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The Mrs. Moris K. Sesup Expedition

The’ Epiobe’
* ae eS is

i "GENERAL DESCRIPTION.

‘2h. ‘DECORATIVE, ART AND SYMBOLISM. acces 3

BULLETIN

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OF THE , a

Sutevtca Blusewm of ‘Batueal Historn,

*- VOL. XVI, Part J, PP. i- “150,

New York's Sept a oe ;

Whe tnickerbocker Press, Hew Pork

BULLETIN

OF THE

AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY.
Vo.tume XVIII, 1902.

THE ARAPAHO.
By ALFRED L, KRozEBER.

Pirates I-XXXI.

INTRODUCTORY.

In 1899 Mrs. Morris K. Jesup generously provided the
means for a study of the Arapaho Indians, and the writer
was entrusted with the work. He visited that portion of the
tribe located in Oklahoma in 1899, the Wyoming branch and
a number of neighboring fAribes in 1900, and the Gros Ventres
and Assiniboines in 190%” The principal results of his studies
are contained in the present volume, in which the general
“ ‘culture, decorative art, mythology, and religion of the Ara-
paho will be described. Two preliminary articles on the
' decorative symbolism of the Arapaho have been published
by the writer, —

Symbolism of the Arapaho Indians (Bulletin of the American

Museum of Natural History, Vol. XIII, 1900, pp. 69-86).
Decorative Symbolism of the Arapaho (American Anthropologist,
N. S., Vol. III, 1901, pp. 308-336).

The former is a preliminary general account of Arapaho
: symbolism and art, stress being laid particularly on the sym-
‘olism. Both decorative art. and the more or less picto-
graphic symbolism connected with religion are included in the
scope of this paper. The second paper deals with the question

of the origin of symbolic decoration.
A. L. K.

New York, July, rgor.
[May, 1902] [1] 1

EXPLANATIONS. A

The following alphabet has been used in rendering Arapaho

words : —

a,e,i,o,u

Om > & & Hi wp

2
°
°
‘e:

have their continental sounds.
as in that.

as in mad.

as in law.

nearly as in hot.

somewhat as in /tut, but nearer u.
between a and e.

obscure vowels.

scarcely spoken vowels.
nasalized a, d.

as in English.

English sh and s, but similar
English th as in think.

as in English, but fainter.
English ch as in church.
aspirate k.

Owing to the changed conditions under which the Arapaho
now live, and to the comparatively short time that the writer
was among them, the information presented in this paper
could not be obtained to any extent from direct observation,
but only by questioning. Unless the opposite is stated or is
obviously the case, all statements in this paper are therefore
given on the authority of the Indians, not of the writer. In
some cases explanatory remarks by the writer have been dis-
tinguished by being enclosed in parentheses.

[2]

I.—GENERAL DESCRIPTION.

The Arapaho Indians first became known at the beginning
of the last century. Since that time they have inhabited the
country about the head waters of the Arkansas and the Platte
Rivers. This territory, which they held together with the
Cheyenne, covers approximately the eastern half of Colorado
and the southeastern quarter of Wyoming. The language of
the Arapaho, as well as that of the Cheyenne, belongs to the
widely spread Algonkin family, of which they form the most
southwesterly extension. These two tribes were completely
separated from the Blackfoot, Ojibway, and other tribes
speaking related languages, by the Dakota and other tribes
inhabiting the intervening territories. In physical type and
in culture, the Arapaho belong to the Plains Indians.

The Arapaho have generally been at peace with the Kiowa
and Comanche, and at war with their other neighbors. They
had no permanent settlements, nor any fixed dwellings. They
lived exclusively in tents made of buffalo-skins. For food
they were dependent on the herds of buffalo that roamed
through their country; and much of their clothing and many
of their implements were derived from the same animal.
Agriculture was not practised. They had the sun-dance that
existed among most of the Plains Indians, and possessed a
ceremonial organization of warrior companies similar to that
of several other tribes. ;

The Arapaho men have generally been described as more
reserved, treacherous, and fierce, and the women as more un-
chaste, than those of other tribes. Those acquainted with
their psychic nature have characterized them as tractable,
sensuous, and imaginative.

The fullest and most accurate account of the Arapaho has
been given by James Mooney.’ On several points, however,
Mr. Mooney’s information does not agree with that obtained

1 Ghost-Dance Religion (Fourteenth Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 653
et seq.
[3]

4 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XV 11,

by the present writer. Other accounts of the Arapaho, as by
Hayden and Clark, are brief and sometimes vague.

One portion of the Arapaho is now settled in Oklahoma,
the other part, on a reservation in Wyoming. The Gros
Ventres, who form an independent tribal community, but are
so closely akin in language and customs that they may be
regarded as a subtribe of the Arapaho, are in northern Mon-
tana.

Nothing is known of the origin, history, or migrations of
the Arapaho. A little light is thrown on their past by their
linguistic relations.

Apart from the Cree, the western Algonkin languages belong
to four groups,— the Ojibway, Cheyenne, Arapaho, and Black-
foot.

Of these, the Blackfoot is the most isolated, and the most
differentiated from the typical Algonkin. Grammatically it
is normal: the methods of inflection and the forms of
pronominal affixes resemble those of Ojibway, Cree, and more
eastern dialects; but etymologically it seems to differ con-
siderably more from all other Algonkin languages than these
vary from each other.

Cheyenne and Arapaho are quite distinct, in spite of the
identity of habitation of the two tribes. Cheyenne, Arapaho,
and Ojibway are all about equally different one from another.
Arapaho and Ojibway seem to differ a little more from each
other than each varies from Cheyenne; but Cheyenne is by
no means a connecting link between them.

Superficially, Arapaho appears to be very much changed
from the average Algonkin, etymologically as well as gram-
matically; butits words vary from those of Ojibway, Cheyenne,
and eastern languages largely on account of regular and con-
sistent phonetic changes. When once the rules governing
these changes are known, and the phonetic substitutions are
made, the vocabulary of the Arapaho is seen to correspond
closely to those of kindred languages. This does not seem
to be the case with the Blackfoot, which gives the impression
of being corrupted, or irregularly modified lexically.

Grammatically, Arapaho is more specialized. It possesses

1902. | a. roeber, The Arapaho. 5

three features that are peculiar to it. First, it makes no dis-
tinction between animate and inanimate nouns in their plural
forms,—a distinction which is made in the other Algonkin
languages. It recognizes this category only in the verb.
Secondly, all the pronominal particles which are used to con-
jugate the verb are suffixed. In all other Algonkin languages,
when there are two such particles (in the objective conjuga-
tion), one is generally prefixed and one suffixed; when there
is only one such particle (intransitive conjugation) it is pre-
fixed. Except in one form of the negative, Arapaho suffixes
its pronominal elements throughout. This gives a very
different appearance to its conjugation. Lastly, its pronom-
inal particle for the second person, which elsewhere in Algon-
kin is k-, is -z in the verb, and a vowel-sound in the noun.
In this last feature Arapaho is approximated by Cheyenne,
which uses z- to indicate the second person.

Blackfoot and Arapaho, the two most western Migenial
languages, thus appear to be the most specialized from the
common type, — one etymologically, the other grammatically.
They have so little in common, however, that they probably
differ more from each other than from any other languages
of the stock. On the other hand, the Arapaho declare
that one of their extinct dialects resembled the Blackfoot.
Cheyenne and Arapaho are so different that the recent asso-
ciation of the tribes must have been preceded by a long
separation. The Cheyenne appear to have been more lately
in connection with the Ojibway or kindred tribes, as is also
indicated by several resemblances in culture.

The Arapaho call themselves ‘‘ Hinanaé’ina",’”’ the meaning
of which term they cannot give. They declare that ad
formerly comprised five subtribes. These were —

1. Na"wacinaha/ana".

2, Ha"anaxawtune’na".

3. Hinanaé’ina" (Arapaho proper).

4. Baasa*wiune’na’.

5. Hitdune’na® (Gros Ventres).

They extended from south to north in the order given.
The term Na"wacinaha’ana" has some reference to the south,

6 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. XVU I,
the windward direction. The other elements in the word are
not clear. The sign for this subtribe is said to have been the
index-finger placed against the nose. This may mean “‘smell-
ing towards the south.” This sign is now the usual one for
Arapaho in the sign-language of the Plains.

H4é*anaxawtiune’na" means ‘‘rock-men.’’ It is said to have
reference to stone-chipping or the working of flint. The sign
for this subtribe is the sign for rock or rough flint.

Hinanaé’ina" (the Arapaho proper) were indicated by the
sign for ‘‘father.”’ :

Badasa"witune’na" means “‘shelter-men,” ‘‘brush-hut-men.”
The sign for this tribe is that indicating a round camp-shelter.

Hit6une’na" (the Gros Ventres) are indicated by the gesture
for a large or swelling belly. The word means “begging
men,” or ‘‘greedy men,” or ‘‘gluttons.”

These five tribes were separate, though allied. Occasion-
ally they came together. Later, most of them grew less in
number, and were absorbed by the Hinanaé‘ina". There is
more Baasa*wiune’na" blood among the present Arapaho than
there is of that of the other tribes. The Hitdune’na", how-
ever, maintained a separate existence. Known as Gros Ven-
tres, they are an independent tribe considerably north of the
Arapaho. The Gros Ventres have a mythical story, ana-
logues of which are found among other Western Plains tribes,
about their detachment from a previous larger tribe; but
there appears to be no reference in their traditions to any
common origin with the Arapaho. The Gros Ventres call
themselves ‘‘ Haa’ninin.”

Each of these five tribes had a dialect of its own. The
Baasa"wiiune’na® speech is very similar to the Arapaho, and
is easily understood. There are several individuals among
both the northern-and the southern portions of the Arapaho
tribe that still habitually speak this dialect.

Next in degree of similarity is the Gros Ventre. There are
several regular substitutions of sounds between the Arapaho
and Gros Ventre dialects, but they are not numerous enough
to prevent mutual intelligibility.

The N&*waginaha’ana" is considerably different from the

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho. 7

Arapaho. It alone, of all the dialects, has the sound m. In
the form of its words, it diverges from Arapaho in the di-
rection of Cheyenne. Grammatically, however, it is clearly
Arapaho. This dialect is still remembered by some old
people, but it is doubtful whether it is still spoken habitually
by any one.

The Ha*anaxawitune’na’ is said to have differed most from
the Arapaho and to have been the most difficult to under-
stand. No one who knew this dialect could be found.

It is said that there was once a fight. between two of the
tribes. This quarrel was between the Hinanaé’ina® and the
Baasa"wiiune’na", over the sacred tribal pipe and a similar
sacred lance, and occurred on account of a woman. The
Badsa"wiitne’na" were the first to have the pipe and the lance.
The B&asa*wiune’n keeper of them married an Arapaho
woman, and lived with her people. Since then the other
tribes have all lived together and helped each other in war.
The present condition of alliance, and of possession of the pipe
by the Arapaho, has come about through intermarriage.

Both the northern and southern Arapaho recognize these
five tribes or dialects as composing their people. There seem
to be no historical references to the three absorbed tribes,
except that Hayden, in 1862, called the southern half of the
Arapaho tribe Na&"wacinaha’ana* (Nawuthiniha"). Mooney
gives these five tribes somewhat differently. —

The northern Arapaho in Wyoming are called Na"k’haa*-
séine’na" (‘‘sagebrush men”), Bda"tciine’na® (‘‘red-willow
men’’), Baaktune’na" (“‘blood-soup men”’), or Nanabine’na®™
(‘northern men”), They call the southern Arapaho in Okla-
homa Na*wuine’na® (“‘southern men”). These two divisions
of the Hinanaé’ina® appear to have existed before the tribe was
confined to reservations. The two halves of the tribe speak
alike, except that the northern people talk more rapidly,
according to their own and their tribesmen’s account. The
author has not been able to perceive any difference between
the speech of the two portions of the tribe.

There are also said to have been four bands in the tribe.
Three of these were the Wa"xué’ici (‘‘ugly people”), who are

8 = Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVIII,

now about Cantonment in Oklahoma; the Haxda"cine’na*
(‘‘ridiculous men’’), on the South Canadian, in Oklahoma; and
the Baa"tciine’na" (‘‘red-willow men”), in Wyoming. The
fourth the informant had forgotten. Apparently correspond-
ing to these were the four head chiefs that the Arapaho for-
merly had. These bands were properly subdivisions of the
Hinanaé@’ina" subtribe, and appear to have been local divis-
ions. A man belonged to the band in which he was born or
with which he lived; sometimes he would change at marriage.
When the bands were separate, the people in each camped
promiscuously and without order. When the whole tribe was
together, it camped in a circle that had an opening to the
east. The members of each band then camped in one place
in the circle. All dances were held inside the camp-circle.

There are no clans, gentes, or totemic divisions among the
Arapaho. The local bands of the Gros Ventres seem, how-
ever, to partake also of the nature of gentes. :

All informants agree that the tribe against which the
Arapaho fought most were the Utes, the bravest (after them-
selves). An old man said that the Arapaho fought most with
the Utes because they were the strongest, and next with
the Pawnees because they were the fiercest, and that the
Osages and Pawnees were the first Indians that wished to
establish friendly ties with the Arapaho. His son has a model
of the pipe with which friendship was made with these tribes.
A younger man said that his ears had been pierced by visiting
Osages, because his father had formerly fought chiefly with
them.

The first whites with whom the Arapaho came into contact
were Mexicans. The word for “white man” is nih’a’"¢a",
which is also the name of the mythic character that corre-
sponds to the Ojibway Manabozho. This word also means
“spider.”

The Arapaho had four chiefs, as against five of the Chey-
ennes. They also had no official Principal chief, while the
Cheyennes did have one. When one of the four head chiefs
died, another was chosen from among the dog-company, —
men about fifty years old, who have performed the fourth of

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho, . 9

the tribal series of six ceremonials. If a chief was unsatis-
factory, he was not respected or obeyed, and so gradually lost
_ his position. Another informant stated that chiefs were not
formally elected: the bravest and kindest-hearted men be-
came chiefs naturally, but there were no recognized or regular
chiefs.

The following are the terms of relationship and affinity in
Arapaho and Gros Ventre. All the words given have the
prefix denoting ‘‘my.”

English. Arapaho. Gros Ventre.
fathers so. seccws colous waeies soos ooo eeemelsamnal niicgina™
Mother, oes ses cede gis bub aeae es SNA neina®
elder brother............0............... maasa/haa naacahaa
elder SiStér ai. gjeccnaiitn tire Sa peewee na/bie niby*
younger brother or sister.................. nahaba’haa na"habyi
SON sy exaivariss ab ve wsdedakwemer exe ess ne’ih’a" neih’a
daughter. ...................-....0-.....-nata’ne natan
grandfather. ............................ naba’ciba nabeseip
grandmother...........................,- neiba/’ha" niip’
Stand Childs icc sie cae cee tee caw seid ase ae eeICl!” niisa
father’s brother... 6.500: 2 csc e esas wee (?) niicina™
mother’s brother................-2.005 na’ci nis’
father’s sister sc3 :c.casesargi eget ee cia nahe’i nahei
Mother's Sisber 6 ee we ee ke (?) neina®™
son of Brpuiee ofa man t LAMAR eaee (?) neih’a .
son of sister of a woman :
daughter of brother of a man er. @) natan
daughter of sister of a woman
son of sister of a man ree ai
Sah GE eeshiae OF rele ' iad aw tale es snaeaa’ ea. nét’ét
daughter of sister of a man t ee naasa’bie naacibyi
daughter of brother of a woman ;
father-in-law. ... 2.0.0.0... -..0ee esses ndci’od nésit
mother-in-law. .......2.-..000.00025--... naheiha® naheiha
SON=in-laW. ac sedevds wi aevaceeas ines tas naca’/Ox nataos
daughter-in-law. ... 0.2.0... .0....2...+. maasa’bie naacibyi
brother-in-law of a man..................naya™ nayaa"™
sister-in-law of a woman.................nato’u natou
brother-in-law of a woman } vce eee eee eee meigd’ bie niitiby!
sister-in-law of a man
HUshandecisacc acct eee eeseeeesesMaae | (?)

WILE wAndic Race haae NE ee Bauman hae ele ea nata’cea" naticaa

10 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. XVU I,

The terms for ‘‘niece” and for ‘‘daughter-in-law’’ seem to
be identical. There is another word for ‘‘ younger sister’ OF
perhaps “‘sister,”’— nata’se.

The total number of Arapaho kinship terms is thus twenty-
three. Four of these —‘‘father-in-law,’’ ‘‘ mother-in-law,”
“son-in-law,” and ‘daughter-in-law ’— are clearly related to
four others,—‘‘uncle,’’ ‘“‘aunt,’’ ‘‘nephew,” and ““niece.”’
Several others appear to have common elements: -abi® occurs
in the words for ‘‘elder sister,’ ‘‘niece,’’ and “‘sister-in-law
of a man.”

In this series of terms the distinction between elder and
younger is confined to the brother and sister relationships.
The terms for the consanguinities of a man and for those of
a woman are alike, except in the case of brother-in-law and
sister-in-law. Here the category according to which terms
are differentiated is not so much absolute sex as identity or
contrariety of sex. Thus, a man calls his sister-in-law
neicdbie, and she calls him the same; brothers-in-law call
each other naya"; sisters-in-law, natou.

Cousins, even of remote degrees of kinship, are called
‘‘brothers and sisters.’’ Among the Gros Ventres, the father’s
brother is called ‘‘father;” the mother’s sister, ‘‘mother;’’ so
that the terms for ‘‘uncle” and ‘‘aunt’’ are used only for
mother’s brother and father’s sister. The same is true of
“nephew” and “niece; a man calls his brother’s children
“son and daughter,’”’ but his sister’s children ‘‘nephew and
niece;”” conversely with a woman. Even a cousin’s or a
second cousin’s children are called ‘‘son and daughter” in-
stead of ‘“‘nephew and niece,” if the cousin is of the same
sex as the speaker. The same may be true among the
Arapaho.

The restrictions as to intercourse between certain relations,
which are so widespread in North America, exist also among
the Arapaho. A man and his mother-in-law may not look at
or speak to each other. If, however, he gives her a horse, he
may speak to her and see her. The same restrictions exist
between father and daughter-in-law as between mother and
son-in-law, say the Arapaho (though perhaps they are less

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho, Il

rigid). A brother and sister must not speak to each other
more than is necessary.’ A sister is supposed to sit at some
distance from her brother. A woman does not speak of child-
birth or sexual matters in the presence of her brother, nor he
in hers, but in other company no such delicacy is observed.
Obscene myths are freely told, even in the presence of chil-
dren of either sex, except that a man would not relate them
before his mother-in-law, daughter-in-law, sister, or female ©
cousin, nor a woman before her corresponding male relatives.
Brothers-in-law joke with each other frequently; often they
abuse each other good-naturedly; but they may not talk
obscenely to each other. If one does so, he is struck by the
other. _A brother-in-law and sister-in-law also often joke each
other. They act toward each other with considerable free-
dom: a woman may pour water on her brother-in-law while
he is asleep, or tease him otherwise, and he retaliates in
similar ways.

When a man died, his brothers took from their sister-in-law
as many horses as they pleased. Sometimes they were gen-
erous and allowed a grown-up daughter or son of the dead
man to keep some. Another informant stated that after a
man’s death, his brothers took all the property they could,
especially horses. The family tried to prevent them.

There are no fixed rules as to inheritance. When a wealthy
man dies, there is generally some jealousy as to who is to take
his property and his family. Those who are not satisfied
sometimes kill horses or destroy property of those who took
the belongings of the dead man. Each one tries to get as
muchashecan. There is little generosity or charity towards
the wife and children. Adult sons of the deceased may be
anxious to secure some of the property; but, as they are in
mourning, they cannot resist. It is generally brothers and
sisters of the deceased who go to take his property.

In the absence of any gentile or other organization regulat-
ing marriage, the only bar was that of known relationship.
Cousins could not marry. As to distant relations the rule
was not so strict. If relationship was discovered after a
marriage, the marriage was not annulled.

12 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVIII,

The following are statements by the Arapaho on the
subject of marriage.

When a young man wants to marry, he sends a female
relative to the tent of his desired father-in-law with several
horses (from one to ten), which may be his own or his friends’.
She ties the horses in front of the tent, enters, and proposes
the marriage. The father has nothing to say, and refers the
matter to his son. The son decides upon the proposal, unless
he wishes to refer it toan uncle or other relative. The woman
goes back and reports her success. If the proposal of mar-
riage has been refused, she takes the horses back. If the
suitor has been accepted, he waits until called, which is done
as soon as the girl’s mother and relatives have put up a new
tent which is given her, and have got property together. This
may be the same day or the same night that the proposal was
made. The girl’s brothers and father’s brothers’ sons all give
horses and other presents. They bring the things inside the
new tent, the horses in front of it. Then the girl’s relatives
notify the young man’s father to come; sometimes they send
the bride herself. Then the young man’s relatives come over
with him to the new tent, and enter it. His entering this
tent signifies that he and the girl are married. He sits down
at the head of the bed, which is on the left as one enters the
tent (the entrance to Arapaho tents is always at the east; the
owner’s bed, along the southern side, with the head toward
the west). The girl sits next to him at the foot of the bed,
the other people all around the tent. The girl’s father, or,
if he is still young, an old man, stands before the door and
cries out the names of those invited, calling to them to come
and feast. Then they eat and smoke, Sometimes an old
person that wants to, prays. Any one of the girl’s male rela-
tives makes a speech to her. He says to her that she is a
woman now, and tells her to be true to her husband. The
visitors leave whenever they please. The friends of the young
man each take away as many horses as they gave (to the
girl’s relatives). Sometimes he gives his friends other pres-
ents besides. Now he is married. He pitches his tent by his
father-in-law's. The young wife at first does not know how

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho. 13

to cook, and goes to her mother’s tent for food. The young
man, however, does not enter this tent, because he and his
mother-in-law may not look at or speak to each other.

Sometimes a young man and a girl run off without the
knowledge of their parents. They remain some time in the
tent of the young man’s father or of some friend. Then his
friends contribute horses and other property. The girl.
mounts a horse and leads the rest. Accompanied by her
sister-in-law or mother-in-law, she brings the horses and other
gifts to the tent of her parents. Then her parents are not
angry any longer, and send her back with horses and presents
of property, sometimes with a tent. They also give her food,
with which a feast is held in the young man’s tent. Then
his friends take the horses and goods which he has received.
Sometimes a young man, after taking a girl away, abandons
her on the prairie. _

Relatives know nothing about the courtship of a young
man anda girl. This is kept secret by them until she is for-
mally asked for by his relatives.

When a man wishes to run off with another’s wife, the two
make plans. They go off together a long distance. At first
the husband, perhaps, does not know what has happened.
When he becomes aware of it, he is angry. He may follow
his wife; but he is not allowed to enter the tent where she
and her lover are, because he might do them injury. If he
finds them and speaks to them, they do not answer him, in
order not to enrage him more, because they may not make
any resistance to him. The lover tries to find the (ceremo-
nial) grandfather of the husband. He gives him a pipe and
two or three horses. The old man takes the pipe, the horses,
and the wife to the husband. When the man sees his grand-
father, he must do no violence nor may he become angry.
The grandfather hands him the pipe. If he takes it, his wife
is safe from harm. Sometimes he keeps her, sometimes he
sends her back to her lover to keep. Often the husband cuts
off the tip of her nose, slashes her cheek, or cuts her hair.
Both men and women are jealous. A man will hit his wife
for looking at a young man too much.

14 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVIII,

If a man treats his wife badly, her brothers may take her
back to her father, tear his tent down, and take away his
household property. Sometimes the man and woman live
together again, sometimes she marries some one else. But the
man still has a claim on her; and if another takes her, he must
pay her first husband one or two horses to relinquish his claim.

Sometimes a husband, to show his love for his wife, gives
away several horses to her relatives.

A wife’s next younger sister, if of marriageable age, is
sometimes given to her husband if his brother-in-law likes
him. Sometimes the husband asks and pays for his wife’s
younger sister. This may be done several times if she has
several sisters. If his wife has no sister, a cousin (also
called ‘‘sister’’) is sometimes given to him. When a woman
dies, her husband marries her sister. When a man dies, his
brother sometimes marries his wife. He is expected to do so.
Sometimes she marries another man.

In courting women, men cover themselves completely with a
blanket except the eyes. Often they exchange blankets, so
as not to be known. They wait on sand-hills, or similar
places, until the women leave the camp for water or wood.
Sometimes at night they turn the upper flaps of the tent, so
that the smoke of the fire remains in the tent; when the
woman goes outside to open the top of the tent, the man
meets her. At night men catch women outdoors and hold
them, trying to persuade them to yield to their wishes. (The
Arapaho affirm this of the Cheyenne, but have the practice
themselves.) Courting is much easier and more open now
than formerly. In making advances to a woman, a man often
begins by asking for a drink of the water she is carrying.

It is said, that, on account of fear of unchastity, women are
married at an earlier age now than formerly. The Omaha,
according to Dorsey, make a similar statement. This seems
to be an Indian opinion which is not founded on facts.

A man with two wives generally has a tent for each. An
Arapaho in Wyoming lived with his two wives, who were
sisters, in one tent. His wives’ relatives wanted to give him
a third sister. The girl objected, and he did not get her.

1902.]' Kroeber, The Arapaho. 15

Once a young man was said to have sat with the women too
frequently, and to have teased them too much, A number
of them seized him, stripped him, and then buffeted and mal-
treated him without delicacy. Young men were ashamed to
be alone with a number of women too long. There were a
few bachelors, who were half-witted, or considered so.

At the sun-dance an old man, crying out to the entire camp-
circle, told the young people to amuse themselves; he told
the women to consent if they were approached by a young
man, for this was their opportunity; and he called to the
young men not to beat or anger their wives, or be jealous
during the dance: they might make a woman cry, but mean-
while she would surely be thinking of some other young man.
At such dances the old women say to the girls: ‘‘ We are old,
and our skin is not smooth; we are of no use. But you are
young and plump; therefore find enjoyment. We have to
take care of the enildven; and the time will come when you
will do the same.’

Women do not spend several days in solitude Heke men-
struation, as is the case among the Sioux, the Utes, and many
other neighboring tribes. They sit quietly, keeping away
from other people, especially from women and young men.
But they eat with other people, and cook for them. They
wrap their clothes tightly about the waist. They change
their clothes every day, and wash themselves. There is no
practice or ceremony connected with a girl’s first menstrua-
tion. A menstruating woman is not allowed to enter the
mescal (peyote) tent; and if a man who has had intercourse
with a menstruating woman takes part in this ceremony, he
is found out by the smell. Sickly people and menstruating
women are not allowed to enter a tent in which there is a sick
person, The smell of the discharge would enter the body of
the patient and make him worse. A woman just delivered
also refrains from going into the tent of a sick person. Medi-
cine-women, after delivery, go into the sweat-house (steam-
bath) to cleanse themselves. Menses were called baata’ana"
(‘‘medicine,” “supernatural,” ‘‘mysterious’’), or naniige’hina®
(naniicext, baataat, “‘she menstruates’”’).

16 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, (Vol. XVII,

A woman nursing a child does not drink coffee because it
burns or cooks the milk. She may not go into the heat of
the sun, or work near the fire. She covers her breast and
sometimes her back as thickly as she can from the heat. Ifa
mother dies, an old woman takes the infant to another woman
who is already nursing a child. This is advantageous to the
woman, as it prevents her surplus milk from becoming bad.
For this reason pups are sometimes applied to the breast.
Early in the morning a man sometimes drains a woman's
breast, spitting the milk on the ground; or a child some years
weaned drinks from her. This is done that her infant may
have the newly formed milk.

If a man is married, his sister may want to make a cradle
for his child. She provides food for a number of old people,
shows them her materials, and asks how she is to make the
cradle. The old people tell her how to make it, and show her
the designs with which it is to be decorated. Then they all
pray in turn that the child’s cradle may be made perfectly,
and that it may be for the good of the child. After the
woman has finished the cradle, she repeats her invitation to
the old people. Then the child is put into the cradle and
taken to its father. He receives it, and makes a gift to the
maker.

Cradles are embroidered with porcupine-quills or beads.
They are used for carrying the child. Some can also be sus-
pended on ropes from two tent-poles, and swung. Several are
described on p. 66.

When a person dies, his relatives cry and unbraid their hair.
Sometimes they cut their hair. The greater their love for
him, the more hair they cut off. Women tear off a sleeve;
they gash themselves (lightly) across the lower and upper
arm and below the knee. The dead body is allowed to lie so
that all the dead person’s friends can see it. It is dressed in
the best clothing, some perhaps being contributed by friends.
Those who thus contribute toward dressing a dead man re-
ceive one of his horses or other property. A horse is also
given for digging the grave and for similar assistance. The
body is buried on the hills, being taken there on horseback.

1902] — Kroeber, The Arapaho, 17

The grave is made deep enough to prevent coyotes from dig-
ging out the corpse; with this object in view, thorny brush
is also put on the grave. The relatives go out to the grave
for several days. They mourn there, crying while sitting in
one place. Hair that has been cut off by friends and rela-
tives is wrapped up with the body and buried. The dead
man’s best or favorite horse is shot next to his grave, and left
lying there. The tail and mane of the horse on which the
body was taken to burial are cut off and strewn over the grave.
Before the body is taken away to be interred, an old man
speaks encouragingly to the relatives. The dead man’s family
move to another place. They give away the tent in which
he died. If he happened to die in a brush shelter, it is
burned. Clothing, beds, and other articles that were where
he died, are burned, in order that his shadow (spirit) will not
‘come back. Sticks that may have touched him while he was
dying are buried with him or laid on the grave. Immediately
after the burial the relatives bathe because they have touched
the corpse. For several nights they burn cedar-leaves; the
smoke or smell of this keeps away the spirit. For some time
they wear old clothing and do not paint. They seek no
amusements. At first they eat little. As long as they wear
old clothes and keep their hair unbound, they are in mourn-
ing. This period is not fixed. When they have finished
mourning, they provide food and invite in old men and
women. An old man paints their entire faces and their hair
red. This is called cleaning; it is done in the morning, so
that they may be under the care of the sun all day. Now
they braid their hair again, and go about as before.

