J .üF %a3AINa3V\V <í ¿•^ ''^iUMSOl^'" í ' í-rA'' ^^H''"' í? n ^yo\u\im: XWtUNIVtKiAr^ ^vlltóANGti^^ -^nSUIBRaKV J7133KVS01>Í^ "^/JaaAlNrt-JWV^ wasommmsstfasmamsagnmtmsKm THE CIVIL HISTORY OF CHILI. ■i««nw»Jii^iinr^im«s M ¡r*. í~^. g~^ IV aid of some of my countrymen now in Italy who recollect the principal events^ to supply in some mea- sure the want of a regular detail^ and to give a suffi- ciently accurate account of them. Having stated these circumstajices, I shall merely observe that^ with- out being influenced by national distiîictioîis or pre- judices, the chief merit to which I aspire in this narration is that of impartiality. I have related no- thing but what I have either found in those writers upon Chili who have preceded me, or have received from persons of unquestionable veracity^ and have thought proper to confine myself to a plain narrative of facts, and omit all reflections that might occur^ in order not to appear to be too much influenced in fa- vour of either of the contendmg parties. The attention of several philologists has of late years been directed to the exaiiúnation of the barba- rous languages. For this reason I have been iiiduced to aîinex to this work some remarks upon the Chilian tongue, which, from its structure and harmony, well merits to be known. Several printed and manuscript grammars of this language are to be met with, hut the one which I have principally used is that of Febres. printed at Lima, hi the year 1765, and de - sei"ving of particular recommendation for its înethod and its clearness. CONTENTS. BOOK I. PAGE CHAPTER I. — Of the Origin Appearance and Language of the Chilians, _ . - - _ - l CHAP. II,— Conquest of the Peruvians, - - 8 CHAP. Ill State of Chili before the arrival of tiie Spa- niards ; Its Agriculture and Aliment, - - 12 CHAP. IV, — Political Establishments ; Government and Arts, 1 S CHAP, v.— First Expedition of the Spaniards in Chili, - 26 CHAP. VI. — The Spaniards return to Chili, under the com- mand of Pedro de Valdivia ; St. Jago the Capital founded ; Various Encounters with the Natives ; Conspiracy of the Soldiers against the General, - - - 33 CHAP. VII. — The Copiapins defeat a Body of Spaniards ; successful Stratagem employed by the Quillotanes ; Val- divia receives Reinforcements from Peru ; He founds the City of Coquimbo, which is destroyed by the Natives ; The Promaucians form an Alliance with the Spaniai'ds ; Foun- dation of the City of Conception, - - - 4G BOOK II. CHAP. I. — Local Situation, Character. Dress and Dwellings of the Araucanians, - - - - - 4^^ CHAP. II. — Division of the Araucaniau State ; Its politic^] Form and civil Institutions, - - . - 55 VI CONTENTS. PACK CHAP. III. — Military System of the Araucanians ; Their Arms and Mode of nuikiiig War, - - - - 61 CHAP. IV. — Division of the Spoil; Sacrifice after War; Congress of Peace, _ _ - - - 70 CHAP. V. — System of Religion and funeral Ceremonies, 75 CHAP. VI. — Division of Time; Astronomical Ideas; Mea- sures, --- . . - - 85 CHAP. VII.— RhetoiiÇi^Poetry ; Medical Skill ; Commerce i)f the Araucanians, _ - . - - 85 CHAP. VIII. — Pride of the Araucanians ; Kindness and Cha- "^ rity towards each other ; Mode of Salutation ; Proper îsames, - _ . - _ - 96 CHAP. IX. — Matrimony and.domestic Employments, ,f 99 CHAP X.— Food ; Music and other Diversions, - 105 BOOK 111. CHAP. I. — The Araucanians under the Conduct of Aillavilu, and afterwards of Lincoyan, attack the Spaniards ; Val- divia makes Incursions into th.eir Territory and founds therein the Cities of Imperial, Villarica, Valdivia and Angol, with several other Places, - - - 114 CHiVP. II. — Caupolican appointed Toqui ; He attacks the Forts of Arauco and of Tuca¡)el ; The Spanish Army en- tirely defeated and Valdivia slain, - _ - 122 CHAP. III. — The Spaniards abandon Puren, Angol and Vil- larica .; Caupolican )ays Siege to Imijcrial and Valdivia ; Lautaro defeats the Spanish Army in Mariguenu, and destroys Conception, . . _ _ 133 CHAP. IV. — Villagian raises the Sieges of Imperial and Valdivia ; The Small Pex breaks out among the Arauca- nians ; Conc^])lion having been rebuilt, Lautaro returns and destroys it ; He nnrches againèt St. Jago, and is killed, 137 CHAP. V. — Don Garcia de Mendoza arrives at Chili, with a Reinforcement of Troops ; His Expedition against Cau- polican, ._._.- 14? CONTENTS. Vil PAGE CHAP. IV. — Don Garcia orders twelve Ulmenes to be hanged ; He founds the City of Cañete ; Caupolican, at- tempting to surprise it, is defeated, and his Army entirely dispersed, _-_.__ 156 CHAP. VII. — Expedition of Don Garcia to the Archipelago of Chiloé ; Foundation of Osorno; Caupelican taken and impaled, -__.__ 161 CHAP. VIII. — Successes of Caupolican the Second ; Siege of Imperial ; Battle of Quipeo fatal to the Araucaniaiis ; Death of Caupolican ; Termination of the Government of .Don Garcia, -- - - - - 167 BOOK IV. CHAP. I. — The Toqui Antiguenu recommences the War ; His Successes against Francis Villagran, the Governor ; Destruction ©f Cañete ; Sieges of Arauco and Conception j Battle of the Bio-bio, - - - - 176 CHAP. II. — Paillataru elected Toqui ; Government of Rode- rigo de Quiroga ; Conquest of the Archipelago of Chiloé ; Description ofthe Inhabitants, _ _ _ 18S CHAP. III. — Establishment of the Court of Royal Audience ; Government of Don Melchor Bravo de Saravia ; Military Operations of Paillataru and his Successor Paynenancu ; Supppression of the Court of Audience ; Second Govern- ment of Quiroga ; Foundation of Chilian ; Some Account of the Pehuenches, ----- 188 CHAP. IV. — Government of the Marquis de Villahermosa ; His Successes against Paynenancu ; Capture and Death of that General ; Enterprises of the Toqui Cayancura, and his Son Nangoniel ; Landing of the English in Chili ; Opera- tions of the Toqui Cadeguala, - - . 197 CHAP. V. — The Toqui Guanoalca takes the Forts of Puren, Trinidad and Spirito Santo; Exploits of the Heroine Janequeo ; Battles of Mariguenu and Tucapel, - 206 CHAP. VI.— The Toqui Paillamachu kills Loyola the Go- vernor, and destroys all the Spanish Settlements in Arau- cania, - - .... 314 VIH CONTENTS. PAGE CHAP. VII.— Second unfortunate Goverment of Garcia Ra- mon ; Restoration of the Court of Royal Audience ; Ineffec- tual Négociation for Peace, - - - 225 CH.\P. VIII. — Daring Enterprises of the Toquis Lienturand Putapichion, . _ _ - _ 234 CHAP. IX. — Continuation of the War ; Third Expedition of the Dutch against Chili ; Peace concluded with the Arau- canians ; Its short Duration ; Exploits of the Toqui Clen- taru ; Series of Spanish Governors, to the Year 1720, 244 CHAP. X. — A brief Account of the Wars of the Toquis Vilumilla and Curignancu ; Spanish Governors to the Year 1787, ------ 255 CHAP. XI.— Present State of Chili, - - - 26S An Essay on the Chilian Language, - - 285 THE CIVIL HISTORY Of CHILL BOOK I. CHAPTER I. Of the Origin^ Appearance and Language of the Chilians. 1 HE origin of the primitive inhabitants of Chili, like that of the other American nations, is involved in impenetrable obscurity ; nor have they any re- cords, or monuments of antiquity, that can serve to elucidate so interesting an inquiry. Upon the arri- val of the Spaniards they were entirely unacquainted with the art of writing, alid their traditionary ac- counts are so crude and imperfect, that they afford not the least degree of rational information to the inquisitive mind. Many of the inhabitants suppose that they are indigenous to the country, while others derive their origin from a foreign stock, and at one Vol. II. A time say that their ancestors came from the north, and at another time, from the west. It is a general opinion that America was settled from the north-eastern part of Asia, from the sup- posed easy communication between them, in conse- sequence of the vicinity of these countries. But the opinion entertained by the Chilians, that their coun- try was peopled from the west, is not so extravagant as at first sight it may appear. The discoveries of the English navigators in the South Sea have ascer- tained that between America and the southern point of Asia there is a chain of innumerable islands, the probable remains of some vast tract of land which, in that quarter, once united the two continents, and rendered the communication between Asia and the opposite shore of America easy. From whence it is very possible that, while North America has been peopled from the north-west, the south has received its inhabitants from the southern parts of Asia, the natives of tliis part of the new world being of a mild character, much resembling that of the southern Asiatics, and litUe tinctured with the ferocity of the Tartars. Like the languages of the Oriental In- dians, theirs is also harmonious, and abounds in vowels. The influence of climate may undoubtedly afllct language so far as to modify it, but can never produce a complete change in its primitive struc- ture. The Chilians call their first progenitors Pegni Epatun, which signifies the brothers Epatim, but of these patriarchs nothing but the name is known. They also cali them gli/ce, primitive men, or men from the beG-innins", and in their assembhes invoke them, together with their deities, crying out with a loud voice. Pom, pum, piim, mari., mari, Epunainun, Amimalguen, Peni Epatum. The signification of the three first words is uncertain, and they might be considered as interjections, did not the word pum, by which the Chinese call the first created man, or the one saved from the waters, induce a suspicion, from its similarity, that these have a similar signifi- cation. The lamas, or priests of Thibet, from the accounts of the natives of Indostan, are accustomed to repeat on theh* rosaries the syllables horn, ha, hum, or Qm, am, um^ which in some measure corresponds with what we have mentioned of the Chilians. That Chili was originally peopled by one nation appears probable, as all the aborigines inhabiting it, however independent of each other, speak the same language, and have a similar appearance. Tiiose that dwell in the plains are of good stature, but those that live in the values of the Andes, generally sur- pass the usual height of inan. The purer air which they respire, and the continual exercise to which the.}- are accustomed among their mountains, may per- haps be the cause of this difference, by imparting greater vigour to their frames. The features of both are regular, and neither of them have ever discover- ed that capricious whim, so common to savages 'of both the old and new world, of attempting to im^ prove nature by disfiguring tlicir faces, Vv'ith a x'iqw of rendering themselves more beautiful or moie lov- midtiblc. Of course, M. Buflxjii has been led into an error in asserting, in bis treatise on man, that the Chilians are accustomed to enlarge their ears. Their complexion, like that of the other Ameri- can nations, is of a reddish brown, but it is of a clearer hue, and readily changes to white. A tribe who dwell in the province of Baroa are of a clear white and red, without any intermixture of the cop- per colour. As they differ in no oUier respect from the other Chilians, this variety may be owing to some peculiar influence of their climate, or to the greater degree of civilization which they possess ; it is, how- ever, attributed by the Spanish writers to the pri- soners of that nation, who \\ ere confined in this pro- vince during the unfortunate war of the sixteenth century. But as the Spanish prisoners were equally distributed among the other provinces of their con- querors, none of whose inhabitants are white, this opinion w ould seem to be unfounded. Besides, as the first Spaniards who came to Chili were all from the southern provinces of Spain, where the ruddy complexion is rare, their posterity would not have exhibited so great a dift'erencc. On examining the harmony and richness of their language, we are naturally led to conclude that the Chilians must hiive, in former times, possessed a much greater degree of civilization than at present; or, at least, that they are the remains of a great and illustrious nation, ruined by some of those physical or moral revolutions so common to our globe. The improvement and perfection of language con- stantly follow the steps of civilization; nor can it be easily conceived how a nation that has never emerg- ed from a savage state, that has neither been po- lished by laws, by commerce, nor by arts, can pos- sess an elegant, expressive and copious dialect. The number of words in a language presupposes a correspondent number of ideas in the persons v.^ho speak it, and these among a rude people are, and, of necessity, must be very limited. So copious is the Chilian language, that, in the opinion of rtiose well acquainted with it, a complete dictionary thereof would require more than one large volume ; for, besides the radical words, which are very numerous, so great is the use of com- pounds, that, it may almost be said, in this con- sists the very genius of the language. Each verb, either derivatively or conjunctively, becomes the root of numerous other verbs and nouns, as v/ell adjectives as substantives, which in their turn re- produce others that are secondary, modifying them- selves in a hundred different ways. Nor is there any part of speech, from which an appropriate verb cannot be formed by the addition of a final 7i, Even from the most simple particles various verbs are derived, that give great precision and strength to conversation. But what is truly surprising in this language is 'that it contains no irregular verb or noun. Every thing in it may be said to be regulated with a geometrical precision, and displays much art with great simplicity, and a connection so well ordered and unvarying in its grammatical rules, which always make the subse- quent depend upon its antecedent, that the the- ory of the language is easy, and may be readily learned in a few days. This close analogy and regularity, may at a slight view induce an opinion little favourable to the capa- city of those who formed or polished this dialect, as the original languages, it is well known, were regu- lar in their rude and primitive state. But a very cHfferent conclusion will be drawn by those who exa- mine its structure, and attend to the extent and com- plexity of ideas necessary to have formed it, and to liave modified the words in so many different ways, without embarrassing the particular rules. The same language also abounds with harmoni- ous and sonorous syllables, which give it much sweetness and variety ; this is, however, injured by the frequent recurrence of the ii, a defect from which the Latin is by no means exempt. In this respect the latter has, however, been fortunately corrected in its derivatives, particularly the Italian, which has studied to avoid, especially in the finals, the unplea- sant sound resulting from the use of that vowel. The Chilian differs from every other American language, not less in its words than in its construc- tion, with the execi)tion of from eighteen to twen- ty of PeruA'ian origin, which, considering the con- tiguity of tlie two countries, is not to be wonder- ed at. But wliLc may appear much more singular is, that it contains words apparently of Greek and Latin derivation, and of a similar signification in both languages ;* I am inclined, however, to think this merely an accidental resemblance. * If this is not^ as our author sufifioses^ merely a casual resem- blance of a f au ivords^ ivhich frequently occurs in languages ra- dically different, it certainly affords much ground for curious sheculation ; and ive may, perhaps, be led to consider the tradition of a Phenician or Carthaginian colony in America, as not altoge- ther so destitute of probability, especially, as Uie language of the Chilians, so different from that of any other of the American tribes, appears to indicate a different 07'i gin..,. Amer • Trans, CHAPTER II. Conquest of the Peruvians in Chili, THE history of the Chilians does not precede the middle of the fifteenth century of our era ; before that period, for want of records, it is lost in the obscurity of time. The first accounts of them are contained in the Peruvian annals ; that nation, as they were more civilized, being more careful to preserve the memory of remarkable events. About that time the Peruvians had extended their dominion from the equator to the tropic of Capricorn. Chili, bordering upon that tropic, was too important an acquisition not to attract the am- bitious views of those conquerors. This country, which extends for 1260 miles upon the Pacific Ocean, enjoys a delightful and salutary climate. The vast chain of the Cordilleras bordering it upon the east, supplies it with an abundance of ri- vers, which increase its natural fertility. The face of the country, which is mountainous towards the sea, and level near the Andes, is well suited to every kind of vegetable production, and abounds with mines of gold, silver, and other useful metals. Favoured by the pleasantness of the country and salubrity of the climate, the population at this pe- riod may be readily imagined to have been very nu- merous. The inhabitants were divided into fifteen tribes, or communities, independent of each other, but subject to certain chiefs, called Ulmenes. I'hese tribes, beginnih,:^ at the north and proceeding to the south, were called Copiapins, Coquimbancs, Quil- lotanes, Mapochinians, Promaucians, Cures, Cau- ques, Pencones, Araucanians, Cunches, Chilotes, Chiquilanians, Pehuenches, Puelches and liuil- liches. The Inca Yupanqui, who reigned in Peru about the year 145G, being informed of the natural ad- vantages possessed by Chili, resolved to attempt the conquest of it. With this view he marched with a powerful army to the frontiers of that kingdom; but, either through apprehension of his personal safety,' or with the view of being in a more favourable situ- ation to furnish the means of effecting his designs, he established himself with his court in the neigh- bouring province of Atracama, and entrusted the command of the expedition to Sinchiruca, a prince of the blood royal. Preceded, according to the specious custom of the Peruvians, by several ambassadors, and follow- ed by a large body of troops, this general subjected to the Peruvian government, more by persuasion than by force, the Copiapins, Coquimbanes, Quil- lotanes and Mapochinians. After this, having passed the river Rapel, he proceeded to attack the Promaucians, who could not be induced by the per- suasions of the ambassadors to submit themselves. This nation, wliose name signifies the free dancers, from their being much attached to that diversion, Vol. II. B 10 inhabited the delightful country lying between the rivers Rape! and Maule, and were distinguished from all the other tribes by their fondness for every species of amusement. The love of pleasure had not, hoMcver, rendered them effeminate : they op- posed the Peruvian army with the most heroic va- lour, and entirely defeated it in a battle, which, ac- cording to Garcilasso the historian, was continued for three days in succession, iu consequence of the continued reinforcements of both parties. Tiie Inca, on learning the ill success of his arms, and the invincible valour of the Promaucians, gave orders, that in future the river Rapel should serve as the boundary of his dominion on that side. Garci- lasso says, that it was the river Maule, but it is by no means probable, that the conquerors should be comprehended within the territories of the vanquish- ed. In fact, not fir from the river Cuchapoal, which, together with the Tinguiririca, forms the Rapel, are still to be seen upon a steep hill, the remains of a fort of Peruvian construction, Avhich was undoubt- edly built to protect that part of the frontier against the attacks of the unconquered Promaucians. Thus Chili became divided into two parts, the one free, and the other subject to foreign domi- nation. The tribes, ^\•ho had so readily submit- ted to the Peruvians, were subjected to an annual tribute in gold, an imposition which they had never before experienced. But the conquerors, whether they dared not hazard the attempt, or were not able to eflect it, never introduced their form of govern- 11 ment into these provinces. Of course, tlie sub- jected Chilians as well as the free, preserved until the arrival of the Spaniards, their original manners, which were by no means so rude as many arc led to imagine. 12 CHAPTER 111. State of Chili before the arrival of the Spaniards. Its agriculture and aliment. MAN, in his progress to the perfection of civil life, passes in succession tliroiigh four important states or periods. From a hunter he becomes a shepherd, next a husbandman, and at length a mer- chant, the period which forms the highest degree of social civilization. The Chilians, when they were first known to the Spaniards, had attained the third state ; they were no longer hunters but agri- culturists. Reasoning from general principles, Dr. Robertson has therefore been led into an error in placing them in the class of hunters, an occupation which they probably never pursued, except on their first establishment. Becoming soon weary of the fatigueing exercise of the chace, in a country where game is not very abundant, and having but few do- mestic animals, they began at an early period to attend to the cultivation of such nutritious plants, ns necessity or accident had made known to them. Thus were they induced from the circumstances of their situation, and not from choice, to pass rapidly to tlie third period of social life. These plants, which have been described in the first part of this work, were the 7naize^ the magu^ tlic guegeUy the tuca, the (juinoa, pulse of various kinds, the patatoe, the oxalis tuberosa^ the common and the yellow pumpkin or gourd, the Guinea pep- per, the madi and the great strawberr}'. To these provisions of the vegetable kind, which are far from despicable, rnay be added the little rabbit, the Chili- heuque, or Araucanian camel, whose ficsh furnished excellent food, and ^\ hose wool clothing for these people. If tradition may be credited, they had also the hog and the domestic fowl. Their dominion over the tribe of animals was not extended beyond these, although they might as readily have domes- ticated the guanaco, a very useful animal, the pudu, a species of wild goat, and various birds with which the country abounds. However, with these productions, which required but a very moderate degree of industry, they sub- sisted comfortably, and even with a degree of abun- dance, considering the few things which their situa- tion rendered necessary. To this circumstance is owing, that the Spa- niards, who under the command of Almagro in- vaded Chili, found upon their entering its vallies an abundance of provisions to recruit themselves after the hunger which they had endured in their imprudent march through the desarts bordering upon Peru. Subsistence, the source of population, being thus secured, the country, as we before remarked, be- came rapidly peopled under the influence of so mild a climate ■; whence it appears, that the first writers who treated of Chili cannot have greatly exaggerat- (hI in saying that the Spaniards found it filled with 14 inhabitants. It is a fact that there was but one lan- guage spoken throughout the country ; a proof that these tribes M^ere in the habit of intercourse with each other, and were not isolated, or sepa- rated by vast desarts, or by immense lakes or forests, which is the case in many other parts of America, but which were at that time in Chih, as they are now, of inconsiderable extent. It would seem that agriculture must have made no inconsiderable progress among a people who pos- sessed, as did the Chilians, a great variety of the above mentioned alimentary plants, all distinguished by their peculiar names, a circumstance that could not have occurred except in a state of extensive and varied cultivation. They had also in many parts of the country aqueducts for watering their fields, which were constructed with much skill. Among these, the canal which, for the space of many miles, bor- ders the rough skirts of the mountains in the vicini- ty of the capital, and waters the land to the north- ward of that city, is particularly remarkable for its extent and solidity. They were likewise acquainted with the use of manures, called by them vunalti^ though from the great fertility of the soil but little attention was paid to them. Being in Avant of animals of strength to till the ground, they were accustomed to turn it up with a spade made of hard w ood, forcing it into the earth with their breasts, but as this process was very slow and fatiguing, it is surprising that they had not dis- c(ncred some other mode more expeditious and less laborious. They at present make use of a simple 15 kind of plough, called chetague, made of the limb of a tree curved at one end, in Vs'hich is inserted a share formed of the same material, v/ith a handle to ffuide it. Whether this rude instrument of acrri- culture, which appears to be a model of the first plough ever used, is one of their own invention, or was taught them by the Spaniards, is uncertain ; from its extreme simplicity I should, however, be strongly induced to doubt the latter. Admiral Spils- berg observes, that the inhabitants of Mocha, an island in the Araucanian Sea, where the Spaniards have never had a settlement, make use of this plough, drawn by two chilihueques, to cultivate their lands ; and Fathers Bry, who refer to this ñict, add, that the Chilians, with the assistance of these animals, tilled their grounds before they received cattle from Eu- rope. However this may be, it is certain that this species of camel was employed antecedent to that period as beasts of burden, and the transition from carriage to the draught is not difficult. Man merely requires to become acquainted with the utility of any object, to induce him to apply it by degrees to other advantageous purposes. It is a generally received opinion that grain was eaten raw by the first men who employed it as an ar- ticle of food. But this aliment being of an insipid taste, and difficult of mastication, they began to parch or roast it ; the grain thus cooked easily pulverizing in the hands, gave them the first idea of meal, which they gradually learned to prepare in the form of gruel, cakes, and finally of bread. At the period of which we treat, the Chilians eat their o^rain cooked ; IB this \vns done cither by boiling it in earthen pots adapted to the purpose, or roasting it in hot sand, au operation whicli rendered it lighter and less viscous. But not satisfied w ith preparing it in this mode, wliieh has always been the moc,t usual among nations emerging from the savage state, they proceeded to make of it two distinct kinds of meal, the parched, to which they gave the name oï înurque^ and the raw, which they called rugo. With the first they made gruels, and a kind of beverage which they at present use for breakfast instead of chocolate ; from the se- cond they prepared cakes, and a bread called by them couque, which they baked in holes formed like ovens, excavated in the sides of the mountains and in the banks of the rivers, a great number of which are still to be seen. Their invention of a kind of sieve, cal- led c/i/gfiiiruc, for sei)arating the bran from the flour, affords matter of surprise ; that they employed leaven is, however, still more surprising, as such a discover)- can only be made gradually, and is the fruit of reasoning or observation, unless they were led to it by some fortunate accident, which most probably was the case when they first began to make use of bread. From the above mentioned grains, and the berries of several trees, they obtained nine or ten hinds of spiritous liquor, which they fermented and kept in eartiien jars, as was the custom with the Greeks and Romans. This refinement of domestic economy, though not originating from actual necessity, appears to be natural to man, in whatever situation he is found ; more especially M'hen he is brought to live in 17 society with his fellow men. The discovery of fer- mented liquors soon follows that of aliment ; and it is reasonable to believe that the use of such beve- rages is of high antiquity among the Chilians, more especially as their country abounds in materials for making them. Vol. il 18 CHAPTER IV. Political Establishments^ Government and Arts. AGRICULTURE is ihc vital principle of socie- ty and of the arts. Scarcely does a wandering fami- ly, either from inclination or necessity, begin to cul- tivate a piece of ground, when it establishes itself upon it from a natural attachment, and, no longer relishing a wandering and solitary life, seeks the so- ciety of its fellows, whose succours it then begins to find necessary for its welfare. The Chilians, having adopted that settled mode of life indispensable to an agricultural people, collected themselves into fami- lies, more or less numerous, in those districts that were best suited to their occupation, where they es- established themselves in large villages, called caray a name which they at present give to the Spanish cities, or in small ones, which they denominated /o'¿;. But tlicsc accidental collections had not the form of the j)rcscnt European settlements ; they consisted only of a number of huts, irregularly dispersed with- in siglit of each other, precisely in the manner of the German settlements in the time of Charlemagne. Some of these villages exist even at present in seve- ral parts of Spanish Chili, of which the most consi- derable are Lampa, in the province of Saint Jago, and Lora, in that of Maule. 19 But as no civil establishment can exist without some form of government, they had in each village or hamlet a chief called Ulmeji, who in certain points was subject to the supreme ruler of the tribe, who was known by the same name. The succession of all these chiefs was established by hereditary right, a custom that proves the antiquity of these political assemblages. Among other savage nations, strength, skill in hunting, or martial prowess, were the first steps to authority, and afterwards procured the regal sway for those who were invested with command. But with them, on the contrary, it would seem as if wealth had been the means of exalting the ruling fam- ilies to the rank which they occupy, since the wordz//- men, unless taken in a metaphorical sense, signifies a rich man. The authority of these chiefs was probably very limited, that is, merely directive, and not coer- cive, as that of the rulers of all barbarous nations has been, when despotism, favoured by propitious circumstances, has not effaced the ideas of absolute independence, which are in a manner innate among savages, as has been the case with the greater part of the nations of Asia and of Africa. From hence it will not be necessary to investigate the laws of these small societies, which were probably governed only by usages and customs that had been introdu- ced through motives of necessity or convenience. The right of private property was fully establish- ed among the Chilians. Each was absolute master of the field that he cultivated, and of the product of his industry, which he could transmit to his chil- dren by hereditary succession. This fundamental 20 principle gave rise to the first arts, which the wants of nature and their political constitution required. They built their houses of a quadrangular form, and covered the roof "with rushes, the walls were made of wood plaistcred with clay, arid sometimes of brick, called by them tica ; the use of which they doubtless learned from the Peruvians, among whom it was known by the same name. From the wool of the Cliilihueque, they manufac- tured cloths for their garments : for this they made use of the spindle and distaff, and two kinds of looms ; the first, called giiregiie^ is not very unlike that used in Europe ; the other is vertical, from whence it derives its name iithalgue, from the verb iithalen^ which signifies to stand upright. Their language contains words appropriate to every part of these looms, and whatever relates to the manu- facture of wool. They had likewise a kind of nee- dle to sew their garments, as is obvious from the \'erb nudiiven^ to sew ; but of what substance it was made I am unable to determine. Embroidery, to which they gave the name of dumican, was also known to them. From these arts of the first necessity, they pro- ceeded to those of a secondary kind, or such as were required by convenience. With the excellent clay of their country, they made pots, plates, cups and even large jars to hold their fermented liquors. These vessels they baked in certain ovens or holes, made in the declivity of hills. They also made use of a mineral earth called co/o, for varnishing their vessels. It is very certain that the art of pottery is 21 of great antiquity in Chili, as on opening a large heap of stones in the mountains of Arauco, an urn of extraordinary size was discovered at the bottom. For their vessels they not only made use of earth, but of hard wood, and even of marble, and vases of the latter have been sometimes discovered that were po- iished with the greatest perfection. From the earth they extracted gold, silver, cop- per, tin and lead, and, after purifying, employed these metals in a variety of useful and curious works, particularly the bell metal copper, which is very hard ; of this they made axes, hatchets, and other edged tools, but in small quantities, as they are rarely to be met with in their sepulchres ; where, on the contrary, hatchets made of a species of basalt are very frequently found. It is remarka- ble, that iron, universally supposed to have been unknown to the American nations, has a particular name in the Chilian language. It is cciWeà pmii/gue, and the weapons made of it chiuçuel, in distinction from those made of other materials, which are com- prehended under the general name of nulin. The smith was called ruthavé^ from the verb ruthan^ which signifies to work in iron. These circum- stances giv^e rise to a suspicion that they not only were acquainted with this valuable metal, but that they also made use of it. But, considering the si- lence of the first writers upon America on this sub- ject, notwithstanding the inferences that may be drawn from hence, this point must always remain undecided, unless pieces of iron should be found of incontcstible antiquity. 