UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
AT LOS ANGELES

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA
THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS

VOLUME VI

PHILADELPHIA

THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM

1914-1916

CONTENTS

Number 1. HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE PENINSULA, George
Grant MacCurdy, pages 1 to 22, plates I to X

Number 2. THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO,
E. W. Hawkes, pages 1 to 42, plates XI to XV

Number 3. A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY, E. W. Hawkes
and Ralph Linton, pages 43 to 80, plates XVI to
XXIV

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM
ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS
VOL. VI NO. 1

HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE
PENINSULA

BY

GEORGE GRANT MAC CURDY

PHILADELPHIA

PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM
1914

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS

VOL. VI No. 1

HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE
PENINSULA

BY
GEORGE GRANT MAC CURDY

PHILADELPHIA

PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM
1914

HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE
PENINSULA.

Thirty years ago "Crania Ethnica" made its appearance.
Referring to the inhabitants of New Britain, now called Neu
Pommern, de Quatrefages and Hamy declared that: "nothing
is known of their crania of which there is not a single example
in the scientific collections."1 Neu Pommern is the first large
island directly east of German New Guinea; Gazelle Peninsula
is the eastern end of Neu Pommern.

Large collections of crania have been made since then, but
they have been only partially described; so that our knowledge
of Neu Pommern craniology is still meager. In 1899 learning
of a series of twenty-four skulls from Gazelle Peninsula, the
property of the University Museum, I obtained permission to
examine them. The study which I now present was begun
at that time and finished in the summer of 1913.

The present inhabitants of Melanesia are of mixed blood;
Negrito, Papuan, and Dravidian being the chief elements.
The several islands are not uniformly affected by intermixture.
Thus according to Turner,2 two distinct types of skull have
been met with in New Guinea — a brachycephalic in which
the breadth of the cranium as a rule exceeds the height; and
a dolichocephalic in which the height usually exceeds the
breadth. I have yet to hear of a brachycephalic type existing
in Gazelle Peninsula. The crania under consideration cer-
tainly do not reveal it. They are not only all dolichocephalic,
but with a single exception (11613 and perhaps 11612), are
also remarkably homogeneous in character.

1 Text, p. 276.

2 Challenger report.

(3)

4 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS UNIVERSITY MUSEUM VOL. VI.

Dr. R. Hartman1 speaks of the men as varying in height
from i. 60 m. to 1.80 m., generally slender and the muscles only
moderately well developed. The head is high and narrow
(hypsistenocephaly) with here and there a tendency to scapho-
cephaly. According to the same author, the frontal protuber-
ances are rather large. The torus occipitalis transversus is
sometimes prominent, the superciliary arches well developed;
the demarcation between forehead and nose is sharp, a char-
acter common among Melanesian races. The nose is rather
flat, the chin broad; the eyes are deep set, appear small, and
are dark to grayish-brown. The ears are well-formed; the
muscles which move the jaws are strong. The large teeth are
white when not colored yellowish-brown by chewing betel.

GENERAL CRANIAL CHARACTERS

Eleven of the skulls from Gazelle Peninsula are of the
male sex, eight are of the female sex, and five are of youths
and children. The average age of the adults was about thirty-
eight years.

Norma occipitalis. — Viewed from behind, there is a promi-
nent crest at the vertex in Nos. 16911 and 18283, male and
female respectively. In the female series, there is a pronounced
depression in two crania (11614, 18283) along the sagittal
suture from the lambda to within 27 mm. of the bregma.

The norma lateralis in the males reveals prominent glabella
and superciliary ridges with the exception of No. 1 1622. When
resting on their bases, the mastoid processes do not touch in
any of the male crania; No. 18280 rests on the occipital con-
dyles; and all others, on either the posterior margin of the
foramen magnum, or the occipital immediately back of the
foramen magnum. Only one female cranium rests on the
mastoid processes; one rests on the condyles, and all the
others, on either the posterior margin of the foramen magnum
or the occipital just back of the foramen.

1 Forschungsreise S.M.S. "Gazelle" in den Jahren 1874 bis 1876, I.

MAC CURDY — HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE PENINSULA.

The inion is not prominent, never exceeding 2 of Broca's
scale even among the males. The linea nuchae suprema is
easily visible in four males and one female. The occurrence
of parietal foramina may be shown to best advantage by
tabulation:

Males

Side

Females

Side

Il62I

right

I 1620

right

1 1610

1 1613

"

1 1612

"

I 1609

"

1 161 1

{s

18284

"

16911

"

11619

left

11617

left

16913

both

11618

"

18282

"

1 1615

both

Region of the pterion. — The frequency with which a con-
tact between the frontal and temporal bones takes place varies
among the different races of mankind.

In the series from Gazelle Peninsula the temporo-frontal
articulation occurs on both sides in three crania and on one
side in four crania. In two of the latter the temporal bone
touched the frontal by means of a point only, instead of along
a suture line. The so-called pterion retourne is found therefore
either on one or both sides in 29 per cent of the crania. Or to
put it in another way out of total of 48 pterions (counting
the two sides in every case) the reverse form occurs ten times,
which is 20.8 per cent of the whole. There are only three
occurrences of wormian bones in the region of the pterion (in
one case on both sides). Thus ten out of the twenty-four
crania have anomalies of the pterion. This is practically the
same percentage (41 .6) as in the series of 1 50 crania from Neu
Pommern and Mioko described by Krause. He found the
reversed pterion in 32 but of 150 crania (21.3 per cent); in

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS UNIVERSITY MUSEUM VOL. VI.

fourteen of these it occurred on both sides, making 46 reversed
pterions out of a total of 300 (15.3 per cent). Krause also
reports epipteric bones in 31 crania (on both sides in 18).
The Papuans are also noted for the relatively great number
of irregularities in the pterionic region. In a collection of
fourteen crania from New Guinea belonging to Yale Uni-
versity Museum, I found the reversed pterion in five (on both
sides in four of these) ; while epipteric bones were present in
seven out of the fourteen crania. Dorsey1 also found a high
percentage of irregularities of the pterion in a series of twenty
crania from New Guinea, only half of them having the normal
pterion in H; two crania with pterion in K, four with pterion
reversed by a frontal process from the temporal bone, and
four with epipteric bones. Thus the natives of New Guinea
as well as of the islands directly to the east are characterized
by an unusually high percentage of anomalies in the region of
the pterion.

Articulatio spheno-maxillaris. — A union of the ala magna
of the sphenoid with the superior maxillary; i. e., the failure
of the cheek bone to reach the fissura orbitalis, takes place in
nineteen out of twenty-three skulls (82.6 per cent) and as
follows :

Males

Side

Females
and Youths

Side

18280

Both sides

18281

Both sides

Il62I

" "

18283

" "

1 1610

" "

I 1609

" "

11617

" "

16912

n 11

11612

" "

I 1619

" "

11618

« u

Il6l6

K it

18282

" "

16913

"

,11622

" "

16914

« «

16911

Left side

I 1620

" "

1 1615

Field Columbian Museum, Publication 21.

MAC CURDY — HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE PENINSULA. 7

The external auditory meatus is not affected, in a single
instance, by exostoses.

Foramen pterygo-spinosum. — The spheno-pterygoid fora-
men is formed by the ossification of the ligamentum pterygo-
spinosum. It occurs as follows in the series from Gazelle
Peninsula:

No. 18282, male. Right side, the foramen is complete,
the processes from the pterygoid lamina and spina angularis
meeting in a suture line. On the left side, the two processes
lack 12 mm. of joining.

No. 11613, female. On right side, a completely ossified
ligament forming a small spheno-pterygoid foramen.

No. 11614, female. Processes for attachment of the liga-
ment at either end, 5 mm. apart on right side, and 6 mm.
apart on left side.

Turner found the spheno-pterygoid foramen with com-
plete osseous boundaries in three skulls of the Challenger
series. According to Roth,1 the percentage of occurrences for
287 Europeans is 4.8. Its percentage with partial and com-
plete bony walls, is much higher among some races: Asiatics,
32 per cent; Australians and Papuans, 50 per cent; Africans,
30.6 per cent; American Indians, 20 per cent.

The Pars tympanica (anterior portion) of the temporal
bone is either perforated or extremely thin in two male (i 1617,
11615) and three female crania (11614, 18283, 11613). Fiye
males (Nos. 18280, 11610, 11612, 16911, 18282) and two
females (18283, 11609) have prominent para-mastoid processes.

There is a prominent third occipital condyle in No. 18283.
This anomaly2 is important in that it admits of comparisons
being made with the single median condyle of birds and scaly
reptiles. J. F. Meckel3 was the first to call attention to the
condylus tertius in man. In a series of 876 crania at Leiden,
Dr. Halbertsma found seven well developed cases of the third

1 ArMvjur Antbropologie, XIV, 73.

2 Blake, Anthropological Review, V, p. CXVII.

3 Meckel's ArcU-o, 1815, I, 644.

8 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS UNIVERSITY MUSEUM VOL. VI.

condyle, not including those in which there is merely an artic-
ular groove for the tooth of the epistropheus. Dr. H. Allen
states that in the Morton collection of crania, ten specimens
possess a third condyle. Sir William Turner mentions four
cases among the 143 crania described in the Challenger Report.
He also describes a skull from Port Moresby,1 New Guinea,
possessing the condylus tertius. According to Krause there
are three cases of condylus tertius in 1 50 crania from Neu
Pommern and Mioko.

There are slight traces of the metopic suture in three
crania, two males (11612, 11615) and one youth (16913).

The frontal bone articulates with a process of the superior
maxillary between the lachrymal and the os planum (lamina
papyracea) of the ethmoid in two crania (11610, 11619) and,
in each case, on the left side only. This marks a reversion to
the pithecoid arrangement as pointed out by Sir William
Turner.2 Among anthropoids, the os planum is triangular,
and the fronto-maxillary articulation always occurs between
it and the lachrymal.

The infra-orbital suture is present in two males (11621,
11612), and two females (18283, 11609). The fossae caninae
are pronounced in all.

Apertura pyriformis. — The anterior nasal opening presents
anthropoid characters in every instance. Four of the male
crania (11615-17-18, 16911) possess accentuated simian grooves
or gutters; while the fossa pre-nasalis is pronounced in six
male (11610-12-21-22, 18280-82) and four female crania
(11613-14-19-20). The characteristic human type (forma
anthropina) does not occur once in the series.

In two instances, the nasal bones reach to the level of
the lower margin of the orbital opening. The anterior nasal
spine averages less than No. 2 of Broca's scale. The spina
nasalis posterior exhibits no marked variations. It is never

1 Journal of Anatomy and Physiology, XXII, 360.

2 Report on Human Crania, Vol. X of the Challenger Report, p. 12.

MAC CURDY — HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE PENINSULA. 9

prominent and, in every instance, is formed by the facies
nasalis of the right and left os palatinum. The sutura inci-
sivum is fairly distinct in No. 11612, an adult male.

There is not a single example of os zygomaticum duplex
(os Japonicum) in the series. The direction of the malo-
temporal suture is rather steep, and the suture is short in all
but three of the males (11611-22, 16911). The same may be
said of the female crania, with two exceptions (11623, 18283).

Wormian bones are rare and generally insignificant in
size. They occur in only eleven crania, five male, three female,
and three children. In addition, there is the suggestion of an
os Incae in Nos. 11621 and 16914. In the former, the sutures
branch off from the lambdoid suture very near the asterion
to disappear after a course of some fifteen mm.; in the latter,
the same condition obtains, except that the sutures branch
off directly from the asterion. In No. 18282, a child of ten
years, there is an epactal bone. The sutures are simple, gen-
erally falling between i and 3 of Broca's scale.

Krause found the interparietal bone in fifteen out of the
150 crania described by him; in six of these the interparietal
might be classed as a true Inca bone.

THE TEETH

The teeth that remain are remarkably well preserved, and
in only five crania do any of the alveoles manifest a patho-
logical condition. The wisdom tooth is never lacking. There
are two examples of supernumerary teeth, as follows: one on
the lingual side of the lower right canine in 11621 (male), and
one on the lingual side of second lower left premolar in 1 1609
(female).

Almost without exception, the upper molars of both the
males and females have three roots, and these are generally
spreading. The first molar is the largest except in three
crania where all three are of about equal size. In three

10 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS UNIVERSITY MUSEUM VOL. VI.

instances, the third upper molar has a single conical root;
and in four, there is a tendency to fusion of the roots.

The first upper premolars have two roots in eight out of
seventeen skulls. In one of these, there is the suggestion of
a third root by the deep grooving of one of the two roots.
The roots of the first upper premolars are flattened and grooved
in the other crania. The second upper premolars have divided
roots in three crania; in thirteen, the roots are grooved or
flat; and in only one, are there single, conical roots.

The alveolar arch of the upper jaw is massive and pro-
jects beyond the third molar 8.6 mm., on an average, among
the males; and 5.2 mm., among the females. There is but
a single case of crowding of the teeth, and then only the incisors
are affected. The palate inclines to be deep.

The length in situ of the lower molars averages 34.6 mm.
The three are generally of about equal size; when not, it is
the third or the first which is the largest. In two cases, the
third molar has three roots. All other third lower molars
have two roots, with a single exception, where there is a fusion
of the two roots. All the first lower molars have five cusps
where the number can be determined with certainty. Fifty
per cent of the second lower molars, and 21.4 per cent of the
third, have only four cusps.

The first lower premolar is supplied with an anterior root
in five crania; while in nine, there is a single, grooved or flat-
tened root; and in four, there is a single, conical root. There
is one example of a divided root among the second lower pre-
molars; five examples of a grooved or flat root; and twelve,
of a conical root.

The third molar is generally situated well in front of the
ascending ramus of the lower jaw, when the jaw is so held as
to bring the anterior margins of the rami in a line with
the eye. With the lower jaw held in this position, the entire
crown of the third molar can be seen in thirteen out of a total
of eighteen cases. Fortunately each cranium is supplied with
its own lower jaw.

MAC CURDY — HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE PENINSULA.

MEASURES

Capacity. — The capacity1 (measured by shot) is small,
averaging, for the males, 1345.2 cc.; and for the females,
1214.5. The range of variation for both sexes is small also
(1078-1470), both extremes being of the male sex.

Of the Hamburg2 collection, twenty-six are from Neu
Pommern, and 120 are from Mioko, the principal island imme-
diately to the east of Neu Pommern. The crania from both
these islands are described as being very much alike, recalling
the Viti Island type. The average capacity for the males is
1267 cc.; that for the females is 1180 cc.; and for both sexes
1232 cc. (maximum 1530, minimum 990). As Mioko is sepa-
rated from Gazelle Peninsula only by the narrow St. George
Channel one would expect to find unity in the ethnic type.
The comparison of averages is largely deprived of its signi-
ficance if the series are too small, the sexes mixed, and methods
employed are different. Whatever the method great care must
be exercised in order to eliminate the personal equation; other-
wise the results for the same cranium may vary as much as
100 or even 150 cc. The following table then simply indi-
cates that the cranial capacity for Neu Pommern and Mioko
is small whatever the method or whoever the operator:

Authority

No.

Sex

Capacity

Krause

I SO s

Male

I2^7) millet

MacCurdy

I

,8 (

Female
Male(io)

iiSoj
I345)shot

I

Female (8) ....

1214]

Virchow3 refers to a female skull from Neu Pommern
with a capacity of only 860 cc. It came from the same burial

1 Broca's methods of measurement, unless otherwise specified have been followed.

2 ]. D. E. Schmeltz and R. Krause. Die ethnographisch-anthropologische Abteilung des
Museum Godefroy in Hamburg. Hamburg, 1881.

3 Zeitscbrift fur Ethnologic, 1894, XXVI, 505.

12

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS UNIVERSITY MUSEUM VOL. VI.

ground as two male skulls, one with a capacity of 2100 cc.,
and the other 1250 cc. The large skull was probably that of
a hydrocephalous individual; and the female skull, that of
an idiot. They were collected by Finsch. This goes to show
how great individual variations may be even in the same
savage race. The three were all of the same type and con-
temporaneous.

Cephalic index. — The male crania are, each and all, dolicho-
cephalic, with an average index of 70 (range 67.4 to 75). The
female crania are dolichocephalic, with the exception of a single
case of hyperdolichocephaly, having an average index of 72.5
(range 69.5 to 77.2). The appended table will show the length-
breadth index to be very uniform in Neu Pommern and Mioko:

Authority

No.