For a murder or accidental killing, horses were given to the
relatives of the dead. The murderer had no influence or posi-
tion, and was shunned. He was not, however, excluded from
tribal affairs. He could camp in the camp-circle, and enter
dances. Everything that he ate was supposed to taste bad
to him.

The name of the dead was apparently as freely mentioned
as that of the living. Old men sometimes gave their own
name to young men. Red-Wolf (haaxabaani) gave his name

[May, 1902.] 2

18 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. XVIII,

to his son, and was then called ‘‘One-Crow” (houniisi). Names
are not infrequently changed.

The giving of presents is a very extensive practice among
the Arapaho, as among all the Plains Indians. Horses are
given to visitors from other tribes, especially by chiefs, in
order to show their position and rank. <A horse given to a
stranger counts for more in public estimation than one given
to an Arapaho. When a party of Utes came on a visit in
1898, the Arapaho decorated their best horses, charged upon
the Utes, struck them lightly with switches (symbolically
counting coup upon them), and then gave them the horses
that they had ridden in the charge. Within the tribe, gifts
are also very frequent, especially on ceremonial occasions.

When a woman, especially a young girl, wishes a present,
she cooks a puppy and takes it to her brother or some other
male relative or friend. If he wishes to distinguish himself
before those who are present, he gives her a horse or a tent.
Sometimes he gives her less. If he gives a tent, it is left
standing when the camp-circle breaks up; then, in the sight
of all, the new owners take it down. This custom is prac-
tised when the whole tribe is encamped together (the especial
time for ceremonials). When no pup is available, the woman
makes a gift of other food.

Young men sometimes fill a bucket made of bladder with
water, and go about the camp, giving drink to the oldest men
and women.

Three semi-ceremonial practices bringing honor and re-
ward to the agent, and supposed to be for the good of the
child upon whom they are performed, are piercing the ears
(tceita’hatiit), cutting the hair over the forehead (tawana'ax-
awa't), and cutting the hair on one side (nakaga/Aaciit). Ear-
piercing counts for more than the other two. Children’s ears
are pierced when they are small. It is done during the sun-
dance or some other dance. It makes the children grow up
well and become men and women. The more they cry during
the operation, the better it is thought to be, for the crying
signifies that hardship and pain have already been endured,
and that therefore they will grow up. A horse and other

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho. 19

presents are given by the father to the man who is summoned,
through an old man who cries out in public, to pierce the
child’s ears. Generally he receives the father’s best horse.
If the man who is summoned has never killed or scalped any
one, he keeps the horse, but gives away his other presents to
a man who has thus distinguished himself in war, and who
actually does the piercing. If the man who pierces the
child’s ears belongs to another tribe, the honor is so much the
greater. One man, when a child, had his ears pierced by an
Osage, because before peace was concluded his father had
fought chiefly against the Osages. The piercing is performed
with a sewing-awl; but, if the piercer has ever cut or slashed
an enemy or cut a scalp, he uses a knife instead of anawl. The
awl symbolizes a spear; the hole pierced, a wound; the drip-
ping blood, ear-ornaments; the cutting of the child’s hair,
scalping. The wound is kept open by means of a little stick.

Berdaches (men living as women) were found among the
Arapaho, as among the Cheyenne, Sioux, Omaha, Ute, and
many other tribes. They are called haxu’xan, which is
thought to mean “‘rotten bone.’”’ The following accounts
concerning them were obtained.

The haxuxana™ become so as the result of a (supernatural)
gift from animals or birds. Similarly, in the beginning of
the world, animals appeared as women (in certain myths,
such as that of Elk-Woman and Buffalo-Woman). Nih’a"¢a"
(the character corresponding to Manabozho and Ictinike) was
the first one. This is told in a myth. (He pretended to be
a woman, married the Mountain-Lion, and deceived him by
giving birth to a false child.) These people had the natural
desire to become women, and as they grew up gradually
became women. They gave up the desires of men. They
were married to men. They had miraculous power and could
do (supernatural) things. For instance, it was one of them
that first made an intoxicant from rain-water.

Apud Indianos quos Cheyenne vocant, femina vixit cui viri
vox genitaliaque fuerunt. Vestibus mulierum usa est, et ut
femina cum feminis vixit. Hospitum oculos attraxit moribus
magis liberis. Viro connexum petente, consensum preebuit ;

20 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. xVII,

dorso recumbens et penem ventri deponens, permisit acces-
sum in anum.

The Arapaho declare that they never had any women that
dressed and lived as men, but they have a story of such a
woman among the Sioux.

Insanity, when it occurs, seems mostly to be acute and
violent delusion. One man became insane from excitement
in making a charge in battle. He thought himself a wolf, and
ran about like one. He did not, however, attack men or
animals; and later he recovered. Another man, who subse-
quently also recovered, ran about with a knife, and gashed
or pierced trees; deinde intromisit penem. A Gros Ventre,
an elderly man, recently began to see crowds of spirits close
about him; he swung his arms and shouted in order to drive
them away. Soon after being taken to an asylum, he was
said to be recovering. Among the Oklahoma Arapaho a man
named Big-Belly imagined himself a deer, and in consequence
of his actions received the name ‘‘Deer” (bihii). He had
several attacks of his delusion. The following’is a translation
of an account by an eye-witness.

‘Deer went hunting. Accidentally he came to a pretty
woman. She was completely dressed in deer-skin. Straight-
way he wanted to court her, when he saw the woman. She
motioned to him to approach. ‘Well, I will have you for
sweetheart,’ Deer said to her. ‘And yourself do so’ (please
yourself), she said to him. Then he went to her. He was
just going to touch her — to his surprise, she gave the cry of a
deer, suddenly jumped, and ran off, looking backwards. Then
he saw her to be a deer. Then Deer was ashamed at being
deceived from desire to make love. Then he went back be-
cause he was ashamed. Some time afterwards Deer became
like a deer. In the middle of the camp-circle Deer was chased
like a deer; like a deer he cried, like a deer he leaped, like a
deer he fled on the open prairie; all pursued him. When
they caught him, his eyes looked different. Deer had his
mouth open; all held him. At last he ceased being a deer.
For this he is named Deer.”

Intoxicants seem to have been lacking formerly; but it is

-Igo2.]} Kroeber, The Arapaho. 2

said that when there was a thunderstorm, some people set
out buckets and vessels, and drank the water caught
inthem. This water was powerful, and made them
foolish. Of late years the mescal (peyote) worship
has spread among some of the Arapaho. The effects
of this plant are, however, not strictly intoxicating.
It is eaten only in connection with the religious cult,
and occasionally as medicine. {

Smoking the pipe plays as large a part in the life
of the Arapaho as among other Prairie tribes. Their
most sacred tribal object is a pipe, that, according |

to their cosmology, was one of the first things that
existed in the world. The Gros Ventres had several
such sacred pipes. A man who had eloped
with a woman, and wished to become
reconciled with her husband, sent him |
hounaganiitcaa" (‘‘a pipe of settlement”) [gas
by an old man, together with presents.
When the Arapaho made peace and friend- }
ship with the Pawnees and Osages,a pipe ¥F
was used in the peace ceremonial.

Pipes are generally of red catlinite and
of the forms usual among the Plains
tribes. Sometimes black stone is used,
especially for small pipes. The wooden
stem is more frequently round than of
the flat shape usual among the Sioux. A
small straight or tubular pipe is shown in
Fig. 1. This is made of the leg-bone of an
antelope. The tobacco is pressed into the
larger end. In one place the bone is
wrapped with a tendon. This was said
to have been put there in order to prevent
the heat from going to the mouth. The
sacred pipe of the tribe is also tubular, frig.:, Fie: %:
seeming to be made of a piece of black and ,fis 7h lf. _abslee
a piece of white stone; but it is called rig. 2° (:59,), Pipe-stoker.
‘flat pipe” (sdeitcaa"). ae a

22 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XV Ill,

A stick for stoking pipes is shown in Fig. 2. Its end is flat,
and is said to represent a duck’s bill.

The following is told about the origin of tobacco. Before
the fifth (or present) life (generation, or period of the world),
cottonwood-bark, buffalo-dung, and dried meat were used as
tobacco. Then an old man obtained tobacco supernaturally.
He cut it up fine, put it into a pouch, and threw it behind
him. Thus he gave it to others.

Fans made of an eagle-wing are used by old men very fre-
quently. Younger men sometimes have fans made of the
tail-feathers of hawks or eagles. Such fans are also used in the
peyote worship.

Old men use their eagle-wing fans for the good of all (the
tribe). They use them as shades for the eyes when they can-
not see very well. With them they also drive away flies,
brush off dust, fan themselves when sweating, and pat them-
selves when they have had enough to eat. They have been
used since Clotted-Blood (a mythical character) gave one to
his father.

Eagles were caught, as among the Blackfoot and other
tribes, by a man concealed in a pit covered with brush, on
which meat was placed. Only certain men could hunt the
eagle. For four days they abstained from food and water.
They put medicine on their hands. In four days they might
get fifty or a hundred eagles. A stuffed coyote-skin was
sometimes set near the bait.

In hunting deer, calls are used. These are made either of
wood or of a bone whistle like those used in ceremonials.

The following account of buffalo-hunting was given by an
old man.

Bows and arrows were made by the man who was the father
of the mythical twins (boyish monster-destroyers, who are the
heroes of a myth called ‘‘Tangled-Hair”’). This was the first
bow and arrow. Ha*xabi’nda (one of the twins), when blown
away by the whirlwind, was found in the rushes and called
Biaxuya’n (‘‘found in the grass”). He caused the buffalo to
come out of a hole in the ground. When he was about to do
this, the people made a strong corral of timber; into this he

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho. 23

called the buffalo. The last one of the herd he shot with an
arrow just at the opening of the corral, and gave it to his
father-in-law. It was the ambition of a young man to make
presents of this kind to his father-in-law. The people killed
the rest of the buffalo. After they began to butcher them,
it was found to be best to slit the belly lengthwise, and then to
strip back the flanks without cutting them across. Women
now began to make wooden pegs for stretching hides. The
best tools and methods of work were discovered only by trial.

When the Arapaho were near the Rocky Mountains, they
used snow-shoes for hunting buffalo in winter, when the snow
was deep. These snow-shoes were oval and without a point.
They were woven of strings of hide, like the netted hoops used
to play with. The meat of a buffalo that was killed was packed
into the hide, and thus dragged home over the snow.

If old men are smoking together, and a young man by mis-
take enters the tent, they say, ‘‘What are you doing here?
You ought to be hunting.”” Then the young man goes out.
quickly.

People often went to war because they preferred to be
killed in war and leave a good name rather than die old.
When a war-party returned victoriously and without losses,
they painted themselves black.

When the Sioux introduced the Omaha dance, they brought
a bundle of sticks, cloth, etc., called teeak’ga". This is a sign
of friendship. If any tribe refuses it, they will surely be
beaten in war by those who offer it. In recounting deeds of
war (as is frequently done on ceremonial or social occasions),
men told the truth, because if they lied they would surely be
killed by the enemy. They even declined coups (blows struck
an enemy, a high honor) that were mistakenly ascribed to
them by others. Two men once found a (dead) Ute. There
was question between them as to who was to strike him first.
They pressed each other to take the honor of the first blow.
Ome finally consented. Then they found the body already
decomposed, and hence could not lay claim to having counted
coup.

Property was formerly transported on dog-travois. Two

24 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XV UI,

poles were harnessed to a dog, the lower ends dragging on the
ground. The two poles were connected by sticks or slats, on
which the load was packed. Later, horse-travois were made.
These have now gone out of use among the Arapaho, but are
sometimes used by the Gros Ventres, who lash a loosely
netted frame to the two poles. Among the Assiniboine even
dog-travois are still used (1901) by old people. The Arapa-
ho had light cages of willows in which children were trans-
ported on travois. There is still a tradition of the time before
there were horses. Some say that horses were first obtained
from the whites, some that wild horses were caught. Dogs
were not used for hunting.

Knives were formerly made of a narrow piece of the shoul-
der-blade of a buffalo, or of flint. For handles, the spines of
buffalo vertebre were used. Large tendons were used to
wrap together blade and handle. As this became dry, it con-
tracted. Hide-scrapers had their blades fastened in the same
way to a handle made of the spine of a buffalo vertebra; or
sometimes the blade was inserted in a slit in the handle.
When bone knives were worn down, they were used for awls.

Fire was made by striking two stones together. Subse-
quently a piece of steel was used with flint. For tinder, dry,
pithy cottonwood was used, which was kept ina horn. The
fire-drill was also known. It was rubbed by hand. Sticks
of siitcinawaxu, a plant or shrub growing on the prairie, were
used because very hard. The point had three sides. Buffalo-
dung was used for tinder.

Bows are said sometimes to have been backed with five
strips or layers of sinew; when made of cedar, they were
covered with sinew on both sides. Iron for arrows and spear-
points was first obtained from the Mexicans. Native copper
was not used. There were some arrows with detachable fore-
shafts or heads made of bone. Arrow-points, usually of flint,
were sometimes made from the last rib of a buffalo. The
bow and arrow are said to have been invented by the man
who made the first knives; also by the father of the mythical
twin monster-destroyers.

When a young man wants arrows, he secures the materials

1902.] | Kroeber, The Arapaho. 25

for making them, provides food, and invites old men to his
tent. These come and remain all day. One makes points,
one feathers the shafts, one paints them, and so on. Mean-
while they tell stories of war or of the buffalo-hunt, according
to the purpose for which the young man is to use the arrows.
They make six or twelve arrows, all painted with the same
marks. The old man who does the painting shows the marks
to all the others, so that there can be no dispute as to the
ownership of the arrows. Were any one else ever to claim
this young man’s arrow as his own, the old men | would recog-
nize the marks, and settle the dispute.

In the time when old men wore their hair drawn in a bunch
over the forehead (7. ¢., in the traditional, not mythic past),
baskets of flexible fibre were made. They were used as
trays. Some, more finely woven, and covered with pitch
inside, were used for drinking. At present small trays of
coiled basketry are sometimes used for throwing dice.

Pottery was formerly made of mud (clay?) mixed with a
little white sand. Several pieces were made and joined to-
gether until a round vessel was formed. This was then
baked in the fire. Another informant stated that to make
pottery, stone was pounded fine, and mixed with clay. This
was worked by hand, just as a swallow builds its nest, until
a large vessel was made. ‘This was heated to make it hard.
Some vessels were merely dried. The vessels were of various
sizes, and were used for cooking. This art must have com-
pletely gone out of practice some time ago, as no traces of it
remain. One old man denied that the Arapaho ever made
pottery.

Meat was boiled in rawhide. A hole was made in the
ground, and rawhide pressed down into it, its edges being
weighted down with stones. The sack-like rawhide was then
filled with water, which was made to boil by means of heated
stones. Plates were made of rawhide. Rawhide was used to
pound dried meat on. Bowls were made of knots of cotton-
wood-trees. A spherical knot was cut in halves, and .then
hollowed out. Spoons, as well as cups, were made of the
horns of mountain-sheep.

26 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XV 1,

Several tools are in use for dressing skins. A chisel-shaped
flesher (now generally made of iron, originally of a buffalo
leg-bone) is used to clean the inner surface of hides from fat
and flesh. If the hair is to be removed, which is almost
always the case unless a blanket is being made, an instrument
made of elk-antler is used. The end of this extends at right
angles to the handle, and is provided with a metal blade.
This instrument is at times made of wood, but then has
exactly the shape of those made of antler. With this instru-
ment the hair is cut from the skin with little difficulty. Some-
times a stone hammer is used to pound the hairy side of the
skin until the hair comes off. With the elk-antler scraper the
hide is generally thinned down more or less, the surface being
flaked or planed off. All hides used for clothing are thinned
to a certain extent. The scrapings obtained in this process
are sometimes eaten. The elk-horn scrapers are usually.
marked with a number of parallel scratches or lines, which are
a record of the ages of the children of the woman who owns
the scraper. One woman kept count of the number of hides
she had dressed with her instrument. Twenty-six scratches
denoted so many buffalo-skins; forty small brass nails driven
into the back of the instrument at the bend, signified forty
skins of other animals that she had worked. These scrapers
are sometimes used for digging roots,

After the hair has been removed, the skin is stretched on
the ground by means of pegs, and dried until stiff, if rawhide
is to be made. If soft hide is desired, as for clothing, the
skin is soaked and then scraped or rubbed with a blunt edge
until it is dry. Now, pieces of tin, whose scraping edge is
slightly convex, are generally used for this purpose; formerly
bone, horn, and perhaps stone, seem to have been used.
Another form of scraper for softening or roughening hide
consists of a slightly curved stick of wood a foot long; in
the middle of the concave side of this is a metal blade. The
whole object somewhat resembles a draw-knife. This instru-
ment is used more particularly on buckskin, which is hung
on an upright post or stick. A scraper of this kind is shown
in Fig. 3. It has carved upon it in outline the figure of a

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho.

27

deer viewed from the front. On the other side of the handle
is a similarly carved figure of an antelope. The lines repre-

senting the flanks of the two animals are run
into each other along the two sides of the
handle. Buffalo-hides are also softened by
being drawn over a rope, twisted of sinew,
about one-third of an inch thick.

The Arapaho say that formerly the men
parted their hair on each side; while in the
middle, over the forehead, they left it standing
upright. Over the temples it was cut into a
zigzag edge. In front of the ears, the hair
fell down; it was either braided or tied to-
gether. The hair was worn upright over the
forehead in order to make the wearer look
fierce. When the Arapaho adopted the pres-
ent style of wearing the hair (braids or
masses tied together over the ears, and the
scalp-lock in the middle of the back of the
head), the Crees, Shoshone, and other tribes
adopted their old style. Some formerly tied
all their hair together in a bunch at the
back of the head. Very old men did not
comb their hair; they rolled it, and, when it
was sticky and matted, gathered it into a
bunch over the forehead. ‘‘Our father di-
rected that old men should do this,” they
said. Among the Gros Ventres, the keepers
of the sacred pipes were not allowed to comb
or cut their hair.

For women the old way was to wear the
hair loose, with paint uponit. They painted
streaks down their faces, on cheeks, forehead,
and nose. This signified war. Old women
wore their hair loose and generally tangled.
They painted a spot on each cheek-bone, and
one on the forehead. A spot between the

Fig. 3 (4). Skin

scraper,
cm,

Length, 39

eyes signified a buffalo calf, and a line from the mouth down

28 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVIII,

the chin represented a road. This whole painting signified
peace. Nowadays women wear two braids of hair from
behind their ears, the hair being parted from forehead to
nape; old women often wear their hair loose.

The face is painted in ceremonials regularly, almost always
when any actions are performed that have any connection
with what is supernatural, and often for decoration. Black
is the paint to indicate victory. Of other colors, red is far
the most frequently used. Old people confine themselves to
red exclusively, so that red paint is often symbolic of old age.
Paint on the face in general signifies happiness or wish for
happiness. Mourners do not paint. Their first painting after
the completion of mourning is with red, and is called ‘“ wash-
ing” or ‘‘cleansing.”’ The paint along the part of the hair
of both men and women is called ‘‘the path of the sun.”’

The dress of men consisted of a shirt, leggings reaching
from the ankles to the hips, breech-cloth, moccasins, and a
blanket of buffalo-skin. The women wore an open-sleeved
dress not reaching the ankles, moccasins to which leggings
were attached that extended to the knee, and a blanket.
Small boys often wore nothing or only a shirt. One and the
same word denotes the man’s shirt and the woman’s dress,—
biixt/ut. The skin blankets were either painted or embroi-
dered. There is a similarity between the designs on blankets
and those on tents, bedding, and cradles.

Sewing was done with needles and awls of bone, and thread
of shreds of dried sinew. Needles and awls are now of steel,
but sinew is still mostly used for thread. Embroidery for-
merly consisted chiefly of colored and flattened porcupine-
quills sewed firmly on the surface to be decorated. The quills
were softened in the mouth and flattened with a bone. A
dark fibrous water-plant was used to embroider in black.
These materials, while still in use, have been largely replaced
by small glass beads of many different colors. The quills are
kept in pouches of gut, which they cannot penetrate (Plate
x). The women have work-bags (Plate xv) in which they
keep awls, sinew, quills, needles, bones for quill-flattening and
for painting, incense, paint, medicine, and similar miscellane-

1902, | Kroeber, The Arapaho. 29

ous articles. A bone used for flattening porcupine-quills and
for painting skins is shown in Fig. 4. It is said to represent
a person. The notches cut into the edges denote the age of
a previous owner of the instrument.

The following are statements of an old woman. When an
inexperienced person tries for the first time to do quill-em-
broidery, failure ensues. The points of the quills
stick out, and the whole embroidery becomes
loose. When she was young, she once helped
other women toembroider a robe. She had never
done this before. The line of embroidery which
she was working was spoiled, the quills would not
stay fast, and the other women refused to work
with her. She arose and prayed that she might
be able to work successfully, and said that she
would make a whole robe in this style of em-
broidery. An old woman who was present said
that this was good. After this the quills remained
fast, and she was able to embroider.

A woman, thought to be the oldest woman in the
Oklahoma portion of the tribe, kept a small stick
with thirty notches. These represented thirty
robes that she had made in her lifetime. She said
that the usual buffalo-robe had twenty lines of
quill-embroidery across it, and was called niisa"fixt.
There were seventeen lines, and then three more
close together along the bottom of the robe. The
lines were ordinarily yellow. She made one robe
with white quill-work, to signify old age. The
lines were formerly not made of red quills (as in Fig. 4 (stg).
some modern robes of children). Only certain ee.
portions of designs on the lines were red. Some-
times these were green instead of red. Fifty small dew-claws
of the buffalo were hung as pendants or rattles along the
lower edge of a twenty-lined robe. If the robe had only
seventeen lines of quill-embroidery, forty hoof-pendants were
attached. She had made a robe for every member of her
family but one. Whenever she made and gave away a robe,

30 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVIII,

she received a horse for it. She once began a robe with one
hundred lines (bataat*sa"ixt), to be given to Left-Hand.
She had marked one hundred and worked thirty when her
son-in-law died. She buried the robe with him. Later she
learned that it was not right to bury this highest kind of
robe with any one. It gives her vigor now to think of her
past life and what she has accomplished.

There are seven sacred bags owned by old women. These
contain incense, paint, and implements for marking and sew-
ing. They are painted red, and kept wrapped. They cor-
respond to seven sacred bags kept by seven old men, and
containing rattles, paint, and perhaps other objects. These
women’s bags are used in ornamenting buffalo-robes and
tents, when certain ceremonies are gone through.

The following account was obtained from an old woman
who possessed one of the sacred bags.

‘Backward, the mother of Little-Raven, was the owner of
my bag before it was transferred to me. This bag was owned
successively by Night-Killer, Bihiiha (‘Female Deer’?), Back-
ward, and myself. When I was about to obtain this bag, I
provided food, clothing, and horses (to be given away), and
called all the old women who then had bags. There were
seven. They were River-Woman, Large-Head, Thread-
Woman, Sore-Legs, Flying-Woman, another Thread-Woman,
and Backward. A tent was put up. The clothing was laid
all around the inside of the tent, the food was set near the
fire. I also provided four knives and some fat. The seven
old women sat around the tent, each with her bag. I went
to each in turn, putting my hand on the top of her head, and
prayed. Isaid that I wished to get a bag in the straight way.
Before they opened their bags they spit hagawaanaxu on
them (this is a root which is chewed fine, and usually spit on
sacred objects before they are handled). Then incense was
burned. One of the women took fat and rubbed it with
paint; then, holding her hands palm to palm, and turning
them from side to side, she painted four spots on my face, and
a fifth (in the centre) on the nose; then she painted five spots
in similar position (that of a quincunx) on the top of my head.

1902.] Kroeber, The Arapaho. 31

The food had been placed southwest, northwest, northeast, and
southeast of the fire (the tent always faces east, the fire being
inthecentre). The food towards the southwest was taken up,
carried around the tent, and set down in the same place as
before, in front of one of the old women. This woman then
carried the other food around the tent in the same way, re-
placing it all. Then she took hagawaanaxu, chewed it, and
rubbed it over her body (a very frequent act in rituals). Then
she took food from four dishes and placed it on her hand in
five spots. T:wo of these pieces or heaps of food she placed
on the ground, southwest and northwest of the fire; two she
raised and laid on the ground, northeast and southeast of the
fire; and the fifth she put into the fire. Then she took (a
dish of) blood-soup or pudding (baak). She touched it with
a finger, touched this finger on the palm of her hand, and
rubbed her Hands together. ‘Then she moved her hands
downward four times towards the southeast of the tent, repre-
senting the planting in the ground of a tent-pole there. Then
she touched the pudding in three other places, after each
time rubbing her hands, and successively motioning towards
the southwest, northwest, and northeast. The fifth time she
made a scoop in the middle of the pudding; this she followed |
by motioning lower down, towards the pegs holding the edge
of the tent. While she was doing this, the others looked
down, holding their left hand on the top of the head, the
right hand on the ground. A small dog had been cooked
whole. Backward took the dog by the head, and I took its
‘hind-end, and we walked around the tent. We walked around
again, stopping on the southeast side and making a turn there,
and then the same successively at the southwest, northwest,
and northeast (7. ¢., going in a circle with the sun). Then we
made a turn before the door (inside the tent), and held the
dog outside the door, moving its head, and telling it to look
about at the people, the clothing, the food, the water, and so
on. Then we took pieces of meat from its four paws, its nose,
the top of its head, and its tail, and put them on the ground
four times, and a fifth time into the fire. Then Backward '!

1 Possibly it was not Backward, but the narrator herself, who performed this
action.

32 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVII,

took the dog’s tongue, and, holding it at the tip, touched one
side of it, and then the other, to the ground at the southeast,
southwest, northwest, and northeast successively; and at
last, with a downward movement, touched the tongue against
the wooden pins fastening the front of the tent above the door.
Then the food was eaten. A dish standing southeast from
the fire was first taken and passed to each in the tent, travel-
ling in a circle; then the food at the southwest was taken;
and so on around the fire until all the food had been passed
around. Then friends were called, and the remnants given
to them. After the dishes and plates had been taken out of
the tent, incense was again burned inside. Then Backward
told me to give her the four knives, and a board on which
to cut medicine. I took niibaa™tou (hemlock-leaves) and
niiséna" (part of a beaver) and cut them fine. Backward
took bithtceihina" (a yellow composita) and niaata™ (a greasy
carrot-like root) and cut them up together. The rest cut
up and mixed nidx" (sweet-grass) with niiséna", and niaata"
with niiséna®, This made four kinds of incense. Then Back-
ward, with a spoon of mountain-sheep horn, took up the sev-
eral incenses and put them into the small bags into which
they belonged. Again she put incense on the coals. Then
they all painted themselves with red paint and tallow. After
that they painted their bags: they touched them with their
palms in four places, and then in a spot in the middle of these
four, and thereupon rubbed the whole bag with paint. They
also painted the stones (used for holding coals for incense) and
the pieces of bone (used for marking designs on robes) that
were in the bags. The latter two incenses are used when a
tent is decorated; the former two, with the stones and bones,
when a robe is to be made. They replaced all these things in
their bags and closed them. Then Backward told me to give
her the cloth goods I had provided. I gave them to her.
She touched the ground and put her finger to her tongue;
then she rubbed me over with medicine from her mouth.
She spit medicine on a piece of the goods, and put it under
my dress from below, and, passing it under the dress to my
other side, took it out there and laid it down. Then she

Ig02.] . Kroeber, The Arapaho. 33

passed another piece under my dress in the opposite direction.
She repeated this three times more, so that at the end there
were four pieces of goods lying on each side of me (those on
one side having been interchanged with those on the other by
passing them under the dress). Then she pushed two pieces
under my dress on my stomach, and successively placed them
below my shoulder, over the heart, and on my stomach again.
There she left them. The other goods were given away.
Backward told me to leave the pieces of cloth on my stomach
for four days, while I fasted; then to prepare food and invite
all the old women in again. I fasted and cried for four days;
on the fourth, food was prepared, and the old women came
again. After they had eaten, I received the bag, with in-
structions how. to use it. Backward made a motion four
times to give it to me; then, at a fifth motion with it from
her heart, she gave it to me.

