.IBRARY UNIVERSin OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO jfUGEN. THB ^Cl ,jlj^ THE UNIVERSITY LIBRAR'il - {/v. . „«..-c» V OF CALIFORNIA, ^4|)y)pg5feLEM ERE BRANCH OF TH / '■■' ^°^^*' "L'™™«j;iyaENlC« EDUCATION 80CIE- !^ \||0 *'■ THE FAMILY AND THE NATION iiiiiiiiiiiiinMiin 3 1822 02675 0844 The Family and the Nation A Study in Natural Inheritance and Social Responsibility BY WILLIAM CECIL DAMPIER WHETHAM M.A., F.R.S. FELLOW AND TUTOR OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE AND CATHERINE BURNING WHETHAM^ HIS WIFE LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON NEW YORK, BOMBAY, AND CALCUTTA 1909 A II rights reserved c PREFACE To the writers of this book the train of ideas out- lined therein has given unity to a host of previously unconnected observations. Personal, social, historical episodes have fallen into place, and one great force, ebbing and flowing throughout the ages, is seen moulding the fate of nations. In the hope that the idea of this underlying unity, which has been so helpful to the writers, may prove useful to others, this book has been written. To emphasize the importance of inheritance in determining the character and value of each individual, some account is given of recent scientific investigation ; while the pages of history, the composition of contem- porary society, and the returns of the Registrar-General have been drawn upon to trace the eff*ects of heredity on the social organism. Cambridge, September 1909. CONTENTS CHAPTER I PAGE Introduction ...... i CHAPTER n The Scientific Study of Variation and Heredity . 14. CHAPTER HI Inheritance and Variation in Mankind . . -35 CHAPTER IV The Inheritance of Mental Defect . . .61 CHAPTER V The Inheritance of Ability . . . -73 CHAPTER VI The Rise of Families . . . . ,92 CHAPTER VII The Decline of Families . . . . .109 vii viii THE FAMILY AND THE NATION CHAPTER VIII PAGE The Birth -Rate . . . . . .122 CHAPTER IX The Selective Birth -Rate — its Effects . . .146 CHAPTER X The Decline in the Birth -Rate — its Causes . .179 CHAPTER XI Conclusion . . . . . . 207 Index ....... 231 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Man's body and mind are framed and moulded by two influences — heredity and environment. Through his parents he inherits certain physical and mental powers which are developed or stunted by the circumstances of his life, by the education given to him by others or won by himself, and by the discipline which his own will, aided or unaided, enables him to extract from the changes and chances of this mortal life. ' Great is the power of environment. " There, but for the Grace of God, goes John Bradford," is a thought that has occurred to us all when watching misfortunes we have escaped. The efforts of men of science, philanthropists, and statesmen have been directed for centuries towards improving the general environ- ment of the race, and of late years with conspicuous success. Two centuries ago the annual death-rate of London was some eighty in a thousand ; to-day it has sunk to fifteen. And a lowered death-rate means more than lives prolonged. It means improved conditions, which give greater health and strength to those who, even in old circumstances, would have survived. B 2 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION But, in our wise and beneficent search for better conditions of life, we must not forget the other influence which, even more than environment, goes to make personality. To improve the conditions in which life is passed, and by which it is moulded, is but part, prob- ably by far the smaller part, of the problem. The deeper question, the conscious solution of which is opening out to all civilized nations, is how to maintain, and if possible to improve, the innate quality and character of the life itself. The power of heredity is an old story. " Family likeness," " family characteristics," " family temper " are expressions which convey ideas well known to all men. Yet with amazing inconsistency we have taken little if any account of such knowledge in our conduct, little if any in our theories of social and political life. We have talked and acted as though it were of no account how men were bred, or what classes of the community were reproducing themselves fastest and what declining in number, as long as each individual was enabled by improved conditions to pass his brief lifetime in increased comfort and security. The average quality of a race is but the average quality of the individuals composing it. By changes in environment, by modification of economic factors, we may alter the average qualities of the people, not only indirectly by improving the conditions of life, but directly also, by varying the rate at which different classes or sections of our folk bring children into the world. It becomes more and more clear that the groups and associations formed by men are not artificial, not mere matters of chance, but correspond to real INTRODUCTION 3 differences of innate qualities, of mental and physical characters. Already, to some extent, the qualities embedded in the different classes are beginning to be understood, and can be subjected to statistical analysis. Already we see that, by legislation or by the pressure of enlightened public opinion, it may become possible here and there to direct or restrain the growth of population, and thus modify the future history of the race. If, by increased medical and hygienic knowledge, the feeble- minded and weak-bodied stocks be allowed to survive, and if, as seems to be the case at present, they repro- duce themselves faster than do the better stocks, the relative numbers of such persons in the country must increase, and the average quality of the race deteriorate. If, by economic and social conditions, children be made too heavy a burden on the more desirable elements of the population, there is danger that the thrifty and far-seeing members of the community will postpone marriage, and, when married, restrict the number of their offspring. Thus, while the weak and careless elements grow at an increasing rate, the good stocks of the people check their rate of growth or even diminish in number, and the selective deterioration of the race is hastened in two ways. How far are such tendencies apparent or immanent ? How can we guard against them or minimize their effects ? How can we maintain or improve the innate qualities of our race without trenching on moral freedom and personal responsibility, on ethical standards and religious convictions .? It has been thought by some men that our growing 4 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION knowledge of the power of heredity might weaken or destroy the sense of moral responsibility and personal freedom on which so much of our religious and ethical standards of conduct depends. Such a view, we pro- foundly believe, rests on a misconception of the basis of that sense of freedom and responsibility with which we are endowed. To this point we shall return ; but it may be well at once to remind the reader that effective freedom is increased and not diminished by a knowledge of the natural laws in accordance with which, whether we like it or not, life is organized. Civilized man, who understands the limitations of mechanical powers, is in effect much freer than is the savage, to whose credulous mind nothing is impossible. Moreover, personal free- dom, unchecked by a strong ethical sense or religious conviction, may too readily degenerate into licence, and lose what should be its accompanying feeling of personal responsibility. Although as yet in the problems of heredity we see but as in a glass darkly, nothing is gained by shutting our eyes. The proper study of man is mankind, and sooner or later the questions at issue must be faced. There is light enough to show that the problems dis- closed are of vital importance. The scientific investiga- tion of inheritance is now beginning to lead to definite knowledge — still fragmentary, it is true, but enough to point the way for future inquiry, and here and there to give certain principles which should be borne in mind when we are considering proposals for legislative or social action. Till recently, the effect of individual conduct or of social legislation on the innate qualities of the people INTRODUCTION 5 has been ignored, perhaps not even suspected. Yet the results of selective breeding on domestic plants and animals have been well known for a century or more. The marvellous success which has attended the efforts of breeders in obtaining strains of horses, cattle, and other animals fitted for special uses is only equalled by the results of the work of horticulturists in raising new varieties of fruit and flowers. Before man's place in nature was understood and acknowledged, the idea that similar though unconscious selection was at work on himself seems but dimly to have crossed his mind. When Lyell and Darwin had placed man in his proper position in the sequence of biological forms, it was seen that principles found to hold generally in the animal and vegetable kingdoms were likely to be worth looking for in the case of the human race. The struggle for life, incessantly at work in the lower world, affects man also. It will tend to modify the character of a nation as it modifies the flora and fauna of a country. Then, as artificial means will change a homogeneous breed of wild animals into the several specialized forms of our domestic flocks and herds, so we must look for a modification of our folk for good or evil by the artificial conditions of modern civilization. There is no finality ; a nation must either be losing or gaining ground, either improving or degenerating. Hence the scientific study of the effect of the existing conditions of any time on the rates of reproduction of different stocks of the nation should be the chief work of the sociologist, and the control of those conditions the supreme duty of the statesman. At present the study of environment holds the field. 6 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION The results of improvement are there more visible and more immediate. They are of incalculable value, and to them the progress of the past century is largely due. But the changes in the innate qualities of the race, though slower in action, are of even more profound importance than alterations of the external conditions of human existence. Man does not live by bread alone. His inborn qualities of body, mind, and soul are of more worth than physical comfort and convenience. Those qualities depend on heredity, and the form they take in any nation can be modified only by the slow process of selective parenthood. But, " though the mills of God grind slowly, yet they grind exceeding small," and a wrongly directed selection destroys a race more utterly and irrevocably than any failure to take advantage of improved physical conditions of life. A knowledge of the importance of heredity, instead of weakening the sense of responsibility, shows how much wider and deeper our responsibility is than had been suspected. We come to understand that on our personal and collective action depend not only the present environment of the people, but also the innate qualities of future generations. Blind acquiescence in evil, ignorance of the issues at stake, may result in irremediable injury to unborn millions. Not only are we our brother's keeper, but the guardian of the physical, mental, and moral character of his remotest descendants. These ideas, once grasped, change profoundly the outlook on sociological and political problems. If once we come to look on all questions of investigation, legislation, and administration from this point of view, INTRODUCTION 7 we shall find, whatever may have been our previous political or social creed, our preconceived ideas suffering startling changes. The first care must always be to ask with regard to each proposal, " Will it tend to favour the growth of those elements of the population which already are known to be of national worth? " "Will it tend to check the reproduction of those whom the present fragmentary knowledge already points out as detrimental to the community ? " " Will it help to increase our knowledge of mankind, so that we shall be able more certainly to separate the sheep from the goats, and to discover what elements among the people are best and most worthy of encouragement ? " For at every stage of our inquiry the cry for more knowledge becomes insistent. We are still in compara- tive darkness, and must walk warily in consequence. Direct action at present can be applied safely only at points clear even in the twilight. Our greatest need is for more light. In all stages of natural development, living beings are subject to a competitive struggle in which the fitter for that struggle gain an advantage. The race is to the swift and the battle to the strong and skilful. Whether or no this fight for life has led to the pro- duction and separation of distinct species in the exact manner suggested by Darwin, without doubt it has modified and is modifying the character of existing types. But the essence of natural selection consists in the conjunction of success in the struggle for life and its fruits with a preponderating rate of reproduction. 8 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION Unless the fittest to survive hand on their qualities to a larger number of descendants than are left by the failures, natural selection cannot act. It is of no use for an organism individually to survive unless it transmits the character which enabled it to do so to a preponder- ating number in succeeding generations. Until recent years, success in life's race among men has in general meant an increased number of offspring and a better chance for their survival. But now the growing restric- tion of the birth-rate in the successful classes in all ranks of society has separated the two essential concomitants of progress, and even of stability. A struggle for life and the survival of the fittest are meaningless alone ; the qualities of the fittest must survive superabundantly his own fleeting existence, if the struggle and the survival are to produce any good effect on the race. In older, more natural, ages, when success in life and a dominant rate of reproduction went hand in hand, two kinds of struggle are to be distinguished. There is the individual rivalry between man and man for the fruits of the earth and the beauty of woman. There is the combined clash of family with family, tribe with tribe, nation with nation. In both the fittest tend to survive ; but the fittest in the individual fight do not always go to make the more efficient social organism. To conquer in the duel and in love a man needs courage, strength, skill, virility, and good looks. And it is necessary that the society which surrounds him should regard his success as natural and justifiable. The social conditions must be too simple and too healthy for it to be possible that INTRODUCTION 9 ... a laggard in love and a dastard in war Was to wed the fair Ellen of young Lochinvar. It is essential also that a man should have a sense of the justness of his cause. It is essential that society should not refuse him the fruits of his success out of mis- directed sympathy with the loser. But, for one tribe to exist against the pressure of surrounding peoples, a new group of qualities are needed. The power of combination and organization, the social instinct, readiness for self-sacrifice to the common good, love of home, country, and race — in a word, patriotism — all are needed to bring to birth and to develop a nation fit to hold its own in the fiery trial of war, and in the slow, grinding stress of economic competition. Thus, out of the very agony and weariness of the strife, is born that social and moral sense which gives to man his highest attribute and noblest reason for existence. The individual struggle favours physical vigour and mental ability ; but those races of men endowed with fellow-feeHng and a spirit of far-seeing self-sacrifice alone are capable of forming a strong and homogeneous people. Both kinds of struggle have played their part in the growth and decay of the races of mankind, and in the rise and fall of successive civilizations. Both have been necessary in the past, ; while man has been pressing onwards, blind and deaf to the meaning and tendency of the ceaseless strife around him. There is an obvious though superficial antagonism between some manifestations of the moral qualities when developed and the full action of the purifying pains in lo THE FAMILY AND THE NATION which they were brought forth. Individual and national destruction and replacement still form a potent factor in the physical and mental evolution of the race. Yet our modern tenderness shrinks more and more from the sight of individual suffering. It urges forward all agencies for the amelioration of the lot of the weak who have failed in the struggle, whether individual or national, and would fain uphold those that in more callous ages would have gone under. Of late years, the means of keeping alive the falling and fallen have grown with ever-increasing speed. Each advance in medical skill, in knowledge of pathology or hygiene, each new moral effort to cope with external evil, results in prolonged life for the members of weak and unsound stock, and still more significant, a lessened mortality among their children. It is not that the pressure of life gets less, but that the consequences of that pressure are prevented from producing effects that are of selection value. There is often an inclination to deprecate the struggle for life, an endeavour to minimize its effects, to mourn with the loser rather than to rejoice with the winner. But, against the severity and hardship of the life- struggle, must be set the excitement of the battle, the energy and resource it calls forth, the triumph of success, and, through these inducements to exertion, the perpetual selection and survival of the finer varieties of the race. It is well to mark that the danger of lessened natural selection is, in our stage of civilization, accompanied by a new-won appreciation of the issues at stake. The social organism has grown conscious of its own existence and of the agencies which are INTRODUCTION 1 1 moulding it for better or for worse. We have become like gods, knowing good and evil. Shall we have the patience and insight to study the problem with a single- minded desire for truth .? If we find a solution, shall we have the courage and steadfastness to apply it firmly and temperately to the social organism ? It may be that the necessary means will run counter to some forms of prevailing sentimentalism, that by-product of the growth in our moral conscience. But moral con- science itself must not be identified with a half- hysterical haste to stop pain or inconvenience at all costs. A sane moral conscience looks beyond, and determines that the best elements both in man and in mankind shall be free to grow and the worst elements shall be repressed whatever stands in the way. It is possible that the modern desire to alleviate distress and to prolong life in all circumstances is to be traced, in part at all events, to a decay in the old con- ception of life as a probationary training ground, and the failure to find any worthy ideal to take its place. To those who have no belief in a future existence, this life too often tends to become a banquet in which some feast and others fight for the crumbs. To such minds, pending the revival of a deeper faith, the thought of the future welfare and improvement of the nation or the race may supply the ideal necessary for a worthy life. Those, on the other hand, who regard each man's frame as the dwelling-place of an immortal soul, will feel more the awful responsibility that it is ours to determine, by our individual and corporate action, whether or no the bodies and minds of succeeding generations shall be fit temples for such sparks of 12 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION the divine, fit habitations in which they can expand and develop till they are worthy of a sublimer sphere. We cannot fix exactly the bodily or mental character of any future individual, but we can (and do whether we will or no) control the average future qualities of the race, both in mind and body. Individually we can deal only with probabilities ; statistically we are responsible for certainties. Let us pass then to inquire how far selection, natural or artificial, has been the means of developing the race, how far it is still acting and in what direc- tions, what will be the effect of that action, and whether it can be controlled in any way to favour the preponderance of all the best physical, mental, and moral qualities. For selection to play its part in any community, three conditions are necessary. Firstly, the individuals which compose the race must vary one from the other. Secondly, those variations must tend to be inherited, so that the individuals possessing them tend to transmit them to their offspring. Thirdly, the individuals with certain kinds of variation must reproduce themselves faster than the rest of the community. Unless individuals vary, selection has nothing to work upon. Unless the variations be such that they are transmitted to descendants, its work produces no