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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SERIES Volume IX

Chicago, U. S. A.

1905

Field Columbian Museum

Publication 99

Anthropological Series - Vol. IX, No. i

THE CHEYENNE

BY

George A. Dorsey Curator, Department of Anthropology

I. CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION

Chicago, U. S. A.

March, 1905

fU

THE CHEYENNE

BY

George A. Dorsey I. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

The following brief and imperfect account of the Cheyenne social organization was obtained as part of my studies of the Cheyenne Sun-Dance, which, in turn, are part of a comparative study on this ceremony among the Plains Tribes I began in 1901. The Cheyenne Sun-Dance will form the subject of Part II. of this volume. These notes on the organization of the Cheyenne are given in this form because opportunity for further and more extended observation does not now seem possible.

The Cheyenne, while considered in many ways the most conser- vative of the tribes of the plains, are rapidly losing their social organi- zation, and the time will soon arrive when it will cease to have any meaning to the tribe as a whole. This organization was not unlike that of the Arapaho, and was formerly strictly adhered to.

The accounts of the societies, the myths of the origin of the same,

and the story of the medicine-arrows are given, with but slight changes,

as they were obtained through Richard Davis, a full -blood Cheyenne,

as interpreter. The colored illustrations were made direct from

drawings made by Richard Davis or other Cheyenne artists; the pen

drawings were made from diagrams drawn by Richard Davis.

George A. Dorsey. March, 1905.

v/u

CONTENTS.

Ceremonies. I. The Prophet's four great Medicine- Arrows

13

The Keeper of the Medicine-Arrows - The four assistant Medicine-Arrow Keepers The Medicine-Men ----- The four ex-Chiefs and the forty Chiefs The five original Warrior Societies - The Red-Shield Warriors - The Hoof-Rattle Warriors The Coyote Warriors - . . - The Dog-Men Warriors - - - - The Inverted or Bow-String Warriors Owl-Man's Bow-String or Wolf Warriors - The Medicine or Sun Dance - ■ -

Page

12 12

15 16 18

19 20 24 26 30

II.

Myths.

14. The Origin of the Cheyenne

IS 16

17

The Origin of the Cheyenne The Origin of the Buffalo and of Corn The Origin of the Medicine-Arrows - The Origin of the Sun-Dance -

34 37 39 41 46

III. Conclusion

50

yx

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Plate Page

I. The Medicine- Arrow — Camp Circle ------ 7

II. The Election of Chiefs — Camp Circle - - - - - 12

III. Diagram of Chief's Lodge -..--.-i^

IV. Diagram of Chief's Lodge - - - - - - -13

V. Diagram of Chief's Lodge - - - - - - - -13

VI. Warrior's Shirts - - - - - - - - -15

VII. War Bonnets - - - - - - - - --15

VIII. Fig. I. Red-Shield Warrior - - - - - - - 17

Fig. 2. Hoof- Rattle Warrior - - - -- - -17

IX. Fig. I. Coyote Warrior - - - - - - - -20

Fig. 2. Dog-Men Warrior - ' - - - - - - 20

X. Fig. I. Inverted or Bow-String Warrior ----- 24

Fig. 2. Inverted or Bow-String Warrior ----- 24

XL Fig. I. Wolf Warriors -------- 28

Fig. 2. Wolf Warriors --------28

XII. The Cheyenne journey to the North - -- - - -47

XIII. Erect- Horns selects a Companion - - - - - -47

XIV. They discover the Sacred Mountain ------ 48

XV. They receive instruction from the Great Medicine - - - 48

XVI. They leave the Mountain, followed by Buffalo - - - - 48 XVII. The ancient Cheyenne Camp-Circle ------ 4^

Fig.

1. The Medicine-Arrows ---------4

2. Sacred Lodge during the Arrow Ceremony ----- 8

3. Diagram of Arrows, Offerings, etc. - - - - - - 9

4. Shield of Red-Shield Warrior -- - - - - -17

5. Hoof-Rattle Warrior Musical Instrument - - - - - 18

6. Wolf-skin worn by Wolf Warrior - - - - - - -27

O'

I. CEREMONIES.

I.— THE PROPHET'S FOUR GREAT MEDICINE-ARROWS.

Two or three thousand years ago, in the Cheyenne tribe, a boy was born, who, from babyhood, possessed great intellectual power. He not only had supernatural powers, but he was a prophet from the beginning of his life. This boy grew into manhood, and lived to be four hundred years old. He claimed to have received his powers and to have come as a messenger from the Great Medicine, who sent him to teach and organize the Cheyenne, that they might know, through him, what to do for their future. This Prophet's name was Motzeyeuff. The Cheyenne, who then lived like animals, had med- icine-men who were magicians. They became angry and drove the Prophet away, because he killed a chief of the tribe who had abused his playmates because they were skinning a young buffalo that they had killed to get its hide for a robe for their Prophet.

When the people drove the Prophet away he stayed away from his tribe for four years. He went to a high mountain, and as he went near it a door opened for him to enter into the earth, and he entered. Inside of the mountain he communicated with the Great Medicine. There were several other men there who represented other nations, and were there to learn from the Great Medicine. These men con- sisted of several red-skinned men, one black-skinned man, who was dressed in Indian fashion, and one white-skinned man, who had long hair on his chin. All wore long hair on their heads. The Great Medicine instructed each and every one who was there for four years.

The Prophet received his instructions direct from the Great Medicine. After four years he returned to his people as a man of supernatural power, a messenger, and a prophet from the Great Medi- cine. When he returned he brought with him the buffalo to feed his people; but the greatest gifts he had for them were the four great medicine-arrows. The Great Medicine sent these medicine-arrows to the Cheyenne as an emblem for their future. There were four original medicine-arrows. These arrows possessed magic, and the Great Medi- cine decreed that they should produce effects beyond natural powers. For instance, when this Prophet, or the following Prophets, took the arrows and held the points towards an enemy, or towards anv kind of

2 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

animals, they became confused and unconscious. Two of these arrows possessed power over men, and the other two possessed power over buffalo and other beasts, and so two of them were called "man-arrows," and two of them "buffalo-arrows." The two man-arrows affected every person. The man-arrow points killed women if they passed in front of the points, or if the points were held towards them. For this reason no women were allowed in the arrow ceremony. Another reason is that the original Prophet decreed that no women should take part in the ceremony, or see these arrows. To this day none of the Cheyenne women know how the arrows look, and every Cheyenne is afraid to go in front of the points of the two man-arrows. These arrows were very strong and very effective when the tribe was still in its free state. If the people were hungry, and had nothing to live on, all they had to do was to find a herd of buffalo and have the keeper of the two buffalo-arrows point them towards the herd. The Cheyenne, who had no horses in those days, could go up to the buffalo and kill all they desired by means of these arrows. When they did this the rule was to take everything except the head, and to leave the horns on, and to leave the backbone attached to the head and the tail. Every animal killed with the medicine-arrows had to be treated in that way. These arrows made the buffalo crazy. They had no will of their own, but would run in a circle until the Cheyenne had killed all they wanted, and then they would dash off. The Cheyenne used these arrows to kill all beasts they desired to eat, but only when they had to do so.

These sacred arrows are somewhat different from ordinary Chey- enne arrows. They are about thirty-six inches long, one-half an inch in diameter, round, very straight, with fiintstone points. The points are tied in at the end, and over each of the four arrow points is tied a covering of white, downy eagle feathers. At the other end are whole wing feathers of the eagle, split in two, and tied on each side of the arrows. The shafts are also partly covered with the white, downy feath- ers of an eagle. All the feathers are painted red. On each of the four arrows are painted figures of the world, the blue paint meaning blue heavens, the sun, moon, stars, the red paint meaning the earth. Buffalo and other animals are also painted. So these sacred arrows are held symbolic of the Great Medicine, who made the sun, moon, and the stars, and the earth. When the great Prophet, the real Prophet, who brought these four sacred arrows, returned to his people, he did what the Great Medicine taught him while inside of the earth, and to this day the whole medicine-arrow ceremony is performed

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 3

exactly as the Prophet taught them in the beginning. On the day the great Prophet returned to his people, he organized the Cheyenne tribe in order, as follows:

1. The Prophet.

2. The keeper of the medicine-arrows.

3. The four assistant arrow-keepers.

4. The medicine men.

5. The four chiefs (ex-chiefs).

6. The forty chiefs.

7. The four chiefs of warriors.

8. The five warrior societies.

Each society is composed of one hundred or more male Chey- enne, from fifteen to forty years old. The societies that the original prophet organized go by the following names:

The Red-Shield Warriors.

The Hoof-Rattle Warriors.

The Dog-Men Warriors.

The Coyote Warriors.

The Bow-String Warriors.

All of the warriors' societies are original except the Bow- String Society. This society was formed after the others.

The original Prophet of the Cheyenne foretold all that has come to pass. Everything that he foretold has taken place in exactly the way he said it would. He told the following about the coming of the white man: "A person who has long hair on chin and on legs, and carries with him sickness of all kinds, is coming to you in the future. With him he will bring an animal that has flashing eyes, and a tail that touches the ground, and one hoof on each foot. This animal will be restless, and the hairy person will also be restless. Do not try to be like them. This hairy person will also bring a spotted animal with horns, big- eyes, and a long tail that will touch the ground. This animal will live on dirt, and will eat anything. If you take after it and eat it, you will eat almost anything else." He prophesied of the future of the Cheyenne in this language: "My brothers and children, and all my people of this earth! Listen and remember my words, for they are as sharp as the points of the great sacred arrows, and keep my prophecies of the future in your minds as long as your people and the earth last, and then the Cheyenne as a people will never become extinct as long as the blue heavens, the sun, moon, and earth last. Do not forget your sacred arrows. Remember them always, and no other. You will renew your sacred arrow sticks four times."

4 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

The Cheyenne still have two of the original sacred arrows, and the sticks, or wooden part of these arrows, have never been renewed. They still have three more times to renew them, accord- ing to the prophecy. Only the Prophet and the Arrow-Keepers know the kind of wood that is used in the arrows. Some sixty or seventy years ago, the medicine-arrow keeper, by carelessness, made a mistake in performing the ceremony just before an attack was made upon a Pawnee camp. He did not correct the mistake, and the result was that they did not affect the camp, and although they slaughtered the bravest of the Pawnee warriors, an old-time Pawnee warrior captured the four sacred arrows from the Cheyenne.* A long

Fig. I. The Medicine- Arrows.

time afterward the Pawnee restored two of the arrows to the Chey- enne, and kept the other two original arrows. When the Pawnee would not return the other two arrows, the Prophet and the Arrow-keeper who lost the arrows made two in imitation of the two withheld by the Pawnee. The imitation arrows are about three inches longer, and a quarter of an inch wider, than the original arrows. (See Fig. i.) This Prophet made these arrows to complete the set, so that their ritual would be the same as before. The Pawnee have now the "man-arrows," and our medicine-men claim that the Pawnee tribe is dying off because they do not know how to treat these arrows in the way the original Prophet taught the Cheyenne. The arrows still in possession of the Cheyenne are the two original "buffalo- arrows," and two "man-arrows" that were made by a later Prophet. What the original Prophet taught was written on some hard and strong skin, in Indian picture-writing. This writing was done by

*See "How the Pawnee captured the Cheyenne Medicine-Arrows." Am. Atith. (N. S.) Vol. 5, pp. 644-658.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Do^sey. 5

the medicine-men living at the time of the real Prophet. No one but the Prophet and the medicine-men know about this.

The Cheyenne of to-day perform this Medicine-Arrow ceremony exactly the way it was performed thousands of years ago. They perform the ceremony annually. This ceremonial meeting is gener- ally pledged or vowed by some member of the tribe. According to the ruling of the original Prophet, this is a religious gathering, where every family in the Cheyenne tribe must be represented in the camp. This ceremony means reformation in general, and the whole tribe, band, family, individual, change for the better. Their courage and life are renewed. When the man who pledges this ceremony has set a certain day' and place, he goes to the Prophet, the Arrow-Keeper, and his assistants, and notifies them. They pray for him, and dress him in a buffalo robe, place a pipe in his hand, and paint his body red. He then starts out to notify the other medicine-men. When he reaches the medicine-men he presents his pipe to them, and then the medicine-men go out and call in all the warriors. After they are gathered, and the coming event is ex- plained to them, the pipe is lighted and smoked by every warrior who desires to go. Every one who smokes it pledges himself that he will attend the ceremony. The pledger then goes on to visit and notify the different bands of Cheyenne. He is gone several days, as there are four large bands in the tribe. When he visits the bands, each band presents him with some contribution for the coming cere- mony. Then he goes back to the Arrow-Keeper, and informs him that he is ready. The whole tribe then moves, and assembles at some quiet place selected beforehand, where no other people will bother them. They put up their camp in a new moon circle, the space or opening of this circle facing in the direction least likely to be approached. The space or opening of this medicine -arrow camp is rather larger than the opening of other camp circles of the tribe. No one, not even animals, are allowed to pass in front of the open- ing, for it is sacred as long as the ceremony lasts.

First Day* — The man who makes the ceremony puts his tipi up in the middle front of the camp. After he puts it up it is then called the place of sacrifice to the Great Medicine, and the people take to the tipi calicoes or anything they desire to contribute for this worship. Usually a half -day is allowed to make these offerings. After that the assistant medicine-men take these offerings and tie them to- gether and hang them outside of the tipi, just over the door or en-

*Much of the information here presented was obtained by Mr. Davis djring the ceremony held on November 24-27. iv>02, which was pledged by White Thunder on the death of his wife.

6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

trance. After this offering has taken place, any person or family may leave for home, if necessary, but not before. After the offerings are hung out over the door of the sacrifice tipi, the warrior societies all congregate in the center of the camp circle, and select a place to erect the great Medicine- Arrows lodge. After they select "the place, they appoint certain members of warrior societies of good character to go and get long tipi poles. They also select another set of good warriors to go and wait upon two men who have lived good lives, and have been good to their fellow-men. This set of warriors goes to the two good men and borrows their tipis, which are generally of good size, to use to cover this sacred lodge. The rule in getting the poles and the two tipis to be used for the sacred lodge is this: "Take the two tipis of two good men, who have good characters, have led good lives, and have always been good to their fellow-men, but never take a man's tipi to be used in the sacred lodge who has led a bad life, or who has murdered a member of the tribe." So it is an honor to a man if the warriors come and take his tipi to use for the Medicine- Arrow lodge. Any member of the tribe who has committed murder in the tribe is not allowed to take part in the ceremony. The warriors proceed and take the two tipis and poles to the center of the camp. There they put up the great Medicine- Arrow lodge, always facing towards the opening of the camp circle. The longest tipi poles are used in this lodge, and also the largest tipi found in the camp is used to cover it. This lodge is put up in the same style as the regular Cheyenne tipi, only it is three times as large. Two tipis are used, and from fifty to sixty poles. These poles are set in the ground so deep that the wind cannot blow them down. After the lodge is erected, the medicine-men go inside and clear the ground, and they make it as smooth as it can be made. They lay sage brush all around the inside to sit on. After this is done, the medicine-men make plans for the warriors, who, from now on, and as long as the ceremony lasts, congregate fifty paces back of the sacred lodge day and night. Each society takes turns in keeping order in the camp while the ceremony goes on inside the sacred lodge.

Second Day. — In the morning the man who makes this ceremony takes with him three other men. They go to the sacrifice tipi, and bring all of the offerings to the sacred lodge, and place them inside at the altar, where the medicine-men are already sitting. After they put them down they come out in single file, one behind the other. In every case the ceremonial master leads. He is naked, and his body is painted red, and he has a buffalo robe on. The other three men who follow him once wore buffalo robes, but they go without

a.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY. PL. I.

rSORTH

^'-

PL. I. The Medicine-Arrow Ceremony Camp-Circle.

.3J0fll«J-TMA0 V/0M3n3U »vC-^rA-J>'10!0jW aHT .1 .J^

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 7

them now. They come out of the lodge in file, and walk slowly to the Arrow-Keeper's tipi, or the home of the sacred arrows. This tipi always stands out in front of the right wing of the circle. These four men walk slowly toward it and wail on the way. When they reach the Keeper's tipi they halt, and then move four times forwards and backwards, and the fourth time they go into the tipi. The Keeper of the arrows lives in this tipi, and is there when they enter. They sit down and he prays for them, and turns the four medicine-arrows over to these four men. These medicine-arrows are wrapped in red fox skin, tanned with the hair on. The tanned side is turned out, while the hair side is on the inside, next to the arrows. After they receive this bundle these four men come out of the tipi, the leader coming first with the bundle on his left arm, the fox head pointing up. When the four men get outside in front of the Arrow-Keeper's tipi, they stand in file. The leader prays before starting back. Then he proceeds to the sacred lodge, with the other three walking behind him very slowly, and they all wail on the way back. See Plate I. They halt four times on the way. They always enter the sacred lodge from the right side. As soon as the great medicine-arrows are taken into the lodge the warriors assemble at the back of the sacred lodge. There they decide what society shall keep order that day and that night. No one but the medicine-men are allowed inside of the lodge after the arrows are taken in. When the medicine-men have started to prepare the altar and open the sacred arrows, they notify the warriors, who then start out by twos, with sticks and clubs in their hands. They go through the whole camp, and allow no one to play or make any kind of loud noise. They establish warrior's order. They go by pairs at a distance about one hundred yards apart. They keep on walking until sun- down. Then another set of warriors relieves them for the whole night. In this way they keep order day and night. While these warriors are walking their beat and keeping order, food is served to them three times a day back of the sacred lodge. Some are eating, while others are out on their rounds. No women are allowed outside of the tipis as long as the warriors are out, only men who have to get water or wood are allowed to be out.

If the medicine-men who are inside of the sacred lodge find that the feathers of the medicine-arrows are in need of repair, they renew them or repair them, but they never renew the wooden shafts of the arrows. The medicine-men claim that the original arrows are not of wood, or else they would not have lasted so long. Others say they must be of wood, for the real Prophet would not have prophesied

8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

that they should renew their arrow sticks four times. If the feathers are to be renewed, a steady, healthy, clean, good man is appointed by the medicine-men to tie the feathers and handle the -sacred arrows. When removing the arrows from the bundle, the points are held towards the camp-circle opening, where no one is sitting or standing.

'SORTH EA\TRA/SC£

Fig. 2. Sacred Lodge during the Arrow Ceremony.

If any part of the feathers of the arrows is to be renewed, it is done on the third day. All medicine-men who go there do not stay all the time, but take turns, just as the warriors do ; but the man who makes the ceremony is there with the Prophet and assistant Keepers all the time.

Third Day. — The medicine-men prepare small, long, round willow sticks, about one yard long. These they split in two. Sometimes

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dor«ey. 9

these sticks number several hundred, or even a thousand. Each one of these sticks represents a Cheyenne family. Even those who are not present are represented by these sticks. See Fig. 2. They do not keep these sticks; they are only prepared to count with, and are thrown away after the ceremony. In front, and on each side of the altar, an incense fire is kept continually burning to the Great Med- icine, to bless every Cheyenne family represented in the ceremony, and each stick is held over the burning incense. This continues all day of the third day and night, and part of the fourth day. While this incense is burning all the medicine-men in the whole camp pre- pare and improve their med- icines in their tipis. All of their medicines are of herbs. Three or four medicine-men come together to arrange these medicines, and they also go through their own ceremonies.

Fourth Day. — When the family sticks are finished,

usually in the afternoon, the \ ' |^'/!' I / j V' man who has pledged the j^ t*A

ceremony sends one of the ^ ' \

warriors to get a pole from ^ -^. , , f^„ ■ .

. , „ riG. ?. Diagram 01 Arrows, (Jiierines, etc.

one of the camps. This pole

is forked, about five feet

long,' by three inches through, and is pointed at the other end, so it may be thrust into the ground. The warrior brings this pole, and takes it to the medicine-men. The assistant Arrow-Keepers take the four sacred arrows and tie them together against the pole so that they point upward and downward. The two original med- icine-arrows have their points up towards the sky, while the imitation arrows have their points directed downwards. After they are tied on this pole, the pledger takes the pole and comes out from the medicine-lodge, holding it and the arrows vertically. He goes for- ward to a distance of one hundred yards from the great Medicine- Arrow lodge, and halts and puts the pointed end of the pole in the ground. (See Fig. 3.) He wails as he comes from the lodge. After he puts the pole into the ground so that it will stand firmly, he returns to the lodge and brings out the red fox-skin wrapper, and lays it down beside the pole. He goes very slowly, and wails all the time. When he returns to the lodge the medicine-men come out and" bring

lo Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX,

the oflEerings and lay them down beside the pole and the wrapper. When the offerings are brought out from the Medicine -Arrow lodge, all males of the tribe, from the oldest men to the youngest boy baby, go to see these ancient arrows hanging outside in the air for inspection. Every male knows how these medicine-arrows look, and in case the medicine-men who renewed the feathers did not tie them like the original they would know, but the medicine- men do not often make mistakes. Here the boys bring offerings again, and lay them beside the other offerings. All males view these arrows, and when every male in the Cheyenne tribe has seen them, the warriors go to work and take the original Medicine- Arrow lodge down and erect another lodge over the place where the pole with the medicine-arrows is standing, in front of the arrow- lodge. This is called the Prophet's lodge. They use the same poles and the same two tipis, only they get a third tipi, for they use three tipi coverings to cover the Prophet's lodge, while the Medicine-Arrow lodge has only two tipi covers. They make the Prophet's lodge larger, so that it can accommodate every medicine-man in the tribe. When this Prophet's lodge is up they bring the medicine-arrows out from it and take them back to their home where the Keeper lives. On the night of the fourth day all the medicine-men and the Prophet go to the newly erected Prophet's lodge. Here they sing four of the most sacred songs. They are the same sacred songs that the original Prophet of thousands of years ago sang to them and taught them. They sing the four sacred songs as they come in order. After each song they prophesy, the same as the real Prophet did. They chant four times, twice before midnight and twice after midnight. When they have chanted four times the Prophet's lodge is uncovered at about three o'clock in the morning. The Prophet and the med- icine-men and the man who is carrying on the ceremony then come back to where the first offering tipi was. At this place a sweat-lodge has been erected during the night, after the ceremony is over at the Prophet's lodge. They all come to this sweat -lodge, and the med- icine-men go in and take a vapor bath. They wash off their medicine so that they may go safely among their own people. They chant four times in this sweat-lodge, and after that they come out. After the sweat-lodge ceremony is over, and the tipi is uncovered, then the Medicine- Arrow ceremonv is at an end.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. ii

2.— THE KEEPER OF THE MEDICINE-ARROWS.

Next to the Prophet comes the Keeper of the great medicine- arrows, the emblem of the whole Cheyenne tribe. The Keeper is appointed by the Prophet, or, sometimes, by the warriors. He must be a medicine-man, and one of the assistant Arrow-Keepers. He must understand all sacred chants and all rituals pertaining to the Medicine-Arrow ceremony. Not only this, but he must be of ex- traordinarily good character, a natural leader, and counselor of the whole Cheyenne tribe, but not necessarily a chief. The present Keeper of these medicine-arrows is Little-Man. He was not a chief at first, but some ten years ago he was appointed a chief, so at the present time he is a Keeper of the medicine-arrows and one of the forty chiefs also. His family and his tipi are held sacred because the medicine-arrows hang in his tipi. His tipi is called the home of the med- icine-arrows, and he is the father of them because he cares for them. He makes a vow that he will take good care of them in order to pre- serve them. In the Cheyenne camp, which is made in a horseshoe circle, the Keeper's tipi stands out in front of the other tipis about one hundred yards on the right wing of the circle. No nuisance is allowed around the Keeper's tipi at any time. In former times the Keeper's wife walked and carried the medicine-arrow bundle on her back when the Cheyenne were traveling. Later on, after the white man came to this country with horses, she rode on horseback, but still had the bundle tied on her back. The Keeper as a medicine-man does not have to take part in the ceremony, if he can get another medi- cine-man to assist him. If a Keeper of the medicine-arrows does not give satisfaction, then all the warriors come together and hold a council, and appoint another Keeper. They go in a body and get the bundle and give it to the man they have appointed.

3.— THE FOUR ASSISTANT MEDICINE-ARROW KEEPERS.

The medicine-arrow Keeper has four regular assistants. These four assistants are the only ones who may handle the arrows. All other medicine-men have to reach this degree. Whenever the regular annual Medicine- Arrow ceremony takes place, and when the medicine- arrows have been brought into the sacred lodge, these four men are there to inspect the four medicine-arrows. If any of the eagle feathers that are on the arrows need renewing these four assistants are the ones to do the work. The feathers are from the eagle. Every other article used on the great medicine-arrows comes from the buffalo, the

12 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

glue, the sinew, and the paint, which is made from the buffalo blood. In order to comply with the original Prophet's requirements, to use buffalo sinew, glue, and blood on these great medicine-arrows, the Cheyenne have this day in their possession from eight to ten pounds of dried buffalo blood, four to five pounds of buffalo glue, and about forty pieces of buffalo sinew. These are to be used by these four men only, and only in the Medicine- Arrow ceremony and no where else.

4.— THE MEDICINE-MEN.

The medicine-men come next in order. These men are all doctors who give medicine to the sick. They usually have contributed many ponies or goods to the arrow ceremony. They contribute toward this worship in order to be taught how to perform certain parts of the Medicine-Arrow ceremony. If any one of these men has been loval and has a good memory and has contributed more than the other men, he will some day be appointed as one of the assistant Keepers of the sacred arrows. There are thirty to forty of these medicine-men, representing different bands of Cheyenne. They are usually old men, and are the only ones who can go inside the great Medicine-Arrow lodge and assist the Arrow-Keeper and his four assis- tants to perform the ceremony the way the original Prophet taught them. These men, the Arrow-Keeper, his assistants, and the Prophet are the only ones allowed to perform this great Medicine-Arrow ceremony.

5.— THE FOUR EX-CHIEFS AND THE FORTY CHIEFS.

When the chiefs have become old, and weary and worn, and realize that they cannot live much longer they hold council and select a place and date, and send messengers to the different bands to invite every one to come to the place where all the Cheyenne people must gather to have new chiefs appointed. When the Cheyenne have assembled in a circular camp, a large lodge is put up in the center of the circle facing the opening of the camp. See Plate II. This lodge is similar to the Medicine-Arrow lodge. It has from forty to fifty poles and two tipi covers are used. It is twice as large as a good-sized Chey- enne tipi. After it is put up, the ground inside is made smooth and all weeds and grass are removed. Then all the old chiefs come to this lodge to hold council. They sit in a circle about the inside of the lodge. After they are seated they send for the forty sticks that are tied in a bundle and kept by the medicine-arrow Keeper, fastened

/2

PL. II. The Election of Chiefs— Camp-Circle.

/•L

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. II.

THE 44 CHEYENME CHIEFS SACKED LODCE - ERECTEO THE PAV THtV APPOIKT MEW CHIEFS

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. III.

^^O'CINE ARROW f^^^

THE AMCIEMT MAGICIA/S THE PROPHET

4 THE SUM DAflCE PRfEST 3 THE AHIMAL DAfiCE PRIE5T

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Pl. III. Diagram of Chiefs' Lodqe.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. IV.

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Pl. IV. Diagram of Chiefs' Lodge.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. V.

CHIEFS

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Pu. V. Diagram of Chiefs' Lodge.

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March, 1905. The Cheyenne — DoftSEY. 13

on the medicine-arrow bundle. These sticks are about eighteen inches long by one-half inch in diameter, pointed at one end so that they may be put into the ground. Every stick is painted red. They are called "chief sticks."

After they take this bundle of "chief sticks" into the chief's lodge and place it in the center, the lodge becomes sacred. The old chiefs seat themselves again inside the lodge and direct the four assistant Arrow-Keepers to open the chief's bundle and take the sticks out. These four men sit at the front inside of the lodge. They take each red stick and name it to represent one of the new chiefs. They stand these in a row, first in front of the four medi- cine-men. See Plate III. When they place these in the ground in a row, then all of the old chiefs elect five good men to represent the five bands of Cheyenne whose camps come in this order in the circle, beginning at the right end of the circle, see Plate IV., as follows: Aorta band, Hairy-Men band, Scabby band, Half-Cheyenne band, Dog-Men band. The old chiefs proceed to the first or Aorta band. They get their man and bring him direct to the lodge in the center of the circle. They take him into the lodge and place him at the right end of the council circle which represents the whole camp. After he is seated the}^ take one of the red sticks and stand it up directly in front of him. See Plate V. All the old chiefs go out together to get these new chiefs, except the four medicine-men, who give them directions. They proceed to get the next man from the Hairy-Men's band, but when he goes into the lodge he is seated about two-fifths of the distance from the Aorta man on the same side of the circle. They also put one red stick into the ground in front of this man. Then they omit the third or Scabby band. They proceed to the fourth or Half-Cheyenne band and get a man from that band and bring him and place him opposite the second man, the representative of the Hairy-Men's band, in the lodge. They also put up a red stick in front of him. Then they go out to the fifth or Dog-Men band, select a man and bring him to the lodge. They take him in and place him at the left end of the council circle opposite the first or Aorta man. They also put a red stick into the ground in front of him. Then they go to the third or Scabby band. After they get a man from this band they bring him to the lodge and take him inside and place him between the representative of the Hairy-Men's band and the Half-Cheyenne band ; thus he sits oppo- site the door or entrance of the lodge. They also put up a red stick in front of him. After these five men, who represent the five bands, are seated, all the old chiefs, except the four. medicine-

14 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

men, go in a body to get the rest of the thirty-five new chiefs whom they have decided upon beforehand. They begin at the right end of the circle and pick out those whom they have already appointed before going out. They go around the whole camp. These old chiefs make this trip four times around the camp, each time bringing a certain number of chiefs. The fourth time they go around they get the last of the required number of forty chiefs. The four medicine-men who stay in the lodge put up a red stick in front of each man as he comes in. Each new chief takes a seat inside of the lodge corresponding to the position of his camp or band in the camp-circle. If a new chief's band is located on the right end of the circle then he must sit on the right end of the council circle inside of the chief's lodge. After the old-time chiefs have all the newly elected chiefs seated in the lodge, they smoke the chief's pipe. After this, one of the four medicine-men, the old-time prophet, addresses the newly appointed forty chiefs. He says something like this: "Now, you who are here have been appointed as chiefs to look after the welfare of all men, women, and children, but in order to carry yourselves in an orderly manner, you, new chiefs, must select four men from among these old-time chiefs to be your counselors and leaders. These four ex-chiefs that you will appoint will be your advisers." Then the forty new chiefs appoint four ex-chiefs from among the old-time chiefs whom they think or know will lead them aright. These four ex-chiefs are generally medicine-men. The forty new chiefs look to these four old chiefs. Then the two medicine-men from the four medicine-men address the forty -four chiefs like this: "Now, listen to me! When the old chiefs wore out, they appointed you to carry on their leadership. We, who are here representing the sacred magicians of old and the sacred arrows and the sacred sun. earth and animals, have this day advised you and placed every man, woman, and child of the Cheyenne tribe in your care. When it is necessary you will help not only your own tribe, but all other Indians. You have been appointed on account of your bravery, character, and courage. In the future you will cause no disturbance or help to cause a disturbance among your own people. If another member of the tribe kills your own brother, take your pipe and smoke it to the Great Medicine, and you will prevent disturbance. Do not notice your brother's murderer. If your young men look despairing and lonely, take your pipe and pledge yourself to perform the great Medi- cine-Arrow ceremony, in order that the Great Medicine will bless you and I people, because of your remembrance of him."

Of these four medicine-men, who are also Medicine-Arrow keepers,

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. VI.

Pu. VI. WARRIOR'S Shirts.

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PL. VII. War Bonnets.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 15

one is an bid-time magician, the second is the Prophet, or one who has performed the great Medicine- Arrow ceremony, the third is one who understands all about the Sun-dance, the fourth is one who has performed and understands all about the sacred animal ceremony and dance. When these four medicine-men are through addressing the new chiefs, then all people come and see them. The new chiefs go out, give feasts, and give away many presents to the poor and needy people.

6.— THE FIVE ORIGINAL WARRIOR SOCIETIES OF THE GREAT PROPHET.

Before the time of the original great Prophet, the Cheyenne were governed by one chief and a magician who assisted him. Until the great Prophet brought the four great medicine-arrows to the Cheyenne, he with his assistants exercised absolute power over them. The Prophet organized the tribe into bands, instituted the office of chief, and imposed the rank of warrior on all males of fifteen years and more. These warriors he grouped into five societies, who, with the chief, were responsible for the conduct of the tribe. The societies were called the Red-Shield, Hoof-Rattle, Coyote, Dog-Men's, and Inverted or Bow-String. Each society was formed by certain medicine-men, who had been instructed by the original great Prophet, and each society was controlled by a chief with seven assistants. These were appointed by the warriors for their courage and bravery in battle. The warrior chiefs understand all of the songs and their assistants are councilors among the warriors. The warrior chiefs finally become chiefs and their assistants become war chiefs. Should a member of any of the five warrior societies distinguish himself in battle by the performance of some extraordinary act in behalf of any of his fellows, he wears thereafter, as a badge of distinction, a buckskin coat adorned with fringe of hair of the enemy. See Plate VI. The experienced warrior has presence of mind, is ever on the alert, and is brave, always protecting his fellows. He wears a war-bonnet, which trails down his back to the ground, and if he is a distinguished chief or warrior, he decorates it with eagle feathers tipped with locks of human hair. See Plate VII. The shirt and war-bonnet are usually worn by the seven assistants of the warrior societies. Marks of distinction are conferred upon those who have been brave in encounters with neigh- boring tribes in open battles or who have led warriors against the enemy successfully, or who four times have scalped an enemy alive, or who have rescued one or many times one of his fellows who has been

i6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

left behind at the mercy of the enemy; but the greatest honor is accorded to him who leads his fellows to victory after they have been defeated by the enemy.

The paint, the dress, the songs, and the dances of the members of the warrior societies are, in general, characteristic for each of the five societies. Thus each society has its four sacred songs sung to different tunes, part with words and part without words. Besides these char- acteristic songs there are four sacred songs for the five warrior societies, which are sung to the Great Medicine, and each society has its four battle songs, sung by individual warriors while on the battle-field or in concert at a council of warriors. The members of each society address each other as "friend" or "brother," and they afford each other mutual protection. When a society desires to take into its membership a young man they go to him in a body and bring him into their society.

The Red-Shield, Coyote, and Hoof-Rattle or Dew-Claw societies admit into their lodge four Cheyenne maidens, usually selected from the daughters of the forty-four leading chiefs; these maidens the warriors call sisters. The warriors are not allowed to marry any of the four maidens of their own society, though they may marry the maidens of other societies. These maidens are given prominent places in all dances and they sit in the midst of the circle in front of the war chiefs in all the councils. The two other societies do not admit women into their lodges. When the great Prophet directed the medicine-men to establish the warrior societies he gave them the privilege, at their own risk, of admitting to their lodge four women, chaste and clean, and from the very best families. Misfortune will befall the society who violates the condition. Fearing that through deceit unchaste women might come into their societies, the Dog-Men and the Inverted or Bow-String warriors do not admit women. Each of the existing societies continues to burn incense to the Great Medi- cine, in order to remind him that they are still carrying out his instruc- tions which he gave to their ancient ancestors through the great Prophet.

7.— THE RED-SHIELD WARRIORS.

The Red-Shield society has one chief, called "War-chief of the Red-Shield Warriors." He has seven assistant war-chiefs, who are officers and councilors of the society and under whom are from one hundred to two hundred warriors. They select four maidens whom they admit into their society. These maidens, who are usually the daughters of chiefs, are not permitted to marry any of the members

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PL. VIM. Fig. 1. Red-Shield Warrior. Fig. 2. Hoof-Rattle Warrior.

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The Cheyenne — "Dorsey,

17

March, 1905.

of their society and are called by the warriors "sisters." These women occupy a place in the center of the council circle. When the society gives a dance in the open air the maidens continuously dance in front of all the warriors, beating upon drums which they carry. Now the men trot, now they halt, and with bodies bent forward dance up and down, moving around, and now they hop and skip heavily along. As they dance each warrior utters a sort of gutteral sound like that made by a buffalo on the chase.

The emblem of the Red-Shield so- ciety is 'the shield, which is round like the sun and painted red. Long ago cer- tain medicines were applied to it, and the warrior swung it in a circle before the enemy, so that the enemy's arrows would hit neither man nor shield. All shields have their origin in this society, for the shield was given them by the great Prophet, who also brought the medicine-arrows to the tribe. Each warrior of the society carries a red shield, as well as a spear, hence the name Red-Shield. The shields are made of raw buffalo hide, which is toughened by being suspended over a fire while it is yet soft ; then a circular portion is cut from the region of the hip, in such a manner as to leave the tail, with its hair, intact with the circular piece. See Fig. 4. The hair of the circular portion is re- moved and the skin is tanned, with the tail left on. To test the strength of the hide for the shields, after it is tanned, the warriors shoot arrows at it. If their arrows bound back from the hide and leave it uninjured the hide is fit for use in the shield ; otherwise, not.

Whenever the warriors of this society congregate for a dance or to hold a council of war they are dressed alike. See Plate VIII. Fig. i. Their head-dress consists of the skin, with horns attached, of the buffalo head, taken generally from a two-year-old. That portion of the skin lying between the ears and connecting the horns is taken. The horns are painted red, and in full dress the bodies of the members are also painted red. Each warrior carries a spear about eight feet long, with stone point, originally, but with a steel point later; the

Fig. 4. Shield of Red-Shield Warrior.

1 8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

entire spear is painted red. The wearing of the buffalo skin with the attached horns and the shield from the hips, with the tail attached, gave rise to the name "buffalo warriors." About their waists these dancers wear a sort of skin belt or skirt, worked with porcupine quills, and having buffalo dew-claws attached to it, to produce a rattling sound while dancing. Along the lower edge of the belt are fringes, some of which hang down below the knees. This skirt-like belt is worn by every warrior of the society, and is painted red.

8.— THE HOOF-RATTLE WARRIORS.

The Hoof-Rattle society has one head chief and seven assistants

or sub-chiefs. They have over one hundred warriors under them

and four Cheyenne maidens. There is a keeper of the drums and a

keeper of the elk antler emblem, which is formed like a rattlesnake.

Two of the bravest men (See Plate VIII. Fig. 2) carry spears with

crooks at one end, the

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Fig. 5. Hoof-Rattle Warrior Musical

Instrument. spears are wrapped as

far as the points with otter skin. The shaft is further ornamented with two bands of otter skin about two feet apart, with four pendants of eagle feathers attached to each band for ornamentation. The spears are about eight feet long. All of the other warriors carry straight spears with points, wrapped with otter skin which has been dressed on the outside. Each warrior carries a rattle. This rattle is a stick about one foot long, covered with tanned buckskin, to which are sewed or tied several dry dew-claws of elk, deer, or antelope. The keeper of the elk horn is the leader in the dancing and singing. The elk antler used by these warriors is real. It is straight and has a body about two inches thick and about eighteen inches long. It has a head and a tail. It is fashioned like a snake. On the top of the snake's back are grooves cut about half an inch apart. See Fig. 5. When used for singing and dancing they put one end of this antler snake on top of a piece of rawhide and hold the snake's tail in the left hand and with the right hand they hold the shin bone of an ante- lope and rub it backwards and forwards over the snake's back, thus producing a loud, shrill sound like that of some animal. They have four sacred songs, four war songs, and about two hundred dance songs. One hundred or more warriors sing in unison with the time

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 19

of the rubbing on the elk antler, thns making themselves heard for a long distance. According to the teachings of the great Prophet this antler was used to charm the buffalo. Whenever the tribe desired large herds of buffalo, elk, or deer to come near their camp the war- riors would come together and chew the herb medicine used in all the sacred arrow ceremonies and blow it upon the elk antler to make it effective. Then the keeper would hold the snake effigy by the tail and draw the scapula toward himself so that the motion was made from the head to the tail. Having four times made this motion the buffalo and deer would be charmed and come to them. All the ante- lope and deer thus affected were killed and their dew-claws taken for making rattles for the warriors.

Aside from the rattles, spears, bows and arrows, individuals satisfy their own desires in the matter of dress. All the warriors of the various societies hold as sacred the elk antler. When dancing, the Hoof-Rattlers hold their spears in one hand and their body erect. They jump up and down, keeping time with the singing and rattle.

9.— THE COYOTE WARRIORS.

The Coyote society derives its name from the fact that its mem- bers imitate the coyote in their power of endurance, cunning, and activity. They outstrip their fellow- tribesmen in running long dis- tances, playing games, etc. There are about one hundred and fifty warriors in this society, and a head chief, who carries a coyote hide with the hair left on. The society regards this hide as sacred. Having put their medicine on the coyote hide as well as on themselves, these warriors feel light, and can endure and can run a long distance with- out stopping. The society has a rattle-keeper, who carries a red- painted gourd with stones inside to make the rattling. In old times this rattle was made out of buffalo hide, but lately the gourd has taken its place. This rattle is used to mark time in the dancing and singing, and its keeper is the leader in the dancing and singing, and he knows all the songs. The society has four sacred songs, part of which relate to the coyote ; four war songs, and about three hundred dance sojigs.

When these warriors have a four days' dance they put up their lodge either in the center or in front of the camp-circle, and just within the interior of the lodge the coyote hide is placed so that its head is directed toward the entrance. The chief with his assistants sit back of the coyote hide. When in view, this co3'-ote hide is placed in front of the chiefs in the council circle. The four maidens who are

20 Field Columbian INhisEUM — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

admitted to this society, sit in front of the chiefs. Two of the warriors carry a spear about an inch and a half wide. Between its ends is stretched a string, which gives the spear the form of a bow. Several kinds of feathers hang from the spear, and it has a sharp point. See Plate IX. Fig. i. The other warriors carry straight spears. Each warrior has two eagle feathers stuck vertically in his scalplock, and carries a bow and' arrows. All members of the society dress alike. Their bodies and upper parts of their arms and legs are painted yellow, while the lower arms and legs are painted black. On the breast of each warrior, suspended by means of a string about the neck, is a crescent-shaped, black-painted piece of hide. The two eagle feathers in the hair are always worn and the spear is always carried in their hand when they are not al^road. When dancing these warriors jump up and down rapidly, keeping time to the rapid and ever-increasing time of the music. The four maidens, who are daughters of chiefs, decorate their dress with elk teeth. Their faces are painted yellow and they wear two eagle feathers upright in their hair.

In the past the warriors of this society had their hair roached over the top from front to back to represent a scalplock, the sides of the head being shorn of hair. All members of the other societies wore their hair long. The coyote hide is the emblem of this society, for in a similar skin the great Prophet brought the medicine-arrows to the tribe. The coyote was the animal that the great Spirit sent to wander over the earth, and he was one of the animals that, in early times, talked to men.

ID.— THE DOO-MEN WARRIORS.

The Dog-Men society, termed by the white men "Dog-Soldier" society, is the largest society among the Cheyenne. It is made up of males of fifteen years and more, and numbers one-half of the males of the entire Cheyenne tribe. This society once controlled the whole tribe. Its members were raiders, and formerly they roamed over the plains between the Missouri and the Arkansas rivers with the upper Platte River in Nebraska as their headquarters. The society has one chief and seven assistants, and several hundred warriors. Of these the four bravest are chosen to protect the society and the tribe from the raids of the enemy. These four braves wear over their left shoulder and trailing down their backs to the ground, a piece of skin twelve inches wide and eight feet long, decorated with porcu- pine quills and eagle feathers. The quill work of two of these streamers is in bright colors with rows of eagle feathers hanging over

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PL. IX. Fig. 1. Ck)YOTE Warrior. Fig. 2. Dog-Men Warrior.