22 They had also discovered the method of making salt upon the sea shore, and extracted fossil salt from several mountains that abounded in that pro- duction. These the}' distinguished by different names, calling the first chiadi, and the other /ilco- chiadi, that is, salt of the water of rocks. They procured dyes of all colours for their clothe?, not only from the juice of plants, but also from mineral earths, and had discovered the art of fixing them by means of the polcura, a luminous stone of an as- tringent quality. Instead of soap, the composition of which they had not discovered although ac- quainted with lie, they employed the bark of the quillai which is an excellent substitute. From the seeds of the madi, they obtained an oil wliich is very good to eat and to burn, though I am ignorant whe- ther they ever applied it to the latter purpose. Their language contains words discriminative of several kinds of baskets and mats, which they manu- factured from various vegetables. The plant culled gnocchia furnishes them with thread for their ropes and fishing nets, of which tliey have tliree or four kinds. They also make use of baskets and hooks for taking fish, but of what substance the latter arc made I am not able to determine. The inhabitants of the sea coar>t, make use of pirogues of different sizes, and floats made of wood, or of seal skins sewed toçethcr and inflated with air. Although hunting was not a principal occupation with these people, yet, for amusement, or with the view of increasing their stock of provision, they were accustomed to take such wild animals as are 23 found in their country, particularly birds, of t\ hidi there are great quantities. For this purpose they made use of the arrow, of the sling, and of the laque or noose, already described in the preceding part of this work, and of several kinds of snares con- structed with much ingenuity, known by the gene- eral appellation of guaches. It is a singular fact, that they employed the same method of taking wild ducks, in their lakes and rivers, as that made use df by the Chinese, covering their heads wâth perfo- rated gourds, and letting themselves glide gently down among them. These minutiae would perhaps be scarcely worth attending to, in an account of the manners and discoveries of a people well known for their advancement in the arts of civilization, but in the history of a remote and unknown nation, considered as savage, they become important and even necessary to form a correct opinion of th« degree of their progress in society. With means of subsistence, sufficient to have pro- cured them still greater conveniences of living, it would seem that the Chilians ought to have pro- gressed with rapid steps towards the perfection of civil society. But from a species of inertia, natural %o man, nations often remain for a long time station- ary, even when circumstances appear favourable to their improvement. The transition from a savage to a social life is not so easy as at first view may be imagined, and the history of all civilized nations may be adduced in proof of this proposition. The Chilians Vv^ere also isolated, and had none of those com*mercial connections with foreigners which 24 are the only means of polishing a people. The neighbouring nations were in a state of still greater rudeness than themselves, except the Peruvians, a connection with Avhom, from their ambition of do- minion they would more studiously avoid than cherish. They learned, however, some things from them during the time that they were in possession of the northern provinces, at which period they had attained that middle point between the savage and civilized state, known by the name of barbarism. Notwithstanding these unfavourable circumstances, the variety of their occupations, which multiplied the objects of their attention, gradually enlarged the sphere of their ideas. They had progressed so far in this respect, as to invent the numbers requisite to express any quan- tity, mari signifying with them ten, pataca a hun- dred and guaranca^ a thousand. Even the Romans possessed no simple numerical terms of greater va- lue, and indeed calculation may be carried to any extent by a combination of these principal decimals. To preserve the memory of their transactions, they made use, as other nations have done, of the pro7i, called by the Peruvians qiiippo^ which was a skein of thread of several colours with a number of knots. The subject treated of was indicated by the colours, and the knots designated the number or quantity. This is all that I have been able to dis- cover of the use of such a register, in which some authors have pretended to find a substitute for the art of writing. This admirable art was unknown to the Chilians; for uitiiLiigJi the word chilcan^ to write, 25 is met with in their language, it was originally nothing more than a synonym oï guirin^ which sig- nifies to sketch or paint. Of their skill in this latter art, I am ignorant ; but if we may form an opinion from representations of men that are cut upon certain rocks, we must conclude that they were entirely ig- norant of it, as nothing coarser or more dispropor- tioned can be imagined. Far different was the progress which they made in the sciences of physic and astronomy, it was in- deed wonderful ; but an account of these, of their religion, their music and military skill, I shall reserve till I treat of the Araucanians, who still continue the faithful depositories of all the science and ancient customs of the Chilians. Their lan- guage contains also words indicating a knowledge of several other arts, which I decline mentioning, as there are no guides of sufficient accuracy to conduct our researches into a subject so important, and at the same time so doubtful. The first Europeans who visited these countries, attracted by other ob- jects of far less interest, thought little or nothing of those that merit the attention of every observing mind, on visiting an unknown people. From thence it has happened that their accounts, for the most part, furnish us only with vague and confused ideas, from whence we can draw nothing but conjectures. The Chilians, however, remained in much the same state of society as I have described, until an unex- pected revolution compelled them, in a great mea- sure, to adopt other customs and other laws. Vol. II. D 26 CHAPTER V. First Expedition of the Spaniards to Chili. FRANCIS PIZARRO and Diego Almagro hav- ing put to death the Inca Atahiialpa, had subjected the empire of Peru to the dominion of Spain. Pi- zarro, desirous of enjoying without a rival this im- portant conquest, made at their mutual expense, per- suaded his companion to undertake the reduction of Chili, celebrated for its riches throughout all those countries. Almagi*o, filled with sanguine expectations of booty, began his march for that ter- ritory in the end of the year 1535, with an army com- posed of 570 Spaniards and 15,000 Peruvians, under the command of Paullu^ the brother of the Inca Manco, the nominal Emperor of Peru, who had suc- ceeded the unfortunate Atahualpa. T\vo roads lead from Peru to Chili ; one is by the sea coast, and is destitute of water and provision ; the other, for a distance of 120 miles, passes over the inmiensc mountains of the Andes. This last Al- magro took, for no other reason but because it was the shortest. His army, after having been exposed to infinite fatigue, and many conflicts with the adjoin- ing savages, reached the Cordilleras just at the com- mencement of winter, destitute of provisions, and but ill supplied with clothing. In this season the snow ialls almost continually, and completely covers 27 tlie few paths that are passable in summer. Not- Avithstanding, the soldiers, encouraged by their gen- eral, who had no idea of the danger of the passage, advanced with much toil to the top of those rugged heights. But, victims to the severity of the weather, 150 Spaniards there perished, with 10,000 Peru- vians, who, being accustomed to the warmth of the torrid zone, were less able to endure the rigours of the frost. The historians who have given an account of this unfortunate expedition concur in saying, that of all this army not one would have escaped with life, had not Almagro, resolutely pushing forward with a few horse, sent them timely succours and provisions, which were found in abundance in Copiapo. Those of the most robust constitutions, v/ho were able to resist the inclemency of the season, by this un- expected aid were enabled to exti'icate themselves from the snow, and at length reached the plains of that province, which is the first in Chili, where through respect for the Peruvians they were well received and entertained by the inhabitants. The Inca Paullu, who was well acquainted with the object of the expedition, thought that nothing would contribute more to raise the spirits of his de- jected friends, than by letting them know the im- portance of their conquest. With this intent, he obliged the peasants to deliver up to him all the gold in their possession, and having by this means collect- ed 500,000 ducats, he presented them to Almagro. The Spaniard was so highly pleased, that he distri- buted the whole among his soldiers, to whom he also 26 remitted the debts they owed him for the 'miníense sums of money that he hud advanced for the prepa- ration of the enterprizc. Being persuaded that in a short time he should have all the gold of the country at his disposal, he sought by this display of liberality to maintain the reputation of being generous, which he had acquired in Peru by his profuse lavishnient of the treasures of its sovereigns. While Almagro remained in CopinjiO, he disco- vered that the reignhîg Ulmén had usurped the go- vernment in prejudice of his nephew and ward, who, through fear of his uncle, had ficd to the woods, pretending to be irritated at this act of injustice, he caused the guilty chief to be arrested, and calling before him the lawful heir, reinstated him in the go- vernment with the universal applause of his subjects, who attributed this conduct entirely to motives of justice, and a wish to redress the injured. The Spaniards, having recovered from their fa- tigues through the hospitable assistance of the Copi- apins, and reinforced by a number of recruits whom Rodrigo Organe z had brought from Peru, com- menced their march for the southern provinces, filled with the most flattering hopes, increased by the beautiful appearance of the country, and the nume- rous villages that appeared upon all sides. The na- tives crouded round them on their march, as well to examine them nearer, as to present them with such things as they thought would prove agreeable to a people, who appeared to them of a character far su- perior to that of other men. 29 111 the me?.ii time, two soldiers having separated from the army, proceeded to Guaseo, ^vhere they were at first well reeeived, but were afterwards put to death by the inhabitants, in consequence, no doubt, of some acts of violence, which soldiers, freed from the controul of their officers, are very apt to commit. This was the first European blood spilt in Chili, a country afterwards so copiously watered \^ ith it. On being informed of this unfortunate accident, calculated to destroy the exalted opinion which he wished to inspire of his soldiers. Almagro, having proceeded to Coquimbo, ordered the Ulmen of the district, called Marcando, his brother, and twenty of the principal inhabitants to be brought thither, all of whom, together with the usurper of Copiapo, he delivered to the flames, without, according to Herrera, pretending to assign any reason for his con- duct. This act of cruelty appeared to every one very extraordinary and unjust, since among those adventurers there were not wanting men of sensibili- ty, and advocates for the rights of humanity. The greater part of the army openly disapproved of the severity of their general, the aspect of whose affairs from this time forward became gradually worse and worse. About this period, 1537, Almagro received a con- siderable reinforcement of recruits under Juan de Rada, accompanied with royal letters patent, appoint- ing him governor of two hundred leagues of territory, situated to the southward of the government granted to Francis Pizarro. The friends whom he had left in Peru, taking advantage of this opportunity, urged 30 him by private letters to return, in order to take pos- session of Cuzco, which they assured him was within the hmits of liis jurisdiction. Notwithstanding this, inflated with liis new conquest, he pursued his inarch, passed the fatal Cachapoal, and, regardless of the remonstrances of the Peruvians, advanced into the country of the Promaucians. At the first sight of the Spaniards, their horses and the thundering arms of Europe, these valiant people were almost petrified with astonishment, but soon recovering from the effects of surprize, they opposed with intrepidity their new enemies upon the shore of the Rio-claro. Almagro, despis- ing their force, placed in the first line his Peruvian auxiliaries, increased by a number whom Paullu had drawn from the garrisons; but these, being soon routed, fell back in confusion upon the rear. The Spaniards, who expected to have been merely spec- tators of the battle, saw themselves compelled to sustain the A'igorous attack of the enemy, and ad- ^ancing with their horse, began a furious battle, which continued with great loss upon either side, till night separated the combatants. Although the Promaucians had been very roughly handled, they lost not their courage, but encamped in sight of their enemy, determined to renew the attack the next morning. The Spaniards, howe- ver, though by the custom of Europe they consid- ered themselves as victors, having kept possession of the field, were very differently inclined. Having been accustomed to subdue immense provinces with little or no resistance, they became disgusted with 31 an enterprize, which could not be effected without great fatigue and the loss of much blood, since, in its prosecution they must contend with a bold and indépendant nation, by whom they were not believed to be immortal. Thus all, by common consent, resolved to abandon this expedition ; but they were of various opinions respecting their retreat, some being desirous of returning to Peru, while others wished to form a settlement in the northern provin- ces, where they had been received with such hos- pitality. The first opinion was supported by Almagro, whose mind began to be impressed by the sugges- tions contained in the letters of his friends. He rep- resented to his soldiers the dangers to which a settle- ment would be exposed in so warlike a country, and persuaded them to follow him to Cuzco, where he hoped to establish himself either by favour or force. His fatal experience of the mountain road, deter- mined him to take that of the sea coast, by which he reconducted his troops with very little loss. On his return to Peru in 1538, he took possession by surprize of the ancient capital of that empire ; and, after several ineffectual négociations, fought a battle with the brother of Pizarro, by whom he was taken, tried and beheaded, as a disturber of the public peace. His army, having dispersed at their defeat, afterwards reassembled under the title of the soldiei's of Chili, and excited new disturbances in Peru, al- ready sufficiently agitated. Such was the fate of the first expedition against Chili, undertaken by the 32 best body oí' European troops that had as yet been collected in those parts. The thirst of riches was the moving spring of the expedition, and the disap- pointment of their hopes of obtaining them, the cause of its failure. 23 CHAPTER VI. The Spaniards return to CJiili^ under the command of Pedro de Valdïvki ; St. Jago the capital founded ; Various encounters with the natives ; Conspiracy of the soldiers against the general. FRANCIS PIZARRO having, by the death of his rival, obtained the absokite command of xhc Spanish possessions in South America, lost not sight of the conquest of Chili, which he conceived might, in any event, prove an important acquisition to him. Among the adventurers who had come to Peru were two officers, commissioned by the court of Spain, under the titles of governor, to attempt this expedition. To the first, called Pedro Sanchez de Hoz, was committed the conquest of the country as far as the river Maille ; and to the other, Carmargo, the remainder to the Archipelago of Chiloé. Pi- zarro, jealous of these men, under frivolous pretexts refused to confirm the royal nomination, and ap- pointed to this expedition his quarter-master, Pedra de Valdivia, a prudent and active officer, who had gained experience in the Italian war, and, what was a still greater recommendation, was attached to his party, directing him to take de Hoz with him, who was probably more to be feared than his colleague, and to allow" him every advantage in the partition of the lands. \oh. IL D 34 This officer having determined to establish a per- manent settlement in the country, set out on his march in the year 1540, with 200 Spaniards, and a numerous body of Peruvian auxiliaries, accompa- nied by some monks, several women, and a gi'eat number of European quadrupeds, with every thing requisite for a new colony. He pursued the same route as Almagro, but instructed by the misfortunes of his predecessor, he did not attempt to pass the Andes until midsummer. He entered Chili with- out incurring any loss, but very different was the reception he experienced from the inhabitants of the northern provinces from that which Almagro had met with. Those people, informed of the fate of Peru, and freed from the submission they professed to owe the Inca, did not consider themselves obli- ged to respect their invaders. They, of course, began to attack them upon all sides, with more valour than conduct. Like barba- rians in general, incapable of making a common cause with each other, and for a long time accus- tomed to the yoke of servitude, they attacked them by hordes, or tribes, as they advanced, without that steady firmness that characterizes the valour of a free people. The Spaniards, however, notwith- standing the ill-combined opposition of the natives, traversed the provinces of Copiapo, Coquimbo, Quillota, and Melipilla, and arrived much harrassed, but with litde loss, atthat of Mapocho, now called St. Jago. This province, which is more than six hun- dred miles distant from the confines of Peru, is one of the most fertile and pleasant in the kingdom. Its 35 name signifies " the land of many people/' and from the accounts of the first writers upon Chili, its pop- ulation corresponded therewith, being extremely numerous. It lies upon the confines of the principal mountain of the Andes, and is 140 miles in circum- ^ference. It is watered by the rivers Maypo, Colina, Lampa, and Mapocho, which last divides it into two nearly equal parts, and after pursuing a subter- raneous course for the space of five miles, again shows itself with increased copiousness, and dischar- ges its waters into the Maypo. The mountains of Caren, which terminate it on the north, abound with veins of gold, and in that part of the Andes, which bounds it at the east, are found several rich mines of silver. Valdivia, who had endeavoured to penetrate as far as possible into the country, in order to render it diificult for his soldiers to return to Peru, deter- mined to make a settlement in this province ; which, from its natural advantages, and its remoteness, ap- peai'ed to him more suitable than any other for the centre of his conquests. With this view, having selected a convenient situation on the left shore of the Mapocho, on the 24th of February 1541, he laid the foundations of the capital of the kingdom, t© which in honour of that apostie he gave the name of St. Jago. In laying out the city he divided the ground into plats or squares, eacli containing 4096. toises, a fourth of which he allowed to every citi- zen, a plan which has been pjjrsued in the founda- tion of all the other cities. One of these plats, lying upon the great square, he destined for the cathedral 36 find the bishop's palace, which lie intended to build tlicrc, and the one opposite for that of the govern- ment. He likewise appointed a magistracy, accord- ing to the forms of S¡?ain, from such of his army as were the best qualified, and to protect the settlement in case of an attack, he constructed a fort upon a hill in the centre of the city, which has since re- ceived the name of St. Lucia. Many have applauded the discennnent of Valdi- via, in liaving made choice of this situation for the seat of the capital of the colony. But considering the wants of a great city, it vrould have been better placed fifteen miles farther to the south, upon the Maypo, a large river w^hich has a direct communi- cation with the sea, and might easily be rendered navigable for ships of the largest size. This city,' however, contains at presort (1787) more than forty thousand inhabitants, and is rapidly increasing in population, from its being the seat of government, and from its gre¿it commerce support- ed by the luxury of the wealthy inhabitants. Meanwhile, the natives saw with a jealous eye this new establishment, and concerted measures, al- though late, for freeing themselves of these unwel- come intruders. Valdivia, having discovered their intentions in season, confmed tlie chiefs of the con- spiracy in the fortress, and suspecting some secret intelligence between them and the neighbouring Promaucians, repaired with sixty horse to the river Cachapoal to watch their movements. But this measure was unnecessary ; that fearless people had not the policy to think of uniting w ith their neigh- 37 hours in order to secure themselves froin the im- pending danger. The Mapochinians, taking advantage of the de- parture of the general, fell upon the colony with in- conceivable fury, burned the half- built houses, and assailed the citadel, wherein the inhabitants had ta- ken refuge, upon all sides. While they defended themselves valiantly, a woman, named Inez Suarez, animated with a spirit more cruel than courageous, seized an axe, and beat out the brains of the captive chiefs, who had attempted to break their fciiers and regain their liberty. The battle began at day break, and was continued till night, while fresh assailants, with a firmness worthy of a better ñite, constantly occupied the places of those that were slain. In the mean time, the commander of the fort, Alonzo Monroy, found means during the confusion to dispatch a messen ^ ger to Valdivia, vrho returned immediately, and found the ditch filled with dead bodies, and the en- emy, notwithstanding the loss they had sustained, preparing to recommence the combat ; but, joining the beseiged, he advanced in order of battle against their forces, which were posted on the shore of the Mapocho. There the battle was again renewed, and contested with equal valour, but with great disad- vantage on the part of the nati^'es, who were far in- ferior to their enemies in arms and discipline. The musketry and the horse made a dreadful slaughter among men, who were armed only with bows and slings ; but, obstinately contending with even their own impotence, they furiously rushed on to destruc- 38 tion until wholly enrccblcd, and having lost the flower of their youth, they fled dispersed over the plains. Yet, notwithstanding this defeat, and others of not less importance that they afterwards experienced, they never ceased, for the space of six years, until their utter ruin, to keep the Spaniards closely be- seiged, attacking them upon every occasion that of- fered, and cutting oif their provisions in such a man- ner, that they were compelled to subsist upon un- wholesome and loathsome viands, and on the little grain which they could raise beneath the cannon of the place. The fertile plains in the neighbourhood had become desert and uncultivated, as the inhabi- tants had destroyed their crops and retired to the mountains. A mode of life so different from what they ex- pected wearied and disgusted the soldiers, and they finally resolved to kill their general, whom they be- lieved obstinately attached to his plans, and to return to Peru, where they hoped to enjoy more ease and tranquillity. This conspiracy having fortunately been discovered by Valdivia, he began by concilia- ting the least seditious, which he readily effected, as he possessed great prudence and address. As he had yet only the title of general, he assembled the magistracy of the city, and persuaded them to appoint him governor. Invested with this imposing, though less legitimate character, he punished with death the authors of the conspiracy ; but perceiving that this exertion of a precarious authority could not be productive of a durable effect, he ¡n-udcntly applied 39 himself to soothe these turbulent spirits, and to divert their minds from such dangerous schemes, by paint- ing to them in seducing colours the happy prospect that awaited them. Valdivia had often heard in Peru that the valley of Quillota abounded in mines of gold, and imagin- ed that he might obtain from thence a sufficient quantity to satisfy his soldiers. In consequence, notwithstanding the difficulties with which he was surrounded, he sent thither a detachment of troops, with orders to superintend the digging of this pre- cious metal. The mine that was opened was so rich that its product surpassed their most sanguine hopes. Their present and past sufferings were all buried in oblivion, nor was there one among them who had the remotest wish of quitting the country. The go- vernor, who was naturally enterprising, encouraged by this success, had a frigate built in the mouth of the river Chile, which traverses the valley, in order more readily to obtain succours from Peru, without which, he was fully sensible, he could not succeçd in accomplishing his vast undertakings. 40 CHAPTER VIL TJie Copiapïns dtj'eat a body of Spaniards ; Suc- cessful stratagem employed by the Quillofa)2es ; Valdivia receives reinforcements from Peru ; He founds the city of Coquimbo, tvhich is destroyed by the natives ; The Promaucians form a?i alliance with the Spaniards; Fouiidation of the city of Con- ception, IN the mean lime, as the state of affah-s was ur- gent, Valdivia resolved to send to Peru by land two of his eaptains, Alonzo Monro}' and Pedro Miranda, with six companions, whose spurs, bits and stirrups he directed to be made of gold, hoping to entice, by this proof of the opulence of the country, his fel- low citizens to come to his assistance. These mes- sengers, although escorted by thirty men on horse- back, who were ordered to accompany them to the borders of Chili, were attacked and defeated by a hundred archers of Copiapo, commanded by Coteo, an üíñcer of the ulmen of that province. Of the whole band none escaped with life but the two offi- cers, Monroy and Miranda, who were brought co- vered with wouFids before the ulmen. Whilst that prince, who had resolved to put them to death as enemies of the country, was deliberating on tlîe mode, the ulmena or princess, his wife, moved with compassion for their situation, interced- 41 ed with her husband for their lives, and haviniï ob- tained her request, unbound them with her own hands, tenderly dressed their wounds, and treated them like brothers. When they were fully reco- vered, she desired them to teach her son the art of riding, as several of the horses had been taken alive in the defeat. The two Spaniards readily con- sented to her request, hoping to avail themselves of this opportunity to recover their liberty. But the means they took to effect this were marked with an act of ingratitude to their benefactress, of so much the deeper dye, as, from their not being strictly guarded, such an expedient was unne- cessary. As the young prince was one day riding l:)et\veen them, escorted by his archers, and preceded by an officer armed with a lance, Monroy suddenly at- tacked him with a poniard, which he carried about him, and brought him to the ground, with Uvo or three mortal wounds ; Miranda at the same time wresting the lance from the officer, they forced their way through the guards who were thrown into con- fusion by such an unexpected event. As they were well mounted they easily escaped pursuit, and taking their way through the desarts of Peru, arrived at Cuzco, the residence at that time of Vasca de Cas- tro, who had succeeded to the government upon the death of Pizarro, cruelly assassinated by the parti- zans of Almagro. On being informed of the critical situation of Chili, Castro immediately dispatched a considerable number of recruits by land under the command of Vol.11. , F 42 MoViroy, who had the good fortune to conceal his march from the Copiapins ; and at the same time e^ave directions to Juan Batista Pastene, a noble Genoese, to proceed thither by sea with a still greater number. Valdivia, on receiving these two reinforcements, which arrived nearly at the same time, began to carry his great designs into execu- tion. As he had been solicitous from the first to have a complete knowledge of the sea coast, he or- dered Pastene to explore it, and note the situation of the most important parts and places, as far as the straits of Magellan. On his return from this expe- dition, he sent him back to Peru for new recruits, as, since the affair of Copiapo, the natives became daily more bold and enterprising. Among others, the Quillotanes had, a little time before, massacred all the soldiers employed in the mines. For this purpose they employed the follow- ing stratagem : one of the neighbouring Indians brought to the commander, Gonzalo Rios, a pot full of gold, telling him that he had found a great quan- tity of it in a certain district of the country. Upon this information, all were impatient to proceed thi- ther to participate in the imagined treasure. As they arrived tumultuously at the place described, they fell into an ambuscade, from whence none es- caped except the imprudent commander and a ne- gro who saved themselves by the superior excel- lence of their horses. The frigate that was then finished was also destroyed, being burned together witli the arsenal. 43 Valdivia, on receiving advice of this disaster, hastened thither with his troops, and having re- venged, as far as in his power, the death of his sol- diers, built a fort to protect the miners. Being af- terwards reinforced with three hundred men from Peru, under the command of Francis Villagran and Christopher Escobar, he became sensible of the necessity of establishing a settlement in the northern part of the kingdom, that might serve as a place of arms, and a protection for the convoys that should come that way. For this purpose he made choice of a beautiful plain at the mouth of the river Co- quimbo, which forms a good harbour, where, in 1564, he founded a city called by him Serena, in honour of the place of his birth ; it is not, however, known at present by this appellation, except in geo- graphical treatises, the country name having pre- vailed, as is the case with all the other European settlements in Chili. In the ensuing year he began to think of extend- ing his conquests, and for that purpose proceeded into the country of the Promaucians. Contempo- rary writers have not made mention of any battle that was fought upon this occasion ; but it is not to be supposed that this valiant people who had with so much glory repulsed the armies of the Inca and of Almagro, would have allowed him, without opposition, to violate their territory. It is, however, highly probable, that Valdivia, in the frequent incur- sions which he made upon their frontiers, had had the art to persuade them to unite with him againsi the other Chilians by seducing promises ; a mean 44 that has been employed by all political conquerors, who liave ever availed themselves of the aid of bar- barians to conquer barbarians, in order, finally, to subjugate the whole. In fact, the Spanish armies have ever since that period been strengthened by Promaucian auxiliaries, from whence has sprung that rooted antipathy, which the Araucanians prc- bcrve against the residue of that nation. In the course of the year 1546, Valdivia, having passed the Maule, proceeded in his career of vic- tory to the river Itata. While encamped there in a place called Quilacura, he was attacked at night by u body of the natives, Avho destroyed many of his horses, and put him in imminent hazard of experi- encing a total rout. His loss upon this occasion must have been very considerable, since he after- wards relinquished his plan of proceeding farther, and returned to St. Jago. Perceiving that his ex- pected succours from Peru, did not arrive, he re- solved to go thither in person, hoping, by means of his activity and address, to recruit a body of troops sufficient for the subjugation of the southern provin- ces, which had shown tliemselvesthc most warlike. As he was on the eve of his departure, in the year 1547, Pastenes arrived, but without any men, and brought news of the civil \yar that had broken out between the conquerors of the empire of the Incas. Nevertheless, persuaded that he might reap an advan- tage from these revolutions, he set sail with Pastene for Peru, taking with him a great quantity of gold. On hisarrival, he served in quality of quarter-mastcr- general in tJie famous battle that decided the fcUe 45 of Gonzalo Pizarro. Gasea the president, who un- der the royal standard, had gained the victory, pleased with the service rendered him upon this oc- casion by Valdivia, confirmed him in his office of governor, and furnishing him with an abundance of military stores, sent him back to Chili, with two ships filled with those seditious adventurers, of whom he was glad of an opportunit}^ to be disem- barrassed. In the mean time, Pedro de Hoz, who, as we have already observed, had been deprived of that share in the conquest that had been granted him by the court, and who had imprudently placed himself in the power of his rival, was accused of wishing to usurp the government. Whether this accusation was well founded, or whether it was merely a pre- text to get rid of him, he was, in 1546, publicly be^ headed by order of Francis Villagran, v/ho acted as governor in the absence of Valdivia, whom he pro- bably thought to please by thus freeing him from a dangerous competitor, if he had not even received private instructions relative to the business. The Copiapins, eager to revenge the murder of their prince, killed about the same time forty Spa- niards, who had been detached from several squad- rons, and were proceeding from Peru to Chili ; and the Coquimbanes, instigated by their persuasion, massac id all the inhabitants of the colony lately founded in their territory, razing the city lo its foun- dation. Francis Agnirre was immediately ordered there, and had several encounters with them with va- rious success. In 1549 he rebuilt the city in a more 46 advantageous situation ; its inhabitants claim him as their founder, and the most distinguished of them boast themselves as his descendants. After a contest of nine years, and almost incredi- ble fatigues, Valdivia, believing himself \Mell estab- lished in that part of Chili which was under the do- minion of the Peruvians, distributed the land among liis soldiers, assigning to each, under the title of commandery, a considerable portion, with the in- habitants living thereon, according to the baneful feudal system of Europe. By this means, having quieted the restless ambition of his companions, he set out anew on his march for the southern provinces, with a respectable army of Spanish and Promaucian troops. After a journey of 240 miles, he arrived, without encountering many obstacles, at the bay of Penco, which had been already explored by Pastene, where, on the 5th of October, 1550, he founded a third city called Conception."* The situation of this place was very advantageous for commerce from the excellence of its harbour, but, from the lowness of the ground, exposed in •arthquakes to inundations of the sea. The bay, * This city was destroyed by the earthquakes and iimndations of the sea, that eccurred on tlie 8th of July, 1730, and the 24th of May, 1751. For this reason the inhabitiiuts established themselves, on the 24th of November, 1764, in the valley of Mocha, three leagties suut.i of Penco, between the i-ivers Andalien and Bio-bio, where they founded New Conception. The h.v.bour is situated in tlic middle of the bay called Talgacuano, a little more than two leagues west of Moclia ; a fort is all the building that is now left at Penco. 47 which is in extent from east to west six miles, and nine from north to south, is defended from the sea by a pleasant island called Quiriquina ; the entrance upon the north side, which is half a league broad, is the only one of sufficient depth to admit ships of the line, the other being- narrow, and only navigable for small vessels. The soil, under the influence of a favourable climate, produces an abundance of tim- ber, minerals, excellent wine, and all the otlier ne- cessaries of life, and the sea and rivers great quan- tities of delicate fish. The adjacent tribes, perceiving the intention of the Spaniards to Qccupy this important post, gave in- formation of it to their neighbours and friends, the Araucanians, who, forseeing that it would not be long before the storm would burst upon their own country, resolved to succour their distressed allies, in order to secure themselves. But before I proceed torcíate the events of this war, 1 have thought pro- per to give some account of the character and man- ners of that warlike people, who have hitherto, with incredible valour, opposed the overwhelming torrent of Spanish conquest, and from henceforward will furnish all the materials of our historv. THE CIViL HiSTORY OF CHILL BOOK II. CHAPTER I. Local Situation, Character, Dress and Dwellings of the Araucanians. THE Araucanians inhabit that delightful country situated between the rivers Bio-bio and Valdivia, aiid between the Andes and the sea, extending from 36. 44. to :^9. 