Sex

Cephalic Index

Krause
MacCurdy

150

,8 /

Male and Female. .
Male (n)

72.3

70.81

y 71 2

I

Female (8)

72- 5/7

Frontal diameter. — Broca's Stephanie diameter is no longer
employed by the French school; they having substituted the
maximum frontal which is the greatest diameter of the frontal
bone wherever found; this coincides very closely with the
Stephanie breadth. The average maximum frontal diameter
for the eleven male skulls is 108.7 mm., the extremes being
116 mm. and 106 mm., respectively. The average for the
eight female skulls is 104 mm. (extremes 108 and 98). The
average minimum frontal diameter in the male series is 93.2
mm. (range 98 to 89); while that in the female series is 90.2
mm. (range 95 to 81.5).

Eight out of ten male crania have a greater vertical or
length-height index than cephalic (the two exceptions being
Nos. 11622 and 11615). In other words, the height is greater

MAC CURDY — HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE PENINSULA.

than the greatest breadth. This is also true of one of the
two types of skull found in New Guinea. In the female series,
the two indices are practically equal, while the average for
both sexes is in favor of the vertical index:

Males

Females

Both Sexes

Average vertical or length-height index . . .

73-6

71-5

72-5

Average cephalic or breadth index

70.8

71.6

71.2

/.The same character (hypsistenocephaly) is brought out by

the large transverso-vertical index

) ;

the

Breadth

average for the males being 104.1; for the females, 99.7; and
for both combined, 101.9.

It naturally follows that the crania are markedly phaeno-
zygous, the bizygomatic diameter averaging 18.4 mm. longer
than the maximum frontal (14.7 mm. for males, and 22.1 mm.
for females) and even 1.7 mm. longer than the greatest breadth
of the skull:

Ten
Males

Eight
Females

Both Sexes

Bizygomatic diameter

133 4

126 I

1 20. 7

Maximum frontal diameter

108 7

I O4

106.3

Maximum transverse diameter

129.9

126.2

128

Prognathism is a prominent feature in the entire series,
the average index, Gnathic1 of Flower, being 106.7 (range 102
to 1 1 1.6).

164.

/ Basi-alveolar length X 100
V Basi-nasal length

. See Journal of the Anthropological Institute, X, 163,

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS UNIVERSITY MUSEUM VOL. VI.

Orthognathous
(Below 98)

Mesognathous
(98 to 103)

Prognathous
(Above 103)

Average

Males

o

I

9

Prognathous

Females

0

7

It will be seen from the following table that other Mela
nesian groups are also prognathous :

Authority

Number

Sex

Gnathic Index

Flower

8 (Fiji Islands)

Male and Female

I O3 7

Turner

4 (New Guinea)

Male and Female

I O4 Q

T, /

1 8 (New Guinea). . .

Male

Io6.5\

Thomas . . . . <

17 (New Guinea). . .

Female . . .

f 107.1

IO7 7 1

• /

8 (New Guinea) ....

Male

107)

Dorsey <
MacCurdy. . <

7 (New Guinea) ....

10 (Neu Pommern)
7 (Neu Pommern)

Female

Male
Female

' > 108.5

no]
lo^}'06'7

Facial index. — The facial index expresses the ratio of the
breadth to the height of the face. The distance from the root
of the nose (nasion) to the most prominent point on the alveolar
margin between the two upper median incisors (prosthion) is
multiplied by 100 and divided by the bizygomatic breadth.
The average facial index for the males is 48.8 and for the
females 47.8. Both are chamaeprosopic, a character asso-
ciated with lowly forms.

Index of palate. — The palates are all long in proportion
to their breadth, the average index for males as well as females
being what Broca would call microseme. None of the palates

MAC CURDY — HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE PENINSULA.

are megaseme. The human hard palate has been classified
as rectilinear and curvilinear. When the branches of the
alveolar arch are rectilinear and divergent there is produced
the hyperbolic or human type; when the branches are parallel
and rectilinear the result is the hypsiloid or simian type. Cur-
vilinear branches are either divergent and hence parabolic or
convergent and elliptic. The elliptic is a simian form. The
arch of the hard palate is elliptic in eight cases (five males and
three females), and hypsiloid in the case of three males. In
more than half of the entire series therefore the hard palate is
of a simian type.

Nasal index. — No matter which system is employed
(French or German), the series easily falls within the platy-
rhine class; eight out of ten males and six out of eight females
being platyrhine.

The naso-malar index

/naso-malar length xioo1

V bimalar length / repr<
sents the degree of prominence of the nasal bridge beyond
a straight line connecting the anterior margins of the malar
bones. It was used by Oldfield Thomas1 with valuable results,
and has since been used extensively by Mr. Risley2 in India,
who accepts Mr. Thomas' nomenclature, but applies the terms
to slightly different groupings of the indices. The series from
Gazelle Peninsula is arranged according to both methods:

THOMAS

Platyopic

Mesopic

Pro-opic

Average

Males

6

4

o

Platyopic 1

Females

3

A

\ '07-3
Mesopic I

1 Account of a collection of skulls from Torres Straits. Journal of the Anthropological
Institute, XIV, 1885, p. 332.

2 The Study of Ethnology in India. Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XX, 1891,
p. 255.

l6 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS UNIVERSITY MUSEUM VOL. VI.

RlSLEY

Platyopic

Mesopic

Pro-opic

Average

Males

10

o

0

Platyopic]

f 107.3

Females

7

I

0

Platyopic J

The general average index of 107.3 makes the series platy-
opic, whichever method is used, since the maximum limit
placed by Thomas for platyopism is 107.4 and Risley's maxi-
mum limit is 109.9.

Thomas gives an interesting comparative table of average
naso-malar indices, to which that of the series under discus-
sion is added:

Number and Kind

Average Index

Range

7 Gorillas
Q Mongols

I03

IOS Q

101 .7 to 103.. 8
105 i to 106 9

9 Timor Laut Malays
5 Andamanese

107.4

I O7 =>

104.4 to 109.5
105 5 to 1 08 5

25 West African Negroes
35 Torres Straits Islanders

108.5

108 7

1 06 . i to 113.3

1 06 I to I I 2

16 Caucasians
1 8 Gazelle Peninsula (MacCurdy) . . .

1 1 1 . 1

107.3

1 09 . i to 114.2
104.8 to 1 10. i

Dental index1. — On the whole, extreme indices seem to
characterize the male sex in any given race. That is to say,
indices which commonly fall below 100 average higher, and
those greater than 100 average lower in the female sex than in
the male. In the Neu Pommern series, for instance, the eleven
indices smaller than 100, average 77.7 for the males, and 78.3
for the females; while the three indices greater than 100,

Flower, Journal of the Anthropological Institute, XIV, 183.

MAC CURDY — HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE PENINSULA.

average 106.1 for the males and 104.2 for the females. A com-
parative study of the published results for other series and
races would probably reveal a like relation. This sexual dif-
ference of the indices, if indeed it prove to be a general one,
is well illustrated in the proportion which the combined length
of the upper premolars and molars in situ bears to the basi-
nasal length:

Authority

Number and Country

Sex

Dental
Index

Average
Index for
Both Sexes

Flower
Flower

21 (Melanesia)
9 (Andaman Islands) . .

Male.
Male

44.2
44 4

)

Flower

Flower
Flower

Flower
Flower

8 (Andaman Islands)

22 (Australia)
14 (Australia)

9 (Tasmania)
4 (Tasmania)

Female

Male
Female

Male
Female

46.5

44-8
46.1

47-5
48.5

J45-5
J45-5
j 48. i

Thomas
Thomas

Dorsey

5 (Torres Straits)
2 (Torres Straits)

4 (New Guinea)

Male
Female

Male

43-5
44.1

41

J43-8
1

Dorsey

6 (New Guinea) . .

Female

45

I43

MacCurdy ....
MacCurdy. . . .

i (Gazelle Peninsula) ....
3 (Gazelle Peninsula) ....

Male
Female

44-9
45-4

J45-3

In the series from Gazelle Peninsula, the combined length
in situ of the premolars and molars of the lower jaw averages
from 2 mm. to 6 mm. greater than that of the upper jaw. It
was, therefore, thought desirable not to calculate indices from
measurements on the lower teeth where these were present
and the upper teeth were missing.

i8

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS UNIVERSITY MUSEUM VOL. VI.

All the above groups belong to megadont races, the high-
est index being reached by the Tasmanians; and in each
series, as might have been inferred, the average dental index
of the female crania is higher than that of the males. A like
relation of the dental index in the two sexes holds true among
anthropoids also, as pointed out by Sir William Flower.

The Spina mentalis is either wanting or barely visible.
The angle of symphysis is large, being equal to or exceeding
a right angle in 47 per cent of the lower jaws. The average
for the males is 85.3 degrees and for the females, 89.6. A com-
parison of these figures with results for other series including
Quaternary man places the series from Gazelle Peninsula very
near to the latter:

Authority

Number and Kind

Angle of
Symphysis

Topinard

1 5 Parisian

71 4°

Topinard

1 5 African negro

82 2°

Topinard

1 5 New Caledonian

8} Q°

MacCurdy

17 Gazelle Peninsula

87 5°

de Vibraye

Arcy (Quaternary)

00°

Dupont
Filhol

La Naulette (Quaternary)
Malarnaud (Quaternary)

94°

100°

Fraipont and Lohest

Spy No. i (Quaternary)

107°

Summary. — The skulls are small and all dolichocephalic.
The minimum and maximum frontal diameters average respec-
tively 20.3 mm. and 25.7 mm. less than for English crania.
The height averages greater than the greatest breadth, a char-
acter called hypsistenocephaly. The crania are prognathous,
platyrhine, platyopic, phaenozygous, and megadont. Glabella
and superciliary arches, prominent. Apertura pyriformis,
simian in character. Fossae caninae, pronounced. The teeth
are well preserved and not crowded. The wisdom teeth are
lacking in none. There is a tendency toward a division of

MAC CURDY — HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE PENINSULA. 19

the root of the first upper premolars. The alveolar arch of
the upper jaw projects considerably beyond (in one case as much
as 12 mm.) the third molars. The percentage of first lower
premolars with anterior roots is high. The spina mentalis is
practically wanting, and the angle of symphysis, large.

20 ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS UNIVERSITY MUSEUM VOL. VI.

SKULLS FROM GAZELLE

MUSEUM NUMBER

MALES

11610

11611

11612

11615

11617

11618

11621

11622

Capacity • •

1328

ft

3

1 08

95
135
115
139
1 08

101

36
35
59

48
26
38
33
28
69

102
I 10

I24
96

33
30

1 08°
88°
69

75
109
107
61

54
87

108

1 86
124
1 06
93

I 12

'38
32
25

I 12

79

3°
26
119°

p-QO

67
's4

1470
600
109

182

'34
1 16

94
«35
118
136
104

102

39
30
55
30

11
11

24
70
99
104

1 1.5

98

28
28
109°

75°
74
75

102
102

73
49
97
50
105

1385
760
105
1 88
140
113

98
136
125
131

I IO

103
^8

II

48

28
38

34

l\

100

105
125
95
30
29
105°
87°
75
70

94
107

58
90

47
105

1363
633
1 06
184
124
107
90
135
H3
138

J'3
105

37
J9
63

29

4O

27
37
34
24

6l
96

105
117
97
33

,%

r;

75
1 1 1
1 08
60
56
92
42
109
45

1078
703

93
176

122
1 06

94
130

H3

127

IOI
96

3i

24
57
24

4i
25
39

11

62

101

109

116

87
28

23
in0
86°
69
72
104
109

64
61

85
47
1 08

1305
631

"4

176

132

1 08

93
138

122
132

'2

le

55
26

49

27

38
3i
27
69
104
109

121

94
32

£<

85°

75
75

100

1 1 1
76

55
82
50
105

1315
750

97
180
132

I IO

90
130

123
126
1 08

100

11

60

28
48
30
38
35
27
68

100

107
117

93
29

nl°

82°

73

79
96

1 08
68
62
92
52
107

Weight of cranium...
Weight of lower jaw
Antero-posterior, diameter
Transverse maximum, diameter.
Frontal maximum, diameter —
Frontal minimum, diameter. . . .
Bizygomatic, breadth

Biauricular, breadth
Basibregmatic, height
Basialveolar, length
Basinasal, length
Foramen magnum length

Foramen magnum, breadth
Palate, length
Palate, breadth
Nose, length
Nose breadth

Orbit, breadth
Orbit, height
Interorbital, breadth
Nasoprosthionic length

Bimalar, breadth
Nasomalar
Bicondylar, breadth
Bigonial, breadth
Symphysis, height
Molar, height
Mandibular angle
Angle of symphysis
Cephalic index

Vertical index. . . .

Transverso-vertical
Gnathic

Palatal

Nasal
Orbital
Facial

Naso-malar

Dental

MAC CURDY — HUMAN SKULLS FROM GAZELLE PENINSULA.

PENINSULA, NEW BRITAIN

21

FEW

kLES

N

|1

bo <d
£ co

16911

18280

18282

1 1613

11620

1 1609

1 1614

11623

16912

18283

18281

1 =

« E

> <u

<tfa

Sf

< eg

1382

408

1418

1190

1285

1224

1165

I2OO

1133

1194

1325

'345

1215

1280

639

1014

7.8

649

580

47i

486

414

460

515

540

7i5

534

625

92

149

96

82

86

76

78

67

42

75

76

1 08

73

91

190

190

192

.67

176

181

I70

177

174

175

174

182

174

178

133

130

130

129

128

126

I27

123

124

125

128

130

126

128

1 08

1 08

1 06

1 06

106

1 06

101

105

98

102

1 08

109

104

107

89

96

93

95

93

94

90

91

82

87

91

93

90

92

130

136

140

128

123

129

I24

1 20

132

I24

129

133

126

130

122

122

120

1 13

H3

116

116

114

116

I If)

117

119

H5

117

I36

149

H3

128

127

124

120

122

130

128

128

136

126

131

116

I 12

I IO

98

107

1 08

98

102

97

105

I IO

102

1 06

104

1 06

105

92

97

101

95

98

99

95

98

102

97

IOO

3»

37

39

30

33

3'

32

32

32

3i

34

35

32

34

29

28

29

27

26

27

29

28

26

24

32

29

27

28

60

56

58

47

58

60

53

52

5i

58

52

54

53

29

28

39

33

33

42

35

39

39

36

39

37

38

50

49

47

40

44

44

44

48

50

46

43

48

45

47

25

29

29

24

25

24

24

27

25

21

26

27

25

26

37

37

39

38

38

38

35

36

37

36

36

38

37

38

34

3i

3i

3i

32

31

32

34

34

33

31

33

32

33

24

27

26

24

24

27

24

26

23

22

23

26

24

25

7i

64

62

52

61

63

62

59

62

66

60

63

96

100

103

98

97

101

91

94

95

94

95

IOO

96

98

102

1 08

109

104

103

I IO

IOO

104

103

1 02

IOI

107

103

105

H5

121

122

1 1 1

1 02

I IO

113

103

109

H5

119

109

114

88

93

8l

89

80

81

81

78

82

82

91

82

87

32

34

30

26

30

29

26

26

29

28

3i

28

30

27

35

24

24

23

25

24

22

27

24

27o

24o

26

II7o

107

I I2C

116°

H3

1 1 1

116°

119

1 08°

116°

II3°

114°

1,3°

97

88L

83-

90

92

90

90

92

90°

85-

90

88°

70

68

68

77

73

70

75

70

7i

7i

74

71

73

72

72

78

75

77

72

69

7i

69

75

73

74

74

72

73

102

114

I 10

99

99

98

95

99

105

102

IOO

104

IOO

102

I 12

1 06

105

107

i n

107

104

104

102

107

1 08

1 06

107

63

7i

67

70

57

70

66

75

77

62

68

68

68

50

58

62

61

57

55

55

56

50

46

61

57

55

56

92

84

80

83

84

82

91

93

92

92

86

88

88

88

54

46

48

42

48

47

50

52

48

48

49

48

49

107

1 08

1 06

1 06

1 06

109

I 10

I 10

1 08

1 08

106 ,

107

1 08

107

49

46

42

45

45

45

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE I

NORMA FACIALIS

11610
NORMA OCCIPITALIS

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE III

11610

NORMA LATERALIS

11614
NORMA LATERALIS

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE IV

NOKMA FACIALIS

11614

N-ORMA OCCIPITALIS

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE V

NORMA FACIALIS

18280
NORMA OCCIPITAIJS

vi

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE VI

18280
NORMA LATERALIS

18282
NORMA LATERALIS

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE VII

NORMA FACIALIS

18282
NORMA OCCIPITALIS

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE X

I 1617
NORMA LATERALIS

18282

w a

FORAMEN PTERYGO-SPINOSUM PRODUCED BY THE OSSIFICATION
OF THE LIGAMENTUM PTERYGO-SPINOSUM

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM
ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS
VOL. V! H NO. 2

THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE
ALASKAN ESKIMO

BY

E. W. HAWKES

PHILADELPHIA
PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM

1914-

.".'RN

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS
VOL. VI No. 2

THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE
ALASKAN ESKIMO

BY

E. W. HAWKES

PHILADELPHIA

PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM
1914

CONTENTS

PAGE

INTRODUCTION 5

PHONETIC KEY 7

THE DANCE IN GENERAL..... 9

THE CHORUS i o

PARTICIPATION OF THE SEXES 1 1

THE KASGI OR DANCE HOUSE 13

PARAPHERNALIA 15

THE DANCE FESTIVALS 19

THE ASKING FESTIVAL 22

THE BLADDER FEAST 26

THE FEASTS TO THE DEAD 29

THE ANNUAL FEAST, AILlci 31

THE GREAT FEAST, AlTHUKATUKHTUK 33

THE FEAST GIVERS 34

THE RITUAL 35

THE CLOTHING OF THE NAMESAKES 38

THE INVITING-IN FESTIVAL. 40

(3)

INTRODUCTION

This account of the Dance Festivals of the Alaskan Eskimo
was written from material gathered in the Bering Strait District
during three years' residence: two on the Diomede Islands, and
one at St. Michael at the mouth of the Yukon River. This
paper is based on my observations of the ceremonial dances of
the Eskimo of these two localities.