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March, 1905. The Cheyenne — D(5^sey. 21

the quill work. These scarfs are worn by the two most daring braves of the society, who have reached a certain rank in the society. These two also adorn their leggins with human hair. See Plate IX. Fig. 2. The two other scarfs are narrower and have less quill work on them. They also have eagle feathers, but the two warriors who wear these do not adorn their leggins with human hair, for they are not as brave as the former two. These four warriors when at war are expected to protect their fellows, and if need be, die for them. The warriors of this society are appointed to this degree after having performed a certain number of brave deeds. After their death, others have to take their places.

All the warriors of this society dress alike. Their head-dress con- sists of a cap with a few beads worked over the front edge. The crown is covered entirely with tail feathers of the eagle, and the sides are covered with the feathers of the hawk and crow. The feathers are so fastened that they stand erect all over the head- dress. Suspended by a string around the neck of each warrior is a whistle of the wing bone of an eagle, which they blow while dancing. The whistle and string are ornamented with porcupine quills. Each warrior wears a rattle fashioned in the form of a snake. The body of the rattle consists of a round stick about a foot long, and one and a half inches in diameter. It is covered with a narrow strip of rawhide about three-quarters of an inch wide, into the ends of which are inserted the head and tailpieces, the headpiece extending out from the end of the body about two inches. The rawhide is then bound on the stick, and the whole, excepting the head, which is painted red, is covered with buckskin. Eyes are made in the head, and an eagle feather is attached. Over the entire body of the figure are tied rows of the dew-claws of deer or antelope. All portions of the body remaining exposed are decorated with quill work. The length of this rattle is about two and a half feet. Grasping these rattles by the head with their right hand they shake them and measure the time of their dancing and singing. The belt worn in the dance con- sists of four skunk skins prepared with the heads left intact, two heads meeting in front and two at the back. The fur is left on the skin, and on this side are attached fringes to which are hung dew- claws throughout.

These warriors carry a bow and arrows. When they dance they move forward in a stooping position rapidly, bending each leg forward alternately. This society has between five and six hundred songs,, exclusive of their four sacred songs and four war songs. The society emblem is the dog, which they regard as sacred, and which they asso-

22 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ciate with the origin of the society. The society regards itself as dis- tinguished and influential. The whole tribe, and neighboring tribes, as well, recognize its importance. In former times this society was distinguished for the great number of captives it held. Indeed, the old-time warriors claim that three-fourths of the entire Cheyenne tribe were captives.

The Dog-Men society was organized after the organization of the other societies, by a young man without influence but who was chosen by the great Prophet. One morning the young man went through the entire camp and to the center of the camp-circle, announcing that he was about to form a society. No one was anxious to join him, so he was alone all that day. The other medicine-men had had no difficulty in establishing their societies, but this young man, when his turn came to organize, was ridiculed; for he was not a medicine- man, and had no influence to induce others to follow his leadership. At evening he was sad, and he sat in the midst of the whole camp. He prayed to the Great Prophet and the Great Medicine to assist him. At sunset he began to sing a sacred song. While he sang the people noticed that now and then the large and small dogs throughout the camp whined and howled and were restless. The people in their lodges fell asleep. The man sang from sunset to midnight: then he began to wail. The people were all sleeping in their lodges and did not hear him. Again he sang: then he walked out to the opening of the camp-circle, singing as he went. At the opening of the camp-circle he ceased singing and went out. All the dogs from the whole camp followed him, both male and female, some carrying in their mouths their puppies. Four times he sang before he reached his destination at daybreak. As the sun rose he and all of the dogs arrived at a river bottom which was partly timbered and level. The man sat down by a tree that leaned toward the north. Immediately the dogs ran from him and arranged themselves in the form of a semicircle about him, like the shape of the camp-circle they had left ; then they lay down to rest ; as the dogs lay down, by some mysterious power, there sprang up over the man in the center of the circle a lodge.. The lodge included the leaning tree by which the man sat; and there were three other saplings, trimmed at the base with the boughs left on at the top. The lodge was formed of the skins of the buffalo. As soon as the lodge appeared all the dogs rushed towards it. As they entered the lodge they turned into human beings, dressed like the members of the Dog-Men society. The Dog- Men began to sing, and the man listened very attentively and learned several songs from them, their ceremony, and their dancing forms. The camp-circle and the center lodge had the appearance of a real

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 23

camp-circle for three long days. The Dog-Men blessed the man and promised that he should be successful in all of his undertakings and that his people, his society, and his band would become the greatest of all if he carried out their instructions. On the fourth day they were discovered by two Cheyenne, who were looking for the man and for their dogs of burden. They observed the form of the circle and the lodge within and saw that it was like the camp-circle of their tribe. They went so near that within they heard their own language spoken. Thev did not enter the lodge, but hurriedly returned to their people, to tell them what they had seen. On the day after the first dis- appearance of the man and the dogs, the medicine-men counseled with the great Prophet, who knew all about it. The great Prophet told the medicine-men that the man was obeying his commands, and that this, the fourth day, they might find him with the dogs. The two Cheyenne, who had hunted four days before finding the new camp, returned on this day, and when they announced to the people what they had seen, the whole camp moved to the lodge of the man and the dogs. As they came into view of the wonderful camp the Dog lodge instantly disappeared and the Dog-Men were transformed into dogs. The medicine-men ancl warriors were by this time very sorry that they had refused to join this man's society. To express their sorrow they went in advance to the young man, and asked him to have mercy upon them and forgive the whole tribe for its treatment of him. The young man took the pipe and smoked, to show that he had for- given his people. The young man then instructed them to go to their own dogs and pitch their tipis according to the position of their dogs, so that they would make a horseshoe-shaped camp, just as the dogs had made. Every man became busy and the dogs alone seemed to be very indifferent as to what was happening. The young man still remained in the center of the camp, and the next day, according to his instructions from the Great Prophet, he again asked the warriors to join his society, and many hundreds of men joined it. He directed the society to imitate the Dog-Men's dress, and to sing the way the Dog-Men sang. This is why the other warrior societies call the warriors of this society " Dog-Men Warriors."

When the Dog-Men society has its four days' lodge put up for a dance, they repair their head-dresses, reorganize all the warriors, and should one of the four brave warriors have died or been killed by the enemy, they name some one to take his place. When the other warrior societies put up their lodges to dance or for reorganization, they must place their lodges in the center of the camp-circle; but the Dog-Men warriors may locate their lodge in the center of the circle or at any big

24 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

camp not in a circle, as they may desire, provided they can find a tree that leans toward the north to which they can tie the three saplings for the erection of their lodge. The lodge is so constructed that the stationary tree is placed at the back, on the inside and opposite the entrance. The three movable saplings are trimmed as far up as the upper branches, which are left. Formerly, buffalo hides were used for a covering for the lodge, but recently canvas is substituted. The poles of the Dog-Men's lodge are different from those of the other societies' lodges. The other societies burn incense to the Great Medicine, who sent the Great Prophet to establish their societies and to establish ceremonies in honor of himself. But instead of burning incense, the Dog-Men put in the center of their lodge an earthen pot about half full of water, and into this they put a piece of beef weighing about two pounds, which remains there during the four days' dance. On the fourth day and before the dance is dismissed, they take the meat from the pot and pass it around to the members of the society ; each one bites off a large piece, chews, and swallows it. This they do in memory of their society's founder, and in memory of the original dogs who followed the founder out from the camp-circle and induced the warriors to organize the Dog-Men society. Ever after this all the original dogs preferred cooked to fresh beef.

II.— THE INVERTED OR BOW-STRING WARRIORS.

The Inverted Warrior society is but little known throughout the tribe, although it is the fifth of the warrior societies founded by the Great Prophet. It was founded when he last appeared in the dress of the Inverted Warrior with his celebrated bow-spear, and a stuffed owl tied over his forehead for a head-dress, and a bone whistle tied around his neck by means of a string. See Plate X. Fig. i. This society the great Prophet founded on his return after his four years' absence to the mountain; but the society was without a chief. Each warrior was independent of the rest, though all the warriors dressed alike and were always prepared for war.

The warriors must be of strong physique and very courageous. A part of the requirements of the society is that these warriors shall be solemn and stoical. Their bodies and clothing are always painted red, as well as their buffalo robes. See Plate X. Fig. 2. Each warrior carries a bow-spear about eight feet long — a perfectly sound, straight, well-seasoned stick fashioned after the style of a bow. This bow-spear is flat on the front side and round on the back side, there being a space in the middle for a handle, which is round. This bow

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PL. X. Fig. 1. Inverted or Bow-String Warrior. Fig. 2. Inverted or Bow-String Warrior.

M>

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — D(5rsey. 25

is two inches wide at the handle and one and a half inches at the ends. Its buffalo sinew string is one-third of an inch in diameter. When the bow-string is drawn the bow itself is bent scarcely at all. At the handle is tightly bound a bunch of sage grass. At one end is a sharp flint spearhead, about six inches long. Recently steel points have been substituted. Attached to the other end of the bow, which is pointed, are a few owl feathers. Suspended from the sides of the bow are four bunches of magpie feathers, two on either side, for ornamentation. The bow is painted red, and the spearhead proper is painted blue. This bow-spear is never unstrung. It is wrapped with buckskin when not in use, though it is always present with the warriors, wherever they go. Should they fail to take it with them at any time it is hung in a tree for safety, or some place where it could not be found by any one. No one except the members of the society are allowed to touch or handle the spear; nor are any women allowed to touch it. The warriors of the society are unmar- ried. The women have their beds apart from those of the warriors. Their food is cooked separately at home, and is served separately. Should they be in council with other society warriors their food is served separately. The close observance of the regulations of this society by its members gives them a character distinct from that of the other societies, and they are regarded as pure. They rejoice in the beauty of nature as the work of the Great Medicine, who created the rivers, hills, mountains, heavenly bodies, and the clouds. They are the philosophers among their people.

The following is an explanation of the term "Inverted Warriors." A medicine still in use among the Cheyenne is used by these warriors, by means of which their actions and speech are inverted; for in- stance, the members of other societies ask a question thus: "Father, will you come here?" but the members of this society ask the question thus: "Father, you will not come here?" When the warriors of other societies are all defeated in battle and run from the enemy, the Inverted Warriors blow their whistles and charge the enemy and fight until they are killed or defeat the enemy, regardless of the numbers of the enemy. They usually are naked when fighting in battle. Their bodies are painted red. On top of their heads is a stuffed screech-owl. They carry their bow-spears with them. No one is allowed to pass in front of them. Should they wish to transfer their spear from one hand to the other they pass it back of their bodies* When charging the enemy's camp, or when warding off the attack of the enemy upon their own camp, these warriors charge separately from the other warriors in the main body, thus performing a flank move-

26 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ment. No one is allowed to pass in front of them. When the tribe goes to battle, each society wears its society dress. Before making a general attack upon the enemy the warriors all stand in a row. Before them is a row of medicine-men and chiefs, and the medicine- arrow Keeper who performs the ceremony to the Great Medicine. He points the sacred arrows at the enemy as taught by the great Prophet, and thus insures victory to his tribesmen. The Keeper of the medicine-arrow always charges in front of all, and no one may charge in front of him. In ancient times the great medicine- arrows were very effective. When directed towards a warring tribe they rendered the enemy helpless and without power to resist. Suc- cess with these arrows against their enemies, according to the old- time warriors, accounts for the numerous aliens among the Cheyenne tribe.

. 12.— OWX-MAN'S BOW-STRING OR WOLF WARRIORS.

The Bow-String warrior or Wolf Warrior society is the sixth war- rior society in the tribe. It was founded by a Cheyenne warrior by the name of Owl-Man. It is not included among those five societies founded by the great Prophet, but has been founded since the advent of the white man. This society has one head chief and seven assist- tants or sub-chiefs, under whom are from one to two liundred warriors. The members of the society are distinguished for their gayety, their songs, their dances, and the various colors of their dress. Each member dresses as he is able, and hence there is no uniformity of dress. They paint their bodifes and the trappings of their ponies. This is the noisiest and the gayest of all the societies. It may be joined by any warrior of fifteen years or more. The society does not seek members to join it, but the warriors come to it to ask admission.

The following is an account of the way Owl-Man founded his so- ciety : He was traveling alone, toward the north. While he traveled he was overtaken by a hard rainstorm which turned into a heavy snow- storm. Reaching a deep canyon he went into it with his pony for shelter. The cold increased and the snow fell steadily until an object could not be seen ten paces away. Owl-Man's clothing was drenched with rain and frozen stiff; his pony was frozen to death. He gathered bark from the trees and made a shelter for himself. His buffalo robe kept him from freezing; when morning came he was so hungry and cold that he was about to lie down and die, when some one behind him spoke, and told him to go west until he found another

March, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey,

27

creek, where there was a lodge. He wrapped himself up in his robe and started west. As he drew near to the creek he heard a drum beating, just as if there were a dance going on, and when he came in view of the creek he saw a lodge. He went directly into it, and as he approached, the drumming ceased. By the time he reached the lodge he'could barely move, for his clothing was frozen stiff and his feet and hands were frozen. When he entered the lodge he found a fire in the center, and the ground inside was perfectly smooth. At the back of the lodge was a fiat drum. Owl-Man threw himself down and was

Fig. 6. Wolf-skin worn by Wolf Warrior.

unconscious until toward evening, when he revived and sat up. As he sat there he heard several people all around on the outside of the lodge talking and telling each other to go in and see him. Owl-Man peeped through the entrance and as far as he could see there were wolves approaching the lodge, coming from over the hills, and they talked his own language. The wolves entered the lodge, and as they entered they were instantly transformed into human beings. The lodge was soon filled, and still there remained outside of the lodge several hundred. After these Wolf -men had taken their seats inside, an old Wolf-man came in and took his seat in front of the circle and opposite the entrance. This old Wolf-man began to talk to Owl-Man as follows: "We have powers of cunning such as no other animals have, and we have the whole earth for our home. We this day have

28 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

come here to bless you and your people, so that you may live and go back to your people and show them what we are, and we will instruct you for the next four days. Our people possess the whole earth, and our braves do the fighting in companies. We do not allow women to mingle with our braves. If you allow maidens in your work, take four maidens, who are to wear belts made of rattlesnake skin." After thus talking to Owl-Man the old Wolf -man, who claimed to be the chief and who had a place assigned to him in front of the circle of Wolf-men, burned incense, and in an instant every Wolf warrior was gorgeously dressed. The old Wolf-man wore a bear's hide, dressed with the hair on. All the other Wolf warriors were adorned with wolf skins, tanned with the hair on, with a hole cut at the back, big enough to permit the insertion of the head (see Fig. 6), so that the skins were worn as capes, the head hanging on their breast and the tail part hanging down their back. See Plate XI. Fig. I. Their naked bodies were painted yellow and the extremities of their limbs were painted red. Each Wolf war- rior had a spear about eight feet long, with a point at one end made out of flint. These spears were not alike, but they were trimmed with the feathers of every bird to be found. Two of the spears had eagle feathers hanging down their whole lengths ; these two spears stood, one at each side of the entrance of the lodge, while two other spears, wrapped with otter skin, stood in front of the Wolf chief. The Wolf chief had in his hand a flat drum. Several other of the Wolf-men also had a small drum. The Wolf-men watched their chief when he began to burn incense to the -Great Medicine. The Wolf chief held his drum over the burning incense, passing it back- wards and forwards, first to the east, then south, then west, and then north. Then he took hold of the drum stick and struck the drum once, then the second, third, and fourth times. The other Wolf-men stood watching their chief. They beat their drums and yelled and whooped with all their might, and they began to sing and dance. Owl-Man learned about three hundred songs from these mysterious Wolf -men. They had four sacred songs and four war songs. While dancing, each warrior got up and took hold of his spear and danced with it. When they ceased to dance they stood the spears up in front of them again. Four days they danced. At night, Owl-Man would fall asleep, and in the morning, when he awoke, all of the Wolf- men would be gone, but they would soon return and appear in human form, ready for the dance. On the last day, in the afternoon, Owl- Man saw four old men coming, who entered the lodge, and each old man made a speech, telling his exploits to the other warriors. After

%t

M ^JOW

vHSfi

\

PL. XI. Fig. 1. Wolf Warriors. Fig. 2. Wolf Warrior.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

2S

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XI

Fig. I.

Fig. 2.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 29

each old man had made a speech, all the men were ordered to go out and stand abreast in a row, to run a race. One of the men called out the name of the Wolf society, and they all ran at full speed. When the warriors returned from the race the four old men entered the lodge and said to Owl-Man, "Arise and go on your way. In one and a half days you will reach your people. We have blessed you, and now, in addition to what we have shown to you, go and teach your people to be brave. Take this medicine; it is to be put upon your warriors before they go on the warpath or dance. When they go outside in the open air to dance they are not to stop dancing till some old warrior with experience in several battles comes before them and tells his exploits, the same as we have done. Then you are at liberty to dismiss the dancers." Then the four old men started out, and when they were outside the lodge they disappeared instantly and left Owl-Man sitting out on the prairie, amidst the four old men who had stepped out of the lodge. There were now four real wolves running from Owl-Man, who arose and went on until he found the Cheyenne village.

As Owl-Man came to his village all the people came to see him, and to inquire how he came through the snowstorm. He told what had happened. On the first clear day they camped in the form of a circle, and Owl-Man had his lodge erected in the middle of the camp. He went to the lodge and had the ground inside made as smooth as was that of the Wolf-men's lodge that he had visited. After the lodge was erected he called for young men to come and join his society. He performed the ceremony exactly as he had been instructed by the Wolf -men.

Any warrior in the tribe not already a member of one of the five sacred warrior societies may join the Wolf society. When going to war, or when about to dance, they put upon their bodies the med- icine given to them by the original Wolf-men through Owl-Man. This medicine is still used in the society. When dancing, the warriors hold their spears and stand erect. They jump up and down very heavily, and rather slowly. See Plate XI. Fig. 2. This society alone, of all the warrior societies, dances with guns, and they shoot blank cartridges. The presence of the guns in the dance in- dicates that the society was organized after the advent of the white man with his powder and gun. Some of the brave men ride their ponies, while other warriors are dancing on their feet.

30 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol; IX.

13.— THE MEDICINE OR SUN DANCE.

The following is a description of the Medicine-Dance, which tradition accords to have been given to Erect-Horns: The camp-circle is formed by the warrior society of the Lodge-maker. On the first day after the camp circle has been formed, the Priests', or Medicine- men's tipi is erected in the line of the camp-circle, where all the medicine-men who have ever made or performed the Sun-Dance are invited to come. The priests or medicine-men having assembled within the Priests' tipi, the Lodge-maker appoints a man to act as chief priest, or master of ceremonies, by giving him a pipe to smoke. On the second day the Priests' tipi is taken up bodily by women, one woman taking hold of each tipi pole, and they move it to a point fifty paces in front of the camp circle. When set down and secured in its new position, it is cleansed within, and is henceforth called the "Lone-tipi." The earth is now formed and the pipes are taken inside and placed in front of the priests. Towards evening a buffalo skull, which has been lying outside the Lone-tipi, together with two straight sticks used for stirring the pipes when smoking, are brought in, and the skull is inverted and placed with its nose towards the entrance. The priests then feast. All of the members of the Lodge-maker's Warrior society are then invited to the feast. After the feast they rehearse inside the Lone-tipi, and dance until midnight. Henceforth the chief priest and the Lodge-maker remain in this tipi.

They decide on the location for the Medicine-lodge, and on the third day the poles for the Medicine-lodge are cut, and the Medicine- lodge is erected. In the morning of the third day, at sunrise, a noted spy of the tribe, dressed, and on horseback, goes through the entrance of the camp-circle to the place decided upon for the location of the Medicine-lodge, and tells of his exploits in war. Then there are placed at the back of the lodge two young willows, two plum- trees, one four-foot peg, four rainbow sticks, twenty people's sticks, one long willow dipper, two long forked sticks, all of which had been brought on the previous day by certain of the medicine-men. Next the skull is painted and the grass lobes are stuffed in the nasal cav- ities and eye sockets. Then the Lodge-maker's wife and the Lodge- maker are painted, preparatory to their entrance into the Medicine- lodge. Then they paint the arrow of the center-pole, and the ceremony of this arrow is performed. Should the Lodge-maker be a good and just man, the chief priest blesses him by raising the arrow, point upward and in front of his mouth, backward and forward, praying

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 31

that power, plenty, and fortune may come to him. Next the chief priest takes meat from the ribs of a beef and cuts it in the form of a star, in the center of which he represents a person ; then with an arrow he pierces the meat, and lays the meat and arrow aside. The Earth peg, called the "center-pole peg," is next painted, the point red and the head black. From a piece of rawhide is cut an image of an armless man, about twelve inches long, with an eagle breath feather tied to its head, and a sinew string, about four feet long, attached to its back. This figure, representing other tribes of people, is called the "center-pole man," and is suspended from the center-pole. The sacred pipe, filled with -tobacco, is also painted, and is placed by the side of the painted skull and in front of it. While the priests and medicine-men are performing the ceremony inside of the Lone-tipi, and preparing the Lodge-maker and his wife for their entrance into the Medicine-lodge, the others are bringing to the place selected for it the center-pole and other poles for its con- struction.

The Lodge-maker's wife bears the buffalo skull out of the Lone- tipi, followed by the Lodge-maker with the sacred pipe, the chief priest, and the other priests. The woman holds the buffalo skull out to one side and in front of her. She advances slowly in a stooping position, stops three times to rest, and finally comes to a place about thirty paces from the Lone-tipi. There all sit in a row, with the skull directly in front of them. The woman sits directly back of the skull, the chief priest at her side. To the left of the skull rests the sacred pipe, to the left of the pipe the incense. Sacrifices and offerings are brought in and placed by the side of the skull. Every- thing is ready. The offerings are brought in. The thunder- bird's nest is tied in the fork of the center-pole, and gifts are tie<1 to its prongs. The human image is attached to the pole, and the arrow and peg are placed in the thunder-bird's nest. The offerings are tied to the forks alone. The center-pole is now painted, and the chief priest and the Lodge-maker step upon it. In the mean time a hole is dug in the ground to receive it. First the center-pole is painted with a band of red about six inches wide, then a band- of black of the same width, the bands being about four to five feet from the surface of the ground after the pole is erect. Of the four top poles, the two south poles are painted red, while the two north poles are painted black, the symbol for clouds.

Everything being in readiness, the woman, the chief priest, and the other priests all rise and approach the lodge, and they stop im- mediately back of the skull. As the sacred pipe song is sung, the

32 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

woman and the chief priest raise the pipe upwards toward the center- pole, the chief priest makes a prayer, and then the center-pole is partly raised. Three times again the center-pole is raised, with the same accompaniments, and is placed erect in its proper position. The cross-bars are then placed in the crotches of the encircling forked poles. The warriors go to the camp and bring back tipis to cover the sacred lodge. When the cover is in place the warriors go to their societies to feast and prepare for the dedication of the lodge. Toward evening the wife of the Lodge-maker brings a bed through the right side of the lodge, and places it at the back of the lodge, behind the altar. All the chiefs are invited, and at this time come to the lodge.

All of the warrior societies take part in the dedication ceremony, which lasts for two hours. Eight brave men are selected to help and protect their people, and two of the chiefs make speeches. All of the priests return and sit around the chief priest, the Lodge-maker, and his wife. They prepare to drill those who are to take part in the coming dance, in the hand-and-arm exercise. In this exercise the right arm is raised twice, then the left arm is raised twice, then both arms twice. In each exercise they turn first to the right, and then to the left side. This lasts half of the night. After singing the sacred pipe song four times, and smoking, the chief priest and the woman go out. Before they go out incense is burned over each, which is repeated on their return. While they are out the four pipe songs are sung, and they smoke. Now they dance till morning.

On the fourth day, or the first day of the dance, the altar is built around the skull. The Lodge-maker's wife goes out in front of the lodge and procures earth, which is cut into strips about one and a half feet long and four inches wide, five pieces in all, and each piece having grass upon it. These pieces of sod the woman brings in one at a time, and places them in order, two at the right, and two at the left; the fifth piece occupies a position at the back of the skull. Then the brush about the altar is set up, one willow on the right side, then a plum bush, then small bushes, as they proceed backward in a circle. On the left, in front of the altar, is a willow and a plum bush, the same as on the opposite side. Directly in front of the skull is dug a ditch four inches deep and two feet long, and from eight to ten inches wide. In the bottom of the ditch is a layer of sand, upon which are drawn from seven to nine red and black lines representing roads. Arched over the ditch, from side to side, are four painted rainbow sticks, with eagle breath- feathers stuck to them. On one side of the ditch stand ten red

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 33

sticks, representing the Cheyenne, and on the other ten black and white sticks, representing other tribes. The red sticks have downy feathers stuck to them. While the altar is being completed all the men who are to paint the dancers take them to the chief priest, that he may put medicine upon them, so that they may succeed in their work. The Lodge-maker and his wife are painted red. All the children go to the river and fetch mud to the front of the lodge, where they mold it into pairs of mud animals, which, when com- pleted, they set about the base of the center-pole, thus representing the animals which the ceremony is expected to attract.

The number of days of dancing is determined by the experience of the chief priest, who must conduct the lodge as he has been in- structed.

On the afternoon of the fourth or last day of the dance those who so desire have their breasts pierced and dance tied by a lariat to the center-pole until the skin of the breast breaks from the weight of their bodies.

In the closing ceremonies, at evening, several short rites are performed by the dancers. The tipi cloth of the lodge is raised, and four entrances are made. Then a scalp, or the downy feather of an eagle, is tied to a stick four feet in length, which is placed in the hands of an old-time warrior, who is leader. Then there occurs a race around the center-pole. The leader runs in advance, swinging his stick to the right and left, up and down, as he runs. The racers run out to the south and back, then to the west and back, then to the north and back, then return to their places, drink, and wash off their paint.

II. MYTHS.

14.— THE ORIGIN OF THE CHEYENNE.

In the beginning the Great Medicine created the earth, and the waters upon the earth, and the sun, moon, and stars. Then he made a beautiful country to spring up in the far north. There were no winters, with ice and snow and bitter cold. It was always spring, and the wild fruits and berries were everywhere, and great trees shaded the streams of clear water that flowed all through the land. In this beautiful country the Great Medicine put animals, birds, insects, and fish of all kinds. Then he created human beings, and put them in the country to .live with the other animals. Every animal, both big and small, every bird, both big and small, every fish, and eyery insect could talk to and understand the people whom the Great Medicine had sent to live among them, and they could understand each other, for they were all friends, and had a common language. The people went naked. They lived on honey and wild fruits, and were never hungry. They wandered everywhere among the animals, and when night came and they were weary, they lay down on the cool grass and slept. During the days they talked with the other ^.nimals, for they were all friends, and one people.

The Great Spirit created three kinds of human beings: First, those who had hair all over their bodies; second, white men, who had hair all over their heads and faces and on their legs; third, red men, who had very long hair on their heads only. The hairy people were very strong and active. The white people with the long beards and the wolf were the most tricky and cunning of all in that beautiful country. The red people were active, and were the swift- est runners. The Great Medicine taught them how to catch fish, and they ate the fish. None of the other people knew anything about eating meat. After a time the hairy people left the north country, and went south where all the land was barren. The red people followed the hairy people into the south. The bearded people left the north country, but no one knew where they went, but it is be- lieved to-day that they were the ancestors of the white people.

Before the red men left the beautiful land the Great Medicine spoke to one of their number and blessed him and his people. The

34

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 35

Great Medicine told this man to go and call all of his red people to- gether at a certain place. The man called, and the people came, and it was the first time that they had all come together. When they were assembled the Great Medicine blessed them, and gave them some medicine spirit to awaken their dormant minds. From that time on they seemed to possess intelligence, and to know what to do. The Great Medicine spoke to one of the men again, and told him to teach his people to band together, so that they all might work and clothe their naked bodies with skins of panther and bear and deer. The Great Medicine gave them power to hew and shape certain kinds of flint found in the north, and other stone, into any shape they wanted. They hewed stones into cups, pots, stone axes, arrow heads, and spear heads. The flint they made into arrow and spear heads.

After the Great Medicine called the red people together, they stayed together ever afterwards. They left the beautiful country and went southward, in the same direction the hairy people had gone. The hairy people remained naked, but the red people clothed themselves because the Great Medicine told them to. When the red men came the hairy people who had gone before had scattered and made homes inside of high hills, and in caves high up in the mountains. The red men seldom saw the hairy men, for they were afraid and always went inside their caves when the red men went to see them. In their caves they had beds made out of leaves and skins. They had pottery and flint tools like those of the red men. These hairy people did not increase, but decreased in numbers, until they finally disappeared entirely, and to-day the red men cannot tell what ever became of them. After the red men had left the north country and gone south where the land was barren, the Great Medicine again spoke to one of the red men and told him to tell his people to return north, for the barren southland was going to be flooded. When they returned to that beautiful land the white- skinned, long-bearded men and some of the wild animals were gone from there. They were no longer able to talk to the animals, but this time they controlled all the animals, and they tamed the panther and bear and other animals to catch game for them to eat. They in- creased in numbers, and became tall and strong and active. Again they left the beautiful land to go south. The water had gone, and grass and trees had grown, and the land was beautiful like the northland. For a long time they stayed in the south, but while they were still there another flood came, and it scattered the red men here and there. After a time the great waters went down again,

36 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

and the land was dry, but the red men never came together any- more, but went in small bands, just as they did in the beginning, before the Great Medicine told them to unite. The last flood des- troyed almost everything, and the red men were on the point of starvation, so that they had to start back to their original home in the north as they had done before. When they reached the north country they found the land all barren. There were no trees, and there was not a living animal there, and not a fish in the water. When the red men looked upon their once beautiful home they cried aloud and all the women and children wept. This happened in the beginning, when the Great Medicine created us.

After many hundreds of years, just before the winter season came, the earth shook and the high hills sent forth fire and smoke. When the winter season came, there came great floods. All of the red men and women had to dress in furs and live in caves, for the winter was long and cold. It destroyed all of the trees, but when spring came there was a new growth. The red men suffered much, and were almost famished when the Great Medicine took pity on them and gave them corn to plant, and the buffalo for meat. From that time there were no more floods and no more famines. The people continued to live in the south. They grew and increased in numbers, and there were many different bands with different lan- guages, for the people were never united after the second flood.

The descendants of the original Cheyenne who inhabited the beautiful country in the far north before the winter seasons came on in this country, and to each of whom the great Prophet came, had men who were magicians. They had supernatural wisdom. They charmed not only their own people, but also all animals that they lived on or ate. It made no difference how fierce or wild the animals were, if those men used that secret influence on them, they became so tame that the people could go right up to them and handle them. This magic knowledge was handed down from the original Cheyenne, who came from the far north. To-day Bushy- Head is the only one who understands that ancient ceremony, and the Cheyenne of to-day place him in rank equal to the medicine- arrow Keeper and his assistants.

The magicians of old understood the secret powers only, but they could not bring forth live buffalo in big herds, and prophesy like the original medicine-arrow Prophet, who was sent by the Great Spirit to the Cheyenne,, who still celebrate his arrows. It has been confirmed by nearly all of the old Cheyenne, that about the time that they were in that beautiful country in the far north the

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 37

white persons of to-day are the same as the bearded people who were then there, but when the Great Spirit sent winters it divided them from the white persons. But the floods that came on after the winters set in divided the Indian or red people. This is the reason the Cheyenne give as the cause of the existence of different tribes speaking different languages.

15.— THE ORIGIN OF THE CHEYENNE.

Many thousands of years ago the Cheyenne inhabited a country in the far north, across a great body of water. For two or three years they had been overpowered by an enemy that outnumbered them, and they were about to become the enemy's slaves, and they were filled with sorrow. Among their number was a great medicine- man who possessed a wooden hoop, like those used in the games of to-day. On one side of the hoop were tied magpie feathers, while opposite them, on the other side of the hoop, was a flint spear head, with the point projecting toward the center of the hoop. One night the great chief told the people to come to a certain place. When they were assembled he led them away. He kept in advance of them all the time, and in his left- hand he held a long staff, and in his right hand he held his hoop horizontally in front of him, with the spear head of the hoop pointing forward. No one was allowed to go in front of him. On the fourth night of their journey they saw, at some distance from the ground, and apparently not far in front of them, a bright light. As they advanced the light receded, and appeared always a little farther beyond. They trav- eled a few more nights, and the fire preceded them all the way, until they came to a large body of water. The medicine-man ordered the Cheyenne to form in a line along the edge of the water, and they obeyed. He then told them that he was going to take them across the water to another land, where they would live forever. As they stood facing the water the medicine-man asked them to sing four times with him, and he told them that as they sang the fourth time he would lead them across the water. As he sang the fourth time he began to walk forwards and backwards, and the fourth time he walked directly into the water. All the people followed him. He commanded them not to look upward, but ever downward. As they went forward the waters separated, and they walked on dry ground, but the water was all around them. Finally, as they were being led by night the fire disappeared, but they continued to fol- low the medicine-man until daylight, when they found themselves walking in a beautiful country.

38 FiiiLD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

In the new country they found plenty of game to live on. The medicine-man taught the Cheyenne many things, but they seemed to be of weak minds, though they were physically strong. Out of these Cheyenne there sprang -up men and women who were large, tall, strong, and fierce, and they increased in number until they numbered thousands. They were so strong that they could pick up and carry off on their backs the large animals that they killed. They tamed panther and bear and trained them to catch wild game for them to eat. They had bows and arrows, and were always dressed in furs and skins, and in their ignorance they roamed about like animals. In those days there were very large animals. One variety of these animals was of the form of a cow, though four times as large; by nature it was tame and grazed along the river banks ; men milked them. Boys and men to the number of twenty could get upon their backs without disturbing them. Another variety of these large animals resembled in body the horse, and they had horns and long, sharp teeth. This was the most dangerous animal in the country. It ate men, had a mind like a human being, and could trail a human being through the rivers and tall grasses by means of its power of scent. Of these there were but few. In the rivers there were long snakes whose bodies were so large that a man could not jump over them.

The Cheyenne remained in the north a long time, but finally roamed southward, conveying their burdens by means of dogs. While they were traveling southward there came a great rain and flood all over the country. The rivers rose and overflowed, and still the rain kept falling. At last the high hills alone could be discerned. The people became frightened and confused. On a neighboring hill, and apart from the main body of the Cheyenne, were a few thousand of their number, who were out of view, and had been cut off from the main body by the rising water. When the rains ceased and the water subsided the part who were cut off looked for their tribesmen, but they found no sign of them; and it has ever since been a question among the Cheyenne whether this band of people was drowned, or whether it became a distinct tribe. Long afterward the Cheyenne met a tribe who used many of their words, and to-day they believe that a part of their people are still living in the north. Nearly all the animals were either drowned or starved to death. The trees and fruit upon which the people had formerly subsisted were destroyed. A few large gray wolves escaped with them, for they had crossed with the tame dogs. The dogs were so large that they could carry a child several miles in a dav. After the flood had subsided the senses of

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. ' 39

the Cheyenne seemed to be awakened. They became strong in mind but weak in body, for now they had no game to subsist on. They lived on dried meat and mushrooms, which sustained them for a long time.

16.— THE ORIGIN OF THE BUFFALO AND OF CORN.

When the Cheyenne were still in the north they camped in a large circle. At the entrance of the camp-circle there was a deep spring of water rapidly flowing from out the hillside. They camped near this spring so that they might get their water easily. One bright day they were playing the game of ring and javelin in the center of the circle. The game consisted of a hoop painted red and black all over, and four throwing sticks which were to be thrown at the hoop when it was rolled. Two of the sticks were painted red, and two were painted black. The sticks were three or four feet long, and were tied together in pairs. The hoop was rolled along the ground, and as it rolled the red or the black sticks were thrown at it, and the contestants won accordingly as the black or red portion of the ring fell upon the black or red sticks as it stopped. The owner of the stick which matched the color of that portion of the ring that fell on it won. There was a large crowd of Cheyenne gathered in the middle of the camp, watching the game. As the players contested there came from the south side of the camp-circle a certain young man to witness the game. He stood outside of the crowd to look on. He wore a buffalo robe with the hair side turned out, his body was painted yellow, and a yellow painted eagle breath-feather stuck up on top of his head. Soon there came from the north side of the camp-circle another young man to see the game, and he was dressed exactly like the man who came from the south side. He also stood outside of the crowd, and opposite the first man, to view the game. When they saw each other they went inside the crowd and met face to face and asked each other questions. They were unacquainted with each other, and were surprised when they saw that they were dressed alike. The crowd stopped playing the game, and stood around to hear what the two young men said. The man from the south said to the man from the north, "My friend, you are imitating my manner of dress. Why do you do it?" Then the man from the north said, "Why do you imitate my manner of dress?" A last each told the other the reason for his manner of dress on that day. Each claimed to have entered the spring that flowed out from the hillside at the entrance to the camp-circle, where he had been instructed to dress

40 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

after this fashion. They then told the great crowd that they were going to enter the spring again, and that they would soon come out. The crowd watched them as they approached the spring. The man from the south side reached the spring, covered his head with his buffalo robe, and entered. The other young man did the same thing. They splashed the water as they went, and soon found themselves in a large cave. Near the entrance sat an old woman cooking some buffalo meat and com in two separate earthen pots. The woman wel- comed them thus: "Grandchildren, you have come. I have been ex- pecting you, and am cooking for you. Come and sit down beside me." They sat down, one on each side of her, and told her that their people were hungry, and that they had corrie to her for their relief. The woman gave them corn from one pot and meat from the other. They ate, and were filled, and when they were through the pots were as full as when they began. Then the old woman told the young men to look toward the south. They looked, and they saw the land to the south covered with buffalo. She then told them to look to the west. They looked, and saw all manner of animals, large and small, and there were ponies, but they knew nothing of ponies in those days, for they never had seen any. She then told them to look toward the north. They looked to the north, and saw everywhere growing corn. Then said the old woman to them, "All this that you have seen shall in the future be 3' ours for food. This night I cause the buffalo to be restored to you. When you leave this place the buffalo shall follow you, and you and your people shall see them coming from this place before sunset. Take in your robes this uncooked corn. Every spring-time plant it in low, moist ground, where it will grow. After it matures you will feed upon it. Take also this meat and corn which I have cooked, and when you have returned to your people, ask them all to sit down in the following order, to eat out of these two pots: first, all males, from the youngest to the oldest, with the exception of one orphan boy; second, all females, from the oldest to the youngest, with the exception of one orphan girl. When all are through eating, the contents of the pots are to be eaten by the orphan boy and the orphan girl."

The two young men went out and obeyed the old woman. When they passed out of the spring they saw that their entire bodies were painted red, and the breath-feathers of their heads were painted red instead of yellow. They went to their people, and they ate as directed of the corn and the meat, and there was enough for all; and the contents of the pots was not diminished until it came time for the two orphan children, who ate all the food. Toward sunset

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 41

the people went to their lodges and began watching the spring closely, and in a short time they saw a buffalo jump from the spring. It jumped and played and rolled, and then returned- to the spring. In a little while another buffalo jumped out, then another, and an- other, and finally they came out so fast that the Cheyenne were no longer able to count them. The buffalo continued to come out until dark, and all night and the following day the whole country out in the distance was covered with buffalo. The buffalo scented the great camp, for they left a long, narrow space where the wind went from the camp. The next day the Cheyenne surrounded the buffalo. Though they were on foot they ran very fast. For a time they had an abundance of buffalo meat. In the spring-time they moved their camp to low, swampy land, where they planted the corn they had received from the medicine spring. It grew rapidly, and every grain they planted brought forth strong stalks, and on each stalk grew from two to four ears of corn. The Cheyenne planted corn every year after this.

One spring, after the planting of their corn, the Cheyenne went on a buffalo hunt. When they had enough meat to dry to last them for a considerable time, they returned to their corn-fields. To their surprise they found that their corn had been stolen by a neighboring tribe. Nothing but the stalks remained, not even a kernel for seed; so it was a long time before the Cheyenne planted any more corn. They trailed the footprints of the enemy for several days from their fields, though the thieves had visited them about one moon before. They fought with two or three tribes of Indians, but could not trace the thieves, nor could they learn anything regarding the stolen corn.

17.— THE ORIGIN OF THE MEDICINE-ARROWS.

After the Cheyenne had received their corn, and while they were still in the north, a young man and young woman of the tribe were married. The young woman became pregnant, and carried her child four years in her womb. The people observed the woman with great interest to see what would happen to her. During the fourth year she brought forth a beautiful boy. The child's father and mother died before he was able to take care of himself, and so his grandmother, who lived alone, took care of him. The Cheyenne regarded the birth of the child as extraordinary, and they looked upon him as supernatural. Soon the boy walked and talked. As soon as the boy could walk he was given a buffalo calf robe to wear, and was shown how to wear it. He at once turned the hair side of

42 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

the robe out. At that time the medicine-men were the only ones who wore their robes in that way.

There were among the Cheyenne certain men of extraordinary intelHgence and superhuman powers. At certain times these great medicine-men would come together and put up a lodge, where they would sit in a large circle. They would chant and go through curious rituals. Each man would rise and by incantation perform before the crowd as no other man could perform. When the boy was about ten years old he desired to go and take part in one of the magic dances given by the great medicine-men. He insisted that his grandmother go to the chief of the medicine-men and gain for him admission to the dance. His grandmother told one of the medicine-men of the boy's desire, and so they let him enter the lodge. When the boy went into the lodge the chief said to him, "Where do you want to live?" (Where do you want to sit?) Without ceremony the boy took his seat beside the chief. He wore his robe, and had the man who brought him in paint his body red, with black rings around his face, and around each wrist and ankle. The performance began at one end of the circle. When the boy's turn to perform came he told the people what he was going to do. With sweet grass he burned incense. Through the incense he passed his buffalo sinew bow-string east, south, west, and north. Then he asked two men to assist him while he performed. First he had them tie his bow-string around his neck, then cover his body with his robe, then pull at the ends of the string. They pulled with all their might, but they could not move him. He told them to pull harder, and as they pulled at the string again his head was cut off and rolled from under his robe, and his body was left under the robe. They took his head and placed it under the robe with his body. Next they removed the robe, and there sat a very old man in place of the boy. They covered the old man with the robe, and when they removed the robe again, there was a pile of human bones with a skull. They spread the robe over the bones, and when it was removed there, was nothing there. Again they spread the robe, and when they removed it, there was the boy again.