50. degrees of south latitude. They derive their appellation of Araucanians from the pro- vince of Arauco, which, though the smallest in their territory, has, like Holland, given its name to the whole nation, either from its having been the first to unite with the neighbouring provinces, or from hav- ing at some remote period reduced them under its dominion. This people, ever enthusiastically at- tached to their independence, pride themselves in being called Auca, which signifies frank or free, and those Spaniards, who had left the army in the Nether- lands to serve in Chili, gave to this country the name Vol. 11. G 50 of Araucanian Flanders, or the Invincible State, and bomc of them have even had the magnanimity to celebrate in epic poetry the exploits of a people ■\vho, to preserve their independence, have shed such torrents of Spanish blood. The Araucanians, although they do not exceed the ordinary height of the human species, are in general muscular, robust, well proportioned, and of a martial appearance. It is very unusual to find among them any person who is crooked or deform- ed, not from their pursuing, as some have supposed, the cruel custom of the ancieht Spartans, in suffoca- ting such unfortunate children, but because they leave to nature the care of forming them, without obstructing her operations by the improper applica- tion of bandages and stays. Their complexion, with the exception of the Boroanes, who, as I have al- ready observed, are fair and ruddy, is of a reddish brown, but clearer than that of the other Ameri- cans. They have round faces, small animated eyes full of expression, a nose rather Hat, a handsome mouth, even and white teeth, muscular and well shaped legs, and small flat feet. Like the Tartars, tiiey have scarce any beard, and the smallest hair is never to be discerned on their faces, from the care tliey take to pluck out the little that appears ; they esteem it very impolite to have a beard, calling the Europeans, byway of reproach, the long beards. The same attention is paid to removing it from their bodies, where its growth is more abundant; that of their heads is thick and black, but rather coarse ; 51 they permit it to grow to a great lcni>th, and wind it in tresses around tlieir heads ; of this they are as proud and careful as they are averse to beards, nor could a greater aíFront be oiFered them than to cut it off. Their women are delicately formed, and many of them, especially among the Boroanes, are very handsome. Possessed of great strength of constitution, and unincumbered with the cares that disturb civilized society, they are not subject, except at a very ad- vanced period of life, to the infirmities attendant upon old age. They rarely begin to be grey before they are sixty or seventy, andaré not bald or wrin- kled until eighty. They are generally longer lived than the Spaniards, and many are to be met with whose age exceeds a hundred ; and, to the latest period of their lives, they retain their sight, teeth and memory unimpaired. Their moral qualities are proportionate to their physical endowments ; they are intrepid, animated, ardent, patient in enduring fatigue, ever ready to sacrifice their lives in the service of their country, enthusiastic lovers of liberty, which they consider as an essential constituent of their existence, jealous of their honour, courteous, hospitable, faithful to their engagements, grateful for services rendered them, and generous and humane towards the van- quished. But these noble qualities are obscured by the vices inseparable from the half-savage state of life which they lead, unrefined by literature or cultivation ; these are drunkenness, debauchery, presumption, and a haughty contempt for all othei^ 52 nations. Were the civil manners and innocent im- provements of Europe introduced among them, they would soon become a people deserving of universal esteem ; but, under the present system, this happy change appears impossible to be effected. Ail those nations whom either the nature of the climate or a sense of decency has induced to clothe themselves, have made use at first of loose garments, as being the most easily made. But the Araucanians, from their great attachment to war, Avhich they con- sider as the only true source of glory, have adopted the short garment, as best suited to martial conflicts. This dress is made of wool, as was that of the Greeks and Romans, and consists of a shirt, a vest, a pair of short close breeches, and a cloak in form of a scapu- lary, with an opening in the middle for the head, made full and long so as to cover the hands and de- scend to the knees. This cloak is called poncho, and is much more commodious than our mantles, as it leaves the arms at liberty, and may be thrown over the shoulder at pleasure ; it is also a better protec- tion from the Vvind and the rain, and more conveni- ent for riding on horseback, for which reason it is commonly worn not only by the Spaniards in Chili, but by those of Peru and Paraguay. The shirt, vest and breeches are always of a green- ish blue or turquois, which is the favourite colour of the nation, as red is that of tlie Tartars. The poncho is also, among persons of inferior condition, of a greenish blue, but those of the higher classes wear it of different colours, cither white, red or blue, with stripes a span broad, on which are wrought, with ^J much skill, figures of flowers and animals in various colours, and the border is ornamented w ith a hand- some fringe. Some of these ponchos are of so fnie and elegant a texture as to be sold for a hundred and even a hundred and fifty dollars. Th-e Araucanians make use of neither turbans nor hats, but wear upon their heads a bandage of em- broidered wool, in the form of the ancient diadem. This, whenever they salute, they raise a little, as a mark of courtesy, and on going to v/ar ornament it with a number of beautiful plumes. They also wear around the body a long woolen girdle or sash hand- somely wrought. Persons of rank wear wooilcu boots of various colours, and leather sandals, called c/ielle^ but the common people always go bare- footed. , The women are clad with much modesty and simplicity. Their dress is entirely of wool, and, agreeable to the national taste, of a greenish blue colour. It consists of a tunic, a girdle, and a short cloak, called ichella, which is fastened before with a silver buckle. The tunic, called chiamal^ is long, and descends to the feet , it is without sleeves, and is fastened upon the shoulder by silver broaches or buckles. This dress, sanctioned by custom, is never varied; but, to gratify their love of finery, they adorn themselves with all those trinkets which ca- price or vanity suggests. They divide their hair into several tresses, which fioat in graceful negli- gence over their siioulders, and decorate their heads with a species of false emerald, called guanea, held by them in high estimation. Their necklaces and 54 bracelets are of glass, and their ear-rings, v/hich are square, of silver ; they have rings upon each finger, the greater part of which are of silver. It is calcula- ted that more than a hundred thousand marks of this metal are employed in these female ornaments, since they are worn even by the poorest class. I have already given some account of the dwel- lings of the ancient Chilians ; the Araucanians, te- nacious, as are all nations not corrupted by luxury, of the customs of their country, have made no change in their mode of building. But, as they are almost all polygamists, the size of their houses is proportioned to the number of women they can maintain. The interior of these houses is very simple, the luxury of convenience, splendor and show, is altogether unknown in ihem, and necessity alone is consulted in the selection of their furniture. They never form towns, but live in scattered vil- lages or hamlets, on the banks of rivers, or in plains that are easily iri-igated Their local attach- ments are strong, each family preferring to live upon the land inherited from its ancestors, which they cultivate sufficiently for their subsistence. The ge- nius of this haughty people, in which the savage still predominates, will not permit them to live in walled cities, which they consider as a mark of servitude. 55 CHAPTER IL Division of the Araucania?! State ; Its political Form and civil Institutioiis. ALTHOUGH in their settlements the Aran ca- nians are wanting in regularity, that is by no means the case in the political division of their state, which is regulated with much intelligence. They have di- vided it from north to south into four uthal-mapus, or parallel tetrarchatcs, that are nearly equal, to which they give the names of lauquen-mapu, the maritime country ; lelhun-mapu^ the plain country ; inapire- mapUy the country at the foot of the Andes ; and pire-mopu, or that of the Andes. Each Uthalmapu is divided into five aillareguesy or provinces ; and each aillaregue into nine regues, or counties. The maritime country comprehends the provin- ces of Arauco, Tucapel, lUicura, Boroa and Nag. token ; the country of the plain includes those of Encol, Puren, Repocura, Maquegua and Mariqui- na : that at the foot of the Andes contains Marven, Colhue, Chacaico, Quecheregua, and Guanagua ; and in that of the Andes is included all the vailles of the Cordilleras, situated within the limits already mentioned, which are inhabited by the Puelches.* * In the second and third articles of the regulations of Lonqui!- mo, made in the year 1784, the limits of each Uthalmapu are ex- pressly defined, and its districts marked out. It declares to bea¡,- 56 These mountaineers, who were formerly a distinct nation in alliance with the Araucanians, are now united under their government and have the same magistrates. This division, which discovers a certain degree of refinement in their political administration, is of a date anterior to the arrival of the Spaniards, and serves as a basis for the civil government of the Araucanians, Avhich is aristocratic as that of all other barbarous nations has been. This species of repub- lic consists of three orders of nobility, each subor- dinate to the other, the Toquis^ the Apo-Ulmenes, and the Ulmenes^ all of whom have their respective vassals. The Toquis who may be styled tetrarchs, are four in number, and preside over the uthal-ma- pus. The appellation of Toqui is derived from the verb toquin, which signifies to judge or command ; they are indépendant of each other, but confederat- ed for the public welfare. The Apo-Ulmenes, or Arch- Ulmenes govern the provinces under their res- pective Toquis. The Ulmenes, who are the pre- lects of the regues^ or counties, are dependant upon the Apo-Ulmenes. This dépendance, however, is confined almost entirely to military affairs. Al- though the Ulmenes are the lowest in the scale of ])CMtaining to that of the Cordilleras, the Huilliches of Changóle, thoseof Gayolto and Rucachoroy to the south, the Puelches ajid Indian Pampas to the north, from Maialque and the frontiers of Mendoza to the Maniilniapu in the Pan>])ab of Bucikjs Ayres, the v.'hole forming a corporate body with the Puelches and Pehuenches of Maule, Chillan and Antuco. So that at present, in cuse of an infraction of the treaty, it may easily be known what Uthalmapu is to make satisfaction. 57 the Araucanian aristocracy, the superior ranks, gene- rally speaking, are comprehended under the same title, which is equivalent to that of Cacique. The discriminative badge of the Toqui is a spe- cies of battle-axe, made of porphyry or marble. The Apo-Ulmenes, and the Ulmenes carry staves with silver heads, but the first by way of distinction have a ring of the same metal around the middle of their staves. All these dignities are hereditary in the male line, and proceed in the order of primogeni- ture. Thus have the dukes, the counts and mar- quisses of the military aristocracy of the north been established, from time immemorial, under different names, in a corner of South America. With its resemblance to the feudal system, this government contains also almost all its defects. The Toqui possesses but the shadow of sovereign authority. The triple power that constitutes it is vested in the great body of the nobility, who decide every important question, in the manner of the an- cient Germans, in a general diet, which is called Butacoyog or Aucacoyog^ the great council, or coun- cil of the Araucanians. This assefnbly is usually held in some large plain, where they combine the pleasures of the table with their public deliberations. Their code of laws which is traditionary, is de- nominated Admapu, that is to say, the customs of the country. In reality these laws are nothing more than ¿:>rimordial usages, or tacit conventions that hi f e been established among them, as was originally the case with almost all the laws of other nations ; they have, consequently, all»the defects peculiar to Vol.. II. H 58 such systems, since, as they are not written, they can neither be very compendious, nor made suffi- ciently pubHc. The clearest and most explicit of their political and fundamental laws are those that regulate the limits of each authority ; the order of succession in the Toquiates and in the Ulminates, the confedera- tion of the four Tetrarchates, the choice and the power of the commanders in chief in time of war, and the right of convoking the general diets, v/hich is the privilege of the Toquis ; all these laws have for their object the preservation of liberty and the established form of government. According to them, two or more states cannot be held under the rule of the same chief. Whenever the male branch of the reigning family becomes extinct, the vassals recover their natural right of electing their own chief I'rom that family which is most pleasing to them. But before he is installed, he must be presented to the Toqui of their Uthalmapu, who gives notice of his election, in order that the new chief may be acknow- ledged and i-espccted by all in that quality. The subjects are not, as under the feudal govern- ment, liable to a levy, or to any kind of personal service, except in time of war. Neither are they- obliged to pay any contributions to their chiefs, who must subsist themselves by means of their own pro- perty. They respect them, however, as their supe- riors, or rather as the first among their equalR^; they also attend to their decisions, and escort them wnv "^i- ver they go out of the state. These chiefs, elated witli their authority, would gladly extend its limits, 59 and govern as absolute masters ; but the people, who cannot endure despotism, oppose then- pretentions, and compel them to keep within the bounds pre- scribed by their customs. The civil laws of a society whose manners are simple, and interests but little complicated, cannot be very numerous. The Araucanians have but a few ; these, however, would be sufficient for their state of life, if the}'^ were more respected and less arbitrary. Their system of criminal jurisprudence, in a particular manner, is very imperfect. The offences that are deemed deserving of capital punishment are treacher}^, intentional homicide, "adulter}^ the rob- bery of any valuable article, and witchcraft. Never- theless, those found guilty of homicide can screen themselves from punishment by a composition with the relations of the murdered. Husbands and fa- thers are not subject to any punishment for killing their wives or children, as they are declared, by their laws, to be the natural masters of their lives. Those accused of sorcery, a crime only known in countries involved in ignorance, are first tortured by fire, in order to make them discover their accomplices, and then stabbed with daggers. Other crimes of less importance are punished by retaliation, which is much in use among them, un- der the name oí thaulonco. Justice is administered in a tumultuous and irregular manner, and witliout any of those preliminary formalities, for the most part useless, that are observed among civilized na- tions. The criminal who is convicted of a capital offence, is immediately put to death, according to 60 the military custom, without first being suffered to rot in prison, a mode of confinement unknown to the Araucanians. It was, however, a little before my leaving Chili, introduced into Tucapel, the seat of the government of Lauquen-mapu, by Cathicura^ the Toqui of that district ; but, I know not the suc- cess of this experiment, which was at first very ill received by his subjects. The Ulmenes are the lawful judges of their vassals, and for this reason their authority is less precarious. The unconquerable pride of this people prevents them from adopting the wise measures of public justice ; they alone possess some general and vague ideas upon the principles of political union, whence the executive power being without force, distributive justice is ill administered, or entirely abandoned to the caprice of individuals. The injured family often assumes the right of pursuing the aggressor or his relations, and of punishing thcni. From this abuse are derived the denominations and distinctions, so much used in their jurisprudence, oï g€7igue?in^ gen- guman, genla, 8cc. denoting the principal connec- tions of the aggressor, of the injured, or the deceased, ■who are supposed to be authorised, by the laws of nature, to support by force the rights of their rela- tives. A system of judicial proceeding so irregular, and apparently so incompatible with the existence of any kind of civil society, becomes the constant source of disorders entirely hostile to the primary object of all good government, public and private security. When those who are at enmity have a considerable 61 number of adherents, they mutually make incursions upon each others possessions, where they destroy or burn all that they cannot carry off. These private quarrels, called malocas, resemble much the feuds of the ancient Germans, and are very dreadful when the Ulmenes are concerned, in which case they be- come real civil wars. But it must be acknowledg- ed that they are generally unaccompanied with the effusion of blood, and are confined to pillage alone. This people, notwithstanding their propensity to vio- lence, rarely employ arms in their private quarrels, but decide them with the fist or with the club. »♦♦«« CHAPTER III. Military System of the Araucanians ; their Arms and Mode of7naking War. THE military government of the Araucanians is not only more rational and better systematized than the civil, but in some respects appears to be supe- rior to the genius of an uncultivated nation. When- ever the grand council determines to go to war, they proceed immediately to the election of a comman- der in chief, to which the Toquis have the first claim, as being the hereditary generals or stadtholders of tlie republic. If neither of them is deemed qualified for the command, dismissing all regard for rank, 62 the}' cntrubt it to the most deserving of the Ulmenes, or even the officers of the common class, as the talents necessary for this important station are what alone are required. In consequence, Vilumilla^ a man of low origin, commanded the Araucanian army with much honour in the war of 1722 ; and Curignanca, the younger son of an Ulmen of the province of En- col, in that which terminated in 1773. On accepting his appointment, the new general assumes the title of Toqui, and the stone hatchet in token of supreme command, at which time the native Toquis lay aside tlieirs, it not being lawful for them to carry them during the government of this dictator. They likewise, sacrificing private ambition to the public good, take the oaths of obedience and fealty to him, together with the other Ulmenes. Even the people, who in peace shew themselves repugnant to all subordination, are then prompt to obey, and sub- missi^'e to the will of their military sovereign. He cannot, however, put an}'^ one to death \\ ithout the consent of the principal officers of his army, but as these are of his own appointment, his orders may be considered as absolute. From tlie arrival of the Spaniards in the country to the present time, it is observable that all the Toquis who have been appointed in time of war were natives of the provinces of Arauco, of Tucapel, of Encol, or of Puren. Whether this partiality is owing to some superstitious notion, or rather to some ancient law or agreement, I am unable to determine ; it appears, however, to be repugnant to the princi- ples of sound policy, as it is very rare for the com- ponent parts of a state to maintain themselves long in a state of union, when they do not all participate equally in the advantages of the government. But it is a peculiarity worthy of admiration, that this dis- crimination has hitherto produced no division among them. One of the first measures of the national council, after having decided upon war, is to dispatch certain messengers or expresses, cúhd guerçuenis, to the confederate tribes, and even to those Indians who live among the Spaniards, to inform the first of the steps that have been taken, and to request the others to make a common cause with their countrymen. The credentials of these envoys are some small ar- rows tied together with a red string, the symbol of blood. But if hostilities are actually commenced, the finger of a slain enemy is joined to the arrows. This embassy, called pulchitum^ to run the arrow, is performed with such secrecy and expedition in the Spanish settlements, that the messengers are rarely discovered. The Toqui directs what number of soldiers are to be furnished by each Uthalmapu ; the tetrarchs in their turn regulate the contingencies of the Apo- Ulmenes, and these last apportion them among their respective Ulmenes. Every Araucanian is born a soldier. All are ready to profler their services for war, so that there is no difficulty in raising an army, which usually consists of five or six thousand men, besides the corps de reserve., which are kept in readiness for particular occasions, or to replace those killed in battle. 64 The commander in chief, appoints his Vice Toqui, or lieutenant-general, and the ctherofilcers of hisstaft', Avho in their turn nonnnate their subaltern officers. By this method, liarmony and subordination are maintained between the respective commanders. The Vice Toqui, is almost always selected from among- the Puelches, in order to stitisfy that valiant tribe, who as I have already observed, amount to the fourth part of the population of the state. Nor have the Araucanians ever had cause to repent of this selection. During the last war, one of these mountaineers, Levianiu, lieutenant-general of Cu- rignancu, harrassed the Spaniards greatly, and gave their troops constant employment. The army is at present composed of infantry and of horse. It originally consisted entirely of the for- mer, but in their first battles with the Spaniards, perceiving the great advantage which their enemies derived from their cavalry, they soon began to disci- pline themselves in the same manner. Their first care was to procure a good breed of horses, which in a short time became so numerous that in the year 1568, seventeen years after their first opposing the Spanish arms, they were able to furnish several squadrons, and in the }'car 1585, the caAalry was first regularly organized by the Toqui Cadeguala. The infantry, which they call namimtuimco, is di- vided into regiments and companies ; each regiment consists of one thousand men, and contains ten com- panies of one hundred. The cavalry is divided in the like manner, but the number of horse is not al- ways the same. They have all their particular stan- 6S dards, but each bears a star, which is the national device. The soldiers are not clothed in uniform, according to the European custom, but all wear be- neath their usual dress cuirasses of leather, hardened by a peculiar mode of dressing ; their shields and helmets are also made of the same material. The cavalry is armed with swords and lances ; the infantry with pikes or clubs pointed with iron. They formerly employed bows and slings, in the use of which they were very dexterous, but since the arrival of the Spaniards, they have almost en- tirely relinqy-iished them, experience having taught them to avoid the destructive effect of their mus- ketry, by immediately closing in and fighting hand to hand with the enemy. The art of making gun- powder is as yet unknown to these warlike people. Either they regard it but little, or, what is more probable, those Spaniards with whom the}/ have sometimes traded, would not, if they were themselves acquainted with it, commu- nicate to them the composition. It is, however, believed that they made use at first of the greatest exertions tp obtain the knowledge of this secret so important in the present system of warfare. The discovery of powder, is well ascertained to have been owing more to accident than to the efforts of human ingenuity, although some pretend that it was known in China long before the period that it was discovered in Europe. The inhabitants of the country relate the following anecdote respecting gun-powder, which, however fabulous and absurd it may appear, is generally credited. The Arauca- Vol. II. I 66 nians on first seeing negroes with the Spaniards, imagined that they prepared from them the powder which they used. Soon after, having taken one of those unfortunate men, they first covered him with stripes from head to foot, and afterwards burned him to a coal, in order, by reducing it to powder, to ob- tain the so much wished for secret, but were soon convinced of the faUacy of their chymical principles. In their various encounters with the Spaniards, they occasionally took from them powder and muskets, which in the subsequent battles they employed with as much skill as if they had been fora longtime accustomed to them, but as soon as the powder was expended they resumed their former arms. The Dutch when they took the city of Valdivia attempted to form an alliance with them, and promis- ed to supply them with powder and cannon, but, as they distrusted all the Europeans, they would not listen to their proposal. Before setting out on his expedition, the general assigns three days for consultation, in order to consi- der anew the plans of the campaign and to adppt the best expedients. Upon this occasion, every one has the liberty of oflcring his opinion, if he deems it conducive to the public welfare. In the mean time the general consults in secret with the officers of his staff, upon the plans that he has formed, and the means of remedying sinister events. After this, the army commences its march to the sound of drums, l;)eing always preceded by several advanced parties, in order to avoid a surprise. The infantry, as well as cavalry, proceed on horseback. C7 but on coming to action they immediately dismount, and form themselves into their respective compa- nies. Each soldier is obliged to bring from home not only his arms but his supply of provisions, ac- cording to the custom of the Romans. As all arc liable to military service, so no one in particular is obliged to contribute to the support of the army. The provision consists in a small sack of parched meal for each, which, diluted v^dth water, furnishes sufficient food for them until they are enabled to live at free quarters upon the enemy. By adopting this mode, the troops, being free and unincumbered with baggage, move with greater celerity, and never lose an opportunity of attacking the enemy with ad- vantage, or of making, when necessary, a rapid re- treat. Frederick the Great of Prussia, and the cele-, brated Marshal Saxe, attempted to restore this an- cient method of provisioning armies, but the Euro- pean soldiery, so accustomed to a different mode of living, were not willing to return to that state of primitive simplicity. The Araucanian troops are extremely vigilant ; they adopt at night the most prudent measures, by encamping in secure and advantageous positions. On these occasions centinels are placed upon all sides, and in presence of the enemy they re- double their precautions, and strengthen the posts they occupy with strong entrenchments. Every soldier during night is obliged, in order to prove his vigilance, to keep up a fire before his tent : the great number of these fires serve to deceive the enemy, and have at a distance a very singular appearance. 68 They are besides well acquainted with the art of constructin,^ military works, and of protecting them- selves with deep ditches, which they guard with branches of thorn, and strew caltrops in the environs to repress the incursions of the enemy's horse. In short, there aré few military stratagems that they do not employ at a proper time and place. The celebrated Spanish poet, Ercilla, who fought against them under Don Garcia, expresses his admiration at meeting with troops so well disciplined, and possessing such perfection in tactics, which, to use his expressions, tlie most celebrated nations in the world have not been able to attain without great trouble, and after a long course of years. A'Vhen an action becomes necessary, they separate the cavalry into two wings, and place the infantry hi the centre, divided into several battalions, the files being composed alternately of pikemen and soldiers armed with clubs, in such a manner that between every pike a club is always to be found. The Vice Toqui has the command of the right Aving, and that of the left is committed to an experienced officer. The Toqui is present every where as occasion may require, and exhorts his men with much eloquence to fight valiantly for their liberties. But of this there appears little need, as the soldiers manifest such ar- dour, that their officers have much more difficulty in restraining their impetuosity than in exciting them to action. Fully impressed with the opinion that to die in battle is the greatest honour that a man can acquire in this life, on the signal for combat be- ing given, they advance desperately, shouting in a 69 terrific manner, and notwitbstandini^ tlie slauglitcr made among them by the cannon, endeavour to pene- trate the centre of the enemy. Though they know full well that the first ranks will be exposed to al- most certain destruction, they eagerly contend with each other for these poijts of honour, or to serve as leaders of the files. As soon as the first line is cut down, the second occupies its place, and then the third, until they finally succeed in breaking the front ranks of the enemy. In the midst of their fury they nevertheless preserve the strictest order, and perform all the evolutions directed by their officers. The most terrible of them are the club-bearers, who, like so many Herculeses, destroy with their iron-pointed maces all that they meet in their way.-* * The people of Chili, the bravest and most active among tlie Americans, ought to be excepted from this observation ; they at- tack their enemies in tlie open field ; their troops are disposed in regular order, and their battalions advance to action not only with courage but with discipline. The North Americans, although many of them have substituted the fire arms of Europe in place of their bows and arrows, are notwithstanding still attached to their ancient manner of making war, and carry it on according to their, own system ; but the Chilians resemble the warlike nations of Europe and Asia in their military operations Bobertson\% History of America, vol. ii. 70 CHAPTER IV. Division of the Spoil; Sacrifice after the War ; Congress of Peace. THE spoils of war arc divided among those who have had the good fortune to take tlicm. But when the capture has been general, they are distributed among the whole in equal parts, called reg^ so that no preference is shown to any of the officers, nor even to the Toqui. The prisoners, according to the cus- tom of all barbarous nations, are made slaves until they are exchanged or ransomed. According to the admapu, one of these unfortu- nate men must be sacrificed to the manes of the sol- diers killed in the war. This cruel law, traces of which are to be found in the annals of almost all na- tions, is nevertheless very rarely put in practice, but one or two instances having occurred in the space of nearly two hundred years. The Araucanians are sensible to the dictates of compassion, although the contrary is alledged by certain writers, who having assumed as an incontrovertible principle that they never srive quarter to their enemies, afterwards con- tradict themselves in mentioning the great number of Spanish prisoners who have cither been exchanged or ransomed after the Wi^r. The sacrifice above mentioned, c?a\tá pruloncon, or the dance of the head, is performed in the following manner : The officers, surrounded by the soldiers, form a circle, in the centre of which in tlie midst of four poniards, representing the four Uthalmapus, is pla- ced the official axe of the Toqui. The unfortunate prisoner, as a mark of ignominy, is then led in upon a horse deprived of his ears and tail, and placed near the axe, with his face turned towards his country. They afterwards give him a handful of small sticks and a sharp stake, with which they oblige him to dig a hole in the ground, in which they order him to cast the sticks one by one, repeating the names of the principal warriors of his country, while at the same time the surrounding soldiers load these ab- horred names with the bitterest execrations. He is then ordered to cover the hole, as if to bury therein the reputation and valour of their enemies whom he has named. After this ceremony the Toqui, or one of his bravest companions, to whom he relinquishes the honour of the execution, dashes out the brains of the prisoner with a club. The heart is immediate- ly taken out by two attendants and presented palpi- tating to the general, who sucks a little of the blood, and passes it to his officers, who repeat in succes- sion the same ceremony ; in the mean time he fu- migates with tobacco smoke from his pipe the four cardinal points of the circle. The soldiers strip the flesh from the bones, and make of them fiutes ; then cutting OÍF the head, carry it around upon a pike amidst the acclamations of the multitude, while, stamping in measured pace, they thunder out their dreadful war-song, accompanied by the mournful sound of these horrid instruments. This barbarous festival is terminated by applying to the mangled body the head of a sheep, which is succeeded by a scene of riot and intoxication. If the skull should not be broken by the blows of the club, they miake of it a cup called ralllonco^ which they use in their banquets in the manner of the ancient Scythians and Goths. On the termination of a war, a congress is assem- bled, called by the Spaniards parlameiito^ and the Araucanians hii'mcacoyag. This is usually held in a delightful plain between the rivers Bio-bio and Du- quecOj on the confines of both territories, whither the Spanish President and the Araucanian Toqui re- pair with the attendants agreed upon in the prelimi- nary articles. The four Uthalmapus send at the same time four deputies, who are usually the Te- trarchs themselves, and whose unanimous consent is requisite for the establishment and ratification of peace. In the congress that was held after the war of 1723 were present one hundred and thirty Ul- menes with their attendants, who amounted to the number of two thousand men. The camps of the negociating parties were separated by an interval of two miles. The conference is commenced with many com- pliments upon either side, and in token of future friendship, they bind the staves of the Ulmenes with that of the Spanish President together, and place tliem in the midst of the assembly ; an Araucanian orator then presents a branch of cinnamon, which is . with them the token of peace, and placing his left luuid upon the bundle of staves, makes in the Chi- 73 lian language a pertinent harangue upon the causea that produced the war, and the most eligible means of preserving harmony between the two nations. He then proceeds with much eloquence and energy to point out the losses and miseries occasioned by war, and the advantages that are derived from peace, to which he exhorts the chiefs of either party in a pa- thetic peroration. An interpreter then explains the precise meaning of all that the Araucanian has said. The Spanish president replies in another speech adapted to the subject, which is interpreted in the same manner. The articles of the treaty are then agreed upon, and are ratified by a sacrifice of seve- ral Chilihueques, or Chilian camels, which the Araucanians immolate for the happy continuance of the peace. After this the president dines at the same table with the Toqui and the principal Ulme- nes, to whom he makes the customary presents in tlie name of his sovereign.