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GENERAL EDITOR : J. CHARLES COX, LL.D., F.S.A.

THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

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.

DOMESDAY BOOK

(FOL. 155 B i, LOWER HALF)
(See Appendix)

THE

DOMESDAY INQUEST

BY

ADOLPHUS BALLARD

B.A., LL.B.

TOWN CLERK OF WOODSTOCK

WITH TWENTY-SEVEN ILLUSTRATIONS

METHUEN & CO.

36 ESSEX STREET W.C.

LONDON

First Published in 1906

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY

PAGE

1. THE CONQUEROR'S STANDPOINT i

2. THE PURPOSE OF DOMESDAY BOOK .... 6

3. METHOD OF COMPILATION . . . . .n

4. METHODS OF STUDY .... . . 21

5. MONEY AND MEASURES 26

CHAPTER II
THE HIDE AND THE TEAMLAND ...... 30

CHAPTER III

THE VlLL AND THE MANOR 44

CHAPTER IV

THE HUNDRED AND THE SHIRE 61

CHAPTER V
SAKE AND SOKE 77

CHAPTER VI
THE MAGNATES 85

vi CONTENTS

CHAPTER VII

PAGE

THE HUMBLER FOLK .107

1. PRE-CONQUEST DOCUMENTS 108

2. THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 . . . . .112

3. THEIR CONDITION IN 1086 . . 146

4. THE POST-DOMESDAY EVIDENCE . . . .157

CHAPTER VIII

THE APPURTENANCES OF THE MANOR 165

1. THE WOODS 165

2. THE MEADOWS AND PASTURES 169

3. THE MILL 172

4. THE FISHERIES 174

5. THE BURGESSES 176

6. THE CASTLES 178

7. THE MARKETS 181

8. MISCELLANEOUS APPURTENANCES . . . .182

CHAPTER IX
THE CHURCH ^4

CHAPTER X
THE WELSHMEN I9y

CHAPTER XI

THE STOCK— ELEVENTH-CENTURY FARMING 201

CHAPTER XII
THE ENCROACHMENTS .

214

CONTENTS vii

CHAPTER XIII

PAGE

VALUES AND RENDERS 221

CHAPTER XIV

THE INCIDENCE OF THE GELD ... . 242

CHAPTER XV
A TYPICAL VILLAGE . . . 255

TABLE A. POSSESSIONS OF CERTAIN LANDOWNERS . .262

„ B. CHURCH LANDS .... .263

„ C. ABSTRACT OF POPULATION ... .264

APPENDIX

TRANSCRIPTION AND EXTENSION OF FRONTISPIECE . .265

INDEX . 267

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IN THE TEXT

PAGE

Plough 37

From the Utrecht Psalter.

Churning and Milking .170

From the Utrecht Psalter.

Plough 201

From the Bayeux Tapestry.

Harrow I . 205

From the Bayeux Tapestry.

Reaping 207

From the Utrecht Psalter.

LIST OF PLATES

Domesday Book (Folio 155 b, lower half) . . . Frontispiece
Edward the Confessor To face page 3

From the Bayeux Tapestry.

Harold and Stigand „ 5

From the Bayeux Tapestry.

William the Conqueror and his Half-brothers . „ 7

From the Bayeux Tapestry.

Cover of Domesday Book „ 19

Chest in which Domesday Book was kept . „ 21

Money of William I. current at the date of Domesday „ 27

Lent by the British Numismatic Society.

Plan of a Typical Village in Open Field . „ 35

March : Breaking Clods. January : Ploughing . „ 37

From MS. Tit. B. v. pt. I.

City and Hall „ 51

From the Utrecht Psalter.

The Great Seal and Counter-Seal of William the

Conqueror „ 85

Lent by the British Numismatic Society.

The Great Seal and Counter-Seal of Edward the

Confessor „ 87

From English Seals, by Rev. J. Harvey Bloom.

Map, showing Church Property .... „ 88

July : Wood-cutting. November : Burning Wood . „ 167

From MS. "Tit. B. v. pt. I.

February : Pruning. October : Hawking . „ 169

From MS. Tit. B. v. pt. I.

May : Shepherds and Sheep. September : Swine

feeding in Woods „ 171

From MS. Tit. B. v. pt. I.

xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pre-Norman Tower (St. Michael's, Oxford) . . To face page 185
Bosham Church „ 189

From the Bayeux Tapestry.

Church at Greenstead, Essex, in existence A.D. 870 „ 191

August : Mowing. June : Reaping .... „ 205

From MS. Tit. B. v. pt. I.

April : Feasting. December : Threshing and Win-
nowing 207

From MS. Tit. B. v. pt. I.

Map of Islip n 256

PREFACE

IN the following pages I have attempted to provide an
account of Domesday Book, and the various terms used
therein, which will be of assistance to those who are
studying the history of the place in which they live, and have
no good library to which to turn. Domesday problems are
so many and have been treated by so many authorities, that
it is rarely that even a first-class private library contains all the
works to which reference should be made ; especially when it
is remembered that some of the most valuable studies on
Domesday Book are hidden away in the transactions of
local archaeological societies. Non cuivis attingit adire —
Bodleianam.

It is to help such students that I have restated the
elementary teaching which is the basis of all advanced study,
and is always presupposed in the valuable Domesday intro-
ductions in the various volumes of the Victoria County
Histories now being issued.

The plan of this book is very simple. The statistics
contained in Domesday Book were compiled in answer to
certain questions accidentally preserved in the Ely Inquest,

xiii

xiv PREFACE

and cannot be appreciated at their proper value unless these
questions are constantly borne in mind. Each question, or
group of questions, is therefore taken as the subject of a
separate chapter. But Domesday Book deals incidentally with
a few matters that were not mentioned in the questions
addressed to the Cambridgeshire jurors, and such matters have
been treated in the place they would logically occupy. Thus,
while the jurors were asked, "What is the name of the
mansio ? " — and such question affords opportunity for dealing
with the various terms that were used to denote areas of local
administration — they were asked no questions about the
hundreds and the shires ; but these terms also denote areas
of local administration, and would therefore be logically
treated in connection with the vill and the manor. Similarly,
the church is treated as one of the appurtenances of the manor.
The answers to these questions bear a great general
resemblance, but vary in details of phraseology ; a study of
these variations often throws light on the nature of the
institutions into which inquiry was being made.

Above all, I have tried to make Domesday Book its own
interpreter, and to exhaust its evidence and that of its
subsidiary documents, before having recourse to evidence of
other periods. This book is therefore a study of existing
institutions, rather than an inquiry into their history.

On one point do I beg lenient judgment. It may be
found that some of the figures I have ventured to print are
slightly inaccurate ; but a professional man is subject to con-
tinual interruptions, and I have had scarcely an hour for this

PREFACE xv

work in which my attention has not been called away to other
business.

All students of Domesday Book must acknowledge their
indebtedness to the writings of the three great scholars who
have done so much to turn these statistics into matter of living
interert — Professors Maitland and Vinogradoff and Mr. Round ;
my quotations from their works are very many, and their teach-
ing has influenced me more than I have been able to express.
If I have occasionally disagreed with one or other of them, it is
with the greatest diffidence, and then only when I have been
compelled by evidence which has apparently escaped their
notice.

My grateful thanks are due to many of my friends who
have given me generous help : to the Rev. S. S. Pearse, Vicar
of Combe, who has not only read the whole book in MS., but
has also placed at my disposal his own collections for the
History of Combe, of which I have made full use ; to the
Rev. F. J. Brown, Rector of Steeple Aston, who has helped
me in ecclesiastical matters ; to Dr. Holdsworth of St. John's
College, who has read and criticized my seventh chapter ;
and last, but by no means least, to the Rev. Dr. Cox, the
general editor of this series, who has given me many hints
and generous assistance.

I am much indebted to the kindness of Mr. P. J. Carlyon
Britton, the President of the British Numismatic Society, for the
illustrations of the Conqueror's seal, and to the same Society
for the impressions of the Confessor's and Conqueror's coins ;
also to the Rev. J. Harvey Bloom, for the Confessor's seal.

XVI

PREFACE

I also desire to thank Mr. J. Charles Wall, for his faithful
and spirited drawings from the Utrecht Psalter and the Bayeux
Tapestry ; and Mr. H. W. Taunt, for his loan of the block of

St. Michael's Tower, Oxford.

A. B.

WOODSTOCK,

July, 1906

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

B. Birch, Cartularium Saxonicum.

D. B. Domesday Book.

D. B. & B. Maitland, Domesday Book and Beyond.

D. Bor. Ballard, Domesday Boroughs.

D. S. Domesday Studies.

E. V. C. Seebohm, English Village Community.

E. H. R. English Historical Re-view.

F. E. Round, Feudal England.

G. M. Vinogradoff, Growth of the Manor.
I. C. C. Inquisitio Comitatus Cantabrigiensis.

K. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus sEvi Anglo-Saxonici.

L. Liebermann, Gesetze der Angel Sachsern.

T. R. E. Tempore Regis Edwardi.

V. C. H. Victoria County History.

THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY

DOMESDAY BOOK is the name given to two volumes of
statistics relating to the kingdom of England, compiled
in the year 1086. We propose in the following pages
to study these statistics with a view to ascertain the condition
of the country during the latter half of the eleventh century.
But, before studying any statistics, we must first learn by
whose order, for what purpose, and in what method they were
compiled.

i. THE CONQUEROR'S STANDPOINT

Every one will remember the saying of the American
writer that in every conversation between two speakers, six
persons are engaged ; in other words, each speaker possesses
a triple personality — the man as he appears to himself, the man
as he appears to his neighbour, and the man as he appears to
his Maker. To fully understand Domesday Book, we must
attempt to regard the position of William the Conqueror, not
as it appeared to the conquered English, but as it appeared to
himself.

On the death of Edward the Confessor, the royal house of
England had almost died out : its sole representatives were a
stripling named Edgar, and his two sisters. If at that time
B

2 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

the English crown had invariably devolved on the heir of the
last King, Edgar would have succeeded and have been crowned
King. But the English monarchy was then elective, although
the choice of the electors was usually confined to the house of
Cerdic, and a certain deference was paid to the wishes of the
late King. For reasons which to them were perfectly adequate,
the Witenagemot, which was actually sitting when the Con-
fessor died, passed over Edgar, and chose as King, Earl Harold,
the son of Godwin, and the brother-in-law of his predecessor,
who, it must be remembered, had been recommended to
them by the dying Edward. For nine months he reigned,
and then, on October 14, 1066, died in battle, in a fruitless
attempt to repulse the invasion of William, Duke of Nor-
mandy. The English Chronicle represents this invasion
as an unwarranted act of aggression on a people who dwelt
"quiet and secure," and such was the universal opinion of
all Englishmen. But it was the opinion of the Duke of
Normandy that he was merely asserting his right to an
inheritance of which he had been unjustly deprived by a
perjured traitor.

Edward the Confessor was notoriously a weak man, and
many years before his death had promised his recommendation
to the grandson of his mother's brother, his cousin, William,
Duke of Normandy, with whom he had been educated. The
latter was clever enough in later years to secure some vague
promise of help from Earl Harold Godwinson, but the nature
and date of this promise are matters of great obscurity. After
a careful examination of all the authorities, Mr. Freeman
thinks that it was made about the year 1063, when Harold
was wrecked on the French coast, and was taken prisoner by
Guy, Count of Ponthieu. Duke William, Guy's suzerain,
heard of Harold's plight, and secured his release, but before
sending him back to England, entrapped him into some oath,
the sanctity of which was increased by the sanctity of the relics
on which it was sworn. Possibly the oath was an oath of

I

THE CONQUEROR'S STANDPOINT 3

homage, as such oaths were taken on the slightest pretext —
especially when one man had conferred a benefit on another
— and might be nothing more than a mere compliment
Whatever it was, the Duke chose to regard it as an oath to
support his claim to the English crown. No true Englishman
would regard the late King's promise of nomination as con-
ferring on the Duke any right of inheritance ; but it was other-
wise on the Continent, where men were beginning to consider
a kingdom as a species of property which was heritable as
other landed estates. So William had no difficulty in per-
suading himself that he had been badly treated by Harold
and by the English people.

Domesday Book throughout reflects the position which King
William assumed, that he was the rightful heir of the Con-
fessor, and that Harold was a usurper. Mr. Freeman l shows
that an intelligent foreigner, who knew nothing of the history
of England in the eleventh century, would learn nothing from
Domesday Book of the Norman Conquest and the change of
dynasty. The state of affairs in 1086 is compared with the
state of affairs on " the day on which King Edward was quick
and dead," as though that day was the day on which King
William began to reign. Whenever Harold is referred to, he
is called Earl Harold, and it is really amusing to notice how
" Comes," Earl, is carefully interlined over Harold's name in
several places, e.g. on those pages which relate to the large
manor of Hitchin and its appurtenances.2 The Hampshire
scribes, however, speak of two estates, Hayling and South
Berton, which Harold took away from Leman, when "he
invaded the kingdom," or " when he was reigning ; " 3 and the
Norfolk scribe similarly speaks of " the time of Harold ; " 4 but,
except on these pages, any event which took place between
the death of the Confessor and the arrival of William is
referred to as taking place " after the death of King Edward."

1 Norman Conquest, v. 10. 2 D. B., I. 132 b.

3 D. B., I. 38 a 2. « Id., II. 236.

4 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Certainly the student would find mention of a battle at
York,1 of another at Hastings,2 of a battle of Harold " contra
Norrenses,"3 and of an otherwise unknown naval battle
against King William,4 but we are not told between whom
the battles at York and Hastings were fought, and except for
the statement that Dover was burnt on King William's first
coming to England,5 and a casual reference to the time when
there was peace in the land,6 there is no indication that King
William came in hostile manner. The student would, how-
ever, notice that in the vast majority of instances, a man bear-
ing a foreign name had supplanted an English landowner, and
this fact, coupled with the mention of the time when "the
English redeemed their lands," might suggest to him that the
country had been conquered by foreigners, who had evicted
the majority of the conquered landowners, but allowed a few
to remain on payment of a fine.

As a consequence of this assumption that the Conqueror
was the rightful heir of the Confessor, and had succeeded to
all his rights and privileges, Edward's subjects were his sub-
jects, Edward's laws were his laws, Edward's lands were his
lands, and Edward's revenues were his revenues. From his
point of view, Englishmen owed to him the same duties as
they had owed to the deceased Confessor, and first and fore-
most of these duties was the duty of loyal obedience. In this
they had failed, both when they assisted Harold at the battle
of Hastings, and then in the many insurrections which broke
out during the Conqueror's reign. Domesday Book always
regards forfeiture as the natural consequence of outlawry. It
is uncertain whether, under the old English law, a conviction
for treason involved outlawry, and therefore a forfeiture of the
guilty person's lands. This much is certain, that the Con-
queror considered that all who had been in arms against him

1 D. B., II. 15. 2 Id., I. 50 a I ; II. 275 b.

* Id., 177 b. 2. * Id., II. 14 b.

8 Id., I. I a I. • Id., I. 12 a 2.

*

2

H 2

w x

C §

o s

w: =

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a "

THE CONQUEROR'S STANDPOINT 5

were ipso facto outlawed, and had, therefore, forfeited their
lands to him. Hence he was at liberty to grant these lands
to his followers. Hence, too, these followers were regarded
as succeeding to the rights and liabilities of their predecessors,
and when there was any doubt as to their rights and liabilities
in 1086, reference was made to the rights and liabilities of
their predecessors in the reign of King Edward. Hence we
understand the term by which the English predecessors of
Norman landowners are designated — the term antecessor^
ancestor — as if the transfer from English to Norman had been
nothing more than a devolution of property from father to
son. In two passages the Norman is actually called the heir
of the Englishman.1

Some of the English were allowed to redeem their lands
and purge their treason by a money payment ; at Saxlingham
Edric mortgaged certain land for half a mark of gold and £7
in order that he might redeem himself ; 2 and for these pay-
ments they obtained the King's writ authorizing them to
remain in possession. Azor, the steward, held one hide in
the hundred of Wantage T. R. E., but King William restored
it to him and gave him his writ.3

The conquered English certainly regarded these forfeitures
as unjust, but it was William's theory that he had done
nothing contrary to the law, and it was the boast of his pane-
gyrist that "to no Frenchman had he given anything that
was taken unjustly from an Englishman." 4

Dr. Adams says that it is an error to believe that the
Conqueror considered all the land in England to be forfeited
to him, and thinks that these payments " to redeem their lands "
were nothing more than the customary feudal relief which
was paid by a tenant to his new lord ; 5 but we must take

1 D. B., i. 46 b 2; 175 a 2.

2 Id., II. 217. 3 Id., I. 62 a 2.

4 Orderic Vitalis, qu.> Taswell Langmead, Constitutional History^ 51.

5 Political History of England^ 1 1, 12.

6 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

into account the fact that not more than I per cent, of the
land in England was in 1086 held of the King by those who
had held it T. R. E. or by their widows or heirs.

2. THE PURPOSE OF DOMESDAY BOOK

Chief among the royal rights to which William succeeded
as heir of the Confessor and of the latter's ancestors, was the
right to levy an occasional war-tax known as the Danegeld.
This tax was first levied by Ethelred II., and the proceeds
were used by him as a bribe to induce the Danish raiders to
return home. The Chronicle says that in 991 it realized
.£20,000 ; in 994, £16,000 ; in 1002, £24,000 ; in 1007 it rose
to £30,000; but in 1024 it had fallen to £21,000. Under
the Danish kings it was increased to still greater sums :
Canute received £83,000 in 1014, and in 1042 Hardicanute
received £21,099, besides £11,048 that was paid for thirty-
two ships. There is no record of the sums that were raised
by this tax under the Confessor, who is said, because in a
dream he saw the devil chuckling over the money produced
by it, to have abandoned it in the year 1051 ; but it was
levied at least three times during the Conqueror's reign, and
in the winter of 1083-4 he exacted an exceeding muckle geld
of 72^". from every hide. The Chronicle does not state the
amount thus raised, but there are certain Geld Inquisitions
prefixed to the Exeter Domesday relating to the yield of a
geld of 6s. a hide from the five south-western counties, which,
by all authorities, is considered to be the geld of 1083-4.
These inquisitions state the names of all the hundreds in
the county, the number of hides in each hundred, the
number of hides in demesne, the amount paid in each
hundred, and the number of hides from which the geld was
not paid.

They may be tabulated as follows : —

WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR AND HIS HALF BROTHERS

(FROM THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY)

THE PURPOSE OF DOMESDAY BOOK 7

County.

No. of

hundreds.

Hidage.

Demesne.

Geld actually
paid.

Hides not
paying.

Wilts
Dorset
Devon ...
Cornwall

41

37
30

394°i
2203
IO2I

40oJ

1 25-2 J
751*

345
1 20

£ s. d.

673 ii 7

403 14 I

174 5 o
28 13 6

302
1 10

Totals

757o|

2468f

1280 4 2

621

Some parts of the inquisition for Somerset are unde-
cipherable, and the figures are therefore omitted from this
table. The scribe puts the totals for Somerset and Dorset
at £518 Ss. od. and £415 8^. 9^. respectively.

It is clear from these inquisitions that the demesne land
did not pay to this geld, and the table shows that the total
geld derived from these four counties was reduced by 33 per
cent, by the exemption of the demesne, and by another
8 per cent, from other causes. If the same proportions
applied to the rest of England, the King received little more
than half of what he expected.

This great loss was doubtless the cause of the "muckle
thought and deep speech " which he had with his wise men
at Gloucester during the Christmas festival of 1085. Then
doubtless he was told that many magnates had obtained
reductions of their assessments, that many counties were
under-assessed, and that some lands were altogether quit
of this tax.

This is how the Chronicle records this gemot and its
consequences —

" After this the King had muckle thought and deep speech with
his wise men about this land, how it was set, and with what men.
Then he sent his men over all England into each shire and let them
find out how many hundred hides were in that shire, or what the
King had himself of land or cattle in those lands, or what rights he

1 Including the geld from 26 hides to which the collectors said they were
entitled as a customary payment from 30 hundreds.

8 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

ought to have in the twelve month from that shire. Also he let
them write how much land his archbishops had, and his bishops, and
his abbots, and his earls, and, though I tell it longer, what or how
much each man had, that was landsitting in England, in land or
cattle, and how much it was worth. So very narrowly did he let
them speir it out that there was not a hide nor a yardland, nor — it
is shameful to tell, though he thought it no shame to do — so much as
an ox or a cow or a swine was left, that was not set down in his
writ : and all these writs were brought to him afterwards."

From the wording of this extract from the Chronicle we
can see that it was the incidence of taxation which the Con-
queror had in his mind when he sent his men throughout
England. He wanted to know who was liable to pay geld,
and what each man was liable to pay ; nay, more, he wanted
to know if each man was fairly assessed, and, if not, what was
his fair assessment. And therefore we must, in the first place,
regard Domesday Book as a monumental valuation list, with
notes on which a new assessment could be based.

" Every one who has been concerned in preparing a new valuation
list or in assessment appeals, knows that every item is of importance
in arriving at the proper assessment. In the majority of cases the
actual rent or estimated letting value is taken as the basis of assess-
ment ; but in other cases evidence must be collected : the cost of a
new building, the gross receipts of a railway, the trade done in
a public-house, may all be taken into account." l

Similarly, the Domesday Commissioners omitted everything
that they thought was immaterial, and inserted everything
that they thought was material evidence in arriving at a just
valuation of the property. The lengthy list of the byelaws
of the city of Chester is given, not as a model for other cities,
but that a record might be preserved of the shares in which
the fines were divided between the King and the earl. When
they recorded that the fine for bloodshed between Saturday
and Monday was double that for a similar offence during the

1 D. Bor., 3.

THE PURPOSE OF DOMESDAY BOOK 9

rest of the week, it was not to point out the wholesomeness
of the law against sabbath-breaking, but because the King
received 40^. instead of 2os. " Murder, theft, and incontinence
were regarded in Domesday Book, not as moral offences, but
as sources of profit for the King."

This view of Domesday Book explains both its contents
and its omissions. In a modern valuation list we are never
told the numbers of the villagers' families, nor the trades of
the villagers ; we must not, therefore, expect to find information
of this nature in the record before us.

A well-known instance of a search in Domesday for in-
formation which it does not contain is given in Pepys' Diary
for December 21,1661: "There I spoke to Mr. Falconbridge
to look whether he could out of Domesday Book give me
anything about the sea, and the dominion thereof." Such a
question would have been impossible to a man who under-
stood that Domesday Book was merely a valuation list. But
mistakes of a somewhat similar nature are made to-day. In
the spring of 1905 a well-known firm of auctioneers advertised
the sale of an estate in Surrey ; among its attractions were the
old trees in the park, "one of which is said to have been
mentioned in Domesday Book." It is possible that the
Domesday statistics of this property mention the wood of the
manor, but it is perfectly safe to state that there is no passage
in Domesday Book referring to a specific tree.

It is possible that the King had also other aims in his
mind. Under the English kings, all the inhabitants of the
kingdom could be called out to resist an invader ; the bulk
of Harold's army at Hastings was composed of a levy of
the southern counties ; the force which Bishop Thurstan,
a generation later, led to victory at the Battle of the
Standard was a general levy of the northern counties, to
which each village sent its contingent, headed by its priest.
The Conqueror naturally wished to know how many men
could be put in the field if occasion required, and hence the

io THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

numbers of households in the villages are inserted in our
record ; whether their heads held land or no, they were at all
events liable to compulsory military service in case of invasion.
Possibly the Assize of Arms of Henry II. was nothing more
than a reduction to writing of customs that had been observed
for centuries.

Yet a further reason for the undertaking of a task of this
magnitude has been suggested — that the Conqueror, now that
he was fully established in his kingdom, wished to know
whether his gifts had reached their destined recipients ; had
any magnate encroached on his less powerful neighbours ?
Were there any English who had retained possession of their
lands without his consent ? Mr. Freeman, indeed, regards
this as the chief object of the inquiry, but later authorities
are against him. We shall see later that one of the questions
propounded by the Domesday Commissioners for Cambridge-
shire was whether anything had been taken from or added to
the property then under consideration, and that to answer this
question they inquired into encroachments, and reported the
names of those who were in wrongful possession of any lands ;
but these inquiries have a very material bearing on the correct
valuation of any property. It is obvious that if I hide had
been taken away from a property that was assessed at 5
hides, it should in fairness pay only 80 per cent, of the
geld it formerly paid; and, conversely, if the owner of an
estate assessed at io hides had added to it I hide belong-
ing to another property, that its assessment should be increased
io per cent.

Professor Vinogradoff contends that " beside the collection
of the geld, one of the purposes of the inquest was to provide
the King with exact clues as to the personal nexus of the
various tenements."1 And in support of this contention he
refers to the great labour which was expended in arranging
the statistics relating to each property under the name of the
1 G. M., 292.

METHOD OF COMPILATION n

lord of whom it was holden. But the fact that the Cam-
bridgeshire jurors were asked only, " Who holds the estate ? "
and not, " Of whom is it holden ? " suggests that when the
instructions to the Commissioners were given, the Conqueror
had no intention of compiling a fee-book. It is, however,
very probable that when the statistics were being digested,
some official saw that the inquisitions provided the King
with these "clues as to the personal nexus of the various
tenements," and that the digest was prepared accordingly.

But geld was not the only income accruing to the King.
He had estates of his own in every county, and he wanted a
record of the possible income from these estates, so that he
might have a check on his sheriffs. The pleas of the counties
and the hundreds — local litigation — produced certain sums,
and far larger sums were forthcoming from the counties and
the boroughs ; and Sir J. B. Phear suggested at the Domesday
Commemoration that the main object of Domesday Book was
to afford to the officials of the Exchequer a means of checking
the sheriffs' accounts.1

In the following pages we shall proceed on the assumption
that Domesday Book was compiled primarily for fiscal purposes
— to show the Conqueror the proportion of geld payable from
each estate, and the person liable for the payment ; and that
its fiscal purpose colours every page of the record.

3. METHOD OF COMPILATION

The more one studies the statistics preserved in Domesday
Book, the greater is the surprise that they all could have
been collected in the few months that elapsed between the
Gloucester gemot of Christmas, 1085, and the Salisbury gemot
of Michaelmas, 1086. Mr. C. S. Taylor compares this short
period with the time taken in the compilation of the Return
of Owners of Land, which was ordered by the House of

1 D. S., I. 35.

12 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Commons in February, 1872, and was not published till July,
1875. But although the statistics were collected during those
nine months, it does not follow that the digest known as
Domesday Book was completed at the Salisbury gemot.

A careful student will at once observe that the counties
can be grouped according to differences in the phraseology
employed in recording their statistics. Mr. Eyton has pointed
out nine possible groups, and thinks that each group composed
a separate circuit, to which a separate body of Commissioners
was sent, in the same way as to-day counties are grouped for
assize purposes. The suggestion is so natural that it may be
at once adopted, especially as, without some such division of
labour, it would have been impossible to collect all these
statistics within nine months. His circuits are as follows : —

I. Kent, Sussex, Surrey, Hants, and Berks.
II. Wilts, Dorset, Somerset, Devon, and Cornwall.

III. Middlesex, Hertford, Buckingham.

IV. Gloucester, Hereford, Worcester.
V. Cambridge, Bedford.

VI. Northampton, Leicester, Warwick, Oxford.
VII. Stafford, Shropshire, Chester.
VIII. Derby, Nottingham, Lincoln, York, Huntingdon.
IX. Essex, Norfolk, Suffolk.1

There can be no doubt about the south-eastern and south-
western circuits : the language of the Shropshire and Cheshire
Commissioners is almost the same as that of the Commissioners
for Gloucester, Worcester, and Hereford, and it would seem
better to group these five shires into a western circuit, extend-
ing along the Welsh border ; Stafford appears to fall naturally
with Warwick, Northampton, Leicester, and Oxford, into a
West-Midland circuit, also of five counties. There is a marked
similarity between the Hertford and Cambridge and Bedford
Surveys, and an East-Midland circuit could be formed by

1 Eyton, Notes on Domesday, 10.

METHOD OF COMPILATION 13

grouping these three shires with Middlesex and Buckingham.
In this way Mr. Eyton's nine circuits could be reduced to
seven.

A document in Dugdale's Monasticon 1 gives the names of
the Commissioners who visited Worcester and the western
counties. For a long time there had been a dispute as to the
rights of Worcester Abbey over certain estates in the posses-
sion of the Abbey of Evesham, which was eventually tried in
a shire moot, over which the Bishop of Coutances was specially
sent to preside. The result of this trial was communicated by
the bishop to Remigius, Bishop of Lincoln, Henry of Ferrars,
Walter Giffard, and Adam fitz Hubert, brother of Eudo the
Steward,2 who in another document are described as the Com-
missioners who " came to inquire into the counties ; " 3 and it
is noteworthy that none of these were landowners in Worcester-
shire.4 From the writ addressed by the Conqueror to Arch-
bishop Lanfranc in the last year of his reign, ordering him to
make the return which has come down to us as the Inquisitio
Eliensis, it would appear that the Bishops of Winchester and
Coutances were the heads of the Domesday Commission for
Cambridgeshire and the East-Midland circuit.5

When the Commissioners had been appointed to their
various circuits, they would visit them county by county. The
Cambridgeshire Inquest shows how their proceedings were
conducted. There was evidently a meeting of the whole shire
— a shire moot — at which would be present the sheriff, the
barons (those who held direct from the King) and their
French sub-tenants, and all those who owed suit to the
hundred moot, and the priest, the reeve, and six villans from
every vill, and these upon oath gave the information the Com-
missioners required. It is from the fact that all the information
given in Domesday Book is the result of an inquiry upon oath,
that Sir Frederick Pollock suggests that the proper title to be

1 Vol. i. 602. 2 /</., 601. 3 ib.

4 V, C. H. Wor., J. 246. 5 F. -£., 134.

i4 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

given to these statistics is the Domesday Inquest rather than
the Domesday Stirvey.

The inquiry was made hundred by hundred, and a special
jury was empanelled for each hundred. Thus the jury for the
hundred of Staplehoe in Cambridgeshire was composed of
Nicholas of Kennet, William of Chippenham, Hugh of
Hesilinge, Warin of Saham, Robert the Englishman of Ford-
ham, Ordmar of Bellingham, Adam of Burwell, and Aluric of
Snailwell, Picot the sheriff, and the French and English. In
five other hundreds of Cambridge the hundred's m^—prefectus
Jmndredi — was one of the jurors, and in two or three cases the
record rounds off its lists by adding, as in Staplehoe, " and all
the other French and English of this hundred." From a
careful analysis of the names of the jurors in the Cambridge-
shire Inquest, Mr. Round has come to the conclusion that half
of them were English, and the other half were Normans:
" Conquerors and conquered were alike bound by their common
sworn verdicts." 1

The same record gives us the questions that were put to
the jurors —

" i. What is the name of the mansion?

" 2. Who held it in the time of King Edward?

"3. Who now holds it?

" 4. How many hides are there ?

" 5. How many teams — in demesne — of the tenants?

" 6. How many villans 2 — cottars — slaves ?

" 7. How many freemen — sokemen ?

"8. How much wood — meadow — pasture? How many mills?
How many fisheries ?

" 9. How much has been added or taken away ?

" 10. How much was the whole worth? How much is it
worth now ?

" ii. How much had or has each freeman or sokeman there?

1 F. £., 120.

2 For this spelling, see Chapter VII. § 4.

METHOD OF COMPILATION 15

" All this is to be given in triplicate ; that is, in the time of King
Edward, when King William gave it, and at the present time.
" 12. And if more can be had than is had."

From the fact that all the statistics for all the counties run
on approximately the same lines, we are justified in concluding
that a somewhat similar set of questions was propounded
throughout the kingdom.

The jury for each hundred would answer these questions
for each vill in that hundred, and their answers would be noted
down in detail, as in the Cambridgeshire Inquest. Sometimes
they were unable to make any return for a particular estate :
" No one made a return to the King's legates " of the manor of
Woodchester (Glos), "nor did any of them \i.e. the tenants]
come to this survey (descriptio)" 1 Once, at least, the owner
of the property in question proved his title to the satisfaction
of the Commissioners : Osbern, Bishop of Exeter, produced
his charters, which testified that the church of St. Peter,
Exeter, was seised of the manor of Newton before King
Edward reigned.2 In the Cambridgeshire Inquest we have
what is probably a copy of their original returns set forth
hundred by hundred and vill by vill. The Ely Inquest
contains a copy of the statistics relating to the estates of the
abbey of Ely in six counties. Mr. Round tells us that for
their estates in the counties of Hertford and Cambridge, these
statistics are an independent copy of the original returns ; for
their estates in Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk, they are extracted
from the second volume of Domesday Book ; while of the
statistics of their four estates in Huntingdon, he cannot speak
positively.3 The Exetec- Domesday contains a similar copy
of the original returns for the five western counties, which
have been rearranged under the names of the owners of the
estates.

The jurors would speak to all these details from personal

1 D. B., I. 164 a 2. 2 Id., ioi b 2.

3 F. E., 135.

16 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

knowledge, and possibly they were assisted by similar returns
which had been prepared by the reeves for their annual
reckonings with their lords. We shall later refer to such
returns compiled between the years 1125-28 for the estates
of Peterborough Abbey contained in the Liber Niger, and
to slightly earlier returns relating to the estates of Burton
Abbey. Archdeacon Hale has pointed out that somewhat
similar returns for the manors belonging to St. Paul's Cathe-
dral, and also for the manor of Corfe Castle, were submitted
on the law-days of these manors, and, as the old English word
for law was " doom," he thinks that these returns were also
known as Domesday returns, and that the title was transferred
to the book compiled from the returns ; and Mr. Freeman
approves of this derivation. But the term " Domesday " is
never found in the book itself. Sometimes it calls itself
description a survey ; sometimes breve, a writ. The render of
Shrewsbury is given for " the year before this description was
made,"1 and certain Worcestershire manors are recorded in
the " writ " for Herefordshire.2

When the returns had been thus compiled, hundred by
hundred and vill by vill, they were sent to the King's house
at Winchester, and there rearranged ; it would have been an
endless task for the officials of the Exchequer to search through
all these returns to discover what lands any person held in any
county, and what geld was payable in respect of these lands ;
and therefore the various estates were arranged under the
names of their owners. First we find the lands of the King ;
then follow those of the archbishops, bishops, abbeys, earls,
and lesser landowners ; and at the end come two or three
comprehensive groups, such as the King's servientes or ser-
jeants, the King's vavassours, and the King's thegns, in which
were included all those who held small estates with no superior
but the King.

In order to carry out this rearrangement, one clerk had the
1 D. B., I. 252 a i. 2 id., I. 178.

METHOD OF COMPILATION 17

original returns before him, and dissected them while he read
out the passages relating to the property of the landowner
whose possessions were being described. For instance, if it
were a question of enumerating the lands of the Count of
Mortain, in Buckinghamshire, the returns from the eighteen
hundreds of that county would be laid before him in a certain
order ; he would look through the first of these returns, and
extract therefrom the details of the count's estates, and dictate
them to the other clerk ; he would then deal with the return
for the next hundred in a similar way, and so on till all the
returns for the eighteen hundreds had passed under his eye ;
when he had finished with the Count of Mortain, he would
look for the estates of Earl Hugh (of Chester), whose name
follows that of the Count of Mortain in the Domesday Book
for Buckingham. The reason why it is thought that the
returns were dictated, not copied, is that the scribe almost in-
variably set the name of the hundred with which he was then
dealing in capital letters in the right-hand side of the column
he was writing ; (the only exceptions are the south-western
counties and Oxfordshire). In many cases the name of any
particular hundred varies very considerably. If the scribe had
once seen how the name of the hundred was spelt, whether
correctly or incorrectly, it is most probable he would have
continued to spell it in the same manner ; but as the spelling
varies, it is not unreasonable to think that he spelt it phoneti-
cally from dictation.

It is obvious that such a method of procedure was especially
liable to mistakes, and we often find that particular estates, and
sometimes even all the possessions of a particular landowner,
were omitted in their proper places. In Oxfordshire, the
omission of the lands of William fitz Ansculf and Hascoius
Musard was apparently not discovered till the account of that
county was compiled ; the former was therefore written in at
at the foot of fol. 157 b. I, and the account of the latter's
property stretches across the foot of fols. 159 b. and 160 a. In
c

i8 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

other cases we find the marks 0 and +, calling attention to
entries of omitted estates, and at other times these estates are
entered in the margin ; sometimes new sheets of parchment
have been inserted on which the omitted entries are written ;
thus fol. 33 was inserted to receive the details of three Surrey
estates which Hamo, the Sheriff of Kent, held under the Abbot
of Chertsey, for which there was no room on fol. 32. Some-
times it is only a detail that is omitted, and in such cases there
are often marginal notes calling attention to the omissions ;
thus on fol. 247 a I the numbers of hides and teams at Huste-
done are omitted, and in the margin is a note " rq qt terrce?
which means " inquire how many lands." Occasionally there
are duplicate entries, usually of estates to which the title was
disputed. Hardouin of Eschalers' holding of 2| hides at
Swaffham is entered in two places : once it appears among
the lands he held of the King ; x but it also appears among the
lands of the Abbey of Ely, which claimed that Hardouin held
this land as its tenant.2 Sometimes, even, lands are entered in
the wrong county. The Oxfordshire estates of the Bishop of
Coutances have accidentally slipped into the Northampton-
shire Domesday.3

The liability to these mistakes was diminished by a device
of the Yorkshire scribes in the compilation of a rough index,
giving a list of the properties in each hundred, with the names
of the owners of these estates written in over the line ; 4 but
there is no evidence of a similar index having been compiled
for any other county.

For some reason or other there are more serious omis-
sions in Domesday Book. London, Winchester, Bristol, and
Tamworth are four boroughs that were omitted, and we have
only incidental allusions to their existence. Wells is also
omitted, and although the possessions of the Abbey of Crow-
land are described, yet Crowland itself is omitted. Ingulf the
1 D. B., 1. 199 a 2. 2 id., i. 190 b 2.

3 Id., 221 a i. « Id. 379.

COVER OF DOMESDAY HOOK

METHOD OF COMPILATION 19

Chronicler boasts that he used his influence with the Com-
missioners to induce them to omit Crowland, but his tale is
doubted.1

Besides rearrangement, other changes were made at
Winchester. Domesday Book is in two volumes, of which the
smaller — the second — relates to the counties of Essex, Norfolk,
and Suffolk. The descriptions of these counties are full of
detail : the stock on the demesne, or home farm, is usually set
forth, and the details of the encroachments are most vivid. In
Suffolk the names of the individual freemen are entered at
length, and a comparison of this volume with the Cambridge-
shire Inquest suggests that it is a verbatim copy of the original
returns (with the omission of the names of the jurors) which
have been rearranged in the manner before described. Mr.
Round thinks that this was the first volume that was compiled,
and that when the authorities saw what a bulky volume would
be required if the whole of England were entered in such
detail, they decided that the other counties should be treated
in a simpler manner, and that much of the detail should be
suppressed.2 All the returns of stock were therefore omitted
from the other counties, and consequently the vivid descriptions
of East Anglian life are replaced by bald statistics in the rest
of England.

The second volume differs from the first in form also. It
contains 450 leaves of vellum, about IOJ inches in height by 7
inches in width, with 20 to 28 lines on a page. The first
volume has 382 leaves, measuring 14^ inches by 9$, with from
50 to 59 lines to a page. The entries in the second volume
are written right across the page, while there are two columns
to a page in the first volume. " The rubbed and worn look of
the first and last pages containing each county appears to
indicate that the returns for each county were kept separate
for some time before being bound together as they now are." 3

1 Eyton, Staff., II. <t F. £., 141.

3 Birch, Domesday Book, 20.

20 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

The descriptions of the counties north of the Thames are
all (except Middlesex and Derby) modelled on the same
plan. At the head of each county is a long entry relating to
the county borough — the borough which gave its name to the
shire. These borough entries vary in length : the account of
Chester fills three and a half columns, while Bedford is sum-
marized in seven lines. A blank sheet is inserted at the
beginning of the Middlesex Domesday, as if the scribes had
originally intended that an account of London should be there
inserted. Following the survey of the borough are sometimes
a few lines dealing with the dues paid to the King by the
county as a whole, and then follows an index of the landowners
in the shire, which in its turn is followed by the details of
their possessions compiled in the manner before described.
South of the Thames we find a difference only in the matter
of the county boroughs.

With regard to the index of landowners in any county,
students must be warned that the order in which the names of
the landowners appear in the index often differs from the
order in which they appear in the text of the Survey. Some-
times this difference is very material. In the index of
Leicestershire owners, Hugh, Earl of Chester, is No. 13 ; but
in the actual Survey his name was omitted in its proper place,
and he appears as No. 43.

For centuries these two volumes were kept, with the other
records of the Exchequer, at Winchester, under three locks
and keys, in the charge of the Auditor, Chamberlains, and
Deputy-Chamberlains of the Exchequer, until in 1698 they
were removed to the Chapter House at Westminster ; since
1857 they have been deposited in the Public Record Office in
Chancery Lane.

By order of the Record Commission they were printed
from a specially cut fount of type, in 1783, at a cost of
£38,000, but the type was destroyed in the fire at Mr.
Nicholl's printing-office in 1808. The work was carried out

CHEST IN WHICH DOMESDAY BOOK WAS KEPT

METHODS OF STUDY 21

under the supervision of Sir Henry Ellis, whose indices are
invaluable, though much of the matter contained in his intro-
duction has been superseded by subsequent investigation. In
1816 the Record Commission published a further volume,
containing the Ely Inquest, the Exeter Domesday, a survey
of Winchester under Henry I., and the Boldon Book ; but the
Cambridgeshire Inquest was not printed till 1870, when Mr.
Hamilton edited it, and collated it with the Exchequer
Domesday.

Owing to the development of photography, and the intro-
duction of the process of photo-zincography by Sir Henry
James, the Director of the Ordnance Survey, facsimile repro-
ductions of the surveys of the various counties are now within
the reach of most pockets. These facsimiles should always be
consulted, for they reveal points that are not shown in the
printed edition ; for instance, the insertion of the lands of
William fitz Ansculf, on fol. 157 b I, is seen at a glance at the
facsimile, while the printed edition gives no indication that the
entries were omitted and afterwards inserted. The hand-
writing of Domesday is easily read after a few lessons ; and
with the aid now given to students in such works as Martin's
Record Intei'preter^ the contractions should be mastered in a
very short time.

It will probably be of assistance to some students if we
transcribe and extend the page of which a facsimile is given as
a frontispiece to this volume.1

4. METHODS OF STUDY

We propose in the following pages to take the various
questions propounded to the Cambridgeshire jurors, and by a
comparison of the answers given to them, as these answers are
digested in Domesday Book, to endeavour to ascertain the
meanings of the technical terms employed, and the nature of
the institutions represented by these terms.
1 See Appendix.

22 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

But it must be remembered that statistics show society in
a state of rest. A rate-book gives certain statistics of the
present condition of a village ; it tells the names of the
present inhabitants who are householders, the values of their
houses, and the areas of their farms ; but it gives no hint of the
new houses that have been built, of those that have fallen into
decay, of the families who have left the village, or of the farms
that have been consolidated. From it you learn nothing of
the forces that are making for the depopulation of the villages
or for the growth of the large towns. If these changes are to
be studied, the rate-book of to-day must be compared with the
rate-book of twenty years ago.

Domesday Book gives statistics for two periods : for " the
day on which King Edward was quick and dead," January
5, 1066, and for the time at which the inquiry was held, the
year 1086 ; so that something can be learnt of the forces that
were exerting themselves during the reign of the Conqueror.
But it tells of no other forces. Like a rate-book, it takes
existing institutions as } 'aits accomplis> and does not even hint
at the long, slow, and often painful processes by which these
institutions have been evolved. ,

The ordinary tourist, who has no knowledge of archi-
tecture, visits a cathedral, and pronounces it very beautiful ;
but he knows nothing, and can understand nothing, of the
generations of workmen who have contributed towards its
beauty. The Norman arches, the Early English windows,
the Perpendicular clerestory, have no meaning for him.
Similarly, the Norman invaders found in this country certain
institutions to which they gave the name of " manor,"
"hundred," and "county." They found certain classes of
men, to whom they applied the terms of " villans," " bordars,"
" freemen, and " sokemen." They accepted these institutions
and these classes of men, and asked no question as to the
manner in which they had been evolved.

In these pages we shall follow their example, and study

METHODS OF STUDY 23

these institutions and classes of society as they existed in the
years 1066 and 1086. Some reference to their history must
occasionally be made ; but, as a general rule, that history will
be disregarded, and left to those writers whose aim is to
discuss the dynamics of society.

To-day, when a Government Department asks for a sheet
of statistics, it sends with its demand a paper of instructions,
defining the technical terms employed. Every clerk to a
Board of Guardians has every half-year to furnish to the Local
Government Board statistics of the amount expended by his
union in in-maintenance and out-relief; but notes appended
to the returns explain these terms. To persons who are
ignorant of their precise meaning, these returns are very mis-
leading. The ordinary man would consider that under the
heading " in-maintenance " would be included all the expenses
of the workhouse — the cost of the food and fuel, the cost of
buildings, repairs, and stationery, and the salaries of the staff;
but for the purposes of this return the term is confined to the
cost of provisions, and the necessary materials for cleaning,
lighting, and warming the institution — charges which vary from
one-half to two-thirds of the entire expense of the workhouse.

No one will, for an instant, suggest that similar papers
of instructions were given to the Domesday Commissioners ;
but it is only reasonable to think that they had some sort
of an understanding between themselves as to the nature of
the institution they were to describe as a manor, and as to the
lines of distinction between the various classes of men. True,
the Commissioners themselves were strangers in a strange
land ; but they were assisted by jurors, half of whom were
Englishmen, who could therefore be trusted to draw no dis-
tinctions that were not justified by English social ideas.

Hence, when the Commissioners drew a verbal distinction,
some essential distinction must have existed ; for instance,
there must have been some distinction between a manor
and a sokeland, a villan and a sokeman, or a sokeman and a

24 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

freeman. But, on the other hand, the well-known dislike of the
Domesday scribes for tautology will warn us against seeing
an essential distinction in every change of phraseology. But
although the Commissioners may have drawn no verbal dis-
tinction that did not correspond to some essential distinction,
it does not follow that the converse is true, and that they
recognized every distinction that was drawn by English ideas
or English law. The compiler of the (so-called) Laws of
Henry I. states, " The division of the English law is triple :
there is a West-Saxon Law, and a Mercian Law, and a Danish
Law." And the Commissioners were obliged to force all the
variations sanctioned by this triple code into the Procrustean
bed of a statistical table. And in many cases, especially in
dealing with personal ranks and distinctions, we shall have to
make allowance for this necessity.

A second point to be noticed is that the Commissioners
understood so well what they were talking about, that they
rarely gave any definition or laid down any general rule. I
know of only one general rule which is laid down or appealed
to by them to justify their verdict on a disputed point. If to
us their ideas sometimes seem undefined, this is due to our
own limitations, and it should be our aim to put ourselves
into their places, and to study their decisions till we see -that
the indefiniteness is on our part and not on theirs.

From these two positions we may deduce a third : Domes-
day Book must be studied as a consistent whole; the man
who draws general conclusions from the study of one village
only, or from one county only, will certainly go astray ; parallel
passages in the statistics of different counties throw light on
one another.

One difficulty which confronts the student of Domesday
Book is to know whether a custom defined in a particular
passage is a custom of general application or merely an
exception. To take a specific instance: Certain houses in
the city of Oxford belonged to the landowners of the county

METHODS OF STUDY 25

as appurtenances of their rural estates, and such houses were
called " mural mansions," and were liable for the repair of the
city wall In other cities there were houses belonging to
the landowners of the county as appurtenances of their rural
estates : were such houses mural mansions or no ? The
position that I have taken in a former essay is that such
houses were mural mansions, on the principle that an explana-
tion of any phenomenon given in one passage should, in the
absence of any evidence to the contrary, be taken to be a
general explanation applicable to all similar phenomena. On
the other hand, it is contended that general rules were taken
as known, and that only the exceptions to these rules were
recorded. If the existence of houses liable for the repair of
the walls was an institution peculiar to Oxford, some other
explanation must be suggested for the existence in other
cities of houses appurtenant to rural estates ; but Domesday
Book hints at no other explanation.

The Domesday student will not, therefore, be surprised
to find that many points still remain in doubt. In such cases
the evidence and arguments will be laid before him, and he
must form his own conclusions.

A word of warning must be added : The student who finds
a custom or a distinction existing both in the ninth and the
thirteenth centuries, will naturally conclude that that custom
or distinction persisted during the interval between those
periods ; but he must be very careful not to import into
Domesday any custom or distinction of which the evidence
is found only in the ninth or the thirteenth century. Such
evidence may be properly adduced in corroboration of a
custom or distinction of which the Domesday evidence is
slight; but to import a thirteenth-century custom into the
eleventh century may involve almost as great an anachronism
as a picture of Hengist and Horsa arriving in torpedo-boats
and armed with Maxims.

26 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

5. MONEY AND MEASURES

Although logically a note on the monetary system of the
eleventh century should be incorporated in the discussion of
the values of the various properties and the rents derived
from them, yet, as constant reference will be made to money
in the following pages, it will be more useful to consider this
question among the preliminary matters that must be discussed
before beginning a systematic study of the questions addressed
to the Cambridgeshire jurors.

The Domesday denominations of money are "pound,"
"mark," "ore" or ounce, "shilling," "penny," "halfpenny"
(obohis\ and " farthing ; " but the penny was the only coin
then in use, and was broken into two to form halfpennies,
as is shown by the examples in the British Museum ; all
the other sums were merely expressions of account. Then,
as now, twelve pence made one shilling, and twenty shillings
made one pound ; and Domesday Book often uses the ex-
pression "a pound of pence." The mark of gold appears
in the Pipe Rolls of Henry II. as being worth £6, and the
mark of silver was equal to 13^. ^d. By weight a mark was
equal to 8 ozs., and therefore I oz. of silver was worth 2O</.,
and 12 ozs. would make I Ib. ; the penny was the twentieth
part of an ounce. The render of the city of Gloucester was
stated to be £60 of 2od. to the ore or ounce.1 So that the
monetary system of the eleventh century was based on the
Troy weight of silver. Occasionally reference is made to other
" ores ; " the Cambridgeshire Inquest gives the value of Clinton
as being 2 ores, but the Exchequer fixes it at 32^. So that
here is an ounce of i6d, and fifteen of these ounces would
make I Ib. And the ore of \6d. is also to be found in Derby2
and in the county between the Mersey and the Kibble.3

Again, it must be remembered that there were two methods

1 D. B., I. 162 a I. 2 V. C. H. Derby, i. 320.

' D. B., I. 269 b 2.

MONEY OF WILLIAM I CURRENT AT THE DATE OF DOMESDAY

[LENT BY THE BRITISH NUMISMATIC SOCIETY]

MONEY AND MEASURES

27

of calculation. Payment was made by tale (numero), when
coins were accepted at their nominal value ; but often the
coins were assayed and weighed — a process rendered neces-
sary by the circulation of coins of debased metal and light
weight. Money to which this process had been applied was
called "blanch" money. At Bosham current coin of the
nominal value of ^65 was required to equal £50 assayed
and weighed.1

It is only incidentally that Domesday Book gives any
details from which we can deduce the purchasing power of
money, and these details are tabulated below. For the sake
of comparison, corresponding prices are annexed for periods
before and after the Conquest.

Circa 940.

Circa
1000-1050.

Domesday Book.

1166.

1189.

1260-1270.

«. d.

Ox
Cow

ZOd.
20d.

y)d.

2/- and 2/6

23/8

t

10 3

6 2

Pig

lod.

&/.

8*/.

nd

2 2i

Sheep

I/-

tf.

i 5

Columns I and 2 are taken from Chad wick's Studies in A. S. Institutions,
p. 2 ; columns 4 and 5 from the Pipe Rolls for those years ; column 6, from
Rogers, History of Agriculture, vol. i.

No figures have been given in the above table showing
the price of wheat, as a discussion of the measures of Domes-
day Book is first necessary. Our record speaks of " sextary,"
" modius," " amber," " mitta," and " seam," of which the three
latter are the easiest of explanation. In the thirteenth century
the amber was a measure equivalent to 4 bushels, and from
a passage in a Kentish will of the ninth century — "thirty
ambers of good Welsh ale, which are equal to 15 mittas"2
— it would appear that the mitta was equal to 2 ambers,
or 8 bushels.3 In Domesday Book the amber and the

1 D. B., I. 16 a 2. z Thorpe, 460.

3 Robertson, Hist. Essays, 68.

28 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

mitta are used only as measures for salt ; and there are two
passages on the same page which show that the mitta was
equal to the seam. In the account of Maurdine1 9 seams
of salt are valued at ninepence. In the next column, in
the account of Marcle, it is stated that " 5/- were paid at Wich
for sixty mittas of salt ; " and this equation is corroborated
by a passage in the Register of Worcester Priory,2 which,
after speaking of the duty of the villains of Broadway to
fetch salt from Droitwich, states, "Each horse shall carry a
mitta," showing that a seam, or horse-load, was equivalent
to a mitta. Hence a seam is equal to 8 bushels, and is the
modern quarter. But Mr. Round quotes Hablington's state-
ment that a mitta was equal to 2 bushels,3 and Professor
Maitland doubts the equation, I amber = 4 bushels.4

But the sextary and the modius are less easily explained.
" Sextary " is used both as a dry and a liquid measure. Sex-
taries of honey and wine are mentioned as well as sextaries of
corn ; we also read of modii of wine and corn. That a sextary
was an aliquot part of a modius is shown by the record of the
rents of the shrievalty of Wiltshire, which included " 2 modii
and 8 sextaries of wheat, and as much malt, and 5 modii and
4 sextaries of oats ; " 5 but in no passage does Domesday
Book hint the number of sextaries contained in a modius,
nor do I know any English text that gives this information.
Ducange says that the dry modius of Paris contained 12
sextaries, and if this equation were adopted for Domesday
Book, the quantity of oats received by the Sheriff of Wilts
would be double the quantity of wheat. Henry of Hunt-
ingdon equates sextary with seam, in which case a modius
would be equivalent to 1 2 quarters ; and this equation is
supported by the Liber Niger, which states that in 1125 the
Abbey of Peterborough received from its tenants 65 modii

1 D. B., I. 179 b i. 2 Id., 34 a.

3 V, C H.> Wor., i. 270. 4 D. B. and B., 440.

5 D. B., I. 69 a I.

MONEY AND MEASURES 29

of wheat, 48 of malt and " grud," and 9 of oats ; altogether
122 modii of corn, which were valued at £97 I2s.y or i6s. a
modius.1 The price of a quarter of wheat in 1156 is shown
by the Pipe Rolls to have been is. 6d., and as malt and oats
were worth less than wheat, the Peterborough modius may
be regarded as being equal to 12 quarters. In 1086 the
mill at Arundel rendered 24 modii of corn of a value of .£14,
or i is. 8d. a modius, or (if this modius was the same as the
Peterborough modius) a little under is. a quarter.2

The Pipe Rolls of Henry II. show that the price of a quarter
of wheat varied in the thirteenth century between I s. 6d. and
2s., and the decennial average for 1260-70 is shown by Pro-
fessor Thorold Rogers to have been 4s. 5 fat

But the liquid sextary cannot be equated to 8 bushels, or
64 gallons. In one passage the sextary of honey is valued in
Domesday Book at I s. ; 3 in a second passage it is valued at
i$d. ;4 but in this latter passage the sextary at i$d. is con-
trasted with the sextary cum majori mensura. A few lines
previously it is stated that T. R. E. £24 Ss. could be paid to
the Crown in lieu of 36 sextaries of honey, in which case
the larger sextary would be worth about 1 3^. 6d., and would
be equivalent to between ten and twelve of the smaller
measure.

1 Peterborwgh Chronicle, Camden Society, 167. 2 D. B., I. 23 a i.

3 /</., 69 a I. 4 Id., I. 238 a i.

CHAPTER II
THE HIDE AND THE TEAMLAND

" Quot hides ? quot caruccs in dominio ? quot hominum f "

ALTHOUGH these two questions were not the first pro-
pounded to the Cambridgeshire jurors, it will be better
to answer them first, as, without a correct understanding
of the land measurements, or rather of the circumlocutions
used to express land measurements, Domesday Book is
incomprehensible.

First, let us see how these questions are usually answered.
By way of example, turn to the first three properties of the
Bishop of Bayeux in Oxfordshire 1 —

" The Bishop of Bayeux holds Combe of the King. There is
one hide there : there is land for four teams. There are now in
demesne (the land occupied and farmed as a home farm by the
Lord) two teams . . . and six villans with six bordars have three
teams.

" The same Bishop holds Deddington. There are 36 hides there.
There is land for 30 teams. . . . Now there are in demesne ten
teams . . . and 64 villans with 10 bordars have 20 teams.

" The same Bishop holds Stanton (? Harcourt). There are 26 hides
there which gelded T. R. E. There is land for 23 teams. Now
there are in demesne five teams . . . and 55 villans with 28 bordars
have 17 teams."

From these three examples, we can deduce a formula of
1 D. B., I. 155 b.

THE HIDE AND THE TEAMLAND 31

three terms which was adopted by the Oxfordshire valuers —
that, in any given estate, they would return —

(1) There are A hides there.

(2) There is land for B teams.

(3) There are C teams in demesne, and the tenants have
D teams.

This formula is adopted with variations in all parts of Eng-
land, and it is from the variations that it can be explained.

The first term often appears under other forms. In the
south-eastern circuit it reads, " It defends itself for A hides ; "
in the south-western circuit, " It gelds for A hides ; " in the
western circuit, " There are A gelding hides ; " in Huntingdon,
" There are A hides for geld ; " and a fifth variant is found in
Essex, " X held such a place for a manor and for A hides."

So that we can determine that the number of hides given
in the first term of the formula represents the number of
assessable units imposed on the property. The geld was a
charge of so many shillings per hide. When once the hidage
was known, it was easy to calculate the amount of geld payable
by any property.

The hide was divisible into portions. Certain assessments
are expressed in terms of hides, virgates, and acres. The
number of virgates in a hide is nowhere stated in Domesday
Book ; but, fortunately, there are many equations in the shape
of addition sums, from which the number of virgates in a hide
can be easily deduced.

(2H + iV) + (iH + iV) + i|H = 5Hi
iH -HV = iH + JV + JV + |V + iV*

Similar equations can be found in the geld inquests for
the south-western counties —

(2iiH + JV) + (S6H + ijV) = ?8H 4

1 D. B., I. 29 a i. 2 Id., 39 b 2.

3 Id., 198 a I and 2, 4 Ex. Dom., 14.

32 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

All these equations can be solved only by the formula
iH=4V.

In Devon and Cornwall the virgate was further divisible
into four ferdings. The number of acres in a virgate is
similarly never stated in Domesday Book, but there is one
equation from which it can be deduced —

(6H + iV + 7 A) = (2JH + 9A) + (iiH + 6A) + JH + JH

hence 15 A = JV
and therefore 3oA = iV and i2oA = iH.

But this formula will not hold good for the whole of Eng-
land. In Wilts we find a virgate of 10 acres, and therefore a
hide of 40 acres.2 And it would seem as though a Sussex
hide sometimes contained 8 virgates.

We cannot, however, be too much on our guard against
considering these geld acres as statute acres. The geld hide
of Domesday Book (i.e. the hide in the first term of this
formula) was merely notional, not areal.

But every notion represents some reality, and we must,
therefore, inquire what was the reality represented by the
notional geld hide. To this question many answers have been
returned, of which one of the most noteworthy is the Rev. C. S.
Taylor's paper on the " Pre-Domesday Hide in Gloucester-
shire," in the Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire
Archaeological Society.3

When King Alfred translated Bede's Ecclesiastical History
into English, he used the term " hide " as equivalent to Bede's
" possessio unius familiar" Thus, where Bede wrote " donavit
terram 87 familiarum," Alfred wrote " sealde 87 hida landes,"
showing that he considered the hide to be a family holding.
Turning to the charters and grants of the English Kings,
we find that the areas of the estates are expressed by such

1 D. B., I. 198 a 2. 2 17 E. H. R., 280.

3 Vol. 18, p. 288.

THE HIDE AND THE TEAMLAND 33

terms as "terrain duarum manentium," "terram duarum
aratrum," " mansse, cassati, mansiunculae," etc. Mr. Taylor has
compared the Domesday record of the possessions of Bath and
Worcester Abbeys with the charters conferring these estates
on the abbeys, and finds that in the case of nineteen out of )
twenty-six estates granted by charters dating from 676 to
970, the number of Domesday hides agrees with the number
of family holdings granted by the charters.

The Chartulary of Abingdon Abbey l contains a charter
of 947, by which Edward the Elder granted to the abbey " bis
denas mansas, quod Anglice dicitur 20 hida " at Washington,
showing that " hide " was the recognized equivalent of these
Latin terms.

This identity being shown, the number of geld hides in
Domesday will represent the number of family holdings (each
employing one plough-team) on a given estate at some period
before the Conquest, and, as custom is the essence of early
jurisprudence, when once the area of the estate had been
estimated at a certain number of family holdings, that estima-
tion would be stereotyped for all time until some strong power
from outside should upset it But other scholars, as we shall
see later, think that the hide was an assessable unit — a notional
area — from the very beginning.

Passing on to the third term in the formula, a little con-
sideration will show that in stating the number of teams
actually .employed on the estate, the jurors are giving a rough
estimate of the land actually cultivated. This deduction is
only reasonable. No farmer will keep on his farm more teams
than he can profitably use. If he can do all his ploughing
with three teams, he will not keep four ; the horses or oxen
that are not constantly employed will be eating their heads
off; and if this is true in the twentieth century, much more
would it be true in the eleventh century, when the entire
absence of winter keep other than the hay grown on a very

1 Vol. i. p. 141.
D

34 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

restricted area of meadow, would place great difficulties in the
way of a man who thought of keeping more teams than were
absolutely necessary for his work. We may, therefore, pro-
visionally interpret the third term of the formula to mean that
the area under cultivation, whether in demesne or in the occu-
pation of tenants, was cultivated by C + D teams.

At present we have no idea of the area represented by a
teamland. How much land could be cultivated by one team in
one year ? First, what was the number of beasts composing a
team ? This number is easily ascertainable for Cambridge-
shire. A comparison of parallel passages in the Exchequer
Domesday, the Cambridgeshire Inquest, and the Ely Inquest
shows many instances where the compiler of one record states,
" There is land for a half or a quarter of a team," and the com-
piler of another says, " There is land for four or two oxen," as
though it were a matter of indifference whether the area were
expressed in terms of teams or oxen, and showing that in that
county, at all events, the plough-team was composed of eight
oxen.1 This equation is implied in other counties, and it is
only reasonable to suppose that the Commissioners considered
that a team was composed of the same number of oxen in all
parts of the country ; otherwise those who used Domesday
Book would have required a table, showing the number of
oxen in a team in the different counties.

Documents of the thirteenth century, quoted by Mr.
Seebohm, show that at that time the average area allotted
to each manorial team of eight oxen was a hide — an areal
hide — of 1 20 so-called acres, scattered over the open fields
of the manor. Since the publication of his work on the
English Village Community^ every historical student knows
the main features of the open or common field system ; that
all the cultivated land of a manor was divided into two or
three fields, one of which lay fallow every year ; in a two-
field manor, the fields were cultivated in alternate years ; in

1 F. JS.t 35-

THE HIDE AND THE TEAMLAND 35

a three-field manor, each field lay fallow every third year,
and the other fields were sown, the one that had been fallow
the preceding year with wheat or winter corn, and the other
with barley or oats or spring corn. The flocks and herds
of the villagers fed over these fields between one harvest
and the next ploughing, and also over the waste of the manor.
The two remarkable features of this system, which is even
now to be found in certain remote corners of the country,
were, that these fields were cut up into broad strips, called
furlongs, or shots, which in their turn were subdivided into
smaller strips, which were called acres, but were usually the
area that could be ploughed by one team in a day ; and that the
strips in the occupation of any tenant were scattered all over
the field, so that he often had a long journey to make from
one strip to another. One passage in Domesday Book refers
to this system : at Garsington (Oxon) " there was one hide
of inland, . . . which lies among the King's land in parcels
(particulatim)"1 and Mr. Seebohm has shown that this system
existed in England from the earliest times. He also tells
that on the division of the open fields there were often odd
corners which could not be ploughed, and were known as
" no man's land." Domesday Book records that King William
had 12^ acres of no man's land in Middlesex.2 Professor
Maitland has shown from existing maps, some of them three
centuries old, that these so-called acres were often less than
a statute acre, and in many cases were often only two or three
roods in extent. Mr. Seebohm also shows that in the thirteenth
century an areal hide was divisible into 4 virgates, or yard-
lands, and that the tenant of a virgate was expected to provide
a couple of oxen for the manorial team for use on the demesne
farm ; and further, that it was part of the duty of the tenants
to assist in ploughing their lord's demesne.

It is possible that traces of this agricultural co-opera-
tion can be found in Domesday Book, for the Middlesex
1 D. B., 156 b 2. 2 id., 127 a i.

36 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST.

Commissioners give the cultivated areas, not only in terms of
teams, but also in terms of hides and virgates. One of the best
examples is at Laleham 1 —

" Robert Blund holds in Laleham eight hides of the King, and
Estrild, a monk, holds of him. There is land for five teams. In
demesne are four hides and one team. The villans have four teams.
There is one villan of i virgate, 7 villans each of half a hide, and 3
bordars of i virgate, and 3 cottars."

Now, iV + 3JH + iV = 4.H, which is, according to Mr.
Seebohm's theory, the area that ought to provide four teams
of eight oxen each. But it should be added that the Middle-
sex instances of the villans' teams being equal in number to
the villans' hides, are in great minority ; but in treating
these hides as representing real agricultural arrangements, we
are following such scholars as Professors Maitland2 and
Vinogradoff. 3

What we have learnt of agricultural co-operation will
guard us against thinking that on an estate where the lord's
teams were equal in number to the tenants' teams, the area in
demesne was equal to the area occupied by the tenants.
Supposing there was one team in demesne, and another
belonging to the tenants, the area of the demesne would be
1 20 acres plus an unknown quantity cultivated by the plough-
ing services of the tenants' teams, while the land in the
occupation of the tenants would be 120 acres. To estimate
this unknown quantity we must know the amount of plough-
ing that was required of the tenants. The Ramsey Chartulary
gives many examples of this feature ; for instance, it says of
Broughton (Hunts) that the demesne could be cultivated by
four teams of its own, by two boon works, and by the
customary services of the vill, which latter were equivalent to
two and a half teams.4 In other words, the ploughing services
performed by the tenants, who ploughed once a week on the

1 D. B., 130 b I. 2 D. JB. andB., 478.

3 G.M., 253. « Ramsey Chart., i. 331.

THE HIDE AND THE TEAMLAND 37

demesne, were equivalent to the work that would have been per-
formed by two and a half additional teams kept by the abbot
on the demesne. And there are some half-a-dozen custumals
in the first volume of the chartulary, which state in terms of
teams in demesne, the amount of ploughing work performed
by the tenants. And a better interpretation of the third term
of the formula would be, " There are C teams in demesne,
and the tenants furnish D teams to assist in the cultivation of
the demesne."

But because the tenants co-operated in providing a team
of eight oxen for the cultivation of the demesne, we must not
therefore think that they used so large a team on their own
holdings. The illustrated manuscripts of pre-Conquest times

frequently show plough-teams of two and four oxen each, but
never a team of eight. The Commissioners often record that
certain men ploughed with one or two oxen, meaning that
they contributed one or two oxen to the manorial team ;
nay, more, they record a monster in the shape of a semibos,
half an ox, evidently meaning that the tenant of certain land
joined with another in providing an ox for the manorial team.

But it will be noticed that in many places B, the number
of teamlands, differs from C + D, the number of teams actually
employed. What is the meaning of this difference ?

Again we must consult the variants ; but before doing so,
let us remember that the jurors were asked to give statistics
for three periods — for the day of King Edward's death, for the
date when the estate was given to its present owner, and for

38 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

the date at which the question was put to them. In the
statistics for Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk, the number of
teams, both in demesne and of the tenants, is given for " then "
and "now" — for 1066 and 1086. And frequently "after-
wards " is inserted to give the number of teams on the estate
when it came into the possession of its new owner. At first
sight it would seem as if the first volume gives these figures
only for the year 1086 ; but a careful examination will show
an occasional variant for the second term in the formula.
Compare two consecutive entries relating to the estates of the
Bishop of Lincoln, in Oxfordshire —

" The same Bishop holds Milton : there are 40 hides. . . . There
is land for 26 teams. Now there are in demesne five teams . . . and
(the tenants have) 1 9 teams.