After the magic dance the Cheyenne moved their camp and hunted buffalo. The wonderful boy and a crowd of other boys went out by themselves to hunt buffalo calves that might be returning to the place where they last saw their mothers. They saw five or six calves, one of which was a two-year-old. The wonderful boy asked the other boys to surround the calves so that he might kill the two- year-old. They chased the calves and killed the two-year-old with

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 43

their bows and arrows. The boys began to skin the buffalo calf with their bone knives. The wonderful boy told the other boys to skin it very carefully, for he wanted the skin for his robe. He told them to skin the whole head, and to leave the hoofs on. While they were skinning the calf they saw a man coming toward them, driving a dog team. The man had come to the killing-ground to gather what bones had been left. When the man saw the boys he went to them. This man was Young- Wolf, the head chief of the tribe. He said to the boys, "My children have favored me at last. I shall take charge of this whole buffalo. You boys can go off, for I have come. You cannot take this buffalo." All the boys stopped skinning except the wonderful boy, who told the chief that he wanted only the hide for his robe, and that the boys were dressing it under his directions. The chief pushed the wonderful boy aside, but the boy returned and began skinning again. The chief jerked the boy away, and threw him down. The boy returned and began skinning again, and pretended that he was going to skin one of the hind legs, but he cut the leg off at the knee instead, and left the hoof on. While the chief was skinning the calf the boy struck him on the back of the head with the buffalo leg, and instantly killed him. The chief fell to the ground dead. The boys ran to their camp and told the people what the wonderful boy had done, and it caused great excitement. All the warriors assembled and resolved to kill the wonderful boy. They went out and found the body of their chief, but the wonderful boy had already returned to the camp with the other boys, and he was in his grandmother's lodge.* The old wqman was cooking food for him in an earthen pot. Suddenly the old woman's tipi was raised completely by the warriors, who had returned from their hunt for the wonderful boy. The wonderful boy kicked over the cooking pot, and its contents went into the fire, and as the smoke rose the boy, by mysterious means, went up with it, and the warriors saw the old woman sitting there alone. As ^hey looked around they saw the boy walking off toward the east at a distance of about a quarter of a mile from them. The warriors pursued him, but could not approach nearer to him, so they gave up the chase. Four times they chased him without avail. Early one morning, while one of the young men was out hunting near their camp, he saw the won- derful boy down in a ravine, warming himself by a fire he had built. The young man returned to the camp at once, and notified the war- riors, who immediately went out and surrounded the ravine. They saw the fire, but the boy had turned into a wolf, and jumped over a high bluff and ran away, howling at the crowd. They began to be

44 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

afraid of him, for they could do nothing with him, but they still watched for him every day. One day they saw him appear on the top of a nearby hill. Every one's attention was attracted, and they went out to see him. He came to the top of the hill five times, and each time he was in a different dress. First he appeared in the Red Shield warrior's dress. He had a head-dress made out of buffalo skin; he had horns, a spear, a red shield, and two buffalo tails tied on each arm. The second time he appeared in the Coyote warrior's dress. His body was painted black and yellow, with two eagle feathers sticking up on his head. The third time he appeared in the Dog-Men warrior's dress. He had on a feathered head-dress, an eagle bone whistle, a rattle of buffalo hoof, and a bow and arrows. The fourth time he appeared in the dress of the Hoof -Rattle warriors. His body was painted, and he carried a rattle to sing by. also a spear about eight feet long, with a crook at one end, the end of the shaft being bent in semicircular form. The fifth time he appeared with his body painted white, and on his forehead he wore a white owl skin.

After his fifth appearance the wonderful boy disappeared en- tirely. No one knew where he went, and he was soon forgotten, and people thought him dead. He was gone four years. He traveled alone into the highest peaks of the mountains. As he drew near to a certain peak a door opened for him to enter. He passed through the door into the earth, and the opening closed after him. There he found men of all tribes, sitting around in a large circle. Each man represented a tribe, and had a bundle. There was one bundle present that was unaccompanied, and as the Cheyenne entered all welcomed him and pointed him to the unoccupied seat under the bundle that was wrapped in fox skin. Before taking this seat the head man explained to him what he would expect of his people if he took the seat under the bundle, which was going to be his to take back to his people. The head man told him that he would have to stay here under the earth with them for four years, receiving instructions; that he was to become the prophet and counsellor of the Cheyenne. As the Cheyenne followed his instructions and accepted the bundle all the men gave thanks to him. The Cheyenne sat down, and when his turn came to perform his bundle ceremony, they took down his bundle and went through the sacred ceremonies and sacred songs of his bundle, all in order. When they opened his bundle for him, there were four medicine-arrows, each arrow representing something. They gave the young man instructions concerning the order of the bundle ceremony, and sacred songs in order, prophecies, magic, and

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 45

material for warfare and hunting, to take back to his people at the end of his four years' stay-

After the Cheyenne had driven the wonderful boy from their camp the whole country was visited by a four years' famine. The people became weak, and were threatened with starvation. All animals died of starvation. The people ate herbs. One day, as they were traveling in search of food, five "children lingered behind in search of herbs and mushrooms. While they were eating them there appeared the wonderful young man who had been driven from the camp. The young man said, "My poor children, throw away those mushrooms. It is I who brought famine among you, for I was angry at your people, who drove me from their camp. I have returned to provide for you, so that you shall not hunger in the future. Go and gather for me some dried buffalo bones and I will feed you." The boys ran and gathered buffalo bones and brought them to him. The .^onderful boy made a few passes over them, and they. were turned into fresh meat, and he fed the children with fat, marrow, liver, and other parts of the buffalo. When they had eaten all they wanted he gave them fat and meat and told them to take it to their people and tell them that he, Motzeyouf, had returned, and that they should no longer hunger. The boys all ran to the camp that their parents had made in the mean time. By magic, how- ever, Motzeyouf reached the camp first. He entered the lodge of his uncle and lay down to rest, for he was tired. His uncle was sitting outside his lodge with his wife, and they did not see Motzeyouf enter. When the Cheyenne heard from the boys what had happened, they became excited. All went to the lodge where Motzeyouf was. They came to Motzeyouf's uncle and began to question him, but his uncle knew nothing of what they said. His uncle's wife went into the lodge to get *a pipe, and she saw Motzeyouf lying there, covered with a buffalo robe. She saw that his robe, shirt, leggins, and moccasins were painted red. She ran out of the lodge and told the men that some one was in there. The men guessed that it was Motzeyouf, and they went inside. The uncle asked the strange man to sit up, and then all cried over him. The men observed that Motzeyouf had a bundle with him, and, knowing that he had power, they asked him what they should do. He told them to camp in a circle, and have a large tipi put up in the center of the circle. He called all the medicine-men to bring their rattles and pipes to him. He went to the tipi that was prepared for the ceremony, and performed the ceremony and sang the sacred songs, as he had been instructed. When he came to the part relating to

46 FiKi.D Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

the fourth arrow, and its song, it was night, and the buffalo had returned. The buffalo came like the roar of thunder, and it frightened the Cheyenne. They went to Motzeyouf and asked him what to do. He said, "Go and sleep, for the buffalo, your food, has returned to you." The buffalo continued to roar like thunder as long as Mot- zeyouf sang. The next morning the land was covered with buffalo, and the people went out and killed all they wanted. From that time forth the Cheyenne had plenty to eat and great power, owing to the power of the medicine-arrows.

According to the account of Wolf-chief and his ancestors, the medicine-arrows are from eighteen to twenty generations old. Mot- zeyouf brought them from the earth.

i8.— THE ORIGIN OF THE SUN-DANCE.

The great Medicine-Dance of the Cheyenne is a devout worship of the Great Medicine, creator of the universe, ruler of the whole earth and the heavens, in whose honor are performed, with great reverence; the rites attendant upon a vow to him. From time im- memorial the Cheyenne have performed this great ceremony in honor of the Great Medicine. The great Medicine-lodge proper is the true symbol of the ancient world, and to this day is so considered by the old-time Half-Cheyenne (Sutayo), a people distinct and separate from the Medicine-Arrow Cheyenne, who were the originators of the dance. This dance represents the creation by the Great Medicine and the Roaring Thunder of the Above, who is the great chief of the air and the winds ; it represents the creation of the ancient animal and vegetable worlds, the earth and all that is on it, the water and its creatures, the blue sky, the sun, moon, stars, the clouds, the winds, the thunder, rain, hail, and the rainbow. The great Med- icine-Dance was performed only in times of pestilence or famine or great need; for the Great Medicine promised the ancient Cheyenne that he would replenish the earth and bless the people abundantly if they would accurately perform the ceremony as he had given it to them.

In the beginning the Great Medicine, the Dark Clouds, and the Roaring Thunder revealed this ceremony to Erect-Horns, a medicine- man who came forth from out the top of a high mountain peak in the far north. There was famine in all of the northland. Vegetation withered, the animals starved, the land became barren and dry, and the ancient Cheyenne were on the verge of starvation, for they had no food but dried vegetation and their dogs of burden. They left

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March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 47

the country and went farther north in search of food. See PI. XII. At evening, when it was nearly dark, they made their camp by a beautiful stream. The several leaders of the tribe went to the side of the line and sat down in a semi-circle to watch the tribe as it marched on towards the stream. As they sat watching the old men, the women, the children, and the dog teams go by, one of the chiefs ordered the men to go in pairs to certain women whom they admired, and to beg food of them. As the men formed in pairs the chiefs called out to the women to pay attention to the men who were approaching them. One of the men who begged to be fed was a young med- icine-man. When his turn came to beg for something to eat he went alone to a .beautiful woman whom he admired, and had selected. See PL XIII. She was the wife of the chief of the tribe. The woman was pleased with him, and she gave him something to eat. While she stood waiting for him to finish eating the medicine- man told the woman to make ready in haste, for he had chosen her for a special purpose, and wanted her to go with him to the far north. He told her to take her dogs and camp outfit, for they would be gone about forty days. The woman consented, and they- slipped away without any one seeing them go.

A day and a night and a day the medicine-man traveled with the woman, whose five dogs carried the tipi poles and the camping para- phernalia. The second night they rested. The medicine-man directed the woman to erect the tipi so that it would face the east, and to make two sage brush beds. Then he told her that he had received a message from the Great Medicine of the Above that he should go and bring to his people the great Medicine-Lodge, the Great Medicine's symbol of the ancient world, with the promise that, if the people would receive the ceremony, buffalo and all other animals would make their ap- pearance, all vegetation would be renewed, and there would be an end to famine. The next morning they continued their journey, and in the evening they pitched their tipi. Thus they journeyed for several days. One day the woman said to the medicine-man, "Why have you eloped with me? I have yet to receive your atten- tion." The medicine-man replied, "The medicine-spirits require your presence with me in order that I may fulfil one of the require- ments of the great Medicine-Dance of the ancients, that is, to per- petuate the race through woman. You must be patient until our return, when I will bestow my affection upon you; but this must not happen before we enter the mountain to which we are going." Again they journeyed for several days, until they saw before them a forest, from whose midst there arose a mountain to the sky; beyond they

48 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

saw great waters. See PL XIV. On a beautiful morning they came to a large rock in front of the mountain. They rolled the rock aside, and found a passage, which they entered. When they had entered the rock rolled back in its place and closed them in. They were in the great lodge of the mountain. The spectacle was won- derful. To-day the lodge is arranged in the same way. There the medicine-man and the woman received ceremonial instruction from the great Medicine, and from the Roaring Thunder, who talked to them from out the top of the mountain peak. See PI. XV. For four days the great Medicine taught them, and thus he spoke; "From henceforth, by following my teachings, you and your children shall be blessed abundantly; follow my instructions accurately, and then, when you go forth from this mountain, all of the heavenly bodies will move. The Roaring Thunder will awaken them, the sun, moon, stars, and the rain will bring forth fruits of all kinds, all the animals will come forth behind you from this mountain, and they will follow you home. Take this horned cap to wear when you per- form the ceremony that I have given you, and you will control the buffalo and all other animals. Put the cap on as you go from here and the earth will bless you."

The medicine-man and the woman came forth from the moun- tain, and as they stepped out the whole earth seemed to become new, and there came forth buffalo that followed them. See PI. XVI. As they marched on, preceded by their dogs, the other animals moved along behind them, and they watched the man and the woman continually from the rear. When they camped at night the animals lay down to rest. In the morning the medicine-man put on his horned cap, and sang the sacred songs taught him while in the moun- tain, and then he began the journey home, and the animals followed. For many days they traveled, until the medicine-man knew that they were near the camp of his people, who were still by the beautiful stream. Then he halted, took his horned cap from his head, and all the animals halted. In the morning he went to the camp of his people, and told them that he had returned with the bufifalo, so that they should no longer suffer from hunger. He at once ordered that the great Medicine-Lodge dance should be performed, exactly as it was taught him in the mountain. When the Cheyenne saw the medicine-man wearing the horned cap, they namfed him "Erect- Horns," for when he wore the cap the horns stood erect.

The tribe has preserved the cap to this day, just as the great medicine-arrows are preserved by the original Medicine-Arrow Cheyenne, and the man who takes the vow to give the dance wears

PL. XIV. THEY DISCOVER THE SACRED MOUNTAIN.

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ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XVII.

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March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 49

the cap. All the men who have heretofore pledged and performed the great Medicine-Lodge dance since the time of Erect-Horns have been leaders of other medicine-dances, and such medicine-men may become leaders in several dances in succession.

There are two distinct bands of the Cheyenne, the old-time North- ern Cheyenne, whose symbol is the great Medicine-Dance brought by Erect-Horns. See PI. XVII. Their language is somewhat differ- ent from that of the other Cheyenne, with whom they once warred. The other band is the original Medicine- Arrow Cheyenne, whose emblem was the great Medicine- Arrows brought by Motzeyouf (Standing-Medicine), the great Medicine-Arrow Prophet. Standing- Medicine and Erect-Horns are regarded as messengers from the Great Medicine and the Roaring Thunder, because of their wonderful powers and gifts; and they are both represented in the great Med- icine-Lodge. Of the two forks of the great center-pole of the Med- icine-Lodge, one represents the Medicine-Arrow Prophet, or Standing- Medicine, and the other Erect-Horns, the great Medicine-Lodge dancer.

. At a certain time in the progress of the Medicine-Dance, the med- icine-men direct the children to go and get mud and fashion it into the form of buffalo two or three inches in height. Those children who go after the mud return and sit outside the front of the lodge and make images of buffalo, elk, deer, antelope, and birds, in pairs. When they have completed the images, they are directed by the medicine-men to bring them into the lodge and place them around the base of the center fork. Thus they represent the buflfalo and other animals that the Medicine-Arrow Prophet and Erect-Horns brought with them from the earth. This the Cheyenne do at every medicine-dance, hoping that, as in ancient times, the buffalo will come during the performance of the dance. Long ago, after the disappearance of the two great medicine-men, the medicine-men would sing the songs that were taught them by Erect-Horns during the ceremony, and by the charm of the songs all the animals would appear, running up to see the lodge.

There was a time when the Cheyenne captured human beings and tied them to the center-pole as a sacrifice, in order that the tribe might be blessed and might procure favor.

III. CONCLUSION.

In presenting a resume of the more important points contained in the foregoing pages, we may first examine the myths, with the special idea of seeing how far they account for the rites of the cere- monies. The first myth, called the Origin of the Cheyenne, is in reality not an origin myth at all; for not only is the origin of any- thing not explained, but there is no statement of the facts of begin- nings. The myth rather may be termed a tale of migration, and as such presents nothing which may be held to bear directly upon the social organization. One point in the tale, however, is worth noting, namely, that which relates to the belief in a hairy race of men who lived in the Southwest in the caves and cliffs. Such refer- ences are rather common in the plains mythology. One other inter- esting fact may be noted in this tale, namely, the distinction implied between medicine-men as physicians or healers, and medicine-men as wonder-workers or magicians; a distinction which the Cheyenne still maintain.

In the second myth presented, also entitled an origin myth, the scene of the early Cheyenne is again laid in the Far North, across a body of water. Being hard pressed by an overwhelming body of the enemy, they are led out of their difficulties by a medicine-man who makes use of the gaming wheel. Their movement is directed by fire, which precedes them until they come to a body of water, whereupon the medicine-man makes a dry path and leads them south into a country of abundant game. At this time the tribe was physically strong, but weak minded. The country was infested with the usual monsters. While continuing southward they were over- taken by a flood, part of the tribe being cut off and supposed to exist still in the North. It is impossible from the tale itself 'to asso- ciate the culture hero with Motzeyouf, or Standing-Medicine, but it is not unreasonable to suppose that he was the same.

In the next tale, which explains the origin of the buffalo and corn, we have presumably the same tale as that which is sometimes told to explain the origin of the Sun-Dance lodge. Two young men, dressed alike, encounter each other at a wheel and javelin game. They compare notes and find that each has visited a spring that

50

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 51

flows from the hillside near by, where each has received instructions. Then they entered the spring together and encountered the mythical grandmother, who gave the magic food which they took to their people, and that night the buffalo came forth from the mountain.

In the next tale, which relates the origin of the medicine-arrows, we have an account of the culture hero, who at an early age mani- fested extraordinary powers as a medicine-man of the wonder- working type. Continuing, the tale relates how he slew a mean chief, fled to his grandmother's lodge and made his escape in the vapor arising from an overturned vessel over the fire. He was pursued, four times transformed himself into a wolf, and later reappeared at the camp on five different occasions, each time dressed in a different costume and his body differently painted. Thus he laid the founda- tion of the five warrior societies. He then disappeared for a period of four years, during which time he visited a high mountain peak, was admitted to the lodge in its center and there, during the four years, obtained instruction. At the end he was given a bundle containing the sacred arrows and received full instructions concern- ing the arrow ceremony. He returned to his tribe, which in the mean time was slowly starving, and performed the medicine-arrow cere- mony, which caused the buffalo to appear. This culture hero, called "Standing-Medicine, or Standing Sweet-Grass (Motzeyouf), is also referred to in No. 2 of this series, in the account of the medicine- harrow ceremony. There, as here, he is culture hero of a tale which has a fairly wide distributio'n over the plains,, and is often entitled The Poor Boy and the Mean Chief. After slaying the mean chief in a fit of anger, he goes to a mountain and returns with four arrows. He then organizes the tribe, placing the guardians of the arrows first, then the medicine-men, the chiefs, and finally the warriors. These he organizes into five distinct societies. He was hot only an organ- izer, but a prophet, and foretold many things.

The last myth, entitled The Origin of the Sun-Dance, relates to a culture hero having many elements in common with Standing- Medicine. This culture hero belonged to the so-called Half-Cheyenne, or Sutayo band, and later came to be known as Erect-Horns. The scene of the tale is in the North, where famine prevails. The tribe is camped in a circle. Being commanded by the chief to perform a ceremony in pairs, one of the men — the culture hero — selects the wife of the chief of the tribe, and with her he sets out on a forty - day journey. During this time they fast and finally arrive at a forest in the midst of which is a lofty mountain. They enter the mountain by means of a door, and find that the interior resembles

52 Field Columbian Museum — Anthrofology, Vol. IX.

a Sun-Dance lodge. There for four days they receive instructions from the Great Medicine, and a buffalo cap is given them, which they are to wear during the ceremony. As they leave the mountain the earth seems reanimated, and buffalo follow them. They return to their tribe, who are starving, perform the Sun-Dance ceremony, and the buffalo appear.

Thus it appears that the tales collectively furnish us an account of two culture heroes, or one culture hero with two names, who left the camp, visited a mountain, witnessed a ceremony, obtained a bundle, returned to the camp and performed a ceremony as it had been witnessed, with the result that the tribe was rescued from famine at that particular time and was furnished means for warding off famine and their enemies in the future. There is no word of explanation as to why the ceremony was given or how it was origi- nated in the true sense of the word. Standing-Medicine and Erect- Horns simply bring to the people a special medicine, in the form of a ceremony which they had witnessed and in which they had been instructed by supernatural beings.

From a consideration of the myths, or the ritualistic side, we turn to consider the organization, as we find it with its attending cere- monies and rites. In the first section we have a brief account of the journey of Standing-Medicine, with a description of the arrows, two of which are known as "man-arrows" and two as "buffalo- arrows," so-called from their efficacy in calling buffalo, or in destroy- ing enemies. Then follows a necessarily incomplete description of the medicine-arrow ceremony, which may be summarized as follows:

First Day. The pledger, or one who has vowed to make the ceremony, erects his tipi in the center of the camp circle. To this tipi offerings or sacrifices are made. The warrior societies decide upon the place to erect the medicine- arrow lodge proper. The medicine-men now occupy this tipi, while the warrior societies police the camp.

Second Day. The pledger, with three men, removes the offer- ings from the sacrifice tipi to the medicine-arrow lodge. They then go to the tipi of the keeper of the medicine-arrow bundle and bring the bundle to the medicine-arrow lodge. The bundle is opened, and should they require it, the assistant arrow-keepers prepare the arrows.

Third Day. Tally sticks are provided, each representing a Chey- ^ enne family ; incense is burned during the entire day in the medicine- arrow lodge. The medicine-men throughout the camp devote their time to renovating and preparing their individual medicines.

March, 1905. The Cheyenxe — Dorsey. 53

Fourth Day. The bundle of sacred arrows is taken by the assistant arrow-keepers and attached to a pole which is erected in front of the medicine-arrow lodge. The presents or offerings are brought out and laid by the pole. The arrows may now be inspected by every male of whatsoever age in the tribe. As they are inspected, addi- tional offerings are made. After the inspection the warriors raze the medicine-arrow lodge and re-erect it over the present site of the bundle, and it is now called the prophet's lodge. The medicine- arrows are now returned to the arrow-keeper. On the night of this day all the medicine-men, including the pledger, or prophet, as he is now called, enter the prophet's lodge and sing the traditional songs, after which the prophet prophesies. At about three o'clock in the morning the lodge is uncovered, the keeper and medicine- men return to the site of the tipi erected on the first day, and known as the sacrifice tipi, where a sweat lodge has been erected. During the sweat bath they chant four times and remove their paint, and the ceremony is at an end.

Sections 2, 3 and 4 of this memoir relate to the duties of the keeper and the assistant keepers of the medicine-arrows and of the medicine- men and their relation to the keeper of the arrows.

The next section is devoted to the chiefs and describes the cere- monies and rites attendant upon the election of new chiefs. The camp circle is formed. A bundle, known as the chief's bundle, is opened by the medicine-arrow keepers, and forty tally sticks, known as the chief's sticks, are erected. The chiefs select five men, one from each of the important Cheyenne bands. These men are brought to the lodge and seated in a certain position, a chief's stick being placed in front of each new member. Then the old chiefs in a body bring in the other thirty -five men whom they have selected as new chiefs, the medicine-men erecting a stick in front of each one. All are now seated and the chiefs' pipe is smoked. Then one of the four assistant arrow-keepers addresses the newly appointed chiefs on their duties and instructs them, and appoints four of the number of the retiring chiefs, generally medicine-men, to serve as advisors. These advisors are also the medicine-arrow keepers, and are so selected that one represents a magic-working medicine-man, the second a pledger of the arrow ceremony, or prophet, the third a Sun- Dance priest, and the fourth a pledger of the buffalo ceremony.

The remainder of this memoir, except the last section, is devoted to the warrior societies. These in general are similar to the societies of the Arapaho, but are different from the Arapaho in certain fea- tures. Thus, they are not graduated in rank as are the Arapaho,

54 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

but a member of any age may become a member of any one of the societies. Each society is controlled by a chief and seven assistants. Each society has certain paints, costumes, songs, and characteristic dances. Four of the societies admit four maidens to their lodge; these, as a rule, are daughters of chiefs. The first society is known as the Red Shield Warriors, the name being derived from the fact that each carries a large red shield of buffalo hide, so cut as to retain the tail of the buffalo in the form of a pendant. From the fact that they wore a head-dress of the scalp of the buffalo they are some- times called the Buffalo Warriors. The belt of their costume is suggestive of the Arapaho Lance or Clubboard Society. The lance which they carry, however, is suggestive of the weapon used by the Arapaho Tomahawk Society.

Second in order is the Hoof -rattle, or Dew-claw society, so called because each warrior carried a rattle in the form of a shaft, with dew-claw pendants. The general emblem of the society was an elk horn musical instrument, shaped in the form of a snake. This was held over a piece of rawhide, which acted as a resonator, and the noise to accompany the songs and dancing was produced by drawing over it a deer's scapula. The nearest approach to this society among the Arapaho is the Tomahawk.

. The Coyote society, or Coyote Warriors, derive their narrie from the fact that the members imitate the coyote and that the emblem of the society is a coyote skin. This society may be compared with the Star or Kit-Fox of the Arapaho.

The Dog-men society is said to be the largest among the Cheyenne, and includes in its number half of the males of the tribe. Formerly they controlled the entire tribe. They, like the Arapaho Dog-soldiers, wear scarfs which trail to the ground and represent degrees. Also, like the Arapaho society of the same name, they wear whistles hung about their necks and use rattles with porcupine quills and dew-claw pendants. In the account of the origin of the society it is related how the society was formed with the assistance of the dogs of the camp.

The fifth society is known as the Inverted, or Bow-string warriors. It is peculiar in the fact that it has no chief and there are no degrees. It is, strictly speaking, a warrior society, and the members are sup- posed to be always ready for war. The emblem of the society is a peculiarly constructed bow-spear. The characteristic features of the society are similar to those of the Lime Crazy society of the Arapaho, inasmuch as their speech and action reverse the usual order. Another point of similarity is to be noted in their head-dress.

March, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 55

The last society, said to have originated within recent times, was founded by Owl-man, and is known as the Wolf society. In the mythological account of this society it is related how Owl-man was rescued from perishing of cold by wolves, who took him to their lodge and gave him the ceremony. Each warrior carries a spear and wears a cape made of wolf-skin.

The last section of Part I. is devoted to the Sun-Dance. Inas- much as this subject is to receive special treatment in the second number of this volume, comment is deferred until that tirhe.

Field Columbian Museum

Publication 103

Anthropological Series Vol. IX, No. 2

THE CHEYENNE

BY

George A. Dorsey

Curator, Department of Anthropology

II. THE SUN DANCE

Chicago, U. S. A.

May, 1905

THE SUN DANCE

By George A. Dorsey

I

CONTENTS.

Page

Introductory note ....._..-. xiii

PART I.— GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.

Name of the ceremony --------- ^y

The vow ------------ 57

Interval between the vow and the ceremony ----- 58

Time and duration of the ceremony - - - - - - - 59

The assemblage and formation of the camp-circle - - - - 61

The participants ---------- 62

Synopsis of the ceremony by days ------ 5^

PART II.— THE CEREMONY.

Preliminary days ------.--. 66

July eighth ---------- 66

July ninth ----------- 66

July tenth ---------- 66

The First Day ----------- 67

The Warriors '-tipi --------- 67

The Priests'-tipi ---------- 68

Selection of chief priest ------- 68

The Second Day ---------- 69

The morning feast --------- 69

The Lodge-maker invites the priests - - - - - - 70

The Cheyenne and Arapaho social dance - - - - - 70

The office of Crier --------- yj

The Lone-tipi ---------- 72

The barren earth --------- 72

Assembling of the Lone-tipi priests ----- ^^

The pipe tamper and cleaner - - - - - - - 73

The first earth --------- y^

Smoking the red pipe -------- y^

Filling the sacred pipe ------- y^

Painting the sacred pipe -------- 78

The second earth -------- ^^

Painting the Crier --------- 80

The announcement -------- 81

Sacrifice of food and the feast ------- 82

Events outside the Lone-tipi ------- 82

The Spy for the center-pole - - - - - - - 82

Selecting the site of the lodge ------ 83

vi Contents

Page

The Third Day ----------- 83

Secret rites outside the Lone-tipi ------ 84

Wolf-Face selects the center- pole tree, 1901 - - - - 84

The priests search for a larger earth ----- 84

The third earth --------- 85

The return to the Lone-tipi ------- 87

Secret rites in the Lone-tipi - - - - -- - 88

The fourth earth --------- 89

The sacrifice and feast -------- 89

Spy for the center-pole chosen ------ go

Smoking the red pipe -------- qo

The buffalo skull - - - - 91

The fifth earth --------- 91

The Rehearsal --------- 92

The Fourth Day ---------- q2

Secret rites in the Lone-tipi ------- ^2

The Lodge-maker's robe .-.---- g^

The feast and preparation of the priests. ----- g^

The woman's belt --------- 94

The Lodge-maker's head-dress ------ gj

The woman's skirt --------- 95

The Lodge-maker's whistle ------- 96

Preparing the buffalo skull ------- q6

The center-pole image -------- 97

The drum-stick rattles -------- 98

Filling the sacred pipe -------- 98

Painting the sacred pipe - - - - - - - 100

The earth-peg and fire -spoon - - - - - - loi

The noonday feast -------- 102

The enemy arrow -------- 102

Painting the earth-peg - - - - - - - - 103

The arrow and the earth-peg ------ 104

Painting the Lodge-maker and his wife - - - - - 104

The priests prepare to leave the Lone-tipi - - - - 106

The Lone-tipi is abandoned - - - - - - - 107

Public rites of the forenoon - - - - - - - 108

Counting coup at the site of the center-pole - - - - 108

Timbers for the Sun Dance lodge . - - - . 109

The Lodge-maker invites the warrior societies - - - - no

The center-pole - - - - - - - - - iii

The hole for the center-pole - - - - - - - 112

The completion of the Sun Dance lodge - - - - - 113

Painting the lodge poles - - - - - - - 114

The fork of the center-pole - - - - - - - 116

Raising the center-pole - - - - - - - 118

The completion of the lodge - - - - - - - 12c

The priests enter the lodge - - - - - - - 120

Contents vii

Page

Evening rites in the Sun Dance lodge - - - - - - 121

Rehearsal and informal smoking -- - - - - 121

The dedication of the lodge - - - - - - - 122

Preparation ---------- 124

The dancers assemble - - - - - - - - 124

Filling the sacred pipe - - - - - - - 125

Thurification - - - - - - - - - 126

First songs - - - - - - - - - 126

Second songs - - - - - - - - - 126

The rawhide parflesh - - - - - - - - 127

Third songs - - - - - - - - - 127

Hand and arm drill - - - - - - - - 127

Fourth songs - - - - - - - - - 127

Fifth songs - - - - - - - - - 128

Sixth songs - - - - - - - - - 129

Seventh and eighth songs - - - - - - 129

The Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker's wife - - - - - 130

The beginning of the dance - - - - - - -131

The Fifth Day ----------- 132

The erection of the altar - - - - - - - - 132

The excavation - - - - - - - - - 133

Preparation of the altar sticks ------ 1^4

Securing the sods - - - - - - - - - 135

The semi-circle and altar foliage ----- 140

The dry sand painting - - - - - - - - 142

The rainbow sticks -------- 144

The men sticks - - - - - - - - - 145

Filling the sacred pipe - - - - - - - 147

The dancers are painted, first paint - - - - - - 147

The feast and sacrifice of food - - - - - - 149

Piercing the children's ears - -- - - - - 150

Final preparation of the dancers - - - - - - 151

Thurifying the rawhide - - - - - - - - 152

The first dance - - - - - - - - - 152

The second paint - - - - - - - - - 154

The Sixth Day ---------- 156

The sunrise dance - - - - - - - - - - iS7

The third paint - - - - - - - - - i57

The fourth paint ---------- 160

The fifth paint --------- 161

The Chief Priest dances with the Lodge-maker - - - - 161

The final dance ---------- 162

Breaking the fast - - - - - - - - - 163

Smoking the sacred pipe -------- 164

The sweat bath - --------- 165

The fate of the Sun Dance lodge ------ 166

viii Contents

PART 111.— PAINTS WORN BY THE DANCERS.

Page

Paints worn by the Lodge-maker's wife - - - - - - 167

Paints worn by the Lodge-maker - - - - - - - 168

Prescribed or regular paints -------- 169

1. The Yellow paint - - - - - - - - - 169

2. The Pink paint --------- j^o

3. The White or Hail paint - - - - - - - 170

a. The green-White paint ------- 170

b. The white-White paint - - - - - - - 171

4. The Black, Cyclone, or Dragon-Fly paint - - - - 172 a. The green-Black paint - - - - - - - 172

c. The white-Black paint - - - - - - - 173

Special paints worn in 1903 - - - - - - - - 173

Paints worn by the Arapaho - - - - - - - 174

PART IV.— TORTURE.

Ancient forms of torture - - - - - - - - - 175

The torture incidents of 1 903 - - - - - - - 177

PART v.— CONCLUSION.

Plate

XVIII.

XIX.

XX.

XXI.

XXII.

XXIII.

XXIV.

XXV.

XXVI.

XXVII.

XXVIII.

XXIX.

XXX.

XXXI.

XXXII.

XXXIII.

XXXIV.

XXXV.

XXXVI.

XXXVII.

XXXVIII.

XXXIX.

XL.

XLI.

XLII.

XLIII.

XLIV.

XLV.

XLVI.

XLVII.

XLVIII.

XLIX.

L.

LI.

LII.

LIII. LIV.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

The Lodge-maker, on the Fourth day

The camp-circle ------

Sun Dance priests -----

Arrival of bands at the camp-circle - - -

Cheyenne and Arapaho social dance Cheyenne and Arapaho social dance - - -

The Lone-tipi ------

Filling the sacred pipe - - - . -

Preparing the fire-spoon and earth-peg Priests abandoning the Lone-tipi - - -

Leaders of societies in ceremonial attire Counting coup at site of center-pole Warrior societies parading - - - -

Bringing in the timbers for the lodge The Lodge-maker inviting the societies Building the Sun Dance lodge - - -

Building the Sun Dance lodge - - -

Painting the lodge poles - - - -

Painting the lodge poles . - . . The earth-peg and the Thunder- Bird's nest Raising the center-pole - - - -

Raising the center-pole - - - -

The priests entering the Sun Dance lodge The bed of the Lodge-maker's wife Priests making the excavation . - - Priests going after the altar sod - . .

The priest preparing the hands of Sage-Woman Priests inserting the altar foliage - - -

The altar -------

The grandfathers painting the dancers

A costumed dancer -----

Women bringing food for the feast

Fig. a. Woman bringing bed into the lodge

Fig. b. The Lodge-maker offering food -

Thurifying the rawhide . - - -

Fig. a. Priest folding the rawhide - - -

Fig. b. Lodge-maker with fire-spoon -

Fig. c. Lodge-maker carrying the rawhide

Scenes inside the lodge . - - -

Fig. a. Exchanging presents . - .

Fig. b. Chief announcing a present

Fig. c. Old chief and wife making love -

Line of dancers at noon, last day

General view of the Sun Dance lodge

134,

Page

57 62

63 66 67

[OI

[08 [09 [09 10 : 10

15 >5 17 19 19 :2i

24 ^33 135 135 [40 146 [48 [49 [49 t49 tSo 52 52 152 :52 o7 ^57 t57 '57 t6o 160

Illustrations

Plate

LV.

LVI.

LVII.

LVIII.

LIX.

LX.

LXI.

LXII.

LXIII.

LXIV.

LXV.

LXVI.

LXVII.

LXVIII.

Lodge-maker's wife, first paint Lodge-maker's wife, second paint Lodge-maker's wife, fourth and fifth paints Lodge-maker, second paint The Yellow^ paint ----- The Pink paint - - . .

The green-White or Hail paint The white- White or Hail paint The green-Black or Cyclone paint - The white-Black or Cyclone paint Special paint -----

Special paint ----- Special paint -----

First paint of the Arapaho Second paint of the Arapaho - - -

Third and fourth paints of the Arapaho Sun Dance torture, to center pole . - -

Torture by means of skulls attached to back Torture by skewers in cheeks - . - -

Torture, fulfilling a dream - - . -

Ancient tribal torture marks - - - -

Torture incident of 1903 - - - - .

Fig. a. Fig. b. Fig. a. Fig. b. Fig. a. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. a. Fig. b. Fig. a. Fig. b. Fig. a. Fig. b.

Figure

9- 10. 1 1.

12.

13- 14.

15- 16.

17- 18. 19.

20.

21. 22.

23- 24- 25- 26.

27-

The Lodge-maker, 1901

Section of the camp-circle - - . -

Section of the camp-circle, 1901

Arrival of a band at the camp-circle

Parade of the Dew-claw Rattle society -

The Warriors '-tipi ------

The Lodge-maker inviting priests

Social dance -------

Spectators at social dance - - - -

War-bonnets exposed to the sun - . .

Women removing Warriors '-tipi - - -

The cleared earth in the Lone-tipi - - -

A priest on his way to the Lone-tipi Diagram of Lone-tipi - - - . -

Sacred pipe ------

Lone-tipi priest smoking sacred pipe

Chief Priest preparing to form the earth

The Chief Priest preparing Lodge-maker's hands

The pipe-tampers and new earth - - -

The Lodge-maker taking up the sacred bundle

The Lone-tipi priests in line . - -

Chief Priest assisting the Lodge-maker

Diagram of Lodge-maker's robe - - -

Cedar-Tree preparing the woman's belt

The buffalo skull -----

The buflfalo-skuU altar in the Lone-tipi

The rawhide human eflfigy - - - -

Page 167 167 168 168 169 169 171

171 172 172 173 173 174 174 174 174 176 176 176 177 177 179

S8 60 61 61 67 68 70 71 71 71 72

72 73 75 76

85 8S 86

87 87 87 88

94 95 97 97 98

Illustrations

XI

Figure 28.

Filling the sacred pipe - - - . -

Picking up the bowl of the sacred pipe - Painting the sacred pipe - - - - -

Painting the sacred pipe . - . -

The fire-spoon ------

The earth-peg ------

The Lodge-maker, in ceremonial costume The Lodge-maker's wife in ceremonial costume The Lodge-maker's wife carrying buflfalo skull - The priests abandoning the Lone-tipi Lodge-maker's wife depositing the buflfalo skull The Lone-tipi priests -----

The Lodge-maker at end of line of priests Women with head-dresses and lances of willow A warrior society en route to the timber Preparing the timbers for the lodge Erecting the lodge ------

The chiefs bringing in the center-pole Digging the hole for the center-pole Spectators making offerings - - -

Making an oflfering to the buflfalo skull Priests smoking oflfering pipes Painting the center-pole - - - - -

Placing the brush in the fork of the center-pole Making oflferings to the fork of the center-pole Lodge-maker's wife picking up the pipe Raising the center-pole - - - - -

Completing the Sun Dance lodge

The Lodge-maker's wife carrying the skull

The priests entering the Sun Dance lodge, 1901

Musicians within the Sun Dance lodge

The chiefs selecting leaders - - - -

Diagram of lodge - - - - -

Priests decorticating altar sticks - - -

Priests leaving the lodge for the sods The Lodge-maker's wife and Sage- Woman Diagram of sods ------

Priest outlining sods -----

The fifth piece of sod - - - . -

Sage- Woman and the Lodge-maker's wife The Lodge-maker's wife placing the sods - Diagram of position of sods and skull Priests making the semi-circle of earth Chief Priest directing the Lodge-maker Lodge-maker's wife picking up the digging stick Lodge-maker's wife with the altar foliage Lodge-maker's wife completing altar foliage Preparing the dry-sand picture Preparing the rainbow sticks - - - -

Inserting the rainbow sticks - . .

Page

99 99

[OO [OI [OI [02

[06 [O7 [O7 [08 [08

to8

[09

10

: I 2 12 13 13 14 15 17

19

19

20

20

21

23

25

'34

35

'36

136

'37 ^37

38 '38 '39

39 [40 [41

141 [42

'43 '44

145

xii Illustrations

Figure ♦ Page

78. Decorticating the men sticks ------- 145

79. Attaching downy feathers to the altar sticks - - - - 146

80. A dancer receiving his paint - - - - - - - 147

81. Priest repainting the Lodge-maker's robe - - - - i^g

82. The bed in the lodge - - - - - - - - 149

83. Women removing the bed from the lodge - - - - 150

84. A dancer sacrificing food - - - - - - - - 150

85. Costumed dancers, 1901 ------- j^i

86. Costumed dancer - - - - - - - - - 152

87. Dancers whistling toward the center-pole, 1901 - - - j^^

88. Dancers washing off the paint - - - - - - 153

89. Dancers washing off the paint ------ 1^4

90. Arapaho dancer taking up willow pole - - - - - 154

91. Pipes carried by the Arapaho dancers - - - - - 155

92. Arapaho dancers in line -------- 156

93. Lodge-maker sacrificing to the altar ----- 158

94. Woman removing bed from the lodge - - - - - 159

95. Diagram of lodge showing positions of sage - - - - 160

96. Chief Priest wearing gifts of blankets - - - - - 161

97. Chief Priest dancing by side of Lodge-maker - - - 161

98. Chief Priest and Lodge-maker dancing by center-pole - - 162

99. Altar, after partial destruction by Lodge-maker - - - 162 100. Final dance, line facing the east - - - - - - 162

loi. Final dance, led by Chief Priest ------ 163

102. The emetic ---------- 164

103. The abandoned lodge -------- 165

104. Dancers wearing the white Cyclone paint - - - - 173

105. Diagram showing method of attaching torture thongs - - 179

106. Individual with thongs attached to back - - - - - 179

107. Dragging buffalo skulls attached to back - - - - 179

108. Priest removing the skewers - - - - - - - 180

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

This account of the Cheyenne Sun Dance is the second of a series of reports resulting from a study of the Sun Dance of the Plains tribes, that of the Arapaho having been the first. The method of treatment of the ceremony under consideration follows somewhat closely that of my account of the Arapaho ceremony.*

I first witnessed the Cheyenne Sun Dance in 1901, at which time it was held on the north fork of the Washita River, a few miles from Watanga. The second Sun Dance which I witnessed, in 1903, was held a few miles east of Eagle City, also on the north fork of the Washita. The Sun Dance held in 1902 near the town of Calumet I did not witness. The ceremony was not pledged for the year 1904, and it is possible that it will never again be pledged, owing to the unwarranted and unjust notoriety given the ceremony of 1903 by false reports concerning certain events of the ceremony, made by John H. Segar, United States Indian Agent, of Colony, Oklahoma, to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.

During the performance of 1901 I was given authority by a council of chiefs to witness all the rites of the ceremony, and I remained throughout this performance, using De Forest Antelope as inter- preter and Bushy-Head, a well-known medicine-man from the King- fisher district, as chief informant. At that time my knowledge of the Cheyenne was slight; it was impossible, therefore, for me to make close observations of the rites in the Lone-tipi. I spent the greater part of the three preliminary days of the ceremony in obtaining from Bushy-Head such information as to the meaning of the cere- mony as he could furnish. The ceremony of 1901 was unsatisfactory from the facts that the rites of the Lone-tipi were much hurried and that the number of dancers was small, and the ceremony came to an abrupt end.

The ceremony of 1903 was, from the point of view of the Indians themselves, entirely satisfactory; for, although the United States Agent at Cantonment had made the foolish threat that he would stop the ceremony by calling out the troops, yet the assurance given them that they had a legal right to their ceremony and that no one could lawfully interfere with a religious performance caused them to feel at ease and the priests and dancers entered into the

*Cf. The Arapaho Sun Dance, Field Columbian Museum, Anthropological Series, Vol. IV.

xiv P'lELD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ceremony with enthusiasm. In connection with neither the first nor second ceremony was there any disturbance by either spectators or by the Indians themselves; in fact, it would be difficult to conceive of a gathering of white people, even for religious purposes, of such large numbers, conducting themselves in a more orderly manner. The true spirit of the ceremony of 1903 was especially heightened by the fact that the Indians restricted the number of white spec- tators, and the ceremony was therefore largely devoid of the element of a spectacle for pay, such as is characteristic at times of certain large Indian gatherings of this nature.

By the time of the ceremony of 1903 I was much better acquainted with the leading men of the tribe and was given every facility for observing the rites of the ceremony, both secret and public, under very favorable circumstances. My interpreter at this time was Richard Davis, who proved competent, and who manifested great interest and enthusiasm in his work. The priests of the Lone-tipi, at their first session and at my request, appointed one of their num- ber, a well-known chief and Sun Dance priest, by the name of Roman- Nose-Warrior, who should devote his time to me. This arrangement proved quite satisfactory, and to the interest manifested by him and to his effort that I misunderstand no detail of the ceremony, I am greatly indebted. Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of Ethnology, was also present at this ceremony, and he improved the opportunity for obtaining information from the chiefs for use in certain inves- tigations which he was conducting for this Institution.