(5)

PHONETIC KEY

a, e, I, o, u, long vowels,
a, e, i, o, u, short vowels,
a, as in hat.
a, as in law.
ai, as in aisle,
au, as ow in how.
h, w, y, semivowels,
c, as sh in should.

f, a bilabial surd.

g, as in get.

g, a post-palatal sonant.

k, as in pick.

1, as in lull.

m, as in mum.

n, as in nun.

ng, as ng in sing.

p, as in pipe.

q, a post-palatal surd.

r, a uvular sonant spirant.

s, as in sauce.

t, an alveolar stop.

tc, as ch in chapter.

v, a bilabial sonant.

z, as in zone.

(7)

THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN

ESKIMO

THE DANCE IN GENERAL

The ceremonial dance of the Alaskan Eskimo is a rhythmic
pantomime — the story in gesture and song of the lives of the
various Arctic animals on which they subsist and from whom they
believe their ancient clans are sprung. The dances vary in
complexity from the ordinary social dance, in which all share
promiscuously and in which individual action is subordinated
to rhythm, to the pantomime totem dances performed by
especially trained actors who hold their positions from year to
year according to artistic merit.1 Yet even in the totem dances
the pantomime is subordinate to the rhythm, or rather super-
imposed upon it, so that never a gesture or step of the character-
istic native time is lost.

This is a primitive 2-4 beat based on the double roll of the
chorus of drums. Time is kept, in the men's dances, by stamping
the foot and jerking the arm in unison, twice on the right, then
twice on the left side, and so on, alternately. Vigorous dancers
vary the program by leaping and jumping at intervals, and the
shamans are noted for the dizzy circles which they run
round the pugyarok, the entrance hole of the dance hall. The

1 This characterization applies to the Alaskan Eskimo only; so far as is now known the other
Eskimo branches do not have totemic dances.

(9)

10 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM— ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

women's dance has the same measure and can be performed
separately or in conjunction with the men's dance, but has a
different and distinctly feminine movement. The feet are kept
on the ground, while the body sways back and forth in graceful
undulations to the music and the hands with outspread palms
part the air with the graceful stroke of a flying gull. Some of
their dances are performed seated. Then they strip to the waist
and form one long line of waving arms and swaying shoulders,
all moving in perfect unison.
/^

THE CHORUS

The chorus which furnishes the music, is composed of from
six to ten men. They sit on the inglak, a raised shelf extending
around the dance hall about five feet from the floor, and sing
their dance songs keeping time on their drums. They usually
sit in the rear of the room, which is the post of honor. Among
the island tribes of Bering Strait this position is reversed and
they occupy the front of the room. Some old man, the keeper
of tribal tradition and song, acts as the leader, calling out
the words of the dance songs a line ahead. He begins the
proceedings by striking up a low chant, an invitation to the
people assembled to dance. The chorus accompany him lightly
on their drums. Then at the proper place, he strikes a crashing
double beat; the drums boom out in answer; the song arises
high and shrill; the dancers leap into their places, and the dance
begins.

The first dances are usually simple exercises calculated to
warm the blood and stretch stiffened muscles. They begin with
leaping around the pugyarok, jumping into the air with both

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO I I

feet in the Eskimo high kick, settling down into the conventional
movements of the men's dance.1

Quite often a woman steps into the center of the circle,
and goes through her own dance, while the men leap and dance
around her. This act has been specialized in the Reindeer and
Wolf Pack Dance of the Aithukaguk, the Inviting-ln Festival,
where the woman wearing a reindeer crest and belt is surrounded
by the men dancers, girt in armlets and fillets of wolf skin. They
imitate the pack pulling down a deer, and the din caused by their
jumping and howling around her shrinking form is terrific.

PARTICIPATION OF THE SEXES

There appears to be no restriction against the women
taking part in the men's dances. They also act as assistants to
the chief actors in the Totem Dances, three particularly expert
and richly dressed women dancers ranging themselves behind
the mask dancer as a pleasing background of streaming furs and
glistening feathers. The only time they are forbidden to enter
the kasgi is when the shaman is performing certain secret rites.
They also have secret meetings of their own when all men are
banished.2 I happened to stumble on to one of these one time
when they were performing certain rites over a pregnant woman,

1 While the northern and southern tribes have the same general movements for their ordinary
dances, they give a very different presentation of the festival dance-songs. The northerners leap
and stamp about the kasgi until overcome with exhaustion; while in the south the performers
sit or kneel on the floor, adorned with an abundance of streaming furs and feathers, sweep their
hands through the air in graceful unison. It is a difference between rude vigor and dramatic
art.

2 This custom appears to be widespread. Low writes of the Hudson Bay Eskimo: " During
the absence of the men on hunting expeditions, the women sometimes amuse themselves by a
sort of female "angekoking. " This amusement is accompanied by a number of very obscene
rites " Low, The Cruise of the Neptune, p. 177.

12 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

but being a white man, and therefore unaccountable, I was
greeted with a good-natured laugh and sent about my business.

On the other hand, men are never allowed to take part in the
strictly women's dances, although nothing pleases an Eskimo
crowd more than an exaggerated imitation by one of their clowns
of the movements of the women's dance. The women's dances
are practiced during the early winter and given at the Aiyaguk,
or Asking Festival, when the men are invited to attend as spec-
tators. They result in offers of temporary marriage to the
unmarried women, which is obviously the reason for this rite.
Such dances, confined to the women, have not been observed in
Alaska outside the islands of Bering Sea, and I have reason to
believe are peculiar to this district, which, on account of its
isolation, retains the old forms which have died out or been
modified on the mainland. But throughout Alaska the women
are allowed the utmost freedom in participating in the festivals,
either as naskuks1 or feast givers, as participants or as spectators.

In fact, the social position of the Eskimo woman has been
misrepresented and misunderstood. At first sight she appears
to be the slave of her husband, but a better acquaintance will
reveal the fact that she is the manager of the household and the
children, the business partner in all his trades, and often the
"oomialik," or captain of the concern as well. Her husband
is forbidden by tribal custom to maltreat her, and if she owns
the house, she can order him out at any time. I have never
known a woman being head of a tribe, but sometimes a woman
is the most influential member of a tribe.

1 Literally "Heads" or directors of the feasts.

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 13

THE KASGI OR DANCE HOUSE

With few exceptions, all dances take place in the village
kasgi or dance hall. This is the public meeting place where the
old men gather to sit and smoke while they discuss the village
welfare, where the married men bring their work and take their
sweat baths, and where the bachelors and young men, termed kas-
gimiut, have their sleeping quarters. The kasgi is built and
maintained at public expense, each villager considering it an
honor to contribute something. Any tools or furnishings brought
into the kasgi are considered public property, and used as such.

When a kasgi is to be built, announcement is made through
messengers to neighboring villages, and all gather to assis't in
the building and to help celebrate the event. First a trench
several feet deep is dug in which to plant the timbers forming the
sides. These are usually of driftwood, which is brought by the
ocean currents from the Yukon. The ice breaks up first at the
head of that great stream, and the debris dams up the river,
which overflows its banks, tearing down trees, buildings and
whatever borders its course as it breaks its way out to the
sea. The wreckage is scattered along the coast for over a
hundred miles, and the islands of Bering Sea get a small share.
The islanders are constantly on the lookout for the drifting
timber, and put out to sea in the stormiest weather for a distant
piece, be it large or small. They also patrol the coast after a
high tide for stray bits of wood. When one considers the toil
and pain with which material is gathered, the building of a
kasgi becomes an important matter.

14 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

After the timbers have been rough hewn with the adze
(ulimon) they are set upright in the trench to a height of seven
to eight feet and firmly bedded with rock. This is to prevent
the fierce Polar winds which prevail in midwinter from tearing
the houses to pieces. In the older buildings a protecting stone
wall was built on the sides. Most of the houses are set in a side
hill, or partly underground, for additional security, as well as
for warmth. The roof is laid on top of the uprights, the logs
being drawn in gradually in pyramid shape to a flat top. In the
middle of the top is the falok or smoke hole, an opening about
two feet square. In a kasgi thirty feet square the ralok is
twenty feet above the floor. It is covered with a translucent
curtain of walrus gut. The dead are always taken out through
this opening, and never by the entrance. The most important
feature of the room is the inglak, a wide shelf supported by posts
at intervals. It stands about five feet high extending around the
room. This serves the double purpose of a seat and bed for
the inmates of the kasgi. The rear, the kaan, is the most
desirable position, being the warmest, and is given to headmen
and honored guests.1 The side portions, kaaklim, are given to
the lesser lights and the women and children; and the front,
the oaklim, being nearest the entrance and therefore cold and
uncomfortable is left for the orphans and worthless men.

The floor of the kasgi is made of rough planking, and the
boards in the center are left loose so that they may be easily
removed. These cover the kenethluk or fireplace, an excavation

1 The order of the seating on the inglak of invited guests is a matter of great concern to the
Eskimo, as it is an indication of worth.

Children purchase their right to a seat in the kasgi by making presents, through their parents,
to all the inmates, kasgimiut.

Until they do so they have no right to enter. For the same reason strangers on entering the
kasgi offer a small present to the headman, who divides it among the people.

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 15

four feet square, and four feet deep, used in the sweat baths.
It is thought to be the place where the spirits sit, when they
visit the kasgi, during festivals held in their honor. Offerings
are poured to them through the cracks in the planks. In the
center of the floor is a round hole about two feet in diameter,
called the entrance hole or pugyarok. This connects with a
long tunnel, the agveak, which leads outside. The tunnel is
usually so low that it is necessary to enter in a stooping position,
which the Eskimo does by placing both hands on the sides of
the pugyarok, and drawing himself through. Some dance-
houses have another entrance directly into the room on a level
with the ground, the underground passage being used only in
winter. The diagram (Plate XI) gives an idea of this arrange-
ment.

PARAPHERNALIA

The drum (sauyit)1 is the only instrument employed in the
dances. It is made of a circular hoop about eighteen inches in
width over which is stretched a resonant covering made from
the bladder of the walrus or seal. It is held in place by a cord
of rawhide (oKlinok)2 which fits into a groove on the outer rim.
The cover can therefore be tightened at will. It is customary
during the intermissions between the dances for the drummers
to rub a handful of snow over the skins to prevent them from
cracking under the heavy blows. The drum is held aloft and
struck with a thin stick (mumwa).3 It gives a deep boom in
answer. The shaman uses a smaller baton with which he beats
a continuous tattoo as an accompaniment to his songs. The

lTcaiiyak, Yukon dialect.
1 Loftak, Yukon dialect.
3 Mumra, Yukon dialect.

l6 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

northerners strike the back of the rim with their sticks, while
the Yukon people belabor the face of the drum.

The leader of the chorus frequently flourishes a baton, made
from a fox tail or the skin of the ermine which is mounted on a
stick. With this he marks the time of the dance. In Plate XIV,
the white blur is the ermine at the end of his stick. It is very
difficult to obtain a good picture in the ill lighted kasgi, and not
often that the natives will allow one taken there.

One indispensable part of a male dancer's outfit is his
gloves. I have never seen a man dancing without them.
These are usually of wolverine, or of reindeer with elaborate
trimmings, but on ordinary occasions any kind will do. The
women do not share this peculiarity. In place of gloves they
wear handlets of grass decorated with feathers of duck or of
ptarmigan. The men in the Totem Dances also wear handlets
which are carved and painted to represent the particular totem
they seek to honor. These too are fantastically decorated with
feathers, usually of the loon. The central feather is stripped,
and crowned with a tuft of white down. Both men and women
wear armlets and fillets of skin or feathers according to the
animal character they represent. When in the full swing of the
dance with fur and feathers streaming they present a pleasing
spectacle, a picture full of the same wild grace and poetic motion
which characterizes the animal forbears from which they claim
descent.

The chief characters in the Totem and Comic Dances wear
masks and carry staves decorated with feathers. Occasionally
the women assistants carry feathered wands (Kelizruk).

Of the masks there is a great variety ranging from the plain
wooden masks to those of such great size that they are suspended

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 1 7

from the ceiling of the kasgi by a cord while the dancer performs
behind them.

The Cape Prince of Wales (Kinigumiut) Eskimo construct
complete figures of their totems. These are worked by means of
concealed strings by the performers, a climax of art which is
supposed to be particularly pleasing to the spirits addressed.
Then the shaman (Tungalik)1 has his own set of masks, hideous
enough to strike terror to even the initiated. Each one of these
represents a familiar spirit (tunghat)2 which assists him in his
operations.

Ordinary dance masks may be made by anyone, but the
masks for the ceremonial dances are made by some renowned
shaman, engaged for the occasion. These masks are burned at
the close of the festival, but may be sold by the actors if they
supply an equal amount of wood for the sacrificial fire.

Many of the masks are very complicated, having append-
ages of wood, fur and feathers. They are all fashioned with an
idea of representing some feature in the mythology of the spirit
(Inua) or animal shade (Tunghat) which they represent. In
the latter case they are nearly always made double, the mythical
beings who inhabited the early world being regarded as able to
change from animal to human shape, by merely pushing up or
pulling down the upper part of the face as a mask. Such masks
are often hinged to complete the illusion, the actor changing the
face at will.

It might be mentioned here that when the actor puts on the
mask he is supposed to become imbued with the spirit of the
being represented. This accounts, to the native mind, for the
very lifelike imitation which he gives.

1 Tungralik, Yukon dialect.

2 Tungraniyak, Yukon dialect.

1 8 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

The masks are painted along conventional lines; the favorite
colors for the inua masks are red (Karekteoak),1 black (Auktoak),
green (Cungokyoak), white (Katektoak), and blue (Taukrek-
toak), in the order named. These colors2 may hold a sacred
or symbolic significance. The inua masks are decorated with
some regard to the natural colors of the human face, but in the
masks of the tunghat the imagination of the artist runs riot.
The same is true of the comic masks, which are rendered as
grotesque and horrible as possible. A mask with distorted
features, a pale green complexion, surrounded by a bristling mass
of hair, amuses them greatly. The Eskimo also caricature their
neighbors, the Dene, in this same manner, representing them by
masks with very large noses and sullen features.

1 These are the northern names. In the southern or Yukon dialect black is Tunguli; white
Katughuli; red, Kauigiili; green, Tcununguli.

