring fire — Weapons — Throwing - sticks— Shield — Cowardice of the people—Canoes—Climate—Language . Page 296 CHAPTER XIV AUSTRALIA TO SAVU ISLAND “‘Sea-sawdust’—New Guinea-—Landing—Vegetation—Natives throw fire- darts—Home-sickness of the crew—Coast along Timor—Rotte—Aurora— Savu Island—Signs of Europeans—A boat sent ashore to trade—Anchor —Reception by natives—Their Radja—Mynheer Lange—House of Assembly—Native dinner—Obstacles to trading—Mynheer Lange’s covetousness—Trading—Dutch policy concerning spices . Page 324 CHAPTER XV DESCRIPTION OF SAVU Mr. Lange’s account—Political divisions of the island—Its general appear- ance— Productions— Buffaloes— Horses—Sheep — Fish—Vegetables— Fan-palm—Liquor—Sugar-making—Fire-holes for cooking—Sustaining qualities of sugar—Description of the natives—Dress—Ornaments— Chewing betel, areca, lime, and tobacco—Construction of their houses— Looms and spinning-machines—Surgery—Religion—Christian converts . —Radjas—Slaves—Large stones of honour—Feasts—Military— Weapons —Relations with the Dutch—Mynheer Lange—Language—Neighbour- ing islands—Wreck of a French ae aad with regard to language . . : : , . Page 340 XX CONTENTS CHAPTER XVI SAVU ISLAND TO BATAVIA Leave Savu—Arrive off Java—European and American news—Formalities required by Dutch authorities—Mille Islands—Batavia road—Land at Batavia—Prices and food at the hotel—Tupia’s impressions of Batavia —Introduction to the Governor—Malarious climate—Bougainville’s visit to Batavia—Orders given to heave down the ship—Illness of Tupia, Dr. Banks, Dr. Solander, ete.—Death of Mr. Monkhouse, Tayeto, and Tupia—Remove to a country-house—Malay women as nurses— Critical state of Dr. Solander—Ship repaired—Captain Cook taken ill— Heavy rains—Frogs and mosquitos—Return to the ship . Page 362 CHAPTER XVII DESCRIPTION OF BATAVIA Situation—Number of houses—Streets—Canals—Houses—Public buildings —Fortifications—Castle—Forts within the city—Soldiers—Harbour— Islands and uses to which they are put—Dutch fleet—Country round Batavia—Thunderstorms— Marshes—Unhealthiness of the climate— Fruitfulness of the soil—Cattle, sheep, etc.—Wild animals—Fish— Birds—Rice—Mountain rice—Vegetables—Fruits : detailed description, supply and consumption — Palm-wine — Odoriferous flowers—Spices— Population and nationalities—Trade—Cheating—Portuguese—Slaves— Punishment of slaves—Javans—Habits and customs—Native attention to the hair and teeth—Running amoc—Native superstitions—Crocodiles as twin brothers to men—Chinese: their habits, mode of living, and burial—Government—Officials—Justice—Taxation—Money . Page 377 CHAPTER XVIII BATAVIA TO CAPE OF GOOD HOPE Leave Batavia—Cracatoa— Mosquitos on board ship—Prince’s Island— Visit the town—Account of Prince’s Island—Produce—Religion—Nuts of Cycas ctreinalis—Town—Houses— Bargaining—Language—Afiinity of Malay, Madagascar, and South Sea Islands languages—Leave Prince’s Island—Sickness on board—Deaths of Mr. Sporing, Mr. Parkinson, Mr. Green, and many others—Coast of Natal—Dangerous position of the ship—Cape of Good Hope—Dr. Solander’s illness—French ships— Bougainville’s voyage . . : Page 417 CONTENTS Xxi CHAPTER XIX CAPE OF GOOD HOPE TO ENGLAND Account of the Cape of Good Hope—Its settlement by the Dutch—Cape Town—Dutch customs—Government—Climate—General healthiness— Animals— Wines — Cost of living — Botanical garden — Menagerie — Settlements in the interior—Barrenness of the country—Hottentots : their appearance, language, dancing, customs, etc.—Money— Leave Table Bay—Robben Island—St. Helena—Volcanic rocks—Cultivation — Provisions — Introduced plants— Natural productions — Ebony — Speculations as to how plants and animals originally reached so remote an island—Leave St. Helena—Ascension Island—Ascension to England —lLand at Deal APPENDIX: Exscrricity INDEX PORTRAITS Sm JosrpH BANKS Dr. D. SOLANDER CHARTS Tue Wor xD, showing the track of the Endeavour Society IsLanps New ZEALAND MELANESIA East INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO Page 432 Page 453 Page 459 Frontispiece . To face page xxxviii At end of book BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES SIR JOSEPH BANKS! THE name of Sir Joseph Banks is pre-eminent amongst the many distinguished scientific men who adorned the long reign of George the Third, and his career practically coincides with the reign of that monarch, closing in the same year. The hold he has always had on popular estimation is per- haps less due to his high position in the royal favour, or his long tenancy of the presidential chair of the Royal Society, than to the prominent part he took in the voyage of H.M.S. Hndeavour under Lieutenant Cook, and his con- tributions to Hawkesworth’s account of it. Cook’s story is that of a sailor, and his account of his discoveries is rendered more attractive by the introduction of passages from the more graphic pages of Banks’s Diary: it is these passages which attracted so much attention in the narrative drawn up by Dr. Hawkesworth. Cook’s own Journal, recently published by Admiral Wharton, shows this very clearly, and the naturalist’s own record of their discoveries and adven- tures is now for the first time given to the public. Joseph Banks was born in Argyle Street, London, on 2nd February 1743 (0..). He was the son of William Banks (sometime Sheriff of Lincolnshire and M.P. for Peterborough), of Revesby Abbey, Lincolnshire, a gentleman of some fortune, due to his father’s successful practice of medicine in that 1 No adequate Life of Sir Joseph Banks having as yet appeared, the com- piler of the following notes is indebted mainly for his information to Weld’s History of the Royal Society, Sir John Barrow’s Sketches of the Royal Society and the Royal Society Club, to Mr. B. Daydon Jackson’s article on Banks in the Dictionary of National Biography, and to scattered incidental notices, Xxiv BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES county. At the age of nine he was sent to Harrow, and four years later was transferred to Eton, where he displayed an extreme aversion from study, especially of Greek and Latin, and an inordinate love of all kinds of energetic sports. It was while he was here that he was first attracted to the study of botany, and having no better instructor he paid some women—“ cullers of simples,” as Sir Joseph him- self afterwards called them—who were employed in gather- ing plants, for which he paid them sixpence for each article they collected and brought to him. During his holidays he found on his mother’s dressing-table an old torn copy of Gerard’s Herbal, having the names and figures of some of the plants with which he had formed an imperfect acquaint- ance; and he carried it back with him to school. While at Eton he made considerable collections of plants and insects. He also made many excursions in company with the father of the great Lord Brougham, who describes him as a fine-looking, strong, and healthy boy, whom no fatigue could subdue, and no peril daunt. He left Eton when seventeen to be inoculated for the small-pox, and on his recovery he went up to Oxford, entering as a gentleman commoner at Christ Church. Prior to this, however, after his father’s death in 1761, he had resided with his mother at Chelsea, where he had availed himself of the then famous botanical garden of the Apothecaries’ Company. He found himself unable to get any teaching in botany at Oxford, but obtaining leave, he proceeded to Cam- bridge and returned with Israel Lyons,’ the astronomer and botanist, under whom a class was formed. In December 1763 he left Oxford with an honorary degree, and coming of age in the year following, found himself possessed of an ample fortune, which enabled him to devote himself entirely to the study of natural science. At this time also he formed a friendship with Lord Sandwich, a neighbouring landowner, both being devoted to hunting and other field sports. The two are credited with having formed a project 1 Afterwards calculator for the Nautical Almanac, and, owing to the in- fluence of Banks, astronomer to Captain Phipps’ Polar Voyage in 1773. SIR JOSEPH BANKS xxv to drain the Serpentine, in order to obtain some light on the fishes it contained. In May 1766 he was elected F.R.S., at the early age of twenty-three, and in the summer of that year accompanied his friend Lieutenant Phipps (afterwards Lord Mulgrave) to Newfoundland, where he investigated the Flora of that then botanically unknown island, returning next year by way of Lisbon. His journal of the trip is preserved in manuscript in the British Museum. After his return home, he became acquainted with Dr. Solander, of whom a brief notice is appended, and with whom he was closely connected until the death of the latter. Shortly after the accession of George III., several ships had been sent to the Southern Seas in the interest of geographical science. Commodore Byron sailed in 1764, Captains Wallis and Carteret in 1766, and these had no sooner returned than the Government resolved to fit out an expedition to the island of Tahiti, or, as it was then called, Otahite, under Lieutenant James Cook, in order to observe the transit of Venus in 1769. Mr. Banks decided to avail himself of this opportunity of exploring the unknown Pacific Ocean, and applied to his friend Lord Sandwich, then at the head of the Admiralty, for leave to join the expedi- tion. At his own expense, stated by Ellis to be £10,000, he furnished all the stores needed to make complete collec- tions in every branch of natural science, and engaged Dr. Solander, four draughtsmen or artists, and a staff of servants (or nine in all) to accompany him. The adventures of Banks and his companions on this voyage in the Endeavour are told in the diary which is the main object of this volume. It will be enough here to point out his untiring activity, whether in observing or collecting animals and plants, investigating and recording native customs and languages, bartering for necessaries with the inhabitants, preventing the pillaging to which the expedition was frequently subjected, or in the hazardous chase of the stolen quadrant in the interior of Otahite. In July 1771 the travellers returned with an immense xxvi BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES amount of material, the botanical part of which was for the most part already described, and needed but little to pre- pare it for the press. The descriptive tickets, which had been drawn up by Solander, were arranged in systematic order in what are still known as “Solander cases,” and transcribed fairly by an amanuensis for publication. About 700 plates were engraved on copper in folio at Banks's ex- pense, and a few prints or proofs were taken, but they were never published. Five folio books of neat manuscript, and the coppers, rest in the hands of the trustees of the British Museum. The question arises, why were they never utilised? The descriptions were ready long before Solander’s death, although the plants collected in Australia do not seem to have been added to the fair copies, and the plates were mainly outlines. This has always been regarded as an insoluble problem, but the following extracts from a letter written by Banks very shortly before Solander died, may be accepted as evidence of his intention to publish. The letter from which the extract is taken is undated, and takes the shape of a draft without any name, but it is a reply toa letter addressed to Banks by Hasted, who was then collect- ing materials for the second edition of his history of the county of Kent. Botany has been my favourite science since my childhood ; and the reason I have not published the account of my travels is that the first from want of time necessarily brought on by the many preparations for my second voyage was entrusted to Dr. Hawkesworth, and since that I have been engaged in a botanical work, which I hope soon to publish, as I have near 700 folio plates prepared ; it is to give an account of all such new plants discovered in my voyage round the world, some- what above 800. Hasted’s letter, to which this is an answer, was dated 25th February 1782, little more than two months before Solander’s death (alluded to on a subsequent page), an event which has generally been accepted as determining the fate of the intended publication. But we must now go back a few years. In 1772 pre- parations were made for a second expedition under Cook in SIR JOSEPH BANKS xxvii the Resolution, with the object of ascertaining the existence, or the contrary, of an Antarctic continent, and Lord Sandwich invited Banks to accompany it as naturalist, to which he readily consented. Towards this new venture he made elabo- rate preparations, on a scale for which even his ample fortune did not suffice, for he had to raise money to complete his out- fit! Various surmises or explanations have been advanced to account for Banks’s abandonment of his intention to pro- ceed on this voyage; amongst others it has been said that Cook raised difficulties concerning the accommodation ; and it is stated that Banks’s equipment would have necessitated the addition of a poop-deck on the vessel destined for the voyage, which would have materially interfered with its sailing powers. But the reason given by Sir John Barrow, who was for many years Secretary of the Admiralty, is no doubt the correct one. He states (Sketches of the Royal Society, p. 26) that “ such a system was adopted by the Navy Board to thwart every step of his proceedings, especially on the part of its chief, the Comptroller of the Navy, Sir Hugh Palliser, whereby his patience was worn out, and his indig- nation so far excited as to cause him, though reluctantly, to abandon this enterprise altogether.” It may be incident- ally mentioned that the great chemist Priestley, whom Banks had invited to join the expedition (on advantageous terms, including a provision for his family), was also objected to, in his case on account of religious principles, by the Board of Longitude. Although thus bitterly disappointed, Banks never- theless used his utmost endeavour to promote the objects of the voyage; and that there was no personal bitterness between Banks and Cook seems certain from the following extract from a hasty note by Solander to Banks after Cook’s return :— Two o’clock, Monday, 14th August 1775. This moment Captain Cook is arrived. I have not yet had an opportunity of conversing with him, as he is still in the Board-room 1 The last few cases of specimen bottles prepared for this voyage were not utilised until they were transferred by Robert Brown to the editor of this “‘ Journal,” when the latter was preparing to accompany Captain James Ross on his voyage to the Antarctic Ocean in 1839. Xxviil BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES giving an account of himself and company. He looks as well as ever. Captain Cook desires his best compliments to you; he expressed himself in the most friendly manner towards you that could be ; he said, “ Nothing could have added to the satisfaction he has had in making this tour, but having had your company.” He has some birds in spr. v. [spirits of wine] for you, etc. etc. Thus baulked of their design, Banks and Solander set out on a scientific expedition to Iceland in a vessel specially chartered for them at a cost of £100 a month. They sailed on the 12th July 1772, and on the way Banks carried out an intention he had formed to visit Staffa, to which he was the first to draw the attention of scientific men, sending a complete description, with drawings and measurements, to Thomas Pennant, who inserted it in his Your to the Highlands of Scotland. They spent a month in Iceland, exploring Mount Hecla, the geysers, and other remarkable features of the island. Banks made copious observations, which Dr. Troil, one of the party, and afterwards Arch- bishop of Upsala, included in his interesting account of the island, without, however, according to Barrow, doing full justice to the exertions of Banks and his companions, whom he dismisses with a too vague and general eulogium. Banks also afterwards placed his MS. journal at the disposal of Sir William Hooker, whom he had advised to visit the island for scientific purposes, and who made copious use of it, with due acknowledgment, in his Tour in Iceland. Banks always continued to take a keen interest in the Icelanders, and his humanity “ was of signal service to these poor creatures ; for when, some years afterwards, they were in a state of famine, the benevolence and powerful interest of this kind-hearted man brought about the adoption of measures which absolutely saved the inhabitants from star- vation. We were at war with Denmark, and had captured the Danish ships, and no provisions could be received into Iceland. Clausen, a merchant, was sent to England to implore the granting of licences for ships to enter the island, and through the active intervention of Sir Joseph, who, as SIR JOSEPH BANKS xxix a Privy Councillor, was an honorary member of the Board of Trade, the indulgence was granted” (Barrow, Joc. cit. p. 29). That Banks contemplated a voyage to the North Pole appears from a statement by Barrow that he announced such an intention at a meeting of the Batavian Society at Rotterdam in 1773, when he desired to be put in possession of such discoveries and observations as had been made by the Dutch, promising to acquaint them with any discoveries he might make in the course of such a voyage. On his return from Iceland, Banks settled in Soho Square, where he accumulated a magnificent library (as well as at Revesby Abbey) and large collections, the whole being arranged in the most methodical manner. These business-like habits formed a marked feature in everything he undertook throughout his life, as to which interesting testimony is afforded by Barrow, who, during a visit shortly before Banks’s death, was shown his papers and correspond- ence carefully assorted and labelled. In this he received considerable assistance from his successive librarians, Solander and Dryander. On the resignation of Sir John Pringle in November 1778, Banks was chosen to succeed him as President of the Royal Society, an honour for which he had incontest- able claims, in his many sacrifices to science in all climates during the voyages to Newfoundland, round the world with Cook, and to Iceland, in his ardent love of natural science, his many accomplishments, his