*" * In those countries the Araucanians are the most usual, most intrepid and most irreconcilable enemies of Spain. They are the only people of the new world who have ventHredto fight with the Europeans in the open field, and who employ the sling in order to hurl death at a distance upon their enemies. They have even the intrepidity to attack the best fortified posts. As these Americ,.. cans are trot embarrassed in making war, they are not apprehen- sive of its duration, and hold it as a principle never to sue for peace, the fii-st overtures for Avhich are always made by the Span- iai'ds. When these are favourably received, a conference is held. The governor of Chili and the Indian general, accompanied hf the most distinguished officers of either party regulate amidst the festivity of the table the terms of the agreement. The frontier was formerly the theatre of these assemblies ; but the two last were held in the capital of the colony. The savages have even Vol. II. K 74 This parliament is renewed as often as a new pre- sident is sent from Spain to Chili, and cannot pos- sibly be dispensed with, as in that case the Arauca- nians, imaginingthemsclves despised, would without any other cause commence war. For this reason, there is always a considerable sum ready in the roy- al treasury for the expenses necessary upon these occasions. On the arrival of a new president, an envoy, called the national commissary, is dispatched in his name to the four Uthalmapus, to invite the Toquis and the other Ulmenes to meet liim at the place appointed, for the purpose of becoming ac- quainted with each other, and to confirm the friend- ship contracted with his predecessors. In this conven- tion nearly the same ceremonies are practised as arc made use of on ratifying a treaty of peace. The Ul- menes collect upon this occasion in great num- bers, not only for the purpose of becoming person- ally acquainted with the new governor, but to form an opinion, from his manners and countenance, of his pacific or warlike disposition. This meeting attracts to the place it is held a great number of merchants, who form there a kind of fair mutually advanta- geous to both nations. consented to allow the residence of deputies among them, en- trusted with the charge of maintaining harmony between the two ujL\.ioni„..Rayna¡'s History of t/ie Indies. 75 CHAPTER V. Si/stem of Religion and Funeral Ceremonies. THE religious system of the Araucanians is sim- ple, and Avell adapted to their free manner of think- ing and of living. They acknowledge a Supreme Being, the author of all things, whom they call Pil- lan, a word derived from pulli or pilli, the soul, and signifies the supreme essence ; they also call him Guenu-pillan, the spirit of heaven; Buta-gen, th*e great being ; Thalcove, the thunderer ; Vilvemvoe, the creator of all ; Vilpepilvoe, the omnipotent ; " Mollgelu, the eternal ; Avnolu, the infinite, &c. The universal government of Pillan is a prototype of the Araucanian polity. He is the great Toqui of the invisible world, and as such has his Apo-UI- menes, and his Ulmenes, to whom he entrusts the administration of affairs of less importance. These ideas are certainly very rude, but it must be ac- knowledged that the Araucanians are not the only people who have regulated the things of heaven by those of the earth. In the first class of these subaltern divinities is the Epunamun, or god of war ; the Meulen, a benevo- lent deity, the friend of the human race ; and the Guecubu, a malignant being, the author of all evil, who appears to be the same as the Algue. From hence it appears, that the doctrine of two adverse 7€ principles, improperly called Manicheism, is very ' extensive, or in other words, is found to be esta- blished among almost all the barbarous nations of both continents. These being, from the unculti- vated state of their minds, incapable of investigating the origin of good and evil, and deducing inferences from eficcts, have had recourse to the invention of two opposite agents, in order to reconcile the appa- rent contradiction in the natural and moral govern- ment of the world. The Guecubu is the Mavari of the Oronoques, and the Aherman of the Persians. He is, according to the general opinion of the Araucanians, the effi- cient cause of all the misfortunes that occur. If a horse tires it is because the Guecubu has rode him. If the earth trembles, the Guecubu has given it a shock ; <«or does any one die that is not suffocated by tlie Guecubu. In short, this evil being has as great an influence over calamity as the occult quali- ties of the Cabalists have upon physical effects ; and if his power was real, he would be the most active of ¿6.iy agent in this nether world. The Ulmenes of their celestial hierarchy are the Genii, who have the charge of all created things, and who, in concert with the benevolent Meulen, form a counterpoise to the enormous power of Guecut^u. They are of both sexes, male and female, who always continue pure and chaste, propagation being un- known in their system of the spiritual world. The males are called Gen^ that is, lords, unless this word should be the same as the Ginn of the Arabians. The females are called Amei-mal^hen^ which signifies spi. 77 ritual nymphs,* and perform for men tlie offices of Lares or familiar spirits. There is not an Araucaniaii but imagines he has one of these in his service. Nien cai gni Amchi-malghen, I keep my nymph still, is a common expression when they succeed in any un- dertaking. The Araucanians carry still farther their ideas of the analogy between the celestial government and their own, for as their Ulmenes have not the right of imposing any species of service or contributions upon their subjects, still less in their opinion should those of celestial race require it of man, since they have no occasion for it. Governed by these singular opinions, they pay to them no exterior worship. They have neither temples nor idols, nor are they accustomed to offer any sacrifices, except in case of some severe calamity, or on concluding a peace ; at such times they sacrifice animals and burn tobacco, which they think is the incense most agreeable to their deities. Nevertheless they invoke them and implore their aid upon urgent occasions, addressing themselves principally to Pillan and to Mculen. To this little regard for religion is owing the indifference which they have manifested at the introduction of Christianity among them, which is tolerated in all the provinces of their dominion. The missionaries are there much respected, well treated, and have full liberty of publicly preaching their tenets, but, not- withstanding, there are but few of the natives who are converted. * More properly perîs or fairies, from their obvious resemblance to that aerial class of beings of oriental oi,«jgin. 78 If the Araucanians discover little rei^ard for their deities, they are, however, very superstitious in many points of less importance. They firmly be- lieve in divination, and pay the greatest attention to such favourable or unfavourable omens as the ca- priciousness of their imagination may suggest to them. These idle observations arc particularly di- rected to dreams, tc the singing and flight of birds, which are esteemed by the whole of them the truest interpreters of the vill of the gods. The fearless Araucanian, who Avith incrediljle valour confronts death in battle, trembles at the sight of an owl. Their puerile weakness in this respect would appear incompatible M'ith tie strength of their intellect, if the history of the hnnan mind did not furnish us with continual examples of similar contradictions. They consult upoi all occasions their diviners, or pretenders to a kiDwledge of futurity, who arc sometimes called C/iífiía, and at others Dugol, among whom are sone that pass for Guenguenu, Genpugnu, GenpirUy &.C. which signify masters of the heavens, of epidemic diseases, and of worms or insects, and like the Llamas of Tibet boast of being able to produce nin, of having the power to cure all disorders, and to prevent the ravages of the worms that destroy :he corn. They arc in great dread of the Calcui, or pretended sorcerers, who they imagine keep concealed by day in caverns with their disciples, callee Ivunclics^ man-animals, and who at night transform ihemselves into nocturnal birds, make incursions in ilie air, and shoot invisible arrows at their enemies. Their superstitious credulity is 79 particularly obvious, in the serious stories that they relate of apparitions, phantoms and hobgoblins, res- pecting which they have innumerable tales. But in truth, is there any nation on earth, so far removed from credulity in that particular, as to claim a right of laughing at the Araucanians ? They have, ne- vertheless, some among them, who are philosophers enough to despise such absurdities, and laugh at the folly of their countrymen. They are all, however, agreed in the belief of the immortality of the soul. This consolatory truth is deeply rooted, and in a manner innate with them. They hold that man is composed of two substances essentially different : the corruptible body, which they call anca, and the soul, am or pulH, which they say is ancanolu, incorporeal, and mugealu, eternal, or existing forever. This distinction is so fully es- tablished among them, that they frequently make use of the word anca metaphorically, to denote a part, the half, or the subject of any thing. As respects the state of the soul after its separa- tion from the body, they are not, however, agreed. All concur in saying, with the other American tribes, that after death they go towards the west beyond the sea, to a certain place called Gidcheman, that is, the dwelling of the men beyond the mountains. But some believe that this country is divided into two parts, one pleasant, and filled with every thing that is delightful, the abode of the good ; and the other desolate, and in want of every thing, the habi- tation of the wicked. Others are of opinion that all indiscriminately enjoy there eternal pleasure, pre- 80 tending that the deeds of this life have no influence upon a future state. Notwithstanding they know the difference be- tween the body and the soul, their ideas of the spi- rituality of the latter do not seem to be very dis- tinct, as appears from the ceremonies practised at their funerals. As soon as one of their nation dies, his friends and relations seat themselves upon the ground around the body, and weep for a long time ; they afterwards expose it, cloathed in the best dress of the deceased, upon a high bier called p'llluay^ where it remains during the night, which they pass near it in weeping, or in eating and drinking with those who come to console them. This meeting is called curicahuin^ the black entertainment, as that colour is among them, as well as the Europeans, the symbol of mourning. The following day, sometimes not until the second or the third after the decease of the person, they carry the corpse in procession to the eltiin, or burying-place of the family, which is usually situated in a wood or on a hill. Two young men on horseback, riding full speed, precede the procession. The bier is carried by the principal re- lations, and is surrounded by women who bewail the deceased in the manner of the hired mourners among the Romans ; while another woman who walks be- hind strews ashes in the road, to prevent the soul from returning to its late abode. On arriving at the place of burial, the corpse is laid upon the surface of the ground, and surrounded, if a man, with his arms, if a woman, with female implements, and with a great quantity of provisions, and with vessels filled with chica and with wine, whicli, according- to their opinions, are necessary to subsist them during their passage to another world. They sometimes even kill a horse and inter it in the same q-round. After these ceremonies they take leave with many tears of the deceased, wishing him a prosperous journey, and cover the corpse with earth and stones placed in a pyramidal form, upon which they pour a great quantity of chica. The similarity between these fu- neral rites and those practised by the ancients must be obvious to those acquainted with the customs of the latter. Immediately after the relations have quitted the deceased, an old woman, called Tetnpuleague, comes, as the Araucanians believe, in the shape of a whale, to transport him to the Elysian fields, but before his ar- rival there he is obliged to pay a toil for passing a very narrow strait to another malicious old woman who guards it, and who, on failure, deprives the passen- ger of an eye. This fable resembles much that of the ferryman Charon, not that there is any proba- bility that the one was copied from the other, as the human mind, when placed in similar situations, will give birth to the same ideas. The soul, when sepa- rated from the body, exercises in another life the same functions that it performed in this, with no other difference except that they are unaccompanied with fatigue or satiety. Husbands have there the same wives as they had on earth, but the latter have no children, as that happy country cannot be inhab- ited by any except the spirits of the dead, and every thing there is spiritual or analogous to it. Vol. It. I. «2 According to their theory, the soul, notvvithstand- inij^ its new condition of Hfe, never loses its original attachments, and when the spirits of their country- men return, as they frequently do, they fight furious- Iv with those of their enemies, whenever they meet with them in the air, and these combats are the origin of tempests, tliunder and lightning. Not a storm happens upon the Andes or the ocean, which tlicy do not ascribe to a battle between the souls of ilieir fellow countrymen and those of the Spaniards ; they say that the roaring of the \\ind is the trampling of their horses, the noise of the thunder that of their drums, and the flashes of lightning the fire of the ar- tillery. If the storm takes its course towards the Spanish territory, they affirm that their spirits have put to night those of the Spaniards, and exclaim, tri- umphantly, Inavimen^ inavimen^ piien^ laguvimen ! Pursue them, friends, pursue them, kill them 1 If liie contrary happens, they are greatly afflicted, and call out in consternation, Yavulumen^ puen^ iiamim- tnmeji ! Courage, friends, be firm ! Their ideas respecting the origin of creation arc so crude and ridiculous that to relate them could hcrve for little else than to show the weakness of human reason when left to itself. They have among them a tradition of a great deluge, in which only a few persons were saved, who took refuge upon a high mountain called Thegtlicg-, the thundering, or the sparkling, which had three points, and possessed the property of moving upon the water. From hence it is inferrible tliat this deluge was in conse- quence of some volcanic eruption, accompanied by ss terrible earthquakes, and is probably very difi'ercnt from that of Noah. Whenever a violent eartlKjiiakc occurs, these people fiy for safety to those mountains which they fancy to be of a similar appearance, and which of course, as they suppose, must possess the same property of floating on the water, assigning as a reason, that they are fearful after an earthquake that the sea will again return and deluge the world. On these occasions, each one takes a good supply of provisions, and wooden plates to protect their heads from being scorched, provided the T/iegthrg, when raised by the waters, should be elevated to the sun. Whenever they are told, that plates made of earth would be much more suitable for this purpose than those of wood, which are liable to be burned, their usual reply is, that their ancestors did so before them. CHAPTER VI. Division of Time ; Astronomical Ideas ; Mea- sures, TIME is divided by the Araucanians, as with us, into years, seasons, months, days and hours, but in a very different method. Their year is solar, and begins on the 22d of December, or immediately after the southern solstice. For this reason they 84 call this solstice TJmumathipantu^ the head and tail of the year, and dcnominivte June Udaiitliipantu, tlie divider of the year, from its dividing it into two equal parts. These two essential points they are able to ascertain with sufficient exactness by means of the solstitial shadows. The year is called Tipan- tu, the departure, or course of the sun., as that planet departs, or appears to depart from the tropic in or- der to make its annual revolution ; it is divided into twelve months, of thirty days each, as was that of the Egyptians and Persians. In order to com- plete the tropical year they add five intercalary days, but in what manner they are introduced I am not able to determine ; it is, however, probable they are placed in the last month, which in that case will have thirty-five days. These months are called generally cujen^ or moons, and must originally have been regulated wholly by the phases of the moon. The proper names of them, as near as they can be rendered by ours, are the following, which are de- rived from the qualities, or the most remarkable things that are produced in each month : jîvim-cujen^ January — Tl.e month of fruit. Coi¡-i-ri;Jen, February — The month of harvest. Glor-cvjcriy March — The month of maize. JRirnu-cujen, April — The 1st month of the rimu. I?iarimu-cujen, May — The 2cl month of the rimu. T/ior-cujen, June — The 1st month of foam. Inaruhor-cujen, July — The 2d month of foam. Huin-cujcn^ August — The unpleasant month. Pillai- cuj en ^ September — The treacherous month. Hucul-ciijen, Oljtober — The 1st month of new ^vind-. Jnan-liueul-cujen^ November — 'I'he 2cl month of new winds. Hueviru-cujcriy December — The month of new fruit. 85 The seasons, as in Europe, consist of three months ; the spring is called Peitghcn^ the summer Ucan, the autumn Giialug, and the winter Pucham, To render the distribution of the year uniform, they also divide the natural day into twelve parts, which they cvA] g/iagcwtUy assigning six to the day and six to the night, in the manner of the Chinese, the Ja- panese, the Otalieitans and several other nations. Thus each gliagantu or Araucanian hour is equal to two of ours. Those of the day they determine by the height of the sun, and those of the night by the position of the stars : but, as they make use of no instrument for this purpose, it follows that this division which must necessarily be unequal accord- ing to the different seasons of the year, will be much more so from the imperfect manner of regulating it. They begin to number their hours as is general in Europe, from midnight, and give to each a particu- lar name.* In civil transactions, they calculate in- differently, either by days, nights or mornings, so that three days, three nights, or three mornings sig- nify the same thing. To the stars in general they give the name of hiiaglen, and divide them into several constellations, which they call />«/, or 7'itha. These constellations usually receive their particular appellations from the number of remarkable stars that compose them. Thus the Pleiades are called Ccjupal^ the constella- tion of six, and the xVntarctic Cross, Meleritho^ the * These names, commencing at midnight, are, Puliuen^ Ucun^ Thifianantii^ Maleu^ Vutamaleu, Ragimitu, Culunantu, GullanCu^ Coiiantu, GuvgueimntUj Pwii, Ragijiun, 86 constellation of four, as the first has six stars that arc very apparent, and the last four. The Milky Way is called Rupuepeu, the fabulous road, from a storj-^ which, like other nations, they relate of it, and which is considered as fabulous by the astronomers of tht country. They are well acquainted with the planets, which they call Gaii, a word derived from the verb gaun, to wash, from whence it may be inferred, that they have respecting these bodies, the same opinion as the Romans, that at their setting they submerge them- selves in the sea. Nor are tlitre wanting Fontinelles among them, who believe that many of those globes arc so many other earths, inhabited in the same man- ner as ours ; for this reason they call the sky Guenu-mapu, the country of heaven ; and the moon Cuyen-mapu^ the country of tlie moon. They agree likewise with the Aristotelians, in maintaining that the comets, called by them Cheruvoe, proceed from terrestrial exhalations, inflamed in the upper regions of the air ; but they are not considered as the pre- cursors of evil and disaster, as they have been es- teemed by almost ail the nations of the earth. An eclipse of the sun is called by them Layantu^ and that of the moon Layciijen^ that is, the death of the sun or of the moon. But these expressions are merely metaphorical, as are the correspondent ones in Latin, of defectus so/is, ant lunœ. I know not their opinions of the cause of these phenomena ; but I have been informed that they evince no greater alarm upon these occasions than at the most common operations of nature. Their language con- 87 tains several words wholly applicable to astronom- ical subjects, such as Thoren^ the late rising of the stars, and others similar, which prove that their knowledge in this respect, is much greater than what is generally supposed. But my researches into their customs, owing to the reasons which I have already assigned, were by no means so com- plete as I could have wished before I left the country. Their long n'teasures are the palm, nela^ the span, (hiche^ the foot, namun^ the pace, thecan^ the ell, nevcuj and the league, tupu^ which answers to the marine league, or the parasang of the Persians. Their greater distances are computed by mornings, corresponding to the day's journeys of Europe. Their liquid and dry measures are less numerous : the guampar, a quart, the can^ a pint, and the mencuy a measure of a less quantity, serve for the first. The dry measures are the chiaigue^ which contains about six pints, and the gUepu^ which is double that quantity. With regard to the speculative sciences they have very little information. Their geometrical notions are, as might be expected from an uncultivated peo- ple, very rude and confined. They have not even proper words to denote the principal figures, as the point, the line, the angle, the triangle, the square, the circle, the sphere, the cube, the cone, &c. Their language, however, as we shall show hereafter, is flexible and adapted lO every species of composition, whence it would be easy to form a vocabulary of technical words to facilitate the acquisition of the sciences to the Araucanians. 88 CHAPTER VIL Rhetoric ; Poetry ; Medical Skill ; Commerce of the Arcnicanians. NOTWITHSTANDING their general igno- ranee, they cultivate successfully the sciences of rhetoric, poetry and medicine, as far as these are at- tainable by practice or observation ; for they have no books among them, or any who know how to write or read. Nor can they be induced to learn these arts, either from their aversion to every thing that is practised by the Europeans, or from their being- urged by a savage spirit to despise whatever does not belong to their country. Oratory is particularly held in high estimation by them, and, as among the ancient Romans, is the high road to honour and the management of public affairs. The eldest son of an Ulmen who is deficient in this talent, is for that sole reason excluded from the right of succession, and one of his younger brothers, or the nearest relation that he has, who is an able speaker, substituted in his place. Their parents, therefore, accustom them from their childhood to speak in public, and carry them to their national as- semblies, where the best orators of the country dis- ])lay their eloquence. From hence is derived the attention which they generally pay to speak their language correctly, and to 89 preserve it in its purity, taking great care to avoid the introduction of any foreign word, in which they are so particular that whenever a foreigner settles among them, they oblige him to relinquish his name and take another in the Chilian language. The mis- sionaries themselves are obliged to conform to this singular regulation, if they would obtain the public favour. They have much to endure from this ex- cessive fastidiousness, as even while they are preach- ing the audience will interrupt them, and with im- portunate rudeness correct the mistakes in language or pronunciation that escape them. Many of them are well acquainted with the Spanish language, both from their frequent communication with the neigh- bouring Spaniards, and from having been accustom- ed to speak a soft, regular and varied language, which readily adapts itself to the pronunciation of the European dialects, as has been observed by Captain Wallis respecting the Patagonians, who are real Chilians.* They, however, make but little use of it, none of them ever attempting to speak in Spanish in any of the assemblies or congresses that have been held between the two nations, on which occasion they had much rather submit to the inconvenience of listening to a tiresome in- terpreter, than, by speaking another language, to de- grade their native tongue. The speeches of their orators resemble those of the Asiatics, or more properly those of all barbarous nations. The style is highly figurative, allegorical, * Hawkes^Torth's Voyage of Captain Waliis. Vol. II. M 90 elevated, aucl replete with peculiar phrases and ex- pressions that are employed only in similar compo- sitions, from whence it is called coyagtucan^ the style of parliamentary harangues. They abound with i)arables and apologues, which sometimes fur- nish tlie whole substance of the discourse. Their orations, notwithstanding, contain all the essential parts required by the rules of rhetoric, which need not excite our surprise, since the same principle of nature that led the Greeks to reduce eloquence to an art, has taught the use of it to these people. They arc deficient neither in a suitable exordium, a clear narrative, a well founded argument, or a pathetic peroration. They commonly divide their subject into two or three points, which they call tlioy^ and specify the number by saying epii thoy-gei tamen piavirij what I am going to say is divided into two points. They employ in their oratory several kinds of style, but the most esteemed is the rachidiiguv^ a word equivolent to academic. Their poets are called genipin, lords of speech. This expressive name is well applied to them, since ])Ossebsing that strong enthusiasm excited by pas- sions undebilitated by the restraints and refinements of civil life, they follow no other rules in their com- positions than the impulse of their imaginations. Of course, their poctrj" generally contains strong and lively images, bold figures, frequent allusions and similitudes, novel and forcible expressions, and pos- sesses the art of moving and interesting the heart by exciting its sensibility. Every thing in it is meta- phorical and animated, and allegory is, if I may use 91 the expression, its veiy soul or essence. Unrestriiiu- ed enthusiasm is the prime chaniclei istic of all the poetry of savages ; such was that of the bards of the Celts, of the Scalds, and of the Danes ; and the pre- tended editor of the poems of Ossian has discovered an intimate acquaintance with the poetic genius of barbarous nations. The principal subject of the songs of the Arauca- nians is the exploits of their heroes. I would gladly have presented to my readers some of these compo- sitions, but the difliculty of procuring them, from the distance of the country, has not permitted me to do it. Their verses ai'e composed mostly in stanzas of eight or eleven syllables, a measure that appears the most agreeable to the human ear. They are blank, but occasionally a rhyme is introduced, according to the taste or caprice of the poet. The Araucanians have three kinds of physicians, the Ampives, the Vileus^ and the Machis. The Am- piues^ a word equivalent to empirics, are the best. They employ in their cures only simples, are skilful herbalists, and have some very good ideas of the pulse and the other diagnostics. The Vileus corres, pond to the methodists, or regular physicians. Their principal theory is, that all contagious disorders pro- ceed from insects, an opinion held by many physi- cians in Europe. For this reason they generally give to epidemics the name of ciitatnpiru, that is to say, vermiculous disorders, or diseases of worms. The Mdchis are a superstitious class, that are to be met with among all the savage nations of both continents. They maintain that all serious disorders 92: proceed from witchcraft, and pretend to cure them by supernatural means, for which reason they arc employed iii desperate cases, when the exertions of the Ampivesor of the Vileusare ineffectual. Their mode of cure is denominated machitún^ and consists in the following idle ceremonies, which are always performed in the night : The room of the sick person is lighted with a great number of torches, and in a corner of it, among several branches of laurel, is placed a large bough of cinnamon, to which is suspended the magical drum ; near it is a sheep ready for sacrifice. The Machi directs the women who are present to sing with a loud voice a doleful song, accompanied with the sound of some little drums which they beat at the same time. In the mean time, he fumigates three times w ith tobacco smoke, the branch of cin- namon, the sheep, the singers and the sick person. After this ceremony he kills the sheep, takes out the heart, and after sucking the blood fixes it upon the branch of cinnamon. He next approaches the patient, and by certain charms pretends to open his belly to discover the poison that has been given him by the pretended sorcerer. He then takes the ma- gical drum, which he beats and sings, walking round with the women ; all at once he falls to the ground like a maniac, making frightful gesticulations and horrible contortions of his body, sometimes wildly opening his eyes, then shutting them, appearing like one possessed of an evil spirit. During this farcical scene, the relations of the sick interrogate the Machi upon the cause and seat of the malady. 93 To these questions the fanatical impostor repHes in such a manner as he believes best calculated to pro- mote the deception, either by naming, as the cause of the malady, some person whom he wishes to revenge himself of, or by expressing himself doubtfully as to the success of his incantations. In this manner these diabolical mountebanks become very frequently the cause of horrible murders, as the relations of the sick, supposing the accusation true, put to death without pity those accused of these practises, and sometimes involve in their revenge the whole family, if they are not strong enough to resist their violence. But these malicious fomenters of dis- cord are careful never to accuse the principal ñimi- lies. The Machis, though not invested with the sacerdotal character, like the physicians of most other savage nations, greatly resemble in their im- postures the Shamanis of Kamschatka, the Mofases of Africa, an d the Piachis of the Oronoque, whose tricks are accurately described by the Abbé Giii, in his history of the Oronokians. These physicians, notwithstanding the different systems that they pursue, sometimes meet to sa- tisfy the solicitude or the vanity of the relations of the sick. But their consultations, which are called Thauman^ have generally the same issue as those of the physicians of Europe. They have besides these other kinds of professoi-s of medicine. The first, who may be stiled surgeons, are skilful in replacing dislocations, in repairing fractures, and in curing- wounds and ulcers. They are called Gutarve, pos- sess real merit, and often perform wonderful cures, 94 But this is by no means the case with the others, called Ciipove, from the verb ciipon^ to anatomize ; . these, infatuated with Machiism^ dissect bodies, in order to show the entrails, which they say are in- fected with magic poison. Nevertheless, by means of this practice, they acquire ideas by no means con- temptible respecting the conformation of the human body, for the different parts of which they have ap- propriate names. Before the arrival of the Spaniards, the Arauca- nians made use of bleeding, blistering, clysters, emetics, cathartics and sudorifics, all which re- medies have ther peculiar names in their language. They let blood with the sharp point of a flint fixed in a small stick. This instrument they prefer to a lancet, as they think it less liable to fail. Instead of a syringe they make use, like the inhabitants of Kam- schatka, of a bladder, to which they apply a pipe. Their emetics, cathartics and sudorifics are almost all obtained from the vegetable kingdom. Their internal and external commerce is very li- mited ; not having yet introduced among them the use of money, every thing is conducted by means of barter. This is regulated by a kind of conven- tional tariif, according to which all commercial arti- cles are appraised under the name of Cullen^ or pay- ment, as was the custom in the time of Homer. Thus a horse or a bridle forms one payment ; an ox two, Sec. Their external commerce is carried on with the Spaniards, with whom they exchange ponchos and animals for wine, or the merchandize of Europe, 95 and their good faith in contracts of this kind has always been highly applauded.* * The Spaniard who engages in this trade, applies directly to the heads of families. When he has obtained the necessary per- mission, he proceeds to all the houses, and distributes indiscrimi- nately his merchandize to all those who present themselves. When he has completed his sale, he gives notice of his departure, and all the purchasers hasten to deliver to him, in the first vil- lage that he arrives at, the articles agreed upon ; and never has there been an instance of the least failure of punctuality....7?uj/7ia/'* History. The following is extracted from the Compendium of the Geo- graphical, Natural, and Civil History of Chili, printed in Bologna, 1776. " The Spaniards who live in the province of Maule, and near the frontiers of Araucania, carry on a commerce with those peo- ple, which consists in supplying them with iron ware, bits for bridles, cutlery, grain and wine. This trade is conducted altoge- ther by the way of barter, as it is not possible to persuade the Arau- canians to open the gold mines, nor to produce any of that metal. The returns therefore are in fionchiy or Indian cloaks, of whicli they receive more than forty thousand annually, in horned cattle, horses, ostrich feathers, curiously wrought baskets, and other tri- fles of a similar kind. This commerce, although generally pro- hibited, is carried on in the Indian country, whither the traders go with their merchandize by bye-roads, and deposit it in the cabins of the natives, to whom they readily trust whatever they wish to sell, certain of being punctually paid at the time agreed upon, which is always the case, these Indians observing the greatest faith in their contracts." 