“A few days later, Yellow-Woman called me to make a
buffalo-robe. The hide was already dressed and prepared.
I entered the tent. At the back of the tent lay the buffalo-
skin, folded and laid like a buffalo. Its head was toward the
door. By it lay five pieces of goods as payment. Isat down
at the middle of the back of the tent, behind the buffalo-skin.
I told Yellow-Woman to call the other women. After they
came, food was taken around (and sacrificed), as at the time
when I received my bag. Then we ate, and the remainder
was taken out for friends and the children. Then I burned
incense. Then two of the women motioned toward the buf-
falo-skin with sticks, whipping it as if.to make a buffalo rise.
Then I spread the robe (the hair-side to the ground). I put
a burning coal on the ground and placed incense upon it. I
spit medicine on one of the marking-bones five times. I held
the bone successively on four sides of the coal, near the
ground; the fifth time I drew the bone across above the coal,
to signify the marking (which is done by drawing the edge of
the bone along the hide). Then all came close around the
buffalo-robe and held it. Yellow-Woman with the marking-
bone drew lines across it, which were to be embroidered with
porcupine-quills.. In her mouth she had hagawaanaxu, and

[May, 7902.] 3

34 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVII,

she wet the end of the bone with saliva. When she had
drawn the lines, she raised her right arm. I took the robe
and four times I made a motion as if to give it to her; the
fifth time I gave it to her, putting it under her arm. Then
Yellow-Woman held out her hands, and I spit medicine on
them four times. Then I laid on her hands four quills tied
together, one each being red, yellow, white, and black; and
with them I gave her sinew (thread) and needles. Yellow-
Woman passed the quills between her lips, and then held them
in her mouth. Then she began to embroider one line, begin-
ning nearest the head of the skin. I watched her and gave
her directions. When she had completely embroidered this
line, she stopped. After this, one line was embroidered a
day. It took a month to complete the robe. A line of em-
broidery must not be left unfinished over night. When the
robe was completed, Yellow-Woman notified me. She in-
vited me to come the next day to eat. The next day there
was a feast like that given when the robe was begun. The
robe was set up again to resemble a buffalo, and after being
perfumed with incense, was touched as if to make it rise.
Then it was spread out and five feathers laid upon it, — one
at each corner and one in the centre. Then the women sewed
the feathers in those places. Then Yellow-Woman an-
nounced the man for whom she had made the robe, and he
was sent for. He was Bird-in-Tree. He came in, and sat
down in front of me, looking toward the door. Yellow-
Woman spit on the blanket four times, moved it toward him
several times, then gave it to him. Then both he and the
robe were perfumed with incense. Then he gave Yellow-
Woman his best horse; she kissed him for it. Then he went
out with his new robe.’’

This robe made by Yellow-Woman had twenty lines of
quill-work. The lowest three, as already described, were
close together and somewhat separate from the rest. The
lines represented buffalo-paths. The greater part of each of
these lines was yellow. On each were three red marks,
each of these red lengths being bordered by a shorter white
portion, and each of these again being bounded on both sides

1902. ] Kroeber, The A rapaho. 35

by still shorter black marks. There was thus imposed on the’
yellow background of the line an ornament composed of the
successive colors black, white, black, red, black, white, black;
the red being longest and the black areas shortest. This
same arrangement of the four colors is found in other objects
ornamented in conventional quill-embroidery. Between these
marks on the lines of this robe there were other smaller
marks in red and black, and in several places small tufts of
red feathers (see Plate xv1). The four colors of this em-
broidery, taken collectively, signified the four lives since the
beginning of the world (generations or wons). From the
lower end of the robe hung fifty pendants, at the ends of
which hung small hoofs, and loops covered with quill-work,
this bearing the same design of black, white, black,.red, black,
white, black, that was embroidered on the robe.

The use of these sacred bags and the accompanying cere-
monies are also referred to in connection with the tent-decora-
tions on pp. 70 ef seq.

II.—DECORATIVE ART.

The present chapter is a description of the various objects
of Arapaho manufacture and use, omitting, however, all
objects whose use is ceremonial or religious. This account
will deal largely with the ornamentation of the objects and
with the significance attached to this decoration. The in-
terpretation of these symbolic decorations was obtained, in
every case dealt with, from the Indians. Almost always the
information was secured from the possessor or the maker of
the article. The specimens described are now in the Ameri-
can Museum of Natural History.

In the illustrations, colors are indicated by the following
devices: red, by close vertical shading; yellow, by light dots;
green, by horizontal shading. Light blue is indicated by
diagonal shading. Black usually represents dark blue, but
sometimes brown, very dark green, dark red, or black. Dark
dots indicate orange.

Plate 1 is arranged to show the conventionality of orna-
mentation in moccasins. All the moccasins illustrated in this
series are embroidered with the same fundamental decorative
motive,—a longitudinal stripe extending from instep to
toe. It will be seen that in this series of eight moccasins only
three other decorative elements are used; and these, more-
over, are similar to the fundamental element, in that they
also are stripes, and bear a definite spatial relation to it,
being either parallel or at right angles to it. These three
elements are a transverse stripe at the instep, two short
bars approximately parallel to the main central stripe, and a
transverse stripe bisecting and duplicating this main stripe.

[36]

Burcetin A.M.N.H. | : VoL, XVIII, Puate I,

: DESIGNS ON MOCCASINS.

38 ©=Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XV UL,

The last element occurs only once (Fig. 8).' The longitudinal
stripe is of two kinds: either it consists of three equal divis-
ions or sections; or it has two parts, the upper one consider-
ably shorter than the lower (Figs. 3, 6, 7).

Fig. 1 of Plate 1 shows a moccasin as to whose symbolic
significance there is no information.”

In Fig. 2 of Plate 1 all the small stripes of which the beaded
design is composed, whether their direction be longitudinal or
transverse, represent buffalo-paths.

In Fig. 3 of the same plate the large stripe represents the
path that is travelled (by the wearer). The two pieces of the
transverse stripe (which, it will be noted, duplicate in minia-
ture the design of part of the main stripe) are insects or
worms which are found on the prairie, and which the wearer
desired not to be in his path, but beside it. The upper por-
tion of the large stripe is light blue, which signifies (as in
many other cases) haze. The red and dark blue bands that
edge the white portion of the stripe represent day and night.
Red and black, or red and blue, frequently have this significa-
tion, both in ceremonial objects and in others not used thus.
The winged triangle, which appears twice, signifies sunrise,
also the passage over a mountain. It is called badeik6taha’da.

Fig. 4, Plate 1, shows a moccasin representing a buffalo-
hunt. The white stripe is a butfalo-path. The green rec-
tangle in this represents a buffalo. The two black triangular
figures are barbed arrows shot into the buffalo. The trans-
verse stripe is a bow.

As to the moccasins shown in Figs. 5 and 6 of this plate,
information is wanting.

In Fig. 7, Plate 1, all the stripes represent buffalo-paths.
The small blue squares are buffalo-tracks.

In Fig. 8, Plate 1, the two large stripes form a cross, and
represent the morning star. The transverse line is the hori-
zon. The two small bars represent rays of light from the
star; 7.¢., its twinkling.

} Plate 1 is here repeated for the convenience of the reader.
2 This moccasin, tegen with those shown in Plate 1, Fig. 6, and in text Fig.
5. @ and c, was secured for the Museum by Rev. Walter C. Roe.

1902. | Kroeber, The A rapaho, 39

Fig. 5 shows another series of moccasins. The decorative
motive which these all have in common is a border of bead-
work around the edge of the foot. All but one (a) also
possess the longitudinal stripe just described. This moccasin

Fig. 5. Designs on Moccasins. a (sr'gu); 4 (aa’s)s ¢ (uvuo)s @ (aba), © (a7), / (r58u)-

has the entire area that is enclosed by the border, traversed
by lines of red porcupine-quill embroidery. Information as
to the meaning of this design is lacking.

On the moccasin shown in Fig. 5, 5, the longitudinal
stripe signifies ha"gaeixaa’tin (the path to destination).

40 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol, XVUII,

A small stripe at the heel of the moccasin (not shown in
the figure) signifies the opposite idea, haat'xa’nin (whence
one has come). The variety of colors in the large stripe rep-
resents the variety of things (which naturally are of many
different colors) that one desires to possess. The small dark-
blue rectangles are symbols that are called hiiteni. The
white border of this moccasin, on account of its color, repre-
sents snow. The figures in it represent hills with upright
trees. The stripe over the instep signifies “up hill and
down again” (its middle portion being elevated above
the ends by the instep of the foot). The dots in this stripe
represent places left bare by melting snow.

The writer is unable to give the exact meaning of the
word hiiteni, mentioned above. This symbol is said to signify
life, abundance, food, prosperity, temporal blessings, desire
or hope for food, prayer for abundance, or the things wished
for. All these related ideas seem to be identified by the
Indians in this symbol. It may be best described as a sym-
bol of happy life, or, since in Arapaho symbolism the repre-
sentation of an object or condition usually implies a desire
for such object or condition, a symbol of the desire for happy
life. Briefly, it may be called a life-symbol, and will be thus
designated hereafter. It is the abstract symbol most fre-
quently used, and will be often referred to. Its form is
generally a trapezoid, rectangle, or square. A variety of
forms is shown in Plates xxix, xxx1, Figs. 237-240, 417-422.

The symbolism in Fig. 5, ¢, is not known. Birds are
evidently represented in the wide stripe.

Of the moccasin shown in Fig. 5s, d, the symbolism is also
unknown. In this specimen the longitudinal stripe is ex-
tended until it meets the border. The stripe, however, is
beaded only at its edges, contrary to the style of embroi-
dery in the other cases, and in its middle portion is merely
painted red.

In the moccasin shown in Fig. 5, e, there are both the
border and the stripe, triangular marks on which repre-
sent clouds along the horizon. The open areas are covered
by a checker-board design, only every alternate square being

4

” r902,] Kroeber, The Arapaho. 41

beaded. This pattern represents the rough surface of buf-
falo-intestine. The beads in this pattern are green, blue, and
pink; these colors represent respectively grass, sky, and
ground, |

The moccasin shown in Fig. 5, f, is completely beaded.
The border and stripe exist in the application of the beads,
and show in the coloring, being white. On these white areas
are represented pipes. The two large triangular areas are red
and green respectively. Together they represent buffalo-
horns. The red and green also denote respectively bare
ground (soil) and earth covered with grass; it is on these that
the buffalo walk and trample. At the heel of the moccasin
(not shown in the figure) is a small square, which represents
atrack. At the instep there is a tongue (also not illustrated),
much like the tongue of a shoe, except that when the moccasin |
is worn, the tongue falls over the front of the foot (a similar
tongue is seen in Plate'11, Fig. 4). This tongue is beaded in
light blue with dark-blue spots, is divided or forked, and has
small tin cylinders (rattles) attached to its ends. It repre-
sents a rattlesnake. The beading is the spotted skin; the
two parts of the tongue, the forked tongue of the snake; and
the tin cylinders, its rattle.

Plate 1 shows several moccasins that are entirely covered
with beads. All of these except that shown in Fig. 1, the
pattern of which is unusual, are actually embroidered with
the border and the longitudinal stripe, though sometimes, as
in Figs. 2 and 5, these are not visible in the design because
the beads are all of the same color.

In Fig. 1 of Plate 1 the rows of triangles on the front of
the moccasins represent sharp rocks. Two rows of alternat-
ing red and blue squares are hills. Three red squares adja-
cent to each of these rows represent persons sitting on the
hills. A light-blue line traversing the middle of the front
of the moccasin is a path; small squares adjacent to it are
rocks. Two small detached bars, one at each side of the
entire design that has thus far been described, represent per-
sons standing. Along the edge of the sole, flat triangles with
small upright marks at each end, are hills and pines. Marks

Vou. XVIII, Prats IL.

Bucretin A. M,N. H.

ail

}

: s 7 "i

an

dei cl

i.

=

i

oes

Cn

Mier Asn,

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho, 43

consisting of two triangles touching at their vertices, repre-
sent rough places in the path: those that are red denote
prominences; those that are blue signify holes. Crosses
are the morning star. A horizontal stripe at the heel repre-
sents a caterpillar. :

On the moccasin shown in Fig. 2 of Plate 1 the white
groundwork of beads represents sand. The parallel angles
on the instep of the moccasin are tents. Small rhomboidal
marks are stars. At the toe a wide cross is the morning star.
At the sides claw-shaped figures represent hakixta" (buffalo-
hoofs). Between each pair of these figures is a yellow and
red rectangle, which represents an eye. Small squares on
the transverse stripe at the instep, and at the heel, repre-
sent tracks.

On the moccasin shown in Fig. 3 of Plate 11 the white
background represents snow. The dark-blue triangles with
squares in them are tents and their doors. The two large,
greenish-blue triangular areas on the instep represent lakes.
Between them a diamond represents the navel (or perhaps a
child’s navel-amulet). Triangles at each end of this diamond
are arrow-points. A greenish-blue stripe around the ankle
represents both smoke and water. Small squares at the in-
step and at the heel represent tracks.

The moccasin illustrated in Fig. 4 of Plate 1 is one of the
few solidly-beaded Arapaho moccasins of which the ground
color is not white. It is a rich blue, and the figures upon it
are chiefly pink and red. The blue represents the sky. The
large parallelograms are clouds with white edges, piled up
one on the other. Red crosses or diamonds in these are
stars. Larger, white-edged rhombi in the blue are also stars.
A triangle at the toe isa tent. In the middle of the front, a
red figure represents a crayfish or scorpion.

Fig. 5 of Plate 11 shows another solidly-beaded moccasin.
Green squares, enclosing a smaller square that is white and
red, are life-symbols (hiiteni). Small red triangles in contact
with the life-symbols are tents. Small black squares in
several places on the white ground are rabbit-tracks in snow.
The triangular figures represent seats (ciéku’utaana"). The

44 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVUL,

stripe around the ankle represents biisa", any snake or worm.
Separate parts of this stripe have other additional significa-
tions. The forward portion is yellow, and denotes sunlight.
Black squares are again rabbit-tracks. Five red squares in
quincunx on a white ground are a turtle. The posterior por-
tion of the stripe is green, and denotes the earth.

Three children’s moccasins are shown in the first three fig-
ures of Plate 11.

In Fig. 1, Plate 111, the two lateral convexly triangular areas
on the front of the moccasin are green, and represent horse-
ears. It may be noted that analogous areas on other moccasins
represent buffalo-horns, lakes, and fish. The figure between
these two green areas represents a lizard. The head is sup-
posed to be at the toe. Two blue slanting lines are legs.
White and yellow spots on the red body are the markings of
the animal. Below the ankle, a red stripe with two blue diag-
onal lines represents a butterfly.

Fig. 2 of Plate 111 shows a moccasin which is beaded around
the edges, but has its front surface traversed by a number of
quilled lines (cf. Fig. 5, a). The white beadwork repre-
sents the ground. Green zigzag lines upon it are snakes.
The quilled lines represent sweat-house poles. These lines
are red, blue, and yellow, and the colors represent stones of
different colors, used for producing steam in the sweat-house.
‘At the heel of the moccasin, which is not shown in the figure,
are two small green squares. These represent the blankets
with which the sweat-house is covered.

The design of a snake was embroidered on this moccasin
in order that the child wearing it might not be bitten by
snakes. The symbols referring to the sweat-house were em-
broidered on the moccasin in order that the child might grow
to the age at which the sweat-house is principally used;
namely, old age.

The moccasin shown in Fig. 3, Plate 11, bears a design sim-
ilar to several that have been described. All the stripes
represent paths.

Fig. 4 of Plate 111 shows an unusually large moccasin. The
two large convex, triangular areas on the front are barred

Vor, XVIII, Prats II,

Buiuetin A. M.N. H.

a)

L

;

pp

Ly

MOCCASINS.

46 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVIII,

dark blue and white. They represent fish. The similarly
barred stripe around the ankle also represents a fish (or the
markings ona fish). Small figures, some red, some blue, con-
sisting of a pair of triangles joined at the vertices, represent
butterflies. The double tongue over the instep represents
a horned toad (1. e., its markings).

On the moccasin shown in Fig. 5 of this plate the zigzag
band across the front represents lightning.

What may be considered a typical solidly-beaded moccasin
is shown in Platerv. The white represents snow. The green,
both in the triangular areas and in the stripe around the
ankle, represents grass-covered earth. The blue and yellow
figures consisting of three triangles represent the heart and
lungs. The white stripe bisected by two shorter ones, inside
the green triangular areas, is a dragon-fly. Groups of three
small light-blue squares near the instep were described as
halves of stars (five squares in quincunx sometimes represent
a star). Atthe heel, four small green rectangles (invisible in
the illustration) represent caterpillars. The design on this
moccasin was embroidered as it was previously seen in a
dream.

Fig. 6 shows two views of one of the leggings worn by a
little girl, The moccasin is attached to the legging. The
skin of which the legging is made is painted yellow wherever
it is not covered by beads, excepting in the white-bordered
stripe running alongside the shin of the leg; in this the skin
is painted red. The designs worked on the legging were
seen in a dream or vision. This pair of leggings was con-
sidered exceptionally handsome by the Arapaho; it always
attracted attention at once. The design on each side of the
legging, consisting of two connected triangles, represents a
mountain with the morning star above it. (The figure of the
mountain is symmetrically duplicated, which gives the star,
represented by a cross, the appearance of being between
two mountains, the upper one inverted.) At the back of
the legging the rhombus represents the morning star when it
is rising; the two crosses are the morning star when it is high
up above the horizon. The contact of the crosses with the

Vou. XVITT, Prate IV.

Butietin A. M,N. H,

Se STR SSatg

AND PouCH,

MOCCASIN

1902.] Kroeber, The Arapaho. 47

line signifies that the star appears just before daybreak. The
yellow painting of the skin represents daylight. The two white
beaded stripes up the front of the legging represent the partly
divided milky way. The colored designs in these stripes de-

Ty
mie
ittas

ul
ft.

Fig. 6 (#%). Girl’s Leggings.

note small stars of many colors along the edge of the milky
way. On the moccasin the large, green triangular areas rep-
resent the earth in spring. The diamond situated between
these green areas is a star supposed to be visible directly over-
head at noon. The six diamonds connected by a line passing

Buttetin A. M,N. H. Vor. XVIII, Prats V.

"

ic

ae
PARTS OF GIRLS’ AND WOMEN'S LEGGINGS,

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho, 49

around the edge of the moccasin are a ring of stars, probably
the constellation Corona.

Another legging worn by a little girl is shown in Fig. 1 of
Plate v. The moccasin has been removed. The design
appears twice, once on the vertical band, and again on the
horizontal band extending around the ankle. The two rows
of small triangles represent ranges of hills. The red stripe
along the middle of the white band of beads represents ground.
Two green squares in this are springs. Four blue lines issu-
ing from each of these squares are streams flowing from the
springs. A small yellow bar bisecting the red stripe is a
tiver; its dark-blue border is timber along its course. A row
of green and blue beads along the edges of the legging repre-
sents game of various kinds.

Fig. 2 of Plate v shows another girl’s legging and moc-
casin. The three diamonds in the centre of the figure that is
on the side of the legging are the life-symbols. Above and
below the three diamonds are figures, each consisting of
two dark-blue right-angled triangles. These represent deer-
tracks. Two similar figures, wider and green in color, touch
the middle one of the three diamonds; they represent elk-
tracks. This whole design is repeated on the opposite side
of the legging. At the back, also invisible in the illustration,
is a long red line crossed by nine short lines; this represents
a centipede. Along the front of the legging the triangular
designs are tents; and the red rectangles, life-symbols. The
tin rattles are attached to the legging in order that by their
noise they may frighten away insects or snakes that would
bite the child wearing the legging. On the lower border of
the moccasin are rectangles of red and green beads. These
are again life-symbols. This symbol thus has three different
forms on one object. Dark-blue triangles, two of which are
near each of the life-symbols last mentioned, represent the
designs, largely composed of triangles, with which rawhide
bags and parfleches are painted. The red lines of quill-work
extending across the toe of the moccasin represent the
paths of children.

Embroidered portions of girls’ and women’s leggings are

[4ay, 1902.] 4

50 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVII,

shown in Figs. 3, 4, 5, of Plate v. In Fig. 3 the triangles
represent. arrow-points. Those that have three small dark
triangles at their base also represent tents. The cross is the
morning star. The line with which it is in contact is a path. At
the back of the legging, invisible in the illustration, is a figure
of a buffalo-leg, symmetrically duplicated; the hoof of this re-
sembles the deer-track design on the legging last described.

In Fig. 4, Plate v, the triangles denote tents. Between
the two triangles on the side of the legging, whose points are
directed toward each other, are two figures which coalesce in
the middle. These figures represent the ha"tcAciihi teihiiha®,
a powerful dwarf cannibal people several times mentioned in
Arapaho myths. The tents are supposed to belong to them.
The blue bar at the base of the wide vertical stripe of em-
broidery indicates the range or limit of habitation of the
dwarfs. The dark Y-shaped marks are horse-tracks; they
imply (in this connection) human beings (as opposed to
monstrous or supernatural people). At the back of the leg-
ging there is a vertical row of these horse-tracks. The green
beads at the edges of this legging represent vegetation.

In Fig. 5 of Plate v the yellow and green right-angled tri-
angles, each with a small square of the opposite color at the
base, represent tents. The white stripe dividing them is a
path. Between the figures of tents, a green and a yellow
isosceles triangle are each a cactus-plant. The projections
arising from them represent the cactus-spines. On one of the
figures these projections are red, and therefore represent also
the red edible fruit of the cactus. This whole design is re-
peated on the opposite side of the legging. At the back of
the legging is a vertical row of seventeen (green and red)
isosceles triangles, the base of one resting upon the point of
the next lower one. These represent ant-hills. They are not
shown in the illustration. Along the front of the legging the
flat triangles represent brush-shelters. The small upright
marks at the ends of each figure are the tent-pegs at the sides
of the shelter.' The rows of beads along the edges of the leg-
ging represent animals or variety of game.

! The brush-shelter is often partially covered with canvas. Formerly hides were
used for this purpose. This cover may be pegged down like a tent.

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho. - gl

Fig. 7, a, represents one of a pair of armlets covered with
beadwork, Such armlets or sleeve-holders are generally worn
chiefly on gala occasions; that is, at dances. The red and
green bisected squares represent black beetles with hard
elytre. Small loops of beads along the edge represent worms
or maggots. The large beads on the two attached strings rep-

|

a

Ane
tt

i
“\y

Fig. 7, @ (Wa), 4 (x88), ¢ (d's). Armlets.

resent ants. These various insects were represented because
they are constantly moving and crawling, just as the people
travelled and roamed over the earth.

One of another pair of armlets is shown in Fig. 7,b. The
figure of a bird represents both an eagle (on account of the
crooked beak) and a swallow (on account of the forked tail).
The squares, both blue and red, are stars. The white ground-
work of beads represents haze or smoke; the blue beading at
the edge represents clouds or the sky.

52 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVUIL,

Fig. 7,¢, shows an unembroidered armlet, made of the
skin from an elk-foot. A round piece of green cloth attached
to the skin represents the sun. The two pieces of hoof repre-
sent the long, curving nails of old persons. The small holes
in these hoofs represent the various things possessed by the
owner of this armlet. These holes also have another sig-
nification: those around the edges of the hoofs denote stars;
and five holes in quincunx in the middle of each hoof repre-
sent (the five fingers of) the hand, which is symbolically
equivalent to possession of property.

One of a pair of red quill-embroidered armlets is shown in
Fig. 1 of Plate vi. It was worn in the ghost-dance. The
black squares represent buffalo. The red quill-wound strings
falling from the armlet are kakau’cetcana" (thoughts, reason,
imagination, hope, desires, or anything mental). The orna-
ments at their ends represent naii’tate’ihi (fulfilment of desire).

Fig. 2 of Plate vi shows a woman's ghost-dance armlet,
embroidered with yellow quill-work. The bird embroidered
in green quills represents a magpie. The red cross is the
morning star. The red rectangle is the symbol of life.

The fringe of green-dyed buckskin represents rays of light,
and (on account of its color) the earth. The attached magpie-
feathers represent persons (presumably spirits); and small
yellow plumes attached to these represent the sun.

Fig. 3 of Plate v1 shows a head-dress. It consists of a
small hoop wound with yellow quills. Two owl-feathers are
attached to it. It is worn on the side of the head. The cir-
cular quill-wrapped portion with four black spots on it
represents a sun-dog.

A peculiar head-dress, which is found among many of the
Plains tribes, consists of a strip of skin, measuring about two
inches by eight, which is covered with beads or quills, and
has various strings or appendages attached to it. It is worn
hanging from the scalp-lock, at the back of the head. Among
the Arapaho, a horse-tail is generally attached to the lower
end of this head-dress. It is worn by young men on festive
occasions and at ceremonials at which uniform regalia are not
prescribed. Many of these head-dresses represent animals.

Buttetin A. M.N.H. Vor. XVII, PLate VI.

©

ARMLETS AND HEAD-DRESS.

54 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVUI,

The specimen shown in Plate vi, Fig. 1, represents a rat.
The possessor and maker of this head-dress explained his
choice of this animal as an object of representation, by the
occurrence of the rat in a number of tales about the mythic
personage Nih’a’ca". It is a fact, however, that all the objects
of Arapaho manufacture which represent animals at all, de-
note small animals such as the lizard, frog, fish, or rat. The
cross on this specimen is the conventional na"kaox, or morning
star.

Fig. 2 of the same plate shows one of these head-dresses
worked in quills. The horse-tail is dyed golden-yellow. This
color was chosen by the wearer of the head-dress because he
was desirous of possessing a horse of this color. The horse-
hair is also a symbol of good luck, because horses are the
usual gifts when presents are made.

The animal symbolism is fairly well worked out in this
specimen. The quill-work is the body of a rat; the horse-
tail, its tail. The long pendants at the four corners are of
course the legs. Two loops at the top of the head-dress are
the rat-ears, and two strings of red beads at the top represent
the pointed mouth. Down the middle of the red quill-work
runs a green stripe, which isa path. Blue, yellow, and green
squares at the sides of this stripe represent (the tracks of?)
rats running into the path.

Fig. 3 of Plate vii shows a similar head-dress representing
a lizard. It is worked in beads, and the tail is twisted and
dyed red. The bead-work design is the morning-star cross.

The navel-strings of Arapaho girls are preserved and sewed
into small pouches stuffed with grass. These pouches are
usually diamond-shaped and covered on both sides with beads.
The child wears this amulet, which contains its navel-string,
on its belt until it is worn out.

Such amulets are found among many tribes. Among some
they are worn by boys as well as girls, or two are worn by one
child. Among the Sioux these amulets sometimes have the
shape of horned toads. Among the Assiniboine they are gen-
erally diamond-shaped, but less elongated than among the
Arapaho. Among the Gros Ventres they are often diamond-

BuLiemn A.M. N. H. Vor, XVII, Prate VII.

H¥eAbD-DRESSES,

56 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVIII,

shaped; they sometimes represent a person, but more usually
a horned toad, and sometimes have the figure of this animal.
Among the Utes these navel-amulets are also diamond-shaped,
but they are attached to the infant’s cradle. Among the
Arapaho they usually represent a small animal.

In connection with the usual diamond shape of these amu-
lets, it may be observed that throughout the decorative sym-
bolism of the Arapaho the navel is represented by a diamond-
shaped symbol.

Fig. 1 of Plate vi11 shows the only example of navel-amulets
possessing realistic shape, seen among the Arapaho. It is
further unique in not being beaded on the under side. It
represents a lizard (sani’wa"). This word, in Gros Ventre,
means ‘‘horned toad,’’ but in Arapaho seems to signify
“lizard.” The Arapaho regard the horned toad, which they
call by the same name as a mule (bihiiha"x), as a good animal,
and do not kill it.

The more decoratively conventionalized form of navel-
amulet is seen in Fig. 2 of Plate vir. This object represents a
fish. The diagonal lines indicate its appearance (1. e., the
markings of the fish).

The amulet shown in Fig. 3, Plate v111, represents a tadpole
(hiseindta", literally ‘‘ woman's belly ’’), Two figures upon it
in dark-blue beadwork represent stars. - These forms appear
to be modifications of the cross, which usually denotes the
morning star. The red ornament in the middle represents
the butterfly, or possibly the dragon-fly; it could not be
determined which. The white beaded background represents
snow.

Fig. 4 of Plate virr illustrates another amulet representing a
lizard (sani’wa"). The dark blue and yellow areas signify its
markings, while the bisecting lines represent paths.

The previous specimens are alike on both sides. eee 5
and 6 of Plate vit, however, represent the two differing sides
of one navel-amulet. The whole object represents the navel
itself, also a frog. The two dark-blue trapezoidal ornaments
in Fig. 5 represent miniature or toy bags, resembling those
ordinarily used, but made for children. Below, a (red and

Butietin A. M. N. H. i Vou. XVIII, Prats VIII.

NAVEL-AMULETS.

58 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVIII,

pale-blue) triangle with a stripe across its point represents a
female dress (evidently that of the little girl who wore the
amulet). The golden-yellow background and the black stripe
around it represent (the color of) the girl’s hair respectively as
it is now in her youth (her hair being light brown) and as it
will be when she has grown older. On the other side (Fig. 6)
the stripes or lines represent navel-strings. The green
and blue single lines of beads at the seam or edge of the
pouch represent sinew. The loose pendants of large beads
represent navel-strings; the shells at their ends represent
teeth.

In addition to the representation of a frog, there are three
lines of symbolism in this object. First, teeth and color of
hair are often used in symbolism to denote age, and express
a wish for old age; the toy bags, and possibly the dress and
navel-strings, also refer to the age of childhood. Secondly,
the dress, and perhaps the sinew (which serves as thread,
and therefore denotes sewing, woman’s occupation), sym-
bolize sex. Thirdly, the navel, and therefore also the navel-
strings, symbolize the human being (ini’ta").

It will be seen from these figures that the navel-amulet of
the conventional diamond form has a pair of strings at the
sides, which denote the legs or fins of the animal represented.
When a lizard, frog, or fish is represented, these strings aid
the slight similarity of the pouch to the animal; but when a
tadpole is represented, as in Fig. 3, it is evident that their
effect is the opposite, and that their presence is due to
the prevalence, in this point, of stylistic convention over
accuracy of symbolism. But a specimen like the first one
described (Fig. 1) shows the opposite predominance of repre-
sentative accuracy over decorative convention. From this it
would seem that there is always some tendency toward real-
istic symbolism, and some toward ornamental convention, but
that the relative proportion of the two varies considerably in
different individuals making decorated objects.