wealth and social position, his habitual intercourse with the king and with the heads of public departments whose influence was greatest for the furtherance of scientific research, and, above all, perhaps, in the disinterestedness with which he placed his collections and library at the disposal of all applicants of merit, and in the expenditure of his wealth. Notwithstanding all these claims on the votes of the Fellows of the Society, Banks was not destined to retain tranquil possession of the Presidency, and two or three circumstances, arising out of the zeal with which he dis- charged his duties, made him several enemies. One of XXX BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES these causes was his action with regard to the election of Fellows. Owing to the absence of any scrutiny of the claims of the candidates proposed for the Fellowship, Banks announced his intention of performing this office himself, and of making known his views concerning each proposal to the Council and Fellows. This measure, which created considerable dissatisfaction amongst a certain section of the Fellows, was nevertheless necessary, owing to the recent election of numerous candidates of no scientific merit what- ever. “D’Alembert, in allusion to the extreme prodigality with which the honours of the Fellowship were distributed, was in use to ask jocularly any person going to England, if he desired to be made a Member, as he could easily obtain it for him, should he think it any honour. . . . Upon this subject Lord Brougham says: ‘Two principles were laid down by him [Banks]; first, that any person who had successfully cultivated science, especially by original inves- tigations, should be admitted, whatever might be his rank or fortune; secondly, that men of wealth, or station, disposed to promote, adorn, and patronise science, should, but with due caution and deliberation, be allowed to enter’” (Weld’s History of the Royal Society). A crisis was, however, brought about by the following circumstance. The Council, under the influence, it is said, of the President, passed a resolution recommending that the Foreign Secretary should reside in London; and _ this measure was followed by the resignation of Dr. Hutton, then Foreign Secretary, and Professor at Woolwich, who, it was complained, had neglected his duties as secretary of the Society. Dr. Horsley, afterwards Bishop of St. Asaph, attacked the President in very bitter terms, lamenting that the chair which had been filled by Newton should be thus lowered in dignity, and predicting all kinds of disasters as the direct consequence of electing a naturalist as President. He induced several influential members to follow him, but when the fact became clear, as it soon did, that he desired the reversion of the chair for himself, his influence declined ; he withdrew from the Society with a few intimates, and SIR JOSEPH BANKS XxXxl Banks remained in undisputed possession of the chair till his death in 1820. The excellent qualities of the President whom this victory kept in the chair were clearly exhibited by the temper with which he regarded the opposition. The sketch of his character (says Barrow) given by Lord Brougham is true to the life: “He showed no jealousy of any rival, no prejudice in anybody’s favour rather than another’s. He was equally accessible to all for counsel and help. His house, his library, his whole valuable collec- tions, were at all times open to men of science, while his credit both with our own and foreign Governments, and, if need were, the resource of his purse, were ever ready to help in the prosecution of their inquiries.” One of the earliest official acts of the new President was a proof of the estimation in which he held his late fellow-voyager Cook. On the death of the latter in 1779, Banks proposed to the Council that a medal should be struck as a mark of the high sense entertained by the Society of the importance of his extensive discoveries in different parts of the globe, the cost being defrayed by subscription among the Fellows. The medal, designed by L. Pingo, bears a portrait of the great navigator in profile on the obverse, with a representation of Britannia pointing to the south pole of a globe on the reverse. Amongst other noteworthy services rendered by Banks in his capacity as President of the Royal Society, the following may be mentioned. In 1784 the Council obtained the permission of George III. to commence a geodetical survey under General Roy: this served as the basis of the Ordnance Survey. In the following year he made successful application to the king to guarantee the cost (amounting to £4000) of Sir William Herschel’s 40-foot telescope. He served on a committee of the Society appointed, at the instance of the Secretary of State, to ascertain the length of the pendulum vibrating seconds of time at various localities in Great Britain. In 1817 the Council at his suggestion recommended Government to fit out an Arctic expedition : XXXil BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES as a result, two were sent, the one under Captain John Ross in search of the North-West Passage ; the other, which included Franklin, to sail northwards’ by the east coast of Greenland. He was on several occasions invited to stand for Parlia- ment, but always declined, preferring to devote his entire time to his duties as President of the Royal Society, and to the innumerable functions it entailed. It is sometimes said that Banks viewed with strong disapproval the formation of other societies for the pursuit of natural science. This was certainly so in the case of the Astronomical Society, which he considered would seriously decrease the importance of that over which he himself presided. But this was only because he conceived the objects of the former association to be so intimately con- nected with those of the Royal Society that there would not be sufficient scope for both. On the other hand, he was one of the founders of the Linnean Society in 1788, and took an even more prominent part in the formation of the Royal Institution in 1799. In March 1779 he married Dorothea, daughter of William Western Hugessen, Esq., of Provender, Kent. In 1782 Solander died, and from that time onward Banks became more and more absorbed in the duties of the Royal Society, and acted as chief counsellor in all scientific matters to the king. In this capacity he had virtual control of the Royal Gardens at Kew, then under the cultural care of the elder Aiton, where were raised the plants produced by seeds brought home by himself, and so many of the novelties described in lHeéritier’s Sertwm in appearance like a pine-apple; the fruit of a tree called nono; the roots, and perhaps leaves of a fern; and the roots of a plant called ¢theve: which four are eaten only by the poorer sort of people in times of scarcity. Of tame animals they have hogs, fowls, and dogs, which latter we learned to eat from them; and few were there of the nicest of us but allowed that a South Sea dog was next to an English lamb. This indeed must be said in their favour, that they live entirely upon vegetables ; probably our dogs in England would not eat half as well. Their pork certainly is most excellent, though sometimes too fat; their fowls are not a bit better, rather worse maybe, than ours at home, and often very tough. Though they seem to esteem flesh very highly, yet in all the islands I have seen, the quantity they have of it is very unequal to the number of their people; it is therefore seldom used among them, even the principal chiefs do not have it every day or even every week, though some of them had pigs that we saw quartered upon different estates, as we send cocks to walk in England. When any of these chiefs kills a hog, it seems to be divided almost equally among all his dependents, he himself taking little more than the rest. Vegetables are their chief food, and of these they eat a large quantity. Cookery seems to have been but little studied here; they have only two methods of applying fire. Broiling 1 Colocasia antiquorum, Schott., better known by its New Zealand name taro (see p. 253). * Hibiscus esculentus, Linn. ?. 3 Tacca pinnatifida, Forst. 4 Lablab vulgaris, Savi. 5 Pandanus odoratissimus, Linn. f. 1769 COOKERY 137 or baking, as we called it, is done thus: a hole is dug, the depth and size varying according to what is to be prepared, but seldom exceeding a foot in depth; in this is made a heap of wood and stones laid alternately, fire is then put to it, which, by the time it has consumed the wood, has heated the stones just sufficiently to discolour anything which touches them. The heap is then divided, half is left in the hole, the bottom being paved with them, and on them any kind of provisions are laid, always neatly wrapped up in leaves. Above these again are laid the remaining hot stones, then leaves again to the thickness of three or four inches, and over them any ashes, rubbish or dirt that is at hand. In this situation the food remains about two hours, in which time I have seen a middling-sized hog very well done; indeed, I am of opinion that victuals dressed in this way are more juicy, if not more equally done, than when cooked by any of our European methods, large fish more especially. Bread-fruit cooked in this manner becomes soft, and something like a boiled potato, though not quite so farinaceous as a good one. Of this two or three dishes are made by beating it with a stone pestle till it becomes a paste, mixing water or cocoanut liquor with it, and adding ripe plantains, bananas, sour paste, etc. As I have mentioned sour paste, I will proceed to describe what it is. Bread-fruit, by what I can find, remains in season during only nine or ten of their thirteen months, so that a reserve of food must be made for those months when they are without it. For this purpose, the fruit is gathered when just upon the point of ripening, and laid in heaps, where it undergoes a fermentation, and becomes dis- agreeably sweet. The core is then taken out, which is easily done, as a slight pull at the stalk draws it out entire, and the rest of the fruit is thrown into a hole dug for that purpose, generally in their houses. The sides and bottom of this hole are neatly lined with grass, the whole is covered with leaves, and heavy stones laid upon them. Here it undergoes a second fermentation and becomes sourish, in which condition it will keep, as they told me, many months. 138 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir Custom has, I suppose, made this agreeable to their palates, though we disliked it extremely ; we seldom saw them make a meal without some of it in some shape or form. As the whole making of this mahie, as they call it, depends upon fermentation, I suppose it does not always succeed; it is always done by the old women, who make a kind of superstitious mystery of it, no one except the people employed by them being allowed to come even into that part of the house where it is. I myself spoiled a large heap of it only by inadvertently touching some leaves that lay upon it as I walked by the outside of the house where it was; the old directress of it told me that from that circumstance it would most certainly fail, and immediately pulled it down before my face, who did less regret the mischief I had done, as it gave me an opportunity of seeing the preparation, which, perhaps, I should not other- wise have been allowed to do. To this plain diet, prepared with so much simplicity, salt water is the universal sauce; those who live at the greatest distance from the sea are never without it, keeping it in large bamboos set up against the sides of their houses. When they eat, a cocoanut-shell full of it always stands near them, into which they dip every morsel, especially of fish, and often leave the whole soaking in it, drinking at intervals large sups of it out of their hands, so that a man may use half a pint of it at a meal. They have also a sauce made of the kernels of cocoanuts fermented until they dissolve into a buttery paste, and beaten up with salt water; the taste of this is very strong, and at first was to me most abominably nauseous. A very little use, however, reconciled me to it, so much so that I should almost prefer it to our own sauces with fish. It is not common among them, possibly it is thought ill-management among them to use cocoanuts so lavishly, or we were on the islands at a time when they were scarcely ripe enough for this purpose. Small fish they often eat raw, and sometimes large ones. I myself, by being constantly with them, learnt to do the same, insomuch that I have often made meals of raw fish 1769 NATIVE MEALS 139 and bread-fruit, by which I learnt that with my stomach at least it agreed as well as if dressed, and, if anything, was still easier of digestion, however contrary this may appear to the common opinion of the people at home. Drink they have none except water and cocoanut juice, nor do they seem to have any method of intoxication among them. Some there were who drank pretty freely of our liquors, and in a few instances became very drunk, but seemed far from pleased with their intoxication, the indi- viduals afterwards shunning a repetition of it, instead of greedily desiring it, as most Indians are said to do. Their tables, or at least their apparatus for eating, are set out with great neatness, though the small quantity of their furniture will not admit of much elegance. I will describe the manner in which that of their principal people is served. They commonly eat alone, unless some stranger makes a second in their mess). The man usually sits under the shade of the nearest tree, or on the shady side of the house. A large quantity of leaves, either of bread- fruit or banana, are neatly spread before him, and serve instead of a table-cloth. A basket containing his provisions is then set by him, and two cocoanut-shells, one full of fresh, the other of salt, water. He begins by washing his hands and mouth thoroughly with the fresh water, a process which he repeats almost continually throughout the whole meal. Suppose that his provisions consist (as they often did) of two or three bread-fruits, one or two small fish about as big as an English perch, fourteen or fifteen ripe bananas or half as many apples. He takes half a bread-fruit, peels off the rind, and picks out the core with his nails; he then crams his mouth as full with it as it can possibly hold, and while he chews that, unwraps the fish from the leaves in which they have remained tied up since they were dressed, and breaks one of them into the salt water. The rest, as well as the remains of the bread-fruit, lie before him upon the leaves. He generally gives a fish, or part of one, to some one of his dependents, many of whom sit round him, and then takes up a very small piece of that which he has 140 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir broken into the salt water in the ends of all the fingers in one hand, and sucks it into his mouth to get as much salt water as possible, every now and then taking a small sup of it, either out of the palm of his hand or out of the cocoanut-shell. In the meanwhile one of the attendants has prepared a young cocoanut by peeling off the outer rind with his teeth, an operation which at first appears very surprising to Europeans, but depends so much upon a knack, that before we left the island, many of us were ourselves able to do it, even myself, who can scarce crack a nut. When he chooses to drink, the master takes this from him, and, boring a hole through the shell with his finger, or breaking the nut with a stone, drinks or sucks out the water. When he has eaten his bread-fruit and fish, he begins with his plantains, one of which makes no more than a mouthful, if they are as big as black puddings. If he has apples a shell is necessary to peel them ; one is picked off the ground, where there are always plenty, and tossed to him; with this he scrapes or cuts off the skin, rather awkwardly, as he wastes almost half the apple in doing it. If he has any tough kind of meat instead of fish, he must have a knife, for which purpose a piece of bamboo is tossed to him, of which he in a moment makes one, by splitting it transversely with his nail. With this he can cut tough meat or tendons at least as readily as we can with a common knife. All this time one of his people has been employed in beating bread-fruit with a stone pestle and a block of wood; by much beating and sprinkling with water, it is reduced to the consistence of soft paste; he then takes a vessel like a butcher’s tray, and in it lays his paste, mixing it with either bananas, sour paste, or making it up alone, according to the taste of his master; to this he adds water, pouring it on by degrees, and squeezing it often through his hand till it comes to the consistence of a thick custard. A large cocoanut-shell full of this he then sets before his master, who sups it down as we should a custard, if we had not a spoon to eat it with. His dinner is then finished by 1769 NATIVE MEALS 14I washing his hands and mouth, cleaning the cocoanut-shells and putting anything that may be left into the basket again.. It may be thought that I have given rather too large a quantity of provision to my eater, when I say that he has eaten three bread-fruits, each bigger than two fists, two or three fish, fourteen or fifteen plantains or bananas, each, if they are large, six or nine inches long and four or five round, and concluded his dinner with about a quart of a food as substantial as the thickest unbaked custard. But this I do affirm, that it is but few of the many I was acquainted with that eat less, while many eat a good deal more. How- ever, I shall not insist that any man who may read this should believe it as an article of faith; I shall be content if politeness makes him think, as Joe Miller’s friend said: “Well, sir, as you say so, I believe it, but by God, had I seen it myself, I should have doubted it exceedingly.” I have said that they seldom eat together; the better sort hardly ever do so. Even two brothers or two sisters have each their respective baskets, one of which contains victuals, the other cocoanut-shells, etc., for the furniture of their separate tables. These were brought every day to our tents to those of our friends who, having come from a distance, chose to spend the whole