"The Bishop himself holds Banbury : there are 50 hides. . . .
T. R. E. there were 33^ teams, and the Bishop found as many. . . .
Now there are in demesne 7 teams and (the tenants have) 33
teams." l

Turning to Leicestershire, we find that the entries in which
it is stated, " There were B teams T. R. E.," are almost as many
as those in which it was stated, " There is land for B teams."
We may therefore conclude that in the minds of the Com-
missioners the two expressions were identical, and that it
made no difference which they used, so that the second term
in the formula gives the number of teams employed on the
estate in 1066. Possibly, in many cases this was matter of
guesswork ; but where there is a great difference between
the number of teamlands (B) and the number of actual teams
(C + D), it would seem either that some land had gone out
of cultivation or that some land had been brought into cultiva-
tion during the reign of the Conqueror. Occasionally the
teams are recorded for some date previous to the death of
the Confessor.

1 D. B., 1. 155 a 2.

THE HIDE AND THE TEAMLAND 39

But this explanation of the second term is not adopted by
all scholars. There are some who think that it represents a
rough estimate of the land in the estate that could be used for
cultivation, and that it included not only the land that was
actually under the plough, but also that which, if the estate
was properly cultivated, would be under the plough. They
quote the variations between the Exchequer Domesday and
the Exeter Domesday ; where the former says : " There is land
for 185 teams at Crediton," the latter says, " 185 teams can
plough this land." But is not the estimate that 185 teams
could be employed best proved by the fact that 185 teams
were actually employed there in 1066 ? The jurors were
asked for facts, not estimates : what was the number of teams
T. R. E. ? And if, in answering this question, their memories
failed them, and they were not quite accurate, yet they in-
tended to be accurate, and to give facts rather than estimates.
The jurors for Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk gave figures which
purported to represent facts. Why, if they intended to give
facts, should the jurors of the other counties be considered to
be giving estimates ?

In Middlesex there is often an addition to the third term
of the formula in the form of a statement that " in addition, E
teams can be made there," and in that county C + D + E
= B ; and a similar statement is often found in the Western
counties, in which counties the second term is always omitted.
After the statistics relating to the lands of the Bishop of
Worcester in Worcestershire, the Commissioners add, " In all
these lands there can be no more teams than are stated."1
These three statements as to possible teams are all matters of
opinion and estimate, but judging from the returns of the
jurors in the eastern counties, they are opinions founded on
fact — the fact that there were no more teams on the land
in 1066.

As yet we have been dealing only with those parts of the

1 D. B., I. 174 a i.

40 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

country which were settled by the English. On turning to
the shires settled mainly by the Danes — Leicester, Derby,
Nottingham, York, and Lincoln — we find a variation from the
usual formula. All three terms are found in the formula;
but instead of stating the assessment in hides, the scribes for
these shires stated it in carucates, or teamlands, and in all
these shires (except Leicester) the usual form of the first
term of the formula is, " There are A carucates for geld (ad
geldum)" This carucate was divisible into eight bovates,
or ox-gangs, showing the intimate connection of the unit
of assessment with the manorial plough-team of eight oxen.
In Leicester there was a hide of 18 carucates,1 and in the
county between the Mersey and the Kibble there was a hide
of 6 carucates,2 and it has been suggested that in Lancashire
we have a case of the imposition on the Danish assessment by
carucates, of the old Saxon assessment by hides.8 The fact
that the number of gelding carucates usually differs from the
number of teams in 1066 and 1086, in the same way as the
number of hides in other parts of England also differs from
the number of the teams, shows that for these Danish shires
the assessment was fixed at some period before the death of
Edward the Confessor, and supports the proposition that the
geld hide also represents the primitive family holding, employ-
ing one team of eight oxen. The counties where the assess-
ment is reckoned in hides are often called the "hidated"
counties, while the others are called the " carucated " counties.
In dealing with the carucated districts, reference must be
made to Canon Taylor's theory that "the open field is the
master-key for the interpretation of Domesday,4 and that the
' carucata ad geldum ' is not . . . the quantity of land ploughed
in each year by one plough, but the quantity of land ploughed
in one year in one arable field by one plough." 5 He shows

1 f. £., 82. 2 D. B., I. 278 b 2.

3 V. C. H. Lane., I. 271. 4 D. S., i. 140.

6 /A, 157-

THE HIDE AND THE TEAMLAND 41

that in the east riding of Yorkshire, as a general rule, the
formula, " There are A carucates for geld ; land for A teams,"
is found in those manors which were cultivated on the two-
field system ; and that a three-field system is implied where
the formula is, " There are A carucates for geld ; land for 2 A
teams."1 But we must remember that Yorkshire had been
wasted by the Conqueror, and that in no other county are
the ratios between the assessable units and the teams so
invariable as in Yorkshire ; and although his theory may be
adopted as showing the principle on which a new assessment
was imposed, it would be useless to attempt to apply it to
other counties, where the system of assessment had been
existing for centuries.

The student will not fail to notice the existence of caru-
cates in the hidated districts, but he will at once perceive
that these carucates are lands that are free from geld. At
Sherborne "the monks hold 9^ carucates of land which
neither were divided into hides nor paid geld ; " 2 and in the
geld inquests prefixed to the Exeter Domesday, the hundred
of Ailestebba (Dorset) was stated to contain " 8 carucates
which never gelded, and 73 hides."3 Often these carucated
estates were royal manors : Sambourne (Hants) was a royal
manor, but was not distributed into hides,4 and of the royal
manors that rendered the farm of one night, it is constantly
recorded, as at Calne, " It never gelded ; therefore it is un-
known how many hides are there." 5

The assessment of Norfolk and Suffolk differs from that
of the rest of England. In these two counties hides or caru-
cates for geld are never mentioned ; but in their place is
stated the number of pence paid by each property when a
geld of one pound is payable by the hundred ; thus Babing-
ley (Norfolk) paid 2s. out of 2OJ. of geld.6

1 D. S., i. 143. 2 D. B., I. 77 a I.

3 D. B., IV. 7. « Id., I. 39 b i.

5 Id., 64 b 2. « Id., II. 256.

42 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

We shall later see many instances of the privileged position
of Kent. One of its chief advantages was the possession of
a large unit of assessment in the sulung, which in one charter
is stated to be equal to 2 hides.1 One passage in Domesday
Book equates four and a half hundred acres with 2j sulungs,2
making a sulung equal to 1 80 acres. A sulung was divisible
into four jugera, or yokes, and again we see the connection
between the unit of assessment and the plough-team of eight
oxen.

Yet another unit of measurement appears in the valuation
of South Wales at the beginning of the Gloucester Domesday
— the carucate of land as in Normandy.3 Gloucestershire
had been settled by the English, and was hidated ; but the
districts west of the Wye, the fee of Strigoil, were conquered
by the Normans, who accordingly introduced the land measure
with which they were best acquainted. Of those portions of
North Wales which were valued as part of Cheshire, two
hundreds were hidated and two were carucated, and the
explanation of the carucated districts is given — that they
never paid geld.

Hitherto we have been dealing with the circumlocutions
used to express areal measures ; but Domesday Book in many
cases gives lineal measures, and expresses areas of pasture
and wood by giving their length and breadth. Four units
of lineal measurement are used by the Domesday scribes —
the " foot," the " perch," the " quarantine " (or furlong), and the
" leuca " (or league) ; as the word suggests, 40 perches made
the quarantine, while 12 furlongs made the league. But the
relation of the foot to the perch is very obscure ; the English
customary perch seems to have varied between 15 and 20
feet, according to localities, and thus was sometimes more and
sometimes less than the statute perch. In passing, let us
remind ourselves that the typical acre is 40 perches long by

1 Vinogradoff, 19 £. H. R., 282. 2 D. B., I. 2 a 2.

3 Id., 162 a i.

THE HIDE AND THE TEAMLAND 43

4 broad ; hence we realize why a furlong was so called — it
was the length of the furrow ; and the presence of small acres
in the open fields may imply the existence of a small perch,
perhaps a perch of 12 feet.1

When to-day we speak of a piece of land 2 furlongs long
and I broad, we think of a parallelogram of these dimensions
containing an area of 20 acres ; but it is certain that such
a geometrical figure was not in the mind of the Domesday
Commissioners ; they spoke only of the extreme measure-
ments, and paid no attention to the shape of the area.
There is a good example of this at Rushmere (Suffolk),
where a holding of 30 acres is said to be 8 furlongs long and
7 broad.2 A parallelogram of these dimensions would be
560 acres, and so it is clear that this holding must have been
of some irregular shape, of which the extreme length and
breadth were 8 and 7 furlongs respectively.

Let us therefore sum up our conclusions —

1. The number of hides in any property represents the
number of the units of assessment imposed on that property ;
it possibly also represents the number of families, each em-
ploying one team of eight oxen, settled on that property at
some remote period.

2. The teamlands in the second term of the formula
represent the area of cultivation in 1066.

3. The existing teams represent the cultivated area in
1086.

But none of these should be taken as scientific and
accurate measurements.

1 D. B. and B.y 368-382. 2 D. B., II. 442.

CHAPTER III
THE VILL AND THE MANOR

" Quomodo vocatur mansio ? "

'"WIT THAT is the name of the mansion?" was the first
\ \ question that was put to the Cambridgeshire jurors,
who must have understood the meaning of the
term. But the Exchequer Domesday uses this term very
exceptionally. The best-known passage is that in the second
volume, which states that the hide which Count Eustace held
at Orsedd was not one of his hundred mansions.1 The Exeter
Domesday, however, uses " mansio " for every holding which
it describes, only a few of which are called " manors " in the
Exchequer Domesday. But in the statistics of the boroughs,
" mansio " is more frequently used ; the " mural mansions " of
Oxford are well known ; certain of the mansions in Stafford
are definitely stated to appertain to places which can be
identified as rural manors ; three mansions in Rochester
pertained to the manor of Alnoitone ; 2 — so that the term
" mansio " must have been a colourless term, which could be
applied to any property varying in size from Crediton with
its 185 teams to a town house in Oxford or Stafford. It may,
therefore, be translated as " tenement." In one passage in the
Exchequer Domesday " mansio " and " manor " are used side
by side: "To this manor lay three freemen': one held half a
hide and could depart without the licence of the lord of the

1 D. B., II. 9. 2 Id., I. 8 a I.

44

THE VILL AND THE MANOR 45

same mansion."1 In this case the two terms are perhaps
synonymous, although it is possible to translate " mansio " by
"tenement." Another colourless term is "land," which is
applied indiscriminately to all properties.

But while " mansio " is only exceptionally used, other
terms are constantly employed to denote tracts of land —
" vill," " manor," " berewick " — of which " vill " is the oldest.
It is always found in the pre-Conquest charters, and was
used by Bede. Its English equivalent is shown by King
Alfred's translation of the Ecclesiastical History to have been
" tun " or town ; the meaning of " town " as an urban district
is modern ; Chaucer's " poore persoun of a toune " was clearly
a village priest. From the charters we deduce that "vill"
implies a tract of territory, greater or smaller, as the case
may be, bearing a name of its own, and defined by certain
well-known boundaries. But the vill was more than a tract of
land : it was the home of an organized community, into which
the latter fitted as a snail fits into its shell. Of the nature
of this community much has been written ; but here it is
sufficient to say that its members were bound to follow the
same rules for the cultivation of their land, and for the
regulation of the pasture and the wood. Whether the vill
was a two-field or a three-field vill, every landholder was
obliged to observe the same rotation of crops, and to use
his strips of land in exactly the same manner as his neigh-
bours. A vill thus constituted was a fiscal and administrative
unit. The laws of Henry I. provide that each vill shall be
represented at the hundred moot by the priest, the reeve, and
six of the villans.

Professor Maitland has pointed out that there were two
kinds of vills — the nucleated vill and the vill that was composed
of a number of hamlets. The latter type is to be found
chiefly in those western counties in which was left a large
proportion of the conquered Britons, where the vill — the
1 D. B., II. 96 b.

46 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

modern civil parish — embraces a large number of hamlets
of about the same size, one of which contains the church
and gives its name to the collection. The nucleated vill is
apparently the typical settlement of the English invaders.
All the houses are collected round the church, and the fields
stretch out from the village on all sides. The lone farms that
exist are settlements of a much later date. To illustrate the
difference between these two types of vills, he prints two
portions of the Ordnance Survey. The country round Walling-
ford, on the borders of Berks and Oxfordshire, is taken as
an example of a land of villages ; and a district on the borders
of Devon and Somerset is the example of a land of hamlets.1
But even in the counties which are especially Saxon are to
be found districts of hamlets. In the belt of fat corn-land
between the South Downs and the sea in West Sussex, almost
every civil parish contains a number of hamlets, some of which
can be traced in the pre-Conquest charters.

The term " vill " is used in Domesday Book to imply a tract
of territory with a name of its own. The Bishop of London
had an estate at Stepney of 32 hides ; Hugh de Berners held
5 J hides of the bishop " in the same vill ; " the wife of Brian
held 5 hides of the bishop " in the same vill ; " and there were
other tenants who held land of the bishop " in the same vill."
Here, then, is an extensive vill assessed at 50 hides, belonging
to the Bishop of London, who retained a large part in his
own hands, and granted the remainder to nine under-tenants.2
Frequently, however, we find that a vill was a manor. In
other words, that the same property could be called both a
vill and a manor. This is the case when one person only is
returned as the tenant of a particular area having a name of
its own ; for instance, out of 220 named vills in the Oxford-
shire Domesday, 1 39 were in the sole and undivided possession
of single proprietors, and in these cases the vill and the manor
were coterminous. On the other hand, there were many

1 D. B. andB., 15. 2 D. B., I. 127 a 2.

THE VILL AND THE MANOR 47

cases where a manor comprised many vills : the Abbey of
St. Denys of Paris held seven vills in Deerhurst hundred,
in Gloucestershire, but all seven vills formed one manor;1
the manor of Leominster contained sixteen members, which
are all named, and the whole was assessed at 80 hides, and in
1066 employed thirty teams in demesne, and 230 belonging
to the tenants ; 2 Robert of Rhuddlan held " the moiety of all
the forests which do not pertain to any vill in this manor " of
Rhuddlan,3 — a record which conclusively shows that the manor
of Rhuddlan included more vills than one. Sometimes ex-
ternal evidence must be procured to show whether the Domes-
day manor contained more than one vill. Thus the valuation
of Pagham (Sussex) begins, " The Archbishop himself holds
Pagham in demesne. It defended itself T. R. E. for 50 hides.
. . . There is land for 30 teams. In demesne are seven, and
74 villans with 78 bordars have 23 teams." 4 But there is a
charter of 680 5 giving the boundaries and enumerating the
" territories pertaining to Pagham " — Shripney, Charlton, Bog-
nor, Bersted, North Bersted, Crimsham, and Mundham. All of
these vills but Charlton can easily be found on the Ordnance
Map within the boundaries set forth in the charter, and, with
the exception of Charlton, they form the present hundred of
Aldwick. But Domesday Book mentions none of these places,
which must, therefore, have been included within the Arch-
bishop's manor, which was coterminous with the hundred
of Pagham. A well-known example of the inclusion of a
large territory in one manor is the Bishop of Winchester's
manor of Farnham, which Professor Maitland thinks included
the whole of the present hundred of Farnham — say 25,000
acres.6 Vills so included in and paying rent to a manor
were said to " lie in " that manor.

There are a number of instances where a vill was divided
into a number of manors. Stepney would appear to be a case

1 D. B., I. 166 a 2. 2 /</., 180 a i. 3 /</., 269 a I.

4 /</., 1 6 b 2. 3 Birch, 50. 8 D. B. and B., 13.

48 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

in point, although the estates of the various tenants of the
bishop are not styled " manors." Robert of Ouilly held Bicester
(Oxon.) for two manors,1 and Roger of Ivry held Fulbrook for
four manors,2 and before the Conquest five thegns held
Hampton for five manors.3 Many good examples of vills
divided into manors are to be found in the eastern counties.
Horndon (Essex) was divided into five manors, as follows : —

" William holds Horndon of the Bishop of London, which God-
win, a freeman, held for one manor and i £ hides." 4

" Garner holds Horndon of Count Eustace, which Uluric, a free-
man, held for one manor and two hides and 50 acres." 5

" Aluric the priest, a freeman, held Horndon for one manor &
two hides and 30 acres. . . . Pagan holds this manor of Swegen." 6

"THE LAND OF HUGH OF ST. QUINTIN,,
" Winge held Horndon T. R. E. for one manor and for i J hides." 7

"THE LAND OF EDWARD FITZ ALGOT.

" Two freemen held Horndon T. R. E. for one manor and for
2^ hides & 15 acres."8

Other examples can easily be found.

Traces of this division of vills may be found at the present
day, where we have a number of villages bearing the same
name with distinguishing affixes or suffixes. In Oxfordshire
we have Great Tew, Little Tew, and Duns Tew ; Barford St.
Michael and Barford St. John ; Great Rollright and Little Roll-
right ; Chipping Norton and Over Norton. But the classical
instance of this division of a vill is the Norfolk example
of Burnham Deepdale, Burnham Norton, Burnham Westgate,
Burnham Sutton, Burnham Thorpe, and Burnham Overy.9

Further, portions of a vill could be annexed to manors
in other vills. Abington (Cambs.) was assessed at 5 hides.
Of these Hugh Pincerna held 2 hides and 2^ virgates as a

1 D. B., I. 158 a 2. 2 Id., 158 b 2. 3 Id., 1 60 b. 2.

< Id., II. 12. 5 Id., 26. 6 Id., 42.

7 Id., 93. 8 Id., 93 b. 9 D. B. and B., 367 n.

THE VILL AND THE MANOR 49

manor from the Bishop of Winchester ; and two knights
held i hide and 1 1 virgate from Hardouin of Eschalers ; but
^ hide was annexed to Litlington, I virgate to Earl Roger's
manor of Shingay, ^ virgate to Mordun, and ^ virgate to
Litlington.1 When a portion of a vill was thus annexed to a
manor in another vill, it was said to " lie in " that manor, but
its " wara " or assessment lay in its mother vill ; that is to say,
although the inhabitants of these portions performed their
services and paid their dues to the manors in which they lay,
yet their assessment remained in and they paid their geld to
the man who collected the geld for their mother vill.2 Certain
land at Loncheli, in Berkshire, " lies and is valued at Gratenton,
which is in Oxfordshire, and yet pays scot in Berkshire." 3

So that a vill could be (i) a manor of itself ; (2) subdivided
into many manors ; (3) a portion of another manor ; or (4)
it could contain a manor, and portions could be annexed to
other manors.

What, then, is a manor ? The Domesday Commissioners
never define this term, but must have known the characteristics
of the institution to which they applied it ; and the best way of
ascertaining those characteristics is to analyze the constitution
of the tenements which they designate as manors.

The first characteristic is a truism. The manor is the tene-
ment of one lord, or of joint heirs, or of a body like the canons
of St. Paul's ; but a vill may be divided among many owners.

Then, again, there was some occult connection between the
manor and one of the houses on the estate. Mr. Scrutton4
quotes a plea of the thirteenth century to show that
"manerium" was sometimes used in the sense of "manor-
house." In 1268 certain persons were tried at York "be-
cause they came by night to the manor of William, and broke
the walls of the said manor, and took his goods and chattels."

1 I. C. C., 60 ; D. B. and B.,\\.
*F.£.,us. 3D. B., I. 6ib.

4 Commons and Common Fields^ p. 10.

5o THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Other words are used in Domesday Book for houses : aula,
the hall ; curia, the court ; and domus, a house ; but the " hall "
is clearly differentiated from the other houses in any village.
At Ebrige (Berks.) Hugh the Steerman had a quarrel with
his tenants, "and transported the hall and the houses and
stock into another manor." 1 And when we read that at
^Ettune " ten manors : ten thegns each had his hall," 2 we see
that the hall was what we should now call the manor-house,
the residence of the owner of the estate. But it is further
clear that a hall was necessary to the existence of a manor.
At Perching (Sussex) there were, T. R. E., two halls ; in 1086
it was one manor.3 And examples could be multiplied. In
Essex " hall " is often used when " manor " would be expected :
" Ingelric added these men to his hall " 4 corresponds to " In-
gelric added these men to his manor," on the next page.

Curia is not so common as aula> but is practically its
equivalent. In some places we read of mills serving the
court, and in others of mills serving the hall. Occasionally
manors without halls are mentioned,5 and the Perching record
quoted above shows that the new owner had consolidated two
manors into one by abolishing one of the halls ; and in York-
shire there are passages which suggest that a manor was con-
verted into a sokeland or a berewick by the abolition of the
hall. But why should one house on an estate be so important
as to give its name to the whole estate ?

Professor Maitland has answered this question by remind-
ing us that Domesday Book is primarily a geld-book, and that
all its information is given from the point of view of the
collectors of the geld. Now, these collectors would know that
a certain property was assessed at a certain number of hides ;
but unless they knew at what house the demand for the geld
should be made, they would have to wander over the whole

1 D. B., I. 63 a 2. 2 id., 282 b 2.

3 Id., 27 a I. 4 Id., II. 29 b.

5 Id., I. 307 b I.

-

^"l/^-Tv^

HALL

(FROM THE UTRECHT PSALTER)

THE VILL AND THE MANOR 51

estate to find the person who was liable ; and, in the same way
as to-day the overseer leaves the demand-note for the poor-
rate at the farmhouse, so in the eleventh century the collector
called at the manor-house for the geld. In his view the
Domesday manor was a house and estate separately assessed
to the geld,1 in which case the lord was liable for the geld of
some of his tenants. This theory is supported by a passage
in the Herefordshire Domesday : —

" The said Ralph Mortimer holds Melela of one hide, Lei of one
virgate, and Fech of one virgate. These three were gelding manors.

geld

(Haec in. matter1 fuerunf) : three thegns held them. When Turstin
of Wigmore received them from Earl William, he joined them to the
aforesaid manor of Claybury, and then and now they were and are
valued therein." 2

As these three places were distinctly called gelding manors,
it would seem that they were separately assessed to the geld.

The clearest connection between the geld and the manor is
shown in the Essex Domesday, where the usual formula is,
" X held such a place for a manor and for A hides ; " and a
possible connection is shown at West-meston : " There is no
hall there, neither did they pay geld as they say." 3 If this
theory is correct, the collector would call at one house only
where a vill was coterminous with a manor ; he would call at
several houses where a vill was divided into many manors.
At Horndon he would call at five houses to collect the geld on
9 hides and 80 acres, and he would make a special call at
Aluric's house at Tendring to collect 3^., the geld payable by
his manor of 1 5 acres.4

But this theory has been criticized, especially on the ground
that many properties that were separately assessed to the geld
were not called " manors," but were merely referred to as
" lands ; " and it must be remembered that many estates in

1 D. £. and B., 1 20. 2 Id., 260 a I.

3 D. B., I. 27 a 2. 4 D. B., II. 95 b.

52 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Dorset were called " manors," and yet had never paid geld ;
e.g. Bridetone and Wimbourne.1 And there are many in-
stances in the geld inquests for the south-western counties,
where the collectors could not collect the geld in 1084, as the
villans retained it

Possibly some little inquiry will show us some other cha-
racteristics of the manor. In the counties of Derby, Notting-
ham, York, and Lincoln, the Commissioners draw a distinction
between a manor and its sokelands. Sometimes we find that
after the particulars of a tenement called a " manor " is a line,
" Soke of this manor," followed by particulars relating to a
number of other tenements. Sometimes the distinction be-
tween a manor and its sokelands is indicated by an " M " or
" S," in the left-hand margin. Examination will show that
the composition of a manor differed considerably from that
of its sokelands, and that, as a general rule, the sokelands
were not valued separately.

The sokelands appear to be the simplest organisms, and
should therefore be examined first. Turn over page after page
of the statistics relating to these four counties, and it will be
found to be almost the invariable rule that these sokelands con-
tain no demesne, and that they are inhabited by persons called
sokemen, either with or without other persons called villans and
bordars. By way of example, take two consecutive entries —

" S. In Screveton there is one carucate of land [assessed] to
geld. Land for 3 teams. There 3 sokemen, and 2 villans and i
bordar have one team and a half.

" S. In Colston are 4 bovates and 4 acres of land [assessed] to geld.
Land for one team. There 5 sokemen have a team and a half." 2

Occasionally one finds that the only recorded inhabitant of
a tenement to which a marginal " S " is prefixed is called a
villan, but such occurrences are very rare. On fol. 281 are
thirty-eight tenements to which the marginal " S " is prefixed.
Some of these are waste. Not one contains demesne, and there
1 D. B., I. 75 a 2. 2 id., I. 281 b 2.

THE VILL AND THE MANOR 53

is only one whose sole recorded inhabitant is called a villan.
The same characteristics are found in Lincolnshire. On fol.
338 a are twelve sokelands, all of which are inhabited by soke-
men, either with or without villans and bordars, and not one
of which contains demesne. There is a list of twenty-four
sokelands pertaining to Chirchetone,1 of which only one,
Hiboldeston, contains demesne ; but appended to the list is a
note, " Hiboldeston is berewick, and not sokeland," showing
that Hiboldeston has crept into the list by mistake. All but
Hiboldeston are inhabited by sokemen, either with or without
villans or bordars. To the manor of Gayton 2 were appurtenant
nine sokelands, none of which contained demesne, and all of
these were inhabited by sokemen. Occasionally we find in a list
of sokelands a tenement stated to be " inland," and containing
demesne. But the example of Hiboldeston suggests that such
have crept into the list by mistake, and should be considered
berewicks. The same features appear in Yorkshire. Twenty-
four sokelands pertained to Earl Edwin's manor of Alvertune,
in which resided, T. R. E., one hundred and sixteen sokemen,
and in which no demesne is recorded. There were twenty-one
sokelands pertaining to Tostig's manor of Walesgrif, in which,
T. R. E., were a hundred and eight sokemen with forty-six
teams, but no demesne.3 So that a sokeland may be defined
as a tenement containing no demesne, and inhabited by soke-
men, either with or without villans and bordars.

Then it should be noticed that in these four counties, the
marginal " M " denotes that the tenement under consideration
was a pre-Conquest manor. At first it would appear that this
prefix indicated a post-Conquest manor. Possibly it often
does, but in many cases the " M " is surmounted by a figure —

V

" ' In Aettune ten thegns had (habuerunt) each his hall." 4

" M ' In Barctune Godric [and seven others who are named]

had 4 carucates of land (assessed) to geld. Ralph holds it." 5 j

1 D. B., I. 338 b. 2 Id., I. 338 a 2. 3 Id., I. 299 a I.

4 Id., I. 284 b. 2. 5 Id., I. 274 b I.

54

THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

These two post- Conquest estates were composed, the one
of ten, the other of eight pre-Conquest manors ; and instances
of the consolidation of two or three pre-Conquest manors into
one post-Conquest tenement are very common. But the
Domesdays for these counties give no information of the con-
stitution of the pre-Conquest manors, sokelands, or berewicks.
Such information is found only in the volume relating to the
eastern counties, in which, however, the term " sokeland " is
rarely or never used.

In Essex and Suffolk certain tenements are stated to have
been manors before the Conquest. But there are many tene-
ments to which no designation whatever is applied. Let us
schedule the pre-Conquest condition of the estates of the
Abbey of St. Edmund's, in the hundred of Thingoe (Suffolk).
To those which are styled manors, the marginal "M" is
prefixed.1

Cam-
cates.

Teams.

Free-
men.

Soke-
men.

Villans.

Bordars.

Slaves.

M. Risby

2

D.
2

T.
I

I

7

4

2

3

M. Horningsworth
M. Huepstede

4

5

4
4

I

6

15
I

3
10

15

18

7
9

M. Nowton

4

4

4

—

10

10

10

4

M. Ceventun

6

4

4

—

I

13

9

6

M. Saxham

5

3

6

—

—

12

6

4

M. Lackford

5

3

4

—

I

14

7

4

M. Hemegretham

3

2

3

—

8

2

2

3

M. Fornham

i

i

i

2

3

—

4

i

M. Keworth

3

2

4

9

3

4

Saxham

4

3

—

Flemingston

i

—

3

10

—

—

—

Halstead

4

—

13

28

—

—

—

—

Broclega

2

—

4

3

—

—

—

—

Manestun

20

—

i

i

—

—

—

Reod

£

—

I

_

i

—

99

i

—

i

7

—

—

—

—

Westley

2

—

3

ii

—

—

—

—

(In this schedule the villans, bordars, and slaves of the free-
men, and the sokemen and the teams of the freemen and the
sokemen in the manors, are omitted.)
1 D. B., II. 362-364.

THE VILL AND THE MANOR 55

Here we see that (i) the pre-Conquest manor in Suffolk
contained demesne ; (2) where there was demesne, there were
also villans or bordars having teams of their own ; (3) the
tenements that were not styled manors, but were inhabited by
freemen and sokemen, contained no demesne. Rules I and 2
hold good for all the estates of the abbey in Suffolk, but there
are a few exceptions to rule 3. We may, therefore, pro-
visionally say that the pre-Conquest tenement to which the
Suffolk Commissioners applied the term " manor," was the tene-
ment of one lord, possessing a hall and demesne, and having
members of the villan class with teams of their own among its
inhabitants.

But the Essex manors do not admit of this easy generaliza-
tion. Take the five Horndon manors mentioned above —

" Godwin had i team in demesne, and 4 bordars and i slave." 1
" Uluric had 2 teams in demesne, and 2 villans, 7 bordars, and

i slave." 2

"Aluric had i team in demesne; his tenants had J team, and

there were 1 1 bordars and i slave." 3

" Winge had i team in demesne and 3 bordars." 4

" 2 freemen had 3 teams in demesne ; their tenants had 2 teams :

there were i villan, 14 bordars, and 3 slaves." 5

On three out of these five manors the tenants had no teams.

It is, however, generally the rule in Essex that a manor
contained both dominical and tenants' teams ; although, on
the other hand, it is easy to find tenements containing both
dominical and tenants' teams which are not called manors.
Thus, on fol. 22 b there are five tenements containing both
dominical and tenants' teams, of which only one is styled a
manor. But in these cases it does not appear impossible that
the scribe was lazy, and omitted the " pro manerio," which he
should have inserted. The distinction, however, which is

1 D. B., II. 12. 2 id., II. 26.

3 /</., II. 42. 4 /</,, II. 93-

5 Id., II. 93 b.

56 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

drawn in Suffolk between tenements which were and were not
styled manors, is most definite ; and, although with much
hesitation, I would suggest that the presence of demesne and
villans was essential to the pre-Conquest tenement, to which
the Commissioners applied the term of " manor." In passing,
let us remember that the term "manor" does not appear in
English pre-Conquest documents.

But what of the constitution of the post-Conquest manors ?

The marginal notation of the pre-Conquest manors in the
northern €ounties leads us to hesitate before deciding whether
the marginal " M " in the Eastern Midland counties — Middle-
sex, Bucks, Cambridge, Hunts, and Beds — denotes pre- or
post-Conquest manors ; but, in the absence of the surmounting
figures, I am inclined to think that in these counties the
marginal " M " denotes a post-Conquest manor.

The majority of the post-Conquest tenements which are
distinctly called manors, certainly do contain both demesne
and villans, but there are not a few variations from this type.

(1) Some manors contained demesne, but no villans, e.g.
Gayton,1 Fornham ; 2 but in each place there were bordars,
who at Fornham possessed teams, and who may therefore be
regarded as belonging to the villan class.

(2) The marginal "M" is prefixed to two Bedfordshire
estates, Dena3 and Tilbrook,4 which contained no demesne,
and were inhabited only by sokemen and bordars. Each of
these had been inhabited by the same sokemen before the
Conquest.

(3) In Bucks there are many entries of which the following
is the type : —

" Ralph holds of Walter (Gifard) in Pitstone 5 hides for a manor :
there is land for 2 teams, and there they are with 3 villans and
3 bordars and i slave. . . . Tori, a man of Earl Leofwin's, held this
manor." 6

1 D. B., I. 338 b. 2. » /</., ii. 357. 3 Idt) i 209 b 2

4 Id., I. 211 b 2. * Id., I. 147 a 2.

THE VILL AND THE MANOR 57

Here, again, we have a case of a tenement being called a
manor, and yet containing no recorded demesne, although it
might be argued that the dominical and tenants' teams are
added together, and that only the total is given.

(4) In Essex there are a few minute properties which are
styled " manors," and yet contain no recorded demesne, and
no recorded inhabitant except the owner.

" Alward Dore held Nazenden, T. R. E., for a manor and for 40
acres : then half a team, now none.

" Ulwin Hopra held Bertune for a manor and half a hide ; then
one team, now half a team. " l

(5) There are also a few estates called " manors " containing
villans but no demesne ; e.g. Willesden.2

So that the distinction between the post- Conquest tene-
ments that were or were not styled "manors" did not lie in
their constitution.

And on looking further into their descriptions, we find only
two features that they had in common — every post-Concjuest
manor was the tenement of a single lord, and had a separate
value attached to it.

The fact that every manor had a separate value attached to
it shows that, for the purposes of administration, it was treated
as an independent unit under a separate bailiff ; the proceeds
arising from each manor would be aggregated into one total,
and we shall have occasion to refer to the accounts of the
bailiffs of various manors in the thirteenth century.

Hence we understand why the term " manor " was applied
to estates occupied only by sokemen and bordars ; their dues,
whatever they were, were accounted for separately from the
dues arising from other estates of the same landlord. Hence,
too, we understand why the term " manor " was applied to the
small estates of Essex : they formed agricultural entities of
themselves, and owed service to no one. This suggestion will

1 D. B., II. 94. 2 id., 1. 127 b 2.

58 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

explain why a portion of a vill could be annexed to a manor
in another vill ; the rents and services arising from the out-
lying portion would be accounted for by the bailiff of the
manor to which it was annexed. It will also explain how one
manor could be held of another ; the sub-manor accounted to
one bailiff, who in his turn accounted, to the bailiff of the head
manor. Finally, it should be noticed that in many cases
" manerium " appears to be interchangeable with a colourless
term like " terra," showing that the Commissioners themselves
had no very strong views that any definite constitution was
required to justify their applying the term "manor" to any
tenement.1

" The solution of difficulties thus seems to lie in the idea that the
conquerors not only found manors on English soil and described
them as such in Domesday, but created manors where they were not
as yet constituted, and described as manors complexes of property
which were in the slightest degree similar to them." 2

When we remember that the term " manor " was applied to
any estate that was managed as one whole, irrespective of its
size, and could be applied to large estates like Tewkesbury,
which was assessed at 95 hides, or to small properties like
Aluric's manor at Tendring, assessed at 1 5 acres, it is obvious
that to state the number of manors belonging to any person
will give no adequate idea of the extent of his possessions.
The King had nine manors in Oxfordshire, which varied in
assessment from 34^ hides to 5 hides ; so in any calculations
that we may make, we shall reckon the hides assessed on,
or preferably the teams employed on the estates of any
landowner.

Meanwhile, there are a few passages which indicate that
the Commissioners, or perhaps the King himself, had some
vague idea that a manor ought to be of a certain size. Fre-
quently we read in the eastern counties of certain free men
who were delivered to some grantee to complete his manor (" ad
1 c. M., 283. 2 id., 301.

THE VILL AND THE MANOR 59

perficiendum manerium "). Keen, a freeman, held 20 acres in
Bernungham (Norfolk), and was delivered to Walter Gifard to
complete his manor of Letheringsett.1 Again, in Nottingham-
shire it would appear that the pre-Conquest manor was an
estate, if not of a definite size, at all events of a definite
constitution. " The thegn having more than six manors paid
a relief to the King of £8 ; a thegn with six manors or less
paid three marks to the sheriff." 2

From its derivation, " berewick^_should mean a place where
barley is grown ; but in Domesday Book the word is used to
denote an_outlying portion of a manor: "Earl Alfgar held
Damardestun for a berewick in Bademondesfeld." 3 Berkeley
had twenty-one berewicks, and the manor of Tewkesbury was
composed of lands in sixteen vills. Tewkesbury was called the
" caput manerii," the head of the manor, and this term always
appears to be used for the portion which contained the manor
house, and gave its name to the whole area.

Reference has been made to the sokelands as appurtenances
of a manor containing no demesne and inhabited by sokemen.
But berewicks are always distinguished from sokelands. In
the same way as sokelands are sometimes distinguished by the
marginal " S," so the berewicks are marked with a marginal
"B." Thus—

" B. In Wenflet three brothers had 7j gelding bovates. This is
inland in the aforesaid manor." 4

" B. In Trichingeham is the inland of Newton." 5

But " inland " is a species of demesne ; so that a berewick
differs from a sokeland in containing demesne. This distinc-
tion is emphasized by a few entries where " S & B " occur in
the margin —

" S & B. In Herlavestune 9 carucates are in the soke, and three
in the hall of Grantham.

1 D. B., II. 242 b. 2 Id., I. 280 b i.

• Id., II. 438 b. 4 Id., I. 341 a 2.

5 Id., I. 341 b i.

60 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

" S & B. In Gunfordebi, 3 carucates are inland and 4 sokeland
in Grantham." l

The " S & B " in the margin must indicate that the vill
contains both a berewick and a sokeland of Grantham ; and
our study of the sokeland shows that the berewick was
that portion that contained the demesne. Then, again, the
berewick is akin to the manor in possessing inhabitants of the
villan class, but it differs from the manor in not possessing
a hall. " Saint Edmund holds Walfleet for a berewick, and
the hall to which it pertains is situate in another hundred :
always 17 villans and 3 bordars, and three teams belonging
to the tenants." 2

To sum up, " mansio " appears to be the name given to a
separate holding of any kind — a tenement.

A " vill " is a block of territory defined by specified boun-
daries, and bearing one name.

A " manor " in pre-Conquest times was an estate possessing
a hall and demesne, and containing inhabitants of the villan
class ; after the Conquest it was an estate managed as an
administrative unit

A " berewick " is a manor in every respect, except that it
has no hall.

And a " sokeland " is a tenement having no demesne, and
inhabited by sokemen.

1 D. B., I. 337 b 2. « id., II. 362 b.

CHAPTER IV
THE HUNDRED AND THE SHIRE

BESIDES the vill and the manor, other divisions of land
are mentioned in Domesday Book — the " hundred," the
" wapentake," and the "shire." All three terms were
used to signify collections of vills which were treated as units
for purposes of taxation, administration, and jurisdiction. Of
these three terms, " hundred " represented the smallest unit ;
and in the description of lands between the Mersey and the
Ribble, "manor" and "hundred" appear to be interchange-
able. Of Salford it is said, "To this manor or hundred
pertained, T. R. E., 2 1 berewicks, which were held by as many
thegns for as many manors." l The explanation of this
interchange of "manor" and "hundred" appears to lie in
the fact that all this territory had passed into the hands of
Roger of Poitou, who, to simplify the administration, had
treated each hundred as a single manor.

The number of vills that went to form a hundred differed
greatly ; some hundreds were composed of two vills only.
Thus the hundred of Banbury was composed of the two vills
of Banbury and Cropredy, each of 50 hides ; other hundreds
comprised ten or fifteen vills ; the number depended on their
assessment. From his investigations into the assessment of
Cambridgeshire, as shown in the parallel accounts of the
Exchequer Domesday and the Cambridgeshire Inquest, Mr.
Round has deduced the " 5 -hide rule" — that in the hidated
1 D. B., I. 270 a i.
61

62

THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

shires every vill was assessed as a unit of 5 hides or a
multiple of 5 hides.1 A good example may be found in the
hundred of Stanes, which, from the Cambridgeshire Inquest,
may be tabulated as follows : —

Vill.

Hides.

Teamlands or
Teams in 1066.

Value T. R. E.

Bottisham
Swaffham (i)

„ (2)

Wilbraham ...
Stow-cum-Quy

•

10
10
10
10
10

2O

16
13*
17
ii

£ s. d.
1600
II IO O
12 IO O
2O O O

14 10 o

50

771

74 10 o2

Here it is obvious that the assessment bears no relation
whatever to the area under cultivation, or the value. Further,
two or more vills are often combined to form a multiple of
5 hides ; in the hundred of Wetherley (Cambs.) there were
five vills of 4 hides each, which were combined to form a
2O-hide block, and a similar block was composed of the three
vills of Comberton (6 hides), Barton (7 hides), and Grant-
chester (7 hides).3 Sometimes this rule will enable us to
identify a vill that might otherwise remain unidentified. There
are two Broughtons in Oxfordshire — one near Banbury, and
the other in the south-western part of the county, now called
Broughton Foggs. Domesday Book mentions both vills, but
does not distinguish them ; one is assessed at 20 hides, and
the other at 7 hides less I virgate. A little search will show
that Broadwell, a vill adjoining Broughton Poggs, is assessed
at 24!! iV ; and if this assessment is added to the 6H 3V
of Broughton and the 4 hides of Kencot, we find that these
three vills form a 35-hide block, and that consequently the
2o-hide Broughton must be the Broughton near Banbury.

Again, Mr. Baring has shown that conjectural corrections

1 F. £., 44-69.

45.

49.

THE HUNDRED AND THE SHIRE 63

of fractions may reasonably be made to bring an abnormal
assessment within the 5 -hide rule.

Some examples of these rules may be found in Oxfordshire ;
but in this county the scribe has very rarely followed the rule
which exists in the other counties, of entering in the right-
hand margin the name of the hundred in which a particular
property lies. The hundreds must therefore be reconstituted
from later evidence, and it must remain uncertain whether the
later hundred coincides with the Domesday hundred. All
the villages in the modern hundred of Langtree were included
therein in the Hundred Rolls of 1279. Their Domesday
statistics may be tabulated as follows : —

Vill.

Hides.

Teamlands.

Value T. R.E.

I

£ *. d.

Ipsden

2j| H

3

2 IO O

»> •••

2§/

4

2 IO O

Checkendon...

5 \

7

4OO

20 )

28

I8OO

Crowmarsh ...

10

12

IO O O

Gethampton . . .

IH61^

Ji

I O O

,, ...

5 / f 9J

4

4OO

Stoke

3

4

4OO

Goring

20

10

600

Mapledurham

n-

12

5

800
500

Mongewell ...

IO

10

10 0 0

Newnham Murren

IO

16

12 O O

Stoke

IO

I5

13 o o

Whitchurch ...

10

15

15 o o

119$

146*

115 o o

If to the 6\ hides of Gethampton we may add the half-
hide of Edward, the situation of which is unspecified,1 we have
here a long (or English) hundred of 120 hides; and there is
reason to think that this was the assessment of the normal
hundred of Oxfordshire in 1086.

The number of hides in a hundred varied greatly. Mr.
Round gives the hidage of nine hundreds of Cambridge-
1 D. B., I. 157 a i.

64 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

shire as 100, 100, 90, 90, 80, 80, 70, 50, and 50 respectively.
Domesday Book tells that the bishop's hundred of Oswalds-
law in Worcestershire was composed of 300 hides,1 while the
hundred of Fishborough contained 65 hides, and was per-
fected by the addition of 20 hides from the hundred of
Dodintree, and the 15 hides at which the city of Worcester
was assessed.2 The hundred of Herstingstone in Huntingdon
contained 2OO hides,3 but Earl Roger's hundred of Wittering
in Sussex contained only 6J hides.4 The hundreds of Sussex
are most abnormal, and varied in assessment, from Steyning
with 240 gelding hides and 2Oj hides that were quit of geld,
to I field with I hide that gelded and ^ hide that was quit
of geld.

From the neat assessments of the Cambridgeshire hundreds
and vills, Mr. Round has come to the conclusion that the
assessment was in the first place imposed on the hundred,
and then distributed among the vills by the hundred-moot ; 5
and he has found this Cambridgeshire evidence supported by
that of other counties. The geld inquests for the south-
western counties show that the geld was there accounted for,
not vill by vill, but hundred by hundred, and in Devonshire
the geld was collected by the hundred's men — the men who
presided over the hundred-moot.

In his paper on the " Tribal Hidage," Mr. Corbett has shown
that the division of England into hundreds dates from the
time of Bede and Edwin of Northumbria — say, from 6^^— and
has further pointed out that the number of hundreds of hides
assigned by that document to what he calls Middle Anglia,
corresponds with the number of hundreds which, according
to his calculations, are assigned by Domesday Book to the
counties forming that district ; and that there is a similar
correspondence between the 7000 hides of the district of the
Hwiccas in the Tribal Hidage, and the 70 hundreds assigned

1 D. B., 172 b i. 2 /</., 175 b i. 3 id., 203 a 2.

4 Id., 24 a 2. * F £} 92

THE HUNJ3RED AND THE SHIRE 65

by Domesday Book to the three counties of Gloucester, Wor-
cester, and Hereford. And he attributes the Tribal Hidage,
"and with it the whole plan of assessing England in hides,
. . . to the fiscal authority of the Bretwaldas." l In his
opinion, and in that of Mr. Round, the hide was a unit of
assessment — a notional area — from the very beginning.

If all the Domesday hundreds were composed of 100
hides each, or if the number of hides in Domesday Book were
equal to the number of hundreds multiplied by 100, the
evidence that the hide was a family holding would be in
favour of those who hold that the original hundred was the
district settled by a band of 100 invading warriors ; but it is
construing the language of Tacitus too strictly to hold that
every German chieftain was followed by a band of warriors
who numbered neither more nor less than one hundred, and
it is certain that if the number had been exactly one hundred,
some would have been killed during the course of the in-
vasion. From the time of the Latin War (B.C. 340) the
Roman centitrio was composed of eighty men or less, and
the centurion was not ordinarily in command of one hundred
soldiers ; so that the application of the term " hundred " to
a band of soldiers of any number whatever, is not without
parallel, and we neeo!__riot_Jherefore be surprised at the
existence of a district called a " hundred," but containing less
than a hundred family holdings.

Mr. Taylor has noticed that the hundreds in the river-
valleys of Gloucestershire are smaller in area than those in the
Cotswolds. Evidently the settlements were thicker in the
valleys, and so long as they contained unoccupied land, new-
comers would settle in them in preference to the unknown
hills. The hundreds in the south-west of England — Somerset,
Devon, and Cornwall — are of larger area than those in the
more eastern counties. A hide represents a larger number
of present-day acres in those counties than in Dorset. It is

1 Tram. Royal Historical Society > vol. 14, p. 217, etc.
F

66 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

however, agreed by all authorities that when the English con-
quered the districts which afterwards became those counties,
they spared a large proportion of the original inhabitants, and
it has therefore been argued that a hide in these counties
represents the original settlement of an English warrior.

In most counties the hundreds formed compact blocks of
territory ; but it would seem that powerful subjects could alter
the composition of the hundreds. The triple hundred of
Oswaldslaw was composed of detached vills scattered all
over Worcestershire, as is shown by the Domesday map of
that county in the Victoria County History. As the Bishop
of Worcester had jurisdiction over all his men, it was to his
interest to secure that all his possessions should be included in
one hundred, and that all his tenants should attend the same
court. Similarly, the Domesday hundred of Somerley in
Sussex was composed of the estates of the Bishop of Chichester
at Selsey, Sidlesham, and Wittering, in the west of the county,
Ij^^and at Preston, near Brighton, in the centre. Another example
of the aggregation of the estates of one owner into one
• ./i^l hundred is afforded by the hundred of Deerhurst (Glos.) ; it
appears that all the property of the Abbey of Deerhurst had
been aggregated into a single hundred before the Conquest,
and that when its possessions had been divided by the Con-
queror between Westminster Abbey and the Church of St.
Denys of Paris, the old hundredal arrangements still continued.
Little Compton and Wolford, in the extreme east of the county,
and now forming part of Warwickshire, are shown by Domes-
day Book to have been in the same hundred as Deerhurst and
Hard wick, from which they are 20 miles distant1

It will not, therefore, be surprising that land was some-
times moved from one hundred to another ; that is, that the
occupiers of a certain piece of land were transferred from one
hundred-moot to another. Windrush (Glos.) wrongly lay in
Salmannesberie hundred after the death of Bolle, but in 1086

1 Taylor, Notes on the Gloucestershire Domesday, 96.

THE HUNDRED AND THE SHIRE 67

it was transferred to Barrington hundred, by the judgment
of the men of that hundred.1 Ralph Taillebois placed
Bishopescote, an estate of 5 hides, in the King's manor of
Luton, "and sent it out of the hundred where it defended
itself T. R. E. ; " but, on the other hand, he took 5 hides from
another hundred and placed them in Fletham hundred.2

Sometimes it is found that a vill or a manor lay in two or
more hundreds. The King held 27 J hides at Tingdene. " The
land of this manor lay thus : in Hecham hundred 10^ hides,
in Hocheslau hundred ij, in Geritone hundred I hide, in Rod-
well hundred f hide, in Ordinbaro hundred 4! hides, and in
Neuesland hundred 9 £ hides." 3 In East Sussex, especially in
the district between Lewes and Eastbourne, there were many
manors of which different parts lay in different hundreds.
Willingdon was divided into nine parts ; of these two lay in
Willingdon hundred, one in Pevensey, two in Hawksborough,
two in Shoeswell, and two in Henhert hundred ; but the six
parts in the three last-mentioned hundreds did not pay geld.
Similarly, Laughton lay in four hundreds — Edivestone, Tot-
nore, Hawksborough, and Shoeswell ; and Alciston lay in three
hundreds — Wandelmestrei, Shoeswell, and Henhert. But it is
probable that those portions which lay in the three hundreds
of Hawksborough, Shoeswell, and Henhert were outlying
portions of these manors situate in the Weald. These three
hundreds did not pay geld, and belonged to the Count of Eu,
while Wandelmestrei belonged to Battle Abbey, and the
other hundreds which have been named to the Count of
Mortain.

Since the time of Domesday Book the hundreds in many
counties have been rearranged.4 In 1086 there were eighteen
hundreds in Buckinghamshire, but now there are only six, each
1 D. B., I. 165 b. 2. 2 Id., I. 219 b 2.

3 7rf., I. 220 a i.

4 For this reason one should be chary of attributing error to the Domesday
scribe when he says that a certain vill lay in a certain hundred, merely because at
some later date it lay in another hundred.

68 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

' of which contains three of the Domesday hundreds. Domes-
day Book speaks of the soke of nineteen hundreds in Oxford-
shire ; to these Mr. Corbett adds three, making a total of
twenty-two ; to-day there are only twelve. Our record mentions
two hundreds of Gadre, and the Pipe Roll for 1162 mentions
a hundred of Keneworth ; but all traces of these hundreds has
now disappeared. Some of the Oxfordshire hundreds have
been aggregated. The Pipe Roll for 1172 speaks of the three
hundreds of Wootton, and the Domesday assessments of the
vills in the present hundred of Wootton amount to about 360
hides, or three long hundreds of 1 20 hides each. Similarly, the
modern hundreds of Bampton, Bullingdon, and Ploughley are
each composed of two Domesday hundreds of 120 hides
apiece.

Every hundred had its appointed moot-stow or meeting-
place, from which it usually took its name. The situation of
this moot-stow in a village will account for a hundred bearing
the name of a village within its borders ; these moots were
often held in the open air, frequently at well-known barrows.
The termination " law " indicates that the moot was held at a
barrow ; and it would seem that the original meeting-place of
the hundred of Oswaldslaw was at such a barrow, as " Oswald's
hlaw" is mentioned as one of the boundaries of Wolverton,
near Worcester.1 Sometimes the old " hlaw " is softened into
the modern " ley ; " the modern hundred of Ploughley (Oxon.)
appears as Pockedelaw in the Hundred Rolls of 1279. Some-
times the hundred met in one of the old fortified camps, of
which the remains are so plentiful to-day, such as Salmannes-
berie and Begberie, in Gloucestershire ; and other hundred-
moots gathered at a well-known stone, such as Witestone,
also in Gloucestershire. Domesday Book tells that the two
hundreds of Ely met at Wickford.2

The existence of a common meeting-place will account for
the existence of detached portions of a hundred in places

1 D. J3. and B., 268 n 3. 2 D. B., I. 191 b 2.

THE HUNDRED AND THE SHIRE 69

where their existence cannot be attributed to the action of a
magnate in aggregating his estates for the purposes of jurisdic-
tion. Till 1834 Boycot and Lillingstone Lovell were detached
portions of the hundred of Ploughley (Oxon.), entirely sur-
rounded by Buckinghamshire, the former I mile, and the
latter 4 miles from the nearest Oxfordshire village : these
vills are entered in Oxfordshire by Domesday Book. In all
probability, a man who was accustomed to attend the moot
of the hundred of Ploughley, or its predecessor (for Ploughley
is not mentioned in Domesday Book), settled at some distance
from his neighbours in an attractive spot ; after a time, the
neighbourhood became settled by men who met in another
moot ; but nevertheless the first settler remained faithful to his
old friends, and met in their moot. In the case of these two
vills, it is not possible to think that they were connected with
Oxfordshire, and with the hundred of Ploughley, by some
grantee's will ; for in 1086 they were in the possession of
Reinbald, Benzelinus, and Richard the engineer, none of
whom had any other property in the county.

The five-hide unit has already been mentioned in connec-
tion with the assessment for geld, but the customs of Berk-
shire and of the boroughs show that this unit was closely con-
nected with the service in the fyrd, the territorial army, which
replaced the levy en masse, except when the country was in-
vaded. Domesday Book shows that many of the boroughs
furnished one soldier for every 5 hides in their assessment ; *
and in Berkshire, " If the King sent out an army, from every
five hides only one soldier went ; and for his victuals and
pay, every hide gave him 4/- for two months." 2 It will be
remembered that when William II. called out the fyrd for
an invasion of Normandy, the soldiers assembled at Dover,
but after Ralph Flambard had collected from them the pay
they had received, he dismissed them and abandoned the
expedition.3

1 D. Bar., 80. 2 D. B., I. 56 b I. 3 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i. 302.

7o THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

The hundred was a unit for the purposes of jurisdiction,
and there are frequent references in Domesday Book to the
court of the hundred. We have seen that the statistics con-
tained in our record were collected from the juries of the
hundreds, but the most frequent references show that one of
its functions was to act as a court for the registration of
transfers of land. Again and again entries " that the hundred
never saw the King's writ or any person on the King's part to
deliver seisin," l are made to show that the party in possession
holds by a doubtful title. Mr. Stuart-Moore quotes a case in
which a charter was held to be invalid, because it had not been
read in the hundred-moot.2 Considering the character of
Domesday Book, it is only natural that the most frequent
mention of the evidence of the hundred should be in reference
to disputed titles to land. The judgment of the men of the
hundred is quoted to prove seisin,3 and to show in what
hundred certain lands lay.4 These two references show that,
although the hundred's man might have presided at the
hundred-moot, yet the suitors of the moot were the judges.
This is expressly stated in the statistics relating to Kingston, a
property of 2 hides in Herefordshire, belonging to St. Mary of
Cormeilles ; its inhabitants gelded and worked in Gloucester-
shire, " but those who lived there met in this hundred (Bre-
messe) to the pleas, that they may do and receive right." 5

Other business was done at the hundred-moot, which,
according to Edgar's laws, met once a month ; but of the
nature of that business we have no information in Domesday
Book, nor does it tell what business was transacted at the
shire-moot. But that the fines inflicted at the hundred-moot
and the fees payable thereat were no small sum, is shown by
the statements that Swegen of Essex received loos, from the
pleas of the hundred of Rochford,6 and 25^. from the pleas

1 D. B., I. 35 a 2. 2 D. S., i. 22.

3 /</., II. 424. « D. B., I. 165 b.

4 /</., I. 182 b 2. 6 Id., II. 45 b.

THE HUNDRED AND THE SHIRE 71

of the hundred of Clavering.1 The Earl of the county was
entitled to the third penny of the pleas, and, when that office
was vacant, as in Essex in 1086, the King took the whole.
He had evidently granted the profits of these two hundreds
to Swegen.

Next in size to the hundred was the wapentake, an area
that is found under that name only in the districts that came
under Danish influence. Canon Taylor has shown that the
wapentake in Lincolnshire, Leicestershire, and the east
riding of Yorkshire, was composed of three hundreds, and
from the forged charter attributed to Edgar, and authorizing
the formation of the triple hundred of Oswaldslaw, suggests
that three hundreds were associated for the supply of a ship
to the fleet.2 Conveyances of land were produced to the
court of the wapentake in the same way as they were pro-
duced at the hundred-moot,3 and the evidence of the wapen-
take is quoted in the same way as the evidence of the
hundred.4

In the same way as the hundred was an aggregation of
vills, so a shire was an aggregation of hundreds. Warwick-
shire was an aggregation of twelve hundreds, Worcester of
twelve, Wilts of forty-one, and Middlesex of five and a half
or six. Every one has noticed that all the counties north of
the Thames, which are mentioned in Domesday Book, bear
the same name as one of the towns within their borders, and
it is possible that these shires are of a military origin. The
pre-Conquest conveyances of land show that the land was
universally (except in a few instances by the favour of the
King) subject to the trinoda necessitas — the threefold burden
of the repair of the boroughs, the repair of the bridges, and
military service. In order that these obligations could be
performed by the landowners, they must have known what
borough it was their duty to repair ; and the lands that were

1 D. B., II. 46 b. 2 D. s., i. 76.

3 id., I. 376 b 2. 4 D. B., I. 375 *.

72 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

assigned for the repair of any borough became the shire
taking its name from that borough. The Cheshire Domesday
gives evidence of this connection between county and borough :
"to repair the wall of the city and the bridge, the reeve
ordered one man to come from every hide." l Sometimes the
lords of properties in the shire kept houses in the city, and
burgesses in those houses to repair the wall. Such houses
were called " mural mansions " at Oxford, and houses per-
taining to rural properties are to be found in the Domesday
accounts of very many boroughs. The account of the city
of Leicester gives a list of twenty-four vills in the county
having houses in the city. I have argued in another essay
that these houses were mural mansions, similar to those of
Oxford.2 Of these twenty-four vills, one was situate in the
wapentake of Franland, six in the wapentake of Geretreu,
nine in the wapentake of Guthlacistan, and eight in the
wapentake of Gosecote ; and thus all four wapentakes of
Leicestershire contributed to the defence of the city of
Leicester.

This theory will account for the irregular outline of many
of the shires. Buckinghamshire has two hundreds north of
the Ouse, but they are separated from one another by the
Northamptonshire hundred of Clayley. The Hertfordshire
hundred of Tring shoots right up into the heart of Bucks,
and the Bucks hundred of Earley is almost surrounded by
Herts and Beds. " Given that so many hides were required
for Buckingham, so many for Northampton, and so many
for Hertford, some anomalies in the distribution would be
inevitable, as what the distributors would have in mind
would not be the hundredal areas, but the sites of the hundred-
moots." 3

But this theory is applicable only to the counties north
of the Thames. Professor Freeman thinks that the counties

1 D. B., I. 262 b 2. 2 D. Bor., 34.

3 " Ancient Hundreds of Bucks," Home Counties Magazine, April, 1904.

THE HUNDRED AND THE SHIRE 73

south of the Thames represent tribal settlements. Wiltshire,
Dorset, and Somerset represent the districts of the Wilsaeta,
the settlers on the Wiley, the Dorsaeta, the settlers on the
Dor, and the Sumersaeta, the settlers round Somerton.

Sussex, alone of all the English counties, preserves the
boundaries it had when it was an independent kingdom. Kent
is formed by the union of two kingdoms whose capitals were
at Canterbury and Rochester respectively, and whose boun-
daries coincide with the boundaries of the old dioceses of
Canterbury and Rochester.

The extreme northern counties are omitted from Domesday
Book. Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, and West-
moreland are entirely wanting. The district which is the
modern Lancashire is never mentioned under that name ; its
southern portions are valued in a sort of appendix to Cheshire
dealing with "the lands between the Mersey and Ribble,"
and some of the northern portions — Preston, Furness — are
valued in Yorkshire. Rutland is another anomaly ; it does
not appear as a shire, but rather as a district attached to
Northamptonshire. Of the six wapentakes contained in the
modern county, two only are described by Domesday Book
as belonging to Rutland ; two others are entered under
Northants, and two others in Lincoln. The four western
counties — Gloucester, Hereford, Salop., and Cheshire — all
contained lands which are now parts of Wales or Monmouth ;
but with these exceptions, and with the exception of a few
detached portions which have been transferred from one county
to another, the English shires have practically the same
boundaries to-day as they had in 1086.

Domesday Book shows that in the same way as it was
possible for vills to be moved from one hundred to another,
so it was possible for a great man to move vills from one
shire to another ; thus several vills of Worcestershire were
enrolled in the Hereford Domesday. William fitz Osbern,
Earl of Hereford, had annexed these vills to Hereford merely

74 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

as rent-paying members of his great lordship, although in all
probability he had not detached them from the jurisdiction of
the shire-moot of Worcester.1

Domesday Book shows us the shire or county as the
largest administrative unit. Like the hundred-moot, the
shire-moot was a court for the registration of transfers of land,
but no rule has come down to show which transfers should be
produced at the shire-moot and which at the hundred-moot.
It also dealt with disputed titles. Reference has been made
to the suit of the Abbey of Worcester against the Abbey of
Evesham, which was decided at a special shire-moot a short
time before our record was compiled ; and the suit of Lanfranc,
Archbishop of Canterbury, against Odo, Bishop of Bayeux
and Earl of Kent, before the shire-moot of Kent, at Pinnenden
Heath, is well known. Occasionally there was a moot of more
shires than one for the trial of important cases. The Bishop
of Worcester founded his claim to certain property in Warwick-
shire on the verdict of four shires at a moot at which Queen
Matilda presided.2 Presumably the shire-moot was usually
held in the shire town, but the shire-moot of Kent was held
at Pinnenden Heath, and the suitors were not compelled to
go further than to the heath ; but each defaulter paid a fine
of I oar. to the King.3 The men of Archinfield paid a fine
to the King of 2s.} or an ox, if they made default in attending
the shire- or hundred-moots.4

The chief official of the shire was the sheriff, the shire
reeve (Lat vicecomes}. It was he who headed its fyrd. It
was the Sheriff of Herefordshire who led the citizens and the
men of Archinfield when they raided Wales ; it was he who
usually presided at the shire-moot ; it was he who saw that
the services due to the King were properly rendered, and
collected the King's rents and revenue from the whole county.
In later years it was invariably the custom for the sheriff to

1 V. C. H., Wore., I. 239. 2 D. B., I. 238 b i.

3 D. B., I. I a 2. 4 Id., I. 179 a 2.

THE HUNDRED AND THE SHIRE 75

farm the county. He agreed to pay to the King a fixed sum,
and collected for himself all the rents of the King's estates
and the King's share of the profits of the hundred- and shire-
moots. If the latter were greater than the sum he agreed to
pay the King, he made a profit ; if not, he made a loss. The
actual farm of the county is never mentioned in Domesday
Book, but there are hints, if not actual evidence, that the
system was more or less in existence.1 Often, in addition
to the traditional sum payable to the King from any county,
the sheriff would agree to pay a premium for the privilege
of farming the county. Such a premium appears in Domes-
day Book as the augmentum or crementum — the Sheriff of
Oxfordshire paid £>2$ " de augmento," 2 and the Sheriff of Wilts
paid £60 " de cremento." 3 An unscrupulous sheriff could find
many opportunities of raising all the money required for
meeting these payments and making a handsome profit as
well. Hugh fitz Grip, late Sheriff of Dorset, Urso, Sheriff
of Worcester, Picot, Sheriff of Cambridge, and Baldwin,
Sheriff of Huntingdon, are four only of those whose exactions
are subject of complaint in Domesday Book.

By virtue of his office, certain payments were made to the
sheriff, out of which he discharged his liability to the King ;
thus—

"Edward the Sheriff [of Wiltshire] has of the pence which per-
tain to the shrievalty, 130 pigs, and 32 bacons; 2 modii and 8
sextars of wheat, and as much malt ; 5 modii and 4 sextars of oats ;
1 6 sextars of honey, or 16^. in lieu thereof; 480 hens; 1600 eggs;
TOO cheeses; 52 lambs; 240 fleeces; 162 acres of annona (wheat).
He also has produce to the value of ;£8o (,£80 valens) between the
reeveland and what he has therefrom." 4

This extract suggests that the reeveland was land of which
the sheriff received the profits, and this interpretation is sup-
ported by other passages. At Getune (Hereford) " land that

1 Commune of London, 72. 2 D. B., I. 154 b 2.

3 D. B., I. 64 b i. 4 Id., I. 69 a i.

76 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

was thegnland was afterwards converted into reeveland. Hence
the King's legates say that that land and the income from it
were by theft taken away from the King."1 Evidently the
sheriff, by converting it into reeveland, had appropriated for
himself profits which should have gone to the King. Henry
of Ferrars claimed certain land at Sparsholt, because it had
belonged to Godric, his predecessor in the shrievalty of Berks, a
— an entry which shows that the sheriff was ex-officio entitled to
certain lands.

There are three other terms used in Domesday for
districts intermediate between the shire and the hundred.
Yorkshire and Lincolnshire were divided into ridings, i.e.
" thrithings," three parts, and the testimony of the riding is
invoked in the same way as the testimony of the shire.3 Kent
was divided into six lathes ; and Sussex into five rapes,
each of which was in the possession of a single lord. Later
there were six rapes — Chichester, Arundel, Bramber, Lewes,
Pevensey, and Hastings ; but Domesday Book amalgamates
the rapes of Chichester and Arundel into the single rape of
Earl Roger. But both Kent and Sussex were originally
independent kingdoms, and it is not improbable that the rapes
of Sussex corresponded to the Midland shires. All the vills
that had houses in Chichester lay within the rape of Earl
Roger, and the owners of all the houses recorded in Arundel
had lands within the same rape. With but three exceptions,
all the vills having houses in Lewes lay within the rape of
Lewes ; and, as at Arundel, so all the owners (but one) of
houses in Pevensey were landowners in the rape of Pevensey.
Another feature of the resemblance between the rapes of
Sussex and the Midland shires is the fact, first noticed by Mr.
Round, that some of the rapes had sheriffs of their own. The
sheriffs of the honours of Hastings, Pevensey, Lewes, and
Arundel, and possibly of Bramber, are found mentioned in
certain documents of the eleventh and twelfth centuries.

1 D. B., I. 181 a 2. - Id., I. 60 b i. 3 /</., I. 375 a.

CHAPTER V
SAKE AND SOKE

THE reference in the previous chapter to the pleas of the
hundreds and the profits of the hundred courts leads
us to a consideration of a phrase which is found on
almost every page of the Little Domesday, and on many
pages of the larger volume ; constantly we read of persons
having "sake and soke" over other persons or over certain
properties. What do these words mean ? The compiler of
the (so-called) Laws of Edward the Confessor, who lived in
the first half of the twelfth century, would have answered
that the person who had sake and soke had the right to punish
his own men for their offences in his own court, and to take
the fines imposed upon them ; 1 but whether the phrase had
this signification in 1086 requires a little consideration.

Let us first remind ourselves of the principles of Old
English penal jurisprudence. In the earliest days, the ancient
Jewish maxim of "an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a
tooth," was its guiding principle ; but in the course of time
the offender was allowed to purchase exemption from reta-
liation by a nicely regulated tariff, and, even in the case
of murder, the murderer might purchase his freedom by
paying the "wergild" to the family of the murdered man.
This wergild varied according to the social position of the
victim. At the same time, a "wite" was imposed on the
offender, which was paid to the court which administered

1 Leges Edw. Con/., 20. L. 349.
77

78 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

justice ; possibly this payment was originally a fee to the
court for arranging a compromise. But there were also
offences against the Crown, such as absence from the fyrd,
neglect to perform "burhbot," breach of the King's peace,
drawing a weapon and wounding therewith so as to shed
blood, etc. For all these a fine was imposed, and from
Domesday Book we learn that the fines went to the King
or his representatives. Long lists of the fines payable at
Hereford, Shrewsbury, and Chester are given in Domesday
Book, and at Chester it is expressly stated that " of all these
forfeitures, two parts were the King's, and one part the
earl's." And when we read of the pleas of the hundreds
and the shires, and the profits arising therefrom, we are
reading of the sums of money accruing from these two
sources : (a) the " wites," or fees payable to the courts on the
arrangement of private feuds ; (b) the " bots," or fines for
offences against the Crown. Except in certain cases, all these
were, T. R. E., divided between the King and the earl, in the
proportion of two to one ; but on the suppression of many
of the earldoms by the Conqueror, the third pennies of the
suppressed earldoms reverted to the Crown.

Often the pleas, or rather the profits of the pleas, of a
hundred were annexed to a manor within that hundred ; the
pleas of the half-hundred of Witham pertained to the manor
of Witham.1 In the same way, the King's share of the profits
of these pleas could be annexed to a manor : To the manors
of Recordin, Condover, and Barchurch (Salop.) pertained,
T. R. E., two pence of the (pleas of the) hundreds bearing the
same names respectively.2 And the earl's third penny was
often annexed to one of his manors : T. R. E. the third penny
of the hundreds of Stradford and Chistelestone pertained to
the manor of Burgelle ; 3 the third penny of the whole county
of Dorset was annexed to Harold's manor of Puddletown ; 4

1 D. B., II. 2. * id., I. 253 a 2.

3 /</., I. 186 a i. * Id., I. 75 a 2.