All the photographs herewith produced, except a few made by Mr. Carpenter, the photographer of this museum, or by Mr. Mooney, were made by myself during the ceremony. When not otherwise indicated, it will be understood that the illustrations are from photo- graphs made by me in 1903.

The narrative part of this account will follow the ceremony of 1903, which was far more complete than that of 1901, and which was studied in greater detail. Where the 1901 ceremony differed materially from that of 1903 it will be noted.

George A. Dorsey.

May I. 1905.

;> »

/It/

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XVIII.

^/

PL. XVIII. The Lodge-maker, on the Fourth Day.

PART I.— GENERAL OBSERVATIONS.

Before considering the detailed rites of the ceremony as they are enacted during the successive days that constitute the performance it is necessary to explain briefly certain preliminary events connected with the ceremony, such as its name, time, duration, etc.

NAME OF THE CEREMONY.

The name given by the Cheyenne to the Sun Dance is the New- Life-lodge. According to the interpretation of the priest, the name means not only the lodge of new life, or lodge of new birth, but it is also the new life itself. The performance of the ceremony is sup- posed to re-create, to re-form, to re-animate the earth, vegetation, animal life, etc. ; hence it would not be inappropriate to speak of the Sun Dance as the ceremony of rebirth or of the renaissance. Addi- tional information as to the significance of the name of the ceremony may be found in the following remarks made by a priest in answer to a question as to the meaning of the word: "Formerly this dance represented only the creation of the earth. The Cheyenne grew care- less and combined other things with the ceremony. At the time of the Lone-tipi, though everything is barren, the earth is beginning to grow. Now it has grown. Thus they make the earth, buffalo wal- low, grease, wool, and sinew to make growth. By the time of the end of the lodge things have grown, people have become happy; the world has reached its full growth, and people rejoice. When they use the bone whistle they are happy like the eagle, which is typical of all birds and of all happiness."

THE VOW.

The Sun Dance of the Cheyenne, like that of the Arapaho, but unlike that of the Siouan tribes, is the direct result of a vow or pledge made by a single individual. The ceremony of 1903 was pledged by an individual by the name of Little-Hawk (see PI. XVIII.), whose wife is one of the medicine-women of the tribe. It seems that shortly after the ceremony of 1902 Little-Hawk's child was taken suddenly and violently ill, and at that time he vowed that he would, on the fol- lowing year, give the ceremony.

The ceremony of 1901 was the direct result of a vow made by

57

S8 FiKi.D Coi.UMiiiAN Museum — ANTHRoroLocY, Vol. IX.

the wife of Pappai (see Fig. i), who, during a thunderstorm, saw a bolt of lightning coming directly toward her.

It appears that vows for the preservation of the life of a member of the pledger's family is now the chief reason for the pledge, and this prob- ably has been the most fre- quent occasion of the vow in the past. Other reasons, how- ever, are assigned as causes for making the vow. Thus it is said, for example, that when men have been hard pressed while on the war-path, and it seemed not possible for them to escape the enemy, they have vowed to give the ceremony should they be permitted to escape. Again, it is said that on certain occasions men have been out in a storm and it seemed as if the light- ning were about to strike them, and in fact, so it is believed, the lightning would have struck them had they not instantly pledged the ceremony.

A man may pledge the ceremony more than cnce. It is said of one individual that he made the lodge four times. Tall-Man, the Chief Priest in 1901, made the ceremony three times.

The name given to the pledger is "reproducer," or "multiplier"; for through him the tribe is supposed to be reborn and to increase, and, as the name of the ceremony itself applies, through his act all nature is supposed to reproduce her kind.

Fig. I. The Lodge-maker, 1901.

INTERVAL BETWEEN THE VOW AND THE CEREMONY.

Shortly after making the vow, Little-Hawk asked the members of the warrior society to which he belonged, the Dew-clan Rattle, to assemble at his lodge, for they were to prepare the feast. On this occasion he appeared before them with his face and hands painted red, the painting having been done by a medicine-man. Thereafter he would continue to wear red paint until the last day of the ceremony, although the time might be ten or twelve months or even longer.

After the warriors were gathered in the lodge he presented to the head man of the society a pipe which was passed about the circle

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 59

and smoked. He then formally asked* them to dance with him and assist him in the ceremony. At this time Little-Hawk's fellow- warriors made him many presents, such as ponies, moccasins, blan- kets, calico, and money.

It is the custom that should it not, for any reason, be proper for the wife of the Pledger to take part in the Sun Dance, he should at this time, with the advice of the men of his society, appoint a woman to take her place.

After this meeting Little-Hawk went from place to place visiting the different camps in his district and the camps of the other districts, informing all that he encountered that he had made the pledge, and inviting them to participate in the ceremony.

Later in the year Little-Hawk again made a feast and invited the members of his own society, at which meeting they conferred and decided on a time and place for the ceremony. After the meeting he continued gathering presents to help him defray the expenses of the ceremony, and he gave his special attention to the securing of certain objects which would be required in the ceremony, such as paints, the sacred pipe, feathers, rattles, jerked meat, medicinal roots, buffalo robe, buffalo skull, etc. In this the members of his society assisted him.

During the time between the making of the vow and the cere- mony, the Pledger and his wife discontinue relationship as man and wife, for should they have connection, one or both of them would die. A similar fate would follow in case either proved untrue and com- mitted adultery. During this time, also, no one of the tribe may pass in front of either the Pledger or his wife, either within or out of doors; for should this happen one or both of them would die, and the person who committed the offense would meet with misfortune.

TIME AND DURATION OF THE CEREMONY.

As among the Arapaho, I have been unable to find that any one of the summer months among the Cheyenne is peculiarly appropriate for the Sun Dance. It may not be held, however, until the grass has reached its full growth and the willows and cottonwoods are in full leaf. It is more than possible that formerly the time of the beginning of the dance was regulated by the phase of the moon. All the cere- monies of which I have record were held either in July or August, the majority of them in July.

*The reason of this request is that the dancers, in the Cheyenne ceremony, participate, not because they also have vowed to dance, but because they belong to the warrior society of the one who has pledged the ceremony.

6o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

As already noted, the occasion of the ceremony is a vow or pledge; consequently, should no vow or pledge have been made, there would be no Sun Dance. The ceremony is not, therefore, necessarily annual, as it is, so far as I have been able to ascertain, among the Ponca and the other tribes of the Sioux. With but a single excep- tion, it is said the ceremony has never been held more than once in a single year. On this occasion an epidemic in the tribe was respon- sible for a second performance, which took place with only a single day intervening between it and the first performance, the same camp-circle being used for both.

As pointed out in another place, the duration of the ceremony varies to a slight extent. I have found a considerable amount of discrepancy among the priests themselves as to what actually consti- tutes the first day; but it is easy to establish the fact that the day on which the altar is erected is at least the fourth day, possibly the fifth. This is the first day of the fasting and on this day the first paint is worn by the dancers. The duration of the ceremony beyond this day depends entirely upon the number of days which the Chief Priest fasted when he himself was Lodge-maker. It is said that there is no Sun Dance priest now living who, as Lodge-maker, fasted four days. Two Cheyenne who recently died are said to have fasted four days. Of these Maple-Tree was reputed to have lived to the age of 1 08 years and Black-Man to the age of 98 years. The most common period of fasting is two days, this being the duration of the fasting in both 1 90 1 and 1903. It seems, therefore, that originally the dura- tion of the ceremony, should the so-called altar day be regarded as

the fourth day, was eight days. It should be noted, however, that in consider- ing the altar day as the fourth day, this omits in the reckoning both the erec- tion of the Warriors'-tipi and the formation of the camp- circle. The majority of my informants are inclined to re- gard the altar day as the fourth day, and the ceremony therefore would vary from five to eight days' duration, ac- cording to the number of fasting or dancing days.

■^jiiirym»:i»'^^f^saif\

Fig. 2. Section of the camp-circle.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

61

THE ASSEMBLAGE AND FORMATION OF THE CAMP-CIRCLE.

Formerly when the agent was not insisting that they assemble promptly, hurry through their ceremony, and return to their homes, much time was consumed in the formation of the camp-circle. In the formation of the circle in 1903, however, less haste was shown than in that of 1901. On July 8th the first band arrived, consisting chiefly of the Dog-men Warriors. They pitched their tipis in the plain on the right bank of the river, which had been selected as the site of the ceremony. (See Figs. 2 and 3.)

Formerly it was customary for the bands as they arrived to pitch their tipis without reference to the camp-circle ; for as yet it was assumed that the circle had not been definitely marked out. This task fell to the members of the warrior society of the Pledger who, when they had erected their tipis and had laid out the circle and placed their tipis in the proper place in the circle, were supposed to go out and drive the remainder of the tribe into the camp. When the entire tribe had appeared and a tipi known as the "War- riors'-tipi" had been selected, the camp-circle was formed.

On the following day addi- tional bands arrived, chiefly from the Kingfisher and Dar- lington districts (see Fig. 4), and the circle was marked out. On July loth additional bands arrived,

and the circle was fairly

well filled, there being a

sufficient number of each

band present to give the

circle the appearance of

I ' ■' completeness.

I * The camp-circle was

f .. more than a mile in diam-

fc •• eter, with an open space

f - '"- - \ or entrance on the eastern

Fig. 4. Arrival of a band at the camp-circle. side, probably a quarter

Fig. 3. Section of the camp-circle, iqoi.

'>^ Mi)fii$itt m^i

62 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

of a mile wide. The camp-circle must always be located on the south bank of a river; it is symbolic of the circle of stars overhead, which is often called the camp-circle. It is also likened to a big tipi with its entrance facing east, and bearing the same name as the door of the tipi.

Unlike the Arapaho, tribal divisions prevail among the Chey- enne, and their camp-circle is in conformity to this system. The following (see PI. XIX.) is a list of the divisions in order, beginning with the first and most important, that on the south side nearest the opening, the last named occupying the northeastern section of the circle nearest the opening and opposite the first division:

1. Aorta.

2. Arrow-men.

3. Ridge-men.

4. Outlaw.

5. Poor.

6. Sutayo.

7. Hive.

8. Prominent Jaws.

9. Ute.

10. Cheyenne Sioux.

1 1 . Grasshoppers. '

12. Eaters.

13. Young-White- Wolf.

This list, with the relative positions of the divisions, as shown on the diagram, has been prepared after much inquiry and the sifting of conflicting testimony. The list does not agree with that of Mooney or Grinnell ; it is quite possible that no two lists made to-day by different investigators would agree.

THE PARTICIPANTS.

Foremost among the active participants of the dance is the one who made the vow, heretofore spoken of in these pages as the Pledger, and who hereafter will be called the "Lodge-maker." He corresponds to the mythical Erect-Horns. Second only in the rank to the Lodge-maker is his female associate, generally, though not always, his wife. As will be seen, both in the account of the cere- mony itself and in the myth of the origin of the ceremony, it is entirely proper to take as associate for the ceremony the wife of another man. The Lodge-maker is present during the whole, and his wife most of the time of the secret rites in the sacred lodge, but

61

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PL. XIX. The Camp-circle.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XIX.

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2-6-11 AREAMCIENT. 13-12-11-10-9-6-5-2 ARE CHEYENME PROPER OR DOC SOLDIER BAMD. 1-5-8-9-10-12-13 WERE FORM- ED SINCE 75 YEARS AOO. 3-4-7 AND RE- MAINDER OF MAIR ROPE MEN OR SOUTH- ERN CHEYENNE5 FORMED SINCE 1653.

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Pl. XX. Sun Dance Priests.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 63

he is not considered a Sun Dance priest until the end of the second night of these rites.

The Chief Priest of the ceremony, known as the one who "Shows- How," and who represents the spirit who taught the ceremony to Erect-Horns within the cave, is selected, as already noted, by mem- bers of the warrior society of the Lodge-maker. He may not be related by marriage, for reasons which will appear, to the Lodge- maker, though he may be related by blood. He must have been Pledger of a ceremony one or more times.

The chief point considered by the warrior society in choosing the Chief Priest is the confidence which they have in their ability, and that of the Lodge-maker, to fast. Thus, should they believe themselves able to fast four days, they select as Chief Priest a former Lodge- maker who fasted for that time. Should they believe that they could fast for three days only, they would choose one who when Lodge-maker had fasted for that length of time.

The remaining participants in the rites of the sacred lodge were those who had pledged the ceremony in former times and who, therefore, may be properly called "Sun Dance priests." These indi- viduals also, along with the Lodge-maker, are known as "Reani- mators." (See PI. XX.)

The individuals who dance during the public performance in the ceremony are the members of the warrior society of the Lodge- maker. Others may dance and fast if they desire. In the dance of 1903, several individuals participated in the ceremony by fasting and dancing who were not members of the Lodge-maker's society; among the number were two Arapaho. In recent times it is not obligatory upon the members of the Lodge-maker's society to fast. In former times, however, they participated by fasting and dancing, or suffered the possible loss of their horses and the destruction of their tipi. The list of the participants so far as recorded is here presented for the two ceremonies witnessed.

P.-^RTICIPANTS.

1903. 1901.

Little-Hawk. Lodge-maker. Pappai.

Blue. Chief Priest. Tall-Man.

Porcupine, Sioux. Assistant Chief Priest. Red-Cloud.

Bull-Tongue. Crier.

64 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

Priests.

Big-Baby.

Black-Man.

Red-Cloud.

Good-Bear.

Roman-Nose.

Mud-Man.

Lone-Wolf.

Deafy.

Good-Man.

Three-Fingers.

Medicine-Bundle .

Dew-Claw Rattle.

Society participating.

Cedar-Tree.

Blow- Away.

Turtle.

Red-Wolf.

Big-Baby.

Black-Horse.

Blue.

Good-Man.

Porcupine-Sioux.

Little-Snake.

Cedar-Tree.

Omaha.

SYNOPSIS OF THE CEREMONY BY DAYS.

In order that the description of events of the ceremony may be more easily followed, there is presented here a summary state- ment or list of events in the order in which they occurred on each day's performance in the 1903 ceremony.

First Day. It was assumed that the camp-circle had been formed and was complete, and that a certain tipi belonging to a member of the society of the Lodge-maker had been selected as the one which would be used as the secret lodge of preparation for the next three days. There was nothing to distinguish this tipi from the other tipis in the circle, either in character or position. On the morning of this day it is designated as the Warriors'-tipi. All who had been Lodge-makers in previous years repaired to this tipi, along with the Lodge-maker and his wife, and the tipi is now known as the Priests' -tipi.

Second Day. Early in the morning the priests feasted. The Lodge-maker invited the assistance of all former priests, and the Crier was appointed. Then the tipi was carried a distance of fifty steps into the circle from the inner line of the camp. It is now known as the "Lone-tipi." The following rites were then enacted: After the "barren ground" had been made, the priests assembled to the number of about fifteen. The first "earth" was made; the sacred pipe was filled; the second "earth" was made; the Crier was painted and left the tipi and made the announcement. Outside the Lone- tipi arrangements were made for spying the center-pole, and the site of the Sun Dance lodge was determined.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 65

Third Day. The Lone-tipi priests ceremonially traveled over the "earth" outside the Lone-tipi, engaged in smoking, and made the third "earth"; returning to the Lone-tipi they made the fourth "earth," feasted and sacrificed food. The buffalo skull was carried into the tipi, and the fifth "earth" was made. The musicians re- hearsed Sun Dance songs during the night.

Fourth Day. The secret rites in the Lone-tipi comprised the preparation and painting of the paraphernalia of the Lodge-maker and his wife, and the preparation and painting of materials to be used in the construction of the altar, such as the buffalo skull, the center-pole image, the drum-stick rattles, the earth-peg, and the fire-spoon. The sacred pipe was filled. By the middle of the after- noon the priests were ready to abandon the Lone-tipi. Outside the Lone-tipi during the fore part of the day the warrior societies counted coup on the site of the center-pole. The timbers, includ- ing the center- fork, were brought to the center of the camp-circle and the Sun Dance lodge had been partially completed. The priests now abandoned the Lone-tipi and united with the warrior societies in completing the erection of the Sun Dance lodge, this act being preceded by the painting of certain poles and the placing of certain objects in the fork of the center-pole. In the evening the Sun Dance lodge was formally dedicated by the chiefs and warrior societies, after which the dancers assembled, the sacred songs were sung, and dancers performed the so-called "hand and arm drill." The con- clusion of the day was marked by the beginning of the dance proper, preceded by interesting rites enacted outside the lodge by the Chief Priest, the wife of the Lodge-maker, and other priests.

Fifth Day. The construction of the altar occupied the fore- noon and included several rites, such as the measuring and excava- tion of the earth in front of the buffalo skull, the journey after the sods of earth for the semi-circle, the making of the dry sand picture, and the manufacture and erection of the men and rainbow sticks and the foliage. The final act in the construction of the altar was the filling of the sacred pipe. At noon was the formal feast of the grand- fathers or priests, provided by the relatives of the dancers, and the sacrifice of food. The dancers were painted and properly costumed, the rawhide was incensed, and there followed the first dance with the first paint. Later in the day followed the second dance and second paint, with similar accompanying rites.

Sixth Day. Three distinct paints were crowded together on this day, each one of which should have occupied an entire day. The rites accompanying each one of these paints were similar to those

66 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

enumerated for the first paint of the fifth day. At daybreak there was a sunrise dance, the day proper being occupied by the third, fourth, and fifth paints. At sundown occurred the dance and the rites to the medicine-spirits of the four directions; this marked the conclusion of the dance proper. The dancers removed their paint, went to their respective homes, and broke the fast; the Lodge-maker and his wife and certain priests smoked the sacred pipe, broke the fast; and the Lodge-maker and his wife, in company with the Chief Priest and his wife, took a sweat bath, all the other dancers and priests indulging in the same rite of purification.

PART II.— THE CEREMONY.

PRELIMINARY DAYS.

Formerly a considerable amount of leeway was given the mem- bers of the tribe in assembling at the site of the ceremony, and it was not until all the members of the tribe were present, either of their own free will or through force, and it was not until after a certain tipi, designated as the Warrior-tipi, had been entered by the Sun Dance priests and Lodge-maker, that the ceremony could be said to have begun.

JULY EIGHTH.

As a matter of record it may be noted that in 1903 the first bands, the majority being members of the Dog-men organization, made their appearance at the camp site on July 8th.

JULY NINTH.

On July 9th bands from Darlington and Kingfisher arrived. As they arrived in their wagons, carrying their cooking utensils, tipi and tipi furniture, they drove around the camp-circle sunwise fashion, singing as they went, and being cheered in turn by those already on the site. (See PI. XXI.)

JULY TENTH.

On July loth the large band from Washita appeared, and, like the others, made the circuit of the circle, cheering and shouting.

On the evening of this day the Dew-claw Rattle society, that is, the warrior society of the Lodge-maker, informally asked Three- Fingers, one of their number, to be on the lookout for a cottonwood- tree which would be suitable for the center-pole of the Sun Dance

ic

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PL. XXI. Arrival of Bands at the Camp-circle.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXI

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXII.

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PL. XXII. Cheyenne and Arapaho Social Dance.

^9A«A aWA aWH3Y3Hr

^wr

May, 1905.

The Chevexxe — Dorsey.

67

lodge. Then, according to a prearranged plan, and in accordance with the wishes of the Lodge-maker, Blue was selected as Chief Priest ; he formally gave his consent by accepting the pipe which was carried to him. Later that evening there was a parade of this society, the mem- bers preced- ingthe chiefs by a consid- erablespace. (See Fig. 5.)

Fig. 5. Parade of the Dew-claw Rattle society.

During the time of the parade those families who had suffered the loss of one of their number during the preceding year, stood out in front of their lodge and mourned. The object of the parade was to make manifest to the members of the tribe their willingness and eagerness to assist their fellow-member in the forth- coming ceremony. Another object, but secondary, was that, through their singing, as they made the journey about the camp-circle, they would enlist the sympathy of the members of the tribe and receive contributions which would go toward defraying the expenses of the ceremony .

On the afternoon of this day a large band of young men erected a temporary shelter on the east side of the camp-circle. They danced social dances, alternating with bands of Arapaho, who, as a tribe, always attend the Cheyenne ceremony. (See PI. XXIL)

THE FIRST DAY.

I

THE WARRlORS"-TIPl.

According to the time-honored program of the ceremony, it is assumed that on the morning of this day the formal rites should be preceded by the selection, by the warrior society of the Lodge-maker, of a tipi of one of their own number, in which they should meet, and which is known as the Warriors'-tipi. A little later this tipi is sup- posed to be lifted from the ground by women, wives of the society members, there being one for each tipi pole, and moved forward a short distance toward the spot which has been chosen as the center of the circle.

68 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

THE PRIESTS'-TIPI.

The inner edge of the tipi, after it has been thus moved, becomes the inner boundary line of the camp-circle, and this tipi, first known as the Warriors '-tipi, is now designated as the Priests'-tipi.

Selection of Chief Priest.

According to custom the Lodge-maker's society should now have met in this tipi for the purpose of selecting with appropriate rites a Chief Priest, and a woman to act with the Lodge-maker, if for any reason whatsoever it be deemed impossible or improper for his wife to serve in this capacity. This formality had been gone through on the preceding day, and Blue had been chosen to act as the Chief Priest.

From this statement of events as they are supposed to take place, we turn to the actual occurrences of this day.

As a matter of fact, the circle had been well marked out by the Dog-men on their arrival on July 8th, three days previous to what has been called the First Day, and the bands, immediately upon

Fig. 6. The Warriors'-tipi.

I

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 69

their arrival, pitched their tipis in conformity with the plan laid out, so that it was not necessary to move the tipis. Furthermore, the tipi to be designated as the Warriors'-tipi had already been selected, and was left standing where it had been erected originally, at the edge of the circle. (See Fig. 6.)

Early in the morning, Three-Fingers, as he had been directed on the preceding day, went out on horseback to select, without formality, a center-pole. At the same time the Dew-claw Rattle society again paraded the camp-circle, as on the previous night. After the parade the society met in the tipi of Black-Bear, a member of the Bow-string society. I was not present at this meeting, but was told that after they had all entered, one of the four girls belong- ing to the organization took part in the meeting and at the feast food was offered her first. Nothing of importance took place at this meeting.

On this day in 1901 the Lodge-maker went a second time to the Lodge-maker of the preceding Sun Dance to obtain the secret bundle containing the sacred pipe and the buffalo chip, as on his first visit he did not have sufficient funds to secure it. This bundle is always kept by the Lodge-maker until the time of the next ceremony, when, on the payment of a considerable sum, he transmits it to the new benefactor of the tribe. Should the bundle be lost it would not be possible, the Cheyenne say, to have another ceremony.

THE SECOND DAY.

On that day the Priests'-tipi is supposed to be moved within the camp-circle, where certain preliminary rites are to be performed; it is henceforth known as the Lone-tipi, or rehearsal tipi, and is from this time on supposed to be sacred. No one may pass in front of it, for if he did he would become blind. No menstruating woman may pass by the tipi on the windward side ; to do so would cause her own death and the occupants of the tipi would be poisoned. The meaning of the name given the tipi of secret rites is Tipi-by-itself. Another name is Tipi-from-which-the-Rebirth-lodge-comes. It is also given the name of the morning-star and is said to be symbolic of the hill from which, according to the myth, the buffalo came.

THE MORNING FEAST.

Early on that day the Dew-claw Rattle society, together with the Lodge-maker, assembled in the tipi of the daughter of Brave-Bear, she being a member of the Dew-claw organization. There a feast was provided, after which the members went to their respective tipis.

70 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

THE LODGE-MAKER INVITES THE PRIEST.

Toward noon the Lodge-maker, in his own tipi, painted himself from head to foot with red paint, wrapped a buffalo robe about his body, and taking a pipe in his hand made the circuit of the camp- circle four times. He entered the circle on the west side and directed his course toward the north, continuing his journey by way of the east, south, and west, completing his journey again at the west after

Fig. 7. The Lodge-maker inviting priests.

he had circled the camp four times. (See Fig. 7.) As he made his journey he entered the tipi of each man who had ever pledged the Sun Dance, even entering the tipis of the families where a former member had been a Lodge-maker. On entering the tipi he said, "My friend, I have come after you"; this constituted an invitation on the part of the Lodge-maker to the former priest to take part in the forthcoming ceremony, and at the same time was a notifica- tion that the Priests'-tipi was ready.

THE CHEYENNE AND ARAPAHO SOCIAL DANCE.

In the mean time, certain Cheyenne and Arapaho from Washita were holding a dance of a social nature, called the Omaha dance,

1'

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXIII.

^^^m^m^y^^ymy^^iimamfiM

70

PL. XXIII. Cheyenne and Arapaho Social Dance.

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May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

71

which was made the occasion for the display of good feehng and the exchange of a large number of presents. (See PI. XXIII. and Figs. 8, 9, 10.)

THE OFFICE OF CRIER.

^:>V^.

'A I

■r^..f..iM^—— BaamianBWi

Fig. 8. Social dance.

After the Lodge-m aker

had completed the circuit he went to the Priests'-tipi, still covered with red paint and wearing his buffalo robe. There were then present in the tipi the Lodge-maker, Porcupine Sioux, and Blue, who had already been

Fig. 9. Spectators at social dance.

Fig. 10. War-bonnets exposed to sun.

notified that he was desired to act as Chief Priest. A young man by the name of Bull-Tongue entered the tipi and made a present to the Lodge- maker, and asked that he be permitted to act as crier during the ceremony.* After informal smoking the three returned to their tipis.

*This privilege is gained only at this and similar performances, and the privilege of appoint- ing a crier or conveying the right to act as crier rests with the Lodge-maker. With his acceptance of Bull-Tongue's present he may serve as crier in any ceremony; it will, however, be necessary for him to serve as crier on three additional Sun Dances before he is recognized as crier for the

7 2 Field Columiuan ]^Iuseum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

THE LONE-TIPl. Shortly after the event just noted several women, wives of mem- bers of the Dew-claw Rattle society, went to the Priests'-tipi. They

at once loosened the tipi pegs and each one grasped one of the poles and in unison they lifted the tipi and carried it forward (see Fig. ii) about twenty yards within the camp-circle toward the cen- ter. Here they rested the poles on the ground, re- adjusted the tipi covering, and made it fast by means of pegs. (PI. XXIV.) All left for their tipis, except the wife of the Lodge-maker, who, with Bull-Tongue, the newly ap- pointed Crier and a Lodge- maker on a former occasion, entered the Lone-tipi.

Fig. II. Women removing Warriors'-tipi.

The Barren Earth. The Lodge-maker's wife carried a hoe, and she was instructed by Bull-Tongue how she should clear the grass and stubble from the inside of the tipi. (See Fig. 12.) She cleared away the grass, exposing the bare earth, in a circular space within the tipi. Around the border of the tipi to a breadth of about three feet the grass was allowed to remain. Upon the grass she spread fresh sage and over the sage blankets for the priests to sit upon when in the tipi. Fig. 12. The cleared earth in the Lone-tipi.

tribe. Thus he becomes a tribal benefactor and has much influence; and his opinions are held in great respect.

)2.'

PL. XXIV. The Lone-tipi. (Carpenter.)

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

73

The Assembling of the Lone-Tipi Priest.

Shortly after this, and still early in the afternoon, the Lodge- maker left his tipi and went to the Lone-tipi, where he was joined by several former Sun Dance priests. (See Fig. 13.) Among those first arriving were Blue, the Chief Priest, and Bull-Tongue, who had already purchased the office of Crier. They began to smoke informally, and in the mean time other priests entered the tipi. There were then present, sitting in a circle about the tipi, and begin- ning at the side east of the door, the following: Bull-Tongue, Lone- Wolf, the Lodge-maker, the Chief Priest, Porcupine Sioux, who had been selected by Blue as assistant Chief Priest, Mud-Man, Red-Cloud, Black-Man, Deafy, Cedar-Tree, Good-Bear, Blow-Away, Little- Hawk, and Turtle-following-his- Wife. The Lodge-maker, the Chief Priest, and the assistant Chief Priest sat at the east side of the tipi, and had the cleared space in front of and on the west of them.

Fig. 13.

A priest on his way to the Lone-tipi.

The Pipe Tamper and Cleaner.

While the priests were smoking informally the assistant Chief Priest took up the dog- wood sticks, which had been brought into the tipi by Little-Hawk, decorticated them, cut them of equal length, and fashioned them into pipe tampers. When he had concluded, he placed them on the cleared space by the side of the sacred bundle, which had been brought into the tipi by the Lodge-maker. Presently, at the suggestion of the Chief Priest, the Lodge-maker plucked from his buffalo robe several bits of wool, which he passed to the assistant Chief Priest. The Lodge-maker passed in front of the assistant Chief Priest and knelt down in front of the Chief Priest, closed his eyes, turned away his head, and extended the palms of his hands in front of the face of the Chief Priest. The Chief Priest touched his finger to the ground, put it to his tongue, took a

74 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

bite of root and spat* in the palms of the Lodge-maker's hands five times, first at the southeast, then at the southwest, the northwest, the northeast, and in the center. The Lodge-maker rubbed his hands together and passed them down over his head and body.

This peculiar rite, of "medicine" nature, bears the same name as the traditional prophet who gave the medicine arrows, or tribal medicine, to the Cheyenne. It is called "throwing-it-at-him," and is symbolic of the Chief Priest throwing or bestowing upon the Lodge- maker the world and growth, and hence long life. The rite is also said to represent all the growth of the earth which is sweet, and hence the Lodge-maker is said to have received the "sweet-medicine." The touching of the ground by the Priest expresses the desire that the earth should bring forth water. In ejecting spittle five times recognition is made of the four medicine spirits or living worlds and of the sun. In the performance of this rite the recipient always turns away his head in order that none of the spittle may strike his face, or, especially, get into his eyes, as this, it is believed, would cause blindness.

"With the aid of and under the direction of the Chief Priest, the Lodge-maker took up one of the two dog-wood sticks, or tampers, and wound the buffalo wool around the smaller end of it. This stick was now symbolic of the buffalo, and consequently of people who live on buffalo meat. In using the tampers the plain stick is first put on the earth, or first used; then the stick with the buffalo wool. This wrapped stick is not so much a tamper as it is a cleaner to clean or purify the pipe or person, so that the buffalo will nourish the body.f

The First E.arth.

The pipe, of ordinary shape and red in color, which the Lodge- maker had brought with him into the tipi, was placed on the cleared space in front of himself and the assistant Chief Priest, the bowl of the pipe projecting toward the center of the space. The two pipe tampers were laid parallel to the pipe and on the side of the cleared space toward the center. The Lodge-maker knelt by the side of the Chief Priest, who with his right hand grasped the right hand of the Lodge-maker and caused his outstretched thumb to be directed four times toward the ground just beyond the two pipe tampers, and then four times to the center. Then, holding his hand in the

*By this term, as in the Arapaho cermony, it must be understod that the amount of spittle ejected upon his hands was almost infinitesimal, the act being performed by the tongue thrust slightly forward between the lips.

tNew pipe cleaners, it may here be noted, will be made with each new earth, for they cannot carry the earth away to another place, nor the earth's growth, nor as a consequence the sticks.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

75

same way, the Chief Priest caused the Lodge-maker's thumb to describe a small circle just above the ground.* He then caused the Lodge-maker's thumb to touch the ground and rub the earth in a circular motion, thus smoothing a space about an inch in diam- eter. The Chief Priest enlarged this little circle to about twice its size, and thus was formed the first, or new life "earth," which marks the beginning of vegetation. This "earth," the first one made, is said to be small because not much is known of it. Its proper size is said to be the length of the thumb to the longest finger. The thumb is used in the rite because it is the strongest finger.

Smoking the Red Pipe.

Bull-Tongue left the lodge and returned in a few minutes with a shovel of live coals, one of which he placed in the center of the cleared space. The posi- tion of the chief partici- pants in the tipi at this time and their relation to the pipe, etc., may be seen from the accompanying diagram (see Fig. 14). The Chief Priest leaned forward and picked up the pipe and lit it from the coal. After the pipe was thoroughly lighted he directed the point of the stem toward the diminu- tive circle of earth. He passed the pipe to the Lodge-maker, who also directed the point of the stem to the "earth" and then smoked while Bull-Tongue emptied the remaining coals from the shovel in the center, where the first coal had been deposited. The pipe was passed around the circle, each one directing its stem toward the earth before beginning to smoke.

After all had smoked, the pipe was passed back unsmoked around the circle to the Chief Priest, who directed the stem to the earth. He removed the stem from the bowl, and taking up the plain tamper, loosened the ashes and deposited them in the center of the earth.

*It is assumed that in making the first four passes, one was made for each of the cardinal points, or medicine spirits, beginning with the southeast; the next four passes to the center was for the sun and the circular motion was for all spirits.

Fig. 14. Diagram of Lone-tipi.

76 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Next he cleansed the pipe with the tamper wrapped with buffalo wool. He inserted the stem, pointed the stem toward the earth, and passed each hand twice down the stem, touching the ground with the hand each time. He touched his finger to the ground, took a bite of root, and spat upon the hands of the Lodge-maker five times, as before, whereupon the Lodge-maker grasped the pipe held by the Chief Priest and four times simulated receiving the pipe, taking it from him the fifth time. He applied his lips to the empty pipe four times and deposited it in front of him on the cleared space. The Chief Priest then took up the pipe and filled it without ceremony, tamping the tobacco down with the plain tamper, and put the pipe back in its place.

Filling the Sacred Pipe.

After a few moments' pause the Chief Priest touched his finger to the ground, took a bite of root, and spat five times in the hands of the assistant Chief Priest. The latter now reversed the pipe so that the stem pointed toward the west (heretofore it had been pointed toward the east), and placed it in front of the sacred bundle, hitherto lying west of the pipe, and which had been brought into the lodge by Little-Hawk, the Lodge-maker, while the priests were assembling.* The assistant Chief Priest carefully took up the bundle, opened it, and took from it a buffalo chip, a piece of sinew, and some braided sweet- grass. Next he carefully removed a pipe with straight black stone bowl and round stem. (See Fig. 15.) He made five passes with the pipe toward the ground and laid it down just behind the bundle. He tied up the bundle and passed it to the Chief Priest, who deposited it in front of Big-Baby. The assistant Chief Priest took p^^, j- Sacrcd • . ^

the piece of sinew which

had been removed from the bundle and tore from it five shreds or fibers. Big-Baby prepared the hands of the Lodge-maker after the usual

*The owner of the bundle is Red-Bead, a chief, bundle.

His wife is the keeper or guardian of the

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 77

fashion ("threw it on him"), whereupon the Lodge-maker extended his left hand, palm upward, in front of the assistant Chief Priest. The latter grasped with his right hand the right hand of the Lodge- maker and directed it toward the sinew. At the second pass the Lodge-maker picked up one of the pieces of sinew and laid it across the palm of his left hand, the movement being guided by the hand of the assistant Chief Priest, who continued his grasp of the Lodge- maker's right hand. In this manner the five pieces of sinew were picked up and placed in the palm of his left hand, the following disposition being made of them: First, one toward the tip of his fingers, then one toward the base of his hand, another toward the tip of his fingers, but inside the first one ; the fourth one toward the base, but inside the second one. Thus there was an open space between these two pairs. The fifth sinew was placed in this space, equidistant from the two pairs. Continuing to direct the move- ment of the Lodge-maker, the assistant Chief Priest caused his right hand to be guided to the outer side of his left hand, where five passes were made and the sinews were doubled over by bringing them forward one at a time, after which he slowly closed his hands. Then the Lodge-maker, under the assistant Chief Priest's guidance, rolled the sinew with his thumb into a tiny pellet. The large piece of sinew from which these five fibers had been taken was then placed on the bundle. The assistant Chief Priest made five passes toward the bowl of the pipe, picked it up, held it in front of him, and cleaned it with the tamper, the Lodge-maker holding the sinew in his right hand. Then the sinew, representing the buffalo which nourishes the people, was put in and pressed half-way down with the plain tamper. Then, upon this, a little pellet of sweet-grass was placed in the pipe by the assistant Chief Priest and he returned the bowl to its accustomed position on the cleared space.

The assistant Chief Priest with both hands took up the tobacco bag, which he passed to the Lodge-maker. The latter gathered about himself his buffalo robe, and taking the corner of it, spread it out at his left hand, and upon this placed two pinches of tobacco which he took from the bag. The assistant Chief Priest made five motions toward the bowl and picked it up. He took the right hand of the Lodge-maker in his and made a circular motion signify- ing the round earth or whole world, and four passes toward the tobacco. At the fifth movement the Lodge-maker took a pinch of the tobacco, circled it over the bowl, and moved five times toward the bowl and dropped the tobacco in. He again circled his hand over the tobacco once and toward it four times, took up another

78 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

pinch of tobacco, again circled his fingers over the bowl and motioned toward it four times. In this manner five pinches of tobacco were dropped into the bowl, the first pinch being placed in the pipe on the northeast side, the next one on the southeast side, next on the southwest side, next on the northwest side, the fifth pinch being added in the center of the bowl.

The assistant Chief Priest again grasped the right hand of the Lodge-maker with his own right hand and caused him to make a circular motion over the tamper, and four movements toward it, and then caused him to pick it up and press down the tobacco. They then went through the same motions, this time using the left hand. The assistant Chief Priest finished filling the pipe without formality. Bull-Tongue then took up a piece of tallow and handed it to the Lodge-maker. The latter received the pipe from the assistant Chief Priest and covered the upper or exposed surface of the tobacco at the mouth of the pipe with the tallow. He handed the pipe to the assistant Chief Priest, who grasped it with both hands, advanced four steps and deposited it on the cleared space, near to and directed toward the buffalo chip, a short distance from the stem. The Chief Priest plucked a pinch of wool from his buffalo robe and deposited it by the pipe stem, gathered his robe around him, and resumed his seat. The assistant Chief Priest took the hand of the Lodge- maker, and with the customary five passes caused him to take the wool and wrap it around the end of the pipe-stem. He then rubbed the wool with tallow. Thus wrapped, the stem would fit into the end of the pipe more tightly. The assistant Chief Priest with both hands took the two hands of the Lodge-maker and moved them toward the bowl, which the Lodge-maker picked up and moved toward the stem, halting three times. The fourth time he slipped the bowl upon the stem, the assistant Chief Priest making it secure.

Painting the Sacred Pipe.

The Chief Priest gave the assistant Chief Priest the piece of braided sweet-grass from the bundle. Bull-Tongue took a live coal and placed it in the center of the cleared space. The assistant Chief Priest took up the piece of sweet-grass and tore oflE five shreds, which he placed in front of himself. He took up the sack of red earth, and placed it in front of the Lodge-maker. He took the hand of the Lodge-maker and caused him to pick up the five pieces of grass just as he had picked up the sinews. Before each piece was picked up he made the usual five passes, and before he deposited each piece five passes were made toward his hand. The grasses were laid on

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 79

the Lodge-maker's left hand, his palm being directed upward, the same relative positions being maintained as with the sinews. The assistant Chief Priest, still guiding the movement of the Lodge- maker's right hand, caused him to take up the grasses one by one by the outer ends and bring them around and put them under the others, making five passes before each movement. Then the Lodge- maker was directed, as before, to roll the grass into a little ball.

The assistant Chief Priest cut off a small piece of tallow, which he placed to the right of the bag of red paint. The Lodge-maker, accompanied by the assistant Chief Priest, who guided his right hand, the movement being the same as before and with the cus- tomary five passes, took a pinch of paint from the bag and mixed it with the tallow. Again he mixed some red paint and tallow. The assistant Chief Priest then handed the sacred pipe to the Chief Priest, who on the corner of the back of his buffalo robe wiped it carefully four times, thus purifying the pipe, or person, as it may be consid- ered, of all impurities, and returned it to his assistant, who held it upright by the side of the Lodge-maker. The Lodge-maker, having rubbed the red paint tallow thoroughly between his palms, rubbed his right hand up the stem twice and his left hand twice. He grasped the stem firmly near the base with both hands and gave them a circular motion, thus painting the stem red. He then moved up the stem the distance of his two hands and again rubbed the stem with a circular motion. Thus by four movements in all he com- pletely painted the stem and bowl, and the pipe or person was ready for the "new world."* Next he pressed his thumb upon the end or rim of the bowl, then upon the tallow-coated charge of tobacco. The assistant Chief Priest, without formality, replaced the pipe on the cleared ground and handed the tamper to the Lodge-maker, who drew it back and forth through his hands, painting it red. He returned it to the assistant Chief Priest, who replaced it. The Chief Priest handed to the Lodge-maker the five tying strings of the bundle, which he drew through his hands, painting them red, and then he handed them back to the Chief Priest, who placed them in a pile in front of himself.

The Second Earth.

It was then time to form a new "earth." The assistant Chief Priest with his right hand seized the right hand, palm downward, of the Lodge-maker and directed it toward the ground in a circular

♦It was also symbolic of the fact that all had eaten buffalo, and hence should rise up, grow and increase.

8o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

motion, for the round world, and then four times for the four direc- tions, and rocked his hand back and forth and with the under side of his wrist rubbed a small circular space upon the ground, which the assistant Chief Priest enlarged. The Chief Priest plucked some wool from his robe, rolled it into a ball, and placed it upon this new formed earth.*

Painting the Crier.

The Lodge-maker now sat as number two in the circle, that is, next to Bull-Tongue, near the door. Objects not required were taken up and by the Chief Priest replaced in the bundle, which was then tied up. Bull-Tongue disrobed. The Chief Priest and the assistant Chief Priest besmeared their hands with red paint, break- ing off a piece from the ball of paint which had been mixed with tallow, and painted their faces, hair, and moccasins and passed the ball of paint to the others in the circle, who also painted them- selves. Bull-Tongue then received the ball of paint. He took up the piece of braided sweet-grass, broke off two stems, and put them in front of himself. A buffalo robe was passed to him, which he wrapped over his shoulder, but not being quite ready for it, he removed it and obtained a live coal from the pile of coals in the center of the cleared space and placed it in front of him. He then made five passes toward the ball of red paint and broke from it a small pinch, which he placed in his left hand. He made five passes toward the sweet-grass, picked it up and deposited it on the coal. He next extended his hands in front of his body and held them over the rising incense, palms together, and his right hand upper- most. He turned his hands so that the left hand was uppermost; again he turned them and held the right hand uppermost; again with the left hand uppermost. He turned his hands so that the palms were perpendicular and held them in this position for a few seconds. He then rubbed the palms together and touched him- self lightly at four different places, beginning with his feet and pass- ing toward his head. He then painted his face, hair, arms, breast, legs, feet, belly, and back. He put on the buffalo robe, gathered it around himself with the hair side out, being careful to so adjust the robe that the head was directed to his right side. He placed the second piece of sweet-grass on the coal, held his right hand over the rising smoke, and placed it on his head. He did this with his left hand. He gathered the robe tightly around himself, squatted

♦This, the second "earth," is spoken of as a "wallow." The rocking movement of the hand mitated a buffalo wallowing. Inasmuch as people live on the buffalo, they go through this rite to renew their bodies. Hence also people wallow like a buffalo and feel good. It should be noted that this "wallow" or earth was larger than the one first made.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 81

down over the coal in such a manner that the incense passed within the robe and over his body. He then put on his moccasins.