day, or sometimes two or three days in our company. These two relations would go out, and sitting down upon the ground within a few yards of each other, turn their faces different ways, and make their meals without saying a word to each other. The women carefully abstain from eating with the men, or even any of the victuals that have been prepared for them; all their food is prepared separately by boys, and kept in a shed by itself, where it is looked after by the same boys who attend them at their meals. Notwithstanding this, when we visited them at their houses, the women with whom we had any particular acquaintance or friendship would constantly ask us to partake of their meals, which we often did, eating out of the same basket and drinking out of the same cup. The old women, however, would by no 142 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. v1 means allow the same liberty, but would esteem their victuals polluted if we touched them; in some instances I have seen them throw them away when we had inadvert- ently defiled them by handling the vessels which contained them. What can be the motive for so unsocial a custom I cannot in any shape guess, especially as they are a people in every other instance fond of society, and very much so of their women. I have often asked them the reason, but they have as often evaded the question, or answered merely that they did it because it was right, and expressed much disgust when I told them that in England men and women ate to- gether, and the same victuals. They, however, constantly affirm that it does not proceed from any superstitious motive: Hatua, they say, has nothing to do with it. What- ever the motive may be, it certainly affects their outward manners more than their principles; in the tents, for example, we never saw an instance of the women partaking of our victuals at our table, but we have several times seen five or six of them go together into the servants’ apartment and there eat very heartily of whatever they could find. Nor were they at all disturbed if we came in while they were doing so, though we had before used all the entreaties Wwe were masters of to invite them to partake with us. When a woman was alone with us, she would often eat even in our company, but always extorted a strong promise that we should not let her country-people know what she had done. After their meals, and in the heat of the day, they often sleep; middle-aged people especially, the better sort of whom seem to spend most of their time in eating or sleeping. The young boys and girls are uncommonly lively and active, and the old people generally more so than the middle-aged, which perhaps is owing to their excessively dissolute manners. Diversions they have but few: shooting with the bow is the most usual I have seen at Otahite. It is confined almost entirely to the chiefs; they shoot for distance only, 1769 MUSIC 143 with arrows unfledged, kneeling upon one knee, and dropping the bow from their hands the instant the arrow parts from it. I measured a shot made by Tubourai Tamaide ; it was 274 yards, yet he complained that as the bow and arrows were bad he could not shoot as far as he ought to have done. At Ulhietea bows were less common, but the people amused themselves by throwing a kind of javelin eight or nine feet long at a mark, which they did with a good deal of dexterity, often striking the trunk of a plantain tree, their mark, in the very centre. I could never observe that either these or the Otahite people staked anything; they seemed to contend merely for the honour of victory. Music is very little known to them, and this is the more wonderful as they seem very fond of it. They have only two instruments, the flute and the drum. The former is made of a hollow bamboo, about a foot long, in which are three holes: into one of these they blow with one nostril, stopping the other nostril with the thumb of the left hand ; the other two they stop and unstop with the forefinger of the left, and middle finger of the right hand. By this means they produce four notes, and no more, of which they have made one tune that serves them for all occasions. To it they sing a number of songs, pehay as they call them, generally consisting of two lines, affecting a coarse metre, and generally in rhyme. Maybe these lines would appear more musical if we well understood the accent of their language, but they are as downright prose as can be written. I give two or three specimens of songs made upon our arrival. Te de pahai de parow-a Ha maru no mina. E pahah tayo malama tai ya No tabane tonatou whannomi ya. E turai eattu terara patee whennua toai Ino o maio pretane to whennuaia no tute. At any time of the day when they are lazy they amuse themselves by singing the couplets, but especially after dark ; 144 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu, vir their candles—made of the kernel of a nut abounding much in oil—are then lighted. Many of these are stuck upon a skewer of wood, one below the other, and give a very tolerable light, which they often keep burning an hour after dark, and if they have any strangers in the house it is sometimes kept up all night. Their drums they manage rather better: they are made of a hollow block of wood, covered with shark’s skin; with these they make out five or six tunes, and accompany the flute not disagreeably. They know also how to tune two drums of different notes into concord, which they do nicely enough. They also tune their flutes; if two persons play upon flutes which are not in unison, the shorter is lengthened by adding a small roll of leaf tied round the end of it, and moved up and down till their ears (which are certainly very nice) are satisfied. The drums are used chiefly in their heiwas, which are at Otahite no more than a set of musicians, two drums for instance, two flutes and two singers, who go about from house to house and play. They are always received and rewarded by the master of the family, who gives them a piece of cloth or whatever else he can spare; and during their stay of maybe three or four hours, receives all his neighbours, who crowd his house full. This diversion the people are extravagantly fond of, most likely because, like concerts, assemblies, etc., in Europe, they serve to bring the sexes easily together at a time when the very thought of meeting has opened the heart and made way for pleasing ideas. The grand dramatic heiva which we saw at Ulhietea is, I believe, occasionally performed in all the islands, but that I have so fully described in the journal (3rd, 7th, and 8th August) that I need say no more about it. Besides this they dance, especially the young girls, when- ever they can collect eight or ten together, and setting their mouths askew in a most extraordinary manner, in the practice of which they are brought up from their earliest childhood. In doing this they keep time to a surprising nicety ; I might almost say as truly as any dancers I have 1769 CLOTH MANUFACTURE 145 seen in Europe, though their time is certainly much more simple. This exercise is, however, left off as they arrive at years of maturity. The great facility with which these people have always pro- cured the necessaries of life may very reasonably be thought to have originally sunk them into a kind of indolence, which has, as it were, benumbed their inventions, and prevented their producing such a variety of arts as might reasonably be expected from the approaches they have made in their manners to the politeness of the Europeans. To this may also be added a fault which is too frequent even among the most civilised nations, I mean an invincible attachment to the customs which they have learnt from their forefathers. These people are in so far excusable, as they derive their origin, not from creation, but from an inferior divinity, who was herself, with others of equal rank, descended from the god, causer of earthquakes. They therefore look upon it as a kind of sacrilege to attempt to mend customs which they suppose had their origin either among their deities or their ancestors, whom they hold as little inferior to the divinities themselves. They show their greatest ingenuity in marking and dyeing cloth; in the description of these operations, especially the latter, I shall be rather diffuse, as I am not without hopes that my countrymen may receive some advantage, either from the articles themselves, or at least by hints derived from them. The material of which it is made is the internal bark or liber of three sorts of trees, the Chinese paper mulberry (Morus papyrifera), the bread-fruit tree (Sitodiwm utile’), and a tree much resembling the wild fig-tree of the West Indies (Ficus prolixa). Of the first, which they name aouta, they make the finest and whitest cloth, which is worn chiefly by the principal people; it is likewise the most suitable for dyeing, especially with red. Of the second, which they call ooroo, is made a cloth inferior to the former in whiteness and softness, worn chiefly by people of inferior degree. Of the 1 Artocarpus incisa, Linn. f. L 146 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vi third, which is by far the rarest, is made a coarse, harsh cloth of the colour of the deepest brown paper: it is the only one they have that at all resists water, and is much valued; most of it is perfumed and used by the very great people as a morning dress. These three trees are cultivated with much care, especially the former, which covers the largest part of their cultivated land. Young plants of one or two years’ growth only are used; their great merit is that they are thin, straight, tall, and without branches; to prevent the growth of these last they pluck off with great care all the lower leaves and their germs, as often as there is any appearance of a tendency to produce branches. Their method of manufacturing the bark is the same for all the sorts: one description of it will therefore be sufficient. The thin cloth they make thus: when the trees have grown to a sufficient size they are drawn up, and the roots and tops cut off and stripped of their leaves; the best of the aoute are in this state about three or four feet long and as thick as a man’s finger, but the coroo are considerably larger. The bark of these rods is then slit up longitudinally, and in this manner drawn off the stick; when all are stripped, the bark is carried to some brook or running water, into which it is laid to soak with stones upon it, and in this situation it remains some days. When sufficiently soaked the women servants go down to the river, and stripping themselves, sit down in the water and scrape the pieces of bark, holding them against a flat smooth board, with the shell called by the English shell merchants Tiger’s tongue (Tellina gargadia), dipping it continually in the water until all the outer green bark is rubbed and washed away, and nothing remains but the very fine fibres of the inner bark. This work is generally finished in the afternoon: in the evening the pieces are spread out upon plantain leaves, and in doing this I suppose there is some difficulty, as the mistress of the family generally presides over the operation. All that I could observe was that they laid them in two or three layers, and seemed very careful to make them every- 1769 CLOTH MANUFACTURE 147 where of equal thickness, so that if any part of a piece of bark had been scraped too thin, another thin piece was laid over it, in order to render it of the same thick- ness as the rest. When laid out in this manner, a piece of cloth is eleven or twelve yards long, and not more than a foot broad, for as the longitudinal fibres are all laid lengthwise, they do not expect it to stretch in that direction, though they well know how considerably it will in the other. In this state they suffer it to remain till morning, by which time a large proportion of the water with which it was thoroughly soaked has either drained off or evaporated, and the fibres begin to adhere together, so that the whole may be lifted from the ground without dropping in pieces. It is then taken away by the women servants, who beat it in the following manner. They lay it upon a long piece of wood, one side of which is very even and flat, this side being put under the cloth: as many women then as they can muster, or as can work at the board together, begin to beat it. Each is furnished with a baton made of the hard wood, etoa (Casuarina equisetifolia): it is about a foot long and square with a handle; on each of the four faces of the square are many small furrows, whose width differs on each face, and which cover the whole face. They begin with the coarsest side, keeping time with their strokes in the same manner as smiths, and continue until the cloth, which extends rapidly under these strokes, shows by the too great thinness of the groves which are made in it that a finer side of the beater is requisite. In this manner they proceed to the finest side, with which they finish; unless the cloth is to be of that very fine sort hoboo, which is almost as thin as muslin. In making this last they double the piece several times, and beat it out again and afterwards bleach it in the sun and air, which in these climates produce whiteness in a very 1 The instrument is apparently something like a razor strop, of which the cross section is square, having longitudinal furrows, a varying number on each face. By the ‘‘coarsest side” is to be understood the face with the fewest furrows, which are larger and more deeply indented. 148 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir short time. But I believe that the finest of their hoboo does not attain either its whiteness or softness until it has been worn some time, then washed and beaten over again with the very finest beaters. Of this thin cloth they have almost as many different sorts as we have of linen, distinguishing it according to its fineness and the material of which it is made. Each piece is from nine to fifteen yards in length, and about two and a half broad. It serves them for clothes in the day and bedding at night. When, by use, it is sufficiently worn and becomes dirty, it is carried to the river and washed, chiefly by letting it soak in a gentle stream, fastened to the bottom by a stone, or, if it is very dirty, by wringing it and squeez- ing it gently. Several of the pieces of cloth so washed are then laid on each other, and being beaten with the coarsest side of the beater, adhere together, and become a cloth as thick as coarse broad-cloth, than which nothing can be more soft or delicious to the touch. This softness, however, is not produced immediately after the beating: it is at first stiff as if newly starched, and some parts not adhering together as well as others it looks ragged, and also varies in thick- ness according to any faults in the cloth from which it was made. To remedy this is the business of the mistress and the principal women of the family, who seem to amuse them- selves with this, and with dyeing it, as our English women do with making caps, ruffles, etc. In this way they spend the greater part of their time. Each woman is furnished with a knife made of a piece of bamboo cane, to which they give an edge by splitting it diagonally with their nails. This is sufficient to cut any kind of cloth or soft substance with great ease. A certain quantity of a paste made of the root of a plant which serves them also for food, and is called by them Pea (Chaitea tacca’), is also required. With, the knife they cut off any ragged edges or ends which may not have been sufficiently fixed down by the beating, and with the paste they fasten down others which are less ragged, and 1 Tacca pinnatifida, Forst. 