The endings and pronunciation of similar Eskimo words are somewhat different in Arctic
Alaska and on the Yukon River; sufficiently so as to produce two distinct dialects. For this
reason I have given the forms from both sections.

2 Red is obtained from red ochre; white from white clay; black from soot or ashes; green
from oxide of copper.

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 19

THE DANCE FESTIVALS

The Dance Festivals of the Alaskan Eskimo are held during
that cold, stormy period of the winter when the work of the year
is over and hunting is temporarily at an end. At this season
the people gather in the kasgi to celebrate the local rites, and at
certain intervals invite neighboring tribes to join in the great
intertribal festivals. This season of mirth and song is termed
"Tcauyavik" the drum dance season, from "Tcauyak" meaning
drum. It lasts from November to March, and is a continuous
succession of feasts and dances, which makes glad the heart of
the Eskimo and serves to lighten the natural depression caused
by day after day of interminable wind and darkness. A brisk
exchange of presents at the local festivals promotes good feeling,
and an interchange of commodities between the tribes at the
great feasts stimulates trade and results in each being supplied
with the necessities of life. For instance, northern tribes
visiting the south bring presents of reindeer skins or mukluk
to eke out the scanty supply of the south, while the latter in
return give their visitors loads of dried salmon which the
northerners feed to their dogs.

The festivals also serve to keep alive the religious feeling
of the people, as evidenced in the Dance to the Dead, which
allows free play to the nobler sentiments of filial faith and
paternal love. [The recital of the deeds of ancient heroes pre-
serves the best traditions of the race and inspires the younger
generation. To my mind, there is nothing which civilization
can supply which can take the place of the healthy exercise,
social enjoyment, commercial advantages, and spiritual uplift

20 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL.

VI

of these dances. Where missionary sentiment is overwhelming
they are gradually being abandoned; where there is a mistaken
opinion in regard to their use, they have been given up altogether;
but the tenacity with which the Eskimo clings to these ancient
observances, even in places where they have been nominal
Christians for years, is an evidence of the vitality of these ancient
rites and their adaptation to the native mind.

The festivals vary considerably according to locality, but
their essential features are the same. Taken in order of cele-
bration they are as follows

Local Festivals.

1. The Aiyaguk or Asking Festival.

2. The Tcauiyuk or Bladder Feast.

3. The Ailfgi or Annual Feast to the Dead.

Intertribal Festivals.

4. The Aithukatukhtuk or Great Feast to the Dead.

5. The Aithukuguk or Inviting-In Feast.

The Asking Festival, which begins the round of feasting
and dancing, takes place during the November moon. It is a
local ceremony in which gifts are exchanged between the men
and women of the village, which result in offers of temporary
marriage. It takes its name from the Aiyaguk or Asking Stick,1
which is the wand of office of the messenger or go-between.
The Annual Feast to the Dead is held during the December moon,
and may be repeated again in spring after the Bladder Feast,
if a large number of Eskimos have died in the interim. It con-
sists of songs and dances accompanied by offerings of food and

'The Asking Stick is also used in the Inviting-In Feast (Aithukaguk).

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 21

drink to the dead. It is a temporary arrangement for keeping the
dead supplied with sustenance (they are thought to imbibe the
spiritual essence of the offerings) until the great Feast to the
Dead takes place.

This is held whenever the relatives of the deceased have
accumulated sufficient food, skins and other goods to entertain
the countryside and are able to properly honor the deceased.
At the same time the namesakes of the dead are richly clothed
from head to foot and showered with presents. As this prodigal
generosity entails the savings of years on the part of the feast
givers (naskut), the feast occurs only at irregular intervals of
several years. It has been termed the Ten Year Feast by the
traders (Kagruska), but so far as I have been able to inquire,
it has no fixed date among the Eskimo. It is by far the most
important event in the life of the Alaskan native. JBy it he dis-
charges all debts of honor to the dead, past, present and future.
He is not obliged to take part in another festival of the kind unless
another near relative dies. He pays off all old scores of hos-
pitality and lays his friends under future obligations by his
presents. He is often beggared by this prodigality, but he can
be sure of welcome and entertainment wherever he goes, for he
is a man who has discharged all his debts to society and is
therefore deserving of honor for the rest of his days.

In the Bladder Feast which takes place in January, the
bladders of the animals slain during the past season, in which
the spirits of the animals are supposed to reside, are returned
to the sea, after appropriate ceremonies in the kasgi. There
they are thought to attract others of their kind and bring an
increase to the village. This is essentially a coast festival.
Among the tribes of the islands of Bering Sea and the Siberian
Coast this festival is repeated in March, in conjunction with a

22 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

whaling ceremony performed at the taking down of the
umiaks.

The dance contests in the Inviting-In Feast resemble the nith
songs of Greenland. They are Comic and Totem Dances in
which the best performers of several tribes contest singly or in
groups for supremacy. The costumes worn are remarkably fine
and the acting very realistic. This is essentially a southern fes-
tival for it gives an opportunity to the Eskimo living near the
rivers to display their ingenious talent fonmimicry and for the
arrangement of feathers.

There are a few purely local ceremonies, the outgrowth of
practices of local shamans. An example of this is the Aitekatah
or Doll Festival of the Igomiut, which has also spread to the
neighboring Dene. Such local outgrowths, however, do not
appear to spread among the conservative Eskimo, who resent
the least infringement of the ancient practices handed down from
dim ancestors of the race.

It is not often that they will allow a white man to witness
the festival dances, but, owing to the friendliness of the chief of
the Diomede tribes, who always reserved a seat for me next to
him in the kasgi, I had the opportunity of seeing the local rites
and the Great Dance to the Dead. The same favor continuing
with the chief of the Unalit, during my residence on the Yukon,
I witnessed the Inviting-In Feast as celebrated by the southern
tribes. Having described the dances in general, I will proceed
to a detailed account of each.

THE ASKING FESTIVAL

The Aiyaguk or Asking Festival is the first of the local
feasts. It occurs about the middle of November when the
Eskimo have all returned from their summer travels and made

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 23

their iglus secure against the storms of the coming winter.
So, with caches full of fish, and houses packed with trade goods
after a successful season at the southern camps, they must
wait until the shifting ice pack settles and the winter hunting
begins. Such enforced inaction is irksome to the Eskimo, who
does not partake of the stolidity of the Indian, but like a nervous
child must be continually employed or amused. So this festival,
which is of a purely social character, has grown up.

My first intimation that there was a celebration taking place
was being attracted by a tremendous uproar in the native village
just as darkness had fallen. Suspecting that the Eskimo were
making merry over a native brew, called "hoosch,"1 1 slipped down
to the village to see what was the matter. I was met by the
queerest procession I have ever seen. A long line of men and
boys, entirely naked and daubed over with dots and figures of
mingled oil and charcoal,2 were proceeding from house to house
with bowls in their hands. At each entrance they filed in,
howling, stamping and grunting, holding out their dishes until
they were filled by the women of the house.

All this time they were careful to keep their faces averted
so that they would not be recognized. This is termed the
"Tutuuk" or "going around." Returning to the kasgi they
washed off their marks with urine, and sat down to feast on their
plunder.

1 This is a liquor distilled from flour and molasses. In the operation an old cask and a gun
barrel are used. The liquid is fermented with sour dough and allowed to distill through the
barrel. The Eskimo had no liquor prior to the advent of the whalers, who supplied them with the
materials and probably taught them the art of distilling. The U. S. Revenue Cutter "Bear"
has been active in breaking up the practice. In 1909, six illicit stills were seized on the Diomede
Islands.

2 The first night of the feast the men and older boys meet in the kasgi, and two boys named
the Raven (Tulukauguk) and the Hawk (Tciburiak) mix the paint and assist the men in
ornamenting themselves.

24 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

The next day the men gathered again in the kasgi and the
Aiyaguk or Asking Stick was constructed. It was made by a
man especially chosen for the purpose. It was a slender wand
about three feet long with three globes made of thin strips of
wood hanging by a strip of oKlinok from the smaller end. It
was carried by the messenger between the men and women
during the feast, and was the visible sign of his authority. It
was treated with scrupulous respect by the Eskimo and to dis-
regard the wishes conveyed by means of it during the feast
would have been considered a lasting disgrace. When not in
use it was hung over the entrance to the kasgi.

The wand maker, having finished the Asking Stick, took
his stand in the center of the room, and swaying the globes, to and
fro, asked the men to state their wishes. Then any man present
had the privilege of telling him of an article he wished and the
name of the woman from whom he wished it. (Among the
southern tribes the men made small wooden models of the
objects they wished which were hung on the end of the Asking
Stick.) The messenger then proceeded to the house of the woman
in question, swinging the globes in front of her, repeated the
wish and stood waiting for her answer. She in turn recollected
something that she desired and told it to the messenger. There-
upon he returned to the kasgi, and standing in front of the
first party, swung the globes, and told him what was desired
in return. In this way he made the round of the village./ The
men then returned to their homes for the article desired, while
the messenger blackened his face with charcoal and donned a
costume betoking humility. This was considered the only
proper attitude in presenting gifts. The costume consisted of
wornout clothing, of which a disreputable raincoat (Kamleika)
and a dogskin belt with the tail behind were indispensable parts.

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 25

Then the men and women gathered in the kasgi where the
exchanges were made through the messenger. If anyone did
not have the gift requested he was in honor bound to secure it
as soon as possible and present it to his partner. Those exchang-
ing gifts entered a relationship termed oiloguk, and among the
northern tribes where the ancient forms persevere, they con-
tinued to exchange presents throughout succeeding festivals.

After this exchange, a dance was performed by the women.
They stripped to the waist, and taking their places on the
iriglak, went through a series of motions in unison. These varied
considerably in time and movement from the conventional
women's dance.

According to custom at the conclusion of the dance any man
has the privilege of asking any unmarried woman through the
messenger, if he might share her bed that night. If favorably
inclined, she replies that he must bring a deerskin for bedding.
He procures the deerskin, and presents it to her, and after the
feast is over remains with her for the night.

Whether these temporary unions lead to permanent marriage
I was unable to find out. The gift of reindeer skin is very like
the suit of clothing given in betrothal and would furnish
material for the parka which the husband presents to his bride.
The fact that the privilege is limited to unmarried women might
be also urged in turn. As the system of exchanging wives was
formerly common among the Alaskan Eskimo, and as they distrib-
ute their favors at will, it is rather remarkable that the married
women are not included, as in the licentious feasts recorded of
the Greenlanders.1 From talks with some of the older Eskimo
I am led to regard this as a relic of an ancient custom similar

1 See Hans Egede, Det Gamle Gronlands Nye Perlustration, p. 78.

26 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

to those which have been observed among many nations of
antiquity, in which a woman is open to violation at certain
feasts. This privilege is taken advantage of, and may become
a preliminary to marriage.

THE BLADDER FEAST

The Bladder Feast (Tcauiyuk) is held in December at the
full of the moon. The object of this feast is the propitiation of
the inua of the animals slain during the season past. These
are believed to reside in the bladders, which the Eskimo carefully
preserve. The ceremony consists in the purification of- the
bladders by the flame of the wild parsnip (Aikituk). The
hunters are also required to pass through the flame. They
return the bladders then to the sea, where entering the bodies of
their kind, they are reborn and return again, bringing continued
success to the hunter.

The first three days are spent in preparation. They
thoroughly clean the kasgi, particularly the kenethluk or fire-
place, the recognized abode of all spirits visiting the kasgi.
Then the men bring in their harvest of bladders.1 They tie
them by the necks in bunches of eight to the end of their spears.
These they thrust into the walls at the rear of the room leaving
ample room for the dancers to pass under the swaying bladders
in the rites of purification. Offerings of food and water are
made to the inua, and they are constantly attended. One old
man told me that they would be offended and take their depar-
ture if left alone for a moment. Dogs, being unclean, are not
allowed to enter the kasgi. Neither is anyone permitted to do
any work during the ceremony.

1 The mothers also preserve with greatest care the bladders of the mice, ground squirrels,
and other small animals killed by the children. These are purified at the same time.

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 27

Meanwhile four men,1 especially chosen for the purpose,
scour the adjoining country for parsnip stalks. They bind these
into small bundles, and place them on top of the latorak, the
outer vestibule to the entrance of the kasgi. In the evening
they take these into the kasgi, open the bundles and spread out
the stalks on the floor. Then each hunter takes a stalk, and they
unite in a song to the parsnip, the burden of which is a request
that the stalks may become dry and useful for purification.
The heat of the seal oil lamps soon dries them, and they are tied
into one large bundle. The third day the sheaf is opened, and
two bundles made. The larger one is for the use- of the dancers;
the smaller is placed on a spear and stuck in front of the bladders.

The fourth day the bladders are taken down and painted.
A grayish mixture is used which is obtained by burning a few
parsnip stalks and mixing the ashes with oil. The designs are
the series of bands and dots grouped to represent the totems
of the hunters. When the paint is dry the bladders are returned
to their places.

In the evening the men gather again in the kasgi, and the
dancers proceed to strip off every vestige of clothing. Snatching
a handful of stalks at the common pile they light them at the
lamps, and join in a wild dance about the room. The resinous
stalks shoot into flame with a frightful glare, lighting up the
naked bodies of the dancers, and dusky interior of the kasgi.
Waving the flaming torches over their heads, leaping, jumping,
and screaming like madmen they rush around the room, thrusting
the flame among the bladders and then into the faces of the

1 The number four appears to have a sacred significance among the Alaskan Eskimo. The
Raven Father (Tulukauguk) waves his wings four times over the objects of his creation; the
heroes of ancient legends take four steps and are transported great distances; and important
events occur on the fourth night. I understand that the four men who gather the wild parsnips
represent the four clans of the tribe.

28 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

hunters. When the mad scene is at its height, they seize one
another, and struggle toward the pugyarok (entrance hole).
Here each is thrust down in succession until all the dancers have
passed through. I am informed that this is a pantomime
enactment, an indication to the inua it is time for them to
depart.

The next day a hole is made in the ice near the kasgi, and
each hunter dips his spear in the water, and, running back to the
kasgi, stirs up the bladders with it. The presence of the sea
water reminds the inua of their former home, and they make
ready to depart. The bladders are then tied into one large
bundle, and the people await the full moon.

At sunrise the morning after the full moon each hunter takes
his load of bladders, and filing out of the kasgi starts for the
hole in the ice on a dead run. Arriving there, he tears off the
bladders one by one, and thrusts them under the water. This
signifies the return of the inua to the sea.

As the bladders float or sink success is prophesied for the
hunter by the shaman in attendance.

In the meantime the old men build a fire of driftwood on the
ice in front of the kasgi. The small bundle of parsnip stalks
which stood in front of the bladders is brought out and thrown
on the fire, and as the stalks kindle to the flame, each hunter
utters a shout, takes a short run, and leaps through in turn.
This performance purifies the hunter of any matter offensive to
the inua, and concludes the ceremony.

During the Bladder Feast all intercourse between the
married men and their wives is tabooed. They are required
to sleep in the kasgi with the bachelors. Neither is any girl
who has attained puberty (Wingiktoak) allowed near the
bladders. She is unclean (Wahok).

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 29

THE FEASTS TO THE DEAD

The Eskimo idea of the life after death and the rationale
for their most important ritual, the Feast to the Dead, is nowhere
better illustrated than in a quaint tale current along the Yukon,
in which the heroine, prematurely buried during a trancelike
sleep, visited the Land of the Dead. She was rudely awakened
from her deathlike slumber by the spirit of her grandmother
shaking her and exclaiming, "Wake up. Do not sleep the hours
away. You are dead!" Arising from her grave box, the maiden
was conducted by her guide to the world beneath, where the
dead had their dwellings in large villages grouped according
to the localities from which they came. Even the animal
shades were not forgotten, but inhabited separate communities
in human shape.1 After some travel the girl found the village
allotted to her tribe, and was reclaimed by her departed relatives.
She was recognized by the totem marks on her clothing, which
in ancient times the Eskimo always wore. She found the
inmates of this region leading a pleasant but somewhat monoto-
nous life, free from hardships and from the sleet and cold of their
earthly existence. They returned to the upper world during
the feasts to the dead, when they received the spiritual essence
of the food and clothing offered to their namesakes2 .by relatives.
According to the generosity or stinginess of the feast givers
there was a feast or a famine in spirit land, and those who were
so unfortunate as to have no namesake, either through their

1 The shades of animals are thought by the Alaskan Eskimo to be like those of men, and in
ancient times animals possessed the power of changing their forms at will. This was effected
by pulling the muzzle up over the head to become people or of pulling it down again to regain
their original form.