9Ô CHAPTER VIII. Pride of the Araucanians ; Kindness and Charity to- wards each other ; Mode of Salutation ; Proper JVames. ALTHOUGH the Araucanians have long since emerged from a savage state, they nevertheless pre- serve, in many respects, the prejudices and the pecu- liar character of that early period. Proud of their valour and unbounded liberty, they believe them- selves the only people in the world that deserve the name of men. From hence it is that, besides the ap- pellation of auca, or free, which they value so high- ly, they give themselves metonymically the names of che, or the nation ; oïreche, pure or undegenerat- cd nation ; and of huentu, men ; a word of similar signification with the vir of the Latins, and as the lat- ter is the root of the word virtus, so from the former is derived hue?itugen, which signifies the same thing. From this ridiculous pride proceeds the contempt Avith which they regard all other nations. To the Spaniards they gave, on their first knowledge of them, the nickname of cJiiapi, vile soldiers, from whence proceeded the denomination of chiopetony by which they are known in South America. They afterwards called them huinca ; this injurious appel- lation, which from time and custom has lost its odi- ousness, comes from the verb //«i//c«;z, which signi- 97 fies to assassinate. It is true that in their first bat- tles the Spaniards gave tliem too much reason for applying to them these opprobrious epithets, which serve to the present time to denote one of that na- tion. Esteeming themselves fortunate in their bar- barity, they call those Indians who live in the Spanish settlements cidme-hidnca^ or wretched Spaniards. To the other Europeans, the English, French and Italians, whom they readily distinguish from each other, they give the name of maruchey which is equivalent to the term moro, used by the common people of Spain to denote all strangers indiscrimi- nately. They call each o\k\.tr pegni^ that is brothers, and even apply the same name to those born in their country of foreign parents. The benevolence and kindness with which these people generally treat each other is really surprising. For the word friend they have six or seven very ex- pressive terms in their language, among others that of canay, which corresponds to the alter ego of the Latins. The relations that result from correspond- ing situations or common concerns in life are so many ties of regard, and are expressed by appropri- ate words denoting particular friendship or good will. Those who have the same name call each other laca, and those who bear but a part of the name, apellaca. These denominations incur an ob- ligation of mutual esteem and aid. Relations by consanguinity are called in general monmaguey and those of affinity, guillati. Their table of genealogy is more intricate than that of the Europeans, all the Vol. li N 98 Gonceivable degrees of relationship being indicated therein by particular names. From the mutual aô'ection that subsists between them, proceeds their solicitude reciprocally to assist each other in their necessities. Not a beggar or an indigent person is to be found throughout the whole Araucanian territory ; even the most infirm and in- capable of subsistingthemselves are decently clothed. This benevolence is not, however, confined only to their countrymen : they conduct with the great- est hospitality towards all strangers of whatever na- tion, and a traveller may live in any part of their country without the least expense. Their usual expression whenever they meet is 7nari?nari, and when they quit each other vente?npi, or venteni. They are rather tiresome in their com- pliments, which are generally too long, as they take a pride upon such occasions, as well as every other, in making a display of their eloquence. The right hand is among them, as with the Europeans, the most honourable station, contrary to the practice of the Asiatics, with whom the left enjoys that privi- lege. They are naturally fond of honourable dis- tinction, and there is nothing they can endure with less patience than contempt or inattention. From hence, if a Spaniard speaks to one of them with his hat on, he immediately says to him in an in- dignant tone, cjitugo ta/ni curtesia, take off your hat. By attention and courtesy, any thing may be obtained from them, and the favours which they re- ceive make an indelible impression upon their minds, while on the contrary, ill treatment exasperates them 99 to such a degree, that they proceed to tlie greatest excesses to revenge themselves. The names of the Araucanians are composed of the proper name, which is generally either an adjec- tive or a numeral, and the family appellation or sur- name, which is always placed after the proper name, according to the European custom, as cari-leimi^ green bush ; meli-antu, four suns. The first denotes one of the family of the lemus, or bushes, and the second one of that of the antus^ or suns. Nor is there scarcely a material object which does not furnish them with a discriminative name. From hence, we meet among them with the families of Rivers, Mountains, Stones, Lions, Sec. These fa- milies, which are called cuga^ or elpa^ are more or less respected according to their rank, or the heroes they have given to their country. The origin of these surnames is unknown, but is certainly of a period much earlier than that of the Spanish con- quests. »e«94 CHAPTER IX. Matrimony and Domestic Employments. BY the aclmapu polygamy is allowed among the Araucanians, whence they marry as many wives as they can furnish with a dcwer, or more properly pur- 100 chase, as to obtain them they must give to their fa- thers a certain amount of property, as has been and still is the practice in most countries of both continents. But in their marriages they scrupu- lously avoid the more immediate degrees of rela- tionship. Celibacy is considered as ignominious. Old batchelors are called by way of contempt vuchu apra^ and old maids cudepra^ that is, old, idle, good for nothing. Their marriage ceremonies have little formality, or, to speak more accurately, consist in nothing more than in carrying off the bride by pretended violence, which is considered by them, as by the negroes of Africa, an essential prerequisite to the nuptials. The husband, in concert with the father^ conceals himself wdth some friends near the place where they know the bride is to pass. As soon as she arrives she is seised and put on horseback be- hind the bridegroom, notwithstanding her pretended resistance and her shrieks, which are far from being serious. In this manner she is conducted with much noise to the house of her husband, where her rela- tions are assembled, and receive the presents agreed upon, after having partaken of the nuptial entertain- ment. Of course, the expenses of an Araucanian wedding are by no means inconsiderable, from whence it happens that the rich alone can maintain any considerable number of wives. The poor con- tent themselves with one or tv/o at most. Nor does tliere arise any inconvenience from the scarcity of women, as the number of females is much greater 101 than that of males, which is always the case in those countries where polygamy is permitted. The first wife, \\'ho is called unendomo^ is always respected as the real and legitimate one by all the others, who are called inandomo, or secondary wives. She has the management of the domestic concerns, and regulates the interior of the house. The hus- band has much to do to maintain harmony among so many women, who are not a little inclined to jea- lousy, and each night at supper makes known his choice of her who is to have the honour of sharing his bed, by directing her to prepare it. The others sleep in the same room, and no one is permitted to approach them. Strangers, on their arrival, are lodg- ed in a cabin entirely separate from this seraglio. The wives have the greatest respect for their hus- bands, and generally give him the title of buta, or great. Besides female occupations, they are obliged to employ themselves in many that, in civilized countries, are considered as the peculiar province of the men, according to the established maxim of all barbarous nations, that the weaker sex are born to la- bour, and the stronger to make war and to command. Each of them is obliged to present to her husband daily a dish prepared by herself in her separate kitchen or fire-place ; for this reason the houses of the Araucanians have as many fires as there are wo- men inhabiting them ; whence, in inquiring of any one how many wives he has, they make use of the following phrase as^Dcing the most polite, tnuri on- thalgeimi, how many fires do you keep. Each wife is also obliged to furnish her husband yearly, besides 102 his necessary clothing, with one of those cloaks al- ready descril)ed called ponchos, which form one of the principal branches of the Araucanian commerce. The greatest attention is paid by the women to the cleanliness of their houses, which they sweep, as well as their courts, several times in the course of a day ; and whenever they make use of ariy utensil they immediately wash it, for which purpose their houses are supplied with an abundance of running water. The same attention to cleanliness is paid to their persons ; they comb their heads twice a day, and once a week wash them with a soap made from the bark of the quillai^^ which keeps the hair very clean. There is never to be seen on their clothes the least spot or dirt. The men are likewise equal- ly as fond of cleanliness ; they never fail to comb their heads every day, and are also accustomed fre- quently to wash them. Bathing, as among the ancients, is in common use with these people,' who think it necessary to pre- serve their health and strengthen their bodies, and in order to have it convenient they are careful to place their houses on the banks of rivers. In warm weather they bathe themselves several times a day, and it is rare even in winter that they do not bathe themselves at least once a day ; by means of this continued exercise they become excellent swimmers, and give wonderful proofs of dexterity in this art. They wúU swim for a great distance under water, and * Quillaia Safionaria ; it is also much used by the Spaniards, especially tKobe who live in the country. 103 in this manner cross their largest rivers, which ren- ders them some of the best clivers in tlie world. The M^omen are also fond of frequent bathing, and for this purpose, select the most obscure solitary places, at a great distance from the men. Even on the very day of the birth of a child, they take the infant to the river and wash it, and also themselves, and within a short time return to their customary occupations, without experiencing any inconve- nience ; so true it is, that the human constitution is not naturally delicate, but is rendered so by our cus- toms and modes of living. Child-birth is with them attended with little pain, which must be attributed to the strength of their constitutions ; for a similar rea- son the women of the lower classes in Europe, ac- cording to the statement of Doctor Bland, in the Philosophical Transactions, experience a more easy delivery than the ladies, and are less subject to sick- ness in consequence. Whether directed merely by the impulse of sim- ple nature, or actuated by their solicitude to furnish strong men to the state, they rear their children in a very different manner from what is practised in ci- vilized countries. When they have washed them in running water, as I have already observed, they neither swathe nor bandage them, but place them in a hanging cradle, called chigua, lined with soft skins, where they merely cover them with a cloth, and swing them from time to time by means of a cord attached to the cradle, which leaves them more at li- berty to attend to their domestic concerns. 104 Wlien their children begin to walk, which is very soon, they neither put them into stays nor any other confined dress, but keep them loosely clad, and let them go any where and eat what they please. Formed thus, as it were, by themselves, they be- come well shaped and robust, and less subject to those infirmities that are the consequence of a tender and a delicate education. Indeed, the maladies that prevail among the Araucanians are but few, and are for the most part reducible to inflammatory fevers, originating either from intemperance in drinking, or to the excessive exercise which they sometimes use. If the physical education of the Araucanian chil- dren is in a certain degree laudable, the moral edu- cation which they receive will not certainly meet with our entire approbation. It is, nevertheless, con- formable to the ideas of that high-minded people, respecting the innate liberty of man, and such as may be expected from an uncivilized nation. Their fathers are satisfied with instructing thchn in the use of arms, and the management of horses, and ia learning them to speak their native language with elegance. In other respects they leave them at li- berty to do whatever they please, and praise them whenever they see them insolent, saying that in this manner they learn to become men. It is very unu- sual for them to chastise or correct them, as they hold it as an established truth, that chastisement only renders men base and cowardly. 105 CHAPTER X. Food ; Music and other Diversions, THE usual diet of the Araucanians is very sim- ple ; their principal subsistence is several kinds of grain and pulse, which they prepare in a variety of different modes. They are particularly fond of maize or Indian corn, and potatoes ; of the last they have cultivated more than thirty différent kinds from time immemorial, esteeming them a very healthy nutri- ment, which the experience of ages has sufficiently demonstrated. Although they have large and small animals and birds in plenty, yet they eat but little flesh, and that is simply boiled or roasted. They have the same abstemiousness in the use of pork, from which they know very well how to prepare black puddings and sausages. Their seas and rivers abound with excellent fish, but they do not much es- teem this kind of aliment. Instead of bread, which they arc not accustomed to eat except at their enter- tainments, they make use of small cakes or roasted potatoes with a little salt. Their usual drinks con- sist of various kinds of beer and of cider, made from Indian corn, from apples and other fruits of the country. They are nevertheless extremely fond of wine, which they purchase from the Span- iards, but hitherto, either for political reasons, or more probably from carelessness, they have Vol. ÏI. " O 106 p:\id no attention to the raising of vines, which, as has been proved by experiment, produce very well in all their provinces. The master of the house eats at the same table with the rest of his familv. The plates are earthen, and the spoons and cups are made of horn or wood. The Ulmenes have in general wrought plate for the service of their tables, but they only make use of it when they entertain some stranger of rank ; upon such occasions they ostentatiously display it, being naturally fond of show, andof being considered rich. Their seasonings are made of Guinea pepper, of viadi, and salt. In summer they are fond of dining in the shade of trees, which for this purpose arc al- ways planted around their houses. They do not use the fiint for the purpose of obtaining fire, but em- ploy, like the Kamtschatdales, two pieces of dry- wood, one of which they place upon another, and turn it in their hands until it takes fire, which is very soon. Besides dinner, supper and breakfast, they liave every day without fail their luncheon, which consists of a little fiour of parched corn, steeped in hot water in the morning, and in cold in the even- ing. But they often deviate from this simple mode of living at the public entertainments, which they give each other on occasion of funerals, marriages, or any other important event. At such times no expense is spared, and they are profuse of every thing that can promote festivity. In one of these banquets, at which it is common for three hundred persons to be present, more meat, grain and liquor is con- 107 sumed, than would be sufficient to support a whole family for two years. It is usual for one of these feasts to continue two or three days ; they are called cahuin, or circles, from the company seating them- selves in a circle around a large branch of cinna- mon. Such entertainments are made gratuitously, and any person whatever is permitted to participate in them without the least expense or requisition. But this is not the case with the mingacos^ or those din- ners which they are accustomed to make on occasion of cultivating their land, threshing their grain, build- ing a house, or any other work which requires the combined aid of several. At such times all those who wish to partake in the feast must labour until the work is completed. But as these people have abundant leisure, the labourers convene in such numbers, that in a very few hours the work is finish- ed, and the rest of the day is devoted to feasting and drinking. The Spaniards who live in the country have also adopted a similar plan, availing themselves of the same kind of industry to complete their rural labours. Fermented liquors, in the opinion of the Arauca- nians, form the principal requisites of an entertain- ment ; for whenever they are not in plenty, what- ever may be the quantity of provisions, they mani- fest great dissatisfaction, exclaiming golingelai, it is a wretched feast, there is no drink. These baccha- nalian revels succeed each other almost without in- terruption throughout the year, as every man of pro- perty is ambitious of the honour of giving them, so 108 that it may be said that the Araucanians, when not engaged in W£ir, pass the greater part of their lives in revelry and amusement. Music, dancing and play form their customary diversions. As to the first, it scarcely deserves the name, not so much from the imperfection of the instruments, which are the same they make use of in war, but from their manner of singing, which has something in it harsh and disa- greeable to the ear, until one has been accustomed to it for a long time. They have several kinds of dances, which are lively and pleasing, and possess considerable variety. The women are rarely per- mitted to dance with the men, but form their com- panies apart, and dance to the sound of the same in- struments. If what the celebrated Leibnitz asserts is true, that men have never discovered greater talents than in o the invention of the diiferent kinds of games, the Araucanians may justly claim the merit of not being in this respect inferior to other nations. Their games are very numerous, and for the most part very ingenious ; they are divided into the sedentary and gymnastic. It is a curious fact, and worthy of no- tice, that among the first is the game of chess, which they call co?ràcan, and which has been known to them from time immemorial. The game of quechu, which they esteem highly, has a great affinity to that of backgammon, but instead of dice they make use of triangular pieces of bone marked with points, which they throw with a little hoop or circle support- ed by two pegs, as was, probably, X\\t fritillus of the ancient Romans. 109 Theyouth exercise themselves frequently in wrest- ling and running. They are also much attached to playing with the ball ; it is called by them pilma^ and is made from a species of rush. But of all their gymnastic games that require strength, the penco and the palican are the best suited to their genius, as they serve as an image of war. The first, which re- presents the siege of a fortress, is conducted in the following manner : Twelve or more persons join hands and form a circle, in the centre of which stands a» little boy ; their adversaries, who are equal in number, and sometimes superior, endeavour by force or stratagem to break the circle, ahd make themselves masters of the child, in which the victory consists. But this attempt is by no means so easy as it may seem. The defenders make almost in- credible efforts to keep themselves closely united, whence the beseigers are often compelled, by this obstinate defence, to relinquish the attempt through weariness. The palicany which the Spaniards call chueca, re- sembles the arpasto or spkero machia of the Greeks, and the calcio of the Florentines. This game has every appearance of a regular battle, and is played with a wooden ball, called pali, on a plain of about half a mile in length, the boundaries of which are marked with branches of trees. The players, to the number of thirty, furnished with sticks curved at the end, arrange themselves in two files, disposed in such a manner that each of them stands opposite to his adversary ; when the judges appointed to pre- side at the game give the signal, the two adversaries lio who occupy the eighth station advance, and with their sticks remove the ball from a hole in the earth, when each endeavours to strike it towards his party ; the others impel it forward or backward, according to the favourable or unfavourable course it is pur- suing, that party obtaining the victory to whose li- mits it is driven. From hence proceeds a severe contest between them, so that it sometimes happens that a single match requires more than a half a day to finish it. This game has its established laws, which the judges oblige them very strictly to ob- serve ; notwithstanding which, many disputes oc- cur. The successful players acquire great reputa- tion, and are invited to all the principal parties that are made in the country. When two provinces challenge each other, as frequently happens, this amusement becomes a public spectacle. An im- mense crowd of people collect, and bet very largely. The peasants of the Spanish provinces have intro- duced among them this game, and their families, in reference to it, are divided into two parties called plazas and lampas. It has become one of their most favourite amusements, notwithstanding the proclamations issued from time to time by go- Tcrnment against all those who encourage or pro- mote it. What wc have said of the Araucanians docs not altogether apply to the Puelches, or inhabitants of the fourth Uthalmapu, situated in the Andes. These, although they conform to the general customs of the nation, always discover a greater degree of rude- ness and savageness of manners. Their name sig- Ill nifies eastern-men. They are of lofty stature, and are fond of hunting, which induces them frequently to change their habitations, and extend their settle- ments not only to the eastern skirts of the Andes, but even to the borders of the lake Aague/guapif and to the extensive plains of Patagonia on the shores of the north sea. The Araucanians hold these mountaineers in high estimation for the important services which they occasionally render them, and for the fidelity which they have ever observed in their alliance with them. I . THE CIVIL IIISTOPvY OF CHILL BOOK III. CHAPTER I. The Araucanians attack the Spaniards under the con^ duct of Aillavila, and aftei~wards that of Lincoyan ; Valdivia makes incursions into their territory and founds therein the cities of Imperial, Villaricay Valdivia and Angol, xuith several other places. THE Araucanians having resolved, as was men- tioned in the first book, to send succours to the in- habitants of Penco, who were invaded by the Span- iards, gave orders to the Toqui Aillavilu to march immediately to their assistance at the head of 4000 men. In the year 1550, tliat general passed the great river Bio-bio, which separates the Araucanian territory from that of the Pencones, and boldly of- fered battle to these new enemies, who had advanced to meet him to the shores of the Andalien. After the first discharge of musketry, which the Araucanians sustained without being terrified or Vol. II. P 114 disconcerted, thus early manifesting how little they \\-oiild regard it when rendered familiar by habit, Aillavalu, with a rapid movement, fell at once upon the front and flanks of the Spanish army. They on their part forming themselves into a square, support- ed by their cavalry, received the furious attacks of the enemy with their accustomed valour, killing a great number of them, but losing at the same time many of their own men. The battle remained un- decided for several hours. The Spaniards were thre\\'n into some disorder, and their general was ex- posed to imminent danger, having had his horse kill- ed under him, when Aillavalu, hurried forwards by a rash courage, received a mortal wound. The Arau- canians, having lost their general, with many of their most valiant officers, then retired, but in good order, leaving the field to the Spaniards, who had no dis- position to pursue them. Valdivia, who had been in many battles in Eu- rope as well as America, declared that he had never been exposed to such imminent hazard of his life, as in this engagement ; and much astonished at the valour and military skill of these people, he imme- diately set about constructing a strong fortification near the city, expecting shortly to be attacked again. In fact, no sooner were the Araucanians informed of the death of their general, than they sent against him another army still more numerous, under the com- mand of Lincoyau. This officer from his gigantic stature, and a certain show of courage, had acquired lálgh reputation among his companions in arms, but 115 he was naturally timid and irresolute, and was much better suited for a subaltern station than for that oï commander in chief. The new Toqui, in the year 1551, formed his troops into three divisions, and marched to attack the Spaniards. Such was the terror inspired by the approach of the Araucanians, that the Spaniards, af- ter confessing* themselves and partaking of the sacra- ment, took shelter under the cannon of their forti- fications. But Lincoyan, finding the first attack un- successful, apprehensive of losing the army commit- ted to his charge, ordered a precipitate retreat, to the great surprise of Valdivia, who, apprehensive of some stratagem, forbad his soldiers to pursue them. When it was discovered that the.enemy had retreat- ed in good earnest, they began to consider their flight as a special mark of the favour of heaven, and, in the fervour of their enthusiasm, there were not want- ing some who declared that they had seen the Apostle St. James upon a white horse with a flaming sword striking terror into their enemies.* These * This Apostle appears to have been a very convenient person- age, and very ready with his aid upon all such occasions to tlie Spaniards of that period. Bernai Diaz, in liis true history of the conquest of Mexico, in giving an account of a similar story, thus expresses himself with his peculiar 7iah>eté. " In his account of this action Gomara says, that previous to the arrival of the main body of the cavalry under Cortes, Francisco de Moría appeared in the field upon a grey dappled horse, and that it was one of the holy apostles, St. Peter or St. Jago, disguised under his person. I say, that all our works and victories are guided by the hand of our Lord Jesus Christ, and that in this battle there were so many ene- mies to every one of us, that they could have buried us under the dust they could have held in their hands, but that the great mercy 116 declarations were readily believed, and the whole army, in consequence, unanimously agreed to build a chapel upon the field of battle, which a few years after was dedicated to that apostle. But this miracle, which is not entitled to greater credit from its having been so frequently repeated, proceeded alone from the circumspection and timidity of Lincoyan. The Spanish general, Avho was now in some mea- sure freed from the restraint imposed upon him by the x\raucanians, applied himself with great dili- gence to building the new city. Although he had fixed upon St. Jago for the capital of the colony, he nevertheless discovered a strong predilection for this maritime settlement, considering it as the fu- ture centre of the communication with Peru and Spain. Here he likewise intended to establish his family, selecting for his habitation a pleasant situa- tion, and in the division of lands reserving for him- self the fertile peninsula lying between the mouths of the rivers Bio-bio and Andalien, and, as he fully expected in a short time to be able to subjugate the Araucanians, he had also resolved to ask of the court of Spain, in reward for his services, the two adja- cent provinces of Arauco and Tucapel, with the ti- tle of Marquis. of God aided us throHghout. Whnt Gomara asserts might be the case, and I, sinner as I am, was not worthy to be permitted to see it. What I did see was Francisco de Moría riding in company with Cortes and the rest upon a chesnut horse, and that circum- stance, and all the others of that day, appear to me, at this mo- ment that I am writing, as if actually passing in the view of these sinful êtes." 117 The building of the city having progressed rapid- ly under his inspection in a short time, he employed the remainder of the year in regulating its internal police. For this purpose he published forty-two ar- ticles or statutes, amonsr which are some that disco- ver much prudence and humanity respecting the treatment of the natives, \\'hom he left, however, as elsewhere, subject to the private controul of the citi- zens. Believing that the courage of the Arauca- nians was now completely subdued, as, since their second unsuccessful expedition, they had made no attempt to molest him, he resolved to attack them in their own territory, with a reinforcement that he had just received from Peru. With this intention, in the year 1552, he passed the Bio-bio, and proceeding rapidly through the pro- vinces of Encol and Puren, unobstructed by the tardy operations of Lincoyan, came to the shores of the Cauten, which dividesthe Araucanian territory in- to two nearly equal parts. At the confluence of this ri- ver and that of Damas, he founded another city, to which he gave the name of Imperial, in honour of the Emperor Charles the Fifth ; or, as is said by some, in consequence of finding there eagles with two heads cut in wood, placed upon the tops of the houses. This city was situated in a beautiful spot, abounding with every convenience of life, and during the short pe- riod of its existence became the most flourishing of any in Chili. Its position on the shore of a large river of sufficient depth for vessels to lie close to the wallsj rendered it a highly advantageous situation for commerce, and would enable it to obtain imme- 118 ««^b CHAPTER V. JDon Garcia de Mendoza arrives at Chili^ -with a reinforcement of troops ; His expedition against Caupolican. PHILIP the Second, who had succeeded his fa- ther Charles the Fifth on the throne of Spain, hav- ing learned the death of Valdivia, gave in charge to his agent Alderete, the government and the cour^ quest of Chili, furnishing him for this purpose with six hundred regular troops. During the passage his sister, who was accustomed to read in bed, set fire by accident to the ship in the vicinity of Porto- Bello. Of the whole number, Alderete and three soldiers were all that escaped, and he himself soon after, overcome with grief and disappointment, died 148 in the little ibland of Taboga in the gulph of Panama. The Marquis of Cañete, viceroy of Peru, being informed of this disaster, appointed to the vacant oflice his son Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza. But as this charge had now become very dangerous, he rcsoh'cd that at liis departure he should be ac- companied l^y a body of troops capable of support- ing him, and acquiring him, if possible, the glory of terminating with success the obstinate war with the Araucanians. With this view he caused a great number of recruits to be raised throughout his ex- tensive viceroyalty. The civil dissentions being at an end, Peru at that time abounded with milita- ry adventurers who were desirous of employment. Of course he was in a short time joined by a large number of soldiers, part of whom from a warlike spirit^ and others from a desire to obtain favour w ith the viceroy, offered to fight under the banners of his son. The infantry, well equipped and appointed with a great quantity of military stores, embarked on board of ten ships under the command of Don Gar- cia in person, and the cavalry pursued their way by land under the orders of the quarterrmaster-gcneral, Garcia Ramon. The fleet arrived in April, 1557, in the bay of Conception, and came to anchor near the island of Quinquina, which, being the most secure situation, had been chosen for the head quarters. The few inhabitants who were found there bravely attempted to prevent the disembarkation ; but being soon dispersed by the artillery, they retired 149 in their piragues to the continent. The governor having takeiS some of the hindmost, sent two or three to the Araucanians, with directions to inform them of his arriva!, and tlic desire he had of settling a lasting peace with them. The Uhnenes, being convened to consider of tliis embassy, were generally of opinion that no proposi- tions ought to be listened to from an enemy who had returned in greater force, it being impossible that they should be other than treacherous or unfair. But the old Colocólo, who was the soul of the union, ob- served that no injury could arise from their hearing the proposals of the Spanish general ; that this was a favourable opportunity for discovering his designs, and of obtaining a knowledge of his forces ; that for this purpose he thought it advisable to send a discerning and intelligent man, who, under the pre- tence of congratulating the new governor upon his arrival, and to thank him for the wish that he ex- pressed of coming to an amicable accommodation, would gain information of whatever he should think of importance to regulate their future conduct. Caupolican, with the greater part of the old offi- cers, adopted this wise counsel, and confided this important commission to Millalauco, who possessed all the qualities requisite for such an envoy. This ambassador passed the narrow strait that sepa- rates the island of Quriquina from the continent, and, with all the pride peculiar to his nation, present- ed himself to the Spaniards. They in return, to give him a great idea of their power, received him arrang- ed in order of battle, and conducted him amidst the 150 discharge of their artillery to the tent of tlie p-eneral. Millalauco, not in the least disconcerted by all this military parade, complimented the governor in the name of Caupolican, and in a few words declared to him the pleasure that he and all his people would feel in the establishment of an honourable and advanta geous peace to both nations, adding, that he was in- duced to this, not from any dread of his power, but from motives of humanity. Don Garcia was by no means satisfied with these vague offers, so little correspondent to his views ; he replied, however, with the same general profes- sions respecting peace, and after having regaled the ambassador in a magnificent manner, he ordered his oiHcers to conduct him over the whole encampment, in order to intimidate him by the appearance of the immense military preparations that he had brought with him. Nothing could better suit the wishes of ISIillalauco ; he observed every thing with attention, though with apparent indifference, and taking leave of the Spaniards, returned home. The Araucanians, on receiving such particular information, placed sen- tinels along the coast to observe the movements of their enemies, and began to prepare for war, which they believed to be near and inevitable. Don Garcia, however, continued almost the whole winter in the island, waiting for the cavalrj' from Peru, and the reinforcements he had required from the cities of his jurisdiction. At length, on the night of the 6th of August, he privately landed one hundred and thirty men with several engineers upon the plain of Conception, and immediately took pos- 151 session of Mount Pinto, which commands the har- bour, where he constructed a fort furnished with a hirge number of cannon and a deep ditch. The Auraucanian spies failed not to give im- mediate information to Caupohcan of what had taken place. That general, hastily collecting his troops, passed the Bio-bio on the 9th of the same month, and on the next morning at day break, a period remarka- ble in Europe for the defeat of the French at St. Quin- tín, he attacked the fortress upon three sides, having sent forward a body of pioneers to fill up the ditch with fascines and trunks of trees. The attack was continued with all the fury and obstinacy so natural to that people. Numbers mounted on the parapet, and some even leapt within the walls, destroying all that they met with. But the cannon and the mus- ketry directed by skilful hands, made so dreadful A slaughter that the ditch was filled with dead 'bodies, which served for bridges to the new com- batants who fearlessly replaced their slain com- panions. Tucapel, hurried on by his unparalleled rashness, threw himself into the fort, and, killing four of his enemies with his formidable mace, es- caped by leaping over a precipice amidst a shower i)f balls. Whilst the combat raged with such fury around the fortress, the Spaniards who were in the island, perceiving the danger of the besieged, came over to their aid, and formed themselves in order of battle. Caupolican observing the disembarkation, sent immediately a part of his troops against them. These, after a severe conflict of several hours, were 152 driven bnck to the mountain, so that the assailants were placed between two fires. They nevertheless lost not their courage, and continued fighting till mid day. At length, extremely fatigued with the length of the combat, they withdrew to the Bio-bio with a determination to raise new forces and return to