1769 DYES 149 also put patches on any part which may be thinner than the rest, generally finishing their work, if intended to be of the best kind, by pasting a complete covering of the finest thin cloth or hoboo over the whole. They sometimes make a thick cloth also of only half-worn cloth, which, having been worn by cleanly people, is not soiled enough to require washing: of this it is sufficient to paste the edges together. The thick cloth made in either of these ways is used either for the garment called maro, which is a long piece passed between the legs and round the waist, and which serves instead of breeches, or as the ¢ebuta, a garment used equally by both sexes instead of a coat or gown, which exactly resembles that worn by the inhabitants of Peru and Chili, and is called by the Spaniards poncho. The cloth itself, both thick and thin, resembles the finest cottons, in softness especially, in which property it even exceeds them ; its delicacy (for it tears by the smallest accident) makes it impossible that it can ever be used in Europe, indeed it is properly adapted to a hot climate. I used it to sleep in very often in the islands, and always found it far cooler than any English cloth. Having thus described their manner of making the cloth, I shall proceed to their method of dyeing. They use principally two colours, red and yellow. The first of these is most beautiful, I might venture to say a more delicate colour than any we have in Europe, approaching, however, most nearly to scarlet. The second is a good bright colour, but of no particular excellence. They also on some occasions dye the cloth brown and black, but so seldom that I had no opportunity during my stay of seeing the method, or of learning the materials which they make use of. I shall therefore say no more of these colours than that they were so indifferent in their qualities that they did not much raise my curiosity to inquire concerning them. To begin then with the red, in favour of which I shall premise that I believe no voyager has passed through these seas but that he has said something in praise of this colour, the brightness and elegance of which is so great that it 150 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vi cannot avoid being taken notice of by the most superficial observer. This colour is made by the admixture of the juices of two vegetables, neither of which in their separate state have the least tendency to the colour of red, nor, so far at least as I have been able to observe, are there any circumstances relating to them from whence any one would be led to conclude that the red colour was at all latent in them. The plants are Ficus tinctorta, called by them matte (the same name as the colour), and Cordia Sebestena, called etou: of these, the fruits of the first, and the leaves of the second, are used in the following manner. The fruit, which is about as large as a rounceval pea, or very small gooseberry, produces, by breaking off the stalk close to it, one drop of a milky liquor resembling the juice of a fig-tree in Europe. Indeed, the tree itself is a kind of wild fig. This liquor the women collect, breaking off the foot-stalk, and shaking the drop which hangs to the little fig into a small quantity of cocoanut water. To sufficiently prepare a gill of cocoanut water will require three or four quarts of the little figs, though I never could observe that they had any rule in deciding the proportion, except by observing the cocoanut water, which should be of the colour of whey, when a sufficient quantity of the juice of the little figs was mixed with it. When this liquor is ready, the leaves of the efow are brought and well wetted in it; they are then laid upon a plantain leaf, and the women begin, at first gently, to turn and shake them about; afterwards, as they grow more and more flaccid by this operation, to squeeze them a little, increasing the pressure gradually. All this is done merely to prevent the leaves from breaking. As they become more flaccid and spongy, they supply them with more of the juice, and in about five minutes the colour begins to appear on the veins of the etow leaves, and in ten, or a little more, all is finished and ready for straining, when they press and squeeze the leaves as hard as they possibly can. For straining they have a large quantity of the fibres of a kind of Cyperus grass (Cyperus stupeus) called by them mooo, which the boys prepare very nimbly by drawing the 1769 DYEING CLOTH 151 stalks of it through their teeth, or between two little sticks until all the green bark and the bran-like substance which lies between them is gone. In a covering of these fibres, then, they envelop the leaves, and squeezing or wringing them strongly, express the dye, which turns out very little more in quantity than the liquor employed; this operation they repeat several times, as often soaking the leaves in the dye and squeezing them dry again, until they have suffi- ciently extracted all their virtue. They throw away the remaining leaves, keeping however the mooo, which serves them instead of a brush to lay the colour on the cloth. The receptacle used for the liquid dye is always a plantain leaf, whether from any property it may have suitable to the colour, or the great ease with which it is always obtained, and the facility of dividing it, and making of it many small cups, in which the dye may be distributed to every one in the company, I do not know. In laying the dye upon the cloth, they take it up in the fibres of the mooo, and rubbing it gently over the cloth, spread the out- side of it with a thin coat of dye. This applies to the thick cloth: of the thin they very seldom dye more than the edges; some indeed I have seen dyed through, as if it had been soaked in the dye, but it had not nearly so elegant a colour as that on which a thin coat only was laid on the outside. Though the etow leaf is the most generally used, and I believe produces the finest colour, yet there are several more, which by being mixed with the juice of the little figs produce a red colour. Such are Tournefortia sericea (which they call taheino), Convolvulus brasiliensis, Solanum latifoliwm (ebooa). By the use of these different plants or of different proportions of the materials many varieties of the colour are observable among their cloths, some of which are very conspicuously superior to others. When the women have been employed in dyeing cloth, they industriously preserve the colour upon their fingers and nails, upon which it shows with its greatest beauty ; they look upon this as no small ornament, and I have been 152 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vu sometimes inclined to believe that they even borrow the dye of each other, merely for the purpose of colouring their fingers. Whether it is esteemed as a beauty, or a mark of their housewifery in being able to dye, or of their riches in having cloth to dye, I know not. Of what use this preparation may be to my country- men, either in itself, or in any tints which may be drawn from an admixture of vegetable substances so totally different from anything of the kind that is practised in Europe, I am not enough versed in chemistry to be able to guess. I must, however, hope that it will be of some value. The latent qualities of vegetables have already furnished our most valuable dyes. No one from an inspection of the plants could guess that any colour was hidden in the herbs of indigo, woad, dyer’s weed, or indeed most of the plants whose leaves are used in dyeing: and yet those latent qualities have, when discovered, produced colours without which our dyers could hardly maintain their trade. The painter whom I have with me tells me that the nearest imitation of the colour that he could make would be by mixing together vermilion and carmine, but even thus he could not equal the delicacy, though his would be a body colour, and the Indian’s only a stain. In the way that the Indians use it, I cannot say much for its lasting; they commonly keep their cloth white up to the very time it is to be used, and then dye it, as if conscious that it would soon fade. I have, however, used cloth dyed with it myself for a fortnight or three weeks, in which time it has very little altered, and by that time the cloth itself was pretty well worn out. I have now some also in chests, which a month ago when I looked into them had very little changed their colour: the admixture of fixing drugs would, however, certainly not a little conduce to its keeping. Their yellow, though a good colour, has certainly no particular excellence to recommend it in which it is superior to our known yellows. It is made of the bark of a root of a shrub called nono (Morinda wmbellata). This they scrape into water, and after it has soaked a sufficient time, strain 1769 MATTING, ETC. 153 the water, and dip the cloth into it. The wood of the root is no doubt furnished in some degree with the same property as the bark, but not having any vessels in which they can boil it, it is useless to the inhabitants. The genus of Morinda seems worthy of being examined as to its properties for dyeing. Browne, in his History of Jamaica, mentions three species whose roots, he says, are used to dye a brown colour; and Rumphius says of his Bancudus angustifolia, which is very nearly allied to our nono, that it is used by the inhabitants of the East Indian Islands as a fixing drug for the colour of red, with which he says it particularly agrees. They also dye yellow with the fruit of a tree called tamanu (Calophyllum inophyllum), but their method I never had the fortune to see. It seems, however, to be chiefly esteemed by them for the smell, more agreeable to an Indian than an European nose, which it gives to the cloth. Besides their cloth, the women make several kinds of matting, which serves them to sleep upon, the finest being also used for clothes. With this last they take great pains, especially with that sort which is made of the bark of the poorou (Hibiscus tiliaceus), of which I have seen matting almost as fine as coarse cloth. But the most beautiful sort, vanne, which is white and extremely glossy and shining, is made of the leaves of the wharra, a sort of Pandanus, of which we had not an opportunity of seeing either flowers or fruit. The rest of their moeas, which are used to sit down or sleep upon, are made of a variety of sorts of rushes, grasses, etc.; these they are extremely nimble in making, as indeed they are of everything which is plaited, including baskets of a thousand different patterns, some being very neat. As for occasional baskets or panniers made of a cocoanut leaf, or the little bonnets of the same material which they wear to shade their eyes from the sun, every one knows how to make them at once. As soon as the sun was pretty high, the women who had been with us since morning, generally sent out for cocoanut leaves, of which they made such 1 Bancudus angustifolia, Rumph. = Morinda angustifolia, Roxb. 154 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir bonnets in a few minutes, and threw away as soon as the sun became again low in the afternoon. These, however, serve merely for a shade: coverings for their heads they have none except their hair, for these bonnets or shades only fit round their heads, not upon them. Besides these things, they are very neat in making fish- ing-nets in the same manner as we do, ropes of about an inch thick, and lines from the poorou, threads with which they sew together their canoes, and also belts from the fibres of the cocoanut, plaited either round or flat. All their twisting work they do upon their thighs in a manner very difficult to describe, and, indeed, unnecessary, as no European can want to learn how to perform an operation which his instruments will do for him so much faster than it can possibly be done by hand. But of all the strings that they make none are so excellent as the fishing-lines, etc., made of the bark of the erowa,a kind of frutescent nettle (Urtica argentea) which grows in the mountains, and is consequently rather scarce. Of this they make the lines which are employed to take the briskest and most active fish, bonitos, albecores, etc. As I never made experiments with it, I can only describe its strength by saying that it was infinitely stronger than the silk lines which I had on board made in the best fishing shops in London, though scarcely more than half as thick. In every expedient for taking fish they are vastly ingenious; their seine nets for fish to mesh themselves in, ete., are exactly like ours. They strike fish with harpoons made of cane and pointed with hard wood more dexterously than we can do with ours that are headed with iron, for we who fasten lines to ours need only lodge them in the fish to secure it, while they, on the other hand, throwing theirs quite from them, must either mortally wound the fish or lose him. Their hooks, indeed, as they are not made of iron, are necessarily very different from ours in construction. They are of two sorts; the first, witte-witte, is used for towing. Fig. 1 represents this in profile, and Fig. 2 the view of the bottom part. The shank (a) is made of mother-of-pearl, 1769 FISH HOOKS 155 the most glossy that can be got, the inner or naturally bright side being put undermost. In Fig. 2, d is a tuft of white dog’s or hog’s hair, which serves, maybe, to imitate the tail of a fish. These hooks require no bait: they are used with a fishing-rod of bamboo. The people having found by the flight of birds, which constantly attend shoals of bonitos, where the fish are, paddle their canoes as swiftly as they can across them, and seldom fail to take some. This Indian invention seems far to exceed anything of the kind that I have seen among Europeans, and is certainly more successful than any artificial flying fish or other thing which is generally used for taking bonitos. .So far, it deserves imitation at any time when taking bonitos is at all desirable. The other sort of hook which they have is made likewise ‘of mother-of-pearl, or some hard shell, and as they cannot make them bearded as our own, they supply that fault by making the points turn much inwards, as in the annexed figure. They have them of all sizes, and catch with them all kinds of fish very successfully, I believe. The manner of making them is very simple; every fisherman makes them for himself. 156 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir The shell is first cut by the edge of another shell into square pieces. These are shaped with files of coral, with which they work in a manner surprising to any one who does not know how sharp corals are. A hole is then bored in the middle by a drill, which is simply any stone that may chance to have a sharp corner in it tied to the handle of a cane. This is turned in the hand like a chocolate mill until the hole is made; the file then comes into the hole and completes the hook. This is made, in such a one as the figure shows, in less than a quarter of an hour. In their carpentry, joinery, and stone-cutting, etc., they are scarcely more indebted to the use of tools than in making these hooks. A stone axe in the shape of an adze, a chisel or gouge made of a human bone, a file or rasp of coral, the skin of sting-rays and coral sand to polish with, are a suffi- cient set of tools for building a house and furnishing it with boats, as well as for quarrying and squaring stones for the pavement of anything which may require it in the neighbour- hood. Their axes are made of a black stone, not very hard, but tolerably tough: they are of different sizes, some, intended for felling, weigh three or four pounds; others, which are used only for carving, not as many ounces. Whatever quality is lacking in these tools, is made up by the industry of the people who use them. Felling a tree is their greatest labour; a large one requires many hands to assist, and some days before it can be finished, but when once it is down they manage it with far greater dexterity than is credible to a European. If it is to be made into boards they put wedges into it, and drive them with such dexterity (as they have told me, for I never saw it) that they divide it into slabs of three or four inches in thickness, seldom meeting with an accident if the tree is good. These slabs they very soon dubb down with their axes to any given thinness, and in this work they certainly excel; indeed, their tools are better adapted for this than for any other labour. I have seen them dubb off the first rough coat of a plank at least as fast as one of our carpenters could have done it; and in hollowing, where they are able to raise 1769 CARPENTRY AND CARVING 157 large slabs of the wood, they certainly work more quickly, owing to the weight of their tools. Those who are masters of this business will take off a surprisingly thin coat from a whole plank without missing a stroke. They can also work upon wood of any shape as well as upon a flat piece, for in making a canoe every piece, bulging or flat, is properly shaped at once, as they never bend a plank; all the bulging pieces must be shaped by hand, and this is done entirely with axes. They have also small axes for carving; but all this latter kind of work was so bad, and in so very mean a, taste, that it scarcely deserved that name. Yet they are very fond of having carvings and figures stuck about their canoes, the great ones especially, which generally have a figure of a man at the head and another at the stern. Their marais also are ornamented with different kinds of figures, one device representing many men standing on each other’s heads. They have also figures of animals, and planks of which the faces are carved in patterns of squares and circles, etc. All their work, however, in spite of its bad taste, acquires a certain neatness in finish, for they polish every- thing, even the side of a canoe or the post of a house, with coral-sand rubbed on in the outer husk of a cocoanut and ray’s skin, which makes it very smooth and neat. Their boats, all at least that I have seen of them, may be divided into two general classes. The first, or ivahah, are the only sort used at Otahite; they serve for fishing and for short trips to sea, but do not seem at all calculated for long voyages; the others, or pahie, are used by the inhabitants of the Society Isles, viz. Ulhietea, Bola Bola, Huahine, etc., and are rather too clumsy for fishing, for which reason the inhabitants of those islands have also ivahahs. The pahie are much better adapted for long voyages. The figures below (p. 158) give a section of both kinds: Fig. 1 is the wahah and Fig. 2 the pahie. To begin, then, with the iwahah. These differ very much in length: I have measured them from 10 feet to 72 feet, but by no means proportional in breadth, for while that of 10 feet was about 1 foot in breadth, that of 72 feet was scarce 2 feet, 158 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir nor is their height increased in much greater proportion. They may be subdivided into three sorts, the fighting wahah, the common sailing or fishing wwahah, and the travelling wahah. The fighting wahah is by far the longest ; the head and stern of these are considerably raised above the body in a semicircular form, 17 or 18 feet in height when the centre is scarcely 3 feet. These boats never go to sea singly ; two are always fastened together side by side at the distance of about two feet by strong poles of wood extending across both, and upon them is built a stage in the fore-part about ten or twelve feet long, and a little broader than the two boats: this is supported by pillars about six feet high, and =) wee Qa Fig.1. Fig.2. upon it stand the people who fight with slings, spears, etc. Below are the rowers, who are much less engaged in the battle on account of their confined situation, but who receive the wounded from the stage, and furnish fresh men to ascend in their room. (This much from description, for I never saw any of their battles.) The sailing and fishing ivahahs vary in size from about 40 feet in length to the smallest I have mentioned, but those which are under 25 feet in length seldom or never carry sail: their sterns only are raised, and those not above four or five feet: their prows are quite flat, and have a flat board projecting forwards about four feet beyond them. Those which I have called travelling ivahahs differ from these in nothing except that two are constantly 1769 BOATS 159 joined together in the same manner as the war-boats, and that they have a small neat house five or six feet broad by seven or eight long fastened upon the fore-part of them, in which the principal people, who use them very much, sit while they are carried from place to place. The sailing iwahahs have also this house upon them when two are joined together, which is, however, but seldom. Indeed, the differ- ence between these two consists. almost entirely in the rigging, and I have divided them into two more because they are generally seen employed in very different occupa- tions than from any