In thurifying the paint over the smoke Bull-Tongue made the motions with the palm of his hands to represent or invoke the notice of the medicine spirits of the east, south, west, north, and the sun. The paint is symbolic of the earth, as the tallow is of the food of the earth, or life, and as the sweet-grass is of growth in general. The whole rite of painting is preparatory to the announcement he is about to make, which bears upon the drama of the growth of the earth.

The Announcement.

Up to that time, no special notice had been taken in the camp of the fact that secret rites were taking place in the Lone-tipi; as a consequence the drums and singing of the warrior societies here and there throughout the circle could be heard, as well as the noise made by the children at play. The Lodge-maker arose and went outside and asked that quiet be kept by all and that the members of the societies stop drumming and singing. In making this request he pitched his voice as he would in a prayer.

Big-Baby addressed Bull-Tongue in a low voice, but simulating that of a Crier, and told Bull-Tongue what he should say. Then Bull-Tongue left the tipi and started out through the camp and continued on toward the east, north, and on around the entire camp- circle, crying in a loud voice as follows:

"Sand-hill-Men! Sand-hill-Men! Young Sand-hill-Men! Young Sand-hill-Men!

" Sutayo Band! Sutayo Band! Young Sutayo Band! Young Sutayo Band!

" Big-Lodge-Men! Big-Lodge-Men! Big-Lodge Young Men! Big- Lodge Young Men!

" Notiswahiswisti! Notiswahiswisti ! Young Notiswahiswisti I Young Notiswahiswisti!

" Little-Hawk (^Lodge-maker) has taken pity on you! Little-Hawk has taken pity on you! Little-Hawk has taken pity on you!

" He gives you notice that he gives his wife up to the sacred lodge. He takes this opportunity to announce to you this great act of his."

During the time of the announcement absolute silence, so far as possible, was maintained, for the announcement was one of the most solemn episodes of the ceremony.

82 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

Sacrifice of Food and the Feast.

By the time the Crier returned, the Lodge-maker's wife had sent to the entrance of the tipi many vessels of food for the evening feast. The Chief Priest took up a piece of meat and tore off a small piece. The root was passed to him. He touched his finger to the ground, put it to his tongue, took a bite of root, spat five times upon the meat and gave it to the Lodge-maker. The latter arose, motioned the meat aloft once and to the east four times and de- posited it on the ground under the sacred pipe. He rubbed his hand over his head and resumed his place in the circle. Thus he sacrificed food to the earth, sun, and four medicine spirits. Food was passed to all the members of the tipi and eaten without cere- mony. The Chief Priest took the sacred pipe, lighted it, offered the stem to the earth, and passed the pipe to the Lodge-maker, thus blessing the Lodge-maker, and through him, for he represents all people, every one.* After the Lodge-maker had smoked, .the pipe was passed sunwise about the circle, each taking a few whiffs. It was passed back unsmoked to the Chief Priest, who cleaned the pipe and replaced it on the ground.

After the feast and the formal smoke, the priests retired to their tipis to remain during the night, except the Lodge-maker and the Chief Priest, who slept in the Lone-tipi during this and the following night.

EVENTS OUTSIDE THE LONE-TIPI.

During the day no public rites were performed. There was much feasting and formal visiting among the various warrior organiza- tions, along with a morning feast at which many presents were given away.

The Spy for the Center-Pole.

Reference has been made to the fact that Three- Fingers, a priest and chief, had been requested to examine the near-by timber and select a suitable cottonwood-tree to serve as the main or center- pole of the Sun Dance lodge. This Three-Fingers did on the morn- ing of this day, but his act was one of convenience rather than cere- mony.! In 1901, however, on this night, the Lodge-maker carried

♦Thus he gave to all the world a blessing, and so all will grow strong and live in the midst of abundance.

tThe formal and ceremonial location of the center-pole by custom falls to the lot of a Chey- enne who has had the distinction when acting as a spy of striking an enemy inside his tipi. As a matter of fact, there were but two Cheyenne living who could lay claim to this distinction, Wolf -Face and Mad-Robe. These men were very old and the formal rite of spying the pole was omitted in 1903.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. " 83

a pipe to Wolf-Face, which he accepted, thus signifying his willing- ness to act as spy on the following morning.

Selecting the Site of the Lodge.

Just at sundown Big-Baby, who owns the rite by purchase, walked to the center of the camp-circle, and after examining the ground, selected a level spot which he considered suitable for the lodge. At the center of this place he set on end a few sticks and placed on top of them a bunch of grass. This marked the site of the center- pole of the great lodge.

THE THIRD DAY.

This is one of the most important days of the ceremony, and is crowded with events from early morning until long after mid- night. It includes the secret rites in the Lone-tipi, such as the preparation of the objects which later in the day are to be placed in the fork of the center-pole of the Sun Dance lodge, or which on the following morning are to form part of the altar of that lodge. The public performances are the counting of coup by the spy and others on the object representing the site of the center-pole, the securing of the raw material to be used either within the Lone-tipi or to form part of the altar of the Sun Dance lodge to be built on the next day. The warrior societies are busy during the day bringing in poles to be used in the construction of the Sun Dance lodge, which they partially construct. Then follows the formal and stately pro- cession of priests from the Lone-tipi to the Sun Dance lodge, where the poles are painted, the center-fork is erected, and the lodge is completed. Then follows the dedication of the lodge by the chiefs. Later in the evening there is a rehearsal, or the so-called "hand and arm" drill, which serves as the formal introduction of those who are to dance in the lodge. Then follows the highly significant performance of the Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker's wife, during which time the sacred song is sung four times, followed by the formal beginning of the dance proper, which lasts until daylight.

As a matter of fact, the rites which, even with haste on the part of the priests, fill this day to overflowing, occupied, in 1903, two entire days. This was due in part to the fact that certain raw mate- rial had not been provided on the day preceding and in part to the fact that there was a disinclination to hurry, owing to the great heat. In the following description of events which properly belonged to this dav, the acts of the two days are enumerated in the order of

84 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

their performance and under the headings of the third and fourth days, respectively.

The Chief Priest, the Lodge-maker, and his wife began fasting on the afternoon of the previous day and spent the night in the Lone-tipi. Here they were joined before sunrise by a few of the priests. We may consider first the secret and then the pubHc rites of the day.

SECRET RITES OUTSIDE THE LONE-TIPI.

Before considering the rites performed this morning by the Lone- tipi priests outside the lodge, it is necessary to recall that in 1901 Wolf-Face had been chosen to spy out the center-pole.

Wolf-Face Selects the Center-Pole Tree, 1901.

On this morning, therefore, Wolf-Face, completely clad in buck- skin, wearing a war bonnet, and mounted on a pony bearing his war- medicine paint, rode alone into the timber and selected a suitable tree for the center-pole. Pausing before it, he addressed it as he would a person, relating a war story in which he recounted his ex- ploits against the Pawnee. Then he struck the tree, counting coup on it, as if it were an enemy.

The Priests Search for a Larger Earth.

Early in the morning the Lodge-maker, the Chief Priest, Big- Horse, Dragon-Otter, and the assistant Chief Priest left the Lone- tipi in the order named, the Lodge-maker carrying in his arms the sacred bundle and its pipe, and the Chief Priest a live coal. The Lodge-maker and Chief Priest wore their buffalo robes, wool side out. Formerly the Lodge-maker wore also a buffalo-scalp head-dress ; this is now in possession of the Northern Cheyenne. They slowly walked forward about a hundred yards in front of the tipi, halting four times, until they came to the place where the Lodge-maker had advanced from the line, and deposited the bundle on the ground, then they rejoined the priests and sat down in line about twenty feet behind the bundle.*

The Lodge-maker lighted his pipe from the coal which the Chief Priest had carried, and after taking a few whiffs, passed it to Big

*On this journey they look for and make a larger earth. They especially desire to know more about the earth. The stopping four times on the way is symbolic of their having traveled all over this earth to see it. This rite is also compared to the four movements which the Lodge- maker will make on the following night in the Sun Dance lodge, when he rests his elbow on his knee and waves the incense during the singing of the four sacred songs. The latter rite, however, is said to be of a higher order.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

85

Fig. 16. Lone-tipi priest smoking sacred pipe.

Horse, next in line, and so the pipe was passed on to the Chief Priest at the end of the line, then passed back unsmoked to the Lodge-maker. (See Fig. 16.)

The assistant Chief Priest handed a new- knife to the Chief Priest who touched his finger to the ground, put it to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat upon the knife five times, thus

asking a blessing upon it and rendering it harmless. He passed it back to the assistant Chief Priest who began to decorticate two sticks about eight inches in length and fashion them into pipe tampers.

The Lodge-maker now sent back to the camp-cifcle and asked his wife to bring water and additional live coals. This she did, plac- ing a bucket of water in front of the Chief Priest, who took a bite of root and spat upon the water four times. She then took a drink and "handed the bucket to her husband who drank. The latter then held the bucket to the lips of the Chief Priest in one hand, placing his other hand on the Chief Priest's head.*

The empty pipe was taken up by the Lodge-maker, filled, lighted from the fresh coals, and smoked by the men in the line as before, passed back unsmoked and cleaned by the Chief Priest and laid down in front of the Lodge-maker. Bull-Tongue joined the priests

and took a place beyond the Chief Priests at the end of the line.

The Third Earth. The Chief Priest cleared a small circular area about two feet in diameter in front of him. (See Fig. 17.) The pipe was passed to him and placed on the western edge of J. ,(_ ,^ I ( , I , _. , , , this cleared space, the stem pointing

form the earth. toward the south, the bowl upward.

*It will be remembered that the Lodge-maker, his wife, and the Chief Priest began feasting on the night before. They were not supposed to drink until the following night. Drinking water at this time therefore, was irregular, and required that the water first be purified.

86 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

The two sticks which he had decorticated and fashioned into tampers were placed by the side of the pipe. The Lodge-maker offered a short prayer. After this he plucked some wool from his robe and handed it to the Chief Priest, who made a pad of it. The Lodge-maker moved to the south of the Chief Priest, ex- tended his hands in front of him, closed his eyes, and turned his head, while the Chief Priest spat in his hands after the usual fashion.

(See Fig. i8.) The Lodge-maker rubbed his hands together, and pressed them to his head ; then he held his palms upward and put the palm of his left hand on the ground. The Chief Priest with his right hand grasped the right hand of the Lodge-maker and caused him to pick up, after making four passes, the buffalo wool, and place it in the palm of his left hand. Still having his hand guided by the Chief Priest, the Lodge-maker picked up- the westermost of the two tampers and placed it beside the pipe. In the same manner he made four passes with his hand towards the other tamper, picked it up, and laid it on the buffalo wool. He then partially closed the fingers of his left hand four times, thus drawing the buffalo nearer, then he closed his hands over the wool and the end of the stick, which he now grasped with his right hand and rolled in the wool, thus wrapping it around the end of the tamper. He now gave the tamper to the Chief Priest, who arranged the wool about the stick more perfectly. Then the Chief Priest took the hand of the Lodge-maker as before, made a circular motion toward the ground, then four passes with the thumb, then one toward the southeast, one toward the southwest, one toward the northeast, and one toward the center, thus forming a new or third earth. The Chief Priest enlarged the circular space and made it more perfect. The two tampers were now deposited on the ground just east of the pipe ; that is, east of the pipe and this newly formed Earth. (See Fig. 19.) The pipe-stem was pointed as before by the Chief Priest, then the pipe was lighted and passed along the line, each one smoking. The pipe was

Fig. li

The Chief Priest preparing Lodge-maker's hands.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

87

cleaned as on the day before in the Lone-tipi, and the ashes were depos- ited in the center of the "earth." Before the Lodge-maker rubbed the pipe-stem, he placed each time the palms of his hands on the ground. The third earth, it should be noted, was larger than either of the two formed the day before, and is said to symbolize the moving for- ward of the warriors. When ashes were placed on it and the pipe- stem was offered to it, the rite partook of the nature of a prayer that the earth would bring forth fruit. It may also be noted that the two tampers, as had been the two preceding pair, were abandoned.

Fig. 19. The pipe-tampers and new earth.

Fig. 20. The Lodge-maker tak- ing up the sacred bundle.

The Return to the Lone-Tipi.

The Lodge-maker now made four passes toward the bundle, picked it up and placed it on his left arm (see Fig. 20), and with the

Chief Priest moved for- ward toward the east about fifteen yards, the remainder of the line following. After four passes, the bundle was put down, and the priests, as before, stepped back about twenty feet, and sat down.* (See Fig. 21.) Again the pipe was lighted as before, and passed to the end of the line, being smoked bv each member, where-

FtG. 21. The Lone-tipi priests in line.

*It was noted that as they passed the "earth" just formed, they were on the right or south side of it, whereas they should have passed by it on the left or north side.

88 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

upon it was passed back unsmoked to the Lodge-maker, who again

puffed on it and passed it down the line as before. Again it was

passed back unsmoked and

placed in front of him. The

Lodge-maker, assisted by the

Chief Priest (see Fig. 22) got the

bundle and took up the buffalo

chip which had been lying to the

east of it, placed it on top, then

all in single file returned to the

Lone-tipi and the bundle was Fig. 22. Chief Priest assisting the ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^-^^

During the absence of the priests women had taken down the Lone-tipi and re-erected it. In this there was no formality, as the change was made because the tipi at first had not been properly set up. After it was securely fastened down they cleared a large circular space within, of the same size and proportion as in the tipi before it was changed.

SECRET RITES IN THE LONE-TIPI.

After resting a few moments, the knife and a stick were passed to the Chief Priest, who held them out in his right hand in front of him. He touched the finger of his left hand to the ground, put it to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat five times upon the knife and the stick, holding them in the direction of the assistant Chief Priest. Then the latter turned away his head, shut his eyes, and held out both hands. The Chief Priest again touched his finger to the ground, put it to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat five times in the hands of the assistant Chief Priest, into which he then placed the knife and stick. The assistant Chief Priest decorticated and fashioned the stick. Deafy lighted a pipe and held it out in both hands with the stem pointing upwards, pointing it first towards his right, towards his left, straight ahead, up, out again, and down. He lighted the pipe, smoked it, and started it around the circle. As the Chief Priest received the pipe he directed the stem toward the ground in front of him.

The Lodge-maker was directed by Lone-Wolf to go after cer- tain objects. He returned bringing a black pipe, live coals, and a stick, which he gave to Cedar-Tree. The latter made of the stick two pipe cleaners for the black pipe. The Lodge-maker gave the assistant Chief Priest some wool from his robe, which the latter placed

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 89

in front of himself. The -Lodge-maker moved up by the side of the assistant Chief Priest and the Chief Priest prepared his hands as before and he wrapped one of the two sticks in the buffalo wool.

The Fourth Earth.

They formed the earth anew, as on the preceding day, making a circular motion first, then five motions down, the first being to the southeast, the fifth in the center. The assistant Chief Priest took up the pipe, and placed it by the side of the new-formed earth, and by its side the two cleaners, the one bearing the buffalo wool being next the pipe. The Lodge-maker took up the coal which he had dropped at random on the cleared space when he brought it in, and^ placed it by the end of the pipe stem. The assistant Chief Priest picked up the pipe and pointed the stem toward the earth, he lighted the pipe, took a few whiffs, made a circular motion with the stem of the pipe over the "earth" and one pass with the stem toward the "earth," smoked and handed the pipe to the Lodge-maker, who had resumed his seat next to the door on the south side. He smoked, first pointing the stem to the ground; then the pipe was passed around the circle until it was smoked out, and was passed to the assistant Chief Priest, who cleaned it and put it down. After clean- ing it he stood it up and moved it toward the Lodge-maker four times, whereupon the latter grasped it with both hands and took it to his body, where he pressed it on his right side, then on his left, then on his right, then on his left, and then along the median line of his body ; he then rubbed his hands over it and laid it down, then took it up and filled it, and passed it back to the assistant Chief Priest.

The Sacrifice and Feast.

The Lodge-maker gave the assistant Chief Priest a piece of meat from the feast which had been brought in. The latter tore off a small bit and handed it to the Lodge-maker, who raised it aloft, and then deposited it under the two pipe-cleaners, and pressed his palms over them and the pipe. The Lodge-maker's wife entered and squatted down in front of the Chief Priest. He took up a piece of meat from the bowl of food in front of him, touched his finger to the ground, and put it to his tongue, took a bite of root, spat upon the meat five times, and gave it to the Lodge-maker's wife. She moved it toward her mouth four times, then ate it, and drank some water. She left the lodge. The Lodge-maker went up and received a piece of meat from the Chief Priest in the same manner, then the food was distribu-

90 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ted among all those present. The priests ate. After the feast the pipe was lighted as before. While they were smoking, the Lodge- maker made the following prayer: "Now, my friends, priests, I pray for vou and all your children and relatives. Have pity this day and help me perform the ceremony in the right way, and we will have good weather if we do so."

The assistant Chief Priest distributed pieces of calico which had been brought in with the feast, and the dishes were passed out of the lodge to the women awaiting to receive them.

Spy for the Center-Pole Chosen.

Big-Baby was warned to be on hand early on the following morn- ing to locate the site of the big lodge, and also to dig the hole for the center-pole.* One of the priests now told the Lodge-maker to take a pipe either to Mad-Wolf or to Wolf-Face who, as already explained, were the only two who had acted as spies when the whole tribe went out on the war-path, and so one or the other of these two had the right to act as spy for the site of the lodge-pole.

Smoking the Red Pipe.

The red pipe was filled by the Lodge-maker, and lighted by the assistant Chief Priest, who blew one puff and directed the point of the stem toward the "earth." He smoked, and the pipe was passed around the south half of the circle. The Chief Priest made a short speech, asking the remaining priests to help him and to support him.

Again the wife of the Lodge-maker brought into the tipi a pail of water. She went over by the Chief Priest and he touched his finger to the ground, then put it to his tongue, took a bite of root and spat upon the water five times. She drank from the pail, which, however, was held by the Lodge-maker, while she knelt over it and did not touch it. It was then carried to the Lodge-maker, who took the pail to the Chief Priest to drink, placing his left hand, as before, upon his head.

After some discussion, the priests decided to discontinue further preparation until later in the afternoon. This, as already explained, was largely due to the fact that certain necessary raw material which should be prepared on the afternoon had not yet been secured.

* When a man becomes too old to locate the center-pole, some young man may obtain the privilege by payment of a pony or a present of equal value, and thus obtain the right, and the old man retires. The one who gets the right must have been a Sun Dance Lodge-maker. He is given the same name as that given to a pile of stones which is placed on a hill to mark the vicinity of a spring of water.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 91

The Buffalo Skull.

By the time the priests had returned in the afternoon for the continuation of the secret rites, certain material had been provided by members of the warrior society and placed at the back of the lodge. An old buffalo skull had also been placed upside down in front of the tipi, facing it and at a distance of about fifty feet.

The skull had been brought to the camp by Bushy-Head, a promi- nent medicine-man of the Kingfisher district. When the Lone-tipi was erected, the Lodge-maker's wife had taken it from Bushy-Head's tipi and carried it west of the Lone-tipi, where she placed it on the ground upside down. There it had remained until Little Hawk, at noon on this day, carried it in front of the Lone-tipi, where he mo- tioned it toward the ground four times, then rested it on the ground on its side and moved it back and forth four times and left it.

The assistant Chief Priest went up to the skull, rubbed both hands four times over the north half of the skull from the east toward the west, putting his hands on the ground in front of the skull after each movement.* Thus he ceremonially cleaned off the element of age from the skull. He made a prayer. He then made four passes toward the skull with his hands and grasped it at the base of the horns, lifted it up, pausing while lifting four times, and turned it toward the south. Stooping well over it, he lifted it up and carried it slowly toward the tipi. Having approached the entrance he halted and motioned the skull toward the tipi four times, thus drawing four herds of buffalo. Within, he proceeded by way of the south to the west, and moving the skull four times he placed it so that the anterior half rested on the cleared space, and faced the center of the tipi.

The Fifth Earth.

The assistant Chief Priest sat down on the south side of the skull and just in front and at the south side of the jaw formed a new "earth," representing a buffalo wallow. The Chief 'Priest handed the sacred bundle to the assistant Chief Priest, who placed it to the south of him, while the Chief Priest placed the buffalo chip behind the skull. The latter sat down behind the bundle, unfastened the tie strings, and removed the pipe which had been tied up in buffalo hair and calico. He then untied the bundle proper, and from a calico wrapper, inside of which was a large quantity of buffalo hair, he took out a sack made of the pericardium of a buffalo heart. He made four passes

* Formerly the log bone of a buffalo was actually rubbed over the skull to ceremonially purify it.

92 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

toward the sack, took it up slowly, and moved it toward the newly formed "earth." Then, with four lowering motions, he rested it on the earth and opened it. It contained herbs of some sort, to be used for thurifying. The Chief Priest tied up the bundle and the assist- ant Chief Priest placed it on the south side of the sack.

The Rehearsal.

There now followed a pause, during which time the priests talked and smoked informally, awaiting the time when the Crier should call the members of the Dew-claw Rattle society to come to the tipi to rehearse. The Lodge-maker got a live coal, and placed it in the center of the cleared space. He knelt in front of the Chief Priest, turned away his head, and closed his eyes, while the Chief Priest touched his finger to the ground, then to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat upon the Lodge-maker's hands five times. The Lodge- maker rubbed the palms of his hands together and rubbed himself. He knelt on the south side of the skull and in front of the Chief Priest. The stick was passed by him to the Chief Priest, and with it he placed the coal on the "earth" or wallow, which, as will be remem- bered, was made under the tip of the jaw of the skull. He then made five passes toward the bag, and from it took a pinch of incense, which he placed on the coal, first making a downward movement four times. He then sat down in his accustomed place. This was the last formal rite of the evening. Shortly after the Dew-claw warriors entered the tipi, where they spent the greater part of the night in informally rehearsing songs.

THE FOURTH DAY.

Before beginning the account of the secret rites in the Lone- tipi, which in the ceremony of 1903 took place on July 14th, it may again be noted that all the rites about to be described, and which took place on that day, should have taken place on the pre- ceding day.

SECRET RITES IN THE LONE-TIPI

Early in this morning a rawhide, folded like a parflesh, the skin of a rabbit recently killed and which had been brought from the Northern Cheyenne, a bowl of lime paint, a long strip of sinew, and ten pipes were taken into the tipi. The rites began at about six o'clock in the morning, and the same priests, with one or two ex- ceptions, were present as during the rites of the preceding day.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 93

The Lodge-Maker's Robe.

After a short period of smoking, Big-Baby took up the rabbit skin, because symbohc of food in general, and cut it into nine pieces. Through each piece he inserted a piece of string. The Lodge-maker passed to him his buffalo robe, and Big-Baby with an awl made nine holes in the robe. Eight of these holes were around the border, one being at the head, one at the tail, four at the four extremities, one in the middle on each side of the robe, and the ninth hole in the center. Holding the hair side of the robe out, Big-Baby attached to each of these holes a piece of the rabbit skin. The Lodge-maker left the tipi and soon returned bringing with him ten dried rawhide objects, each in the shape of a rattle. They were new, and as yet contained neither pebbles nor handles. He also brought a new hatchet and a piece of wood. By that time Big-Baby had fastened the last piece of rabbit skin to the robe. Next he mixed some white lime paint in a bowl and smeared the wool side of the robe with the paint, drawing a sun symbol on the right and a moon symbol on the left of the piece of rabbit skin at the center of the robe.* The paint of the buffalo robe, the location of the pieces of fur, and the method of inserting the string through the pieces of rabbit skin may be seen in the diagram. (See Fig. 23.) The Chief Priest stooped down with his back to Big-Baby and took up the robe with his two hands, grasping it along the median line. Thus holding it, he lifted it, pausing four times, completely from the ground, and put it on the Lodge-maker.

The Feast and the Preparation of the Priests.

The wife of the Lodge-maker brought into the tipi the usual amount of food for the feast, the first bowl being placed in front of the Chief Priest.

Deafy, after having his hands prepared by the Chief Priest by the usual rite, began working on the piece of sinew, which, it has been noted, was brought into the lodge early in the morning. The Lodge-maker's hands being prepared in the same manner by the Chief Priest, he sat down in front of the Chief Priest and ate. The assistant Chief Priest moved and sat south of the buffalo skull while his hands were prepared by the Chief Priest. The Lodge-maker

*The robe thus decorated represented a buffalo: of the nine pieces of fur. four represented the medicine spirits, one the sun, one the moon, one the morning star, one the evening star, and one the spirit star. The privilege of painting the Lodge-maker's robe and his wife's belt is obtained by purchase, and may be owned by but one priest at a time. It is now owned by Big- Baby.

94

Field Columiuan Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

left the tipi and returned with some Hve coals, which he placed in the center of the cleared space. The assistant Chief Priest reached toward the skull, moved his hand four times and picked up the sack containing the incense, which he tied up in a bundle. Then, with four more passes, he picked up the sacred bundle and placed it back of the buffalo skull, first moving it four times toward the "earth." The bundle was so placed that the stem of the pipe was pointing toward the south. A large bundle of fresh, long swamp

Fig. 23. Diagram of Lodge-maker's robe.

grass was brought into the lodge and placed by the side of the assistant Chief Priest and between him and the bundle. Red-Cloud and Black-Man had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest, and then the preparation of the objects to be used in the afternoon and on the following morning began in earnest.

The Woman's Belt,

Cedar-Tree took the rawhide outside the tipi in order to straighten it out, for, on account of its having been folded, it could not be opened. Having straightened the rawhide he returned with it, and, making four motions toward it, cut a belt for the woman. (See

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

95

Fig. 24.) This was about four inches wide and long enough to go around her body. At the corners of each end he made, with a sharp knife, small holes for the inser- tion of the tying strings, which he cut from the remaining rawhide. He then cut a long strip of raw- hide to be used in the fork of the center-pole.

The Lodge-Maker's Head- dress.

1 u,. 24.

Lcdar lixc preparing the woman's belt.

Big-Baby began the prepara- tion of the headrdress for the Lodge-maker. He took a goose feather, some horsehair, a piece of sage, the scalp of a red-headed woodpecker, and a piece of the windpipe of a buffalo. Having assembled the parts and combined them, he was ready to trim off the loose ends, but before beginning he related the following war story: "A party went many years ago against the Shoshoni, who were on Rosebud River. There was one tipi which we charged, and we killed all, and Little-Shield counted coup first, Porcupine-Sioux second, and I was the third to strike, and I took the scalp." He related the war story because he was "scalp- ing" the head-dress.

Before painting the head-dress he fashioned the skirt to be worn by the woman. After this he motioned four times to the base of the head-dress and took it up, and on the right side of it he painted a white line, then a line on the left, another on the right, and another on the left. He then handed it to the Lodge-maker, who grasped it in both hands and drew it back against his body on his right side, then on his left, then on his right, then on his left, and then to the middle of his body. He then gave it a circular motion four times around his head, beginning first at the southeast comer. He then brought it against his breast again and finally placed it on his head.

The Woman's Skirt.

Having finished the head-dress, Big-Baby began to make a buck- skin skirt for the woman. Formerly this was made of buffalo hide, but as it is impossible to secure buffalo it is now made of buckskin. This was cut in rectangular shape, about three feet wide and four

96 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

feet long. It was folded so that the two narrow ends were brought together and along these edges holes were made so that it could be laced. Having fashioned the tying strings, he thrust his fingers in the white lime paint and drew them irregularly over both exposed faces of the skirt, the markings being symbolic of rabbit tracks.

The Lodge-Maker's Whistle.

Deafy now prepared the eagle wing bone whistle to be used by the Lodge-maker. He attached to it a buckskin thong by which it could be suspended about the neck, and tied to it a piece of sage.

Preparing the Buffalo Skull.

While the priests under the direction of the Chief Priest were preparing the ceremonial costumes of the Lodge-maker and his wife, the assistant Chief Priest had been working continuously for over an hour on the buffalo skull. First he took up the bundle of swamp grass and began to fashion three large plugs for the two eye sockets and the nasal cavity. These finished, the Lodge-maker was re- minded that before he painted the skull or proceeded further he should have his compensation for the service. Consequently the Lodge-maker prayed as follows: "Please do this right; all of you will be happy; have pity on me and if you will perform this as you ought you will receive benefits from the ceremony," and left the tipi. He soon returned, bringing a gun, which he presented to the assistant Chief Priest. The latter made four moves with his hand and picked up one of the grass plugs and moved it four times toward the eye socket and inserted it. He repeated these motions while he placed in position the second plug. He then completed the piece which was to be placed in the nasal cavity; attempting to insert it, he discovered that the nasal bones were in the way. As he broke these out, one of the priests remarked that work of that nature should be done outside of the lodge.

He knelt down behind the skull and painted a black line along the median line of the skull from back to front. The line was about an inch in width and represented the road to the four medicine spirits. Parallel with this and on each side he painted a narrower line in white, which also extended from the base to the anterior part of the skull. He then painted the remainder of the skull, including the horns, red. The white lines represented day, the black night, the red of the skull the earth. He then painted the two grass plugs in the eye and nasal sockets red; they represented

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

97

the vegetation of the earth. He next painted on the right jaw a large circle in solid red, representing the sun, and on the left jaw, in black, a crescent, or moon symbol, making four passes with his finger be- fore he began painting these two symbols. (See Fig. 25.) He then wrapped up the paints and placed the bags by the side of the sacred bundle, and the temporary altar was complete. (See Fig. 26.)

Fig. 25. The buffalo skull.

The Center-Pole Image.

Cedar-Tree; from the piece of rawhide remaining after he made the woman's belt, cut out the image of an armless man about twelve inches in length, fashioning it so that it had a membrum of undue proportions. Both sides of the posterior half of the figure, from the union of the legs to the top of the head, he painted black, with charcoal. The anterior half of the figure on both sides was left plain or white. Then he fastened to the top of the figure an eagle breath feather. (See Fig. 27.) The image was called a "person," or, more strictly speaking, a Pawnee; that is, it represented in general the enemies of the Cheyenne, but the Pawnee especially, because

Fig. 26. The buffalo-skull altar in the Lone-tipi.

98 FiKLD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Fig. 27. The rawhide human effigy.

they were the enemies that they most hated. The white represented the earth ; the black the clouds ; hence the figure also represented their enemies, both above and below. Later the same priest took two long pieces of sinew and twisted them, and with the rope thus made he suspended the figure from the center fork.

The Drum-Stick Rattles.

It has been noted that ten rawhide objects, to be used as rattles, had been brought into the tipi on this morning, together with a bundle of Cottonwood sticks about four feet long. Deafy and another priest began to prepare the sticks and to trim and cut them into equal lengths; one of them was decorated. These were inserted in the mouth of the body of the rattles into which had first been placed pebbles. The place of union of the handle with the rattle was wrapped with sinews and the drum-stick rattles were complete.

Filling the Sacred Pipe.

It was then time to refill the sacred straight black pipe that had been smoked on the previous night. As the operation differed somewhat from the first, it is again described in full. (PI. XXV.) The a.ssistant Chief Priest took his place by the side of the sacred bundle, moved his hands toward it four times, picked it up and placed it in front of him. (See Fig. 28.) He untied it and took out the pipe, stem, braided sweet- grass, and piece of sinew, and retied the bundle. He b u;. 2«. l- iiling the sacred pipe.

n

T

%

1

Pl. XXV. Filling the Sacred Pipe.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

f7

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXV.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

99

took the sinew and tore from it five shreds and placed them across his hands as in the rite already described, the act of closing the hand now representing people coming together to be united.

The Lodge-maker moved toward the west and sat between the assistant Chief Priest and the Chief Priest. He opened out his buffalo robe and placed on it some tobacco. The Chief Priest then prepared the hands of the Lodge- maker by the usual method; then the assistant Chief Priest, taking the two hands of the Lodge-maker with his own, caused him to pick up the bowl of the pipe (see Fig. 29), draw it toward him, pausing four times, and stand it on end. He then caused him to pick up the sinew, make a circular motion with it over the pipe bowl, and four passes toward the bowl, and then the sinew was placed in the pipe. Next the assistant Chief Priest caused him to make four passes and grasp the tamper, with which he caused him to make the circular motion and the four passes, and then to push the pellet of sinew half-way down the pipe, measur- ing with the tamper itself to locate the exact division. Contin- uing to grasp the hands of the Lodge-maker, the assistant Chief Priest caused him to make one circular motion over the tobacco, and four toward it, whereupon a small pinch was placed in the bowl at the southeast side, the Lodge-maker's hands circling the bowl and being directed toward it four times. Again the circular motion was made, and the four passes, and another pinch of tobacco was picked up, which was again circled around the bowl of the pipe and motioned toward it four times and placed in the southeast corner. With similar movements a pinch was placed in the northwest and north- east corners and in the center of the bowl. The circular motion and the four passes were made to pick up the tamper. The circular motion and passes were made toward the bowl and the tobacco was tamped. These movements were continued three additional times. The pipe was then completely filled without further formality and smoothed down at the top with the thumb. A circular motion was made over the tobacco, and, with the assistant Chief Priest still directing the Lodge-maker's hands, he brought the bowl forward

Fig. 2g. Picking up the bowl ul ih sacred pipe.

loo Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

and placed it in front of the stem, and by similar movement inserted the stem. The assistant Chief Priest then applied a bit of tallow over the mouth of the bowl to prevent the tobacco from spilling out, and greased the stem. He grasped the hands of the Lodge- maker and caused him to pick up the buffalo wool, put it on the end of the stem and wrap it around.* Then, the hands in the same position, the pipe bowl was drawn toward the stem. The hands were released and again the bowl of the pipe was drawn forward as before. With two more movements the bowl was in contact with and ready for the insertion of the stem. This was done by the assistant Chief Priest without formalitv.

Painting the Sacred Pipe.

The Chief Priest went to the Lodge-maker's side and took up the pipe, rested it on the buffalo chip,t and wiped it from end to

end four times, thus purifying the pipe, and so all people, and draw- ing the buffalo to them, and handed the pipe to the assistant Chief Priest. A coal, symbolic of heat and light for all animals, people, etc., was placed in front of the assistant Chief Priest by the Lodge- maker and he laid the pipe down, pausing before placing it on the ground, four times. The assistant Chief Priest again took the two hands of the Lodge-maker, and with four passes picked up a pinch of red paint, and with four passes placed it in the palm of the Lodge- maker's left hand; four similar passes and tallow was added ; four passes and a pinch of sweet-grass was placed upon the coal. The Lodge-maker then rubbed and mixed the tallow in his hands, and bathed them four times, as already described, in the incense. He then made four passes, picked up the pipe in his left hand, made four passes with his right hand, and drew it up the pipe twice. (See Fig. 30.) He transferred the pipe to his right hand and repeated

^^^^^^Kf^^^^ml	J|
^mi	Kfl
I^^^HlkJ	|^H[H;jHn
^[^?^r^vSIIIP	mps
Jf^93|Q|^&^';^'>~ ' ^	til.' 'v' 1
'"' ' -j^
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Fig. 30. Painting the sacred pipe.

♦Thus in smoking the pipe they would draw the buffalo to them.

tThe chip is symbolic of the food of the buffalo and hence of life in general.

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PL. XXVI. Preparing the Fire-spoon and Earth-peg.

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May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

the motions twice with his left hand. He grasped the pipe with both hands and moved them slowly upward, each time rubbing his hands around the stem. By con- tinuing this movement four times he reached the end of the bowl, where he rubbed his hands over the end of the tobacco. (See Fig. 31.) The assistant Chief Priest laid the pipe down by the side of the skull, first making four passes, the stem point- ing toward the east. The tamper was put between the pipe and the skull.

Fig. 31. Painting the sacred pipe.

The Earth-Peg and the Fire-Spoon. As the earth-peg, or digging stick, and the fire-spoon could not be made within the tipi, Good-Man and Medicine-Bundle left the tipi and began work outside on two cottonwood sticks about five feet long, which had been placed there for that purpose; the former preparing the peg, the latter the spoon. (See PI. XXVI.) Before applying a knife to the wood both priests motioned it towards the stick four times. Then Medicine-Bundle measured on his stick from his left elbow to the finger tip of his right hand. The spoon (see Fig. 32) when finished was five feet eight inches in length, had a

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Fig. 32. Tlie fire-spoon.

long, straight handle and a narrow bowl ten inches in length, the distance being measured by doubling the length from the wrist to the finger tip. It is used only in the Sun Dance lodge by the Lodge-maker in carrying coals, and is so constructed as to prevent fire from dropping as he carries it.*

The stick to be used as the peg was measured by Good-Man from his left shoulder to the finger tip of his right hand. When

♦This action is symbolic of fire in the tipi, which he wishes to bum as the lodge fire does, for they formerly took fire to their homes and it burned and gave them health. They surrounded the fire with bent sticks, or tongs, each eager to get ahead of the other.

I02 P'lELD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

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finished (see Fig. ^;^) it meas ured three feet ten inches in

Fig. 33. The earth-peg. length, was pointed at one

end, and at the other had five cup-shaped figures three inches in length ; these were produced by making deep notches around the stick at regular intervals, and are symbolic of the four medicine spirits and the sun. It is to be used later in locating the altar, etc., and finally finds a permanent resting- place in the center fork, from which the four medicine spirits look down.

Their work concluded, the priests took the peg and spoon in- side the tipi. The spoon was placed on the cleared space and the peg was handed to the assistant Chief Priest, who carefully placed it behind the skull, with its point directed toward the west.

The Noonday Feast.

Food and water were brought into the tipi by the wife of the Lodge-maker and her friends. This time she sat down and remained during the meal. The Lodge-maker made the usual sacrifice, the priests ate, and the food bowls and remaining food were removed. The Lodge-maker went out and secured live coals which he placed in front of the Chief Priest, taking his seat between him and the assistant Chief Priest. The latter prepared his hands in the usual manner, while the Chief Priest prepared those of the Lodge-maker, who lighted a pipe, and after the customary offerings the pipe was passed about the circle.

The Enemy Arrow.

About the middle of the forenoon Red-Cloud unwrapped a bundle which he had brought into the tipi in the morning and took out four arrows, which he handed to the assistant Chief Priest, who placed them behind him. At the same time there had been given him a piece of dried meat which had been cut from the ribs ; this he had placed by the side of the arrows. He took a pinch of sweet-grass and placed it in front of the Chief Priest. Then he turned and took up one of the four arrows from behind him, carrying it west of the point of the earth-peg and directing the point toward the door of the tipi. He rested it by the Lodge-maker and held it so that the point was directed upward. The Lodge-maker prepared red paint and tallow and incensed the paint by making the four passes with his closed and open hands, as already described, and

\

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 103

rubbed his palms together.* The assistant Chief Priest took the Lodge-maker's right hand in his and caused him to make four passes toward the arrow from the point to the tip. The Lodge-maker rubbed his hands together, and he drew his hand up on the north side of the arrow, thus raising the people. He reversed the point and drew his left hand up on the south side of the arrow. Then the Lodge-maker grasped the arrow with both hands and extended his hands upward, making four pauses, as when painting the pipe. As he grasped it the last time each thumb was extended to the end of the wooden shaft. He did this four times. He then carefully painted such portions of the arrow as had not already been painted, including the feathers. During this time the point of the arrow had been directed upward. The arrow was reversed and the point was directed toward the ground. In this position it was carried backward, south of the skull, south of the "earth," and west of the earth-peg, laid down and pushed forward four times, until it rested by the three unpainted arrows.

Painting the Earth-Peg.

The assistant Chief Priest turned, made four passes toward the earth-peg, lifted it and stood it up in front of him. He took the index finger of the Lodge-maker's right hand, and with four passes caused him to draw a circular line around the peg, about two-thirds of the way up from the point. He caused the Lodge- maker to paint a similar band just above this in red, the red paint being about four inches below the lowest medicine symbol. Then, without formality, the assistant Chief Priest deepened the color and made it more regular, and the Lodge-maker, without further for- mality painted the lower two thirds of the stick in solid red, thus imitating the painting of the center-pole of the great lodge, and in fact the whole lodge and the people. Then, in the same manner, the Lodge-maker was caused to paint a black circle about an inch above the red, making first four passes, the assistant Chief Priest holding the peg. As the red circle represented the earth, so this white or unpainted part represented the day, while the black was symbolic of night. Then the Lodge-maker, without further assist- ance, painted the remainder or upper third of the peg, black. Then the peg was replaced by the assistant Chief Priest, the point being turned toward the west, and the peg being given four forward move- ments before it was laid down.

*His hands represented the earth, while the incense went to the sun and to the four medicine- spirits, thus the earth was made to grow.

I04 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

The Arrow and the Earth-Peg.

The assistant Chief Priest took up the side of jerked beef and cut from the center a circular-shaped flap about three inches in diam- eter. Lone-Wolf touched the ground with his finger, spat in his hands five times, and said: "Whenever 3'ou perform this ceremony for your 'father' you will do this, and when you do this, do it in this way." The assistant Chief Priest took up the single painted arrow from the bundle of four and ran it through the opening to about one-third of its length, and then he took the earth-peg and ran it through, repeating what Lone-Wolf had told him.* Then he made four motions and laid the objects down south of the pipe, the point of the earth-peg pointing east and projecting out on the bare cleared ground. The side of beef and the three unused arrows were carried out of the tipi.

Painting the Lodge-Maker and his Wife.

With the above performance the last of the Lone-tipi rites was at an end; it only remained to paint and dress the Lodge-maker and his wife and abandon the tipi. As the priests, according to custom, were to receive the garments which the couple wore at the time of the beginning of the painting, they both had left the tipi shortly before this time and had returned, each completely clad in a fine buckskin suit. Both took a sip of water, which was to be the last until the end of the ceremony. f The Lodge-maker sat down in front of Big-Baby and his wife sat down in front of Black-Man, both priests having had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest. The Lodge-maker and his wife removed their outer garments. Big- Baby made four passes toward the Lodge-maker's hair and handed him a comb with which he combed his hair back of his ears. Black- Man at the same time made four passes and combed the Lodge- maker's wife's hair. Big-Baby dipped the tips of his fingers in the white paint, rubbed his hands together, and with the fingers of each hand made in the palm of the other hand a figure like the one here

given > < This was to draw presents to the Lodge-maker and

his wife. He then passed his hands down over her breast, up her

♦Thus the desire was expressed that their arrows while on the hunt should be as effective as this arrow.

tFrom that time they were to imitate the great medicine-spirit who long ago fasted forty days and then took pity on the world and made it. He sent a messenger to the Cheyenne and told the messenger how long he was to fast, and he told him to fast four days each time, each period to represent ten of the forty which the great medicine-spirit fasted. Thus they were to imitate him and fast forty days, in order to learn how to make the earth.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

105

arms to the top of her head and down her legs, for the four medicine- spirits and the sun, for the Lodge-maker and his wife desired to be supported by those beings. As the hands were passed down the legs, the tips of the fingers were placed in such a manner as to give the painting a grained appearance. This represented straight roads, which they desire them to follow. The legs, breast, and back of both Lodge-maker and his wife were thoroughly coated with paint. Then the entire bodies were both completely painted and grained. The white gypsum paint is said to be endurable, sound, hard, heavy, and never dies; it represents the white earth. Thus the Lodge- maker and his wife express the desire that their life may be pro- longed until old age.