SAKE AND SOKE 79

and the third penny of the pleas of Warwickshire was annexed
to Earl Edwin's manor of Cotes.1 But the King often granted
his share of the pleas of the hundreds to a subject, and hence
Swegen of Essex received 25^. of the pleas of the half-hundred
of Clavering,2 and loos, of the pleas of the hundred of
Rochford.3 The pleas of the shire- and hundred-moots of
Worcestershire produced ^33,4 and the same pleas for
Cheshire were let on lease for ^50 and a mark of gold.5

We have noticed that the pleas of a hundred could be
annexed to a manor, and when we read, " The sake and soke
of the hundred of Greenhow pertain to Weston, a royal manor,
whoever holds there (i.e. in the hundred), and is held by the
King and earl," 6 we naturally connect the sake and soke of a
hundred with the pleas of the hundred. Again, when we
read, " T. R. E. Stigand had the sake and soke of the half-
hundred of Hersham, except Thorp and Pulham,"7 we are
reminded that the pleas of the half-hundred of Clavering had
been granted to Swegen, and infer a grant of the pleas of the
half-hundred of Hersham to Stigand. And this connection
between sake and soke and forfeitures is supported by a
reference to the manor of Wye, in Kent, which belonged to
the Abbot of Battle : " To this manor pertain the sake and soke
of twenty-two hundreds, and all the forfeitures which justly
belong to the King." 8 When King William paid his first visit
to St. Edmund's Bury, he gave to the monks Gurth's manor of
Brook, and sake and soke over all Gurth's freemen ; 9 so that
a grant of sake and soke could operate over a district or over
certain persons.

This association of sake and soke with the profits of juris-
diction is supported by the record relating to Southwark —

" The men of Southwark testify . . . that if any man in the act
of committing an offence was there accused, he made amends to the

1 D. B., I. 238 a 2. 2 Id., II. 46 b. 3 Id., II. 45-

4 Id., I. 172 a i. 5 Id., I. 262 b 2. « Id., II. 113 b.

7 Id., II. 119 b. 8 Id., I. ii b 2. 9 Id., II. 210.

8o THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

King ; but if he was not there accused, and escaped into the house of
a man who had sake and soke, the latter had the amends of the
culprit." 1

Here it is definitely stated that the person who had sake
and soke over a house received the fines arising from the
misdeeds of those who lived therein. Similarly, there were
ten inhabitants of Wallingford who received the forfeitures for
bloodshed, and larceny and adultery in their own houses, " if
the culprit was received before he was accused by the King's
reeve ; " 2 and nineteen burgesses of Warwick who held nine-
teen houses with sake and soke and all the King's customs.3

We therefore understand the reason why Domesday Book
contains memoranda of those who, T. R. E., were entitled to
sake and soke within the four shires of Derby, Nottingham,
York, and Lincoln. The lists include grandees like the Arch-
bishop of York and Countess Godiva, and humbler individuals
like Elsi the son of Caschin, who had this privilege over his
manor of Worksop. But appended to the Nottinghamshire
list is a note that " none of these could have the earl's third
penny except by his grant, and that only for his life, except
the Archbishop of York and the Countess Godiva and Ulf
Senisc." 4 There is a similar list of those who had sake and
soke in the lathes of Sutton and Aylesford in Kent.5

It is impossible that all these persons having sake and
soke held courts of their own, in which they judged their own
men ; it is inconceivable that each of the nineteen burgesses
at Warwick held a separate court for his own house ; it is
far more probable that the penalties were imposed by the
court of the district, and were there claimed by the holder of
the sake and soke, in the same way " as to-day the clerk to
the guardians has to apply to the City justices for the pay-
ment to the overseers of the parish where the offence was

1 D. B., I. 32 a i. 2 Id., I. 56 b i. 3 Id., I. 238 a I.

4 Id., I. 280 b i. 5 Id., I. i b i.

SAKE AND SOKE 8r

committed of half the fines under the Betting and Gaming-
Houses Acts for the relief of the poor-rates of that parish." l
There is a passage in one of the later Worcester charters
supporting this view. The owner of Burford had granted to
the abbey the vill of Buraston, which formed part of Burford,
and at the same time gave to the abbey all his rights over
Buraston, which included sake and soke, and the charter con-
tinues, that "if of necessity there should be a plea in the
halimote of Burford of larceny or rape, and a man of Buraston
should incur forfeiture, the prior shall have that forfeiture
which I ought to have." 2

But if it is impossible that the smaller holders of sake and
soke held courts of their own, it is certain that some of the
larger owners of this privilege held separate courts. Worcester-
shire was divided into twelve hundreds, in seven of which the
sheriff had no interest. The Church of St. Mary of Worcester
held the triple hundred of Oswaldslaw, "so that no sheriff
could there have any litigation, neither in any plea nor in any
cause whatsoever."3 Similarly, two hundreds belonged to
Westminster Abbey, a sixth to the Abbey of Pershore, and
a seventh to the Abbey of Evesham. No wonder that the
sheriff complained that he lost much in his farm, and found it
impossible to raise the sum of £16, which was due to the
King from the pleas of the hundreds.4

In addition to the Bishop of Worcester, whose separate court
for Oswaldslaw has been referred to, there was one other
prelate whose separate court is mentioned in Domesday Book,
and the pleas of the Bishop of Winchester at Taunton were
held thrice in the year without summons.5 But apart from
these two prelates, there is no conclusive evidence in Domes-
day Book that the owners of sake and soke held courts of
their own, by which we mean that the court was under the

1 D. Bor.) 50. 2 Worcester Register, 9 a.

3 D. B., I. 172 b i. 4 D. B., I. 172 a I.

5 M, I. 87 b i.

82 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

presidency of an officer of theirs. In fact, some of the evidence
is against this contention. The statement that the Notting-
hamshire owners of sake and soke did not receive the earl's
third penny would appear to show that in that county, justice
was ordinarily administered in the hundred- and shire- moots.

Some little difficulty is caused by the existence of the
Warwick burgesses with sake and soke, and the freemen of the
eastern counties who were so free that they could go where
they would with sake and soke.1 Was their privilege acquired
or inherent ? Was it the subject of a royal grant ? Professor
Maitland thinks that this sake and soke represents the in-
herent right of the primitive householder to the fines for
offences committed within his own house ; 2 and he gives the
same explanation for the case of the sokemen on the Abbot
of Ramsey's manor of Broughton, who claimed "legrewite"
(the fine for incontinency), and bloodwite, and larceny up to 4^.,
while the abbot received the forfeiture for larceny of more
than ^d? As it was a rule of law that no man could have
sake and soke over himself, or receive the forfeitures for his
own misdeeds, sake and soke must always operate over
inferiors ; and therefore the sake and soke that the Roinges
freemen could take with them where they would, must have
been sake and soke over their men : no action of theirs could
alter the recipient of their own forfeitures.

The passage concerning the Broughton sokemen shows that
the possession of sake and soke did not confer on its owner
the right to all forfeitures. The fines for certain offences
—peace-breach, " heinfare " (forcible entry), and " forestel "
(assault) were in the King's demesne throughout England,
and were paid to him alone ; the earl had no share in them.4
There were nineteen sokemen at Hersham, in Norfolk. Over
three of them the King and earl had sake and soke, while
from the others the King had six forfeitures only.5 William

1 Roinges D. B., II. 40 b. 2 D. B. and B., 99.

8 D. B., I. 204 a 2. 4 Id., I. 252 a I. 5 Id., II. 155 b.

SAKE AND SOKE 83

of Scocies had the soke of six forfeitures in Cheninchall ; 1
and the Bishop of London had the six forfeitures from five
sokemen in Blafield ; 2 but usually, whoever might have the
sake and soke over minor offences in Norfolk, the six for-
feitures— probably peace-breach, " hamsocn " (housebreaking),
fihtwite, fyrdwite, outlaw's work, and the receipt of outlaws 3 —
went to the King. But in some parts of Suffolk these for-
feitures were received by the Abbey of St. Edmund, and they
were therefore called the six forfeitures of St. Edmund.

Sometimes we find that the court in possession of sake and
soke varied according to the social position of those from
whom it was due. The sake and soke of the half-hundred of
Diss was divided in such a way that " of all those who held
less than 30 acres, the sake and soke lay in Fordwell," i.e.
their fines were paid to the officer of the manor of Fordwell ;
" of all those who held 30 acres or more, the sake and soke
lay in the hundred," and their fines were payable to the
sheriff at the hundred-moot.4 In the hundred of Walsham
(Norfolk) the earl had sake and soke over all those who
owed him fold-soke ; but the King and the earl shared the
sake and soke over all the other freemen, who therefore paid
their fines to the hundred-moot.5

On the whole, then, Domesday Book affords evidence that
where a person or a church had the privilege of sake and soke,
he received the fines for certain offences, but, except in a few
cases, it affords no evidence whether he held a court of his
own.

There are, however, two passages speaking of courts other
than the hundred and county courts. The manor of Acton
(Cheshire) " holds its pleas in the hall of its lord ; " 6 but this is,
perhaps, an anomaly, as there is no similar passage in our record.
The other passage is the well-known record, telling how Picot,
the Sheriff of Cambridge, lent three sokemen to Earl Roger to

1 D. B., II. 223 b. 2 Id., II. 195. 3 D. B. andB., 88.

4 Id., II. 130 b. 5 Id., II. 129 b. 6 D. B., I. 265 b i.

84 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

hold his pleas, who were thereafter retained by the earl.1 It
is useless to attempt to explain a passage which Professor
Maitland has given up in despair ; but one point is clear, that,
as in the hundred-moots, so in private courts, if this was a
private court, the suitors were the judges, and pronounced the
verdict, while the penalty was exacted by the officer of the
court.

The single term " soke " is often used in such a way as to
give the impression that it is exactly similar in meaning to the
double term "sake and soke." St. Etheldreda of Ely had
the soke of five hundreds and a half in Suffolk, which pro-
duced ;£ii.2 But "soke" is often opposed to "sake and
soke." To the manor of Weaverthorpe pertained Elpethorp,
where there were 12 carucates for geld, 6 under soke, and
6 with sake and soke.8 Reference has been made to the
list of owners of sake and soke in Yorkshire. The name of
Tostig does not appear in that list, but on the very next page
Tostig appears as the pre-Conquest owner of Walesgrif, to
which pertained, T. R. E., the soke of twenty-one lands occu-
pied by 1 08 sokemen, with forty-eight teams.4 These two
instances show that " soke " was not always the same as " sake
and soke." The difference in meaning cannot be explained
at present ; it is here sufficient to point out the distinction.
And the distinction is emphasized by a passage in the Essex
Domesday, distinguishing between soke and forfeitures : " And
of all this soke St. Ouen has two parts and the King the
third, and always two parts of the forfeitures." 5

1 D. B., 1. 193 b i. 2 id., II. 385 b. 3 id., i. 303 a i.

4 Id., I. 299 a i. 5 Id., II. 22,

CHAPTER VI
THE MAGNATES

" Quis tenuit earn T. R. E. ? Quis modo tenet ? "

NEXT to the questions relating to the assessment area
and value of the various properties, these were the
most important questions propounded to the Cam-
bridgeshire jurors. It was necessary for the King to know, not
only the sum which any property would pay to the geld, but
also the person liable for that payment. The name of the
pre-Conquest landowner is given with the strictest regularity
in every county except Oxfordshire, where it is given only in
a few cases.

In the first and foremost position in the list of landowners
came the King, a position to which King William was entitled,
not only because he was King, but because he was the largest
individual landowner in the kingdom. Domesday Book shows
that over 1 5 per cent, of the cultivated land of England was, in
1086, in the possession of the King. More than 15 per cent,
of the teams were that year employed on " Terra Regis," and
these estates were widely distributed. Terra Regis is recorded
in every county except Shropshire and Cheshire, although in
Middlesex the Conqueror had only 12^ acres of "no man's
land," and the land on which dwelt thirty-two cottagers, from
which he derived an income of £i Js. 6^/.1 This large terri-
tory came to King William by two main titles — to some he

1 See Table A.
85

86 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

succeeded as heir of Edward the Confessor ; other lands
escheated to him on account of the rebellion of their former
owners. The Rev. G. S. Taylor has analyzed the Terra Regis
in Gloucestershire as follows : —

Hides. Teams.

The old estates of the Crown ... ... 250 ... 512^

Lands of Queen Edith 14 ... 35

„ „ the earldom 10 ... 23

Escheats (i) of the Bishop of Bayeux ... 28J)

(2) of Earl Roger of Hereford ... 124^! ... 229

(3) of various thegns i4|J

Lands of Brictric, originally given to

Queen Matilda and reverting to the

King at her death 203! ... 209^

645! ... 1009

The county in which the King had the largest estates was
Devon, where his property may be analyzed as follows : —

Rents.

Teams. £ s. d.

Ancient estates of the Crown ... 279! ••• 237 X5 I0

Lands of Queen Edith ... ... 105 ... 108 o o

„ ,, Matilda 225 ... 175 3 6

Forfeitures of Countess Gytha ... 189 ... 174 15 o

„ „ Asgar 46 ... 28 o o

„ „ Earl Harold ... 248 ... 186 n o

„ „ Earl Leofwin ... 61 ... 67 5 o

JI53i .- 977 9 4

So that in Devon the bulk of the Terra Regis was com-
posed of forfeited lands, for the gifts which the Conqueror
made to his Queen were the lands forfeited by Brictric,
son of Alfgar. On the other hand, the lands which had
formerly belonged to Harold in Oxfordshire, and which had
passed to the King, employed only 19 teams in 1086, while
the estates that were of the ancient demesne of the Crown

THE MAGNATES 87

employed 250 teams ; and in Bedfordshire the proportion of
forfeitures to ancient demesne was 6J to 166 teams. It
would seem that of the land in the possession of King
William, only some 40 per cent, had been in the possession
of the Confessor, although it must be remembered that
William had granted to one or other of his subjects a few
properties that had belonged to his predecessor ; and that
while he owned in Sussex sufficient land to employ 44 teams
only, yet the Confessor had owned lands on which 240 teams
were employed in 1086. Parts of this land had been granted
by the Conqueror to the grandees among whom Sussex had
been divided. The income derived by the King from his large
estates amounted to a little under £14,000 a year ; and in
addition he received large sums from the counties and the
boroughs.

There was a further difference between the two Kings.
Edward was merely King of the English, William was both
Lord and King, — he was a feudal lord. The forfeitures of
the English who had been in arms against him had given
him by far the greater part of the land of England, and when
he rewarded his followers by gifts of these lands, these gifts
were not absolute grants, but were grants of perpetual
tenancies upon condition, express or implied, that the grantees
performed some service or other for his benefit. So long as
this service was performed, the tenancy continued ; but if it
was neglected, the land reverted to the King. On almost
every page of Domesday Book we find statements that the
lands in question were "held of the King." Even the
conquered English, who made terms with the Conqueror,
received back their lands on these conditions.

" Alwin the priest holds the sixth part of a hide " at Turvey
(Beds), " and held it T. R. E., and could do what he liked with it ;
King William afterwards gave it to him in alms, on condition that he
should perform two ferial masses (ferias missas) for the souls of the
King and Queen twice a week." l

1 D. B., I. 218 b 2.

8S THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Another point to be noticed is that Domesday Book
makes no distinction between King William's private pos-
sessions and the Crown lands. To-day, Sandringham is
King Edward's private property, and Windsor is Crown land.
Such distinctions are too subtle for the Domesday Com-
missioners, who classed all the land occupied by the King as
" Terra Regis," whether it was his by inheritance from King
Edward or by the forfeiture of those who had fought against
him. There is a passage in the Norfolk Domesday which
speaks of lands belonging to the kingdom, which had been
given by the Confessor to Earl Ralph ; l and in both Norfolk
and Suffolk certain lands are described as being " Terra Regis
de regione ; " 2 but in these passages the contrast appears to
be between the ancient demesne of the Crown and the lands
that had been forfeited to the King.

Next to the King in the list of landowners come the
dignitaries of the Church, the archbishops and bishops of
the English sees, and the heads of various abbeys — English
and foreign — that held land in England ; among them appear
the names of some foreign bishops who held lands, not jure
ecclesia, but jure baronies, not as Churchmen, but as statesmen.
Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, and Geoffrey, Bishop of Coutances,
the King's half-brother and nephew, held large estates which
were not annexed to the sees they held, and on this account
their possessions are excluded from the calculations which
follow.

Omitting Cheshire, Yorkshire, and Suffolk, where the
figures are so involved that a calculation is impossible to one
whose time is limited, the possessions of the Church repre-
sented 25 per cent, of the assessment of the country in 1066,
and 26 J per cent, of its cultivated area in 1086 ; but, as in
the case of the royal possessions, these lands were unequally
distributed. South of the Thames, the Church paid 38}
per cent, of the geld in 1066, and owned 31^ per cent, of the
1 D, B., II. 119 b. 2 Id., II. 144, 281 b.

hewing

PERCENTAGES OF CHURCH PROPERTY

in the English Counties
IN THE ELEVENTH CENTURY

THE MAGNATES 89

land that was cultivated in 1086. North of the Thames,
the Church paid only i8£ per cent, of the geld, while it
owned 22 per cent, of the land that was cultivated. More
than half of the cultivated area of Kent and Worcestershire
belonged to the Church, which, however, owned less than
one-tenth of Bedfordshire, Leicestershire, and Derbyshire. In
the four Danish shires of Leicester, Derby, Nottingham, and
Lincoln, the Church owned less than nj per cent, of the
cultivated land ; while in the three shires of Gloucester,
Worcester, and Hereford, which represent the old kingdom of
the Hwiccas, it owned 36 per cent. These figures appear to
show that the Kings of Wessex were more lavish in their
gifts to the Church than the Kings of Mercia, and that the
Church suffered much from the Danish invasions. Again,
there is a strip of country between the Thames and the Wash,
comprising the four counties of Middlesex, Hertford, Cam-
bridge, and Huntingdon, where the Church owned 39 per
cent, of the cultivated land.1

Domesday Book mentions the two Archbishops of Canter-
bury and York, and thirteen suffragan bishops — those of
Rochester, Chichester, Winchester, Salisbury, Exeter, Wells,
London, Lincoln, Thetford, Worcester, Hereford, Chester, and
Durham. As would be expected, the Archbishop of Canter-
bury was the wealthiest prelate. His estates in seven counties
were assessed at 992^ hides in 1066, and employed 1631^
teams in 1086. Omitting his large estates in Yorkshire, much
of which was waste, and in Durham, which is omitted from
Domesday Book, the Archbishop of York owned land which
was assessed at 256 hides in 1066, and employed 555^ teams
in 1086. The wealthiest suffragan bishop was the Bishop of
Winchester, whose land employed 1030 teams in 1086 ; but he
was nearly approached by the Bishop of Worcester, with 1000
teams, and the Bishop of Exeter with 909^ teams. The two
poorest sees were those of Rochester, with 118 teams, and
Chichester, with 148.2

1 See Table A. 2 See Table B.

90 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

One expression in Domesday Book reminds us that some-
times the bishop took his title from the district over which he
ruled rather than from the town where his see was fixed. " In
this manor of Hoxne was the seat of the bishopric of Suffolk.1

The Church land was about equally divided between the
bishops and the abbeys ; but the lands of the monasteries
where the bishops resided were reckoned among the possessions
of their sees ; thus the lands of Worcester Abbey were
reckoned as part of the possessions of the Bishop of Worcester,
and the lands of St. Paul's Cathedral were included among the
lands of the Bishop of London. In many cases it is impossible
to distinguish between the lands of the bishop and the lands
of the monastery. The bishop acted as abbot of the monas-
tery where was his cathedral church, and deputed its govern-
ment to a prior. There was no abbey which owned as much
cultivated land as the wealthiest bishops. The richest abbey
was that of Glastonbury, on whose lands 683^ teams were
employed in 1086 ; next to it came the Confessor's foundation
of Westminster, whose lands in fourteen counties were assessed
at 583^ hides in 1066, and employed 597^ teams in 1086 ; in
addition to his large estates in Suffolk, the Abbot of Ely
employed 535 teams on his lands ; Peterborough Abbey had
lands employing 476 teams ; and the possessions of Ramsey
Abbey employed 440 teams. The Church of St. Michael in
the place of Battle had land for 134^ teams only, while Bath
Abbey employed only 80 teams, and Burton only 31^.

From the chartularies of the Benedictine abbeys that have
been preserved, we know that certain estates were assigned to
certain of the abbey officials, to enable them to perform the
duties of their offices. Domesday Book takes no notice of
these assignments, except in a few cases, where it is stated
that certain lands were assigned for the victuals or the cloth-
ing of the monks. The bordars on the inland of St. Martin
paid 6os. for shoes for the canons of St. Martin;2 and the
1 D. B., II. 379. 2 id., I. 2 a 2.

THE MAGNATES 91

small borough of Seasalter pertained to the kitchen of the
Archbishop of Canterbury ; 1 the profits of the borough of
Sandwich were applied to the purchase of clothing for the
monks of Canterbury.2

There were twenty-eight foreign churches holding lands of
the King in England in 1086, and a few held of the magnates.
Edith, the Queen of Edward the Confessor, had given Periton
in Somerset to the Church of St. Peter at Rome ; 3 and
Edward the Confessor had suppressed the rich Abbey of
Deerhurst, in Gloucestershire, and had divided its possessions
between his new foundation at Westminster and the Church
of St. Denys at Paris.4 The Conqueror himself had been
lavish in his gifts of English land to the Churches of St.
Stephen and the Holy Trinity at Caen ; but with this excep-
tion and that of Battle Abbey, his gifts to the Church were
few compared with those of the earlier kings. Altogether the
lands of the foreign abbeys which were held of the King
employed only 666 teams in 1086, — less than I per cent, of
the cultivated land.

One gift of the Confessor requires a little more notice.
He had given to the Abbey of Fe'camp the large estates
of Brede in East Sussex, and Steyning in Mid-Sussex ; but
Brede included the rising ports of Rye and Winchelsea,
and Steyning was close to Shoreham, and it has been sug-
gested that he made these gifts to a foreign abbey to secure
landing-places for his cousin William when he should come
to claim his own. Harold, however, had his suspicions as to
the meaning of these gifts, and confiscated Steyning during
his short reign, so that Domesday Book records him as the
owner "at the end of the reign of King Edward."5 But
yet a third Sussex port was practically in the hands of a foreign
ecclesiastic. The Confessor had granted the wealthy Church
of Bosham to his Norman chaplain Osbern, whom he afterwards

1 D. B.. I. 5 a i. 2 Id., I. 3 a i.

3 /</., I. 92 a 2. 4 Id., I. 1 66 a 2.

5 Id., I. 17 a 2.

92 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

promoted to the bishopric of Exeter ; but Osbern was brother
of William fitz Osbern, Earl of Hereford, who was of kin to
both the Conqueror and the Confessor ; and Bosham was itself
a seaport, and it was thence that Harold started on his ill-fated
voyage which finished in the dungeons of the Count of
Ponthieu ; and Bosham with Thorney Island command
Chichester harbour.1

We have noticed that William was not a large benefactor
of the English Church, and it should be remembered that the
foundation which proportionately lost most property under the
Conquest was Harold's one foundation of the Holy Rood at
Waltham, whose possessions at Lambeth and Streatham passed
to the Count of Mortain.2 Sometimes the Church lost pro-
perty which had been granted on lease to a tenant who was
also the tenant of a third party ; and on the grant of the for-
feitures of this third party, the Church was, perhaps by in-
advertence, deprived of its land. Thus Alfred Black held lands
of the abbeys of Westminster and St. Albans in Hertfordshire,
but for other lands he had commended himself to Stigand,
Archbishop of Canterbury. After Stigand's death, all these
lands passed to Lanfranc, Stigand's successor, and so were
lost to the abbeys.3

Two other points in connection with the large estates of the
abbeys require notice. Possibly it may be a sign of the deeper
religious feelings of the eleventh century, when we find that
the Commissioners for the eastern counties often recorded the
saint to whom a monastery was dedicated, as the actual owner
of the lands of that monastery. Saint Bene't of Hulme, Saint
Benedict of Ramsey, St. Etheldreda of Ely, and Saint Edmund,
are all in so many words stated to hold land in Norfolk. Saint
Edmund was entitled to the sake and soke and commendation
of certain freemen in Suffolk ; 4 and in one passage Saint Paul
is actually represented as a trespasser at Navestock : " Sanctus
Paulus invasit." 5

1 F. £., 320. 2 D. B., I. 34 a 2.

3 /</., I. 133 a 2. « Id., II. 365 b. 5 Id., II. 13.

THE MAGNATES 93

Usually lands were given to an abbey for the good of the
donor's soul. Thus Alnod of London gave Tooting to West-
minster Abbey for his soul ; l but occasionally the father of a
person who entered a monastery gave land to that monastery
as an endowment for his child. Walter of Laci gave Coleshill
(Berks) to the Abbey of St. Mary at Winchester with his
daughter.2 Toret gave two hides at Laverstoke (Wilts.) to
Wilton Abbey with his two daughters, and " from these lands
they were clothed, till the Bishop of Bayeux wrongfully took
them away from the Church." 3

Attention has been called to the fact that the Commis-
sioners did not draw any distinction between the private posses-
sions of the King and the Crown lands, but they did realize the
difference between the private possessions of a bishop and the
lands of his see. T. R. E. Bishop Peter held two-thirds of the
Church at Wantage, with 4 hides : " now the King has them,
because they were not of the see (quia non erant de episco-
patu}." 4 And a distinction is drawn between the private estate
of William, Bishop of London, in Essex, and those of his see.
Some of the former he gave to increase the endowment of the
bishopric.

Some idea of the surroundings of one of the large monas-
teries may be gathered from a study of the statistics of the
vill " where lies buried St. Edmund, the glorious King and
Martyr."5 T. R. E. there were 118 freemen with fifty-two
bordars under them, fifty-four poor freemen, and forty-three
almsfolk, each of whom occupied a cottage. At the time when
the statistics were compiled there were there thirty priests,
deacons, and clerics, and twenty-eight nuns and poor folk, " who
daily prayed for the King and all Christian people ; " there
were also seventy-five bakers, brewers, laundry-folk, tailors,
shoemakers, cooks, porters, and stewards, "who likewise daily

1 D. B., I. 32 a 2. 2 /</., I. 59 a 2.

3 Id., I. 68 a 2. 4 Id., I. 57 a i.

3 Id., II. 372.

94 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

served the Saint and the Abbot and the brethren ; " besides
these, there were thirteen tenants of the reeves land who had
houses in the same vill, with five.bordars under them, and
thirty-four knights, French and English, with twenty-two
bordars under them. In all there were 342 houses, and yet
St. Edmund's Bury is not styled a borough.

After the Church property had been entered in Domesday
Book, the scribes proceeded to register the estates of the lay
landowners according to their rank and wealth, and the earls
naturally took the first place. But here we must notice a great
change produced by the Conquest. Edward's earls divided
the country between them, and rivalled the King in power.
William appointed earls only for those parts of the kingdom
which were the most liable to invasion.

Mr. Freeman has devoted many pages to a discussion of
the earldoms under Edward the Confessor, and has printed two
maps showing their extent in the years 1045 and 1065 respec-
tively.1 We are not concerned with their history ; but to form
some idea of the state of England on the day that King
Edward was " quick and dead," the latter map must be looked
at. It shows that in 1065 the whole country was divided
between six earls, as follows : —

1. Morcar, who had jurisdiction over the whole of England
north of the Ouse and Ribble — the old Northumbria.

2. Edwin, who was Earl of Mercia, comprising the shires
of Chester, Salop., Stafford, Worcester, Warwick, Leicester,
Derby, Notts., and Lincoln.

3. Waltheof, Earl of Northampton and Huntingdon.

4. Gurth, Earl of Oxfordshire,2 Bedfordshire, Cambridge,
Norfolk, and Suffolk.

1 Norman Conquest^ II. App. G.

2 In spite of the writs of the Confessor addressed to Gurth as Earl of Oxford-
shire, there can be no doubt that the county was at one time part of the Mercian
earldom : for Domesday Book distinctly states that " T. R. E. the city of Oxford
rendered £20 to the King and £10 to Earl Alfgar," Earl of Mercia, till his death
in 1062 (D. B., I. 154 a i), thus showing that the third penny of the city was
once paid to the Earl of Mercia.

THE MAGNATES 95

5. Leofwin, Earl of Bucks, Herts, Middlesex, Essex,
Surrey, and Kent.

6. Harold, Earl of Wessex, comprising all the country
south of the Thames except Surrey and Kent, with the addition
of Gloucester and Hereford.

Of these, Edwin and Morcar were the sons of Alfgar, who
had preceded the former in the earldom of Mercia, and Harold
Gurth and Leofwin were the sons of Godwin. Tostig, another
son of Godwin, had been Earl of Northumbria till 1065, when
the Northumbrians expelled him and forced the King to put
Morcar in his place.

The internal history of the reign of Edward the Confessor
is a record of the struggles between the families of Godwin
and Alfgar for the King's support, and, till the expulsion of
Tostig from Northumbria, Godwin's family was most favoured.
The events accompanying this expulsion show that this family
feud was shared by the inhabitants of the several earldoms.
The Northumbrians then raided Northamptonshire and Oxford-
shire, and wrought so much damage that it had not been
repaired twenty years later, as is shown by the large number
of houses in Oxford (478 out of 721) which were "so waste
and destroyed that they could not pay geld" in IO86.1
Possibly Harold would have won the battle of Hastings if
Edwin and Morcar had brought the Mercian and Northumbrian
forces to his support.

The deaths, at Hastings, of Harold, Gurth, and Leofwin
vacated their earldoms, out of which the Conqueror created
four smaller earldoms. Ralph Guader became Earl of Norfolk ;
William fitz Osbern became Earl of Hereford ; Odo, Bishop
of Bayeux, was made Earl of Kent ; and the earldom of
Cornwall was given to the Count of Mortain. Edwin was
killed in 1071, and the Mercian earldom was given to Wal-
theof, who soon afterwards married Judith, the Conqueror's
niece. But Waltheof was not satisfied, and in 1075 joined
1 D. B., 1. 154 a i.

96 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Ralph, Earl of Norfolk, and Roger, who had succeeded his
father in the earldom of Hereford in 1070, in a conspiracy
for which they all suffered the death-penalty, when their
earldoms reverted to the Crown. Morcar, too, had been
involved in Hereward's rebellion, and, after forfeiting his
earldom, was imprisoned till the death of the Conqueror.

After the large English earldoms had been thus suppressed,
William, who had learnt wisdom from the troubles of the
Confessor and his own experience in Normandy, was most
careful not to revive them ; but in their place he created earls
of single shires in those parts of the kingdom which were most
liable to attack. For this purpose he had given the earldoms
of Kent and Cornwall to his half-brothers, Odo and Robert.
A new earldom of Durham was created and annexed to the
bishopric. Alan, one of his Breton followers, was made Earl
of Richmond, in North- West Yorkshire ; Hugh of Avranches
was made Earl of Cheshire ; and Roger Montgomery was
made Earl of Shropshire. The last two would secure the
western frontier against the Welsh ; the earldoms of Durham
and Richmond would secure the northern frontier against the
Scots ; and his two half-brothers were earls of those two
peninsulas which were most exposed to attack. The earldoms
of Norfolk and Hereford, which had been created within a few
years of the Conquest, lapsed after the rebellion of 1075. It
is said that William created Walter Gifard Earl of Bucking-
ham, Henry of Ferrars Earl of Derby, and William of
Warenne Earl of Surrey ; but Domesday Book does not
apply the title of "earl" to any of these, and although
the two former were large landowners in their respective
counties, William of Warenne did not own a single acre in
Surrey.

Every earl owned large estates in the county over which
he had jurisdiction. Some of these were undoubtedly " comital
manors," and were annexed to the earldom as part of the
emoluments of the office. Certain houses in Stafford were

THE MAGNATES 97

held as " of the earl's honour (de honore comitis}" l and those
manors to which the third penny of the pleas of the hundred
or the shire were annexed would seem also to have been
comital manors. But some of the earls held lands outside
their earldoms. Devon was included in Harold's earldom
of Wessex, and some of his lands in that county were forfeited
to the Conqueror ; but Earl Leofwin also held lands in
that county, and his lands likewise fell to the Conqueror.
In addition to the lands he held, the earl received the third
penny of the pleas of the hundred and the shire, and the
third penny of the profits of the boroughs. Almost the only
evidence in Domesday Book to show that the Bishop of
Bayeux was Earl of Kent, is the statement that he granted
to the monks of St. Augustine's the third penny of the
borough of Fordwich, to which he was entitled as Earl of Kent.2

Some idea of the powers of the pre-Conquest earl can be
gained from the Domesday statistics relating to Shropshire
and Cheshire. We have already noticed that the King held
no lands in either of these shires. " In Cheshire the Bishop of
the City holds of the King what pertains to his own see. All
the rest of the County is held of the King by Earl Hugh and
his men."3 In Shropshire there were eight or nine persons
who held direct of the King ; " Earl Roger holds the rest with
his men." 4 Each earl received the King's share of the profits
of his county borough, and it would seem as though he was
at liberty to raid Wales as he pleased. Both these earls held
extensive estates in other parts of the kingdom. Earl Roger
held about one-third of Sussex with the city of Chichester
and the castle of Arundel, and it would seem as if here too
he exercised the privileges of an earl, and appointed his own
sheriff ; but otherwise they had no higher privileges than their
neighbours.

As was but natural, the Conqueror's two half-brothers,

1 D. B., I. 246 a i. " Id., I. 12 a 2.

3 Id., I. 262 b 2. * Id., I. 252 a i.

98 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, and Robert, Count of Mortain,
received the largest proportionate share of the lands of the
conquered English. Each had estates in twenty counties, and,
as we have seen, the former became Earl of Kent, and the
latter Earl of Cornwall ; but the Earl of Kent was engaged
in a conspiracy in 1082, and was thereupon arrested, and his
lands were taken into the King's hands. Nevertheless, except
in Sussex, Berks, and Gloucester, no notice is taken of this
forfeiture, and his lands are all entered under the rubric
" Land of the Bishop of Bayeux." Their united possessions
amounted to about one-sixth of the cultivated land, but the
share of the count was slightly larger than that of the bishop.1
Mr. Pearson estimates the value of the estates of the Bishop
of Bayeux at £3 384, and those of the Count of Mortain to
have been worth nearly £2000?

For the same reason that William suppressed the larger
earldoms of his predecessor, so he was most careful that none
of his subjects should possess a compact block of territory in
which he could raise forces for a possible rebellion, and for
this reason the lands he gave to his brothers did not lie in
a compact block, but were scattered over a score of counties,
so that if either wished to rebel he would have to elude the
watchfulness of a score of sheriffs. Even in the counties in
which they were earls, less than one-half of the cultivated land
belonged to them. Even where one man received a con-
siderable share of a single county, his estates did not lie in
a compact block. Two-fifths of Oxfordshire belonged to the
Bishop of Bayeux, Robert of Ouilly, Roger of Ivry, and Miles
Crispin ; but their estates were well intermixed, so that any
rebellion in the county must have been supported by all four
to have had the slightest chance of success. The lands of the
Count of Mortain, in Bucks, in 1086, employed one hundred
teams ; but these estates lay in fourteen out of the eighteen
hundreds into which the county was divided.

1 See Table A. 2 Hist. Eng., i. 384.

THE MAGNATES 99

The one exception to this rule was in Sussex, which was
divided into five rapes, and these rapes were granted en bloc
to favoured followers of the Conqueror. The rape and borough
of Hastings became the property of the Count of Eu. The
Count of Mortain received the rape and borough of Pevensey ;
William of Warenne received the rape and borough of Lewes ;
William of Braiose received the rape of Bramber ; while the
borough of Steyning remained the property of the Abbey
of Fecamp ; and Roger Montgomery received those parts of
Sussex which were afterwards the rapes of Chichester and
Arundel. But each of these rapes contained isolated blocks
of land belonging to ecclesiastics. It is not difficult to surmise
what was in the mind of the Conqueror when he thus departed
from his usual custom. He wished the Sussex ports to be
in the hands of his mosttrusted retainers, to secure his retreat
to Normandy should such a step be necessary ; but he wished
also to secure that no single magnate of Sussex should be in
a position to head a successful revolt.

Although no general rule on the subject is ever laid down,
yet it is easy to see from Domesday Book the principles on
which the Conqueror acted in rewarding those who had fought
for him. Except in Sussex, he never or rarely granted to
any one of them a specific hundred or a specific area, but he
usually gave the forfeited estates of a certain Englishman to
the follower whom he delighted to honour. Mr. Round has
pointed out that Ansgar the Staller was invariably succeeded
by Geoffrey of Mandeville in Middlesex, Herts, Bucks., Oxon.,
Northants, Warwick, Berks., and Essex ; and the men of the
hundred disputed his title to Clapham, " because it was not
the land of Ansgar." * A few other cases may be quoted.
The Bishop of Coutances succeeded Borred in Bedford and
Northants, and claimed the homage of the sokemen of Risden,
Irenchester, and Raunds, because they were the men of
Borred ; 2 Ralph Pagenel succeeded Merleswegen in Devon,

1 D. B., I. 36 a 2. 2 Id.t I. 225 b 2.

TOO THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Somerset, Gloucester, Yorkshire, and Lincoln ; Osbern Gifard
succeeded Dunne in Gloucestershire, but the shire said that
his title to Aldbury was doubtful because " it did not belong
to the land which Dunne formerly held ; " 1 Geoffrey Alselin
succeeded Tochi in York, Lincoln, Notts., Derby, Leicester,
and Northants ; and Hugh of Grentmaisnil succeeded Baldwin
fitz Herlwin in the counties of Gloucester, Oxford, Warwick,
Northampton, and Leicester. It is therefore clear that the
custom that no man should have a compact block of land in
any county dates back before the Conquest.

There were a few fortunate Englishmen who retained
possession of their ancestral estates after the Conquest, and
some, indeed, who increased their wealth. But the latter were
men who had been prominent as opponents of the house
of Godwin. Turchil of Warwick succeeded to his father's
estates in Warwickshire, employing forty-one teams in 1086,
and had increased them to 22 8 J teams by his gifts from the
Conqueror and his encroachments on smaller freeholders ;
and Leofwin of Nuneham retained possession of his property
in Bucks. But such survivals were few. Not one per cent,
of the country was owned (i.e. held of the King) in 1086 by
the same men as had owned it in 1066, or by the sons or
widows of the previous owners. Such survivors are most
common in Hampshire, including the New Forest and the
Isle of Wight ; but they were owners of very small properties,
and the lands owned by forty-three such survivors employed
only sixty- two and a half teams in io86.2 Sometimes the
Englishmen remained as tenants on the lands they previously
owned. " Ailric holds four hides in Marsh Gibbon of William
fitz Ansculf. . . . The same man held them T. R. E., but now
holds them at farm of William heavily and miserably (graviter
et miser abi liter)"* And the English owners remained as
tenants on seven or eight of Turchil's estates in Warwickshire.4

1 D. B., I. 168 b i. 2 See Table A.

3 D. B., I. 148 b 2. 4 V. C. H., Warwick, i. 284.

THE MAGNATES 101

The persons holding directly of the King kept some of
their estates in their own hands, and granted others to under-
tenants. Students must remember to distinguish between the
two usages of the word " demesne." Sometimes it implies
those estates which a magnate kept in his own hands, and
of which he received the produce ; sometimes it is opposed
to those portions of a single estate which were let to tenants,
in which case it implies the part of the estate which was
cultivated as a home farm.

It must also be remembered that a man who held of the
King in chief was often the mesne tenant of one or more
of the county magnates. Thus Hugh de Forth held in
Hampshire fifty-six manors of the King in chief, thirteen
of the estates of the Bishop of Bayeux, and others of the
Bishop of Winchester, the Old Minster, the New Minster,
Chertsey Abbey, and Walter fitz Roger.1

On passing from the magnates to their mesne tenants, we
are at once met with a large number of knights. On the
estates of the Bishop of Lincoln in Oxfordshire, there were
five knights at Thame, six at Dorchester, two at Milton, eight
at Cropredy, and five at Banbury ; the Abbot of Eynsham
had three knights at Eynsham, and the Abbot of Abingdon
had one knight at Tadmarton.

At Westminster there were twenty-five houses of the
knights and of other men of the abbot.2 The description
of the lands of the Archbishop of Canterbury in Kent is
followed by a list of the lands of his knights ; and in many
cases where the bishops and monasteries are returned as
landowners, we read of knights who held under them. Who,
then, were these knights ? and what were their duties ?

The pre-Conquest customs relative to military service have

been already referred to (p. 69), and show that, T. R. E., the

rule was that one heavy-armed soldier should be furnished

by every 5 -hide unit, and that each hide gave him 4^. for his

1 V. C. ff., Hants, i. 422. 2 D. B., I. 128 a 2.

102 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

victuals and pay for two months. When a 5 -hide unit became
divided, there must have been disputes as to the person who
should serve. Hence we find arrangements, as in Lincolnshire,
where Siwate and his three brothers divided their father's
lands equally, T. R. E., and held them on condition that if
there was an expedition, and Siwate could go, his brothers
aided him ; failing him, the second went, and Siwate and
the others aided him ; and so of all. Yet Siwate was the
King's man (and was, therefore, the person nominally liable).1
Again, at Durnford (Wilts.), three Englishmen held 3 hides
of the Church of Wilton, of whom two paid $s. a year, and the
third served as a thegn.2 Evidently when the sheriff called
out the fyrd, the third was the only one to go. The penalty
imposed on defaulters was the forfeiture of all their lands to
the King ; 3 but this rule was modified in Worcestershire by
the proviso that if the defaulter was under a lord, and the lord
found a substitute, he paid a penalty of 40^. to his lord ; so
that it would appear that some magnates were in the habit
of raising the contingent of the fyrd which was due from their
own lands. Domesday Book shows that even before the
Conquest, certain bishops had been accustomed to send their
contingents to the fyrd under the leadership of one of their
own men. The tenants of the Bishop of Worcester followed
his flag and served under his captain, and the fyrdwites — the
penalties for neglect to serve — were collected in his courts
and paid to him. The bishop claimed that the tenants of
Bengeworth and Hampton, belonging to the Abbot of
Evesham, should serve in his contingent with the other men
of the hundred of Oswaldslaw, and his claim was allowed
by the court.4 And similarly the tenants of certain lands
dependent on Taunton served on expeditions with the men
of the Bishop of Winchester.5 The term " thegn " was applied
to the heavy-armed soldier, and we therefore read in Domes-

1 D. B., I. 375 b 2. 2 Id., I. 67 b 2. 3 Id., I. 56 b i ; 172 a I.

4 V. C. H,, Worcester, 249. 5 D. B., I. 87 b I.

THE MAGNATES 103

day Book of the King's thegns and of the thegns of Earl
Harold and of the various monasteries. At the death of a
thegn holding of the King, the King had as a relief all his
arms and two horses, the one saddled and the other un-
saddled. If he had hounds or hawks, they were presented
to the King, if he would accept them.1

The rules relating to military service after the Conquest
differed materially from the pre-Conquest rules. Mr. Round
has investigated the whole subject,2 and has shown that there
were two main points of difference. Although in the thirteenth
century there appears to be some connection between a
knight's fee — the area which was considered necessary to
support a knight — and an estate of 5 hides, yet this knight's
fee had no connection with the unit of 5 hides which provided
a thegn for the fyrd. The number of knights provided by
the barons of the twelfth century was not fixed by the number
of hides at which they were assessed. These numbers were
always multiplies of five, and usually multiples of ten ; and Mr.
Round connects these figures with the unit of the feudal host
— the English constabularia of ten knights — and is decidedly
in favour of the opinion of the older writers that the Conqueror
granted the forfeited lands of the conquered English to his
foreign followers on condition that they should furnish him
with varying contingents of mounted men. The churches,
however, did not owe their lands to the bounty of the
Conqueror. How is it, then, that we find knights on episcopal
and monastic estates ? Matthew Paris tells us that in 1070
King William fixed, "according to his will," the number of
knights to be furnished by each bishop and abbot ; and
although Dr. Stubbs rejects this statement as "a mistaken
account," it is accepted by Mr. Round, who finds it in perfect
agreement with the Exchequer records which he produces.
That this number had no relation to the 5 -hide unit is proved
by a few figures showing the number of hides at which the
1 D. B., I. 56 b i. 2 A E., 225-314.

104 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

estates of certain of the bishops and abbots were assessed in
1066, and the number of knights they furnished in the twelfth
century.

Hidage (1066). Knights (1166).
Archbishop of Canterbury ... ... 992^ ... 60

Bishop of Winchester ... ... 1195 ... 60

„ Worcester 567 ... 60 (50)

Abbot of Abingdon ... ... 6o6J ... 30

„ Glastonbury ... ... 891^ ... 60

„ St. Albans 167 ... 61

So that it would seem that in fixing the contingent to be
supplied by each church the Conqueror disregarded the old
5-hide unit, and proceeded on entirely different principles.

When once the Crown had fixed the number of knights
it expected from any tenant in capite, the latter would make
arrangements so that his contingent should be always ready
for service. The Abbot of Ely tried the experiment of keep-
ing his contingent on the abbey premises, and maintaining
them out of the abbey kitchen ; but after a time he found this
too expensive, and he therefore granted them lands where
they might support themselves, on condition that they should
serve in the King's expeditions when required.2 Possibly the
record of the houses of the knights at Westminster indicates
that there, too, some of the knights whom the abbot was
bound to furnish, resided in the purlieus of the abbey, and
were maintained at the abbey kitchen. We therefore under-
stand why there were twenty-six knights on the Oxfordshire
estates of the Bishop of Lincoln, and why the Archbishop of
Canterbury enfeoffed certain knights in Kent. The holdings
of these knights varied in assessment. The Bishop of London
had five knights at Clacton, who held 4 hides between them.3
The holdings of the knights of the Bishop of Lincoln at
Dorchester (Oxon.) were 7 j, 6J, 5 J, 2, and 5 hides respectively,
but this last 5-hide holding was held by Rainald and Vitalis

1 See also Table B. 2 F. E., 300. 3 D. B., II. u.

THE MAGNATES 105

jointly.1 At Cropredy a knight held I hide and I virgate
only.2 From these lands they had to maintain themselves,
and, unlike the pre-Conquest thegn, they were aided by no
man. Sometimes the mesne tenants shifted their responsi-
bility. Wadard held Ditton of the Bishop of Bayeux : " He
who holds of Wadard renders him 505-. a year and the service
of one knight." 3

But the chief difference between the pre-Conquest rules
for military service and those of the twelfth century was that
at the later period the summons for service was addressed
to the lord, who was responsible for the attendance of his
own contingent, and enforced the attendance of his knights
by distraint if necessary, while in the earlier times the summons
was sent by the sheriff to the individuals who were liable to
serve in person. But traces of the later practice were to be
found before the Conquest.

Last in the list of the King's tenants in the different
counties appear those who held small estates of the King
in chief. They were called by various names — the King's
Serjeants (servientes\ the King's ministers, the King's vavassours,
and the King's thegns. But there was a difference between
the King's Serjeants and ministers on the one hand and his
vavassours and thegns on the other — the latter held by knight
service, the former by tenure in serjeantry ; in other words,
the Serjeants and ministers held their lands on condition of
performing some more or less menial service about the King's
court. The distinction between thegns and Serjeants is clearly
drawn in the indices to the counties in the south-western
circuit, although occasionally a holding in serjeantry is recorded
among those of the thegns. Thus Leviet held Cunuche
(Wilts.) : " This Leviet did and does orfrey work for the King
and Queen." 4 But it is rare to find any statement of the
precise service rendered by any tenant in serjeantry. These

1 D. B., I. 155 a i. 2 id., I. 155 b i.

3 /</., 32 a i. 4 Id., I. 74 a 2.

106 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

must be supplied from later sources — the Black or Red Books
of the Exchequer, or the Testa de Nevill. In Hampshire,
Miles the porter is returned among the Serjeants as holding
Bramdean.1 Mr. Round refers to the Testa de Nevill to show
that this estate was held by the service of keeping the King's
gaol at Winchester.2 Among the ministers of the King in
Oxfordshire was Alwi, who held 2 hides less J virgate at
Worton.3 The Testa de NeviU shows that Robert fitz Alan
held ij carucate there by the service of bearing a pennon
before the infantry of the hundred of Wootton. Pre-Conquest
traces of tenure in serjeantry can be found : Wenesi held
certain lands in Hampshire by services connected with the
goats ; * and Alwin held \ hide of the King's demesne at
Akeley (Bucks.) for teaching orfrey work to the sheriff's
daughter. 5

It is under the headings of the King's vavassours and
thegns that we find the names of • most of the Englishmen
who, on their submission to the Conqueror, had retained their
lands ; but of them we have already spoken.

1 D. B., I. 49 b i. 2 V. C. ff.t Plants, i. 431.

3 D. B., I. 161 a i. 4 D. B., I. 47 a 2.

5 Id., I. 149 a 2.

CHAPTER VII
THE HUMBLER FOLK

" Quot villani ? quot cotarii ? quot servi ?
Quot liberi homines ? quot sochemanni ?
Quantum ibi quisqne liber homo vel sochemannus habuit vel
habet?"

OF all the questions which were propounded to the Cam-
bridgeshire jurors there are probably none which are
the subject of greater discussion at the present day
than those which are given in the heading to this chapter.
The distinctions between these five classes of humbler folk,
though certainly well known to the jurors, have hitherto
eluded research, and the last word on the subject has yet to
be written. These five classes may roughly be classed
together as the cultivating occupiers ; not that some of those
whom we have previously been considering were not actually
engaged in the manual labours of cultivation. In all pro-
bability, many of those who were classed as the King's
vavassours, the King's thegns, and the King's Serjeants, were
the actual cultivators of the land they occupied, or, at all
events, superintended its cultivation. But in this chapter
we have to consider the position of those who were engaged
in agriculture, and nothing but agriculture. It would, how-
ever, be misleading to call them " the labouring classes."
The landless farm labourer of the present day is the product
of later ages, and is an anomaly in Domesday Book.

107

io8 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

But here it is absolutely necessary to connect the evidence
of Domesday Book with that of the periods before and after
the Conquest, and it will be most convenient to consider the
evidence relating to these men under four heads — the
evidence of the pre-Conquest documents ; the evidence of
Domesday Book for the two periods for which it gives infor-
mation ; and the post-Domesday evidence.

I. PRE-CONQUEST DOCUMENTS

In our discussion of the "hide " we reminded ourselves of
the main features of the old open-field system of which dis-
tinct evidence can be found before the Conquest, and we saw
that the " hide " was the name given to the typical family
holding employing one team of eight oxen. The owner of a
hide would have 40 acre-strips in each of the three fields,
and would render to the King a certain quantity of provisions
and certain services. He was further liable to the trinoda
necessitas — to the duties of repairing the bridges and
boroughs, and to service in the fyrd. Such a tenant was
called a gafolgelder in the days of Ine ; and an interesting
fragment of his laws tells us the quantity of provisions that
was required from a holding of 10 hides. "From 10 hides
to foster, 10 vessels of honey, 300 loaves, 12 ambers of Welsh
ale, 30 of clear ale, 2 old (i.e. full-grown) oxen or 10 wethers,
10 geese, 20 hens, 10 cheeses, an amber of butter, 5 salmon,
20 Ibs. of fodder, and 100 eels." 1 Presumably it would be
the duty of the gafolgelder to deliver his quota of provisions
at one of the royal manors.

But side by side with the gafolgelders, we find magnates,
both lay and ecclesiastic, possessing larger areas, which also
lay in scattered strips thoughout the three fields. A part of
these estates lay in demesne, and was cultivated as a home
farm. Other parts were let to tenants, of whom there were
1 D. B. and £., 237.

PRE-CONQUEST DOCUMENTS 109

two classes, the superior class providing their own outfit, and
furnishing provisions and occasional services at specially busy
seasons ; and the humbler class, for whom their lord provided
an outfit, who worked two or three days a week on the demesne
farm, and in addition performed extra work (boon-work) at
specially busy seasons, and furnished a few provisions for
their lord's use. In the Rectitudines Singularum Person-
arum, a document of the former half of the eleventh century,
the former of these is called a " geneat," x and the latter a
" gebur ; " 2 and in addition to the geneats and geburs, that
document speaks of a class of cottagers, who occupied some
5 acres of land, and worked one day a week on the demesne
farm ; but it must be noticed that both the gebur and the
cottager paid " hearthpenny on Holy Thursday, as every
freeman should do." 3 When a new gebur was established,
it was the custom of his lord to furnish him with his house-
hold furniture, a couple of oxen, a cow, and seven sheep, and
with 7 acres of land ploughed and sown with corn. And
from this Mr. Seebohm has argued that the usual holding of
a gebur was a virgate of 30 acres of land. If these 30 acres
were distributed in the three fields, the gebur would have
10 acres in each field. The reason why 7 sown acres only
were provided for him was, that in the typical manor, on
which the Rectitudines was based, it was the duty of the
gebur to plough 3 acres and sow them with his own seed for
his lord's benefit. Of course the details of the gebur's duties
varied in different manors, but it is not impossible that this
above-mentioned custom was widespread. The distinction
between the geneat and the gebur dates back to the eighth
century ; for Ine forbad landlords to exact week-work from
those tenants who had agreed to pay gafol — to furnish
provisions for their land.4 When a gebur died or left his
land, his entire outfit, including even his household furniture,

1 L. 445. z L. 446. 3 L. 445.

4 G. M., 239.

no THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

reverted to his lord. Hence he was practically ascriptitius

glebes (annexed to the soil), for no one, however hardly he
was treated, would care to leave his all and go forth penniless
into the world.

Finally, this document shows us a class of slaves, who
were maintained by their lord. They were either the descend-
ants of the conquered Britons, or men who had fallen into
slavery through poverty or inability to pay the fines imposed
on them (wite-theows). Geatfled, by her will, emancipated
those of her theows " who had bowed their heads for bread in
the evil day."1 Such slaves were bought and sold in the
open market, and exported across the seas as part of the
commercial produce of the island, and for many years Bristol
was a notorious slave-market. There is only one passage in
Domesday Book recording market tolls ; and the toll paid
on the sale of a man at Lewes was 4</. In spite of their
vendibility, they were treated as men, and not as chattels.
If a slave was slain, his kinsfolk received 40^. instead of a
wergild, and his lord had the man-bot of 30^.

The pre-Conquest conveyances imply that, unless the
estates of a church or a lay magnate were expressly ex-
empted, they were liable to furnish provisions for the King in
the same way as the gafolgelder. It would appear that, until
the tenth century, the estate of the Bishop of Winchester at
Taunton was liable to provide victual for one night for the
King (pastum unius noctis\ and for his hounds and kennel-
man and hawkers, and to provide carriage for the King's
household and guests to Williton and Gary ; but in 904
Edward the Elder released these dues to the bishop in return
for 60 hides of land which the bishop gave to the King.2

When to-day John Doe purchases the estate of White-
acre, it is conveyed to him subject to the rights of those
who occupy parts of it. The mansion-house, and the park,
and the sporting rights are in hand. Some farms are let on
1 K., 925. 2 K.> 1084 j G.M., 282.

PRE-CONQUEST DOCUMENTS in

lease ; others on yearly agreements. Possibly some of the
houses in the village are let on leases for ninety-nine years,
while others are copyhold of the manor of Whiteacre. But,
notwithstanding the sale, these tenants all continue in posses-
sion of their farms and houses. Similarly, when an English
King — say Ethelwulf or Alfred — gave a large estate to a
monastery, it would pass to the monastery subject to the
rights of the various under-tenants, who possibly were not
even referred to in the charter. The monks would enter into
possession of the demesne farm, and the geneats and geburs
would continue in possession of their lands, subject to their
rendering their stated services. Possibly, too, in this grant of
the estate might be included any food-rents and services that
might be due from the King's gafolgelders living in the vill.

So that we can distinguish five classes of humbler folk in
the pre-Conquest village.

1 . The " gafolgelder," 1 rendering food-rents and occa-
sional services to the King or to his grantees.

2. The " geneat," a tenant of the grantee of the estate,
and rendering to his landlord similar services to those of
the gafolgelder.

3. The " gebur," also a tenant of the grantee, holding a
virgate, and rendering to him week-work, boon-work, and
small food-rents.

4. The "cottager," holding some 5 acres of the grantee,
and rendering to him one day's work a week.

5. The " slave," maintained and housed by his lord.

But it was possible for the gafolgelder to be himself the
lord of a manor, and to have geneats, geburs, cottagers, and
slaves as his under-tenants and working on his lands.

1 In using this term of landowners of the time of the Confessor, I plead guilty
to an anachronism. For Mr. Chadwick says, " ' Gafolgelder ' seems not to be used
in official documents after the time of Ine " (Studies in Anglo-Saxon Institutions,
377). But, on the other hand, the word " ceorl" appears to be indiscriminately
applied to every freeman, whether dependent or independent.

ii2 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

2. THEIR CONDITION IN IO66

It is only for the eastern counties that the state of the
villages in 1066 is recorded ; and here we find villans, bordars,
slaves, freemen, and sokemen living side by side ; but the
villans, bordars, and slaves are always enumerated in con-
nection with the teams in demesne, while the freemen and
sokemen are enumerated separately. Thus —

"St. Edmund held RISBY (Suffolk) for a manor and for two
carucates of land. Always 4 villans and 2 bordars, and then two
teams in demesne. Now four. Always one team of the tenants.
Then 3 slaves & one acre of meadow. Now 3 rounceys and 12
oxen and 30 pigs, & 90 sheep, & 32 goats, and 7 sokemen of one
carucate and a half, and one bordar and one slave with three teams.
Over these men the Saint has sake and soke and commendation and
all custom, nor can they give or sell their land without the conces-
sion of the Abbot. ... In the same (vill) one freeman gave a
carucate of land, which Norman holds of the abbot, & 4 bordars
& i slave & i team & i acre of meadow. He could give & sell his
land, but his sake and soke and commendation remained to the
Saint." l

Here we notice (i) that the villans, bordars, and slaves
are associated with the demesne ; (2) that the sokemen and
freemen are dissociated from the demesne ; (3) that the areas
of the holdings of the sokemen and the freemen are stated ;
(4) that the difference between the sokemen and the free-
man lay in the fact that the latter could sell his land, while
the sokemen must obtain the permission of their lord before
doing so.

In our discussion of the manor we have already laid
emphasis on the first of these points ; and the invariability
of the rule that wherever demesne is found, villans, bordars,
and slaves (or one or another of these classes) are to be
found, has led us to conclude that the existence of the

1 D. B., II. 356 b.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 113

demesne, and therefore of the pre-Conquest manor in Suffolk,
was dependent on the existence of the villans, bordars, and
slaves. The dissociation of the sokemen and the freemen
from the demesne shows that their presence was not essential
to the existence of the manor, and this point is emphasized
by the number of manors to which were attached no recorded
freemen or sokemen, and by the scores of unattached free-
men that are recorded. Their being thus extra-manorial
was the reason why the Cambridgeshire jurors were asked
to state the area of their holdings.

The differentiation between the sokemen and the free-
men laid down in the fourth of our deductions, is a general
but not invariable rule. On the estates of the Abbey of
St. Edmund, in the hundreds of Thinghoe, Lackford, and
Babenberg, in Suffolk, there were 128 freemen ; and of these
126 could sell, and only two were restrained from selling
their land. On the same estates there were 63 sokemen, of
whom 58 could not sell, and only five were at liberty to sell
their lands. At Copford l and Sutton 2 a similar distinction
is drawn between the sokemen who could not recede, and
the freemen who could go where they wished ; or, in other
words, could commend themselves to a lord of their own
choice. (Mr. Round has shown that this phrase is equiva-
lent to stating that they could sell.) In Essex the state-
ment as to liberty of commendation is rare, but there were
47 freemen with liberty of commendation, of whom it is
stated that they could go where they would, and only two
who could not recede ; there were in that county 107 soke-
men who could not recede, and only five who could recede.
And Mr. Round has noticed the same distinction on some
of the Norfolk properties of the Church of Ely.3 Hence we
see a clearly drawn line between those men who were at
liberty to sell their land or to commend themselves to what
lord they would, and those who were restrained from doing

1 D. B., II. 60 b. 2 Id., 96 b. 3 F. £., 34.

I

ii4 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

so. This line of demarcation is observed in those counties
where no nominal distinction is drawn between freemen
and sokemen. In these counties both classes are recorded
together under one name ; in the Eastern Midlands they are
all called sokemen ; in the southern counties they are called
freemen. But if the nominal distinction is disregarded, the
essential difference is usually recorded ; there is generally a
statement as to liberty of or restraint on commendation.
Some 65 per cent, of the pre-Conquest sokemen of Cam-
bridgeshire had this liberty.

The dislike of the Domesday scribes to tautology is well
known, and there was scarcely any phrase for which they
used so many variants as in connection with commendation.
Hence it will be useful to set out in parallel columns the
various phrases used to express liberty of or restraint on
commendation.

They could give and sell They could not give and sell
their land. their land (without licence).

They could recede. They could not recede (with-

out licence).
They could go where they They could not go where they

would with their land. would with their land.

They could go to another They could not go to another
lord. lord.

They could not be separated
from their lord.

But the distinction between the two classes can be pressed
still further. A man who was at liberty to sell his land was
said to hold freely : " Algar held Bromley freely and was
commended to Wisgar, being at liberty to sell his land ; " *
and Mr. Round quotes a passage from Heming's Cartulary
of Worcester Abbey, defining a man holding freely as having
liberty to sell or to go to whom he would.2 Occasionally

1 D. B., II. 40 b. • V. C. H., Worcester, i. 267.

n™

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 115

Domesday Book records of certain men that they were so
free as to be able to go where they would or to what lord
they would ; and in one place x a distinction is drawn between
two men who held freely and one who could not depart with
his land.

A man who held freely was further said to hold of the
King: "Orgar held of Miles Crispin four hides at Berwick
and one at Gangsdown (Oxon.) ; these two lands which Orgar
holds of Miles he ought to hold of the King, for he and his
father and grandfather held them freely T. R. E." 2

This rule is confirmed by a passage relating to an estate
in the hundred of Wantage —

" Azor the steward held one hide T. R. E., and could go with
it where he would. Now (in 1086) he holds it of Robert of Ouilly ;
but the hundred says he ought to hold it of the King; for King
William restored it to him at Windsor, and gave him his writ.
Robert holds it unjustly, for no one has seen the King's writ or man
on his part to put him into possession." 3

The expression, "holding of the King," as used of pre-
Conquest times, requires some little investigation ; but such
investigation must be preceded by an inquiry into the services
which Domesday Book shows were due from freemen and
sokemen alike. Many of the Cambridgeshire and Hert-
fordshire sokemen, who were at liberty to sell their land, and
would therefore in Suffolk have been described as freemen,
were liable for carrying and sentinel services when the King
visited the shire. In the years when the King did not come
into the shire, these services were commutable for a small
money payment to the sheriff, and non-performance of these
services involved forfeiture to the sheriff.4 Brumann held
I hide "de soca regis" at Fordham (Cambs.), with liberty
of sale, and always found a carrying service for the King,
or paid 8^/. in lieu thereof, and his forfeitures were received

1 D. B., I. 233 b i. 2 Id., I. 159 b I. 3 /</., 62 a 2.

4 Id., I. 132 b i.

ii6 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

by the sheriff.1 Certain landowners in Kent furnished a
guard for the King for six days in Canterbury or Sandwich,
and were provided with food and drink by the King. Other
lands which lay in Wye furnished him a guard for three
days in those two towns.2 At Hadam a sokeman holding
" de soca regis " with liberty of sale, paid 2d. a year to the
sheriff.3 At Cirencester there was a free man holding two
hides, who rendered twenty shillingsworth of provisions to
the King ("2O/- in firma"), and throughout the whole of Eng-
land performed service for the sheriff.4 At Luffenham and
Sculthorp the sokemen and the bordars worked for the King
as the reeve ordered them.5 In the eastern counties fold-
soke ("soca faldae") is continually mentioned ; at Halgetun
(Norfolk) there were twelve men, of whom six were in fold-
soke and the other six were free.6 A man who owed
fold-soke was obliged to fold his sheep on his lord's land,
so that the lord reaped the benefit of their manure. The
sokemen of St. Edmund's Abbey in Suffolk, who lived at
Flemingston, owed service (" servitium ") in Risby Lackford
and Hemegretham ; 7 and frequent mention is made of the
service due to the saint from his sokemen. Professor Mait-
land has called attention to the fact that—

" From a document which comes to us from the Abbey of Ely,
and which is slightly older than the Domesday Inquest, we learn
that certain of St. Etheldreda's sokemen in Suffolk had nothing to
do but to plough and thresh whenever the abbot required it of
them ; others had to plough and reap and weed, and to carry the
victuals of the monks to the minster, and to furnish horses whenever
called upon to do so. This seems to point rather to ' boon-days '
than to continuous week-work, and we also observe that the soke-
men of the east, like the radmen of the west, had horses." 8

The pre-Conquest sokemen at Hitchin rendered £40 a

1 D. B., I. 189 b i. 2 Id., I. i a i. 3 Id., I. 133 b 2.

4 Id., I. 162 b 2. 5 Id., I. 219 a 2. • Id., II. 203 b.

7 Id., II. 358. 8 D. B. andB., 77.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 117

year,1 and fifty sokemen at Tingdene (Northants) rendered
£8 os. lod. a year.2 The land of three sokemen at Hat-
field Broad Oak (Essex) produced 45^. a year,3 and the land
of twenty-two sokemen at Phobing produced £12 a year.4
It is impossible to think that these payments represent
merely their pecuniary fines for misconduct ; the pleas of the
whole hundred of Rochford were worth only loos, a year ;
the soke that the Hitchin sokemen rendered must have
included other and more valuable payments. And in the
record of the profits accruing to the Bishop of Worcester in
respect of his triple hundred of Oswaldslaw, were included
" all the renders of the sokes and all the dues there per-
taining to the Lord's victuals, and to the King's service and
his own (pmnes redditiones socharum et omnes consuetudines
inibi pertinentes ad dominicum victnm et regis servitium et
smtm}"5 Evidently a portion of the renders of the sokes
consisted in provisions for the lord of the sokelands. The
pre-Conquest Earl of Nottingham had the third part of " all
the dues and works (consuttudines et opera} " of the soke which
lay to Clifton.6

We have seen reason to believe that there was a dis-
tinction between " sake and soke " and " soke ; " and it is
permissible to suggest that "soke" was the term applied
to those services which were rendered by both freemen and
sokemen alike to the King or their lords in respect of their
lands. Hence we can understand how the soke of a hundred
could be annexed to a manor ; the soke of nineteen hundreds
of Oxfordshire was annexed to seven of the royal manors in
that shire ; the provisions and services rendered by the soke-
men within those hundreds were delivered and performed
at the manor to which they were annexed.

If our interpretation of this term is correct, a sokeman
is a man who renders services, and a sokeland is a land from

1 D. B., I. 133 a 2. 2 /</., I. 220 a I. 3 Id., II. 2 b.

« /</., II. 26. 5 Id., I. 172 b i. • fd.t I. 280 b I.

n8 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

which services are rendered, and is not necessarily under the
jurisdiction of a manor ; and a grant of soke would confer
on the grantee the right to the services of the men over
whom it was granted. But a grant of sake and soke was
more comprehensive : the grantee would receive their fines
and forfeitures as well as their services. In 1053 Edward
the Confessor granted to Ramsey Abbey the soke of Bicham-
dike, " and all the rights that any King can have," and at the
same time conferred on the abbey the right of sake and soke
over all its men.1

But this interpretation of the word " soke " is very hetero-
dox. Hitherto no distinction has been drawn between the
alliterative jingle "sake and soke" and the single term
" soke," and a grant of soke has been interpreted to mean, if
not a grant of jurisdiction, at all events a grant of the fines
and forfeitures arising from the persons over whom it was
granted ; and, consequently, sokemen have been defined as
persons under the jurisdiction of, or paying their forfeitures to,
a manorial court. Consequently the passage in the charter of
Henry I. to London (c. 1130), "And the churches and barons
and citizens shall hold and have peaceably their sokes with
all their customs, so that strangers who are entertained in
their sokes shall pay their customs to no one but to him whose
soke it is," 2 has been interpreted as confirming to the
churches, barons, and citizens their jurisdiction over the in-
habitants of their sokes. But the charter speaks of the
"customs" (consuetudines) of the sokes, in the same way as
Domesday Book speaks of the " customs and works of the
soke pertaining to Clifton," and of " the renders of the
sokes" of Oswaldslaw, and may therefore be interpreted as
being distinctly in favour of the interpretation of the term
"soke" suggested in these pages. But the post-Conquest
meaning of the term must be discussed later.