One-half of the front of a bead-covered waistcoat is shown
in Fig. 8. This garment is of course modern. The figures
that may be described as inverted Y's are sticks or racks set

1902.] Kroeber, The Arapaho. 59

up inside the tent to hang saddles and blankets upon. The
designs above them are saddle-blankets. The cross is the
morning star. A row of blue squares represents rocks. A
blue stripe represents a rope. Be-
low this are ornaments consisting
of a line with a hollow square at
the bottom. These represent
men’s stirrups. On the back of
the waistcoat, instead of these
ornaments, are others consisting
of a line with a triangle at the
bottom. These represent women’s
stirrups. The Arapaho at present
use saddles of their own manu-
facture for women. These have
triangular stirrups of wood and
rawhide. The men ride Ameri-
can saddles, which usually have
oval wooden stirrups. Thus, as
in many other cases (the sky, the
earth, the sacred hoop), the square
or rectangle here represents some-
thing circular or oval. In sym-
bolism anything four-sided or
four-cornered is equivalent to a
circle, and anything circular is
considered to have four ends.
Tents, even now that canvas Fig. 8 (:§83). Front of Beaded Waist-
has replaced buffalo-hides, are co.
still often decorated with a con-
ventional set of ornaments. These ornaments are the fol-
lowing.
' x, Acircular piece of hide about eight inches in diameter,
covered with embroidery of beads or quills (Plate 1x, Fig.
2). This is sewed to the back of the tent at its very top, just
below the place where it is fastened to the hiinana’kaya", —
the pole in the middle of the back which is used to raise the
tent into position. To the bottom of this ornament are

60 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVIII,

attached two buffalo (or cattle) tails. This ornament is
called ka*eibithi.

2. Four similarly embroidered pieces of skin considerably
smaller (Plate 1x, Fig. 1). These are attached to the sides
of the tent, several feet above the bottom, at the southeast,
southwest, northwest, and northeast (the tent always facing
east). To the middle of each of these ornaments is attached
a buffalo-tail and a pendant consisting of three quill-wrapped
strings which have at their ends the small dew-claws of buffalo
and a quill-wrapped loop.

3. A series of pendants, each triple, with dew-claws and
loops at the ends (Plate 1x, Fig. 3). These resemble the
pendants just described, except that instead of strings, wider
strips of skin are wound with porcupine-quills. When quills
are not to be had, corn-husk or plant-fibres are used. These
pendants, called xaxanaahihi, are attached in two vertical
rows to the front of the tent, where it is fastened together
above the door; also to the edge of the two flaps or ears at
the top (which give light and ventilation, but can be closed
when it rains).

These three sets of objects constitute the regular orna-
mentation of a tent.

These tent-ornaments are of three different kinds, the pat-
terns in the circular embroidery varying slightly.

Fig. 9, a, shows one of the three kinds. The design consists
of alternating black and yellow concentric circles and of four
black-edged white radii.

Fig. 9, 6, shows a second style, which contains four colors,
whereas the first contains three. This may be described as
similar to the preceding, excepting that the two sectors en-
closed by the four radii are solidly red instead of continuing
the black and yellow circles that cover the main part of the
surface. The specimen figured has teeth around its edge.
Such teeth may be either present or absent in any of the
three styles.

The black and yellow concentric rings represent the whirl-
wind, or perhaps more exactly the course of Whirlwind-
Woman. When the earth was first made (and was still small),

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho. 61

Nayda"xati’sei (Whirlwind-Woman) did not know where to
stop (to rest), and went from place to alae As she circled,
the earth grew until it
-reached its present ex-
tent. When she stopped,
she had gone over the

whole earth. It was she iy, Vy? G4
; 4S
who first made this tent- * | my, UG. A
. ECBE™S
ornament, which repre- ré ‘al | We 22
4 >

sents what she did.

The two preceding

styles are both known
s “black” on account
of their black circles.
The third style lacks
these, and is therefore
called “‘white.”’ It is
also called xana"kii’baa,
1. é@., ‘‘ straight-standing-
red,’’ on account of its
two opposite red sectors.
This third style is like
the second except that
instead of being banded
black and yellow, it is
solid yellow.

The specimen shown
in Fig. 2 of Plate 1x is
of this third kind. It
represents the sun, on
account of both its shape
and its prevailing yellow
color. The two red
sectors are tents con-
taining persons (red dee yas ate & (aifea). Tent-ornaments. Longest
sometimes signifies man-
kind in Arapaho color-symbolism). The teeth at the cir-
cumference represent persons.

nt a
ne >
nt

mt

Vou. XVIM, Pate IX,

Butretin A. M,N. H.

TENT-ORNAMENTS,

1902.] _ Kroeber, The Arapaho. 63

Another specimen of this third kind, worked in beads, was
said to represent, as a whole, the sun. The red sectors, at the
opposite sides (ends) of the circle, are the red of sunrise and
sunset. The white and black radii bordering these sectors
can be regarded as two intersecting diameters, forming a cross.
Therefore they are the morning star.

The four small circular ornaments going with each of the
large ones that have been described are miniature reproduc-
tions of these, except that the small ornaments of the first
two styles omit radii and sectors, consisting only of con-
centric black and yellow circles.

The pendants are more variable than the circular tent-
ornaments. Sometimes they are entirely yellow. Generally
they contain some red. Very frequently there is a white por-
tion with black edgings. The one shown in Plate 1x, Fig. 3,
has green upon it. The rule seems to be to employ only the
four colors red, yellow, black, and white.

One kind of pendant is entirely orange; another (Fig. 10),
from the upper part downward, yellow, purple, white, purple,
orange. The purple probably stands for black. The arrange-
ment of colors in Fig. 10 is similar to that shown in Plate rx,
Fig. 3, except that the middle strip is white and of greater
width. Generally the upper part, at which the three pend-
ants hang together, is wrapped with quills of the same color
as the upper parts of the pendants. The rings at the
lower ends. of the present specimen are red, white, and
black.

Instead of the large circular embroidery, a rectangular or
trapezoidal figure of beadwork is sometimes attached to the
top of the back of the tent. Fig. 11 shows such an ornament.
It is called niha"xa’"haya® (‘‘yellow-oblong’’?). It is worked
in red, yellow, black, and white.’

This rectangular form is probably more typical of the Chey-
enne than of the Arapaho, though the Cheyenne also have the
circular ornaments. The Gros Ventres formerly possessed
circular ornaments similar to those of the Arapaho, but no
longer use them; merely a few detached specimens are still

1 By mistake the yellow in this specimen is indicated as green in the illustration.

64 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVIII,

in existence. Among the Shoshone, Bannock, and Ute, the
writer has not seen any tent-ornaments. The Blackfeet also
did not use them.

A Cheyenne tent-ornament in the American Museum of
Natural History exactly resembles the Arapaho one illus-
trated in Plate 1x, Fig. 2, except that blue is substituted for
the white. Another Cheyenne tent-ornament seen by the

Fig. 10. Fig. 11,
Figs. 10 (y§80b), 11 (gifs). Tent-ornaments. Length, 27 cm., 23 cm.

writer was identical with these two, except that it was green
where these were respectively white and blue.

It appears that the combination of red, yellow, black, and
white, while not confined to the Arapaho, is more character-
istic of their tribal ornamentation than of that of their neigh-
bors. When green is used by the Arapaho in the embroidery
of such tribally-decorated objects, it may replace either red
or white.

Designs and color combinations very similar to those of
tent-ornaments are found on other objects in which a highly
conventional style of quill-embroidery formerly prevailed.

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho... 65

These objects are particularly. buffalo-robes, buffalo-skin
blankets or pillows, and cradles.

Fig. 12 shows one of twenty lines embroidered in quills
across a buffalo-robe, previously mentioned on p. 34, The
line represents a buffalo-path. The four colors—~the con-
ventional red, yellow, black, and white — represent the four
lives (generations or periods) since the beginning of the
world, one for each color.

If one follows the circumference of one of the circular tent-
ornaments (as of Fig. 2, Plate 1x), excepting the first style,
which lacks red, one meets in the course of this circumference
the same succession of colors, and the same relative amount
or proportional width of each, as on this straight line on the
buffalo-robe. In each case the bulk or body of the line is

Fig. 12. Quill-embroidered Line.
yellow; there are red spaces of considerable size; these are
bordered by smaller white spaces; and these, finally, are
bordered by still narrower black spaces.
Buffalo-skins, from the head and neck of the animal, were
used to hang over the head of the bed. One of these skins
seen by the writer was ornamented in the following manner.
1. The horns were not attached to the skin. Where the
eye had been there was sewed one of the small circular tent-
ornaments consisting of yellow and black concentric rings.
2. The place of the top of the head was covered by a quill-
work ornament called the ‘‘brain,’’ which was nothing else
than one of the large circular tent-ornaments of the style that
lacks the black concentric rings. 3. The place of 1e ear
was covered by a figure embroidered in beads an. quills.
This was trapezoidal, the smaller of the bases being convexly
rounded. This ornament is shown in Fig. 13. Most of it is
yellow. The middle portion is red; this is bordered by two
white stripes, which are edged by black lines. 4. Along the
“throat,” that is, along one of the sides of the piece of skin,
was a fourth ornament, This consisted of two strips of hide
_extending the length of the skin, parallel to each other at a

66 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVIII,

distance of about six inches. Connecting these were about
thirty short strips of hide, each about half an inch wide. These
strips were wound with corn-husk of the four colors,— red,
yellow, black, and white. The arrangement and proportion
of colors on these strips were identical with those on the orna-
ment representing the ear. In addition, three or four smaller
strips, with the same color-pattern, were put on each of the
long pieces of hide, extending in the same direction as these;
that is, vertically. This entire ornament, in its general char-
acter, somewhat resembled the long orna-
ment hanging from the cradle shown in
Fig. 14, b.

These buffalo-skin pillows with the tribal
ornamentation were decorated, like tents
and robes, under the direction of the old
women possessing the sacred seven work-
bags. It is probable that the last specimen
of this kind has now perished.

Cradles, or infant-carriers, are also deco-
oe ta Butsoss pated in a style similar to tent-ornaments.

The embroidery is altogether in quills.
Sometimes, however, only three colors are used on these
cradles, instead of four. There are two chief lines of sym-
bolism connected with this ornamentation. According to
one interpretation, the various ornaments represent the child
that is in the cradle. According to the other interpretation,
these ornaments represent parts of the tent. When the child
grows up, it will inhabit its own tent as now it inhabits the
cradle. Therefore this symbolism serves to express a wish
that the child may reach the age of manhood or womanhood.

Fig. 14, b, shows such a cradle. The round ornament near
the top of the cradle, situated over the top of the child’s head,
represents the head or skull of the child. The long ornament,
consisting of two strips of hide connected by red, black, and
white quill-wrapped strips, represents the child’s hair. The
smooth, slippery quills denote the greasy hair of the child.
At the lower part of the cradle the long quill-covered thongs
represent ribs. The lowest pair, however, are the legs. Of
[Fune, 1902.] &

aus

1902.) . Kroeber, The Arapaho. 67

the three colors in the embroidery, red represents blood;
black, the hair (of youth and middle age); white, (the hair of)
old age. Of the sticks forming the framework inside the

cradle, one is unpeeled, the other peeled. The unpeeled one
cradle;

Fig, 14, 2 (x8?a), 2 (ei), ¢ (x580). Cradles.

the peeled stick represents its subsequent more cleanly
condition.

The round ornament at the top of this cradle, besides de-
noting the head of the child, represents also a tent-ornament,
which indeed it closely resembles. The tent-ornament signi-
fies that the child, when it has grown up, will have a tent.
Above the round ornament are pendants having small hoofs
and quill-wrapped loops at their ends. These represent the

68 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVIII,

pendants or rattles above the door of the tent. Still higher
up than these on the cradle, are two quill-wound strips lying
parallel to each other. These represent man and woman,
since a man and a woman own a tent together. On the orna-
ment representing hair are several pairs of pendants having
loops at their ends. These loops represent the holes in the
bottom of the tent through which the tent-pegs pass. The
whole cradle, owing to its shape and the fact of its being
stretched on a framework of sticks, resembles a tent-door, and
therefore represents it.

Both of these extensive symbolic interpretations were given
by one and the same person to the ornamentation of one
cradle.

Fig. 14, a, shows a cradle like the preceding, except that in
place of the round ornament over the head there is a rectangu-
lar one of red quill-work on which is a white cross. The
shape of this probably has reference to the rectangular tent-
ornaments sometimes used.

Very similar to the two cradles just described are two in
the Field Columbian Museum in Chicago. One of these con-
tains green in its quill-work. :

Fig. 14, c, shows a cradle worked in yellow quill-embroidery
instead of red. The rectangular ornament containing a white
cross is similar to that on the cradle last described, but in
several other respects this cradle differs in ornamentation.

The oblong ornament at the top represents the head of the
child. Yellow wool embroidered upon it is hair. A stripe of
blue beads surrounding this ornament represents face-paint.
At the lower part of the cradle are the ribs of the child.

The oblong ornament also represents a tent-ornament. The
pendants above it are the rattles at the top of the tent. They
signify that it is wished that the child may become old enough
to possess a tent. Yellow strips surrounding the opening of
the cradle represent the circumference of the base of the tent.
Tufts of wool at intervals between these strips represent the
places of the tent-pegs. The ornaments that are called ribs
are also the pins used for fastening together the front of the
tent, just above the door. Rattle-pendants attached to them

1902.] a Kroeber, The Arapaho. 69

represent the pendants on the tent alongside of these pins,
lower down than those referred to at the top of the tent.

Quill-embroidered cradles have been seen by the writer only

among the northern Arapaho. Beaded cradles, which are
used among both portions of the
tribe, are very different in design
and symbolism.
. A beaded cradle is shown in
.Fig. 15. Dark-blue triangles rep-
resent tents. Green rectangles,
with three projections at each
end, represent brush-shelters or
sun-shades,with the poles on which
they stand. A long red stripe is
a path. Around the edge of the
cradle are marks that are blue,
red,and yellow. These represent
piles of stones marking the extent
of the camp-circle. At the bot-
tom a border passing completely
around the cradle represents the
camp-circle of tents. At the very:
top an attached square with a
broad cross in it represents the
morning star. Ina similar square
from the top of a Cheyenne
cradle, Ehrenreich' found designs
that. had a highly abstract sig-
nificance.

A Sioux cradle in the American
Museum of Natural History bears
a resemblance to this one that
is very remarkable. Nothing is Fig. 15 (g%). Beaded Cradle.
known of the symbolismattached ‘nsth 69cm.
to this cradle by the Sioux.

Fig. 16 shows a figure in the shape of a tent-ornament,
which was intended to be attached to the head of a cradle.

1 Ethnologisches Notizblatt, 1899, II, 1, p. 27.

70 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVIII,

Fig. 17 shows the tent-ornament design slightly altered, and
used to cover one side of a ball.

Tent-ornaments are generally attached to the tent with a
certain amount of ceremony. This is done by an assemblage
of old women, one or more of whom are possessors of one of
the seven sacred women’s bags that have been referred to.
The ceremonies are similar to those that have been described
as taking place in connection with the transfer of one of the
sacred bags or with the embroidering of a robe (pp. 30 et seq.).

Fig. 16 (:§%7). Cradle-ornament. Fig. 17 (79%). Beaded Ornament for Ball.
Diam., 14.5 cm. Diam., 15 cm. ‘

The following is a description of the ceremonies accompany-
ing the ornamentation of a tent, as witnessed by the writer.
A middle-aged woman who wished her tent decorated had
prepared the ornaments.. These consisted, when the cere-
mony began, of a piece of skin on which the large circular
ornament had been beaded; of the four smaller ornaments,
also of embroidered hide; of cow-tails to be attached to the
circular ornaments; of four sets of thin pendants, to be at-
tached, with the tails, to the four small circles; of fourteen
quill-wound yellow pendants, bearing small hoofs at the ends;
of sixteen similar yellow pendants which were ornamented
with the design black, white, black, red, black, white, black,
that has been previously described (p. 34); and of red flannel
to be cut into pieces to be hung on the pendants next to the
hoofs. The canvas tent which was to be ornamented had

1902.] . ' Kroeber, The Arapaho, 71

been taken down, but the poles had been left standing, and
all the household property was still in place under them. The
ceremonial attachment of the ornaments took place in another
- tent, perhaps a hundred feet away from the bare framework
of poles. The camp broke and moved that morning, and soon
these two tents were the only ones left standing. The woman
who had been called to preside over the ceremony was the
one from whom the account of the use of the sacred bags
was obtained by the writer (see p. 30). She was called Cedar-
Woman.

The owner of the tent that was to be ornamented sent a
wagon to bring Cedar-Woman. She, however, was not ready,
and remained in her tent, painting herself and putting on a
good dress. Finally she came on foot, followed by another
old woman who possessed a sacred bag, and by a third elderly
woman. The food, which is a requisite of the ceremony, was
already in the tent, set on the ground around the fireplace.
There was now a delay in order that more elderly women
might be secured. At last enough were found. With the last
comers the writer entered the tent, from which men are
ordinarily supposed to be excluded. Cedar-Woman, the head
of the ceremony, sat at the back of the tent (i. ¢., opposite
the door, which, as always, faced east). At each side of the
tent sat four women, the owner of the tent sitting next to the
door. The women were cutting the red cloth into strips and
attaching it to the ends of the pendants. The entirely yellow
pendants were being worked upon on one side of the tent, the
four-colored ones by the women on the other side. Cedar-
Woman had the piece of hide on which the large circular
beaded ornament was embroidered, and was cutting out the
ornament from it. Later she fastened the thin pendants to
the cow-tails. While at work putting the ornaments together,
all the women seemed to speak and laugh freely. The owner
of the tent once went out to get an awl.

The owner of the tent now arose from her place by the door
and kneeled before Cedar-Woman, who took medicine from
her sacred bag and began to chew it. The kneeling woman
held out her two palms together. Cedar-Woman touched her

»
72 Bulletin American Museum of rier History. (Vol. XVULI,

finger to the ground, and then placed it five times on the
other woman’s joined palms, in four spots forming a circle. and
then in the middle. The course of her finger was from right
to left, contrary to the usual ceremonial order. Then she spit
a minute quantity of medicine on the same places on the
woman’s two hands; the latter then rubbed herself all over
with her hands.’ Cedar-Woman spit on her two cheeks, and
then on her own hand, which she placed on the kneeling
woman's breast and then on the top of her head. She also
took some of the medicine from her own mouth and put it
into the other’s. The woman then rose and walked around
past the fire and the dishes (which occupied the centre of the
tent) to the door. Then she took up a dish of food that stood
towards the southeast (7. e., not far from the door), and, hold-
ing it just above the ground, walked around the fireplace
from left to right. Then she gave it to the woman before
whom it had stood. Going to the southwest quarter of the
tent, she took up a dish there, and, after having made a com-
plete circuit with it, gave it to the woman nearest whom it
had stood. Then she did the same at the northwest and
northeast. The rest of the food, other than these four dishes,
was not moved. The women all produced plates or kettles,
and the owner of the tent ladled out food to them from one
dish. The remaining dishes she set before Cedar-Woman.
Cedar-Woman took five crumbs from one of the dishes and
laid them on the tent-owner’s palm. This woman then went
around the tent, laying one crumb on the ground at each of
the four ends or sides (southeast, etc.) of the tent. The fifth
she placed on the fire in the middle. Then she came back to
Cedar-Woman, who placed five pieces from another dish on
her palm. The woman then rubbed her hands together, and,
going around the fire, stood before a tent-pole on the south-
east side of the tent. She moved her hands down in front of
it with a motion as if she held it and were letting her hands
glide down along it. She went successively to the southwest,
northwest, and northeast of the tent, and made the same mo-

+ This is a common practice in ceremonials; a root called hAgawaanaxu is used for
the purpose.

1902.] K roeber, The Arapaho. 73

‘tion before the tent-poles there. The fifth motion she made in
the same way before the door. Then, going to Cedar-Woman
a third time, she received five grains of corn on her hand, and
placed them on the ground and on the fire, just as she had
placed the first food given her by Cedar-Woman. The fourth
time, Cedar-Woman put pieces of a soft food on her hands,
which she ‘‘fed”’ to the poles as previously. Then she brought
Cedar-Woman a pot of food standing northeast of the centre
(4. e., to the left of the door, viewed from inside the tent), and,
having had a little of the contents placed on her hands, made
the same motions in front of the four tent-poles and the door
as before. From a dish at the southeast (to the right of the
door), she then again ‘“‘fed”’ the ground. Occasionally she
mistook the place or made a wrong motion, whereupon all the
other women laughed at her. After she had sat down, a
young woman, apparently her daughter, entered the tent and
kneeled before Cedar-Woman. She also had her palms
touched by the old woman’s finger after it had been placed
on the ground, and she also had chewed medicine spit upon
her. Then Cedar-Woman fed her with a spoon; she passed
her hand lightly down over Cedar-Woman’s arm several
times, apparently as a sign of thanks. Rising, she carried
several dishes of food to the door; then took a dish from Cedar-
Woman to the other old woman who possessed a sacred bag.
Leaving the tent, the young woman returned with plates on
which the food in the dish last mentioned was distributed.
She went out for more plates, and all the food was dished out.
Then she sat down against the door. All now ate. The
second old woman with the sacred bag once held up a piece
of food and said a short prayer, and one of the other women
did the same. When they had nearly finished eating, the
young woman left the tent, taking several dishes with her.
Several women were now called in from outside, and food was
given to them to carry away. At last all the food had been
removed from the tent.

Then the owner of the tent, who had again been sitting near
the door, went out and brought in live coals, which she put
on the fireplace. (As it was summer, there was no fire in the

74 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History.[Vol. XVUI,

tent.) Cedar-Woman took out from her bag a root which
looked like that called niaata", and sliced pieces from it. The
owner of the tent now took two forked sticks and with them
picked up two live coals from the heap which she had brought
in; she laid them on the bare ground before Cedar-Woman,
and kneeled before her. With her arm guided by Cedar-
Woman, she slowly took a small amount of the finely-cut
root from Cedar-Woman’s other, outspread hand. Still
guided by Cedar-Woman, she moved her arm up and down
four times, then four times made a motion as if dropping
the root on the two coals, and with the last of these motions
dropped it. Then she returned to her seat by the door.
Cedar-Woman put the remainder of the finely-cut root on the
two coals, and, as the smoke rose, began to pray. She prayed
a long time. All the women in the tent bowed their heads,
and some covered their eyes. Most of them wept a little.
The owner of the tent then replaced the two coals in the
fireplace:

This done, she brought in the cover of her tent. It was
laid on the ground, to the south of the fireplace, folded so that
it was about a foot wide and perhaps twelve feet long. The
head was next to Cedar- Woman, the other end near the door.
Cedar-Woman rose, and, followed closely by the owner of the
tent, walked around the fire, touching the canvas with the
two forked sticks that had been used to pick up the coals.
Again she circled around the fire, followed by the woman
owning the tent, who carried the ornaments that were to be
attached. This time, in walking around the fire, they stepped
over the tent four times (see Fig. 18). Then the top of the
tent was spread out. The owner of the tent stood up, mo-
tioned four times with the bundle of ornaments, and threw
them on the canvas. Cedar-Woman gathered them together,
and holding them up, spoke a short prayer. Then she
handed the four smaller circular ornaments to four women.
All now gathered around the canvas, which was rolled out
somewhat, though not fully spread. All the participants
were now on the south side of the fire, where the canvas lay,
except Cedar-Woman, who kept her place at the middle of

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho. Zo

the back of the tent, west of the fire, and one woman who
remained idle on the other side of the tent, north of the fire.
' The five circular ornaments were now sewed on the canvas.
The large one at the top of the tent was attached under Cedar-
Woman’s direct supervision, but neither she nor the other
old woman possessing a bag sewed. The owner of the tent
‘also did not sew. As one woman remained idle, there thus
were five who were sewing on five ornaments. While they
worked, they conversed freely. Cedar-Woman never exposed
her bag plainly, but kept it covered and wrapped even while
taking something from it. This caution may have been
due to the presence of the writer.
When the circular ornaments had
all been sewed to the canvas, Cedar-
Woman took two of the cow-tails,
and directed one of the women
how to attach them to the large
ornament. When this had been
done, the part of the canvas that
would be at the front of the top of
the tent was spread out and held
flat. on the ground. Then seven : : . ;
of the yellow pendants were laid Pk er neers spleens
in a row upon it, and their places ;
marked with a bit of charcoal. In these places holes were
then made in the canvas with an awl. The tent had been
folded so that it was pierced twice, which made two rows
of seven holes. By means of strings of buckskin and small
squares of hide, the fourteen yellow pendants were then
attached in these places. Then the four-colored pendants
were attached in the same manner, below the others, and
just above the door; they formed two vertical rows of eight
each.

The tent was now bundled together and taken out by the
woman who owned it. ’ Together with her daughter, she at
once began to put it up on the poles that were already stand-
ing. This was done, as usual, by taking out the pole at the
middle of the back (called hiinana’kaya"), laying it on the

76 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. {Vol. XVII,

ground, and tying the canvas to it near its top, so that by
raising the pole the canvas was elevated to the proper height.
The other women now all came out from the tent in which
they had been. Cedar-Woman took the pole that was lying
on the canvas and partially raised it four times. Then the
owner of the tent, unassisted, raised it altogether, put it in
its place, and spread the canvas around the framework of
poles, though without fastening it either in front, over the
door, or at the bottom edge; so that it sagged and hung
loosely.

Cedar-Woman now took the four tails which had had em-
broidered pendants attached to them, and which were to be
fastened to the four small cir-
cular ornaments that were a few
feet above the ground on the
southeast, southwest, northwest,
and northeast sides of the tent.
Starting from before the door,
and followed by the owner of the
tent, she took a complex course
that finally brought her before
the northeast side of the tent,

eee ie ' where one of the tails was to be

ig. 19. Diagram showing Cere-

monial Circuit around Tent. attached to the beaded ornament.

Her course is shown in Fig. 19.
Altogether she walked past every part of the circumference of
the tent three times (excepting the distance between the place
where she stopped and the door from which she started);
crossed the tent four times from north to south or south to
north, lifting up the canvas once at each of the places where
the ornaments were, going under it, and emerging under the
ornament directly to the north or south; and in all her course
kept turning from left to right, making five complete revolu-
tions. When the two women had stopped on the northeast
of the tent, the owner pierced the ornament with an awl, and
Cedar-Woman fastened the tail to it. The remaining par-
ticipants in the ceremony, together with several other per-
sons who had been watching outside, looked on from a

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho. ot 77

distance, sitting on the ground. The two women then went
to the ornament on the southeast side of the tent, and, having
fastened a tail to it in the same manner, did the same at the
southwest and then at the northwest. Then Cedar-Woman
sat down with the others; and the owner of the tent, assisted
by her daughter, took down the now completely ornamented
tent.

Ordinarily this would have ended the ceremony; but the
same woman had another tent to be ornaniented. Accord-
ingly the women re-entered the tent in which they had been,
and the owner brought in to them a second canvas. Pre-.
sumably this was decorated and set up like the first, although
without another meal preceding.

This ends the account of the tribal decoration of the
Arapaho, —

Plate x represents two of the gut cases or pouches used to
hold porcupine-quills. Generally these pouches are not em-
broidered. On the larger one (Fig. 2) the blue and yellow
triangles in the beadwork at each end represent rocks. On
the other one (Fig. 1) red and blue lines on the white bead-
work represent leeches.

The Arapaho keep the dry finely pulverized paint, which
they use to put on their persons, in small pouches of soft skin.
Old people may have plain little sacks without any decora-
tion. Generally, however, the pouches are about half cov-
ered with beadwork. They take two main forms. One has
a fringe hanging from the bottom of the pouch. The other
typical form has, in place of the fringe, a pointed triangular
flap of skin about as long as the pouch itself. These paint-
bags are usually intended to represent other objects. Many
represent one half of a saddle-bag. Saddle-bags were made
of soft skin, deep, beaded, and with a long fringe. They
were double, so that one end hung on each side of the horse.
One half of a saddle-bag had much the shape and appearance
of many of the paint-pouches. Others of these paint-pouches
represent small animals, The pouch itself is the body of the
animal, its opening is the mouth, the strings with which the

Bu.ietin A. M.N, H. Vor. XVIII, Prats X,

4
PouCHES FOR HOLDING PORCUPINE-QUILLS,

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho. 79

opening is tied together are limbs, other strings or attach-
ments are hind-limbs or tail, and so on. The beadwork on
the pouch is generally entirely independent in its symbolism,
but sometimes has reference to the animal symbolism of the
whole pouch. Thus the beadwork may represent the mark-
ings or habitation of the animal, or parts of its body.

Fig. 20 shows four paint-pouches in outline. The strings
that represent legs, fins, etc., are extended, to make the simi-
larity to an animal as apparent as possible. a represents both
a beaver and a fish. With the latter signification, the upper
pair of strings are barbels; the lower pair, fins. 06 is a lizard.
The sound made by the small tin rattles that are attached to

Fig. 20, @ (si), 8 (ads), ¢ (fie), 2 GEPx). Paint-pouches About } nat. size.

flap and strings denotes the cry of the lizard. c and d are
pouches with a fringe in place of a flap. c¢ represents a frog;
the fringe is grass in which it is sitting. The beadwork
design of this pouch is shown in the illustration; the four
triangles represent the four shoulder and hip joints of the
frog; the square is food in its stomach. d represents one-
half of a saddle-bag.

It is evident that the pouches are similar in their general
pattern, however diverse their symbolic significance.

Unless otherwise specified, the paint-bags to be referred to
are ornamented alike on both sides,

80 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XV UI,

The paint-pouch shown in Plate x1, Fig. 1, represents a
saddle-bag. The triangular design upon it is a tent. The
stripe along the side of the pouch is a snake. The beads at
the edge of the opening are variously-colored rocks. The
five-pointed mouth of the pouch represents a star.

The pouch shown in Figs. 2 and 3, Plate x1, represents a
beaver. The triangular design in beadwork is a tent. It
rests upon a green horizontal line, which represents the ground
when the grass is green. On the other side of the pouch is
another, differently-colored triangular design, which is also a
tent. This rests upon a yellow band, which represents the
ground in autumn, when the grass is yellow. Light-blue
stripes at the two sides of the pouch represent the sky. On
the flap, the two converging white stripes are an arrow-head.
The small dark-blue triangles are also arrow-heads. The line
of beads projecting from the edge of the flap represents the
scales on the beaver’s. tail. It will be seen that one side of
this flap is left bare, which is unusual.