the attack. Caupolican having in a short time reinforced his army, began his march towards Conception, but learning on the road that the Spaniards had re- ceived a numerous reinforcement, he halted on the shore of the Bio-bio, deeply chagrined at not being able to effect what Lautaro had twice performed with the universal applause of the nation. In fact, the day preceding two thousand auxiliaries had ar- rived at Conception, with the cavalry, from Peru, consistino- of a thousand men well armed, and like- wise another squadron of Spanish horse from Im- perial. After his army had sufficiently recovered from their fatigues, Don Garcia resolved to go in quest of the Araucanians in their own territory. For this purpose he crossed the Bio-bio in boats well equip- ])ed, at six miles from its mouth, where that river is fifteen hundred paces broad. Caupolican made no attempt to obstruct his passage, as the cannon, placed upon the boats, commanded the whole of the oppo- site shore ; but he had occupied a position not far distant, flanked with thick woods, whichy if defeat- ed, would facilitate his retreat. The battle began with a skirmish that was favour- able to the Araucanians. The Spanish advanced 153 parties falling in with those of Ciiupolican were re- pulsed with loss, notwithstanding the assistance sent them by Ramon the quarter- master- general. Alon- zo Reynoso, who was likewise dispatched to their aid with fifty horse, experienced a similar fate, leaving several of his men dead xipon the field. The two armies at length met. The Araucanians, encouraged by the advantage they had gained, en- deavoured to come to close combat with their ene- mies, notwithstanding the heavy fire they had to sustain from eight pieces of artillery in front of the Spanish army. But when they came within reach of the musketry, they were not able to advance further, or resist the fire vv'hich was well kept up by the veteran troops of Peru. After many inef- fectual attempts, they began to give way and fall into confusion from the vacancies caused in their ranks, by the loss of their most determined soldiers. The cavalry at length completely routed them, making a great slaughter of them in their flight to the woods. Don Garcia, either from disposition or policy, was strongly inclined to pursue rigorous measures. He was the first in this war who introduced, con- trary to the opinion of a majority of his officers, the barbarous practice of mutilating or of putting to death the prisoners ; a system that may serve to awe and restrain a base people, or one accustomed to servitude, but a generous nation detests cruelty, and it only serves to exasperate and render them irre- eoncilable. Among the prisoners taken upon this occasion was one more daring than any of the others, 151 called Galverino, whose hands Don*Garcia ordered to be cut OÍF. He returned to his countrymen, and showing- his bloody mutilated stumps, inflamed them with sucli fury against the Spaniards, that they all swore never to make peace with them, and to put to death any one who should have the base- ness to propose such a measure. Even the very women, excited by a desire of revenge, offered to take arms and to fight by the side of their husbands, as they did in the subseciuent battles. From hence originated the ñible of the Chilian Amazons, placed by some authors in the southern districts of that country. The victorious army penetrated into the province of Arauco, constantly harassed by the flying camps of the Araucanians, who left them not a moment's rest. Don Garcia, when he arrived at Melipuru, put to the torture several of the natives whom his soldiers had taken, in order to obtain information of Caupolican, but notwithstanding the severity of their torments, none of them w^ouid ever discover the place of his retreat. The Araucanian general, on being informed of this barbarous conduct, sent word to him by a messenger, that he was but a short distance, and would come to meet him the follow- ing day. Tlie Spaniards, who could not conceive the motive of the message, were alarmed, and pass- ed the whole night under arms. At day break Caupolican appeared with his army arranged in three lines. The Spanish cavalry charg- ed with fury the first line, commanded by Caupo- lican in person, who gave orders to his pikemen to 155 sustain with levelled spears the attack of the horse, and the mace bearers with their heavy clubs to strike at their heads. The cavalry by this unexpected reception being thrown into confusion, the Aurau- canian general, followed by his men, broke into the centre of the Spanish infantry with great slaughter, killing five enemies with his own hand. Tucapel, advancing in another quarter witJi his division, at the first attack broke his lance in the body of a Spaniard, and instantly drawing his sword, slew seven others. In these various encounters he re- ceived several severe wounds, but perceiving the valiant Rencu surrounded by a crowd of enemies, he fell with such fury upon them, that after killing a considerable number, he rescued his former rival, and conducted him safely out of danger. Victory, for a long time ündecide'd, was at length on the point of declaring for the Araucanians, when Don Garcia perceiving his men ready to give way, gave ^^rders to a body of reserve, to attack the di- vision of the enemy, commanded by Lincoyan and Ongolmo. This order, which was promptly execut- ed, preserved the Spanish army from total ruin. This line of the Araucanians being broken, fell back upon their victorious countrymen, who were thrown into such confusion, that Caupolican after several ineíFectual efforts, dispairing of being able to restore order, sounded a retreat, and yielded to his ene- mies a victory that he deemed secure. Tiie Araur canian army would liave been cut in pieces, had not Rencu, by posting himself in a neighbouring wood with a squadron of valiant youth, called thither the 156 attention of the victors, who pursued the fugitives with that deadly fury, that characterized the soldiers of that age. That chief, after having sustained the violence of their attack, for a time sufficient in his opinion to ensure the safety of his countrymen, retired with his companions by a secret path, scoffing at his enemies. -a^^^t'i CHAPTER VL Don Garcia orders twelve Ulmenes to he hanged ; He founds the city of Cañete ; Caupolican^ at- tempting to surprise it, is defeated, a?id his army entirely dispersed. . THE Spanish general, before he quitted Meliru- pu, caused tvvdve Ulmenes whom he found among the prisoners, to be hung to the trees that surround- ed the field of battle. Galvarino was also condem- ned to the same punishn'ient. This unfortunate youth, notwithstanding the lossof his hands, had ac- companied the Araucanian army, and had never ''ceased during the battle to incite his couutryrnen to fight vigorously, showing his mutilated arms, while he attempted with his teeth and feet to do all the injury he could to his enemies. One of the Ulmenes, gyercomc with terror, petitioned for his life, but 157 Galvarino reproached him so severely for his cou-- ardicc, and inspired him with such contempt for death, that he refused the pardon which was granted him, and demanded to die t]"ic first, as an atonement for his weakness and the scandal he had broui^ht upon the Araucanian name. After this fruitless execution, Don Garcia pro- ceeded to the province of Tucapcl, and coming to the place where Valdivia liad been defeated, lie built there, in contempt of his conquerors, a city which he called Cañete, from the titular appellation of his family. As this settlement was in the centre of the enemy's country, he thought proper to strength- en it with a good palisade, a ditch, a rampart, and a great number of cannon, and gave the command to Alonzo Reynoso, with a select garrison. After which, imagining that the Araucanians, who had been defeated in three successive battles, were no longer in a condition to oppose his conquering arms, lie departed for Imperial, .where he was received in tri- umph. Soon after his arrival at Imperial, he sent from thence to the inhabitants of his new citv a laro'c con- voy of provisions, under the escort of a large body of troops, who were attacked and routed in the nar- row pass of Cayucupil by a body of Araucanians. But these ha\ing ill-timedly began to seize the bag- gage, gave the Spaniards an opportunity of escaping with little loss, and reaching tlie place of their desti- nation. The citizens received them with the greatest demonstrations of joy, their* assistance being much wanted in case Caupolican, as was reported, should 158 attack and endeavour to force them from that post. Nor were these merely idle rumours. That inde- fatigable general, whom misfortune seemed to in- spire with greater courage, a few days afterwards made a furious assault upon the place, in which his valiant troops, with arms so far inferior to their ene- mies, supported a continual fire for five hours, now scaling the rampart, now pulling up or bur- ning the palisades. But perceiving that valour alone could not aA'ail him in this difficult enterprise, he resolved to suspend the attack, and seek some more certain means of attaining his end. With this view he persuaded one of his officers, named Pran, who had the reputation of being very cunning and artful, to inVoduce himself into the garrison as a deserter, in order to find means to de- liver it up. Pran accordingly obtained admission Tjnder that character, and conducted himself with the profoundest dissimulation. He soon farmed a friend- ship with one of the Chilians who served under the Spaniards, called Andrew, and who appeared to him a proper instrument of his designs. One day, either artfully to sound him, or to flatter him, Andrew pre- tended to sympathize with his friend on the misfor- tunes of his country. Pran, who had as yet given no intimation of his design, seized with much readi- ness this occasion, and discovered to him the motive of his pretended desertion, earnestly entreating him to aid in the execution of his scheme ; this was to introduce some Araucanian soldiers into the place, at the time when the Spaniards, wearied with their nightly 159 watch, had retired to take their siesta.* The crafty Chilran highly praised his project, and oiFered him- self to keep a gate open on the day assigned for the enterprise. The Araucanian, elated with joy, has- tened to give information to Canpolican, who was at a short distance, and Andrew proceeded imme- diately to disclose the plot to the commander of tlie fort, who directed him to keep up the deception by appearing to carry it on, in order to take the enemy in their ov/n snare. Caupolican, occupied with an ardent desire of accomplishing this enterprise, lost sight on this occasion of his wonted prudence, and too easily reposed faith in this ill -concerted scheme. In order the better to devise his measures, he expressed a wish to converse with the Chilian ; Pran immediately gave notice to his supposed friend, who appeared before Caupolican with all that air of respect and flattering show of attachment which villains of this stamp know so well to assume. He broke out into invec- tives against the Spaniards, whom he said he had always detested, and^rcnewed his promise, declaring that nothing could be easier than the execution of the plot. The Araucanian general applauded his patriotism, loaded him with caresses, and promised to give him, if the enterprise should succeed, an Ulmenate with the office of first captain of his army. He then showed him his troops, appointed the next day for the execution of their scheme, and dismissed him with the strongest demonstrations of esteem and favour. The Spaniards, informed of all, em- * Affeernwon sleep. 160 ployed tl^at night in making every preparation to obtain the greatest • possible advantage fron\ the treachery of their ally. When the princii)al officers of the Araucanians were informed of the intention of their general, they openly disapproved of it, as dishonourable and dis- graceful to the national spirit, and refused to ac- company him in the expedition. Adhering, never- theless, with obstinacy to his design, he began his march at day break, with three thousand men for Cañete, in the vicinity of which he lay concealed until the time appointed, when Pran came to in- form him from Andrew that all was ready. The Araucanians then proceeded in silence to the cit}', and fmding the passage free, began to enter it. But the Spaniards having allowed entrance to a certain number, suddenly closed the gate, and at the same moment commenced a fire with grape shot from all their cannon upon those without. Dreadful was the slaughter made among them, and the more so as it was wholly unexpected. The horse then made a sally from another gate, and com- pleted the destruction of those who had escaped the fire of the cannon. Caupolican had the fortune, or rather misfortune, to escape the general slaughter of his men. He retired with a few attendants to the mountains, whence he hoped soon to descend with a new army capable of maintaining the field. Wliilc tlie cavalry were gi^'ing a loose to their fury on those \vithout, the infantry were employed in butchering those within the walls, who, havmg lost ail hope of escape, rather chose to be cut in pieces than to sur- 161 render themselves. The too credulous Pran, perceiv- ing his error, rushed amongst the foremost against his enemies, and by an honourable death escaped the well merited reproaches of his imprudence. Among the few who were taken prisoners were three Ul- menes, who were fastened to the mouths of cannon and blown into the air. CHAPTER VII. Expedition of Don Garcia to the Archipelago of Chibé ; Foundation of Osorno ; Caupolican taken, and impaled. DON GARCIA, considering the Araucaniatt war as terminated after this destructive battle, or- dered the city of Conception to be rebuilt ; and, de- sirous of adding to the laurels of a soldier those of a conqueror, so highly valued in that age, in 1558 marched with a numerous body of troops against the Cunches, who had not yet been opposed to the Span- ish arms. This nation, when tliey first heard of the arrival of the strangers, met to deliberate whether they should submit, or resist their victorious forces. An Araucanian exile, called Tmiconobal^ who was present at the assembly, being desired to give his opinion upon the measures proposed, replied in the following terms : Vol. U. X 162 " Be cautiaus how you adopt either of these mea" suies ; as vassals you will be despised and compel- led to labour, as enemies you will be exterminated. If you wish to free yourselves of tliese dangerous visitors, make them believe you are miserably poor Hide your property, particularly your gold ; they will not remain where they have no expectation of finding that sole object of their wishes. Send them such a present as will impress them with an idea of your poverty, and in the mean time retire to the woods." The Cunches approved the wise counsel of the Araucanian, and commissioned him, with nine na- tives of the country, to carry the present which he had recommended to the Spanish general. Accord- ingly, cloathing himself and companions in wretch- ed rags, he appeared with every mark of fear before that officer, and after complimenting him in rude terms, presented him a basket containing some roast- ed lizards and wild fruits. The Spaniards, who could not refrain from laughter at the appearance of the a4iibassadors and their presents, began to dissuade the governor from pursuing an expedition which, from all appearances, would prove unproductive. But although he was persuaded that these people were poor and wretched, yet, lest he should discover too great ñicility in relinquishing his plan, he ex- horted his troops to prosecute the expedition that had been undertaken, assuring them that, further on, according to the information he had received, they would find a country that abounded in all the me- tals. This was a eircumstance by no means im- 163 probable, it being very usual in America after pass- ing frightful deserts to meet with the richest counr tries. He then inquired of the Cunches the best road to the south. Tunconobal directed him to» wards the west, which was the most rough and . mountainous, and on being applied to for a guide, gave him one of his companions, whom he charged to conduct the army by the most desolate and diffi- cult roads of the coast. The guide pursued so strictly the instruction of the Araucanian, that the Spaniards, who in their pursuit of conquest were accustomed to surmount with ease the severest fa- tigues, acknowledged that they had never before, in any of their marches, encountered difficulties com- parable with these. Their impatience was greatly augmented on the fourth day, when their pretended guide quitted. them, and they found themselves in a desert surrounded by precipices, from whence they perceived no way to extricate themselves. All their constancy and perseverance would have been in- sufficient to support them, if Don Garcia had not incessantly encouraged them with the flattering hope of soon reaching the happy country which he had promised them. Having at length overcome all obstacles, they came to the top of a high mountain, from whence they discovered the great Archipelago of Ancud, more commonly called Chiloe, whose channels were covered with a great number of boats navigated with sails and ears. This unexpected prospect filled them with joy. As they had for many days suflfered fr©m hunger, they Jiastened to the shore, and were 164 lîighiy delighted on seeing a boat make towards them, on board of which were fifteen persons hand- somely clothed. Without the least apprehension they immediately leaped on shore, and saluting the Spa- niards with much cordiality, inquired who they were, whither they w^re going, and if they were in W'ant of any thing. The Spaniards asked them for provisions : the chief of this friendly people imme- diately ordered all the provisions that were in the boat to be brought, and in the most hospitable man- ner distributed them among them, refusing to ac- cept any thing in return, and promised to send them a large supply from the circumjacent islands. Indeed, scarcely had these famished adventurers encamped when there arrived from all quarters pi- ragues loaded with maize, fruit and fish, which were in like manner distributed to them gratuitously. The Spaniards, constantly regaled by these islanders, coasted the Archipelago to the bay of Rcloncavi, and some went over to the neighbouring islands, where they Ibund land well cultivated, and women employed in spinning wool mixed with the feathers of sea birds, from which they made their clothes. The celebrated poet Ercilla -was one of the party, and solicitous of the reputation of having proceeded fur- ther south tlian any other European, he crossed the gulf, and upon the opposite shore inscribed on the bark of a tree some verses containing his name and the time of the discovery, the 31st of January, 1559. Don Garcia, satisfied with having been the first to discover by land the Archipelago of Chiloe, re- turned, taking for his guide one of those islanders, 165 Who conducted him safely to Imperial through the country of the Huilliches, which is for the most part level, and abounds in provisions. The inhabitants, who are similar in every respect to their western neighbours, the Cunchese, made no opposition to his passage. He there founded, or according to 6ome writers, rebuilt the city of Osorno, which in- creased rapidly, not less from its manufactories of woollen and linen stufts, than from the fine gold procured from its mines, which were afterwards des- troyed by the Toqui Paillamacu. During this expedition Alonzo Reynoso, com- mander of Cañete, after having for a long time at- tempted by offers of reward and by means of tor- ture, to obtain from the natives information of the retreat of Caupolican, at length found one less in- flexible, who promised to discover the place where he had concealed himself, since his last defeat. A detachment of cavalry ^vas immediately sent under the guidance of this spy, and at day break made prisoner of that great man, but not till after a gal- lant resistance from ten of his most faithful soldiers, who would not abandon him. His wife, who never ceased exhorting him to die rather than surrender, on seeing him taken, indignantly threw towards him his infant son, saying, she would retain nothing that belonged to a coward. The detachment returned to the city amidst the rejoicings of the populace, and conducted their prisoner to Reynoso, who immediately ordered Iiim to be impaled and dispatched with arrows. On hearing his sentence, Caupolican, without the least 166 change of countenance, or abatement of his wonted dignity, coolly addressed Reynoso in these words : *' My death, general, can answer no possible end, except that of inflaming the inveterate hatred which my countrymen already entertain against yours. They will be far from being discouraged by the loss of an unfortunate chief. From my ashes will arise many other Caupolicans, who will prove more for- tunate than I have been. But if you spare my life, from the great influence I possess in the country, I may be serviceable to the interests of your sove- reign and the propagation of your religion, which, as you say, is the only object of this destructive war. But if you are determined that I shall die, send me to Spain, where, if your king thinks proper to condemn me, I may end my days without caus- ing new disturbances in my country." Vain were the attempts of the unfortunate general to prevail upon Reynoso, whose name is held in detestation, not only by the Araucanians, but by the Spaniards themselves, who have ever reprobated his conduct, as contrary to those principles of genero- sity on which they pride themselves as a nation. He ordered the sentence to be immediately execut- ed ; and a priest, who had been sent for to converse with the prisoner, pretending that he had converted him, hastily administered the sacrament of baptism. After this mock ceremony, he was conducted, amidst a crowd of people, to a scaflTold that had been erected for his execution : But when he saw the instrument of punit^hment, which until then he did not clearly comprehend, and a negro prepared to execute him, he was so exasperated that, with » 167 furious kick, he hurled the executioner from the scaffold, exclaiming, " Is there no sword, and some less unworthy hand to be found to put to death a man like myself? This has nothing in it of justice — it is base revenge." He was, however, seized by numbers, and compelled to undergo the cruel and iijnominious death to which he had been condemned. -aCS3«#^« CHAPTER VIIL Successes of CaupoUcan the Second ; Siege of Im- perial ; Battle of Qiiipeo fatal to the Araucaniam ; Death of CaupoUcan ; Termination of the Govern- ment of Don Garcia» SOON were the predictions of the great Caupo- Ucan verified. Instigated by the most unbounded rage, the Araucanians immediately proceeded to elect a Toqui, capable of revenging the ignominious "death of their unfortunate general. The majority of the electors were of opinion, that in the present cir- cumstances the fierce Tncapel was better qualified than any other to sustain the important ofiice. But this choice was by no means agreeable to the sen- timents of Colocólo : he declared himself in fa- vour of young CaupoUcan, the eldest son of the late general, who possessed the talents of his celebrated 168 father. This opinion was adopted and confirmed by the Ulmenes. Tucapel, perceiving that the affec- tions of the nation were placed upon his competitor, had a second time the magnanimity to yield his claim to the supreme command without murmuring ; he "only required to be elected Vice Toqui, which was granted him. The new general immediately collected an army, and crossed the Bio-bio, resolving to attack the city of Conception, which he had been informed was de- fended only by a few soldiers. Reynoso, having learned his intention, followed him with five hun- dred men, and coming up with him at Talcaguano, a place but a short distance from that city, offered him battle. The young commander, encouraging his soldiers by his words and his example, fell with such fury upon the Spaniards, that he entirely de- feated them ; Reynoso, pursued and wounded by Tucapel, had the good fortune to be able to repass the Bio- bio with a few horse that had escaped the slaughter. He immediately collected more troops, and returned to attack the Auraucanian camp ; but meeting with no better success than before, he was compelled to abandon the enterprise. At the close of this second action, Millalauco, who had been sent to compliment the Spaniards in Quinquina, returned with the news that Don Garcia had quitted Imperial, with a large body of troops, and was laying waste the neighbouring provinces. On this information Caupolican, by the advice of Colocólo, deferred the siege of Conception, and has- tened to give them assistance, leaving a number 169 of men under the command of Millalaucb, to oppose the attempts of Reynoso. Don Garcia, however, being informed of his march, withdrew to Imperial, after having placed two hundred horse in ambush on the road by which he was to pass. The Arauca- nian general, although unexpectedly attacked by them, defended himself with such presence of mind, that he not only escaped without loss, but cut in pieces a great part of his assailants, and pursued the rest to the gates of Imperial, which he girt with a close siege. In the mean time Reynoso and Millalauco, who had several times encountered each other in skir- mishes, agreed to terminate the question of su- periority between them by single combat. Such duels had become very common during that war. The two champions fought a long time without either obtaining "the advantage, till, wearied and fa- tigued, they separated by mutual consent, and re- turned to their former mode of warfare. The siege of Imperial was prosecuted with much vigour. Caupolican had made several assaults upon that city, flattering himself with the aid of the Span- ish auxiliaries, which, uncautioned by the misfor- tunes of his father, he had solicited by means of two of his officers, Tulcomaru and Torquin. These emissaries were, hovrevcr, discovered and impaled in sight of the Araucanian army, to whom they recommended with their last breath to die in de- fence of the liberties of their country. Vol. II. Y 170 One hundred and twenty of the auxiliaries were also hung on the ramparts, exhorting the others to favour the enterprise of their countrymen. The Araucanian general, desirous of signalizing himself by the capture of a place which his father had twice vainly attempted, made another assault still more violent than the preceding, in which his life was exposed to the most imminent danger. Se- veral times in person did he scale the wall, and even effected at night an entrance into the city, followed by Tucapel and a number of brave companions ; but repulsed by Don Garcia, whose vigilance was pre- sent every where, he withdrew, constantly fighting, and covered with the blood of his enemies, to a bas- tion, from whence, by a vigorous leap, he rejoined his troops, who were very apprehensive for the safe- ty of their beloved commander. Wearied at length Vith the prosecution of a siege whose operations were too sk)v/ for his impatience, he resolved to abandon it, and employ his arms against Reynoso, in hopes to revenge the death of his father, but Don Garcia, ha\'ing joined that officer, rendered all his attempts fruitless. The campaign of the following year, 1559, was rendered still more memorable by the numerous battles that were fought between the two armies ; but as these produced no material change in the state of aifairs, it will not be necessary to give a j)articular account of them. Notwithstanding seve- ral of these encounters were favourable to the Arau- canians, Caupolican resolved to protract the war, seeing that the number of his troops vras daily di- 171 minished from their being continually exposed to the fire arms of their enemies, while, on the con- trary, the Spaniards were constantly receiving re- cruits from Peru and from Europe. With this in- tention he fortified himself between the cities of Cañete and Conception, in a place called Qiiipeo or Cuyapu, which was capable of being defended by a few men against any number of enemies unprovided with artillery, Don Garcia, on being informed of this measure, inarched thither immediately with all his troops in order to dislodge him, but observing the nature of the place, he delayed several days making a general attack, in hopes of being able to draw him from his position, that his cavalry might be enabled to act with more advantage. In the mean time frequent skirmishes took place between the parties. In one of these, the celebrated Millalauco was made pri- soner, who, regardless of his situation, reproached ihe Spanish general so severely with his cruel man- ner of making war, that, inflamed with the most vio- lent passion, he ordered him instantly to be im- paled. During the siege the traitor Andrew had the te- merity to go, by order of Don Garcia, to Caupoli- can, and threaten him with the most dreadful pun- ishment if he did not immediately submit to the royal authority. The Araucanian, who was ex- tremely enraged at the sight of the betrayer of his father, ordered him to retire immediately, telling him that were it not for the character of an ambassa- dor with which he was invested, he would put him 172 to death with the most cruel tortures. The follow- ing da}'-, however, that traitor being taken as a spy, was suspended by his feet from a tree and suf- focated with smoke. Don Garcia at length commenced his attack upon the Araucanian encampment, by a violent cannonade from all his artillery. Caupolican, instigated by his soldiers, who were eager to make a vigorous sally, fell with such fury upon the Spaniards, that, at the first charge, they killed about forty, and continued slaughtering them until, by a skilful evolution, the Spanish general cut oif the retreat of the Arauca- nians, and surrounded them upon all sides. Caupo- lican, nevertheless, valiantly seconded by his intre- pid band, for the space of six hours rendered the issue of the battle doubtful, till, seeing Tucapel, Colocólo, Renco, Lincoyan, Mariantu, Ongolmo, and several others of his most valiant officers slain, he attempted to retreat with the small remnant of his army, but being overtaken by a detachment of horse, he slew himself to avoid the melancholy fate of his father. Although the events that afterwards occurred had convinced Don Garcia that he had deceived himself in supposing, that the spirit of the Araucanians was entirely broken after the dreadful massacre at Ca- ñete, he however on this occasion thought he had good reason to believe the war wholly at an end. The battle of Quipco appeared to him decisive in every point of view ; the principal officers who supported the courage of the enemy had all per- ished on that fatal day ; their nation was without 173 chiefs and without troops, and appeared to be sub- missive to the will of the conquerors. Under the influence of these flattering ideas, he devoted his whole attention to repair the losses occasioned by the war ; he rebuilt the fortifications that had been destroyed, particularly those of Araucoandof An- gol ; he restored Villarica, and re-established its in- habitants ; the mines that had been abandoned he caused to be opened anew, and others to be explored ; and obtained the establishment of a bishopric in the capital, whither he went himself to receive the first bishop, Fernando Barrionuevo, a monk of the Fran- ciscan order. Finding himself prorided with a good number of veteran troops, he sent a part of them, under the command of Pedro Castillo, to complete the conquest of Cujo, which had been commenced by Francis De Aguirre. That prudent officer subjected the Guarpes, the ancient inhabitants of that province, to the Spanish government, and founded on the eastern limits of the Andes two cities, one of which he call- ed St. Juan, and the other Mendoza, from the family name of the governor. This extensive and fertile country remained for a considerable time under the government of Chili, but has since been transferred to the viccroyalty of Buenos Ayres, to which, from its natural situation, it appertains. Whilst in this manner Don Garcia took advantage of the apparent calm that prevailed in the country, he heard of the arrival at Buenos Ayres of the per- son appointed his succestior by the court of Spain. 174 In consequence of this information he immediately quitted the kingdom, confiding the government for the present to Rodrigo de Quiroga, and returned to Peru, where, as a reward for his services, he was promoted to the exalted station which his father had filled. THE CIVIL HISTORY OF CHILL BOOK IV. CHAPTER I. The Toqui Antiguenu recommences the War ; His Successes against Francis Villagran^ the Governor ; Destruction of Cañete ; Sieges of Arauco and of Conception ; Battle of the Bio-bio, THE governor appointed in place of Don Garcia was his predecessor, Francis Villagran, who having gone to Europe after he had been deprived of the government, procured his reinstatement therein from the court of Spain. On his arrival at Chili, suppo- sing from the information of Don Garcia and Quiro- ga that nothing more was necessary to be done with the Araucanians, and that they were in no condition to give him trouble, Villagran turned his attention to the re-acquisition of the province of Tucuman, which, after having been by him, in 1549, subjected to the government of Chili, had been since attached ÍQ the viceroy alty of Peru. Gregori Castañeda, who 176 had the charge of this enterprise, defeated the Pe- ruvian commander, Juan Zurita, the author of the dismemberment, and restored the country to the obedience of the captains general of Chili ; it was, however, retained under their government but a sliort time, as they were obliged by the court of Spain, before the close of the century, to cede it again to the government of Peru. But neither Don Garcia nor Quiroga, notwith- standing the long time they had fought in Chili, had formed a correct opinion of the temper of the peo- ple whom they pretended they had conquered. The invincible Araucanian cannot be made to submit to the bitterest reverses of fortune. His losses them- selves, so far from dejecting or dismaying him, ap- pear to inspire him with more strength and va- lour. This constancy, or obstinacy as some may term it, is certainly wonderful if not heroic. The few Ulmenes who had cseaped from the late defeats, more than ever determined to continue the war, as- sembled immediately after the rout of Quipeo in a wood, where they unanimously elected as Toqui an officer of inferior rank, called Antiguenu, who had signalized himself in the last battle. He readily ac- cepted the command, but represented to the electors, that as almost all the youth of the country had perish- ed, he thought it expedient for them to retire to some secure situation, until an army could be col- lected of sufficient strength to keep the field. This prudent advice was approved by all. Antiguenu re- tired with the few soldiers that he had with him to the inaccessible marshes of Lu maco, called by. the 177 Spaniards the Rochela, where he caused high scaf- iblds to be erected to secure his men from the ex- treme moisture of this gloomy retreat. The youth who were from time to time cnHsted went thitherto be instructed in the science of arms, and the Araucanians still considered themselves free since they had a Toqui. As soon as Antiguenu saw himself in a situation to make himself feared, he quitted his retreat, and began to make incursions into the Spanish territory, in order to practice his troops, and subsist them at the expense of the enemy. When this unex- pected information reached St. Jago, it caused great inquietude to Villagran, who, from his long expe- rience of the daring spirit of the Araucanians, foresaw all the fatal consequences that might result from this war. But in order, if possible, to stifle the bursting flame at its commencement, he sent forward immediately his son Pedro with as many troops as could be raised in so short a time, and soon after set out upon the march himself with a much greater force. The first skirmishes between the armies were by no means favourable to Antiguenu, and his siege of Cañete was attended with no better success. As he, however, attributed his failure to the inexpe- rience of his men, he sought on every occasion to accustom them to the use of arms. At length, upon the hills of Millapoa, he had the satisfac- tion of showing them that they could conquer, by defeating a body of Spaniards commanded by Arias Pardo. Vol. il Z 178 To keep up and iiicieast tlie ardour T^-hich this success had excited in the minds of his soldiers, Antiguenu stationed himself upon the top of Mount MarigucnUja place of fortunate omen forhiscountr_v, Villagran, who was eitlîer too much indisposed with the gout to assume the command hiinself, or was averse to hazard the attack of a place that had prov- ed so unfortunate to him, gave in charge to one of his sons to dislodge the enemy from that dangerous post. 