effect. Hence our first inquiry is directed to the laws of variation in mankind, in regard both to physical and to mental qualities ; our second to the transmission of variations from parent to offspring — the central problem of heredity. INTRODUCTION 13 As we have said, the character of a nation is but the average character of the individuals composing it. If one section of the community reproduce itself faster than others, its essential qualities hasten with ever-increasing speed to permeate the whole. The qualities of that section become the dominating qualities of the race, its peculiarities become the normal characteristics of the nation. Therefore our third condition leads to a study of the relative birth-rate in different classes and among different types of the people. Finally, we must turn to a consideration of the causes and effects of a selective birth-rate, and inquire how far the present social conditions are favouring or impeding the more rapid reproduction of all good and noble qualities. CHAPTER II THE SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF VARIATION AND HEREDITY Before we pass to the problems of variation and heredity in man, it is necessary to trace the progress of our knowledge of those problems in the lower animals, and in the vegetable kingdom. Here experiment is possible, and consequently more definite results have been reached. With these results in mind, it is easier and more instructive to examine the purely observa- tional information that is available about mankind than it would be without such guides. In the subject as left by Darwin, the greatest need was further light on the variations and mutations necessary for natural selection to have something to work upon. Two possibilities were recognised. Selection might act on the small variations found among the individuals of a species otherwise homo- geneous— on the greater speed of an antelope with legs an inch longer than the average of his kind ; or large, discontinuous variations might arise, and the *' sports" or individuals possessing them might make large steps towards forming new species at once, if the variations were favourable to survival. Although Darwin recognised that " sports " had 14 VARIATION AND HEREDITY 15 been the origin of many new varieties of domestic animals and plants, he favoured the view that to small or continuous variations we must look for the chief cause of evolution. But difficulties in that theory soon appeared. A fully developed organ may prove most useful, when in a rudimentary stage it would have no effect on survival. Unless it arose per saltum^ natural selection would never cause it to develop. Again, a small variation would be bred out of the race, unless the individuals possessing it became sterile when mated with the older type, or refused so to mate. Such difficulties, together with a careful study of sudden mutations by de Vries, Bateson, and others, have led to a revision of the purely selectionist view. Many biologists hold nowadays that discontinuous variations, or " sports," have contributed extensively to the separation of species. Such " sports " tend to transmit their properties to their offspring ; they certainly arise in some cases ; natural selection would undoubtedly act on them in one way or the other as they were useful or deleterious to their possessors ; they can hardly help being a true cause of evolution. Whether the small or continuous variations are also effective remains an open question. Small variations may be divided into two kinds : those which are innate ; those which are acquired. Innate variations tend to be inherited according to laws we shall study below. But much discussion has arisen about the possibility of the inheritance of acquired characters. The inheritance of such characters was generally assumed, until Weismann called attention to the fact 1 6 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION that no definite and satisfactory evidence was forth- coming to support that assumption. Moreover, it was pointed out by Weismann that the germ cells of organisms seem to be independent of the rest of the body. They descend from the germ cells of the parents, and are not affected directly by changes going on in the individual to whom they belong. But such a conclusion seems difficult to extend to indirect action, and other biologists hold that indirect action may occur, and the germ cells undergo slight changes in consequence of acquired modifications — enough at any rate to affect the properties of the race when the action is prolonged over many generations. Still, it seems that, if acquired characters are transmitted at all, it can be only to a small fractional extent. They can have much less influence in modifying the race than was heretofore supposed. More could be done in a £qw generations by selecting and favouring the repro- duction of innate qualities, which certainly are trans- mitted, than could be effected in long ages by trying to modify the stock through the direct action of use and environment — even if these influences produce any effect at all. Moreover, the large discontinuous variations, which are found in " sports " and tend to be transmitted by heredity, are never acquired characters. No man by taking thought can add a cubit to his stature, though by physical culture he may possibly add a fraction of an inch. Still less can he produce by exercise one of the definite structural changes which occasionally appear as sports. Whatever view about the occasional and partial transmission of acquired characters may ulti- VARIATION AND HEREDITY 17 mately prevail, it seems certain that such transmissions must play a part in evolution small compared with that due to the selection of those innate variations which are readily hereditable. Inborn qualities are immeasurably more useful to the race than those induced or developed by environment, though to the individual, who has received his allotted share of qualities, the favourable opportunity for developing them is still of the utmost importance. But the power of handing them on, used or unused by the individual, is the true safeguard of the moral and spiritual grandeur of a nation — All I could never be All men ignored in me This I was worth to God, whose wheel the pitcher shaped. While Darwin was developing his theory of the method of evolution, Gregor Mendel, Abbot of BrUnn, was making experiments on the hereditary transmission of definite qualities in peas, and had invented a means of quantitative research which, rediscovered in later days, has modified our conceptions of inheritance. It was recognized, as for example by Galton, that two modes of inheritance were known. The offspring might acquire from its two parents a certain quality in blended amount, as Mulattos are intermediate in com- plexion between their Negro and European forebears ; or, on the other hand, the offspring might resemble one or other parent exclusively, as the children of a man and a woman are either boys or girls but no intermediate variety. The latter mode of inheritance was found by Mendel c 1 8 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION to hold for certain qualities in peas, and to follow definite laws of inheritance. His results have been extended to other species of plants and animals by recent observers. As an example of Mendelian principles let us take the case of the Andalusian fowl, studied by Bateson and Punnett. Black and splashed white Andalusians each breed true when mated together ; we possess then a definite splashed white breed and a definite black breed. If we cross a white bird with a black, the resulting chicks are all blue. So far the result seems simple, and we are inclined to regard blue in these fowls as an intermediate hybrid colour between black and white. But, if we breed further generations exclu- sively from these blue birds, we find that they do not breed true to type — no definite blue race can be estab- lished. Of a large number of birds with two blue parents, on the average, half will be blue, one quarter will be white, and one quarter black. Now, these white and black birds, though derived from blue ancestors, will once more breed true, just as did the white and black of the first generation. By mating together two white birds, we can re-establish a pure splashed-white strain, which shows no sign of its blue ancestry ; and similarly we can recover a pure black strain, uncon- taminated by blue to any number of generations. If we think what these phenomena must mean in the hereditary process, we are led to conclude that the germ cells of the blue birds are not hybrids like the birds themselves. Half the germ cells of a blue bird must be pure " white " in character, half pure " black." Then, when two blue birds pair, it is an even chance VARIATION AND HEREDITY 19 whether two unlike cells meet and develop into a blue chick, or two like cells join to form either a pure black or a pure white bird. We may perhaps regard the mixture of strains, which we find in the germ cells of the hybrid blue fowl, as analogous to the mixture of black and white threads which make up certain grey cloths. To the eye the cloth looks grey, but in reality there has been no true mingling. The threads may be picked out again into a heap of white ones and a heap of black. In the Andalusian fowl, black and white are definite Mendelian properties, which are segregated from each other in the germ cells and never mix. Not all properties show these phenomena. In some cases the hybridization seems to extend to the germ cells themselves, and Mendel's principles do not apply. But the possibility of such simple relations should never be lost sight of, when examining data of inheritance. More- over, some cases of mixed heredity may be explained by the simultaneous action of several pairs of qualities, each alone definitely Mendelian, which, acting together, are difficult to disentangle. The Andalusian fowl illustrates the simplest form of Mendelian principles. In other cases the hybrid, which corresponds with the blue bird in the fowls, resembles outwardly one or other of the parents, and only betrays its hybrid nature in the appearance of its descendants. For instance, among the characters of green peas studied by Mendel himself was the height of the plant. Crossing a tall with a dwarf pea, he found that all the resulting seeds gave rise to tall hybrid plants. In these hybrids the tall character is said to be dominant, and the dwarf character recessive. But the hybrid tall 20 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION plants when self- fertilized do not breed true. Out of about a thousand plants of the third generation, almost exactly three-quarters were tall, but one quarter were short. Next year the seeds of this generation were sown, and it was found that the dwarf type bred true and remained fixed in future generations. But the plants of the tall kind differed among themselves. One- third yielded only tall offspring, while two-thirds gave plants divided into " tails " and dwarfs in the old ratio of three to one. The one -third are pure dominants, breeding true to any number of generations, while the two- thirds are impure, giving seeds divided in the same ratio as those of the first generation of hybrids. Representing the germ cells in each case as of two varieties, we may write as DD the pure-bred original tall parent, in which both varieties of cell carried the dominant character. Similarly, RR will suggest the germinal nature of the original pure-bred dwarf parent in which both factors are recessive. The fertilization of one of these parents by the other can be represented as DD = RR. Since each hybrid so formed must derive one factor from each parent, each hybrid must have the composition DR, and contain both kinds of germ cells. But, since one of them carries the dominant factor, it alone will control the outer appearance of the plant, which is externally indistinguishable from the original pure-bred dominant DD. The hybrids, when self- fertilized, can give DD, DR, RD, and RR, and each of these arrangements is equally probable. DR and RD are indistinguishable, and together make up half the number of the offspring. These results may be tabulated in a pedigree. VARIATION AND HEREDITY 21 It will be seen that the recessive character — the character which is concealed in the first hybrid genera- tion— breeds true for any number of generations as soon as it appears at all. On the other hand, individuals which show the dominant character, which marks all the first hybrids, may be either pure or mixed — some of them, except in the first generation, will breed true, but ! ® T DD) @ (DR) ^RR, ^ T @ @ (dr) T @ T ® T ® (k) ®. T the majority will have mixed descendants. These phenomena are of great importance to the cattle- breeder and horticulturist. Careful segregation of the seeds of individual plants may establish a true variety in a few generations, where the old plan of mixing the seeds of all individuals which looked the same could, at best, lead to success only after a long and tedious process of selection. One of the most interesting questions raised by our Mendelian knowledge is the problem of the transmission of sex. Sex is a sharply segregated quality ; an indi- vidual is either male or female. The fact that in the higher animals, at any rate, the numbers of the sexes born are very nearly equal suggests that the germ cells of 22 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION one parent are all of the same kind, while those of the other are of two species. There is some evidence to indicate that the germ cells of the female are of two kinds, while those of the male are all similar. If so, a female carries both male and female characters, while a male is exclusively male. The sex of any one offspring is determined solely by the chance whether one of the germ cells of the male meets a male or female germ cell of the female. So far, we have dealt only with a single pair of contrasted characters — whiteness and blackness, tallness and shortness. When the simultaneous inheritance of two or more pairs of characters is examined, the phenomena naturally become more complicated. Sometimes the two pairs of characters are transmitted quite independently of each other. Grains of maize may be either yellow or white, either smooth or wrinkled. If a smooth yellow type of maize be crossed with a wrinkled white variety, all the resulting grains are smooth and yellow. Thus smoothness and yellow- ness are dominant characters, and wrinkledness and whiteness recessive. To investigate the nature of these apparently similar plants, they are crossed with the wrinkled white variety. As these characters are reces- sive, they only appear when the germ cells of the dominant hybrid possess them also. Hence the result of this experiment gives the nature of all the germ cells of the hybrid. It was found that some eleven thousand grains were divided almost exactly equally between grains which were smooth and yellow, grains smooth and white, grains wrinkled and yellow, and VARIATION AND HEREDITY 23 grains wrinkled and white, each combination appearing in twenty-five per cent of the whole. It follows that a nearly equal number of the germ cells of the double hybrid first obtained bear each of the four possible combinations of characters. The dis- tribution of one character does not depend on the presence or absence of the other characters. If a germ cell is yellow, it is an even chance whether it is smooth or wrinkled. The inheritance of the two pairs of characters goes on independently. But this independence is not found universally. In some cases two characters are present together if present at all ; they are coupled. In other cases it is found that one character, if present, prevents the acquirement of the other ; something in the characters must be inconsistent, so that they cannot exist together, or can so exist only with difficulty. Again, some characters can only manifest themselves in presence of certain other characters, without the existence of which they remain latent. On these lines, the well-known phenomenon in domestic species of reversion to ancestral wild types has been explained by Bateson, in terms of Mendelian conceptions. On the other hand, some qualities seem to be in- compatible with others, so that if one is present the other is either absent or is converted from a dominant into a recessive character. The possession of horns in sheep is connected with the sex-factor. In the Dorset horned breed both sexes have horns, in the Suffolks neither. If a Dorset be crossed with a Suffolk, th^ resulting rams are horned and the ewes hornless, while in the next generation all varieties appear. Thus the 24 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION factor for horns is dominant in rams and recessive in ewes ; it has difficulty in manifesting itself in presence of the factor which makes a sheep a female. The practical application of this new-won knowledge to the arts of the breeder of new varieties of domestic plants and animals has only now begun. Perhaps the most striking success already obtained is the production of new varieties of wheat by R. H. Biffen. English wheat bears large crops, but is deficient in a certain baking property known as "strength," which yields the kind of puffy white bread now in fashion. Canadian wheats are " strong," but those of them which maintain their " strength " in English soils yield small crops. Biffen found that " strength " and its absence were definite Mendelian properties in wheat, " strength " being the dominant. By crossing a " strong " Canadian wheat with a " weak," high- cropping English variety, he got a first generation of hybrids, all of which were " strong." In the second generation the proportion of " strong " to " weak " was three to one, and of the "strong" some bred true in future generations, and contained also, as a fixed character, the high-cropping qualities of the other original progenitor. Another pair of qualities in wheat shows Mendelian phenomena : liability to the attacks of the fungoid disease known as rust, and immunity from those attacks, Biffen has used the new methods of experi- ment to obtain varieties in which immunity to rust is combined with other desirable properties. The experiments we have described make it clear VARIATION AND HEREDITY 25 that the laws of heredity can, in general, only be applied to foretell the average results in large numbers of cases. We cannot predict whether any one chick with two blue Andalusian parents will be black, white, or blue. All that we know is that, of large numbers of such chicks, half will be blue and one quarter each black and white. In general, heredity cannot deal with indi- viduals, but only with large groups of individuals, statistically and in the aggregate. Statistical methods indeed were applied to biological problem.s by Quetelet in 1845, before Darwin published The Origin of Species, before Mendel's work was done, and long before its importance was recognized. Quetelet pointed out, in a series of letters to the Grand Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, that the mathematical theory of chance and probability might be applied to many biometrical problems, and thus throw light on some departments of sociology. A typical example of the action of chance is the falling of a number of coins with " head " or " tail " upwards when the coins are tossed. If we have two coins, the possibilities are that we may get (i) head, head ; (2) head, tail ; (3) tail, head ; (4) tail, tail. But of these cases (2) and (3) are essentially identical. Each combination is as probable as any of the others, and thus the chances of obtaining two heads, one head and one tail, or two tails, are as i : 2 : i. If we had ten coins, and made 1024 trials, tossing all the coins each time, calculation shows that the probable relative frequency would be in accordance with the following numbers : — 26 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION Heads. Tails. Relative Frequency 10 O I 9 I lO 8 2 45 7 3 I20 6 4 2IO 5 5 252 4 6 210 3 7 120 2 8 45 1 9 10 O lO I If we plot these results on a diagram, measuring the number of tails from left to right horizontally, and the number expressing the relative frequency in each case vertically, we get Fig. i , where a smooth curve is drawn through the points as plotted. This curve gives the theoretical distribution of frequency for ten coins. In any actual series of VARIATION AND HEREDITY 27 experiments, we get results more or less resembling those indicated by theory, and the concordance improves as the number of throws of the coins is increased. Curves of a similar type are obtained when inde- pendent measurements are made of any physical quantity, such as the height of a mountain. The individual measurements are subject to many sources of error. Usually some errors tell one way and some the other, and we get the majority of the results near the average value. But occasionally, all or nearly all the errors chance to fall on the same side, and we get a solitary result differing much from the mean, just as about once in 1000 throws all our ten coins fell head upwards. While the general type of curve is maintained in all such measurements, its exact shape depends on the accuracy of the observations. In those physical measurements where great exactitude is possible, nearly all the results would closely approach the mean. The curve, therefore, is high in the middle, and falls rapidly on each side. If large errors are unavoidable, the number of observations which differ widely from the mean increases, and the curve flattens and broadens. Similar phenomena also appear when measurements are made of biological quantities. Fig. 2 shows the variation in measurement of the chests of a large number of Scottish soldiers. It illustrates clearly the concentration in the number of men near the mean value of about 40 inches, and should be compared with the theoretical curve of frequency given in Fig. i. Again, Fig. 3 represents the variation in length of the fruits of three varieties of Evening Primrose 28 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION J3 3^ J5 36 57 38/ 39 W 91 fi" ^5 '^ f5 96 ^7 ^S J/^CHEs Of Chest M£ASu/?