real difference in their build. All wahahs agree in the sides built like walls and the bottoms flat. In this they differ from the pahie (Fig. 2), of which the sides bulge out and the bottom is sharp, answering, in some measure, instead of a keel. These pahies differ very much in size: I have seen them from 30 to 60 feet in length, but, like the wahahs, they are very narrow in proportion to their length. One that I measured was 51 feet in length, but only 14 feet in breadth at the top (a) and 3 feet in the bilge (6, see Fig. 2). This is about the general proportion. Their round sides, how- ever, make them capable of carrying much greater burthens and being much safer sea-boats, in consequence of which they are used merely for fighting and making long voyages. For purposes of fishing and travelling along shore the natives of the islands where they are chiefly used have iwahahs. The fighting pahies, which are the longest, are fitted in the same manner as the fighting ivahahs, only as they carry far greater burthens, the stages are proportionately larger. Two sailing boats are most generally fastened together for this purpose ; those of a middling size are said to be best, and least liable to accident in stormy weather. In these, if we may credit the reports of the inhabitants, they make very long voyages, often remaining several months from home, visiting in that time many different islands, of which they reported to us the names of nearly a hundred; they cannot, however, remain at sea above a fortnight or twenty days, although they live as sparingly as possible, for want of proper pro- 160 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir visions and place to store them in, as well as water, of which they carry a tolerable stock in bamboos. All the boats are disproportionately narrow in respect to their length, which causes them to be very easily overset, so that not even the Indians dare venture in them till they are fitted with a contrivance to prevent this inconvenience, which is done, either by fastening two together side by side, as has been before described, in which case one supports the other and they become as steady a vehicle as can be imagined ; or, if one of them is going out alone, by fasten- ing a log of wood to two poles laid across the boat: this serves to balance it tolerably, though not so securely, but that I have seen the Indians overturn them very often. This is the same principle as that adopted in the flying proa of the Ladrone Islands described in Lord Anson’s voyage, where it is called an outrigger; indeed, the vessels themselves as much resemble the flying proa as to make appear at least possible that either the latter is a very artful improvement of these, or these a very awkward imitation of the proa. These boats are propelled with large paddles, which have a long handle and a flat blade resembling, more than any- thing I can recollect, a baker’s peel; of these every person in the boat generally has one, except those who sit under the houses; and with these they push themselves on fairly fast through the water. The boats are so leaky, however, that one person at least is employed almost constantly in throwing out the water. The only thing in which they excel is landing in a surf, for by reason of their great length and high sterns they land dry when our boats could scarcely land at all, and in the same manner they put off from the shore, as I have often experienced. When sailing, they have either one or two masts fitted to a frame which is above the canoe: they are made of a single stick; in one that I measured of 32 feet in length, the mast was 25 feet high, which seems to be about the common proportion. To this is fastened a sail about one-third longer, but narrow and of a triangular shape, pointed at the top, and the outside curved; it is bordered 1769 BOAT-BUILDING 161 all round with a frame of wood, and has no contrivance either for reefing or furling, so that in case of bad weather it must be entirely cut away; but I fancy that in these moderate climates they are seldom brought to this necessity. The material of which it is made is universally matting. With these sails their canoes go at a very good rate, and lie very near the wind, probably on account of their sail being bordered with wood, which makes them stand better than any bow-lines could possibly do. On the top of this sail they carry an ornament which, in taste, resembles much our pennants; it is made of feathers, and reaches down to the very water, so that when blown out by the wind it makes no inconsiderable show. They are fond of ornaments in all parts of their boats; in the good ones they commonly have a figure at the stern, and in the pahzes they have a figure at both ends, and the smaller ivahahs have usually a small carved pillar upon the stern. Considering that these people are so entirely destitute of iron, they build these canoes very well. Of the ivahahs the foundation is always the trunks of one or more trees hollowed out: the ends of these are sloped off, and sewed together with the fibres of the husk of the cocoanut; the sides are then raised with planks sewed together in the same manner. The pahies, as they are much better embarkations, so they are built in a more ingenious manner. Like the others they are laid upon a long keel, which, however, is not more than four or five inches deep. Upon this they raise two ranges of planks, each. of which is about eighteen inches high, and about four or five feet in length: such a number of pieces must necessarily be framed and fitted together before they are sewed; and this they do very dexterously, supporting the keel by ropes made fast to the top of the house under which they work, and each plank by a stanchion; so that the canoe is completely put together before any one part is fastened to the next, and in this manner it is supported till the sewing is completed. This, however, soon rots in the salt water; it must be renewed M 162 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir once a year at least; in doing so the canoe is entirely taken to pieces and every plank examined. By this means they are always in good repair; the best of them are, however, very leaky, for as they use no caulking the water must run in at every hole made by the sewing. This is no great in- convenience to them, who live in a climate where the water is always warm, and who go barefoot. For the convenience of keeping these pahies dry, we saw in the islands where they are used a peculiar sort of house built for their reception and put to no other use. It was built of poles stuck upright in the ground and tied together at the top, so that they make a kind of Gothic arch: the sides of these are completely covered with thatch down to the ground, but the ends are left open. One of these I measured was fifty paces in length, ten in breadth, and twenty-four feet in height, and this was of an average size. The people excel much in predicting the weather, a circumstance of great use to them in their short voyages from island to island. They have various ways of doing this, but one only that I know of which I never heard of being practised by Europeans, and that is foretelling the quarter of the heavens from whence the wind will blow by observing the Milky Way, which is generally bent in an arch either one way or the other: this arch they conceive as already acted upon by the wind, which is the cause of its curving, and say that if the same curve continues a whole night the wind predicted by it seldom fails to come some time in the next day, and in this as well as their other predictions we found them indeed not infallible, but far more clever than Europeans. In their longer voyages they steer in the day by the sun, and in the night by the stars: of these they know a very large number by name, and the cleverest among them will tell in what part of the heavens they are to be seen in any month when they are above their horizon: they know also the time of their annual appearance and disappearance to a great nicety, far greater than would be easily believed by an European astronomer. 1769 MEASURES OF TIME, ETC. 163 I was not able to get a complete idea of their method of dividing time. I shall, however, set down what little I know. In speaking of time either past or to come, they never use any term but moons, of which they count thirteen, and then begin again: this of itself sufficiently shows that they have some idea of the solar year, but how they manage to make their thirteen months agree with it I never could find out. That they do, however, I believe, because in mentioning the names of months they very frequently told us the fruits that would be in season in each of them, etc. They also have a name for the thirteen months collectively, but they never use it in speaking of time; it is employed only in explaining the mysteries of their religion. In their metaphorical year they say that the year Tettowma ta tayo was the daughter of the chief divinity Taroatathetoomoo, and that she in time brought forth the months, who in their turn produced the days, of which they count twenty-nine in every month, including one in which the moon is invisible. Every one of these has its respective name, and is again subdivided into twelve parts, containing about two hours each, six for the day and six for the night, each of which has likewise its re- spective name. In the day-time they guess the divisions of these parts very well, but in the night, though they have the same number of divisions as in the day, seem very little able to tell at any time which hour it is, except the cleverest among them who know the stars. In counting they proceed from one to ten, having a different name for each number; from thence they say one more, two more, etc., up to twenty, which after being called in the general count ten more, acquires a new name as we say a score: by these scores they count till they have got ten of them, which again acquires a new name, 200; these again are counted till they get ten of them, 2000; which is the largest denomination I have ever heard them make use of, and I suppose is as large as they can ever have occasion for, as they can count ten of these (de up to 20,000) without any new term. In measures of space they are very poor indeed: one 164 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir fathom and ten fathoms are the only terms I have heard among them. By these they convey the size of anything, as a house, a boat, depth of the sea, etc, but when they speak of distances from one place to another they have no way of making themselves understood but by the number of days it takes them in their canoes to go the distance. Their language appeared to me to be very soft and tuneful; it abounds in vowels, and was easily pronounced by us, while ours was to them absolutely impracticable. I instance par- ticularly my own name, which I took much pains to teach them and they to learn; after three days’ fruitless trial I was forced to select from their many attempts Zapane, the only one I had been able to get from them that had the least similitude to it. Spanish or Italian words they pro- nounced with ease, provided they ended with a vowel, for few or none of theirs end with a consonant. I cannot say that I am sufficiently acquainted with it to pronounce whether it is copious or not; in one respect, however, it is beyond measure inferior to all European languages, and that is in its almost total want of inflection both of nouns and verbs, few or none of the former having more than one case or the latter one tense. Notwithstand- ing this want, however, we found it very easy to make ourselves understood in matters of common necessaries, how- ever paradoxical it may appear to an European. They have certain suffixes and make very frequent use of them. This puzzled us at first very much, though they are but few in number. An instance or two may be necessary to make myself understood, as they do not exist in any modern European language. One asks another “ Harre nea ?” “ Where are you going?” The other answers “ Tvahinera,” “To my wives,” on which the first questioning him still further “Ivahinera ?” “To your wives?” is answered “ Ivahinereiaa,” “Yes, I am going to my wives.” Here the suffixes era and eiaa save several words to both parties. From the vocabularies given in Le Maire’s voyage (see Histoire des Navigations aux Terres Australes, tom. i. p. 410°) ” By C. de Brosse, 1756. 1769 LANGUAGE 165 it appears clearly that the languages given there as those of the Isles of Solomon and the Isle of Cocos? are radically the identical language we met with, most words differing in little, but the greater number of consonants. The languages of New Guinea and Moyse Isle* have also many words radi- cally the same, particularly their numbers, although they are so obscured by a multitude of consonants that it is scarcely possible that they should be detected but by those who are in some measure acquainted with one of the languages. For instance the New Guinea Aisson (fish) is found to be the same as the Otahite eia by the medium of ica of the Isle of Solomon; talingan (ears) is in Otahite terrea; limang (a hand) becomes lima or rima; paring (cheeks) is paperea ; mattanga (eyes) mata; “they called us,” says the author, “tata,” which in Otahite signifies men in general. That the people who inhabit this numerous range of islands should have originally come from one and the same place, and brought with them the same numbers and language, which latter especially have remained not materi- ally altered to this day, is in my opinion not at all beyond belief; but that the numbers of Madagascar should be the same as all these is almost if not quite incredible. I shall give them from a book called a Collection of Voyages by the Dutch East Company, Lond. 1703, p. 116, where, supposing the author who speaks of ten numbers and gives only nine to have lost the fifth, their similarity is beyond dispute. Madagascar. Otahite. Cocos Isle. New Guinea. 1. Issa Tahie Taci Tika 2. Rove Rua Loua Roa 8. Tello Torou Tolou Tola 4, Effat Hea Fa Fatta 6. Enning ‘Whene Houno Wamma 7. Fruto Hetu Fitou Fita 8. Wedo Waru Walou Walla 9. Sidai Heva Ywore Siwa 10. Scula Ahourou Ongefoula Sangafoula 1 Probably one of the Samoa group, not the Keeling Islands. 2 An island off the N.E. coast of New Guinea, so named by Le Maire. 166 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vil It must be remembered, however, that the author of this voyage, during the course of it, touched at Java and several other East Indian Isles, as well as at Madagascar; so that if by any disarrangement of his papers he has given the numerals of some of those islands for those of Madagascar, our wonder will be much diminished ; for after having traced them from Otahite to New Guinea it would not seem very wonderful to carry them a little farther to the East Indian Isles, which from their situation seem not unlikely to be the place from whence our islanders originally came. But I shall waive saying any more on this subject till I have had an opportunity of myself seeing the customs, etc. of the Javans, which this voyage will in all probability give me an opportunity of doing. The language of all the islands I was upon was the same, so far as I could understand it; the people of Ulhietea only changed the ¢ of the Otahiteans to 4h, calling ¢ata, which signifies a man or woman, kaka, a peculiarity which made the language much less soft. The people of Oheteroa, so far as I could understand their words, which were only shouted out to us, seemed to do the same thing, and add many more consonants, which made their language much less musical. I shall give a few of the words, from whence an idea may be got of their language. Eupo the head Oboo the belly Ahewh the nose Rema the arm Roourou the hair Aporema the hand Outou the mouth Manneow the fingers Nihéo the teeth Mieu the nails Arrero the tongue Touhe the buttocks Meu-Eumi the beard Hoouhah the thighs Tiarraboa the throat Mae fat Tuamo the shoulders Huru-puru hair Tuah the back Eraou a tree Aoai the legs Ama a branch Tapoa the feet Tiale a, flower Booa a hog Huero fruit Moa a fowl Etummoo the stem Eurée a dog Aaa the root Euré-eure iron Eiherre herbaceous plants Qoroo bread-fruit Oboopa a pigeon Hearee cocoanuts Avigne a parroquet Mia bananas Aa another species Vae wild plantains Mannu a bird Ooma the breast Mora a duck Eu the nipples Mattow a fish-hook 1769 DISEASES 167 Toura a rope Eno bad Mow a shark A yes Mattera a fishing-rod Ima no Eupea a net Paree ugly Mahanna the sun Pororee hungry Malama the moon Pia full Whettu a star Tuhea lean Whettu-euphe a comet Timahah heavy Erai the sk Mama light Eatta a clou Poto short Mahi mahi a dolphin Roa tall Poe beads Neuenne sweet Poe Matawewwe pearl Mala bitter Ahow a garment Whanno to go far Avee a fruitlike an apple Harre to go Ahee another like a Arrea to stay chestnut Enoho to remain or tarry Ewharre a house Rohe-rohe to be tired Whennua a high island Maa to eat Motu a low island Inoo to drink Toto blood Ete to understand Aeve bone Warriddo to steal Aeo flesh Woridde to be angry Miti good Teparahie to beat Among people whose diet is so simple and plain dis- tempers cannot be expected to be as frequent as among us Europeans ; we observed but few, and those chiefly cutane- ous, as erysipelas and scaly eruptions on the skin. This last was almost, if not quite, advanced to leprosy; the people who were in that state were secluded from society, living by themselves each in a small house built in some unfrequented place, where they were daily supplied with provisions. Whether these had any hope of relief, or were doomed in this manner to languish out a life of solitude, we did not learn. Some, but very few, had ulcers on different parts of their bodies, most of which looked very virulent ; the people who were afflicted with them did not, however, seem much to regard them, leaving them entirely without any application, even to keep off the flies. Acute distempers no doubt they have, but while we stayed upon the island they were very uncommon; possibly in the rainy season they are more frequent. Among the numerous acquaintances I had upon the island only one was taken ill during our stay. I visited her and found her, as is their custom, left by everybody but her three children, who sat by her; her 168 