'I'his rash and enterprising young man attacked the Araucanian entrenchments with so little precaution, that almost all his army, consisting of the flow^er of the Spanish troops, and a great number of auxilia- ries, were cut in pieces, and he himself was killed at the cntriuice of the enemy's encampment. After this signal victory, Antiguenu marched against Cañete, rightly judging that in the present circumstances it would be unable to resist him ; but Villagran, who was likewise convinced of the im- possibility of defending it, anticipated him by with- drawing all the inhabitants, part of whom retired to Imperial, and part to Conception. On their arrival, the Araucanians, who had experienced so many dis- asters in the vicinity of this place, had no other trou- ble than that of destroying the fortifications and set- ting it on fire, and in a short time it was entirely consumed. In the mean time Villagran, more the victirn of grief and mental anxiety than of his disorder, died, universally icgretted by the colonists, who lost in him a wise, humane and valiant commander, to w hose prudent conduct they were indebted for thr. 179 preservation of their conquests. Before his death he appointed as his successor, by a special commis- sion from the court, his eldest son Pedro, whose mental endowments were no way inferior to hi» father's. The death of the governor appeared to Antigiienu to present a favourable opportunity to undertake some important enterprise. Having formed his ar- my, which consisted of 4,000 men, into two divi- sions, he ordered one, under the command of his Vice Toqui Antunecuî, to lay siege to Conception, in order to attract thither the attention of the Spa- niards, while with the other he marched against the fort of Arauco, which was defended by a strong garrison, under the command of Lorenzo Bernai. Antunecul passed the Bio-bio, and encamped in a place called Leokethal, where he was twice attacked by the governor, but he not only made a vigorous defence, but repulsed him with loss, and followed him to the city, which he closely invested by dispos- ing his troops in six divisions around it. The siege was continued for two months, every day of which was distinguished by some gallant assault. But finding all his attempts fruitless, as he could not pre- vent the frequent succours that were sent by sea to the besieged, he finally withdrew, resolving to re- turn and prosecute the enterprise at a more favour- able time. In the mean time the defence of Arauco was main- tained with the greatest vigour. As Antiguenu had observed that whenever he attacked the place, his bravest officers were pointed out to tlie Spaniards 180 by their Indian auxiliaries, and made the mark of the artillery, he resolved to take a severe vengeance upon them. For this purpose he contrived by his emissaries to inform the Spanish commander that the auxiliaries were intriguing to deliver up the fort to the Araucanians. Bernai gave such credit to this false report, that in a transport of fury he immedi- ately ordered those unfortunate men to quit the place, notwithstanding their intreaties and remon- strances. This was the sole object of the Arauca- . nian chieftain, who immediately had them seized and put to a cruel death in sight of the Spaniards, who were extremely exasperated in finding them- selves so grossly imposed on by a barbarian. As the siege was protracted to a considerable length, Antiguenu became impatient, and wished to bring it to a conclusion, if possible, by the death of the governor ; with this view he challenged him to single combat. Notwithstanding the remonstrances of his soldiers, Bernai, who deemed himself secure of the victory, accepted the challenge. The bat- tle between these two champions was continued for two hours without cither obtaining any advantage or injuring the other, till they were at length sepa- rated by their men. But what force had not been able to effect, was performed by famine. Several boats loaded with provisions had repeatedly attempt- ed in vain to relieve the besieged ; the vigilance of the besiegers opposed so insuperable an obstacle, that Bernai saw himself at length compelled to aban- don the place. The Araucanians permitted the gar- rison to retire without molestation, and contented I 181 themselves with burning, the houses and demolish- ing- the walls. .' -r^n\ -. . . The capture of Angol, after that of Cañete and Arauco, appeared so easy to iVntiguenu, that he gave it in charge to one of his subalterns. That officer meeting on the road with a body of Spaniards com- manded by Zurita, defeated them, but was afterwawls routed in his turn near Mulchen by Diego Carranza, whom the magistracy of that city had sent against him. Antiguenu, solicitous of maintaining the re- putation of his arms, repaired thither in person with about two thousand men, in order to finish the enter- prize, but before assaulting the place he eaeamped at the confluence of the Bio-bio and Vergosa, where he was attacked by the whole Spanish army, under the command of Bernai. The Araucanians made use with much skill of the muskets >*hich they had taken at the defeat of Mariguenu, and sustained the assault for three hours in succession. Four hundred of the auxiliaries and a number of Spaniards had fallen, when their infantry began to give way and be- take themselves to flight. Bernai, perceiving no other means of restraining them, commanded the horse to slay the fugitives. This severe order was carried into execution, and checked the confusion. The infantry being thus compelled to fight, attacked the enemy's intrenchments with such vigour, that they finally forced them and penetrated into the camp. Antiguenu valiantly opposed the assailants in person, but, forced along with a crowd of his soldiers who fled, he fell from a high bank into the river and v/as drowned. His death decided the battle. Great was 182 the slaughter of the Araucanians. Many also perish- ed in the river, into which they had thrown them- selves to escape. In this battle, which was fought in 1564, the conquerors themselves were almost all wounded, and lost many of their men, but recovered forty-one muskets, twenty-one cuirasses and fifteen helmets, with a great number of lances and other weapons. While these events passed on the shore of the Bio-bio, Lillemu, who had been sent by Antiguenu to lay waste the provinces of Chilian and Itata de- feated a detachment of eighty Spaniards, command- ed by Pedro Balsa. In the mean time the governor, leaving Conception with one hundred and fifty sol- diers, cut off a party of the Araucanians that were ravaging Chilian. Lillemu hastened to their relief, but on his arrival, finding them dispersed, he only saved the remainder of his troops by making a gallant stand in a narrow pass with several determined youth. This noble eftbrt of patriotic courage gave time to his army to effect their escape, but it cost the lives of Lillemu and his valiant companions. 183 CHAPTER II. Paillataru elected Toqui ; Government of Rodrigo de Quiroga ; Conquest of the Archipelago of Chiloc ; Description of its inhabitants, ANTIGUENU had for successor in the Toqui- ate Paillataru, the brother or cousin of the celebrat- ed Lautaro, but his character was of a very différent stamp. Slow and extremely circumspect in his ope- rations, he contented himself during the first years of his command in maintaining undiminished the love of liberty in the bosoms of his countrymen, and in leading them from time to time to ravage the enemy's country. During the same time a change was made of the Spanish governor : Rodrigo de Qui- roga, who had been appointed to that office by the Royal Audience of Lima, began his administration by arresting his predecessor, and sending him pri- soner to Peru. Having received a reinforcement of three hun- dred soldiers in 1665, he entered the Araucanian territory, rebuilt the fort of Arauco and the city of Cañete, constructed a new fortress at the celebrated post of Quipeo, and ravaged the neighbouring pro- vinces. Towards the end of the following year he sent the Marshal Ruiz Gamboa with sixty men to subject the inhabitants of the Archipelago of Chi- loe ; that officer encountered no resistance, and 184 founded in tlie principal island the city of Castro and the port of Chacao. The islands of the Archipelago amount to eighty, and, like most other islands, have been produced by earthquakes, owing to the s^reat number of volcanoes with which that country formerly abounded. Every part of them exhibits the most unquestionable marks of fire. Several mountains in the great island of Chiloe, w^hich has given its name to the Archipe- lago, are composed of basaltic columns, which, whatever may be said to the contrary, could have been produced only by the operation of fire. The native inhabitants, though descended from the continental Chilians, as their appearance, their manners and their language all evince, are neverthe- less of a very different character, being of a pacific or rather a timid disposition. They made no oppo- sition, as we have already observed, to the handful of Spaniards whocametherctosubjugate them, although their population is said to have exceeded seventy thousand ; nor have they ever attempted to shake off the yoke until the beginning of the present century, \vhen an insurrection of no great importance was ex- cited, which was soon quelled. The number of in- habitants at present amounts to upwards of eleven thousand ; they are divided into seventy-six dis- tricts or Ulmenates, the greater part of which are subject to the Spanish commanders, and are obliged to render personal service for fifty days in the year, according to the feudal laws, which are rigidly ob- served in this province, notwithstanding they have been fora long time abolished throughout the rest of the kingdom. 1B5 These islanders generally possess a quickness of capacity, and very readily learn whatever is taught them. They have a genius for the mechanical arts, and excel in carpentery, cabinet making and turnery, from the frequent occasions which they have to ex,- ercise them, all their churches and houses being built of wood. They are very good manufacturers of linen and woollen, with which they mix the fea- thers of sea-birds, and form beautiful coverings for their beds. They make also ponchos, or cloaks of various kinds, striped or embroidered with silk or thread. From their swine, which are very nume- rous, they make excellent hams, the most esteemed of any in South America, Notwithstanding the great quantity of timber an- nually taken from them, these islands are covered with thick woods ; and as it rains there almost incessantly, the cultivated grounds continue wet the whole year. From hence it follows that the in- habitants, although they have cattle, make no use of them for ploughing, but till the earth in a very singular manner. About three months before sow- ing time they turn their sheep upon their lands, changing their situation every tliree or four nights. When the field is sufficiently manured in this man- ner they strew the grain oyer it. One of their strong- est men then attempts . to harrow it by means' of a machine formed of two large sticks of hard wood made sharp and fastened together, which he forces into the ground with his breast, and thus covers the ^eed. Notwithstanding this imperfect tillage, a crop of wheat will yield them ten or twelve for one. Vol.. U. ,V a 186 They also raise great quantities jqí barley, beans, peas, qu'tnoa and potatoes which are the largest and best of any in Chili. From the excessive moisture of the atmospliere the grape never acquires suffi- cient maturity to be made into wine, but its want is supplied by various kinds of cider, obtained from apples and other wild fruits of the countr}\ The necessity that they are under of often going from one island to another, where the sea is far from deserving the name of the Pacific, renders the Chi- lotes excellent sailors. Their piragues are composed of three or five large planks sewed togetiier, and caulked with a species of moss that grows on a shrub. These are in great numbers throughout the whole of the Archipelago, and are managed with sails and oars, and in these frail skiffs the natives will frequently venture as far as Conception.* These people are fond of fishing, an occupation to which they are led from the great variety of fish with which their coasts abound. Large quantities of these are dried and sent to foreign countries. They likewise dry the testaceous kinds, particularly the conchs, the clamps and the piures. For this pur- pose they arrange them in a long trench, covering them with the large leaves of the panke tinctoria. Over these they place stones on which they make a hot fire for several hours. They then take the roast- ed animals from their shells, and string them upon * It will not be improper to observe here, that the Indians who form the principal part of the sailors of the South Seas are very active, docile and industiious, and excellent seamen for these mild and temperate climates Sfianiah 2'rans, 187 threads, which they hang for some time in the smoke. In this mode they keep very well, and are carried to Cujo and other places at a distance from the sea. As soon as the Christian religion was preached in Chiloe it was readily embraced by the natives, who have ever since continued faithful and obedient to its precepts. Their spiritual concerns are under the direction of the bishop of Conception, and their temporal are administered by a governor appointed by the captain -general of Chili.* The Spaniards at present established in this Archipelago amount to about fifteen thousand, and its commerce is conduct- ed by means of three or four ships which trade there annually from Peru and Chili. To these they sell large quantities of red cedar boards, timber of dif- ferent kinds suitable for carriages, upwards of two thousand ponchos of various qualities, hams, pil- chards, dried shell-fish, white cedar boxes, cloaks, embroidered girdles, and a small quantity^ of am- bergris which is found upon the shores ; and receive in exchange wine, brandy, tobacco, sugar, herb of Paraguay, salt, and several kinds of European goods. * The temporal government of these islands at the present time (1792) is vested in the viceroyalty of Lima Sfie/iith Trtvn, 188 CHAPTER III. JEstablishment of the Court of Royal Audience ; Go- vernment of Don Melchor Bravo de Saravia ; Mi- litary operation of Paillataru^ and of his succes- sor Paynenancu ; Suppression of the Court of Au- dience ; Second Government of Quiroga ; Foun- dation of Chilian ; Some Account of the Pehu- enchçs, THE continuation of the war, and the great im- portance of the conquest, finally induced Philip H. to erect a court of Royal Audience in Chili, indé- pendant of that of Peru. To this he confided, not only the political, but even the military administra- tion of that kingdom. This supreme tribunal, which was composed of four judges of law, and a fiscal, on the 13th of August, 15G7, made its solemn entry into Conception, where it fixed its residence. Im- mediately on assuming its functions it removed Qui- roga from the government, and gave the conimand of the army with the title of general to Ruiz Gam- boa. This commander, having learned that Paiilataru was preparing to besiege the city of Cañete, hastened thither immediately, and finding him in possession of a post not far from that place, attacked and de- feated him after a long and obstinate contest. This defeat enabled the victors to overrun and lay waste 1^9 ~ the country, without opposition, for tht- space of ri year, from whence they took a great iu)ml;cr of wo- men and children, whom they made bkivcb. In the mean time the Spanish general attempted n^peatedly, to no purpose, to persuade «the Araucaniaris to com- mence négociations for peace. Preferring all pos- sible evils to the loss of liberty, they constantly re- fused to lend an ear to hi« proposals. As peace, so necessary to the welfare of the co- lony, appeared to be daily more remote, noiwi,t}s- standing no means were spared to obtain it, the military government of the Ro} al Audience was thought inadequate to the purpose of its estalDlish- ment; and it was deemed more expedient to place it, as before, in the hands of a single chief, distinguish- ed by the new titles of president, governor and captain- general of Chili, from his being president of the Royal Audience, the head of the civil depart- ment, and commander of the armies. Don Melchor de Bravo was, in 1568, invested with this triple character ; a man well qualified to fill the tvro first offices, but utterly incompetent to sustain the latter. He was nevertheless very desirous of engaging the enemy, and signalizing the commencement of his government by a splendid victory. Having learned that Paillataru, who had collected a new army, had oc- cupied the fatal height of Mariguenu, which the Spa- niards, for what reason I know not, had never thought of fortifying, he immediately marched against him at the head of three hundred European soldiers, and a large number of auxiliaries. Paillataru, like several of his predecessors, had the glory of rendering this moun- 190 tail; famous by the total defeat of the Spanish army. Tlic president, who very fortunately escaped being made prisoner, withdrew precipitately with the small remnant of his troops to the city of Angol. Greatly intimidated by his defeat, he there resigned the command of the army to Gamboa, the marshal, and to the quarter- master Velasco, whom he ordered immediately to evacuate liie so often destroyed and rebuilt fortress of Arauco. Tlïese officers, while conducting the inhabitants of that place to Cañete, fell in with a division of the enemy, which they at- tacked and defeated. Nevertheless, Paillataru, having taken the post of Quipeo, marched two days after against that city with a determination to blockade it, when the marshal came out to meet him with all the troops that he could raise. The battle was continued for more than two hours, and was one of the bloodiest ever fought in Chili. The Spaniards, though se- verely haixlled, remained masters of the field ; but Paillataru, having in a short time repaired his losses, returned to oppose the marshal, who had entered the Araucanian territory to ravage it, and compelled him to retreat with loss. After this success, the two belligerent nations ob- served, till the death of Paillataru, a period of about four years, a truce or suspension of arms. This was probably in a great measure owing to the gene- ral consternation caused by a dreadful earthquake, which was felt throughout the country, and did great injury to the Spanish settlements, particularly the city of Conception, which was entirely destroy- ed. The Spaniards, ever attentive to consolidate in and give importance to their conquests, erected, in 1570, another bishopric in the city of Imperial, to which they assigned as a diocese the vast extent of country lying between the river Maule and the southern confines of Chili. About this time the Musteea, or descendants of the Spaniards and Indians, having multiplied great- ly, the Araucanians, perceiving the advantages which they might derive from their assistance, re- solved to attach them to their cause, by letting them see that they considered them as their countrymen. With this view, on the death of Paillataru in 1574, they conferred the office of Toqui on one of these men, called Alonzo Diaz, who had taken the Chi- lian name of Paynenancu, and had for ten years fought in their armies, where he had distinguished himself by his valour and abilities. If his pre- decessor had the fault of being too cautious, the new Toqui, on the contrary, to avoid that imputa- tion, was so rash and daring that he almost alvva3's attacked the Spaniards with troops inferior in num- ber, whence all his enterprises had that result which might naturally have been expected. As soon as he was invested with the command he crossed the Bio-bio, probably with an intention of attacking Conception, but before he reached it he was attacked and defeated in his entrenchments by the quarter- master Bernai, notwithstanding the íí^reat valour with which he defended himself ibr a long time. Among the prisoners taken upon this occa- *sion were several women who were found in arms, the greater part of whom killed themselves the same 19i night. Payiienancu, having escaped from the car- nage, marched against Villarica, but was again de- feated by Rodrigo Bastidas, the commandant of that city. Whilst the war was thus enkindled anew, the li- centiate Calderón airived at Chili, in 1575, with a commission from the court of Spain as examiner. His first step was to suppress the tribunal of audi- ence, on the sole principle of economy. The audi- tors themselves were ordered back to Peru, and in- stead of the president Sarabia, Rodrigo Quiroga, wlio but a few years before had been appointed go- vernor by the Audience of Lima, was again rein- stated in that office by order of Philip II. That experienced officer, having assembled all the troops that he could raise in the present circumstan- ces, proceeded in 1756 to the frontiers to oppose the progress of Paynenancu, who, notwithstanding he had been twice defeated, continued constantly to harrass the Spanish settlements ; but not being able to meet him, he contented himself with ravaging tiie country. In the mean time, having received a reinforcement of two thousand men from Spain, he gave directions to his father-in-law, Ruiz Gamboa, to found a new colo- ny at the foot of the Cordilleras, between the cities of Santiago and Conception, which has since received the appellation of Chilian, from the river on whose shore it stands, and has become the capital of the fertile province of that name. Shortly after the es- tablishment of this settlement, in 1580, the governor died at a very advanced age, having nominated Gam- 193 boa as liis successor. The three years of Gamboa's government were occupied on one side in opposing ' the attempts of Paynenancu, and on the other in re- pelling the Pehuenches and Chiquillanians, \vho, instigated by the Araucanians, had begun to molest the Spanish settlements.- The Pehuenches form a numerous tribe, and in- habit that part pf the Chilian Andes lying between the 34th and 37th degrees of south latitude, to the east of the Spanish provinces of Calchagua, Maule, Chillan and Huilquilemu. Their dress is no way different from that of the Araucanians, except that instead of drawers or breeches, they wear around the waist a piece of cloth like the Japanese, which falls down to the knees. Their boots, or shoes, are all of one piece, and made from the skin of the hind » leg of an ox taken off at the knee, this they fit to the foot while green, turning the hair within, and sewing up one of the ends, the skin of the knee serving for the heel. These shoes, by being worn and often rubbed with tallow, become as soft and pliable as the best dressed leather. Although these mountaineers have occasionally ^hown themselves to be valiarit and hardy soldiers, they are nevertheless fond of adorning and decorat- ing themselves like women. They wear ear-rings and bracelets of glass beads upon their arms ; tliey also ornament their hair with the same, and suspend little bells around their heads. Notwithstanding they have numerous herds of cattie and sheep, their usu- al food is horse fiesh, which, like the Tartars, they Vet. ÍI. B b iy4 prefer to any other, but, rnore delicate than that peo- ple, they eat it only when boiled or roasted. They dwell in the manner of the Bedouin Arabs, in tents made of skins, disposed in a circular form, leaving in the centre a spacious field, w^here their cattle feed during the continuance of the herbage. When that begins to fail they transport their habita- tions to another situation, arid in this manner, con- tinually changing place, they traxerse the vallies of the Cordilleras. This wandering life is not, however, without its pleasures : by this means they acquire new acquaintances, new accommodations, and new prospects. Each village or encampment is governed by an Ulmen, or hereditary prince. In their language and religion ijiey differ not from the Araucanians. They are fond of hunting, and often, in pursuit of game, traverse the immense plains that lie between the great river of Plata and the straits of Magellan. These excursions they sometimes extend as far as Buenos A}res, and plunder the country in the vicinity. They frequently attack the caravans of merchandize going from thence to Chili, and so successful have they been in their enterprises, that at present, owing to that cause, the comiaerce in that quarter is said to be almost entirely stopped.* f It n)ay be ]icre proper t») relate what I mysclf'no.ticed on my passage through these districts. On the 27th of April, 1783, I left Mendoza with post horses for Buenos Ayres. We soon learned from somcptopie whom we met, that the Pehucnches were out on their excursions ; and we soon after received the melancholy in- formation of the niassacics they had committed in the Portion of ^lu'^daltna. lu consequence of this there was not a post house 195 They havC< nevertheless, for many years abstained from committing hostilities within the Chilian boun- daries in time of peace, induced either by the ad- vantages which they derive from the trade with the inhabitants, or from the fear of behig roughly handled by them. Their favourite weapon is the lague, already described^ which they always carry with them fastened to their girdles. It is very pro- bable that the ten Americans conducted by the va- liant Orellana, of whose amazing courage mention is made in Lord Anson's Voyage, were of this tribe. Notwithstanding their wandering and restless dis- position, these people are the most industrious and commercial of any of the sa\'ages. When in their tents they are never idle. The women weave cloths of various colours ; the men occupy themselves in where v/e stopped but was in a state of alarm, and we came to some that were absokitely deserted through fear. The year before about three hundred Indians, lying back updh their horses, trailing their lances behind tliem, in order to have it supposed that it was one of those droves of mavcs so common in those Pampas, appeared all at once before the post of Gutierrez ; but, svipposing it strongly guarded, were deterred from attack- ing it, although they saw but one man, who patroled (he wall with his musket, and was indeed the only person in it. This ma» knew well that the horses were guided, by the order and course they pursued, although he could see nothing of their riders till they had come very near. He had the prudence, however, not to fire at them, which probably led them to believe there was a greater force within the place, and induced them to abandon the enterprise and vent their fury upon the ujifortunate inhabitants of those plains. The commander of tlie post of Amatrain was not so fortunate ; he was killed the same year with a negro who attend- ed him. These posts are fortified with palisades, or with a mud wall, and have a ditch and « draw-bridge 196 ínaking baskets and a variety of beautiful articles of wood, feathers or skins, which are highly prized by their neighbours. They assemble every year on the Spanish frontier, where they hold a kind of fair that usually continues for fifteen or twenty days. Hither they bring fossil salt, gypsum, pitch, bed- coverings, ponchos, skins, wool, bridle-reins beau- tifully wrought of plaited leather, baskets, wooden vessels, feathers, ostrich eggs, horses, cattle, and a variety of other articles ; and receive in exchange wheat, wine, and the manufactures of Europe. They are very skilful in traffic, and can with difficulty be overreached. For fear of being plundered by those who believe that any thing is lawful against infidels, they never all drink at the same time, but sepa- rate themselves into several companies, and while some keep guard the others indulge themselves in the pleasures of wine. They are generally humane, complacent, lovers of justice, and possess all those go<:)d qualities that are produced or perfected by commerce. The Chiquillanians, whom some have erroneously supposed to be a part of the Pehuenches, live to the north east of them, on the eastern borders of the Andes. These are the most savage, and, of course, tjie least numerous of any of the Chilians, for it is an established fact that the ruder the state of savage life, the more unfavourable is it to population. They go almost naked, merely wrapping around them the skin of the guanaco.* It is observable that all the * The anoiiymouo accovmt of Chili published at Bologna, in speaking of this nation, observes, that their language is guttural, and a very corrupt jargou of tbe Chilian. 197 Chilians who inhabit tli*®©<^=-= CHAPTER IV. Governmeiit of the Marquis de Villar-hermosa ; His Successes against Paynenancii; Capture and Death of that Genei'al ; Enterprises of the Toqui Cayan- cura and his Son Nangoniel ; Landing of the Eng- lish in Chili ; Operations of the Toqui Cadcguala. AS soon as information v.as received in. Spain of the death of Quiroga, the king sent out as governor to Chili Don Alonzo Sotomayor, with eix hundred regular troops, who, in 1583, landed at Buenos 1 98 Ayres, and from thence proceeded to Santiago. He immediately sent his brother Don Louis, whom he appointed to the new office of colonel of the king- dom, to succour the cities of Villarica and Valdivia, which were besieged by the Araucanians. That of- ficer raised the sieges of those places after having twice defeated Paynenancu, who attempted to oppose his march. Notwithistanding these reverses the en- terprising Toqui turned his arms against Tiburcio Heredia, and afterwards against Antonio Galleguil- los, who were ravaging the country with a large body of cavalry ; by these he was likewise defeated, but the victors paid dearly for their victory. In the mean time the governor, having driven off the Pehuenches who infested the new settlement of Chilian, entered the Araucanian territory with seven hundred Spaniards and a great number of auxilia- ries, resolved to pursue the rigorous system of mak- ing war which had been adopted by Don Garcia, in preference to the mild and humane policy of his im- mediate predecessors. The province of Encol was the first that experienced the effects of his severity. He laid it entirely waste wi^^h fire and sword. Those who \\ere taken prisoners were either hung or sent away with their hands cutoff, in order to intimidate their countrymen. The provinces of Puren, Ilicura and Tucapel would ha^c shared the same fate, if the inhabitants had not secured themselves by flight be- fore the arrival of the enemy, after setting on fire their houses and their crops. In the last province they took only three of the inhabitants prisoners, who were impaled. Notwithstanding their severities a 199 number of mustees and mulattoes joined the Aran- canians, and cvlmi some Spaniards, among wlioiii was Juan Sanchez, who acquired great reputation. The Araucanian general, impelled either by his natural audacity, or by despair, on finding himself fallen in the estimation of the native inhabitants, op- posed on the confines of the province of Araucothe whole Spanish army with only eight hundred men. They nevertheless fought v/ith such resolution that the Spaniards were not able to break them till af- ter an obstinate contest of several hours, in which they lost a considerable number of men. Almost all the Araucanians were slain, Payneaancu himself WHS taken prisoner, and immediately executed. The victorious governor then rebuilt the fortress of Arau- co, appointing the quarter- master Garcia Ramon to command it, and encamped on the shore of the ri- ver Carampangui. The Araucanian valour which had been depressed by the imprudent conduct of the mustee general, was excited anew by the elevation to that dignity, in 1585, of Cayancaru, one of their own countrymen, and Ulmen of the district of Mariguenu. One hun- dred and fifty messengers, furnished with symbolical arrows, were immediately dispatched to various quarters in search of aid. Every thing was put in motion, and in a short time a respectable army was assembled. The new Toqui determined to attack at midnight the Spanish camp, which still occupied the post of Carampangui, of whose exact situation he was informed by mearis of a spy. For this pur- pose he formed his army into three divisions, and 200 gave die coiiiinand oí' them to three valiant ofíicers, Lonçoncbal, Antulevu, and Tarochina. These divisions proceeded by three roads that led to the camp, and cnt in pieces the auxiharies, who were the first to oppose their progress. Fortunately for tlic Spaniards, the moon, at the moment of the assauk, enabled them after a short period of confu- sion, in which they lost several of their men, to form j| themselves and make head against their assailants, who, galled upon all sides by the musketry, began at length to give ^vay. The governor at the same time, charging them with his band of veterans, suc- ceeded in repulsing them, though not without great loss on both sides. Cayancura, who had halted at the entrance of the Spanish camp, in order to support the attack, find- ing his troops retiring exhausted and fatigued, per- mitted them to rest the remainder of the night, and at day break returned to the attack. The Spaniards came out to meet them in the open field, and most obstinate and bloody was the battle that ensued. But, overpowered by the horse and artillery, the Araucanians.were finally compelled to quit the field. The authors whom I have consulted satisfy them- selves with observing that the victory cost the Spa- niards dear, without specifying the number of the slain. The governor himself calls it a bloody one in his patent to Nugno Hernandez. The greatest proof of his loss is that immediately after the action, he raised his cam.p, and retired to the frontiers, where he builttwo forts, that of Triaidad upon the southern, and Spirito Santo upon the northern shore of tht âoi Bio-bio. He also sent orders to the sergeant-major to raise as many recruits as possible throughout the kingdom, who, in consequence, brought him two thou- sand horse, and a considerable number of infantry. Notwithstanding his losses, the Araucanian ge- neral resolved to take advantage of the retreat of the governor to attack the fort of Arauco. In order to render more secure the success of the enterprise, he endeavoured to divert the Spanish forces in every quarter. For this purpose he ordered Guepotan,to make incursions into the territory of Villarica from the fort of Liben, where he had supported himself for several years. To Cadiguala, Avho was afterwards in- vested with the supreme command, he gave charge to harrass the inhabitants of Angol ; and appointed Ta- rochina to guard the shores of the 'Bio- bio ; while Melilanca and Catipillan were sent against Impe- rial. These officers had several encounters with the Spaniards, attended with various success. Guepotan lost the fort of Liben, which was taken by the bro- ther of the governor, while Tarochina made himself master of a great number of boats on the Bio- bio, that were conducting supplies of men and warlike stores to the forts newly erected upon that river. In 1586 Cayancura began his intended siege, by surrounding the place with strong lines, so as not only to interi^ept all succours, but also to prevent the retreat of the garrison. From these