Both priests next painted on their subjects the symbols of the medicine-spirits, sun and moon. The first, or medicine-spirit of the south, was represented by a black circular line encompassing the right ankle ; the west spirit by a line around the right wrist ; the north spirit by a line around the left wrist; and the east spirit by a line around the right ankle. The sun symbol, a circular black disc, was placed on the breast, and a crescent representing the moon was placed on the back of the right shoulder. Next a black circle was painted around the face, representing the earth, the circle being begun at the chin and continued to the left side of the face, and on around. Projecting from this circle toward the center of the face were four short lines, one in front of each ear, one in the center of the forehead, and one on the chin. These represented the four medicine-spirits. On the nose was painted a black dot representing the sun. Small wreaths of sage were fastened on the right ankle and right wrist, and . on the left wrist and ankle, being so fashioned as to project for several inches back- ward on the ankles and downward on the wrists. The wreaths repre- sented sacrifices and growth, and were also symbols of medicine-spirits, for now the time of growth is approaching. Next the head-dress of each was placed in position ; then a whistle was put over the Lodge-

FiG. 34. The Lodge-maker, in ceremonial costume.

io6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

maker's head, the priest making first four passes. (See Fig. 34.) Black-Man tied a bunch of sage in the hair over each ear of the wo- man to express the desire that the grass should come. (See Fig. 35.) The Lodge-maker put on a long buckskin kilt which was tied on his right side. Big-Baby placed five bunches of sage in the Lodge- maker's belt, one being attached it each side, both in front and behind, and one in the center, in front. Black-Man painted the wo- man's hair white, and Big-Baby painted the Lodge-maker's white.

The white hair was indicative of the desire that they might come to

be gray haired, and thus live to old age.

Fig. 35. The Lodge-maker's wife in ceremonial costume.

The Priests Prepare to Leave the Lone-Tipi.

Black-Man folded the robe of the woman so that the hair side was out and fastened it around her, holding it in place by the belt, which he drew tight in front of her, the robe being placed like a skirt, and reaching up under her arms. Big-Baby passed the paint to Cedar-Tree, who painted the under half of the. image which he had made. The point was taken out of the arrow and the feathers were stripped down, and it was painted white. Cedar-Tree then held up the image and the arrow, and said: "I went on the war- path on the Arkansas River as a scout, and spied the enemy. Again I went as spy, and while out I killed an enemy." The Lodge-maker went over to Cedar-Tree and after four passes received the image and arrow. He took them close to his body, first to his right, then to his left, to his right, to his left, and to the middle of his body, thus receiving the power which had enabled Cedar-Tree to be victo- rious. The arrow was broken, because it was the enemy's arrow, thus indicating that so it shall be with all of their arrows if they come against the Cheyenne. The arrow and image were placed by the side of Cedar-Tree and all smoked. The Lodge-maker and his wife were barefooted. Deafy left the lodge and brought in two pairs of moccasins, which they put on.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

107

THE LONE-TIPI IS ABANDONED.

The priests arose, and all except the Chief Priest, the Lodge- maker and his wife passed around by way of the north of the tipi and passed outside, where they circled the lodge by way of the east, north, west, and sat on the south. A large bowl of water was passed within the lodge. The Chief Priest took a bite of root, spat on the water as before, and both the Lodge- maker and his wife stepped over and drank copiously, making four nods with

their heads toward the water and four ;

movements with their lips before drinking. This was to be the last time they were to drink until the ceremony should end. The woman took a position behind the buffalo skull.

The Chief Priest placed the bundle on one side and the buffalo chip on top of it. He took the woman's hands in his, made four' passes toward the skull, and she grasped it just in front of the horns, gently lifted upon it four times, then raised it from the ground and carried it slowly forward by way of the north or left toward the center of the tipi and passed on outside the tipi. (See Fig. 36.) The Lodge-maker took up the black and red pipes and followed. The

other priests re- turned within the tipi and ^took a drink out of the bowl. The priests took up the re- maining objects, one the rattles, another the earth- peg, another the altar brush, etc., and passed out- side and formed in line behind the Fig. 37. The priests abandoning the Lone-tipi. (Mooney.) woman carrying

t IG. 36. 1 lie Lodge-maker's wife carrying buffalo skull.

io8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

thebufifalo skull. (See Fig. 37 and PI. XXVII.) The woman pro- ceeded toward the Sun Dance lodge and about a hundred feet from the

tipi stopped, and the whole line halted. She deposited the skull on the ground (See Fig. 38), and the others walked forward and placed the objects they were carrying by the side of the skull. Then all fell back about twenty feet and sat in a semi-circular line facing the center of the camp-circle (see Fig. 39), the Lodge-maker being at the south end (see Fig. 40), his wife at the other.

Fig. 38.

Ludge-maker's wife depositing the buffalo skull.

Fig. 39. The Lone-tip! priests.

PUBLIC RITES OF THE FORENOON.

Before proceeding further with a descrip- tion of the rites about to follow, it is ne- cessary to relate the events which were publicly performed on this day, especially those which have to do with the erection of the Sun Dance lodge.

Counting Coup at the Site of the Center-Pole.

It will be remembered that Big-Baby was charged with the responsibility of the per- formance of certain rites in connection with

Fig. 40. The Lod at end of line of

ge-maker priests.

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PL. XXVII. Priests Abandoning the Lone-tipi.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXVII.

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ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXVIII.

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Pl. XXVIII. Leaders of Societies in Ceremonial Attire.

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Pl. XXIX. Counting Coup at Site of Center-pole. (Mooney.)

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May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

109

the center fork. On the night of the second day he had decided on a spot suitable for the center-pole and there had erected a few boughs. Early on this morning the two old spies, Wolf-Face and Mad-Robe, rode around the camp-site, entered the camp-circle at the east door, and rode up to the site of the medicine-lodge and struck the sticks and grass which had been erected by Big-Baby, each first relating his war story. This is supposed to awaken enthu- siasm in the rest of the tribe to go after the lodge poles. By striking the boughs each indicated that he was still active and had struck the enemy inside of his tipi. One of these two spies, it will be remembered, is sup- posed to have located the cen- ter-pole in the woods and to have counted coup on it. In the mean time all the members of the different warrior socie- ties had been assembling at the lodges of their leaders, all gayly dressed in full and elab- orate costume, or in the spe- cial regalia of their order, and all were mounted on their best ponies. (See PL XXVIII.) Those who had been warriors had painted their horses in appropriate war medicine paint. As fast as each society was ready, the members entered the camp-circle on horseback, riding at full speed and yelling and shouting. Each bore a long willow pole to represent a lance, and a shield of cotton wood boughs. They rode directly toward the site of the center-pole, passed on and, still on the run, counted coup on the boughs. (See PI. XXIX.) Bands of women gayly attired and provided with long willows also counted coup, and then set off to assist the men in the timber. (See Fig. 41.)

Timbers for the Sun Dance Lodge. All the poles to be used in the formation of the lodge, except the center-pole, are brought to the site of the lodge by the warrior societies, each society being supposed to bring to the lodge a certain

Fig. 41. Women with head-dresses and lances of willow. (Mooney.)

no Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

m^'

pole, which is to form one of the four poles to be decorated and painted, and which are to represent the four medicine-spirits, and in addition at least four uprights and four rafter poles and four cross- beams. Thus the Dew-claws brought in a pole for the southeast, the Coyotes a pole for the southwest, the Red-Shields a pole for the northwest, and the Dog-Men a pole for the northeast. All timbers for the lodge are provided on the day of its erection, and the assem- bling of the poles by the societies is always the occasion of good fellow- ship and merriment.

The various organizations, after they had counted coup, returned to the entrance or eastern gateway of the camp-circle where, still on the inside of the circle, they turned toward the south and paraded entirely around the circle, always being careful to pass to the east

of the Lone-tipi, and not between it and the camp- circle. (See Fig. 42.) They continued on around to the west and north to the en- trance, where they passed outside of the circle and made another circuit of the circle, this time on the out- side. Then they returned to the northeast corner of the circle and there awaited the other warrior societies. When they all had arrived they went to the timber as before to bring in the tim- bers for the lodge. (See Pis. XXX. and XXXI.) This work occupied nearly all the forenoon and was accom- panied by the utmost hilarity and enthusiasm. After a sufficient number of the timbers had been brought to the site of the lodge, the societies gathered in groups, some in tipis especially erected near by for this purpose, and awaited the arrival of the Lodge-maker.

The Lodge-Maker Invites the Warrior Societies' Assistance.

At about the middle of the afternoon the Lodge-maker left the Lone-tipi, carrying with him ten pipes, one of which he presented to the leader of each of the warrior societies, which were now

Fig. 42.

A warrior society en route to the timber.

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PL. XXX. Warrior Societies Parading.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXX.

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PL. XXXI. Bringing in the Timbers for the Lodge.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

IfO ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXI.

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ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXII.

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Pl. XXXII. The Lodge-maker Inviting the Societies.

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PL. XXXIII. Building the Sun Dance Lodge.

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ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXIV.

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PL. XXXIV. Building the Sun Dance Lodge.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

assembled for this purpose near the center of the camp-circle. (See PI. XXXII.) They were accepted and the smoking of the pipe signified their willingness to lend their assistance in erecting the lodge. The leaders of the societies began to step off the ground from the right of the center fork, and this done, to dig the holes and place in posi- tion the outer uprights and join them by cross-bars. (See Figs. 43 and 44, and Plates XXXIII. and XXXIV.)

Fig. 43. Preparing the timbers for the lodge.

The Center-Pole.

While the lodge was in process of erection, chiefs were securing the center-pole, for chiefs only may participate in bringing the pole

to the camp-circle. On this

day they themselves selected one of their number and, led by him, they went to the tim- ber where a tree to be used as the center-pole had already been selected. Here they halted and the leader talked to the tree as if it were a person, saying: "The whole world has picked you out this day to represent the world. We have come in a body for this purpose, to cut you down, so that you will have pity on all men, women, and children who may take part in this ceremony. You are to be their body. You will represent the sunshine of all the world." Another chief, necessarily one who had run an enemy through with a knife or an ax, stepped forth and related a war story in which he told how he had performed such a deed; then he struck the tree, whereupon the younger and more active chiefs began to fell the tree. Formerly

Fig. 44. Erecting tlie lodge.

112 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Fig. 45. The chiefs bringing in the center-pole, igoi.

the tree was dragged to its final resting - place by lariat ropes, but in recent times, at any rate during the two cere- monies witnessed, it was brought into the camp-circle on a wagon, the mounted chiefs riding behind the wagon. (See Fig. 45.) As they made the journey from the timber to the site of the Sun Dance lodge , they halted four times for the four medicine-spirits, and as they laid the tree down in the cen- ter of the lodge it corre- sponded to the sun.

The Hole for the Center-Pole.

The right to dig the hole for the center-pole is acquired by pay- ment, and is considered worthy of attainment, for it confers certain privileges and honors. Thus, in 1903, the rite was performed by Big-Baby, who, in turn, had purchased it from Left-Hand Bull. (See Figs. 46.) The privilege was transferred at the close of the rite by Big-Baby to Shave-Head, who presented Big-Baby with a gun.

After the pole had been placed in the lodge by the chiefs, the forked end being directed toward the west, the end of the hole was measured by means of a small twig which was placed on the ground

Fig. 46. Digging the hole for the center-pole.

May, 1905.

The CheyEiXNe — Dorsey.

113

where the hole was to be located. The stick was first circled over the earth, and then directed to it four times, and then to a point on the southeast; the stick was directed once for each of the other three corners and again circled over the center and directed four times for the center. Next the stick was placed so that it was directly east and west, and

Fig. 47. Spectators making offerings.

then transversely so that it was directly north and south. Thus a cross, inclosed within a circle, was indicated, and there the hole was dug without further formality. In the mean time Big-Baby cut ofiE the end of the tree to make it the right length.

THE COMPLETION OF THE SUN DANCE LODGE.

The lodge was at this time complete except the center-pole, one cross-bar on the eastern side, and the reach, or rafter poles. The

warrior organizations were present in groups and the whole camp was present to witness the first great public rite of the ceremony.

Many came forward lo the line of priests (see I'^ig. 47) carrying bits of lalico, which later were 10 be tied on the cen- ter-pole, and in their hands a pipe which they offered to one or another of the priests, thus asking the priests to pray for them.* Many also came and offered bits of calico to the skull, holding it up first by two corners

*In presenting their pipes to the various priests at this time they were guided in their selec- tion by their belief in the individual ability of the priest to make a good prayer for them, and especially by the life which the priest had led.

Fig. 48. Maki

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114 Field Columhian Museum — Axthropology, Vol. IX.

just back of the skull and praying over it. (See Fig. 48.) Others came up to the skull and held up their hands over it and prayed. (See Fig. 49.) This rite, including the offering of calico to the lodge- pole to be made later, and the offering of calico to the skull, is in the nature of a prayer that their children may grow up and be under the favor and protection of the medicine-spirits. The atmosphere of the whole assembled multitude at that time was one of supreme religious fervor and enthusiastic happiness. The warrior societies

were singing encouraging songs, and in another place were heard the chiefs beating upon the drums and singing, while one after another of their number arose and related some episode of his war experience.

The wives and rela- tives of the men who were to dance and fast in the ceremony began to ap- proach the line of priests Fig. 40. Priests smoking offering pipes. 1 ■ r j • j

" ^ ^ ^ bearmg food m pans and

pails. The Lodge-maker took a piece of food from one of these vessels, and stepping forward, that is, toward the north and in the direction of the lodge, he held it aloft and dropped it upon the ground, thus offering it to the medicine -spirits. He then returned to the line of priests.

Painting the Lodge-Poles.

The Lodge-maker was joined by Bull-Tongue and they together left the line of priests and went toward the lodge, where they made a complete circuit, passing beyond the reach poles which radiated out from the sides of the lodge. This circuit was symboHc of the circular symbol which was reproduced later by means of a small black circle on the breast of the dancers. Again they began to circle the lodge and its outlying poles. Having reached the southeast corner of the lodge they encountered one of the four reach poles* which had been decorticated and which represented the medicine spirit of the southeast. Bull-Tongue approached it at its base, for its small end was directed toward the lodge. Here Bull-Tongue moved

* These reach poles or rafters are given the same name as is given to the poles of a tipi.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXV.

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PL. XXXV. Painting the Lodge Poles.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXVI.

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Pl. XXXVI. Painting the Lodge Poles.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

115

his right foot toward the base four times and placed his foot upon it; then he stepped aside, and his movements were imitated by the Lodge-maker. They continued on around the lodge, completing the circuit. Continuing, they stopped at the southwest reach pole, where they went through the same motion again, Bull-Tongue first, the Lodge-maker following, as before. Then they made the fifth and last circuit of the lodge. This time they halted at the north- east reach pole, where the same movements were performed. Thus they had made five complete circuits of the lodge, their movements having the same symbolism as the forming of the "earth" with the thumb in the Lone-tipi. At the first pole they made one step, at the second pole two steps, etc., four steps being made at the fourth pole. From the northeast pole they continued toward the east, where, at the entrance of the lodge, they turned in and approached the base of the center-pole, which at this time was lying by the side of the hole which had been excavated to receive it. Here Bull- Tongue moved his foot toward the base four times, then stepped upon it and walked five steps. Then he stepped back while the same movements were gone through with by the Lodge-maker. They then passed outside of the lodge and returned to the line of priests. Bull-Tongue and the Lodge-maker, carrying black and red paint, again left the line of the priests and approached the lodge toward the southeast reach pole. (See Plates XXXV. and XXXVL) Bull- Tongue lay down on the ground and placed his right arm at the base of the pole and extended his left arm upward on the pole as far as he could reach. He then moved his body up toward the pole until the center of his breast was ex- actly over the point of the pole indicated by the fingers of his left hand. From this point he measured to the tip of forefinger of his out- stretched left hand. (See Fig. 50.) Having thus measured off on the pole one and a half times his total finger reach, he laid his right hand on the pole at this point and extended his thumb upward and placed Fig. 50. Painting the center-pole.

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ii6 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

his left hand still further up on the pole, the thumb of the left hand being outstretched and in contact with the thumb of his right hand. This was to represent the width of the band to be painted by the Lodge-maker, who then stepped forward and rubbed his hands in the black paint, rubbed them together and made four passes toward the pole. Then he first lightly rubbed the pole at this point and then painted a band entirely around the pole. They turned toward the west and went to the southwest pole, which was again measured by Bull-Tongue, as was the first pole. The location of the place to be painted having been found, it was also painted black by the Lodge- maker. They passed around the lodge to the pole on the northwest corner, which was again measured and painted as before, led being used instead of black. They went to the northeast pole, which was measured as those preceding, and painted. Thus the lodge bore the same symbolism, theoretically, as the so-called scalp or piece of jerked meat which was to be placed in the center-pole, and was symbolic of the earth divided into day and night.

Bull-Tongue and the Lodge-maker continued around the lodge in sunwise circuit until they came to the east entrance; here they entered and Bull-Tongue threw himself by the side of the center- pole and measured as before. The band beneath his outstretched hands was painted red by the Lodge-maker, who moved his hands four times toward the pole before he painted it. Then Bull-Tongue measured with his two hands a space equal in width just above this red band, and, taking the ball of black paint, the Lodge-maker besmeared his hands with it and painted a black band. Thus was added to the sun and full moon symbolism of the center fork the symbols of day and night, or, according to another informant, of the earth and the heavens. The center-pole now is called variously the enemy, the backbone, and the cleansing pole.

The Fork of the Center-Pole.

Bundles of dogwood brush were carried down to the fork of the center-pole. Certain Sun Dance priests left their position in the line and went to that point. Bull-Tongue took hold of the fork and turned it so that the prongs of the fork projected upward and downward and at right angles to the earth. Bull-Tongue took the Lodge-maker's hands in his, made four movements toward the first bundle of dogwood brush, and the latter took it up, and turning it so that the butts projected north, made four movements with it and placed it in the fork. Another bundle was picked up with

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXVII.

I(

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PL. XXXVII. The Earth-peg and the Thunder-Bird'S Nest.

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l8-«3aKUMT 3MT «MA oa«i-«T.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

117

the same movements and placed in the fork, the butts being directed toward the south. (See Fig. 51.) Several additional bundles were taken up and placed in the fork, the butt of the third bundle being directed toward the north, that of the fourth toward the south, and so on, the same movements being performed each time. A larger bundle of cottonwood was taken up in similar manner and placed in the fork on top of the dogwood brush, the base being directed toward the north. A second bundle of cottonwood was taken up in

Fig. 51. Placing the brush in the fork uf the center-pole.

like manner and placed so that the butts were directed toward the south. Over these were placed other bundles of dogwood.

The Lodge-maker took up a rope and the rawhide lariat which had been made in the Lone-tipi and tied the bundles firmly into the fork, using first the rope, and covering the wrappings with the rawhide lariat.* This lariat was fastened in a peculiar manner and its various wrappings collectively were said to form the image or symbol of the morning star. Bull-Tongue and the Lodge-maker, took up the digging stick, or earth-peg, made four passes with it, and thrust it through the bundle of foliage (see PI. XXXVII.) ; then one of the priests took the damaged arrow and thrust it into the bundle from the under side, where it remained with the piece of dried meat, which represented a buffalo. To the fork near this point the small rawhide human image was next attached. f Formerly a live captive, it is said, was suspended here as a sacrifice. Many

*The whole bundle of vegetation represented the nest of the Thunder-Bird who controls the sun and the rain. Hence clouds and hailstones are painted on the dancer's body later in the cere- mony. The Thunder-Bird is also considered the chief of all birds, and is thought to be the chief medicine spirit of the west.

t In 1 90 1 a rawhide image of a buffalo was also suspended here

ii8 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Fig. 52. Making offerings to the fork of the center-pole.

from the crowd of spectators, especially women, came forward and tied at various points of the center-pole small offerings of calico representing prayers. (See Fig. 52.) The wife of the Lodge-maker, under the guidance of the assistant Chief Priest, made four passes (see Fig. 53), picked up the sacred pipe, and moved forward to a point half-way down the length of the center-pole.

Raising the Center-Pole.

By this time all the priests were present in line, and the members of the warriors' societies had gathered around the pole. The priests with their wives were in two lines by the side of the pole. All re-

FiG. 53. Lodge-maker's wife picking up the pipe.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XXXVIII.

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PL. XXXVIII. Raising the Center-pole.

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Pl. XXXIX. Raising the Center-pole.

m-

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

119

ceived the spittle on their hands in the usual manner from one or another of the priests who had the authority to perform this rite. Then the lines were reformed, and as the wife of the Lodge- maker raised the sacred pipe in front of her, they sang the first traditional song. At the end of the song she again raised the pipe aloft and the warriors took hold of the pole, shouted, and dragged the pole forward a little, so that its base rested nearer the pole. Then the second song was sung, the participantsmaintain- ing the same relative position. Again the Lodge-maker's wife raised the pipe aloft, the war- riors shouted and moved the pole slightly forward. The third song followed in the same manner, and with the same action. Then began the fourth song, at the end of which all shouted vociferously and raised the pole until it was in an upright position, and then lowered it into the hole. (See Plates XXXVIIL and XXXIX.. and Fig. 54.)

Fig. 54. Raising the center-pole.

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Fig. 55. Completing the Sun Dance lodge.

I20 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

The songs are said to relate to the growing earth. Thus in the song the pipe was directed to the great medicine-spirit overhead, who took it to the four medicine-spirits, who drew to it the Hght

by the Hght of the day. The medicine- spirit of the north, who smoked the pipe in the night, received it first, and the medi- cine-spirit of the east is supposed to finish it.

The Completion of the Lodge.

The warriors, with the greatest enthu- siasm and rivalry, lifted the remaining cross-bar into place, and then the sixteen rafters or reach-poles were placed in posi- tion, over which they spread canvas tipis.* This work, owing to the great eagerness of the men, consumed an almost incredibly short space of time, during which the Sun Dance priests, who had retired a short way toward the south after the raising of center fork, remained seated. It was then half-past five o'clock.

1 K,

the

,'ife carrying the skull.

The Priests Enter the Lodge.

When the lodge had been completed, the Chief Priest with his two hands took the two hands of the Lodge-maker's wife and caused her to make four passes toward the skull and then pick it up. (See Fig. 56.) She started in a stooping posture, and carried it slowly and deliberately by way of the south to the east of the entrance of the lodge, where she stopped, motioned the skull four times, and proceeded into the lodge by way of the south, until she came to a point half-way between the wall of the lodge and the center-pole. There she stopped, motioned the skull four times toward the ground, and put it down, groaning all the while as if in travail. The Chief Priest, just after she had taken up the skull, took up

Fig. 57. The priests entering the Sun Dance lodge, I901.

*Formerly brave warriors vied among themselves for the privilege of using their valuable buffalo skin tipis for this purpose which, of course, after the ceremony were useless.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XL.

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Pl. XL. The Priests Entering the Sun Dance Lodge.

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May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey,

the bundle, while the other priest took up the objects which they had brought with them from the lodge. They followed the wo- man into the lodge (see PI. XL. and Fig. 57) and placed the objects by the side of the skull. The long-handled fire-spoon was placed about three feet south of the skull. Big-Baby and another priest re- moved the sage head-dress from the Lodge-maker and his wife. They also removed from the latter the belt, thus loosening the buffalo robe which she had gathered over her shoulders. The belt was placed by the side of the skull on the east side, and the sage wreaths were placed at the foot of the center-pole.

EVENING RITES IN THE SUN DANCE LODGES.

Rehearsal and Informal Smoking.

In the mean time a big crowd of women and children had gathered, and one of the warrior societies had assembled in the southeast of the lodge around a large drum. (See Fig. 58.) This place, it may be mentioned, was hereafter occupied by the musicians, including the drummers and singers. The priests had gathered in a circle south and west of the skull, where they engaged in informal smoking. During this time the Lodge-maker sat in front of Big-Baby, who took a bunch of sage and rubbed it upon those portions of the Lodge- maker's body which had been painted black. Black-Man, the priest who had painted the wife of the Lodge-maker, performed the same office for her. The Lodge-maker took the bunches of sage which had been used in this operation and placed them upon the wreaths

Fig. 58. Musicians within the Sun Dance lodge.

122 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

of sage which they had worn on their bodies, and deposited all at the foot of the center-pole. Roman-Nose lighted a pipe and pointed the stem to the southeast, southwest, northwest, northeast, to the four rafter poles which had been painted, toward the center-pole, the skull and the ground, and handed the pipe to the Lodge-maker, who smoked and passed it along the line of priests. The wife of the Lodge-maker at this time wore only her calico dress, which she had kept on and arranged in the form of loose trunks beneath her buffalo robe in the Lone-tipi at noon. During this time the chiefs were at the drum rehearsing. Some of their number arose and sang a song, at the end of which they sat down. The priests continued smoking until they had consumed four pipes.

The Dedication of the Lodge.

The chiefs and singers about the drum all arose, holding the drum in their midst and singing. The crowd within and without the lodge was very dense; all were standing. The Lodge-maker took a filled pipe to the assistant Chief Priest, who laid the pipe down, touched his finger to the ground, to his tongue, took a bite of root, spat, and picked up the pipe, motioned the stem to the four rafter poles in the usual order, to the center-pole, to the skull, and to the ground. He lighted the pipe and again offered the stem to the four lodge poles, to the center-pole, to the skull, and to the ground. He offered the stem to the Lodge-maker, kneeling in front of him, who took four whiffs, blowing the fourth whiff into his two hands, which he rubbed together and over his body. The pipe was then passed along the line of priests. The musicians began the third song. The crowd, for all in camp were glad to express their joy that so much had been done and that the lodge was complete, was denser than ever, all being attired in their gayest costumes. The number of buckskin garments that were worn was surprisingly great, and the warriors all wore appropriate head-dresses, many of them wearing the long eagle feather war bonnets, while others wore shields. The warrior societies, in a semblance of order, filed around the center-pole, many of them being on horseback. At the beginning of the fourth song the warriors took their proper places by societies and formed in lines, extending half-way around the north side of the lodge, and danced up and down, shouting and yelling. The women pressed about the drummers and crowded all sides of the lodge, and with their shrill cries encouraged them. As the fifth song began others crowded into the lodge, and the warriors and others again circled around the center-pole, this time three rows deep, all carrying guns

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

123

or clubs. Then followed a period of considerable confusion, with much rejoicing and gayety on the part of the great crowd, while the four head chiefs went through the ancient performance of select- ing certain men for certain positions, the basis of the selection being supposed to depend upon the part which they had taken in the various sham battles which had taken place while they were count- ing coup on the site of the center-pole or otherwise in erecting the lodge. As each man was chosen he was brought forward near the center-pole, and his relatives gave away presents to express their joy at the honor shown to their family. (See Fig. 59.) One of

Fig. 5g. The chiefs selecting leaders.

the four head chiefs, who had led war parties and who had assisted in selecting the warriors, addressed the chosen men as follows: "We have picked you because we know you are brave. We have brought you here. We have picked you so that the people may see you, so that the people may know you are brave. We have picked you out for some particular purpose. In times of war or hardship we want you to stand by your people and to protect them, especially the women and children. In times of famine do not pass by your people, but help them." As the warrior societies entered the lodge they went around toward the south; as they departed, after this dedication ceremony, they halted four times, the four pauses repre- senting the four societies and paving the way for the dance.

124 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

At the end of the performance the crowd inside the lodge was very great. The drumming and singing was resumed and the crowd moved backward toward the entrance, their faces being directed toward the center-pole. The musicians continued to drum and sing. The crowd advanced toward the center-pole, their faces always directed toward the west, four times, the intervals between the singing being occupied by shouting and yelling.

The dedication ceremony of the Sun Dance lodge was now con- cluded, and there followed an intermission, during which nearly all left for their evening meal, the priests and those immediately con- cerned in the ceremony remaining.

Preparation.

During the intermission, which lasted from the conclusion of the dedication until about nine o'clock in the evening, a large pile of wood was placed just inside of the lodge near the entrance in the north- east. A bed had been erected on the south side of the tipi next to the wall, consisting of willow mattress with willow leanbacks and blankets. (See Plate XLI.) A rawhide folded roughly in the form of a parflesh was brought into the lodge by one of the priests and placed at the foot of the center-pole on the south side. Slowly the priests returned to the lodge and took up a position in a semi-circle on the south side, half-way between the wall of the lodge and the center- pole, which they faced. Members of the warrior societies also re- turned in increasing numbers and a crowd of drummers and singers gathered about a large drum in the southeast of the lodge.* One of the old warriors arose and related a war story, in order that the fire might be rebuilt. It was lighted and wood was thrown upon it at the conclusion of the war tale, whereupon the drummers beat upon the drum and shouted.

The Dancers Assemble.

Immediately after, the Crier was heard outside calling for the members of the Dew-claw Rattle society, who, as already noted, were to begin dancing and fasting on this night. Soon they began to enter the lodge, singly or in small groups, each having been painted and properly costumed in his own tipi. Each one bore the usual Sun Dance whistle, made of the wing bone of an eagle, suspended upon his breast from a buckskin thong passing around his neck. Each also wore on his head a wreath of sage, and all were com- pletely painted, even to the feet, with white earth.

♦Formerly it is said, each musician was provided with a small hand drum, such as the medi- cine men use now.

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PL. XLI. The Bed of the Lodge-maker'S Wife,

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May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 125

As each priest entered the lodge he went to the Chief Priest, who touched his finger to the ground, took a bite of root, and spat upon the new-comer's hands five times, the latter rub- bing his hands and pass- • ing them over his body.

^_ _^ * He was thus prepared to

y^^ °'^ '^^^^^ • take part in the rites which

were to follow. The Lodge- maker and his wife were the last to receive the rite K '"' p from the Chief Priest.

Fully an hour was consumed in the assembling of the • priests and the dancers.

The relative position at

^ this time of the priests

' ^"^-Sof ofi^t*^<^^-'' ' who had formed in a circle,

, ^ and the dancers, may be

seen in the diagram. (See Fig. 60. Diagram of lodge. Fig. 60.)

Filling the Sacred Pipe.

The Lodge-maker followed the assistant Chief Priest to the bundle, which was lying by the side of the skull. They opened the bundle and took out a piece of sinew and the Lodge-maker took up the bag of incense which was lying by the skull. The two re- turned to the Chief Priest, who occupied a position to the north- east of the center-pole and near the circle of priests. The Lodge- maker put the bag of incense down and his hands were again treated in the usual manner by the Chief Priest. The Lodge-maker again went to the bundle and brought the ceremonial straight pipe, while the assistant Chief Priest untied the bag of tobacco. The Lodge- maker then spread out a corner of his robe upon the palm of his left hand, and making four passes toward the tobacco sack, took up a pinch of tobacco. Thereafter the pipe was filled in the same manner as already described, the pipe being held upright by the Chief Priest, and the sinew being added by the assistant Chief Priest. Then the tampers were prepared; one was wrapped with the buffalo wool and in the manner already described the tobacco was tamped. The Lodge-maker then made four passes toward the pipe with both hands, took it from the Chief Priest and placed it horizontally on the ground. He then moved it back to its original position by the side of the

126 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

buffalo skull, halting four times on the way, and placed the tampers between the skull and the pipe.

Thurification.

The assistant Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker took their places in the circle of the priests. The Lodge-maker soon left his place and got the fire-spoon and without formality took a coal from the fire, carried it slowly in a stooping manner and placed it just under- neath the tip of the jaw of the skull. He sat down upon his heels with his right knee drawn up in front of him. He made four passes toward the bag of incense lying by the side of the skull, and took a pinch from it in his fingers.

First Songs. The priests began a slow chant, the first of several groups of traditional sacred songs which recount the origin of the ceremony, and which are supposed to be of great potency in bringing about a new life and freedom from disease and famine. During this song the Lodge-maker held the incense straight out in front of his body in his right hand, his elbow resting upon his right knee. He main- tained this same position during the second song and also during the third. As the fourth song commenced he began to lower his hand and arm slowly and gradually toward the skull, until at the end of the song his hand rested just over the coal. He opened his fingers and placed the incense upon the coal, thus sacrificing to the four medicine-spirits and the sun. He resumed his place in the circle.

Second Songs.

Again the Lodge-maker received the spittle in his hands from the Chief Priest, arose and went to the skull and resumed his posi- tion as before by the side of the skull. He then made four passes toward the bag of incense and took from it another pinch. They began another song, during which time he gradually lowered his hand toward the coal, his elbow this time not resting upon his knee, and placed the incense upon the coal. He resumed his position in the circle of the priests, who had not yet finished the song. While they were singing the dancers left the lodge for a moment. By the end of the second song of this second set the dancers had returned.

Then followed the third song, without movement on the part of any one. As the fourth song began the Lodge-maker arose and handed the rattles which had been lying near the buffalo skull to the priests. During this time the dancers were trying their whistles to see if they were in proper condition.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 127

The Rawhide Parflesh.

At the end of the fourth song of the second set, the Lodge- maker and Black-Man went by way of the south to the rawhide. The priest took the Lodge-maker's hands, drew them toward the rawhide four times, and the Lodge-maker took the rawhide and held it out in front and to one side, its lower edge resting on the ground.

Third Songs.

The priests sang the first song of the third group, during which Black-Man and the Lodge-maker slowly advanced the rawhide by the corner as before. At the end of the song they stopped, but con- tinued to hold the rawhide. During the singing of the second song they advanced slowly. The third song was begun and they con- tinued, still keeping the rawhide on edge and near the ground. At the beginning of the fourth song they were very close to the circle of priests, and as the end of the song approached the Lodge-maker moved the rawhide back and forth toward them four times, and as they reached the end of the song he threw it in among them, and they beat upon it with their long-handled drum stick rattles rapidly and without unison.*

The Lodge-maker without formality filled two ordinary pipes, which he started about the circle of priests, and they engaged in smoking.

Hand and Arm Drill.

During this time the dancers, who had remained in two semi- circles on the southeast and northeast sides of the lodge, arose and adjusted their kilts. The priests continued to smoke and the dancers, having made sure that they were in readiness, sat down.

Fourth Songs. The priests again beat with their long-handled rattles upon the rawhide and began the first of the fourth set of songs. During this time Black-Man secured the wreath of sage from the place it had been occupying at the foot of the center-pole, and arranged it on the Lodge-maker's head, first circling it over and moving it toward his head four times. The Lodge-maker handed him his whistle and Black-Man also circled it over his head once and motioned it toward his head four times and placed the carrying thong about the Lodge- maker's neck. At the end of the first song one of the priests arose

*This rite represents the raising and calling of the buffalo. The noise made by the priests as they beat on the rawhide with their rattles represents the sound made by the hoofs of the buffalo as they left the cave, according to the myth. All songs are believed to be efficacious in drawing the buffalo to the lodge.

128 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

and made a short prayer. Again the priests began beating upon the rawhide with the long rattles and started the second song, during which, as during the first song, they continued beating the raw- hide, but not keeping time with the song. At the end of this song another priest got up and made a spirited prayer, asking that the priests might be guided aright by the medicine-spirits. The third song was begun, at the end of which was another prayer, and the fourth song followed, with the same irregular accompaniment of the rattles. At the end of each of these four songs, as well as at the end of each of the prayers, some one outside the lodge gave a cry imitating that of the wolf.

Again followed a brief intermission, during which the Lodge- maker filled two ordinary pipes as before, one of which was handed to the priests and smoked around the circle, he and Black-Man smoking the other one. At the end of the informal smoking some one called out and the dancers on both sides arose, those on the north side of the lodge moving around toward the south until the end of the north line joined the north end of the south line.

This was the first opportunity to judge of the number of men who were to feast and dance during the ceremony, and it was found that there were thirty-nine in the line. Of this number all were members of the Dew-claw organization except Bull-Tongue, who had made a vow to fast and undergo torture to restore his wife to health, and two Arapaho, the reason for whose presence has already been noted.

Fifth Songs.

The priests began the first of the fifth series of songs, while the dancers began the first movement of the so-called "hand and arm drill." Placing their whistles in their mouths they raised their right arms toward the center-pole and slowly lowered them. This they did six times, the palm of the hand being held downward each time. Again they raised their hands toward the center-pole and lowered them slowly for the seventh time, accompanying the move- ment by whistling long and loud. The line turned on itself. The south extremity started toward the north and in front of the line of dancers, until there were two equal lines on the north side of the lodge. The rattling began, followed by the second song, and the dancers slowly raised and lowered their left hands toward the center-pole, keeping the palm side down. This movement was per- formed eight times. Black-Man now stood at their head as leader and dancer. Led by Black-Man the inner line turned back toward the south again, where the dancers formed in two lines, and during

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 129

the singing of the third song, accompanied as before by the irregular rattUng, they performed the right arm movement as during the first song. Then they went back to the north side, where the same movements were performed eight times with the left arm. During the fourth song the criers outside were calling for the relatives of the dancers.

Sixth Songs. Led by Black-Man, they went back to the south side of the lodge and faced the center-pole, raising the right arm four times. Main- taining the same position and in double line, they revolved and faced toward the southwest and passed toward the northwest corner of the lodge and again faced the center-pole. During this first song they raised their left arms four times. Again they turned in their tracks, and led by Black-Man, went to the southwest side of the lodge, where they faced the center-pole, and during the singing of the second song raised their left hand eight times. The line passed back to the north side of the lodge and with their backs toward the center-pole they raised their left arms seven times. They wheeled and faced the center-pole and the line moved, stepping sidewise and toward the east. Black-Man and the Lodge-maker left their places and went to the center of the line. They all faced the center- pole. In this position the third song was begun, and they moved both arms toward the center-pole nine times. Maintaining that position, they wheeled and faced east; the fourth song was sung and they moved both arms seven times.

Seventh and Eighth Songs. Still maintaining the same position, they turned toward the center-pole; the first song was sung and they raised their hands toward the center-pole seven times. Occupying the same place, they turned their backs to the center-pole and the line opened out in length, and with the second song they blew their whistles at short intervals, both arms swinging back and forth, first to the right and then to the left, each man's hand joining that of his neighbor. This movement continued throughout the third, a very long song, the swinging motion being slight. The fourth song was begun and this same motion continued, as it did during the first three succes- sive songs of the eighth group. At the end of the fourth song the priests beat more rapidly than before upon the rawhide, and the dancers blew vociferously and long upon their whistles and then resumed their places either on the north or south side of the lodge, according to their former positions, and sat down.

130 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

In explanation of these movements, the following brief account was obtained: In the arm movements, as they raised both hands and face to the center-pole, they gave thanks to the four medicine- spirits and to the great medicine-spirit. The right hand was for the southeast, the left for the northeast, etc. When they faced west they prayed to the great medicine-spirit to unite strength in them that they might travel through this world as the man sun traveled from east to west over the world.

THE CHIEF PRIEST AND THE LODGE-MAKER'S WIFE.

It was midnight, and though the moon was nearly overhead, it was obscured by clouds, and as a consequence the notes which follow must be regarded as possibly incomplete. First is presented an account of what transpired, obtained from Roman-Nose Warrior at the close of the ceremony.

Before leaving the lodge the Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker's wife stooped over a live coal upon which had been placed incense, and drew a buffalo robe closely about them that they might confine the incense within the robe, and thus cause it to go over their bodies. Then they left the lodge, the woman first, followed by the Chief Priest, then the other priests, in the same order as when they went after the sods for the altar on the following day. They went directly east and halted a short distance from the medicine lodge, where one of the priests prayed to the great medicine-spirit, and the four medi- cine-spirits, the sun and the heavenly bodies, for the whole world, for its growth, for animals, for birds, for people, for grass, for stones, for earth of all kinds, and that the sun should shine and the clouds should give rain. Then all returned to the lodge except the Chief Priest and the Lodge-Maker's wife. They then came together under one robe, bathing their bodies in incense of sweet-grass dropped upon a coal. Thus they prayed that their bodies might grow straight and strong. Then they sang the sacred pipe song and raised the pipe, as if they were raising the world, and lifting upon it four times, they simulated the movement made in raising the center-pole. This song should have been sung on their return, but was overlooked by the priests. Each priest's wife had shown the Lodge-maker's wife what to do, and after this the Chief Priest and his wife and the Lodge- maker and his wife united as one familv.

The Crier, who was the Chief Priest, now said: " I announce to the whole world that when I made this (that is, the Sun Dance) I gave two guns to (the man who was Chief Priest at that time) , and he showed me and my woman and gave me the right to perform this ceremony."

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 131

As he made this cry he was supposed to call upon all the people to listen, and to ask the world to listen. As they sat together under one robe over the incense they simulated having connection. Thus people should unite. They had connection only at this time.* Should other priests have connection with their wives during the ceremony they would not live long.

To return to what was observed on this night. The Chief Priest secured a piece of braided sweet-grass and his buffalo tail or sweat lodge brush, and the Lodge-maker took from the fire-place a live coal. The Chief Priest then left the lodge, followed by the Lodge-maker, his wife, and all the other priests. Soon all returned except the Chief Priest and the woman, and resumed their places in a circle.

There followed a brief pause, at the end of which the Lodge-maker arose from his place in the circle of priests, took up the rawhide and carried it slowly, and as before, to the drummers sitting in the south- east of the lodge, toward whom he motioned it four times and threw it in amongst them, whereupon they beat upon it rapidly with the rattle drumsticks which had been passed to them without formality. At the end of the song the Crier was heard outside. At the end of the speech of the Crier the drummers all beat upon the drum.

THE BEGINNING OF THE DANCE.

The drummers began shouting and soon began the first of the dancing songs. The dancers arose, and formed two great semi-circles on the north and south sides of the lodge, the Lodge-maker being directly in front of the buffalo skull, and Sage-Woman sitting in the center on the bed behind him.

During the second song the dancers began the regular dancing. The movement consisted of a slight swaying forward of the body, raising the two heels from the ground simultaneously, and blowing on the eagle bone whistle in unison with the singing. At this time the Chief Priest and the wife of the Lodge-maker returned and passed to the south of the center-pole. The Lodge-maker's wife sat down on the bed just south of Sage-Woman, and the Chief Priest took his place in the circle of priests. The drummers began beating upon the drum and soon began the third song, and the dancers who had remained standing continued the regular movement which they were to keep up with bjut slight intermissions until the close of the cere- mony.

There followed a pause, during which time the dancers remained

•There is reason to believe that this rite was in whole or in part performed on the night the priests entered the Lone-tipi.

132 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

standing. Another song was begun and the dancers continued whistHng and dancing, but during all this time, however, without moving their arms. The Lodge-maker continued to stand about four feet south of the skull. At the end of the song there was much rejoicing and shouting on the part of priests, drummers, and specta- tors, who at that time consisted almost exclusively of the near kin of those actively engaged in the ceremony, for it was about two o'clock in the morning. The shouting marked the end of the preparation for the ceremony and the real beginning of the dancing, for hence- forth the dancers occupied their time almost continuously, until they were painted, by dancing; they fasted from this night until after the last rite at the close of the ceremony.

THE FIFTH DAY.

This may not inappropriately be termed "altar day," as the erection of the altar is the chief event of the day. It may also be termed the first day of the dance proper. It is the first fasting day, for after the feast of the previous night the dancers refrain from eating until the close of the ceremony. As will be seen, there are five distinct features connected with the erection of the altar, of which the buffalo skull serves as the center. The events of the building of the altar are the cutting of the sod and the formation of the half circle, the insertion of the brush and the willow and plum bushes on this half -circle, the digging and painting of the ditch, the erection of the rain-bow sticks and the erection of the sticks represent- ing the people. During the erection of the altar the dancers take their pipes to their grandfathers, who paint them. Before each dance, that is, before each ceremony in which a new paint is worn, the rawhide is incensed and carried around the altar. Formerly, on this day the children placed at the foot of the altar pole clay images of animals, chiefly of the buffalo, which they had made in pairs at the river. The paint of this day is known as the "Yellow-Paint."