This definition of " soke " and " sokemen," however, does

1 Ramsey Chart., i. 218, 2 Select Charters, 108,

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 119

not exclude the traditional view that a sokeman was under
the jurisdiction of the lord to whom he owed soke. We shall
contend that a sokeman without liberty of commendation
was the tenant of his lord, and therefore, if the lord had sake
and soke over his own men, he would receive the fines and
forfeitures from that man ; and if his charter forbad the in-
trusion of the sheriff, he would have a court of his own. But
our point is that the sokeman became his lord's justiciable,
because he first owed him his services, and that it was the
grant of sake and soke over his tenants which brought the
sokeman into the lord's jurisdiction.

Let us revert to the phrase, " holding of the King," and
try to ascertain its meaning when used of pre-Conquest
times. In post-Conquest times, it is always used of the
magnates. They are always said to hold of the King. In
the case of those who were recipients of the Conqueror's
bounty, the expression indicates that they received their
estates of him, and that they rendered their services to him ;
and the same explanation will apply to those who received
grants from the magnates, and were said to hold of them.
And in the case of the ancient estates of the Church, many
of which were in the possession of the bishops and abbeys for
centuries before the Norman Conquest, the expression must
mean that they received these estates from the bounty of his
predecessors, and that whatever services were rendered in
respect thereof were rendered to the King. In post-Conquest
days, generally speaking, services fixed tenure, and the
person to whom services were rendered in respect of a piece
of land, was lord of that land. The Norman lawyers imported
by the Conqueror conceived that all the land in the country
belonged to the King, and proceeded from him to a subject,
and that it owed its service to its superior lord, whether such
superior was the King or a subject. They seem, too, to have
tried to apply this rule to pre-Conquest times, and to have
thought that in those days also, services fixed tenure, and

120 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

that the party to whom services were rendered in respect of
a piece of land was the lord of that land. For instance,
Domesday Book tells us, "T. R. E., Leofgar held Ditton of
Harold, and served him, but could go where he would with
his land." l Here, because Leofgar served Harold, he was
said to hold of him, although, according to the Berwick rule,
he ought to have held of the King, as he was at liberty
to commend himself. " Seman holds a virgate of land in
Copthorn hundred (Surrey), which he held of the King ; but
from the day King William came to England he served
Oswald, rendering him 2od. per annum. He could go where
he would T. R. E." 2 This is another case of a person who
had liberty of commendation, and should therefore, according
to the Berwick rule, have held of the King, rendering services
to, and therefore being considered to hold of, another person.
A similar example can be found at Hochinton (Cambs.), where
a certain priest held 15 acres, with liberty of commendation,
and therefore, according to the Berwick rule, should have held
of the King ; but his soke remained to the Abbot of Ely, and
he was accordingly said to hold of the abbot.3

In our view, then, a man who held freely, or was at liberty
to commend himself, T. R. E., was said to hold of the King,
because his services were normally rendered to the King.
And this view was confirmed by the passage in Heming's
Chartulary quoted above, which goes on to say that a man
who held freely "owed service to no one but the King."4
Hence we understand why the Hertfordshire and Cambridge-
shire sokemen, who had liberty of commendation, rendered
carrying and sentinel services to the King, and why their
forfeitures were received by the King or his representative,
the sheriff. In Worcestershire, too, it was the King who
received the forfeitures of a freeman who had sake and soke
and liberty of commendation, if he failed to perform his

1 D. B., i. 32 a i. 2 id., I. 36 b 2.

3 /</., I. 191 b i. 4 V. C. ff., Worcester, i. 267.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 121

military service.1 In some places "X, a freeman, held it,"
and " X held freely," appear to be interchangeable, and " free-
holder " would therefore be the better translation of " liber
homo," as by this translation we avoid any implied antithesis
between freedom and slavery. The liberty on which our
record lays stress was not personal liberty, but liberty of
commendation.

The Ramsey Charter, previously quoted, shows that the
King could grant to a third party the services arising from
his freeholders. He was thus alleged to have granted to the
Abbey of St. Edmund the soke of the freeman at Mulcefel,
who had previously been "in soca regis."2 He must have
made many such grants in Cambridgeshire, for of many of the
sokemen with liberty of commendation (i.e. freeholders) it is
said that their soke remained to the Abbot of Ely, or to Edith
the Fair, or to other persons. And where there were no
grants, the magnates did not hesitate to " invade " the
smaller freeholders : most of the " invasiones super Regem "
in Essex were cases in which the magnates had wrongfully
deprived the King of his rights over freemen — over those who
were at liberty to sell their land.

The differences, therefore, between the freeholder and the
sokeman in those counties where the two classes were dis-
tinguished were (i) that the former was at liberty to sell his
land, or to commend himself to a lord of his choice, while
the latter had no such liberty ; (2) that the former normally
rendered his services to the King, and the latter rendered
his services to a private individual. Hence we understand
the existence of five sokemen at Belchamp (Essex), of whom
two were formerly freemen : 3 the services which these free-
holders used to render to the King were now rendered to
Ingelric, and they therefore became his sokemen.

When we remember the similarity of the services rendered
by both freeholders and sokemen, we need not be surprised

1 D. B., I. 172 a i. 2 id., II, 360 b 2. » /</., II. 28 b.

122 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

that the two classes were often confused, and that men would
be called " sokemen " in Cambridgeshire and Hertfordshire,
who would be called " liberi homines " in Essex or Suffolk, or
vice versd in Sussex. The nature of their services would
distinguish them from the villans, but a further question must
be asked to distinguish the two classes from one another.
Could the man in question commend himself or no ? If he
could, he was a freeholder, a " liber homo ; " if not, he was a
"sokeman." For this reason the occasional passages in the
Essex and Suffolk Domesdays, which mention freemen who
could not sell, or sokemen who could recede, must be regarded
as lapsus calami, which a careful revision would have
corrected.

Before passing from the services rendered to the King by
his freeholders, it will be well to turn to the statistics relating
to the country between the Mersey and the Ribble.1 Those
who held of the King were called " thegns " in the hundreds of
West Derby and Salford, "drengs " in Newton and Wellington,
and " freemen " in Blackburn and Leyland. But, fortunately,
the " drengs " of Newton are also called freemen ; so that there
would appear to be no essential difference between the King's
tenants in the four hundreds of Newton, Wallington, Blackburn,
and Leyland, and that they may be equated with the free-
holders of other counties. The customs of the thegns of West
Derby are set out at length. All of them paid 2 ounces of
pennies (i.e. 2s. 8d.) for every carucate of land they held, and
were accustomed to make the King's houses and their perti-
nences in the same way as the villans, and also fisheries and
enclosures in the woods and deerhays. The defaulter for-
feited 2s. Each of them sent his harvesters one day in
August to cut the King's crops. The drengs of Newton
had the same customs as the men of Derby, and in addition
mowed for two days in August in the King's cultivated lands ;
and the freemen of Blackburn were subject to the same
1 D. B., I. 269 b.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 123

customs. But the thegns of Salford and the freemen of Ley-
land were not accustomed to work at the King's hall, nor to
mow in August ; all the work required of them was to make
one enclosure in the King's wood. The customs of the
drengs of Wellington are not recorded. Here, then, without
referring to the thegns, we have undoubted freemen paying
rent and performing special services (boon-works) for the
King ; and thus find corroborative evidence for our con-
tention that the services of the freeholders were rendered
to the King. But it should be noticed that there is no
statement as to liberty of, or restraint on, commendation.

It is obvious that the grant by the King of his services
from one of his freeholders could not derogate from the rights
of that freeholder ; hence a freeholder was still at liberty to
commend himself to a lord of his choice, although he rendered
services to a third party ; and it is for this reason that we
read of men who were commended to A, while their soke
remained to B. Examples of this are very frequent.

" Barnby (Suffolk). Five freemen commended to Burchard, over
whom the King and Earl had the soke." l

" Dersingham (Norfolk). The predecessor of Peter of Valonges
had the commendation only of 22 freemen, but Stigand had the
soke." 2

" Gateley (Norfolk). The predecessor of Hugh of Montfort had
the foldsoke and commendation of 2 sokemen, but the other soke lay
in Muleham, a Royal manor." 3

" Eversden (Cambs.). Edric, who could sell, had commended
himself to the Abbot of Ely, but Earl Alfgar had the soke." 4

" Over (Cambs.). The Abbot of Ramsey had the soke of a man
who could sell and had commended himself to Earl Waltheof." 5

"Bergholt. There were 210 sokemen T. R. E., but only 119 in
1086. Of these 119 Harold had the commendation of 4 only, and
his brother Gurth of two. All the Others were commended to other
barons ; but Harold had the soke of all." 6

1 D. B., II. 302. 2 Id., 278 b. 3 Id., II. 256 b.

4 Id., I. 199 a 2. 5 Id., I. 202 b I. 6 Id., II. 287 b.

i24 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

" Thorley (Herts). Edzi, a man of (i.e. commended to) Coded,
had liberty of commendation, and paid twopence a year to the
Sheriff." l

" Sutreshele, Libury (Herts). Two men of Earl Leofwin, holding
de soca regis, with liberty of commendation, found one carrying
service for the King's Sheriff, or $^d. a year." 2

" Clothall (Herts). Three men of Archbishop Stigand, who
could sell, rendered nd. a year to the sheriff."3

The last three instances are cases of men with liberty of
commendation, who had exercised that liberty and had com-
mended themselves to local magnates ; but such commenda-
tion did not interfere with their soke, with the right to their
services, which were still received by the King.

What, then, was commendation ? As far as can be ascer-
tained, it was merely a personal bond between one man and
another — the humbler man commended himself to a local
magnate, and thereby received his protection. There are
many cases in Domesday Book where this reason for com-
mendation is expressly stated.

" At Esher (Surrey) one man and two women, who could turn
themselves where they would, submitted themselves with their land
to the Abbey of Chertsey for their defence." 4

The man who had thus commended himself to another
was known as the man of that other, and parallel passages in
the Cambridgeshire Inquest and the Exchequer Domesday
show that he was also sometimes said to be under (sub) that
other. Professor Maitland quotes the Anglo-Saxon oath of
fealty —

" The swearer puts his hands between the hands of his lord, and
promises to be faithful and true to his lord, to love all that his lord
loves, and eschew all that his lord eschews ... on condition that
his lord treats him according to his deserts, and according to the
covenant that has been established between them." 5

1 D. B., I. 134 a i. 2 Id., I. 134 a 2. 3 Id., I. 134 b I.

4 Id., I. 32 b i. 5 D. B. andB., 69.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 125

The man who had become the man of another, had the
assistance of his lord both for protection against thieves and
in the law-courts ; and when we remember how the value of
the oath of a man varied according to his social position, we
can see that the advantage of this patronage was very con-
siderable to a poor man. A further point to be borne in mind
is that when a man commended himself to another, he entered
into the " mund " of this other, and that, in addition to the fine
paid to the man for an offence committed against him, the
offender would pay to the lord an additional fine for breaking
his mund — a fine which varied according to the social position
of the lord, being highest when the lord was the archbishop.1

It would seem — but the point is not quite clear — that one
result of commendation was that the commendor obtained a
warrantor of his title to his lands. Odo, a man of (i.e. com-
mended to) Swegen, received 10 acres which, according to the
testimony of the hundred, belonged to the Church of St. Mary,
Barking, but he called on his lord as tutor, i.e. to warrant his
title.2 On the other hand, the lord gained the advantage of
another follower to swell his retinue and fight his battles ; but
it is doubtful whether he gained any further advantage. Fre-
quently we read, " In this land X had nothing but commenda-
tion." 3 And references to mere commendation are frequent :
" X was only the man of Y, tantummodo homo Wisgari" 4 That
commendation did not necessarily confer any right on the
lord is shown by the record relating to Hanningfield (Essex),
where the Abbot of Ely claimed the land which two men
held T. R. E. ; but the hundred bore witness that they held
their land freely, and were only commended to the abbot.5
At Gorleston there was a dispute turning on this point. The
hundred bore witness that in certain men the predecessor of
Hermer had nothing but commendation, but one of Hermer's
men said that the predecessor had, T. R. E., all dues from them ;

1 D. B. and B., 70. 2 D. B., II. 10 b. 3 Id., II. 102 b.

4 D. B., II. 40. 5 /</., II. 25.

i26 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

and bail was given so that the dispute could be settled later.1
In some cases it would seem that the lord had a heriot at the
death of his man ; 907 burgesses of Thetford had liberty of
commendation, but all their dues remained to the King except
heriot ; 2 obviously their lord would receive their heriot, but
their soke belonged to the King. On the other hand, from
the sokeman of Stamford, who had liberty of commendation,
the King received both forfeitures and heriot.3 So that the
point cannot be regarded as settled. There are two cases in
which it is stated that men could sell their land on paying
two shillings to the lord to whom they had commended them-
selves ; 4 but it would be unsafe to deduce a general rule from
these two examples.

There was, however, a species of commendation in which,
as at Esher, the commendor surrendered his land to his lord ;
but that it was possible for a man to retain his land in spite of
commendation is clear from an Essex record, " Serlo made
himself the man of the predecessor of Ralph Piperell, but did
not give his land." 5

When a commendor thus surrendered his land, he was
said to send it into the manor or the Church, to the lord
or abbot of which he commended himself, and on its re-
grant to him the terms of the tenure were often altered :
" Edmund the priest, who was commended to St. Etheldreda,
held Brantestun T. R. E., and the land which he received with
his wife he sent into the Church, with an agreement (tali con-
ventione) that he could not sell or give it away from the
Church."6

The Suffolk Domesday shows that there could be partial
commendation and sub-commendation.

" Middleton was held by Munulf T. R. E. Half his commendation
belonged to the predecessor of Earl Hugh, and half to the predecessor
of Robert Malet. In the same vill were six freemen. Brunwin was

1 D. B., II. 208. 2 id., II. 119. 3 id., I. 336 b 2.

4 Id., II. 207, 278 b. 5 id., II. 71 b. 6 Id., II. 431 b.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 127

the whole man of Munulf T. R. E. ; Alfac half; and Leofric half.
Esmoda was wholly commended to Toll the sheriff, and Brihtmar,
her son, was the man of Brihtmar, the reeve of Robert Malet, with
the sixth part of the land. Kenric and Grim were the men of Edric,
and held 50 acres. The soke belonged to the King and the earl." l

" Alfric was commended as to one sixth part to the predecessor of
Malet, and Aelic, the predecessor of Robert Blund, had five parts of
his commendation." 2

In the first of these cases it is obvious that Munulf stood
in the same relation to Brunwin and the others as the pre-
decessors of Earl Hugh and Robert Malet stood to him ; but
it is not easy to see how a man could commend himself to
two lords : " No man can serve two masters." Possibly, how-
ever, he was commended to a man whose rights over him
descended to two co-heiresses. At Cokeley (Suffolk) Godric
was commended as to one-third to Wulfsige, and as to the
other two-thirds to Wulfsige's two brothers.3

A man and his wife might be commended to different
persons : Blakeman, a freeman, held 50 acres at Sibton
(Suffolk), and was the man of Edric, but his wife was the
man (!) of Archbishop Stigand.4

The bond of commendation seems to have endured for the
life of the man, and not to have bound his children. We have
seen that a mother and her son could be commended to dif-
ferent persons. The father of a man named Tori commended
himself to Herman, Bishop of Salisbury, in respect of a hide
and a half in the hundred of Wantage. Likewise Tori com-
mended himself to Bishop Osmund, the successor of Herman.5
These two cases show that the commendation of the parents
did not bind the children. In Cambridgeshire we read of men
who in 1066 were commended to Earl Alfgar, who died in
1062 ;6 and these cases show that the bond of commendation
did not cease with the death of the lord ; and the cases of

1 D. B., II. 299 b. 2 Id., II. 309. 3 Id., II. 333 b.

4 Id., II. 313. 3 Id., I. 58 a 2. G Id., I. 194 a 2.

128 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

partial commendation would point to the same conclusion, if
we are right in considering these as cases of the descent of
the lord's right to co-heirs. Possibly the benefit of commenda-
tion was alienable by the lord. There was one man who was
common to the Abbots of Ely and St. Edmund's ; x but here
again it may have been that each abbot derived his rights
from one of two co-heirs.

It was necessary to make this inquiry into the nature of
commendation in order to elucidate the real nature of the
Domesday freeholders ; they were at liberty to sell their
lands without the permission of any lord, and to enter into a
voluntary bond, known as commendation, by which they
became the retainers of a magnate in return for his protection.
But this bond did not necessarily confer on their lord any
rights over their land. What services they rendered in respect
of their lands they rendered to the King or to a grantee of
the King.

The word " commend " is occasionally used in another
sense. Hitherto we have referred to its use to express the
voluntary subjection of an inferior to a superior. Occasionally
it is used to express a grant from a superior to an inferior.
Two brothers held land at Cromhall, but Earl William com-
mended them to the Reeve of Berkeley, that he might have
their service.2 In the hundred of Wilge (Beds.) King William
commended a certain sokeman with half a hide to Osiet, his
prefect, " that so long as he lived he might provide him with
food and clothing." 3 The Abbot of Evesham commended the
two vills of Stoke and Hidcote to two of his knights.4 In the
first two examples the commendation was evidently a grant
of services — what, in pre-Conquest times, would have been
called a grant of " soke " — and the third example is somewhat
similar in meaning.

As opposed to the freeholder, the sokeman properly so

1 D. B., II., 125 b. 2 Id., I. 163 a 2.

3 Id., I. 218 b 2. * Id., I. 166 a i.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 129

called was not at liberty to sell his lands, nor to commend
himself to any person other than him to whom he owed soke.
I can find no example in Cambridgeshire of a man who was
said to be the man of another and was restrained from sale,
owing soke to any person other than him whose man he was.
On nine manors of the Abbot of Ely in Cambridgeshire, there
were fifty-nine sokemen restrained from sale and commenda-
tion ; but these estates were the ancient possessions of the
abbey, and it is distinctly stated that the sokeman at Cotten-
ham of the Abbot of Ely could not sell his land, because it
was the demesne of the Church.1 Similarly, the tenants on
the ancient possessions of the Abbeys of Worcester, Abingdon,
and Glastonbury were all restrained from commendation.

One noteworthy variation of the phrase expressing re-
straint on commendation is found in the Exeter Domesday,
where it is stated that certain land at Cerne "could not
be separated from the service " of Milton Abbey ; " 2 and
occasionally in Domesday Book the statement that certain
land could not be separated from the Church is followed
by another statement that " thence the tenant served the
Church (inde serviebat ecclesiam}" 3 A further example of the
connection of service with the restraint on commendation is
to be found at Ower (Hants), where Elsi held certain land
of the Abbot of Glastonbury, and could not go where he
pleased, but always rendered gafol to the abbot.4

Such land, which the tenants could not sell without
licence, is shown by Mr. Round, from the Ely Inquest, to have
been called thegnland;5 and at Christian Malford reference
is made in Domesday Book to the thegnland, which could
not be separated from the Church.6 Hence we understand
why it was recorded that at Coleburne the abbot had I hide
of thegnland in his demesne.7 Many of these thegnlands

1 D. B., I. 201 b i. 2 Exon. D., 41. 3 D. B., I. 72 b i.

4 Id., I. 43 b i. 5 F. E., 28-35. 6 D. B., I. 66 b i.

7 D. B., I. 67 a 2.

i3o THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

were leased by the monasteries for three lives — the lives
of the grantee and two generations following. The lands
occupied by those sokemen who had liberty of commendation,
who would be called " freeholders " in Suffolk, were called
" sokelands " in the Ely Inquest ; and the evidence quoted
from the Ely plea shows that there was little, if any, difference
between the services rendered from the sokelands and those
from the thegnlands.1 The distinction would appear, in
modern phraseology, to be that the abbey owned the freehold
of the thegnlands, but had only a profit a prendre (or a servi-
tude) over the sokelands.

We have seen that many of the sokemen who were re-
strained from sale or commendation were tenants on the
ancient estates of the monasteries ; may we therefore deduce
that their lands were granted to them by the monasteries,
on condition of their rendering some service or other in
respect thereof, and that one of the conditions of their tenure
was that they should not sell their lands or attach themselves
to the retinue of any lord without the licence of their grantors ?
There are several cases of gifts by abbots to thegns, " who
yet could not be separated from the Church."2 We have
already seen a case of an estate surrendered to a church, and
regranted to the donor on condition that he did not sell it —
another proof that restraint from sale was one of the con-
ditions on which the churches granted their lands. But to
this rule there might be an exception by agreement. " Tostig
leased an estate from the Church of Malmesbury for three
lives, and during this term could go with it to what lord he
would ; " 3 but the other tenants of Malmesbury Abbey were
subject to the usual restraint from commendation.

There is one instance in which men restrained from com-
mendation transgressed the rule, and commended themselves
to another ; the sons of Eliert held Linford of the Abbot of
Abingdon, nor could they go elsewhere without his licence ;

1 F. E., 28-35. 2 D. B., I. 67 b i. 3 /</., I. 72 a i.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 131

and yet they commended themselves to Walter Gifard with-
out the abbot's precept.1 The practical outcome of this trans-
action seems to have been that Walter Gifard became the
abbot's tenant, and the former tenants became his sub-
tenants. With this should be compared the record of the
purchase of Stoke (Kent) by Earl Godwin from two tenants
of the Bishop of Rochester, in ignorance that they were his
tenants ; but after the Conquest, Archbishop Lanfranc re-
covered the land from the Bishop of Bayeux, who had
succeeded Godwin.2

The services rendered by the sokemen were various, and
were sometimes heavier than those rendered to the King by
his freeholders. In addition to the service rendered to the
King in respect of I hide at Bisley, which service had been
granted to the Bishop of Worcester, Brictric also supplied
provisions to the bishop every year.3 For certain land which
Godric leased of the Abbey of Pershore for three lives,
he gave to the monks one farm, or a certain quantity of
provisions every year.4 The statistics relating to the triple
hundred of Oswaldslaw are preceded by a statement that
the lands were the demesne of the Church of Worcester, and
were let to tenants who were bound to surrender them at
the end of their terms, and could not turn themselves where
they would with their land ; 5 and with a monotonous regu-
larity we read that the pre-Conquest tenants served the
bishop " according to his will or request (sicut voluerit, or sicut
deprecari poterat) ; " some of them were stated to serve as
radmans. The Gloucestershire radecltenistre, or riding knight,
is explained as being a freeman who " nevertheless, according
to the need of his lord, ploughed and harrowed and reaped
and mowed ; " 6 and the careful reader will at once notice
that these were services that would be rendered only at
specially busy times. Domesday Book records two radmans

1 D. B., I. 59 a i. 2 Id., I. 5 b 2. 3 Id., I. 173 a 2.

4 Id., I. 175 a 2. 5 Id., I. 172 b i. 6 Id., I. 166 a 2.

i32 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

at Hallow;1 and the Worcester Register of 1212 speaks of
two freemen there who " equitant in turnum suum." 2 The
radmans of Westminster Abbey in Worcestershire mowed
for one day in the year, and did all service that was required
of them ; 3 and of two radknights in Hampshire it was stated
that they could not go where they pleased.4

Turning now to the three other classes of humbler folk —
the villans, the bordars, and the slaves — we cannot find in
Domesday Book much information about their services. On
the large manor of Leominster there were, T. R. K, 238
villans who ploughed 140 acres of land, sowed them with
wheat of their own providing, and paid £11 ^s. ^d. as custom ;
but in 1086 their number was reduced to 223, who ploughed
and sowed only 125 acres, and made payments amounting
to £12 45. 8%d.5 At Marcle, in 1086, there were thirty-six
villans who ploughed 1 5 1 acres, and sowed with their own seed
80 acres of wheat and 71 acres of oats.6 At the latter date
the villans and bordars of Bricklehampton and Defford and
the coliberti of Eckington rendered similar services.7 But
it will be noticed that while the radmans merely ploughed,
the villans also provided seed for the land they ploughed.

If little is known about the services of the villans, still
less is known of the services of the cottagers. The only state-
ment on this point is that at Ewiss twelve bordars8 worked
one day a week on their lord's demesne.9

Of the condition of the pre-Conquest slaves, Domesday
Book says nothing.

Summing up, then, we find that the characteristics of the
five classes of humbler folk in 1066 may be deduced from
the Domesday evidence alone as follows : —

1 D. B., I. 173 b 2. z Worcester Register, 50 a. 8 D. B., I. 174 b 2.
4 Id., I. 38 a i. 5 Id., I. i8oa I.

6 Id., I. 179 b i. ''Id., 1.174 b i.

8 Bord is Norman-French for "cottage," and the "bordars" were therefore
cottagers.

8 D. B., I. 185 a 2.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 133

1. The " freeholders," with liberty of sale and commenda-
tion, rendering occasional services to the King.

2. The " sokemen," restrained from sale and commenda-
tion, tenants of, and rendering occasional services to a subject.

3. The"villans" ^ ( all of whom were so intimately

4. The " cottagers " connected with the demesne that

5. The " slaves" J I it could not exist without them.
In addition, it must be remembered that in several places

the villans sowed a portion of their lord's land with their
own seed, and that there is one passage stating that certain
cottagers worked one day a week.

If the characteristics of these five classes be compared
with the characteristics of the five classes whose existence
was deduced from the pre-Domesday documents, we find —

1. That the services of the freeholders agree with those
of the King's gafolgelders.

2. That the services of the sokemen agree with those of
the geneat.

3. That the only specified service of the villans agrees
with one of the specified services of the geburs.

4. That the services of the cottager in the Rectitudines
Singularum Personarum agree with the services of the Domes-
day cottager.

In three out of four cases the resemblance is complete, and
we may therefore identify the " freeholder " (liber homo) with
the King's gafolgelder, and the " sokeman " with the geneat.
The cottager's services are the same in both documents, and
we are therefore compelled by the process of exhaustion to
identify the " villan " with the gebur, and to argue that although
Domesday is silent on this point, he worked two or three
days a week on his lord's demesne. But a warning must
here be given. This identification of the freeholders and
sokemen holds good only in the eastern counties, where the
Commissioners drew a distinction between the freeholder
and the sokeman. We have already noticed that in other

i34 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

counties both classes are included under one name — some-
times they are called " freemen ; " at other times both classes
are styled " sokemen." The essential difference must always
be borne in mind : had the man liberty of commendation ?
If so, he was a freeholder, a gafolgelder; if not, he was a
sokeman, a geneat.

Professor Maitland draws a distinction between the free-
men and the sokemen on the one hand, and the villans on
the other, by suggesting that their lord was primarily liable
for the geld of the latter class, but liable as a surety only for
the geld of the freemen and the sokemen ; l but the Geld
Inquests for 1084 represent the collectors as unable to collect
all the geld, because the villans of certain places did not pay
their geld.2 If their lord was primarily liable, it would make
no difference to the collectors whether they retained it or
no. He would therefore explain the record of "a freeman
who now has become one of the villans" at Benfleet,3 by
suggesting that the primary liability for the geld had been
shifted from the man to his lord. But how would he explain
the record at Bloxham,4 concerning a thegn who served as
a freeman ? In his view both were primarily liable for geld,
and, if so, there is no reason for the change of name being
recorded. Our explanation, that the difference lay in the
economic condition, not in the liability for geld, will suit both
cases. At Benfleet we see a gafolgelder degraded into a
gebur — a degradation against which Ine legislated in the
eighth century ; and at Bloxham we have a man who had
been accustomed to render military service becoming a gafol-
gelder, and commuting his military services for a money
payment or a payment in kind. Converse commutations
can be found : At Stratton, Wilts., land that was formerly
thegnland, in 1086 rendered 6os. into the King's farm ; 5
evidently the tenant had commuted the agricultural services

1 D. B. and B., 127. " e.g. D. B., IV. 9.

3 D. B,, II. i b. 4 Id., I. 154 b 2. 5 Id., I. 86 b 2.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 135

due from his thegnland for the supply of sixty shillingsworth
of provisions to the King. Again, at South Perrot (Dorset),
land that, T. R. E., was thegnland, in 1086 rendered 6os.
in the King's farm.1

Professor Vinogradoff2 points out that the Latin version
of the Old English Laws employs mllamis to include both
the geneat and the gebur. And it is possible to adopt this
equation in those counties where no freemen or sokemen
are recorded ; nevertheless, it is permissible to urge that,
where the Commissioners saw a difference between the
sokeman and the villan, it lay along the lines here sug-
gested. He also considers that the distinction between the
villan and the sokeman on the one hand and the freeman
on the other, lay in their wergilds : the wergild of the
former classes was 200^., that of the latter class, 1200.?. To
the objection that many of the liberi homines held very small
areas of land, he replies by quoting the treaty between Alfred
and Guthrun, providing that all the Danish warriors should
be considered as 'and have the wergilds of thegns, i.e. I2OQJ.
And he thinks that many of these small liberi homines were
the descendants of Danish warriors, and that in the eastern
counties the Commissioners included the rent-paying tenants
in this class.3 But as he admits that the difference between
the villan and the sokeman did not lie in their wergild, it is
not easy to see why the Commissioners should adopt a new
criterion to distinguish between the sokeman and the liber homo.

We can now, therefore, complete our definition of a
pre-Dbmesday manor. We have seen (i) that a manor is
differentiated from a sokeland by the possession of demesne ;
(2) that where there is demesne there are also villans, bordars,
and slaves, or one or another of these classes ; (3) that the
villans represent the geburs, who were tenants of land on
condition that they worked two or three days a week for
their lord ; (4) that the bordars or cottagers worked one day
1 D. B., I. 88 a 2. 2 G. AT., 340. 3 Id., 342.

136 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

a week for their lord. A manor, therefore, may be defined
as the estate of a single lord, possessing a demesne farm
which is worked by the tenurial labour of some of its inhabit-
ants, using the term " tenurial labour " to signify that week-
work which must be provided by the tenants as part of the
consideration for which they hold their lands. One objection
to this definition is the existence of a Suffolk manor on
which the only apparent tenants were freemen.

" In Thistledon Ulmar, a freeman commended to St. Etheldreda
holds 60 acres, for a manor, and 5 freemen under him (sub se)" 1

But the Cambridgeshire Inquest often uses the expression
" under him " in places where the Exchequer Domesday
says " commended to him ; " and so we may conclude that
the five freemen were commended to Ulmar, and were not
his tenants.

This definition will account for a manor being held of a
manor. Thus "of the manor of Whitchurch (belonging to
the Bishop of Winchester) Ralph fitz Sefride holds a manor
which is called Freefolk,"2 in which he succeeded Ednod,
who was restrained from commendation. He had succeeded
to a sokeman — a geneat — of the manor of Whitchurch, who
furnished provisions and special services to the manor, but
was himself the owner of an estate which was cultivated by
the villans, bordars, and slaves who were his tenants.

We can therefore understand what is implied by the
existence of several manors in a vill: we have seen that
at Horndon in Essex there were five manors, of which the
state in 1066 can be thus tabulated —

Hides.

Acres.

Villans.

Bordars.

Slaves.

Godwin, a freeman

_

4

Uluric, a freeman

2

50

2

12

2

Aluric the priest, a freeman
Winge
Two freemen

2

'?

30
15

I

II

3
H

3
3

1 D. B., II. 386.

2 Id., I. 41 a i.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 137

If we may assume that at Horndon a hide represented
1 20 acres, Godwin would have 180 acre-strips scattered
throughout the fields of Horndon ; some of these he retained
in his own possession as a demesne farm, but he let some
to four bordars, who, by the terms of their tenure, were
obliged to work on his farm, and by whose aid, with the aid
of the slave whom he maintained, and possibly with the
aid of his own family, his demesne was cultivated. Simi-
larly, Uluric would have 290 acre-strips intermixed with those
of Godwin ; some of which he retained as his demesne, while
the remainder was let to his villans and bordars, who culti-
vated his demesne for him ; but Godwin's bordars would not
work on Uluric's demesne, nor vice versa. Five out of these
six lords were called freemen : according to our interpre-
tation of this term they were the King's gafolgelders, and
were bound to furnish him with provisions and to render
certain works to him.

Other records may be interpreted in a similar way : The
Abbot of St. Edmund's had an estate at Risby, to which
reference has already been made. In 1066 seven teams were
employed on the estate ; the abbot had demesne land em-
ploying two teams, and had let to four villans and two
bordars as much land as would furnish one team, and these,
with the three slaves belonging to him, cultivated his
demesne ; the demesne and the land of the villans and
bordars were together assessed at 2 carucates. But inter-
mixed with these lands were the lands of seven sokemen,
who together employed three teams ; over these sokemen
the Saint had sake and soke and commendation, but they
could not sell their lands : to our mind they were geneats,
to whom the abbot had let a portion of the lands in the vill,
on condition of their furnishing him with provisions and of
working on his demesne at specially busy times, seedtime
and harvest especially. Further, in 1066 there was living
at Risby a freeman who could sell his land, which employed

i38 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

one team ; he had sublet some of his land to four bordars
who worked for him. He was a gafolgelder, and was
originally bound to furnish provisions and special services
to the King ; but the King had granted these dues, and
also sake and soke — jurisdiction — over him to the abbot ;
and during the reign of the Conqueror this freeman sur-
rendered his land to the abbot, who let it to a man by the
name of Norman. But again we must remind ourselves that
neither freemen nor sokemen were essential to the existence
of a manor.

As Professor Maitland has pointed out, Cambridgeshire,
in 1066, contained a number of free villages. He has printed
an abstract of the pre-Conquest inhabitants of the hundred
of Wetherley, showing how that hundred was divided into
minute holdings which were occupied by men who had com-
mended themselves to one magnate or another. Of all the
vills in this hundred, Orwell was the most subdivided. The
vill was assessed at 4 hides, and had land for five and a quarter
teams, and in 1066 was divided as follows :l —

H.

V.

A.

Teams.

Oxen.

Two sokemen, men of Edith the Fair

§

A sokeman, man of Archbishop Stigand
A sokeman, man of Robert fitz Wimarc

if

I

4

A sokeman, man of the King

§

A sokeman, man of Earl Alfgar ...

^

A sokeman, man of Earl Waltheof

3]

A sokeman, man of the King

I

Sigar, a man of Ansgar the Staller

i'i

4

Turbert, a man of Edith the Fair ...

si

5

j

4

Achil, a man of Earl Harold

i

2

A sokeman of the King

i

3

St. Mary of Chatteris

i

i

St. Mary of Chatteris

•

i

5

o

0

5

^

All these were at liberty to sell or give their lands, and

1 D. B. and B., 133.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 139

had therefore liberty of commendation. Because they had
this liberty of commendation, they held freely of the King,
and we find that four of them provided one carrying service
and three sentinels for the King when he came into the shire.
But what is specially noticeable, here is a village of thirteen
or fourteen families, with no common superior but the King,
carrying on the complicated processes of the open-field
system. These processes implied rules for the division of
the meadow, for the fixing of the times of hay and corn
harvests, for the restriction of the number of cattle and sheep
to be turned by each into the pasture, and the fallow. There
was no external authority who could have imposed these rules
upon the villagers. They must, therefore, have adopted them
after consultation with one another. Doubtless after the rules
had once been adopted, they would work automatically ; but
it is hard to see how they could be evolved without definite
deliberation. And Orwell is not a solitary example.
Numbers of free villages can be found, not only in Cam-
bridgeshire, but in other counties. Mr. Round has selected
some similar cases in Hertfordshire. Wickham, a vill of 4 hides
i virgate 21 acres, was divided between thirteen sokemen.
The Pelhams, assessed at 12 £ hides, were divided as follows : —

H. v.

Two brothers , men of An sgar the Staller ... i i
Alfred, man of Ansgar the Staller ... ... i M1

A thegn, man of Anschil of Ware ) i M

A thegn, man of Godwin of Bendfield f

a man ° A"She S"

Two brothers J

(a man of the Abbot of Ely]

A thegn, man of Anschil of Ware ... ) ,,

A thegn, man of Aethelmaer of Bennington f

Five King's sokemen ... ... ... 2

Aelfwine, a man of Godwine of Bendfield ... i

Wulfwi, a man of Godwine of Bendfield ... 2 M

12 i

1 The marginal M shows that these properties were called "manors."

140 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

All these had power to sell, and would therefore have been
called " freeholders " in Suffolk.1

Other terms were used to denote the pre-Domesday
tenures of land. In the South Eastern Counties we meet
with those who are called "allodarii," or are said to hold
"in allodium," either of the King or of local magnates. In
very many cases the record further states that they could go
where they would, and I have seen only one instance where
they were restrained from commendation.2 It must be
noticed that in Sussex " allodarii " and " liberi homines " are
found side by side in only two hundreds. In sixteen hun-
dreds only " allodarii " are recorded, and in fourteen hundreds
only " freemen" are recorded. This fact suggests that different
scribes made the returns for different hundreds, and that where
some saw " freemen " others saw " allodarii," and if so, " allo-
darii " and " liberi homines " can be equated. These allodarii
are especially numerous in Hampshire. On folio 46, out
of forty-six holdings enumerated, seventeen were allodial
holdings in 1066 ; and, similarly, on folio 50, out of twenty-
three estates, twenty were allodia. Occasionally we read of
estates that were not alods.3 Blacheman held two estates
in Berks : he held Chilton of Earl Harold in allodium, and
could go where he pleased ; and he held Leverton in fee.4
A distinction therefore appears to be drawn between lands
that were held in allodium and lands that were held
in fee.

The word " fee " is frequently used by the Domesday
scribes. Often it is used to express the whole of the landed
estates of a magnate ; e.g. the fee of Baignard,5 the fee of
Lisios,6 the fee of Count Eustace,7 the fee of the Bishop of
Bayeux.8 " Hamo says that he has this land in his own
fee." 9 And a distinction is drawn between the lands of the

1 V. C. H., Herts, i. 288. 2 D. B., I. 52 b I.

3 D. B., I. 39 b 2 ; I. 44 b 2. 4 Id., I. 59 a 2.

5 Id., II. 55 b. c Id., I. 212 b i. 7 Id., II. 303.

8 Id., I. 16 a 2. * Id., II. 56.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066 141

Bishop of Thetford pertaining to the see, and the lands of
the fee of the same (bishop).1 But the word is also used in
another sense : " The woman who held this land (Combe,
Surrey) sent herself with it into the hands of the Queen,
and Humphrey holds it of the Queen in fee." 2 Similarly,
William the Chamberlain held Eia of the Queen in fee at
£3 a year.3 So that " fee " would appear to imply the gift of
a superior to an inferior.

Hence the distinction between the lands Blacheman held
in allodium and in fee implies that the latter were derived from
the gift of some person, while the alod was not so derived,
and would therefore represent the estate of the original
settler. But we have seen that the freeholders — the " liberi
homines" with liberty of commendation — were the descend-
ants of the original settlers who remained on their ancestral
estates ; so that, as the Sussex Domesday suggests, " allo-
darius " and " liber homo " are different names for the same
person. The record that " when an allodiary of Kent died,
the King had a relief from his land," 4 confirms our contention
that the allodiary had no superior but, and rendered his
services to, the King.

Another mode of pre-Domesday tenure was tenure " in
parage," a tenure which is thus described by the Customs of
Normandy : " Tenure by parage is when he who holds and
he of whom he holds ought, by reason of their tenure, to be
peers, by reason of their sharing in the heritage which de-
scends to them from their ancestor ; . . . the elders perform
the homage to the chief lords, and the juniors hold of them
by parage without homage." 5 The case of Siwate and his
brothers (p. 102) is a good example of such a holding. The
four brothers were sharers in the heritage, but Siwate per-
formed the duties of the holding, and the juniors held of him

1 D. B., II. 191 and 193. 2 Id., I. 36 b I.

3 Id., 129 b i. 4 Id., I. i a 2.

5 Flach, Origines de VAndenne France, i. 253 n.

142 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

in parage. Another good example is found at Lavendon,1
where eight thegns held the manor, and one of them " Alii, a
man of King Edward, was the elder. All could sell their
land." The Dorset Domesday contains a list, some two and a
half columns long, of thegns holding in parage in 1066, and at
the end of this list is a note : " All the thegns who held these
lands T. R. E. could go to what lord they would." 2 Often
we find only one man recorded as holding in parage. Pro-
fessor Maitland suggests that he was regarded as the senior —
the man, like Alii, who was responsible for the duties of the
holding.8 But in other cases, where the number of joint-
owners was stated in the returns of the hundreds, the numbers
were inserted in the Exchequer Domesday.

The pre-Conquest landowners enumerated in the separate
description of the Isle of Wight, whose tenures are recorded,
are equally divided between tenants in parage and allodarii.
Thirty-nine persons held thirty properties, assessed at 32 \
hides, in parage ; and forty-six persons held thirty-one estates,
assessed at 32^ hides, in allodium ; and there were also four
allodarii who held £ hide in parage. But it must be noticed
that in four columns 4 there are none but tenants in parage,
except the first entry in column 53 b I, while in two columns
there are none but allodarii. Mr. Round further points out
that " it can hardly be a coincidence that among the English
thegns in Hampshire 5 there are twenty-seven cases of their
predecessors holding in allodium, and not one of a holding
in parage, till we come to the Forest hundred of Rodbridge,
in which, with the Forest section which follows it,6 there are
thirty-three holdings in parage, and not one in allodium."7
Again, it would appear that different scribes gave different
names to the same tenure, and we may therefore accept Mr.
Nichol's suggestion,8 and consider tenure in parage as a
species of allodiary tenure.

1 D. B., I. 145 b i. 2 Id., 84 a i. 3 D. B. and B., 145.

4 D. B., 52 a 2, and b I and 2, 53 b i. 5 Fols. 50 to 50 b.

6 Fols. 50 b to 51 b. 7 V. C. H.t Hants, I. 441. 8 16.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066

The fact that some of the allodiaries are stated to hold of a
subject need cause us no difficulty ; for we have already seen that
by this expression the Domesday scribes implied that the ser-
vices due in respect of a holding were rendered to a subject to
whom they had been granted by the King. It does not appear
impossible that the Norman scribes applied the term "allodium "
to property that was held by unwritten title, or by folk-right.1

It was necessary to enter into these complicated legal
questions concerning tenure, to enable us to approach a ques-
tion of more practical interest : Was the bulk of the popula-
tion in 1066 free or servile ? We have identified the Domesday
villans, bordars, and sokemen with the geburs, cottagers,
and geneats of the Rectitudines Singularum Personarum ; but
the latter document expressly states that these three classes
were free, and paid their hearthpenny on Holy Thursday,
" as every freeman should do ; " and I have not been able to
find in Domesday Book any evidence that they had lost their
status of freemen or their wergild of 2ocxr. The statistics of
population given by Sir Henry Ellis relate to the year 1086,
and so are no help to us. And it is only in the three eastern
counties that the numbers of the tenants in 1066 are given.
Possibly some of them are guess-work, but we must take them
for what they are worth. A count of the pre-Conquest in-
habitants of the estates of the Abbey of St. Edmund's in the
hundreds of Thinghoe, Lackford, and Babenberg in Suffolk,
may be tabulated as follows : —

Under the
Abbot.

Under the
sokemen and
freeholders.

Total.

Percen-
tages.

Villans

154

14

168

23'3

Bordars

141

128

269

37H

Slaves ...

77

15

92

1275

Sokemen

70

—

70

9'8

Freeholders

121

—

121

1675

563

157

720

1 D. B, and B,, 154 n, 257.

i44 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

So that the slaves were only I2| per cent, of the recorded
population, and the freeholders were i6| per cent.

Apparently the freeholders formed no inconsiderable pro-
portion of the recorded population of Suffolk. Sir Henry
Ellis has counted 7460 freemen, and Mr. Seebohm's map
shows that they formed 35 per cent, of the population. But
it has been suggested that some of them may have been
enumerated twice or thrice, and a count of the freemen in the
hundred of Colness shows that this is so. In that hundred
I have counted 122 named freemen who are recorded 315
times, and sixty-three whose names are not given. Some of
the named freemen are entered three or four times : Mansun,
a man of Norman, held lands at Norton,1 Saltenham,2 and
Walton ; 3 and Blakeman, another man of Norman, held lands
at Grimston,4 Kenebrook,5 Walton,6 Oxland,7 and Leof-
stanstun.8 Possibly this estimate of 122 named freeholders
is too lavish. Seven Godrics are recorded : four were com-
mended to Norman, of whom three are distinguished as the
other (alter) Godric, Godric Long, and Godric the Smith.
The other three were commended to Godeman, Wihtmar,
and the Abbot of Ely respectively. If in the other hundreds
duplicate entries occur in the same proportion as in the
hundred of Colness, Ellis's estimate of 7460 freemen in
Suffolk can be reduced to a little under 3000. But it is to be
hoped that some student of the Suffolk Domesday will subject
Ellis's figures to a careful analysis : as figures based on
proportion sums may be very misleading.

Let us turn to figures which are more trustworthy. There
were many sokemen in Cambridgeshire in 1066, and they
may be tabulated as follows : —

682 with liberty of commendation, holding 301! hides.
246 without liberty of commendation, holding 92 hides.
122 unspecified, holding 34! hides.

1 D. B., II. 340. 2 Id., 340 b, 3 Id., 339 b.

4 Id., 341 b. 5 id., 342. c Id., 339 b.

7 Id., 343. 8 Id., 342.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1066

But the assessment of the holdings of some of these sokemen
is not recorded, and we may therefore conclude that the pre-
Conquest freeholders of Cambridgeshire held one quarter of
the 1233 hides at which that county was assessed.

A similar account for Sussex shows the following figures : —

114 liberi homines, holding 219 hides.

46 men with liberty of commendation, holding 131 hides.

105 allodiaries, holding i6o| hides.

But Sussex was assessed at 3474 hides in 1066 : so that
those who may be classed as freeholders held less than
1 5 per cent, of the county.

Similar counts for separate hundreds in some of the other
counties show that the number of freeholders formed a large
proportion of the inhabitants of England in 1066. And it
should be stated that these hundreds are not selected for the
purpose.

County.

Hundred.

No.

Description.

Holdings.

Total hides in
hundred.

Hants

Portsdown

IS

Liberi homines and

32^ hides

5»*

Allodarii

Neatham

17

Allodarii

53f „

108

Basingstoke

9

Liberty of commen-

43* »

56 (& 52 car.)

dation

Berks.

Kintbury

17

Allodarii

67 ,i

104*

Reading

19

Allodarii and liberty

4i ,»

i68J

of commendation

Herts

Hertford

38

Could sell

4i »

1 60

Broadwater

39

99

56 „

309

Bucks.

Aylesbury

6

34i „

94i

Staines

22

9 )

76 „

167

Hereford

Heletone

6

Liberty of commen-

"I ;;

9oi

dation

Bedford

Biggleswade

90

Sokemen with liberty

so „

102

of commendation

Northants ...

Corby

6

Holding freely

5* (2»i)

15(86)

Warwick ...

Merton

24

J}

74 „

I69

Stafford

Saisdon

21

Liberi homines

27 „

ii

Salop.

Condover

48

Liberi homines and

58 ,,

119

liberty of com-

mendation

Cheshire

Dudestan

45

Liberi homines

57J „

I2l£

i46 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Whether these hundreds are typical of the county or no,
these figures show that a large proportion of the inhabitants
of England in 1066 were extra-manorial, and owned lands
which owed service to none but the King or the King's
grantee. They were in possession of ancient freeholds, and
did not derive their land from the grant of any lord.

Another point to be noticed is the large number of pre-
Conquest vills of which there was no lord. The case of
Orwell has already been referred to, and at the risk of
repetition, it must be again stated that Orwell was by no
means an exceptional case. Brize Norton (Oxon.) was
another vill which in pre-Conquest days had no lord, and
will be discussed on the next page. Eight freemen held
Knighton and The Down, in the Isle of Wight, in allodium
of King Edward,1 and Lisland was held by five freemen
in allodium.2 And even in many vills of which the large
proportion belonged to one magnate or another, there were
often many freeholders owing service to no one but the King,
and deriving their lands from the grant of no lord. Almost
every page of the Cambridgeshire Inquest will show this
feature, and Mr. Round quotes many cases, in his introduction
to the Hertfordshire Domesday in the Victoria County History
of that county.

3. THEIR CONDITION IN IO86

That " the thin red line of the Norman Conquest " pro-
duced changes in the economic position of the tillers of the
soil, is admitted on all hands, and a careful study of Domesday
Book will show that these changes were decidedly for the
worse. Possibly the greatest change was the entire dis-
appearance of the freeholders in many counties. The 114
liberi homines and the 105 allodiaries of Sussex had entirely
disappeared ; the 1032 sokemen of Cambridgeshire had
decreased to 213. By this we mean — not that 819 sokemen
1 D. B., I. 39 b i. 2 id., I. 39 b 2.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1086 147

in Cambridgeshire had been killed off, but that they had
suffered an economic change, and had been depressed into
the villan class ; in addition to their other services, their
new lord exacted week-work from them. We have already
noticed the Benfleet case of a freeman who was made one of
the villans : and although no such precise statement can be
found elsewhere, yet it is not hard to find cases where free-
men and sokemen have been depressed to the status of
villans. Brize Norton (Oxon.) was in 1066 assessed at
15 hides: fourteen thegns held I4H iJV, which after the
Conquest passed to Roger of Ivri, who granted the property
to Fulco. In 1086 Fulco had in demense 5 hides " of the
land of the villans," where he had five teams and one knight,
and there were thirteen villans.1 The statement that he had
" 5 hides of the land of the villans " must mean that this land
had formerly formed part of the holdings of the villagers,
from which he had evicted them. The change from " thegn "
to " villan " shows that the inhabitants who formerly had
rendered military service to the King, were now obliged to
perform week-work on their lord's demesne. The knight
was evidently in possession of the holding, or perhaps only of
the house, of the fourteenth thegn. But one of those who
had held land in Brize Norton in 1066 apparently retained
his holding in 1086 and his status as a freeholder. For in
the list of "King's ministers" Godwin appears as holding
2^ virgates at Norton of the King.2

Hugh de Forth held land at Pesinges and Piham, in Kent,
in 1086, where three and a half teams were employed and six
villans lived. But in 1066 these lands had been held by six
men who could go where they would with their lands. May
we not see in these six villans the depressed successors of six
freeholders or gafolgelders ? 3

In Eversholt (Beds.) Ansgot of Rochester held 2 hides

1 D. B., I. 158 b 2. 2 Id., I. 160 b 2.

3 D. B., I. 10 b 2 ; quoted Z>. B. and B., 64.

148 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

of the Bishop of Bayeux, on which were four villans. But
before the Conquest this land had been held by four thegns,
with liberty of sale. He held in Middleton 4 hides with
four villans and three bordars, and had one team in demesne ;
but these 4 hides had previously been held by seven soke-
men, with liberty of sale.1 Similarly there were twelve
villans on the land of Herbert fitz Ivo, which had previously
been held by twelve sokemen, with liberty of sale.2 That in
all these Bedfordshire cases there had been a degradation
from one class to another is proved by the statement in the
entry concerning the land of Herbert fitz Ivo at Carlton,
that there were two sokemen who had held the same land in
1066, with liberty of sale. The Commissioners must have
seen some difference between the sokemen and the villans.

Those freeholders who were so fortunate as to maintain
their superior position after the Conquest were in most cases
subjected to increased services, and it must be remembered
that in many cases their services were now rendered to a
subject, and not to the King. Thus at Mutford there were
eighty-seven freemen, who rendered 13^. 6d. in 1066 ; twenty
years later their payments had been increased to ^30.° At
Ringsfield there were twelve freemen who paid nothing in
1066, but from whom £2$ were exacted in io86.4 In one
case we can see the steps by which the payments were in-
creased. At Bergholt, before the Conquest, the freemen had
voluntarily (gratis) given fourpence each to the reeve, and
had rendered soke as it was due (sicut lex ferebaf) ; but when
Roger Bigot was sheriff his ministers increased their pay-
ment to ^"15. Under Robert Malet it was still further in-
creased to £20 ; but in 1086 Aluric Wanz held them on the
same terms as they were in io66.5 These freemen were
fortunate in being able to return to the status quo ante.
But this case is unique.

1 D. B., I. 209 b i. 2 Id., I. 209 b 2. 3 Id.t II, 283.

4 Id., II. 282 b. 5 Id., II. 287 b.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1086 149

Another instance of the increased services exacted from
former freeholders is to be found in the hundred of Flaming-
dike (Cambs.), where there were twenty-six sokemen holding
under the King, who, T. R. E., found twelve sentinels if the
King came into the county, or 12s. 8d. in lieu thereof. But
Picot the sheriff was not content with the old services, and
exacted an additional payment of £8.1 In the shires of
Lincoln and York the sokemen were not so harshly treated
as in the rest of the country. They seem to have retained
their privileged position, and their services were not materially
increased after the Conquest ; sometimes they held at merely
nominal rents. A bovate of sokeland at Breaston (Derby)
rendered two spurs to Geoffrey Alselin.2

This depression might, however, be brought about, not by
intentional harsh dealing on the part of their new lords, but by
fiscal causes. At the time of Domesday Book the price of an
ox was 2s. or 2s. 6d., and if the tenant of a hide was obliged
in 1084 to sell three of his team to pay the geld of 6s. a hide,
he would find that it would be better for him to surrender
part of his land to his lord and take the remainder on a
new agreement, if by so doing he could keep his oxen ;
and in the same way it would be better for him to increase
his annual payments for a sum in cash which would enable
him to pay his geld.

In the changes brought about by the Conquest as much
stress was laid on the personal relationship created by com-
mendation as on the relationship created by soke or services.
We have already noticed the claim of the Bishop of Coutances,
who had succeeded Borred in Beds, and Northants, to the
homage of certain sokemen who had been the men of Borred.
Geoffrey of Mandeville, who succeeded Ansgar the Staller,
often succeeded to the lands of the men who had been com-
mended to Ansgar. At Bordesdon (Herts) William held of
Robert of Gernon half a virgate which had belonged to

1 D. B., I. 190 a I. ' Id., I. 276 b 2.

1 50 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Leofwin, a man of Godwin of Bendfield, whose soke belonged
to Ansgar.1 If the post-Conquest succession had followed
the soke, this land would have passed to Geoffrey of Mande-
ville. On the other hand, there were cases in which the
succession followed the soke. Ansgar held the manor of
Sawbridgeworth T. R. E., where there were four sokemen,
all of whom could sell, but their soke belonged to Ansgar.
Of these one had commended himself to Earl Harold, and
one to Alwin of Godtone, and the other two had commended
themselves to Ansgar ; but Geoffrey of Mandeville succeeded
to the manor and to the lands of all four sokemen.2

The statistics relating to Essex throw much light on other
changes brought about by the Conquest. Professor Maitland
has called attention to the decrease in the numbers of villans
and slaves and the increase in the number of bordars in that
county.3 In the hundred of Barstaple the figures for the
two periods can be tabulated as follows : —

1066. 1086.

Villans 198 182

Bordars 384 572

Slaves 149 90

The bordars had increased at the expense of the villans and
slaves. Evidently their numbers had been increased by
impoverished villans and enfranchised slaves ; the heavy
geld of 1084 would account for the impoverishment of the
villans, and the enfranchisement of the slaves may be the
result of another economic change. The lords seem to be
learning to rely less on the work of the slaves whom they
maintained, and more on the work of those who maintained
themselves on their own plots of land.

As before, so after the Conquest, the slaves were the
lowest in the social scale. In 1086 they formed 9 per cent,
of the recorded population ; and Mr. Seebohm's invaluable

1 D. B., I. 138 a i. 2 Id., 140 a I.

3 D. B. and B., 35.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1086 151

maps l show that they were most numerous in the western
parts of the island, and formed as much as 21 per cent, of the
population of Cornwall. On the other hand, no slaves were
recorded in York, Lincoln, Rutland, or Huntingdon, and they
were only one-half of I per cent, of the population of Notting-
ham, and i per cent, of that of Derbyshire. Their density in
the western counties appears to show that the English con-
quest of the west was milder than in the east, and that many
of the conquered Britons were spared to work for their
conquerors.

As a general rule, Domesday Book couples the slaves
with the teams in demesne, and thus shows that they were
employed in cultivating the demesne farm of their owners.
Thus at Combe, Oxon., "there are in demesne two teams
and two slaves ; and six villans and six bordars have three
teams." In the western counties the numbers of " servi " and
"ancillae," male and female slaves, are often recorded sepa-
rately ; and in Herefordshire, Shropshire, and Cheshire we
read of " bovarii " who are also usually coupled with the teams
in demesne. Mr. Round has pointed out that these bovarii
average two to each team, and suggests that they were the
slaves whose duty it was to take charge of the lord's plough
when it was at work ; 2 but on the other hand, it must be re-
membered that sometimes free (liberi) bovarii are recorded.

The Rectitudines Singularum Personarum shows that
the pre-Conquest slaves were maintained by their masters,
and held no land. The same is true of many of the slaves
recorded in Domesday Book ; for while the Commissioners for
Middlesex often state the holdings of the several tenants on
the various estates, in no case is any slave stated to hold any
land ; and the slaves were 5 per cent, of the recorded popula-
tion in Middlesex. The Exeter Inquest, however, often speaks
of slaves with oxen, and therefore with land, in the south-

1 English Village Community, 86.

2 V. C. H., Essex, i. 361.

152 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

western counties, and applies that term to those who in the
Exchequer Domesday are called " slaves " and " villans."

Next above the slaves in the social scale were the cottagers,
who were called indiscriminately "bordars" or "cottagers"
according to the fancy of the Commissioners or their scribes.
In some hundreds of Sussex they were called " bordars," and in
others they were called " cottars ; " and in that county the two
names never appear in the same manor. We have seen that
before the Conquest a cotsetle occupied, as a rule, some 5 acres
of land, and worked one day a week on his lord's demesne,
and have quoted a passage from Domesday Book which tells
how the bordars at Ewias worked one day a week for their
lord. At Evesham there were twenty-seven bordars serving
the court (servientes curiam),1 an expression which also points
to their works on the demesne. An examination of the
various classes of tenants in Middlesex shows a distinction
between the bordars and cottagers : while the villans usually
held half a virgate or more, the bordars held from 5 acres to
half a virgate, and the cottars held less than 5 acres ; some
cottars even appear to have been landless men. The Ely
Inquest, however, speaks of cottars who held as much as 10
acres.2 At Westminster there were forty-one cottars who
paid 4O.y. for their gardens,8 and at Sawbridge worth there
were forty-six bordars of 8 acres each, and two of 5 acres
each, twenty cottars who held 26 acres between them, and
thirty cottars about whose holdings we have no information ;
and as these latter are coupled with the slaves, it is not
improbable that they were landless.4

But the Rectitudines Singularum Personarum draws a
distinction between the cottager and the slave. The former
paid his hearthpenny on Holy Thursday, " as every freeman
should do ; " he was therefore a freeman, and his kinsfolk
received a wergild of 2OOs, if he was killed, while the kinsfolk

1 D. B., I. 175 b i. 2 Seebohm, E. V. C., 96.

3 P. B., I. 128 a 2. 4 D. B., I. 139 b 2.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1086 153

of the slave received only 40^. ; and there is no evidence in
Domesday Book to show that even after the Conquest the
cottager had ceased to be a freeman.

The same document draws a further distinction between
the cottager and the gebur. The latter was provided with
oxen, and was liable to perform ploughing service for his
lord ; the former had no oxen provided for him, and escaped
all liability to plough. Domesday Book seems to point to a
similar distinction between the villan and the bordar, for,
except in a very small number of cases, the holdings of the
bordars in Middlesex are expressed in terms of acres and not
of virgates ; and when we read of two or more bordars hold-
ing a virgate, it is possible that the holding of a villan furnish-
ing a couple of oxen to the manorial plough had passed to his
sons, and remained undivided at his death.

Another point has still to be noticed in connection with
the cottagers. Their 5-acre plots were obviously too small to
provide them with all the food they required, even although
they were allowed to turn their swine on the waste land of
the village. And it has been suggested by Professor
Vinogradoff that they were already a wage-earning class,
and employed their spare time in working for the lord
or the richer villagers, or in the village industries. He
sees in them the most advanced class from the economic
standpoint.1

Some 38 per cent, of the recorded population in 1086 were
villans. We have already equated the villan with the gebur,
and have seen that he was a freeman occupying land who
performed week-work on his lord's demesne farm ; like the
freeholders and the sokemen, the villans, too, had their
burdens increased by the Conquest. At Leominster there
were, in 1066, 238 villans who ploughed and sowed with their
own seed 140 acres of wheat, and paid £11 4s. \d. as custom.
In 1086 their number was reduced to 223, who ploughed and

1 G. M., 353.

i54 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

sowed with their own seed 125 acres, and paid dues amounting
to £12 4s. S^d1

But as for the bordars, so for the villans, there is no
evidence in Domesday Book to show that they had lost their
status as freemen, or their wergild of 200.?. The Leges
Henrici I. expressly state that the wergild of the villan and
of the sokeman was 2Oos. They were still suitors of the
hundredmoot, and were capable of giving evidence, as is
shown by the record of the lawsuit between Hugh de Forth
and Picot concerning Charford (Hants).2 We may go further,
and say that there is positive evidence that the villan of 1086
was a freeman. To the manor of South Perrot (Somerset)
every freeman in the manor of Crewkerne rendered one bloom
of iron ; 3 but at Crewkerne there was no one but villans,
bordars, coliberts, and slaves.4 Again, although in later years
the boast of the men of Kent was that they were all freemen,
yet, in 1086, 54 per cent, of the population were classed as
villans.

But, however free he might be in the eyes of the law,
economically he was annexed to the soil, if, like the pre-
Conquest gebur, all his outfit reverted to his lord on his leaving
his holding.

In Hampshire and some other counties the Commis-
sioners mention a class of " coliberti," and explain that, as an
alternative, they may be called " burs." Thus at Cosham there
were, T. R. E., " 8 burs id est Coliberti ; " 5 and Professor
Maitland argues from this record, and the explanation thus
given, that this small class of coliberti represents the geburs.
On the other hand, Professor Vinogradoff considers that the
coliberts represent slaves who were enfranchised in a body,
and started in life as geburs by the provision of oxen by their
lord.6 And it is remarkable that on eight of the royal manors
in Wiltshire they are coupled with the slaves, while in three

1 D. B., 180 a I. 2 Id., 44 b 2. 3 Id., I. 86 a 2.

4 Id., I. 86 b 2. 6 Id., I. 38 a I. 6 G. M., 385.

THEIR CONDITION IN 1086 155

only are they coupled with the villans and bordars ; usually
in Hampshire they are coupled with the slaves. Whatever
their position, they were a very small class, as Sir Henry
Ellis counts only 858 coliberts and 62 boors as compared
with 108,456 villans. The Continental colibert occupied an
intermediate position between the freeman and the slave ; if
he left his lord, he could be recaptured.1

Our proposal to see in the villan of 1086 the representative
of the gebur of 1025 must be modified in those counties where
no distinction is drawn between villans and freemen or soke-
men. Here the exalted position of the Commissioners pre-
vented their seeing any distinction between the gebur and
the geneat ; both lived side by side in the same vill, and both
rendered services on the demesne ; but the services of the
gebur were rendered every week, while those of the geneat
were rendered only at special seasons.

On the whole, the distinction between the five classes
enumerated in the questions put to the Cambridgeshire jurors
appears to be economic rather than legal. The slaves were
maintained by their lords ; the bordars occupied small areas
of land, and worked one day a week on their lord's demesne ;
the villans occupied larger areas, which they cultivated by the
plough, and for which they worked two or three days a week
on their lord's demesne, and rendered team-labour. The
sokemen differed from the villans in that their services were
merely occasional, and not regular; and the freeholders
differed from the sokemen only in owing services to the King
alone, or to some grantee of the King.

In addition to these five classes, the Commissioners
enumerated a number of persons who may be collected into a
miscellaneous class. Some were distinguished by the part
they played in the economy of the manor. At Leominster
there were eight prepositi, or reeves, and eight bedells. The
duties of the reeve are well set out in the document discovered

1 D. B. and B., 37.

156 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

by Dr. Liebermann, and printed in the first volume of Dr.
Cunningham's Growth of English Industry and Commerce ;
it was his duty to superintend the working of the manor ; to
take charge of the stock, and account for sales ; to see that
the labour dues were duly rendered, and the work properly
performed. The bailiff's accounts of the thirteenth and
following centuries are perfect mines of information as to
wages and prices, and are the foundation of Thorold Roger's
History of Agriculture and Prices. The reeve was usually
one of the villans on the estate, and was elected by his fellows.
He was rewarded for his services by a small allowance in
money, and by entire release from the services which other-
wise would have been rendered by him in respect of his hold-
ing. Domesday Book tells us that the Reeve of Tangmere
received 2os.1 The pre-Conquest bailiff of the Manor of Lene
was accustomed to present the wife of Earl Morcar, when
she visited the manor, with 18 ounces of pennies, "that she
might be of joyful mind," and her steward and other servants
received 30^. from him.2 The bedell was an assistant to
the reeve, but he appears very rarely in the thirteenth-century
accounts. Other manorial officials were the smiths, of whom
sixty-four are recorded in Domesday Book. He, too, in later
centuries, was exempted from the services due from his hold-
ing, on account of his doing the repairs in the ploughs and other
dead stock of the manor. Two carpenters were mentioned as
living at Utbech,3 and there was a ditcher (fossarius) who held
half a hide at Berkhampstead.4 But the largest section in this
miscellaneous group was that of the swineherds, of whom Sir
Henry Ellis counts 427. Later, when we come to speak of
the live stock, we shall see the important part that the large
herds of swine played in the economy of the eleventh century.
Almost as important as the swineherds were the fishermen
(in) and salt-workers (108), but of them, too, we shall speak

1 D. B., I. 16 a i. 2 Id., I. 179 b 2.

3 Id., I. 202 a i. 4 Id., I. 136 b 2.

THE POST-DOMESDAY EVIDENCE 157

later. In Cornwall we find forty cervisiarii, who were either
brewers or men whose rents were paid in beer. At Westbury
there were five mellitarii, who would appear to have paid a
honey rent for their land : * such a rent was not uncommon, as
will be seen later. In Northamptonshire there were iron-
workers (ferrarii\ and in Bedfordshire were five potters
(figiili).

In almost every county were a few tenants who paid a
money rent ; they were called censores, censuarii> or gablatores ;
but all told they number only 166.

In Wilts, Somerset, and Shropshire there appears a class
of cosets, or coscets, who are usually reckoned as cottagers ; but
Archdeacon Hale suggests that the word is a corruption of
casearius, and classes the persons to whom it is applied as
cheesemakers.

In Table C is printed a slightly rearranged abstract of
Sir Henry Ellis's figures, showing the numbers of the various
classes mentioned in Domesday Book.

4. THE POST-DOMESDAY EVIDENCE

For the purposes of comparison with Domesday Book,
the three series of manorial extents contained in the cartu-
laries of Burton and Peterborough Abbeys are the most
valuable evidence that we have. The two extents relating
to the manors of Burton Abbey are shown by Mr. Round2
to approximately date from between the years 1116 and
1133; and the Peterborough extent, known as the Liber
Niger, must have been compiled between the years 1125
and 1128; so that all three extents show the condition of
the manors therein surveyed within half a century of the
compilation of Domesday Book.

In order to assist our comparison, it will be better to
print side by side the surveys of one of the Peterborough

1 D. B., I. 65 a 2. 2 E. H. R., 1905, 275, etc.

158 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

manors as contained in Domesday Book and in the Liber

Niger.

Domesday Book, I. 221,3. I.

The said Church holds 6 hides

in Pillesgete.

There is land for 6 teams.
In demesne is one with one slave.

And 9 villans

and 2 bordars
and 26 sokemen

have ii teams.

There is a mill of IQS.
and 40 acres of meadow and 5
acres of wood.

Liber Niger> Chronicon Petroborgense,
p. 158.

In Pilesgete are 3 hides to the
King's geld.

In the demesne of the Court is
one plough of 8 oxen, and i
boar and 2 calves, and i ram
and 2 foals, and 9 score sheep,
and 20 pigs.

And 8 villans hold i hide and
i virgate. And they have 2
teams whence they plough for
the lord's need, 8 acres of
winter ploughing, and 8 acres
of spring ploughing (tremeis),
and work three days in the
week.

And there is one bordar and 2
oxherds (bovarii), holding land
by service, and one shepherd.

And 44 sokemen.

And all these with the villans
aforesaid render 44.$-. per
annum.

And all these sokemen have 8
teams and thence plough three
times in the year ; and each of
them mows in August half an
acre of the Lord's corn, and
twice in August performs a
boon-work, and each harrows
one day in spring.

And one mill which renders ^.