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir complaint was colic, which did not appear to me to be at all violent. JI asked her what medicine she took, she told me none, and that she depended entirely upon the priest, who had been trying to free her from her distemper by his prayers and ceremonies, which, she said, he would repeat till she was well, showing me at the same time branches of the Thespesia populnea, which he had left with her. After this I left her, and whether through the priest’s ceremonies or her own constitution, she came down to our tents com- pletely recovered in three days’ time. I never happened to be present when the priests per- formed their ceremonies for the cure of sick people; but one of our gentlemen who was informed me that they con- sisted of nothing but the repetition of certain fixed sentences, during which time the priest plaited leaves of the cocoanut tree into different figures, neatly enough; some of which he fastened to the fingers and toes of the sick man, who was at the time uncovered, out of respect to the prayers. The whole ceremony almost exactly resembled their method of praying at the marais, which I shall by and by describe. They appear, however, to have some knowledge of medicine, besides these operations of priestcraft. That they have skilful surgeons among them we easily gathered from the dreadful scars of wounds which we frequently saw cured, some of which were far greater than any I have seen any- where else; and these were made by stones which these people throw with slings with great dexterity and force. One man I particularly recollect whose face was almost entirely destroyed; yet this dreadful wound had healed cleanly without any ulcer remaining. Tupia, who has had several wounds, had one made by a spear headed with the bone of a sting-ray’s tail which had pierced right through his body, entering at his back and coming out just under his breast ; yet this has been so well cured that the remain- ing scar is as smooth and as small as any I have seen from the cures by our best European surgeons. Vulnerary herbs they have many, nor do they seem at all nice in the choice of them. They have plenty of such 1769 MEDICINE 169 herbaceous plants as yield mild juices devoid of all acridity, similar to the English chickweed, groundsel, etc. ; with these they make fomentations, which they frequently apply to the wound, taking care to cleanse it as often as possible; the patient all the time observing great abstinence. By this method, if they have told me truly, their wounds are cured in a very short time. As for their medicines we learned but little concerning them; they told us, and indeed freely, that such and such plants were good for such and such distempers, but it required a much better knowledge of the language than we were able to obtain during our short stay to under- stand the method of application. Their manner of disposing of their dead as well as the ceremonies relating to their mourning are so remarkable that they deserve a very particular description. As soon as any one is dead the house is immediately filled with his relations, who bewail their loss with loud lamentations, especially those who are the farthest removed in blood from, or who profess the least grief for, the deceased. The nearer relations and those who are really affected spend their time in more silent sorrow, while the rest join in a chorus of grief at certain intervals, between which they laugh, talk, and gossip as if totally unconcerned. This lasts till daylight of the next day, when the body, being shrouded in cloth, is laid upon a kind of bier on which it can con- veniently be carried on men’s shoulders. The priest’s office now begins; he prays over the body, repeating his sentences, and orders it to be carried down to the sea-side. Here his prayers are renewed; the corpse is brought down near the water's edge, and he sprinkles water towards but not upon it; it is then removed forty or fifty yards from the sea, and soon after brought back. This ceremony is repeated several times. In the meantime a house has been built and a small space of ground round it railed in; in the centre of this house are posts, upon which the bier, as soon as the ceremonies are finished, is set. On these the corpse is to remain and putrefy in state, to the no small disgust of every one whose business requires him to pass near it. 170 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir These houses of corruption, tw papow, are of a size pro- portionate to the rank of the person contained in them. If he is poor it merely covers the bier, and generally has no railing round it. The largest I ever saw was eleven yards in length. These houses are ornamented according to the ability and inclination of the surviving relations, who never fail to lay a profusion of good cloth about the body, and often almost cover the outside of the house; the two ends, which are open, are also hung with garlands of the fruits of the palm-nut (Pandanus), cocoanut leaves knotted by the priests, mystic roots, and a plant called by them ethee nota marai (Terminalia), which is particularly consecrated to funerals. Near the house is also laid fish, fruits, and cocoanuts, or common water, or such provisions as can well be spared; not that they suppose the dead in any way capable of eating this provision, but they think that if any of their gods should descend upon that place, and being hungry find that these preparations had been neglected, he would infallibly satisfy his appetite with the flesh of the corpse. No sooner is the corpse fixed up within the house, or ewhatta, as they call it, than the ceremony of mourning begins again. The women (for the men seem to think lamentations beneath their dignity) assemble, led on by the nearest relative, who, walking up to the door of the house, swimming almost in tears, strikes a shark’s tooth several times into the crown of her head; the blood which results from these wounds is carefully caught in their linen, and thrown under the bier. Her example is imitated by the rest of the women; and this ceremony is repeated at intervals of two or three days, as long as the women are willing or able to keep it up; the nearest relation thinking it her duty to continue it longer than any one else. Besides this blood—which they believe to be an acceptable present to the deceased, whose soul they believe to exist, and hover about the place where the body lays, observing the action of the survivors—they throw in cloths wet with tears, of which all that are shed are carefully preserved for that purpose; and 1769 MOURNING CEREMONIES 171 the younger people cut off all or a part of their hair, and throw that also under the bier. When the ceremonies have been performed for two or three days, the men, who till now seemed to be entirely insensible of their loss, begin their part. They have a peculiar dress for this occasion, and patrol the woods early in the morning and late at night, preceded by two or three boys, who have nothing upon them but a small piece of cloth round their waists, and who are smutted all over with charcoal. These sable emissaries run about their principal in all directions, as if in pursuit of people on whom he may vent the rage inspired by his sorrow, which he does most unmercifully if he catches any one, cutting them with his stick, the edge of which is set with shark’s teeth. But this rarely or never happens, for no sooner does this figure appear than every one who sees either him or his emissaries, inspired with a sort of religious awe, flies with the utmost speed, hiding wherever he thinks himself safest, but by all means quitting his house if it lies even near the path of this dreadful apparition. These ceremonies continue for five moons, decreasing, however, in frequency very much towards the latter part of that time. The body is then taken down from the ewhatta, the bones washed and scraped very clean, and buried according to the rank of the person, either within or without some one of their marais or places of public worship; and if it is one of their carees, or chiefs, his skull is preserved, and, wrapped up in fine cloth, is placed in a kind of case made for the purpose, which stands in the marai. The mourning then ceases, unless some of the women, who find themselves more than commonly afflicted by their loss, repeat the ceremony of poopooing, or bleeding themselves in the head, which they do at any time or in any place they happen to be when the whim takes them. The ceremonies, however, are far from ceasing at this stage; frequent prayers must be said by the priest, and frequent offerings made for the benefit of the deceased, or more properly for that of the priests, who are well paid 172 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir for their prayers by the surviving relations. During the ceremony emblematical devices are made use of; a young plantain tree signifies the deceased, and a bundle of feathers the deity invoked. Opposite to this the priest places himself, often attended by relations of the deceased, and always furnished with a small offering of some kind of eatables intended for the god. He begins by addressing the god by a set form of sentences, and during the time he repeats them employs himself in weaving cocoanut leaves into different forms, all which he disposes upon the grave where the bones have been deposited; the deity is then addressed by a shrill screech, used only on that occasion, and the offering presented to his representative (the little tuft of feathers), which after this is removed, and everything else left in statu quo, to the no small emolument of the rats, who quietly devour the offering. Religion has been jin all ages, and is still in all countries, clothed in mysteries inexplicable to human understanding. In the South Sea Islands it has still another disadvantage to any one who desires to investigate it: the language in which it is conveyed, or at least many words of it, is different from that of common conversation; so that although Tupia often showed the greatest desire to instruct us in it, he found it almost impossible. It is only necessary to remember how difficult it would be to reconcile the apparent inconsistencies of our own religion to the faith of an infidel, and to recollect how many excellent discourses are daily read to instruct even us in the faith which we profess, to excuse me when I declare that I know less of the religion of these people than of any other part of their policy. What I do know, however, I shall here write down, hoping that inconsistencies may not appear to the eye of the candid reader as absurdities. This universe and its marvellous parts must strike the most stupid with a desire of knowing from whence they themselves and it were produced; their priests, however, have not ideas sufficiently enlarged to adopt that of creation. That this world should have been originally created from 1769 RELIGION 173 nothing far surpasses their comprehension. They observed, however, that every animal and every plant produced others, and adopted the idea; hence it is necessary to suppose two original beings, one of whom they called £ttoomoo, and the other, which they say was a rock, Tepapa. These, at some very remote period of time, produced men and women, and from their children is derived all that is seen or known to us. Some things, however, they imagine, increased among themselves, as the stars, the different species of plants, and even the different divisions of time—the year, say they, produced the months, who in their turn produced the days. Their gods are numerous, and are divided into two classes, the greater and the lesser gods, and in each class some are of both sexes. The chief of all is Tarroatiettoomoo, the father of all things, whom they emphatically style the “Causer of Earthquakes”; his son, Zane, is, however, much more generally invoked, as he is supposed to be the more active deity. The men worship the male gods, and the women the females; the men, however, supply the office of priest for both sexes. They believe in a heaven and a hell: the first they call Tavirua Porat, the other tiahoboo, Heaven they describe as a place of great happiness, while hell is only a place enjoy- ing less of the luxuries of life: to this, they say, the souls of the inferior people go after death, and those of the chiefs and rich men go to heaven. This is one of the strongest instances to show that their religion is totally independent of morality, no actions regarding their neigh- bours are supposed to come at all under the cognisance of the diety: a humble regard only is to be shown him, and his assistance asked on all occasions with much ceremony and some sacrifice, from whence are derived the perquisites of the priests. The Yahowa, or priest, is here a hereditary dignity. These priests are numerous: the chief of them is generally the younger brother of some very good family, and ranks next to the king. All priests are commonly more learned than the laity: their learning consists chiefly in knowing well 174 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vu the names and rank of the different Hatuas, or divinities, the origin of the universe and all its parts, etc. This knowledge has been handed down to them in set sentences, of which those who are clever can repeat an almost infinite number. Besides religion, the practice of physic and the knowledge of navigation and astronomy is in the possession of the priests: the name indeed, Tahowa, signifies a man of knowledge, so that even here the priests monopolise the greater part of the learning of the country in much the same manner as they formerly did in Europe. From their learning they gain profit as well as respect, each in his particular order ; for each order has priests of its own; nor would those of the manahounis do anything for a toutow who is below them. Marriage in these islands is no more than an agreement between man and woman, totally independent of the priest ; it is in general, I believe, well kept, unless the parties agree to separate, which is done with as little trouble as they came together. Few people, however, enter this state, but rather choose freedom, though bought at the inhuman expense of murdering their children, whose fate is in that case entirely dependent on the father, who if he does not choose to acknowledge both them and the woman, and engage to con- tribute his part towards their support, orders the child to be strangled, which is instantly put in execution. If our priests have excelled theirs in persuading us that marriage cannot be lawful without their benediction having been bought, they have done it by intermingling it so far with religion that the fear of punishment from above secures their power over us; but these untaught persons have secured to themselves the profit of two operations without being driven to the necessity of so severe a penalty on the refusal, viz. tattowing and circumcision; neither of these can be performed by any but priests, and as the highest degree of shame attaches to the neglect of either, the people are as much obliged to make use of them as if bound by the highest ties of religion, of which both customs are totally independent. They give no reason for the tattowing but 1769 MARAIS 175 that their ancestors did the same: for both these operations the priests are paid by every one according to his ability, in the same manner as weddings, christenings, etc., etc., are paid for in Europe. Their places of public worship, or marais, are square enclosures of very different sizes, from ten to a hundred yards in length. At one end a heap or pile of stones is built up, near which the bones of the principal people are interred, those of their dependents lying all round on the outside of the wall. Near or in these enclosures are often placed planks carved into different figures, and very frequently images of many men standing on each other’s heads; these, however, are in no degree the objects of adoration, every prayer and sacrifice being offered to invisible deities. Near, or even within the marai, are one or more large altars, raised on high posts ten or twelve feet above the ground, which are called ewhattas; on these are laid the offerings, hogs, dogs, fowls, fruits, or whatever else the piety or superfluity of the owner thinks proper to dedicate to the gods. Both these places are reverenced in the highest degree: no man approaches them without taking his clothes from off his shoulders, and no woman is on any account permitted to enter them. The women, however, have marais of their own, where they worship and sacrifice to their goddesses. Of these marais each family of consequence has one, which serves for himself and his dependents. As each family values itself on its antiquity, so are the marais esteemed: in the Society Isles, especially Ulhietea, were some of great antiquity, particularly that of Tapo de boatea. The material of these is rough and coarse, but the stones of which they are composed are immensely large. At Otahite again, where from frequent wars or other accidents many of the most ancient families are extinct, they have tried to make them as elegant and expensive as possible, of which sort is that of Oamo (described on pp. 102-4). Besides their gods, each island has a bird, to which the title of Hatwa or god is given: for instance Ulhietea has the 176 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vr heron, and Bola-Bola a kind of kingfisher: these birds are held in high respect, and are never killed or molested: they are thought to be givers of good or bad fortune, but no sort of worship is offered to them. Though I dare not assert that these people, to whom the art of writing, and consequently of recording laws, etc., is totally unknown, live under a regular form of government, yet the subordination which takes place among them very much resembles the early state of the feudal laws, by which our ancestors were so long governed, a system evidently formed to secure the licentious liberty of a few, while the greater part of the society are unalterably immersed in the most abject slavery. Their orders are Haree ra hie, which answers to king; earee, baron; manahount, vassal; and toutow, villain. The earee ra hie is always the head of the best family in the country: to him great respect is paid by all