£ME^r. Fig. 2. VARIATION AND HEREDITY 29 measured by de Vries. The lengths are measured horizontally, and the numbers of individuals showing particular lengths of fruit are plotted vertically. The species A and C have a characteristic mean size of fruit, and their corresponding curves closely resemble the theoretical curve given above. On the other hand, the third species, represented by the curve B, shows sign of subdivision into two separate groups at least. Had the seeds of all three varieties been classed together, the three curves would have coalesced into one, which would have approached in form the normal curve of simple variation. This result not only shows the agreement with the normal type of curve, given by measurement of the individuals of a homogeneous species such as A or C, but also illustrates one of the dangers which accom- pany the use of statistical methods in biological problems. It is often impossible to tell from the data whether a single group or a number of groups are involved. Caution is necessary in the application of a method which is liable to such a fundamental uncertainty. But the need for care does not destrov the usefulness of the theory of variation. Where the individuals concerned are known to be of homogene- ous type, the normal curve will express the variations from the type, and where many different types are present the normal curve will still be found to represent the result, though for somewhat different reasons. Where we are dealing with the small, continuous variations, shown by the different individuals of a homo- geneous species, the normal curve will express their distribution. Where discontinuous variations or sports 30 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION are appearing, our material ceases to be homogeneous, and the normal curve gives no indication of the actual distribution. Light is thrown on the distinction between the two kinds of variation by the recent work of Johannsen on what he calls " pure lines." The weights of the seeds of a single variety of bean differ from each other. Most seeds have weights near the mean value, but a few diverge more or less from it, in accordance with the usual normal curve. Plants, raised from the heavier seed and self- fertilized, themselves produce seed the average weight of which is in general high, while the light seed produces usually light -seeded offspring. But, if a single seed be taken and made the starting- point of a family of self-fertilized descendants, no agree- ment, even of the general kind noted above, is found between the weight of a seed in the family and the seeds of the individuals which grow from it. The variations in weight of the seeds have no hereditary value — they are not transmitted. Such a family, derived from a single original ances- tral seed, is called by Johannsen a " pure line." All individuals within the family have the same ancestry, and are therefore genetically similar. The variations which they show are then accidental, and are not trans- mitted in heredity. To variations of this type the name " fluctuation " has been given. It seems, then, that individuals with an identical ancestry of this particular kind form a stable type. The individuals may vary more or less, but they cannot transmit their variations to their offspring. The offspring VARIATION AND HEREDITY 31 revert to the type ; they show variations, but the varia- tions bear no relation to those of their respective parents. If this result be substantiated, it will follow that variations which are inherited must be derived from ancestral differences. A true division of variations into two classes essentially distinct would thus be made. The real contrast is not between small variations and large. It is probably true that large or discontinu- ous variations can only be produced by ancestral differences, but small ones may be either of ancestral origin or of the fluctuational type which arises in pure lines. The real distinction is between variations due to ancestral differences, or mutations, and the accidental variations or fluctuations which would appear, even were we dealing with a " pure line." The ancestral varia- tions, modified or unmodified, are transmitted to future generations, the accidental variations are not. Whether or no these ideas be supported by further research, the study of the transmission of the variations actually found in a more or less homogeneous race is of fundamental importance. If a parent differ from the normal type of the race by a certain amount in a certain direction, will his offspring also differ in that direction, and to what amount .^^ A long series of statistical investigations by Karl Pearson and others enables us to answer this question with certainty. In a race, whether of men or of animals, mating at random, on the average of large numbers, the offspring will diverge from the mean in the same direction as the diverging parent, and to approximately half the amount. If the average stature of the men of a race be 5 feet 8 inches, a man of 6 feet will exceed 32 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION the mean height by 4 Inches. If we measured the sons of a large number of 6-feet fathers, we should find that, while some were taller than their fathers and some shorter, their average height was very nearly 5 feet 10 inches, that they exceeded the mean stature by 2 inches, by half as much as their fathers. This result is expressed by saying that the coefficient of correlation is about one-half, or 0.5. Had the sons been just as tall as their fathers, the coefficient would have been unity, and had the sons' average height reverted to that of the race in general, there would have been no relation between the variation of parent and offspring, and the coefficient would have been zero. In this way we can express conveniently the statistical intensity of inheritance of any character. Closely similar values for the coefficients of correla- tion have been obtained by investigating many other common characters in men and in animals and plants. The intensity of inheritance in all cases seems to be represented by a coefficient lying between 0.4 and 0.6. It follows, then, that the ordinary variations found in the usual races of mixed ancestry, whether of man or other beings, are inherited. They are not wholly mere fluctuations or chance differences of the individual, such as Johannsen found with pure lines of bean plants. They have a definite meaning in heredity, a real selection value. If, instead of allowing the race to mate at random, we selected both parents for some one quality, we could raise the intensity of inheritance, and establish gradually by continued selection a strain in which the quality reached a value much higher than its average in the VARIATION AND HEREDITY 22 original mixed race. This is one of the methods of the horse-breeder and the horticulturist, and their success is a standing proof of the inheritance of the variations found in a race, originally made more or less homo- geneous by random breeding, but derived from a mixed ancestry and containing a large number of germinal differences. To a certain extent selective mating in mankind does occur even without conscious choice. Families with similar occupations, ideals, and characters tend to associate, and this tendency increases the opportunities for individuals with similar qualities to realize their innate preference for each other. Instances will be given later to show how this process results in the segregation of distinct types of ability in various sections of the community. Were this tendency to selective mating not in action, the coefficients of cor- relation between one parent and the offspring would be less than they are, though it is difficult to estimate what would be the decrease in their value. Another method of studying the correlation of characters between parents and their descendants was followed by Galton. He measured the average frac- tional contribution of each ancestor to the total heritage of the offspring in a mixed race. From an examination of the records relating to the basset hounds of the late Sir John Millais, he found that the contribution of the parents was about one-half, that of the grand- parents one-quarter, that of the great-grandparents one-eighth, and so on. Now, if this law of ancestral inheritance be under- stood to mean that the character of each individual is a 34 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION vague mixture of those of all his ancestors, it is clearly inconsistent with Mendelian principles. According to those principles, a personality is made up by the chance conjunction of different unit factors, derived from cer- tain individuals only among the ancestry. The law of ancestral inheritance, whereby every ancestor contri- butes his share in proportion to his nearness in descent, is inapplicable. Much discussion of this point has taken place. It seems possible if, instead of one individual, we con- sider large numbers, Mendelian principles would lead to results not far different from those suggested by Galton's law. The frequency of Mendelian dominance would produce, on the average of large numbers, greater resemblances of children to their parents than to their grandparents, and to more distant ancestors. Even on Mendelian principles, something like the law of ancestral inheritance may on the average hold good. CHAPTER III INHERITANCE AND VARIATION IN MANKIND The inheritance by children of some share of their parents' qualities is a matter of common observation. The transmission seems at first sight to be capricious, but the very attention which is drawn to any marked departure from family type shows that the power of heredity is recognised by general consent. A moment's reflection suggests that the capricious- ness is a question of the individual, and that, on taking a large number of cases, we should expect to find definite laws holding good, as we do in other forms of life. The qualities we desire in plants and animals are comparatively simple ; those which^'give to man his dignity and value are extremely complex. The problem of tracing the descent of hereditary characters in man- kind is much more difficult. Nevertheless, that problem was attacked systematically by Sir Francis Galton as early as 1869, and his great works on Hereditary Genius and Natural Inheritance stand as landmarks in the subject. Since that date the study of inheritance in plants and animals has been revolutionized by the rediscovery 35 36 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION of the work of Mendel, and the application of his methods by other naturalists. It will be well, then, to begin our consideration of inheritance in mankind by tracing the progress which has been made in the discovery of Mendelian factors in the human race. Afterwards we will pass to more general cases, where Mendel's principles either do not hold, or are too difficult to follow through the maze of phenomena for us yet to have established their presence. Although we take this course, it must not be sup- posed that the sociological conclusions we draw from our general study of heredity in man depend on the new knowledge associated with the name of Mendel. Mendel's theories give us a working hypothesis which tells us what to look for in examining new data. Hence it is well to put those theories in the forefront. But, however we interpret them, the facts of heredity remain, and must be reckoned with by the sociologist and the statesman. The success of Mendelian methods depends on our ability to isolate certain characters and treat the inherit- ance of each character as a separate problem. Now, many of the qualities in mankind which we are accustomed to think of as definite simple characters are in reality extremely complex. It needs the conjunction of many different factors to make an able man, a charming woman, an effective politician, or an accom- plished swindler. We must begin, then, with some simpler and more definite character, in the hope that it will depend on one Mendelian factor alone. INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 37 Such a character has been found by Hurst hi the brown pigment m front of the iris of the eye. When present in large amount, this pigment gives to the eye the appearance known as brown or black, while, if there be little or no pigment, the eye is described as blue or grey. Hurst found that the type of eye possessing the brown pigment was dominant to that without it ; that the factor giving brown pigment, if present at all, always showed in the eye. We may say then that brown eyes are dominant and blue eyes recessive ; though casual description may lead to error, as it is the presence of the pigment which is the Mendelian factor, while the general appearance of the eye depends on the amount of the pigment. If we represent the dominant character by D and the recessive by R, the mating of two individuals, one pure- bred with regard to brown eyes and the other pure- bred with regard to grey, may be denoted by DD = RR. Since the children must obtain one factor from each parent, they v/ill all be represented by DR, and in appearance all will resemble the dominant parent — that is, all will possess brown pigment in their eyes. If one of these offspring marry a pure-bred grey- eyed person, an RR, we have the union DR = RR. On the average, half the children of such marriages will be DR and half RR. The former class will be brown- eyed, but not pure-bred, while the latter class will be pure recessives who have lost altogether the factor on which brown eyes depend. As long as they mate with grey-eyed people their descendants will never have brown eyes. 38 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION We therefore get the following theoretical pedi- gree : — 00 ® OR) =^ (RR) I ®=f=® ® (RR) r 1 ® 1 (rr) If we wish to trace a dominant character, we may- make its descent more visible in the diagram by repre- senting it as ^ if pure bred, and as ^ if half-bred. Although these two classes are identical in outward appearance, their innate differences show at once in their offspring. We then get the scheme o o^ o o o^=o o o Here we have traced the descent of a dominant character in a recessive population : the inheritance of a brown-eyed strain in a grey-eyed people. Whenever we find a character transmitted in such a INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 39 way that some of the children of the marriage of a person showing the character with a person without it manifest the character clearly and some not at all, we may suspect Mendelian dominance. If, in a long pedi- gree, these two types of children be on the average nearly equal in number, and if the character be trans- mitted only through those persons who show it openly, our suspicion may become a certainty. A recessive character may appear in the offspring of a person not showing it, but a dominant character, if present at all, must be apparent. If a person have it not, he cannot transmit it. Let us compare these theoretical results with those actually found by Hurst in the population of a Leices- tershire village.^ Parents with no brown pigment in their eyes produced exclusively children without it. Brown-eyed parents, on the other hand, might be either pure-bred or half-bred with respect to that character, and the relative numbers of their brown-eyed and grey- eyed children were very nearly those of the theoretical Mendelian results. As we cannot tell by inspection if an individual be pure or half-bred with regard to a dominant character, we will represent all brown-eyed persons by the symbol 9, whether they be of the type DD or DR. ^ For details of this and other investigations on Mendelian phenomena reference is made to Prof. Bateson's recent boolc on Mendelism. Other instances of inherit- ance in this chapter are taicen from The Treasury of Human Inheritance, edited by Prof, Karl Pearson. 40 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION ■ -(J*- _c o o -b • -•^ -a 3 O ^ . -o uL, -•f -•^ -•^- -o ler the ii n the iri a -o % i (5^ -% -#f : eye, w 1 pigmc g ■5 S o t in the iris of i ual with no bro ^ ^ -•*- e 1 -'• -b '5-, -5 i « 2 II -•^■ V—-'' i o ■-•* re 3 ^^ '^ -V) |> w •T3 1 -O re H ■1 H a 11 INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 41 Here the second pair in generation I. probably consist of a pure - bred dominant brown and a pure - bred recessive grey. Their offspring are all of the type DR, and, when mated with recessives, produce together eight brown-eyed children and six with grey eyes — a good approach to the Mendelian equality. Other similar pedigrees might be given, or may be traced. In all cases care must be taken to consider a sufficient number of individuals before drawing general con- clusions about the problems of inheritance. Many diseases and malformations seem to depend on a definite pathological condition, and to descend as Mendelian dominants. The affection known as brachy- dactyly, in which the fingers are shortened and possess only one joint instead of two, is a dominant character, the normal condition of the fingers being recessive. Two pedigrees of brachydactylous families have been described. One, published by Farabee, is illustrated below. In each case the affected parents married normal persons, and, to simplify the diagram, the marriages are not indicated. Moreover, the children of unaffected parents were none of them affected, so, to save space, they, too, are omitted from the figure. As before, the signs to look for are the transmission of the character through those alone who possess it, and the equality in number of the affected and non- affected among the children of affected and normal parents. The following table gives the results of Farabee's inquiries : — 42 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION 55 INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 43 The peculiarity descends only through the affected. No unaffected person had brachydactylous children. The affected parents, all of whose known offspring are entered in the pedigree, married normal unaffected recessive husbands or wives. Their unions are therefore of the type DR = RR, when on Mendelian principles the chances are that half the children will be DR, and therefore will show the peculiarity, since it is a dominant, and half will be RR, pure recessives in whom it has been clean bred out. To bring the figure within compass, the marriages of the unaffected members of the family are not tabulated, but, as mentioned above, in no instance did their descendants prove to be brachydactylous. Of the known children of the affected, it will be seen that thirty-six are brachy- dactylous and thirty-three are normal — a close approach to the Mendelian probability. Another family in- vestigated by Drinkwater showed similar phenomena, with numbers of thirty-nine to thirty-two affected and unaffected children of DR = RR marriages. There is little doubt that brachydactyly and its absence are in man a pair of simple Mendelian factors, the malforma- tion being a dominant character which appears whether the Individual is a pure-bred DD or a cross-bred DR — whether he gets the peculiarity from both parents or from one only. Some other diseases, such as certain forms of cataract, show signs of similar relations ; they appear to be simple Mendelian dominants. No clear case of a pathological condition inherited as a recessive seems yet to have been traced. As such characters would not always be trans- mitted directly from parent to child, evidence is much 44 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION more difficult to collect. The theoretical descent of a recessive character should be in accordance with the scheme, DD m m m r ® DD) DD) DO) OR (RD) In the other notation, in which the peculiarity when it exists openly is represented by a dark circle, this becomes O^ 0=1=0 0^0 — ^ o o o o The descent is made clearer if we write the symbol © for a person who possesses the character not visibly but in some of his germ cells. We then get INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 45 I 1 ©Y© o ! — \ ] [ o © © • — a scheme which shows at once the effect of marriage between two persons, each of whom, though not openly affected, has the peculiarity as a germinal character. As long as an individual contains only a single dose of the factor, the peculiarity, being recessive, does not become manifest. But, as