THE POST-DOMESDAY EVIDENCE 159

Here we see that the distinction that we have drawn
from Domesday evidence alone between the villan and the
sokeman is borne out by evidence which dates from forty
years or so of Domesday Book ; and this evidence is entirely
in favour of our contention that the Domesday villan repre-
sented the pre-Conquest gebur, and the Domesday sokeman
was the pre-Conquest geneat : this distinction between the
villan rendering week-work and the sokeman rendering boon-
work only, runs through all the Liber Niger, except at
Scottere and Scalthorpe, where the villans worked two days
a week, and the sokemen worked only one.1

Except in one passage, the Burton extents do not speak
of sokemen ; but a distinction is drawn between the villans,
who rendered week-work, and the censarii, who paid a money
rent and performed boon-works. For instance, at Stratton
(Staffs.) the earlier extent tells us that there were eighteen
villans, who each held 2 bovates of land and worked two
days a week, and performed other services. Ailward, a
censarius, also held 2 bovates, for which he paid $s. a year,
and made 2 perches of fencing at the court, and 2 perches
of fencing in the wood ; he also lent his plough twice a
year to his lord, and reaped for three days in August with
his family.2 In the later extent these censarii are said to
hold ad malam. A comparison of the services leads us to
identify the Stratton censarii with the Pillesgete sokemen,
and this identification is supported by the fact that the
services of the sokemen at Winshall, Derbyshire3 (the only
passage where sokemen are mentioned in the Burton extents),
are exactly the same as those of the censarii at Stratton.
But Domesday Book speaks of no sokemen on the Burton
manors except at Winshall ; why, then, do we find censarii
in the extents ? In his Villeinage in England, Professor
Vinogradoff thinks that the molmen, the tenants who held

1 Id., p. 164. 2 Collections for Hist, of Staffs., v. I, 25.

• Id., 29.

i6o THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

ad malam, were villans who had commuted their week-works
for money payments — a theory for which the Hundred Rolls
give ample support. But in his later work, The Growth of
the Manor,1 he appears to suggest that the Domesday Com-
missioners included both geburs and geneats in the same
category of villans. We have seen reason to object to this
theory in the counties where Domesday Book draws a
distinction between villans and sokemen ; but Staffordshire
is one of the counties where no such distinction is drawn,
and these Burton extents would appear to show a large
number of sokemen or geneats included among the villans
of Staffordshire — especially when it is remembered that one,
at least, of the censarii at Stratton was enfeoffed by charter.2
But Mr. Baring advances strong arguments in favour of his
contention that the rent-paying tenants on these estates were
omitted from Domesday Book.3

To trace the history of these five classes of men from
the time of Domesday Book to the Black Death is far too
large a task to be attempted in these pages ; but there are
two or three points that must be noticed, if only to emphasize
the changes brought about by the Conquest.

In the Hundred Rolls of 1279 we have a detailed account
of portions of the counties of Oxford, Berks., Beds., Hunts.,
and Cambridge, on which Mr. Seebohm has drawn largely
for his description of the thirteenth-century manor. These
Hundred Rolls show us estates of lords, containing demesne
which was cultivated by the tenurial labour of the villans
and cottagers living in the village. The first point of differ-
ence that confronts us is the entire disappearance of the class
of landless slaves, who were maintained by their owner ; the
word " servus " often occurs in the Rolls, but it is invariably
applied to the tenant of a certain area of land, and is often
equated with "villain." But if the slaves have disappeared,

1 Page 342. 2 Collections for Hist, of Staffs., 31.

3 E. H. R., 1896, p. 98.

THE POST-DOMESDAY EVIDENCE 161

the villain and the cottager have been degraded into a semi-
servile condition.1 They were unable to leave the manor
without paying a fine to their lord, and if they lived elsewhere
they must pay "chivage" — head-money — for permission so
to do; they were obliged to redeem their children, to pay
fines for permission to give their daughters in marriage, or
to educate their sons for the Church ; they paid merchet for
the incontinence of their women-folk ; they could not sell ox
nor horse without their lord's licence ; they could not sue
him in the King's courts ; and they were liable to tallage
at his will. To discuss the question how these disabilities
became fixed on the class of villans would be out of place
here ; it is sufficient to point out their existence in the
thirteenth century, and to argue that, as there is no trace
of their existence in the pre-Conquest documents, they must
have been a consequence of the Norman Conquest — in fact,
the lawyers of the reign of Henry II. attribute some of them
to the changes produced by that conquest.2

Alongside the villains and cottagers appears a class of
freeholders — "liberi tenentes" — who usually paid for their
land a money rent or a nominal acknowledgment, such as a
rose or a pound of pepper. In the law-courts such tenants
were said to hold " in socage " — a term that was applied to
all tenures that were not military, or " in serjeantry," or " in
villainage." Bishop Stubbs defines socage as " tenure by fixed
and determinate services, usually suit of court ; " 3 but Pro-
fessor Maitland has called attention to the dispute between
two schools of lawyers in the thirteenth century on the point
whether suit of court was a necessary service of the tenant
in socage, or whether it should be reserved in the charter
creating the holding — a dispute which was settled by the
Provisions of Westminster in 1259 and the Statute of

1 It is to avoid this connotation of serfdom that I have omitted the "i" in
speaking of the villans of Domesday Book.

2 Dial. Scac.fi. 10. 3 Select Charters, Glossary.

M

i62 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Marlborough in 1267, which provided that for the future no
socager should be obliged to attend his lord's court unless
it was so stipulated in his charter, or his predecessors in title
had attended the court before I23O.1

Again, it must be remembered that Lyttleton, in speaking
of socage tenants, tells how they had to lend their ploughs
to their lords several times during the year, and even derives
their name from soc, a ploughshare, but says not a word about
suit of court.2 In giving this false etymology, Lyttleton
follows Bracton ; 3 and the language of both writers shows
how little connection there was in their minds between soke
and suit of court. The Burton Chartulary 4 quotes many leases
for two lives or more, some of them dating within a gene-
ration of Domesday Book, granted by the abbey. Money
rent and occasional services are the consideration for such
services, and suit of court is, in some cases, expressly reserved :
this express reservation is reason for doubting whether suit
of court was obligatory on the sokemen of the previous
century without express reservation.

Apart, however, from the question of suit of court, the
services required from socagers were fixed and determinate.
Tenure in socage is frequently mentioned in Bracton's Note-
Book, and in all cases emphasis is laid on the nature of these
services, and suit of court is not mentioned. Thus it was
proved that certain land was held in socage at a rent of
200 herrings a year (No. 1076), and that a mill was held in
socage of the King on payment of 2s. a year and a golden
spur (No. 1 109). But for our purpose the case of Agnes of
Dagenham v. the Abbess of Barking (No. 758) is most
valuable. The defendant alleged that she held certain land
of the abbess in socage at a money rent and by the service

1 Select Pleas in Manorial Courts, II. xlix. I have to thank Dr. Holdsworth
for calling my attention to this reference.

2 Lyttleton, 119.

3 Pollock and Maitland, Hist. Eng. Law, i. 274.

4 JS. H. R., 1905, 281, 282.

THE POST-DOMESDAY EVIDENCE 163

of "journeying with the said abbess to her manors, or sending
with her any man of hers, French or English, provided he was
not a villain of the abbess." The court held that she had
not proved that these were the terms of her tenancy, and
that she was a tenant by military service ; but her attempt
to prove that her tenure was socage, by alleging that she
rendered services similar to those of the freeman at Ciren-
cester in 1086, and of the radman at Hallow, and of the
geneat of the Rectitudines Singularum Personarum, shows
the connection between the socage tenure of the thirteenth
century and the tenure of the sokemen of the eleventh
century.

The monastic cartularies give many instances of grants
of land in socage. In the year after the death of the Con-
queror, the Abbot of Ramsey granted Over (Cambs.) on a
lease for the lives of a man and his wife, at a fine of a mark
of gold and a rent of £6 a year ; l and a few years later he
leased Dillington to Ralph, the brother of Ilger (who is
mentioned in Domesday Book), for life at a rent of £3 a
year.2 Between 1205 and 1222 Walter, Abbot of Malmes-
bury, granted half a hide in Walcot, for which the tenant was
to pay Ss. a year rent, \2d. for hundred-silver, and i8</. for
yeresyive (New Year's gift) ; in addition, he had to provide
5 bushels of wheat for church-shot, and to perform certain
agricultural services — to plough 2 acres, to mow I acre, and
to reap for two days in the abbot's fields.3 Previously
Abbot Osbert (c. 1180) had granted half a hide at Fox-
ham at a yearly rent of 14^., and the tenant was to plough
3 acres of the abbot's land.4 The services here reserved are
boon-works, occasional works at busy times.

Hence we see that the socage tenants after the Conquest
rendered definite services for their lands, and that it was a
matter of dispute whether, without an express reservation,

1 Cart. Rams., i. 120. 2 Jd.t 128.

3 Registrum Malmesburiense, i. 436. * Id., 459.

1 64 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

these services included suit of court. Our contention is that
the sokemen of Domesday Book rendered definite services
for their lands, and that they did not render suit of court
unless their lords had sake as well as soke over them ; surely,
if every sokeman had been bound to suit of court at the time
of Domesday Book, no dispute could have arisen a century
and a half later.

CHAPTER VIII
THE APPURTENANCES OF THE MANOR

" Quantum silvce f Quantum prati ? Quot pascuarum ? Quot
molini ? Quot piscarice ? "

MR. SEEBOHM has shown that, in addition to the two
or three fields of arable land lying round a thirteenth-
century village, it, like a properly equipped farm of
to-day, also possessed woods, meadows, and pastures ; and
we find that, with but few exceptions, these woods, meadows,
and pastures are recorded in Domesday Book. Other appur-
tenances were enumerated by the Commissioners, which are
not included in the questions addressed to the Cambridge-
shire jurors.

I. THE WOODS

Every page of Domesday Book shows that eight hundred
years ago there was more woodland in England than there
is to-day: its silences are as eloquent as its statistics. The
map of Sussex, which gives only the villages and settlements
mentioned in Domesday Book, shows that only its southern
part was settled in 1086 ; at least one-third of that county
was then a wild trackless district, including much woodland,
parts of which — St. Leonard's Forest and Ashdown Forest —
even now remain in their primaeval state. The southern
part of Surrey was similarly uninhabited, and the boundary
between the two counties was not defined till much later.

165

1 66 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

We are, however, here concerned with the smaller pieces
of woodland attached to definite estates. Whenever a wood
is recorded, some indication of its size is also given. If we
return to the three Oxfordshire manors to which reference
has previously been made, we find that both at Combe and
Stanton Harcourt there were woods " a league and a half in
length, and the same in breadth," while no wood is recorded
as belonging to Deddington. But, as has been said above,
we must not consider these woods as being squares with a
side of 12 furlongs ; these are the extreme measurements,
and no attention was paid to the shape of the wood. There
are a few cases in Essex of measurement of the wood by
hides and acres : at Burstead there were 5 hides of wood,
and at Barstable there were 30 acres of wood. Sometimes
a large wood was not specifically divided. There was a large
wood in the hundred of Hertford, of which Ralph de Limesi
claimed as much as pertained to 3 hides of Emmeswelle, and
the canons of Waltham claimed as much as pertained to
I hide.1 The whole county of Leicester had a wood
(Hereswode) 4 leagues in length and I in breadth.2 Another
wood belonging to different owners in individual shares was
Hawcombe Wood, in Dorset, of which two parts were in the
King's farm, and " the third part, or the third oak " belonged,
T. R. E., to Earl Edwin.3 Most frequently the wood was
used in common by the lord and his tenants ; but a distinction
is drawn at Rodolei between the demesne wood and the wood
of the villans, the former being more than double the size of
the latter.4

The woodland would be useful to the villagers in many
ways. In later centuries every tenant of a manor was entitled
to firing and materials for the repair of his house and fences
in the manorial woods. Such rights are mentioned in Domes-
day Book. At Malvern the Bishop of Worcester had firing

1 D. B., I. 140 b I. 2 Id., I. 230 a I.

3 Id., I. 75 a 2. 4 Id., I. 230 a 2.

THE WOODS 167

and material for the repair of his houses, although the wood
had been taken into the King's forest.1 The manor of New-
ton (Wilts.) had a customary right to have in the wood of
Milchet eighty waggon-loads of timber for repairing its
houses and fences when necessary ; 2 and in Middlesex the
usual formula is " nemus ad sepes," wood sufficient for fencing ;
in Cambridgeshire the formula is often, " silva ad clausu-
rem." Another purpose for which the wood was used was as
a feeding-ground for the pigs of the villagers, which would
feed there in the autumn on the acorns and beech-mast.
Great numbers of pigs were so turned out: in the single
hundred of Barstable (Essex) there was wood for 3982 pigs.
In Shropshire the usual formula is, "wood for fattening X
pigs ; " but in other counties the statement is, " wood for X
pigs." For the privilege of so turning out their pigs, the
tenants always made some recognition, which was called
" pannage." At Mailing, in Sussex, the Archbishop of Can-
terbury received three hundred swine from the pannage of
the wood.3 In many counties the area of the wood is
expressed by the number of the swine given to the lord
by way of pannage. At Leominster every villan having ten
pigs paid one to the lord by way of pannage.4 From the
manor of Eling was taken into the New Forest the houses
of sixteen villans and three bordars, and wood yielding 280
pigs by way of pannage.5 Such woods in which pigs could
be fed were styled in Derbyshire "silvse pastiles," and were
contrasted with " silvse vastatse " (unfruitful woods).

Occasionally woods were valuable for other reasons : the
hawks' nests therein are always noted ; as are the " haiae,"
the enclosures for catching roebucks, as they are specifically
called in Shropshire and Cheshire. The duty of making
these deer-hays was called the " stabilatio," and is often
referred to: it was one of the duties of the Lancashire

1 D. B., I. 173 a 2. 2 /</., I. 68 a I. 3 Id., I. 16 a i.

4 Id., I. i8oa I. 5 Id.t I. 38 b 2.

168 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

thegns ; l and in Berkshire the man who was summoned
to make the deer-hay ("ad stabilationem venationis") and
made default, paid 50^. to the King.2 Wild honey was often
found in the woods, and was duly accounted for ; from the
large wood at Eling, previously referred to, 3 sextars of
honey were given to the lord.3 From his wood at Malvern
the Bishop of Worcester had, T. R. E., hunting and honey,
and whatever thence issued, and also ictf.4 When woodland
was broken up for cultivation it was called "assarts:" 58
acres of " essarz " are recorded at Marcle ; 5 and the " assarts "
at Leominster yielded i?s. ^d.Q

The mention of the Bishop of Worcester's rights of hunt-
ing in the wood at Malvern reminds us that at the time of
Domesday Book a large part of England was " forest "-land —
that is, land outside (foris) the common law, and subject to
a special law, of which the object was to preserve the hunting
on these tracts for the King and his favourites. But it is
only incidentally that Domesday Book mentions these forests,
and the only forests of which it gives any particulars are the
Oxfordshire forests of Stowood, Shotover, Wychwood, and
Woodstock, which were stated to be 9 leagues (13^ miles)
long, and the same in breadth. "To these forests pertained
4j hides ; and 6 villans with 8 bordars have 3^ teams ;
from them and the pertinences of the forests, Rainald renders
;£io per annum to the King."7 From the Herefordshire
forests, which were held by William fitz Norman, the King
received £i$.8 The lands about the New Forest have a
special section of the Hampshire Domesday to themselves,
and show that, as at Eling, the King evicted a number of
agriculturalists to make room for those tall stags which he
loved " as though he was their father ; " but his usual method
of enlarging the forest was by confiscating from their owners

1 D.B., I. 269 b 2. 2 Id., I. 56 b i. 3 Id., I. 36 b 2.
4 Id., I. 173 a 2. 5 Id., I. 179 b 2. 6 Id., 180 a i.
7 /</., I. 154 b 2. 8 Id., I. 181 a i.

THE MEADOWS AND PASTURES 169

and subjecting to the forest laws the whole or portions of
those separate woods which had previously belonged to
estates in its neighbourhood. Sir Henry Ellis states that
the assessment of certain estates, parts of which were taken
into the New Forest, was reduced by such abstractions from
216 hides to 76 hides, and their values from £364 to £129.
Other forests mentioned in Domesday Book are those of
Windsor, Gravelinges, Wimburne, Dean, Herefordshire, Mal-
vern, and Essex ; and in many cases the only reference to
these forests is that the King took the wood of certain
estates and placed it under the forest law. Among the
lesser tenants in capite are frequent hunters and foresters,
and certain lands were held at Dene (Glos.) by William fitz
Norman for keeping the forest.1 At Writtle a swine-herd
was promoted to be forester in the King's wood in Essex.2

2. THE MEADOWS AND PASTURES

To the ordinary town-dweller all grassland is alike ; to
him the difference between " meadow " and " pasture " is un-
meaning. In Domesday Book " meadow " is always used to
denote grassland bordered by a stream, and capable of being
flooded, on which hay can be grown ; " pasture " is the term
which is applied to land which all the year round is available
for feeding cattle and sheep. Of course, the arable land pro-
vided feed for cattle and sheep between one harvest and the
next seed-time, but such feed is always distinguished from
"pasture." Usually, meadow and pasture are measured by
acres. Referring to our three typical Oxfordshire manors —
at Combe there were 15 acres of meadow; at Deddington
there were 1 30 acres of meadow and 30 acres of pasture ;
at Stanton Harcourt there were 200 acres of meadow and
the same quantity of pasture. It is very rare indeed to find
a manor to which some meadow did not belong. A glance
1 D. B., I. 167 a i. 2 Id., II. 5.

1 70 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

at the map shows how every parish on the southern bank
of the Rother in North-West Sussex stretches from the
summit of the downs to the river-bank, so that each has
its due proportion of river valley for meadow, greensand for
arable, and bare down for sheep pasture ; and the same
feature may be noticed in the Evenlode valley in Oxford-
shire, and in other parts of England.

In the same way as, in Essex, the woods are measured
by the number of pigs they could feed, so in the same
county the size of the pastures was sometimes expressed
by the number of sheep they could support. At Lachentun
there was pasture for two hundred sheep.1 Mr. Round 2 has
called attention to these sheep pastures in Essex, and points
out that to-day there are in many cases outlying portions
of marshland belonging to inland parishes, which were
formerly used as sheep pastures, and known as "wics."
From these "wics" was supplied a considerable quantity of
hard cheese, such as is referred to at Kempsford (Glos.),
where 120 weys of cheese were produced from the sheep-

fold ; 3 and at Buckland (Berks.) there was a wick producing
10 weys of cheese, valued at $2s. ^d. ; 4 at Sparsholt 6
weys of cheese were produced from the dairy (" vaccaria ").5
Countess Judith gave to St. Helena a sheepfold of 672 sheep
and 60 acres of meadow in Huntingdonshire.6

1 D. B., ii. 53.

3 D. B., I. 169 a i.
5 Id., I. 57 b 2.

2 V. C. H., Essex, 373.
4 D. B., I. 58 b i.
6 Id., I. 206 b 2.

THE MEADOWS AND PASTURES 171

In Middlesex the usual formula to denote the extent of
the wood was, " nemus ad sepes ; " similarly the usual formula
in that county to express the area of the meadow was,
" pastura ad pecuniam " (sufficient pasture for the cattle).
Sometimes the area of the meadow is signified in the same
way. At Aylesbury there was meadow for eight teams, and
from the remainder arose rents amounting to 2os. ; l and at
Wycombe there was meadow for three teams and for the
horses of the manor-house, and for the teams of the villans.2
A comparison of entries in the Cambridgeshire Inquest with
the parallel passages in the Exchequer Domesday shows
that in parts of Cambridgeshire no more hay was gathered
from i acre of meadow than was sufficient to keep one ox
during the winter. For instance, at Westley the Cambridge-
shire Inquest states, " There is meadow for two oxen ; " but
the parallel passage in the Exchequer Domesday states,
" There are 2 acres of meadow."

Occasionally we are told the profit the lord derived from
the pasture. At Hadfield Broad Oak (Essex) there was a
meadow which rendered nine fat sheep (" multones ") into
the manor ; and for other part of the same pasture the fifty-
eight villans did 41 acres of ploughing on the demesne
farm.3 The Rectitudines Singularum Personarum tells us of
the " gras-erth," or ploughing service, which the gebur was
obliged to give if he wanted extra pasture. In Sussex, where
large numbers of swine were turned out on the rough pasture,
the usual payment to the lord was one pig in seven "de
herbagio." 4

Once, at least, a tract of pasture is recorded as being
common to a number of vills. " In the hundred of Colness
there is a certain pasture common to all the men of
the hundred."5 And mention appears to be made of a
pasture which was common to all the tenants of a manor

1 D. B., I. 143 a 2. " Id., I. 149 a 2.

3 Id., II. 2 b. 4 Id., I. 16 b I. 5 Id., II. 339 b.

172 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

at Newton (Devon), where " Colsuen, a man of the Bishop
of Coutances, took away from this manor a common pasture
which there appertained T. R. E., and even for five years
T. R. W."1

In later years the number of cattle and sheep which any
person could turn on to the village pasture was strictly
stinted or limited, and the number varied from manor to
manor ; and we must surmise that such was the rule in the
eleventh century. In many cases the meadow was probably
Lammas meadow ; after hay-time it would be common to
the whole village till it was again shut up for hay : the hay
crop was often divided between the villagers by lot, as is
still done at Yarnton, a village 4 miles north of Oxford.2

3. THE MILL

No Domesday vill appears to have been complete without
a mill, and in some vills there were more mills than one.
At Combe there was one mill of 3^. ; at Deddington there
were three, producing 4U. and one hundred eels; and at
Stanton Harcourt there were three mills, yielding a rent of
40^. Combe Mill may be seen to-day by every passenger
along the railway from Oxford to Worcester ; and it is pos-
sible that in most villages there is no more ancient trace
of man's handiwork than the cut which supplies the mill.
Mr. Eyton has counted 272 mills in the Dorset Domesday,
varying in value from 3^. to 2$s. a year ; but some mills were
far more valuable. At Petersham there were four mills, pro-
ducing ^42 9^. 8d., or corn to that amount.3 Not infrequently
the profits of the mill were rendered in kind. The mill at
Bledlow rendered 24 seams of malt ; 4 the mill at Arundel
rendered 10 modii of wheat, 10 of mixed corn, and 4 modii
in addition, which were valued at £i4',"5 the 4 modii "in

1 D. B., I. 112 b 2. 2 Country Life, vol. 18, p. 710.

3 D. B., I. 32 a 2. 4 D. B., I. 146 b i.

5 Id., I. 23 a i.

THE MILL 173

addition " were possibly a premium given by the miller for
his lease of the mill, in the same way as the sheriff gave
an augmentation for his lease of the county. Of the mill at
Rudford (Glos.) the Commissioners nai'vely return that "it
renders as much corn as can be gained (quantum potest
lucrari} ; " * while at Marcle " the mill renders nothing but
the living of him who keeps it." 2

Sometimes the sites of mills are recorded. The site of
the mill at Lashbrook (Oxon.) yielded los. a year;3 and at
Setlington (Beds.) there was a broken mill which yielded
nothing.4 These sites of mills were recorded because the
franchise to erect a mill was the most valuable mediaeval
rural franchise, and a mill-owner had the right to prevent the
erection of any new mill in prejudice of his own. Hence the
record at Farnham (Bucks.) : " Ralph Taillebois has erected
a mill which was not there T. R. E. ; " 5 by so doing he had
interfered with some franchise. But the rebuilding of an old
mill would be no interference with a franchise. I cannot
find any mention in Domesday Book of " suit of mill ; " but
it is well known that in later years all the inhabitants of the
manor were bound to grind their corn at the manorial mill.
The inhabitants of Leeds were not freed from this obligation
till 1840, when they paid ^"40,000 for the right to put up
their own mills. Occasionally, as at Weaverham and Maccles-
field, we read of mills serving the hall or the court,6 in which
case the tenants must have used other mills. The Deddington
record above quoted shows that some mills rendered eels,
which were evidently obtained from the mill-pond or mill-
stream. In the days when the fasts of the Church were
observed more strictly than they are to-day, these would
form no mean addition to the diet of both clerical and
lay landowners.

If an estate with a mill was divided between two or more

1 D. B., I. 170 a 2. 2 Id., I. 179 b 2. 3 Id., I. 157 b I.
4 Id., I. 210 b 2. [5 Id., I. 151 b I. 6 Id., I. 263 b I, 2.

i74 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

landowners, it was often the case that the profits of the mill
were equally divided, and frequently we meet with manors to
which was attached a share in the profits of a mill. To
Fetcham (Surrey) pertained a fifth share in one mill and a
third share in another.1 Many mills did not work throughout
the year: it was only in winter that some streams had a
sufficient flow of water to turn the mill-wheel, and mills on
such streams were called "molini hiemales."2 I have not
found any mention of a windmill in Domesday Book.

Possibly some of the mills recorded in Domesday Book
were tide-mills, where a mill-pond is filled by the rising tide and
emptied by the ebb, when the rush of water turns the wheel.
There are two tide-mills in Chichester Harbour to-day, at
Birdham and Fishbourne, both of which vills contained mills
in 1086. But the one tide-mill distinctly mentioned in
Domesday Book was that erected by Hubert fitz Ivo in the
entrance of the port of Dover, " which breaks almost all the
ships by the great disturbance of the sea, and causes very
great damage to the King and his men." 3

4. THE FISHERIES

We have just alluded to the strictness of mediaeval fasting
and to the value of the eels from the mill-pond, and the most
casual student of Domesday Book must notice the frequency
with which the fisheries are recorded. Reverting to our three
Oxfordshire examples, there was no fishery recorded at
Combe ; the mills at Deddington rendered one hundred eels ;
and two fisheries at Stanton Harcourt produced rents of 305-.
If we follow the left bank of the Thames downward from
Oxford, we find that the fishery at Iffley yielded 4$-. ; two
fisheries at Sandford yielded los. ; there were three fisher-
men at Nuneham ; and the fisher on the demesne manor of
the Bishop of Lincoln at Dorchester provided him with thirty
1 D. B., I. 32 a I. 2 Id., I. 255 b I ; II. 304. 3 Id., I. I a I.

THE FISHERIES 175

stitches of eels (a stitch was a quarter of a hundred). Other
fish are mentioned in Domesday Book besides eels. The
fishery at Petersham yielded 1000 eels and 1000 lampreys
to Chertsey Abbey ; x the Eaton fishery yielded 1000 salmon ;2
and the burgesses of the Abbey of Gloucester provided 16
salmon for the church.3 The borough of Dunwich provided
60,000 herrings for Robert Malet;4 and Sandwich rendered
40,000 herrings for the victuals of the monks of Christ
Church, Canterbury.5 Southease (Sussex) paid £4. to the
Abbey of St. Peter at Winchester in lieu of marsuins, or
porpoises.6

But the chief fisheries were in the fen countries. That of
Doddington (Cambs.) yielded 27, 5 50 eels to the Abbot of Ely ;7
and every page in the Cambridgeshire Domesday shows the
importance of the fisheries in that county. Wisbech be-
longed to the Abbot of Ely, who received 1500 eels from
the fishery and 14,000 eels from two fishermen.8 But other
lords had fisheries in Wisbech. The Abbot of St. Edmund's
had one fisherman who provided him with 5°°° eels J 9 the
Abbot of Ramsey had 5260 eels from eight fishers;10 the
Abbot of Crowland had three fishers rendering 4000 eels ; n
and William of Warenne had six fishers who rendered 3500
eels and 5 j. 12

In thinking of the Domesday fisheries, we should be
wrong if we had in our mind Dr. Johnson's ideal of a line
with a fool at one end and a worm at the other. The fishery
was then an important business, and there are constant
references to the machinery by which the fish were caught.
At Swaffham the Abbot of Ely had 6s. " from the toll of
the net." 13 At Saham the fisher had a " sagena," a fish-trap, in
the lake ; 14 and there were many weirs, called " gurgites," in

1 D. B., I. 32 a 2. 2 Id., I. 263 b 2. s Id., I. 165 b 2.
* Id., II. 311 b. «/</., I. 3 a i. •/</., I. 17 b I.
7 Id., I. 191 b 2. 8 Id., I. 192 a i. 9 Id., I. 192 a 2.
10 Id., I. 192 b 2. ll Id., I. 193 a i. 12 Id., I. 196 b i.
13 Id., I. 190 b 2. " Id., I. 192 a 2.

i;6 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Hertfordshire, and "guorts" in Middlesex. Hence we can
understand how it was that Harold forcibly made a fishery
at Kingston-on-Thames on land belonging to St. Paul's
Cathedral.1 Evidently he put a weir in the Thames where
previously there was none, and that, too, not on his own land,
but on that of his neighbour. Mr. Seebohm has illustrated
the "puttchers" for catching salmon on the Wye,2 and Mr.
Round has identified the fisheries belonging to the manors on
the Essex coasts with the sea-hedges on the shore, which are
still used by the fishermen of those parts.3 Possibly some of
the fisheries on the Sussex coasts were of a similar nature, as
I have seen stake-nets in use at Felpham in the west, and
Bulverhythe in the east of that county. In several manors of
Cheshire a rent was derived from the boat and net.

5. THE BURGESSES

Chief among the appurtenances of the manor, which were
not enumerated in the questions propounded to the Cam-
bridgeshire jurors, were the town houses and burgesses which
were appurtenant to some rural manors. I have dealt with
them in another work, and have there given lists of villages
which " contributed " burgesses or houses to certain boroughs
in their neighbourhood, and in some cases have given maps
showing how such villages lay in the neighbourhood of these
boroughs. In many counties we find in the middle of the
statistics relating to a rural manor, "one burgess, or one
house, in Chichester," Winchester, or Gloucester, to quote
only three of the " composite " boroughs. It is invariably the
rule that, except where a borough lies on the borders of two
counties, the villages contributing to it lie in the county in
which it lies. Moreover, in the case of those boroughs to
which no village is definitely said to contribute, a list is given

1 D. B., I. 31 a i. 2 E. V. C., 154.

3 V. C. H.t Essex, i. 424.

THE BURGESSES 177

of the house-owners, most of whom were owners of estates in
the county ; and there is evidence to show that they owned
their town houses as appurtenances of their rural estates.

The explanation of this fact, first given by Professor
Maitland,1 is that the lords of these villages were bound under
the trinoda necessitous (the universal obligation to repair the
boroughs and the bridges, and to serve in the fyrd) to repair
the walls of their county town, and that in order to do so
they kept a house in that town and a man in that house, to
be on the spot to do what repairs were necessary. Domesday
Book states that there were in the city of Oxford certain
houses known as " mural mansions," whose duty it was to repair
the walls when necessary. All these mural mansions belonged
to landowners in the neighbourhood, and appear to be appur-
tenant to villages in Oxfordshire and Berkshire ; and so it is
argued that these mural mansions were houses kept by the
lords of these rural manors in Oxford, so that there should
always be residents to relieve them of their obligation to
repair the city walls.

All boroughs, however, were not thus constituted. There
are some thirty boroughs situate on rural estates and assessed
with those estates. They did not generally contain houses
belonging to other manors : and at Steyning, one of such
" simple " boroughs, "the burgesses worked at the court as
the other villans, T. R. E." 2

This explanation has been severely criticized by Miss
Bateson, who contends that the burgesses who are mentioned
in connection with the villages are "upland" burgesses,
persons living in villages, who, to obtain trading privileges,
enrolled themselves as members of borough communities, in
the same way as the Abbot of Buckfastleigh was enrolled as
a member of the Guild of Totnes in the year 1236? But in
spite of these criticisms, I must still maintain that the

1 D. B. and B., 189. 2 D. B., I. 17 a 2.

3 Gild Merchant, ii. 235.

1 78 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

burgesses mentioned in connection with the villages resided
in the boroughs, but paid dues to their native villages, and
that their residence in the boroughs was owing to their
liability for the repair of the walls. Even in the eleventh
century London must have had immigrants from every
county in England ; and yet Domesday Book records London
burgesses belonging to manors in Surrey, Middlesex, and
Essex only. Why is there no mention of the immigrants
from Sussex, Oxfordshire, and Gloucestershire ? The only
possible reason can be that the immigrants from these latter
counties had come to London to make their fortune in trade,
and had severed their connection with their native villages ;
and that the burgesses belonging to the specified manors in
Surrey, Middlesex, and Essex were obliged for some reason
or other to live in London ; and I suggest that the reason
for their obligation to live in London was their obligation to
repair the walls.

6. THE CASTLES

Closely connected with the burgesses and the boroughs
were the castles, of which Domesday Book records fifty.
They have all been discussed by Mrs. Armytage, in the
English Historical Review for 1904, and she has come to the
conclusion that the mention of a castle in Domesday Book
implies nothing more than a mound or motte, occasionally
natural but usually artificial, surrounded by a ditch and
surmounted by a wooden building, with a bailey or base
court attached thereto, which in its turn was surrounded by
a ditch.1 Such, she thinks, was the building mentioned as

1 There is no room here for archaeological discussion of the various points
raised by Mrs. Armytage, but it is right to mention that her wholesale conclusions
do not commend themselves to all antiquarians. It is suggested that it would be
very strange if the military architecture of the Domesday period had not advanced
beyond a mound, a ditch, and a wooden building, when stone churches abounded
on all sides. There are substantial remains yet extant of fully two hundred
pre-Conquest churches.

THE CASTLES 179

" Castrum Harundel," a castle, the building of which tradition
attributes to Alfred the Great, and obviously erected to
prevent a foreign raider from penetrating into the interior
of Sussex by the River Arun. But Castrum Harundel is also
described as a borough. Examination shows that it was
garrisoned in the same way as Oxford. The neighbouring
landowners kept houses and burgesses in the borough, pre-
sumably to repair the walls when necessary ; but in this case
it would seem that the walls were those of the castle and not
those of the borough.

There were many castles in Herefordshire.

" Alfred of Marlborough holds the castle of Ewias from the King :
for the King granted to him the lands given to him by Earl William
(fitz Osbern), who rebuilt the castle ; that is, five carucates there and
other five at Manitone. The King also granted to him the land of
Ralph de Bernai which pertained to the castle." l

But there are other entries relating to Ewias —

" In the castellary of Ewias, Roger holds of Henry of Ferrars
three churches and a priest, and 32 acres of land which render two
sextaries of honey. In the castle he has two masures." 2

" In the castellary of Ewias Earl William gave to Walter of Lacy
four carucates of waste land. Roger of Lacy his son now holds
them. . . . The same Roger holds a land called Ewias in the
territory of Ewias, which does not pertain to the castellary nor to
the hundred." 3

Here, then, we find certain lands having some connection
with the castle, and for that reason called the castellary.
And, moreover, one of the persons holding land in the
castellary is distinctly stated to have two houses in the
castle. Similarly, Osbern fitz Richard had twenty-three men
in the castle of Auretone,4 and mention is made of the
castellaries of Auretone, Clifford, and Carleon.

1 D. B., I. i86a i. 2 /</., I. 185 a 2.

3 Id., I. 184 a i. 4 /</., I. 186 b 2.

180 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

In Shropshire "Earl Roger has built a castle called
Montgomery, to which adjoin 52^ hides of land j"1 and in
Yorkshire Earl Alan had in his castellate 199 manors, and
43 manors besides his castellary.2

What, then, is the meaning of the term " castellary " ? It
is evidently the name given to an area of land which had
some peculiar connection with a castle ; and our recollection
of "burhbot," the universal obligation to repair the fortified
places, will suggest that the castellary was the district which
owed burhbot to a particular castle and was responsible for
the repair of its walls. And the mention of Roger's two
masures in the castle of Ewias, and of Osbern's twenty-three
men in the castle of Auretone, invites comparisons with the
mural mansions of Oxford, which were maintained by the
rural magnates in order that they should have burgesses on
the spot to repair the walls when need be.

It is well known that in later years certain lands were
held by the custom of " castle guard : " this custom is at least
as old as Domesday Book, for there it is recorded that Ralph
Passaquam held Drayton (Bucks.) "and found two mailed
soldiers (loricatos) for the guard of Windsor." 3

One point more should be noticed in connection with the
castles. There were small settlements of burgesses around
some of them. Burgesses are mentioned in connection with
the castles of Clifford, Okehampton, Penwortham, Rhuddlan,
and Wigmore, and at Tutbury there were " in the borough
about the castle 42 men living from their own merchandise
only." 4 Hence we see how settlers were attracted to places
where they could dwell in safety, and so may learn something
as to the origin of boroughs.

1 D. B., I. 254 a i. * Id., I. 381 a 2.

8 Id., 1. 151 b I. 4 Id., 1. 248 b I.

THE MARKETS 181

/. THE MARKETS

Markets and fairs are often recorded by the Domesday
Commissioners, and considering the great part that the
market plays in certain theories as to the origin of boroughs,
it is noteworthy that of the forty-two markets mentioned in
Domesday Book, only eleven are situate in places that are
called boroughs. The market was the most valuable of all
the franchises that could be annexed to a manor ; for it
was only at a market that the villagers could sell their
produce and procure the salt and iron and other necessaries
that they could not produce for themselves. The market
at Neatham (Hants.) produced £8 ; that of Basingstoke,
3oj. ; and the market and toll of Titchfield produced 40^.
The only recorded market in Oxfordshire was that of
Bampton, which yielded 50^. to the King. There was no
borough in Cornwall, but there were five market towns ;
St. German's had a market on Sundays, producing nothing
because the market of the Count of Mortain was too near to
it.1 The count had taken away a market belonging to the
monks of St. Michael at Launceston, which was formerly
worth 2Os. ;2 and there were markets at Bodmin, Liskeard,
and Trematon.

New markets could be established only by the grant of
the Crown. The market of Tewkesbury was thus created by
Queen Matilda, probably when she was acting as the King's
deputy during his absence in Normandy ; 3 and in later
years such a grant would not be made till after an inquisitio
ad quod damnum — an inquiry to ascertain whether the pro-
posed grant would injure another franchise.

1 D. B., I. 120 b i. 2 Id., I. 120 b 2.

8 Id., I. 163 b i.

182 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

8. MISCELLANEOUS APPURTENANCES

Among the other appurtenances which are found recorded
in connection with the manors were the salinae, or salt-works,
which were especially found on the sea-coast, where salt-pans
have been used till quite recently. The Sussex salt-pans
were almost as valuable as the mills. The inland salt-works
were at Droitwich in Worcestershire, and Northwich and other
" wiches " in Cheshire. Certain wells in these wiches were
appurtenant to manors both within and without the counties
in which they were situate ; manors as far south as Rollright
and Shipton-under-Wychwood in Oxfordshire, and Risborough
in Bucks., had salt-pans or salt-workers in Droitwich ; and
salt-works in the same place were appurtenant to many manors
in the western counties. To the manor of Bromsgrove were
appurtenant thirteen salt-pans in Droitwich, and three salt-
workers rendered for those pans 300 mittas of salt, and>
T. R. E., they received 300 waggon-loads of wood from the
woodwards.1

The customs of the Cheshire wiches are set out at great
length, but are too technical for insertion in this place.
Roughly speaking, the toll was only nominal when a lord
fetched salt for his own use, but it was heavier if it was
removed for sale or for the use of the villans. There was
a special penalty if a horse was overladen so that its back
was broken. But it is probable that this penalty was im-
posed, not so much with a view of punishing cruelty to
animals, as to secure that no man should take away too
much salt as a horse-load, as the toll was twopence a load.2

There are frequent records of quarries, of which the most
valuable was that at Watone (Notts.), which produced mill-
stones, and was worth 3 marks of silver a year.3 In Derby-
shire were " plumbaria " (lead-mines), and in Northamptonshire

1 D. B., I. 172 a 2. * Id., I. 268 a 2.

3 Id., I. 290 b i.

MISCELLANEOUS APPURTENANCES 183

were " ferraria " (iron-works). There was a pottery (" ollaria ")
at Bladon (Oxon.), producing los. a year.1

In many places vineyards are recorded, and they are
usually measured by the " arpent," a French unit of measure-
ment. At Rayleigh there were 6 arpents of vineyard pro-
ducing 20 modii of wine if the yield was good (" si bene
procedit "). At Wilcote (Wilts.) the Commissioners enviously
describe the " Ecclesia nova, et domus optima, et vinea bona " 2
—the new church, the excellent house, and the good vine-
yard. What more could man desire ?

The Bishop of Bayeux received 40^. from the ferry at
Grimsby,3 and los. from the torveland at Thoresby.4 Was
this " torveland " land from which turves, or peat, could be cut
for fuel ?

1 D. B., I. 156 a I. 2 Id., I. 69 a i.

3 Id., I. 343 a 2. 4 /</., I. 342 b 2.

CHAPTER IX
THE CHURCH

IN our chapter on the Magnates we considered the position
of the Churchmen who were great landlords ; but we
have yet to consider the position of the churches in the
villages.

To some it may be matter of surprise that the Cambridge-
shire jurors were not asked any questions about these village
churches ; but a little consideration will show the reason for
this omission. The aim of the inquiry was to ascertain how
each property was assessed to the geld, and whether it was
rightly assessed ; but a church could not be the same source
of profit to a manor as was the mill or the meadow, and for
that reason its existence was not a matter of inquiry. Pos-
sibly some of the churches and their property were entirely
exempt from the geld, and I hide that gelded is contrasted
with one that belonged to the church at Betone (Glos.).1

An examination of Domesday Book will show that the
inclusion or omission of the churches depended on the view
that the Commissioners took of the scope of the inquiry.
The Commissioners who visited Norfolk and Suffolk evidently
considered that it was necessary to record all the churches,
to the number of 243 in the former and 364 in the latter
county ; but the Essex Commissioners thought otherwise,
for in that county only thirteen churches are recorded. In
the south-western counties the churches are generally omitted,
1 D. B., i. 170 b i.
184

PRE-NORMAN TOWER

(ST. MICHAEL'S, OXFORD)

THE CHURCH 185

unless there is some special reason for their inclusion. The
only churches mentioned by the Oxfordshire Commissioners
are the city churches of St. Mary the Virgin, St. Peter, and
St. Michael ; they also mention the priest of Great Milton and
the Canons of St. Frideswide. Very many churches can be
found in many parts of the country which show traces of pre-
Conquest masonry and yet are not mentioned in Domesday
Book, and there is documentary evidence of the existence of
various pre-Conquest and very early Norman churches which
have also escaped enumeration.

In the following pages an assumption will be made that
where a priest was recorded there was also a church in which
he ministered ; and, conversely, where a church is recorded
there was a priest in charge. A church without a priest is
recorded at Locton,1 evidently as being an unusual occurrence.

But this assumption must be qualified in two ways. A
priest might have an assistant ; at Bosworth (Leics.) there
were a priest and a deacon ; 2 or the church might be col-
legiate, as at Memberfield (Salop.).

" The church of this manor is in honour of St. Gregory ; T. R. E.
it held eight hides, and eight canons served there. Now (1086) St.
Peter in the city (Shrewsbury) holds this church with 5 hides." 3

There were two collegiate churches at Derby, with six
and seven clerks respectively,4 and at Wissett (Suffolk) there
was a church in which were twelve monks, and under it one
chapel.5

It will be noticed that we have spoken of " village," not
" parish churches," the reason being that it is uncertain how
far the parochial system had been developed in 1086. In the
first place, it is not certain that there was a church in every
vill ; it is absolutely certain that there was not a church in
every manor. In the hundred of Binsted (Sussex) there

1 Yorks. : D. B., I. 305 a I. 2 Id., I. 233 a I.

3 Id., I. 253 a i. 4 Id., I. 280 a 2. 5 Id., II. 293.

i86 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

were eleven named vills; churches were recorded in seven
of these — Felpham, Walberton, Barnham, Middleton, Stoke,
Slindon, and Eastergate, and there was a church in an un-
named manor, possibly Yapton ; * but there were no recorded
churches in Binsted, Tortington, Bilsham, or Offham. Sir
Henry Ellis indexes twenty-one references to churches of
manors, and only eight to churches of vills ; but in some
of these cases it is clear that the manor and the vill were
coterminous. Although the absence of recorded churches in
a whole county or a whole hundred is no evidence of the
entire absence of the churches, yet it is probably different
when we find records of churches in the majority of vills in
a hundred. In the latter case it may be argued that the
jurors felt it to be their duty to make a return of the existing
churches, and that where no church is recorded in such
hundreds, none existed.

By a " parish church" we mean, in this twentieth century,
the church to which the inhabitants of a certain district,
called " the parish," resort for public worship and for baptisms,
marriages, and funerals, and to the minister of which they
pay some or all of their tithes. Approaches towards this
system are found in Domesday Book ; it is a cause of com-
plaint that Nigel, a serjeant of Count Robert of Mortain, had
taken away twelve sokemen, who, although they lived in
Cambas, used to be " parishioners " (parochiani) in the church
of Stow, and had placed them in the church of Cambas.2 At
Thorney there was a dispute between the King and Hugh
of Montfort —

" T. R. E. the church of Thorney held one carucate of free land :
but Hugh has 23 acres of this carucate, and claims that they belong
to a certain chapel, which four brothers, freemen of his, have built
on their own land close to the cemetery of the mother church ; and
they were inhabitants (manentes) of the parish of the mother church
which could not take the whole parish. This mother church has the

1 V. C. ff., Sussex, i. 433. 2 D. B., II. 291 b.

THE CHURCH 187

moiety of the sepulture from all time, and it had by purchase the
fourth part of the other alms when they happened. And whether
this chapel was dedicated or not, the hundred does not know." *

Here, then, we have the district assigned to the mother
church at Thorney called a "parish," and the persons
assigned to the church at Stow called " parishioners ; " more-
over, the erection of the chapel at Thorney did not deprive
the mother church of all its fees, and the abstraction of
parishioners from the church at Stow was wrong, evidently
because the church was thereby deprived of fees. That it
was possible to move persons from one parish to another
shows that the parochial system had not crystallized into its
present form ; that an outcry was raised at its being done
shows that the crystallizing process had begun. Earl Roger
gave to his new abbey at Shrewsbury the church of St. Peter,
"where was the parish of the City,"2 — another instance of
the use of the word " parish."

Other cases of mother churches with dependent churches
or chapels can be found —

" Richer, the clerk, holds the church of this manor (Stoneham,
Hants) with two other churches near Southampton, which pertain to
this mother church, and to it pertain one hide of land and all the
tithes of the same vill, and also of the King's land." 3

With this must be compared the record at Mottisfont, on
the next page —

" Archbishop Thomas (of York) holds one church and six chapels,
with all the dues of the living and dead." 4

Again, at Thetford there was a church of St. Mary, to
which belonged the churches of St. Peter, St. John, St. Martin,
and St. Margaret ; 5 and at Dartford (Kent), in addition to
the church, there were three little churches (" ecclesiolae ").6

1 D. B., II. 281 b. 2 Id., I. 252 b I. 3 Id., I. 41 b 2.

4 Id., I. 42 a. 5 Id., II. 118 b. 6 Id., I. 2 b I.

i88 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

In all these cases the mother church is distinguished from its
dependent churches, and received at Stoneham all the tithes,
and at Mottisfont all the dues.

Possibly, too, we see in the Thorney case signs of the
future custom, that when a district church is erected to relieve
the mother church, the endowments of the latter are divided.
Hugh of Montfort was claiming that, as his men had erected
a chapel to relieve the mother church, 23 acres of the glebe
of the latter should go to endow the new chapel. On the
other hand, the Derbyshire

" jurors say of Stori, the predecessor of Walter of Douai, that without
any one's licence, he could build for himself a church on his own
land and in his own soke, and could send his tithes where he
would." 1

This liberty to build a church may be exceptional, but,
at all events, it is a sign that the parochial system was not
then so rigid as it is to-day.

Most of the village churches in Domesday Book were
possessed of property in the shape of glebe, tithes, and dues ;
a landless church is a rarity. The holdings of the priest by
way of glebe are recorded in fifteen vills in Middlesex, and
varied from I hide at Harrow and Coleham, to half a virgate
at Sunbury, Shepperton, and Kensington. The acreage of
the glebe of the Norfolk and Suffolk churches is usually
given, and occasionally we find that the church had only 5
acres of glebe.2

Churches in towns were also endowed. In Norwich, the
church of St. Simon and St. Jude was endowed in 1066 with
three parts of a mill, half an acre of meadow, and one house
in Norwich;3 and the church of St. Michael, with 1 12 acres
of land and 6 acres of meadow on which one team was em-
ployed.4 The church of St. Gregory at Sudbury had 50 acres

1 D. B., I. 280 a 2. 2 Norton: D. B., II. 209 b.

* Id., II. ii7b. * Id., II. ii6b.

..1.1.1.1. Tit

i n minim

KOSHAM CHURCH
(FROM THE BAYEUX TAPESTRY)

THE CHURCH 189

of arable land, 25 acres of meadow, and a mill, and its glebe
was stocked with two horses, seventeen cattle, fifty-three pigs,
and one hundred sheep.1 The best endowed church men-
tioned in Domesday Book, one which almost rivalled the
smaller monasteries in its wealth, was the collegiate church
of Bosham, which in 1066 was possessed of 112 hides; after
the Conquest it lost 47 hides, but even after this reduction it
was worth £16 los. a year.2

In speaking of the glebe land, we must bear in mind that
the priests were often coupled with the villans rather than
with the freeholders or sokemen, thus incidentally corro-
borating our contention that the villan was a freeman in
the eyes of the law. The Cambridgeshire Inquest states
that at Kennet there were a priest and six villans, but the
parallel passage in the Exchequer Domesday speaks of seven
villans, and omits all reference to the priest ; hence it would
appear that the priest was obliged to join with the villans
in providing the manorial team of eight oxen. Occasionally,
however, we find priests having tenants under them ; at Bake-
well (Derby) there were two priests and a church, and under
them two villans and five bordars.3

This glebe land was not always the gift of one person.
At Tuddenham (Norfolk) " the church holds 60 acres of the
gift of very many (phtrimorum) ; " 4 and " at the church (of
Slinford) lay 30 acres which the neighbours have given in
alms." 5 Frequently, however, he who built the church also
endowed it : " In the hundred of Humiliart, Colebern (who is
called in the rubric Colebern the priest) built a church by the
grant of the King, and if the King will allow, he will give it
20 acres, and for it will sing for the King a mass and a
psalter every week."6 There are not a few records of this
type, but they would appear to be chantries rather than
parish churches.

1 D. B., II. 286 b. 2 /</., I. 17 a 2.

3 V. C. H., Derby, i. 368. 4 D. B., II. 189 b.

5 D. B., II. 24 b. 6 /</., II. 263 b.

1 90 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

But, like Waltham Abbey, some churches lost their lands
after the Conquest. T. R. E. half a hide at Benfleet had been
given to a church in another manor, but after Benfleet came
into the hands of King William, this hide was taken away from
the church, and in 1086 it again belonged to Benfleet ; 1 and
Swegen, after he ceased to be sheriff, took away from the
church at Hatfield Broad Oak I hide and 30 acres which had
previously belonged to it.2

Compared with the number of notices of glebe belonging
to village churches, the notices of tithes so belonging are few.
The case of Stoneham, already referred to, shows that here
we have a case of a village church receiving all the tithes of
a vill. A similar case is found at Carlton (Lines.), where the
wapentake testified that the tithe and other dues of Carlton
lay in the church of the same vill.3 The tithe of the manor
is mentioned at Wallop (Hants.) —

" There is a church to which pertains one hide and the moiety of
the tithe of the manor and all the Church-shot, and 46^. of the tithe
of the villans and a moiety of the acres. There is also a little church
to which pertain eight acres of the tithes." 4

The distinction between the tithe of the manor and the
tithe of the villans would appear to indicate that the tithe of
the demesne is meant by the former term ; and the statement
that 8 acres of the tithe belonged to the little church will
cause no difficulty to those who remember that the tithe was
paid in kind, and that one out of every ten scattered acre
strips belonging to a single owner would be set apart for the
tithe, in which case the little church would take eight of such
reserved strips.5

Many of the passages relating to tithes refer to those
which had passed into the possession of some monastery —

1 D. B., II. i. 2 Id., II. 2 b. 3 Id., I. 377 a 2.

4 Id., I. 38 b i. 5 Id., I. 44 a 2.

1-
IP

THE CHURCH 191

" St. Mary of Cormeilles holds the church of this manor (of
Linton), and the priest with all his land, and all the tithe, and one
villan with one virgate of land." 1

" The Abbess of Lire has six churches in the Isle of Wight to
which pertain 2H 2jV . . . They have the tithe of all the King's
rents." 2

" The tithe and church of this manor (Fecchenham, Herefds.)
and the priest with two virgates of land and one villan, Earl William
gave to the church of St. Mary." 3

"The church of St'. Michael in the Mount holds one church with
one hide and the tithe of the manor of Basingstoke." 4

We are all familiar with the system of appropriations, by
which a monastery became possessed of a village church and
its endowment, and, taking the latter for itself, paid thereout
a chaplain, or allowed him to take part of the tithes. Till
the foundation of perpetual vicarages towards the end of the
twelfth century, such chaplain was removable at the will of the
monastery. This system is frequently referred to or implied
in Domesday Book. All the four cases mentioned above
are cases of appropriations. St. Peter of Shrewsbury had
obtained many churches on the rural estates of Earl Roger ; 5
the church of St. Vandrille had the churches of Bridetone,
Bridport, Whitchurch, and Gillingham, and one of the churches
at Wareham ; 6 Westminster Abbey received £8 from the
King's tithe at Droitwich ; 7 and examples could be multiplied.

One point more requires to be noticed in connection with
the tithes. Stori was at liberty " to send his tithes where he
would ; " 8 and it is not improbable that others had the same
liberty, for the " arbitrary consecration of tithes " was not for-
bidden till the Lateran Council of 1179-80; till then many
persons were at liberty to pay their tithes to what church they
pleased. The gifts to Lewes Priory during the century that

1 D. B., I. 179 b i. * Id., I. 52 b i. 3 id., I. 180 b i.

4 Id., 43 a i. 5 Id., I. 253 a I. 6 Id., I. 78 b I.

' Id., I. 174 b I. 8 Id., I. 280 a 2.

i92 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

followed Domesday Book comprise many gifts of tithes of
small pieces of land. — of a virgate, and so on. The Chartulary
of Burton Abbey shows that when the monks granted lands
on lease, they often bargained that the tithes from the other
lands of the lessees should be paid to them ; * and in 1075
William of Braiose gave to the church of St. Nicholas of
Bramber 6 hides of land, and the tithes of Erringham, South-
wick, Shoreham, and some sixteen other places in the valley
of the Adur, and the tithes of the toll of Steyning and of
Bramber Castle.2

A third source of the income of the village priests was the
dues — " the customary payments of the living and the dead,"
as they were called at Mottisfont ; and of these the most impor-
tant were the dues known as "sepulture" and "church-shot."

Of sixteen estates in the neighbourhood of Taunton it is
recorded that "when the lords of these lands die, they are
buried at Taunton ; " 3 and sepulture was a due paid to the
mother church at Thorney and also at Bishamton (Worcs.). 4
Evidently by this word is meant a due payable to the church
for burial in the churchyard. Nowadays the burial authori-
ties are anxious to discourage burials in their burial-grounds,
and charge heavier fees to non-parishioners, so that the burial-
ground may be kept for the use of the parish for which it is
provided. In the eleventh century the cases of Taunton and
Thorney show that the authorities kept a keen watch that the
church to which a man belonged should not be defrauded of
its fees by his burial elsewhere ; evidently these fees were valu-
able, and the monastic chartularies show their value. In 1088
Ramsey Abbey granted a lease of its manor of Over, and
stipulated that when the lessee died he should be buried at
Ramsey, and a payment made to the abbey of 100^., or a
mark of gold.5 In the earliest lease in the Domesday of St.

1 E. H. ./?., 1905, p. 282. 2 Cal. Doc., France, 405.

3 D. B., I. 87 b i. 4 D. B., I. 173 a i.

5 Ramsey Chart., i. 120.

THE CHURCH 193

Paul's, dated 1114, is a reservation that when either of the
lessees died he should give his body and 2os. to St. Paul's ;
and the Burton Chartulary shows that in many of its leases
the abbey stipulated that the lessee should be buried at
Burton, and that a heavy payment should be made to the
abbey at the same time.1

" Church-shot " is more frequently mentioned in Domesday
Book than " sepulture ; " and from a letter of Cnut, dated 1031,
and quoted by Kemble,2 it would appear to be a gift of first-
fruits to the church. Sixteen estates paid their church-shot to
Taunton ; 3 the church of Abbotsbury had three church-shot
by custom from Wadone;4 the Bishop of Worcester had %d.
a year for church-shot, and recognition from Lapworth5 (re-
cognition was a payment to a lord in acknowledgment of a
tenancy) ; and Vitalis the priest, who had the church of
Hurstbourne, received a church-shot of 14^.° The Abbey of
Pershore was entitled to church-shot from three of the
hundreds of Worcestershire, and in respect of this due re-
ceived at Martinmas a seam of corn from every freeman
(" francus homo ") who occupied a hide or more ; if it were not
paid on the appointed day, the defaulter paid twelve loads.
The Abbot of Pershore received an additional forfeiture from
his hundred ; from the other two hundreds he received
the multifold payment, but the Abbots of Westminster and
Evesham and the other owners had the forfeiture which accrued
from their lands.7 The Bishop of Worcester was entitled to
a seam of corn at Martinmas, from every hide, free or villan,
which belonged to the church of Worcester.8 A similar
payment, which, however, was not called church-shot, was
made to the church of Aylesbury by the sokemen of the
" eight hundreds in the circuit of Aylesbury ; " and previous

1 E. ff. R., 1905, p. 279. 2 Saxons in England, II. App. D.

3 D. B., I. 87 b I. 4 Id., I. 79 a I. 5 Id., I, 174 a i,

8 Id., I. 39 a 2. 7 Id., I. 175 b I. See D. B. and B., 290.

8 Id., I. 1 74 a I.
O

i94 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

to the arrival of King William, this church also received from
every sokeman I acre of annona, or ^d.1

But in Oxfordshire a distinction is drawn between the
church-shot and the annona, which latter term probably refers
to this payment of I acre of corn from every sokeman. At
Benson the church-shot was 1 is., and the annona of one year
was £30 ; at Headington, the church-shot was IQS. 6d., and
the annona was £8. And in the same way as the annona
at Aylesbury was due from eight hundreds, so, with all the
Oxfordshire manors to which annona was due, was associated
the soke of a certain number of hundreds ; thus —

Benson ... ... ... Annona ^30 Soke of 4.5 hundreds

Headington ...... „ £8 „ 2 „

Kirtlington ...... „ £20 „ 2

Upton ... „ £2 „ 3

Shipton-under-Wychwood „ ^15 „ 2

Bampton ... „ ^15 ,,2

Bloxham and Adderbury 2 „ ^£28 los. „ 2

„

All of these were royal manors, and the King also received
from the burgesses of Derby 12 thraves (trabes] of annona
at Martinmas, out of which the Abbot of Burton received
40 sheaves.3 We have already seen that among the rents
of the shrievalty of Wiltshire, Edward of Salisbury received
142 acres of annona — a due which reminds us of the gift of
I acre of annona to the church at Aylesbury by every soke-
man.

Why the annona should in some places, as at Aylesbury,
be paid to the church, and in others, as Oxfordshire, be paid
to the King, or, as in Wiltshire, to the sheriff, is to me an
insoluble difficulty. Two explanations are possible : either it
was an ecclesiastical due which had been occasionally diverted
to the King ; or it was a secular due, which in some cases had
been granted by the King to the church. On a priori grounds

1 D. B., I. 143 b 2. 2 id., I. 154 b. 3 id., I. 280 a 2.

THE CHURCH 195

the former is the better explanation ; but possibly some
ecclesiologist will solve the difficulty.

The patronage of the churches is never referred to under
that name, but mention is made of the benefice of St. Peter
in Oxford. There are, however, certain passages in the
Norfolk and Suffolk Domesdays which cannot be understood
unless they refer to the right of presentation. On one and
the same page are the three following entries : —

" In Ringesfeld the King has a part of the church with 20 acres
(of glebe) ; others there participate.

" In Weston is a church which is held by the King's freemen.

" In Worlingham there were two churches of 40 acres, which are
worth 6s. ; others there participate. Of one of these churches Robert
de Vaux holds the moiety, with 30 acres and one bordar." 1

At Norwich twelve burgesses held the church of the
Holy Trinity, T. R. E. — a phrase that can only mean that
they had the joint right of appointing a priest to that church ;
but after the Conquest, King William took away their right
of presentation, and gave it to the Bishop of Thetford.2
Joint patronage is sometimes shown by the statement that
the landowner, whose estates are under consideration, had
only a fractional interest in the church. At Scotessa, sixteen
freemen commended to Gurth had, T. R. E., the fourth part
of the church.3 Such right of patronage might be sold.
The sale is recorded of two churches at Hertford by Ulwi
of Hatfield to Peter of Valonges.4

There are indications in Domesday Book that in some
cases the fines for offences against the moral law went to the
dignitaries of the Church. In Kent and at Lewes the King
had the fine from the man who committed adultery, and the
archbishop that from the woman ; except that, if this offence
was committed on the lands of the Abbeys of the Holy

1 D. B., II. 283. 2 id., n. n6b.

» Id., II. 211. * Id., I. 132 a I.

196 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Trinity and St. Augustine at Canterbury, and St. Martin at
Dover, the churches received the fines.1 At Chester the
bishop received the fines inflicted on those who were guilty
of sabbath-breaking — 8s. from a freeman, 4?. from a woman,
a slave, or a foreign merchant.2

Of the social position of the village clergy we naturally have
no direct information. Possibly the fact that they are so often
coupled with the villans may indicate that many of them were
of humble origin ; and, except in the richer appointments,
there is no reason to think that the English priests were sup-
planted by foreigners. Orderic Vitalis tells us that he was the
son of a foreign priest who came over with Roger Montgomery,
but that he was baptized by one English priest and educated
by another. The names of several village priests, recorded
in Domesday Book, show their English birth. ^Eldred the
priest held 3 hides at Amberley ;3 and Acard the priest held
2 virgates at Walberton.4

It will be remembered that Chaucer's "poore persoun of
a toune " was brother to a ploughman ; and if, as appears
probable, there were many priests who resembled him in
this respect three centuries previously, we may also hope that
there were many who resembled him in his teaching —

" But Christes lore, and his Apostles twelve,
He taughte, but first he folwede it himselve."

1 D. B., I. I a 2. 2 Id., I. 263 a i. 3 Id., I. 17 a I.

4 Id., I. 25 a i. Incidentally, Domesday Book refers to the sons of bishops
and priests, showing that the rules enjoining celibacy on the clergy were laxly
administered. Reinbald, the son of Peter the bishop, held a house at Reading.
(Id., I. 58 a i.)

CHAPTER X
THE WELSHMEN

IN the counties bordering on Wales — Gloucester, Hereford,
Salop., and Cheshire— there are frequent notices of Welsh-
men who are recorded separately from the villans and
freemen. Although they formed part of a conquered race, yet
their English and Norman conquerors allowed them, or some
of them, the enjoyment of their own peculiar customs, both
economic and legal. In the Castellary of Carleon there were
" three Welshmen living under the Welsh law." 1

Harold, when he was Earl of Hereford, was frequently
engaged in raiding Wales. Towards the end of the reign of
Edward the Confessor he had made two important conquests,
the first in Archinfield, the district to the south of the upper
Wye, between the Worm and the Dove, the modern hundred
of Webtree, and the other in Gwent, the district lying between
the lower reaches of the Wye and the Usk. These were
annexed to the earldom of Hereford, and after the Conquest
passed to William fitz Osbern, and at his death to his son
Roger. But after the rebellion of the latter, and his con-
sequent forfeiture, these lands fell to the King, who annexed
Gwent to Gloucestershire, and Archinfield to Herefordshire.
Hugh, Earl of Chester, was frequently engaged in warfare
with the Welsh, and had annexed to Cheshire much of the
country that is now comprised in the counties of Flint and
Denbigh.2

1 D. B., I. 185 b I. - Norman Conquest, ii. App. SS.

197

i98 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

These recently conquered districts were not hidated, and
were therefore free from geld. The King's men in Archin-
field were distinctly stated to pay no geld.1 At Copleford
(Herefds.), 5 English hides that gelded are contrasted with 3
Welsh hides paying 6s. a year.2 In Gwent there was a two-
fold division of the land ; some of it was divided into vills
which were grouped under a prepositus. Thus —

"Under Waswic, the prepositus, are 13 vills; under Elmvi are
14 vills, under Blei 13 vills, and under Idhel 14 vills. These render
47 sextars of honey, 40 pigs, 41 cows, and 2%s. for the hawks.
Under the same prepositi are four vills wasted by King Caradoch." 3

Mr. Seebohm has quoted the ancient laws of Wales to show
how thirteen trevs (Lat. villa) belonging to freeborn Welsh-
men used to be grouped under a maer (Lat. prepositus), and
that from each of these groups was rendered to the King or
chief a gwesta, or food rent, which in Gwent formerly consisted
of " a horse-load of wheat-flour, an ox, seven sheaves of oats,
a vat of honey, and 24 pence of silver." 4 The ancient food
rent had evidently been altered before 1086, but it would
otherwise appear that the freeborn Welsh had retained their
peculiar organization after the Conquest.

Similarly, some of the unfree Welsh retained their
organization —

" Alfred of Spain has in Wales 7 vills which were in the demesne
of Earl William and Roger his son : these render 6 sextars of honey,
6 pigs, and ioj."5

The same ancient laws show that seven trevs, inhabited
by the unfree Welsh, were grouped under a maer, and that
each of these likewise paid a food rent.

Alongside these groups of vills, in Gwent there were single
vills belonging to different persons —

1 D. B., I. 185 a i. 2 Id., I. 181 b 2. 3 Id., I. 162 a I.

4 E. V. C.y 207, 195. 5 D. B., I. 162 a 2.

" p

THE WELSHMEN 199

Bardic, the King's juggler, has 3 vills, and in them are five
teams rendering nothing.

" Morin has one vill, Chenesis i, the son of Waswic i, Sessibert i,
Abraham the priest 2 vills : these have six teams, and render
nothing." l

" In the King's alms is one vill which for his soul renders to the
Church at Michaelmas, two pigs, and TOO loaves of bread with beer." 2

But if to these ten vills we add the four wasted by King
Caradoch, we have another group of fourteen vills similar to
the groups mentioned above.

It would here be out of place to enter into a description of
the Welsh tribal system, which differs entirely from the
system which was to be found to the east of the Wye. Suffice
it to say, that while the inhabitants of each trev united for
the common ploughing of their own land, there was no
demesne land in the trev to be cultivated by the common
plough. The threefold render of week-work, boon-work, and
gafol was unknown to the Welsh. The gwesta, or food
rent, was the sole return, except military service and some
quasi-feudal incidents, which they made for their lands.3

While some of the land in Gwent was divided into vills,
other was divided into carucates.

" Walter, the crossbowman, holds of the King two carucates of
land, and has there 3 teams and 3 male and 3 female slaves. This
is worth 20J-." 4

And the land that Earl William gave to Ralph of Limesi was
stated to be " 50 carucates of land as it is in Normandy."

In Archinfield, too, the food rent was very prominent.
The King had there ninety-six men, who, with their men, had
seventy- three teams, and were accustomed to give 41 sextars
of honey and 2os. for the sheep which they used to give, and
ictf. for smoke-money (" fumagium ").5 Honey was rendered

1 D. B., I. 162 a I. - Id., I. 162 a 2.

3 E. V. C., 195. 4 D. B., I. 162 a 2. 5 Id., I. 181 a i.

200 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

by six out of the nine other vills in Archinfield, and two pro-
vided the King with sheep.

In the hundred of Atiscros, which was annexed to
Chester, the area of the lands belonging to Rhuddlan, Engle-
field, and Bishopstrev is expressed in terms of teamlands,
and these lands are stated to have never paid geld ; but
other parts of the same hundred were hidated. Food rents
here are conspicuous by their absence, except in one case.

" In the same hundred of Atiscros, King Griffin had a manor
called Bishopstrev, and had one team in demesne, and his men had
6 teams : when the King himself came there, each team rendered to
him 200 capons, and a cask full of beer, and a rusk of butter." 1

The pre-Conquest customs of the men of Archinfield are
set out at great length, but are too long for insertion here.
The most noteworthy point among them is the sanction
given to the primitive custom of private feuds.

" If a Welshman killed a Welshman, the relatives of the dead man
gather, and harry the murderer and his neighbours, and burn their
houses, until on the morrow about midday the body of the dead man
is buried. Of this booty, the King has the third part, but they have
all the rest." 2

1 D. B., I. 269 a I. 2 Id., I. 179 a 2.

CHAPTER XI
THE STOCK.— ELEVENTH-CENTURY FARMING

ALTHOUGH no specific question on the point was put
to the Cambridgeshire jurors, the Cambridgeshire
Inquest shows that they made returns of the stock on
the demesne of the manor they were describing. Thus on
the demesne of the manor of Kennet, Nicholas had five
teams, eight head of "otiose" (non-ploughing) cattle, four
horses (" runcini "), ten pigs, and 480 sheep. Similar details
are contained in the second volume of Domesday Book for
the three eastern counties, and in the Exeter Domesday for
certain estates in the south-western counties. Open the
Essex Domesday at hazard. On Count Eustace's estate
at Tey, he had, in 1086, two teams in demesne, and his men
had four teams ; 160 pigs could be fed in the wood, and the
meadow was 20 acres in extent. Besides his teams, he had
three horses, seven oxen, sixty- eight pigs, eighty sheep, and
thirty-four goats.1 But the record says nothing about the
stock belonging to his tenants.