2 The first child born in the village after his death becomes the deceased's namesake. How-
ever, if born in camp, its mother gives it the name of the first natural object to catch her eye.

30 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

own carelessness1 or the neglect of the community,2 went hungry
and naked. This was the worst calamity that could befall an
Eskimo, hence the necessity of providing a namesake and of
regularly feeding and clothing the same, in the interest of the
beloved dead.

1 Childless people provide for this contingency by adoption

2 One who has made himself odious to his fellow villagers is purposely neglected in the feasts
to the dead.

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 3!

THE ANNUAL FEAST, AILlGI

The Annual Feast to the Dead is a temporary arrangement,
whereby the shades of those recently departed are sustained
until the advent of the Great Feast to the Dead. The essence
of the offerings of food and drink are supposed to satisfy the
wants of the dead until they can be properly honored in the
Great Festival. In the latter event the relative discharges all
his social obligations to the dead, and the ghost is furnished with
such an abundance that it can never want in the world below.

The makers of the feast (naskut) are the nearest relatives
of those who have died during the past year, together with those
villagers who have not yet given the greater festival The day
before the festival the male mourners go to the village burial
ground and plant a newly made stake before the grave of their
relative. The stake is surmounted by a wooden model of a
spear, if the deceased be a man; or a wooden dish, if it be a
woman. The totem mark of the deceased is carved upon it.
In the north simple models of kayak paddles suffice. The sticks
are a notification to the spirits in the land of the dead that the
time for the festival is at hand. Accordingly they journey to
the grave boxes, where they wait, ready to enter the kasgi at
the song of invocation. To light their way from the other world
lamps are brought into the kasgi and set before their accustomed
places. When the invitation song arises they leave their graves
and take their places in the fireplace (Kenethluk), where they
enjoy the songs and dances, and receive the offerings of their
relatives.

32 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

The Annual Feast is celebrated after the Bladder Feast
during the December moon. By the Yukon tribes it is repeated
just before the opening of spring. During the day of the festival
a taboo is placed on all work in the village, particularly that done
with any sharp pointed tool which might wound some wandering
ghost and bring retribution on the people.

At midday the whole village gathers in the kasgi, and the
ceremony begins. Soon the mourners enter bearing great bowls
of food and drink which they deposit in the doorway. Then
the chorus leader arises and begins the song of invitation accom-
panied by the relatives of the dead. It is a long minor chant,
a constant reiteration of a few well worn phrases.

"Tukomalra-a-, tung lik-a, tis-ka-a a-a-yung-a-a-yung-a, etc.

Dead ones, next of kin, come hither,

Tuntum komuga thetamtatuk, moqkapik thetamtatuk moqsulthka.

Reindeer meat we bring you, water we bring you for your thirst."

When the song is completed the mourners arise, and going
to the food in the doorway set it on the planks over the fireplace,
after which they take a ladleful from each dish pouring it through
the cracks in the floor, and the essence of this offering supplies
the shades below with food until the next festival. The remainder
of the food is distributed among those present. When the feast
is over, the balance of the day is given over to songs and dances.
Then the spirits are sent back to their homes by the simple
expedient of stamping on the floor.

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 33

THE GREAT FEAST, AITHUKATUKHTUK

After making offerings to his relative at the annual feast
the chief mourner begins saving up his skins, frozen meat, and
other delicacies prized by the Eskimo, until, in the course of
years, he has accumulated an enormous amount of food and
clothing. Then he is prepared to give the great feast in honor
of his kinsman. Others in the village, who are bereaved, have
been doing the same thing. They meet and agree on a certain
time to celebrate the feast together during the ensuing year.
The time chosen is usually in January after the local feasts are
over, and visitors from neighboring tribes are free to attend.
There are no set intervals between these feasts as has been
generally supposed. They are celebrated at irregular intervals
according to the convenience of the givers.

At the minor festival preceding the Great Feast, the usual
invitation stakes planted before the dead are supplemented by
others placed before the graves of those in whose honor the
festival is to be given. On these is a painted model of the totemic
animals of the deceased. The feast giver sings an especial song
of invitation, requesting the dead kinsman to be present at the
approaching feast.

On the first day of the Great Feast the villagers welcome
the guests. Early in the morning they begin to arrive. The
messenger goes out on the ice and leads them into the village,
showing each where to tie his team. During the first day
the guests are fed in the kasgi. They have the privilege of
demanding any delicacy they wish. After this they are
quartered on various homes in the village. Salmon or meat

34 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

must also be provided for their dogs. This is no small item,
and often taxes the resources of a village to the utmost. I have
known of a village so poor after a period of prolonged hospitality
that it was reduced to starvation rations for the rest of the
winter.

Immediately on tying up their dogs, the guests go to the
kasgi. On entering each one cries in set phraseology, "Ah-ka-
ka- Piatin, Pikeyutum." "Oh, ho! Look here! A trifling
present." He throws his present on a common pile in front of
the headman, who distributes them among the villagers. It is
customary to make the presents appear as large as possible.
One fellow has a bolt of calico which he unwinds through the
entrance hole, making a great display. It may be thirty yards
long. Sometimes they accompany the gift with a short dance.
It is considered bad form for one coming from a distance1 hot to
make the usual present, as in this way he purchases the right to
join in the festival dances.

As soon as all are gathered in the kasgi, a feast is brought
in for the tired travelers. Kantags of sealmeat, the blackskin
of the bowhead, salmon berries swimming in oil, greens from the
hillsides, and pot after pot of tea take off the edge of hunger.
After gorging themselves, the guests seem incapable of further
exertion, and the remainder of the day is spent in .visiting.

THE FEAST GIVERS

The feast givers or na'skut assemble in the kasgi the second
day, and the ceremony proper begins. They range themselves
around the pugyarok or entrance, the chorus and guests occupy-

1 During the inter-tribal festivals, guests are given seats of honor next to the headman of
the village according to the distance from which they have come. The back of the room (kaan),
the place of honor, is reserved for this purpose.

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 35

ing the back of the room and the spectators packing themselves
against the walls.

Each feast giver is garbed according to the sex of his dead
relative, not his own, so that some men wear women's clothes
and vice versa. Each bears in his right hand a wand about two
feet long (Kelezruk).1 This is a small stick of wood surmounted
with tufts of down from ptarmigan (Okozregewik). All are
dressed to represent the totem to which the deceased belongs.
One wears a fillet and armlet of wolfskin (Egoalik); others wear
armlets of ermine (Tareak); still others are crowned with
feathers of the raven (Tulua) or the hawk (Tciakauret).2 After
a short dance they withdraw and the day's ceremony is finished.

The following day the na'skut assemble again, but they have
doffed their fine feathers, and are dressed in their oldest clothes.
The suits of the day before they carry in a grass sack. They wear
raincoats of sealgut tied about the waist with a belt of dogskin,
and enter the kasgi with eyes cast on the floor. Even in the
dances they keep their faces from the audience.

This attitude of humility is in accord with Eskimo ethics.
They say that if they adopt a boastful air and fail to give as
many presents as the other na'skut they will be ashamed. So
they safeguard themselves in advance.

THE RITUAL

Advancing with downcast eyes, the naskut creep softly
across the kasgi and take their places before the funeral lamps.
Then taking out their festival garments, they slip them on.

xThe same arrangement characterizes the finger masks of the Inviting-In Dance. (Kiggi-
lunok), meaning wand, in southern dialect.

1 Southern dialect. Akkizhzhigik, Ptarmigam. Tcibuviak. hawk; Tulukauguk, meaning
raven.

36 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

Immediately the drummers start tapping lightly on their drums,
and at a signal from their leader the song of invitation begins.
Each na'skuk advances in turn, invoking the presence of his dead
in a sad minor strain.

Toakora ilyuga takina

Dead brother, come hither

A-yunga-ayunga-a-yunga
Or:

Nuleaga awunga toakora

Sister mine, dead one,

Takina, nuleaga, takina,

Come hither, sister, come hither,
Or:

Akaga awunga takina

Mother mine, come hither.

Nanaktuk, takina,

We wait for you, come hither.
To which the chorus answer:

Ilyuga awunga takina,

Our brother, come hither,

Takinaka, ilyuga, takinaka,

Return, dead brother, return.

The women advance in line, holding their wands in the
right hand, and singing in unison; then the men advance in their
turn, then both na'skut and chorus sing together:

Takinaka, awunga, tungalika,

Return to us, our dead kinsmen,

Nanakatuk, kineaktuk tungalika

We wait your home coming, our dead kinsmen.

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 3y

Suddenly the drummers cease and rap sharply on the inglak
with their drumsticks. The dancers stop in the midst of their
movements and stamp on the floor, first with one foot then with
the other, placing their hands on their shoulders, bringing them
down over their bodies as though wiping off some unseen thing.
Then they slap their thighs and sit down. I am informed that
this is to "wipe off" any uncleanness (wahok) that might offend
the shades of the dead.

Then the namesakes of the dead troop into the 'kasgi, and
take their places in the center of the room between the two lines.
To each, the na'skuk hands a bowl of water and a kantag of
frozen reindeer meat cut into small pieces. The namesakes
drop a small portion of the meat on the floor. The essence is
evidently thought to pass below to the waiting inua. Then
they finish the remainder. At the same time a large amount of
frozen meat and fish is brought in and distributed among the
guests. This is done at the end of each day.

The fourth day the chorus leader mounts the top of the
kasgi and begins again the invitation song. The people scatter
to the burying ground or to the ice along the shore according to the
spot where they have lain their dead. They dance among the
grave boxes so that the shades who have returned to them, when
not in the kasgi, may see that they are doing them honor.

During the dancing the children of the village gather in
the kasgi, carrying little kantags and sealskin sacks. The
women on returning bring great bags of frozen blueberries and
reindeer fat, commonly called "Eskimo Ice Cream," with which
they fill the bowls of the children, but the young rogues
immediately slip their portions into their sacks (poksrut)
and hold out their dishes for more, crying in a deafening
chorus, "Wunga-Tuk" (Me too). This part of the festival

38 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

is thoroughly enjoyed by the Eskimo, who idolize their
children.

At the conclusion of the day's feast many presents are given
away by the na'skut, the husbands of the female feast givers
distributing them for the ladies, who assume a bashful air.
During the distribution the na'skut maintain their deprecatory
attitude and pass disparaging remarks on their gifts. Some-
times the presents are attached to a long line of oklinok (seal
thong) which the na'skut haul down through the smokehole,
making the line appear as long as possible. At the same time
they sing in a mournful key bewailing their relative:

Ah-ka- ilyuga toakora, takin,

Oh ! oh ! dead brother, return,

Utiktutatuk, iliiga awunga,

Return to us, our brother,

Illearuqtutuk, ilyuga,

We miss you, dear brother,

Pikeyutum, kokitutuk,

A trifling present we bring you.

THE CLOTHING OF THE NAMESAKES

The following day occurs the clothing of the namesakes.
This is symbolical of clothing the dead, who ascend into the
bodies of their namesakes during the ceremony and take on the
spiritual counterpart of the clothing.

After a grand distribution of presents by the na'skut,
bags of fine clothing are lowered to the feast givers and the
namesakes take the center of the floor, in front of their
relatives, the feast givers. Then each niiskuk calls out to the
particular namesake of his dead kinsman: "Itakfn, illorahug-

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 39

naka," "Come hither, my beloved," and proceeds to remove
the clothing of the namesake and put on an entirely new suit of
mukluks, trousers, and parka, made of the finest furs. Then the
feast giver gathers up the discarded clothing, and stamps
vigorously on the floor, bidding the ghost begone to its resting
place. It goes, well satisfied, and the dancers disperse until
another great festival. Until the feast is concluded no one can
leave the village.

40 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATION VOL. VI

THE INVITING-IN FESTIVAL

The Inviting- In Festival (Aithukaguk) is a great inter-
tribal feast, second in importance to the Great Feast to the Dead.
It is a celebration on invitation from one tribe to her neighbors
when sufficient provisions have been collected. It takes place
late in the season, after the other festivals are over. Neighbor-
ing tribes act as hosts in rotation, each striving to outdo the
other in the quality and quantity of entertainment offered.
During this festival the dramatic pantomime dances for which
the Alaskan Eskimo are justly famous, are performed by
especially trained actors. For several days the dances continue,
each side paying the forfeit as they lose in the dancing
contests. In this respect the representations are somewhat
similar to the nith contests of the Greenlanders. As I have
noticed the dances at length elsewhere,1 I shall only give a brief
survey here, sufficient to show their place in the Eskimo festival
dances.

The main dances of the Inviting- In Festival are totemic
in character, performed by trained actors to appease the totems
of the hunters, and insure success for the coming season. These
are danced in pantomime and depict the life of arctic animals,
the walrus, raven, bear, ptarmigan, and others. Then there are
group dances which illustrate hunting scenes, like the Reindeer
and Wolf Pack dance already described, also dances of a purely
comic character, designed for the entertainment of the guests.
During the latter performances the side which laughs has to pay
a forfeit.

'Canadian Geological Survey. Memoir 45. The "Inviting-In" Feast of the Alaskan
Eskimo.

E. W. HAWKES — THE DANCE FESTIVALS OF THE ALASKAN ESKIMO 4!

Elaborate masks are worn in all of the dances. The full
paraphernalia, masks, handmasks, fillets, and armlets, are worn
by the chief actors. They are supported by richly garbed
assistants. An old shaman acts as master of ceremonies. There
is an interchange of presents between the tribes during the
intervals but not between individuals, as in the Asking Festival.
At the close of the festival the masks are burned.

KEY TO PLATE XI

A— Outer Vestibule. (La'torak.)
B — Summer Entrance. ^ (Amek'.)
C— Front Platform. (Oaklim.) Seat of Orphans and

Worthless.

D— Plank Floor. (Na'tuk.)

E — Rear Platform. (Ka'an.) Seat of Honored Guests.
F— Smoke Hole. (Ra'16k.) Entrance for Gift-lines.
G— Entrance Hole. (Pug'yarak.)
H— Fireplace. (Kene'thluk.) Seat of Spirit-Guests.
I — Underground Tunnel. (Ag'veak.)
J — Side Platforms. (Kaaklim.) Seats for Spectators.
K — Chorus of Drummers.
L— Feast Givers. (Na'skut.)
M — Namesakes of Dead.

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE XI

//

L
« <

ooooo

M
ooooo

Arrangement of Kasgi daring *he Greaf Feast tofhe Daad,
THE KASGI OR DANCE HOUSE.

KEY TO PLATE XII

A— First Movement. The Chief's Son, Okvaiok is

dancing.
B — Second Movement.

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE XII

MEN'S DANCE

v

KEY TO PLATE XIII

C — Third Movement.
D — Fourth Movement.

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE XIII

MEN'S DANCE

KEY TO PLATE XIV

Children's Dance.

The Chorus. Leader in Center Beating Time With
an Ermine Stick.

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

CHILDREN'S DANCE

THE CHORUS

KEY TO PLATE XV
Women's Dance.

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

WOMEN'S DANCE

„

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM
ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS

VOL. VI

NO. 3

A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY

BY

E. W. HAWKES AND RALPH LINTON

PHILADELPHIA

PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM
1916

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA

THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM

ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS

VOL. VI No. 3

A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY

BY

E. W. HAWKES AND RALPH LINTON

PHILADELPHIA
PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM

1916

CONTENTS

PAGE

FOREWORD 47

GENERAL DISCUSSION 49

PREDECESSORS OF THE LENAPE INDIANS 55

DESCRIPTION OF SITE 56

ARGILLITE WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS 59

BANNERSTONES 63

CEREMONIAL OBJECTS OTHER THAN BANNERSTONES.... 72
INTERMEDIATE POINTS AND POTTERY.. . 76

(45)

FOREWORD

The investigation which forms the subject of this Memoir
was undertaken at the instance of Mr. George L. Harrison, Jr.,
who generously provided the funds for the purpose. The
actual excavation, which occupied the summer of 1915, was
done in person by Dr. E. W. Hawkes and Mr. Ralph Linton,
and the preparation of this report is their joint work.