soon as two persons who possess the concealed character marry, one-quarter of their offspring may be expected to be impregnated with a double dose, and to be pure recessives with the peculiarity apparent. If such persons intermarried, all their offspring would be affected, and a definite breed, showing the peculiarity, might be established. It is clear that a recessive character is much more difficult to trace through a pedigree than is a dominant character. As a clue for research it may be pointed out that peculiarities which are prevalent among the offspring of consanguineous marriages, especially those between first cousins, are likely to prove recessive factors. If the pecuHarity be concealed in the blood of a family, when cousins marry, it is probable that some of their children will get the recessive character 46 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION from both sides, and, being pure-bred with regard to that character, will show it openly. The more complicated phenomena which have been traced in plants and animals when two characters are coupled, or are incompatible, have also appeared in the study of mankind, and, when more is known, will probably explain cases of inheritance which are now too involved for elucidation. Night-blindness, an inability to see in a faint light, affects men more often than women. It is transmitted by affected men, but not by unaffected men. It is, how- ever, often transmitted by unaffected women. Apparently normal women, sisters of affected men, may transmit the peculiarity to some of their sons, but only if they marry a night-blind husband can they give it to their daughters. This sex-limited descent is to be compared with the inheritance of horns in sheep, which we have described above. In sheep, horns are dominant in rams and recessive in ewes. If the rams contain the factor at all they exhibit it ; hence they can transmit the character if they themselves show it, but not otherwise. In the ewes, some other factor opposes the development of horns, and horns only appear if the tendency to form them is born in the ewe from both its parents. Some ewes who do not themselves show horns may never- theless transmit them to their male lambs. Similarly, night-blindness must be regarded as a dominant char- acter in men, but a recessive character in women. The characters hitherto considered have been definite and simple — a man is or is not brachydactylous or night- INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 47 blind. But the majority of the normal characters which make up a man are too complex for statement in these terms. His stature is controlled by the total length of many bones, each of which may be separately variable ; his strength is determined by the co-ordination of many factors, associated with different members of his body ; his ability depends on the proper conjunction of a still larger number of attributes : intellect, application, will- power, sense of duty, each of which itself may be highly complex. In the present state of our knowledge, it is premature to attempt to trace definite Mendelian inheritance in such complicated characters. Our new familiarity with the rules of simple inheritance, it is true, enables us to catch suggestive glimpses of order from time to time ; but, for the most part, we are driven back at present to vaguer statistical methods. Able parents continue to produce more than their numerical share of able children, whether or no ability ultimately be resolvable into a very large number of dominant Mendelian factors. Occasion- ally we shall find that some " sport " arises, apparently spontaneously, whether we regard it as indicating some process of conjunction of recessive characters not visible in the parents, or prefer to leave it unexplained. Even in the inheritance of many diseases we cannot yet prove that exact Mendelian principles hold. Often it is the predisposition to the disease, and not the disease itself, that is inherited ; the disease must then be induced by external conditions. In other cases, the disease may be produced by several causes, only one of which is hereditary. Thus deafness is to some extent hereditary, but doubtless it is also producible by 48 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION injury in infancy, by such diseases as scarlet fever, and by other causes. As an example, let us take a case studied by Moos, A deaf-mute man, represented by the symbol ^, married a normal healthy woman, represented by Q- They had a deaf-mute son and a normal daughter. The daughter married a normal man, and had two deaf-mute daughters and one normal son. One daughter married a deaf-mute man, and had a deaf- mute son, while the normal son married a normal woman, but his one son was a deaf-mute. We can exhibit these relations in tabular form, the character to be traced, in this case deaf-mutism, being indicated by blackening the circle representing the individual possessing it. I n / in IV f? 9=r^ '•=ff 'f 'Of 9 /4 ^4 This pedigree shows not only direct inheritance from parent to child, but the reappearance of deaf- mutism in a grandchild (III. 2) born of two normal parents, and in a great-grandchild (IV. 2) where both parents and grandparents were free from the affliction. INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 49 When the condition is brought into the pedigree from several sides, it usually becomes more persistent, and we get such terrible results as those shown below. •6=rV 'h'f R I I 1 — — I 1 ^^ ^^ f^ Sd^ 1 r ni /A ^A -^A "A ^m Here every member of the second and third generations is a deaf-mute. Even with diseases which are infectious, a predis- position to the disease is often or always an hereditary character. Let us take as an example tuberculosis, which still kills about one in ten of our population. Of late years, stress has been laid on the infectious nature of this scourge, and there has been a tendency to overlook the effect of heredity in transmitting a nature prone to its attacks. Yet a glance at such a pedigree as that given below must recall us to the study of ancestral influences. The individuals i, 2, and 3 of generation V., and I of generation VI., have not yet arrived at the age when tuberculosis usually begins. Excluding these cases ; and the doubtful cases I. i and V. 7, we have 17 individuals descended from our first pair. Of these descendants 15 are certainly tuberculous, and only 2 are classed as free from the disease. Such pedigrees as we have considered are sufficient to suggest the preponderating effect of heredity in E 50 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION -Q ^ o P^ ^ ^.O •o Ih *9 .o 1. ■o -o iilH 3|IH o 'II — o ■o INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 51 special cases ; but to measure quantitatively the heredi- tary influence, it is necessary to deal statistically with large numbers of such pedigrees. Moreover, it is not enough to study diseased stocks only. They must be taken as parts of the general population, and our statistical studies must deal with fair samples of the population at large. The possible pitfalls ot too restricted a view are better illustrated by the more difficult case of tuber- culosis, which we have dealt with last, than by the more rare condition of deaf-mutism, where no question of infection can arise. Tuberculosis is very prevalent. It affects fatally some ten in a hundred of the population. Hence in a sample of the people taken at random one or two in seventeen might be expected to suffer from the disease. Although these numbers would be exceeded in chance cases, the probability of as many as fifteen out of seventeen in a group suffering would be exceedingly small. Nevertheless, such a conjunction would be possible, and a few such cases taken alone could not settle the question. Again, since tuberculosis is infectious, it could be argued that members of the same family might more readily infect each other than those outside. It should, however, be noted that, as tuberculosis is, in general, a disease which develops in early mature life, and affects comparatively few children or old people, it is less likely to run through a family by infection than some other complaints. It would be much more likely to be passed by infection between husbands and wives. Some in- fection in these cases probably does occur, but a 52 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION statistical investigation by Pope and Pearson has shown that such transmission is comparatively rare — too rare to affect appreciably statistical results. The disease is so prevalent that no one can escape coming within its influence. In crowded urban populations, at any rate, we may safely assign escape or infection in a large measure to immunity or predisposition. To reach definite conclusions on the intensity of hereditary transmission, a careful statistical inquiry, based on processes the same as those used to investigate the inheritance of physical qualities such as stature, etc., must be undertaken. Professor Pearson has found by such methods that the coefficient of correlation for the hereditary transmission of tuberculosis lies between 0.4 and 0.6, and has a most probable value of about 0.5 — identical with the coefficient for the transmission of physical dimensions. Other points of interest also appear. Among them may be mentioned the fact that tuberculosis is more prevalent among the older children of a tuberculous parent than among the younger children. Similar results are found in other pathological inquiries ; the elder children are more liable to inherit the weak points of their parents. The bearing of this tendency on the effect of the decrease in the average size of modern families is obvious, and full of sinister import to the future of the race. One of the fundamental problems in sociology is the determination of the comparative influence of heredity and environment in the production of any given char- acter. In most cases data for the examination of the problem are wholly wanting. No figures, for instance, INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 53 are yet available to determine how many of our paupers are made so by circumstances and how many are un- employable by nature. In some cases, such, for instance, as the number who suffer from a zymotic disease like enteric fever, the main influence must probably be assigned to environment. On the other hand, we should expect the incidence of deaf- mutism to be almost entirely hereditary. But often there are no reasons for looking for an overwhelming effect of one of these influences rather than of the other, and we have no evidence available for comparing their results. The only quantitative study yet published of the comparative influence of heredity and environment seems to be the work of Barrington and Pearson on keenness of vision and defects of eyesight. Here we have a character which we might expect to be influenced profoundly both by inheritance and by surroundings. We should expect visual powers to be innate to some extent, but to be affected largely by the surroundings and occupations of childhood and youth. The Edinburgh Charity Organization Society has published a report on the physical condition of fourteen hundred school children in the city, together with an account of their homes and surroundings. From this report it is possible to examine the correlation of the children's eyesight with the condition of their homes. From an elaborate statistical investigation, it appears that no measurable relation exists between powers of vision and environment — overcrowding, extreme poverty, immoral surroundings, were equally without effect. 54 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION On the other hand, the influence of heredity is well marked. The statistics show that the coefficient of correlation lies between 0.4 and 0.6, thus agreeing with the intensity of inheritance of other physical characters, such as stature. The preponderating in- fluence of heredity again becomes evident, even where we might expect that environment would play a conspicuous part. The study of variation in mankind has been post- poned till now in order that the facts of inheritance given above should be held in mind. For, leaving aside for the moment acquired characters, it is impossible rightly to understand variations in innate quaHties till we have some knowledge of heredity, by which those qualities are determined. The work of Johannsen on pure lines, described on page 30, suggests that, for variations to be trans- mitted by heredity, they must themselves be derived from chance germinal associations of different qualities obtained from various individuals in a heterogeneous ancestry, or, at all events, that such ancestral varia- tions are of far more hereditary importance than others. Sports arise from the chance combination of different factors, producing an unexpected result. Drawn from different individuals in an ancestral tree, the factors form a particular conjunction, which perhaps has never before happened, and the result is a dwarf, a giant, or a transcendent genius. If some of the factors happen to have an affinity for each other, they become linked in the manner traced in recent INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 5S Mendelian research, and the sport may transmit his qualities to his descendants, estabhshing perhaps a definite breed, perhaps a transient strain. In a mixed race like our own, the different types o JS J^ 35 36 ^57 38 39 W 91 ^2 ^^3 f^ f5 96 '97 -a? INCHES OF Chest Measureme/^t Fig. 4. pass by such insensible gradations into each other, that the population for some purposes may be treated as a homogeneous strain showing wide variations. Almost any character of a large section of the people, when its variations are plotted, gives a curve approximating to a normal curve of error. The chest measurement of Scottish soldiers (Fig. 4), already considered on page 28, or the marks gained by S6 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION candidates in a University examination (Fig. 5), equally show this result. In the latter case, the curve is cut short at each end by the difficulty of expressing adequately in percentage marks the ignorance of the worst and the superiority of the best candidates, as compared with the mediocre attainments of the majority. But, allowing for this difficulty, the concordance is usually so good that any marked deviation from the standard curve of frequency suggests some fault in the examiner or in the conduct of the examination. 70 ■ SO -•- - ^ li^ SO 1 : /•■■\ / \ ^JO / \ 1 1 m ?: / V ^ ^^ / 1 ^ /o ^ \ — 1 1 -J 1 1 i 1 1 'i /o bo jo ^o so 60 to 80 90 'oo Fig. 5. But it should never be forgotten that, when the theory of variation is applied generally to the people as a whole, this simplicity is apparent and not real. The population is made up of many different strains — of so many in fact that they shade off into each other INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 57 completely, and appear to be but the chance variations of a homogeneous stock. The normal curve must be applied with great caution, but its usual accordance with observation shows that its general features are common to many kinds of statistics. With a fairly homogeneous section of the community, we shall probably not err in looking for many men about the average, and few diverging far from it, whether we examine physical, mental, or moral qualities. Galton has applied the theory of variation to the statistical study of ability in man. By a careful analysis, he estimates the number of men of what he defines to be eminent ability as about 250 in each million of our population. He then divides the people into eight classes above mediocrity and eight below it, and takes the three highest classes for the eminent men. Assuming that the normal curve of error applies, the number of men in each class can be calculated. More than half- of each million are placed in the two mediocre classes, one on each side of the line of average ability. As we pass away from the average, the number in a class rapidly diminishes, till the last three classes on each side contain together only about 250 in a million. On one side this number represents the men of eminence ; on the other it is about enough to include the more hopeless idiots and imbeciles. An eminent man departs from mediocrity on one side as far as an idiot does on the other. The application of the normal curve to the study of special ability seems justified by the results obtained with examinations. Nevertheless, the candidates in 58 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION such examinations are more or less selected. It is doubtful how far the normal curve would represent the facts of the actual distribution of general ability in such a heterogeneous nation as our own, with so many different types in the population. We might find, could we make actual measurements, that the experi- mental curve was much distorted. Still, broadly con- sidered, the results would be of the kind indicated by Galton ; the different types of the people mingling to some extent with each other. In dealing with specialized ability, particularly in selected samples of the population, a near approach to the theoretical normal curve would be expected, and is found where measurement is practicable. Galton's method enables us roughly to classify the differences in ability of the nation. He also showed that another estimate of differences in ability of one special kind may be obtained from the results of com- petitive examinations, and especially from the old Cam- bridge Mathematical Tripos, in which the names of successful candidates were arranged in order of merit. All these candidates are good enough mathematicians to obtain mathematical honours, and even the worst of them must be considered as of moderate ability. Yet the Senior Wrangler usually got more than thirty times as many marks as the lowest man on the list, and, owing to the limited time allotted to the examination, it is allowed that the results under-estimated the differ- ences. The candidates were trained in similar con- ditions, at all events for the last three, the most important, years. Hence it follows that we must regard the ability of an average Senior Wrangler as INHERITANCE IN MANKIND 59 more than thirty times as great as the average mathe- matical ability of the candidates, while an exception- ally brilliant Senior Wrangler would far exceed that estimate. There is no reason to suppose that different results would appear, could we estimate ability of other kinds in an equally exact way. The ability of a Marlborough or a Napoleon must exceed that of the average soldier by at least as much. In fact, so many different kinds of ability are needed in a successfiil general, that the greatest commanders must be regarded as amongst the most eminent of mankind. Such considerations show at once the absurdity of the old fallacy that all men are born equal, and that success depends only on opportunity and environment. Men are not born equal, and in nothing do such great differences exist as in their mental capacities. We must estimate the ability of an eminent man as at least a hundred times that of the average of the race. We now see that, even with qualities which show an insensible gradation from man to man, selection has enough variation on which to work. In the characters that follow definite Mendelian principles, we get a sharp division and segregation, A man either has brown pigment in his eyes or he has not ; he is either brachy- dactylous or possesses normal fingers. But, in the qualities we are now considering, no such line of division is possible. We could find men whose height lay within each tenth of an inch from five feet to six, and others who possessed every shade of general ability from that of a genius to that of a fool. General ability is too complicated a thing to show 6o THE FAMILY AND THE NATION simple Mendelian principles, in the present state of our powers of analysis ; though certain special forms, such as musical skill, may be simpler to bring to order. In ability, and characters of an equally complex type, we cannot at present trace simple rules. But the inheritance of ability is a subject of such importance that it must be treated alone at a later stage of our inquiry. CHAPTER IV THE INHERITANCE OF MENTAL DEFECT The problems connected with the inheritance of mental defect have sprung into importance in recent years. It is only within the last century that the mentally defective have had much chance of survival for them- selves, or any prospect of handing down their diseased condition into another and yet another generation. Before that period, the wardship of idiots and lunatics had regard chiefly to the control of their lands and estates in the interests of the Crown and the next of kin, and was only gradually elaborated into some attempt to control their persons also ; while those lunatics who had no possessions were left to the tender mercies of their relations or to the care of charitable persons and the parish. Even in criminal law the plea of insanity was unavailing except in extreme cases. In fact, the general feeling in the society of the period seems to have been that insanity itself was a crime, or at the very least the punishment of a crime. The repressive measures founded on such a beHef were severe and effective ; there was little opportunity of discovering whether mental defect was or was not transmissible by heredity. 