We have seen that the area of an estate is expressed by
the number of teams it employed. Let us therefore take
as examples the first estates, with three teams each in de-
mesne, in the eight counties for which the statistics of stock
are given —

1 D. B., II. 29 b.
20 1

202 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Teams in
demesne.

Horses.

Oxen.

Pigs.

Sheep.

Goats.

Witham (Essex) l

3

24

136

102

Folsham (Norfolk) 2

.1

2

12

50

60

5°

Mutford (Suffolk) 3

3

2

7

30

1 60

50

Portland (Dorset) *

3

3

J4

27

900

Perrot (Somerset) 5

3

4

IOO

—

Tawton (Devon) 6

3

—

10

90

Helston (Cornwall) 7

3

i68

17

2OO

Chippenham (Cambs. ) 8

3

3

14

9

285

—

In all these counties, except Cambridgeshire, the King
owned the manors which have been taken as examples ; but
in some cases we find the stock recorded on small estates on
which there was only one team in demesne.

Teams in
demesne.

Horses.

Oxen.

Pigs.

Sheep.

Goats.

Essex —

Lachentun10

I

—

6

16

60

Edburgeton !1

I

—

4

30

IOO

—

Horndon 12

I

I

I

I

3°

—

Tendring13
Norfolk—

1

1

6

4

10

4

Paggrave14

I

—

2

12

36

—

Rising15
Reedham18

I

I

I

20

6

20

30

Suffolk—

Beleham17

I

2

8

40

I05

—

Suestlingua 18

I

I

2

IO

15

—

Culford19

I

—

I

2

85

—

Southwold20

1

I

4

3

30

—

From our first table we deduce an average of ten pigs
and seventy-nine sheep for every team employed on the

1 D. B., n. 2. - id., 114.

5 id., iv. 80. 6 id., IV. 75.

9 Including fourteen unbroken mares.

10 D. B., II. 8. " Id.t II. 28.
14 Id.,\\. iiQb. 15 Id., II. 167.
18 ^., 345. 1!) Id., II. 364.

3 Id., 283.
7 Id., IV. 93.

Id., IV. 27.
/. C. C., 2.

12 Id., II. 93- 13 Id., II. 95.

18 Id., II. 216. 17 Id., 336 b.

20 Id., II. 371 b.

ELEVENTH-CENTURY FARMING 203

demesne ; the second table shows an average of thirteen pigs
and forty-six sheep ; and both tables show that even in the
eleventh century England was pre-eminently a sheep-farming
country. To these should be added one horse, four oxen
that did not plough, and four goats, for every team.

But we must remember that the animals of the eleventh
century were much inferior in quality to those of the present
day. Professor Thorold Rogers tells us that in the fourteenth
century an ox weighed about 400 Ibs.1 The weight of a
fleece was then about i-J- lb., while the unimproved fleece
of an eighteenth-century sheep weighed about 5 Ibs., and
he argues that the fourteenth-century wether weighed under
40 Ibs.2 His averages show that about 5 Ibs. of lard were
derived from an ordinary pig ; 3 to-day a pig of 200 Ibs. will
produce 10 Ibs. of lard, so that a fourteenth-century pig
would weigh about 100 Ibs. In all probability there had
been some improvement in the breeds of stock in the interval
between the eleventh and fourteenth centuries, and some
deduction must therefore be made from these figures if we
wish to know the quantity of meat on the animals of the
eleventh century. For the purpose of comparison, it may be
useful to add the average weights of stock sold in Woodstock
market to-day. The ordinary bullock weighs about 680 Ibs. ;
the Oxford Down teg, about 80 Ibs. ; and the ordinary bacon
pig, about 200 Ibs.

Stock-keeping in the eleventh century was a very different
business from present-day practice. Then there were no root
crops and no artificial grasses, and therefore, in view of the
absence of all kinds of winter keep, except the hay that was
grown on a very restricted area of meadow, and the great
value of the latter article, a proportion of the stock on any
farm would be killed about Martinmas and salted down for
winter use. The horses, the oxen and cows, the ewes and

1 Six Centuries of Work and Wages ', 77.
2 Id., 80. 3 Id., 83.

204 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

the sows would be kept at any cost, but the stock for which
there was no keep would be killed before the winter began.
Beef, however, would be so expensive an article of diet, that
its use must have been restricted to the tables of the rich ;
but of salted mutton and bacon the villagers probably had good
store ; bacon would appear to have been the standard dish for
all classes except the magnates. In later years it certainly
formed the staple diet for soldiers. When Henry II. was
waging war in Wales in 1157, he paid £52 for 500 bacon-
pigs and their carriage from London into Wales.1 And when
Richard I., in the first year of his reign, provisioned Car-
marthen Castle, he bought 180 bacon-pigs for £i8.z

The peasants must also have been engaged in la petite
culture. The later manorial extents mention frequent pay-
ments of hens and eggs to the lords of the manors. The
rents of the shrievalty of Wiltshire included 480 hens, 1600
eggs, and 16 sextars of honey ; 3 and the Rectitudines Singu-
larum Personarum shows the gebur rendering two hens
at Martinmas to his lord.4 Hives of bees are frequently
mentioned in the statistics for the eastern counties, and the
products of the hives were most valuable. In the absence of
sugar, honey was the only available source of sweetness. The
wax was used for candles both in the churches and in the
houses of the great, and mead was made from the droppings
of the comb. We have spoken of the cheeses produced from
the dairies and sheepfolds. In the thirteenth century Walter
of Henley calculated that a gallon of butter and a wey of
cheese should be produced every week between April and
October by two cows or twenty ewes in salt-marshes, or
by three cows or thirty ewes fed on ordinary pasture or
fallow.5

If now we pass to the cultivation of the land, we find
that Domesday Book speaks of wheat ("frumentum," or

1 Pipe Roll, 4 Hen. II., p. 112. 2 Id., i Rich. I., p. 163.

3 D. B., I. 69 a I. 4 L. 446. 5 Walter of Henley, 27.

ELEVENTH-CENTURY FARMING 205

" annona "), barley (" ordeum "), rye (" siligo "), oats (" avenae "),
and peas (" pisse ") ; malt (" braseum ") is also frequently
mentioned, but the grain from which the malt was made is
never specified. Of the work of the farm nothing is naturally
said. Our record merely mentions the operations of ploughing

("arare"), harrowing (" herciare "), reaping (" sarclare "), and
mowing (" falcare "). If further information is desired, it
must be sought from the text-books of a later age, but their
teaching must always be qualified by the actual experience of
bailiffs' accounts and manorial extents. Of the writers of
these agricultural text-books, Walter of Henley is the best
known, and his book was written in the thirteenth century,
almost two centuries after Domesday Book. From his
description of the usual work we can conjure up the scene
before our eyes. If the manor was cultivated on the three-
field system, a three-year rotation of crops would be followed
— wheat, barley or oats, and fallow. After the wheat crop
had been reaped, the land would lie fallow till the next
spring, and would then be ploughed once and sown with
barley or oats. After this crop had been harvested, the land
would lie fallow till the following April, when it would be
ploughed once. A second ploughing would follow about
St. John's Day (May 6) ; and the field would be ploughed
a third time after the crops on the other fields had been
harvested, and sown with wheat before the winter began.
All three fields would lie open for pasture between harvest
and the next seed-time. The farmer's calendar in the
thirteenth century would therefore be as follows : —

206 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

October : Plough the first field.

November : Sow the first field with wheat.

February : Plough the second field.

March : Sow the second field with barley or oats.

April : Plough the third field for the first time.

May: Fence the meadows against cattle. Plough the
third field for the second time.

July : Mow the hay in the meadows.

August : Throw open the meadows for cattle.

August and September : Cut the corn on the first and
second fields.

In the next year the third field would be sown with wheat,
the first with barley, and the second would lie fallow.

Such is the ideal set before the progressive farmer by
Walter of Henley. But in the same way as to-day few
farmers live up to the ideals of the twentieth-century text-
books, so it is probable that our author's ideals were rarely
carried out in practice, especially when he says that the
fallow ought to be ploughed three times before the wheat was
sown. If this were done, there would be some villages with
scarcely any pasture for the cattle. Mr. Seebohm's map of
Hitchin, and the bye-laws for that manor, show that, except
for a few acres of green common, the only pasture for the
cattle and sheep was to be found on the arable fields " from
the time when the corn is cut and carried till the same be
sown again with corn, and during the whole of the fallow
season." x So that if the fallow was ploughed before the
crops on the other fields had been cut and carried, the poor
sheep would have had to pick up what sustenance they could
find on the bare soil. It is not difficult to find in Domesday
Book vills with no recorded meadow or pasture. I can count
eight of such vills in Oxfordshire, and in these eight vills the
only pasture for the stock must have been found on the
arable fields between harvest and seed-time.
1 £. V. c.t 450.

ELEVENTH-CENTURY FARMING 207

Those who are accustomed to see the corn reaped by
machinery, and the stubble cut down as short as possible,
cannot understand how the cattle could find sufficient food
on the fields after the corn had been cut. But till the end of
the eighteenth and far on into the nineteenth century corn

was reaped with a sickle, and the stubble was left standing
some 1 8 inches or 2 feet high. Then, again, the land was
not so clean as it is to-day, and the weeds grew in profusion.
Possibly the exuberant growth of these weeds, many of which
are of a poisonous nature, may account for the mortality among
the lambs, which is such a feature of mediaeval manorial
accounts. And old men, who have heard from their fathers
how the land was tilled before the Enclosure Acts, tell that
in the low-lying fields, where the ridges were very high and
the furrows very deep, the higher part only of the ridges would
be ploughed, and the lower parts adjoining the furrows would
be left in natural grass.

In speaking of the " carucate," or teamland, we said that
the average area cultivated by one team in one year was
120 acres. Walter of Henley1 fixes a higher average, and
considers the carucate to be equal to 160 acres in a two-field
manor, and 180 acres in a three-field manor. But his figures
have been severely criticized by Professor Maitland,2 and it
seems probable that in this, as in other matters, he set up
a standard which was unattainable in actual practice.

After all this ploughing, and after the land had been
harrowed and weeded and reaped, what crop rewarded the

1 Page 9. 2 D. B. and B., 398.

208 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

farmer ? Walter of Henley tells us that unless the yield was
more than 6 bushels to the acre, the farmer would lose
\\d. and the rent of his land. The anonymous writer on
Husbandry, whose treatise is published in the same volume
as that of Walter of Henley, tells us that barley should
yield to the eighth grain, wheat to the fifth, and oats to the
fourth, and that the seed for an acre should be, of wheat
ij bushel, and of barley and oats 4 bushels.1 The bailiffs'
accounts show that this estimate of the seed for the barley
and oats was correct, but tell very different tales as to the
produce. Professor Thorold Rogers has printed tables show-
ing the seed sown and the crops harvested on eleven estates
belonging to Merton College, Oxford, in the three years
1334-5-6. They may be summarized as follows: —

13

34-

13

55-

13

36.

Seed.

Yield.

Seed.

Yield.

Seed.

Yield.

Per acre.

Wheat
Barley
Oats

2

4
3

9

'1

2*

4
4

tl|

13
II

3
4
4

94

21

14

Bushels,
do.
do.

The best crop of wheat was that at Wolford, in 1335, of
1 51 bushels an acre ; and the worst was about 3 \ bushels
at Leatherhead, in 1336. For the five years 1243-8, the
average return at Combe (Oxon.) was, for wheat 5 bushels
per acre, for barley a little over 5 bushels, and for oats about
7 bushels per acre. Professor Maitland, in his calculations,
has reckoned that in the eleventh century the average yield
of grain was about 6 bushels per acre, leaving, after the de-
duction of the seed for next year, a balance of 4 bushels an
acre available for food ; 2 and although these figures have
been criticized by Mr. Inman, the bailiffs' accounts that I
have quoted and others that I have seen lead me to think

Walter of Henley, 71

D. B. and B., 438.

E

ELEVENTH-CENTURY FARMING .209

that if there is an error in these calculations, they are too
favourable.

We have now to ask ourselves how many acres yielding
4 bushels to the acre will be required to furnish food to the
households, recorded in Domesday Book ? And, to answer
this question, we must first ascertain what amount of corn
would be required to feed one family during the year.

Archdeacon Hale gives figures relating to the diet of the
Canons of St. Paul's during the first half of the thirteenth
century. Each canon was allowed, weekly, twenty-one loaves,
representing half a bushel of wheat, and 30 gallons of beer,
representing 3 J bushels of mixed grain ; in other words, each
canon received yearly in bread the equivalent of 26 bushels
of wheat, and in beer the equivalent of 195 bushels of mixed
grain. But their beer must have been very strong, as they
brewed only 8 gallons from a bushel of grain, whereas the
usual product of a bushel of barley to-day is about 20 gallons.
Both the quantity and quality of their beer shows that this
scale was that of the wealthy : it must not, therefore, be
adopted as a standard.

The bailiffs' accounts of the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries show the dietary of the labouring classes. At
Cuxham, in 1316, the carter and four ploughmen received

1 quarter of mixed grain every ten weeks, i.e. 41 5- bushels of
grain a year. The bailiffs accounts for the manor of Wood-
stock show that in 1242 —

"Six servants at Handborough received 16 qrs. of wheat and 15
qrs. i bus. of barley ; i.e. 41^ bushels each.

" Two oxherds at Combe received 5 qrs. i bus. of wheat, 4 qrs.

2 bus. of barley, and i qr. of peas; i.e. 41^ bushels each.

" Four servants at Bladon received 13 qrs. of wheat, and 9^ qrs.
of barley \ i.e. 36 bushels each."

And the same quantity appears as the annual allowance to
farm servants in later years. In 1274 the farm servants at
p

210 TIM': DOMKSDAY INOMKST

r.» limn received slightly less than 41 bushels of barley ea< li,
and in 1288 the ploughmen and shepherds of Stoughton
(Sussex) received 41 J bushels of barley each. The anony-
mous writer on Husbandry states Hi.it in his day (/<•////>.
Henry III.) the average annual allowance to a farm labourer
was I quarter of corn every twelve weeks, i.e. about 36 bushels
a year, while the dairyman received I quarter in fourteen
weeks because of the advantage he received from the mill..'
In 12 1 1 arrangements were made for the endowment of a

piiesl at iVtrrshaii), by which he was to receive ;$ quarters of
wliral ami one each of barley and oats every year." So that it

would appear that in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries
40 bushels of grain or thereabouts were considered ample to
support a man and his family ; but out of this allowance

the labourer had to provide himself with both bread and
beer.

We have seen that Domesday Book enables us to draw
a rough-and-ready distinction between the richer and the
poorer classes. The tenants-in-chief and the mcsne tenants
may be fairly considered to have represented the richer
classes in comparison with those whom we have styled the

humbler folk. Sir Henry Kllis considers thai there were

about 1400 tenants-in-chief, and 7871 mesne tenants ; these
would be the rich, and the remainder of the recorded men-
some 260,000 families in round numbers — would represent
the poorer classes south of Cheshire and Yorkshire. But it
must be remembered that some of the tenants-in-chief were

poor, and held very small areas of land.

If, then, we leave the richer classes out of consideration,
and allow to each recorded member of the humbler classes
40 bushels of corn a year, \ve mn-.t allow him the produn <>i

n> acres of land each producing ,j bushels net a year. I'Yom

the land he tilled, every tenant had to pay tithe to the

priest, and certain dues to his lord and the Kin^, which

1 \\.ilhi .,| llrnlry, |». 75. « CutlH, 7 '<!//.»// /'//,V, II ',.

§ ELEVENTH-CENTURY FARMING 211

would require the produce of another 5 acres. It will be
remembered that the gebur of the Rectitudines Singularum
Personarum had to till 3 acres of his yard land for the
benefit of his lord. So 3,900,000 acres would be required
to provide a living for the 260,000 recorded families below
the rank of tenants-in-chief and mesne tenants, south of
Cheshire and Yorkshire.

But what would be required for the living of the richer
classes ? At first it would seem as if this were an unanswer-
able question : any attempt to estimate the number of re-
tainers kept by any one of the magnates must be mere
guess-work, and we must therefore approach the problem
from another standpoint. Let us remember that the 260,000
families who required for their support and dues the produce
of 3,900,000 acres annually, were the tenants, whose plough-
teams were enumerated as the " carucae hominum." If, then,
it were possible to ascertain the proportion that the teams in
demesne bore to the tenants' teams, it might be possible to
ascertain the area cultivated by those teams. I have counted
the teams belonging to the demesne and the teams of the
tenants in three counties, as follows : —

Demesne. Tenants.

Oxford 809^ 1625!

Middlesex ... ... ... 128 ...

Sussex 752^

1,690

If this proportion could be relied on, there would be
between two and a half and three teams belonging to the
tenants for every team in demesne. A count of single
hundreds in sixteen other counties gives 842 teams in
demesne to 2002^ teams belonging to the tenants. Roughly
speaking, then, we may estimate that for every five teams
of the tenants there were two teams in demesne ; and the
problem now resolves itself into a proportion sum ; thus :

212 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

5:2:: 3,900,000 : 1,560,000. So that the teams in demesne
would cultivate 1,560,000 acres a year, or rather, 1,560,000
acres would be sown with corn on the demesne lands every
year.

But one element in the problem has hitherto been omitted.
Walter of Henley l says that the plough oxen should be fed
at the manger for twenty-five weeks in each year, and that
during that period a team of eight oxen would require 70
bushels of oats. But the bailiffs' accounts tell a different tale.
The Combe accounts for several years allowed only 1 6 bushels
of oats for the oxen (one team) and the horses, and only in
one year did they receive as much as 24 bushels of oats ;
at Stoughton, in 1288, ten oxen received 48 bushels of oats.
So that the text-book figures may be reduced at least by
one-half, in which case, if we reckon 4 bushels to the acre,
each team would require the produce of 8 acres ; in other
words, the produce of an additional 600,000 acres would be
required for the keep of the 75,000 plough-teams recorded
in the counties south of the Dee and the Humber. Adding
these three items together, we have a grand total of 6,060,000
acres sown with corn every year.

But there were in this district, according to Professor
Maitland, 75,000 teams;2 so that for each team 8o| acres
would be sown in a year ; and according to Mr. Seebohm, on
a typical three-field manor, 80 acres would be sown with corn
in a year. We may therefore claim that our calculations are
not very inaccurate.

A few words must be added about the labour on the
demesne farms of the magnates, of which the bailiffs' accounts
of the Middle Ages give so much information. In every
manor there was a demesne farm, for which the bulk of the
labour was provided by the villans or geburs. At Stoughton
(Sussex), in 1288, the bailiff accounted for 1189 days' work
from the tenants ; but in addition to these labourers, who

1 Page 13. 2 D. B. and B.t 436.

ELEVENTH-CENTURY FARMING 213

were employed only two or three days a week, the demesne
required certain servants who would devote their whole time
to their lord's work. The bailiff would be about the farm all
day and every day ; he was usually one of the villans who
was released from his other services during his year of office ;
ploughmen, too, would be employed every day, for when they
were not engaged in driving the manorial plough they would
have to be looking after the plough-oxen ; a shepherd was
necessarily employed all the year round, and his work was
the more necessary in those days when the sheep were at
liberty to wander over a whole parish ; a dairyman must be
employed during the summer, and a swineherd during the
autumn ; but all of these, in the thirteenth century, were paid
by allowances of corn. In the eleventh century some of these
services would be performed by the slaves, who lived in the
curtilage of the manor-house, and were maintained by the
lord ; but where slaves were lacking or insufficient, as in
many manors, free labour would have to be hired, and this
would be obtained from the bordars or from some of the
members of the villans' families.

Lord and villan were alike bound by the custom of the
vill, and the processes of cultivation on the demesne differed
only in magnitude from the cultivation of the poorest villan ;
but in those counties where some tenants were bound to fold
their sheep on the lord's land, the latter would produce bigger
crops than those of his tenants.

CHAPTER XII

THE ENCROACHMENTS

" Quantum est additiim vel ablatum ? "

WHEN a foreign invader settles in a conquered country
and takes possession of the lands occupied by the
conquered race, there are not unnaturally com-
plaints of hardship. We have already studied some of the
cases of hardship which are recorded in Domesday Book, in
the degradation of the freeholders, and under the question,
"What has been added to the manor, or what has been
taken away from it ? " the Cambridgeshire jurors were asked
to furnish particulars of another cause of complaint. Let us
remember the state of the country. For centuries Englishmen
had held lands in Cambridgeshire ; but England had been
conquered by the Normans, and the ancestral lands of its
inhabitants had been taken away from them and given to
the victors. But when King William made gifts to his
followers, in most cases he did not give individual estates
or districts, the village of A or the hundred of B, but he
gave to X, his Norman follower, all the estates in a certain
county or in certain counties belonging to Y, the dispossessed
Englishman. But Y's interests in these estates were com-
plicated : some he held in demesne, and of these estates in
demesne portions were let to tenants ; others were thegnland ;
over others he had a right of sake and soke, a right to the
fines arising therefrom ; and again it might be that certain

214

THE ENCROACHMENTS 215

humbler freeholders had commended themselves to him. No
wonder, then, that in unravelling this complication of interests,
difficulties and disputes would arise : the title of the new-
comer to certain estates would be disputed; lands would be
annexed to manors to which they did not previously belong ;
men owing service (soke) to one manor would be taken from
it and annexed to another; smaller neighbours, whose in-
significance might presumably have saved them, fell under
the lordship of some powerful magnate ; and men who had
merely commended themselves to the English predecessor
were forced to pay dues to the Norman successor.

All these grounds of complaint actually did arise.

It was to avoid disputes about his title that Osbern,
Bishop of Exeter, produced the charters of Newton (Devon)
which testified that the church was seised thereof before the
days of King Edward.1 Reference has already been made
to the dispute between Hardouin of Eschalers and the monks
of Ely as to Swaffham. Usually the Commissioners con-
tented themselves with reporting these disputes to the King,
and leaving the matter to his decision. At Thrapslow they
reported that " Hardouin of Eschalers holds a hide there by
title of a lease from a former abbot for the victuals of the
monks until he confer with the King (donee aim rege inde
loquatur)"* Sometimes the Commissioners took possession
of disputed lands and encroachments in the King's name.
William the Deacon succeeded to the lands of Turchil at
Peldon ; but of the 5 hides belonging to Turchil's manor
Hamo took 80 acres of arable land and 200 acres of marsh ; "
and the Commissioners report that " we " have taken
this seizure (" occupationem ") into the hands of the King.3
Other cases of seizure into the King's hands occur when the
occupier could not show a title. They thus took possession
of certain lands of Turold, in Essex, because "the hundred

1 D. B., I. ioi b 2. 2 Id., I. 191 a i,

3 /</., II. 94 b.

216 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

knows not in what manor he holds this land, and no one
came on his part to prove his title." l Occasionally instead
of taking possession of the disputed lands, they were content
if the occupier gave security (" dedit vadem ").2 Security
was also given in other cases : if a landowner withheld the
services due to his lord ; " 3 if a person called on another to
warrant his title, and the warrantor made default ; 4 or if a
person received the rent of land to which he was not entitled.5
And the long lists of " invasiones " in Essex, Suffolk, and
Norfolk, and the " clamores " of Yorkshire, Lincolnshire,
and Huntingdon, show how careful was the inquiry into title,
and favour Mr. Freeman's contention that the chief object
of the Domesday Commission was to inquire if the King's
gifts had reached their destined recipients.

Possibly it will be interesting to examine more closely
one or two cases of disputed title. William of Charnet held
the manor of Charford (Hants.) under Hugh de Forth ; but
Picot held 2j virgates which William asserted belonged to
the same manor, and based his claim on his heirship to his
predecessor (" per hereditatem sui antecessoris "). To support
his claim he —

" produced the testimony of the best and oldest men of the said shire
and hundred ; but, on the other hand, Picot produced his testimony
from the villans and the common people and the reeves to show,
either by their oaths or by the judgment of God (i.e. the ordeal), that
the man who formerly held this land was a freeman, and could go
where he would with his land. But William's witnesses are unwilling
to accept anything but the law of King Edward." °

The dispute evidently turned on the point whether Pih-
telet, who held the land T. R. E., held " in allodium of the
King," as alleged by Picot, or whether his land was annexed
to the manor of Charford. If, as William contended, his land
was annexed to the manor, or, rather, if the services arising

1 D. B., II. 25 b. 2 Id., II. ioo b. 3 Id., II. 3.

4 Id., II. 103. 5 Id., II. 103. s Id., I. 44 b 2.

THE ENCROACHMENTS 217

from his land were annexed to the manor, the land or the ser-
vices would pass with the grant of the manor. But if, as Picot
contended, he was a freeholder with liberty of commendation,
the land would not pass with the manor, and there was no
reason why his land should not lawfully have been in the
possession of Picot. The contention by William's witnesses,
that the dispute should be settled according to the law of
King Edward, refers to the old English law which valued a
man's oath according to his social position.

It is often found that a man who owned the freehold of
certain lands was also a leaseholder under one or other of
the churches ; and if he had commended himself in respect
of his freeholds to a certain Englishman, the successor of
that Englishman took possession of his freeholds, and often,
disregarding the reversionary rights of the church, took
possession also of his leaseholds. The case of Alfred Black
has already been referred to. Here is a similar case : Miles
Crispin succeeded to the lands of Brictric in Bucks. ; l but
Brictric had been leaseholder of Clopeham (Beds.) under
Ramsey Abbey, and Miles took possession of Clopeham, in
spite of the abbot's claim.2

Lands would be added to a manor to which they had
previously belonged. Richard, son of Earl Gilbert, had a
small estate at Borton, in Essex, but to it he added 40 acres
which previously lay at Westerfield — a manor belonging to
the King.3 Bentley (Suffolk) was a separate manor belong-
ing to Earl Gurth in the time of King Edward, but was
afterwards added to Bergholt as a berewick.4 And there is
a long list of sokemen who were added by Ilbert and other
sheriffs to the large manor at Hitchin.5

Men owing service to a manor would be taken away from
it. On the royal manor of Stow (Suffolk) there were, T. R. E.,
forty sokemen who owed all their service to the manor ; in

1 D. B., 150 a 2. 2 Id., I. 212 a I. 3 Id., II. 40.

Id., II. 287. 5 Id., I. 132 b.

2i8 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

1086 seven only remained, — Hugh of Montfort had taken
twenty away ; Count Robert, six ; Roger of Otburvill had
six ; Frodo, two ; and Roger of Poitou, two.1

Small freeholders were forced to render their services to
their powerful neighbours. In the days of King Edward,
Ailmar, a King's thegn, had held 2\ hides and 30 acres at
Terling, and five freeholders had held 3 hides less 15 acres ;2
King William granted Ailmar's land to Ralph Piperell ; but
the latter had also invaded the land of the five freeholders,
of which he retained 30 acres in demesne, and sublet 2 hides
and 80 acres to Roger.3 Ulwin, T. R. E., held a manor of
2j hides and 45 acres at Henies, where twelve freeholders
also held 20^ acres ; Ralph Piperell succeeded to Ulwin's
manor, and sublet it to Turold ; 4 but he also invaded the
holding of the freeholders, and let that also to Turold.5
And Turold followed the example of his lord, for he, too,
invaded four freemen of 18 acres at the same place.6

Lastly, dues were exacted from men who had merely
commended themselves to the English predecessor of the
new lord. Richard, son of Earl Gilbert, succeeded to many
of the estates of Wisgar in Essex ; 7 but in the list of his
invasions appear the names of a number of freemen with
very small holdings, of whom Wisgar had merely the com-
mendation.8 Similarly, Hermer of Ferrars invaded two free-
men at Barton (Norfolk), of whom his predecessor had merely
the commendation.9

But these inquiries were mainly financial in purpose.
Had the value of the estate been increased or diminished
by any invasion ?

It would seem that occasionally, as a result of these
inquiries into title, an estate reverted to its former and
rightful owner. Hugh fitz Baldric was in 1086 in possession

1 D. B., II. 281. 3 Id., II. 12. * Id., II. 97 b.

4 Id., II. 74. 5 Id., II. 99 b. 6 Id.t II. 101.

7 Id., II. 38 b. 8 Id,, II. 102. 9 Id., II. 273 b

THE ENCROACHMENTS 219

of Itchen ; but the Commissioners reported, " The Abbess of
St. Mary's, Winchester, claims this manor, and the whole
hundred, and moreover the whole shire, bears witness that
it belonged to the abbey in the time of King Edward and
of King William, and justly ought to belong to it." In the
margin is a note : " King William restored it to the Church," l
which must have been made after the text had been compiled.2
Incidentally, these reports on the encroachments reveal
the independence of the Commissioners : they were deter-
mined to act fairly and justly by every man, however exalted
or mean his position. They do not hesitate to report that
the King himself has been guilty of taking property from
one man and giving it to another. T. R. E. the Bishop
of Selsey held Bexhill (Sussex), because it pertained to his
see, and so held it till King William gave the castellary of
Hastings to the Count of Eu ; 3 and they report that the
King had taken half of the wood at Malvern belonging to
the Bishop of Worcester into his own wood.4 The only
mention in Domesday Book of any son of the Conqueror is
a report by the Commissioners that William, the King's
son, took 3 virgates at Staplebridge (Dorset) from the church
at Salisbury without the consent of the Bishop and monks
(of Sherborne).5 It was but natural that after the deposition
of Odo, Earl of Kent and Bishop of Bayeux, in 1083, the
Commissioners would not be unwilling to blacken his cha-
racter, and they report innumerable encroachments made
by him ; but they also report the reckless spoliation of the
churches in Cornwall by the Count of Mortain. Many lands
were taken by him from the churches of St. Petroc and
St. German ; he took away from the monks of St. Stephen's
a market belonging to them at Launceston,6 and all the
stock from I hide belonging to the Canons of St. Pieran's.7

1 D. B., I. 48 a 2. 2 V. C. H., Hants, i. 437.

3 D. B., I. i8a2. 4 D. B., I. 174 a 2.

5 Id., I. 77 a i. 8 Id., 1. 120 b 2. 7 Id., I. 121 a 2.

220 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Reference has been made to the passage in which the
Commissioners report St. Paul for invading lands at Nave-
stock, and the number of passages in which the bishops and
churches are reported for being in wrongful possession of
lands belonging to others, is a sign that the Commissioners
were determined to spare no wrong-doers, and were not pre-
judiced in favour of the Church. We have therefore the
more reason to believe their charges of high-handedness on
the part of Harold, and to disbelieve Ingulfs tale, that the
statistics of Crowland were omitted from Domesday Book
on account of his own personal influence with the Commis-
sioners and scribes.

CHAPTER XIII
VALUES AND RENDERS

" Quantum valebat totum simul ? Quantum modo ?
Et si plus potest haberi quam habetiir"

A^L these inquiries and statistics lead up to the great
questions which sum up the object of the Domesday
Inquest : " How much was the whole worth ? How
much is it worth now ? Can more be had from it than is
obtained ? " The most casual reader of Domesday Book will
at once notice that the third question is rarely answered in so
many words. The Commissioners content themselves with
giving details from which this question can be answered ; in
one place, and, as far as I have noticed, in one place only, do
they definitely state that if a certain estate were well cultivated
it would be worth considerably more than its present value ; in
all other cases they report the details, and leave the King or
his officers to draw their own conclusion.

At the outset of our inquiry, we must notice the difference
between " values " and " renders " (or " rents "). Speaking of
the land held by thirteen freemen at Kenebrook (Suffolk), the
Commissioners say, " The men of the hundred value this at
48.5-., but they render £6." x And it is not uncommon to find,
as at Steventon (Berks.), " It is valued at £22, yet it renders
£40. " 2 The royal manor of Witham was valued at £20, but
the sheriff received therefrom £34, and a gersuma of £4 ;3 and

1 D. B., II. 343. 2 id., I. 57 b 2. 3 /</., II. 2.

221

222 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Hatfield Broad Oak was valued at £40, but the sheriff received
£80, and a gersuma of £i$.1 It was part of the duty of the
sheriff to manage the royal manors in his shire ; and these
gersumae were premiums paid by the lessees for the privilege
of taking a lease of a manor. Most of the royal manors in
Wiltshire, Somerset, and Dorset were let at money rents, and
in many cases the payments were not by tale, but by coin
assayed and weighed. In addition to the gersumae, or pre-
miums, it was often the case that a lessee would agree to
pay a rent higher than the recorded value of the property.
Richard, son of Earl Gilbert, gave Thaxted (Essex) (which
was valued by both French and English at £50) to a certain
Englishman at cess for £60 a year, but every year he was
deficient at least £10? Similarly, the rent of the borough of
Ipswich had to be reduced from £40 to ^37, because the lessee
could not pay the larger sum.3 The manor of Blakenham was
let for three years at £12 a year, and the lessees gave a pre-
mium of a mark of gold for the lease, " but the men who so
received it at farm were all ruined (confusi)" 4 Pagham was
valued at £60, but rendered £80 to the Archbishop of
Canterbury — a rent which, in the opinion of the Commissioners,
was " too heavy (nimis grave)." 5 The Commissioners call
attention to the fact that William fitz Stur paid a rent of £60
for four manors in the Isle of Wight, " although they are worth
less," being valued at only £28 ; 6 and in one passage they
contemplate the possibility of a new lessee giving more than
the present rent, " The shire says that if this manor (of
Leominster, let at farm at £60 a year) were delivered, it might
be valued at six score pounds." 1 And examples could be
multiplied to show that lands let at a money rent often pro-
duced more than the sums at which they were valued ; and
thus we see the importance of distinguishing " values " from
" renders."

1 D. B., n. 2 b. 2 /</., 38 b. 3 id., n. 290 b.

* Id., II. 353 b. 5 Id., I. 16 b 2.

6 Id., I. 52 b I. " Id., I. 1 80 a I.

\
VALUES AND RENDERS 223

But it was not only for rents in money that lands were
leased : rents in kind were very numerous. We have noticed
the provisions which were included in the renders of the
Worcestershire sokes, and the " gwestva," or food rent paid by
the Welsh tribesmen to their chief. Food rents of a similar
nature were not unknown in England, and were to be found
in all parts of the country. In the counties of Hants., Wilts.,
Dorset, Somerset, and Gloucester, we find frequent notices of
the " firma unius noctis," the provision of board and lodging
for the King and his court for a single night. Before the Con-
quest two of such firmae were provided by the royal manors
of Hampshire, six in Wilts., four in Dorset, five in Somerset,
and two and a half in Gloucestershire. Each of the royal
manors of Calne, Bedwin, Warminster, Chippenham, Tilshead,
and Amesbury, in Wiltshire, provided one night's farm, which,
in the case of Chippenham, was valued at £110 by tale;
Barton Stacey and Eling, in Hampshire, co-operated in pro-
viding one night's farm ; and Basingstoke, King's Clere, and
Hurstbourne Tarrant joined in providing the other. The
Dorset farms provided by a number of associated manors,
of which the heads were Bridetone, Wimbourne, Dorchester,
Pimperne, and Winford ; the two latter (with their associates)
found only half a farm each. The five Somerset farms were
divided between two or more manors, and that they were no
light burden is shown by the fact that they were commuted
for over £105 each.1 Barton and Westbury, in Gloucester-
shire, provided one farm each, and Oure found half a farm ;
25 out of 30 hides were taken away from Westbury in 1070,
" and yet from the remainder the sheriff provides the whole
farm."2 A well-known charter of Offa (c. 790) grants to
Worcester Abbey the land of sixty manentes at Westbury
and twenty at Henbury, reserving to the King the gafol due
from Westbury as follows : " 2 tuns full of clear ale, I comb
of mild ale, I comb of Welsh ale, 7 oxen, 6 wethers, 40

1 F. £., in. 2 D. 13., I. 163 a I.

224 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

cheeses, six ' lang pero,' 30 ambers of rye corn, and 4 ambers
of meal." 1 To identify the gafol due from Westbury in 790
with the night's farm derived from it in 1086 would be risky
in the extreme, but the charter is quoted to show the antiquity
and nature of the due.

In 1086 the nights' farms were still rendered to King
William from Basingstoke and its partners, and from the
Wiltshire, Dorset, and Gloucestershire manors ; but the
Somerset farms, and that from Eling and Barton Stacey had
been commuted for money payments. Eastbourne and Bed-
dingham in Sussex, had each rendered one night's farm to
King Edward ; but both these estates had passed into the
hands of the Count of Mortain after the Conquest, and were
then valued at £43 ij 's. and £56 respectively.2 Beeding
also rendered to the Confessor one night's farm, which was
then valued at £95 $s. 6d, but it passed to William of
Braiose, and was valued, in 1086, at £40?

The three Shropshire manors of Wintone, Meresbury, and
Cerebury rendered the farm of one night, " into Dimplei in
the time of Ethelred the father of King Edward," 4 but this
payment had been commuted before the Conquest.

In the eastern counties and Eastern Midlands mention is
made of a smaller night's farm of much less value than those
previously mentioned. Writtle, in Essex, rendered ten nights'
farm and £10 in cash in 1066 ; but in 1086 its render was
£100 by weight, and a gersuma of £5 ; 5 Laleford rendered
two nights' farm, in 1066, but the render was commuted for
£i i in 1086 ; 6 and there are other records of a similar nature.
A small farm was also to be found in Cambridgeshire. In
1066 the royal manor of Saham rendered £25 by tale, and
three farms of wheat, malt, honey, and other minute customs ;
in 1086 it rendered £25 by weight, and £13 8j. ^d. by tale

1 Kemble, 166 ; Earle, Land Charters, 311.

2 D. B., I. 20 b i. 3 Id., I. 28 a I.
4 Id., I. 253 b i. 3 Id., II. 5. . « Id., II. 6.

VALUES AND RENDERS 225

for the wheat, malt, honey, and other minute customs,1 so that
the farm in Cambridgeshire was commutable for something
under £4. los. ; and there are some half a dozen records
of a similar nature. Possibly the half of the day's farm
rendered by each of the royal manors of Leighton Buzzard,
Luton, and Houghton Regis was similar to the Cambridge-
shire farm.2 Turning to Suffolk, we find mention of another
farm. Diss provided half a day's farm of honey with its
customs, and Blythborough provided one day's farm of honey
with the whole custom ; 3 but of their value we have no indica-
tion. However, enough has been said to show that there was
a material difference between the value of the night's farm in
the west and its value in the east of England.

Sometimes the rent consisted partly of money and partly
of provisions. In 1066 the royal manors of Barton and
Cheltenham each rendered fy $s. in cash and 3000 loaves
for the hounds ; in 1086 each rendered £20 in cash and
twenty cows, twenty pigs, and i6s. for bread. In 1066
Cirencester rendered 3j modii of wheat, 3^ modii of barley,
and 6£ sextars of honey, in addition to £g $s. and 3000
loaves as were provided by Barton and Cheltenham ; but
in 1086 its render was the same as that of the two latter

manors.4

All our examples have hitherto been taken from the
royal manors ; but the monks also received food rents from
their lands. Archdeacon Hale, in his edition of the Domesday
of St. Paul's, shows that in the twelfth century the Canons of
St. Paul's Cathedral were accustomed to receive wheat, barley,
and oats from the manors that they let on lease ; and the
monks of Abingdon, Peterborough, and Malmesbury also
received much of their rents in wheat and malt. There are
more than traces of a similar custom in Domesday Book.
Speaking of three estates in Worcestershire, the record says,

1 D. B., I. 189 a 2. 2 /</., I. 209 a 2.

3 /</., II. 282. 4 fd., I. 162 b 2.

226 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

" from these three lands was rendered farm (A..S. feorme, pro-
visions) in the time of King Edward, because they were
always reserved for the victuals of the monks." l Azor held
a hide and a half at Pershore of the abbey for the lives of
himself and his wife, and " thence served the church, and gave
yearly one farm or 2os. to the monks." 2 Evidently he sup-
plied the monks with provisions to the value of 2Os. every year.
After the Conquest the Canons of St. Pieran's, Cornwall,
were deprived of two lands, which formerly rendered "the
farm of four weeks," or provisions sufficient for their main-
tenance for a month.3 Hereward, " the last of the English,"
appears to disadvantage in a transaction of this kind. Crow-
land Abbey owned certain land at Rippingale (Lines.), which
for a long time it held in its own hands ; but Abbot Ulchel
leased it to Hereward, on condition that he should supply the
abbey with such a quantity of provisions as should be agreed
on. Hereward did not carry out his part of the agreement,
and the abbot seized the land into his own hands before Here-
ward fled the country.4 Robert fitz Gerold held an unnamed
estate in Somerset, which, when he received it, was worth £18,
but in 1086 rendered one hundred cheeses and ten bacon-pigs.5
Bearing in mind that the word " farm " is a transliteration
of the English word " feorme," meaning " provisions," we are
tempted to see in the numerous records of lands being held
" ad firmam," evidence of the frequency of food rents. Theo-
doric held Winterbourne (Berks.) of the King " ad firmam ; " 6
in other words, he provided the King with a certain quantity
of provisions. In Salop, a freeman rendered " 8/- in firma," or
provided his lord with provisions which were worth 8s.1
Hence we understand the expression that one estate rendered
farm into another, or lay in the farm of another. Finchamp-
stead did not pay geld, but rendered farm into Reading.8

1 D. B., I. 172 b 2. 2 Id., I. 175 a 2. 3 Id., 121 a 2.

* Id., I. 377 a 2. 5 Id., I. 97 a i. 6 Id., I. 58 a i.

7 Id., I. 260 b i. " Id., I. 57 a i.

VALUES AND RENDERS 227

Robert held half a virgate at Bedretune, which lay in the
farm of Wantage.1 But, on the other hand, it is possible that
in some cases holding " ad firmam " implies that the tenant
paid an agreed sum in cash for his land.

The student will, however, notice that in the large majority
of instances the Commissioners state not the rents, but only
the value of the various properties. In six only of the 360
properties in Oxfordshire that are separately assessed, are the
rents given as distinguished from the values ; and these six
are royal properties. In other counties, where the rents are
given, the values also are often stated. What, then, did the
Commissioners mean when they spoke of " values " ?

In the first place, it is clear that in reckoning both rents
and values there were three or four sources of income whence
the whole would be derived. Look at the bailiffs' accounts of
the thirteenth century. The greater part of each account is
taken up with the receipts and expenditure in connection with
the demesne farm ; but there were other sources of income.
The customary payments of the villans, the rents of the
socagers or freeholders, the perquisites of the court, the rents
of the mill and the meadows, and the pannage of the swine,
were all accounted for by the bailiffs. All these subsidiary
receipts were added to the receipts from the demesne
farm, and from the grand total all the expenses were de-
ducted, and a balance was struck, for which the bailiff had to
account.

By way of example, let us analyze the accounts of the
Bailiff of Stoughton (Sussex) for the year ending Michaelmas,
I288:2—

1 D. B., I. 57 a i.

2 Ministers' Accounts^ 1030, 18.

228 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

RECEIPTS.

£ s. d. £ s. d.

Arrears i 9 2l

Rents ... ... ... ... 12 7 oj

Exitus manerii (pannage, pasture,

wood) ... 335

Perquisites of court ... ... 5 3 9

Sundries o o 6z

20 14 9i

Sale of com ... ... ... 7 15 2\

,, stock 223

„ wood ... i 9 9l

„ dairy produce ... i 10 7!

Works sold

£37 7 3

EXPENDITURE.

Rents ... ... ... ... ... ... 090

Fees, wages, food at boon-works ... ... 2 o ioj

Repairs ... ... ... ... ... 2 o 95

4 10 8
Paid to lord 32 13 7

37 4 3
Balance in hands of bailiff ... ... ... 030

7 3

In addition to the corn, etc., sold by the bailiff, considerable
quantities of corn, stock, and wool were delivered into the
manor of Bosham, of which Stoughton was a member, and
corn to the value of 57*. ^d. was given to the farm servants.

A different mode of procedure is scarcely conceivable.
The bailiffs and lessees of the manors of the eleventh century
must have made out their accounts in the same way as the

VALUES AND RENDERS 229

bailiffs of the thirteenth century ; and Domesday Book shows
that all but one of these sources of income were accounted
for. The numbers of the teams belonging to the demesne
and furnished by the tenants give a rough estimate of the
area of the demesne farm. In the eastern counties the rents
paid by the socagers and tenants are stated, and the profits of
the mill, the meadows, and the wood are usually recorded.
All these sources of income must have been taken into account
by a prospective lessee when he was bargaining for the lease
of a manor. They must also have been taken into account
by the jurors when they made a sworn statement as to the
value of a manor.

The most casual student of Domesday Book will notice
that, as a general rule, the more teams that are employed on
a given estate the greater will be its value. Reverting to our
three Oxfordshire estates ; Combe, with five teams, in 1086
was valued at £10 ; Deddington, with thirty teams, at £60 ;
and Stanton Harcourt, with twenty-two teams, at £50.
Every page in our record will show this general rule, that one
element in the value of an estate depends on the number of
teams employed, and hence on its state of cultivation ; indeed,
this latter element is admitted at Aldwinckle (Beds.), which
" was worth 2os. ; now 30^. ; and, if it were well cultivated
(si bene exerceretur), it is worth loo/-."1

But when once this general rule has been laid down, it is
hard to see how it was applied. It must have been pro-
foundly modified by the fact that some land is more produc-
tive than other. Take as examples three adjoining properties
on the Cherwell, in Oxfordshire : Kidlington, with seven
teams, was valued at £14 ;2 Islip, with six teams, at £10 ;3
and Watereaton, with nine teams, at £$* To-day Kidlington
is rated at 26s. an acre, and Islip and Watereaton at 30^. an
acre. So that the land which is least valuable in this twentieth

1 D. B., I. 222 a r. * Id., I. 158 a 2.

3 Id., I. 160 a 2. 4 Id., I. 158 a 2.

23o THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

century was in the eleventh century valued at the highest
figure. Nay, more, different portions of the same vill were
sometimes valued on different bases. Cutslow, adjoining
Watereaton, was divided between two owners. Saward held
of the Canons of St. Frideswide 2 hides, on which two teams
were employed, and his estate was valued at 40^. ; l Alfred
held of Roger of Ivry 3 hides, on which was land for three
teams, and on which two teams were employed on the
demesne in 1066, but his estate was valued at £4.? And
examples could be multiplied.

It is, therefore, clear that the Commissioners took no little
trouble in arriving at the values assigned to the various pro-
perties. It would have been easy for them to put a value of
£i a hide or £i a team on all the estates in a hundred. Pro-
fessor Maitland has pointed out that "T. R. E. some force,
conscious or unconscious, has made for 'one hide, one
pound ; '" 3 and this force appears clearly in the Little Domes-
day, where the small holdings of the eastern counties are
almost universally valued at the rate of 2d. an acre, or £,1 a
hide. But out of the 360 Oxfordshire properties separately
assessed, there were only fifty-eight estates of which the
values T. R. E. work out at £1 a hide, and most of these
were small properties of I or 2 hides each ; and there were
only seventy estates of which the value in 1086 works out at
£i a. team. So that the Oxfordshire Commissioners cannot
have adopted any rough-and-ready method of valuation, but
must have made a separate valuation of every property ;
although it must be noticed that the values are always ex-
pressed in terms of pounds, or in round sums of shillings,
which in many cases are easily reducible to pounds.

A more careful examination of the figures shows a differ-
ence between the standard of value of land wholly in demesne
and land partly in demesne and partly occupied by tenants.

1 D. B., I. 159 a i. - Id., I. 159 a I.

3 D. B. and B., 465.

VALUES AND RENDERS 231

Black Bourton (Oxon.) was divided between three owners :
Roger of Ivri had two teams in demesne, and his tenants had
ten teams, and his estate was valued at £4 ; * Anschitil held
another portion of the vill, and had only two teams in
demesne and two slaves. This portion was valued at £2 ; 2
so that the value of Roger's share was increased by 4s. for
every team owned by his tenants ; Arnulf of Hesdin had
the third portion, with three teams in demesne and three
tenants' teams, which was valued at £4? Lew also was divided
between two owners : Walter Gifard had one team in demesne,
and his share was valued at 2os. ; 4 Aretius had one team in
demesne, and his tenants had another, but this property was
valued at 35 s.,5 and the increase of 15^. would appear to be
due to the presence of the team belonging to the tenants.
At Adderbury, Robert of Stafford had one team in demesne,
which was valued at 3OJ.6 In the same vill the Bishop of
Winchester had four teams in demesne, and his tenants had
nineteen teams, and his estate was valued at £20? Evidently
the nineteen tenants' teams had increased the value of his
estate by £14. At Burwell (Cambs.) Alan had an estate
of 2^ hides, on which he had two teams in demesne, and
his tenants had three teams, and which in 1086 was valued at
£4? In the same vill Geoffrey had an estate of ij hide, on
which he had only two teams in demesne, and which was
valued at 40^. So that the increased value of Alan's estate
was due to the presence of the tenants' teams, which added
1 35-. 4</. each to its value.

Evidently each tenant's team added less value to an
estate than each team in demesne. But why should this
be so ?

Reference to the Stoughton account on p. 228 will show
that the expenses of cultivation of land in demesne were

i D. B., I. 2 Id., I. 161 a i.

3 Id., I. i6oa i. 4 Id., I. 157 b i.

5 Id., I. 1 60 b 2. •/</.,!. 158 a i.

" Id., I. 155 a I. 8 Id., I. 195 b I.

232 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

reduced to a minimum. To obtain a monetary return of
£12 i?s. lOjdf., the actual payments in wages amounted to
only £2 os. iof<£ True, the farm servants received allowances
in corn of the value of 57^ 4d. ; but, on the other hand, the
tenants paid 45^. A^d. to be released from works which they
were otherwise bound to perform ; so that a corrected state-
ment would be that the net expenditure in labour amounted
to £2 I2s. lod. to obtain a return of £15 i6.r. 2\d. (the corn
given in wages being added to that sold). One hundred and
fifty-two acres were sown with corn in that year, so that the
net actual expenditure in wages was 4^. an acre ; and the
value of the demesne is shown, by deducting the amount
spent in wages from the gross return, to be £13 13.$-. 4}^.
The bulk of the labour was supplied by the tenants ; the
bailiff accounts for 1 1 89 days' work performed by the tenants,
say, as much as would be performed by four men working
throughout the year.

It was in some such manner that the values of the land
wholly in demesne were calculated by the Domesday jurors.

"Siward, the Hunter, holds of the King 2\ hides in Chadlington
(Oxon.) ; there is land for 2 teams. These he has in demesne with
one slave and three bordars. There are 3 acres of meadow. It was
and is worth ^os" 1

Except for the few acres occupied by the bordars, the
whole property was cultivated as a demesne farm for the
benefit of Siward ; and the only way in which it would be
worth 40^. to him, would be that it produced corn and other
victuals which, after allowing for the maintenance of the slave,
and the wages (if any) paid to the bordars, were worth 40^.

Now, it is obvious that the lord would not receive the
whole of the net produce of the land in the occupation of a
villan tenant. The services of a gebur were threefold — week-
work, boon-work, and gafol — and, while the first and second
1 D. B., I. 160 b 2.

VALUES AND RENDERS 233

of these would go to increase the value of the demesne, by
diminishing the outgoings in the shape of wages, the gafol
could not have amounted to more than the gross produce
after allowing for the food of the villan and his family. The
gafol paid by the gebur of the Rectitudines was the produce
of 3 acres of land, 23^., and a sextar of barley, and two hens
at Martinmas, and a young sheep or 2d. at Easter.1 The
gafol of a tenant holding 2 bovates at Boldon, in 1183, was
$s. lod. in money, half a chalder of oats, five waggon-loads
of wood, two hens, and ten eggs.2 The Liber Niger states that
the villan tenant of a virgate at Kettering paid to the abbey
(about the year 1125) 2s. \\d. in cash, and one and a quarter
hen, and forty eggs ; 3 so that the abbot would receive slightly
less than 9^. from each teamland in the occupation of the
villans. In 1086 there were at Kettering one team in demesne
and ten teams of the tenants, and its value was £11, of which
the mills produced 2cxy.4 If the tenant's gafol in 1086 was the
same as it was in 1125, it would amount to £4 ios. ; and thus
the value of the teamland in demesne would be £5 los.
This at first seems an exorbitant value for one teamland ;
but the Liber Niger shows that in 1125 the villans ploughed
1 60 acres of demesne, and lent their twenty-two teams to
the abbot seven times a year, or did 154 days' ploughing in
all. Hence the area of the cultivated part of the demesne was
the land of one team, say, 80 acres (§ of 120), plus 160 acres
plus 154 acres (assuming that one team ploughed I acre in
one day), or 394 acres in all. Hence we see that the area
of the land in demesne — and therefore its value — depended
partly on the number of teams belonging to the demesne
farm and partly on the number of teams belonging to the
tenants. The greater the number of the tenants who per-
formed ploughing services, the greater the area of the demesne,
and therefore the greater its value. The Ramsey Chartulary

1 L. 446. 2 D. B., IV. 566.

3 Chron. Petrob., 157. 4 D. B., I. 221 b I.

234 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

tells that the demesne of the manor of St. Ives was of
such area that it was cultivated by three teams of its own
and the customary services and boon-works of its tenants,
which were considered as of the value of three teams.

Possibly this emphasis on the value of the demesne is the
reason why it was only the stock on the demesne that was
recorded in the statistics for the three eastern counties and
in the Cambridgeshire Inquest. Whatever might have been
the number of the cattle and sheep belonging to the villans,
the dues were fixed, and, so long as they were paid, the lord
had no reason to inquire whether their holdings were under-
stocked or not.

Let us return to our Oxfordshire examples. The sum of
£60, which is given as the value of Stanton Harcourt, is
made up of 40^. from the three mills, 30^. from the two
fisheries, 2$s. from the wood, the gafol paid by fifty-five
villans and twenty-eight bordars who owned seventeen teams,
and the produce of the demesne, which was cultivated by
five teams of its own and the ploughing services of the villan
tenants.1

Combe was valued at £10. Towards this the mill contri-
buted 3.5-., and the balance was made up by the gafol from
six villans and six bordars, and the produce of the demesne,
which was cultivated by two teams of its own and the
ploughing services of the three teams of the villans. Possibly,
too, the wood yielded some income, though its value is not
stated.2

But now we are faced with the question, Why is the rent
frequently stated to be less than the value ?

Two explanations are possible. The bailiff was usually
one of the villagers, and if he exacted more than the proper
dues, or even if he exacted all that was due, he would be
made to suffer for it by his fellows ; but a lessee, if his rank
was above that of the villagers, was above such reprisals, he
1 D. B., i. 155 b 2. 2 id., I. 155 b i.

VALUES AND RENDERS 235

could exact the uttermost farthing, and even more than his
dues. Such harshness we have already seen in the eastern
counties in connection with the sokemen and the freeholders,
and "if they do such things in a green tree, what will be
done in the dry ? "

Another explanation is suggested by a passage in the
Dialogus de Scaccario —

" As we have learnt from our fathers, in the primitive state of
the Kingdom after the Conquest, the Kings received from their
estates, not weights of silver and gold, but victuals alone, from which
necessaries were furnished for the daily use of the Royal house-
hold. . . . But when these were paid according to the accustomed
manner, the royal officials gave credit to the sheriff, reducing them
into sums of pennies : for instance, for a measure of wheat to make
bread for 100 men, one shilling; for the carcase of an ox, one
shilling; for a ram or ewe, fourpence; for fodder for 20 horses,
also fourpence."1

This appears to show that when a bailiff delivered rents in
kind to the King, they were valued at prices far below the
market value ; but a lessee would turn them into money at
the market value, and so could afford to pay a rent exceeding
the nominal value.

Reference has been made to the " firma unius noctis," to
the " gwestva," or food rent paid to the Welsh chieftains, and
to the payment of rent in kind to the Canons of St. Paul's
and to the monks of Abingdon and Malmesbury. The Liber
Niger shows that the Abbey of Peterborough received a large
quantity of corn from its tenants ; and Bishop Grostete
advised the Countess of Lincoln —

" Every year at Michaelmas, when you know the measure of all
your corn, then arrange your sojourn for the whole year, and for
how many weeks you shall sojourn in each place . . . but so arrange
your sojourns that the place at your departure shall not remain in
debt." 2

1 Dialogue de Scaccario, i. 7. - Walter of Henley, 145.

236 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Evidently the produce of the demesne was not converted
into money, but stored up for consumption by the countess
in the place where it was grown. And it is not impossible
that the frequent journey ings of the Court, in the early Middle
Ages, were due to its custom of consuming the food grown
on the royal manors in or near the place where it was pro-
duced. If this was the custom in the thirteenth century, it
was most probably also the custom in the eleventh century,
especially as, in the earlier period, there was a lack of coined
money and markets ; and there is one passage which has
this custom in view. Speaking of Playden (Sussex), Domes-
day Book says, " The whole manor was worth £6 T. R. E.,
now H2/-. But what the Count has thence is worth £7 $s"1
So that the values represent cases in which the produce of
the demesne farm was supplied for the use of the owner
of the estate, and was not converted into money. Very pos-
sibly, in reckoning the value of this produce, it was reckoned
on an antiquated scale, and not at market values.

But included in these values were sundry payments in
cash. The rents of the mill and the meadows and of the
socage tenants are very often mentioned in places where only
the values are given, and must therefore have been included
in such values. The bailiffs' accounts of the thirteenth century
show that the bailiffs received other payments besides the
produce of the demesne, the gafol of the tenants, and the
rents of the mill, the meadows, and the wood. The Stoughton
account shows a sum -of £$ $s. qd. received from the per-
quisites of the court, which included the value of two cows
received as a heriot from Lettice, the wife of Thomas Froude.
The issues of the courts of the thirty-six manors, the accounts
of which are entered in the Pipe Roll of the bishopric of
Winchester for the year ending Michaelmas, 1208, amounted
to £200 17 s. 6d. out of a total receipt of £2720, or about
7£ per cent, of the whole. Of course, it is possible that the
1 D. B., I. 20 a i.

.

VALUES AND RENDERS 237

bailiffs of the eleventh century received similar dues, but the
omission of any statement as to their value leads one to believe
that such dues were of trifling value. The Cambridgeshire
jurors were not asked any question about the profits of the
courts, and considering how small was the profit received in
some cases from the mill and the meadows, one would have
supposed that, if there were manorial courts which returned
more than a nominal profit, some question would have been
asked concerning them. But it must be remembered that the
universal existence of manorial courts at the time of Domes-
day Book is " not proven."

Other explanations of the Domesday values have been
given.

1. After a comparison of the Domesday values of the
manors belonging to St. Paul's Cathedral with the " summa
denariorum " of the free tenants of those manors in 1 181, and
with the money rents paid by those tenants in 1222, Arch-
deacon Hale thinks that the three expressions were identical
in meaning, and that the Domesday value was the amount of
money paid by the free tenants in 1086 ; but, if this be so,
why do we find the values given for many estates where there
are no recorded tenants ?

2. Professor Maitland says —

" I think it very clear from thousands of examples that an estate
is valued as a going concern. The question that the jurors put to
themselves is, « What will this estate bring in peopled as it is, and
stocked as it is ? ' In other words, they do not endeavour to make
abstraction of the villans, oxen, etc., and to assign to the land what
would be its annual value if it were stocked or peopled according to
some standard of average culture." l

There is very little difference between this view and that
elaborated in these pages, except that it is here contended
that the values represent the actual produce and money
received by the owner.

1 D. B. and B., 413.

238 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Whatever may have been the meaning of the Domesday
value, every one must notice the general rise in values during
the reign of the Conqueror. The gross value (omitting those
estates which produced rents) of Oxfordshire had risen from
£1934 5^. in 1066 to £2397 Ss. 6d. in 1086, a rise of 20 per
cent. ; and if, as has been previously suggested, the team-
lands, the "terra carucis," represent the number of teams
employed in the county in 1066, the average value of a
teamland was 14^. 8d. in that year, and had risen to 22s. in
1086, an increase of 50 per cent. Increases of 25, 50, and
75 per cent, in the value of individual estates are not un-
common, and a few estates had actually doubled in value.
Cuxham had increased in value from £3 to £6 ; Lewknor,
from £10 to £20 ; and the Bishop of Bayeux's estate at
Tew, from £20 to £40. And what is true of Oxfordshire
is true of many counties in England. Yorkshire is the
most noticeable exception : generations passed before that
county recovered from the Conqueror's ravages. On page
after page of the Domesday of that unfortunate county are
numerous records of estates which were formerly flourish-
ing, but "are now waste." The Terra Regis in York-
shire fills seventeen columns, in the first four of which the
lands formerly gelded for 894 carucates which 471 teams
could plough, and were valued, T. R. E., at £570 ; in 1086
only 65 J teams were employed on these lands, and their value
had sunk to £36 igs. ^d. On the manor of Alvertune and
its eleven berewicks there were, T. R. E., sixty-six villans
with thirty-three teams, " now it is in the hand of the King,
and waste ; " to this manor pertained twenty-four sokelands,
assessed at 85 carucates, and inhabited by 116 sokemen ;
" now they are waste." l

In Buckinghamshire, too, there appears to have been a
decrease of some 5 per cent, in values during the Conqueror's
reign.

1 D. B., I. 299 a I.

VALUES AND RENDERS 239

In many cases an intermediate value is given — the value
of the estate when it passed into the possession of its new
owner — the value " quando recepit," Often these values are
less than the values "on the day when King Edward was
quick and dead." Mr. Baring has shown that from the
diminution in the values between January 5, 1066, and the
date when these estates were given to their new owners, we
can trace the line of the Conqueror's march from Hastings to
London. There is a band of wasted estates from Hastings
to Dover, thence to the neighbourhood of Canterbury, and
thence to Southwark. From Southwark there is a similar band
of wasted estates through Surrey and Berks, to Wallingford ;
and thence there are two lines of waste, as though the army
marched in two detachments to Berkhampstead, where,
according to the Chronicle, Edgar Atheling and the English
magnates submitted to the invader. And from a similar
comparison of the values of the estates in West Sussex, he
suggests that after the battle of Hastings, Duke William sent
his fleet to Chichester Harbour to lie in safety and guard his
right flank.1 Similar reasoning convinces him that there is a
substratum of truth in the story of the destruction of villages
to form the New Forest, and he thinks that the line of wasted
estates down the right bank of the Cherwell shows the track
of the northern earls when they raided Oxfordshire in io65.2

In addition to the values and renders of the individual
manors in any county, Domesday Book often gives particulars
of the income the King derived from that county as a whole.
Thus we read —

" The County of Oxford renders the farm of three nights, that is,
;£i 50. From the augmentation, £2 5 by weight. From the borough,
£20 by weight. From the Mint, £20 of pence of 20 to the ounce.
For arms, 4/-. From the Queen's gersuma, ioo/-. by tale. For a
hawk, ;£TO. For a sumpter horse, 2o/-. For the hounds, £23 of

1 E:H, R.y 1898, 17. 2 id., 1898, 295.

240 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

pence of 20 to the ounce, and 6 sextars of honey and i$<f. by
custom." l

These sums are clearly in addition to the rents of the
royal manors, whose rents amount to ^436. The payments
from the borough and the Mint explain themselves, and the
payment " de augmento " has been explained as the fine which
the sheriff was willing to pay for the privilege of farming the
county.

Like Oxfordshire, the counties of Worcester, Warwick,
Wilts., and Northampton paid each £10 for a hawk, 2os. for a
sumpter-horse, and £,$ for the Queen ; but the Sheriff of
Worcestershire paid an additional £17 from the shire, and
the record states that "these £17 and £16 are from the pleas
of the shire and the hundreds," showing that the £16 (£$ for
the Queen, £10 for a hawk, and £1 for a sumpter-horse) were
produced from the pleas of the hundreds — from the King's
share of the fines and fees levied in the hundred-moots. And
the sheriff naturally complained because, although seven out
of the twelve hundreds in the county were in private hands,
so that he received nothing from them, yet he was neverthe-
less required to pay this sum of £16? He also rendered
£123 4s. from the royal manors.

In Warwickshire the payment for the hounds was £23,
the same as in Oxfordshire ; but in Northamptonshire £42,
blanch money, was paid for their support. This latter county
also paid ;£io and five ores for the Queen's gift and for hay,
£10 for a hawk, 2os. for a sumpter-horse, 2os. for alms, and
2Os. for a hunting horse, and, like Oxfordshire, rendered the
three-nights' farm, which, however, was commutable for ^3O.3
In Wiltshire £10 were paid for a hawk, and loos, and five
ores for hay, showing that Northants, like Oxfordshire, paid
£5 for the Queen's gift.4 " T. R. E. the shire of Warwick
with the borough and the royal manors rendered £6$ and

1 D. B., I. 154 b 2. 2 /</., I. 172 a I.

3 Id., I. 219 a i. * Id., I. 64 b.

VALUES AND RENDERS 241

36 sextars of honey, or £24 Ss. in lieu of the honey ; in 1086
the royal manors and the pleas of the shire produced £145 of
weighed money, and 24 sextars of honey," and the four sums
of £23, £10, jfi, and £5, as in Oxfordshire.1 This is the
only case, except Shropshire and Worcester, of a lump sum
being stated which included all the dues paid from the
county to the King. The city of Hereford, and the eighteen
manors which rendered their farm into Hereford, produced
;£335 18^. ; but this sum did not, apparently, include the pro-
ceeds of the pleas of the hundreds and the shire.2 The city
of Shrewsbury, and the whole shire and the manors that King
Edward had in the shire, were in the hands of Earl Roger in
1086, and produced ^"305 i$s.3 But at that time the customs
of the King and earl in the four ridings of Lincolnshire
produced only ^79,4 and the values of the royal manors in
that county are stated separately. It is noteworthy that the
Queen's gift of 8 ounces of gold was produced from the three
manors of Leighton Buzzard, Luton, and Houghton Regis, in
Bedfordshire, in addition to their renders of £6$ and a day
and a half s farm. They also produced £20 for a sumpter-
horse and the hounds, and other small dues, in addition to an
ounce of gold from each manor, which the sheriff exacted as
an " increment " or a premium for the lease thereof.5

1 D. B., I. 238 a i. 2 /</., I. 179 a i. 3 /</., I. 254 a I.
4 Id., I. 336 b i. 5 /</., I. 209 a and b.

CHAPTER XIV
THE INCIDENCE OF THE GELD

THE function of a present-day valuation list is to enable
the rating authority to know from whom and in what
proportion the rates are to be levied. Similarly, the
function of Domesday Book was to enable the Royal Ex-
chequer and the sheriffs to know from whom and in what
proportions the geld was payable.

We have already seen that the hide was the unit of assess-
ment. A property that was assessed at 50 hides paid five
times the amount of geld that was paid by a property that
was assessed at 10 hides ; and when once a vill had been
assessed at a certain number of hides, its assessment remained
unaltered as a general rule, except in cases where for some
reason or another its assessment had been reduced. Such
reduction is to-day called " beneficial hidation," and is most
frequently found in the south-eastern counties. In Sussex
the first term of the formula often runs, " T. R. E. it gelded
for A hides ; now for A1."