During the progress of the digging, the site was visited
by Prof. Amos P. Brown of the University of Pennsylvania,
who studied the geological conditions and who has given us the
benefit of his observations. According to Prof. Brown, there
are indications that the yellow sand is a wind-borne deposit
laid down upon the layer of white glacial sand, and though
its age is not clearly defined, it must be of considerable
antiquity.

The publication of this paper is due to the generosity of
Mr. Eckley B. Coxe, Jr., President of the Museum.

G. B. GORDON,

Director of the Museum.
April 1, 1916.

(47)

A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY

There are few regions in North America which are of
greater interest archeologically than the North Atlantic sea-
board, as throwing light on the possible antiquity of man in
America. Beginning with the much disputed paleoliths of
Abbot, which may or may not represent glacial man, we pass
to the so-called argillite culture, which is characterized by the
exclusive use of this material and the entire absence of pottery,
and from this 'period to the culture of the recent Lenape of
Pennsylvania and New Jersey, represented by well-chipped
implements and the manufacture of pottery. In the excava-
tions made in the vicinity of Trenton by Volk, these three
culture levels were found conforming to three geological strata:
a surface black loam, in which the recent implements were
found; a layer of yellowish sand of varying depth, in which
occurred the crude implements of the argillite users; and the
underlying glacial gravel, where the paleoliths are said to have
been found. A similar arrangement of the strata, with the
exception that the gravel was replaced by white glacial sand
overlying cretaceous marl, was found in the site excavated
by the authors. The location of the excavation, which is about
fifteen miles south of Trenton in an air line, and about six
miles from the Delaware makes it fall well within the region
of the earlier investigations. As in the sites excavated by
Volk, the modern implements were found in a surface stratum
of leaf mold, but the argillite implements were found at the
bottom of the yellow stratum, lying on the white glacial sand.
A few scattered points of argillite exhibiting better workman-
ship and less signs of decay, ,were found in the yellow soil in a

(49)

50 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

position intermediate between the ancient level and the modern.
This level also contained a few sherds of very crude pottery,
quite distinct in material from that found on the surface. The
intermediate points although showing an advance in technique,
were related in material and form to those of the lowest level,
and taken in connection with the beginnings of pottery, may
indicate a stage of culture intermediate between that of the
lowest level and the modern Lenape. The presence of a large
number of bannerstones in the caches of the lowest level in
connection with ceremonial points of argillite, precludes any
such antiquity as that claimed for the "Dweller of the Yellow
Soil" by Volk,1 although they fall in the same intermediate
period between glacial man and the modern Lenape, but
evidently at a later date.

Our classification, based on the material excavated, begins
with argillite implements, and passes through an intermediate
period to the works of the modern Indian, whereas in the
classification of Volk argillite represent the intermediate period
between glacial man and the present Lenape. Our material
leaves the question of glacial man untouched, while offering a
possible link between argillite users and the modern Indian.

Volk's description of the dweller of the yellow soil offers so
many points in common with our observations on the material
from the lowest level, that we quote it here. Dr. Volk's work,
extending over a period of twenty-two years, was characterized
by such extreme patience and care that we feel no question as
to its scientific accuracy.

"The existence of the Dweller of the Yellow Soil who
lived on the drift underlying the black, during its progress of
making and after its final drying off, previous to the accumula-
tion of the black soil above by the decaying vegetation — has
now been firmly established; this in spite of the fact that the
traces of his existence are far less numerous than those of the
black soil dweller following him.

1 Volk claims that the traces of man in the yellow soil are pre-Indian. See Archae-
ology of the Delaware Valley, Ernest Volk, Papers of the Peabody Museum, Vol. V, p. 108.

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 51

"The implements of the yellow drift man must, however,
have been fairly numerous judging from the numbers of
specimens and from the many chips scattered throughout the
drift. These implements were of two or three distinct types:
the spear-head, and possibly the arrow-head, the implements
with a jagged cutting edge, and the drill-like specimen found
with one of the heaps of human bones. The material of these
was always argillite.

"The pits found at different depths with the charcoal
and the pebbles broken by fire indicate that cooking was
done.

"The finding of pieces of pigment in the undisturbed
stratum of coarse whitish sand was of more than ordinary
interest as such a discovery is thus far unique for this
locality.

"The skeletons found show that these people were strongly
built; the skulls and other bones were so far decomposed as
to make it impossible to gather any further information.

"The habitation of this Dweller of the Yellow Soil has
given him the name of the Man of the Intermediate Period,
and his use of argillite in the manufacture of his implements
gives him that of the Argillite man."1

Beginning with the implements from the lowest level,
our excavation furnished not only the types of points described
by Volk, but a number of others, which are described later in
detail. This diversity of types, in connection with the finely
worked bannerstones, indicates that the culture of argillite
users in this locality had become fairly well specialized.

Fire pits of varying size were also found at the lowest
level, the largest marking the ceremonial center around which
the caches had been deposited. Smaller pits, outside the
circle of caches, where the soil furnished scattered implements,
may have marked the camp. In every case these pits extended
down into the white sand and were in no way connected with

1 Archaeology of the Delaware Valley, Ernest Volk, Papers of the Peabody Museum,
Vol. V, 1911, pp. 125-126.

52 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

the upper strata.1 Many fire-cracked stones marked the
vicinity of the fire pits, but there were no other signs of cooking.

Three pieces of pigment were found in the yellow soil,
two of red ochre and one which left a greenish stain. Several
specimens in the caches were coated with red paint which
came off in a fine scale when they were exposed to the air.
The red stain, however, persisted on several specimens, notably
the painted fossils found in caches.

Only fragments of bone were found, and these were
always associated with two point caches, and evidently repre-
sented offerings rather than food. They were so badly broken
and decayed as to make identification difficult, but a paleon-
tologist to whom they were shown recognized in one the leg
bone of a wild turkey and thought the others belonged to either
deer or bear.

The resemblance of the implements figured by Volk,
Plate CXVIII, to the points from our lowest level (see Plate
XVII) is striking. Compare also the specimen figured in
Plate CXIX with the blunt pear-shaped axe in Plate XVIII,
A (found in cache B 5).

A number of chipped rejects, similar to those figured by
Volk in Plate CXVI were scattered in the yellow soil, but in
the presence of so much better material they are not described
here.

In conclusion, the material from our lowest and inter-
mediate levels agrees with that of Volk's Dweller of the Yellow
Soil in geological position, but appears to belong to a later
period within that time.

The lower village revealed by Mercer's excavation at
Lower Black's Eddy,2 where he found two stages of occupancy,
also offers interesting comparisons with our types from the
lowest level. The "fish spear" type, seen in Fig. 28, page 29,

1 The pits described by Volk were of two kinds; those which extended to the surface
and those which were entirely within the yellow layer.

2 The Antiquity of Man in the Delaware Valley and the Eastern United States, Henry
C. Mercer. Publications of the University of Pennsylvania, Vol. VI, 1897.

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 53

of Mercer's monograph may be compared with the fish spears
in Plate XVII, I, J, K, L.

In our excavation, however, this was not the dominant
form, the "diamond-shaped" point being most numerous.
The occurrence of two potsherds at this level may mark the
beginnings of pottery, as in our intermediate level. No jasper
was found in our excavations in either the lowest or intermediate
levels, but the predominance of argillite (427 to 7) in Mercer's
lower village layer, and the presence of a small quartzite blade
and worked quartzite pebbles, links his finds with ours as far
as material is concerned.

The material from which the specimens at the lower level
were made came from the river drift and not from the adjacent
quarries, according to Mercer. "As to the quarries, granted
that they were connected with the blade-thinning work-shops,
the presence of these shops on the upper layer and surface,
and their absence on the lower layer, would indicate that the
quarries, with all the cultural significance that they involve,
belong to the time of the upper layer only, and that the people
of the lower site, obtaining their material from the neighboring
beaches, had not known or worked "them." Whether the
argillite users of our lowest level obtained their material from
river drift in the same way, or from the quarries around Trenton
cannot be determined. The frequency with which inferior
material was used, and the manner in which the few rejects
had been made available by secondary chipping, seems to
indicate that material was scarce.

Mercer, in considering the question whether the people
of the lower village were forerunners of the Lenape of the
upper village, has had resource to the legends of that people,
as preserved by Heckwelder (Indian Nations, p. 51) and the
Walum Olum, or Painted Stick Chronicle.

"The latter curious record, whose authenticity is tolerably
well established, places eleven chiefs between the arrival of
the Lenape in the Delaware Valley and the coming of white
man (say Hudson, in 1609); and if we give twenty years to

54 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

a chief's reign, the date of their first coming would have been
about 1387. This agrees with what a Lenape told the Reverend
Charles Beatty in 1767 (Journal of a Two Months' Tour West
of the Alleghany Mountains, Charles Beatty, p. 27, London,
1868). When counting beads on a wampum belt as years,
according to a tribal custom, he said that his people had come
to the Delaware 370 years before, or in 1397.

"The Heckwelder version of the tradition, however, which
gives no means of fixing dates, would infer that the new comers
found the country vacant. The exploring parties of the east-
ward migrating tribe, it says, arriving at the Susquehanna,
followed it down to the Chesapeake Bay, then ascended the
bay and outer seacoast and discovered the Delaware River,
New Jersey, and the Hudson River — a country abounding in
game, fruits, and fish, "and with no enemy to be dreaded."

"This seeming absence of prior occupants in the new
country is again suggested by the Walum Olum, which refers
to the newly discovered land as "a land free from snakes
(enemies), a rich land, a pleasant land."1

"But without attempting to dwell too much on these tradi-
tions and their claim that the Lenape only arrived in the
Delaware Valley five hundred years ago, and that before that
time it had lain uninhabited for an unknown period, suffice
it to say that at Lower Black's Eddy we have found two stages
of occupancy.

"The layers prove a difference in time, short or long. The
character of the objects found a difference in handiwork. Future
work can alone prove whether this difference denotes a mere
accident of varying tribal conditions, or a wide-spreading differ-
ence in cultural status. Let us only say now that at this one
spot it exists."

Since the work of Mercer, several finds of exclusively
argillite material have been made in other sections of the
Delaware Valley. Skinner in his admirable Archaeological
Survey of New Jersey sums up the situation as follows.

1 The Antiquity of Man in the Delaware Valley and the Eastern United States, Henry
C. Mercer. Publications of the University of Pennsylvania, Vol. VI, 1897, pp. 81-82.

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 55

"PREDECESSORS OF THE DELAWARE INDIANS"

"The Lenni Lenape, although found here by the first
white settlers, were not the oldest inhabitants of the region.
Beneath the immediate surface, darkened by the refuse from
Indian habitations, chipped implements of argillite have been
found in the undisturbed yellow soil under conditions that
suggest considerable historical antiquity. No pottery or
implements other than large rough argillite points, blades and
the like occur, whereas the Lenape layer above is rife with
pottery, implements of all kinds, and materials. In the valley
of the Delaware this phenomenon has been amply observed
and investigated by Dr. C. C. Abbot, Dr. Ernest Volk, and
others. Mr. Lockwood is said to have noted it at Keyport,
in the shell heaps, and Messrs. Edmund Shimp and R. W.
Emerson, of Bridgeton, have recorded the presence of at least
one site, on Cohansey Creek, where crude argillite tools alone
occur. Mr. Schrabisch, in his work on New Jersey rock shelters,
Mr. Gregor in Pennsylvania, and Mr. Harrington in New
York, report the presence of a non-pottery using people as
shown by the bottom, hence the oldest, layers in the debris of
the caves."1 This would indicate that the area occupied by
the argillite users has yet to be definitely outlined, although
the center appears to have been the lower Delaware Valley.

Mr. Skinner concludes: "Possibly there was an argillite
culture here before the Delaware or Lenape Indian that our
ancestors knew, but to say that these people were of different
race, a race that could be called pre-Indian, is too much,
although they may be called pre- Delaware with some cer-
tainty." Our conclusions agree with the latter part of Mr.
Skinner's statement, that the argillite culture represents a
people which may be called pre-Delaware, although it may
not be pre-Indian. The authenticity of the argillite culture
itself we believe is proven beyond a doubt.

Archaeological Survey of the State of New Jersey. Alanson Skinner and Max
Schrabisch. Geological Survey of New Jersey. Trenton, 1913.

56 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

The excavations of the present site in which numerous
types of implements from both the ancient argillite and modern
Lenape cultures are found in undisturbed soil in successive
geologic strata, with a possible intermediate culture between,
gives a firm footing for the consideration of the problem. It
determines the position and enlarges the extent and form of
the older culture, but raises the broader question as to whether
the argillite culture extended with modifications through the
intermediate into the modern. A further and intensive investi-
gation over the area covered by reported argillite finds will
be necessary to settle this aspect of the question.

DESCRIPTION OF THE SITE

The site excavated is situated in southern New Jersey,
on one of the branches of Rancocas Creek, about six miles
from the Delaware River. It is on a farm belonging to Edward
Crispin, situated midway between Mason ville and Medford,
and some two and a half miles from the former. The stream
on which the site is located offers evidence of having once
been much larger than at present, as is shown by an adjoining
swampy area which is flooded in wet seasons. In early times
this locality must have been easy of access from the Delaware
by canoe. The elevation above sea level is slight. Excava-
tions showed conclusively that the site had never been cleared,
which gives the material unique value as archeological evidence.
The modern Lenape material was found undisturbed beneath
the leaf mold of the present hardwood forest, while occasional
cedar stumps in the yellow soil showed the nature of the former
forestation. Some two feet beneath the leaf mold a few
scattered finds, representing a possible intermediate culture
were located; and from five to seven feet beneath the surface,
caches of argillite implements, bannerstones, etc., were found
lying on white glacial sand at its juncture with the overlying
yellowish sand. (See Fig. 1.)

The caches were found arranged in three roughly parallel

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY

57

rows around a large central fire pit. (See Fig. 2.) They
were separated from each other by a distance of about six feet,
with a distance of from ten to twelve feet between the rows.
There did not seem to be any special outline indicated by the
caches other than a parallel order. The caches may be divided
into two groups. First, those containing bannerstones and
ceremonial objects, which were by far the most numerous,
and secondly, those containing two large points associated with
fragments of bone. We have designated these as banner-

Fig. 1. Cross Section of Excavation.

stone and two-point caches. There was a considerable variety
in the value of the objects in the different caches, one cache
containing no less than three bannerstones, all of them large
and of fine quality. The usual form of cache, however, con-
sisted of a single banner stone and a few ceremonial objects.
One cache situated rather apart from the others, contained
only one large and very fine bannerstone which was stained
by decayed animal matter, probably a wrapping. The differ-
ence in value of the caches may represent a corresponding
difference in the wealth and station of those who made the

58 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

offerings, but as there were no other indications of rank, it is
impossible to decide this question. It has also been suggested
that the caches were not properly offerings, but marked the
position of dignitaries around the council fire. As a rule, the
caches adjacent to the fire pit were the richest.

The great central fire pit had discolored the glacial sand
to a depth of three feet. No remains were found in the fire

Fig. 2. Diagram Showing Arrangement of Deposits about Fire Pit in the White
Sand Stratum. »

pit itself, although the third line of caches ran close to the
edge. There was a small circular fire pit three feet in diameter
due east of the large one with a cache adjacent. (See Fig. 2.)
To the west of the rows of caches and the central fire pit, several
small fire pits were found, associated with scattered implements
which may have marked the temporary camping place of those
who took part in the ceremonies. An interesting point in

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 59

connection with all the fire pits was that while the white sand
was discolored for some distance down, the yellow layer above
was unmarked, proving conclusively that they had no connec-
tion with the upper layer.

ARGILLITE WEAPONS AND IMPLEMENTS

All the weapons and implements found in the lowest level
were, with one exception, of argillite. The exception was a
very large and beautiful point of bluish quart zite, which was
found in a cache of ceremonial objects. Mr. Skinner, in the
Archaeological Survey of New Jersey,1 calls attention to the
fact that, while the Lenape used argillite, such points are
always found commingled with others of jasper, flint and
quartz, not isolated, and generally in a different cultural horizon.
One argillite point was found in the top stratum of the site,
associated with points of the above materials. It was, how-
ever, finely worked, modern in shape, and unweathered. The
points from the leaf mold show none of the signs of decay and
great age characterizing those from the lowest level. The
intermediate points show slight signs of decay.