ranks, but in power he seemed to be inferior to several of the principal earees, nor indeed did he once appear in the transaction of any part of our business. Next to him in rank are the earees, each of whom holds one or more of the districts into which the island is divided: in Otahite there may be about a hundred such districts, which are by the earees parcelled out to the manahounis, each of whom cultivates his part, and for the use of it owes his chief service and provisions when called upon, especially when the latter travels, which he constantly does, accompanied by many of his friends and their families, often amounting to nearly a hundred principals, besides their attendants. Inferior to the manahounis are the towtous, who are almost upon the same footing as the slaves in the East Indian Islands, only that they never appeared transferable from one to the other. These do all kinds of laborious work: till the land, fetch wood and water, dress the victuals, under the direction, however, of the mistress of the family, catch fish, etc. Besides these are the two classes of erata and towha, who seem to answer to yeomen and gentlemen, as they came between the earee and manahoum: but as I was not acquainted with the existence 1769 RANKS AND CLASSES 177 of these classes during our stay in the island, I know little of their real situation. Each of the earees keeps a kind of court, and has a large attendance, chiefly of the younger brothers of his own family and of other earees. Among these were different officers of the court, as Heewa no ¢ Earee, Whanno no t’ Earee, who were sometimes sent to us on business. Of all these courts Dootahah’s was the most splendid, indeed we were almost inclined to believe that he acted as locum tenens for Otow, the Haree ra hie being his nephew, as he lived upon an estate belonging to him, and we never could hear that he had any other public place of residence. The earees, or rather the districts which they possess, are obliged in time of a general attack to furnish each their quota of soldiers for the public service; those of the principal districts which Tupia recollected, when added together, amounted to 6680 men, to which army it is probable that the small quotas of the rest would not make any great addition. Besides these public wars, which must be headed by the Earee ra hie, any private difference between two ecarees is decided by their own people without in the least disturbing the tranquillity of the public. Their weapons are slings, which they use with great dexterity, pikes headed with the stings of sting-rays, and clubs six or seven feet long, made | of a very heavy and hard wood; with these they fight by their own account very obstinately, which appears the more probable as the conquerors give no quarter to any man, woman, or child who is unfortunate enough to fall into their hands during or for some time after the battle, that is, until their passion has subsided. Otahite at the time of our stay there was divided into two kingdoms, Oporenoo, the larger, and Tiarrebo; each had its separate king, etc. etc., who were at peace with each other; the king of Oporenoo, however, called himself king of both, in just the same manner as European monarchs usurp the title of king over kingdoms in which they have not the least influence. N 178 GENERAL ACCOUNT OF SOUTH SEA ISLANDS cu. vir It is not to be expected that in a government of this kind justice can be properly administered, we saw indeed no signs of punishment during our stay. Tupia, however, always insisted upon it that theft was punished with death, and smaller crimes in proportion. All punishments, how- ever, were the business of the injured party, who, if superior to him who committed the crime, easily executed them by means of his more numerous attendants; equals seldom chose to molest each other, unless countenanced by their superiors, who assisted them to defend their unjust acquisi- tions. The chiefs, however, to whom in reality all kinds of property belong, punish their dependents for crimes committed against each other, and the dependents of others, if caught doing wrong within their districts. CHAPTER VIII SOUTH SEA ISLANDS TO NEW ZEALAND (THAMES RIVER) AvuG. 15—Nov. 22, 1769 Waterspout—Comet : its effect on natives—Diary at sea—Condition of ship’s supplies—Port Egmont hens—Land of New Zealand made—A native shot—Conflict with natives—Capture of a canoe—Poverty Bay—Natives come on board—Their appearance and clothing—Boy seized by natives— Appearance of the land—Occupations of the natives—Bracken as food— Mode of fighting—Religion—A large canoe—Natives throw stones on board—Coast along New Zealand—Habits of natives—Transit of Mercury —Shags—Oysters—Lobster-catching—Heppahs or forts—Thames River— Timber trees. 16th August 1769. Early this morning we were told that land was in sight. It proved to be a cloud, but at first sight was so like land that it deceived every man in the ship; even Tupia gave it a name. 17th. A heavy swell from the south-west all day, so we are not yet under the lee of the continent. Our taros (roots like a yam, called in the West Indies cocos) failed us to-day ; many of them were rotten. They would probably have kept longer had we had either time or opportunity of drying them well, but I believe that at the best they are very much inferior to either yams or potatoes for keeping. 24th. The morning was calm. About nine it began to blow fresh with rain, which came on without the least warning; at the same time a waterspout was seen to lee- ward. It appeared to me so inconsiderable, that had it not been pointed out to me, I should not have particularly noticed the appearance. It resembled a line of thick mist, as thick as a middling-sized tree, which reached, not in a 180 SOUTH SEA ISLANDS TO NEW ZEALAND cu. vill straight line, almost to the water’s edge, and in a few minutes totally disappeared. Its distance, I suppose, made it appear so trifling, as the seamen judged it to be not less than two or three miles from us. 29th. In the course of last night a phenomenon was seen in the heavens which Mr. Green says is either a comet or a nebula; he does not know which; the seamen have observed it these three nights. 30¢h. Our comet is this morning acknowledged, and proves a very large one, but very faint. Tupia, as soon as he saw it, declared that the people of Bola-Bola would, upon the sight of it, kill the people of Ulhietea, of whom as many as were able would fly into the mountains. Several birds were seen: pintados, albatrosses of both kinds, the little silver-backed bird which we saw off the Falkland Isles and Cape Horn (Proeellaria velox), and a gray shearwater. Peter saw a green bird about the size of a dove: the colour makes us hope that it is a land bird; it took, however, not the least notice of the ship. Some seaweed was also seen to pass by the ship, but as it was a very small piece, our hopes are not very sanguine on that head. 31st. Many millions, I may safely say, of the Procellaria velox mentioned yesterday were about the ship to-day; they were grayish on the back, and some had a dark-coloured mark going in a crooked direction over the back and wings. I tried to-day to catch some of these numerous attendants with a hook; but after the whole morning spent in the attempt caught only one pintado, which proved to be Procel- larva capensis, Linn. 19th September. Shot Procellaria velox (the dove of the 31st), P. vagabunda (a gray - backed shearwater) and a Passerina. Took with the dipping-net Medusa vitrea, Phyliodoce velella (to one species of which adhered Lepas anatifera), Doris complanata, Helix violacea} and a Cancer. 23rd. Dr. Solander has been unwell for some days, so to-day I opened Dr. Hulme’s essence of lemon juice, Mr. Monkhouse having prescribed it for him ; it proved perfectly 1 A species of Janthina. SEPT. 1769 CONDITION OF SHIP’S PROVISIONS 181 good, little, if at all, inferior in taste to fresh lemon juice. We also to-day made a pie of the North American apples which Dr. Fothergill had given me, and which proved very good; if not quite equal to the apple pies which our friends in England are now eating, good enough to please us who have been so long deprived of the fruits of our native country. In the main, however, we are very well off for refreshments and provisions of most sorts. Our ship’s beef and pork are excellent; peas, flour, and oatmeal are at present, and have been in general, very good; our water is as sweet and has rather more spirit than it had when drank out of the river at Otahite; our bread, indeed, is but indifferent, occa- sioned by the quantity of vermin that are in it. I have often seen hundreds, nay, thousands, shaken out of a single biscuit. We in the cabin have, however, an easy remedy for this, by baking it in an oven, not too hot, which makes them all walk off; but this cannot be allowed to the ship’s people, who must find the taste of these animals very disagreeable, as they every one taste as strong as mustard, or rather spirits of hartshorn. They are of five kinds, three Tenebrio, one Péinus, and the Phalangium canchroides ; this last, how- ever, is scarce in the common bread, but vastly plentiful in white meal biscuits, as long as we had any left. Wheat has been boiled for the breakfasts of the ship’s company two or three times a week, in the same manner as frumenty is made. This has, I believe, been a very useful refreshment to them, as well as an agreeable food, which I myself and most of the officers in the ship have constantly breakfasted upon in the cold weather. The grain was origin- ally of a good quality, and has kept without the least damage. This, however, cannot be said of the malt, of which we have plainly had two kinds, one very good, which was used up some time ago. What we are at present using is good for nothing at all; it was originally of a bad light grain, and so little care has been taken in making it that the tails are left in with innumerable other kinds of dirt; add to all this that it has been damped on board ship; so that, with all the care that can be used, it will scarce give a tincture to 182 SOUTH SEA ISLANDS TO NEW ZEALAND cuz. vir water. Portable soup is very good; it has now and then required an airing to prevent it from moulding. Sour crout is as good as ever. So much for the ship’s company: we ourselves are hardly as well off as they. Our live stock consists of seventeen sheep, four or five fowls, as many South Sea hogs, four or five Muscovy ducks, and an English boar and sow with a litter of pigs. In the use of these we are rather sparing, as the time of our getting a fresh supply is rather precarious. Salt stock we have nothing worth mentioning, except a kind of salt beef and salted cabbage. Our malt liquors have answered extremely well; we have now both small beer and porter upon tap, as good as I ever drank them, especially the latter. The small beer had some art used to make it keep. Our wine I cannot say much for, though I believe it to be good in its nature; we have not had a glass full these many months, I believe chiefly owing to the carelessness or ignorance of the steward. 2nd October. Took Dagysa rostrata, serena, and polyedra ; Beroe inerassata and coarctata; Medusa vitrea ; Phyllodoce velella, with several other things which are all put in spirits ; Diomedea exulans ; Procellaria velox, palmipes, latirostris, and longipes ; and Nectris fuliginosa. 3rd. In the course of the day several pieces of a new species of seaweed were taken, and one piece of wood covered with striated barnacles (Lepas anserina). 5th. Two seals passed the ship asleep, and three birds which Mr. Gore calls Port Egmont hens (Larus catarrhactes). He says they are a sure sign of our being near land. They are something larger than a crow; in flight much like one, flapping their wings often with a slow motion. Their bodies and wings are of a dark chocolate or soot colour; under each wing is a small broadish bar of a dirty white, which makes them so remarkable that it is hardly possible to mistake them. They are seen, as he says, all along the coast of South America and the Falkland Isles. I myself remember to have seen them at Terra del Fuego, but by some accident did not note them down. OCT. 1769 OFF NEW ZEALAND 183 7th. This morning the land was plainly seen from the deck ; it appears to be very large. About eleven a large smoke was seen, and soon after several more sure signs of inhabitants. I shot Nectris munda and Procellaria velox, and took with the dipping-net Dagysa gemma, and a good deal of Fucus sertularia, etc., the examination of which is postponed till we shall have more time than we are likely to have at present. 8th. This morning we are very near the land, which forms many white cliffs like chalk. The hills are in general clothed with trees; in the valleys some appear to be very large. The whole appearance is not so fruitful as we could wish. We stood in for a large bay in hopes of finding a harbour, and before we were well within the heads we saw several canoes standing across the bay, which after a little time returned to the place they came from without appear- ing to take the least notice of us. Some houses were also seen, which appeared low but neat; near one of them there were a good many people collected, who sat down upon the beach, seemingly observing us. On a small peninsular at the north-east head we could plainly see a regular paling, pretty high, inclosing the top of a hill, for what purpose many conjectures were made; most are of opinion, or say at least, that it must be either a park of deer or a field of oxen and sheep. By four o’clock we came to an anchor nearly two miles from the shore. The bay appears to be quite open, without the least shelter; the two sides of it make in high white cliffs; the middle is lowland, with hills gradually rising behind one another to a chain of high mountains inland. Here we saw many great smokes, some near the beach, others between the hills, some very far within land, which we looked upon as great indications of a populous country. In the evening I went ashore with the marines. We marched from the boats in hopes of finding water, etc., and saw a few of the natives, who ran away immediately on seeing us. While we were absent four of them attacked our small boat, in which were only four boys. They got off 184 NEW ZEALAND CHAP. VIII from the shore in a river; the people followed them and threatened with long lances; the pinnace soon came to their assistance, fired upon the natives, and killed the chief. The other three dragged the body about a hundred yards and then left it. At the report of the muskets we drew together and went to the place where the body was left; it was shot through the heart. He was a middle-sized man, tattowed on the face on one cheek only, in spiral lines very regularly formed. He was covered with a fine cloth of a manufacture totally new to us; it was tied on exactly as represented in Mr, Dalrymple’s book,’ p. 63; his hair was also tied in a knot on the top of his head, but there was no feather stuck in it; his complexion brown but not very dark. Soon after we came on board we very distinctly heard the people ashore talking very loud, although they were not less than two miles distant from us. 9th. On attempting to land this morning the Indians received us with threatening demonstrations, but a musket fired wide of them intimidated them, and they allowed us to approach near enough to parley. Tupia found their language so near his own that he could tolerably well understand them. He induced them to lay down their arms, and we gave them some beads and iron, neither of which they seemed to value; indeed, they seemed totally ignorant of the use of the latter. They constantly attempted to seize our arms, or anything they could get, so that we were obliged to fire on them and disperse them; none were, we hope, killed. Soon after we intercepted a native canoe; but when we came up with it, the owners made so desperate a resistance that we were compelled to fire upon them, killing four; the other three (boys) attempted to swim to shore, but were captured and taken on board the ship. On finding that they were not to be killed, they at once recovered their spirits, and soon appeared to have forgotten everything that had happened. At supper they ate an enormous quantity of bread, and 1 An Account of the Discoveries made in the South Pacifick Ocean, previous to 1764. By Alexander Dalrymple. London, 1767. OcT. 1769 POVERTY BAY 185 drank over a quart of water apiece. Thus ended the most disagreeable day my life has yet seen; black be the mark for it, and heaven send that such may never return to embitter future reflection. 