6i 62 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION In the beginning of the nineteenth century, public attention was drawn to the pitiable condition of the insane, either when incarcerated in prisons and asylums, or when wandering at large. A scientific study of insanity began to correlate the phenomena observed with other forms of mental and physical disease, while popular novelists, such as Charles Dickens in Barnaby Rudge, drove home to the public mind the inhumanity of the then methods of treatment and non-treatment. A long series of lunacy laws has followed on the awakening of the national consciousness in this matter. But a recognition of the evil did not at once produce a knowledge of the issues at stake. As is usual in all legislative interference, the individual at first is dealt with per se ; the surroundings in which he was bred, their effect on him and his on them were ignored. According to the mid-Victorian concept, a man was either sane or insane — quite mad or completely cured. How he became mad, how completely he was cured, were not taken into consideration. When he was once discharged from the asylum or refused admission to it on the grounds of insufficient mental defect, like the man in the old song. Whither he went and how he fared, Nobody knew and nobody cared. Such a method of treatment has had its natural effect in the extension by inheritance of mental in- firmity. In the beginning of the twentieth century it became necessary to appoint a Royal Commission to inquire, not into the crowded state of the lunatic and idiot asylums, but into the provision for guardianship INHERITANCE OF MENTAL DEFECT 63 and control of a whole new class of citizens, the feeble- minded. The investigation was conducted on expert lines ; medical investigators were appointed, and particulars were obtained of the manner in which foreign countries and the colonies were dealing with the question, pressing alike wherever our Western civilization has taken hold. The Commissioners divided their " material " into nine classes. Firstly, persons of unsound mind, a term equivalent to the word lunatic, indicating disorder of mind rather than any obvious congenital defect or malformation. These are the persons for whom the asylums were originally planned, and the Commissioners state that they are still the only class of mentally defective people adequately provided for by the State on account of their mental defect. The other eight classes contain all degrees of mental infirmity, from idiots who are in- capable of shielding themselves from common physical dangers, to the feeble-minded, who can earn a living in favourable and carefully guarded circumstances ; from moral imbeciles, on whom training and punishment has little or no deterrent effect, to the more hopeless inebriates, who drink, not from deliberate choice, but from lack of self-control, and power of will. The Commissioners estimated that the number of those persons who, while not certifiably insane, are suffering from mental defect, is about 150,000, to which must be added the population of our lunatic asylums, public and private, of our idiot asylums, and from the point of view of the sociologist, of those persons also who, having passed through the 64 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION asylums, have been discharged as cured or incurable, and are now in uncontrolled liberty amongst us. From all sides evidence was offered to show that the feeble-minded, though not recognized as such by the State, were nevertheless frequently being treated and maintained by the nation in ways that were not only expensive but were entirely unsuited to the nature of the case. Thus it is noted that many mentally defective children have immoral tendencies, partly owing to their deficiency of self-control, and partly because such children are peculiarly open to the power of suggestion, so as to place them at the mercy of bad companions. They begin their career of crime at an early age ; for a long time they profit, to their extreme detriment, by First Offenders and Probation Officers Acts ; then come utterly useless short sentences, and a life spent alternately in prison and workhouse — unamenable to the discipline of either, and outcast from both. At present the commission of a serious crime and the imposition of a long sentence is perhaps the best hope for these unfortunate individuals and the society on whom they prey. A medical officer of one of the large prisons, where juvenile boy offenders are admitted, considers that forty per cent of the boys are feeble-minded. The same class of information comes from those people who are concerned with the working of the inebriate asylums. It is, moreover, notorious that, while prisons and lunatic asylums are provided in sufficient numbers to contain all those individuals who are consigned to their sheltering care, the inebriate refor- matories are wholly inadequate in number, and are INHERITANCE OF MENTAL DEFECT 65 reserved for the most part, by the especial providence that watches over our social legislation, for those who can afford to pay for a long and expensive course of treatment. No really destitute person need apply ; habitual cases of this sort are still treated by short terms of imprisonment. But, in spite of these restric- tions, which probably have the effect of raising the social status of the inhabitants of Homes of Retreat, it is estimated by the authorities concerned that seventy per cent of these unfortunate people are mentally defective, probably irreformable. They are not drunkards in the sense of suffering from the drink craze ; they are primarily feeble-minded, and probably would never have acquired the vice had they been earlier placed and kept under control. It is interesting to note that the general opinion of these specially competent witnesses is that *' alcoholism in one or both parents exerts its influence mainly by impairing the vitality of the children. ... It has not any special tendency to beget a proclivity to drunken- ness in the offspring, but, in the manner indicated, has a distinct influence in the production of feeble-minded- ness and epilepsy. . . ." Another section of the report of the Commission deals with the prevalence of sexual immorality among the feeble - minded ; and here the evidence comes chiefly from those who are acquainted with the subject through the work of the Rescue Societies and the workhouse maternity wards. The lack of self-control which is noticeable among feeble-minded boys, and drives them ultimately into the prisons, sends the girls on to the streets, to become the prey of the first 66 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION evil-minded person they meet. There is also often a definitely immoral tendency, which shows itself at a very early age, and is borne witness to by parents and school-teachers. The existing provisions for dealing with girls of this class are hopelessly inadequate ; they are "ins-and-outs" of the workhouse maternity wards. Some thirty per cent of them are considered too bad to keep even in Penitentiaries ; they lower the standard of discipline and work, and, by reason of their wander- ing, vacant minds, they cannot be persuaded without compulsion to carry on remunerative employment. So they go back to the streets to increase and perpetuate the race of the feeble-minded. The Commissioners did not consider that they were empowered to conduct a scientific inquiry into the causation of mental defect ; but, in the course of their investigations, a mass of evidence on this point ac- cumulated. Twenty-five out of thirty-five witnesses attached supreme importance to a history of mental defect in the parents or near ancestors, and the general opinion was that there is no such thing as manufactured feeble - mindedness, apart from very rare accidental injuries. In fact, as we should suspect, mental defect dating from birth or observed in the early years of childhood, is declared to be spontaneous originally, by which is meant " not induced by external conditions," and afterwards truly hereditary. The various forms of mental defect, whether imbecility, drunkenness, crime, immorality, are not primarily separate subjects for investigation and treatment, but merely accidental concomitants of a diseased pathological condition. INHERITANCE OF MENTAL DEFECT 67 It is possible that mental defect, like hereditary ability at the other end of the scale, is no simple quality ; but, although complex in its character, it is probably a simpler aggregation of factors than tran- scendent genius. Mental defect is easier to define, easier to recognise, and therefore easier to trace. In many cases the physical malformations are manifest to every one ; the want of mind of the imbecile is as obvious as the aberration of mind of the lunatic. Border-line cases there must be ; but these, too, will often slip into their correct classification in periods of mental strain, of excitement, of ill-regulated life. Whether we shall ever be able to separate out the various strains and deal with each of them as a definite Mendelian unit remains to be seen ; at present, at any rate, the many pedigrees of degenerate stocks that have accumulated help us to realize the interchangeableness of some of the various manifestations and the direct influence of heredity on their transmission from parent to offspring. Two such pedigrees are given below, to illustrate the descent of mental defect in its various forms through four generations. CASE I Father, = Mother, eccentric. insane. daughter, mentally defective — unmarried. daughter, daughter, mentally defective. almost imbecile — I at present detained under I twins. I Industrial Schools Act. daughter, daughter, died at ! month. died at 6 months. 68 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION CASE II Father, = Mother, unknown. mentally defective. husband = daughter, unknown. mentally defective. daughter, daughter, daughter, son, prostitute mentally defective, mentally defective, normal, before 15 years not married. in special school, old. I son, mentally defective, in special school. These family histories have been supplied through the kindness of a member of a special school authority. It may be as well to point out that such authorities have no power at present to detain the children in the special school, or to commit them to any other custodial care after the age of sixteen. It must be remembered also that such pedigrees are highly incomplete ; the very fact of the mental defect of the persons involved increases the difficulty of any efforts to get accurate and full family histories, and there is at present no general central office of sociology where the history of such families can be followed, as the persons composing them pass from special school to refuge and workhouse, and from the reformatory to the police courts, the prisons, and the asylums. It is an evident fact, yet one often overlooked, that those who, through mental or physical defect, are unable INHERITANCE OF MENTAL DEFECT 69 to support themselves, become a charge on the com- munity. Whether they are supported by public funds in workhouses, asylums, or prisons, or whether they form an even heavier, because more localised, burden on their relatives, they involve a tax on others, and necessitate the expenditure of unproductive labour. A large proportion of the petty crime of the country is due to feeble-mindedness ; much of the pauperism is caused by mental or physical infirmity. Such qualities are hereditary, and the direct cost to the normal members of the community of the descendants of a single criminal or feeble-minded pair is often appalling. One such case has been investigated fully, that of the notorious " Jukes " family in the United States of America. The pedigree contains some 830 known individuals, all descended from five sisters born about 1760. A large proportion of these individuals have been in prison, some of them for serious crimes. Frequently the women have consorted with criminals. Many of the race have been paupers, partially or wholly supported by the country. The total direct loss to the state caused by this one family has been calculated as about ^260,000, while the indirect loss cannot be estimated.^ Those familiar with our country villages recognise that feeble-mindedness is specially rife in certain localities. The cross- marriages between a few neighbouring families, in which mental defects are hereditary, pro- duce gradually a feeble-minded population. The present tendency for the abler youth of the country to drift into the towns, leaves the inferior stocks behind in the 1 The Jukes, by R. L. Dugclale : New York, 1884. 70 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION villages. Thus it comes to pass in some districts that the country, which supplies the most natural and healthy environment, becomes populated with a lower kind of humanity. By the continued removal of the best elements, the remaining inhabitants are left to breed to the worst type of the people. In dealing with the various aspects of the problem of the mentally defective, we have left to the last the all-important question of the rate of their reproduction. There is undoubtedly a very high mortality among their offspring. We should expect this mortality, both on account of the constitutional weakness which seems to accompany many forms of mental defect, and also from the fact that feeble-minded parents cannot and do not bring up their children with even the average sense and care belonging to their station. Drink, crime, vice are rife in their homes ; unemployment is the normal occupation of the breadwinner ; neglect and ill- treatment increase the incidence of physical infirmity. Yet with all these checks, the unrestricted fertility of the mentally defective is sufficient to constitute a serious menace to the race ; serious at any time, but more so at a period when the decline in the birth-rate among the better-educated and more self-respecting classes is so unmistakable as to cause alarm even to statesmen. It is not surprising that the ratio of the number of insane persons under the control of the Commissioners in Lunacy to the number of the popu- lation at large has increased by ninety-two per cent in the last fifty years. On the two points of the fertility of the feeble- INHERITANCE OF MENTAL DEFECT 71 minded and the probable degeneracy of their offspring the evidence from institutions and the opinion of medical men is in substantial agreement. Dr. Tred- gold, an especially experienced witness, pointed out that the average number of children in the families which now use the public elementary schools is about four ; whereas in the degenerate families whose children are passed over to the special schools, there is an aver- age of 7.3 children, not including those still-born. The following table was prepared to show the con- dition of 150 mentally defective children with their brothers and sisters. In the 150 families there were 1269 children born. Unsatisfactory. Satisfactory. A. Born dead . . 170 B. Since died — Under i year . 138] „ 3 years . „ 10 „ • „ 20 „ . Over 20 ,, . 107 37 8 25J -315 Said by parents to be mentally and bodily healthy . 456 C. Mentally affected • 2+5 D. Diseased, paupers , or criminals • 83 Total . • 813 Total . 456 Total, 1269 The high rate of mortality is noticeable, and also the fact that only one-third of the offspring were accounted, 72 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION even at the parents' valuation, to be normal members of society, while 328 persons, the descendants of 150 pairs of parents — not necessarily both feeble-minded — showed definite mental disease in some form or other, a considerable increase in one generation. Again, it was noted by the Commissioners that in one workhouse alone, sixteen feeble-minded women had produced 116 children, and out of one such family of fourteen, only four had been able to do remunerative work. ^ The lack of moral responsibility in the individuals who create such offspring, and in the society which tolerates or encourages such a proceeding, is appalling. Verily, if it needs must be that such offences come into this world, woe unto that man or woman by whom the offence cometh ! CHAPTER V THE INHERITANCE OF ABILITY Ability is among the most valuable possessions of a race. Efficiency in government, profession, business, or trade depends largely on the innate ability of the different classes of the community. Success in the struggle of nation with nation in war or in economic competition attends the most able and best-organized people. But other qualities may be of equal or greater importance than ability. Moral character, good health, physical strength and grace, beauty, and the supreme charm which often accompanies long lineage and gentle nurture, all are to be desired, and should be cherished and encouraged no less than ability. But, at present, records of ability are more accessible than those scattered allusions which alone would enable us to trace the inheritance of other good and noble qualities. Moreover, from the point of view of heredity, we might expect them to follow somewhat similar laws of descent. We may, then, take ability as an example of those qualities we desire to encourage, always remembering that it is but an example, and that health and beauty of 73 74 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION person and of character are equally necessary for the perfection of mankind. We may hope in future that such qualities will appear in pedigrees alongside the more showy honours which come to him who possesses and knows how to use ability of intellect. All these desirable qualities are, from the point of view of heredity, essentially different from some of the bad qualities hitherto considered, in that they depend on the conjunction of a great many factors. Such a conjunction must be very hard to trace in the hereditary process, where possibly each character may descend independently, or different characters may be linked together, or be incompatible, in far more complicated ways than we have traced in the qualities of plants and animals. Our present knowledge is quite insufficient to enable us to predict how a complex combination of factors making up the personality of an able or charm- ing man or woman will reappear in their offspring. We can but follow empirical lines of inquiry, and reach certain general conclusions to be discussed later. Many undesirable qualities — tendencies to disease, insanity, feeble -mindedness, deformitv — depend on the inheritance of some one definite pathological condition, which can be traced, as we have seen, from generation to generation, sometimes in accord with regular Mendelian principles. Here our knowledge is surer, and a much safer guide. We know that a certain proportion of the children of unsound parents will possess the unsoundness. We can calculate the effect on the race of allowing numbers of such parents to marry. But, notwithstanding the complication of the pro- THE INHERITANCE OF ABILITY 75 cess, it is certain that ability, and the other desirable qualities which depend, like it, on the conjunction of many factors, are inherited also. Thus, although we cannot analyse completely ability or beauty into a number of definite Mendelian factors, we are safe in supposing that we shall tend to improve the average ability and beauty of the race by encour- aging the growth of families in which those qualities are manifest, and discouraging those in which they are deficient. Whether our knowledge eventually becomes more exact, or whether we find the complete analysis of the problem for ever too difficult for solution, the general facts of inheritance remain. We may never be able to predict more than roughly the probable ability of the children of any one union ; but we know already that, in a large number of unions, we may look for a general resemblance between parents and children both in body and mind. We can predict the effects on the nation, perhaps on the family, though not with certainty on the individual. The first to point out the overwhelming effect of heredity in the history of ability was Sir Francis Galton. His great work Hereditary Gmz/J, published in 1869, marks an epoch in the evolution of sociology, though the prevailing individualist philosophy of life pre- vented it from receiving adequate recognition till recent years. Galton pointed out that the results of examinations, such as the old Cambridge Mathematical Tripos, showed that, instead of men being born equal, as was believed in the nineteenth century, one man had natural abilities 76 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION which, measured against those of some other men with similar training and opportunities, must be reckoned to be at least as thirty is to one. In attempting to trace the inheritance of ability, we are met at once by the difficulty of detecting it, and of measuring it accurately, save in the extremely limited and specialized sphere of competitive examinations. How can we decide whether a man whose time is passed in the usual occupations of life is to be classed as of average