As far as this site is concerned, the sequence seems to be
as follows. First, an early period characterized by crude work-
manship and an exclusive use of argillite; second, an inter-
mediate period, characterized also by the use of argillite, but
with improved workmanship and the beginnings of pottery,
and third, the modern period, in which the material corresponds
to the ordinary surface finds of New Jersey. The intermediate
material resembles the earlier culture rather than the modern.

Whether the argillite culture represents a race of migra-
tion which was pre-Lenape in other places, it certainly pre-
ceded the modern culture in this locality. The length of time
required for the deposition of the strata, separating the cultures,
cannot be determined exactly but it represents a considerable
period of time. If the deposit is aeolian, the time might be

1 Archaeological Survey of New Jersey, Skinner and Schrabisch, p. 19.

60 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

comparatively short, but if the strata were laid down under
water, the time would be immensely extended.

Among the argillite points found in the lowest level, six
types were clearly distinguishable. In every case the entire
surface had decayed until it could be easily scratched with
the finger nail. The decay in some cases had gone so far as to
obscure all marks of the workmanship. Although the ancient
workman seemed to have a good sense of form, the technique
is poor, the implement having been formed by knocking off a
few large flakes. The argillite implement shows no sign of the
secondary chipping and finishing characteristic of the modern
work. The ordinary type is diamond-shaped, without well-
defined barb or stem, and is characterized by a very heavy
midriff. The lances are leaf -shaped. The knives have a barb
on only one side, but the stem is developed. One type only
has the broad face and well-developed barb and stem of the
modern type. All of the specimens are much larger than
corresponding modern forms.

1. Lances. The lances are fairly thin, ovoid in form,
roughly chipped, but well-shaped as to outline. They resemble
in form the Eskimo lance, and must have been used for large
game. They do not, however, equal in size the large ceremonial
point. In every case they were found in pairs, associated with
crumbling, fragments of bone. They were enclosed in a matrix
of decayed animal matter, which, when split open, revealed the
points lying on either side of the bone. The matrix may repre-
sent a skin wrapping, which enclosed the complete offering of
a small animal and the implements. The bones were so badly
broken and decayed as to render the species indistinguishable.
These two-point caches were found interspersed among others
containing bannerstones, fetiches, etc. In one case a single
large ceremonial point appeared to take the place of the cus-
tomary two. A single large bannerstone answered the same
purpose in one of the bannerstone caches. All the caches were
separated by an interval of at least five feet. The dimensions
of two typical lances are as follows. (See Plate XVI, A, B.)

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 61

Length Width Thickness

Ref. cm. cm. cm.

A 11.5 6.7 1.2

B 10.9 6.5 1.3

Hand daggers(?). — Four large crude points, which from
their shape could not have been hafted, were found scattered
between the caches. As far as workmanship goes they are the
poorest of the series. One face is formed by a single large
flake, while the other has been formed by three or four heavy
strokes.1 Apparently these represent lost implements of no
particular ceremonial import. The dimensions of three speci-
mens are as follows. (See Plate XVI, C, D, E.)

Maximum Maximum Maximum

Length Width Thickness

Ref. cm. cm. cm.

C 12.5 4.4 2.1

D 12.4 3.4 1.3

E 10.5 3.9 1.4

It will be seen from the above measurements that these speci-
mens are a crude, long, thick point, in direct contrast to the
broad, oval, carefully outlined lance.

Knives. — At the lowest level, but some distance to the
left of the bannerstone caches, several rude knives were found.
These specimens were more carefully worked than 'the hand
daggers, with a distinct stem for hafting. They have only
one barb, and the blade has a distinct curve, along the lower
side of which the edge is better worked, which suggests that
only one edge was used for cutting. The points were well
sharpened. (See Plate XVI, F, G, H.) Dimensions:

Maximum Maximum Maximum

Length

Width

Thickness

Ref.

cm.

cm.

cm.

F

12.4

3.8

1.3

G

10.7

3.4

1.2

H

9.5

3.6

1.

1 They have no resemblance, however, to the "Turtlebacks," either glacial or modern.

62 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

Diamond-shaped points. — As mentioned above, the char-
acteristic point was diamond-shaped, without clearly marked
barb or stem. These specimens varied largely in size, from
minute points to some as large as lances. They also exhibited
a considerable variety of workmanship. Typical measure-
ments are as follows. (See Plate XVII, A, B, C, D, E.)

Maximum

Maximum

Maximum

Length

Width

Thickness

Ref.

cm.

cm.

cm.

A

10

3.1

.9

B

8

3.2

.7

C...

7.7

2.8

.85

(D and E are smaller specimens, showing range in size.)

In common with the broad, barbed points, they are much thinner
than the foregoing, but still very thick in comparison with
the modern points.

Broad-faced, barbed points. — These specimens are in direct
contrast with the general diamond-shaped type in being roughly
triangular, with broad faces, well-developed barbs, and stout
stems for hafting. They were probably bound on the shaft
with a "figure eight" lashing, whereas the diamond-shaped
point must have been inserted in the split end of the shaft.
Characteristic specimens (see Plate XVII, F, G, H) give the
following measurements.

Maximum Maximum Maximum

Length Width Thickness

Ref. cm. cm. cm.

F .......... 7.4 5 .9

G .......... 8.3 4.4 .85

H .......... 7.9 3.6 .9

It will be seen from the above measurements that these points
are more uniform in size than the diamond-shaped specimens.
The thickness is about the same.

Fish spears(?).— This type (see Plate XVII, I, J, K, L)
has already been named by Abbot. It is thick, heavy, narrow,

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 63

barbless or slightly barbed point with a rounded stem. From
its shape it may have been inserted in a hollow reed. In one
case a point of this type was found in a cache associated with
fossil brachypods painted red.

Maximum Maximum Maximum

Length Width Thickness

Ref. cm. cm. cm.

1 7.9 2.5 1.9

J 8.2 1.9 1.2

K 7 2 1.2

L 12 3.7 1.3

BANNERS TONES

The site excavated was remarkable for the large number
of bannerstones found. The presence of these objects raises
an interesting question, for in size, beauty, and finish of work-
manship they far surpass those found on the recent village
sites of this' region, and are absolutely at variance with the
crude character of the implements with which they were asso-
ciated. At first the authors were inclined to believe that
they must have been imported from some adjoining area of
higher culture, but a study of specimens from other regions
where these peculiar objects occur showed that they did not
agree in either form or material. It is a well-known fact that
many tribes in a low grade of development have acquired a
disproportionate skill in some one direction, usually artistic
or technical. As an example we might cite the savage tribes
of the Amazon, who have acquired great skill in the making
of crystal tubes, while their ordinary artifacts are of the crudest
type. The manufacture of bannerstones is not necessarily
connected with skill in chipping. The specimens excavated
show that they have been formed by pecking and polishing.
They required skill in boring and a good sense 'of proportion.
These qualities are often exhibited by peoples whose chipped
artifacts are inferior.

In this particular group the methods of manufacture

64 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

seem to have been uniform. The mean diameter of the bore
was 1.4 cm. Outside of a single specimen with an unusually
large bore, the variation in nineteen specimens was not over
.2 cm. The variation in diameter at the two ends was not
over .3 cm. which is the more remarkable as a number of the
specimens have been bored from both ends. The maximum
length of the centrum, that part of the bannerstone surround-
ing the boring, was 7.7 cm., and the minimum 4.2. The average
length was approximately 6 cm. The width of the centrum
was remarkably uniform throughout the series, 2.3 cm. in four
specimens, 2.2 cm. in five other specimens and 2.4 cm. in three,
all of varying size. The thickness of the wings was also remark-
ably uniform; 1.2 cm. in five specimens, 1.3 cm. in four others,
1.1 cm. in two, and 1 cm. in two. The wings of No. 5 were
"only .9 cm. in thickness. In outline and spread of wings the
bannerstones varied considerably, from an extremely large
specimen with a spread of 15 cm. to one of three small specimens
averaging 7 cm. As to outline, they may be divided into two
main groups, the pick-shaped and the square ended (see plates)
but the individual variation is so great that a separate descrip-
tion has been given for each one.

Plate XXI, 5. The largest of the series. Straight ended
type. Rubbed smooth, but not polished. The centrum is
evenly rounded and does not project beyond the base of the
wings. The wings have been ground to an edge from both
sides at the ends, and are not perfectly aligned with each other.
It has been drilled from both ends, the bore meeting about
one-third of the distance from the top. One side shows stains
which may be due to a hide wrapping.

Plate XXII, 4. Large stone of pick form, smoothly rubbed
but not polished. The material has been worked in such a
way chat on one side a patch of different colored strata appear
at the tip of either wing and on the centrum. The centrum
has three well-marked facets on either side, and there are grooves
at the base of the wings on both sides. The centrum protrudes
very slightly below the wings. The edges of the wings are

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 65

ground square, and the wings themselves are poorly aligned.
A large chipping on the edge of one wing has been partly ground
out. It has been drilled from both ends, the bores meeting
about one-third of the distance from the top. The juncture
is very exact.

Plate XXIII, 3. Large stone of intermediate form, rubbed,
and the centrum but not the wings polished. One side of one
wing shows a few marks of pecking which have not been entirely
rubbed out. The centrum has three well-defined facets and a
groove at the base of the wing on only one side. On the other
it is smoothly rounded. At the bottom of the centrum, chips
have been broken off on both sides and the edges ground back
at an angle to destroy the roughness. The side of both wings
have been ground from both sides to work out blemishes, but
were originally as Plate XXI, 2. The wings are almost perfectly
aligned. This stone has been drilled from one end only.

Plate XXI, 4. Fairly large stone of pick form, rubbed and
polished. The centrum is rounded, and there are grooves
at the bases of the wings, although one of the four is lacking.
At the bottom of the centrum a large chip has been broken
off on one side, and the stone ground back from the edge of
the bore at an angle all round so as to leave a^thin knife edge.
The upper edge of the centrum has also been slightly broken
and ground back. Large chips on the tips of both wings have
been partly ground out. The wings are well aligned, but
are not at right angles to the axis of the centrum. The boring
has been done from one end.

Plate XXI, 3. A very perfect and beautiful stone of the
square ended type, rubbed and polished. The centrum is
ground flat on either side, but from this face it curves off
smoothly into the wings. The lower end of the centrum has
been slightly ground back from the bore, but there are no
signs of breakage. The wings of this specimen are very thin,
and brought to a square edge all round. Chipping on the edge
and tip of one wing has been partly ground out. It has appar-
ently been drilled from one end, but the markings at either

66 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

end show that the diameter of the bore has been enlarged
after the drilling was finished. In the center the marks of the
original boring are still present.

Plate XXI, 2. This is a smaller and cruder replica of No.
5, but is unpolished. The centrum has a facet on either side,
and on one side there are slight grooves at the base of the wings.
The wings are thick and heavy at the base and taper rapidly.
They are poorly aligned, and a chipping at the end of one has
been ground out. The bore is not in the middle of the centrum.
The drilling has been done from one end, and the bore has
been enlarged at the top, where the usual circular markings
are obliterated by horizontal scratches. This specimen has
stains on both sides similar to those of No. 1.

Plate XXI, 1. A large stone of unclassifiable form. The
outline is oval, it being scarcely possible to distinguish top
from bottom. It is rubbed and partly polished. The centrum
is slightly flattened on both sides, but runs off smoothly into
the wings. It projects slightly at both ends. The wings
are well aligned, and have been ground to a sharp end all round.
The boring seems to have been done from one end, but no
marks are visible. The opening is oval at both ends, and is
not in the middle of the centrum, so that one edge is considerably
thinner than the other.

Plate XXIII, 2. A large stone of pick form, ground and
polished. When found it lay in three pieces, having been
split down the bore. The centrum has three well-defined
facets on either side, the top and bottom ones being much the
largest. At the bottom of the centrum a large flake has been
broken out for its entire width on one side. The centrum has
been ground back on this side for almost a third of its entire
length, and on one wing and along the bottom of the break
is a deep cut left by some sharp edge, probably an argillite
flake, showing that the maker had begun to cut away that
end of the stone, but thought better of it and contented him-
self with grinding it down. Chippings have been ground
out of the ends of both wings. The sides of the wings are

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 67

square edged, the ends sharpened. The wings are well aligned.
The bore shows longitudinal markings, faint in the middle
and growing into grooves at either end. At its openings the
bore is oval.

Plate XXIII, 4. A large stone intermediate in form
between the pick and square ended types, ground and polished.
The centrum shows marks of pecking at either end which have
not been entirely ground out. The centrum has well-defined
facets on either side, the edges being sharp and true. The
wings are poorly aligned, and ground to a sharp edge at the
bottom and ends. It has been drilled from one end, but there
are longitudinal markings the entire length of the bore.

Plate XXIII, 5. A very large stone of intermediate form,
ground and polished. This stone is interesting in that it has
been broken and mended by the owner. Holes have been drilled
in both wings through which thongs, were passed and the parts
tied together. There are three of these holes in one wing,
and in the other, the end of which is missing, two complete
holes and the edges of two more. All the holes have evidently
been made with a stone drill. All three in the one wing are
drilled through from the one side, and one in the other wing
has been made in the same way. The others have been drilled
from both sides. The hole in the upper edge of the complete
wing has no connection with the mending and may have been
made for the attachment of some ornament. The centrum
has a single not very well-defined facet on either side. The
wings are perfectly aligned and square edged all round. The
implement was evidently broken by a blow on the tip of one
wing. The boring has been done from both ends, and the
bore shows circular lines.

Plate XXII, 5. Large stone of pick form, ground and
polished. The centrum has a well-marked groove down the
middle on both sides. The wings have a sharp upward curve,
and both wings are decorated on one side with incised lines
running at right angles to the centrum. There are a few marks
of pecking, imperfectly ground out. The wing tips have been

68 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

ground to an edge from both sides. The stone has been drilled
from one end, and shows circular markings.

Plate XXIII, 1. Large and perfect stone of pick form,
ground and polished. The centrum has a single well-defined
facet on either side, but the facets are not exactly opposite each
other. Chips have been broken from the bottom of the centrum
at both sides and the roughness ground out. One wing is
square edged all round, the other ground to a sharp edge, in
an effort to remove the marks of two deep chippings. The
stone has been drilled from both ends, but the bore is oval
and shows both longitudinal and circular scratchings.

Plate XXII, 3. A very large stone of pick form, ground
and highly polished. This is the most beautiful specimen in
the collection. The centrum has a small but well-marked
facet on either side, from which it runs off smoothly into the
wings. At the bottom it projects beyond the wings consider-
ably, but is flush at the top. The wings are square edged,
but the tip of one has been chipped and the resulting rough-
ness ground out. The stone has been drilled from one end,
and the bore is almost a true circle, although it shows longitudinal
markings.

Plate XXII, 2. A fairly large stone of pick form, ground
and partly polished, but still showing many striations. The
centrum has a large flat facet on one side, and a deep line
incised on the surface between the facet and wing, and another
at the base of the wing. The corresponding surface on this
side is unmarked. On the other side the centrum has three
facets. The top one has been deeply incised along either
edge and worked out until it is below the level of the sides.
The other two facets are also well marked, but one is more
sharply cut than the other. The surface of the centrum and
wings has been ground back for a little distance at the bottom.
One wing is square edged, the other rounded in an attempt
to grind out a large blemish. The stone has been drilled from
both ends, two-thirds from the bottom and one-third from
the top. There are deep grooves running the entire length

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 69

of the bore, except far in the middle on one side, which shows
faint circular markings.

Plate XXIV, 6. A medium sized stone of intermediate
form. It has been ground, but still shows many marks of
pecking. The centrum has a well-marked facet on- either side.
The wing tips are recurved and pointed, and the wings are
decorated with lines on one side, as in No. 5. The wings are
square edged and very thick and heavy for their length. A
small chip near the tip of one has been partially ground out.
The bore is very large and marked longitudinally, except in
the middle, where there is a small patch of the original boring.