There were two methods of beneficial hidation. Some-
times the reduction was made as a personal favour to the
owner of a certain estate ; sometimes the hidation of a whole
district was reduced, and every vill in that district received
its proportion of the reduction. In the " Calendar of Docu-
ments preserved in France," edited by Mr. Round, is a grant
by William the Conqueror to the monks of St. Mary of
Moitain, of Hinctune in Piddle (Dorset), a manor of 10 hides,

242

THE INCIDENCE OF THE GELD 243

" with sake and soke except the geld which is collected by
hides, which is not to be levied except from 4 hides ; the
other 6 are in demesne, and are exempt."1 The geld
inquests of 1084 show that in that manor 5f hides were in
demesne, and quit of geld. The same volume also contains
a writ of William Rufus, that the manor of Horsley (assessed
at 10 hides in Domesday Book) should thenceforth be assessed
at 7 hides.2 And in the Pipe Roll of 1130 is the record that
Robert Gruesac and William Girbertus owed 100 marks of
silver between them, that their manor of Burwardescote
(Glos.) should thenceforward geld as 6 hides. This manor,
though assessed as 40 hides T. R. E., gelded in 1086 for
6 hides ; but there was a reversion to the old assessment, and
the owners were willing to pay a large sum in cash to have
the Conqueror's reduction confirmed by Henry I.3 Like
other charters, the King's writ reducing the assessment was
produced at the shire-moot. Domesday Book records that
the shire had never seen the King's writ or seal reducing the
assessment of Herlege from 6 hides to 3 ; 4 but the hundred
had seen the King's seal that I virgate at Rodbourne should
be quit of geld.5 Sometimes the reduction dated from the
days of the Confessor, who reduced the assessment of Omenel
from 15 to 10 hides.6 Fareham was assessed at 20 hides,
although there were really 30 hides there, but King Edward
reduced the assessment " because of the Vikings, for it is on
the sea." 1 But in the south-eastern counties, at all events,
this reduction was usually by favour of the Conqueror, and
was generally to be found only on the demesne manors of the
magnates. In Sussex "the assessment of the four manors
held in demesne by Earl Roger was reduced from 193!
hides to 105 ; that of the four similarly held by William
of Warenne, from 224 hides to 142 ; and of the four held

1 No. 1206. 2 No. 468. 3 D. s., i. 114.

4 D. B., I. 47 b I. * Id., 50 a 2.

8 Id., I. 164 a 2. 7 /</., I. 40 b i.

244 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

by William of Braiose, from 32 hides to I2J> ." l But Mr.
Saltzmann has pointed out that each rape in Sussex was a
fiscal unit, and that the sheriff of the owner of each rape
collected the geld from that rape, and paid it to the sheriff of
the county ; and suggests that when the rapes were granted
to their new owners, the assessment of each rape was reduced,
and that instead of spreading the reduction over the whole
of the rape, these owners reduced the assessment of their
demesne manors, and left their tenants to pay the same as
before.2

In Cambridgeshire, on the other hand, there was a block
of hundreds in the centre of the county whose assessments
were reduced, and each vill in the hundred participated in
this reduction. Thus the assessment of the hundred of
Erningford had been reduced from 100 to 80 hides, and this
reduction was apportioned between the vills as follows : 8 —

T. R. E.

T. R. W.

Morden (i)

10

8

» (2)

5

4

Tadlow

5

4

Clopton

5

... 4

Hatley

5

4

Croydon

10

8

Wendy

5

4

Shingay

5

4

Litlington ...

5

4

Abington ...

5

4

Basingbourne

10

8

Whaddon ...

10

8

Meldreth ...

10

8

Melbourne

10

8

TOO 80

Mr. Round, to whom we are indebted for the preceding

1 D. S., i. in. 2 V. C. H., Sussex, i. 361.

3 F. E., 50.

THE INCIDENCE OF THE GELD 245

table, has also shown reason to believe that the assessment
of certain hundreds of Northamptonshire was reduced by
60 per cent., and of other hundreds by 50 per cent., and
finds the reason for such reduction in the ravages of the
Northumbrians in the neighbourhood of Northampton in the
summer of 1065 ; he further shows that such reduction must
have been made between 1075 and IO86.1

Mr. Saltzmann has pointed out that in Sussex the assess-
ment appears to be imposed on the manors, and not on the
vills. It is certain that when parts of a pre-Conquest manor
lay in two or more vills, after the Conquest the two parts
were separately assessed at figures which together totalled
the pre-Conquest assessment. Very frequently that part
which lay outside the rape containing the " caput manerii "
escaped payment of geld, and " foris rapum " is equivalent in
many cases to " nunquam geldavit." 2

But if there had been reductions, there had also been
increases in the assessments. Mr. Corbett has reckoned the
particulars of the district to which he applies the term
" Middle Anglia " — the counties of Oxford, Northampton,
Rutland (part), Huntingdon, Bedford, Buckingham, Hertford,
and Middlesex — and finds that in Domesday Book they are
credited with 120 hundreds, but 13,200 hides; but in the
Tribal Hidage (c. 675) a total of 12,000 hides, or 120 hundreds,
is assigned to this district, and he therefore argues that in the
four centuries that elapsed between Edwin of Northumbria
and Edward the Confessor, the assessment of this district had
been increased by 10 per cent., thus increasing the hidage
from 12,000 to 13,200 hides.3

Certain lands were exempt from geld altogether. Waste —
i.e. uninhabited or uncultivated — land paid no geld, as is
shown by the Northamptonshire Geld Roll and the borough
entries. The royal manors in Hants., Dorset, Wilts., and

1 E. H. R., 1900, 78-86. * V. C. ff., Sussex, i. 361.

3 Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., 1900, 218, 219.

246 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

Somerset, that had rendered a night's farm to the Confessor,
were all exempt from geld. And of some of them the Com-
missioners report, "It has never gelded, and is not divided
into hides," or " It has never gelded, and therefore it is not
known how many hides are there." ]

The older writers on Domesday Book — Ellis, Pearson,
Eyton, and Stubbs — say that all the demesne land of any
lord in any manor was quit of geld. This is certainly true
of the gelds of 1075 and 1083-4. The geld inquests of
1083-4 for the south-western counties show that the tenants
alone paid that geld, the "exceeding muckle geld" of
72^. a hide. And a comparison of the Burton Chartularies
with the Domesday Book shows that the demesne of the
abbey paid no geld ; for in a number of cases where the
chartulary states that the " land of the tenants defends itself
for A hides," the Domesday assessment of the whole property
is only A hides. But, to say the least, it is very questionable
whether Domesday Book lends any support to the sweeping
suggestion that all the demesne land was exempt from geld.
In one passage where it is stated that the demesne was quit
of geld, that statement is introduced by a " but : " " Queen
Edith held Alton (Hants.), T. R. E. ; then there were 10 hides,
and the villans paid geld for 5 ; now the Abbot (of Hyde)
has 5 hides in demesne, but they do not pay geld." 2 In the
hundred of Herstingstone (Hunts.) it is recorded that "the
dominical carucates are quit of the King's geld. The villans
and the sokemen geld according to the hides written in the
writ (breve], except at Broughton, where the Abbot pays geld
with the others for one hide." 3 But this would appear to be
recorded as an exception. Again, it should be remembered
that in many places demesne is contrasted with "inland."
At Banbury the Bishop of Lincoln had in his demesne land
for ten teams and 3 hides besides inland ; 4 and at Deddington

1 D. B., I. 64 b 2. 2 Id., I. 43 a I.

3 Id., I. 203 a 2. 4 Id., I. 155 a I.

THE INCIDENCE OF THE GELD 247

the Bishop of Bayeux had in his demesne ii£ hides besides
inland. At Hemingford Aubrey de Vere had i hide of
inland, and in addition to this two teams in demesne.1

The explanation of " inland " is given in the record of
Robert of Ouilly's manor of Watereaton : " Besides those hides
(the 5 hides at which the manor was assessed), he has of inland
3 J hides which never gelded." 2 A further explanation is given
at Lege (Salop.) : " Roger the hunter holds the head of this
manor, and his land which is inland is acquitted from the geld
by the 2 hides which Azor holds." 3 Similarly, we read that,
T. R. E., there were in Tewkesbury 95 hides ; of which 45
were quit of all royal service and geld, except the service of
the lord of the manor ; and the whole 95 were acquitted
and freed from geld and royal service by the 50 hides.4 In
other words, the 50 hides paid geld for all the 95 hides.
Evidently the lords had succeeded in shifting the responsi-
bility for the geld on their inland to the land of their tenants,
so that the latter paid not only the geld on the land in their
own occupation, but that on their lords' lands as well. It
is for this reason that we are told the hidage of the inland at
Watereaton ; the authorities would want to know how many
extra hides were to be paid for by the tenants in addition to
those they occupied. The land on which lay the liability for
the geld on the inland was called "warland."

One other point is suggested by the Garsington record :
" There is one hide of inland, which lies in parcels among the
King's land." 5 Possibly its lying " in parcels " — in the open
fields — was an exception to the general rule, in which case
we ought to regard the inland as " old enclosures " belonging
to the lord of the manor.

This contrast of the inland which had shifted its liability
for the geld with the demesne of the manor, would seem to

1 D. B., I. 204 b 2. 2 Id., I. 158 a 2.

* Id., 1.254 b I. * Id., 1.163 b 2.

/</., I. 156 b 2,

248 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

show that ordinarily demesne paid geld, and that its exemp-
tion in 1084 was an anomaly. Mr. Round has suggested
that on this occasion the Council assented to the King's
proposal to levy this "exceeding muckle geld" on condition
that their demesne land was exempt.1 While the geld
inquests for 1084 show that no geld was paid in respect
of the demesne, either by the lords or by the tenants, the
Pipe Roll of 1130 and those of Henry II. show that in the
twelfth century all the land in a county, whether in demesne
or in the occupation of the tenants, was liable for geld.
Domesday gives Oxfordshire 2420 hides (Professor Maitland
counts 2412); in 1130 the Sheriff of Oxfordshire accounts
for a Danegeld amounting to £239 qs. ^d.f or 2s. a hide on
2394^ hides. The King then excused los. to the Abbot of
Battle ; but his only possession in Oxfordshire, according to
Domesday Book, was Crowmarsh Preston, a 5 -hide manor,
of which 2j hides were in demesne. Mr. Eyton has shown
that while the hidage of Dorset in Domesday Book was
2313!, including both the lands in demesne and in the
possession of tenants, the Danegelds of 1130 and .1156 were
paid in respect of 2282^ hides.3

Sometimes we find that, by special favour, lands belonging
to the Church were quit of geld. St. Petroc owned much
land in Cornwall, " but the lands of this saint never rendered
geld, except to the saint." 4 When the King levied a Dane-
geld, the Church collected the geld from its own tenants, and
paid the proceeds into its own treasury. Out of every pound
paid by the hundred for geld, the Abbey of St. Edmund's re-
ceived 5.$-. for the victuals of the monks.5 At Betune (Glos.)
there were 2 hides, and the hide that gelded is contrasted
with the hide that belonged to the church — a contrast which
may indicate that the hide that belonged to the church was
quit of geld.6 But we must not therefore conclude that all

1 D. S., i. 98. 2 F. E., 95. 3 Notes on Domesday, Shropshire.

4 D. B., I. 121 a 2. 5 Id., II. 372. 6 Id., I. 170 b I.

THE INCIDENCE OF THE GELD 249

Church lands were quit of geld. At Shrewsbury1 and Chester 2
it is expressly stated that the lands of the Bishops of Here-
ford and Chester gelded with the citizens, although the new
monastery founded by Earl Roger did not pay geld. The
Pipe Roll for 1130 distinctly shows that Church property then
paid to the Danegeld._

Reference to Shrewsbury shows another case of exemption :
the French-born burgesses did not pay geld,3 although, by a
law of the Conqueror, the Frenchmen who had settled in
England before the Conquest paid geld like the English.4

A casual note in the statistics relating to Berkshire shows
that the geld was collected in two instalments — at Christmas
and Whitsuntide,5 and the geld inquests for the south-
western counties show that the sheriff accounted for it at
the Exchequer at Easter and Michaelmas.

Non-payment of geld involved the forfeiture of the land
for which it was unpaid ; 6 but it would seem that if a third
party paid the geld he thereby became entitled to the
property,7 and instances of a person paying geld for land
that was not his are recorded as anomalies. Anschitil de Ros
held 1 6 acres at VVatone under the Archbishop of Canterbury,
but Count Alan paid the geld ; 8 Humphrey paid geld on a
virgate of land in Trochinge, but yet had it not.9 There is a
case in which Ralph Taillebois paid the gablum of certain
land which the occupier refused to pay, and so became
entitled to the land.10

The chief result of the compilation of Domesday Book
was the entire alteration of the method of collecting the geld.
The Northampton Geld Roll for 1075 and the geld inquests
for 1083-4 show that the geld was then collected hundred
by hundred, either by the hundreds-man or by special

1 D. B., I. 252 a 2. 2 Id., I. 262 b I. 3 Id., I. 252 a 2.

4 S. C., 84. 6 D. B., I. 56 b I. 6 Id., I. 141 a 2.

7 D. S., i. 89. 8 D. B., I. 151 a i. 9 Id., 153 b I.
10 Id., I. 216 b.

250 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

collectors called "segadri," and was collected directly from
the villans in the various vills ; there are numerous records
that the King did not have the geld from the villans on
certain lands.1 But the Pipe Roll for 1130 shows the sheriff
of the county collecting the Danegeld from the tenants in
capite, and disregarding the hundreds and villans. In none
of the Pipe Rolls is there any evidence that the Danegeld
was paid to the sheriff otherwise than through the tenants
in capite.

A second result of its compilation was a return to or
towards the pre-Conquest assessments. The Conqueror's
beneficial hidations had reduced the assessment of Surrey
from 1830 to 706 hides,2 but in 1130 the sheriff accounted
for a Danegeld of £175 is., or a payment of 2s. a hide on
1750^ hides.3 The assessment of Berks, had been reduced
from 2473 to 1338 hides ;4 but in 1130 the sheriff accounted
for a Danegeld of £200 is. 3^.,5 or a payment of 2s. a hide
on 2OOOJ hides. We can therefore understand why Robert
Gruesac and William Girbertus were willing to pay 100
marks that their assessment might stand at the figure to
which the Conqueror's favour had reduced it.

But the jurors were asked for details on which a new
assessment could be based, and it might be said that two
alternative schemes for a new assessment are given : such
new assessment might be based either on the number of
teams employed or on the annual values of the various
estates in 1086.

Was a new assessment ever based on such evidence ?
This is a question that cannot be answered with certainty.
Orderic Vitalis tells us how Ralph Flambard, with the con-
sent of William II., " measured with a rope, and described all
the carucates which the English call hides/'6 — a passage which

1 Pimperne : D. B., IV. 23. 2 Z>. B. and B., 401.

3 V. C. H.> Surrey, 277. 4 D. B. and B., 401.

5 F. £., 94. 6 Qu. Stubbs' Const, ffist., i. 302,

THE INCIDENCE OF THE GELD 251

is explained by Bishop Stubbs to mean that " the Old English
hide was cut down to the area of the Norman carucate, and
thus estates were curtailed and taxation increased at the same
time." It has been thought that this passage indicates that a
new Domesday Book was prepared within some ten years of
our record, especially as a preceding passage states that
Ralph Flambard urged the King to revise the " description "
of England, and " descriptio " is one of the terms that
Domesday Book applies to itself. But of this second Domes-
day there is no evidence, and it must be remembered that
Orderic was a Norman monk, writing in Normandy, and
Bishop Stubbs therefore thinks that in this passage Orderic
was referring to the compilation of Domesday Book, and has
post-dated its completion by some ten years.

Possibly, however, the distinction between "teamlands " (or
carucates) and " hides " gives the clue to the correct interpre-
tation. Did Ralph Flambard advise the King to levy the
Danegeld, not according to the old system of hides, but
according to the teamlands shown by Domesday Book ? It
is not impossible that Orderic heard that there was some
dispute as to valuation, in which the rival systems were based
on teamlands and hides respectively, and that his distance
from England led him to confuse this dispute between two
rival systems of valuation with the earlier inquiry, the results
of which are to be found in Domesday Book. Whether this
be so or no, we may without much hesitation attribute to
Ralph Flambard the wholesome disregard of the Conqueror's
beneficial hidations, which is shown by the Pipe Roll of
H3O.1

In our introductory chapter we stated that at the
Gloucester gemot of 1085 the King would probably be told
by his Council that certain counties were over-assessed and
that others were under-assessed. Some explanation of these
is necessary. A hide, we must remember, was originally
1 D. s., i. 116.

252 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

supposed to be the land of one family, which was cultivated
by a team of eight oxen ; but by the time of Domesday
Book there were many cases in which the number of hides
at which a property was assessed varied considerably from
the number of teams employed on that property. When the
number of hides was equal to the number of teams, the
property would be fairly assessed ; if the hides exceeded the
teams, the property would be over-assessed ; if the hides were
less than the teams, the property would be under-assessed.
Reverting to our three Oxfordshire examples : Combe was
assessed at I hide, but employed five teams ; it was there-
fore under-assessed. Deddirigton, assessed at 36 hides, em-
ployed thirty teams, and was therefore over-assessed. Stanton
Harcourt was assessed at 26 hides, and employed twenty-two
teams ; it also was over-assessed.

Let us apply the same method to the counties ; but in so
doing we must take no notice of the Conqueror's beneficial
hidations, but must compare the hidage of 1066 with the
teams employed in 1086. Using Professor Maitland's figures,1
we find that there is no county in which the numbers of the
hides and teams are the same. The three counties whose
assessment appear to be the fairest are Oxfordshire (where
H : T : : 100 : 102), Bucks. (100 : 99), and Hants (100 : 101).
But if Hampshire was fairly assessed, the other counties
which formed the original kingdom of Wessex were much
over-assessed: Surrey (100 : 62), Berks. (100 : 73), Wiltshire
(100 : 74), and Dorset (100 : 77), were more heavily assessed
than any counties in England, except Middlesex (100 : 63),
Warwick (100 : 73), and Leicester (100 : 73) ; possibly the
presence of London may account for the heavy assessment
of Middlesex. Sussex, too (100 : 89), was over-assessed, but
its neighbour, Kent, was very lightly assessed in having two
and a half teams for every sulung at which it was assessed.
The two counties which were most under-assessed were

1 D. B. and B., 400.

THE INCIDENCE OF THE GELD 253

Devon (100 : 495) and Cornwall (100 : 766) ; but for this an
explanation has already been suggested — that the hide repre-
sented the settlement of the conquering Saxon, and that
at the Saxon conquest numbers of Britons were spared
whose lands were omitted from the hidage of these counties.
A similar explanation will account for the under-assessment
of Somerset (100 : 125), Gloucester (100 : 161), Worcester
(100 : 159), and Shropshire (100 : 141).

Mr. Round has approached the subject of over- and under-
assessment from a different standpoint.1 He has calculated
the sums paid by the various counties for Danegeld in 1 1 30,
and compared these sums with the number of square miles
contained in these counties, and finds that there is a compact
block of counties in the centre of the island — Berks., Wilts.,
Oxon., and Bucks. — of which every square mile paid approxi-
mately two-sevenths of a pound. To the north and west of
this block is a band of five counties — Leicester, Warwick,
Worcester, Gloucester, and Somerset — paying approximately
one-seventh of a pound a square mile ; and, similarly, the four
eastern counties — Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, and Cambridge-
paid about one-seventh of a pound for every square mile.
Every square mile in Middlesex paid two-sevenths and in
Sussex one-seventh of a pound ; but Kent paid only one-
fifteenth, Nottingham and Derby only one-seventeenth, and
Devon and Stafford only one twenty-seventh of a pound per
square mile. For our purpose, it is sufficient to note that
of the twenty counties mentioned ten paid one-seventh of a
pound per square mile. If this be considered the normal
assessment, some counties were over-assessed, while others,
and these especially the last-conquered shires, were under-
assessed. " Kent, which had so steadily maintained first its
own independence, and then its local institutions, had suc-
ceeded in preserving an assessment that its neighbours had
cause to envy." 2

1 F. E.t 94, etc. 2 Id., 95-

254 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

By both methods we come to the conclusion that Middle-
sex, Berks., and Wilts, were over-assessed, that Kent was
lightly assessed, and that Devon was considerably under-
assessed.

We are not therefore surprised to find that the levy of the
Danegeld by hides died a quiet death during the reign of
Henry II. ; for the "carucage imposed by Richard I. in 1198
was levied from the carucates actually in cultivation." l

Finally, notice should be taken of Mr. Corbett's ingenious
theory concerning the amounts of the Danegeld given by the
English Chronicle. He has made various calculations to show
that Domesday Book assesses the whole of England at 1200
hundreds. If the geld had been 2s. a hide, the yield of 1200
hundreds (supposing every hundred to have contained exactly
100 hides) would have been £12,000. And he points out that
all the sums stated by the Chronicle to have been collected
by way of Danegeld are multiples of £ 12,000. His table, with
sundry omissions, is as follows : 2—

A.D. 991 ;£i 0,000 = f X ;£i2,ooo, or a geld of zod. per hide
994 ;£i6,ooo = ij X „ „ „ 32</.

1002 ^24,000 = 2 X „ „ „ 4/-

I0°7 ;£36>000 = 3 X » » » 6/- »

1012 ^48,000 = 4 x „ „ „ 8/-

1014 ^"21,000 = if X „ „ „ 3/6 „

1018 ^72,000 = 6 X ,, „ „ I2/- „

Evidently the Chronicler knew the rate at which the geld
was levied in those years, and the number of hundreds in the
kingdom, and, acting on the supposition that each hundred
contained exactly 100 hides, he calculated these immense
totals. But we know that every Domesday hundred did not
by any means contain 100 hides, so that, while we are at
liberty to accept these rates, we must dismiss the totals as
obvious exaggerations.

1 S. C., 257. 2 14 Trans. Royal Hist. Soc., 220.

CHAPTER XV
A TYPICAL VILLAGE

HITHERTO, like Ezekiel, we have been wandering in
a " valley of dry bones," — the dry bones of statistics and
legal details. " Can these dry bones live ? " Possibly
the spirit of imagination may put life into them, and enable
us to form some idea of the state of our English villages at
the end of the eleventh century.

Those who have travelled by rail from Oxford to Cam-
bridge will remember that a few miles out of Oxford they
cross a bridge over the river Cherwell, and a little further
on pass through a cutting some 30 feet in depth ; and then,
after stopping at a little station, go for miles over a flat
country without a hill. This ridge of high ground separates
the valley of the Cherwell from that of its tributary the Ray,
and affords a dry foundation for the village of Islip.

There are few villages whose position is more absolutely
fixed by geological reasons than Islip. The ridge of high
ground through which the railway passes has its counterpart
in an exactly similar ridge on the south of the Ray, which
gradually rises until it is lost in the hills where, in the eleventh
century and far later, were the royal forests of Stowood and
Shotover. Between these two ridges the Ray cuts a gorge of
some 30 yards wide and 500 yards long.1 From the heights

1 The height of Islip Bridge above sea-level as shown on the map, is the height
of the bench-mark on the bridge, which is at least 8 feet above the level of the
top of the river-bank.

255

256 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

of Stowood comes down an old road — one of the old coaching
roads between London and Worcester — which crosses the Ray
at Islip Bridge, and runs along the highest point of the
northern ridge to Bletchingdon and Kirtlington, where it is
continued in the pre-Roman road known as the Portway. On
the east of these ridges the Ray valley spreads out into
Otmoor, where, in spite of the enclosures and drainage, the
floods to-day lie out after a heavy rain, and which in the old
days was an impassable swamp. On the west of them lies
the Cherwell valley, which, too, is flooded very frequently. If
the city of Oxford was held by a hostile force, the only means
of passing through the county from south to north in flood-
time was along this road and over Islip Bridge. Charles I.
recognized the military importance of Islip, and maintained
a garrison in the village ; and there was at least one
skirmish between his forces and the Parliamentarians at Islip
Bridge.

Although there is no mention of Islip in any document
older than the reign of Edward the Confessor, there can be
little doubt that its military importance was recognized from
the earliest times. Here was obviously the best place to
check raiders coming from either south to north or north
to south. And, from the fact that the greater part, and that
too the older part, of the village is on the north of the Ray,
it would seem that the first settlement was made by those
who wanted to defend themselves from a raider from the
south.

Passing from surmises to records, we find that the record
of Islip in Domesday Book is as follows : —

" The wife of Roger of Ivry holds of the King 5 hides in Islip.
Of these, three hides never rendered geld. There is land for 15
teams. Now there are in demesne 3 teams and 2 slaves, and 10
villans with 5 bordars have 3 teams. There is a mill of 2o/- and
30 acres of meadow. Pasture 3 furlongs long by 2 broad. Wood
one league long and half a league broad. It was worth £l in the

A TYPICAL VILLAGE 257

time of King Edward. When she received it, ^8. Now it is worth
;£io. Godric and Alwin held it freely." l

Then follow the statistics relating to Oddington, the
village adjoining Islip on the east, and afterwards is the
statement, " The wife of Roger of Ivry holds these two lands
of the King in commendation."

We first notice that Islip is a manor and vill assessed at
5 hides, and that three of its hides had never paid geld ;
it does not appear probable that these hides were inland
and had shifted their liability to the other lands in the vill.
" Inland " is distinctly mentioned as such in the adjoining
manor of Watereaton. And it will be noticed that the record
does not state that these 3 hides were in demesne. It would
be better to consider that for a long time this vill had been
beneficially hidated, and that its assessment of 5 hides had
been reduced to two.

It is comparatively an easy matter to deal with the assess-
ment, but the agricultural statistics require more consideration.

Islip lay in open fields till 1806, and the map attached
to the Enclosure Award gives some slight particulars from
which the general outline of the old open fields can be recon-
stituted. If reference be made to this map, it will be seen
that north of the Ray there were five fields : Mill Field,
Brought Field, the Lankett, North Field, and East Field;
south of the Ray were Sart Field, the Wood Hill and Plain,
the Cow Pasture, and certain old enclosures known as Prat-
well Wood, and the Upper and Lower Woods. We at once
connect " sart " with " assart," a word we have previously seen
to mean the land recently broken up and brought into cultiva-
tion ; and the names of the southern fields suggest that they
were the last to be brought into cultivation. That being so, it
is natural to look in this direction for the wood mentioned in
Domesday Book, and a rough measurement will show that
from the Ray to the southern boundary of the parish is a

1 D. B., i. 160 a 2.
s

258 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

distance of about 2 miles, while from the Cherwell to the
eastern boundary is about I mile. The Domesday measure-
ments of the wood are I league by half a league, or 12 fur-
longs by 6. The map, too, would lead us to look in the
same direction for the pasture of 3 furlongs in length by 2 in
breadth. The old Cow Pasture was of approximately the
same dimensions till 1806.

The meadow of 30 acres can be identified with more cer-
tainty ; for to the east of the bridge, on both banks of the Ray,
the map shows about 30 acres of meadow, known as the
Holme Common, which have never been ploughed. All the
other grass-land in the parish shows, by its ridges and furrows,
that at some time or other it has been under the plough.
The mill still stands where its predecessor stood in the eleventh
century, and is driven by a cut from the Cherwell. But the
omission of any mention of a church is no proof that there
was then no church in the village. Oxfordshire churches are
generally omitted, and it should be remembered that there
are traces of Norman work in the existing church.

Our identification of the wood and the pasture with the
southern portion of the vill compels us to find all the land
which was then under the plough in that part of the parish
which lies to the north of the Ray, an area of about 1000 acres.
This was cultivated by six teams in 1086 ; but fifteen teams
were employed in the time of King Edward. The reason
for this decrease is to be found in the raid of the Northum-
brians to Oxford during the summer of 1065. Wherever
they went they lived on the fat of the land, little caring that
they destroyed the cattle of the villagers, and by so doing
they reduced the area of the land under cultivation. Possibly,
too, some of these fifteen teams were employed in the southern
part of the vill, and after the raid this land had been allowed
to go out of cultivation, and had relapsed into a state of scrub
and bush.

At the last census the population of Islip was about 550.

A TYPICAL VILLAGE 259

As only seventeen families are recorded in Domesday Book,
the population at the end of the eleventh century must have
been about one hundred. Of these, two families were slaves,
and were housed in the curtilage of the manor-house, and
received their provisions from the lady of the manor. Five
families were bordars, or cottagers, occupying separate houses
with a few acres — perhaps five — attached to each, and possibly
working for wages on the demesne farm during part of the
week. It is obvious that two slaves could not do all the work
on the demesne where three teams were engaged ; assistance
must be procured, if only to drive one of the ploughs. The
other ten families were villans, who together owned twenty-
four plough oxen, and could between them furnish three
teams for the cultivation of the demesne. Of these ten, eight
held i virgate each, and found two oxen each for the demesne
plough. Each of the others had 2 virgates, and found four
oxen. During part of the week these villans would be work-
ing with their united teams, or at other work on the demesne ;
but the rest of the week they would be employed with their
smaller teams of two or four oxen on the land in their own
occupation.

If the picture drawn in the Rectitudines Singularum
Personarum of the typical estate in the reign of Ethelred II.
can be relied on, it shows that, while much of the ploughing
and harvesting would be done by the geburs, the villans, as
a consideration for the land they occupied, there was of
necessity a staff of labourers employed on the demesne.
That document sets forth the duties of the swineherd, the
sower, the oxherd, the shepherd, the cowherd, the goatherd,
and the cheese-worker, and others. All of these were subject
to the bedell, who "ought for his service to be freer from
work than the other men, because he is more frequently
hindered." The possibility of the swineherd and the bee-
keeper being slaves is foreseen, and it is clear that the bedell
would often be a man who owed other services, and he was

26o THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

usually one of the geburs. But nothing is said as to the
status of the other servants, and, from the arrangements made
as to their remuneration, it would appear that they performed
their services voluntarily, and not because they were obliged
to do so by custom. Possibly some of them were the sons
and daughters of the geburs or villans, or even the villans
themselves, who performed the customary duties due from
their land by deputy, and for such purpose made use of their
grown-up sons. We must remember that in Oxfordshire the
Domesday Commissioners draw no distinction between soke-
men and villans, between geneats and geburs, and therefore
it is possible that some of the inhabitants of Islip who are
classed as villans were really sokemen, and worked on the
demesne only at specially busy times.

The houses occupied by the tenants were poor and mean,
built of wattle-and-daub, on a wooden frame, with no windows
and no chimneys : a hole in the roof let out the smoke and
let in the light. In none would there be more than one room,
unless perchance there was a loft under the thatched roof, in
which a few of the family could sleep. In all cases the bare
earth formed the floor, and a hob of clay in the centre of
the house was the only hearth. Domesday Book gives an
amusing proof that our description of the tenants' houses is
practically correct : Hugh the Steerman had a quarrel with
his tenants at Ebrige, and transported the hall and the
houses and the stock into another manor ; evidently neither
the hall nor the other houses were built of stone.

The details of the stock on the demesne farm at Islip in
1086 have not come down to us ; but a reference to the table
on page 264 will show the number of animals kept on farms
of a similar area in other counties. The average of that table
shows that on a farm employing three teams the stock would
be about four horses, ten non-ploughing oxen, thirty-one pigs,
and 237 sheep.

Turning from the tenants to the lord, we find ourselves

A TYPICAL VILLAGE 261

in a little difficulty. Some time before his death, Edward
the Confessor had given to Westminster Abbey "that cotlif
Islip, in which I was born, as Emma my mother gave it to
me ; " 5 and the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, or the
Ecclesiastical Commissioners as representing the Dean and
Chapter, are still lords of the manor and owners of most
of the land in the parish. But Domesday Book records that
its owners in 1066 were Godric and Alwin, who held it freely,
and therefore owed no service to any but the King. They
were dispossessed by the wife of Roger of Ivry, the daughter
of Wigot of Wallingford, who held Islip and Oddington
of the King in commendation. The Testa de Nevill re-
cords that the Abbey of Westminster held Islip by gift of
St. Edward, and in another place the same record states that
the abbot recovered it from William of Curci by assise before
the King. These riddles may perhaps be solved by some
future investigator, but at present it seems that the Domes-
day Commissioners erred when they stated that Godric and
Alwin held it freely ; possibly they were tenants of the abbey
for life or lives, and on their forfeiture the King, in ignorance
of the claims of the abbey, bestowed the vill on the wife of
Roger of Ivry, and it was not till the thirteenth century
that the abbey was successful in recovering it from William
of Curci, to whom it had passed in the mean time. If the
Oxfordshire Commissioners had recorded the " clamores " for
Oxfordshire, as their colleagues did for Lincolnshire, we
should probably have learnt of the claim of Westminster
Abbey to Islip.

Lastly, it will be noticed that, in spite of the ravages of
the Northumbrian raiders, and of the decrease in the culti-
vated area, the value of the estate had risen from £7 to £10.
This can only mean that the wife of Roger of Ivry dealt so
harshly with her tenants that her " little finger " was " thicker
than her predecessors' loins," and that the condition of the
tenants had changed for the worse.

8 K., 862.

262 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

TABLE A.

TABLE SHOWING TEAMS EMPLOYED ON ROYAL AND OTHER ESTATES
IN 1086.

County.

Total

teams.

King.

Rents of
Terra
Regis.

Church.

Bishop of
Bayeux.

Count of
Mortain.

Sur-
vivors.

£

Kent ..

Sussex ..

3,102

3,091

269

44

416

95

I56o3*

9I9*

(18)

407

—

Surrey

1,142

229!

328

406

125

9*

20

Hants ..

2,614

618*

983

930

3

62^

Berks. ..

1,796

613*

979

535*

(2)

i

14

Wilts. ..

2,997

695

1,296'

II

13*

Dorset ..

297

736 2

J>7762

5

no

33*

Somerset

3,804

780

1,309

1,025

5

317*

25

Devon ...
Cornwall

1)187

1,172*
303

977
116

1,039*
292*

306*
590

Middlesex

545

i

260^

—

19*

—

Hertford

1,406

I27f

116

455?

64

58*

4f

Bucks

98*

226

206

194*

lOOf

15

Oxford ...

2)467

214

463

554

301

6

39

Gloucester

3,768

925

945

1,199

3

61

Worcester

1,889

144*

124

999i

14

28

Hereford

2,479

675*

356

733

Cambridge

1,443

122

269

454

—

6*

—

Hunts ...

967

122

129

462

—

12\

Bedford

i,367

164*

65 >

mi

34

—

8*

Northants

2,422

358

500

503

25

2171

Leicester

1,817

231

104

—

Warwick

2,003

183

4

308

19*

—

55

Stafford

95 J

218

155

244*

—

7*

Salop. ...
Cheshire

i,755

z

__ 5

235
64*

—

— ~

Derby ...

862

151*

106

68

—

—

8

Notts

1,991

2081

83

304!

i8j

21*

ii*

Yorks

X

93*

162

4231

—

2741

40

Lincoln

4,712

400

460

533

—

Essex

3,920

332*

584

858*

I26|

—

4

Norfolk
Suffolk

4,3*

X
X

1,032
562

6x85i

45*
81

3*
3*1

70,606

9,686f

13,577

18,299!

.,987t

2492i

544

My figures in column 4 differ from those given by Mr. Pearson (Hist. Eng.,
i. 665), because (i.) he includes all the payments arising from the counties, while
I omit those arising from the counties as wholes, and from the boroughs ; (ii.)
he has counted values alone, while I have reckoned the rents, and have included
the values only where no rents are recorded ; (iii.) he has very properly translated

A TYPICAL VILLAGE

263

"blanch money" into "computations by tale" at the rate of £i 6s. by tale for
every ^i "blanch," according to the Bosham record. I have added blanch and
tale together, (iv.) In giving my totals I have omitted shillings and pence, and
have given the figures to the nearest pound.

(*) Including one night's farm at ,£110 and five at ,£100.

(2) Including four nights' farm at £100 each.

(3) The royal manors in Beds, also rendered ij day's farm, which, if their
value was known, should be added to this sum.

(4) The rents of the royal manors in Warwick were included in the farm of
the county (^145), and are not given separately as in other counties.

(5) The city and royal manors and pleas of the hundred and shire produced
£305 15-r. a year.

The letter X signifies that no calculations have been made of the figures which
should appear in these columns.

The figures in column 3 are taken from D. B. and B., 400.

By "survivors" in column 8 is meant those tenants in capite who in 1086 were
the men or the widows or sons of those who held the same lands in 1066.

TABLE B.
CHURCH LANDS.

Hides,
1066.

Teams,
1086.

Knights,
1156.

Hides,

1066.

Teams,
1086.

Knights,
1156-

A. Bishops'

B. Monastery

Lands —

Lands —

Canterbury

992i

I63ll

60

Abingdon ..

606}

376

30

York

"45!

9IOJ

2O

Bath

9°i

8o|

20

Chester

285

357

15

Battle

85i

134*

—

Chichester ...

1 681

148

4

Chertsey

295

179

3

Durham

3I05

1 66

10

Ely

3<>8£

535

40

Exeter

328

909i

i?i

(Bishop)

Hereford ...

4nJ

796

15

Evesham ...

iS2^

238

5

Lincoln

725*

542

60

Glastonbury

891*

683£

40

London

215*

529l

20

Gloucester ...

105!

211

—

Rochester ...

6lj

118

—

Hyde Abbey

Salisbury ...
Thetford ...

603

4551

221

32
40

(Winchester)
Malmesbury

466
296

260

244£

20
3

(Norfolk)

(Norwich)

Pershore

127

169

—

Wells

3°2z

339£

—

Peterborough

329^

476

60

Worcester ...

567

IOOO

5°

Ramsey

3ioi

440!

4

St. Albans ...

167

216

6

Shaftesbury

372|

302^

7

Westminster

583i

597*

i$(?)

NOTE.— The figures in column 3 are taken from F. E., 249, 251.

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tx 'too txrfiOOl M 0) CxwvO
x CxvO~ OO" ON w 10 rf Of of VO 10 Of txCQ >0

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Miscel
laneou

H M CO H *T H MHMd

•8,

j I J Jj ^^ *O H 0) I I H 0) \0 CO O w I w ^ ^

H" of

1000 ^COvO rJ-rOO O\rfa

i 1 1 111113 r i i ji M i

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Tt- txOO iO CO M

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(NWtxiHTh C»OOiOn-<tH O\00 Os I CO H N ON T^ Tj-00 1000

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w" of M" of of •«£ cooo" i-T co H^ H co H"

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HO)0)H WHOOOJ^COCO ofM" H\O Of Cx H •<* CO of CO H" 10 H of Of to CO CO w" 10

Mesne tenan
ving agricultu
under them.

U"COtxtXtvtoO» lOO^O *ttNiON -1-1004^0 Tt-N IOW
) 00 <N tr)v£> O\tNO ONNO txM "*-CO OO 00 w O M vO CO^O

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OsvO CO 0) O CO txOO 01 0)

HCOHVOMtOHOllHO)

nts in
ite.

iii m i B 1 1 = =iii s ii in &s i&

APPENDIX

TRANSCRIPTION AND EXTENSION OF FRONTISPIECE

de luri

ROGERItfS tenet de episcopo HARDINTONE. 'Roc
est de ecckr/a Eglesham. Ibi sunt ix hid^e & dimidta.
Terra, est ix can/m. N««c in domtnio ii cauucae & xx
\i\\an\ cum iii bordamr \\abent vii caxucas. Ibi cc acra? prati
ti i

xx minatf & quater xx acra? pasturae. Ibi quidam Maino
habuit i bidam & quo vokb«/ ire poterat. Tot?/;;;z T. R. E.
va.\ebat x libnzj1.
Modo cuw piscaria & cu;« pratis valrf xiiii

ten<?/ de inland episcopi ii hidd!J in WICHAAf.
T<?rra est iii caxufis. N««c in d^;///nio ii czxucae & iiii servi
& v villam \\abent i caxucam & dimidm;;/. Ibi molin?/j de xxx
solids. Valuit Ix svlidos. Modo c solidor.

lvlclrucaclt Sauuold?^ tenet de -episcopo STOCH. Hoc est de feudo

f-R: ?•..?" S. MARINE Lincolie. Ibivhid^e. Terra, e st v Gactucis. Nnnc
offmrnvj in

e

in dominio de hac t^rra iii hid^e & ibi ii (ducte) caxucae &
molimts ix solidorum & v denariorum & v servi & xxxvi
acr^ p;vzti. Valuit xx solids. Modo 1 solidor. Aluui libere
tenuit.

In BALDENTONE tenet de episcopo Iseuuardz/j- v hidas &
Bristeua ii hidtf-r & dimid/^w. Terra, est vii caxucis. Ibi x

265

266 THE DOMESDAY INQUEST

\\l\an\ cum iii servis haftent. vi carucas & ibi i acrani prati.
T. R. E. valebat tin \ibras. Modo vii libras.

VII TERRA EPfSCOPl BAIOCENSIS.

EPSSCOPVS BAIOCENSIS terw/ de rege CtWBE. Ibi
est i hida. T^rra est iiii cartels. Nz/;/c in dmznio ii caxucae
& ii servi & vi villtf/zi cum vi bordariis ha&ent iii car?^^j. Ibi
molinus de iii solidis & xv amfc? pr^zti. Silva i \Q\\ga & dimidia

o

l^;/g^ & tanfumdem lata. Valuit vi libras. Modo x
Aluuim/j1 & Algarw lib<?;-e

Idew episcopus tenet DADINTONE. Ibi s«»t xxxvi
T<?rra ej/ xxx csaua's. In d^w/nio fuer?/;?/ xi hid^e &
praeter inland. Modo s?/#t in d^;«/nio xviii hid#e & dimidia
& ibi swit x carucae & xxv servi & Ixiiii vilk/zi cum x boidariis
habent xx camcas. Ibi iii molini de xli solidis & c anguillw.

INDEX

(An H. after the name of a place indicates a reference to the hundred.}

Abbotsbury, Abbot of, 193

Abingdon, Abbot of, 33, 104, 129, 130,
225, 235, 263

Abington (Cambs.), 48, 244

Acre, 31

Acton (Cheshire), 83

Adam fitz Hubert, 13

Adderbury, 194, 231

Adscriptitius glebse, HO, 154

Attune, 50, 53

Agricultural co-operation, 35 ; opera-
tions, 205

Agriculture, expenses of, 232

Ailestebba, H. (Dorset), 41

Akeley (Bucks.), 106

Alan, Earl of Richmond, 96, 180, 249

Alciston (Sussex), 67

Aldbury (Glos.), 100

Aldwick, H., 47

Aldwinckle (Northants), 229

Alfgar, Earl, 59, 94, 123, 127, 138

Alfred, King, 32, 45, 179 ; Treaty
with Guthrun, 135

Alfred, Black, 92, 217

Alfred of Marlborough, 1 79

Alii, 142

Allodarius, 140, 141, 145

Allodium, 140

Alnoitune, 44

Alselin, Geoffrey, ico, 149

Alton (Hants.), 246

Alvertune (Yorks.), 53, 238

Amber (a measure), 27

Amberley, 196

Amesbury, 223

Ancilla, 151

Ansculf, William fitz, 17, 21

Ansgar the Staller, 99, 138, 139, 149,

ISO

Annona, 75, 194
Antecessor, 5

Appropriation of churches, 191
Arbitrary consecration of tithes, 1 88,

191

Archinfield, 74, 197-200
Area under cultivation, 211, 212
Arpent, 183
Arundel Castle, 97, 179; mill, 29,

172 ; rape, 76, 99
Assarts, 168, 257
Assize of arms, 10
Atiscros, H. (Cheshire), 200
Augmentum, 75, 239
Aula, 50, 60
Auretone, 179, 1 80
Avera (carrying service), 115, 139
Aylesbury, 171, 193; hundred, 145
Aylesford, Lathe, 80
Azor the Steward, 5, 115

Babenberg, H. (Suffolk), 113, 143
Babingley, 41
Bacon pig, 204, 226
Bademondesfield (Suffolk), 59

267

268

INDEX

Bailiffs' accounts, 209, 228, 235
Baldwin fitz Herlwin, 100
Baldwin, sheriff of Huntingdon, 75
Bampton, 181, 194 ; hundred, 68
Banbury, 38, 6 1, 101, 246
Barchurch, 78
Barctune, 53
Barford (Oxon.), 48
Barking, Abbess of, 125, 162
Barnby (Suffolk), 123
Barnham (Sussex), 186
Barrington, H. (Glos.), 67
Barstaple (Essex), 166 ; hundred, 150,

167

Barton (Glos.), 223, 225
Barton (Cambs.), 62
Barton (Norfolk), 218
Barton Stacey (Hants), 223
Basingbourne (Cambs.), 244
Basingstoke, 181, 191, 223 ; hundred,

145

Bath Abbey, 33, 90, 263

Battle, Abbot of, 67, 79, 90, 248, 263

Battle, contra Norrenses, 4

Battle, Naval, 4 ; of Hastings, 4 ; of

Standard, 9 ; at York, 4
Bedwin, 223
Bede, 32, 45, 64
Bedell, 155, 259
Bedford, 20
Bedfordshire, 12, 56, 72, 87, 89, 94,

245, 262, 264
Beddingham (Sussex), 224
Bedretune, 227
Beeding (Sussex), 224
Begberie, H., 68
Belchamp (Essex), 12 1
Bellingham, Ordmar of, 14
Benefice, 195

Beneficial hidation, 242-245
Benfleet, 134, 147, 190
Bengeworth, 102
Benson (Oxon.), 194
Bentley, 217
Berewick, 53, 59, 60
Bergholt, 123, 148, 217
Berkeley, 59

Berkhampstead, 156, 239

Berkshire, 12, 46, 69, 98, 168, 249,

250, 252, 253, 262, 264
Bernungham, 59
Bersted, 47

Berton, South (Hants), 3
Berwick, 115, 120
Betone (Glos.), 184, 248
Betting-House Acts, 81
Bexhill, 219
Bicester, 48
Bichamdike, 118
Biggleswade, H., 145
Bilsham (Sussex), 186
Binsted, 185, 186
Birdham, 174
Bishampton, 102

Bishop of Bayeux, 30, 74, 86, 88, 93,
95> 97, 98, 105, 131, 140, 183,

210, 238, 247, 262, 266

Chester, 89, 97, 196, 249, 263

Chichester, 89, 263

Coutances, 13, 18, 88, 99, 149, 172

Durham, 89, 263

Exeter, 15, 89, 215, 263

Hereford, 249, 263

Lincoln, 38, 89, 101, 104, 174, 263

London, 46, 48, 83, 89, 90, 93, 104,

263

Rochester, 89, 131, 263
Salisbury, 89, 263
Thetford, 89, 141, 195, 263
Winchester, 13,47,49, 89, 104, no,

231
Worcester, 39, 66, 89, 90, 102, 104,

117, 131, 166, 168, 193, 219,

263

Bishopescote (Beds.), 67
Bishopstrev, 200
Bisley, 131

Black Bourton (Oxon.), 231
Blackburn, 122
Bladon, 183, 209
Blafield, 83
Blakenham, 222
Blanch money, 27
Bledlow, 172

INDEX

269

Bloodwite (the fine for drawing blood),

82

Bloxham, 134, 194
Blund, Robert, 36
Blythborough, 225
Boat and net, 176
Bodmin, 181
Bognor, 47

Boldon, 233 ; Book, 21, 233
Boon day, 116; work, 109, 123
Bordar, 30, 90, 112, 132, 133, 143, 150,

152, 259, 264
Bordesdon (Herts), 149
Borough, 176-178, 181
Borred, 99, 149
Borton (Essex), 57, 217
Bosham, 27, 91, 189, 210, 228
Bosworth, 185
Bot,78
Bottisham, 62
Bovarius, 151
Bovate, 40
Boycot (Oxon.), 69
Bracton, 162

Braiose, William of, 99, 192, 224, 244
Bramber, Church of St. Nicholas, 192 ;

rape, 76, 99
Bramdean, 106
Brantestun, 126
Breaston (Derbys.), 149
Brede, 91
Bremesse, H., 70
Bretwalda, 65
Breve, 16
Brictric, 86, 131
Bricklehampton, 132
Bridetone, 52, 191, 223
Bridport, 191
Bristol, 18, no
Brize Norton, 146, 147
Broad water, H., 145
Broadway, 28
Broadwell, 62
Broclega, 54
Bromley, 114
Bromsgrove, 182
Brook, 79

Broughton (Hunts), 36, 82, 246
Broughton (Oxon.), 62
Broughton Foggs, 62
Buckfastleigh, Abbot of, 177
Buckinghamshire, 12, 17, 56, 67, 72,

95, 96, 98, 238, 245, 252, 253, 262,

264

Buckland, 170
Bullingdon, H., 68
Bulverhythe, 176
Buraston, 8 1
Burchard, 123
Burford (Worcs.), 81
Burgelle, 78

Burgesses, 176-178, 180, 264
Burhbot (the liability to repair the

boroughs), 78, 177, 180
Buri, 154
Burnham, 48
Burstead, 166

Burton, Abbot of, 16, 90, 194
Burton Chartulary, 157, 162, 192, 193,

246

Burwardescote, 243
Burwell, 231
Burwell, Adam of, 14
Byelaws, 8, 9

Caen, Church of Holy Trinity, 91 ; of
St. Stephen, 91

Caerleon, 197

Calne, 41, 223

Cambas, 186

Cambridgeshire, 12, 15, 34, 56, 61,
89, 94, 127, 167, 224, 253, 262,
264; hundreds of, 6 1, 63, 244;
Inquest, 13, 15, 19, 21, 26, 34, 61,
124, 136, 146, 171, 189, 201, 234 ;
jurors of, 14, 21, 107, 155, 165,
176, 184, 201, 214; sokemen of,

114, 115, 120, 121, 122, 144, 146;

team in, 34
Canterbury, 73, 116 ; Archbishop of,

89, 91, 101, 104, 167, 222, 249,

263

Caput manerii, 59, 247
Carl, on (Lines.), 190

INDEX

Carlton (Beds.), 148

Carpenters, 156

Carucage of Richard II., 254

Carucate, 40, 207 ; as in Normandy,
42, 199

Carucated shires, 40

Gary, no

Castellary, 179, 1 80

Castle, 178-180; guard, 1 80

Castle Clifford, 179

Censarii, 159

Censores, 157

Censuarii, 157

Ceorl, ill

Cerebury, 224

Cerne, 129

Cervisiarii, 157

Cess, 222

Ceventun, 54

Chadlington, 232

Chantry, 189

Chapel, 186

Charford, 154, 216

Charlton. 47

Chatteris Abbey, 138

Checkendon, 63

Cheeseworkers, 157

Cheltenham, 225

Cheninchall, 83

Chertsey, Abbey of, 18, 124, 175, 263

Cheshire, 12, 42, 72, 73, 79, 83, 88, 94,
97, 151, 167, 176, 197, 262, 264

Chester, 8, 20, 78, 196, 249 ; Earl
Hugh of, 17, 20, 96, 97, 126, 197

Chippenham (Cambs.), 202

Chippenham, William of, 14

Chippenham (Wilts.), 223

Chipping Norton, 48

Chirchetone, 53

Chistelestone, H., 78

Chivage, 161

Christian Malford, 129

Church, as landowner, 88, 262 j col-
legiate, 185 ; of manor, 186 ; in
village, 184-200

Church-shot, 163, 193

Churches, pre-Conquest, 178, 185

Circuits, 12

East Midland, 12, 13, 56, 114
Northern, 12

South Eastern, 12, 31, 140, 243
South Western, 12, 17,31, 151. 184,

201, 249

West Midland, 12

Western, 12, 13, 31
Cirencester, 116, 163, 225
Clacton, 104
Clamores, 216, 261
Clapham, 99
Clavering, H., 71, 79
Claybury, 51
Clayley, H., 72
Clifton, 117, 118
Clinton, 26
Clothall, 124

Clothing of the monks, 90
Clopeham (Beds.), 217
Clopton (Cambs.), 244
Cokeley, 127
Coleburne, 129
Coleham, 188
Coleshill, 93
Coliberti, 154
Collectors of geld, 250
Collegiate churches, 185
Colness, H., 144, 171
Colston, 52
Combe (Oxon.), 30, 151, 166, 169,
172, 174, 208, 209, 212, 229, 234,
252

Combe (Surrey), 141
Comberton, 62
Comital manors, 96
Commendation, 1 12, 125, 127
Commissioners' names, 13
Common field, 34, 35
Compton Little, 66
Condover, H., 78, 145
Constabularia, 103
Copford, 113
Copleford, 197
Cop thorn, H., I2O
Corbett, Mr. (quoted), 68, 245, 254
Corby, H., 145

INDEX

271

Cormeilles, St. Mary of, 70, 191

Corn, yield of, 208

Cornwall, 7, 12, 32, 65, 95, 98, 151,
181, 219, 253, 262, 264

Cosham, 154

Cotes (Warwick), 79

Cotswolds, 65

Cottager, 109, in, 133, 152, 266. See
also Bordar

Cottenham, 129

County. See Shire

County borough, 20, 176-178

Count of hundred, 70 ; of shire, 74 ;
of wapentake, 71

Cozets, 157

Crediton, 39, 44

Crewkerne, 154

Crimsham, 47

Cromhall, 128

Cropredy, 61, 101, 105

Crowland, 18, 220; Abbot of, 175,
226

Crowmarsh, 63, 248

Croydon (Cambs.), 244

Culford, 202

Cultivation, course of, 205, 206 ; ex-
penses of, 230

Cumberland, 73

Cunuche, 105

Curia, 50

Customs of soke, 117, 118

Cutslow, 230

Cuxham, 209, 238

Dagenham, Agnes of, 162

Damardestun, 59

Danegeld, 6, 248, 251, 253, 254

Dartford, 187

Deacon, 185

Dean, Forest of, 169

Deddington, 30, 1 66, 169, 172, 174,

229, 246, 252
Deer Hay, 122
Deerhurst, Abbey of, 66, 91 ; hundred,

47,66
Defford, 132
Degradation of freeholders, 147

Demesne, 30, 55, 56, 101, 112

Dena (Beds.), 56

Denbigh, 197

Denys, St., of Paris, 47, 66, 91

Dependent churches, 187

Derby, 185, 194

Derby, West, 122

Derbyshire, 12, 26, 40, 52, 80, 89, 94,

96, 151, 167, 182, 188, 253, 262,
264

Dersingham, 123

Descriptio, 15, 16, 251

Detached portions of hundreds, 69

Devonshire, 7, 12, 32, 46, 64, 65, 86,

97, 253, 262, 264
Dialogus de Scaccario, 161, 235
Diet, 209

Dillington, 163

Dimplei, 224

Disputed titles,2i5- 217

Diss, 225 ; half-hundred, 83

Ditcher, 156

Ditton, 105, 120

Doddington, 175

Dodintree, H., 64

Domesday Book, custody of, 20 ; de-
scription of MSS-, 19 ; index to
landowners, 20 ; names for, 1 6 ;
publication of, 20

Dorchester, 223

Dorchester (Oxon.), 101, 104, 174

Dorsaeta, 73

Dorset, 7, 12, 73, 78, 172, 222, 223,
245, 248, 252, 262, 264

Dover, 4, 69, 174

Down, The (Isle of Wight), 146

Drayton (Bucks.), 180

Dreng, 122

Droitwich, 28, 182, 191

Dudestan, H., 145

Dunne, 100

Dunwich, 175

Durham, 73, 96

Durnford, 102

Earls, 94, etc. ; third penny of, 97
Earley, H., 72

272

INDEX

Eastbourne, 224

Eastergate, 186

Eaton, 175

Ebrige, 50, 260

Ecclesiolae, 187

Eckington, 132

Edburgeton, 202

Edith the Fair, 121

Edith, Queen, 86, 91, 246

Edgar Atheling, I

Edgar, King, laws of, 70 ; charter of,

71

Edivestone, H., 67

Edward, King, the Confessor, I, 2,

77, 86, 87, 91, 261
Edward, King, the Elder, 33, no
Edwin, Earl, 53, 1 66
Edwin, King of Northumbria, 64
Eia, 141

Eling, 167, 1 68, 223
Ellis, Sir Henry, 20, 157, 168, 186,

2IO, 246

Elpethorpe, 84

Elsi fitz Caschin, 80

Ely, Abbot of, 18, 90, 104, 113, 116,
120, 121, 123, 125, 128, 129, 144,
175, 215, 263 ; Inquest, 13, 15, 21,
34, 129, 130 ; hundreds of, 68

Emmeswelle, 166

Encroachments, 214-220

Englefield, 200

English Chronicle quoted, 2, 6, 7, 254 ;
survivors, 6, 100, 262

Erringham, 192

Eschalers, Hardouin of, 18, 49, 215

Escheat, 86

Esher, 124, 126

Essex, 12, 15, 19, 31, 38, 50, 51, 54,
55, 84, 88, 93, 95, 113, 121, 166,

169, I7O, 178, 184, 2OI, 2l6, 2l8,
253, 262, 264

Estrild, a monk, 36

Ethelred II., 6

Eu, Count of, 67, 99, 219

Eustace, Count of Boulogne, 44, 48,

140, 20 1
Eversden, 123

Eversholt (Beds.), 147

Evesham, 152 ; Abbot of, 13, 74, 81,

102, 128, 193, 263
Ewias, 132, 179, 1 80
Exeter Domesday, 6, 15, 21, 30, 44,

129, 151, 201

Exeter, Osbern Bishop of, 15, 215
Eynsham, IOI

Facsimile, 21

Fairness of Commissioners, 219

Family holding, 33

Fareham, 243

Farm, King's, 134, 135 ; of shire, 75

Farmer's calendar, 206

Farnham (Surrey), 47

Farnham (Bucks.), 173

Farthing, 26

Fealty, oath of, 124

Fecamp Abbey, 91, 99

Fecchenham (Herefd.), 191

Fech, 51

Fee, 140

Felpham, 176, 186

Ferding, 32

Ferraria, 183

Ferrars, Henry of, 13, 76, 96, 179

Ferry, 183

Fetcham, 174

Feudal tenures, 87

Figuli, 157

Fihtwite (fine for fighting), 83

Finchampstead, 226

Fines on sale, 126

Firma, 116, 131, 226; " unius noctis,'

223, 235, 239, 245, 262
Fiscal purpose of D.B., 6-H
Fishborough, H., 64
Fishbourne, 174
Fishermen, 156
Fishery, 174-176
Five-hide unit, 61, 69, 101
Flambard, Ralph, 69, 250
Flamingdike, H., 149
Flemingston, 54, 116
Fletham, H., 67
Flint, 197

INDEX

273

Foldsoke, 83, 116

Folkland (land held by folkright), 143

Folsham, 202

Food-rent, 198-199, 223

Fordham, 115 ; Robert of, 14

Fordwell, 83

Fordwich, 97

Foreign Abbeys, 91

Forests, 168

St. Leonard's, 165

Ashdown, 165
Forestel, 82
Forfeitures, 4, 115

for non-payment of geld, 249
Fornham, 54, 56
Foxham, 163
Franland wapentake, 72
Freefolk (Hants), 136
Freeholders, 121, 133, 137, 161
Freeman, Prof., quoted, 2, 3, 10, 16,

72, 94, 197, 216
Freemen, 112, 116, 133, 134, 135, 137,

145, 264

French-born burgesses, 249
Fulbrook, 48
Fumagium, 199
Furlong, 42
Furness, 73
Fyrd, 69, 102

Fyrdwite (fine for neglecting the fyrd),
78, 83, 102

Gablatores, 157

Gadre, H., 68

Gafol, 108, 129, 223, 232, 234

Gafolgelder, 108, in, 133, 138

Gangsdown (Oxon.), 115

Garsington, 35, 247

Gateley, 123

Gayton, 53, 56

Geatfled's will, no

Gebur, 109, in, 133, 135, I43> I$3>

i55, 232,
Geld, 242-254 ; Inquests, 6, 7, 64, 134,

245, 246, 249

Geneat, 109, in, 133, *35> H3> J55
Geoffrey of Mandeville, 99, 149, 150
T

Geretreu wapentake, 72

Geritone, H., 67

Gersuma, 222

Gethampton (Oxon.), 63

Getune (Herefd.), 75

Gifard Osbern, 100

Gifard, Walter, 13, 56, 96, 130, 231

Gillingham, 191

Glastonbury, Abbot of, 90, 104, 129,

263

Glebe, 188
Gloucester, Abbey of, 175, 263 ; city of,

26, 176 ; gemot at, 7
Gloucestershire, 12, 42, 65, 73, 89, 95,

98, 197, 223, 253

Go where they would, 113, 120, 130
Godiva, Countess, 80
Godwin, Earl, 95, 131
Goring (Oxon.), 63
Gorleston, 125
Gosecote wapentake, 72
Grantchester, 62
Grantham, 59, 60
Gratenton (Oxon.), 49
Gravelinges, 169
" Graviter et miserabiliter," IOO
Greenhow, H., 79
Grentmaisnil, Hugh of, IOO
Grimsby, 183
Grimston (Suffolk), 144
Grostete, Bishop, 235
Gunfordebi, 60
Guort, 176
Gurgites, 175

Gurth, Earl, 79, 94, 123, 195, 217
Guthlacistan wapentake, 72
Guy, Count of Ponthieu, 2, 92
Gwent, 197-201
Gwestva, 198, 223, 235
Gytha, Countess (wife of Earl Godwin),

86

Hadam, 116

Hadfield Broad Oak, 117, 171, 190,222

Haise, 167

Halfpenny, 26
Halgetun, 116

274

INDEX

Hall, 49, 50, 60, 83

Hallow, 132, 163

Halstead, 54

Hamlets, 45

Hamo, Sheriff of Kent, 18

Hampshire, 12, 100, 140, 142, 145, 223,

245, 252, 262, 264
Hampton (Worcs.), 102
Hampton, Oxon, 48
Hamsocn, 83
Handborough, 209
Hanningfield, 125
Hardouin of Eschalers, 18, 49, 215
Hardwick (Glos.), 66
Harold, Earl, 2, 3, 9, 86, 91, 92, 95,

97, 120, 123, 138, 140, 150, 176,

197, 220
Harrow, 188
Hascoius Musard, 17
Hastings, battle of, 2, 4, 9, 95 ; castel-

lary of, 219 ; rape of, 76, 99
Hatley (Cambs.), 244
Hawcombe Wood, 166
Hawks, 103, 239, 240 ; nests, 167
Hawkesborough, H., 67
Hayling Island, 3
Headington, 194
Hearthpenny, 109, 143, 152
Hecham, H., 67
Heinfare, 82

Heir, Norman, of Englishman, 5
Heletone, H., 145
Helston, 202
Hemegratham, 54> n6
Heming's Cartulary, 114, 120
Hemingford, 247
Henbury, 223
Henhert, H., 67
Henies, 218
Henry I., laws of, 24, 45, 154 ; charter

to London, 1 18
Henry II., 10, 204
Herbagium, 171

Hereford, city of, 78, 241.; Earl of, 95
Herefordshire, 12, 16, 65, 70, 73, 74,

89, 95, H5» 151, 168, 169, 197, 262,

264

Hereswode, 166

Hereward, 96, 226

Heriot, 126

Herlavestune, 59

Herlege, 243

Herman, Bishop of Salisbury, 127

Hersham, 82 ; hundred, 79

Herstingstone, H., 64, 246

Hertford, H., 145, 166, 195

Hertfordshire, 12, 15, 72, 89, 95, 145,

262, 264; sokemen of, 115, 120,

122

Hesilinge, Hugh of, 14
Hiboldestone, 53
Hidated shires, 40
Hidcote, 128
Hide, 30, 43, 108
Hinctune, 242
Hitchin, 3, 116, 206, 217
Hocheslau, H., 67
Hochinton, 120
Holding freely, 115, 120 ; of the King,

115, 119, 120

Honey, 75, 168, 199, 200, 204, 240
Honour, earl's, 97
Horndon, 48, 51, 55, 136, 137, 202
Horningsworth, 54
Houghton Regis, 225, 241
Hounds, 103, 239, 240
Hoxne, 90
Huepstede, 54

Hugh de Forth, 101, 147, 154, 216
Hugh, Earl of Chester, 17, 20, 96, 97,

126, 197

Hugh fitz Grip, 75
Hugh of Grentmaisnil, 100
Hugh of Montfort, 123, 186, 218
Hugh the Steerman, 50, 260
Hulme Abbey, 92
Humiliart, H., 189
Hundred, 61 ; moot, 70; pleas of, 78 ;

Rolls, 1 60 ; rubrics of, 17 ; soke of,

194

Hundred's man, 64, 249
Huntingdonshire, 12, 17, 31, 56, 89,

94, 151, 216, 245, 262, 264
Hurstbourne Tarrant, 193, 223

INDEX

275

Hustedene, 18
Hwiccas, 64, 89
Hyde Abbey, 263

Iffley, 174

Ifield, 64

Income of William I., 87, 262

Incrementum, 75

Index to landowners, 20

Ine's laws, 108, 109, 134

Ingelric, 50

Ingulf, 1 8, 220

Inland, 59, 90, 246, 257

Invasiones, 121, 214-220

Inquest, Cambridgeshire, 13, 15, 19,

21, 26, 34, 61, 124, 136, 146, 171,

189, 20 1, 234
Inquest, Domesday, 13
Inquest, Ely, 13, 15, 21, 34, 129
Ipsden, 63
Ipswich, 222
Irenchester, 99
Ironworkers, 157
Isle of Wight, 100, 142
Islip, 229, 255-261
Itchen, 219
Ivry, Roger of, 48, 98, 147, 230, 231,

265

Judith, Countess, 95, 170
Juger, 42

Kempsford, 170

Kencot, 62

Kenebrook, 144, 221

Keneworth, H., 68

Kennet, 189, 201 ; Nicholas of, 14, 201

Kensington, 188

Kent, 12, 42, 80, 89, 95, 97, 98, 101,

116, 141, 154, 195, 252, 253> 262,

264

Kettering, 233
Keworth, 54
Kidlington, 229
Kingsclere, 223
Kingston (Glos.), 70
Kingston-on-Thames, 176

Kintbury, H., 145

Kirtlington, 194

Knights, 101

Knighton (Isle of Wight), 146

Labour rents, 109, 132, 136

Labourer, wage, 153

Lachentun, 170, 202

Lackford, 54, 113, 116, 143

Laleford, 224

Laleham, 36

Lambeth, 92

Lammas meadows, 172

Lancashire, 26, 40, 61, 73, 122

Lanfranc, Archbishop, 13, 74, 92, 131

Lap worth, 193

Larceny, 80, 82

Lashbrook, 173

Lathe (of Kent), 76

Laughton, 67

Launceston, 181, 219

Lavendon, 142

Laverstoke, 93

Lead -mines, 182

League, 42

Leatherhead, 208

Lege, 247

Legrewite, 82

Leicester, 72

Leicestershire, 12, 20, 38, 40, 71, 89,

94, 252, 253, 262, 264
Leighton Buzzard, 225, 241
Lei, 51
Lene, 156
Leofstanstun, 144
Leofwin, Earl, 56, 86, 95, 97, 124
Leofwin of Nuneham, 100
Leominster, 47, 132, 153, 155, 167,

168, 222

Letheringsett, 59
Lever ton, 140
Levy en masse, 9, 69
Lew, 231
Lewes, 99, 100, 195 ; Priory, 191 ;

rape of, 76, 99 ; tolls at, 1 10
Lewknor, 238
Ley land, 122

276

INDEX

Liability for geld, 134

Liber Niger, 16, 28, 157, 233, 235

" Liber e tenentes," 114, 121

Liberty of commendation, 113, 114,
115, 121, 123, 129, 134; of sale,
112 ; to build church, 188

Libury, 124

Lie in, 49

Lillingston Lovell, 69

Lincolnshire, 12, 40, 52, 71, 73, 76,
80, 89, 94, 151, 216, 241, 262, 264

Lineal measures, 42

Linford (Berks.), 130

Linton, 191

Lire, Abbess of, 191

Liskeard, 181

Lisland, 146

Litlington, 49, 244

Little Compton, 66

Locton, 185

Lonchelai, 49

London, 1 8, 178

Lurfenham, 116

Luton, 67, 225, 241

Macclesfield, 173

Maer, 198

Magnates, 85, etc.

Maitland, Prof., quoted, 28, 35, 36,
45, 47, 49, So, 82, 83, 108, 116,
124, 134, 138, 142, 143, 150, 154,
155, 161, 177, J93» 207, 208, 212,
230, 237, 248, 250, 252

Mailing, 167

Malt, 75, 205

Malmesbury, Abbot of, 130, 163, 225,

235

Malvern, 166, 168, 169, 219
Manbot, no
Manestun, 54
Manitone, 179
Manor, 44, 49, 60, 135 ; pre-Conquest,

in Suffolk, 55
Mansio, 44, 60
Mapledurham, 63
Marcle, 28, 132, 168, 173
Mark (money), 26

Markets, no, 181

Marlborough, Statute of, 162

Marsh Gibbon, 100

Marsuins, 175

Matilda, Queen, 74, 86, 181

Matthew Paris, 103

Maurdine, 28

Meadow, 169-172

Measures, areal, 32-42 ; bulk, 27-29 ;

lineal, 42
Melbourne, 244
Meldreth, 244
Melela, 51
Mellitarii, 157
Memberfield, 185
Merchet, 161
Mercia, 94
Meresbury, 224
Merleswegen, 99
Mersey and Kibble, lands between.