intelligence, as able, as eminent, or as illustrious .? While the difficulty in distinguishing between the average and the able men by an inspection of ordinary records is probably insuperable, it seems likely that men fairly described as eminent or illustrious may be marked out from their fellows with some approach to completeness. As Galton points out, such men possess abilities which can hardly be concealed by any disadvantage of birth or position. The small number of men in each generation who reach eminence are drawn from all ranks of the community, and overcome with comparative ease all obstacles in their path. The few in each century who are acknowledged to be illustrious, the Shakespeares, the Napoleons, the Newtons, take, even in early manhood, their predestined place. But to be fairly certain that the men whom we have called eminent have come to the front, it is wise to restrict our investigations to men of mature age. Galton decides that, by the age of fifty, such men nearly always will have made their mark. The next question that arises is what test of eminence in ability to apply. High official position is THE INHERITANCE OF ABILITY 77 sometimes reached by devious ways. Reputation in the world at large is sometimes but ill adjusted to merit. Nevertheless, a high reputation among those of acknow- ledged position in the man's own special sphere is a very good test of his real worth. Few competent men who have studied a subject, and few among the abler members of a profession, could fail to point out the five or ten acknowledged masters in their special line who appear in a decade. Much greater difficulty would be found in naming all the many individuals who must be described as able rather than average. But the few of real eminence are usually known to all who understand their special subject. It is in this sense that Galton defined eminence. He excluded notoriety obtained by a single act, and restricted his list to those men " who have distinguished themselves pretty frequently either by purely original work, or as leaders of opinion." He passed on to estimate the number of such men. He studied the columns of the book of reference then known as Men of the Time^ which, with enlarged boundaries, is now represented by Who's Who. He decided that in the British Isles about five hundred men over fifty might fairly be described as eminent. At that time (1869) there were about two millions of men over fifty years of age in the British Isles. It followed that the proportion of eminent men was about two hundred and fifty to a million. Two other means of calculation were adopted : one from the obituary notices for the past year published in the Times on ist January 1869, and one from obituaries of many years back, when the population was smaller. In each case 78 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION an estimate of about two hundred and fifty in a million was obtained. We may accept this number, then, as the proportion of men of eminent ability in the population as a whole, at all events for the periods considered by Galton. An independent value has been obtained by the editors of the Dictionary of National Biography. They estimate that, in the British Isles throughout the historic ages, one person in every five thousand who have reached adult life, that is two hundred to each million, have been of sufficient eminence to secure admission to the Dictionary. Galton's next task was to trace the inheritance of ability which might fairly be reckoned as eminent. By examining the records of all the Judges of England between 1660 and 1865, the Statesmen of the reign of George III., and the Premiers of the last century, Galton proved that they had many more relatives who themselves showed eminent powers of mind than the total number of their relatives would lead one to expect, if ability were not hereditary. Not only have eminent men like the Judges a larger number of eminent relatives than chance would suggest, but the number increases rapidly with the nearness of relationship to the Judge. Of the fathers of the Judges a proportion of 9.1 in 100 were found by Galton to be eminent men, while of 100 sons 12.6 were of the same class. The percentages of more distant kinsmen who could be reckoned as eminent are shown in the follow- ing table : — THE INHERITANCE OF ABILITY 79 Percentage of Eminent Men in each Degree of Kinship to the 286 Judges of England between 1660 and 1865. 0.2 Great-grandfathers. I 2.6 Grandfathers. 9.1 Fathers. 1.6 uncles. I i I The judges. 8.2 brothers. 0.5 first cousins. "I I 12.6 Sons. 1.7 nephews. I I 3.7 Grandsons. 0.7 great-nephews. I 0.5 Great-grandsons. The percentage of eminent relatives in still more distant degrees of kinship was found to be inappreciable, at all events below o.i. These results are very remarkable. When it is remembered that, on Galton's scale, the proportion of eminent men in the population is only about two hundred and fifty in a million, or 0.025 in a hundred, we see how much more likely eminent abilities are to be found in the fathers, sons, and brothers of eminent men than in the mass of the population. The chance of the son of a Judge showing great ability is five hundred times as great as that for a man taken at random. From the point of view of heredity, these results would be strengthened immensely if particulars and estimates of ability were available and forthcoming in the cases of the wives of the men considered. The ability of women, naturally destined to be used in work even more honourable and important than that of men, 8o THE FAMILY AND THE NATION makes less noise in the world, and very seldom gets noticed in public records. Hence it is impossible to solve the problem of the relative average ability of the children of Judges who married able women as com- pared with that of the children of Judges who married stupid or dull women. The only light we can throw on the subject comes from the significant fact that a considerable number of the Judges whom Galton classes as the fathers of eminent sons married wives with well- known or distinguished relatives. To examine the all-important problem of the effect of both parents on the inheritance of ability, it is necessary to study recent pedigrees, filled in with more scientific detail than is found in older family histories. A fairly large collection of such pedigrees is now avail- able. The following tables illustrate the phenomena observed, and show clearly the essential part played by the choice of mates in family inheritance. Since we are obliged to deal with persons now living, in order to get pedigrees sufficiently detailed, it is seemly in some cases to omit names, and to make a few immaterial changes, such as varying the order of the children in the different families, in order to prevent a too-ready identification. In Pedigree I. we see the effect of the marriages of four able brothers, having an able ancestry behind them, with women who show no marked ability. These brothers are indicated by the symbols placed 2nd, 4th, 6th, and 9th from the left in Generation III. None of the progeny of the first three, who married undis- tinguished wives, has come to the front in any way. THE INHERITANCE OF ABILITY 8 ■-I 0 II c '- O :;? 6 ^ (g)| O o L^ X^ €) J3 S C/3 82 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION The fourth brother, by far the ablest, married a woman of unsound stock with ability in one of her grand- parents. The result was a family of two sound normal members, one unsound, and three with ability, two sound and one unsound. Two of the able members of this family married ability, and the results appear in the family of three able persons shown in V. 14, 15, and 16, and in the remarkable family V. 3 to 10, two members of which showed ability of a very high order ; one of them was a most influential person of the time ; three others were able much beyond the average, while the ancestral strain of unsoundness came out in the remaining two. This pedigree is also interesting in that it illustrates the fallacy which lies in the common idea that great ability is often associated with unsoundness of mind or body. The truth is that ability and unsoundness usually enter a family from different sources, and are transmitted independently of each other. Sometimes they chance to coincide in the same person, but more often they become separated in different individuals. Pedigree II. shows the ancestry of the same family on the paternal side, and its alliances with two other distinguished families, many of whose members are recorded in the Dictionary of National Biography. Here the same definite inheritance of ability is shown, and the same phenomenon of a strain of unsoundness running through one line of descent. From our immediate point of view, it is well to call attention to the two able members in Generation III. of the well-known family represented on the right of the diagram. The man married a " normal " woman, and THE INHERITANCE OF ABILITY 83 o Q a) fin a 84 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION had two undistinguished and one able child, while the woman married a very able man and had one very able son, one able daughter, and one whose characteristics are unknown. Thus once more the quality of the alliance shows clearly in the average quality of the offspring. The individuals indicated in the last line, or Generation V. of this pedigree, are believed to be under forty-five years of age, and therefore have not yet completed their careers. It is possible that some of them will still show powers entitling them to the distinction of being reckoned as '* very able." A study of pedigrees and biographies in such books of reference as the Dictionary of National Biography leads irresistibly to the conclusion that continued ability and eminence in a family depend solely on sound marriages. That some families remain in a prominent position for many generations is a historical fact. The Scropes, for instance, in the course of the three centuries comprised between the reigns of Edward II. and Charles I. produced, in the male line only, " two earls and twenty barons, one Chancellor, four Treasurers, two Chief Justices of England, one Archbishop and two Bishops, five Knights of the Garter, and numerous Bannerets." ^ The permanence of the ability maintained by the intermarriages of the Montagues, the Norths, and the Sidneys has been pointed out by Galton. The family descended from Roger Boyle, a Here- fordshire gentleman of good birth, and Joan Naylor his wife, a couple living in the time of Queen Elizabeth, provides one of the most striking instances in modern 1 Times, 17th June 1909, obituary notice of Mr. Simon Conyers Scrope of Danby. THE INHERITANCE OF ABILITY 85 English history of the descent of ability and its recog- nition by the grant of hereditary titles. Among the children of Roger and Joan Boyle two are specially noteworthy. One, Michael, had many distinguished descendants ; among his sons were a Bishop of Waterford and an Archbishop of Tuam. The other, Richard, was the great Earl of Cork, whose descendants in the male line received between them some ten or twelve titles. In a single generation four members of the family were elevated to the House of Lords, while one of the most illustrious, Robert Boyle, the great philo- sopher and man of science — a seventh son and four- teenth child — repeatedly refused a peerage. After two marriages with co-heiresses, the senior branch of the house was extinguished in the male line. It has been represented for the last four or five generations by the Dukes of Devonshire, who, through a female descent, have become possessed of the Earldom of Burlington, one of the many Boyle titles. As long as ability marries ability, a large proportion of able offspring is a certainty, and ability is a more valuable heirloom in a family than mere material wealth, which, moreover, will follow ability sooner or later. It is impossible to foresee the mode of development of our social organism. It may be that the lineal inheritance of material wealth by successive generations will cease to be compatible with the institutions of a future stage of civilization. But, whatever be the political or social constitution, ability must always make its mark, and remain as a very real form of capital to the individual and the family who possess it. In the distant future, capital, in the ordinary sense of the 86 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION word, may possibly be ov/ned chiefly by the State ; but health, character, and ability are assets which cannot be divorced from the individual. They must yield an annual return of interest on which he and his family may flourish and multiply. Such qualities are an inherent possession of the individual. They are his to use and to hand on as he will, for the advantage of the nation. No collectivist state can deprive him of their possession, and any environment which makes him dis- inclined to use or to transmit this innate capital is an irremediable misfortune to the community. The inborn qualities of mankind, whether good or bad, may be established, maintained, and extended in a family by, and only by, appropriate marriages. In past ages long and honourable lines of descent were based jointly on ability and on inherited wealth. If, at some future time, the latter condition be set aside, the former can yet remain ; and we may look with confidence to the continuance in high position, from generation to generation, of those families whose members choose their mates for all good qualities of mind and body. To the student who wishes to grain a clear idea of the influence of heredity, nothing is so illuminating as to select some marked feature in himself or his acquaint- ance, and search for its introduction into the family. It is surprising hov/ often the track of ability or lack of intelligence, of strength or weakness of mind or body, can be traced back in a definite line of ascent for several generations. The construction of pedigrees like those given above is fascinating in the light it throws on such problems. The inheritance ot various kinds ot special ability THE INHERITANCE OF ABILITY 87 may be traced no less clearly than can the general ability hitherto considered. Galton gives a remarkable pedigree of the Bach family extending to eight generations, all showing great musical talent, which gradually increased in intensity for four generations, culminated in John Sebastian Bach (1685 -1750), and diminished again in his descendants. To investigate the causes of the rise and fall, further knowledge of the women than Galton gives is necessary ; but it is known that at that date young musicians frequently sought their wives in families belonging to the Guild of Musicians. A family showing the descent of qualities of a very specialized nature — religious fervour, combined with a musical and emotional character — is that of the Wesleys, of whom the best-known members are John, the founder of Methodism, and his brother Charles, the hymn- writer, fifteenth and eighteenth children respectively. Their grandfather and his brother were among the non-juring ministers ejected in 1662 ; while the sons of Charles, Charles and Samuel, were well-known organists and composers ; and a grandson, Samuel Sebastian Wesley, who died in 1876, was also an organist and composer. Galton notices that some apparent exceptions to the general law of inheritance of special characteristics are explicable if we regard instability of disposition as a heritable factor. For example, certain types of excitable religious feeling flourish best in minds liable to want of balance, and subject to alternative periods of great depression and of high exaltation. Here we have probably two 88 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION separate characters at least — religious feeling and instability. These characters may be transmitted inde- pendently. If once more they chance to coincide in a child, the complete parental type is reproduced ; but if they be separated, one son may possess religious feel- ing of a steady normal type, while another, inheriting instability unchecked by religion, and finding of neces- sity the home environment uncongenial, may go to support the common idea that the sons of extremely religious parents are apt to run to excess in riotous living. As the nations of modern Europe crystallized out of the mediaeval chaos, the inheritance of military and political ability in certain families originated and main- tained aristocracies of the sword and of statecraft. In our own early history who can overlook the ability manifested from generation to generation by the families of Alfred, of Godwin, of Warenne, of Clare, of de Montfort .? In later times arose an aristocracy of the law, in which Lord Keepers and Lord Chancellors are found as the descendants or the ancestors of lesser legal luminaries. As each special type of ability became of paramount importance to the nation or the race, repre- sentatives of that ability, rising from all ranks, forced their way to the front, and left offspring to maintain or expand the benefit of their qualities to mankind. Cases illustrating this point will be treated in the next chapter. In our own times, superposed on the ever- living need to defend our homes and interpret our laws, came THE INHERITANCE OF ABILITY 89 I? ^"c o o 1^ ^ L-iD 1-0 -b r-b 1-0 L-iD o 1-0 h -o -b -© -•to kb r-®^ -\) © o -C Lt 0 ® I'l 'Z o 9 oi !« S c 90 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION the vast extension of commerce, industry, literature, and education, and the birth and development of modern scientific discovery. Hence, side by side with families who rise into prominence by the old means of arms and the law-courts, we have coming to the front Rothschilds and Barings, Wedgwoods and Arkwrights, Murrays and Longmans, Arnolds and Butlers, Darwins and Listers, showing long-continued hereditary aptitude for finance, manufacture, education, or science. As an illustration of the growth of one of these new kinds of aristocracy, the aristocracy of science, let us take the remarkable family of Darwin. Beginning with Erasmus Darwin (i 731-1802), poet, philosopher, and physician, we have two lines of descent, leading on the one side to Sir Francis Galtonj^nd on the other to Dr. Robert Darwin, and his son Charles Darwin, the great naturalist, of whose sons four show scientific abiHty. In five generations, the family of Darwin, and the allied families of Wedgwood and Galton, have produced no less than sixteen men of scientific attainments, of whom nine were Fellows of the Royal Society, and ten were lineal descendants of Erasmus Darwin. Who can estimate the value to the nation and to mankind of such strains of blood, and the importance of sustaining or increasing the number of individuals to whom such qualities may be trans- mitted .'' In studying the inheritance of scientific ability, let us emphasize the untold injury done to mankind by the condition of celibacy formerly imposed on the Fellows of the Colleges of Oxford and Cambridge, as a relic of their old monastic tradition. Had Erasmus THE INHERITANCE OF ABILITY 91 Darwin when at Cambridge chanced to obtain a Fellowship and to live on in academic life, his special qualities would have died with him, and the world would never have known Francis Galton or Charles Darwin and his sons. But though Erasmus Darwin escaped, countless other men of science and letters did not marry at all, or, marrying when at an advanced age they were independent of their Fellow- ships, were too late to leave descendants to transmit their priceless qualities. What England, nay, what mankind, has lost is beyond all power of calculation, and is gone for ever. The pious founders of our colleges may have done more harm than good to the nation they sought to serve, to the race to which they belonged. The restriction of celibacy was removed in 1882, and already the inheritance of academic ability has become clear in the annual elections to scholarships and fellowships at Cambridge, and in the other distinctions of the University. Sons of Fellows and past Fellows are now rapidly coming to the front in numbers far beyond those which any possible chance distribution of ability would involve. The pity is that, with the pre- vailing fashion of small families, such sons are so few in number. CHAPTER VI THE RISE OF FAMILIES The rise and fall of families is an ancient theme. Poets, ballad-mongers, writers of romance, heralds, historians, have made it their own. The Percys, Bohuns, Mowbrays, Plantagenets have passed away in the direct male line ; the star of the Veres, the bend or of the Scropes, the chevron of the Clares, can no longer be carried in the first quarter of any shield in the Peerage. Families get used up, we are told, and go to seed. Or they are pursued by ill-luck, and fight in vain against the stars in their courses. Last in the field among the chroniclers of family history have come the men of science, to pick up and arrange the crumbs left by the earlier gleaners. Now science does not accept ill-luck as an a priori argument, and the plea of being " used up " is met by the inquiry as to what steps were taken to replenish the soil and improve the seed. Here the chroniclers are silent, or at best unwittingly give information in roundabout