In the pouch shown in Fig. 4 of Plate x1 the opening is four-
pointed, and represents the morning star.

The pouch shown in Fig. 5 of Plate x1 represents a saddle-
bag. The triangular design is a mountain. The gray-blue
area on which it is imposed is hazy atmosphere. The blue-
and-yellow border represents mountain-ranges. This pouch
is beaded on one side only.

The pouch shown in Fig. 6 of Plate x1 represents a greenish
lizard. For this reason the ground-color of the beadwork is
green. In most pouches it is white. The design represents a
mountain: this species of lizard lives mostly on mountains.
The whole bag with its opening, besides being the lizard itself,
is also the hole in which the animal lives; and the vertical
green stripe with two bands across it represents the lizard
with the markings of its skin. The opening of the pouch is
also the lizard’s mouth; and the projections at the opening,
its ears. ,

The bag shown in Figs. 1 and 2 of Plate x11 represents a
lizard. The rectangular design (Fig. 1) with six projections
represents a cricket. Below it, the crosses are stars, and the

BuLietin A. M. N. H. Vou. XVIII, Prare XI,

PAINT-POUCHES,

Butretin A. M.N. H. Vor, XVIII, Pirate XII.

PAINT-POUCHES.

£902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho, — 83

lateral figures pipes. On the other side (Fig. 2) is a repre-
sentation of a turtle and of several pipes. The two narrow
stripes extending to the mouth of the pouch are caterpillars.

The bag shown in Figs. 3 and 4 of Plate x11 represents both
a saddle-bag and a prairie-dog. On one side (Fig. 3), four
right-angled triangles represent mountain-peaks. Small white
patches on these represent snow. Dark figures at the points
of these triangles are eagles on the mountains. The figure
between the mountains represents the crossing of two paths.
On the other side (Fig. 4), the diamond in the middle repre-
sents a turtle. The two three-pronged figures are turtle-
claws. Small white spots on these are turtle-eggs.

It will be noticed that identical white spots mean on differ-
ent sides of the bag respectively snow-patches and turtle-eggs.
What signification they have depends in each case on the
symbolic context. Similarly a three-pronged figure like that
on this bag often signifies the bear’s foot, but here, when
adjacent to a turtle-symbol, a turtle’s foot. Such represen-
tation of different objects by the same symbol — or such
different interpretation of the same figure, according as one
may wish to state it — is constantly found in the decorative
art of this tribe. ’

The pouch shown in Figs. 5 and 6, Plate x11, again repre-
sents a lizard. The large ornament about the middle of the
bag (Fig. 5) represents a butterfly. The two triangles are
its wings, and the rhomboidal figure of beadwork projecting
on the leather surface is its body. On the flap is represented
the centipede. The rows of small squares are its tracks. On
the other side (Fig. 6) there is the butterfly again. On the
flap is a dragon-fly, or perhaps two. The detached, some-
what triangular figures, at the sides of the dragon-fly, are its
wings.

The pouch shown in Fig. 21, a, represents a saddle-bag.
The design is a tent. The conventional stripe towards the
opening, only part of which is shown in the illustration, is a
snake.

In the paint-pouch shown in Fig. 21, 6, each of the triangles
with the two lines at its ends represents a tent. The space

84 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVII,

enclosed by the triangle and the two lines represents the place
where the tent is. In the stripe reaching to the opening of
the bag are representations of worms, each row or thread of

uN

Fig. 21. Paint-pouches. About # nat. size.

a (dtr), 5 Crt ta)s © (Mia), 2 (cB 85), © (Fa), Z (rte), & (BRL) A Cafe), f (rb8e).

beads being a worm. The beading at the edge also repre-
sents worms.

The bag shown in Fig. 21,c, represents a saddle-bag. The
large diamond, as well as the crosses on the vertical stripes,

1902, | : Kroeber, The Arapaho. “ 85

are the morning star. Metallic beads in these figures ex-
press the lustre of the star.

The pouch shown in Fig. 21, d, represents a horned toad.
The design represents Ghiempila (cf. Plate xvi1). The white
represents snow.

The pouch shown in Fig. a1, e, also represents a’ horned
toad. The triangles are mushrooms.

On the paint-pouch shown in Fig. 21, f, the ground-color is
yellow, instead of the usual white, and represents ground.
The pattern represents rocks. More accurately, dark blue
in this design indicates rocks; red and pink, earth; and green,
grass among the rocks. The stripe toward the opening sym-
bolizes a narrow range of hills, and dark blue on this stripe is
again rock.

The pouch shown in Fig. 21, g, represents a rat. Two tri-
angular pink marks just below the mouth are ears. The rest
of the design is very dilapidated, most of the beads having
been worn off.’ :

The paint-pouch shown in Fig. 21, h, fopuasenta a saddle-
bag. The ornamental design represents a lizard. Stripes
along the sides, toward the opening of the pouch, are worms.
Red squares on these stripes are the holes of the worms. The —
- beading at the edge of the opening represents light and dark
colored maggots.

The paint-pouch shown in Fig. 21, 7, represents a reddish
bivalve mollusk, probably a mussel.

Representation of an animal by an entire object which
bears little visual resemblance to the animal, is not confined
to paint-pouches or navel-amulets. An awl-case, made of
hide wound with black and white beads, was intended to rep-
resent a lizard (Plate x11, Fig.1). Here, as in other cases, the
particular animal represented could not well be recognized
even by an Indian; and that this awl-case represents a lizard,
and not a snake or fish or rat, is a matter of the individual
purpose or interpretation of the maker. Perhaps even a dis-
tinct motive or intention for this symbolism was lacking in

1 By mistake the design ‘shown in the figure below the ears is the one on the
opposite side of the pouch; that on the same side as the ears is similar but less
dilapidated. —

Buctetin A. M. N. H. Vor, XVIII, Prats XIII.

on
irra

ane

TUFELI Hr
sSmareen
Jarman

tater
versie

-———}

foment
ean
nt

tt
it
un

mate
era a
Te

we
ee
Se
SN
Sh

KNIFE AND AWL CASES.

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho. ° 87

this person’s mind, for the lizard is the most common of all
animals represented in this way; so that the symbolism of
this awl-case may have been as conventional as its form.

A small knife-case is shown in Plate x1, Fig. 2. The
crosses have the usual meaning of the morning star. The
~ triangles are tents. At the bottom end of the case is a small
design that looks like half of the double figure occurring
above it-three times. The triangle in this design again repre-
sents a tent, but the T-shaped figure denotes the sun over-
head, with its rays shining into the tent. All the figures are
repeated in different colors, but with the same signification,
on the other.side. The white background represents sand or
light-colored soil; the separate green beads along the edge
are biisaana” (insects or worms); and a yellow stripe of bead-
work at the side of the case, which, however, is invisible in
the figure, is a path.

A similar knife-case (Fig. 3 of the same plate) represents,
as a whole, a fish. The design upon it represents mountain-
ranges. The T-shaped figures are trees. On the other side
of the specimen the mountain-ranges are repeated in other
colors, while the trees are replaced by crosses, signifying the
morning star.

A larger knife-scabbard is shown in Fig. 4 of Plate x11. At
the top is the figure of a tent. A wavy red line enclosing the
rest of the design is a path. The green triangles inside are
buffalo-wallows, and the stripes connecting them are buffalo-
paths. The white background represents snow. The little
attachment at the end of the scabbard is called the tail. The
other loose thongs represent small streams of water. At the
upper edge, around the rim of the opening, are red beads, to
signify that the bloody knife used in butchering reddens that
part of the scabbard.

On the knife-case shown in Fig. 5 of Plate x111, the symbol-
ism is so incoherent that it must have been secondary, in the
mind of the owner, to the decorative appearance. The green
lines forming a square at the top represent rivers. The
figure within it is an eagle. The two larger dark portions of
this figure are also cattle-tracks. The two rows of triangles

88 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History.[Vol. XVII,

on the body of the scabbard represent arrow-points. The
squares in the middle are boxes, and the lines between them
are the conventional morning-star cross. The small squares
on the pendant attached to the point of the scabbard are
cattle-tracks.

The signification of the ornamentation on another knife-
case (Fig. 6, Plate x11) is as follows. The yellow background
is the ground. The
dark blade - shaped
line is a mountain, its
small projections be-
ing rocks. The light-
blue squares arelakes,
The lines forming the
rectangle at the top
and the horizontal line
within it are rivers,
The two triangles are
tents.

Fig. 22 shows two
sides of a small bead-
ed knife-scabbard. At
the top is the cross,
na"™kaox. In this case

Fig. 22 ($f). Beaded Knife-scabbard. Length, 12 cm. 1t represents a person.

Adjacent to it are
two triangles, which represent mountains. Below, are three
green squares. These are the symbol of life or abundance.
Red slanting lines pointing toward the squares are thoughts
or wishes (kakaugetcana"), which are directed toward the
desired objects, represented by the life-symbols. On the
other side the colors are different, but the design is identical,
except that instead of the red lines there are blue triangles,
which represent knife-scabbards such as this specimen itself.

Small pouches are worn by the women, hanging from their
belts. In these they keep matches, money, or other small
articles. These bags are generally partly covered with bead-
work, and are often further decorated by the attachment of

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho. 89

leather fringes, tin cylinders, or buttons. A number of these
belt-pouches are illustrated in Fig. 23 and Plate xiv.?

In Fig. 23, a, the white beadwork represents ground. The
ornament in the middle represents mountains. The two
dark-blue rectangles connected with this ornament symbolize
rocks on the mountains. On the flap that closes the pouch,
red and blue squares denote piles of rock or monuments
(ciayaana”). ,

In Fig. 23, b, the large triangular figure, the red lines form-
ing a rectangle, and the variously-colored beading along the

Gg
Fig. 23, @ (g's), 4 (a's), ¢ (xz). Women's Small Belt-pouches. 4 nat. size,

edge of the pouch, all represent rocks. Red and blue are
often employed to denote rocks. On the point of the large
triangular rock is a representation of an eagle. On the flap
of the pouch is a white stripe which represents rocks, and
blue figures on this are eagles sitting on the high rocks where
they nest.

Similarly, on the pouch shown in Fig. 23, c, two triangles
represent tents, while cross-like figures at their ends represent

1 These pouches, as well as the larger ones shown in Figs. 25-28, are made of
dark leather, while the body of the beadwork is white. n the illustrations the
leather appears lighter in color than the beadwork.

90 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVIL,

eagles sitting on the tent-poles. Between them is the morn-
ing-star cross. Above, covered in the illustration by the
fringe of tin rattles, is a beaded design representing a rack on
which meat is dried. It consists of a stripe of blue beads,
from which three inverted T-shaped figures descend, the stem
of the T being composed of four beads, while the cross-bar has
three beads. The figures in the white stripe on the flap
denote stars.

In Fig. 24, a, the large design near the lower edge is the
bear’s foot, generally conventionally represented by the

Fig. 24, @ (sky), 5 Cosy), ¢ (oy). Women’s Small Belt-pouches. 4 nat, size.

Arapaho with only three claws. Square pink spots on the
body of the design are the bare skin on the sole of the foot.
The white beadwork is sand or soil. The curved band on
the flap is a mountain. The leather fringe at the bottom of
the pouch represents trees.

On another pouch (Fig. 24, 6) the white is sand. Green
beading at the edges, on account of its color, denotes timber.
Two designs that may be described as compressed crosses rep-
resent the morning star. Squares on the flap are rocks. The

1902.] - Kroeber, The Arapaho, g!

large figure near the bottom is a mountain, with a tree on its
summit; below it are four small red and blue rectangles
which denote little streams flowing from a spring near the
foot of the mountain. This spring is represented by a green
square in the large triangle.

In Fig. 24, c, the rectangle of beadwork on the front of the
. pouch represents the earth or the world.!. The white denotes
snow; and the red and blue triangles, rocks. The stripe on
the flap is continued around the edge of the back of the pouch.
It represents an ant-hill. The small squares on it represent
dirt. The tin cylinders are ants. Stripes at the two sides of
the pouch are ant-paths.

The signification of the design on the belt-pouch shown in
Fig. 1 of Plate xiv is the following. The six triangles all rep-
resent tents. The lines enclosing the trapezoidal area within
which these triangles are, represent trails. In the two stripes
immediately above this area, stars are represented both by
red rectangles crossed by a green line, and by green crosses
on a red field. The white zigzag line on the flap of the
pouch is a snake; the beaded stripes along the seams denote
rivers.

Sometimes these small bags are made to hold the cards or
tickets which entitle the bearer to the rations issued by the
government. When this is the purpose of the bag, the flap
or cover is sometimes left off. Such a pouch is shown in
Fig. 2, Plate xiv. All the figures are geographical represen-
tations. The pink border is a large river, the triangles are
islands init. The green area within this represents the earth.
Two large red A-shaped marks represent a stream, called by
the Arapaho Fox-Tent Creek. The two rectangles represent
mountains, called by the Arapaho House Mountains. The
short yellow stripe connecting these represents Yellow Canyon. —
All these natural features are said to be situated to the north
or northeast of the present location of the tribe in central
Wyoming. Such representation of actual specific moun-
tains, valleys, and rivers, is uncommon, though this case
is not unique. It will be noted that the ornamentation is

1 The same word means ‘‘world,” ‘‘earth,” “land,” “ground,” ‘'soil.””

*saHONOd

“AIX BLV1d ‘ITIAX “TOA “HON WY NILaTIng

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho. 93

symmetrically duplicated, in spite of the quasi-map-like nature
of the design.

Another of these ration-ticket pouches is that shown in
Figs. 3 and 4, Plate xiv. On the front are represented flint
arrow-points. On the other side (back and flap) the stripes
represent arrow-shafts, the colored portions being the prop-
erty-marks with which arrow-shafts are painted. Arrows are
the means of securing game; game is used as food; so is the
beef that is issued by the government, and this is obtained
by means of the ration-card kept in the pouch. Such is the
reason for representing arrows by the ornament on this little
bag. Associations of this sort (arrows, game, meat, beef,
ration-card) are not uncommon among the Arapaho, espe-
cially among the speculative and the old. They remind one
strikingly of the symbolic identification, on account of anal-
ogies in single respects, that is so prominent in the religion of
the Indians of the Southwest, and which has been treated of
extensively by Cushing among the Zufii, and lately, in more
detail, by Lumholtz among the Huichols.

Another pouch is shown in Fig. 5, Plate xiv. The squares
along the sides are bee-holes. The figure at the bottom is
a bee. The red beads at the lower edge of the pouch are
bees. The white edges on the sides are trails, the red spots
denoting holes.

Fig. 6, Plate xiv, shows another pouch in which ration-
cards were kept. The black beads covering the lower half of
the bag represent coffee, which is obtained at the ration-issue.
The light-blue bands at the sides, on account of their color,
represent the sky. The ornaments upon them are mountains.
The single lines of dark-blue beads along the edges represent
wolves.

On the tasteful pouch shown in Fig. 7, Plate xiv, the red
diamond in the centre of the design represents a person. The
four forked ornaments surrounding it are buffalo hoofs or
tracks.

In Fig. 8 of Plate x1v the main ornament isatent. The rec-
tangle above the apex of the triangle represents the spreading
upper flaps or ears of the tent, and the two lateral hand-shaped

94 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. {Vol. XVUI,

designs are buffalo-tails attached to the top of the tent.

The white background denotes ground;
On the cover is a design which

water (evidently streams).

its red border,

is continued as a border on the back of the pouch. This
is mostly red, and, on account of this color, denotes flame,
and therefore, by a series of symbolic equations, matches,

r.

rma MTS
- guy , i ,
\

a ae i: :
ky te ie q :

\ Nh

IN} Ny di | : mill A
il h ut t 4 H nt

fi
Hg)
K

a ul hy
Bs nes
gk 2;

== = ;
j= os ee 4

NS em
=

—>

=

SSS

i

l Wi ;
i fy iN

aay

Reay

a ty

Fig. 25 (r8§x). Toilet-bag. Height, 38 cm.

combs,
toilet use.

Fig. 25 shows a typical bag of this kind.

which are kept in the
pouch. White marks
upon this border repre-
sent ashes.

Fig. 2, Plate 1v, shows
a belt-pouch. The white
background represents
snow. The blue lines
enclosing the design are
mountains, while lines of
green beads at the very
edge of the pouch repre-
sent trees. On the face
of the pouch, two tri-
angles are tents; a rec-
tangle or stripe between
them is a stream of
water. On the flap, a
blue spot is a rock,
and two groups of red
squares are two Stars.

Bags about a foot in
length, made of dark
leather, and nearly cov-
ered with beads on the
front, are used to hold

paint-bags, and other more modern articles of

The large orna-

ment that is duplicated on each side of the design represents

persons.
two dragon-flies.

The narrower ornament in the middle represents
Both the persons and the dragon-flies

1902. } - Kroeber, The Arapaho. 95

are to be conceived as having their heads joined. Rec-
tangular red marks all around the edge of the beaded
area represent a fence, symbolized by its posts. The four
ornaments standing up above this beaded field represent
worms. On the flap of the cover, and just below, are white
stripes. On these are designs of mountains; in the middle of
the stripe on the cover is a small checkered ornament which
represents rocks.

In another toilet-
pouch (Fig. 26)
three crosses repre-
sent, as usual, the
morning star, and
four three - pronged
ornaments denote
bear-claws. Intwo
square areas, situ- 977
‘ated between the
bear-foot orna-
ments, pink trian-
gular surfaces rep-
resent tents, while
the blue and white ’
diagonals separatin: i
ee are ae if i in iH
dark-blue line en-
closing all the orna- /f
ments that have f &
been mentioned sig- # —
nifies mountain-
ranges. Two H-
shaped marks near _ Fig. 26 Gf). Toilet-pouch. Height, 39 cm.
the top of the pouch
represent racks for drying meat. On the white stripe upon
the cover are mountains (represented by triangles) and lakes
(represented by squares).

Fig. 27 illustrates a toilet-pouch’ somewhat larger than most

1 In the specimen itself there is a pleasing contrast between the brown leather and
the white beadwork, which is not indicated in the illustration.

96 Builetin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVII,

others, and more delicate in ornamentation. The two orna-
ments, placed symmetrically, one on each side of the square
white field, are worked chiefly in green; the design between
them is mostly blue. At the centre of this last design there
is a cross, the Arapaho word for which means also ‘‘ morning

Fig. 27 (188g). Toilet-pouch. Height, 42.5 cm.

star.’’ The notched marks adjacent to this represent clouds,
also the heart. A few brass beads within these figures denote
the gleaming of the cloud. The three-pronged figures at the
ends are bear’s claws (wasixta). The line connecting this with
the cloud-symbol is the bear’s leg. In the lateral figures, the

1902| _ Kroeber, The Arapaho. 97

green triangles and red lines represent respectively the leaves
and stems of yellow-weed (niha"naxu'n), a common plant used
as medicine. Within the leaves are small red rectangles which
represent face-paint. Two small blue triangles, just touch-
ing the representations of the stems, are eyes. Brass beads
within these denote the gleam of the eye. Outside of this
decorative area, on the
two white stripes at the
edge above, are small
rectangles, also of blue
and metallic beads,
which also denote eyes.
The entire white back-
ground of beadwork
symbolizes clouds. On
the cover, triangles rep-
resent tents; because
they are arranged on
the curved white band,
they also symbolize the
camp-circle. The leath-
er fringe at the bottom
of the bag denotes vari-
ous trails.

The last bag of this
series is shown in Fig.
28. Inthe middle of the
white decorative field
are three red crosses,
representing, as usual,
the morning star. The
four ornaments on the
bordering stripes above
are also crosses, or the morning star. Four large green tri-
angles, each with two projections, represent frogs. The two
squares between these triangles represent floating scum in
which the frogs have their heads. The centre of these
squares is red; this symbolizes the face-paint which is kept

[Fune, 1902.] 7

Fig. 28 (xf81). Toilet-bag. Height, 43 cm.

98 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVIII,

in the pouch. The white represents clouds. On the cover
are hills, rising and falling along the horizon.

It is noteworthy that, with all the diversity of symbolism
on these four pouches, their designs should be so similar. On
all of them there is a large white decorative field, approxi-
mately square. Above this the leather is left bare except for
a narrow strip upward along each side. The convex edge of
the cover is also bordered by a band of white beadwork. On
the main decorative area there are three figures or groups of
figures, extending vertically. The outer two of these three
figures are alike, which gives symmetry to the whole design.
The middle figure is always different from the two others, and
narrower. Each of these three figures falls into three parts,
which may be connected or separate. The resemblance can
be traced still farther, as in the shape of these parts of the
three figures. A glance at the illustrations will show this
better than a verbal description.’

Yet with this general unity of decorative scheme there go
hand in hand, first, an astounding diversity of detail; and,
secondly, an equally great diversity of symbolism. Orna-
ments that are analogously placed and somewhat similar in
form represent, on different pouches, objects as different as
men, bear-feet, leaves, and frogs; or, again, dragon-flies, stars,
bear-feet, and clouds and stars. The diversity in ornamental
detail is as noticeable as the general decorative similarity.
The co-existence of these two apparently contrary traits is due
to the fact that the Indians, while strongly impressed with
certain conventional styles or patterns of decoration, do not
directly copy the ornamentation of one pouch in making
another, but always exercise their inventive powers in design-
ing ornamental forms. This constant variability of detail
within narrow limits has been shown above to exist in orna-
mented moccasins, and is perhaps still more striking as regards
the painted rawhide bags and the parfleches treated below
(see pp. 104 et seq.).

1 These bags are of course not specially selected to show similarity of design, but
comprise all the toilet-pouches from the Wyoming Arapaho that the American Museum
of Natural History possesses. A pouch from the Oklahoma Arapaho, with a different

style of design, was described and illustrated in Symbolism of the Arapaho Indians
(Bulletin A M. N. H., Vol. XIII, 1900, pp. 8a, 83).

VoL, XVIII, Prats XV.

Butretin A. M. N.H,

‘abe:

1

UT)

—

il
il

Go\\ ZS

“WN astannrulllh}

Eun

\

»\
\\,
\w Xv aN

Oe

Ml

il

DOTTY tot

Ve
aww;

= !
Eee — a = =H RAS AON c
‘al Boe SS

ee \ We
. S y \w \s SS
r WN Vi N WS

Women’s Work-Bacs,

100 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVUI,

Plate xv shows two women’s work-bags. These are made
of hide on which the hair has been left. The opening extends
at the top along the border of beadwork. Both the bags are
much worn. The first (Fig. 1) is ornamented with designs of
tents and a path, represented by green triangles and a dark-
blue line at the top. White beading around the edge repre-
sents mountains. Green and yellow marks on this represent
springs. From the ©
second bag (Fig. 2)
the hair is almost
completely worn off.
The white stripe at
the top is a_ trail.
The marks on this
denote four elk-legs.
Just below this stripe
are the remnants of
a line of quill-work,
which was embroi-
dered there in order
to symbolize quill-
embroidery (perhaps
because the bag was
used to hold sewing-
appliances). The bor-
ders at the other edges
represent paths.

These ordinary sew-
ing-bags must not be
confounded with the
women’s seven sacred

Fig. 29 (;88). Bag of Buffalo-skin. Height, 32 cm. bags that have al-

ready been men-

tioned (see p. 30). The sacred bags are quite different in
appearance.

Two bags that are made of skin that has the hair left on it
are shown in Figs. 29 and 30. The one shown in Fig. 2g is
made of woolly buffalo-skin. It represents, in its entirety, a

VoL, XVIT, Plate XVI.

Bucietix A, Ms, H.

Sort Bac, Front AND SIDE VIEWS.

1902.] Kroeber, The Arapaho. Io!

beaver. That shown in Fig. 30 is made of the skin of a buf-
falo calf. Around the opening, a band of beadwork, with red
squares in it, represents the camp-circle. Plum-pits attached
to the bag near this beadwork represent burrs sticking in the
hair of buffalo. At the lower end, a small beaded attachment
represents the tail of a buffalo.

Bags of soft pliable hide are used for keeping and transport-
ing clothing and similar arti-
cles. They are beaded along
two edges and on the cover.
Sometimes the front is also
covered with embroidery in
beads or quills. These bags
must be distinguished from
rawhide bags, which are stiff
and hard, and painted instead
of embroidered. Rawhide
bags and parfleches are some-
times used to hold clothing
and household articles, but
seem primarily intended for
food.
Plate xv1 shows such a
bag. The five-colored pattern
which extends along each
end of the bag is typical.
In this specimen the longi-
tudinal stripes were said to
represent the marks of tent- fs
poles on the ground; that is, Sz Kj
camp -trails. The shorter Fie. 90 (fa) ae HEL Ota
transverse stripes are ra- é
vines; that is, camping-places. The squares are life-symbols.
On the flap forming the cover the symbolism is the same.
On the front of the bag the horizontal lines of quill-work,
which resemble the lines on buffalo-robes, are paths.
Bunches of feathers on these lines represent buffalo-meat
hung up to dry. Adjoining. the beadwork are small tin .

102 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History.{Vol. XVUI,

cylinders with tufts of red hair; these represent pendants
or rattles on tents.
Fig. 31 shows the beadwork on the end of another soft hide

bag. This design, like the
last, represents camp-trails
and camping-places. An-
other individual explained
the analogous design on
another bag as represent-
ing buffalo-paths.

Plate xvi1 shows a bag
of soft hide with consider-
able beadwork.’ On the
front each of the two large
figures, with four pairs of
projections each, repre-
sents a centipede. They
are also caterpillars and
leaves, the green rectangles
with the cleft figures at
their ends being the cater-
pillars; and the interme-
diate yellow rectangles,
leaves. In the middle of
this side of the bag are
four figures representing
butterflies.

The design at the end of
the bag, while resembling
those which represent paths
in previous specimens, rep-
resents worms; each of the
stripes, longitudinal or
transverse, being one ani-
mal. At the centre of
this design, a square, green outside, then yellow, then red, and
light blue inside, represents an ant-hill.

' In the illustration of this specimen, red is represented by horizontal, yellow
by diagonal, and green by vertical shading. 7 is

\\unit

Fig. 31 Gis). Beadwork on End of Bag.
Length, 46 cm.

“OVg qadvag

‘MAX 821d ‘TTAX “104, ‘HN ‘Wy NiaTing

104. Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol, XVIII,

Many bags, pouches, and receptacles of the Arapaho
are made of stiff white skin, from which the hair has been
scraped. The most typical form is that called ‘‘parfleche.”’
This consists of a single piece of rawhide, generally half a
buffalo-skin, approximately rectangular. The two long sides
are folded inward to meet in the middle. The opening where
the two long edges come together is closed by turning over
the two short ends of the folded hide so that they also meet
in the middle, where they are tied together (see Fig. 3, Plate
xvi). The rawhide is stiff and keeps its folded shape, but is
elastic enough to allow of the parfleche being pressed very flat
when empty, and widely distended when filled. The two
upper covers of the parfleche are painted each with the same
design, which is rectangular in shape, and composed chiefly of
triangles. The parfleches are used particularly for storing and
transporting dried meat. They are also convenient and much
used for holding clothing and household articles. They are
usually made in pairs. In travelling, one is hung on each
side of a horse, the painted side of course being outside.

Bags or pouches, when made of rawhide, are also made of
one piece. There is a fold along what constitutes the lower
edge of the bag; the edges along the two sides are sewed to-
gether. The top is covered by a triangular flap, which is
part of the back, and is drawn down over the front of the bag
(Plate xx1, Fig. 1).

Sometimes a somewhat larger bag is made without the flap
to cover the opening. The fold in the hide is along one of
its long sides; the other edge is stitched. Or the bag may be
composed of two pieces sewed together along both of their
long edges. The two ends are composed of soft hide or cloth.
The opening is merely a slit in one of these ends. This kind
of bag is more distendible than the simple pouch-like form.
It is used chiefly to store food. One is shown in Fig. 3, Plate
xxt. The more common form of rawhide bag is used for
gathering berries and fruits.

Almost all rawhide bags are painted on the back, though
the design is simpler than that on the front. Parfleches, how-
ever, are unpainted on the back or bottom.

%
£

1902,] Kroeber, The Arapaho. os 105

In the following illustrations, only one of the painted flaps
of each parfleche is shown; but of bags, the back and cover,
as well as the front, are in most cases represented. The bags
are illustrated as if the stitches at their edges had been re- ©
moved and the piece of hide composing the bag spread out flat.

Fig. 1 of Plate xv111 shows the design on the flap of a par-
fleche. The red areas along each side of the design represent
a red bank along a stream. The adjacent unpainted space
represents sand. Adjacent to this, a triangle formed by blue
lines is a hill, The upper part of this is green, and represents
grass; the basal portion, yellow, and represents earth of that
color. On the other half of the symmetrical design, the fig- .
ures of course have the same significance. Between these two
halves is a longitudinal stripe which is red in the middle, but
white at theends. This represents atrail, As a road cannot
be alike in allits length, this representation of it also has more
colors than one. The entire rectangle of the design is the earth.

While bags of rawhide open along one edge, parfleches, as
explained, open in the middle. The two covering flaps of
hide are there tied together by strings. These strings pass
through holes: near the ends of the two covering pieces (cf.
Fig. 3 of this plate). In this specimen (Fig. 1) there are two
such holes near the edge of the design, where the symbol of
the road ends. Through these holes the fastening-strings
are passed. Therefore they control access to the contents of
the parfleche. As the parfleche does not open except at
this place, it is necessary, in order to obtain its contents, to
reach these holes; therefore the road is painted leading to
them (see Fig. 3 of this plate). Moreover, the white sec-
tions of this road are oblong, which is the shape of the par-
fleche itself. The two hills and the road between them form
a roughly rhombic figure;.and very nearly such is the shape
of the hide of which this parfleche is made, when it is un-
folded and spread out (ordinarily this piece of rawhide
is more nearly rectangular than rhombic). .