See Lancashire
Merton, H., 145
Methods of study, 21-25
Michael, St., of Mount, 191
Middle Anglia, 64, 245
Middlesex, 12, 20, 35, 39, 71, 85, 89,

95, 151, 152, 153, 167, 171, 176,

178, 188, 211, 245, 252, 253, 262,

264

Middleton (Beds.), 148
Middleton (Suffolk), 126
Middleton (Sussex), 186
Milchet, 167

Miles Crispin, 98, 115, 217
Military services, 69, 101-105
Mill, 172-174, 234
Milton, 38, 101, 185
Milton Abbey, 129
Mistaken ideas of D. B., 9
Mitta, 27

Mobility of land, 66
Modius, 27
Molmen, 159
Money, 26, 27
Mongewell, 63
Monmouth, 73
Montfort, Hugh of, 123, 186, 218

INDEX

277

Montgomery, 1 80

M or car, Earl, 94, 156

Mordun, 49, 244

Mortain, Count of, 17, 67, 92, 95, 98,

186, 218, 219, 224, 262 ; monks

of, 244

Mortimer, Ralph, 51
Mottisfont, 187
Mulcefel, 121
Muleham, 123
Mund, 125
Mundham, 47
Mural mansions, 25, 44, 72
Musard, Hascoius, 17
Mutford (Suffolk), 148, 202

Naval battle, 4

Navestock, 92, 220

Nazenden, 57

Neatham, 181 ; hundred, 145

Net (fishing), 176

New assessment, 250, 251

New Forest, 100, 167, 168

Newnham Murren, 63

Newton (Devon), 15, 172, 215

Newton (Lanes.), 122

Newton (Lines.), 59

Newton (Wilts.), 167

Neuesland, H., 67

Nicholas of Kennet, 14, 201

No man's land, 35, 85

Norfolk, 12, 15, 19, 38, 41.83, 88, 94,

95, 113, 184, 188, 195, 253, 262,

264

Norrenses, battle contra, 4
Northamptonshire, 12, 72, 73, 94, 95,

182, 240, 245, 262, 294
Northern insurgents, 95, 239, 258
Northumberland, 73
Northumbria, 94
Northwich, 182
Norton (Suffolk), 144
Norwich, 188, 195
Nottinghamshire, 12, 40, 52, 59, 80,

82, 89, 94, 151, 253, 262, 264
"Now," explained, 38
T 2

Nowton, 54
Nucleated vill, 45
Nuneham, 174
Nuneham, Leofwin of, 100

Oath, value of, 125

Oats, 75, 205

Obolus, 26

Occupationes, 214-120

Oddington, 257

Odo, Bishop of Bayeux, 30, 74, 86, 88,

93, 95. 97. 98> I05» W> 14°> l83>

219, 238, 247, 262
Offa, Charter of, 223
Offences against moral law, 195
Off ham, 1 86
Okehampton, 180
Ollaria, 183
Omenel, 243
Omissions in D. B., 18
Open-field system, 35, 40, 139
Orderic Vitalis, 5, 196, 250
Ordinbaro, H., 67
Ore, 26

Orfrey work, 105, 106
Orsedd, 44
Orwell, 138, 146

Osbern, Bishop of Exeter, 15, 91, 215
Oswaldslaw, H., 64, 66, 68, 71, Si,

102, 117, 118, 131
Otmoor, 256
Ounce, 26, 122

Ouilly, Robert of, 48, 98, 115, 247
Oure (Glos.), 223
Outfit for new gebur, 109
Outlawry, 4

Over (Cambs.), 163, 192
Over-assessment, 252
Ower (Hants), 129
Oxford, 24, 72, 94, 95, 177, 256
Oxfordshire, 12, 17, 46, 58, 63, 68, 75,

86, 94, 95, "7. l85, X94, 206, 211,

229, 230, 238, 239, 245, 248, 252,

253, 262, 264
Oxgang, 40
Oxland (Suffolk), 144

INDEX

Pagenel, Ralph, 99

Paggrave, 202

Pagham, 47, 222

Pannage, 167, 228

Parage, 141

Parish church, 184 ; civil, 46

Parochiani, 186

Partial commendation, 126

Particulatim, 35

" Pastum unius noctis," no

Patronage of churches, 195

Paul's, St., Canons of, 16, 90, 92, 176,

192, 209, 225, 235
Payment by tale, 27 ; by weight, 27
Peace in the land, time when, 4
Peacebreach, 82
Pelham, 139
Peldon, 215
Penny, 26
Penwortham, 180
Pepys and D. B., 9
Perching, 50

" Perficiendum manerium, ad," 58
Periton, 91

Perquisites of court, 228, 236
Perrott, South, 135, 154, 202
Pershore, Abbot of, 81, 131, 193, 226,

263

Personal nexus of tenements, IO
Pesinges, 147
Peter, the bishop, 93, 196
Peter, St., of Rome, 91
Peter of Valonges, 123, 195
Peterborough, Abbot of, 16, 28, 90,

225, 235, 263
Petersham, 172, 175, 210
Petroc, St., 219, 248
Pevensey, 76, 99 ; hundred, 67 ; rape,

76, 99

Phobing, 117
Picot, Sheriff of Cambs., 14, 75, 83, j

149, 154, 216
Pieran, St., 219, 226
Piham, 147
Pilesgete, 158
Pimperne, 223, 250
Pinnenden Heath, 74

Pipe Rolls, quoted, 26, 29, 68, 243,
248, 250, 251 ; of bishopric of
Winchester, 236

Pitstone, 56

Playden (Sussex), 236

Pleas of hundred, 78, 240 ; of shire,
74, 78, 240 ; in hall, 83 ; loan of
sokemen to hold, 83

Ploughley, H., 68, 69

Forth, Hugh de, 101, 147, 154, 216

Portland, 202

Portsdown, H., 145

Portway, 256

Potters, 157

Pottery, 183

Pound, 26 ; of pennies, 26

Pratum, 169-172

Pre-Domesday hide in Gloucestershire,
32

Prepositus, 155, 198

Preston (Lanes.), 73

Preston (Sussex), 66

Prices, 27, 74, 149

Priest (social position), 189, 196 ; Eng-
lish survivors, 196

Private feuds in Wales, 200

Proportion of Church property, 88 ;
of Dominical and tenants' teams,
211 ; of freeholders, 144-146; of
surviving landowners, 6 ; of Terra
Regis, 85

Puddletown, 78

Pulham, 79

Purpose of D. B., 6-n

" Quando recepit," 239
Quarantine, 42
Quarries, 182
Queen Edith, 86, 91, 246
Queen Matilda, 74, 86, 181
Queen, gersuma of, 239, 240
Questions to Cambridgeshire jurors, n,
14, 21, 30, 44, 85, 107, 155, 165,

176, 184, 201, 214, 221, 237

Radknight, 131
Radman, 116, 131

INDEX

279

Ralph Flambard, 69, 250

Ralph Guader, Earl of Norfolk, 88, 95

Ralph Mortimer, 51

Ralph Pagenel, 99

Ralph Piperell, 126, 218

Ralph Taillebois, 67, 173, 249

Ramsey, Abbey of, 82, 90, 92, 118,

123, 163, 175, 192, 217, 263 ; char-

tulary of, 36, 1 1 8, 233
Rapes of Sussex, 76, 244
Raunds, 99
Ray, River, 255
Rayleigh, 183

Reading, 196, 226 ; hundred, 145
Recede, 113
Recordin, 78
Rectitudines Singularum Personarum,

109, 133, 143, 151, 152, 163, 171,

211, 233, 259
Redemption of lands, 5
Reedham, 202
Reeve, 155 ; -land, 75
Relief, 5, 59, 103, 141
Remigius, Bishop of Lincoln. 13
Renders of sokes, 117, 118, 223
Rent, 221, 234; in kind, 223, 235
Reod, 54

Restoration of estates, 219
Restraint on commendation, 113, 114,

115, 121, 129, 134
Results of D. B., 249, 250
Retaliation, 77
Rhuddlan, 47, 1 80, 200
Richmond, 96
Riding, 76
Ringsfield, 148, 195
Rippingale (Lines.), 226
Risborough, 182
Risby, 54, 112, 116, 137
Risden, 99
Rise in values, 238
Rising, 202
Robert Blund, 36, 126
Robert Malet, 126, 148, 175
Robert of Ouilly, 48, 98, 115, 247
Robert of Rhuddlan, 47
Rochester, 44, 73

Rochford, H., 70, 79, 117

Rodbourne, 243

Rodbridge, H., 142

Rodolei, 166

Rodwell, H., 67

Roger, Bigot, 148

Roger, Earl of Hereford, 86, 96, 197

Roger Montgomery, Earl of Salop., 76,
83, 96, 97, 99, 187, 191, 243

Roger of Ivry, 48, 98, 147, 230, 231,
265 ; wife of, 256, 261

Roger of Poitou, 61, 217

Roinges, 82

Rollright, 48, 182

Rotation of crops, 205

Rother valley, 170

Round, Mr., quoted, 14, 19, 28, 61,62,
63. 92, 99. 103, 106, 113, 114, 120,
129, 139, 142, 146, 151, 157, 170,
176, 223, 242, 245, 248, 250, 253

Rudeford, 173

Rushmere, 43

Rutland, 73, 151, 245, 262, 264

Rye, 91

Sabbath-breaking, 8, 196

Sagena, 175

Saham, 175, 224 j Warin of, 14

Saints as landowners, 92

St. Alban's, 92, 104, 263

St. Edmund's, 60, 79, 83, 92, 93, 112,

116, 121, 128, 143, 175, 248, 264
St. Etheldreda, 84, 92, 116, 126. See

Ely, Abbot of
St. German, 181, 219
St. Helena, 170
St. Ives, 234

St. Martin (of Dover), 90, 196
St. Mary (of Barking), 125
St. Mary (of Cormeilles), 70, 191
St. Michael of Mount, 191
St. Ouen, 84
St. Paul's, 16, 90, 92, 176, 192, 209,

225, 235

St. Peter (of Rome), 91
St. Petroc, 219, 248
St. Pieran, 219, 226

280

INDEX

St. Stephen (of Caen), 91

St. Vandrille, 191

Saisdon, H., 145

Sake and soke, 77-84, 112, 118

Salford, 61, 122

Salinse, 182

Salisbury, gemot at, n, 12

Salmannesberie, H., 66, 68

Salmon, 175

Saltenham, 144

Saltworkers, 156, 182

Sambourne, 41

" Sanctus Paulus invasit," 92, 220

Sandford-on-Thames, 174

Sandwich, 91, 116, 175

Sawbridge worth, 150, 152

Saxham, 54

Saxlingham, 5

Scot, 49

Scottere, 159

Scotessa, 195

Screveton, 52

Scrutton, Mr., quoted, 49

Sculthorpe, 116, 159

Sea-hedge, 176

Seam (measure), 27

Seasalter, 91

Seebohm, Mr., quoted, 34, 109, 144,

150, 1 60, 165, 176, 198, 199, 206,

212

Segadri, 250

Selsey, 66 ; Bishop of, 219
Semibos, 37
"Send into," 126
Sepulture, 187
Serjeants, 105
Services, 119
Servientes, 105
" Servientes curvam," 50, 152, 173,

177

Setlington, 173
Sextary, 27, 28
Shaftesbury Abbey, 263
Shepperton, 188
Sherborne, 41 ; monks of, 219
Sheriff, 13, 74, 250
Shilling, 26

Shingay, 49, 244

Shipton-under-Wychwood, 182, 194
Shire, 71, etc.; moot, 13, 74; pleas

of, 78

Shoeswell, H., 67
Shoreham, 91, 192
Shotover, 168, 255

Shrewsbury, 16, 78, 185, 187, 191, 249
Shrievalty of Wilts, rents of, 28, 75,

194, 204
Shripney, 47
Shropshire, 12, 73, 85, 94, 97, 151,

167, 197, 241, 262, 264
Sibton, 127
Sidlesham, 66

Six forfeitures, 82 ; of St. Edmunds, 83
Siwate, 102, 141
Slave, 109, 112, 132, 133, 150, 151,

160, 213, 259, 264
Slave-market, no
Slindon, 186
Slinford, 189
Smiths, 156
Smoke money, 199
Snail well, Aluric of, 14
Soca regis, 116, 121, 124
Socage, 161
Soke, 117; (contrasted with "sake

and soke "), 84, 117
Sokeland, 52, 60, 117
Sokeman, 52, 55, 112, 115, 116, 117,

133. 137, i39> 143. i58> l64, 1 86,

264

Somerley, H., 66
Somerset, 7, 12, 46, 65, 73, 222, 223,

246, 253, 262, 264
Southease, 175
Southwark, 79
Southwick, 192
Southwold, 202
Sparsholt, 76, 170
Stabilatio, 167
Stafford, 44, 96

Staffordshire, 12, 94, 253, 262, 264
Stake net, 176
Stamford, 126
Standard, Battle of, 9

INDEX

281

Staines, H., 62, 145

Stanton Harcourt, 30, 1 66, 169, 172,

174, 229, 234, 252
Staplebridge, 219
Staplehoe, H., 14
Stepney, 46
Steventon, 221
Steyning, 91, 99, 177, 192 ; hundred,

64

Stitch, 175

Stigand, 79, 92, 123, 124, 127, 138
Stoke (Oxon.), 63
Stoke (Kent), 131
Stoke (Sussex), 186
Stoke (Wore.), 128
Stoneham, 187

Stoughton (Sussex), 210, 212, 228, 236
Stow (Norfolk), 186, 217
Stow-cum-Quy, 62
Stowood, 168, 256
Stradford, H., 78
Stratton (Staffs.), 159
Stratton (Wilts.), 134
Streatham, 92
Strigoil, fee of, 42
Sub-commendation, 126
Sudbury, 1 88
Suffolk, 12, 15, 19, 38> 41, 54. 83, 84,

88, 94, 144, 184, 188, 195, 225,

253, 262, 264 ; bishopric of, 90
Sulung, 42
Sumpter-horse, 240
Sunbury, 1 88
Surrey, 12, 18, 95, 96, 165, 178, 250,

252, 262, 264
Surviving landowners, 100
Sussex, 12, 32, 46, 47, 73, 87, 98, 99,

140, 145, 146, 165, 171, 182, 211,

242, 243, 245, 252, 253, 262, 264
Sutreshele, 124
Sutton, 113
Sutton Lathe, 80
Suestlingua, 202

Suit of mill, 173; of court, 161-164
Swaffham, 18, 62, 175, 215
Swegen of Essex, 70, 79, 125, 190
Swineherds, 156, 213

Tacitus, quoted, 65

Tadlow, 244

Tadmarton, 101

Taillebois, Ralph, 67, 173, 249

Tallage, 161

Tamworth, 18

Tangmere, 156

Taunton, 81, 102, no, 192, 193

Tawton, 202

Taylor, Rev. C. S., quoted, n, 32,65,

86

Taylor, Canon, quoted, 40, 71
Teams, 30, 33, 43
Tenants in capite. See Magnates
Tenants' teams, 37, 21 1
Tendring, 51, 58, 202
Terra, 45

Terra Regis, 85, 238, 262
" Terra Regis de regione," 88
Terling, 218

Testa de Nevill, 106, 261
Tew, 48, 238

Tewkesbury, 58, 59, 181, 247
Tey, 201
Thame, 101
Thaxted, 222

Thegn, 59, 102, 105, 134, 147
Thegnland, 76, 129, 135
" Then," explained, 38
Thetford, 126, 187
Thingoe, H., 54, 113, 143
Third penny of borough, 94, 97 ; of

pleas, 78, 97
Thistledon, 136
Thoresby, 183
Thorley, 124

Thorney (Norfolk), 186, 192
Thorney (Sussex), 92
Thorp, 79
Thrapslow, 215
Thurstan, Bishop, 9
Tilbrook, 56
Tilshead, 223
Tingdene, 67, 117
Titchfield, 181
Tithes, 190
Tochi, 100

282

INDEX

Tooting, 93

Tori, 127

Tortington, 186

Torveland, 183

Tostig, 53, 84 ; Earl, 95

Totnes, 177

Totnore, H., 67

Trematon, 181

Trev, 198

Tribal hidage, 64 ; settlements, 73

Trichingeham, 59

Tring, H., 72

"Trinoda necessitas," 71, 108, 177

Trochinge, 249

Troy weight of silver, 26

Tuddenham, 189

Tun, 45

Turchil of Warwick, 100

Turstin of Wigmore, 5 1

Turvey (Beds.), 87

Tutbury, 180

Ulf Senisc, 80
Under-assessment, 7, 252
Upton (Oxon.), 194
Urso, Sheriff of Worcestershire, 75
Utbech, 156

Vades (security), 216

Valonges, Peter of, 123, 195

Valuation list, 8, 9, 242

Value, 57, 221-241

Vavassours, 105

Vicecomes, 74

Victoria County Histories quoted —

Derby, 26, 189

Essex, 151, 170, 176

Hants, 101, 106, 142, 219

Herts, 140, 146

Surrey, 250

Sussex, 1 86

Warwick, 100

Worcester, 28, 66, 74, 102, 114, 120
Vikings, 243
Vill, 45, 198, 199
Village community, 45
Villain, 160

Villan, 30, 55, 112, 132, 133, 134, 135,

H3» 150. 153, 158, 216, 259, 264
Vineyards, 183
Vinogradoff, Prof., quoted, 10, 36, 58,

109, 135, 153, 154, 159
Virgate, 31, 109

Wadard, 105

Wadone, 193

Wage-labourers, 153

Wages in kind, 209

Walberton, 186, 196

Walcot, 163

Wales, 42, 73, 197-200

Walesgrif, 53, 84

Walfleet, 60

Wallingford, 80, 239

Wallington, H., 122

Wallop, 190

Walsham, H., 83

Walter Gifard, 13, 56, 96, 130, 231

Walter of Henley, 204-212

Waltham Abbey, 92

Waltheof, Earl, 94, 123, 138

Walton (Suffolk), 144

Wandelmestrei, H., 67

Wantage, 5, 93, 115, 127, 227

Wapentake, 71

Wareham, 191

Warland, 247

Warminster, 223

Warrantor, 125

Warwick, 80, 82

Warwickshire, 12, 66, 71, 74, 79, 94,

240, 252, 253, 262, 264
Washington, 33
Waste, 245

Watereaton, 229, 247, 257
Watone, 182, 249
Weaverham, 173
Weaverthorpe, 84
Weights of stock, 203
Wells, 1 8

Welsh tribal system, 199
Welshmen, 197-201
Wendy, 244
Wenesi, 106

INDEX

283

Wenfleet, 59

Wergild, 77, no, 135, 143, 152, 154

Wessex, 89, 95

Westbury, 157, 223

Westerfield, 217

Westley, 171

Westminster, 101, 104, 152; Abbey,
66, 80, 90, 91, 92, 93, 104, 132, 191,
193, 261, 263 ; Provisions of, 161

Westmoreland, 73

Weston, 195

Weston (Norfolk), 79

Wetherley, H., 62, 138

Whaddon, 244

Wheat, price of, 27 ; yield of, 208

Whitchurch (Dorset), 191

Whitchurch (Hants), 136

Whitchurch (Oxon.), 63

Wickford (Cambs.), 68

Wickham (Herts), 139

Wigmore, 180 ; Turstin of, 51

Wigot of Wallingford, 261

Wilbraham, 62

Wilcote (Wilts.), 183

Wilge, H., 128

Willesden, 57

William fitz Ansculf, 17, 21, 100

William of Braiose, 99, 192, 224, 244

William of Charnet, 216

William, King, the Conqueror, his in-
come, II, 87, 262; lands, II, 58,
85, 262 ; march to London, 239 ;
standpoint, 1-6

William, King, Rufus, 69, 219, 243, 250

William fitz Osbern, Earl of Hereford,

51. 73. 92, 95. I28> J79> 191* 197,

199

William of Scocies, 83
William of Warenne, 96, 99, 175, 243
Willingdon, 67
Williton, no
Wilsaeta, 73
Wilton Abbey, 93, 102
Wiltshire, 7, 12, 32, 71, 73, 222, 223,

240, 245, 252, 253, 262, 264
Wimbourne, 52, 169, 223
\Vimbourne Forest, 169

Winchelsea, 91

Winchester, 18, 176; Bishop of, 13,
8l, 102, 104, 136 ; king's house at,
16 ; St. Mary of, 93, 219 ; St. Peter
of, 175

Windrush, 66

Windsor, 180

Windsor Forest, 169

Winford, 223

Winshall, 159

Winterbourne, 226

Wintone, 224

Wisbech, 175

Wissett, 185

Wite, 77

Witetheow, no

Witham, 78, 202, 221

Wittering, 66 ; hundred, 64

Woodchester, 15

Woods, 165-169, 228

Woodstock Forest, 168

Wolford, 66, 208

Wootton, H. (Oxon.), 68, 106

Worcester, 64 ; Abbey of, 13, 33, 74,
8 1, 90, 129, 223 ; Bishop of, 39, 66,
89, 90, 102, 117, 131, 166, 168, 193,
219 ; Register, 28, 81, 132

Worcestershire, 12, 13, 16, 39, 65, 71,
73, 79, 81, 89, 94, 102, 120, 240,
253, 262, 264

Worksop, So

Worlingham, 195

Worton (Oxon.), 106

Writtle, 169, 224

Wychwood, 1 68

Wycombe, 171

Wye (Kent), 79, 116

Yarnton, 172

Yeresyive, 163

Yield of crops, 208

Yoke, 42

York, Archbishop of, 80, 89, 187 ;

battle at, 4
Yorkshire, 12, 18, 40, 41, 50, 52, 71,

73, 76, 80, 84, 88, 151, 216, 238,

262, 264

PRtNTED BY

WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
LONDON AND BECCLES.

A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS
PUBLISHED BY METHUEN
AND COMPANY: LONDON
36 ESSEX STREET

W.C.

CONTENTS

PAGE

PAGE

General Literature,

2-ig

Little Blue Books,

27

Ancient Cities,

19

Little Books on Art, .

27

Antiquary's Books .

20

Little Galleries,

28

Beginner's Books,

20

Little Guides, .

28

Business Books,

20

Little Library,

28

Byzantine Texts,

21

Miniature Library,

30

Churchman's Bible,

21

Oxford Biographies, .

30

Churchman's Library, .

21

School Examination Series

30

Classical Translations,

21

Social Questions of To-day

3i

Commercial Series,

22

Textbooks of Science, .

3i

Connoisseur's Library,

22

Textbooks of Technology

3i

Library of Devotion,

23

Handbooks of Theology

3*

Standard Library,

23

Westminster Commentaries,

32

Half-Crown Library, .

24

Illustrated Pocket Library of

Plain and Coloured Books,

24

The Shilling Novels, .

37

Junior Examination Series,

26

Books for Boys and Girls

38

Junior School-Books, .

26

Novels of Alexandre Dumas,

38

Leaders of Religion, .

27

Methuen's Sixpenny Books,

39

OCX

OBER 1906

A CATALOGUE OF

MESSRS. METHUEN'S

PUBLICATIONS

Colonial Editions are published of all Messrs. METHUEN'S Novels issued
at a price above 25. 6d., and similar editions are published of some works of
General Literature. These are marked in the Catalogue. Colonial editions
are only for circulation in the British Colonies and India.

An asterisk denotes that a book is in the Press.

I.P.L. represents Illustrated Pocket Library.

S.Q.S. represents Social Questions Series.

PART I. — GENERAL LITERATURE

Abbot (Jacob). See Little Blue Books.

Abbott (J. H. M.). Author of 'Tommy
Cornstalk.1 AN OUTLANDER IN
ENGLAND: BEING SOME IMPRESSIONS OF
AN AUSTRALIAN ABROAD. Second Edition.
Cr. 8z'<3. 6s.

A. Colonial Edition is also published.

Acatos (M. J.). See Junior School Books.

Adams (Frank). JACKSPRATT. With 24
Coloured Pictures Super Royal \£>mo. is.

Adeney (W. F.), M.A. See Bennett and
Adeney.

/Eschylus. See Classical Translations.

>Esop. See I.P.L.

Ainsworth (W. Harrison). See I.P.L.

Alderson (J. P.). MR. ASQUITH. With
Portraits and Illustrations. Demy 8v0.
7*. 6d. net.
A. Colonial Edition is also published.

Aldis (Janet). MADAME GEOFFRIN,

HER SALON, AND HER TIMES.

With many Portraits and Illustrations.

Second Edition. Demy 8v0. ion. 6d. net.

A Colonial Edition is also published.

Alexander (William), D.D., Archbishop
of Arrnaeh. THOUGHTS AND
COUNSELS OF MANY YEARS.
Demy i6mo. zs. 6d.

Alken (Henrv). THE NATIONAL
SPORTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. With
descriptions in English and French. With
51 Coloured Plates. Royal Folio. Five
Guineas net. The Plates can be had
separately in a Portfolio. .£3, 3$. net.
See also I.P.L.

Allen (Jessie). See Little Books on Art.

Allen (J. Romilly), F.S.A. See Antiquary's
Books.

Almack (E.). See Little Books on Art.

Amherst (Lady). A SKETCH OF
EGYPTIAN HISTORY FROM THE
EARLIEST TIMES TO THE PRE-
SENT DAY. With many Illustrations.
Demy 8v0. js. 6d. net.

Anderson (F. M.). THE STORY OF THE
BRITISH EMPIRE FOR CHILDREN.
With many Illustrations. Cr. 8vo. zs.

Anderson (J. G.), B.A., Examiner to London
University, NOUVELLE GRAMMAIRE
FRANCAISE. Cr. 8r-o. zs.

EXERCICES DE GRAMMAIRE FRAN-
CAISE. Cr. 8vo. is. 6<t.

An'drewes (Bishop). PRECES PRI-
VATAE. Edited, with Notes, by F. E.
BRIGHTMAN, M. A., of Pusey House, Oxford.

Angio-^AustraHan. AFTER-GLOW ME-
MORIES. Cr. %vo. 6s.
A Colonial Edition is also published.

Aristophanes. THE FROGS. Translated
into English by E. W. HUNTINGFORD,
M.A. Cr. &W. zs. 6<f.

Aristotle. THE NICOMACHEAN
ETHICS. Edited, with an Introduction
and Notes, by JOHN BURNET, M.A., Pro-
fessor of Greek" at St. Andrews. Cheaper
issue. DentyZ-i'O. los. 6J. net.

Ashton (R.). ' See Little Blue Books.

Atkins (H. G.). See Oxford Biographies.

Atkinson (C. M.). JEREMY BENTHAM.
Demy &vt>. 5-f. net.

Atkinson (T. D.K A SHORT HISTORY
OF ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE.
With over 200 Illustrations. Fcap. 8vo.
3*. 6d. net.

A GLOSSARY OF TERMS USED IN
ENGLISH ARCHITECTURE. Illus.
trated. Fcap. 8vo. 3^. 6J. net.

Auden (T.), M.A., F.S.A. See Ancient Cities.

Aurelius (Marcus). See Standard Library
and W. H. D. Rouse.

Austen (Jane). See Little Library and
Standard Library.

Aves (Ernest). See Books on Business.

Bacon (Francis). See Little Library and
Standard Library.

GENERAL LITERATURE

Baden-Powell (R. S. S.), Major-Genend.

THE DOWNFALL OF PREMPEH. A

Diary of Life in Ashanti, 1895. Illustrated.

Third Edition. Large Cr. 8vo. 6s.

A Colonial Edition is also published.

THE MATABELE CAMPAIGN, 1896.
With nearly 100 Illustrations. Fourth
Edition. Large Cr. 8vo. 6s.

A Colonial Edition is also published.

*Bagot (Richard). THE LAKE OF
CO MO. Cr. 8™. 3s. 6d. net.

Bailey fj. C. ), M.A. See Cowper.

Baker (\V. G.), M.A. See Junior Examina-
tion Series.

Baker (Julian L.), F.I.C..F.C.S. See Books
on Business.

Balfour (Graham). THE LIFE OF
ROBERT LOUIS STEVENSON. Second
Edition. Two Volumes. DemyZvo. 25*. net.
A Colonial Edition is also published

Bally (S.E.). See Commercial Series.

Banks (Elizabeth L.). THE AUTO-
BIOGRAPHY OF A 'NEWSPAPER
GIRL.' Second Edition. Cr. 8ft?. 6s.
A Colonial Edition is also published.

Barham (R. H.). See Little Library.

Baring (The Hon. Maurice). WITH
THE RUSSIANS IN MANCHURIA.
Third Edition. DemyKvo. js.6ff.net.
A Colonial Edition is also published.

Baring-Gould (S.). THE LIFE OF
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. With over
450 Illustrations in the Text, and 12 Photo-
gravure Plates. Gilt top. Large quarto.

TRAGEDY OF THE CAESARS.

With numerous Illustrations from Busts,

Gems, Cameos, etc. Fifth Edition. Royal

Bi'0. ioj. 6d. net.
A BOOK OF FAIRY TALES. With

numerous Illustrations by A. J. GASKIN.

Third Edition. Cr. 8vo. Buckram. 6s.
OLD ENGLISH FAIRY TALES. With

numerous Illustrations by F. D. BEDFORD.

Second Edition. Cr. 8vo. Buckram. 6s.

A Colonial Edition is also published.
THE VICAR OF MORWENSTOW. Re-
vised Edition. With a Portrait. Cr. 8vo.

3s.6d.
DARTMOOR : A Descriptive and Historical

Sketch. With Plans and numerous Illus-
trations. Cr. 8vo. 6s.
A BOOK OF DEVON. Illustrated.

Second Edition. Cr. Sro. 6s.
A BOOK OF CORNWALL. Illustrated.

Second E<i::icrt. Cr. £:v>. 6s.
A BOOK OF NORTH WALES. Illus-
trated. Cr. 8vo. 6s.
A BOOK OF SOUTH WALES. Illustrated.

Cr. Zro. 6s.
A BOOK OF BRITTANY. Illustrated. Cr.

8vo. 6s.
A BOOK OF THE RIVIERA. Illustrated.

Cr. 8ro. 6s.
A. Colonial Edition is also published.

THE RHINE. Illustrated. Crown 8vo. 6s.
A BOOK OF GHOSTS. With 8 Illustra-
tions by D. MURRAY SMITH. Second Edi-
tion. Cr. 8z'0. 6s.

•r -rA Co!onial Edition is also published.
OLD COUNTRY LIFE. With 67 Illustra-

tions. Fi^tk Edition. Large Cr. 800. 6s.
A GARLAND OF COUNTRY SONG:
English Folk Songs witii their Traditional
Melodies. Collected and arranged by S
BARING-GOULD and H. F. SHEPPARD.
Demy 4/0. 6s.

SONGS OF THE WEST: Folk Songs of
Devon and Cornwall. Collected from the
Mouths of the People. ByS. BARING-GOULD,
M.A.,and H. FLEETWOOD SHEPPARD, M.A.
New and Revised Edition, under the musical
editorship of CECIL J. SHARP, Principal of
the Hampstead Conservatoire. Large Im-
perial 8i"o. f,s. net.

See also Little Guides and Half-Crown
Library.
Barker (Aldred F.). Sec Textbooks of

Technology.
Barnes (W. E.), D.D. See Churchman's

Bible.

Barnett (Mrs. P. A.). See Little Library.
Baron (R. R. N.), M.A. FRENCH PROSE
COMPOSITION. Second Edition. Cr.Sz-o.
ss. 6d. Key, 3^. net. See also Junior School
Books.

Barren (H. M.), M.A., Wadham College,

Oxford. TEXTS FOR SERMONS. With

a Preface by Canon SCOTT HOLLAND.

Cr. 8vo. 3*. 6d.

Bartholomew (J. G.), F.R.S.E. See C G.

Robertson.

Bastable(C. F.), M.A. See S.Q.S.
Batson (Mrs. Stephen). A BOOK OF
THE COUNTRY AND THE GARDEN.
Illustrated by F. CARRUTHERS GOULD and
A. C. GOULD. Detny 8vo. ior. 6d.
A CONCISE HANDBOOK OF GARDEN

FLOWERS. Fcap. 8vo. 3s. 6d.
Batten (LoringW.), Ph.D., S.T.D. THE
HEBREW PROPHET. Cr. Zvo. 3^. 6d

Beaman(A. Hulme). PONS ASINORUM;
OR, A GUIDE TO BRIDGE. Second
Edition. Fcap. %vo. zs.

Beard (W. S.). See Junior Examination
Series and Beginner's Books.

Beckford ( Peter). THOUGHTS ON
HUNTING. Edited by J. OTHO PAGET,
and Illustrated by G. H. JALLAND. Second
Edition. Demy Zvo. 6s.

Beckford (William). See Little Library.

Beeching (H. C.), M.A., Canon of West-
minster. See Library of Devotion.

Begbie (Harold). MASTER WORKERS.
Illustrated. DemyZvo. js.6d.net.

Behmen (Jacob). DIALOGUES ON THE
SUPERSENSUAL LIFE. Edited by
BERNARD HOLLAND. Fcap. 8vo. y. 6d.

MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

Belloc (Hillalre). PARIS. With Maps and

Illustrations. Cr. too. 6s.
"MARIE ANTOINETTE. With many

Portraits and Illustrations. Demy 8vo.

i-2S. 6d. net.

A Colonial Edition is also published.
Bellot (H. H. L.), M. A. THE INNER AND

MIDDLE TEMPLE. With numerous

Illustrations. Crown too. 6s. net,

See also L. A. A. Jones.
Bennett (W. H.), M.A. A PRIMER OF

THE BIBLE. Third Edition. Cr. too.

Bemiett (W. H.) and Adeney (W. P.). A
BIBLICAL INTRODUCTION. Third
Edition. Cr. too. js. 6d.

Benson (Archbishop) GOD'S BOARD :
Communion Addresses. Fcap. too. %s. 6d.

Benson (A. C.), M.A. See Oxford Bio-

Be^sonTR. M.). THE WAY OF HOLI-

NESS: a Devotional Commentary on the

ngth Psalm. Cr. too. $s.
Bernard (E. R.), M.A., Canon of Salisbury.

THE ENGLISH SUNDAY. Fcap. too.

is. 6d.
Bertouch (Baroness de). THE LIFE

OF FATHER IGNATIUS. Illustrated.

Demy too. los. 6d. net.

A Colonial Edition is also published.
Betham-Edwards(M.). HOME LIFE IN

FRANCE. Illustrated. Fourth Edition.

Demy too. "js. 6d. net.

A Colonial Edition is also published.
Beth une- Maker (J. P.), M.A. See Hand-

books of Theology.
Bidez (M.). See Byxantine Texts.
Biggs (C. R. D.), D.D. See Churchman's

Bindley (T. Herbert), B.D. THE OECU-
MENICAL DOCUMENTS OF THE
FAITH. With Introductions and Notes.
Cr. too. 6s.

Binns (H. B.). THE LIFE OF WALT
WHITMAN. Illustrated. Demy too.
los. 6d. net.
A Colonial Edition is also published.

Binyon (Laurence). THE DEATH OF
ADAM, AND OTH

ER POEMS. Cr.

3-y. 6d. net.
WILLI

AM BLAKE. In 2 volumes.
Super Royal Quarto. £i, is. each.

Vol. i. — THE BOOK OF JOB.
Birnstingl (Ethel). See Little Books on Art.
Blacktnantle (Bernard). See I. P. L.
Blair (Robert). See I. P. L.
Blake (William). See I.P.L. and Little

Library.
Blaxland (B.), M.A. See Library of

Devotion.

Bloom (T. Harvey), M.A. SHAKE-
SPEARE'S G A R D E N. Illustrated.
Fcap. too. 3$. 6d. ; leather, 43. 6d. net.
See also Antiquary's Books

Blouet (Henri). See Beginner's Bocka.

Boardman (T. H.), M.A. See Textbooks
of Science.

Bodley (J. E. C.), Author of France." THE
CORONATION OF EDWARD VII.
Demy too. 2 is. net. By Command of the
King.

Body (George), D.D. THE SOUL'S
PILGRIMAGE : Devotional Readings
from his writings. Selected by J. H. BURN,
B.D., F.R.S.E. Pott too. as. 6d.

Bona (Cardinal). See Library of Devotion.

Boon (F. C.). See Commercial Series.

Borrow (George). See Little Library.

Bos (J. Ritzema). AGRICULTURAL
ZOOLOGY. Translated by J. R. AINS-
WORTH DAVIS, M.A. With 155 Illustrations.
Cr. too. Third Edition, is. 6d.

Botting(C. G.), B.A. EASY GREEK
EXERCISES. Cr. too. 2s. See also
Junior Examination Series.

Boulton (E. S.), M.A. GEOMETRY ON
MODERN LINES. Cr. too. zs.

Boulton (William B.). THOMAS
GAINSBOROUGH With 40 Illustra-
tions. Second Ed. Demy too. TS.6d.net.

SIR JOSHUA REYNOLDS, P.R.A. With
40 Illustrations. Demy too. js. 6d. net.

Bo\vden(E. M.). THE IMITATION OF
BUDDHA: Being Quotations from
Buddhist Literature for each Day in the
Year. Fifth Edition. Cr. 16*10. <zs. 6d.

Boyle (W.). CHRISTMAS AT THE ZOO.
With Verses by W. BOYLE and 24 Coloured
Pictures by H. B. NEILSON. Super Royal

T.6»tO. 2S.

Brabant (P. G.), M.A. See Little Guides.
Bradley (J. W.). See Little Books on Art.
Brailsford (H. N.). MACEDONIA.

Illustrated. Demy too. 125. 6d. net.
Brodrick (Mary) and Morton (Anderson).

A CONCISE HANDBOOK OF EGYP-

TIAN ARCHAEOLOGY. Illustrated. Cr.

too. 3*. 6d.
Brooke (A. S.), M.A. SLINGSBY AND

SLINGSBY CASTLE. Illustrated. Cr.

too. js. 6d.

Brooks (E. W.). See Byzantine Texts.
Brown (P. H.), LL.D., Fraser Professor of

Ancient (Scottish) History at the University

of Edinburgh. SCOTLAND IN THE

TIME OF QUEEN MARY. Demy too.

•js. 6d. net.
Browne (Sir Thomas). See Standard

Library.
Brownell (C. L.). THE HEART OF

JAPAN. Illustrated. Third Edition.

Cr. too. 6s. ; also Demy too. 6d.

A Colonial Edition is also published.
Browning (Robert). See Little Library.
Buckland (Francis T.). CURIOSITIES

OF NATURAL HISTORY. Illustrated

by H. B. NEILSON. Cr. too. 35. 6d.

GENERAL LITERATURE

5

Buckton (A. M.) THE BURDEN OF

ENGELA : a Ballad-Epic. Second Edition.
Cr. Bvo. $s. 6d. net.
EAGER HEART : A Mystery Play. Fourth

Edition. Cr. Bvo. is. net.
Budge (E. A. Wallis). THE GODS OF

THE EGYPTIANS. With over 100

Coloured Plates and many Illustrations.

Two Volumes. Royal Bvo. £•$, 3*. net.
Bull (Paul), Army Chaplain. GOD AND

OUR SOLDIERS. Second Edition.

Cr. Bvo. 6s.

A Colonial Edition is also published.
BuIIey (Miss). See S.Q.S.
Bunyan (John). THE PILGRIM'S PRO-

GRESS. Edited, with an Introduction,

by C. H. FIRTH, M.A. With 39 Illustra-

tions by R. ANNING BELL. Cr. Bvo. 6s.

See also Library of Devotion and Standard

Library.
Burch (Q. J.), M.A., F.R.S. A MANUAL

OF ELECTRICAL SCIENCE. Illus-

trated. Cr. Bvo. T,S.
Burgess (Qelett). GOOPS AND HOW TO

BE THEM. Illustrated. Small 4(0. 6s.
Burke (Edmund). See Standard Library.
Burn (A. E.), D.D., Rector of Handsworth

and Prebendary of Lichfield.

See Handbooks of Theology.
Burn (J. H.), B.D. See Library of Devotion.
Burnand (Sir F. C.). RECORDS AND

REMINISCENCES. With a Portrait by

H. v. HERKOMER. Cr. Bvo. Fourth and

Cheaper Edition. 6s.

A Colonial Edition is also published.
Burns (Robert), THE POEMS OF. Edited

by ANDREW LANG and W. A. CRAIGIE. With

Portrait. Third Edition. Demy Bvo, gilt

top. 6s.
Burnside (W. F.), M.A. OLD TESTA-

MENT HISTORY FOR USE IN

SCHOOLS. Cr. Bvo. 3*. 6d.
Burton (Alfred). See I.P.L.
Butler (Joseph). See Standard Library.
Caldecott (Alfred), D.D. See Handbooks

of Theology.
Calderwood (D. S.), Headmaster of the Nor-

mal School, Edinburgh. TEST CARDS

IN EUCLID AND ALGEBRA. In three

packets of 40, with Answers, is. each. Or

in three Books, price sd., 2</., and ^d.
Cambridge (Ada) [Mrs. Cross]. THIRTY

YEARS IN AUSTRALIA. Demy Bvo.

A Colonial Edition is also published.

Canning (George). See Little Library.

Capey (E. F. H.). See Oxford Biographies.

Careless (John). See I. P. L.

Carlyle (Thomas). THE FRENCH
REVOLUTION. Edited by C. R. L.
FLETCHER, Fellow of Magdalen College,
Oxford. Three Volumes. Cr. Bvo. iBs,

THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF OLIVER
CROMWELL. With an Introduction
by C. H. FIRTH, M.A., and Notes and
Appendices by Mrs. S. C. LOMAS. Three
Volumes. Demy Bvo. iBs. net.

Carlyle(R. M. and A. J.), M.A. See Leaders
of Religion.

'Carpenter (Margaret). THE CHILD
IN ART. Illustrated. Cr. Bvo. 6s.

Chamberlin (Wilbur B.). ORDERED
TO CHINA. Cr. Bvo. 6s.
A Colonial Edition is also published.

Channer (C. C.) and Roberts (M. E.).
LACEMAKING IN THE MIDLANDS,
PAST AND PRESENT. With 16 full-
page Illustrations. Cr. Bvo. 2j. 6d.

Chapman (S. J.). See Books on Business.

Chatterton (Thomas). See Standard
Library.

Chesterfield (Lord), THE LETTERS OF,
TO HIS SON. Edited, with an Introduc-
tion by C. STRACHEY, and Notes by A.
CALTHROP. Two Volumes. Cr. Bvo. 12*.

Chesterton (Q. K.). DICKENS. With
Portraits and Illustrations. Second Edition.
Demy Bvo. -js. f>d. net.

A Colonial Edition is also published.

Christian (F. W.). THE CAROLINE
ISLANDS. With many Illustrations and
Maps. Demy Bvo. i2S.6d.net.

Cicero. See Classical Translations.

Clarke (F. A.), M.A. See Leaders of Religion.

Cleather (A. L.) and Crump (B.).
RICHARD WAGNER'S MUSIC
DRAMAS : Interpretations, embodying
Wagner's own explanations. In Four
Volumes. Fcap Bvo. 2S. 6d. each.
VOL. i. — THE RING OF THE NIBELUNG.

Third Edition.
VOL. n.— PARSIFAL, LOHENGRIN, and

THE HOLY GRAIL.
VOL. in. — TRISTAN AND ISOLDE.

Clinch (Q.). See Little Guides.

Clough (W. T.). See Junior School Books.

Coast (W. Q.), B.A. EXAMINATION
PAPERS IN VERGIL. Cr. Bvo. ?s.

Cobb (T.). See Little Blue Books.

Cobb (W. F.), M.A. THE BOOK OF
PSALMS : with a Commentary. Demy Bvo.

ColeridgeTs. T.), SELECTIONS FROM.

Edited by ARTHUR SYMONS. Fcap. Bvo.

2s. 6d. net.
Collingwood (W. Q.). See Half-Crown

Library.
Collins (W. E.), M.A. See Churchman's

Colonmu' HYPNEROTOMACHIA POLI-
PHILI UBI HUMANA OMNIA NON
NISI SOMNIUM ESSE DOCET
ATQUE OBITER PLURIMA SCITU
SANE QUAM DIGNA COMMEMO-
RAT. An edition limited to 350 copies on
handmade paper. Folio. Three Guineas net,

Combe (William), See I.P.L.

MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

Cook (A. M.), M. A. See E. C. Marchant.

Cooke-Taylor (R. W.). See S.Q.S.

Corelli (Marie). THE PASSING OF THE
GREAT QUEEN : Fcap. 4*0. is.

A CHRISTMAS GREETING. Cr. 4(0. is.

Corkran (Alice). See Little Books on Art.

Cotes (Rosemary). DANTE'S GARDEN.
With a Frontispiece. Second Edition.
Fcap. %vo. 2s. 6d.; leather, 35. 6d. net.

BIBLE FLOWERS. With a Frontispiece
and Plan. Fcap. 8vo. zs. 6d. net.

Cowley (Abraham). See Little Library.

Cowper (William), THE POEMS OF.
Edited with in Introduction and Notes by
J. C. BAILEY, M.A. Illustrated, including
two unpublished designs by WILLIAM
BLAKE. Demy 8v0. los. 6d. net.

Cox(J. Charles), LL.D., F.S.A. See Little
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Gasquet, the Right Rev. Abbot, O.S.B. See
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MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

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A HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY OF THE
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Qlbbins (H. de B.), Litt.D., M.A. IN-
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THE INDUSTRIAL HISTORY OF
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MEMOIRS OF MY LIFE AND WRIT-
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Gibson (E. C. SA D.D., Lord Bishop of
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Gilbert (A. R.). See Little Books on Art.

Gloag(M.). See K. Wyatt.

Godfrey (Elizabeth). A BOOK OF RE-
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Godley(A. DA M.A., Fellow of Magdalen
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VERSES TO ORDER. Second Edition.
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Goodrich-Freer (A.). IN A SYRIAN
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Goudge (H. L.), M.A., Principal of Wells
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THE SOUL OF A CHRISTIAN. Cr. Zvo.
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GreenTdge (A. H. J.), M.A. A HISTORY

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Demy^vo. Vol. I. (133-104 B.C.). IDS. 6d.

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Hello (Ernest). STUDIES IN SAINT-
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Henderson (B. W.), Fellow of Exeter
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Henley (W. E.). See Half-Crown Library.

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Hobhouse (Emily). THE BRUNT OF

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A

Hodgson (Mrs. W.) HOW TO IDENTIFY
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Hogg (Thomas Jefferson). SHELLEY
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Holden-Stone (G. de). See Books on

Holdlch (Sir T. H.), K.C.I.E. THE
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Holdsworth (W. S.), M.A. A HISTORY
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Holland (Canon Scott). See Library of
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Holt (Emily). THE SECRET OF POPU-
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A Colonial Edition is also published.

Holyoake(G.J.). THE CO-OPERATIVE
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Hone (Nathaniel J.). See Antiquary's Books.

Hoppner. See Little Galleries.

Horace. See Classical Translations.

Horsburgh (E. L. S.), M.A. WATERLOO :
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Oxford Biographies.

Horth(A. C.). See Textbooks of Technology.

Horton(R. F.),D.D. See Leaders of Religion.

Hosie (Alexander). MANCHURIA. With
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How (F. D.). SIX GREAT SCHOOL-
MASTERS. With Portraits and Illustra-
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Howell (G.). See S. Q. S.

Hudson (Robert). MEMORIALS OF A
WARWICKSHIRE PARISH. Illustrated.
Demy 8vo. 15^- net.

Hughes (C. E.). THE PRAISE OF
SHAKESPEARE. An English Anthol-
ogy. With a Preface by SIDNEY LEE.
Demy 8v0. 35. 6d. net.

Hughes (Thomas). TOM BROWN'S
SCHOOLDAYS. With an Introduction
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Hutchinson (Horace G.) THE NEW
FOREST. Illustrated in colour with
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Demy 8z>0. 2 is. net.

Hutton (A. W.), M.A. See Leaders of
Religion and Library of Devotion.

Hutton (Edward). THE CITIES OF
UMBRIA. With many Illustrations, of
which 20 are in Colour, by A. PISA. Second
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A Colonial Edition is also published.

10

MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

ENGLISH LOVE POEMS. Edited with
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Mutton (R. H.). See Leaders of Religion.

Hutton (W. H.), M.A. THE LIFE OF
SIR THOMAS MORE. With Portraits.
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Leaders of Religion.

Hyett (F. A.). A SHORT HISTORY OF
FLORENCE. Demy Zvo. js. 6d. net.

Ibsen (Henrik). BRAND. A Drama.
Translated by WILLIAM WILSON. Third
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Inge (W. R.), M.A., Fellow and Tutor of
Hertford College, Oxford. CHRISTIAN
MYSTICISM. The Bampton Lectures for
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Library of Devotion.

Innes(A. D.), M.A. A HISTORY OF THE
BRITISH IN INDIA. With Maps and
Plans. Cr. &vo. 6s.

ENGLAND UNDER THE TUDORS.
With Maps. Demy Svo. IDS. 6d. net.

Jackson (C. E.), B.A. See Textbooks of
Science.

Jackson (S.), M.A. See Commercial Series.

Jackson (F. Hamilton). See Little Guides.

Jacob (F.)» M.A. See Junior Examination
Series.

Jeans (J. Stephen). See S. Q. S. and Busi-
ness Books.

Jeffreys(D. Gwyn). DOLLY'S THEATRI-
CALS. Described and Illustrated with 24
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Jenks (E.)f M.A., Reader of Law in the
University of Oxford. ENGLISH LOCAL
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Jenner (Mrs. H.). See Little Books on Art.

Jessopp (Augustus), D.D. See Leaders of
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Jevons (F. B.), M.A., Litt.D., Principal of
Bishop Hatfield's Hall, Durham. RE-
LIGION IN EVOLUTION. Cr. 8vo.
3J. 6d. net.

See also Churchman's Library and Hand-
books of Theology.

Johnson (Mrs. Barham). WILLIAM BOD-
HAM DONNE AND HIS FRIENDS.
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Johnston (Sir H. H.), K.C.B. BRITISH
CENTRAL AFRICA. With nearly 200
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Cr. 4(0. i8s. net.

A Colonial Edition is also published.

Jones (R. Crompton), M A. POEMS
OF THE INNER LIFE. Selected by.
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Jones (H.). See Commercial Series.

Jones (L. A. Atherley), K.C., M.P., and
Bellot (Hugh H. L.). THE MINERS'
GUIDE TO THE COAL MINES
REGULATION ACTS. Cr.Zvo. 2s. 6d. net.

^COMMERCE IN WAR. Demy %vo. 21*.
net.

Jonson (Ben). See Standard Library.

Julian (Lady) of Norwich. REVELA-
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Juvenal. See Classical Translations.

'Kappa.' LET YOUTH BUT KNOW:
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3^. 6d. net.

Kauf mann (M.). See S. Q. S.

Keating (J. F.), D.D. THE AGAPE AND
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Keats (John). THE POEMS OF. Edited
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court, M.A. Demy Svo. 7$. 6d. net. See
also Little Library, Standard Library, and
E. de Selincourt.

Keble(John). THE CHRISTIAN YEAR.
Withan Introduction and Notes by W. LOCK,
D.D., Warden of Keble College. Illustrated
byR.ANNiNGBELi.. Third Edition. Fcap.
8vo. 3$. 6d. ; padded morocco, $s. See also
Library of Devotion.

Kempis (Thomas a). THE IMITATION
OF CHRIST. With an Introduction by
DEAN FARRAR. Illustrated by C. M. GERE.
Third Edition. Fcap.Zvo. -$s. 6d. ; padded
morocco. 55.

Also Translated by C. BIGG, D.D. • Cr.
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GENERAL LITERATURE

ii

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12

MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

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i6

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3

i8

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Wood (W. Birkbeck), M.A.,late Scholar of
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Wordsworth (W.). THE POEMS OF.
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Wordsworth (W.) and Coleridge (S. T.).
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Wright (Arthur), M.A., Fellow of Queen's
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Wright (C. Gordon). See Dante.

Wright (J. C.). TO-DAY. Fcap. i6»to.
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Wyatt(Kate) and Gloag (M.). A BOOK
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Wylde(A. B.). MODERN ABYSSINIA.
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Wyndham (George). THE POEMS OF
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Wyon ( R. ). See Half-crown Library.

Yeats (W. B.). AN ANTHOLOGY OF
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Young (Filson). THE COMPLETE
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Young(T.M.). THE AMERICAN
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Zimmern (Antonia). WHAT DO WE
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General Editor, B. C. A. "WINDLE, D.Sc., F.R.S.
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Illustrated.

EDINBURGH. By M. G. Williamson. Illus-
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20

MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

Antiquary's Books, The

General Editor, J. CHARLES COX, LL.D., F.S.A.

A series of volumes dealing with various branches of English Antiquities ;
comprehensive and popular, as well as accurate and scholarly.

Demy 8vo. 'js. 6d. net.

ENGLISH MONASTIC LIFE. By the Right
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Third Edition.

REMAINS OF THE PREHISTORIC AGE IN
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Plans.

OLD SERVICE BOOKS OF THE ENGLISH
CHURCH. By Christopher Wordsworth,
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CELTIC ART. By J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A.
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ARCHAEOLOGY AND FALSE ANTIQUITIES.
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SHRINES OF BRITISH SAINTS. ByJ. C. Wall.
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THE ROYAL FORESTS OF ENGLAND. By J.
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THE MANOR AND MANORIAL RECORDS.
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SEALS. By J. Harvey Bloom. Illustrated.

Beginner's Books, The

Edited by W. WILLIAMSON, B.A.

EASY FRENCH RHYMES. By Henri Blouet.
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EASY STORIES FROM ENGLISH HISTORY. By
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%vo. is.

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A series of volumes dealing with all the most important aspects of commercial and
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THE AUTOMOBILE INDUSTRY. By G. de H.
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MINING AND MINING INVESTMENTS. By
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THE BUSINESS OF ADVERTISING. By Clarence
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TRADE UNIONS. By G. Drage.

CIVIL ENGINEERING. By T. Claxton Fidler,
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THE IRON TRADE. ByJ. Stephen Jeans. Illus-
trated.

MONOPOLIES, TRUSTS, AND KARTELLS. By
F. W. Hirst.

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33

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MOODS. Fourteen

34

MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

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FICTION

35

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FICTION
Methuen's Shilling Novels

Cr. Svo. Cloth, is. net.

37

ENCOURAGED by the great and steady sale of their Sixpenny Novels, Messrs. Methuen have
determined to issue a new series of fiction at a low price under the title of 'THE SHILLING
NOVELS." These books are well printed and well bound in cloth, and the excellence of their
quality may be gauged from the names of those authors who contribute the early volumes of
the series.

Messrs. Methuen would point out that the books are as good and as long as a six shilling
novel, that they are bound in cloth and not in paper, and that their price is One Shilling net.
They feel sure that the public will appreciate such good and cheap literature, and the books can
be seen at all good booksellers.
The first volumes are —

Balfour (Andrew). VENGEANCE IS

MINE.
TO ARMS.
Baring-Gould (S.)- MRS. CURGENVEN

OF CURGENVEN.
DOMITIA.
THE FROBISHERS.
Barlow (Jane), Author of 'Irish Idylls.

FROM THE EAST UNTO THE

WEST.

A CREEL OF IRISH STORIES.
THE FOUNDING OF FORTUNES-
Barr (Robert). THE VICTORS.
Bartram (George). THIRTEEN EVEN-

Benson'(E. P.), Author of 'Dodo.' THE
Bowles (G. Stewart). A STRETCH OFF

rpTTT^ T AT^T)

Brooke (Emma). THE POET'S CHILD.
Bullock (Shan F.). THE BARRYS.
THE CHARMER.
THE SQUIREEN.
THE RED LEAGUERS.
Burton (J. Bloundelle).

SALT SEAS.
THE CLASH OF ARMS.
DENOUNCED.
FORTUNE'S MY FOE.
Capes (Bernard). AT A WINTER'S

Chesne^' (Weatherby). THE BAPTIST

THE BRANDED PRINCE.
THE FOUNDERED GALLEON.

ACROSS THE

: W. K.). A FLASH OF
CoSllin^ood (Harry). THE DOCTOR

WOUNDS IN THE

CTT'V

Crane (Stephen).

DennN(C. E.). THE ROMANCE OF

THE BLACK WOLF'S

DicWnsEo£° (Evelyn).
ANGELS,

THE SIN OF

Duncan (Sara J.). *THE POOL IN THE

DESERT.

A VOYAGE OF CONSOLATION.
Embree (C. F.). A HEART OF FLAME.
Fenn (G. Manville). AN ELECTRIC

SPARK.
Findlater (Jane H.). A DAUGHTER OF

STRIFE.

Findlater (Mary). OVER THE HILLS.
Forrest (R. E.). THE SWORD OF

AZRAEL.

Francis (M. E.). MISS ERIN.
Gallon (Tom). RICKERBV'S FOLLY.
Gerard (Dorothea). THINGS THAT

HAVE HAPPENED.
Gilchrist(R. Murray). WILLOWBRAKE.
Glanville (Ernest). THE DESPATCH

RIDER.

THE LOST REGIMENT.
THE KLOOF BRIDE.
THE INCA'S TREASURE.
Gordon (Julien). MRS. CLYDE.
WORLD'S PEOPLE.
Goss (C. F.). THE REDEMPTION OF

DAVID CORSON.
Gray (E. M 'Queen). MY STEWARD-

SHIP.

Hales (A. G.). JAIR THE APOSTATE.
Hamilton (Lord Ernest). MARYHAMIL.

TON.
Harrison (Mrs. Burton). A PRINCESS

OF THE HILLS. Illustrated.
Hooper(L). THE SINGER OF MARLY.
Hough (Emerson). THE MISSISSIPPI

BUBBLE.
•Iota' (Mrs. Caffyn). ANNE MAULE-

Jepson (Edgar). KEEPERS OF THE

KeHy°(Flo?ence Finch). WITH HOOPS

OF STEEL.

Lawless (Hon. Emily). MAELCHO.
Unden (Annie). A WOMAN OF SENTL

MENT,

Lorimer (Norma). JOSIAH'S WIFE.
Lush (Charles K.). THE AUTOCRATS.
Macdonell (Anne). THE STORY OF

npT^o p*C A

Macgrath (Harold). THE PUPPET

CROWN,

MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

Mackie (Pauline Bradford). THE VOICE
IN THE DESERT.

Marsh (Richard). THE SEEN AND
THE UNSEEN.

GARNERED.

A METAMORPHOSIS.

MARVELS AND MYSTERIES.

BOTH SIDES OF THE VEIL.

Mayall (J. W.). THE CYNIC AND THE
SYREN.

Monkhouse (Allan). LOVE IN A LIFE.

Moore (Arthur). THE KNIGHT PUNC-
TILIOUS.

Nesbit (Mrs. Bland). THE LITERARY
SENSE.

Norris (W. E.). AN OCTAVE.

OHphant (Mrs.). THE LADY'S WALK.

SIR ROBERT'S FORTUNE.

THE TWO MARY'S.

Penny (Mrs. Frank). A MIXED MAR-
AGE.

Phillpotts (Eden). THE STRIKING
HOURS.

FANCY FREE.

Pryce (Richard). TIME AND THE
WOMAN.

Randall (J.). AUNT BETHIA'S BUTTON.

Raymond (Walter). FORTUNE'S DAR-
LING.

Rayner (Olive Pratt). ROSALBA.

Rhys (Grace). THE DIVERTED VILL-
AGE.

Rickert (Edith). OUT OF THE CYPRESS

SWAMP.

Roberton(M. H.). A GALLANT QUAKER.
Saunders (Marshall). ROSE A CHAR-

LITTE.
Sergeant (Adeline). ACCUSED AND

ACCUSER.

BARBARA'S MONEY.
THE ENTHUSIAST.
A GREAT LADY.
THE LOVE THAT OVERCAME.
THE MASTER OF BEECHWOOD.
UNDER SUSPICION.
THE YELLOW DIAMOND.
Shannon (W. F.). JIM TWELVES.
Strain (E. H.). ELMSLIE'S DRAG NET.
i Stringer (Arthur). THE SILVER POPPY.
Stuart (Esme). CHRISTALLA.
Sutherland (Duchess of). ONE HOUR

AND THE NEXT.

Swan (Annie). LOVE GROWN COLD.
Swift (Benjamin). SORDON.
Tanqueray (Mrs. B. M.). THE ROYAL

QUAKER.
Trafford-Taunton (Mrs.E.W.). SILENT

DOMINION.

Upward (Allen). ATHELSTANE FORD.
Waineman (Paul). A HEROINE FROM

FINLAND.
Watson (H. B. Marriott). THE SKIRTS

OF HAPPY CHANCE.
'Zack.' TALES OF DUNSTABLE WEIR.

Books for Boys and Girls

Illustrated. Crown 8vo. $s. 6d.

THE GETTING WELL OF DOROTHY. By Mrs.
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THE ICELANDER'S SWORD. By S. Baring-
Gould.

ONLY A GUARD-ROOM DOG. By Edith E.
Cuthell.

THE DOCTOR OF THE JULIET. By Harry
Collingwood.

LITTLE PETER. By Lucas Malet. Second

Edition.
MASTER ROCKAFELLAR'S VOYAGE. By W.

Clark Russell. Third Edition.

THE SECRET OF MADAM K DE MONLUC. By

the Author of " Mdile. Mori."
SYD BELTON : Or, the Boy who would not go

to Sea. By G. Manville Fenn.
THE RED GRANGE. By Mrs. Molesworth.
A GIRL OF THE PEOPLE. By L. T. Meade.

Second Edition.

HEPSY GIPSY. By L. T. Meade. is. 6d.
THE HONOURABLE Miss. By L. T. Meade.

Second Edition.
THERE WAS ONCE A PRINCE. By Mrs. M. E.

Mann.
WHKN ARNOLD COMES HOME. By Mrs. M. E.

Mann.

The Novels of Alexandre Dumas

Price 6d. Double Volumes, is.

THE THREE MUSKETEERS. With a long
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THE PRINCE OF THIEVES. Second EJU ion,

ROBIN HOOD. A Sequel to the above.

THE CORSICAN BROTHERS.

GEORGES.

CROP-EARED JACQUOT; JANE; Etc.

TWENTY YEARS AFTER. Double volume,

AMAURY.

THE CASTLE OF EPPSTEIN.

THE SNOWBALL, and SULTANETTA.

CECILS; OR, THE WEDDING GOWN.

ACTE.

FICTION

39

THF BLACK TULIP.

THE VICOMTE DE BRAGELONNE.

Part i. Louise de la Valliere. Double

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Part ii. The Man in the Iron Mask.

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THE CONVICT'S SON.
THE WOLF-LEADER.
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volume.

PAULINE; MURAT ; AND PASCAL BRUNO.
THE ADVENTURES OF CAPTAIN PAMPHILE.
FERNANDE.
GABRIEL LAMBERT.
CATHERINE BLUM.
THE CHEVALIER D'HARMENTAL. Double

volume.
SYLVAN DIRE.
THE FENCING MASTER.
THE REMINISCENCES OF ANTONY.
CONSCIENCE.
PERE LA RUINE.
HENRI OF NAVARRE. The second part of

Queen Margot.
THE GREAT MASSACRE. The first part of

Queen Margot.
THE WILD DUCK SHOOTER.

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THR THREE MUSKETEERS. Illustrated in
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THE PRINCE OP THIEVES. Illustrated in
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ROBIN HOOD THE OUTLAW. Illustrated in
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THE CORSICAN BROTHERS. Illustrated in
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GEORGES. Illustrated in Colour by Munro Orr.
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TWENTY YEARS AFTER. Illustrated in Colour
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AMAURY. Illustrated in Colour by Gordon
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ACTE. Illustrated in Colour by Gordon
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is. 6<t.

THE ADVENTURES OF CAPTAIN PAMPHILE
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Methuen's Sixpenny Books

Austen (Jane). PRIDE AND PRE-

JUDICE.

Bagot (Richard). A ROMAN MYSTERY.
Balfour (Andrew). BY STROKE OF

SWORD.

Baring-Gould (S.). FURZE BLOOM.
CHEAP JACK ZITA.
KITTY ALONE.
URITH.

THE BROOM SQUIRE.
IN THE ROAR OF THE SEA.

A BOOK OF FAIRY TALES. Illustrated.
LITTLE TU'PENNY.

BAXTER,

JOURNALIST.

IN THE MIDST OF ALARMS.
THE COUNTESS TEKLA.
THE MUTABLE MANY.
Benson (E. F.). DODO.
Bronte (Charlotte). SHIRLEY
Brownell (C. L.)« T-Hi.

JAPAN.

Burton (J. Bloundelle). ACROSS THE

SALT SEAS.
Caffyn (Mrs)., ('Iota'). ANNE MAULE-

VERER.
*Capes (Bernard). THE LAKE OF

WINE.
Clifford (Mrs. W. K.). A FLASH OF

SUMMER.

MRS. KEITH'S CRIME.
Connell (F. Norreys). THE NIGGER

KNIGHTS.
Corbett (Julian). A BUSINESS IN

GREAT WATERS.
Croker (Mrs. B. M.). PEGGY OF THE

BARTONS.
A STATE SECRET.
ANGEL.
JOHANNA.
Dante (Alighieri). THE VISION OF

DANTE (GARY).
Doyle (A. Conan). ROUND THE RED

LAMP.
Duncan (Sara Jeannette). A VOYAGE

OF CONSOLATION.
THOSE DELIGHTFUL AMERICANS.

MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

Eliot (George). THE MILL ON THE

FLOSS.
Findlater (Jane H.). THE GREEN

GRAVES OF BALGOWRIE.
Gallon (Tom). RICKERBY'S FOLLY.
Gaskell(Mrs.). CRANFORD.
MARY BARTON.
NORTH AND SOUTH.
Gerard (Dorothea). HOLY MATRI-
MONY.

THE CONQUEST OF LONDON.
MADE OF MONEY.
Gissing (George). THE TOWN TRAVEL-

LER.

THE CROWN OF LIFE.
Glanville (Ernest). THE INCA'S

TREASURE.
THE KLOOF BRIDE.
Gleig (Charles). HUNTER'S CRUISE.
Grimm (The Brothers). GRIMM'S

FAIRY TALES. Illustrated.
Hope (Anthony). A MAN OF MARK.
A CHANGE OF AIR.
THE CHRONICLES OF COUNT

ANTONIO.
PHROSO.

THE DOLLY DIALOGUES.
Hornung (E. W.). DEAD MEN TELL

NO TALES.
Ing'aham (J. H.). THE THRONE OF

DAVID.
Le Queux (W.). THE HUNCHBACK OF

WESTMINSTER.
Levett- Yeats (S. K.). THE TRAITOR'S

WAY.

Linton (E. Lynn). THE TRUE HIS-
TORY OF JOSHUA DAVIDSON.
Lyall(Edna). DERRICK VAUGHAN.
Malet(Lucas). THE CARISSIMA.
A COUNSEL OF PERFECTION.
Mann (Mrs. M. E.). MRS. PETER

HOWARD.
A LOST ESTATE.
THE CEDAR STAR.
Marchmont (A. W.). MISER HOAD-

LEY'S SECRET.
A MOMENT'S ERROR.
Marryat (Captain). PETER SIMPLE.
JACOB FAITHFUL.
Marsh (Richard). THE TWICKENHAM

PEERAGE.
THE GODDESS.
THE JOSS.

Mason (A. E. W.). CLEMENTINA.
Mathers (Helen). HONEY.
GRIFF OF GRIFFITHSCOURT,

SAM'S SWEETHEART.

Meade (Mrs. L. T.). DRIFT.

Mitford (Bertram). THE SIGN OF THE

SPIDER.

Montresor (P. P.). THE ALIEN.
Moore (Arthur). THE GAY DECEIVERS.
Morrison (Arthur). THE HOLE IN

THE WALL.

Nesbit(E.). THE RED HOUSE.
Morris (W. E.). HIS GRACE.
GILES INGILBY.
THE CREDIT OF THE COUNTY.
LORD LEONARD.
MATTHEW AUSTIN.
CLARISSA FURIOSA.
Oliphant (Mrs.). THE LADY'S WALK.
SIR ROBERT'S FORTUNE.
THE PRODIGALS.
Oppenheim (E. Phillips). MASTER OF

MEN.
Parker (Gilbert). THE POMP OF THE

LAVILETTES.

WHEN VALMOND CAME TO PONTIAC.
THE TRAIL OF THE SWORD.
Pemberton (Max). THE FOOTSTEPS

OF A THRONE.
I CROWN THEE KING.
Phillpotts (Eden). THE HUMAN BOY.
CHILDREN OF THE MIST.
Ridge (W.Pett). A SON OF THE STATE.
LOST PROPERTY.
GEORGE AND THE GENERAL.
Russell (W. Clark). A MARRIAGE AT

SEA.

ABANDONED.

MY DANISH SWEETHEART.
Sergeant (Adeline). THE MASTER OF

BEECHWOOD.
BARBARA'S MONEY.
THE YELLOW DIAMOND.
Surtees (R. S.). HANDLEY CROSS.

Illustrated.
MR. SPONGE'S SPORTING TOUR.

Illustrated.

ASK MAMMA. Illustrated.
Valentine (Major E. S.). VELDT AND

LAAGER.

Walford (Mrs. L. B.). MR. SMITH.
THE BABY'S GRANDMOTHER.
Wallace (General Lew). BEN-HUR.
THE FAIR GOD.
Watson (H. B. Marriot). THE ADVEN-

TURERS.

Weekes (A. B.). PRISONERS OF WAR.
Wells (H. G.). THE STOLEN BACILLUS.
White (Percy). A PASSIONATE

PILGRIM.

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190 The Domesday inquest

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