ways. Still, if a record has been kept with any substantial amount of accuracy, there is a great deal to be extracted from the perusal of it. It does not require a very profound study of the Peerage 92 THE RISE OF FAMILIES 93 to deduce the results attending marriages with heiresses, and possibly, could we examine contemporary records, and draw upon the personal knowledge of one or two generations of contemporaries, we should gain a clearer insight into the nature of the ill-luck that pursued or led astray the great families of ancient days. Family history, as far as it is given in any printed and published work which can be bought in the open market or consulted in general reading-rooms, is public property. There is no breach of confidence involved in any further use of it. Unfortunately, it consists for the most part of lists of names and dates ; the details of history, character, and occupation are few, and much of the utility of such records is lost for scientific pur- poses. The accurate observation and careful entry of the characteristics of each individual unit of a family group is a modern conception, carried out only by a few persons. Since many of the subjects may be still alive or live in the memory of others, such studies do not admit as yet of full publication, either with names or with details that might lead to identification. So, for the purpose we have in hand, which is the elucidation of the causes of the rise and fall of families, we have two classes of evidence available. The first consists of the published records, with names, dates, and scanty details ; the second is a series of pedigrees which have been privately collected, and set forth, to the best ability of the recorders, the virtues and vices of various representative families. One of the most marked of the general features in the rise of families, who remain in a position of stable equilibrium, is their slow and gradual ascent. The 94 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION members have time to get acclimatized to their new position and fresh responsibilities before the next onward move. It also becomes evident that the same class of ability is usually manifested through several centuries, whether that ability be military, diplomatic, or com- mercial, giving a very definite impression of the varieties of talent that exist in the world, and are not by any means always interchangeable. In considering families that have risen into promi- nence from time to time, it should be remembered that in England we have three great periods of national and economic expansion — that of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, corresponding with the crusades and the English occupation of France, the remark- able Elizabethan outgrowth of the sixteenth century, and the great movements of the nineteenth century, the effects of which we vv^ill treat separately. It will be noticed that these epochs occur, roughly speaking, at intervals of three hundred years, the span of ten generations. Each of the periods gave an opportunity for the latent ability of the nation to come to the front — that ability which by marriages and intermarriages had accumulated in certain families and individuals during the preceding centuries. The aristocracy of race and intellect was waiting ready to declare itself as soon as the opportunity was given. In any such time of expansion, the abler families rose first, the less able followed as the road was made easier, and the way to success was paved in front of them. So it is that all good people, looking back over such a period, are apt to lament the falling off of ability, and to tell tales of the " giants " of those early days. Truly THE RISE OF FAMILIES 95 the giants arose first, proved themselves, and, if their rise were due to commercial enterprise, as often as not withdrew from the competitive struggle for wealth, devoting themselves to other less remunerative but more honourable and important kinds of work. To illustrate the rise of families, five consecutive titles have been taken at hazard from the Peerage and their history analysed, in some cases with the help of the Dictionary of National Biography. The letter chosen, " G," was taken entirely at random, and a general acquaintance with the history of the families of our titled aristocracy gives the impression that the bio- graphies here noted are fairly typical ones. Gage. — In 1234 William de Gauge was constable o^ Carmarthen Castle and received grants of land. Two consecutive marriages of his heirs in the fifteenth century with daughters of members of Parliament prob- ably indicate the introduction of fresh blood of good stock. The son of the second of these marriages. Sir John Gage, was captain of the castle of Calais, constable of the Tower, and captain-general of the bands of horsemen. He was made a Knight of the Garter by Henry VIII. , and, marrying the daughter of a brother Knight of the Garter, had for a great-grandson the gallant Sir Henry Gage, governor of Oxford under Charles I. Sir John's eldest son, Sir Edward, K.B., a man of distinction, had nine sons, whose history we cannot trace. The eldest became a member of Parlia- ment, and, dying apparently unmarried, was succeeded by a nephew. Sir John, created a baronet in 1622. Thence through marriages with the well-known families 96 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION of D'Arcy and Penruddock, we reach the eighteenth century, and find in the records a Knight of the Bath, a Commander-in-Chief, and an Admiral of the Fleet. A Viscounty of Ireland and a Barony of the United Kingdom were conferred in 1720 and 1780 respectively. The Dictionary of National Biography has records of eight members of this family. Gainsborough. — A Robert, son of Noel, founded a priory in the reign of Henry II. ; one of his sons served as sheriiF of Staffordshire for seven years. In the early days of Henry VIII., James Noel was a justice of the peace. His third son, receiving grants of the lands of the dissolved monasteries, served several times as sheriff, and his grandson, Sir Andrew, was a personage of great note in the time of Queen Elizabeth, being chosen as knight of the shire in several parliaments. His heir, Edward, who distinguished himself in the Irish wars, was created a Baronet in 161 1 and a Baron in 161 6. Several members of the family sacrificed their lives and estates to the cause of Charles I. The dignity of Earl of Gainsborough was conferred in 1682. There are nine entries of members of this family in the Dictionary of National Biography, chiefly of men living in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Galloway. — This branch of the family of Stewart has an early and long record of military service in Scotland. One chieftain fell at Flodden, and of him it is recorded that he left, with one son, sixteen daughters, each of whom became the wife of a laird of distinction. Another Sir Alexander Stewart, his great-grandson, married a Douglas of Drumlanrig, and their son, also a Sir Alexander, " a man of great THE RISE OF FAMILIES 97 talent, loyalty, and integrity," received the Earldom of Galloway in 1623. Several members of the family dis- tinguished themselves in the army, and one, the fifth Earl, was a statesman of ability in the reign of Queen Anne. During the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, this family produced three admirals, one rear- admiral, one lieutenant-general with the G.C.B., and one major-general with a K.C.B. Galway. — The family of Monckton was settled in Yorkshire in the fifteenth century, and filled many offices of importance in that county. One member did service against the Scots in i 545 ; two of his descendants served in the armies of Charles I., while the head ot the family, Sir Philip Monckton, sat for some time in Parliament as member for Scarborough, and distinguished himself in actions against the Parlia- mentary commanders. His son, Robert, assisted in the Revolution of 1688, served in Parliament, and was Commissioner of Trade and Plantations. His son, John, was created a peer of Ireland in 1727, and occu- pied several responsible posts. During the eighteenth century this family produced one governor and com- mander-in-chief and two generals, while a daughter of the stock was the mother of the first Lord Houghton, and ancestress of the present Earl of Crewe. Garvagh. — One Robert Canning, reputed to be of an ancient Wiltshire family, was an eminent merchant of Bristol in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. His son and grandson were both Mayor several times, and represented the city in Parliament. A great-grand- son, William, undertook the complete restoration of St. Mary RedclifF, and of him it is said that the H 98 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION " Mayoralty had become a sort of heirloom in his family." He lent large sums of money to Edward IV., and, by way of acknowledgment, was offered, but refused, the King's natural daughter for a second wife. The elder brother, Sir Thomas, was Lord Mayor of London in 1456, and other direct descendants, one a "Turkey Merchant," occupied various honourable posts, such as ambassador to the Great Mogul, master of the Iron- mongers' Company, etc., showing the Intimate connec- tion in those days between the trade of the country and its distant foreign affairs. George Canning married in 1697 a woman who came of able stock, the daughter of one Robert Stratford, and aunt of John, first Earl of Aldborough. Their grandson was George Canning, the Prime Minister in 1827 ; and his third son, Governor-General and afterwards Viceroy of India, was created Earl Canning. Unfortunately for the country, this distinguished statesman married a co-heiress and left no descendants. His cousin, Stratford, son of a London merchant, was a distinguished diplomatist, and was created Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe ; while yet another cousin, who was a Fellow of the Royal Society and of the Society of Antiquaries, was raised to the Peerage in 1 8 1 8 as Baron Garvagh. These five families, taken by chance, are remarkably good instances of the persistence of certain kinds of ability. The Gages and Stewarts represent a military type, continuing at a high level throughout several centuries. The Noels and Moncktons have performed their chief service to the country in the work of local administration and parliamentary office. The Cannings THE RISE OF FAMILIES 99 are an interesting example of long-continued eminence in commerce and local municipal service. The charac- teristics required for the skilful carrying through of negotiations in regard to trade, and especially foreign trade, can be turned to advantage in the^ higher spheres of international diplomacy. This conjunction of qualities is illustrated also by the recent history of the Baring family. The records of the five families described above throw little light on the nature of the marriages, but whenever any information is con- veyed as to the part probably played by the mothers, it is in accordance with what we might have anticipated from the achievements of the next generations. The five families we have taken by chance for detailed study are but a sample of the specialized ability of different kinds to be found, latent or manifest, in the classes of our people whose ancestors in recent generations have distinguished themselves by honour- able service. The list could be extended almost indefinitely, and the same phenomenon of slow, steady rise, as a characteristic of stability, traced through count- less other names in the titled and untitled aristocracy. It should be noted that for centuries a large pro- portion of those men who attain great eminence have been given Peerages. The state is accustomed to reward conspicuous merit by an honour which involves the duty of serving the country in Parliament. The consequent concentration of ability, administrative, legal, military, or scientific, in many of the families whose heads at one time or another have been ennobled should not be overlooked. It is certain that the House of Lords itself contains a very high percentage of men loo THE FAMILY AND THE NATION of great ability ; in fact, a specialist in knowledge and experience of almost any kind could be found on its benches. It is unfortunate for the purposes of this book that records of specific ability, continuing in a family throughout many centuries, are extant for one sub- division of the nation only, since the inheritance of specialized ability of other kinds is found in all classes of the community. To those familiar with the manage- ment of estates or the control of manufacturing enter- prises, in which a special sort of skill is required, many instances will occur where clear evidence can be obtained that father and son have succeeded each other in one particular department for several genera- tions. There is on record in Devon a family whose members are said to have served one particular village as blacksmiths since the reign of Elizabeth. The office of shepherd is often found to be hereditary ; the post of woodman descends occasionally in a family almost as of right. It is in just such work, involving an instinctive capacity for handling animals and divining their needs, or an intimate acquaintance with forest lore and a sensitiveness to conditions of climate and soil, that this kind of hereditary ability is most likely to become manifest. In such cases it is fortified by knowledge which has become traditional, and by environment which has provided an ideal surround- ing for the development of latent aptitudes and the increase of the store of woodman's or shepherd's craft. For any one to whom the chance occurs, the piecing together of such family pedigrees would be most illuminating, and would probably throw new light on THE RISE OF FAMILIES loi the co-ordination and persistence of a fresh set of characteristics. The seafaring population of Devon and the adjoin- ing counties, and especially the families of the great west-country admirals and explorers, would also well repay careful study, and might give very suggestive facts on the respective parts played by inheritance, environment, and opportunity. The Royal Navy still draws a large proportion of its men from the south- west of England. Turning now to the third period in which the rise of families is a marked phenomenon, we may say that the opening years of the eighteenth century found England in the full swing of the period of drinking, gambling, and hard living which is usually associated with the Restoration. Not only do the local records of the time make the prevalence of this kind of life very clear, but ,. the number of societies founded by the upper classes for the " Reformation of Manners " in the lower orders furnish strong evidence of the extent of the movement and the alarm it caused. In plain English, the labour- ing classes, as well as those in higher positions, had a rollicking good time, just as they had had in the days of Queen Elizabeth, when the newly won sea-power • was developing and expanding the resources of the country. The incompetent and incapable went under in the general merry-making; a vigorous, healthy animal stock remained to grow up, and attributed any success in life that they achieved to good fortune and their own merits, leaving Providence with credit only for the periods of pestilence and the lean years of a I02 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION short food supply — a most promising state of mind, we may observe, by the way, for the ministrations of the great evangelical reformers of the period, who were genuinely concerned with the state of souls in *' this carnival of bestial drunkenness." The local and ephemeral movements towards improvement became national under the influence of earnest men like Wilber- force, at that time member of Parliament for one of the divisions of Yorkshire, where the rapid growth of a new manufacturing population had brought about an obvious break-down of the primitive organization. Gradually large numbers of the people were driven by economic pressure into the newly established factories, which, as mechanical inventions multiplied, required immense supplies of labour, while the rapid enclosure of common lands disorganized the life of the country-side. The old relations between masters and workmen came to an end, and the country was brought face to face with the misery of uncertain labour, divorced from the land and its natural leaders, and constantly thrown out of place by improving machinery. The Parish authorities in the large towns used the factory districts as dumping- grounds for the children growing up under their care. They were permitted to include a small percentage of idiots or feeble-minded children in their quota of normal human supplies. Such, briefly, were some of the con- ditions associated with the early years of the industrial expansion of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries ; such were the circumstances that, later on, led to the long series of enactments afl^ecting child labour and life in the factories. Two and a half centuries earlier, somewhat similar circumstances, bringing about a like THE RISE OF FAMILIES 103 break-down of local organization, had led to the placing of the Elizabethan Poor Law on the Statute Book of England. In the conditions of life that we have described above, certain characteristics, such as stability and sobriety of conduct, power of organization, knowledge of local conditions, combined with the possession of a moderate amount of capital, were sure to come to the front, and precisely such characteristics were supplied by the yeomen and farmers of the bleak and unsettled country of East Lancashire and West Yorkshire. Of good stock, many of them bearing honourable names, and some descended from families of distinction, they had established their homesteads and booths along the streams and up the mountain - sides. Managing their parish affairs as churchwardens and overseers, serving as " high constables " of the bare forests which were their summer pasturing ground, they had ample scope for developing their powers of organization, and the virtues of self-confidence and independent foresight. With these aptitudes, they became the natural leaders of the new trade movement. The water power was at hand running through their farm buildings ; the sheep were grazing in the forest to provide the necessary material ; the population was increasing on all hands to both supply labour and justify production ; it was, in fact, the precise moment when we should expect to see a fresh sorting-out of the accumulated stock of ability, and the recognition of a new type of aristocracy. Let us trace from wills and other records the actual rise of one or two typical families. Two brothers, Richard and John, living in hamlets 104 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION or booths where we find others of their name in the Hearth Tax rolls of Charles II., died in 1720 and 1724, both having served their time as "overseers." Each of them left to their numerous offspring several copyhold messuages and lands. They are described as yeomen, and divided sums of money varying from _^io to ^40 apiece among their children. John apparently had four sons ; the eldest and the third, another John, are described in their wills as yeomen, the other two as woollen weavers. John, the younger, dies while some of his children are still under age, and leaves his lands in trust ; but from the will of his wife Alice, dying in 1 77 1, we get an idea of the household possessions, for she disposes of a silver cup, silver teaspoons, china service, two chairs, a chest of drawers, and a best black gown. The eldest son, James, receives six messuages of land ; a younger son, Peter, receives the " new sashed house " in the little village then beginning to develop into a manufacturing town. Peter, by marrying the able daughter of an able family somewhat above him in position, assures the future of his descendants. He starts or continues a successful woollen mill. This business in course of time passes into the hands of his widow and four sons, all competent people. A genera- tion later the children of the eldest son leave the district, become absentee landlords, and go into the church and the army. One of the younger sons, probably the ablest of the family, opens branches of the business in the neighbouring city and establishes agencies on the Continent and across the Atlantic. He becomes intimate with the leaders of the principal political movements of the day, joins the Manchester THE RISE OF FAMILIES 105 School of Economists, enters Parliament, and dies at a good age, leaving a considerable fortune and an honourable record of commercial enterprise and public service. We have travelled far from the days of -his great-grandfather, the first John, who counted his flocks in the forest of Rossendale. Another family in a somewhat different locality may be considered profitably. One John, whose forebears were farmers in the district at the close of the seven- teenth century, is described as a " barber," and marries Ann, the daughter of a weaver. Their son, described indifferently as barber, chirurgeon, and linen-draper, married the capable daughter of the prosperous post- master, thus taking the first essential