The maker of this parfleche, an old woman, said that it was
made to resemble another one. It represents the land as it
is, as nearly as it can be represented. People try to paint

Butxetin A. M,N. H. Vor, XVIII, Prate XVIII.

Tg902.| Kroeber, The Arapaho. 107

their parfleches so as to be as pretty as possible. Often they
_ dream of the designs.

Fig. 2 of Plate xv111 shows the design on another parfleche.
In the centre of this design is a green rectangle, which de-
notes the earth. A yellow stripe traversing this longitudi-
nally represents a large river; a blue stripe bisected by it,
streams of water flowing into the river. The small white un-
painted square at the intersection of these stripes is called the
centre. The red triangles forming a diamond in the green

_ rectangle represent mountains. At the two ends of the de-
sign are two triangular areas, also representing mountains.
In each there is an equilateral triangle, which denotes a tent;
the lower part of this triangle, which is red, is the door of the
tent. Yellow, outside of this tent-symbol but adjacent to it,
denotes day or sunlight. Four green lines which enclose the
whole area represent the camp-circle.

Fig. 3 of Plate xv11t shows an entire parfleche with its two
flaps painted with the same design. The long triangular
areas, which are blue, represent, of course wholly on account
of their color, the sky. The white areas in them, having
rounded tops, are sweat-houses; the black tooth-like marks
are people in the sweat-house. A red stripe at the foot of the
sweat-house represents red earth or paint. Between each
pair of the long, blue sky-triangles is a pair of figures stretch-
ing the whole length of the design; one of each pair is red, the
other yellow. These figures denote four sticks such as are
used in painting parfleche designs like this one. White trape-
zoidal areas at the ends of these stick-figures are life-symbols.
The longitudinal curved spaces left unpainted between the sky-
symbols and the stick-figures represent thongs or ropes of
rawhide, such as that used to fasten this parfleche. The nar-
row white stripes, of which there are several, are trails. The
green lines enclosing each design represent grass. On each
of the four sides near the edge, as well as in the very middle,
of the design, is a yellow stripe; these stripes, on account of
their color, represent sunlight and yellow clouds (literally,
“yellow day”). These yellow stripes are bounded at their
ends by small dark-brown (black) rectangular marks, invisible

108 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVII,

in the illustration; these represent black water-beetles, called
in Arapaho ‘“‘buffalo-bulls” (the buffalo is at times also _
represented by a black rectangle).

A parfleche design very similar to the last is shown in Fig.
4 of Plate xvii. The four long flat triangles are again blue,
and the figures between them are half yellow and half red.
The blue triangles also again enclose a white area with rounded
top, within which is a figure with three points. In spite of
this similarity to the design last described, the symbolism
differs considerably. In the present specimen the flat blue
triangles are mountains; the red three-toothed figures are red
hills, the white spaces between their projections being basins
or valleys; a yellow stripe at the base of this hill-and-valley
figure represents a flat or plain; the red-and-yellow figures,
which taper toward the middle, are tents; the trapezoidal
white areas enclosed at their bases are life-symbols; and the
black marks bisecting the life-symbols are tent-pegs, this in-
terpretation being probably suggested by their shape and by
their position at the foot of the tents; the straight lines or
narrow stripes, whether red, blue, or unpainted, are paths.
On account of its four-sided shape, the whole design repre-
sents the earth.

A parfleche which, both in the color and the shapes of its
design, is unusual, though a pattern somewhat resembling the
more common one is recognizable in it, is shown in: Fig. 5
of Plate xvi. The six rectangles are yellow; they are ex-
teriorly bordered by red, as are the four triangles interiorly.
The rest of the designs consists of black lines. The six
rectangles are bear-feet (the claws, sometimes the most promi-
nent feature, being omitted). The triangles are flint arrow-
points. The black lines are ropes. The black lines enclosing
the entire design are (because forming a rectangle) the earth.
At each corner are two short red stripes, forming an angle.
These are life-symbols. Evidently each stripe is regarded as
an elongated quadrilateral, the square or trapezoid being the
regular figure for the life-symbol.

On the parfleche shown in Fig. 1, Plate x1x, the triangles
represent tents. Strictly, the equilateral triangles and the

1902: | Kroeber, The Arapaho. 109

pairs of right-angled triangles represent tents; but the four
blue right-angled triangles at the corners of the design, half
of atent. Their colors denote the colors (red, yellow, blue, or
green, but not black) with which tents were formerly painted.
The design is longitudinally trisected by two white stripes,
which represent paths. Black dots in them are coyote-tracks.
These stripes are edged on one side by red, and on the other
by blue; these colors denote night and day, and, because
night and day are opposite, are on opposite sides of the white
stripe. The blue lines enclosing the whole design represent.
tent-pegs. The white stripes which they enclose are rivers;
the red and yellow stripes which they enclose are camp-sites.
The small squares in the corners of the design are the ends of
the earth (haneisa"™ biitaawu). -The white areas within the
design, consisting each of a high narrow trapezoid surmounted
by an equilateral triangle, represent women. This design
(z. e., style of design), as well as that called wasixta (‘‘bear-
foot’’), was first made by the mythic cosmological character,
Whirlwind-Woman. :

In the parfleche design shown in Fig. 2, Plate x1x, the three
wide blue stripes represent rivers. Evidently both form and
color are symbolic. The red rectangles in them are islands,
and the white border around these is sand. The triangles are
bear-feet (wasixta). The red portions of the triangles repre-
sent the bare skin of the sole of the foot; the projections at
the base of the triangles are the claws. The white hexagonal
areas represent the prairie (z.¢., land, ground); the black
spots in them are coyotes. Enclosing the whole design are
the customary lines or stripes. These signify paths. Those
of them that are blue represent buffalo-paths; the white,
antelope-paths; the yellow, elk-paths; and the red, deer-paths.

In the parfleche design of Fig. 3, Plate x1x, the large yellow
triangles, one along each long side of the rectangular design,
represent mountains or the earth; the red stripes at their bases
are red banks along rivers; the white squares at the ends
of these red stripes are lakes; the blue areas adjoining the
squares represent smoke, haze, and heavy atmosphere; the large
white areas represent bare ground. In the middle, the entire

110 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVIII,

hourglass-shaped figure is a bed. The green portion is grass-
covered ground. The red stripe isa path. The red triangles
at the end are again red banks. The small yellow triangles at
the ends represent a hill on the Wind River Reservation in
Wyoming, which is said to be yellow in appearance, and at
which a fight once occurred. It is called niha"ndf’ta".

In the parfleche shown in Fig. 4, Plate x1x, color is more
important than form, so far as symbolism is concerned. The
blue represents mountains; this is presumably both on ac-
count of its color and because the blue areas are all obtuse
iosoceles triangles, the usual symbol fora mountain. The red
represents fruit or berries. The yellow, wherever it occurs
on the parfleche, represents wood, especially willow on
account of its yellowish-green bark. In addition, the colors
used here also represent all objects having those colors.
The acute red triangles also represent flame. The red, yel-
low, and blue acute triangles represent tents. The white and
red pentagonal areas within the blue represent the door or
opening in the mountain from which the buffalo originally
issued on the earth. The long straight lines represent rivers.

Fig. 5, Plate x1x, shows a parfleche design that is not very
frequent, but old. It is called wasixta (‘‘bear-foot’’). It
was said to be the oldest of the parfleche designs, and to have
been invented by Whirlwind-Woman, the first woman on
earth. All the points or projections represent bear-claws.
The lines enclosing the whole design, and forming a square,
represent the camp-circle.

In the parfleche design shown in Fig. 6, Plate x1x, the two
long isosceles triangles along the sides represent mountains.
At each end of the design are three acute triangles, which
represent tents. To each belongs one half of the diamond
adjoining its vertex, this half-diamond being the projecting
tent-poles. At the corners of the middle diamond are two
small black triangular marks, which represent the rope passed
around the poles near their tops to hold them together. The
two middle tents also have their doors shown. In the other
triangles, blue circular spots denote the place or situation of
the tent. The entire square of the design is the earth. The

1902.] Kroeber, The Arapaho. III

stripes enclosing the design are rivers, red portions of them
denoting river-banks of red soil. Minute black marks cross-
ing these stripes represent paths.

Fig. 1 of Plate xx shows a bag which appears to have been
made out of one end of a parfleche. The design is also a
typical parfleche design. In the middle are two long flat
triangles which are green; these represent grass-covered
mountains. In each there is a pentagonal white area, which
denotes a cave or hole in the mountain, and black pointed
marks, which represent buffalo in the cave, from which they
are supposed originally to have come. At the two sides of
the pattern, mountains are also represented. The yellow
acute triangles represent tents, and three red teeth at the base
of each are its pegs. Lines and stripes denote paths, and the
white portions of the design signify water.

In the parfleche design shown in Fig. 2, Plate xx, the cir-
cles, a very unusual ornamental figure in rawhide painting,
represent lakes. They also represent buffalo-eyes. Near
them, the triangles with the three-toothed bases are tents
with their tent-pegs. A row of black dots just above the
base of the tent represents people inside. Two small green
triangles just above this row of dots are the dew-claws of
buffalo. Along the two sides of the design, right-angled
and equilateral triangles represent mountains. The double
blue lines surrounding the whole design are rivers; the
white and red stripes between the blue ones are paths.
In the middle of the design, extending longitudinally, are
two tents. The stripe bisecting them is a path, black
dots in which signify tracks. The lower part of each
of these middle triangles is divided off by a black line,
and forms a white quadrilateral area resembling the life-
symbol. These areas represent bears’ ears, which are used
as amulets. Two small black points in each of these figures
are also bears’ ears.

Fig. 3 of Plate xx shows the design on a very small par-
fleche. The design is bordered by a pattern in four colors.
In this border-design red lines, forming an edging, are paths.
The body of the border is green, and represents the earth.

VoL. XVIII, PLaTe pee

1902.| Kroeber, The Arapaho. 113

Blue triangles on this are mountains; and small yellow tri-
angles enclosed within the blue are yellowish rocks on the
mountains. Inside of this border the white unpainted skin
represents earth or ground. The triangles are all tents, what-
ever their colors. Some of them have two small dark-brown
marks at their bases; others, one such mark at the vertex.
These small figures represent respectively tent-pegs and pro-
jecting tent-poles. Straight red lines are again paths, while
white lines with black rectangular spots on them represent a
row of buffalo-tracks.

Fig. 4 of Plate xx shows the design on another unusually
small parfleche. The green lines enclosing the whole design
are the camp-circle. The long flat triangles are hills, The
six acute triangles are all tents: the interior red is the fire
inside; the yellow line, next to the red, is the tent itself,
2. @., the skins of which it consists; and the green outer border
of the triangle is the ground on which the tent stands. Four
black tooth-figures at the base of some of the triangles are
tent-pegs. The rhombus in the centre of the design repre-
sents both the eye and the navel. In each of the hills there
is an oblong area, in which a red stripe denotes earth, a yellow
stripe sunlight, and two white trapezoids the symbol of life.
In general, without reference to their location in particular
places in the design, the colors on this parfleche have the fol-
lowing signification: green is the earth, yellow is day or light,
red is humanity, black is the sky.

In the parfleche design shown in Fig. 5 of Plate xx, two
elongated central diamonds, which were originally red, rep-
resent lizards. Green lines in them, forming a cross, are their
bones. The red diamonds are surrounded by a white area,
which is rhombic-elliptical. This entire area, white and red,
represents a buffalo-scrotum. The surface adjacent to it is
blue, which denotes haze and smoke. At the ends of this blue
area are somewhat irregular white trapezoids; and in them, ir-
regular green triangles. Both are life-symbols. All the figures
thus far described are enclosed by yellow and red lines, which
denote paths. Along the two sides of the whole pattern is a

series of convex yellow and concave green figures. These

[Fune, 1g02.] 8

114 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVULI,

denote yellow water and green water respectively. Each
pair of them represents a lake. The white rectangles separat-
ing these lake-figures represent bare ground.

Fig. 6 of Plate xx shows the design on a particularly large
parfleche. This design represents the appearance of the
country where the maker of the parfleche lived. The tri-
angles represent the mountains visible there. The red and yel-
low coloring represents the appearance of their surface. These
mountains were said not to be rocky, else their representa-
tions would have been colored blue. The green on these tri-
angles, as well as the unpainted hide, represent grass and
vegetation. All the green lines are paths. The red and yel-
low rectangles within the wide stripes along the sides are
sticks, pointers, or pins
& Oe for fastening together

the front of the tent.
Ir ee The quadrilateral of
green lines enclosing the
design represents the
ends of the earth
(haneisa" biitaawu).

On the rawhide bag
shown in Fig. 32 a
diamond in the centre
ee represents a lake. Two
(hs short blue lines at its

Fig. 32 (821). Design on Rawhide Bag. Width COLHSIS BLE streams of
of bag, 46 cm. water flowing into the

lake. In the centre of
this large diamond is a smaller green one, which represents a
frog. Black lines radiating from this green rhombus are the
frog's legs. Besides the diamond, the central white area,
which itself signifies sandy soil, contains two acute triangles.
Short black lines in these, corresponding to those denoting
frog-legs in the diamond, represent buffalo-tails attached to
the ornaments on the tent. The border surrounding this
interior ornamental area consists of a pattern of red and blue
triangles. The red triangles are tents; the blue, mountains.

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho. 115

The blue lines enclosing this border represent the ocean, or
the large body of water which is called by the Arapaho
haa*tetc without being geographically localized or known. .
On the back, the enclosing blue lines have the same signifi-
cation of the ocean. The longitudinal blue lines form trails.
Alternating red and blue marks in them represent tracks.
Fig. 33 shows one of a pair of hide bags that are used for
coffee, sugar, berries, or other food that must be kept, espe-
cially during travels, in a pouch with a small and close opening.
For this reason there is no loose flap serving as cover, as in
most other bags; but the ends of the pouch are closed with
soft skin (so that the
whole bag is much like EE a
a bellows), and aslit is | [VJ j A
cut into one of these
ends. The two large
triangles at the two ends
represent tents. ' The
central diamond repre-
sents two tents. Be-
tween them a white
stripe with black dots

in it represents a buf- |f B

falo-path with buffalo- g .

tracks init. The four red 4 La NM
i | bet ZS ni Vi Bi

obtuse triangles along | i —ih aS ty

the sie jeden Fig. 33 (ff a). Design on Rawhide Bag. Width
Small yellow triangles of tag, 44cm.
enclosed by them are
tents. The double blue lines surrounding the entire pattern
represent mountain-ranges. Small rectangles in this border,
colored red and yellow, represent lakes. ;
On the back, all the stripes of double blue lines are moun-
tain-chains, and-the small red and yellow rectangles are again
lakes.
Fig. 34, a, shows a small square bag. The rectangles with
‘three teeth each are bear’s claws (wasixta). The long
triangles are mountains. The small acute triangles within

116 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XV,

these are caves inhabited by bears. As in the last bag de-
scribed, the blue enclosing lines are mountains seen in the
distance. On the back, the blue square with its diagonals
represents the baaxéti, or big wheel, one of the Arapaho sacred
tribal objects. It is a wooden hoop with two strings tied
across it. As has been stated before, the square and the
circle are often equivalent in Arapaho symbolism, the circle
being generally regarded as something four-sided, so that the
symbolism here is not so forced as it might appear. On the

&,
nnd.

Fig. 34, @ (oh%), & (788). Designs on Rawhide Bags. Width of
bags, 20 cm., 22 cm.

triangular piece forming the cover-flap, the blue line border-
ing the edge represents the rainbow, and the small red tri-
angle is the heart.

Fig. 34, 6, shows a bag of about the same size as the pre-
ceding, with much the same pattern and symbolism. The
rectangles represent bear-feet. The triangles are the places
where the bears live, 7.¢., the mountains, The small black
marks just below the vertices of these triangles are wild

1902.] Kroeber, The Arapaho. 117

cherries, which the bears eat. On the back, the blue lines
at the edge are rivers, along which the cherries grow. On the
cover-flap the blue lines have the same signification, while the
red segments bordering them are the red banks of the rivers.

Fig. 5, Plate xx1, shows the design on the front of a very
small hide bag, probably intended for a little girl to use in
picking berries. The design is very similar to the two last
described, but the symbolism is different. The triangles, it
is true, represent in this case also mountains; and the small
squares in them, caves in the mountains. But the two rec-
tangles with the three-toothed ends were said to represent,
not bear-feet, as their form would lead one to expect, but
steep, high mountains, the narrow white space between them
being a deep canyon. The yellow area within the rectangles
represents earth. The blue lines at the top and bottom of the
design represent ‘the lowest ground.’”’ The back of this bag
is not shown in the illustration. It resembles exactly the
back of the bag shown in Fig. 34,a; but whereas the design in
that case represented a ceremonial hoop, in this case it repre-
sents the earth, or its four ends or directions (haneisa"). It
should be added, however, that this ceremonial hoop is itself a
symbol of the earth.

Three square, rather small bags, with very similar designs,
are shown in Figs. 1, 2, and 4 of Plate xx1. In Fig. 1 the
two equilateral yellow and red triangles situated at the middle
of the sides of the bag represent the heart. Two diamonds in
the middle of the design, each consisting of two triangles,
represent the morning star. At both ends of these diamonds
are trapezoidal figures, one half red and one half green.
These represent the body, also the life-symbol, also tents.
The straight lines bordering the design, and trisecting it,
are rivers. On the cover the small red triangle is again the
heart. ‘The line following the edge of the cover is a mountain.

Fig. 2, Plate xx1, shows a medicine-bag. As in most medi-
cine-bags, whether square or cylindrical, the rawhide is not
white, but brown. All the triangles, whatever their shape,
represent mountains. The uncolored stripes trisecting the
design are paths. The dark-green stripes enclosing the design

XXI.

Voi. XVIII, PLATE

Emin A, M.N. H.

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho. IIg

are rivers. The unpainted portion of the pattern represents
ground. On the cover, red triangles represent mountains.

Fig. 4, Plate xx1, shows another square medicine-bag made
of browned rawhide. All the equilateral triangles are tents;
the right-angled ones, mountains. The lines trisecting the
design are buffalo-paths. The whole pattern represents the
sky. This bag has a fringe along each side, which is not gen-
erally found on any objects made of rawhide except cylin-
drical medicine-cases.

These last three bags are all colored only with red, yellow,
and dark green. In pattern they agree closely, without
being identical or copied one from another.

A food-bag or bellows-shaped pouch, opening at the end,
is shown in Fig. 3, Plate xx1. The familiar three-toothed
triangular figures are bear-claws. The wide stripes are all
mountain-ranges. The small blue and yellow bars contained
in these stripes are dark and yellow rocks on the mountains.

A rawhide bag is shown in Fig. 1 of Plate xx1 and Fig.
35. The triangles and segments of circles represent hills.
The two large triangles, yellow in the centre, are tents. The
rhombus between them represents the interior of a tent. The
green, which is outside, represents the beds along the walls
ofthetent. The red is the ground. The blue is ashes around
the fireplace. The yellow in the centre is the fire in the
middle of the tent. The red, yellow, and green rectangle
between this rhombus and the opening of the bag (Fig. 35)
représents a parfleche. The yellow and blue squares at the
corners of the bag represent bags of soft hide, used to hold
clothing, etc.

On the back of the bag (Fig. 35) the entire rectangular
design represents a shelter or brush-hut of branches, the
parallel stripes being sun-rays falling through interstices in
the foliage. The small white rectangle, containing a red
equilateral triangle and enclosed by green lines, is the, body
the red triangle being the heart.

On the triangular flap of hide serving as cover, the four low
segments of circles, colored yellow and green, represent hills.
The rest of the design, which can be described as a red and

120 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. Vol. XVM,

blue triangle with a white rectangle set up on its point, rep-
resents a red hill, with a road going up and down it (7.¢.,
over it).

The bag as a whole represents a turtle, loose strips of green
cloth hanging from the corners being legs.

The bag shown in Fig. 2 of Plate xx11 is much browned by
age. The figure in
the middle of the
bag was said to repre-
sent a pattern painted
on buffalo-robes and
called biinabi’t. This
robe-design, like all
other designs in Ar-
apaho art, is not al-
together fixed and
constant. One form
of it occurs on a
buffalo-calf blanket
which has been de-
scribed — elsewhere.’
Other forms of it
are more convention-
alized. The biinabi’t
design is considered
sacred among the
Arapaho. It is said
to have come from
2 sel 2 ba Design on Rawhide Bag. Width a ee

Fig. 3, Plate xxu1, has
an unusually vari-colored appearance, because the four paints
upon it are distributed in small areas. All the isosceles tri-
angles represent tents. The smallest and lowest of the triangles
enclosed in each are considered as doors. The three-pronged
black figures represent the poles projecting above the tent. .
The diamond in the middle of the whole design, having at-

* Bulletin of American Museum of Natural History, rg0o, p. 85.

XVIII, Prare XXII,

Vou.

Es

INE

Buttrrin A, M.

BaGs,

PAINTED

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho. 121

tached to it two of these figures, is regarded as representing
two tents. Inside this diamond, two red lines represent the
crossing of paths; the yellow represents the sun; and the
green, thesky. Both atthe top and at the bottom of the front
surface of the bag is a red rectangle containing a blue one,
which in turn encloses a yellow one. This entire rectangular
figure represents a path. At each end of this figure is a blue
right-angled triangle, representing, on account of its color,
grass or vegetation. A similar yellow triangle adjacent to
each of these represents wood or sticks. The red lines sep-
arating these blue and yellow triangles represent trails. The
blue lines enclosing the entire design on the front of the bag
are also trails. The white ground-color of the bag represents
sand.

It will be noted that on this bag green denotes the sky; and
blue, grass. Such identification of green and blue occurs in
other instances, but is not usual when both colors are present
on the same object. Ordinarily the same word is used for
‘ ereen”’ and ‘ blue’’ in Arapaho.

On the back of the bag is a design in blue. It consists of
a rectangle divided into four parts by three lines parallel to
the short sides of the bag. On each of these sections there is
a row of from three to four circular black dots placed parallel
to the short sides of the bag. The blue lines all represent
water; 1.¢@., streams. The dots are horse-tracks. On the
serrated cover-flap, low red and yellow triangles are hills or
_ mountains; blue lines bisecting them, trails.

Fig. 4 of Plate xx11 shows a bag made to hold food, espe-
cially coffee or sugar. Formerly it would probably have been
used for berries. The design on this bag, like several others
mentioned, and like the tent-ornament designs, was said by
the owner of the bag to have been first made by the mythical
character, Whirlwind-Woman. All the triangles, whatever
their color, represent hills. The yellow signifies daylight.
The small, black, pointed marks represent monuments of stones
on hill-tops, such as are often left there by those who have
sought the supernatural; they also represent the buffalo- robes
of old men, set up to be prayed to; lastly, they represent

122 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, (Vol. XVIH,

tent-pegs. The series of six black spots, which is repeated
four times, denotes that Whirlwind-Woman successively sat
down in six places around the bag that she was painting with
this design. In a similar manner, a parfleche is sometimes
painted by four women sitting on four sides of it, so that the
hide does not have to be turned to be painted at all its ends.
The ten black diagonal lines in the white stripe that longitu-
dinally bisects the design were the last marks made in process
of painting.’
On the back of this bag a rectangle formed or enclosed by
= double green lines
represents the
whole earth. The
lines themselves
are also rivers. Al-
ternating red and
blue transverse
lines, which divide
the rectangle into
| eight parts, are
buffalo-paths lead-
ing to the river.
The red denotes
meat of the buffa-
lo, the blue (equiv-
alent to black)
represents buffalo-
‘ : : hides.
Fig. 36 (gs). Design on Bag. Width of bag, ais cm, Fig. 3 6 shows
the two sides of
another food-bag. The pattern on the front is longitudinally
bisected by a narrow unpainted stripe, which represents
a river. Several small black marks in this stripe represent
dried meat; 1.e., the contents of this bag. The triangles
are all mountains. Of the colors, red and yellow signify

1 The black, brown, or dark-blue thin lines with which the colored areas painted
on rawhide are usually bordered, are put on after the colored areas, not before. Their
purpose seems to be, not to assist the maker in the application of the colors, but to give
to the colored areas a sharper outline.

T902.) Kroeber, The Arapaho. 123

earth; blue, haze or smoke. The decoration on the back
consists of two very different halves. One half is painted
in blue and yellow; the other seems merely sketched in
outline in brown, having an unfinished appearance. It
was, however, made thus intentionally. The two halves
are also different in design. This lack of symmetry is ex-
ceptional. The colored half represents inhabited country;
the uncolored, a country that is wild and uninhabited. In
the colored half the flat, low, blue triangles are mountains, the
pentagonal areas in them being lakes. The six acute tri-
angles are also lakes. The yellow in these triangles repre-
sents vegetation in autumn. The blue lines enclosing the
design are streams of water.

The uncolored design is enclosed by blue lines representing
the sky, and itself represents distant scenery. The triangles
are mountains. Small triangles in two of these represent
caves; small squares in two of the others are camp-sites.
The T-shaped figures on these same triangles represent imagi-
nary figures of persons seen on mountain-tops.

The entire bag also represents a mole. The opening of the

‘bag is the mouth of the mole. Four loose strips of red cloth
at the corners of the bag are its legs. Two small painted
triangles not shown in the illustration are the ears of the
animal.

In the bag illustrated in Fig. 37 the spaces between the
figures on the front side are not left white and unpainted, as
is generally the case, but are colored yellow. This yellow
represents daylight. All the triangles on this side, as well
as the diamond in the middle, represent mountains. The
interior of the diamond, and the interior of the equilateral
triangles touching the diamond, represent caves. Round
spots on the four triangles nearest the corners of the bag are
rocks. :

On the back, blue lines are buffalo-paths, blue diamonds in
these are buffalo-wallows. Blue triangles are very high
mountains, while yellow triangles were said to be that por-
tion of these mountains which is underground.

A small square bag of hide is shown in Fig. 38. The acute

124 Bulletin American Muscum of Natural History, (Vol. XVUL,

triangles represent tents. The obtuse triangles are moun-
tains. Of the colors on these latter, the green represents
forests; the red, foot-hills; the blue, rocks; and the white,
sand. The two large white areas represent snow.

On the back, the square formed by the four green lines
along the edges is the whole earth. The two diagonals are
rivers. The crosses are the morning star.

On the triangular flap serving as cover, the two crosses are

Fig. 37 (gs). Design on Rawhide Bag. Width Fig. 38(¢,%). Design on Raw-
of bag, 44 cm. hide Bag. Width of bag, 20 cm.

again the morning star, the two border-lines forming an
angle are the rainbow, a round hole in the hide near the
corner of the cover is the sun, and two vertical lines proceed-
ing from this hole are the rays of the sun.

Fig. 1 of Plate xx111 shows a food-bag. On the front, the
straight lines enclosing the whole design represent roads.

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho. 125

Two low, flat triangles extending along the sides of the bag
are mountains; three smaller triangles contained in each
represent hills. The unpainted surface of the hide, adjacent
to these mountain-designs, represents the open prairie. The
diamond in the middle represents the centre of the earth.
Red and yellow areas within it represent earth of those colors.
At each end of the diamond is a large triangle, which repre-
sents a tent. The various colors on this figure of a tent
indicate the various colors with which tents are painted or
embroidered. The white triangles inside the tent-figure are
back-rests or pillows such as are used at the head and foot of
beds. The blue in the figure of the tent is smoke. It is said
by the Arapaho that when any one in a tent is angry or bad-
tempered, the smoke from the fire does not rise, but remains
inside; but when all are pleasant and cheerful, the smoke
goes straight outside. The blue triangles represent smoke
hanging in the tent; the blue line, smoke that is rising to
issue from the top of the tent. Underneath these represen-
tations of tents are blue and yellow triangles, forming a pat-
tern. The blue here represents ashes that have been taken
out of the tent; the yellow is the earth on which the tent
stands. A red zigzag line separating the blue and the yellow
represents paths.

On the back, the lines or stripes represent sun-rays of
various colors. Fine black lines separating stripes of differ-
ent colors represent the black vegetable fibres sometimes used
for embroidery.

The fringe on the bag represents niitcaantetainani, what we
do not know; that is, objects out of our possession, or vari-
ous things too numerous to mention.

Fig. 2 of Plate xx111 shows a bag used for gathering cher-
ries. It is hung around the neck by a thong attached to it.
The design on the front has the following meaning. The
thombus in the middle is the earth as it first appeared after
emergence from the original water. The red of the rhombus.
symbolizes paint; the green, earth; the red bisecting line, the
course of the sun. The entire square design is the earth as
it is now, after it had been extended, with mountains and soil

BuLtetin A, M, N. H. Vou, XVIII, Prare XXIII.

1902. | Kroeber, The A rapaho. a7

and rocks of various colors upon it. These mountains are
of course represented by the triangles forming the design.
On a small yellow triangle, duplicated for symmetry, are two
small black lines; these are the first people.

On the back, a square with its diagonals represents, as in
a previous instance, the sacred wheel or hoop. This design
also represents a shield, both because the shield resembles the
hoop in shape and size, and because the bag is suspended by a
string around the neck, like a shield. The line bordering the
edge of the cover-flap represents a bow.

The bag shown in Fig. 3 of Plate xx111 has two diamonds
in the centre of the design painted on its front. Each of
these consists of four smaller diamonds, which represent the
navel. Two small triangles adjacent to these diamonds rep-
resent small loops of hide wound with porcupine-quills, such
as are attached to the ends of pendants on tents, cradles, etc.

(touciika’haana"). Four larger triangles adjacent to the dia-
- monds are tents. Segments of circles below these are brush-
shelters. Four long right-angled triangles at the sides of the
design are awl-cases.