Plate XXIV, 5. A medium sized stone, ground and
polished, one wing of which approaches the pick, the other the
square ended form. The centrum has a concave upper facet
on one side, and a very slightly concave, almost flat one on the
other. The latter is marked by a deep scratch made with a
sharp edge. The wings have a marked upward curve and are
very heavy for their length. They are sharpened at the tips.
The stone has been drilled from both ends, the bores meeting
one-third from the top, and shows circular marking.

Plate XXIV, 4. Medium sized stone of pick form, ground
and partly polished. The centrum is smoothly rounded.
The wings are well aligned, but uneven in shape, with edges
rounded.

Plate XXIV, 3. Small bannerstone of square ended type,
ground and polished. There is a groove down the centrum
on either side. The wings are square edged all round, and
one has been partly broken off and the stub ground into shape.
The wings are heavy for its size. The bottom of the centrum
has been chipped in several places.

Plate XXIV, 2. Small stone of pick form, ground and
polished. Part of the centrum and one wing are missing, a
large chip having been split off from the top. The wings are
square edged and heavy. The bore shows circular markings,
and differs from all the others in that it tapers sharply from
the top to the bottom. The perforation was probably made

70 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

with -a long stone drill, instead of the reed used in the other
specimens.

Plate XXIV, 1. Small stone of triangular shape, ground
but not polished. The centrum has a small facet on either
side, and the edges of the bore are chipped at the bottom. The
bore is not in the middle of the centrum. The wings are very
thick and square edged. It has been bored from one end and
shows circular markings.

Plate XXII, 1. Large stone of peculiar form, ground and
polished. The centrum extends beyond the wings at the
bottom, and one side is rounded, the other has a well-marked
facet. The wings are very broad and short, so that the effect
is that of a mace head rather than a bannerstone. The wings
are thick and ground to an edge all round. It has been bored
from both ends, and the bore shows circular markings.

With the exception of the three small and the mace-shaped
bannerstones, the group is fairly homogeneous, and hence offers
an unusual opportunity for study. A careful comparison has
been made for the purpose of determining: (1) what were the
methods of manufacture, and (2) what uses could they have
been put to? In the first case the evidence is clear, and verifies
the observations of other investigators, that the bannerstones
were first roughly chipped into shape, then pecked and ground,
and finally polished. In one object, intermediate in form
between the bannerstones and the crescent-shaped stones
the pecking had been dispensed with, and the shaping done
by rubbing with some instrument which left broad shallow
striations. Similar striations are present in a few of the banner-
stones, but the finishing seems to have been done with a piece
of fine-grained sandstone, or with sand and water. All the
stones, with the possible exception of No. 19, were drilled with
a reed and sand. The boring was begun at the bottom and
carried through, or carried about two-thirds of the way, and
then finished from the other end. The exactness with which
the two borings meet shows a high degree of skill. In several
cases the diameter of the bore has been enlarged at one or both

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 71

ends by nibbing with a sharp point, or with a thong and sand.
We know from unfinished specimens found on other sites that
the boring was not begun until the shaping was finished.

In regard to the use of the bannerstones, at this site
at least, the evidence seems conclusive that they were hafted.
In seven specimens the edge of the bore had been broken
out. In five the break is at the bottom, and in one at both
top and bottom. In the only specimen where the break is
at the top alone, it marks the larger end of the bore, which
tapers rapidly from top to bottom. This breakage is such as
would result from driving into the bore a shaft somewhat
too large for it. A similar condition is found in some of the
beautiful quartz specimens from the Mississippi Valley, in
which the centrum has been broken out on one side for the whole
or part of its length, while the other side and the wings remain
uninjured.

The soft material from which the bannerstones were
made, and the perfect condition in which many of this series
were found, suggests that they were never subjected to the
rough usage of ordinary implements. It has long been taken
for granted that they had some religious significance, but the
particular use to which they were put remains an enigma.
It seems most probable that they were mounted on the end
of a staff and used as religious insignia. They may also
represent the double-bladed axe, as a ceremonial weapon.

MEASUREMENT OF BANNERSTONES

(All measurements of banner stones are in centimeters)

Diameter of

Diameter of

Maximum

Maximum

Wings

Ref.

Top

Bottom

Length

Width

Thickness

Spread

PI.

XXI

—5.

1.5

1

.45

6.5

2.

6

1

15

PL

XXII

—4.

1.45

1

.35

6.3

2.

4

1

.3

14.75

PL

XXIII— 3.

1.4

1

.3

6.85

2

.2

.75

13.7

PL

XXI

—4.

1.55

1

.4

6.4

2

.2

.1

.2

• 12.1

PL

XXI

—3.

1.45

1

.45

7.5

2.

4

.9

12.4

72 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

MEASUREMENT OF BANNERSTONES — (Continued)

Diameter of

Diameter of Maximum Minimum

Wings

Ref.

Top

Bottom

Length

Width

Thickness

Spread

PL XXI —2.

1.45

1.3

6

2.5

1.8

9.95

PL XXI — 1.

1.4

1.4

5.8

2.2

1.2

12.2

PL XXIII— 2.

Broken

PLXXIII-^.

1.4

1.4

6.25(?)

2.2

1.1

12.4

PI. XXIII— 5.

Broken

PL XXII —5.

.55

1.55

5.3

2.3

1.2

12.4

PL XXIII— 1 .

1.55

1.55

5.15

2.2

1.2

14.5

PL XXII —3.

.55

1.4

7.7

2.3

K?)

13.35

PL XXII —2.

.7

1.65

5.2

2.3

K?)

11.6

PL XXIV— 6.

.9

1.9

5.4

2.85

1.3

9.9

PL XXIV— 5.

1.6

1.23

5(?)

2.6

1.5

11

PL XXI V—4.

1.5

1.5

4.5

2.3

1.2

11.3

PL XXIV— 3.

1.3

1.3

4.2

2.1

1

7.4 (?)

PL XXIV— 2.

1.4

1.15

4-3 (?)

1.7

1.1

6.6 (?)

PL XXIV— 1.

1.25

1.2

4.45

2.1

1.3 (?)

7

(Mace?)

PL XXII —1 .

1.4

1.4

7.8

2.4

1.3 (?)

7.6

CEREMONIAL OBJECTS OTHER THAN BANNERSTONES

Ceremonial points. — In this class (see Plate XVI, I, J,
and K) we have included three isolated points which are so far
superior in size amd workmanship to anything of like sort in the
lower level, that they belong in a class by themselves. These
points were found directly associated with bannerstones or other
ceremonial material. Two were of argillite and the third of
quartzite, the only specimen of that material in the entire
site; At first we were inclined to believe that both they
and the bannerstones were importations from some other
area of higher culture, but a careful survey of adjoining regions
showed that they were unique, and probably a local product.
These points, like the bannerstones, represent the high water
mark of local workmanship which was spent on offerings, while
the everyday tools were roughly made; or they may have
been insignia of rank, as has been suggested for the banner-

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 73

stones. The ceremonial points are characterized by large
size, extremely thin blade with carefully chipped edge, perfect
barbs and stem, and beautiful proportion. For quality of
workmanship considering the poor material, they would rank
favorably with specimens from any of the areas with a recognized
high culture. The dimensions of the three specimens are as
follows :

Maximum Maximum Maximum
Length Breadth Thickness

Ref. cm. cm. cm. Material

1 14 6 1.4 quartzite

J 13 5 .7

K 10.6 4 « r'ai

Ceremonial axes. — These specimens, which were found in
the caches of sacred objects, represent an entirely new type for
New Jersey. (See Plate XVI, L, M, N, O.) They are of argil-
lite, chipped and unpolished, with a ground blade. In one
specimen, probably unfinished, the edge is chipped only (O).
The general features of all four are : thick cross-sections, rounded
upper end, and a well-beveled blade. None are grooved. In
size they resemble the Eskimo adze, but the thickness of the
midsection would prevent a similar hafting, except in the case
of the smallest, unground specimen, which is triangular in cross-
section. The other three were probably bedded in the handle.
The largest specimen is oblong in shape, and slightly curved.
On the outer side of the curve a tang has been left for lashing,
or to prevent the implement from slipping through the handle.
There is no sign of a groove but the sides of the implement
just above the tang have been somewhat smoothed. The edge
is sharpened evenly from both sides. The second is much
smaller, but agrees with the first in shape and proportions
except that it lacks the tang and is straight. It also is evenly
ground from both edges, but the surface is unpolished, and
it shows no signs of use. The third is of a roughly triangular
form, the cutting edge forming the lower side. As the sides
narrow, it thickens until the upper end is almost cylindrical

Width

Thickness

of Blade

cm.

cm.

cm.

5.7

2

4.8

3.9

1.7

3.4

3.9

2

2.7

4

1.5

3.3

74 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

in cross-section. The implement bears a striking resemblance
to some which have been discovered in the Swiss lakes which
were hafted in deer horn. The dimensions are as follows:

Maximum Maximum Maximum Breadth

Length
Ref. cm.

L 12.1

M 7.8

N 9

0 8.7

Blunt pear-shaped axe. — This implement, like the chipped
axe, is another new type for New Jersey. (See Plate XVIII, A.)
The specimens vary in size, but are characterized by the same
general outline, which is roughly pear-shaped, with one side
concave. The curved side suggests that the axe was held
in the hand. There are no signs of hafting. In cross-section
the axes are roughly oblong, thickening toward the blunt edge.
They show no signs of working except at the lower edge, which
battered into shape. They were found associated with frag-
ments of bone, and may have had some sacrificial use. (B, C,
and D show other specimens of the same type.)

Ancient chipped axe or hoe. — In the lowest stratum, but
outside the circle of the ceremonial caches, was found one
large specimen of an ancient chipped axe or hoe. (See Plate
XIX, C.) The specimen was roughly oval in form, with the
sides parallel, rounding off at either end. The entire surface
shows chipping, and the cutting edge is chipped and not ground.
The surface was badly decayed. There were signs of hafting.
The dimensions of the axe, which much exceed those of the
other types mentioned, are as follows.

Maximum Maximum Maximum Breadth

Length Breadth Thickness of Blade

cm. cm. cm. cm.

13.3 8.5 2 7.4

Tanged adze. — One specimen of a square, flat adze, with
tangs on the sides, was found in one of the caches. These

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 75

implements are flat on one side, curved on the other, with
a ground and beveled edge, and were probably hafted at an
angle. The spuds at the sides probably held the lashing.
The peculiar form of this implement suggests that it may be
a local variety. Even the ordinary type of adze is rare in
New Jersey. Further investigation may reveal the limits of
this variety. (See Plate XVIII, E.)

Hoes(?). — Under this head we have classified half a dozen
broad crude argillite implements hollowed on one side. (See
Plate XIX, A, B.) One specimen is almost square, with a thin
edge (A). These were also found outside the ceremonial circle,
but near a small fire pit at one end. All these specimens are
roughly made, with no chipping on the edge or sides. A thin
stone that suited their purpose seems to have been roughly
blocked into shape. The rough but fragile edge suggests that
they may have been used for digging in the sand.

Celts. — One large celt, roughly cylindrical in shape and
battered at the edge, was found in one of the caches. (See
Plate XIX, D.) E is a celt from the intermediate layer, which
has a slightly concave face. No grooved implements were
found in the entire collection from the lower area, although
two grooved, square-faced axes were found in the top stratum.
(See Plate XVIII, F, G.) H shows another modern axe which
seems to have been double bitted.

Small hammers. — Two small hammers, cylindrical in shape,
and about three inches long, were found in the ceremonial
caches. They were simply pebbles of suitable shape, and
showed no signs of working except the battered ends. (See
Plate XIX, F and G.)

Ear plugs (?). — Three other small cylindrical specimens,
with carefully rubbed ends, were also found in the caches.
(See Plate XIX, J, H, I.) They had been slightly pecked
around the middle. They appear too small and of too soft
material to have been implements, and on that account have
been classified as ear plugs, for which purpose they are well
suited. This opinion, however, may not be final.

76 UNIVERSITY MUSEUM — ANTHROPOLOGICAL PUBLICATIONS VOL. VI

Paint stones. — Two sets of unworked stones, probably
used for grinding paint, were found in the caches. They are
represented by a flat lower stone and a round upper one, show-
ing signs of wear at the point of contact. (See Plate XIX,
K, L.) In one set the stones were still in position.

Crescent-shaped stones. — A series of crescent-shaped stones
more or less carefully rubbed and polished, were found in the
ceremonial caches. One suggested in outline a bannerstone,
but was too thin to be drilled, and showed no signs of an
external groove. The other specimens were much thicker, but
roughly followed the same form. They were of various mate-
rials, but showed a fine luster, like that of the Southwestern
pottery polishing stones. They probably belong to that class
of indeterminate stone objects found in the Indian medicine
man's outfit.

Other problematical objects. — Beside the crescent-shaped
stones, other objects of an evidently sacred nature were found
associated with bannerstones. Among these were four fossil
brachypods, showing traces of red paint. (Ear plugs also
showed signs of red paint.) A beautiful quartz crystal ball,
carefully pecked into shape and then polished, was found in
one of the caches. Oddly shaped iron concretions, also showing
signs of paint, were scattered throughout the caches. Several
white quartz pebbles were also found associated with the
bannerstones.

INTERMEDIATE POINTS AND POTTERY

The intermediate points, which were also of argillite (see
Plate XX, D), exhibit all the types found in the lowest level
except the lance and the broad-faced barbed point. In addi-
tion there was one new type, the drill, represented by one
long, finely chipped specimen. No drills were found in the
lowest level. The boring of the bannerstones was evidently
done with a reed. In one specimen, which had been broken,
the fractured wings had been bored for lashing together, with
a short, sharp point. The intermediate points are easily

HAWKES AND LINTON — A PRE-LENAPE SITE IN NEW JERSEY 77

distinguishable from the early type by a distinct advance in
manufacture and the absence of patina. A considerable time
must have elapsed for this difference in workmanship and age.
The number of specimens found at this level was so small,
although representing a number of types, that additional
excavations should be made in this area in order to determine
whether this culture may be rightly called intermediate. Speci-
mens of modern points of various material from the top stratum
are illustrated in (A).

Clearer evidence than that furnished by the points is
offered by small sherds of pottery found in the intermediate
level. (See Plate XX, C.) No traces of pottery were found in
the lowest level. The pottery of the intermediate culture was
quite distinct from that of the modern Lenape, many bits of
which were found on the surface. (See Plate XX, B.) The
fragments from the intermediate level were composed of red
clay and pounded steatite, the latter composing more than
half the bulk. The red clay could have been obtained from
small strips of the same running through the yellowish .soil,
Judging from its consistency it had been simply sun-dried
and not baked. It could be easily scratched with the finger
nail. Nevertheless the fragments showed a uniform thickness,
and one piece showed the curve of a rim. It is possible that
here we have the very beginning of pottery among these people
and the steatite, which is not used to temper the recent pottery,
marks the transition from the bowls of that material used for
similar purposes.

KEY TO PLATES

Plate XVI. A to K. Argillite points from lowest level (except I, which

is quartzite and from the lowest level).
L to O. Argillite chipped axes from lowest level.

Plate XVII. A to L. Argillite points from lowest level.

Plate XVIII. A to D. Blunt axes (worked glacial pebbles) from lowest

level.

E. Tanged adz from upper level.
F to H. Grooved axes from upper level.

Plate XIX. A to C. Argillite hoes from lowest level.
D to F. Celts from lowest level.

J to I. Small hammers or ear plugs (?) from lowest level.
K, L. Paint stones from lowest level.

Plate XX. A. Points from upper level.

B. Potsherds from upper level.

C. Potsherds from intermediate level.

D. Argillite points of various types from intermediate level.

Plates XXI, XXII, XXIII and XXIV. Bannerstones from lowest level.

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE XVI

IMPLEMENTS FROM LOWEST LEVEL

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE XVII

IMPLEMENTS FROM LOWEST LEVEL

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE XVIII

IMPLEMENTS FROM LOWER AND UPPER LEVELS

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE XIX

IMPLEMENTS FROM LOWEST LEVELS

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE XXI

BANNERS-TONES FROM LOWEST LEVEL

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE XXI I

BANNERSTONES FROM LOWEST LEVEL

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM VOL. VI

PLATE XXIII

BANNERSTONES FROM LOWEST LEVEL

ANTHR. PUB. UNIV. MUSEUM, VOL. VI

PLATE XXIV

BANNERSTONES FROM LOWEST LEVEL

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