step to family prosperity. He leased a farm of 700 acres, and early in the nineteenth century left a fortune of over ;^ 1 0,000. Again we find that the whole family were warmly attached to the then radical movement, and threw themselves vigorously into the stirring political life of the day. Three of the sons migrated to the neighbouring city and built up a large and successful business. Two of them became members of Parlia- ment, one was knighted, grandsons occupied responsible positions in Parliament, in municipal affairs, at the head of large economic enterprises ; and many of the descendants of John, the barber, and Ann, the weaver's daughter, are well-known people at this present day. From a fairly extensive acquaintance with family records in various parts of England, these two brief abstracts appear to be representative of the rise of families in industrial circles during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The sons of yeomen of good io6 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION stock are drawn into the stirring life of the period. They set up small mills along their native water- courses, the next generation puts in machinery and extends the business in all directions. The most capable section of a whole class rise slowly together, continuing to live and mate among themselves and their likes, a process which has none of the objection- able and destructive elements associated with the sudden withdrawal of an immature individual into another sphere of life. Gradually the abler families and abler individuals separate out, for a while holding up the less competent members of the stock. To the winners, generous and warm-blooded men, their success, as they reach the position held by other families of long standing, suggests that all men are born equal, and only require opportunity to demonstrate the truth of the proposition. Thus naturally they become indi- vidualists ; but in reality it is the process of the sorting- out of an aristocracy of latent commercial ability, integrity, and organizing power that has brought them to the front. They attribute their success to superior education, and found schools, churches, and mechanics' institutes, hoping, by equalizing opportunity, to equalize achievement. They overlook the innate qualities re- quired to take advantage of each favourable opportunity of life as it presents itself, and to seek out and profit by education in the days when it was not at hand in every village school. Then the foremen-workmen rise in their turn — men of the same blood, of slightly less ability and somewhat humbler birth ; and the foundling apprentice follows suit, for other foundHngs besides Tom Jones had good THE RISE OF FAMILIES 107 stuff in them, and, less fortunate than Tom, found their way into the workhouses, where they were systematically drafted off to the factories. In those days there was a high rate of illegitimacy, to which every section of the community contributed. Heredity laughs at the marriage ceremony, and manifests itself freely without benefit of clergy. Nowadays an able foundling is rare; the change in quality, as well as in quantity, is well marked to all who are familiar with the internal history of workhouses. In looking back over such a period, and in con- sidering the rise of families in the light of tradition and records, it is easy to see how the pronounced concep- tions of individualism arose. After the movement was once fairly started, their enterprise, their sense of power, their need for a larger sphere of action caused the abler men to drift away from the familiar sur- roundings. The recollection of the old quiet home- stead faded, and the tradition of it was lost in a couple of generations. It is easier for an individual or for the branch of a family to effect an alteration in their sphere of activity after a change of locality ; for the presence of and habitual contact with relatives of another position and different type of mind prevents complete fusion with a new circle in the same neigh- bourhood. The interests and sympathies of two divergent branches of a family will soon become dis- cordant ; feelings of irritation and disappointment are engendered, and are best and most thoroughly allayed by the action of time and distance. Conditions of the early days of the nineteenth century made travelling difficult ; a visit to the old home once in io8 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION ten or twenty years seems to have been felt sufficient ; the previous rugged circumstances of life had not permitted the accumulation of such family treasures as portraits and plate. Family affection among the present and the living was strong, as it is sure to be in a vigorous, healthy stock. ; but family pride in ancestry disappeared with the knowledge of the ancestors. The greater wealth, increased luxury, larger responsibilities, wider outlook, seemed to justify the belief that the individual had achieved a success, for which, if foolish, he thanked himself, if wise, he thanked God ; but, in any case, usually forgot the sturdy yeoman ancestors who had lived and laboured and intermarried for generations before him. CHAPTER VII THE DECLINE OF FAMILIES The decline and fall of families is a study which follows naturally on the examination of their rise and establishment in positions of stability. Often, but by no means always, the two branches of family history can be traced together. The reasons for the one phenomenon are soon found to be as clear and distinct as the reasons for the other. First and foremost, we may say that there is more truth in that distinguished Irishman Sir Harry Boyle's description of the family of Godfrey O'Malley as one in which it was hereditary to have no children, than the Englishman hitherto has given him credit for. Sterility and comparative infer- tility are as definitely hereditary as other qualities, and seem in some cases to be associated v/ith a lack of vitality and an absence of the joie de vivre. As an extreme instance of this state of affairs, after study- ing more general cases, we will follow Galton and consider at some length the effect of marriages with heiresses. Several points of interest arise in connection with marriages with unsound stock, and we may prob- ably take as one manifestation of unsoundness extrava- gance and riotous living. Such marriages, it may be 109 no THE FAMILY AND THE NATION pointed out, more often destroy the quality than the quantity of the offspring, causing a decline in the status of the family ; whereas marriages with infertile stock will often bring the strain to an abrupt if honourable conclusion. In studying pedigrees illustrating in a general way the extinction of families by the first cause mentioned above, we notice at once three apparently correlated manifestations of infertility, which are often found together in the same lines of descent. The first is the prevalence of small families, in cases where there are offspring at all ; the second is the prevalence of com- pletely sterile marriages ; the third is the number of offspring who do not even marry. As an illustration of these three characteristics, three pedigrees are given below. It should be noted that all the marriages involved, except perhaps those of the last generations in each case, took place before the prevailing fashion of small families set in, and are consequently unaffected by it. In Pedigree I. it is possible that the full history of generations I. and II. is not completely known, but it will be seen that in generation II. the three recorded marriages produced but eight children, while in generation III. five marriages resulted in four children, of whom only one married. The individual A in generation III. came of a strong, able, and fertile race, and had a large family by a late second marriage, thus emphasizing the infertiHty of the stock with which we are dealing as the cause of previous want of offspring. THE DECLINE OF FAMILIES in O rO O O «. ^ ^O o "a & -73 •€ O O 1=1 o i-O o 5 5>> I^J •o •-© 112 THE FAMILY AND THE NATION With the one marriage in generation IV. we reach the turn of the tide. The future of the two families depended on one individual B, Had that individual married into another infertile stock, it is probable that both families would have become extinct. But the stock chosen happened to be a very fertile one, and two children resulted. One of these children again married into a strong and fertile stock and had a large Pedigree II. — Infertility 0=f=0 =0 © 0=f=0 #=0 OrO ^ = married, without family. ^= unmarried. family. Thus two alliances with fertile blood re-estab- lished the families we are considering when they were well-nigh gone. A second family, totally unconnected in blood and locality with the previous example, shows the same phenomenon of infertility. Here a large family of marked ability has dwindled away in two generations in precisely the same manner ; we see the same evidence of correlated forms of infer- tility in the sterile marriages, the two small families of one and two children respectively, who in their turn did not marry, and in the three unmarried members of the original large family. There is no symptom of any THE DECLINE OF FAMILIES 113 .^ o h Ih o r-O Ih o II IH •-o Ih o II- 1-0 i-C o II— ■0 •-€ O Mental defect, 63 ; pedigrees, 67, 68 j in villages, 69 ; rate of reproduction, 70 J numbers in families, 71 Mercier, Cardinal, on parental responsi- bility, 182 Military training, 211 Millais, Sir J. E., basset hounds, 33 Mining districts, birth-rate, 135 Monckton family, 97 Moos, deaf-mutism, 48 Morris, William, craftsmanship, 188 Mutations, 15 Night-blindness, 46 Noel family, 96 Old Age Pensions, 170 Origin of species, 7, 14 Pauperism and inheritance, 177 Pearson, Prof. Karl, coefficient of corre- lation, 32, 52 ; eugenics, 217 Pearson and Barrington, eyesight, 53 Peas, Mendel's experiments, 19 Pensions, Old Age, 170 Pitt on population, 128 Poor Law Commission, 172 ; and Bastardy, 174 Population and subsistence, 128 ; and trade, 130 Professions, overcrowding of, 182, 185 Public schools, 186 Punnett, Andalusian fowls, 18 " Pure lines," 30 Quetelet, statistical methods, 25 Recessives, 20 Religious fervour, 87 Renaissance, 156 Reversion, 23 Rhondda district, birth-rate, 135 Richelieu, Cardinal, French Canada, 159 Roman Catholics, 135, 143 ; in French Canada, 160 Rome, selective birth-rate, 149 Ruskin, John, craftsmanship, 188 Rust in wheat, 24 Scholarship, 194 Scientific ability, inheritance of, 88 Scottish soldiers, chest measurement of, Scrope family, 84 Selective mating, 33 Sex, transmission of, 21 Sheep, horns in, 23, 46 Social Status and Fertility, Heron, 136 Socialism and decadence, 132 Sons, occupations of, 165 ; professions for, 182 Spain, American colonies, 157 j selective birth-rate, 149 Specific ability, 86, 88, 100 ; musical, 87 ; religious, 87 ; scientific, 90 5 military, 98 ; commercial and indus- trial, 103 " Sports," 14-16 Statistical methods, 25 Sterility, 109. See Infertility Stewart family, 96 Stratford de Redcliffe, Viscount, 98 Taxation and birth-rate, 194, 215, 223 Thomson, Sir J. J., on education, 188 Transmission of sex, 21 Tredgold, Dr., mental defect, 71 Tuberculosis, 49, 50 Unsoundness, effect of, 113 Villages and feeble-mindedness, 69 Visitations of Heralds, 221 Webb, Sidney, Decline of the Birth-Rate, 135, 137 Wedgwood family, 89 Weismann, inheritance of acquired char- acters, I 5 Wesley family, 87 Wheat, 24 Women's colleges, 143 Women's occupations, 197, 198, 199 Women and outdoor relief, 201 Younger sons, occupations of, 165 Printed by R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh. BOOKS BY THE SAME AUTHORS THE RECENT DEVELOPMENT OF PHYSICAL SCIENCE AN ACCOUNT FOR THE GENERAL READER OF THE PRESENT POSITION OF PHYSICS John Murray, 1904. Fourth Edition 1909. 5s. net. Contents.— Introduction ; The Philosophical Basis of Physical Science ; The Liquefaction of Gases ; Fusion and Solidifi- cation; The Problems of Solution; The Conduction of Electricity through Gases; Radio-activity; Atoms and Aether; Astro-physics. " Mr. Whetham ... has performed a difficult task with conspicuous success. His exposition is as clear and simple as the nature of the subject permits, and his language is felicitous." — Times. " It is a welcome sign that Mr. Dampier Whetham should produce a work which can make a direct appeal to the educated public by its lucid style and the unmistakable grasp of an original investigator."-— 5^a«^arfl'. " We cannot imagine a more helpful treatise for those educated men who find a difficulty in keeping up with advances along lines in which they are anxious to maintain an intellectual interest."— W?5/»««.5/er Gazette. "Couched in the lucid and flowing phrase that sometimes appears to the literary critic the enviable possession of almost every scientific writer of eminence. ... He has dealt with his subject from the philosophical as well as from the experimental point of view. His conviction of the dignity of his theme is evident everywhere ; and some of his descriptive passages are worthily eloquent." — Globe. " It is a pity that in English education science is so much neglected that the author feels it necessary to make his interesting themes acceptable by artificial literary ^■3.so\xx\r\^.''''— Melbourne Age. " Enough has been said to show that this is a mind- widening book, as Mr. Whetham not only has the precise knowledge of the scientific man, but he takes the broad view of the philosopher."— Z)a?/y Chronicle. " Mr. Whetham is a grave man, but he likes a joke."— C//m//aM World. A HISTORY OF THE LIFE OF COLONEL NATHANIEL WHETHAM A FORGOTTEN SOLDIER OF THE CIVIL WARS Longmans, Green, and Co., 1907. 8s. 6d. net. "The immediate purpose of this book is to record the career of a typical soldier of high class, who, either in the field or in administration, served con- tinuously throughout the Civil War and up to the day of the Restoration. But in pursuit of that purpose the authors have established far wider claims to attention. They have made a real contribution lo a clear understanding of the conditions of the conflict, from the first blow to the final stage, when, under Monck's consummate guidance, the civil power triumphed over the rule of the sword ; and their work should secure permanent recognition, not merely as a fine result of patient and discriminating research, but also as a valuable addition to the general literature of the subject. . . . Colonel Whetham did nothing heroic or dashing on the great scale ; he did not even take part in any of the more grandiose actions of the war. He was not a Rupert or a Cromwell, a Hampden or a Falkland. He was not a Monck, but ' a man of the type of Monck — a soldier and administrator loyal to his commission, and not med- dling in politics or religion more than he could help.' Of few words, but capable, vigilant, and prompt of action, he was always sought after to fill positions of trust, made no mistakes, took his own line with great effect at critical moments, and left a life of incessant activity as unobtrusively as he had entered it. To present such a figure attractively and, we may say, educatively, from the meagre materials available, has been no light task ; and we are sincerely grateful to those who have performed it. . . . " Rich in illustration, drawn in great measure from original sources, this book is refreshingly free from superfluous matter ; and its style presents the directness, and restraint regarding the intrusion of personal sentiments, which belong to true scholarship. We scarcely think of its authorship as we read, and the knowledge is so unobtrusively displayed that we are apt to forget the industry by which alone it could have been acquired." — AthcncEum. " Colonel Nathaniel Whetham was a Roundhead soldier who played a con- siderable part in the Civil Wars, and was perhaps an even more prominent figure in the days of the Commonwealth and the Restoration. His name, however, has passed out of history, and the present authors, who are of his race, originally began to collect the material for his life only for the purposes of family history, and with no idea of publication. So interesting, however, were the facts that they discovered, that they determined to give them to the world, and in so doing they have made a valuable contribution to the history of the seventeenth century." — Saturday Review. "This was originally begun as a contribution to family history only ; but the authors seem to have been well advised in making use of their researches among contemporary documents to serve a wider purpose. The book is well written, and the picture of one of the less prominent soldiers of the Common- wealth certainly illumines the social and political life of the time." — Times. " ' Renowned Whetham,' as a ballad of the Restoration period called him, is as worthy as any of the lesser heroes of the Civil War to have his biography written, and the task has fallen into the hands of two who are admirably qualified to undertake it." — Guardian. STUDIES IN NATURE AND COUNTRY LIFE A BOOK FOR CHILDREN AND THEIR PARENTS Macmillan and Bowes, Cambridge, 1903. 2s. 6d. net. Contents.— Part I. Chapter I. Nature and Observations ; II. Earth; III. Air; IV. Water; V. Heat; VI. Sound; VII. Light and Colour ; VIII. The Weather. Part II. Chapter IX. The Country and its Names; X. Roads; XI. Springs and Streams; XII. Soil; XIII. Fields and Hedgerows ; XIV. Trees and Woods ; XV. Villages. " We wrote this book to help our children in days to come to look on the world around them with observing eyes and understanding minds. We publish it in the hope that it may help other people's children, and bring profit to our own." ^Authors' Preface. SOME PRESS OPINIONS "This is a small but very admirable book, to be used by the intelligent parent or teacher, directly or indirectly, or to be left accessible to the inquiring mind ... any properly constituted child will take an interest m the contents of the book. It teaches him that he is an observer and tells him what to look at and it vAW prove a most welcome refuge to many a child from the stupidity of the male and the unscientific attitude of the female parent. Here, at least, is some one who knows where the weather comes from and what we may expect in normal seasons, what the ' Times' map means, and why the dots are so often put in circles on it, and the like points on which 'grown-ups evade the eager questioner. The first part deals with earth, air, water, heat, sound, light colour, and weather ; the second with names, roads, sprnigs, streams, soil 'fields, hedgerows, trees and woods, and villages. Any child who can take its knowledge and its story separately will be charmed with the volume. — Spectator. "A useful little book, not quite like any other. It is to teach children to look on nature with observation and understanding ; touching not so much on fauna and flora, but giving chapters on 'Earth,' 'Heat,' 'The Weather,' ' Roads,' ' Light and Colour,' ' Villages,' etc."— Tzw^j. " It is not a primer, but ranges over a number of subjects in a suggestive way, and it shows how to look at things and why. There is hardly a child whose interest might not be stimulated in one or more of the directions indi- cated in this book." — Manchester Guardian. THE THEORY OF EXPERIMENTAL ELECTRICITY A TEXT-BOOK FOR UNIVERSITY STUDENTS Cambridge University Press, 1905. 8s. net. "We strongly recommend this book to those University students who require an introduction to modern scientific electricity. The research atmo- sphere of Cambridge is here brought before us, and the student is guided into the paths along which great progress has been made in recent years." — Guardiatt. " Mr. Whetham's unique knowledge, not only of the most advanced theory but also of all matter of experimental methods, as well as his gift of clear exposition, admirably qualify him for the task." — Eledi-ical Review. ■' Mr. Whetham has written exactly the kind of book to inspire a student with appreciation of what has been achieved by physicists, and to suggest paths of research which might be followed with reasonable probability of further discoveries." — Times. "Mr. Whetham's book is an admirable exposition of all that the theorists have discovered so far. ' To some extent,' he writes in the preface, ' even a scientific text-book must be a piece of literature and a work of art.' ' Experi- mental Electricity ' can certainly claim to be both ... we cannot conceive any earnest student laying down the book without a desire to help, to the best of his ability, in solving the riddle with which it closes." — Nature. A TREATISE ON THE THEORY OF SOLUTION INCLUDING THE PHENOMENA OF ELECTROLYSIS Cambridge University Press, 1902. los. net. "This important work is a most noteworthy contribution to the literature of physical chemistry, and is bound to rank as a classical treatise on the subject. Both on account of its thorough and exhaustive treatment of the subject, and its remarkably clear and cautious exposition of it, the book is one of unsurpassed excellence." — Philosophical Alagazine. " Mr. Whetham's book is probably the most complete and satisfactory treatise on the subject in any language." — Athenattm. \ CENTRAL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY University of California, San Diego DATE DUE OE't'0'3- 1981 ' CI 39 UCSD Libr.