On the back of this bag the segments represent, as on the
front, shelters. The enclosing lines represent the earth. The
transverse stripes are paths. On the cover a vertical row of
squares represents wooden buckets or bowls.

In the design on the bag shown in Fig. 4 of Plate xx111,
acute and obtuse isosceles triangles represent, as in most
cases, tents and mountains. A blue rhombus in the middle is
a lake. Yellow and red areas in the figures of mountains
represent lakes. Double blue lines enclosing the whole of the
design, as also that on the back, are mountain-ranges. Yel-
low squares on the back of the bag are lakes, black dots de-
noting their centres (invisible in the figure) ; and white squares
are ravines. The stripes following the notched edge of the
cover also represent mountains.

Fig. 39 shows a bag. On the front, a rectangular area con-
tains two triangles and a rhombus, bordered by green lines.
These lines represent water. The red and blue backgrounds
of the triangles and rhombus represent clouds of those colors.

128 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History.(Vol. XVUI,

In each there is a cross, which is the morning star. This
rectangular open area is bordered by a four-colored pattern.
Along the long sides of this middle space, triangles that are
blue, red, and green are tents;, small white triangles at their
bases are doors. Yellow areas between the triangles are the
ground. In the border at the two ends of the rectangular
space, similar figures represent tents and their doors; ad-
ditional small inverted triangles at the vertices are projecting
tent-poles. White areas between these tent-figures are the

Fig. 30. Fig. 40.

Figs. 39 (vbs), 40 (seb). Designs on Rawhide Bags. Width of bags, 39.5 cm., 49.4cm.

ground; and black dots, horse-tracks. Blue lines enclosing
this border represent the earth.

Similar lines bordering the back have the same signification.
Except for these, the back of the bag is uncolored. Stripes
drawn across it in outline are paths. The central one of
these stripes, however, is cross-hatched in black. This repre-
sents water. On the flap of the bag are three representa-
tions of tents with their doors.

Fig. 40 shows a bag painted with red, yellow, and blue.

— a

(SESS

1902. | Kroeber, The A pabiiin: 129

All the triangular figures are mountains.. Small brown in-
verted triangles at their vertices are imaginary figures that
are seen on mountain-tops and look like persons. The long
white stripe bisecting the design is a path through a valley
between the mountains; and four brown squares in this path
are camp-sites. At the two ends of the design, small red
triangles are tents. Along the two sides of the design, red,
yellow, and blue bands in one line are tent-pins. The two
central triangles, together forming a diamond, are also the
eye.

On the back, stripes are paths, and rows of black dots are
strings of buffalo travelling toward the mountains represented
by triangles on the flap.

Fig. 41.

Figs. 41 (1580), 42 (182s). Designs on Rawhide Bags. Width of bags, 32.3 cm., 24.5 cm.

A small narrow bag, used to hold feathers, is shown in Fig.
4r. The design on the front is cut into halves by a blue-
bordered white stripe, with circular spots in it. The stripe
represents the trail of a moving camp; the spots, camp-sites.
On each side of this central vertical stripe is the same design.
Nearest the edge, blue triangles are mountains. Adjacent to
this, a yellow border represents low ground with dried or
burned grass. The black lines bounding this yellow border
- represent dark timber. Adjacent to the yellow is a white
zigzag stripe, which is a river. Next to this are two yellow
triangles (tents) and a yellow diamond (the eye).

On the back, blue lines framing the entire area are the

[August, 1g02.] 9

130 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, (Vol. XVIU,

earth. Transverse stripes and rows of dots are the various
trails and sites of camps on the earth. On the cover, obtuse
triangles are mountains.

Fig. 42 shows a small narrow bag like the one just described
as afeather-bag. This one was used to hold porcupine-quills,
which are generally kept in pouches of gut.

On the front, two rows of irregularly drawn rhombi — one
row yellow, and one green — represent strings of german-
silver plates formerly worn by the men, hanging from their
_ scalp-locks. The white unpainted triangles adjacent to these
rhombi are tents.

On the back, transverse lines represent ropes. On the two
flaps serving as a cover, the lines forming angles represent
mountains. Small green trapezoidal marks represent the
bunches of hair often worn by children over the forehead
(itceicgaa").

Of the colors on this bag, green represents the earth; red,
paint; yellow, daylight. The colors also represent all exist-
ing objects of those colors.

In the design on the bag shown in Fig. 1 of Plate xxiv the
obtuse triangles are hills; the acute triangles, tents. The
two diamonds in the middle are the navel of man and woman.
The lines enclosing the design are the camp-circle. The
same meaning obtains on the back of the bag. Here trans-
verse stripes are also tent-poles. On the cover, angular fig-
ures represent the ears or flaps of the top of the tent; smal]
pointed figures are the wooden pins holding together the
front of the tent.

Fig. 2 of Plate xx1v shows another bag. On the front, at
each end, are four trapezoids. These represent the ‘‘hills”
or periods of life. Two at each end are green, and two red
and blue. These latter represent red and black paint,— a
frequent combination in ceremonials. The white spaces be-
tween these trapezoids are lakes. All the triangles in the
design are hills and mountains. The white unpainted sur- .
face is all water, except the white stripes along the edges and
through the middle of the design; these stripes are roads.

On the back, black spots are buffalo-dung. Three trans-

BuLietin A. M,N. H.

Vor. XVIII, Prats XXIV.

CTT

cams

Ll ti i
1 i Bg
"|e 7 ae Fi
i, \
iM J

DESIGNS ON RAWHIDE BacGs.

132 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, {Vol. XVIH,

verse white stripes with green edges are rivers. Blue squares
in them are islands, and red rectangles are red soil or gravel.
Four narrow black lines are cracks in the ground. On the
flap, triangles represent mountains.

Another bag is shown in Fig. 3 of Plate xxiv. Flat and
acute triangles mean, as in so many other cases, mountains
and tents. A diamond in the middle is both the navel and
a mountain. Dark-green (almost black) lines are creeks;
yellow lines, paths.

On the back the unpainted surface represents the earth.
Three transverse stripes are paths. Colored marks in these
stripes are rocks.

Fig. 4 of Plate xx1v shows a small berrying-bag. Small
triangles at the edges of the design on the front are hills.
Two very acute isosceles triangles are mountain-peaks. A
diamond between them is a round hill. Two lines travers-
ing the design longitudinally are streams. The red and yel-
low of which they are composed represent two kinds of bushes
or trees (red and yellow willow ?) growing along the banks.
The blue lines enclosing the design are haned’*kaa" (‘‘as far
as the eye can reach,” or the horizon, probably equivalent
to the earth).

On the back, narrow black lines are paths, and black spots
are clouds. ;

Hide cases that are approximately cylindrical but taper
slightly toward the bottom, and are usually somewhat over
a foot long, are generally known as ‘‘medicine-cases’”’ and
“‘feather-cases,’’ and are used, as their names indicate, to
hold small shamanistic and ceremonial objects. They are
made of rawhide, which is not, however, white, as it is in
ordinary bags and in parfleches, but brown, perhaps from
having been smoked. There are in the Arapaho collection of
the American Museum of Natural History three flat rectangu-
lar rawhide bags that are also brown; but all three of these
were used, like the cylindrical cases, to hold medicine or
ceremonial objects.

The most frequent painting on the cylindrical medicine-
cases is a pattern of inverted tents. There may be either

Bucietin A, M,N. H, Vor. XVIII, Prare XXV.

DESIGNS ON MEDICINE-CaAsEs,

134 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. (Vol. XVI,

two or three rows of tents. These are painted in red, black,
and yellow,— the only colors that appear to be used on
medicine-cases; sometimes even the yellow is omitted. Fig. 1
of Plate xxv shows such a case. The top cover has a design
which may be considered as four tents or as the morning-star
cross.

A second kind of design on medicine-cases is shown in Fig.
‘2 of Plate xxv. The symbolism of this design is elaborate.

It has been described before.’ It represents with some detail
the acquisition of supernatural. power, especially of control

: 5 of the buffalo, by the owner of the case.
Another case, whose design is very similar
to the last, is shown in Fig. 3 of Plate
xxv. Nothing is known of the signifi-
cance of this design. The Arapaho declare
that the symbolic decoration that occurs
on this kind of medicine-case was used
(this probably does not mean invented) by
a medicine-man who was famous for his
power over the buffalo, and by his fol-
lowers. This medicine-man is said to have
died not very long ago. How far the sym-
bolism of these similarly ornamented cases
was alike, is not known.

In the Field Columbian Museum in Chi-
cago there is a Kiowa medicine-case whose

Fig. 43 (Ws). Designon design is somewhat intermediate between
a Medicine-case. Length, . a :
50cm: these two kinds of Arapaho designs. This

pattern consists of inverted triangles re-
sembling the inverted tents of, Fig. 1 of Plate xxv. At their
vertices are wide crescents, causing the entire figures to re-
semble some of the figures of Fig. 3, Plate xxv.

Fig. 43 shows a third kind of design from a medicine-case.
This is painted in red, yellow, and black, on one side or half
of the case. The other half of the case is left unpainted, and
the top is missing. The triangles (eight in all) represent

* Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, 1900, p. 82: and American
Anthropologist, 1901, p. 319.

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho, 135

tents. The two long red areas along the sides of the design
are the red of evening. The diamond in the centre is called
- the navel, and therefore a person. There are three small red
figures in this diamond. The one in the very centre repre-
sents the person’ owning the case; the two at the corners of
the diamond represent human beings. In general pattern,

Fig. 45 (168s).
Design on a Crup-
per. Length of de-
Fig. 44 (ffs). Cover of a Shield. Diam., 28 cm. sign, 47 cm.

this cylindrical case resembles the average parfleche more
than it does the average medicine-case.

An Arapaho medicine-case with a fourth kind of design is
in the Field Columbian Museum of Chicago. The figures on
this resemble bear-foot symbols.

A piece of rawhide used to cover a shield is shown in Fig.
44. Thedarge cross or star-shaped figure in the middle repre-
sents the morning star. All the triangles on the shield are
tents. The circles, both inner and outer, represent the sun.
The round black spots represent bullets, evidently those that
the shield is intended to’ stop.

1 This may possibly mean the spirit-person that owns or inhabits the medicine-case.

136 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVII,

The design painted on the rawhide portion of a crupper is
shown in Fig. 45. On each half there is a dark-blue zigzag
line in the centre, which represents a range of mountains.
The red on the inner side of the zigzag line represents the
earth. Light-blue’ stripes dividing the red area into sec-
tions, and surrounding the whole design, are rivers. The

light-blue color also represents the prairie covered with a
certain blue flower (tcanaatanaeinofid).

Young men sometimes wear a sun-shade that may be de-
scribed as the brim of a hat without the crown. It consists
of a piece of rawhide somewhat over a foot long. Near the
back end of this, a circular area about six inches in diameter
has a number of radii slit into it. When this part of the

* The light-blue is represented by horizontal shading.

1902.] . Kroeber, The Arapaho, 137

rawhide is pressed upon the top of the head, the two dozen
or more sectors yield, and stand up, forming a circle around
the head. Fig. 46 shows two of these hats or sun-shades as
they appear seen from above, with the points (sectors) standing
nearly upright.

On one such sun-shade, shown in Fig. 46, a, a number of
differently-colored zigzags (on the front projection or brim
of the head-dress) represent tents. Each bend in the zig-
zag forms a triangle, and these. represent tents. At the
opposite end of the sun-shade a row of smaller triangles also
represents tents. All the straight lines on the piece of hide
represent paths. The pointed projections of hide standing
up around the head-opening in a circle represent men dan-
cing. A blue circular line at the base of these projections
-represents a circle worn in the ground from their dancing.

In another such sun-shade (Fig. 46, 5,) the circular row of
projections was interpreted as signifying the camp-circle of
tents.

A summary of the symbolism of the decorative forms that
have been described is presented in Plates xxvi-xxx1. The
decorative forms of the same symbolic significance are here
brought together. Thus all the forms taken by the sym-
bols, for instance, of a man or of a tent, are readily review-
' able and comparable.

From this summary have been excluded all symbols whose
significance depends altogether on their position, like the beads
. denoting rat’s ears in Fig. 21, g. In such cases the shape of
the symbol itself obviously is often of no consequence. On
’ the plates are shown all the distinct forms of each symbol.
Whenever a symbol has been found a number of times with
the same form, these occurrences are represented only once in
the illustrations.

Inasmuch as the technique of embroidery and that of
painting are necessarily quite different, it has seemed best to
separate the symbols which are embroidered, whether in
beads or in porcupine-quills or in fibres, from those which are
painted on rawhide. For the same reason a third separate

138 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVIII,

summary has been made for those symbols that are neither
embroidered nor painted, but consist of attachments such as
pendants, fringes, strings, loops, or feathers: in short, all the
symbols consisting of decorations which are not flat like bead
or paint designs, but three-dimensional.

In the list below is also given the total number of occur- '
rences of each symbolic signification, on all the objects that
have been described.

A preliminary list of symbols was illustrated in an earlier
paper.’ On that occasion, however, symbols on objects of a
religious nature were included in the series, while in the
present case such objects have been left for subsequent sepa-
rate treatment, and the list has been made up from specimens
on which the ornamentation is decorative rather than cere-
monial or pictographic.

LIST OF SYMBOLS WITH REFERENCE TO
PLATES NXVI-XXNI.

wn

EMBROI- THREE- $8

DERED Paintgp | Dimen- | &%

OBJECTS REPRESENTED. DEsIGNS. Desicns. | SIONAL | a m@
Desicns.| 25

Fig. No. | Fig. Nu. | Fig. No. |

Human Figures.
POPSOW essa d Ak «lui ties d ease See oRe 1-3 242-246) — 8
Person sitting. ........ .. ee cee eae 4 —_ — I
Person standing................. 5 _ —~ I
Persons dancing in acircle........ — _ 430 1
Persons in tent or sweat-house.... 6 247-248] — 3
First human beings.............. —_ 249 _ I
Mythic dwarfs.................. 7 —_ _ I
OMEN ings gute diate: Seek sec cibeat — 250 —_ I
Imaginary human figure......... — 251-252} — 2
Body and Parts of the Body.

BOO Vie seisccdulasve dines ns peveake eae GS —_ 253-254| — 2
NAVE) snousnatce neues om ieceiansoy ney 8 255 _ 4
Navel-strng.;cvaeeccakeeeaaroas 9 — 431 2
Ga Tt ie cateaa wn he ahr ag hittin. — 256 _ 4
Heart andlungs................. 10 — — 1
Head 3 vas das mss Atk decayed aa min sone It — — I
Matted hair................0.... — 257 432 2

* Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History, XIII, P. 69.

1902. | . Kroeber, The Arapaho. 139
mi

Emsrol- Turze- | °F

* DERED Parnrzp | Dimen- | & &

OBJECTS REPRESENTED. DEsIGNs. Desicns. | stonat | 9%
Desiens.| 38

Fig. No. Fig. No. | Fig. No. 28

By Chie anvditicaaia alate igene aaece hace 12-14 258-260| — 6
Tooth _— —_ 433 I
Fingers — —_ 434 I
Legs. _ _— 435 1
Ribs —_— —_— 436 I
Track 15 — — 2

Animals
Buflalo pics curs sgsesiee wars seccee ys 16 261-263) — 4
WolvVess.2sca559 5446 4% Sue Se RSD 17 —_— — I
Coyotesw.ccigieeysanereasw ia eas _ 264 —_ I
BUSacs Sosa See en aides oe tine Se ene 18 a _ I
Eagle. . 19-22 _ —_ 5
Thunder-bird. . 23 —_ —_— I
MAG PIG is srissictssig ee od Soe eran pia cde anon 24 — — I
Swallow 25 — — I
SNA Cas i a es Nadie Minemeene 26-27 = —_— 4
TAZA ioc cast eee een aioe Se ad dane at Be 28-30 265 =_ 4
Turtle 31-34 — —_— 4
Frog. 35 266 —_— 2
ISH Sosek boi bine ye mbeesoot Oa s 36 = —_ 1
Bees a 37-38 —_ —_— 2
ANtS: yas wend vase eee eu — —s 437-438 2
Butterfly . . 39-43 = = 5
Beetle. Bare gs Fs TD ace aur es Be 44 — — I
Water-beetle.................-.. _— 267 _— I
Dragon-fly.... 22... eee eee 45-47 — —_ 3
CHICK EBs sacs nti eae als knee Beez 48 —_ — I
Spider. . Shapley at eg eee 5 tes oe 49 —_ —_— 2
Crayfish. . 50 _— —_ I
Centipede. . SS Carb aa anys 51-53 = —_ 3
Leeches isigiguie's age gates ge bai eh 54 _— —_ I
Caterpillars cs eun ses saes esas aus 55-59 — = 5
Worms or maggots.............. 60-64 = — 9
Game, variety of animals......... 65 _— — 2
Paris of Animals. ;

Bear toOtiswvacticni dou wine tece wae ee 66-68 268-272| — 9
Bear-ear.. —_ 273-274| — 2
Bear-den. —_— 275 _ I
Coyote- -tracks. —_— 276 _ I
' Buffalo-eye. . lbweid oe van daigne _ 277 —_— I
Buffalo-skull...........c0.sc..ae, —_— 278 —_ I
Buffalo-scrotum. ... 20.0.2... eee eee —_— 270 — I
Buffalo-intestine................ 69 —_— —_— I
Buffalo dew-claw.............4-- _— 280 —_— I
Buffalo-hoof..............4.. oe 70-71 — a 3
Buffalo-track. 0.0... cc cee cee eee 92 281-282} — 3

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXVI.

ARAPAHO SYMBOLISM IN EMBROIDERED DESIGNS.

«*s Numbers in parentheses, when accompanied by Roman numerals, refer to plate

figures, otherwise to
trated, reference to its catalogue number is given.

a
Q

Ou Ww bw

text es.

. Person. (xiv, 7)
ee (22

(25)

. Person sitting. (1, 1)

. Person standing. (11, 1)

. Persons in tent or sweat-
house. (Bull. Am. Mus.
Nat. Hist., x11, p 8.3)

. Mythic dwarf. (v, 4)

. Navel. (11, 3)

; Nevers (vit, 6)

. Heart and lungs. (iv, 1)

. Head (14, 6)

. Eye. (11, 2)

(a7)
2

. Eagle. (x11, 5)
oe XII, 5
23, 5)
- (23, 6)
. Thunder-bird. (Bull. Am.

23
: Mus. Nat. Hist. x1, p.
83)
24. Magpie. (vi, 2)
25. Swallow. (7, d)
26. Snake. i 2)
27. s XI, 1)
28. Lizard. (111, 1)
29. " XI, 6)
39. 21, h)
31. Turtle. (11, 5)
32. be 20, ¢)
33. _ XII, 4)
34. ie XU, 2)
35. Frog. (28)
36. Fish. (111, 4)
37- Bee. (xrv, 5)
Bees. (xiv, 5)

Where the specimen bearing the symbol is not illus-

FIG.

39. Butterfly. (111, 4)

40. te XVII)

4I. Ny Ill, 1)

42. “ (vIII, 3)

43. ei (xu, §

44. Beetle. (7, a)

45. Dragon-fly. (iv, 1)

46. “ 25)

47. ‘i XII, 6)

48. cue EEN, MD

49. Spider. at. No.

50. Crayfish. Ae 4)

51. Centipede. (v, 2)

52. a No. ss)

53. i XII, 5)

54. Leech. (x, 2).

55- Caterpillar. (Iv, 1)

56. ‘ he 1)

57. te 21, d)

58 eS XVII)

59. i ide 2)

60. Worms or maggots. (Cat.
No. gifs)

61. Worm. (1, 3)

62. 4 ae h)

63. De 25)

64. Worms. (21, h)

65. aie eid of animals.
Vv,

66. Ber oot 24, a)

67. _ 27)

68. " 26)

69. Buffalo-intestine. (5, e)

70. Buffalo-hoof. (11, 2)

71. sf XIV, 7)

72. Buffalo-track. (1, 7)

73. Buffalo-path. {31}

74. i‘ XIII, 4)

75. Buffalo-wallow (x11, 4)

76. Buffalo-horns. (5, /)

77. Mythic cave of the buffalo.

(Cat. No. .&%)

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXVII.

ARAPAHO SYMBOLISM IN EMBROIDERED DESIGNS.

«*» Numbers in parentheses, when accompanied by Roman numerals, refer to plate

figures, otherwise to text figures. the
trated, reference to its catalogue number is given.

FIG.
78.

. Horse-ears.

. Horse-track.
. Elk-leg.

. Elk-hoof.
. Deer-hoof.
. Rabbit-tracks.
. Beaver-rib.
. Scales on Beaver-tail.

. Beaver dam and huts.

. Mountain.

(xl, 5)
(xulr, 5)
(111, 1)
(v, 4)
(xv, 2)
(v, 2)
(V.2)
(It, 5)
(20, a)

Cattle-track.

(x1,

2)

(20,

a)
. Turtle-claw. (xi, 4)
. Turtle-egg.
. Snake skin - markings.

(xu, 4)
(5,

D
. Horned-toad skin-markings.

(111, 4)

. Joints and stomach of frog.
(20, ¢)

. Markings of lizard. (20, b)

. Bee-hole. (xiv, 5)

. Ant-hills. (24, c)

: ay (v, 5)

. Ant-hill, (xvii)

. Ant-path. (24, ¢)

. Dragonfly-wing. (x11, 6)

. Spider- web. (Cat. No.

0

‘ Centipede-tracks. (x11, 5)

. Worm-hole. (21,

. Tree. (x11, 3) .

. Treeson mountain, (24, b)
ao Ose a (it, 1)

a “ ‘

; : (5, 6)

. Leaf of ‘‘ Yellow-herb” (27)
. Willow-leaf.
. Mushrooms.
. Cactus.
. Mountain.

(xvit)
(21, e)
(v, 5)
(6)

: (Bull. Am. Mus.
Nat. Hist., x1u, p. 83)
(25)

FIG.

115.
116.
117.
118,
119.
120.
121.
122,

123.

. Lake.

Where the specimen bearing the symbol is not illus-

Mountain. (x1, 6)
a (xIv, 6)
i (24, a)
a (xT, 6)
Mountains. (23, a)
i (11, 1)
ae ; (x1, 5)
Mountain. (xiv, 2)
Snow - covered mountain.
(Bull. Am. Mus. Nat.

Hist., x11, p. 83)

. Snow -covered mountain.

(x11, 3)
. Valley or canyon. (xIV, 2)
. The Earth. (Cat. No. gs)
a - (x1lI, 5)
2 ear
Dirt, clay. (24, ¢)
Rocks. (24, b)
ae (11, 1
e (25)
(8)
Os (11, 1)
2 (24, ¢)
» (x, 1)
ins (21, D
(23, 5)
“a (23, b)
. Path. (1, 4)
oe (xv, 2)
i XVI
. Crossing paths. (xu, 3)

. Holes in a path. (xiv, 5)

5 (11, 1)
. Path going overa hill. (1, 3)
. River. (v, 1)
7 (24, )
: i‘ (Iv, 2)
. River with islands. (xiv, 2)
. River. (xrv, 2)
. Spring. (24, b)
. Lake. (Bull. Am. Mus. Nat.

Hist., xu, p 83)
(11, 3)

Butuetin A. M.N. A. Vor. XVIII, Plate XXVII. ,

am = (if [1 Ske me Md
5 :
78 79 80 81 82 83 84
3
a $ I I i
OT ‘3
85 86 87 88 89 90 ot
XX = a z
92 93 95 6% 97
ae
se
=e ral a
es
sa
99 100 101 102 103 104 105
106 107 108 109 10 mW : 112
\ :
NN 14 115 116 117 118 19
120 121 122 123 12400 125 126
Cem tt
127 128 129 i30 . 131 132 133
137 138 139 140
144 145 146 ‘ 147

ARAPAHO SYMBOLISM,

«#*, Numbers in parentheses, when accompanied b

figures, otherwise to text figur . Where the specimen bearing the symbol is not illus-

_ trated, reference to its catalogue number is given.

FIG.
155.
156.
157.
158.
159.
160.
161.
162.
163.
164.
165.
166.
167.
168.
169.
170.
171.
172.
173.
174.
175.
176.
177.
178.
179.

180.

181.
182.
183.
184.
185.
186.
187.

188.
189.

190.

gt.
192.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXVIII.

ARAPAHO SYMBOLISM IN EMBROIDERED DESIGNS.

Lake.
Scum.

(xu, 6)
(28)

Sun. (x11, 2)

Sun-rays. (xl, 2)

Star.

Morning star at the horizon.

(Iv, 2)
(111, 1)

(iv, 1)
(Cat. No. g's)

7, ie a)

21, ¢)

(6, a)

Morning star with rays.

(1, 8
Constellation. (6, a)
Milky way. (6, b)

I, 4)
(Cat. No. 8°)

Lightning. (111, 5)

(Bull. Am. Mus.

Nat. Hist., x11, p. 8
Rainbow. (20, Behe)

Rain.

(Bull. Am. Mus. Nat.

Hist., x11, p. 83)

Tent.

lee 2)

FIG.
193.
194.
195.
196.
197.
198.
199.
200.
201.
202,
203.

204.
205.
206,

207.

208.
209.
210.
. 2mr.
212.
213.
214.
215.
216.
217.
218.
219.
220.
221,
222.
223.
224.
225.
226,
229.
228.
220.
230.
231s

y Roman numerals, refer to plate

Tent. (x1II, 2)

(ar, b)

: (v, 3)
Camp-circle. (15)
46 (Ge) ;
Boundary of habitation.

(v, 4)
Brush-hut. (15)

Vv,
Pole of sweat-house. (III,

2)

Covering of sweat-house.
(111, 2

House. (xv, 1)

Fence. (25)

Rock monuments. (23, a)

(15)

Soft bag. (v1i1, 5)
Box. (xml, 5)
Knife-case. (22)
Sinew. (vu1r, 6)
Rack for saddlery. e )

at ee 4é Il, I
Rack for meat. (23, c)
Rope. (8)
Saddle-blanket. (8)
Man’s stirrup. (8)
Woman’s ee. (8)
Lance. (Cat. No. 7$%5)
Bow. (1, 4)
Arrow. (xiv, 4)
Arrow-point. (xvuir, 5)
7 (x1, 2)
(x1, 2)
I, 4)
XIV, 3
IT; 3)

Buuretin A. M.N. H. VoL. XVIIT PraregXXVIII.

iy ic — X 4
“| 161

155 156 157 158 159

4-- <> Le | aa p< +
162 163 164 "165 166 167 168
169 170 171 172 173 174 175
176 W7 178 179 0

187

197 198 199 200 201 202 203
~ a Zee
‘
204 205 206 207
fires]
_— e Lad
Pi 212 213 214

218 219

225 226 227 228

ARAPAHO SYMBOLISM.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXIX.

ARAPAHO SYMBOLISM IN EMBROIDERED AND PAINTED DESIGNS.

«*s Numbers in parentheses, when accompanied by Roman numerals, refer to plate

figures, otherwise to text figures.

Where the specimen bearing the symbol is not illus-

trated, reference to its catalogue number is given.

FIG.
232.
2:33.
234.
235.
236.
237-

238.

239.
240,

241.
242.
243.
244.
245.
246.
247.

248.
249.

250.
251.

252.

253-
254.
255.
256.
257-
258.
250.
260.
261.

262,
263.
264.
265.
266,
267.
268.

Arrow-point. (xulII, 5)
Pipe. XII, 2)
Garnbting -counters. (20, d)
Female dress. (vil, 5)
Hiiteni (life, prosperity).
(Cat. No. 43s)
Hiiteni (life, prosperity).
(v, 2)
Hiiteni (life, prosperity).
1, §) ;
eee: (life, prosperity).
’ )
Therant: (22)
Person. (xxv, 2)
- (xxv, 2)
os (43)
4b (43)
“| (43)
Persons in tent or sweat-
house. (xx, 2)
Persons in tent or sweat-
house. (XVIII, 3)
First human beings. (xx1II,
2)
Woman. (xIx, 1) ‘
Imaginary human figure :
(36)

Imaginary human
(40)
Body. (xxXI, 1)

(
Navel. ee 4)
Heart. (35)
Matted hair. (42)
Eye. (xx, 4)
“ (41)

figure

a

(40)

Buffalo. (Bull. Am. Mus.

Nat. Hist., x111, p. 85)”
Buffalo. (xxv, 2)

0 (40)
Coyotes. (xrx, 2)
Lizard. (xx, 5)
Frog. (32)
Water-beetle.

(xviIl, 3)
Bear-foot.

(xvutI, 5)

FIG
269

270.
271.
272.
273.
274.
27.5%
2706.
277.
278.
279.
280.
281.
282.
283.
284.
285.
' 286.

287.
288.

289.

290.
' 2gt.
292.

293.
2094.
295.
296.
297.
298.
299.
300.
301.
302.
303.
304.
305.
300.
307.
308.

. Bear-foot. (x1X, 2)

a (34, a

“a (34, b)

a (x1x, 5)
Bear-ear. (xX, 2)

é (xx, 2)
Bear-den. (34, @)
Coyote-tracks. (xIx, 1)
Buffalo-eye. (xx, 2)
Buffalo-skull. (xxv, 2)

Buffalo-scrotum. (xx, 5)
Buffalo dew-claw. (xx, 2)
Buffalo-track. (xx, 3)

(33)
Buffalo-path. (xxI, 4)
Buffalo-wallow. (37)
Buffalo-dung. (xxiv, 2)
Mythic cave of the buffalo.
(Cat. No. @%s)
Mythic cave of the buffalo.
(xx, I
Mythic cave of the buffalo.
(xIx, 4)
Abundance of buffalo. (Bull.

Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., x11,
p. 85)
Horse-tracks. (39)
Wild-cherry. (34, 0)
se Watemplane, (XXIII,
I
Mountain. (xx, 4)
<8
35
ee (xvii, 4)
(Xx, 1)
a (XXIII, 2)
ss (XXI, 4)
sf (XXV, 2)
as (XXIV, 3)
Mountains. (32)
fe (33)
(XXIV, 2)
#4 (xx, 2)
mi 37)
ee XXIII, 4)

Mountain-peak. (xx1v, 4)

ll,

Il,

Butuetin A. M,N. H. Vou, XVIII, Plate XXIX.

246 247 248 249 250 251 252

4
a
a

Peeevecee

ix
&

mp

y

«

277 278 279 280

281. 282 283 284 285 286 ° 287

>
)

288 289 290 291 292 293 204
o
Mim —ea~ —. A ine iy
295 296 297 298 299 301
,
Ana e in A
302 303 304 305 306 307 308

ARAPAHO SYMBOLISM.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXX.

ARAPAHO SYMBOLISM IN PAINTED DESIGNS.

«"s Numbers in parentheses, when accompanied by Roman numerals, refer to plate

figures, otherwise to text figures.

Where the specimen bearing the symbol is not illus-

trated, reference to its catalogue number is given.

FIG.

309. Mountain-peak. (xx1, 5)

310. Cave. (36)

sit (XXI, 5)

312. Valley or Canyon. (xvill, 4)

313. oe “a se (XXI, 5)

314. ~ a “ (xxilr, 4)

315. Meadow. (Cat. No. i's)

316. The earth. ee 2)

Lo ae Me XIX, 6)

BrBigh to Me (XXII, 4)

319. Endsoftheearth. (x1x, 1)

320. The earth at its first emer-

- gence. (XXIII, 2)

32i. eae in the ground. (xxiv,
2

322. Rock. (37)

323. (XXI, 3)

324.“ (XXIV, 3)

325. Path. (xxrv, 4)

326. =‘ (xxII, 3)

327. ‘* (xx, 3)

328. ‘ eed 3)

329. “* XXUI, 3)

330. Crossing paths. (xxl, 3)

331. Path with tracks. (xx, 2)

332. ae “ a3 (32)

333- Path going overahill. (35)

334. Circle worn by dancing.
(46, @)

335. River. (XXII, 4)

336. 8)

337- ' (xxrv, 3)

338. (39)

339. (32).

340. River with islands. (xxiv,
2

341. River with islands. (xrx, 2)

342. Lake. (32)

343. (xx, a

344 s (G55

345. (xxIVv, 2)

FIG.

346. Lake (xxu1I, 4)
347-9 ‘* (xx, 4)
348 fe (36)

349 (36)

350. Ocean. (32)

351. Sun. (44)

352 es (xxv, 2)

353. Sun-rays. (XXIII, 1)
354- i (35)

355. Star. (44)

356. Morning star. (xx1, 1)
357. oy 4 (39)
358. Sky. (36) (38)
359- © &

360. Cloud. (xxv, 4)
361. Rainbow. (38)

362. Flame. (xix, 4)
363. Smoke. (xxulI, 1)
364. Tent. (xxIv, 1)
365.“ (42)

366. $43,

367. 43)

368. (xviII, 4)
369. (33)

379. (46, a)

371. XIX, 1)
372. oa No. #3)
S73- (xx11, 3)
374- 39)
ne XIX, 6)
376.‘ (x1x, 6)
377, ol 4)

378... oF XX,

379. (XX, 3

380. Tent-door. (xxiv, 1)
381. Tent-pin. - ee 6)
382. 1 XIX, 1)
383. “ (xxv, 1)
384. oe (xv, 4)
385 (XXII,

. es for tent-pins.
3

Buuietin A, M,N. H. VoL, XVIII, PratzE XXX.

wee 7 ee Oo fm) ie

310 ait 312 313 314 315
—> —= r)
316 317 318 319 320 321
7
AD a
q ; 1]
Oo
323 324 925 326 327 28 29
e t .
e '
—l_ : PN
° 1)
4 {
330 331 932 333 35 336
| q >
937 338 339 340 He

357

379 380 381 382 383 384 385

ARAPAHO SYMBOLISM.

EXPLANATION OF PLATE XXXI.

ARAPAHO SYMBOLISM IN PAINTED AND THREE-DIMENSIONAL
DESIGNS.

«*» Numbers in parentheses, wh
figures, otherwise to text figu

res.

anied by Roman numerals, refer to plate
‘Where the specimen bearing the symbol is not illus-

trated, reference to its catalogue number is given.

FIG.
386.
387.
388.
389.
390.
391.
392.
393.
394.
5. Brush-hut.
396. oe
397.
398.
399.
400.
401.
402.
403.
404.
405.
406.
407.
408.
409.
410.
4Ir.
4I2.
413.
414.

39

415.
416.
417.
418,
419.

420.

421.

Tent-poles. (xxiv, 1)
Tent-flaps. (xxIVv, 1)
Tent-pendant. (32)
Interior of tent. (35)
Tent-site. (x1x, 6) -
Camp-site. {an

Camp-circle.
(xxuI, 3)

35
Sweat-house. (XVIII, 3)
a (xxv, i.
American tent.

Bed. (xIx, 3)

)
Soft bag. we
Bucket or vessel. (xx1uI, 3)
Medicine-case. (xxv, 2)
Awl-case. (XXIII, 3)
Paint-stick. (xvu1II, 3)
Rope. (XVII, 3)

: (42)

Bow. (xxII1, 2)
Bullets. (44)
Ceremonial wheel. (34, a)
Ceremonially used robe. (xx,

4
Robe design. (xx1I, 2)

Metal hair-ornaments. (42)

Hiiteni (life, prosperity).
(XVIII, 3)

Hiiteni tite, prosperity).
(xx, 5

Hiiteni (life, prosperity).

weet M4 ;
iiteni (life, prosperit
(Bull. Am. Mice Ne.
Hist., x1, p. 85)

Hiiteni (life, prosperity).
(XVIII, 5)

FIG.

450.
457-

. Hiiteni (life, prosperity).
(xx, 4)

. Contents (of bag). (36)

. Centre. (xxuII, 1)
. XVHI, ‘\

bo oye XXIII, 4

. Stops (in a course). (Cat.

oO.

. The four hills (periods) of
life. (xxIV, 2)

. Supernatural instruction.
XXV, 2)

. Persons dancing in a circle.
(46, a).
. Navel-strings.

VIII,
. Hair. (14, 8) ¢ 5)

24,
. Burrs in buffalo-hair.
. Snake-rattle. (5, f)
. Snake-tongue. (5, f)
. Paths. (27)
. Rivers. (x11, 4)

(30)

. Star.

Property
. Desire o
(v1, 1)

(7, ¢)

accomplishment,

386

387 388
394 395

416

396

_ a A eS eee, eee ae

e@ ecoce D

418 419 420

140 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. scans

EmBrotr- TRREE-
peice. | Deane. | HONE
OBJECTS REPRESENTED. Dgsicns. EB | SOE
Fig. No. Fig. No. | Fig. No.
Buffalo-path. 73-74 283 =
Buffalo-wallow. . 75 284 a
Buffalo-horns. .........2eeeeeeee 76 = =
Burrs in buffalo-hair............. _ = 439
Buffalo-dung...........0ceeees _ 285 =
Mythic cave of the buffalo......... 77 286-288; —
Abundance of buffalo............ —_ 289 —
Cattlestrack nceivici canes saseené sues 78-79 _ —
HOrsecears iis vise ¢ nica pix Aegaenceews 80 _ —
Horse-tracks...... 0.00 cess eeeeees 81 290 =
Elkleg os. seei eens eeatewesa vas 82 —_ _
BM ER OOF ste se cscsis aie aster aig. diesase eras eae 83 _ _
Deer-hoof.... 0... ... cece eee eeeee 84 _ =
Rabbit-tracks........ 85 _ —
Beaver-tib oie cae.e 3,6 b-06e Soe eae 2 0 86 = _
Scales on beaver-tail 87 — —
Beaver dam and huts 88 — _
Turtle-claw. . 89 — _
Turtle-ep esis sicswled ils herve taseusce a go = _
Snake-rattle. sestobie arasalesasanel 2 re — 440
Snake-tongue. Sisiecae Case. era ayaa _ _ 441
Snake skin-markings Saeed 91 = =
Horned-toad slein-mnacia oe ea aed 92 = _
ave and stomach of ioe. 93 —_— _
arkings of lizard............... 94 = —
Bee-holes)ic.'s saved cwaie servsiexne sn: 95 = _—
Asi t-Dills occa wwncaauens metiix sei eae 96-98 —_ _
Ant-paths. Sy Pn AN: Ba aekeceandas tonne 99 = =
hey eee aga ease tesa ein aa ame acaecs 100 a _
Spider-web adhe Se 101 _ =
Centipede-tracks. . 102 — —
Worm-holes. . 103 = _
Plants.
Tree... a 104 _ a
Trees on mountain....... 2.1111! 105-107 aaa =
Leaf of ‘‘Yellow-herb”’........... 108 _— _
Willow-leaf...............0000, 109 _ ——
A naeele ae — agt —
Mushrooms. . 110 _ =
Cactus.... 1II —_ —
Fibrous water-plant.. —_ 292 =
Earth,
Mountains, hills, and ranges...... 112-122 |293-30 _
Mountain-peak. . se sages _ 3 oes >
Snow-covered mountain se iat ate 123-124 = =
PV. Ge los nis ieee atasnaie siice cibad. Sitcoveee. i = SrO-gIr) —

ae oF
Occurrences. |

HHH HRM HHH HDR HN

Me Hee NO

1 & Bw

1902.] Kroeber, The Arapaho. I4J

& a

Emsrol- THREE- | °2

DERED PanTep | Dimen- | & a

OBJECTS REPRESENTED. Desicns. | Dzsicns.| sionau | 9%

Desicns. | 8 FA

Fig. No. | Fig. No. | Fig. No. |78
Valley or canyon..... Bored c ds atals 3 125 |312-314| — 5
Meadows ss. sisi srcwasoongerdaa _ 315 — I
Theearth vscisssassuseeiagte oss 126-128 |316-318| — 16
Ends of the earth............... _ 319 —_ 4
Visible world... sao — _ = I
The earth at its first. emergence. ae _— 320 —_ I
ee in the ground............ _ 321 —_ I
DALE, Clava sie ic seas gig sn aae wos e ag eee te ahve 129 —_— _— I
/ Rocks. GUD Niedac gine g rine gwetes -130-139 |322-324} — 20
Path anc coniaaus cagnearnienns Mia dues ean 6 140-142 |325-329| 442 39
Crossing paths. . Se ues Ase tenes 143 330 _— 2
Path with tracks.............005 _— 331-332| — 2
Holes in a path..............00- 144-145 —_— —_— 2
Path going over a hill. BN 146 333 _— 3
Circle worn by dancing. . _ 334 —_— I

Water.
Rivers or streams. -|147-149, 1511335-339| 443 33
River with islands............... 150 340~341| — 3
Springs ecvsnvae siege cass eae es 152 —_ —_— 3
Lakes cteutia aici ame ante ore 6 153-155 |342-349| — 14
SOU 65s pes eieee nuit eae y ees ER 156 _—- |= I
OCC AT ie inc eS orate Romana cid saat & —_ 350 —_— I
Heavens, Light, Fire
SUNS wei deste de eee ee eyes 157 351-352) 444 5
Sunrises ois oseis-aers ne eee ew Ae 158 — — I
Sun-rays. . strays ieee 150 353-354| — 4
Course of the sun......0..00000- — —_ —_— I
‘Sun-dog.. saa bewants erie e 6 _ _ 445 I
Stafeccieieitiars cages ote RATS 160-167 355 |446-447| 13
Morning stdr..... 0.6... eee eee 168-178 |356-358| — 25
Morning star at the horizon. i 179 , —_ I
Morning star with rays........... 180 = _ I
ipeeae hee fer slalereig & deuh Goecessronse I : I _— _— I
Uy Ways deer ois eae yess 182 _ —_— I
Skyictscans oaisenertedeas ate vee —_ 359 = 3
Cloud. 183-185 300 — 4
Lightning 186-187 — —_— 3
Rainbow. ........0 6c cece eee eee 188 361 — 3
FRAG ico i ey ciety et els nate oes 189 —_ —_ I
Flame _ 362 <= I
Smokesicieuiee ha eee sows te's x6 _— 363 _ I
Manufactured Articles.

Tents. vc. ceeeccececeevcseeeeeess| 190-199 |364-379] — 55
Tent-door....... 6-2 _ 380 = I
Tent-pins....... 2.0.0 see eee _— 381-384] 448 6

142 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History. [Vol. XVUI,

OBJECTS REPRESENTED.

Loops for cas Sb anaustiemerete
Tent-poles. Bi siey Dieser selosoay aunbeaens
ent-Haps ts. toc s stems cdnaneleas
Tent-pendants of rattles.........
Tent-pendants of buffalo-tails.....
Spaces between tent-poles........
Interior of tent.............0005
Tent-site. . ise iaghii tase ae Wale 83 Hs
Canin sbey ch avsercai ase saeaneene
Camp-circle.. 0.0.02... cece eee

Boundary of habitation
Brush nti acs mnands codes daewandacs ioe

Poles of sweat-house...........05
Covering of sweat-house.........
House. es Baptists ane avant oth arches avrtiers sd
American tent..................
Fence. f Shae ue) Raat ae
Rock monuments...............
Bed.. scdanthnaentone Hiei ate
Triangular h hhead-rest......-..0...
Parfleche. ries bvitrs ee
SOM DAG ices a etlelee wiaiewupex ees
Ox. Mcgee LE ean name taxes
Bucket or vessel......... 12.2...
Medicine-case. ee ee
Knife-case.... 0.0... ccc cee cae
Awl-case.
Sinew..

Rack for saddlery . i Eas Ged Ded aed
Rack for meat... ...........0.0.
Paint-stick. .

Diihia shee ae et
Saddle-blanket....... 0.0.0.0...
Man’s stirrup. . eer re tee
Woman's s stirrup. area
Lance. Bia nae BR RE ck wae ave
BOWreeud ie vos ewes Samasenusutnedes

Arrow- tse

Bullets. .

Pipe. iergrtireiaits, “ei, ec
Eeemcnel wheel. Eire cciey ave a7
Gambling-counters. . iG dtp etwaa Bey
Female OreS8 5 erections eae hea

Bae ere ere epee

EMBRO!I- THREE-
DERED PAINTED | DimEN-
DESIGNS. Dgsicns. | SIONAL
DESIGNS.
Fig. No. Fig. No. | Fig. No.
sg 385 449
= 386 oS
—4 = 450-451
= 388 ae
= 389 —
Ss 390 =
= 391-393} —
200-202 394 452
203 — a
204-205 395-396} —
== 397-398) —
206 — cat
207 _— =<
208 — panels
oe 399 —
209 _— —
210-211 400 _
_ 401-402| —
— 403 —_
212 404 —
213 — —
paid 405 -_
—_ 406 —
214 — —_
ss 407 2
215 —_ =
216-217 — =
218 —_— —
— 408 —
219 409-410) —
220 —_— _—
291 ot —
222 — =
223 as —
224 4II _—
225 — ==:
226-232 —_— —_
= 412 —_
233-234 = = |
ai 413 er
235 = outs
236 — —
= 414 =
ws 415 —
= 416 _

>
aA
w

NuMBER oF
OccuRRENCES.

RRR RR EN NE OR ND HM HN HR DR EHH HRN OR HHH HEAD

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho. 143

EmsBrol- TureeE- | °°

DERED Paintep | Dimen- | #3

OBJECTS REPRESENTED. DEsIcGns. Desiens. | sionat | @&

Dusicns. | 25
a

Fig. No. Fig. No. | Fig. No. a8
Ear-pendant.................... — — I
COREE) actos aig cele hele tae ats —_ — a I

Abstract Ideas.

Hiiteni (life, prosperity)......... 237-240 |417-422| — 14
The many things unknown....... — — 456 I
Property possessed.............. —_— —_— 457 - I
Contents (of bag)............... —_ 423 — I
CONtie ss oii. ee cen ce pee kane eines r —_— 424-426| — 3
Stops (in a course).............. —_— 427 — I
Direction whence............... —_— — —_— I
Direction whither............... — —_ —_ I
The four hills (periods) of life..... _— 428 — I
Desire of accomplishment........ _— —_ 458 I
Supernatural instruction......... —_— 429 — I
Thought.ie.. as case satieeee tet 241 —_ —_ I

Although the technique of embroidering and of painting,
and the appearance of the objects made in these two styles,
are quite different, yet a comparison of the two series of
symbols (Figs. 1-241 with Figs. 242-429) shows that the
individual symbols of the same meaning are generally con-
siderably alike, whether they are embroidered or painted.
The embroidered symbols, while often very simple, some-
times reach greater elaborateness and realism than any of the
painted ones. Painting is of course capable of much further
development in these directions than is beadwork, but the
decorative painting of the Plains Indians is more convention-
alized and less realistic than their embroidery.

It is apparent that there is much individuality in the inter-
pretation given to the decorative designs employed by the
Arapaho. One person attaches a certain significance to the
ornaments on an article belonging to him; another person
may possess an article ornamented in a similar fashion, and
interpret the ornamentation entirely differently. Even the
identical symbol may have many different significations to
the various owners of different objects. For instance, on the

144 Bulletin American M useum of Natural History. [Vol. XVII,

objects that have been described in this paper, the rhomboid
or diamond-shaped symbol can be found with the following
ten significations: the navel, a person, an eye, a lake, a star,
life or abundance (hiiteni), a turtle, a buffalo-wallow, a hill,
the interior of a tent. All of these meanings, except the first
two, are totally unrelated. If the significance of the decora-
tion on a larger number of specimens had been obtained, it
is probable that the known number of meanings attached to
this symbol would be still larger. What makes the varia-
bility of this system of decorative symbolism appear still
more plainly is the fact that nearly all of these ten significa-
tions have also been found attached to very different sym-
bols. Thus a person is denoted, on other specimens that have
been described, by a small rectangle, triangle, square, or
cross, by a dot, by a line, as well as by rudely realistic de-
signs. The eye is represented by a rectangle, and again by a
nearly triangular figure. A lake is represented on different
specimens by a square,-a trapezoid, a triangle, a pentagon,
a circle, or other figures. A star is often represented by a
cross; the life-symbol by a trapezoid, hills by triangles.
In fact, of these ten significations, that of the navel is the
only one that was found several times and always represented
by the same symbol.

It thus appears that there is no fixed system of symbolism
in Arapaho decorative art. Any interpretation of a figure is
personal. Often the interpretation is arbitrary. Much de-
pends upon what might be called symbolic context. In a
decoration which symbolizes buffalo-hunting, a stripe natu-
rally represents a bow; on a parfleche whose decoration repre-
sents such parts of the landscape as mountains, rocks, earth,
and tents, an identical stripe would naturally have the
signification of a river or of a path; but whether a path or
a river, would depend on the fancy of the maker of the par-
fleche. On another man’s parfleche such a stripe may repre-
sent a rope; on still another, red paint or the blue sky, because
the maker of this particular article thought of the color of
the stripe before he did of its shape. N aturally one person
cannot guess what the decorations on another person's par-

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho. | 145

fleche or moccasin or pouch signify. Usually an Indian re-
fuses to interpret the ornamentation on an article belonging
to some one else, on the ground that he does not know; but
“he may give a tentative or possible interpretation.

Where such a wide variability exists, and where every in-
dividual has a right to his opinion, as it were, it follows that
it is impossible to declare any one interpretation of a given
ornamental design as correct or as incorrect. Even the

’ maker or possessor of an article can give only his personal
intention or the signification which he individually prefers.
Since the decorative symbolism on his article is not intended
as a means of communication, he is satisfied to follow his own
fancy in private; and if any one else chose to attach a differ-
ent meaning to his ornamental designs, he would probably |
make no objection. He might criticise the other for his pre-
sumption, but he could not well prove him incorrect.

Naturally there is great difference in the degree of interest
shown in the symbolism of decoration by different individuals.
One person thinks about the significance of his designs,
another chiefly of their appearance. The former will prob-
ably give a coherent interpretation of his designs if he is
questioned; the symbols of the latter will have their most
common conventional meaning, without much reference to
each other. Young people especially are likely to think and
care little about designs that they make or see. On the other
hand, a person interested in symbolism sometimes has two or
three interpretations for one symbol or for a design. Such
double sets of significations given by one person are generally
not hesitating or doubtful, but apt and happy, as well as
elaborate and coherent; the reason being that the maker of
the design has planned it with more than the usual amount
of attention to its meaning, or has subsequently studied it

with interest. One must not be misled on this point by
analogy with the pictorial, undecorative, unceremonial art of
our civilization. The Indian, in embroidering a moccasin or
painting a parfleche, never dreams of making a picture that —
can be recognized by every one at sight.

It is probable that, among the hundred and fifty and more

[August, 1902.] 10

146 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, (Vol. XVIII,

specimens whose symbolism has been described, there are
some whose owners were not their makers, and had never
given a thought to the significance of their decorations pre-
vious to the occasion on which they explained these decora-
tions at the request of the author. That this should not have
happened, can hardly be expected; but in all such cases,
these persons undoubtedly fell back upon the common con-
ventional symbolism that is current in the tribe. This is
shown by the fact that all the decorative symbolism that
was learned runs along certain lines. For instance, tents
are very frequently represented; but in only one single
case was a house, such as the Indians now largely live in,
represented by the decorations. Hence there seems to be
a conventional system of symbolism, a fairly distinct and
characteristic tribal manner of viewing and thinking about
decoration. What this way of thought is among the Arapa-
ho, it has been the purpose of the preceding pages to show
by bringing together as large a mass of individual cases of
decorative symbolism as possible. That here and there an
interpretation may be poor, even from the Indian’s stand-
point, or another untrustworthy, is of little moment. As has
been said, no interpretation of a design can be considered
really right or wrong. If the explanations of decorated
objects, taken all together, illustrate one method of thinking,
and are evidences of one system of symbolism, the purpose
of their presentation will have been achieved.

The lack of desire or attempt to represent realistically in
art which is in any degree decorative, and the accompanying
lack of absolute or fixed meaning of designs, are not new and
unparalleled phenomena. On the northwest coast of America,
Dr. F. Boas has told the author, an Indian is often unable
to state what a carving or painting represents, unless he has
made or is using the object. This is really a more remarkable
case than among the Arapaho, for the art of the North Pacific
coast is far more realistic than that of the Plains Indians.
While highly conventionalized and always decorative, it
remains sufficiently realistic to enable a white man to see in
nearly every case that a representation of something is in-

1902. ] Kroeber, The Arapaho. 147

tended (which in the case of Arapaho art, if he had no knowl-
edge of the subject, he would probably not suspect); and with
a little practice the student can often recognize, without the
Indian’s help, the particular animal or object represented.

In northwestern California the situation is analogous. Here
the principal art is basketry. The number of names of bas-
ket-patterns is small, and they are known to most of the
women. The patterns on many baskets will be given the
same names by every member of the tribe. On other baskets,
the design will be differently called by two persons. It is
then usually to be seen that the design is of a form more
or less intermediate between two patterns, and that both
persons who gave differing names for it were right: each had
as much reason as the other. Moreover, both the names
given in such a case are generally taken from the limited
list of standard and well-known pattern-names of the tribe.
So in this part of the continent, also, there is a conventional
system of decorative symbolism; and, though this system is
much more narrow and rigid than that of the Arapaho, there
is a similar variability of interpretation among individuals.

Corresponding to individual variability of symbolism in
Arapaho art, is the almost infinite variation of the decora-
tion. Narrow as are the technique and scope of this art,
almost every piece of work is different from all others. There
seems to be no attempt at accurate imitation, no absolute
copying. An Arapaho woman may make a moccasin resem-
bling one that she has seen and liked, but it is very seldom
that she tries to actually duplicate it. Of common objects, the
writer does not remember to have seen two that were exactly
identical, or intended to be identical. Two classes of articles,
however, do not fall under this rule. These are, first, certain
ceremonial objects, which naturally are made alike, as far as
is possible, for ceremony is the abdication of personal choice
and freedom; secondly, objects which are decorated with a
more or less fixed tribal decoration. These objects are tents,
robes, bedding, and cradles. It has been shown, however,
that at times there is some variation even in the decorations
of these objects. This distinctly tribal ornamentation forms

148 Bulletin American Museum of Natural History, [Vol. XVIII,

a class quite apart from the more personal ordinary orna-
mentation. For instance, the seven sacred work-bags that
have been mentioned, and the ceremonies connected with
them, are used only in the making of the “‘tribal’’ ornaments.

This endless variety and absence of direct copying are com-
mon in American Indian art. Dr. Boas has seen only very
few pieces of art of the North Pacific coast that were dupli-
cates. In California the author has found that, unless baskets
are made for sale, a basket is rarely reproduced exactly
by the same woman, and just as rarely by another. The
same seems to be true of the pottery of the Southwest.
Everywhere each piece is made independently, though always
under the influence of the tribal style.

Conventionality of decoration has been referred to repeat-
edly in descriptions of specimens. It can often be followed
out into minute detail. A glance at Plates 1, xx, xx1, and
Figs. 5, 23-28, 32-34, will show to what extent it obtains.

The conventionality of symbolism which has been men-
tioned appears most clearly in the frequency of certain classes
of objects in the symbolism, and the almost total absence of
others. The scope of this symbolism may be briefly described
as follows.

Plants are very rare in representation; human beings are
not abundant; while animals, in comparison with these two
classes, are numerous. Of plants, trees are most frequently
represented, flowers not at all. Of animals, the larger mam-
mals are rare. Only the buffalo and wolves and coyotes have
been found, and these generally represented in a very simple
manner, as by dots or small rectangles. Deer, elk, horses,
and dogs are not represented. Almost all the animal repre-
sentations are of small animals,— the reptiles, fish, rats, and
especially insects and invertebrates in considerable variety.
It may be remembered that paint-pouches, navel-amulets,
knife-cases, and other articles which are representative in
their entirety, generally represent small animals. Of parts
of the body, of man, the navel is the most frequent in sym-
bolism; of animals, the foot or track. Of the total number
of symbols, animal Tepresentations, however, form only a

1902. | Kroeber, The Arapaho. 149

minor part. Of natural objects, mountains and hills, singly
and in ranges, are very frequent. Rocks, earth, vegetation,
ravines, and the world are also found often. Representa-
tions of water are less frequent than the preceding; but
rivers, creeks, lakes, and springs are all not rare. Of celestial
objects, the sun, moon, clouds, sky (except as denoted by
color alone), rainbow, and milky way are all represented in-
frequently. Stars, and especially the morning star, whose
name and symbol is the cross, one of the simplest and most
obvious geometric figures, are exceedingly abundant. Paths
are common symbols. Of objects of human use or manufac-
ture, tents are most frequently represented. Of symbols of
abstract ideas, the hiiteni, which seems to signify life and
abundance, is the most common.

The symbolism of colors irrespective of forms is generally
the following. Red represents most commonly blood, man,
paint, earth, sunset, or rocks. Yellow denotes sunlight or
day, or earth. Green usually symbolizes vegetation. Blue
represents the sky; haze, mist, fog, or smoke; distant moun-
tains; rocks; and night. White is the normal background;
when it has any signification, it denotes snow, sand, earth, or
water. Black and brown rarely have any color significance;
they are practically not used in Arapaho decorative art ex-
cept to give sharpness of outline to colored areas, and occa-
sionally in very minute figures. Water does not seem to be
associated very strongly with any color. Clouds are as rarely
symbolized by color as by forms.

The symbolic decoration that has been described is of
course far from pictography. A pictograph serves as a means
_ of record or communication, and is normally not decorative;
while this art is too decorative to allow of being read. Yet
there is considerable similarity in the symbols used in both
systems. Moreover, the significance of a piece of decoration
is at times as extended and coherent as that of a pictograph.

There is a class of ceremonial objects, used especially in the
modern ghost-dance and related ceremonies, whose form and
decoration are not fixed and prescribed, but depend upon the
taste and desire of their owner. Many of these objects are

150 Bulletin 1merican Museum of Natural History, (Vol. XVII

nearly pictographs, yet are made with a considerable attempt
at ornamentation: they may, as a class, be described as dec-
orative — but not geometrically decorative — and highly sym-
bolic. Usually these objects are painted or carved in outhne,
with free lines. Ceremonial articles of this class are not
described in the present chapter, but are mentioned here:
because they reveal a form of art that is midway between
symbolic decoration and picture-writing.

Another variety of symbolism that is found chiefly in con-
nection with ceremonial objects, but which it may be well to
refer to here, attaches signification to various parts or ap-
pendages of such objects. For instance, feathers sometimes
denote spirits, or again clouds, or wind, and hence breath and
life. Fur, hoofs, sticks, strings, bells, pendants, fringes, etc.,
are often symbolic in this way.

In closing this discussion of Arapaho decorative symbolism,
it is desired to state that the closeness of connection between
this symbolism and the religious life of the Indians cannot
well be overestimated by a white man. Apart from the
existence of a great amount of decorative symbolism on
ceremonial objects not described in this chapter, it should be
borne in mind that the making of what have been called
tribal ornaments is regularly accompanied by religious cere-
monies; that some styles of patterns found on tent-ornaments
and parfleches are very old and sacred because originating
from mythic beings; that a considerable number of objects
are decorated according to dreams or visions; and, finally,
that all symbolism, even when decorative and unconnected
with any ceremony, tends to be to the Indian a matter of a
serious and religious nature.

NOTE.

After p. 9 had been printed, I secured the missing t -
tionship in ‘ie Arapaho dialect, Stee
father's brother oii. sieninean sees. neisa’naa
MOther's: SISCEL 6 ose ie see ise culee Sb sss ne’ina®

son of brother of a man pat
son of sister of a woman ('°**t- ttre es ne’ih’a5

daughter of brother of a man
daughter of sister of a woman f

It will be seen from these terms that the Arapah rst i
identical with that of the Gros Ventres. i al

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