10th. The native boys, after being loaded with presents, were put in the boats and rowed ashore by our men. They at first begged hard not to be set ashore at the place where we had landed yesterday, and to which we first rowed to-day, but afterwards voluntarily landed there. The natives again appeared threatening, but it was presently discovered that they were friends of the boys we had captured, and a peace was presently concluded by our acceptance of green boughs which they presented to us; a not unimportant ratification apparently being the removal by them of the body of the man killed yesterday, which had remained till now on the same spot. 11th. This morning we took leave of Poverty Bay, as we named it, with not above forty species of plants in our boxes, which is not to be wondered at, as we were so little ashore, and always upon the same spot. The only time when we wandered about a mile from the boats was upon a swamp where not more than three species of plants were found. Several canoes put off from the shore, and came towards us within less than a quarter of a mile, but could not at first be persuaded to come nearer. At last one was seen coming from Poverty Bay, or near it. She had only four people in her, one of whom I well remembered to have seen at our first interview on the rock. These never stopped to look at anything, but came at once alongside of the ship, and with very little persuasion came on board. Their example was quickly followed by the rest, seven canoes in all, and fifty men. Many presents were given to them, notwithstanding which they very quickly sold almost every- thing that they had with them, even their clothes from their backs, and the paddles out of their boats. Arms they had none, except two men, one of whom sold his patoo patoo, a8 he called it, a short weapon of tee, green talc of this shape, intended, doubtless, for fighting 186 NEW ZEALAND CHAP, VIII hand-to-hand, and certainly well contrived for splitting skulls, as it weighs not less than four or five pounds, and has sharp edges excellently polished. The people were, in general, of a middling size, though there was no one who measured more than six feet. Their colour was a dark brown. Their lips were stained with something put under the skin (as in the Otahite tattow), and their faces marked with deeply -engraved furrows, also coloured black, and formed in regular spirals. Of these, the oldest people had much the greatest quantity, and most deeply channelled, in some not less than +, part of an inch, Their hair was black, and tied up on the tops of their heads in a little knot, in which were stuck feathers of various birds in different tastes, according to the humour of the wearer. Sometimes they had one knot on each side, and pointing forwards, which made a most dis- agreeable appearance. In their ears they generally wore a large bunch of the milk-white down of some bird. The faces of some were painted with a red colour in oil, some all over, others in parts only. In their hair was much oil, which had very little smell, but more lice than ever I saw before. Most of them had a small comb, neatly enough made, sometimes of wood, sometimes of bone, which they seem to prize much. A few had on their faces or arms regular scars, as if made with a sharp instrument, such as I have seen on the faces of negroes. The inferior sort were clothed in something that very much resembled hemp: the loose strings of this were fastened together at the top, and it hung down about two feet like a petticoat. Of these garments they wore two, one round their shoulders, and the other about their waists. The richer had garments probably of a finer sort of the same stuff, most beautifully made, and exactly like that of the South American Indians at this day, and as fine, or finer, than a piece which I bought at Rio de Janeiro for thirty-six shillings, and which was esteemed un- commonly cheap at that price. Their boats were not large, but well made, something like our whale boats, not longer. The bottom was the trunk of a tree hollowed out, and very OcT. 1769 APPEARANCE OF THE NATIVES 187 thin. This was raised by a board on each side, with a strip of wood sewed over the seam to make it tight. On the prow of every one was carved the head of a man with an enormous tongue reaching out of his mouth. These gro- tesque figures were generally very well executed; some had eyes inlaid with something that shone very much. The whole served to give us an idea of their taste, as well as ingenuity in execution. It was certainly much superior to anything we have yet seen. Their behaviour while on board showed every sign of friendship. They invited us very cordially to come back to our old bay, or to a small cove near it. I could not help wishing that we had done so, but the captain chose rather to stand on in search of a better harbour. God send that we may not have the same tragedy to act over again as we so lately perpetrated. The country is certainly divided into many small principalities, so we cannot hope that an account of our weapons and management of them can be conveyed as far as we must in all probability go; and of this I am well convinced, that till these warlike people have severely felt our superiority they will never behave to us in a friendly manner. About an hour before sunset the canoes left us, and with us three of their people, who were very desirous to have gone with them, but were not permitted to return. What their reason for so doing is we can only guess ; possibly they may think that their being on board may induce us to remain here till to-morrow, when they will return and renew the traffic by which they find themselves so great gainers. ‘The three people were tolerably cheerful; enter- tained us with dancing and singing after their custom ; ate their suppers and went to bed very quietly. 12th. During last night the ship sailed some leagues, which, as soon as the three men saw, they began to lament and weep very much, and Tupia could with difficulty comfort them. About seven o’clock two canoes appeared, one of which contained an old man who seemed to be a chief, from the fineness of his garment and patoo patoo, which was made 1 188 NEW ZEALAND CHAP. VIII of bone (he said of a whale). He stayed but a short time, and when he went he took with him our three guests, much to our, as well as their, satisfaction. In sailing along shore, we could clearly see several cultivated spots of land, some freshly turned up, and lying in furrows, as if ploughed; others with plants growing upon them, some younger and some older. We also saw in two places high rails upon the ridges of hills, but could only guess that they are a part of some superstition, as they were in lines not inclosing anything. 15th. Snow was still to be seen upon the mountains inland. In the morning we were abreast of the southernmost cape of a large bay, the northernmost of which was named Portland Isle. The bay itself was called Hawke’s Bay. The southern point was called Cape Kidnappers, on account of an attempt made by the natives to steal Tayeto, Tupia’s boy. He was employed in handing up the articles which the natives were selling, when one of the men in a canoe seized him and pushed off A shot was fired into the canoe, whereupon they loosed the boy, who immediately leaped into the water and swam to the ship. When he had a little recovered from his fright, Tayeto brought a fish to Tupia, and told him that he intended it as an offering to his eatwa, in gratitude for his escape. Tupia approved it, and ordered him to throw it in the water, which he did. 16th. Mountains covered with snow were in sight again this morning, so that a chain of them probably runs within the country. Vast shoals of fish were about the ship, pursued by large flocks of brownish birds a little bigger than a pigeon (Nectris munda). Their method of fishing was amusing enough: a whole flock of birds would follow the fish, which swam fast; they continually plunged under water, and soon after rose again in another place, so that the whole flock sometimes vanished altogether, and rose again, often where you did not expect them; in less than a minute’s time they were down again, and so alternately as long as we saw them. Before dinner we were abreast of another cape, which made in a bluff rock, the upper part of oct. 1769 HAWKE’S BAY 189 a reddish-coloured stone or clay, the lower white. Beyond this the country appeared pleasant, with low smooth hills like downs. The captain thought it not necessary to proceed any farther on this side of the coast, so the ship’s head was turned to the northward, and the cape thence called Cape Turnagain. At night we were off Hawke’s Bay and saw two monstrous fires inland on the hills. We are now inclined to think that these, and most if not all the great fires that we have seen, are made for the convenience of clearing the land for tillage, but for whatever purpose they are a certain indication that where they are the country is inhabited. 20th. Several canoes followed us, and seemed very peaceably inclined, inviting us to go into a bay they pointed out, where they said was plenty of fresh water. We followed them in, and by eleven came to an anchor. We then invited two, who seemed by their dress to be chiefs, to come on board; they immediately accepted our invitation. In the meantime those who remained in the canoes traded with our people very fairly for whatever they had in their boats. The chiefs, who were two old men, the one dressed in a jacket ornamented after their fashion with dog skin, the other in one covered almost entirely with some tufts of red feathers, received our presents, and stayed with us till we had dined. 21st. At daybreak the waterers went ashore, and soon after Dr. Solander and myself did the same. There was a good deal of surf upon the beach, but we landed without much difficulty. The natives sat by our people, but did not intermix with them. They traded, however, for cloth chiefly, giving whatever they had, though they seemed pleased with observing our people, as well as with the gain they got by trading with them; yet they did not neglect their ordinary occupations. In the morning several of their boats went out fishing, and at dinner-time all went to their respective homes, returning after a certain time. Such fair appearances made Dr. Solander and myself almost trust them; we ranged all about the bay and were well repaid by finding many plants, and shooting some most beautiful birds, In doing 190 NEW ZEALAND CHAP, VIII this we visited several houses, and saw a little of their customs, for they were not at all shy of showing us anything we desired to see, nor did they on our account interrupt their meals, the only employment we saw them engaged in. Their food at this time of the year consisted of fish, with which, instead of bread, they eat the roots of a kind of fern, Pteris crenulata,’ very like that which grows upon our commons in England. These were slightly roasted on the fire and then beaten with a stick, which took off the bark and dry outside; what remained had a sweetish, clammy, but not disagreeable taste. It might be esteemed a tolerable food, were it not for the quantity of strings and fibres in it, which in quantity three or four times exceed the soft part. These were swallowed by some, but the greater number spit them out, for which purpose they had a basket standing under them to receive their chewed morsels, in shape and colour not unlike chaws of tobacco. Though at this time of the year this most homely fare was their principal diet, yet in the proper seasons they certainly have plenty of excellent vegetables. We have seen no sign of tame animals among them, except very small and ugly dogs. Their plantations were now hardly finished, but so well was the ground tilled that I have seldom seen land better broken up. In them were planted sweet potatoes, cocos, and a plant of the cucumber kind, as we judged from the seed leaves which just appeared above ground. The first of these were planted in small hills, some in rows, others in quincunx, all laid most regularly in line. The cocos were planted on flat land, and had not yet appeared above ground. The cucumbers were set in small hollows or ditches, much as in England. These plantations varied in size from 1 to 10 acres each. In the bay there might be 150 or 200 acres in cultivation, though we did not see 100 people in all. Each distinct patch was fenced in, generally with reeds placed close one by another, so that a mouse could scarcely creep through. When we went to their houses, men, women and children 1 The same plant as the British bracken, Pteris aquilina. oct. 1769 NATIVE CUSTOMS IQI received us; no one showed the least signs of fear. The women were plain, and made themselves more so by paint- ing their faces with red ochre and oil, which was generally fresh and wet upon their cheeks and foreheads, easily trans- ferable to the noses of any one who should attempt to kiss them, not that they seemed to have any objection to such familiarities, as the noses of several of our people evidently showed. But they were as coquettish as any Europeans could be, and the young ones as skittish as unbroken fillies. One part of their dress I cannot omit to mention: besides their cloth, each one wore round the waist a string made of the leaves of a highly-perfumed grass,’ to which was fastened a small bunch of the leaves of some fragrant plant. Though the men did not so frequently paint their faces, yet they often did so; one especially I observed, whose whole body and garments were rubbed over with dry ochre; of this he constantly kept a piece in his hand, and generally rubbed it on some part or other. In the evening, all the boats being employed in carrying on board water, we were likely to be left ashore till after dark. We did not like to lose so much of our time for sorting our specimens and putting them in order, so we applied to our friends the Indians for a passage in one of their canoes. They readily launched one for us; but we, in number eight, not being used to so ticklish a conveyance, overset her in the surf, and were very well soused. Four of us were obliged to remain, and Dr. Solander, Tupia, Tayeto and myself embarked again, and came without accident to the ship, well pleased with the behaviour of our Indian friends, who would a second time undertake to carry off such clumsy fellows. 24th. Dr. Solander and I went ashore botanising, and found many new plants. The people behaved perfectly well, not mixing with or at all interrupting our people in what they were about, but on the contrary selling them whatever they had for Otahite cloth and glass bottles, of which they were uncommonly fond. 1 Hierochloe redolens, Br. 192 NEW ZEALAND CHAP. VIII In our walks we met with many houses in the valleys that seemed to be quite deserted. The people lived on the ridges of hills in very slightly-built houses, or rather sheds. For what reason they have left the valleys we can only guess, maybe for air, but if so they purchase that con- venience at a dear rate, as all their fishing tackle and lobster pots, of which they have many, must be brought up with no small labour. We saw also an extraordinary natural curiosity. In pur- suing a valley bounded on each side by steep hills, we suddenly saw a most noble arch or cavern through the face of a rock leading directly to the sea, so that through it we had not only a view of the bay and hills on the other side, but an opportunity of imagining a ship or any other grand object opposite to it. It was certainly the most magnificent surprise I have ever met with; so much is pure nature superior to art in these cases. I have seen such places made by art, where from an inland view you were led through an arch 6 feet wide, and 7 feet high, to a prospect of the sea; but here was an arch 25 yards in length, 9 in breadth, and at least 15 in height. Tn the evening we returned to the watering-place, in order to go on board with our treasure of plants, birds, etc., but were prevented by an old man who detained us some time in show- ing us their exercises with arms, lances, and patoo patoos. The lance is made of a hard wood, from 10 to 14 feet long, and very sharp at the ends. A stick was set up as an enemy; to this he advanced with a most furious aspect, brandishing his lance, which he held with great firmness; after some time he ran at the stick, and, supposing it a man run through the body, immediately fell upon the upper end of it, dealing it most merciless blows with his patoo patoo, any one of which would have probably split most skulls. From this I should conclude that they give no quarter. 25th. Went ashore this morning and renewed our search for plants, etc., with great success. In the mean- time Tupia, who stayed with the waterers, had much conver- oct. 1769 NEW ZEALAND CANOE 193 sation with one of their priests; they seemed to agree very well in their notions of religion, only Tupia was much more learned than the other, and all his discourse was received with much attention. He asked them in the course of his conversation many questions, among the rest whether or no they really ate men, which he was very loth to believe; they answered in the affirmative, saying that they ate the bodies only of those of their enemies who were killed in war. Among other knicknacks, Dr. Solander bought a boy’s top, which resembled those our boys play with in England, and which they made signs was to be whipped in the same manner. 28¢h. On an island called Jubolai we saw the largest canoe which we had met with; her length was 684 feet, her breadth 5 feet, and her height 3 feet 6 inches. She was built with a sharp bottom, made in three pieces of trunks of trees hollowed out, the middlemost of which was much longer than either of the other two; their gunnel planks were in one piece 62 feet 2 inches in length, carved prettily enough in bas-relief; the head also was richly carved in their fashion. We saw also a house larger than any we had seen, though not more than 30 feet long; it seemed as if it had never been finished, being full of chips ; the woodwork was squared so evenly and smoothly that we could not doubt of their having very sharp tools. All the side-posts were carved in a masterly style of their whimsical taste, which seems confined to making spirals and distorted human faces; all these had clearly been moved from some other place, so that such work probably bears a value among them. While Mr. Sporing was drawing on the island he saw a most strange bird fly over his head. He described it as being about as large as a kite, and brown like one; his tail, however, was of so enormous a length that he at first took it for a flock of small birds flying after him: he who is a grave thinking man, and is not at all given to telling wonderful stories, says he judged it to be yards in length. fC) 194 NEW ZEALAND CHAP, VIII 29th. Our water having been got on board the day before yesterday, and nothing done yesterday but getting a small quantity of wood and a large supply of excellent celery, with which this country abounds, we this morning sailed. 30th. Before noon we passed by a cape which the captain judged to be the easternmost point of the country, and therefore called it East Cape, at least till another is found which better deserves that name. 1st November. Just at nightfall we were under a small island, from whence came off a large double canoe, or rather two canoes lashed together at a distance of about a foot, and covered with boards so as to make a kind of deck. She came pretty near the ship, and the people in her talked with Tupia with much seeming friendship; but when it was just dark they ran the canoe close to the ship and threw in three or four stones, after which they paddled ashore. 2nd. Passed this morning between an island and the main, which appeared low and sandy, with a remarkable hill inland: flat and smooth as a molehill, though very high and large. Many canoes and people were seen along shore. Some followed us, but could not overtake us.