THE ERECTION OF THE ALTAR.

After the events noted in the account of the preceding night the dancers spent the few remaining hours wrapped in their blankets, sleeping on the ground. There was no special dance at sunrise, though in 1901 the Lodge-maker and his wife sat outside the lodge and watched the sun rise. By seven o'clock all were awake and the principal priests were present, sitting about the buffalo skull in no special order.

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ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLII.

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PL. XLII. Priests Making the Excavation.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 133

The Excavation.

The Chief Priest spat in the hands of Cedar-Tree, Big-Baby, and the assistant Chief Priest, and with similar rites spat upon an axe five times. In the mean time the Lodge-maker brought in the bundle of dog-wood sticks which had been lying outside of the lodge. Big- Baby and the assistant Chief Priest without formality cleared the ground for a considerable distance around and especially in front of the buffalo skull, removing all trace of vegetation. They next pre- pared to mark the site of the excavation to be made in front of the skull. The assistant Chief Priest took a slender rod and placed one end of it upon the upper side of his lower arm bent at right angles to his upper arm. He measured with the stick in this position to the base of his middle finger. Having cut the stick this length, he roughly indicated on the ground in front of the skull the length of the excava- tion. Big-Baby with his two hands took the hands of Black-Man and caused him to touch an axe and make a circular motion over the space thus indicated ; then he caused him to direct the axe downward five times and touch the ground with the axe in four different places, beginning with the southeast, thus indicating a rectangular figure. Continuing to hold his hands he again caused him to make a circular motion and to direct the axe four times and touch the ground in the center, thus indicating the place to be cut. The space was again measured with the stick, preparatory to its excavation, the width now being determined by the assistant Chief Priest, who placed the tips of his two thumbs together with his palms downward and out- ward.*

By this time the heat of the sun was excessive, and women brought poles and a piece of tipi cloth with which they formed a shelter over the priests working at the altar. Before actually beginning the work of excavating, although its size had been indicated, Big-Baby passed around behind the buffalo skull and sighted over the median line of the skull, in order to make sure that the space was in a direct line between the center of the skull, and the center-pole. Thereupon, Black-Man, without further formality, began loosening the earth in the rectangular area. Big-Baby, with his right hand, took the right hand of Black-Man, made a circular motion with it over the loosened earth, directed his hand toward it four times, and the latter took up a handful of earth and placed it upon an old blanket which had been spread out by the side of the excavation as a receptacle. The cir-

*It will be remembered that the same measure was used in indicating the width of the bands on the four poles and the center-pole of the lodge which were to receive bands of paint.

134 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

cular motion and the four passes were repeated three additional times, Black-Man each time taking up an additional handful of earth. Big-Baby released Black-Man's hand and the latter, using his right hand only, gathered up the remaining loose earth and placed it upon the blanket. When the space had thus been cleaned Big-Baby and Black-Man seized the blanket by the four corners, lifted on it four times, carried it to the center-pole and waved the blanket toward it four times, and emptied the earth at the foot of the center-pole on the west side. (See PI. XLIV.)

Preparation of the Altar Sticks.

During this time other priests, especially Cedar-Tree and the assist- ant Chief Priest, the number of priests working being gradually in- creased, were decorticating and fashioning the dogwood sticks into requisite shapes, to be used either in the construction of the rainbow or to be placed upright along the sides of the excavation. (See Fig. 6 1.) Before beginning work on these sticks, however, all had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest in the customary manner. The priests worked on these sticks until they were all prepared.

1 IG. Oi. Priests decorticating altar sticks.

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PL. XLIII. Priests Going After the Altar Sod.

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Pl. XLIV. The Priest Preparing the Hands of Sage-Woman.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 135

Securing the Sods.

It was now time for the priests to go after certain pieces of sod to be used in the construction of the altar. Sage-Woman, the wife of the Chief Priest, who had been the constant companion of the Lodge-maker's wife since they had taken up their position in the Sun Dance lodge, erected a small curtain in front of the bed and cos- tumed the Lodge-maker's wife as on the preceding day. When she emerged from behind the curtain it was seen that her face, hands, and body were painted red, and that she wore her buffalo robe and belt.

Fig. 62. Priests leaving the lodge for the sods.

Sage-Woman selected from the poles which had been brought that morning for the shelter over the priests a short tipi pole and cut it about the length of the so-called earth-peg, inserted in the willow bundle in the fork of the center-pole on the preceding day. The point of this she sharpened after the manner of a digging stick. This she gave to the Lodge-maker's wife, who started out of the Sun Dance lodge toward the east, followed first by Sage- Woman carrying an axe and then by all the Sun Dance priests. (See PI. XLIIL and Fig. 62.) They went to the east of the lodge and halted at a distance of about a hundred feet, where the priests formed in a simi-circle facing the west, the two women sitting in the center of the half-circle. Big- Baby with an axe cleared the grass and weeds from a rectangular piece of earth about two feet square. The digging stick was handed to the Chief Priest, who touched his finger to the ground, to his tongue, took a bite of root, spat five times toward the stick, and handed it to the Lodge-maker's wife. She and Sage-Woman now had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest. (See PI. XLIV.) Sage-Woman took the two hands of the Lodge-maker's wife and caused them to make

136 Field Columbiax Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

l-'lG. 63.

four passes toward the digging-stick and to pick it up. They moved forward to the cleared spot, pointed with the stick toward the cleared spot four times, once to each of its four corners. (See Fig. 63.) One

of the priests took a small twig AOf^T/~\ which he had brought with

him from the Sun Dance lodge and measured upon the cleared space. Then the assistant Chief Priest, Big-Baby, and Roman- Nose held their hands for the Chief Priest to prepare, and they measured on the side a rectangular figure, each side being equivalent to the ex- tended span of the second finger to the thumb. The out- lines of this area were now lined or traced by means of the digging-stick. Cedar-Tree desired to assist in the meas- uring and had his hands prepared by the Chief Priest.* The succession of movements which now followed in loosening the sod may best be understood by refer-

*At this point two boys starting across the camp-circle were about to pass between ths priests and the Sun Dance lodge. One of the priests at once called out, directing them to go either west of the Sun Dance lodge, or east of the priests, for to pass between the priests cutting the sod and the lodge was to court misfortune.

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Fig. 64. Diagram of sods.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

137

ence to the diagram (see Fig. 64), which shows the order in which the pieces were cut and the order in which they were lifted from their places. The priests, still measuring with their fingers, divided the

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Fig. 65. Pricsi .luilininy- Sdds.

space, bounded by the four straight lines first indicated, as on the accompanying diagram ; the one on the north and marked (i) being outlined first. Then without formality one of the priests took the axe (see Fig. 65) and inserted the blade along all of the lines, passing the axe first around the rectangular piece on the north, next the piece on the east, the piece on the south, and the piece on the west. Before beginning to mark the inner lines, that is the boundaries of the fifth piece, he moved his axe back, around by way of the east and south, and reaching over the sod marked the west line from north to south. He marked the east line from north to south; the north line from east to west. He then took up a spade, brought to the scene by one of the priests, and gently loosened all five pieces of sod, inserting the point of the spade along all edges. The two women now went to the Chief Priest who again prepared their hands. Two of the priests did likewise. The latter moved up to ■'"he sods and placing their hands along the line which separated the first piece from the fourth and fifth pieces they lifted it up and placed it toward

Fig. 66. The fifth piece of sod.

138 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

1" iG. 67. Sage-woman and the Lodge-maker's wife.

the north, upside down. They placed their hands in the groove, separated the second piece from the fifth, and threw it out in the same manner, upside down, and so on until the four pieces forming the outer area were thrown out. (See Fig. 66.) When these four pieces

were all thrown out Sage- Woman took the hands of the Lodge-maker's wife and caused her to make four passes toward the first piece and assisted her to get it on the palms of her hands. (See Fig. 67.) She carried it, in stooping pos- ture, into the lodge, walk- ing slowly. There she was directed to move it toward the ground four times and place it down south of the skull. She returned to where the priests had continued to sit in a semi-circle, and again with the assistance

Fig. 68. The Lodge-maker's wife placing the sods.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

139

of Sage-Woman, took up the second piece and carried it to the lodge. She returned for the third, fourth, and fifth pieces. The second piece was placed just west of the first piece, or at the southeast corner of the skull, the third and fourth pieces on the northwest and northeast cor- ners respectively, and the fifth piece (see Fig. 68) at the back of the skull; the positions of the five pieces may be understood by ref- erence to the ac- companying dia- gram. (See Fig. 69.)

The sods are now symbolic of

Fig. 69. Diagram of position of sods and skul

the four medicine-spirits and the sun. As she brought in the fifth piece she was followed by Sage-Woman and all the priests, though it was observed that no particular order was followed in the return to the lodge. Within the lodge the priests took up their accustomed places, except one who took up his position immediately behind the central piece of sod.

Fig. 70. Priests making the semi-circle of earth.

140 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

The Semi-circle and the Altar Foliage.

Without formality the priests began working down the pieces of sod (see Fig. 70), so that they caused the inner ends to meet and thus form a complete semi-cricle around the skull. Three- Fingers at this point brought in a large bundle of small bushes bearing red berries, the ends of all of which had already been trimmed.* (See Fig. 71.) From this bundle the assistant Chief Priest selected five. He

took the Lodge- maker's right hand and together they made a circular motion and four passes toward the bushes. The Lodge-maker was directed to pick up one of the bushes, make four passes toward the sod semi-circle, and in- sert it at the north- east end, that is into what was the first piece of sod. With similar movements the four other bushes were picked up and inserted in the semi-circle, the order of their insertion being the same as that followed in placing the five pieces of sod about the skull. Thus the second piece was inserted in the second piece of sod, and so on. The assistant Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker retired, and the remaining bushes were inserted without formality by the other priests in the semi-circle, so that when finished it bore a closely set row of bushes. (See PI. XLV.)

Black-Man brought into the lodge a young cottonwood sapling, two young plum trees, and finally a second cottonwood. Without formality he sharpened the bases of these, so as to make easier their insertion into the ground at the proper time. The Lodge-maker's wife donned her robe and belt, which she had laid aside when she had resumed her place on the bed. She secured the digging stick used to loosen the sods and with the usual assistance of Sage-Woman she was directed to make the circular motion and the four passes, to take up the digging stick (see Fig. 72) and with it to make a circular move- ment and four passes and then to prepare the holes to receive the

♦These bushes are symbolic of all vegetation, especially of all fruits.

Fig. 71. Chief Priest directing the Lodge-maker.

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Pl. XLV. Priests Inserting the Altar Foliage.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLV.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey

141

Fig. 72. Lodge-maker's wife picking up the digging stick.

four saplings which had just been brought in. She made the first hole at the southeast, the next at the southwest, at the northwest, and at the northeast of the skull, each hole being just outside the semi-circle, and corresponding in position with the first four bushes. She laid aside the digging stick and without further formality took up an iron bar and proceeded to deepen and enlarge the holes. At

Fig. 73. Lodge-maker's wife with the altar foliage.

142 Field Columbian AIuseum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

this point Iron-Shirt, a famous Cheyenne warrior who probably holds the longest coup record in the tribe to-day, related the usual war story attendant upon the building of the fire. Sage- Woman took the two hands of the Lodge-maker's wife in hers and made the usual four passes, and the latter took up one of the two plum-trees (see Fig 73), and inserted it in the first of the two holes on the south side

of the altar. With like move- ments , and being similarly direct- ed, she oicked up one of the cottonwoods and placed it in the second of the two holes on the south. With similar move- ments the sec- ond plum-tree was placed in the first hole on the north side of the altar and then the second Cottonwood in the second hole, (See Fig. 74.)

The symbol- ism of the bushes with red berries has been noted. The plum bushes are symbolic of vegetation in general, especially of all herbs, etc., which are good for medicinal use. The cottonwoods are symbolic of all large vegetation, especially of timber useful for fire, etc. " In the Lone-tipi they made things as if they were going to come. Now things are coming to pass."

Fig. 74. Lodge-maker's wife completing altar foliage.

The Dry Sand Painting.

One of the priests entered the lodge with a bag of sand which Black-Man emptied by the side of the excavation, whereupon those who were to take part in the dry sand painting to be made in the excavation had their hands prepared by the Chief Priest. They gathered around the excavation and one of them removed from it

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

143

the pieces of leaves, etc., which had fallen upon the floor. One of the priests took the two hands of the Lodge-maker in his and caused them to make four passes toward the sand. His hands still being held by the priest, the Lodge-maker took up a double handful of sand, circled it over the ditch, and directed it toward each of the four corners and deposited a portion of it in the southeast, the southwest, the northwest, and the northeast corners, and the remainder in the center. The field was now completely covered to the depth of about half an inch by the Lodge-maker, without further formality. The remainder of the sand was gathered up and placed upon the earth mound from the excavation at the foot of the center-pole on the west side. The Lodge-maker returned to the excavation. One of the priests took a small stick and directed it toward the ditch four times, and with the point of the stick first directed toward the sand field, along the border next the buffalo skull, divided the field by four short lines into five equal divisions. The assistant Chief Priest, with the same stick, completed the lines by continuing them across the field to the opposite side.

The Lodge-maker was handed four bags of paints which he untied ; the first contained red, the second black, the third yellow, and the fourth white dry paint. His two hands were grasped by one of the priests, and were directed toward the black paint four times; at the fifth time the Lodge-maker took up a pinch and he was caused to direct it toward the beginning of the first, or left, of the four parallel lines; at the point nearest the skull the paint was di- rected four times and dropped. (See Fig. 7 5.) With similar move- ments and in the same man- ner a pinch of red paint was placed at the beginning of the second

line; yellow at the third, and white at the fourth. The Chief Priest, without formality, completed these four lines. Taking up

Fig. 75. Preparing the dry-sand picture.

144 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

the second pinch of black paint he made a dotted line on each side of the black line ; a dotted line in red on each side of the red line ; a dotted line in yellow on each side of the yellow line; and a dotted line of white on each side of the white line.

The dotted or broken lines of colored sand represented stars — the white first, because the white stars come first in the morning. The continuous lines represent roads ; the white is that of the Lodge- maker and his wife ; the red is the road of the Cheyenne ; the black is the trail of the buflfalo; the yellow is the path of the sun. The entire sand picture is a symbol of the morning star.

Fig. 76. Preparing the rainbow sticks.

The Rainbow Sticks.

The four sticks or bows for the rainbow which had been prepared (see Fig. 76) were brought to the altar by the assistant Chief Priest. He moved his hand over the smallest of the four and motioned toward it four times, took it up, and inserted the two ends of it in the ground at the south extremity of the excavation and between it and the anterior end of the buffalo skull. With similar movements he inserted the second, third and fourth bows over the first one, the fourth or largest being so placed that it was immediately over the third one, which, in turn, was over the second, etc. (See Fig. 77.)

Red-Cloud took a piece of tallow, mixed it with black paint, and painted the first or inner bow black. He then daubed downy feathers with black paint and tallow and attached them to this bow. He painted the second bow red and gave it a coat of red painted downy

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Fig. ']". Inserting the rainbow sticks.

feathers; the third bow he painted yellow and gave it a coat of yellow painted downy feathers; the fourth, or upper and outermost bow, he painted white and gave it a coat of white painted downy feathers. The bows now are symbolic of the rainbow or of rain; if these sticks were not put up a flood would come.

The Men Sticks.

The assistant Chief Priest took up the sticks," the lower two-thirds of which had been decorticated, and inserted them in a row at equal distances apart, near the southern border of the excavation. (See Fig. 78.) Galloping in the mean time erected seven completely decorticated sticks on the north side. The assistant Chief Priest then painted the decorticated surface of the sticks on the south side red and the upper surface black, and attached red and black downy feathers to them, while Galloping painted the seven on the north side white and attached white downy feathers. (See Fig. 79.) The white sticks are symbolic of the same tribe as the human effigy in the center-pole, i. e., the

nine* so-called "man

Fig. 78. Decorticating the men sticks.

♦These sticks may varv from seven to nine. The red and black sticks are symbohc of a human body with black hair, and represent the bands of Cheyenne

146 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

enemy in general, which are conceived of as scalped. The Cheyenne name their chief enemies in the following order: Ute, Pawnee, Crow, Assinaboin, Shoshoni, and Ponca.

The assistant Chief Priest painted with red, and added a coat of red downy feathers to the upper part of the plum-tree and the cotton- wood- tree on the south side, and painted their bases black and applied black downy feathers; Galloping painted the two trees on the north side with white and coated them with white downy feathers. These feathers are symbolic of all birds and of all food. Now they must come forth with the growth of the earth.

The altar (See PI. XLVL), and consequently the lodge, was now complete. It is often spoken of as the willow lodge because all wear willow wreaths. Formerly all the warriors at this time hung their shields and medicine bundles on the lodge and it was called the Growth or New Birth lodge. While the altar as a whole represents this earth, the fifth in the series, and symbolizes the supreme medicine being, the lodge itself represents the heavens, or universe. No men- struating woman may come within the lodge now, for the dancers are

Fig. 7q. Attaching downy feathers to the altar sticks.

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PL. XLVI. The Altar. (Carpenter.)

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLVI.

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considered sacred and they are strictly required to refrain from the presence of unclean women.

Filling the Sacred Pipe.

The altar having been finished, the Lodge-maker filled the sacred pipe. His immediate instructor this time was Three-Fingers, who, in turn, was directed by the assistant Chief Priest. As the loading of this pipe has already been described, the operation need not be described again. After it was filled and greased it was replaced by the side of the buffalo skull.

THE DANCERS ARE PAINTED. FIRST PAINT.

The Lodge-maker got from the fire a coal in the long-handled fire-spoon, placed it in front of the assistant Chief Priest who was to paint him thereafter during the ceremony, and sat down behind him, near the altar.

During the time occupied in constructing the altar, the dancers had been sitting in their proper places, each being provided early in the morning with a pipe. In front of the dancers sat their grand- fathers, that is the men who were to paint them. Each dancer now gave his pipe to his grandfather, who lighted it and smoked. While the grandfathers were smoking, the dancers went in turn to the Chief Priest who spat upon their hands after the usual fashion, where- upon they rubbed their hands together and passed them down over their head, face and body. The first to receive the spittle were the Lodge-maker and his wife, for, in theory, they are always painted first. The grandfathers were now provided by relatives of the dancers with small bowls and boxes or bags of paints which they were to use in painting the dancers. The assistant Chief Priest began to paint the entire body, face, and head of the Lodge-maker with red, while Sage- Woman, the Chief Priest's wife, painted in a similar man- ner the body of the Lodge-maker's wife. In applying this paint the

Fig. 80. A dancer receiving his paint. (Mooney.)

148 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

same motions were performed and the same order of application was maintained as when they were painted in the Lone-tipi on the pre- ceding day by the same priests. As soon as the assistant Chief Priest was well advanced in painting the Lodge-maker, the other grand- fathers began painting the dancers under their charge (see PI. XLVII. and Fig. 80), going through the same motions; that is, rubbing their hands together and making in their palms the marks which have already been described.

The character of the paints applied will be treated in another

Fig. 81. Priest repainting the Lodge-maker's robe. (Mooney.)

section, but it may be said here that theoretically the first paint should be uniform for all the dancers. In the succeeding paints additions to the prescribed paint may be applied, these additions being usually the property of the painter, and known as "dream paints." An exception to the rule that all should be painted in a uniform manner was noted in the case of two dancers on the south side of the line who bore paints different from the others. These were Arapaho, who had asked permission to fast during this ceremony, as provision had not been made for the Sun Dance in their own tribe.

Big-Baby painted the head-dress of the Lodge-maker red, directing his hand toward it four times, and then upward, and giving it a coat

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Pu. XLVII. The Grandfathers Painting the Dancers. (Carpenter.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLVIII.

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PL. XLVIII. A Costumed Dancer.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. XLIX.

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Pl. XLIX. Women Bringing Food for the Feast.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. L.

Pl. L. Fig. A. Woman Bringing Bed into the Lodge. Fig. B. The Lodge-maker Offering Food.

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The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

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on the right side. He directed his hand toward the left side four times, then upward, and painted the left side with an upward motion. These movements were repeated again, both for the right and for the left side.

The assistant Chief Priest spread on the ground the buffalo robe of the Lodge-maker, and with red paint marked out a large solid circular disc on the right shoulder of the robe, and a crescent or moon- shaped symbol on the left shoulder. (See Fig. 81.) He made four movements toward the robe with both hands ,and grasping it along the median line near the two extremities, he jerked upon it four times, lifting it slightly higher each time, and handed it to the Lodge- maker.

After all the dancers had been painted and their kilts and loin- cloths had been properly adjusted, each grandfather inserted five bunches of sage upright into his belt, making first a circular motion and four passes with each bunch. The first bunch was inserted, as they termed it, on the southeast corner, that is on the left front side, the other three pieces being placed on the right front, right back, and the left back respectively, while the fifth was inserted at the middle of the back. (See PI. XLVIIL)

The Feast and Sacrifice of Food.

The relatives of the dancers now brought into the lodge great pans heaped with food, and also presents which were given to the grandfathers. (See PI. XLIX.) These presents consisted largely of blankets, but there was also brought in lean-backs (See PL L., Fig. a), pieces of costume, calico, and even ponies.

Fig. 82. The bed in the lodge, igoi.

50 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Attention has already been directed to the fact that a bed had been prepared for the Lodge-maker's wife and the wife of the Chief Priest on the west side of the lodge. This bed with all its furnishings, that is the two willow lean-backs, willow mattress, pillows, blankets, etc., were now removed by friends of the Lodge-maker's wife, for these belonged to her. At each feast the bed (see Fig. 82), symbolic of all the buffalo, was removed and replaced by another, for, accord- ing to the custom of the ceremony, this bed must be renewed four times (once for each of the four medicine-spirits), during the days of the ceremony, each time by the family of the Chief Priest, and

each of the four beds with its cur- tains and belong- ings immediately becomes the prop- erty of the Lodge- maker's wife (see Fig. 83); up to this time the Chief Priest and his wife had been the recipients of all gifts.

The bed hav- ing been renewed and the food for the feast being provided, the Lodge-maker left his place, took a twig of sage and dipped it in one of the basins of food and offered it to the four painted poles (see PI. L., Fig. b.), to the trees of the altar, to the skull, and touched

the center-pole with it four times and dropped t -^ \

it at the foot of the center-pole. Many of the dancers made similar offerings of food. (See Fig. 84.)

Piercing the Children's Ears.

At this time the lodge, both within and without, was packed with priests, friends of the dancers, and spectators. Many presents were exchanged among friends, chiefly ponies. While the priests were eating a war story was told by an old warrior, the fire was re- newed, the musicians beat upon the drum and

Fig. 83. Women removing the bed from the lodge. (Mooney.)

Fig.

\. A dancer sacri- ficing food.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

151

shouted, and certain medicine-men pierced the ears of some of the children.* During all this time the best of good feeling and happiness prevailed throughout the camp.

Final Preparation of the Dancers.

Each of the dancers arose (see Fig. 85), led by the Lodge-maker, went to the fireplace and removed from it, by means of a stick, a live coal which he placed in front of his grandfather. Each grandfather took a pinch of sweet-grass, motioned it tow- ard the four directions and directly overhead, and dropped it upon the coal. In the smoke thereupon rising he bathed his hands, and touched each sym- bol upon the body of the dancer whom he had painted, begin- ning with the right wrist, and continuing with the right ankle, left wrist, left ankle, the sym- bol on the breast, the symbol on the face, and finally the moon symbol on the back. The dancer turned his back to the painter and the latter took a stem of sweet-grass upon which he spat saliva from a medicine root and drew it across the dancer's mouth from left to right. He next took up the left foot of the dancer, shook it and struck it with the grass stem, and repeated the performance with the dancer's right foot; he repeated the performance on his left hand, and then on his right hand. He repeated the performance and struck his buttocks, the hollow of his back, the middle of his back, and each shoulder, generally shaking him each time by grasping the sides of his body. The grandfather then with four passes thrust the grass stem in the scalplock of the dancer. By this rite, called the " black-medicine " or " to-make-alive-again," the dancers are strengthened and refreshed. Often, later in the ceremony, the grandfathers spat upon the dancers' heels to revive them, "for the grandfathers have medicine in their mouths." Formerly the dancers chewed the scrapings of cottonwood bark. The dancers

♦Much ear-piercing in recent times, however, is simply a formality; that is, the priest takes the child's ear and gives it a gentle squeeeze; for the Cheyenne have been made to believe that the piercing of the ears is contrary to the law of the Indian department.

Fig. 85. Costumed dancers, 1901.

152 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

now received their head-dress and wrist, ankle, and waist bands of willow, adjusted their loin-cloth and sat down in their accustomed place. (See Fig. 86.)

Thurifying the Rawhide.

While the assistant Chief Priest refolded the rawhide (see PI. LI., Fig. a), which since its use on the night before had been lying near

the center-pole, the Lodge-maker got a live coal in the fire-spoon (see Fig. LI., Fig. b), placed it under the tip of the skull, and took a pinch of sweet-grass from the bag lying by the side of the skull. He moved it toward the coal slowly, halting four times, and placed it upon the coal. He took up the rawhide, grasping it along the folded edge near one end, and barely lifting it from the ground, carried it from the east toward the west (see PI. LL, Fig. c), north of the skull and center-pole, and continued toward the musicians. There he motioned it toward them four times and threw it among them, whereupon they beat upon it with the drumstick rattles. The crowd within and without the lodge was now denser than before. Women were singing, men were shouting, and an atmosphere of religious fervor pervaded to a marked degree the entire camp. The Lodge-maker having returned to his place remained standing while the painters completed costuming and otherwise prepar- ing their subjects. During this time the musicians about the drum rehearsed dance songs. When all were ready the dancers arose, as also the grandfathers, who stood in line behind the dancers.

Fig. 86. Costumed dancer.

The First Dance.

At the beginning of the first Sun Dance song proper, the painters raised first their right, then their left arm. Thus they continued for a few moments, then the grandfathers sat down. The dancers now placed their whistles in their mouths and began whistling and dancing.

h'l

PL. LI. Thurifying the Rawhide. Fig. a. Priest Folding the Rawhide. Fig. B. Lodge-maker with Fire-spoon. Fig. C. Lodge-maker Carrying the Rawhide.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LI.

Fig. B.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

153

kB	1^	gM			>^iK^
	jg	W	Hi 1		fl
	k.v*	#'1			Vl
m^0	^^>''fe^	^^^ i.	^■^^^^H	L	^

Fig. 87. Dancers whistling toward the center-pole, iqoi.

(See Fig. 87.) The dancing consist- ed chiefly of rais- ing the heel from the ground, thus signifying their desire that the earth may be blessed that all may live. This perform ance was repeated four times and the last course of the Sun Dance proper may be said to have begun.'

The crowd now scattered out, some of the dancers sat down and the painters removed the bunches of sage from their belts, each handing them to the dancers, who placed them at the foot of the

center-pole. The dancers passed by the Chief Priest and received the spittle in their hands "to give them permanent homes," whereup- on they made a motion as if rub- bing their hands together, down their arms, legs, over their breast and head. Some of the dancers in- stead of receiving the spittle from the priest, performed the rite for themselves, first touching their finger to the ground, then to their tongue, and placing their tongue to a root which was attached to the base of a buffalo tail, held out to them by the Chief Priest. The grandfathers now re-

FiG. 88. Dancers washing off the paint. (Mooney.

154 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

moved the eagle breath- feather from the hair of their subjects, and gave each one a bunch of sage, whereupon the dancers went, without formahty, to buckets of water, provided for this pur- pose, and with the sage thor- oughly drenched themselves from head to foot. (See Figs. 88 and 89.) It was now about four o'clock. No further rites were performed in the lodge, nor was there any further movement until about seven o'clock in the evening.

THE SECOND PAINT.

Fig.

Dancers washing off the paint.

(Mooney.)

The dancers were painted as in the afternoon. First each dancer handed his grandfather the pipe. After smoking, the grand- fathers made for each of the dancers a willow wreath into which was inserted a red stained eagle breath-feather, symbolic of the eagle, — as the whistling represents his cry when he is in the air. After painting it the willow sage wreath was placed on the dancer's head, and in his belt were inserted the usual five bunches of sage.

After all had been painted, the order of procedure as well as the manner being the same as in the forenoon, food was provided, the dancers made the usual sacrifice of food, and the feast followed. Coals were provided for the priests and they painted the dancers and prepared their feet, hands, etc., as in the afternoon. The fire was replenished with accompanying war story, and the dancers made ready for the evening performance, which did not __ differ from that Fig. 90. Arapaho dancer taking up willow pole.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

155

of the afternoon. The Lodge-maker carried in his right hand, in addition to a bunch of sage, an eagle wing feather. The two Arapaho were painted differently from the others. They now went to the center-pole to receive certain special objects with which they were to dance and which had been placed there by their grandfathers. These objects were slender wil- low boughs about ten feet in length, to the upper end of which was attached strips of calico (see Fig. 90), and a pipe, to the stem of which was attached a small bunch of sage. (See Fig. 91.) They then walked back and joined the line of dancers. (See Fig. 92.) Again the grand- fathers stood by their subjects and moved their arms back and forth in accompaniment to the time of the singing on the part of the musicians about the drum. At this time, however, each grandfather stood in front of his subject and

grasped his left arm, lifted it aloft, and shook it so that the long fringe of the sage wreath about his arm swayed back and forth. Then they took the right arm of the dancer in the same way, holding it out straight, and shaking it. The grandfathers continued this for a few moments and then sat down; the dancers continued whistling and dancing. The movement of the dancers now varied somewhat from the first dance, for they held up first one arm and then the other. The dance now continued with slight intermissions late into the riight. At about ten o'clock occurred the incident relating to the torture to be described later in these pages. Before the dancers lay down for the night, the so-called "sweet-water" was made for one or two of them. This could be made only by the assistant Chief Priest and Three-Fingers. It is believed that the drinking of water thus made does not violate the vow to fast. At the conclusion of the last dance of the night, all the wreaths and pieces of sage, etc., worn during the dance were deposited at the foot of the center-pole, by the side of the cups of paint, etc., which had been placed there immediately after the grandfathers had finished painting the dancers.

Fig. 91. Pipes carried by the Arapaho dancers.

156 Field CoLUMmAX Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

•<^ ?

^jii

Fig. 92. Arapaho dancers in line.

THE SIXTH DAY.

As already explained, the number of days devoted to dancing and fasting depends upon the length of time fasted by the one chosen as Chief Priest. In the ceremonies of both 1901 and 1903 the time devoted exclusively to dancing, and not including the altar day, was one day ; This naturally involved either the omission of certain pre- scribed paints or the use on the altar day and the day following of more paints than are supposed to be appropriate to any one day.

Both the description of the paints which are supposed to be worn on each individual day and what happened in the ceremonies witnessed is set forth in the proper place. The rites, in the full ceremony of eight days, of each day following the altar day are practically the same. On each morning there is the sunrise dance, followed by a period of rest. Then the dancers are painted and given their wreaths; the feast is provided, the sacrifice is made, the priests eat, the remnants of the food are removed, the rawhide is passed over the incense and thrown among the musicians, and the dancers dance to the accompaniment of the music at irregular intervals throughout the day. Formerly there were certain times during these three days following the altar day when certain forms of torture were practiced. This subject

/>'4

FIELD COLUVPIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. Lll.

Fig. C.

li'^y

PL. Lll. Scenes Inside the Lodge. Fig. a. Exchanging Presents. Fig. B. Chief Announcing a Present. Fig. C. Old Chief and Wife Making Love.

.TM383flq

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 157

is treated in another place. The sacred pipe is smoked, refilled, and painted with every change of paint.

It remains, therefore, to enumerate the successive events and to describe those which took place early in the morning and late on the afternoon of this day and which brought the performance to a close.

THE SUNRISE DANCE.

The dance was continued with but slight intervals throughout the night until near morning, when the dancers lay down in their blankets for a brief period of sleep. Shortly after five o'clock the musicians were sitting around the drum, and the dancers formed in line in their usual places. Then they proceeded in one long line toward the eastern entrance and stood half-way between the doorway and the center- pole, where they danced until the sun appeared above the horizon.

It was noticed that as the line formed toward the east only twelve dancers had survived the ordeal, all the remainder having dropped out except one old man over seventy years old, who remained sitting in his usual place. It seems probable that the majority of those who left the line during the night did so on account of inability to withstand the heat, fatigue, and continued fast. The claim was put forth, however, by the priests that many left because their families had not made sufficient provision to furnish the food necessary for the feast which precedes each paint.

THE THIRD PAINT.

There followed a period of rest until about seven o'clock in the morning, when preparations were made for the painting of the dancers, etc. In accordance with the program already stated, the Lodge-maker and his wife, as on all previous occasions, were painted first.

During this day, as well as on the previous day, women occasion- ally replaced the men around the drum and led in the singing. It is claimed that all women who are supposed to have excelled in mat- rimonial affairs are privileged to serve at the drum. At times all the women about the drum were wives of the members of one or another of the warrior societies; at other times they were all wives of the chiefs. During the day the exchange of presents was kept up, almost without intermission. Ponies, blankets, etc., were brought into the lodge, the crier announcing the gift; at other times gray headed married couples stood up together and openly made love and ex- patiated on the beauties of married life. (See PI. LII.) A few women also entered the lodge on this day, during the singing, each bearing a

158 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

sheep scapula,* attached to a stick which she held upright; with these they danced, keeping time to the beating of the drum. Such women are supposed to have held out for a long time when they were courted. In case of one woman it was said that a certain old man of the tribe was still trying to win her, and to the great amusement of the whole crowd she related the story and gave the name of her old lover.

To return to the discussion of events of the day, it may be noted first, that after the period of rest above mentioned, certain dancers quenched their thirst by drawing sage which had been dipped

in water across their mouths. When the time came for the first of the three paints which were worn on this day, the painters proceeded to wash their bod- ies, as they had on previous occasions, the symbols being touched with sage by the painters, for the blessing of the paint, it is as- sumed, had struck into the body. Then the grand- father went to the Chief Priest to re- ceive the spittle. The dancers pro- vided coals for the grandfathers to incense their hands and then followed the painting. Dur- ing its progress the food was brought. After the Lodge-maker was painted, his robe was painted as it was in the Lone-tipi, it being repainted with each change of paint. After it had been painted the priest made the same movements that were made in the Lone-tipi; first shaking it as the buffalo does on getting up to shake the dust from his body — thus the priest

* Formerly a human scapula.

Fig. 93. Lodge-maker sacrificing to the altar.

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

159

shakes the disease from the people, as the dust rises so disease rises and passes away.

In making the sacrifice, the Lodge-maker took a small piece of meat and offered it to the small earth under the jaw of the buffalo skull first making four passes; after depositing the meat he held his palms over it four times. (See Fig. 93.) Then the assistant Chief Priest dipped the tips of sprigs of sage in several bowls, rose, and gave it to the Lodge-maker who went around by way of the south to the altar and touched the tips of the arrows representing the Cheyenne, and laid the bunch of sage down by their side, the offering of sage expressing the desire that vegetation in general may come. Other dancers took pieces of sage, dipped them in a bowl of food, and offered them to the four painted reach-poles. Thus, on the first day, it may be said that the sacrifice is to the altar; on the second day, to the lodge itself.

After the sacrifice came the feast, the removal of the food, the exchange of presents, the renewal of the bed (see Fig. 94), and the placing of the sage in the belts of the dancers. Then the dancers brought coals with which to light the pipes for the grandfathers. All being in readiness for the begin- ning of the dance, Big-Baby placed the buffalo robe upon the shoul- ders of the Lodge-maker, directing it toward him first four times. During the dance the Chief Priest stood beside the Lodge-maker and danced with him, thus encouraging him. At times during this and the following dances the Lodge-maker stood on five bunches of sage which had been placed on the floor of the excavation. Thus he stood on the four medicine-spirits and the sun. It was during this dance that one of the women who held a scapula aloft on a stick cried out to the dancers: "Do not be afraid to look at it; it is the moon. You will be like this some dav."

Fk;. 94.

Woman removinj the lodge.

bed from

i6o F'lELD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

At the end of the dance, the two Arapaho, as usual, placed their pipes and long willow poles by the side of the center-pole, and all the dancers removed their wreaths of willow and the five bunches of sage and deposited them at the foot of the center-pole and removed their paint.

THE FOURTH PAINT.

Again the Chief Priest spat into the hands of the grandfathers for the second paint of this day. Food was brought into the lodge and the sacrifice followed. This time the Lodge-maker took five pieces of meat, sacrificed one beneath each of the painted reach poles, begin- ning with the one on the southeast, then the northwest, etc., and finally a piece to the altar, thus feeding the four medicine-spirits and the earth. Before Big-Baby placed the robe upon the Lodge-maker for this dance, the Lodge-maker got a coal with his fire-spoon and placed it in front of his seat. Big- Baby gave him a pinch of sweet-grass and he made a circular motion with it and four passes toward the coal and placed it on the coal. Over the rising smoke he stooped, gathering his robe about him to retain the incense ; thus uniting the tribe.

Now began the dance. On account of the intense heat the grandfathers labored over their men, blowing the "medicine" upon their

1 J u '^^"™ ° feet, hands, back, and head, shaking them, lodge snowing posi- i ^ ? > o

tions of sage. ^-^^ otherwise attempting to relieve their suf-

fering. It was noticed at this time that of the thirteen dancers who had held out until this morning, two had left the lodge, so that at the beginning of this dance there were but eleven of the original thirty-nine remaining, and of these two were Arapaho. (See PI. LIII.) Nevertheless, the enthusiasm of the ceremony at this time was at its height. The old men and women at the drum shouted in their happiness, while other old couples openly made love, to the immense satisfaction and amuse- ment of the crowd, which now was greater than at any time during the ceremony. (See PI. LIV.) At the end of the dance the dancers sat down. The two Arapaho placed their staffs behind the altar. One of the Arapaho took his pipe to the assistant Chief Priest who pointed the stem toward the four painted rafters, toward the center-pole, to the fork, to the ground, to the buffalo skull, turned

CENTER POLE

Ii0^

PL. Llll. Line of Dancers at Noon, Last Day. (Carpenter. >

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PL. LIV. General View of the Sun Dance Lodge. (Carpenter.)

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May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

161

the stem downward and pointed it toward the earth ; then he hghted it and went through the same movements, offering the smoke.

THE FIFTH PAINT.

The grandfathers put on the last paint. The Chief Priest took a large bunch of sage and going toward the altar divided it into five bunches. He then arranged four of the bunches in front of and around the altar, their butts being directed toward it, placing them so that each bunch was distinct from the others. The first was southwest of the altar, the second and third in front, and the fourth on the southeast of the altar. The fifth bunch he placed four feet north of the center-pole. (See Fig. 95.) Upon these the Lodge- maker was to dance, praying to the four medicine-spirits and to the sun. Many women now came for- ward with offerings of calico, blankets, etc.: all these were tied around the waist of the Chief Priest, who wore them during the next rite. (See Fig. 96.)

Fig. 96.

Cliief Priest wearing gifts of blankets.

THE CHIEF PRIEST DANCES WITH THE LODGE-MAKER.

After the dance had continued for a while all sat down except the Chief Priest and the Lodge- maker; the musicians continued to sing while these two stood and danced. (See Fig. 97.) During the first song the Lodge-maker stood on the sage at the southwest of the altar, during the

r-i ■ c -D ■ ^ J ■ u -J r second song he stood at

Chief Priest dancing by side of °

Lodge-maker. ^^^ second bunch of sage,

Fig. qj.

i62 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

Fig. q8. Chief Priest and Lodge-maker Fig. qg. Altar, after partial destruction by dancing by center-pole. I^odge-maker.

during the third song on the third, during the fourth song on the fourth, and during the fifth song on the sage near the center-pole. (See Fig. 98.) From this point the Lodge-maker and Chief Priest danced or hopped stiff legged, one foot being slightly in advance of the other, back and forth to the altar four times. As they approached the altar the fourth time the Chief Priest pushed the Lodge-maker toward the white arrows, causing some of them to fall. (See Fig. 99.) Thus they gave thanks to the four medicine-spirits, and as he knocked the white arrows down, their enemies are informed that they are through dancing. The Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker then went to their seats and sat down.

THE FINAL DANCE.

The Lodge-maker and all the other dancers arose again and began

dancing and whistling with the beginning of a new song. At this point the Arapaho and their grandfathers left the lodge, for except the final rite about to be noted the dance was over, and they had fulfilled their vow. The curtains surround- ing the lodge were now removed sufficiently to make doors or openings on

Fig. 100. Final dance, line facing the east. the south, west, and north

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

16-

sides. With the beginning of a new song the dancers formed in a long single line facing the east (see Fig. 100), dancing and whistling. At the end of the second song they moved forward one step. Thus they danced through the third and fourth songs, moving forward at the end of each song. At the end of the fourth song they ran, led by the Chief Priest, outside of the lodge, turned sharply, and rushed toward the center-pole, still led by the Chief Priest, who waved in their faces a breath-feather fastened to the end of a stick which represented flying birds. They raced around the center-pole twice, then out again through the eastern door- way. Then they rushed back toward the center-pole and made a dash toward the south entrance, turned again and ran around the center-pole twice, rushed out toward the west entrance, rushed back, circled around the cen- ter-pole twice and rushed toward the north en- trance. Again they re- turned, circled around the center-pole twice, still being led by the Chief Priest. By this time the dancers were fairly reeling and stag- gering and panting for breath. (See Fig. loi.) They turned back and rushed toward the altar, in front of which they stopped and the dance

was at an end. By this rite they march out to the four medicine- spirits of the four directions; thus also they represent the people going to their homes, full of life and animation. During this exciting performance the musicians sang and shouted to a degree not hitherto noted during the ceremony, while all the spectators, except the priests and chiefs, shouted and encouraged the dancers.

BREAKING THE FAST.

The dancers took their places by the grandfathers who removed their wreaths, which the dancers placed in a heap at the foot of the center-pole. Then the grandfathers touched the symbols of the dancers with sage dipped in water, and the dancers washed as before. While Sage- Woman, the Chief Priest's wife, was preparing water for

Fig. ioi. Final dance, led by Chief Priest.

164 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

the Lodge-maker's wife, the Chief Priest and the Lodge-maker sat down by a bowl of water. The former touched his finger to the ground, to his tongue, took a bite of root, and spat into the water five times, first to the southeast, then in the southwest, the northwest, and the northeast corners, and finally in the center. The Lodge-maker moved his head gently toward the water four times, and then a fifth time, but with a much more decided movement, and drank from the water. As soon as the dancers had washed themselves they drank, without formality, from pails of water which had been brought by their relatives. Then each one caused violent vomiting by tickling his throat with a grass stem (see Fig. 102), after which each one was

102. Till' emetic. (Mooney.

taken by his grandfather to a sweat-lodge which had been erected by relatives during the close of the ceremony. This sweat bath did not differ from the ordinary sweat bath. It is merely a purification rite, and is said to depend for its efficacy on the sage on which the bathers sit.

SMOKING THE SACRED PIPE.

The lodge was now completely deserted except by the Chief Priest, the Lodge-maker, and two priests who sat on the northeast side of the altar. The Lodge-maker removed the sacred pipe from the altar, got a live coal from the fireplace and placed it in front of the Chief Priest, who lighted the pipe and offered the stem to the four painted reach poles, to the center-pole, to the altar, to the earth, and then smoked. The pipe was passed from the east end of the line toward the west, each priest smoking it ; it was handed back unsmoked to the east end

May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey,

165

of the line ; thus it passed back and forth four times. The ashes were removed without formaUty by the Chief Priest, who rubbed his hands up and down the pipe on each side of the stem and handed it to the Lodge-maker, who took the pipe to himself twice on each side, then along the median line of his body. The Chief Priest cleansed the bowl more thoroughly and tied the pipe and the buffalo chip up in the bundle, which all this time had been lying at the south side of the altar.

THE SWEAT BATH.

The Lodge-maker went with his wife to their tipi, where he filled a pipe. They went to the tipi of the Chief Priest, to whom on entering the Lodge-maker handed the pipe. Then the Chief Priest made a small "earth" two inches in diameter, lighted the pipe, and made the usual sacrifices. The Lodge-maker took a piece of meat, blackened it with charcoal, and placed it in the Chief Priest's mouth. Then they smoked four pipes full of tobacco and ate. The Chief Priest's wife and his relatives have received during the ceremony many presents; these were now given to the Lodge-maker and his wife. In the mean time a sweat bath had been erected by the friends of the Chief Priest, differing in no way from the ordinary sweat bath. The Chief Priest and his wife and the Lodge-maker and his wife went into the sweat-lodge for the purpose of purifying themselves, especially with the belief that thus they may retain all the medicines which they have received during the lodge. There were no rites or singing connected with this bath. After the bath the Chief Priest gave to the Lodge-maker five different kinds of roots to be used as med-

FiG. 103. Tlie abandoned lodge.

1 66 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX,

icines. These roots were similar to those used in the Sun Dance cere- mony.

THE FATE OF THE SUN DANCE LODGE.

As with the Arapaho, the lodge is not supposed to be molested after the termination of the dance. Everything is left as a sacrifice by the tribe to the great medicine-spirit. (See Fig. 103.) The omission by the Cheyenne of the sacrifice of clothing to the center-pole and the lodge in general is in marked variance with the custom of the Arapaho. While no one is supposed to molest the lodge after the ceremony, the Chief Priest may claim the right to take anything from the lodge, bless it, and give it to any one who is in trouble, the gift being supposed to be efficacious in removing the trouble.

PART III.— PAINTS WORN BY THE DANCERS.

As the successive events of the ceremony make for progress toward a certain definite result, so the paints also progress in character toward a definite end. Unlike the paints worn in the Arapaho cere- mony, which showed great variation, and which to a considerable ex- tent may be characterized as "dream-paints," those of the Cheyenne, with one or two exceptions about to be noted, were uniform for all the dancers, including, for the greater part of the time, that worn by the Lodge-maker himself. The paint worn before the erection of the altar, that is by the Lodge-maker and his wife when they left the Lone-tipi, and by the dancers themselves when they entered the lodge on the night of its erection, has already been described. It may be repeated here that the white paint worn by the dancers on enter- ing the lodge is in a certain sense of a purifying nature, it covers all disease, bodily imperfections, etc., which, when the paint is re- moved, are washed away with it.

There is a prescribed method for painting the dancers on each of the four days during which they are supposed to fast. As a matter of fact, however, in neither the ceremony of 1901 nor of 1903 did the ceremony last four days; as a consequence, in the effort to represent all the regular paints before the ceremony closed, a certain amount of confusion resulted. In the ceremony of 1901, not all the pre- scribed paints were represented. All but one were represented in the ceremony of 1903 ; but the time during which each paint was worn was much curtailed. The theoretical scheme of the paints, the days being numbered in accordance with the Cheyenne system, when

ILC

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LV.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

i

/66>

Pl. LV. Fig. A. Lodge-maker's Wife, First Paint. Fig. B. Lodge-maker's Wife, Second Paint.

if if

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 167

speaking of the paints, of calling the altar day the first day, is as follows :

Day Number of Paint ' Name of Paint

First First Yellow

Second Second Pink

Third Third White (Hail)

a Green b White Fourth Fourth Black (Cyclone)

a Green b White It will be seen that this scheme takes no notice of the fact that all the dancers were painted white on their introduction to the lodge on the night of its erection. In comparing the paints worn in the ceremony of 1903 with the scheme given above, it will be noticed that on the first day the Yellow-paint and the Green-Hail-paint were represented, although, as will be seen, on the second day the white-Hail paint and the green and white Cyclone paint were represented. Consequently, in describ- ing the paints I shall speak of the first and second paints of the first day, and the first, second, and third paints of the second day, in order that they may be localized as regards particular events which have already been described. It should be borne in mind, how- ever, that while the first paint of the first day is the first paint, the second paint of the first day should be the second day's paint. The first paint of the second day, the Hail-paint, should belong to the third day, while the second and third paints of the second day, the Black or Cyclone-paint, belong properly to the fourth day. It is also to be noted here that part of the time the Lodge-maker's wife wore paints not represented by the other dancers; also that one individual wore paint different from the others; and finally, that the two Arapaho, being painted by Arapaho, wore paints which were quite foreign to the general scheme of the Cheyenne ceremony. It remains, there- fore, to describe in order the paint worn by the Lodge-maker's wife, certain peculiarities of the Lodge-maker's paint, the regular paint, the paint worn by a single individual, and finally the paint worn by the two Arapaho.

PAINTS WORN BY THE LODGE-MAKER'S WIFE.

First Paint. The paint about to be described was worn by both the lodge-maker and his wife on the morning of the erection of the altar, and hence may be considered as the first paint of the first day. The entire bodies of both individuals (see PI. LV., Fig. a) were

i68 FiKLD Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

painted solidly in red, the color being so applied that the marks of the fingers were as much as possible obliterated. A straight black line passed down the center of the face, over the middle of the nose, across the center of the mouth, and terminated at the end of the chin. On the middle of the right cheek was a round, black spot or sun sym- bol, while on the left cheek was a black crescent or moon symbol. On the center of the breast was a similar, but larger, black circle ; it also represented the sun. On the back of the right shoulder was a large black crescent or moon symbol. A black line encircled both wrists and ankles.

Second Paint. The second paint (see PI. LV., Fig. 6) worn by the woman, and which in the ceremony of 1903 was worn in the afternoon of the altar day, was as follows: The body, except the face, as before, was painted solidly red. The face was painted black, the color being applied with the palm side of the wrist by Sage- Woman, who always painted her. On the center of her breast was a black sun symbol, and her wrists and ankles were encircled with black bands. On the back of her right shoulder was a moon symbol.

Third Paint. The third paint of the woman, worn as the first paint of the second day, was exactly like the paint which she wore on the preceding evening, and which has been called her second paint.

Fourth and Fifth Paint. Her fourth and fifth paints, the second and third of the second day, were the same. (See PI. LVI., Fig. a.) Her body was painted red and the black sun symbol was applied on her breast and a black moon symbol on her right shoulder, black bands encircling her wrists and ankles. About the face was a band of red, lighter in color than that of the body, and so applied as to form the symbol of the morning star. The space within this red line was filled solidly in green.

PAINTS WORN BY THE LODGE-MAKER.

The Lodge-maker's paint in general was like that worn by all the dancers, the only exception being his first and second paints; that is, the first and second paints of the first day, and of these the first was like that worn by his wife, and already has been described.

Second Paint. The second paint of the Lodge-maker was a modification of the first variety of the so-called Hail-paint, and was worn as the second or afternoon paint of the first day. (See Pl. LVL, Fig. b.) A band of red was drawn around his waist at the line of the naval, forming a boundary between the lower half of his body, which was painted solidly in red, and the upper half, which was painted solidly in black. On the black ground on the breast was

ft>t

Pl. LVI. Fig. A. Lodge-maker's Wife, Fourth and Fifth Paints. Fig. B. Lodge-maker, Second Paint.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVI.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVII.

-•• •

. ••• •

1 *. .* * • •»• •

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Fig. a.

Fig. B.

PL. LVII.

Fig. a. The Yellow Paint. Fig. B. The Pink Paint.

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May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 169

drawn a circular symbol, outlined first by a red line, then by an en- circling black line; the area within the red line was filled solidly in green. Radiating from points equidistant apart on this breast symbol were four green lines, two of which passed upward toward the shoulder and down to a red line surrounding each arm, corresponding in position to the red line about the waist and which separated the black of the upper arm from the red of the lower arm. Two other lines of green passed downward from the circular breast symbol and terminated in the red line about the waist. A similar circular sym- bol was placed upon the face, the region about the eyes, nose, and mouth first being painted green and surrounded by a red line within the black space which occupied the remainder of the face. On the back of the right shoulder was a crescent-shaped symbol of similar color, that is with a green center, inclosed within a red and a black line. At various places over the black field of the upper part of the body were green dots an inch in diameter, made with the end of a round stick. Around the wrists and ankles were black encircling bands. A straight black line joined the bands around the wrists to the red band just above the elbow. Over the red field of the lower part of the body, including the legs and forearm, after the paint had dried, the priest applied here and there designs made by slapping the body with willow leaves which had been dipped in red paint.

With this paint the Lodge-maker wore a willow wreath around his head, a bandoleer of willow over his left shoulder and under his right arm, a willow band about his waist, and willow wreaths about his wrists and ankles.

Third, Fourth, and Fifth Paints. The remaining paints worn by the Lodge-maker, namely, the third, fourth, and fifth, and includ- ing those worn on the second day, were, with one exception, to be noted later, exactly the same as those worn by the other dancers, and will be described with the prescribed paints.

PRESCRIBED OR REGULAR PAINTS.

Before giving a detailed description of the regular paints, it may be noted that when they are given in full they fall into four groups, which originally were worn on the four days. The first is known as the Yellow-paint ; the second as the Pink-paint ; the third as the White- or Hail-paiht; the fourth as the Black-or Cyclone-or Dragon-fly-paint.

1.- THE YELLOW-PAINT

This is the first paint, and is worn on the morning of the altar day. The entire body (see PI. LVIL, Fig a), including the face and hair, were

170 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

painted yellow ; the paint on the face and body was given a ribbed or grained effect by drawing the tips of the fingers over it before it was dry. Over this yellow paint across the face just above the mouth were laid two parallel rows of ten green dots. Upon the breast was placed a cir- cular symbol of the sun, made of two concentric circles of green dots; a similar arrangement of dots was made to form the crescent-shape moon symbol on the back of the right shoulder. Around the wrists and ankles were also two parallel rows of green dots. According to one of the priests, this paint, as above described and worn on this day, was incorrect; he contended that the sun and moon symbols and the lines about the wrists and ankles should not have been made by means of dots, but of narrow, black, continuous lines.

With this paint were worn a waist-band of sage; wreaths of sage about wrists and ankles ; and the usual five bunches of sage inserted in the waist-band. Thrust into the hair at the back of the head was a stem of sweet-grass.

2.— THE PINK-PAINT.

The appropriate paint of the second day is known as the Pink- paint. It was not worn by any of the dancers of the 1903 ceremony, although the Lodge-maker wore a modification of it. The illustration here given (see PI. LVII., Fig. b) and the description are from the 1901 ceremony. The entire body was painted pink, over which were mark- ings of fine, small willow leaves made by sharply slapping the body with young willow boughs which had been dipped in paint. Upon the breast was a large black sun symbol ; around the face was a black line passing over the middle of the forehead, across the chin, and just in front of the ears ; on the back of the right shoulder was a large moon symbol in black ; around each wrist and each ankle was a black encir- cling band. With this paint were worn a willow leaf head-band and waist-band, and willow wreaths about the wrists and ankles.

3.— THE WHITE- OR HAIL-PAINT.

The White or Hail paint is known as the third paint and in a cere- mony of four fasting days belongs to the third day. There are two varieties of this paint, one known as the green-Hail, the other as the white-Hail; the first should be worn in the forenoon, the second in the afternoon.

a. The green-White-, or Hail-paint.

Owing to the crowding of the events of the ceremony in 1903 this variety of the Hail-paint was worn on the afternoon of the first day, as the second paint of that day. It closely resembled the paint worn by

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HELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LVIII.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

PL. LVIII.

Fig. a. Fig. B.

The Green-White or Hail Paint. The White-White or Hail Paint.

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May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 171

the Lodge-maker. The chief diflference was that a rectangular-shaped or morning star symbol was worn on the breast, with the usual circular sun symbol on the face ; thus reversing the order of the symbols as worn by the Lodge-maker. (See PI. LVIIL, Fig. a.) Another difference lay in the fact that the black road or trail marks extended from the ankles to the waist line. The same wreaths were worn as already de- scribed for the Lodge-maker.

b. The white-White- or Hail-paint.

This was worn as the first paint of the second day. (See PI. LVIIL, Fig. b.) Around the waist and arms, just above the elbows, were red bands; all above this was painted black, all below white. Around the wrists and ankles were black lines ; extending upward from the ankles were black lines which joined the waist-band; similar lines joined the bands around the wrists and arms; on the breast was the morning-star symbol and on the face the circular-sun symbol. Both these symbols were outlined in red and filled solidly in green. From the sun symbol a green line passed upward on each side to the shoulder and downward on the arms to the red elbow band, and two green lines extended to the red waist-band. On the black upper surface of the body were large white dots ; on the white lower surface of the body were willow leaf marks in red. The black upper body with its white dots is symbolic of black clouds and white hail lying about the white earth ; while the marks in red upon the white extremities made by the willow leaves, symbolize the vegetation of the earth. It may be noted that while the morning star was represented on the preceding day as above the sun, on this day it was represented as below, for "it moves, nowup, now down. The color of the morn- ing star and of the other stars varies as does that of the sun ; hence the different colors."

In connection with this paint was worn a willow wreath about the head, symbolic of the sun, which causes growth, and around the neck a willow wreath passing under the left arm. The band around the waist typified the moon, while that of the extremities was symbolic of the four medicine-spirits. The pink earth of the first paint is also contrasted with the white earth of to-day.

The lines of the body lead to the heart, and are roads of prayers — "Go to my heart and make me strong. "

172 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

4.-THE BLACK-, CYCLONE-, OR DRAGON-FLY-PAINT.

This is the last paint of the ceremony, and in a performance with four fasting days belongs to the fourth day. Like the White or Hail paint there are two varieties, the green and white, which should be worn on the forenoon and afternoon respectively. In the ceremony under consideration they were the second and third paints of the second day.

a. The green-Black-, or Cyclone-paint.

This was the second paint of the second day. About the waist and elbows were red encircling lines, the entire surface above these lines being painted black, while the surface below was pink. (See PI. LIX., Fig. a.) On the breast was a circular sun symbol in green, sur- rounded by a red line, from the upper surface of which radiated upward toward the shoulders and down the arms a green line, which ter- minated in the red bands about the elbows. From the lower surface of the sun symbol passed two green lines which terminated in the red line around the waist. On the face was painted the large symbol of the morning star in green, surrounded by a line of red. On the back of the right shoulder was a large moon symbol in green bordered with red. Scattered irregularly over this upper back surface of the body were symbols of dragon-flies in green, averaging about three inches in length. Thus there were in all eight or ten of these on the black outer surface of the face, two on each side of the forehead, and two or three on the jaws. The green dragon-fly symbols were also thickly scattered on the back. On the lower pink surface of the body were the black road lines connecting the red band about the waist with the ankles and the red bands about the elbows with the black bands about the waist. Over the pink area were the markings made by willow leaves dipped in red paint.

With this paint was worn a willow wreath on the head and waist, and small willow wreaths about the wrists and ankles. Before the wreaths were put on they were directed toward the east, south, north, then upward.

In this paint the pink represented the earth, especially its growth, such as flowers, etc. The four roads, as usual, led from the medicine-spirits to the heart. The black was symbolic of the clouds, while the green dragon-flies symbolized the wind, cyclone or whirlwind. They are supposed to bring the streams, hence water, and hence rain to make the water. The kilts worn with this paint were painted with symbols of rabbit tracks, the kilt first being

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PL. LIX. Fig. A. The Green-Black or Cyclone Paint. Fig. B. The White-Black or Cyclone Paint.

FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LIX.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LX.

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PL. LX. Fig. A. Special Paint. Fig. B. Special Paint.

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May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey.

173

painted brown so as to make it look old, thus expressing the wish that the dancers will grow old.

b. The white-Black-, or Cyclone-paint.

This variety of the so-called Black-paint, and representing the white cyclone, was the third paint of the second day. (See PI. LIX., Fig. b.) It differed from that described in the color of the dragon-flies, which were now white instead of green, and in the color of the body below the waist and the elbow lines, which was now white instead of

pink; the mark-

ings made by the willows were pink instead of red. (See Fig. 104.) According to one of mv informants the upper part of the body in this variety should have been blue instead of black. A variation in this paint may be worn by those who have missed

i ij^. IU4. iJtiiiccrs wearing the white Cyclune-painl.

none of the paints during the dance ; they have the privilege of having their right arm painted entirely black with an extra large sun symbol on the breast, and an extra large moon symbol on the back.

SPECIAL PAINTS WORN IN 1903.

A certain individual whose name was not learned, for the first paint of 1903 was decorated differently from the other dancers. (See PI. LX., Fig. a.) This was due to the fact that his grandfather, or the one who painted him, possessed a certain kind of dream-paint. The dancer's entire body was painted yellow. Around his face was a line in red passing over his eyebrows and across the middle of his chin; beneath each eye was a forked symbol representing lightning. On his breast was a large circular sun symbol, and on his right shoulder was a large red moon symbol. On the outer upper and lower arms and outer and upper and lower legs were short red lines about four inches in length. A red band encircled his wrists and ankles.

174 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

The same individual on the afternoon of this day was painted as follows: His whole body (see PI. LX., Fig. b) was painted yellow. On his breast was a large black sun symbol and on the back of his right shoulder was a large black moon symbol. His face was painted red, surrounded by a black line. Beneath each eye was a forked zigzag lightning symbol. Black bands encircled his wrists and ankles, and straight black lines were drawn upon his outer, upper, and lower arms. Scattered irregularly over his body, both front and back, were marks made by striking his body with willow leaves dipped in red paint. The remaining paints of this dancer were regular.

Another individual for the second paint of the first day had the whole surface of his body, including his face, painted yellow. (See PI. LXL, Fig. a.) Over this were the imprints of willow leaves in white. On his breast and back were the black sun and moon symbols respectively. Black bands encircled his wrists and ankles. Upon his upper and lower arms were two carefully made and realistic symbols of buffalo hoofs. About his face was a black encircling line, and under his eyes were forked zigzag lightning symbols.

This same individual wore this same paint as the first on the second day, except that he had a red line around his face, red bands on his wrists and ankles, and a large sun and moon symbol on his right breast and back of the left shoulder respectively.

PAINTS WORN BY THE ARAPAHO.

The presence of the two Arapaho in the ceremony has already been noted. A description of their paints is here given; it was not found possible to obtain an explanation for them.

For the first paint (see PI. LXL, Fig. b) of the first day the whole body was painted red. Around the face, wrists, and ankles was a band of black. On the center of the breast and at the back of the right shoulder was a black sun and moon symbol respectively. On the nose was a black dot.

For the second paint of the two Arapaho on the first day (see PI. LXIL, Fig. a) the entire body, including the face, was painted a dull deep red; on the nose was a black dot. About the face, wrists, and ankles were black lines. On the breast was a black sun symbol. Just above and on each side of this were two realistic symbols of pipes in black. On the back of each shoulder was a smaller symbol of a pipe in black. Under the pipe symbol on the right shoulder was the cres- cent-shaped moon symbol.

The first and second paints of the two Arapaho on the second day were almost the same. At both times the entire body was painted

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PL. LXI. Fig. A. Special Paint.

Fig. B. First Paint of the Arapaho.

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PL. LXII. Fig. A. Second Paint of the Arapaho.

Fig. B. Third and Fourth Paints of the Arapaho.

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FIELD COLUMBIAN MUSEUM.

ANTHROPOLOGY, PL. LXII.

Fig. a.

Fig. B.

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 175

yellow, and a red band encircled the face, wrists, and ankles. A black spot was made in the center of the bridge of the nose. There were two large pipe symbols in red, their bowls facing, on the upper part of the chest and on the back; they surmounted a symbol of the sun on the breast and of the moon on the back. For the second paint of this day the sun symbol was placed much lower from the pipes than it was in the first paint.

The third paint worn by the two Arapaho on the second day dif- fered from that just described (see PI. LXIL, Fig. b) only in that the pipe symbols were replaced by solid rectangular figures.

PART IV.— TORTURE.

The rite of sacrifice by means of self-inflicted torture was com- mon to many of the Plains tribes, and was practiced by no tribe to a greater extent, so far as known, than by the Cheyenne. In treating the subject as it bears upon the ceremony under considera- tion, two points of view appear: torture as it was practiced before it had been discontinued through the intervention of the whites ; the torture incident of the ceremony of 1903.

ANCIENT FORMS OF TORTURE.

The individual who was to undergo torture during the Sun Dance in former times may or may not have been one of the number of the dancers, for torture did not depend, as may be inferred from what has already been said, upon the particular warrior society to which the subject belonged, but rather upon a vow taken voluntarily. A cer- tain amount of discrepancy prevails in accounts given by different informants as to whether certain days were reserved exclusively for certain kinds of torture. It would seem that as a rule torture was not performed on the day that the altar was erected, but on one or more of the three following fasting days. Two distinct forms of Sun Dance torture were recognized, each form being capable of ex- tensive variation. Still another form of torture was practiced, soon to be noted, the infliction of which, however, was not necessarily dependent upon the Sun Dance.

Probably the most common form of torture and the one most intimately connected with the Sun Dance, was by attachment in one form or another to the center-pole. In the simplest form of torture of this kind, two small skewers about two and a half inches in length were inserted by a medicine man in the breast of the subject, just

176 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

above the nipples. In performing this operation the subject sat down upon the ground, leaning back on his hands, thus permitting the priest freedom of access to his breast. The latter then would take the loose skin of the breast between thumb and forefinger, and slightly extending it, would pierce it, either with a large awl or with an old knife which had been ground down almost to a point. Through the hole thus formed was inserted a skewer, over which was lapped a buckskin thong, the ends of which were tied to the two ends of a long rawhide lariat. The free end of this lariat had already been attached to the bundle in the fork of the center-pole, and its length was so fixed that it permitted the one about to undergo tor- ture to stand a short distance from the center-pole. Thus he could either dance all night, when at morning one side of the skin about the skewers would be cut and he would be freed, or he would jerk away at once.* When the individual was to dance during the entire night, thus attached to the-center pole, he wore an eagle-feather war bonnet reaching to the ground, and carried in his right hand a staff. (See PI. LXIII.)

In a similar form of torture whereby the dancer was attached to the center-pole, he bore suspended by means of buckskin thongs lapped over skewers in his back, a certain number of dried buffalo skulls, sometimes four in number, or there might be as many as six buffalo skulls, one being placed just over each shoulder, and four being hung at the back. (See PI. LXIV.)

Another form of torture, and practiced long ago, was similar to the forms already described, but in this case the skewers were inserted, not in the breast, but in the skin of the cheeks just under the eyes. (See PI. LXV.)

The second form of torture was that practiced about the camp- circle rather than within the Sun Dance lodge. Of this form the com- monest method was for the dancer to drag one or more dried buffalo skulls attached to skewers inserted in his back, just as the skewers were inserted in the breast, as already described. It seems that in former times it was not uncommon for large numbers of men to make the entire circuit of the camp-circle, having started at the south side of the east opening, dragging from one to fifteen buffalo skulls. The number of skulls dragged depended, of course, upon the nature of the vow.

This method of torture was commonly practiced by the Cheyenne on occasions other than the Sun Dance; and indeed, it is said that

*In illustrating this and other forms of torture practiced there have been used, by direct reproduction, drawings made by Richard Davis, the interpreter.

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PL. LXIII. Sun Dance Torture, to the Center-pole.

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PL. LXIV. Torture by Means of Skulls Attached to the Back.

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May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 177

whenever the Cheyenne came together in a body, it was a common sight to see men torturing themselves in this apparently popular manner.

Torture by means of suspension by thongs attached to skewers in the breast was also common on other than Sun Dance occasions. Thus, frequently one or more individuals would go to a lonely hill and attach themselves by means of thongs passed over skewers in their breasts, to a long lariat, one end of which had already been fas- tened high up in a tree.

Often the occasion for torture had its origin in a dream. PI. LXVI. is from a drawing illustrating a man undergoing torture in ac- cordance with a dream, during which he thought that he fasted all day and dragged eight buffalo skulls, four male and four female, around a high mountain. The time of making the circuit required an entire day. When he actually underwent the torture and was cut loose in the evening, he claimed to be in no way fatieued. He claimed there after to have received certain powers from the great medicine-spirit.

It remains to note a form of torture which the Cheyenne believe always to have been practiced amongst themselves, and which in their estimation furnishes the basis for the tribal sign formerly made for the Cheyenne, which was indicated by repeatedly directing the index finger of the right hand across the left arm from above the elbow down toward the wrist. In the illustration (see PI. LXVII.) maybe seen the marks which are said to have been made by a sharp flint knife. It is claimed that all male Cheyenne were thus marked, and that most Cheyenne to-day who are eighty or more years of age still bear the scars. In the illustration it will be noted that above the elbow are seven gashes, while below are twelve.

A similar form of torture is said to have been practiced in ancient times by removing four circular pieces from the arm above the elbow and eight pieces below the elbow. This method is also represented in Plate LXVII.

THE TORTURE INCIDENTS OF 1903.

That one or two Cheyenne had long before the ceremony taken a vow to undergo torture during the performance of 1903 there is no doubt. That a greater amount of torture was not performed is, no doubt, due to the fact that the leaders of the ceremony believed that to indulge in torture would place the tribe in a false position. As a matter of fact, on the morning of the next to the last day, that is, on the morning of the erection of the altar, Roman-Nose made the following announcement: "For many years past it has been the custom of our people to celebrate a performance of this old ceremony.

178 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol, IX.

Among our old beliefs and forms of worship was the idea that when a man made a vow to be pierced on the breast, that sickness would leave his family and that they would enjoy good health. To-night one of our number will perform this part of the ceremony ; in order that it may be done aright and that it may not injure our cause, no person will be allowed in the lodge after sundown. " According to the informant the individual referred to was Bull-Tongue, who had a sick daughter ; and before the ceremony he had vowed that he would dance all night partially suspended by a lariat from the center-pole. Some- time during the night, Bushy-Head, a well-known Cheyenne priest and medicine man, prepared a rawhide lariat and fastened a loop in each end and measured it so that it was sufficiently long to permit of any one attached to the ends of it to retire from the center-pole almost to the side of the lodge. He then rolled into a ball one-half of the lariat, placed it on a tipi pole, and threw it over one end of one of the reach poles, where it rested in the fork of the center-pole. Bull- Tongue took his blanket on the north side of the lodge and sat down, leaning back on his outstretched arms. Bushy-Head knelt down by the side of him and took up a pinch of the skin of his breast and en- deavored to push through it the blade of a knife which had been ground down until it was about the size of an awl. In this operation he was assisted by Bull-Thunder. Owing to the toughness of the skin, or the excessive bluntness of the knife, Bushy-Head did not suc- ceed in inserting the blade of the knife and it shpped, making a slight and insignificant wound upon the breast, whereupon he declared that thus Bull-Tongue had fulfilled his vow. It seems that it was not permitted Bushy-Head, by the custom of torture, to make a second at- tempt to make a hole for the skewer after he had once failed. Bushy- Head was selected by Bull-Tongue himself inasmuch as Bushy-Head had on two occasions danced thus suspended from the center-pole during the entire night.

It was learned after the ceremony that two men had made a vow to undergo torture on that afternoon, namely, to have the two sides of their breasts pierced, be attached to the center-pole by means of a buffalo hide lariat attached to skewers, and jerk loose. They were dis- suaded, however, from making the attempt.

The second torture incident of the 1903 ceremony was performed very early in the morning, following the conclusion of the ceremony, that is early on Friday morning, the dance itself having terminated Thursday afternoon. That torture was to take place on this morning was not known, so far as can be ascertained, by more than half a dozen members of the entire tribe.

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PL. LXVIII. Torture iNcroENX of 1903. (Carpenter.)

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May, 1905.

The Cheyenne — Dorsey

179

Before sunrise on this morning the young man who was to un- dergo the ordeal, with Bushy-Head, the medicine man, and an assist- ant, went to the south side of the eastern entrance. There two small skewers about two inches in length and an eighth of an inch in diameter were inserted in the subject's back by Bushy-Head after the manner

Fig. 105. Diagram showing method of attaching torture thongs.

Fig. 106. Individual with thongs attaclied to back. (Carpenter.!

described. (See Figs. 105 and 106.) Over each of these was looped a short buckskin band, which in turn was made fast to one end of a lariat, to the other end of which were attached two fragments of old buffalo skulls.

(SeePl.LXVIII.and Fig. 107.) These he dragged around the inside of the camp- circle and back to the starting-point. The time occupied in traversing the, ap- proximately , two miles, was from thirty-five to forty- Dragging buffalo skulls attached to back. ^^e mmutes. Hav- (Mooney.) ing completed the

Fig. 107.

i8o Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

circuit he sat down and Bushy-Head's assistant with a sharp knife cut the skin on the upper side and released the skewers. (See Fig. io8.) The skewers, knife, and short buckskin thongs were depos- ited on the ground by the side of one of the buffalo skulls. Later they were pur- chased by an ob- server for a small sum from Bushy - Head. In this per- formance the man undergoing the tor- ture gave no evi- dence of suffering pain in the slightest degree, nor was it probable that he suffered much, owing to the scant supply of nerves in the skin of the back, as well as to the fact that the buffalo skulls were fragments and very light in weight. During the performance his body was naked except for a loin-cloth and moccasins. Before leaving his own tipi he had given his body a thin coat of white clay paint. Apparently there was no rite or rites of any sort connected with this performance, the mere ordeal itself, enacted in a matter of fact way, serving to fulfill the vow.

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Fig. io8. rricsl removing the skewers. (Carpenter.'

PART V.-CONCLUSION.

Attention may be directed, first, to an inquiry as to possible changes which have taken place in the Sun Dance since the confine- ment of the Cheyenne upon a reservation. Inasmuch as no trustworthy detailed account of the ceremony of twenty or thirty years ago exists, it is not possible to make a comparison in the literal sense of the word. An estimate can only be made as to the amount, if any, of deterioration or change which has taken place in the ceremony during that time.

Regarding the general features of the ceremony, it seems reason- able to believe that there has been no change. Whatever change there may have been has been one of degree and not of kind. The di-

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 18 r

rection in which this change presumably has proceeded furthest, is in the general setting of the ceremony . Thus buffalo hide tipis , with their brilliantly painted heraldic devices and attending poles or tripods bearing medicine bundles or shields, and the travois, have been re- placed by canvas tipis, or even occasionally canvas tents, while ac- companying modern tipis or tents are wagons or carriages, which have entirely replaced the travois. Another direction in which there has been great change is in the costume of the participants, and even to a greater extent, of the spectators; buckskin and buffalo robes, in both cases, having been almost entirely replaced by gar- ments obtained from the trader.

The greatest change in the ceremony itself is, unquestionably, the practically total absence of forms of torture and the shortening which has been gradually taking place, through many years, of the period of fasting from four to two days. There is reason to be- lieve that formerly torture, in one form or another, during the Sun Dance, was extremely common, so common, indeed, that observers were often ready to believe that it formed the fundamental element of the drama. Coupled with the disappearance of the torture, has been the abolition of the custom of piercing the children's ears during the ceremony.

That the ceremony is now devoid of certain minor features, some of considerable interest, there can also be no question. Thus children no longer make images or effigies of clay, especially those of the buf- falo, and deposit them at the base of the center-pole. There is no longer the boisterous hilarity and wild enthusiasm which seemed to have characterized the older performances. Bands of boys and young men no longer terrorize the camp at night, shooting every dog they encounter and frightening the women and children. Young men no longer seize the younger boys and compel them to submit to many practices by which formerly they must have suffered. It is reasonable to believe, also, that with the disappearance of these more strenuous forms of amusement, there disappeared also much of the more harmless forms of amusement in the camp. The participants, presumably, are more sober, give rein less freely to strong emotions, which formerly found vent in many dances, social or otherwise, especially those of love, war, etc. That the ceremony, however, still forms an important part in the social life of the tribe is evident. The Cheyenne, no less than other communities, of whatsoever color or nationality, require an opportunity, at least once a year, to exercise various social functions, and especially to give exercise to the inborn human desire to assemble in large numbers. This opportunity the

i82 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ceremony still gives to the tribe, in spite of the curtailment or abridg- ment of a certain independence which characterized the older per- formances.

That the majority of Cheyenne of middle life, and even a very large number of the young men who have been educated in the reservation or non-reservation schools, still have faith in the power of the Sun Dance to continue the life and health of the tribe, there is no doubt. To illustrate the fact that the Cheyenne still believe in the ceremonies of the Sun Dance and in the danger of speaking disrespectfully of the lodge, may be cited the following statement of Roman-Nose, made during the ceremony of 1903 : "Agent White said that the Sun Dance was no good. Soon after that he was at the telephone and lightning stunned him for half a day. Again, Agent White said that the Sun Dance was all nonsense. Shortly after this one of his clerks received a shock from lightning. So it is proved that lightning or trouble of some sort is sure to befall any one who talks slightingly of the Sun Dance lodge, or who displeases the great medicine-spirit."

That the Sun Dance has been given up in one tribe and not in another does not mean that the tribe which no longer continues the ceremony does not believe in its efficacy, for the history of the ceremony in such tribes reveals the fact that it was abandoned owing to pressure from without, and not from lack of desire to retain the ceremony within the tribe.

In the second place, it will be of interest to compare the Sun Dance of the Cheyenne with that of the Arapaho. It may be stated at once that the ceremonies seem to be the same in their general con- struction, that differences such as exist are no greater, for example, than those in the performance of the same ceremony in villages on the different mesas among the Hopi. The Arapaho ceremony is, un- doubtedly, more complicated than that of the Cheyenne, due, pre- sumably, to the introduction of elements originally foreign to the ceremony. These introduced elements, and points of dissimilarity between the two ceremonies are not, however, so radical as to make it probable that the ceremonies are morphologically distinct. A brief comparative view of the two ceremonies brings out very clearly their fundamental unity. Thus each ceremony results from a vow, the one making the vow selecting a chief priest to conduct the rites of the ceremony, to whom, on either one or two nights of the ceremony, he offers his wife. Continuing the comparative view, from this point, it may be noted that the time and duration of the ceremony, the formation of the camp-circle, the position of the Lone-tipi, and the construction and general character of the Sun Dance lodge, are prac-

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 183

tically the same. In each lodge we find an altar, a common method of dancing, and in general a similar color scheme for the dancer's paints and costumes. The lodge in each case is appropriately dedi- cated and with similar rites; the actions of the dancers have much in common; at the conclusion of the ceremony each lodge, including its altar, is left to the elements.

From this brief resume of the main points of similarity, details of difference may be noted. The dancers of the Cheyenne ceremony are, as a rule, not those who have pledged to dance as among the Arapaho, but they dance because they belong to the same social organization as the man who has pledged the ceremony. The secret tipi of prepara- tion in the Cheyenne ceremony, like that of the Arapaho, is car- ried into the open space in the circle, but the tipi is carried by women and not by men, as among the Arapaho, and is known, suc- cessively, as the Warriors'-tipi, the Priests'-tipi, and the Lone-tipi, whereas among the Arapaho it is known as the Rabbit-tipi. The taboos of the tipi of preparation are more severe and greater in number among the Arapaho than among the Cheyenne. The secret rites of the secret tipi of preparation among the Cheyenne comprise the making of successive "earths," the drum-stick rattles, and the center-pole image; these are not found in the Arapaho. In the Arapaho tipi of preparation there occurs the painting of a buffalo robe to be used on the center-pole. The buffalo skull is found in both secret tipis, and in each its eye-sockets and nasal cavity are provided with grass plugs. The painting of the skull in the Cheyenne ceremony differs materially from that of the Arapaho. During the preliminary days, but one important event is found in the Arapaho ceremony which is not found in the Cheyenne, viz. : the ceremonial killing of the buffalo, the painting of the robe of which has already been noted. The tem- porary altar for the secret rite of preparation in the Cheyenne cere- mony lacks the sacred wheel on its symbolic support, which plays an important part in the Arapaho ceremony. The belt and head-dress of the wife of the Lodge-maker in the Arapaho ceremony are sacred and are handed down from one ceremony to another. In the Cheyenne ceremony the belt and head-dress are constructed anew for each performance. Women cut down the center-pole in the Arapaho ceremony, whereas this is done by men in the Cheyenne. In abandoning the secret tipi in the Cheyenne performance the wife of the Lodge-maker carries the buffalo skull ; the Lodge-maker himself carries it in the Arapaho performance. The painting of the four rafter poles and the center-pole lack the interest in the Cheyenne ceremony this rite has in the Arapaho. The sacred pipe and the wheel play a

i84 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

more important part in the latter ceremony. In the Cheyenne cer- emony the area to be painted is found by measuring, the one doing this work being accompanied only by the Lodge-maker, who does the painting. The remainder of the priests continue to rest half-way be- tween the secret tipi and the lodge. In the Arapaho ceremony all the principal Rabbit-tipi priests, including the wife of the Lodge-maker, take part in the rite of painting the poles, the places where the poles are to be painted being indicated by the chief priest with a pipe stem and by his wife with the feathers of the wheel. In the fork of the center-pole in the ceremony of each tribe is the Thunder-Bird's nest. That of the Cheyenne contains a digging-stick, a damaged arrow, and a small human image. That of the Arapaho contains a buffalo robe, with ceremonial attachments, and a digging-stick. The Thunder-Bird nest of the Arapaho is of willows ; that of the Cheyenne of dogwood and cotton-wood. The dance on the night of dedication the Cheyenne call the hand-and-arm drill, the Arapaho call it the dance to the Four-Old-Men. On the morning of the altar the Arapaho dance to the rising sun ; the Cheyenne do not. The buffalo robe of the Lodge-maker, prepared in the secret tipi among the Cheyenne, is reinforced by nine bits of rabbit skin; among the Arapaho by an equal number of medicinal roots, each one of different magic power. In each performance the priests leave the lodge to secure sods. In the Arapaho performance the movement of the line of priests imitates that of the path of flying geese. The Arapaho require for their altar two ceremonial pieces of sod arranged one on either side of the buffalo skull. The Cheyenne require five, arranged about the skull, and broken up and connected so as to form a semi- circle. A comparison of the finished altar of the two ceremonies re- veals the following differences, in addition to the ones just noted, and the difference in the decoration of the skulls. The excavation in front of each skull was painted, that of the Arapaho half black and half red, that of the Cheyenne in four different colored lines; over the excavation in the Arapaho ceremony were seven rainbow sticks, half of each of which were painted black and half red; the rain- bow sticks of the Cheyenne altar were four in number, each painted differently, to correspond to the four lines of paint in the excavation; on each side of the excavation in the Arapaho altar were two billets of wood; these were absent in the Cheyenne altar; the nine sticks symbolic of men on each side of the excavation in the Cheyenne altar, comprising the Cheyenne sticks painted black and red, and the enemy sticks painted white, were replaced by seven sticks on each side of the excavation in the Arapaho altar, those on one side being painted

May, 1905. The Cheyenne — Dorsey. 185

black and those on the other side red, the sticks being collectively typical of the seven periods of creation. The vegetation of the altar is represented by the Cheyenne by plum and cottonwood boughs, and small bushes set upright in the semi-circular ridge around the skull. In the Arapaho altar they are represented by small bushes inserted in each of the two circular pieces of sod and by seven boughs arranged in a straight row, four on the right and three on the left of the skull. Behind the Arapaho altar stands the wheel on its support and the secret bundle ; on the Cheyenne altar the secret bundle only is present, and contains, in addition a black pipe similar in shape to the red pipe in the Arapaho bundle, a buffalo chip. In the final dance the Arapaho face the setting sun ; the Cheyenne dance to the four directions, and are led several times around the center-pole by the Chief Priest. The manufacture of sweet or holy water in a bowl behind the altar is an important rite in the Arapaho ceremony; it is not found in the Cheyenne. The sacred pipe is smoked on the evening of the conclu- sion of the performance by the Cheyenne ; on the following morning by the Arapaho, preceded by a rite to the rising sun. On this same morning the Arapaho place many offerings of cast-off garments on the altar foliage and on the center-pole and uprights of the lodge ; the Cheyenne made no such offerings. The paint of the Arapaho was com- plicated by the introduction of so-called dream-paints. It was pro- gressive, however, and led to what may be termed a medicine rain- making paint; the paints of the Cheyenne were less complicated, and led more logically to the same end.

Thus it will be seen that though there are many minor differences, none exist of fundamental importance. The conclusions already reached may be repeated; the two ceremonies seem to be morpho- logically the same.

It remains to consider the drama of the Sun Dance in con- nection with the ritual. To do this for the Arapaho is extremely difficult, as the connection between the drama and the ritual is never so apparent as to be convincing. The connection in the Cheyenne is much more striking and logical. The intimacy of this connection is at once suggested by the difference in the meaning of the name applied to the ceremony by the two tribes, the Arapaho calling it "The Ceremony of the Offerings-Lodge," the Cheyenne " The Cere- mony of Rebirth. " According to the Cheyenne ritual, the ceremony owes its origin to the fact that during a time of famine a certain man of the tribe, later known as Erect-Horns, and represented in the actual ceremony of to-day by the Lodge-maker, left the camp with a woman, not his wife, visited a medicine mountain, was re-

i86 Field Columbian Museum — Anthropology, Vol. IX.

ceived by the Great Medicine, represented in the ceremony by the Chief Priest, remained there four years, learned the ceremony, gave as payment his companion, returned to his tribe, performed the cer- emony, and rescued his tribe from starvation. It is thus apparent from this r^sumd of the ritual that the ceremony which he learned was not of recent origin. The fact that the ceremony was per- formed in the mountain is brought out in other Cheyenne tales. It is not apparent from the tale itself that this ceremony was a drama epitomizing creation; but such, however, seems to be the underlying motive in the drama. It should be noted, however, that the creation here referred to and as conceived of by the Cheyenne is not the actual first creation, but is rather a renewal of creation, or of rebirth. As one of the priests expressed it, "The object of the ceremony is to make the whole world over again, and from the time the Lodge-maker makes his vow everything is supposed to begin to take on new life, for the Medicine-Spirit, having heard the prayer of the pledger, begins at once to answer it. When the man makes the vow, he does it not so much for himself or his family, as for the whole tribe. Attending upon his vow and its fulfillment is an abundance of good water and good breath of the wind, which is the same as the breath of the Medicine-Spirit who regards all things. At the time of the Lone- tipi, when the earth is first created, it is just beginning to grow. As the ceremony progresses, this earth increases in size, and when the lodge itself is erected we build a fire which represents the heat of the sun, and we place the lodge to face the east that the heavenly bodies may pass over it and fertilize it. "

On one point the Cheyenne priests of to-day seem to unite, and that is that the ceremony of the Sun Dance as they perform it was once the exclusive property of a single band, that of the Sutayo. This band differed, they say, from others in dress and language. Against the Sutayo the other bands of Cheyenne fought for a long time, the Missouri River between them. Finally peace was made; they exchanged medicines and the Sutayo were assimilated with the Cheyenne, bringing with them the Sun Dance. Whether the Sun Dance originated with the Sutayo, who were perhaps Crees, or with the Arapaho, or whether one or the other tribe, or both, borrowed it, is a subject for further investigation.

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