preparations the besieged perceiving that they must finally be compelled to surrender or perish with hunger, thought it better to die with arms in their hands than to be reduced to this extremity ; they therefore Vol. it. C c 202 attacked the enemy's works with such vigour, that after a dreadful combat of about four hours, they forced them, and put the Araucanians to flight. Ca- yancura, extremely mortified at the ill success of his enterprise, retired to his Ulmenate, leaving the com- mand of the army to his son Nangoniel, a youth of great hopes, and much beloved by the nation. The young commander immediately collected some companies of infantry and a hundred and fifty horse, which from hence forward began to form a part of the Araucanian force, and returned to invest the same fortress, whose environs he so closely guarded, that the Spaniards, unable to procure a supply of provisions, were at length compelled to evacuate it. Encouraged by this good fortune, he proceeded against the fort of Trinidad which protect- ed the passage of the enemy's supplies by the Bio- bio ; but having fallen in on the road with a divi- sion of Spanish troops, under the command of Fran- cisco Hernandez, he lost an arm in the contest, af- ter having received several other dangerous wounds. This misfortune obliged him to retire to a neigh- bouring mountain, where he was drawn into an am- bush by the sergeant-major, and slain with fifty of his soldiers, notwithstanding the great valour with which they defended themselves for a long time. The same day Cadeguala, who had obtained great reputation in the army for his courage and military skijl, was proclaimed Toqui by his officers. Whilst the Araucanians endeavoured to oppose the progress of the Spariiards in their country, the English also planned an expedition against them in 205 that remote quarter. On the 21st of July, 1586, Sir Thomub Caveiidish sailed with three ships from Plymouth, and in the following year arrived on the coast of Chili. He landed in the desert port of Quin- tero, and endeavoured to enter into a négociation with the natives of the country. But his stay there was but of short continuance ; he was attacked by Alonzo Molina, the Corregidor of Santiago, and compelled to quit the coast with the loss of several of his soldiers and seamen. In the mean time Cadeguala, who had signalized the beginning of his command by several bold in- cursions, resolved to avail himself of this timely di- version to surprise the city of Angol, with some of whose inhabitants he maintained a secret intelligence. By means of these agents he prevailed upon those Chilians who were in the service of the Spaniards to set fire to the houses of their masters at a certain hour of the night, when he would be ready with his army at the gates. The plan being accordingly exe- cuted, he entered the city amidst the confusion, occupied the several quarters of it with a thousand foot and a hundred horse, and began to make a dread- ful slaughter of the citizens who, in flying from the flames, fell into his hands. The garrison in vain at- tempted to oppose his progress ; nor would any have escaped the sword on that fatal night, had not by good fortune the governor accidentally arrived there two hours before the attack. He immediately hasten- ed at the head of his guard to the different places that were attacked, and with wonderful presence of mind collected the dispersed inhabitants, and con^ 204 ducted them to the citadel. From thence he sallied out with the most determined of them, and attacked the enemy, whom he obliged to retire at day break. The Araucanians had become much less scrupulous than formerly in their mode of making war, for Ca- deguala was not abandoned by any of his officers on this occasion, as Caupolican had been at Cañete in his fraudful surprise of that city. Although this daring enterprise had not been ac- companied with the success which the Araucanian general expected, yet, far from being discouraged by it, he undertook the siege of the fortress of Puren, which from its interior situation appeared more easy to be taken. He invested it regularly with four thou- sand men in four divisions, under the command of Guanalcoa, Caniotaru, Relmuantu, and Curilemu, the most valiant officers of his army. The governor, on receiving information of the danger of the place, hastened to relieve it with a strong reinforcement, but Cadeguaja advanced to meet him with a hun- dred and fifty lances, and opposed him with such vigour, that after a long combat, in which several were killed, he compelled him to retreat. Elated with this success, he proposed to the be- sieged, either to allow them to retire upon parole, or enter his service. These terms, which he pretended to consider as advantageous, were rejected with dis- dain. One person alone, called Juan Tapia, availed himself of the proffer, and went over to the Arau- canians, by whom he was well received, and advanc- ed in their army. This plan proving abortive, Cade- guala determined to shorten the siege by a decisive 205 blow. He presented himself before the walls on a superb horse which he had taken from the governor, and defied the commander of the place, Garcia Ra- mon, to single combat at the end of three days. The challenge being accepted, the intrepid Toqui ap- peared at the time appointed in the field, with a small number of attendants, whom he placed apart. The Spanish commander came out to meet him with forty men, whom he likewise ordered to remain at a distance. The two champions then putting spurs to their horses, encountered with such fury, that the first stroke decided the battle, Cadeguala falling to the'ground, pierced through and through by the lance of his adversary ; notwithstanding which, refusing to acknowledge himself vanquished, he endeavoured to remount his horse, but life failed him in the at- tempt. His soldiers ran to raise him, and carried off the body, after a sharp contest with the Spaniards. The army then retired from the place, determined to return when they had elected a new chief. 206 CHAPTER V. The Toqui Guanoalca takes the Forts of PureUj Trmidady and Spirito Santo ; Exploits of the Heroine Janequeo ; Battles of Mariguenu and Tu- ). capel. THE Arancanians soon returned to besiege the fort of Puren under their new Toqui Guanoalca, who, being informed by Tapia that the garrison was but ill supplied with provisions, and divided into two parties, had formed the most sanguine ex- pectations of taking it. The result proved that he calculated correctly ; as the besieged, cut off from all external succour, and dissatisfied with the con- duct of their officers, were not long in retiring to the city of Angol ; the Araucanians with their usual policy, leaving the passage free, nor endeavouring to molest them in their retreat. Guanoalca immediately after marched against ano- ther fort which the Spaniards had a little before con- structed in the vicinity of Mount Mariguenu ; but a considerable reinforcement having entered it short- ly before, he resolved to employ his forces in ano- ther quarter where the prospect of success appeared more flattering. With this view he proceeded against the forts of Trinidad and Spirito Santo, upon the shores of the Bio- bio. The governor, apprehensive that he should not be able to defend them, or not 207 considerin.^theaias of sufficient importance, evacuat- ed them in 1589, and transferred the garrison to ano- ther fortress, which he had directed to be built upon the river Puchanqui, in order to protect the city of Angol : So that the war now became in a great mea- sure reduced to the construction and demohtion of fortifications. The dictatorship of Guanoalca was rendered more remarkable by the military exploits of the heroine Janequeo than by his own. This woman was the wife of thatvaliant officer Guepotan, who for so long a time defended the post of Liben. After the loss of that important place he retired to the Andes, w^here he constantly endeavoured to stimulate those mountaineers to tlie defence of the country. Desi- rous of having his wife with him, he at length de- scended into the plains in search of her, but was surprised by the Spaniards, who were very solicitous to get him into their hands, and preferred being cut in pieces to surrendering himself prisoner. Jane- queo, inflamed with an ardent desire of avenging the death of her husband, in company with her bro- ther Guechiuntereo, placed herself at the head of an army of Puelches, with which, in 1590, she began to make inroads upon the Spanish settlements, kill- ing all of that nation that fell into her hands. The governor, reinforced by a regiment of soldiers, which he had received from Peru, set out upon his march against her ; but she, constantly occupying the highest ground, and attacking unexpectedly, sometimes the van, and at others the rear of his ar- my, obliged him to retire, after having lost, to no 208 purpose, much time and a considerable number of men. As he was of opinion that rigorous measures were the best suited to quell the pride of the Arauca- nians, he gave orders, before his retreat, that all the prisoners taken in this incursion should be hung ; Among tliese was one who requested to be hung upon the highest tree, in order that the sacrifice which he made of himself to his country, should be more conspicuous to his countrymen, and inspire them with a stronger determination to defend their liberties. Janequeo having defended herself thus success- fully against a general, who was unquestionably a good soldier, and had gained a high reputation in the wars of Italy, Germany and Flanders, pro- ceeded against the fortress of Puchanqui, not far from which she defeated and killed Aranda, the com- mander, who had advanced to meet her with a part of the garrison. But not having been able to take the fort, she retired at the commencement of the rainy season to the mountains of Villarica, where she fortified herself in a place surrounded by preci- pices, which she deemed perfectly secure ; from whence she daily infested the environs of that city in such a manner that no one ventured to leave it. The governor, moved by the complaints of the citizens, sent his brother Don Louis to their aid, w ith the greater part of two reinforcements that he had lately received from Peru, under the command of Castillejo and Penalosa. The intrepid Janequeo awaited him valiantly in her retreat, repelling with great presence of mind the various assaults of the Spaniards ; until her soldiers being dispersed by 209 the artillery, she saw herself obliged to provide for her safety by flight. Her brother was taken in attempting to escape, and obtained his life from the victors on condition of promising on oath to keep his sister quiet, and securing to them the friendship of his vassals and adherents ; but while this proposal was debated in a national council, he was killed by the Ulmen Catipiuque, who abhorred any kind of reconciliation. The old Toqui Guanoalca died at the close of this year, and in 1591, Quintuguenu, an enterpris- ing young man, and ambitious of glory, was ap- pointed his successor. Having taken by assault the fort of Mariguenu, he encamped with two thousand men upon the top of that mountain, hoping, by some important victory, to render himself as celebrated there as Lautaro. The governor, undaunted by the recollection of the misfortunes that had befallen his countrymen in that ill-omened place, put him- self at the head of one thousand Spaniards and a large number of auxiliaries, and immediately march- ed thither, "resolving to dislodge the enemy, or at least to keep them besieged. After having given the necessary orders, he began at day break to defile the difficult ascent of the moun- tain, leading the advanced guard in person, in front of which he had placed twenty half-pay officers, well experienced in this kind of war. Scarcely had he ascended half way, when he was attacked with such fury by Quintuguenu, that a general of less talents would have been driven headlong down with all his troops ; but, animating his men by hi« voice and ex- Vol. II. Dd 210 ample, he sustained for more than an hour the ter- rible encounter of the enemy, till having gained step by step the level ground, he succeeded in forcing them into their intrenchments, without however be- ing able to break their order. The Araucanians, mutually exhorting each other to die with glory, defended their camp until mid- day with incredible valour, when Don Carlos Irra- zabul, after an obstinate resistance, finally forced Ú¡& lines on the left with his company. At the same time the quarter-master and Don Rodolphus Lis- perger, a valiant German officer, penetrated with their brigades in front and on the right. Quintu- guenu, although surrounded on every side, render- ed for a long time the event of the battle doubtful. He maintained his troops in good order, and con- jured them not to dishonour by an ignoKiinious de- feat a place that had so often witnessed the victories of their ancestors. Whilst he flew from rank to rank animating his men, and constantly confronting the enemy, he fell, pierced with three mortal wounds by the governor, who had singled him out and taken aim at him. The last word he uttered was an enthusiastic exclamation of liberty. On seeing him dead, a part ©f his soldiers in des- pair suffered themselves to b« cut iji pieces, and the rest bwLook themselves to flight. Almost all the auxiliaries were slain, but of the Spaniards it is said that only twenty fell in the battle ; of which number wa» a Portuguese knight of the order of Christ, who was slain in the beginning of the conflict. 211 The governor, highly gratified with being the first conqueror of the Araucanians on tlie formidable Mariguenu, conducted his army to the s,ea shore, where he was saluted with repeated discharges of cannon from the Peruvian fleet, which, in scouring the coast in search of the English, had witnessed the victory. These demonstrations of general joy were answered on the part of the army by frequent vol- leys of musketry, and the customary military rejoic- ings. Availing himself of this opportunity, the go- vernor sent the quarter- master to Peru, on the re- turn of the fleet, in order to obtain the greatest pos- sible reinforcement of troops to prosecute the war the ensuing campaign. In the mean time he abandoned the ancient situa- tion of the fortress of Arauco, and rebuilt it in ano- ther more convenient upon the sea shore, where, in case of need, it could be more readily succoured. Colocólo was lord of this district ; he was son to the celebrated Ulmen of that name, but of a disposition very different from that of his father. Indignant on seeing his lands occupied by the enemy, he endea- voured to drive them off", but being defeated and made prisoner, he solicited and obtained his life, on condition of persuading his subjects, who had retired to the mountains, to submit to the Spanish govern- ment. These, on being urged by his wife Millayenc to fulfil the promise of their chief, replied, that as his present misfortunes had been caused by love of his country, so ought he to endure them with a firm- ness worthy of his birth ; that, stimulated by h,is 212 example, tliej'- would confront all dangers to defend him, and to revenge the outrages which he might suffer. The prince, irritated by this reply, devoted himself to the service of the Spaniards, and served them as a guide in the pursuit of his people. At this period, 1592, there was among the Arau- canians a Spaniard who had been made prisoner in one of the former battles, and who by his ingratiating manners had obtained the esteem and confidence of the principal men of the nation. This man, either from gratitude for the treatment he had received, or at the instigation of the governor, applied himself to eíFect a treaty of peace with great hopes of success, bpt the preliminary conditions proposed by him not proving agreeable to either of the parties, all his en- deavours were inefiectual. The governor, irritated at the ill success of his proposals set out on his march with all his army, for the province of Tucapel, laying waste with fire and sword all that fell in his way. Paillaeco, who had been elected Toqui in place of Quintuguenu, thinking himself not sufficiently strong to oppose the enemy openly, resolved to draw them into an ambuscade. For" this purpose he pla- ced a hundred men on horseback at the entrance of a wood, witiiin which he had concealed the remainder of his forces, with orders for them to counterfeit flight on the appearance of the enemy. This scheme at first promised success ; the Spaniards pursued them, but discovering in time that it was only a strat- agem, they turned back and pretended to fly them- 213 selves, in order to induce their enemies to quit the wood and attack them in the open field. The Arau- canians, not aware of the trick, ran into the snare, and being surrounded upon every side, were almost all cut to pieces, together with their commander, af- ter having sold their lives very dearly. The re- mainder took refuge in the marshes, where they se- cured themselves from the fury of tlie victors. These repeated victories, the cause of such exulta- tion to the Spaniards, were but the preludes of the severest disasters that they had ever experienced in Chili. It will, nevertheless, scarcely admit of a doubt that they must have cost much blood, since the go- vernor, contrary to his custom, withdrew to Santiago after the last action, with the intention of awaitini^- there the reinforcements which he expected from Peru, and to raise as many recruits as possible in the northern provinces of the country. The rein- forcements were not long in arriving, but as they ap- peared to him insufficient to continue the war with advantage, he determined to go to Peru in person to solicit more considerable succours, committing in the mean time the command of the army to the quar- ter-master, and the civil government to the licentiate Pedro Viscarra. On his arrival at Lima he met with his successor in the government, who had been ap- pointed by the court of Spain. This was Don Martin Loyola, nephew of St. Ignatius,* an officer of merit, who had acquired the favour of the viceroy Toledo, by taking Tupac Amaru, the last Inca of Peru, in * The celebrated founder of the order of the Jesuit». 214 tiie mountains of the Andes. This service not only obtained him the government of Chili, but also the princess Clara Beatrix Coya in marriage, the only daughter and heiress of the Inca Sayri Tupac. He arrived at Valparaiso in 1593, with a respectable body of troops, and immediately proceeded to San- tiago, where he was received with every testimony of joy by the citizens. '^^■9-^C ii'i." CHAPTER VI. The Toqui Paillamachii kills Loyola the Govertwr, and destroys all the Spanish Settlements in Arau- cania. After the death of Paillaeco, the Araucanians ap- pointed to the chief command the hereditary Toqui of the second Uthalmapu, called Paillamachu, a man of a very advanced age, but of wonderful activity. Fortune, commonly supposed not to be propitious to the old, so far favoured his enterprtees, that he surpassed all his predecessors in military glory, and had the singular felicity of restoring his country to its ancient state of independence. No sooner was he invested with the supreme power, than he appoint- 215 ed Pelantaru and Millacalquin, two officers not infe- rior to himself in merit, to the important charge of Vice Toqui, deviating in this instance from the established custom, which allowed only one lieute- nant to the general. As the Araucanian force was, however, -greatly diminished, he imitated the example of Antiguenu, and withdrew to the marshes of Lumaco, where he applied himself to form an army capable of executing his extensive plans. Loyola, after having regulated the police of the capital, proceeded to Conception in order to attend to the business of the war. Paillamachu took ad- vantage of this opportunity to send an officer, under pretence of complimenting him, to obtain informa- tion of his character and designs. Antipillan, who was charged with this commission, showed himself worthy of the trust reposed in him by the general. In the frequent conferences which the governor held with him, he endeavoured to impress him with an idea of the great power and immense resources of his sovereign, insinuating a necessity of the Arauca- nians coming to an accommodation. The ambassa- dor, pretending to be convinced by his reasonings, replied : " We are not ignorant of the power of your prince, which extends from the east to the west. But we are not to be despised, for although we are but a small people, we have nevertheless hitherto resisted his immense power. Your ideas respecting peace are very different from ours. By peace we understand an entire cessation of hostilities, which is to be followed by a complete renunciation on your part of any pretended right of controul over us, and 216 the restoration of all those lands which yci have oc- cupied in our territories. You, on the contrary, un- der that name, seek to subject us, to which we will never consent while we have a drop of blood left in our veins." As the governor was of a generous disposition, he could not but admire the noble sentiments of Anti- pillan, and dismissed him wûththe strongest demon- strations of esteem. But far from abandoning the posts established in the Araucanian territory, he pass- ed the Bio-bio in 1594, and founded a new city ata little distance from that river, to which he gave the name of Coya, in honour of the princess his wife. This he intended not only as a place of retreat for the inhabitants of Angol, which was in the vicinity, but also to protect the rich gold mines of Kilacoyan. He established therein a munici[,al magistracy, and adorned it with several churches and monasteries, and in order to render it more secure, constructed two castles in front of it, called Jesus and Chivecura, which protected both shores of the river. Paillamachu, solicitous of destroying this rising establishment, which reflected dishonour upon his command, in 1595 gave orders to Loncothequa, one of his captains, to take the fort of Jesus. This offi- cer, - after having burned one part of it, and twice penetrated into the other, was killed before he com- pleted the enterprise. The Araucanian general be- gan at length in 1596 to harrass with frequent in- cursions the Spanish districts, both to subsist his troops and habituate them to a military life. The Spanish army in vain Avent in pursuit of him ; he 217 always took care to avoid it, resolving to reserve his force for a more favourable occasion. Finding no other means to restrain him, Loyola erected in the neighbourhood of his encampment two forts, one upon the ancient site of that of Puren, and the other on the very borders of the marshes of Lumaco. These he garrisoned with the greater part of a reinforcement of troops which at that time he received from Peru, and sent the remainder, in 1597, to found an establishment in the province of Cujo, under the name of St. Louis de Loyola, which still exists, although in a miserable condition, notwith- standing the advantages of its situation. Paillamachu soon took by storm the fortress of Lumaco, and gave the charge o^ reducing that of Puren to Pelantaru and Millacalquin. Having in ten days reduced the garrison to extremity, these offi- cers, agreeably to the instructions of their general, retired on the arrival of a reinforcement of Spaniards under the command of Pedro Cortez, who had ob- tained great reputation in that war. The governor, nevertheless, shortly after arriving there with the rest of the army, ordered the fortifications to be demolished, and the garrison to be transferred to Angol, fearing to expose it to the fate of that of Lu- maco. He then proceeded to Imperial, to secure that city in the best possible manner against the increasing strength of the enemy. After having repaired the fortifications of Impe- rial, and also those of Villarica and Valdivia, he returned to the Bio-bio under an escort of three .hundred men, whom he ordered back as soon Vol. II. E e 218 áb he thought himself in a place of security, retain- ing with him, besides his own family, only sixty half-pay oincers and three Franciscan friars. Pail- iamachu, who had secretly watched his motions, and followed him with two hundred soldiers, con- ceived this a favourable opportunity to put his de- signs in execution. Accordingly finding him en- camped in the pleasant valley of Caralava, he fell upon him, while he was asleep on the night of the 2.2(1 of November 1598, and killed him with all his retinue. It would seem that the Araucaniaii general had formed confident hopes of the success of this bold enterprise, since, in consequence of his previous instructions, in less than forty-eight hours after this event, not only the Araucanian provinces but those of the Cundiese and Huilliches were in arms, and the whole of the country to the Archipe- lago of Chiloe. Every Spaniard who had the mis- fortune of being found without the garrisons w^as put to death; and the cities of Osorno, Valdivia, Vil- larica, Imperial, Cañete, Angol, Coya, and the for- tress of Arauco, were all at once invested with a close siege. Not content with this, Paillamachu, without loss of time, crossed the Bio-bio, burned the <:ities of Conception and Chilian, laid waste the provinces in their dependence, and returned loaded with spoil to his country. On the first receipt of this melancholy news at the capital, the inhabitants, filled with consternation, abandoned themselves to despair, and agreed with one voice to quit the country and retire to Peru. As they liad, however, some confidence in Pedro 219 de Viscarra, they assembled in council, and obli- ged him to take upon himself the government, till the court, on being made acquainted with the death of Loyola, should appoint some other. This offi- cer, who was more than seventy years old, began his march for the frontiers in 1599, with all the troops that he could raise, and had the courage to cross the Bio-bio, and in the face of the besieging enemy, withdraw the inhabitants from An gol and Coya, with whom he repeopled the cities of Con- ception and Chilian. But his government con- tinued only six months ; for the viceroy of Pe- ru, on being informed of the perilous situation of Chili, sent Don Francisco Quiñones thither as gov- ernor, with a numerous reinforcement, of soldiers and a large supply of military stores. This com- mander had several actions with Paillamachu on the northern shore of the Bio-bio, whither the Arau • canians had gone with an intention of laying under contribution, or of ravaging the Spanish provinces ; but none of them were decisive. The most cele- brated was that of the plains of YumbeL The en- terprising Toqui being on his return, at the head of two thousand men, with a great number of animals which he had taken from the district of Chilian, Quiñones attempted to cut oft' his retreat with an equal number, the most of whom were Europeans. The two armies advanced with equal resolution. The Spaniards in vain attempted to keep the ene- my at a distance by a constant fire from eight field pieces and all their musketry. They very soon came to close quarters, and the battle was continu- 220 ed with incredible fury for more than two hours, till night parted the combatants, and Paillamachu, availing himself of the obscurity, repassed the Bio- bio. The accounts from whence our information is deri\'ed merely state in general terms that a great number of the Araucanians were slain, and not a few of the Spaniards. The governor upon this oc- casion made a úseles display of severity, by order- ing the prisoners to be quartered and hung upon the trees ; a proceeding highly disapproved by the most prudent of his officers, who, from motives of human- ity or self-interest, advised him not to furnish the enemy with a pretext for retaliation. But his ad- lierence to the old maxim, of conquering by means of terror, rendered him deaf to their remonstrances. The consequence of this engagement was the eva- cuation of the fort of Arauco and the city of Cañete, the inhabitants of which retired to Conception. In the mean time Paillamachu was in constant motion ; sometimes encouraging by his presence the forces that besieged the cities, at others rav- ciging the Spanish provinces beyond the Bio-bio, to the great injury of the inhabitants. Having learned, that the siege of Valdivia had been raised, he secretly hastened thither with a body of four thou- sand men, consisting of infantry and horse, among whom were seventy armed with arquebuses, taken in the last engagements from the Spaniards. On the night of the 14th of November he passed the broad river Calacalla or Valdivia by swimming, stormed the city, at day break, burned the houses, killed a great number of the inhabitants, and attacked 221 the vessels at anchor in the harbour, on board of which many had taken refuge, who only effected their escape by immediately setting sail. After this he returned in triumph to join Millacalquin, to whom he had entrusted the guard of the Bio-bio, with a booty of two million of dollars, all the cannon, and upwards of four hundred prisoners. Ten days after the destruction of Valdivia, Col. Francisco Cam.po arrived there from Peru with a reinforcement of three hundred men, but finding it in ashes, he endeavoured, though ineffectually, to in- troduce those succours into the cities of Osorno, Villarica and Imperial. Amidst so many misfor- tunes, an expedition of five ships of war from Holland arrived in 1600 upon the coast of Chili, which plun- dered the island of Chiloe, and put the Spanish gar- rison to the sword. Nevertheless, the crew of the commodore having landed in the little islandof Talca, or Santa Maria, was repulsed with the loss of twenty- three of their men by the Araucanians who dwelt there, and who probubly supposed them to be Span- iards. Quiñones, disgusted with a war which was fur from promising a foi túnate issue, solicited and ob- tained his dismission from the government. He was succeeded by the old quarter-master, Garcia Ra- mon, of whom much was expected from his expe- rience and long acquaintance with the enemy. But that very knowledge induced him to act on the de- fensive, rather tnan haza xl that part of the kingdom which was still subject to Spain, although he had re- ceived a regiment of select troops from Lisbon, un- der the roîiim-inil nf Don FraTirisrn CívaWp f^thor tn 222 the historian of that name. His goverinncnt was, however, but of short duration. Alonzo Rivera, an officer who had rendered himself famous in the wars of the Low Countries, was sent out by the kipg as governor in his pîace, with a regiment of veterans. On assuming his office, he fortified with strong fort? the shores of the Bio-bio, and greatly encouraged the inhabitants, who had not yet relinquished -he idea of quitting Chili. After a siege of two years and eleven months, Villarica, a very populous and opulent city, fell at length, in 1692, into the hands of the Araucanians, A similar fate, after a short interval, was experienced by Imperial, the metropolis of the southern colonies, which would have fallen some months before, had not its fate been protracted by the courage of a Span- ish heroine, called Ines Aguilera.- This lady, per- ceiving the garrison to be discouraged and on the point of capitulating, dissuaded them from surren- dering, and directed all tlie operations in person, un- til a ñivourable opportunity presenting, she escaped by sea with the bishop and a great part of the inhabi- tants. She had lost during the siege her husband and brothers, and her valour was rewarded by tho king with an annual pension of two thousand dol- lars. Osorno, á city not less rich and populous than the preceding, was not able much longer to resist the fate that awaited it. It fell under the violent effiDrts of the besiegers, who, freed from their attention to the others, were able to bring their whole force against it. Thus, in a period of little more than three 223 years, were destroyed all the settlements which Val- divia and his successors had established and pre- served, at the expense of so much blood, in the ex- tensive country between the Bio-bio and the Archi- pelago of Chiloe, none of which have been since re- built, as what is at present called Valdivia is no more than a fort or garrison. The sufferings of the besieged were great, nor can they scarcely be exceeded by those endured in the most celebrated sieges recorded in histoiy. They were compelled to subsist on the most loath- some food, and a piece of boiled leather was consider- ed as a sumptuous repast by the voluptuous inhabi- tants of Villarica and Osorno. The cities that were taken were destroyed in such a manner that at pre* sent few vestiges of them remain, and those ruins are regarded by the natives as objects of detestation. Although great numbers of the citizens perished in the defence of their walls, the prisoners of all ranks and sexes were so numerous, that there was scarcely an Araucanian family who had not one to its share. The women were taken into the seraglios of their conquerors. Husbands were, however, permitted for the most part to retain their wives, and the un- married to espouse the women of the country ; and it is not a little remarkable that the mustees, or off- spring of these singular marriages, became in the subsequent wars the most terrible enemies of the Spanish name. The ransom and exchange of prisoners was also permitted. By this means many escaped from cap- tivity. Some, however, induced by the love of their 224 chiidren, preferred to remain with their captors during their hves ; others, who acquired their affection by their pleasing manners, or their skill in the arts, established themselves advantageously in the country. Among the latter were Don Basilio Roxas and Don Antonio Bascugnan, both of noble birth, who acquired high reputation among the na- tives, and have left interesting memoirs of the transactions of their own times. But those who fell into brutal hands had much to suffer. Paillamachu did not long enjoy the applause of his countrymen ; he died at the end of the year 1603, and was suc- ceeded by Hunecura, his pupil in the school of Lu- maço. V 225 CHAPTER VII. COMPRISING A PERIOD OF THIRTEEN YEARS, FROM 1604 TO 1617. Second unfortunate Government of Garcia Ramon ; Restoration of the Court of Royal Audience ; In- effectual Négociation for Peace. WHILST Alonzo Rivera was wholly intent upon checking the progress of the victorious Araucanians, he was removed from the government of Chili to that of Tucuman, in consequence of having married the daughter of the celebrated Aguilera without ob- taining the royal permission. Garcia Ramon, his predecessor, was appointed to succeed him, and re- ceived, at the same time with his commission, a thousand soldiers from Europe, and two hundred and fifty from Mexico. As he was now at the head of an army of three thousand regular troops, besides auxiliaries, he returned to invade the Araucanian territories, and penetrated ^vithout much opposi- tion as far as the province of Boroa, v/here he erected a fort, which he furnished with a good num- ber of cannon, and a garrison of three hundred men, under the command of Lisperger. Vol. il F f . 226 Huenecura waited till the retreat of the army to at- tack this new establishment. On his march thither he fell in with the commander Lisperger, who had left the fort with one hundred and sixty of his soldiers in order to protect a convoy, and cut in pieces the whole detachment. Ke then proceeded to the attack of the fort, which he assailed three times with great fury. The battle was continued with the utmost obstinacy for the space of two hours, but Egidius Negrete, who succeeded to the command in place of Lisper- ger, manifested in the defence so much valour and military skill, that the Araucanian general found himself under the necessity of converting the storm into a blockade, which was continued until the go- vernor gave orders for the garrison to evacuate the place. After this the Spanish army proceeded to lay waste the enemy's country. For this purpose it was separated into two divisions, one under the command of the quarter-master, Alvaro Pineda, and the other under that of Don Diego Saravia. Huenecura, how- ever, watching his opportunity, attacked and defeat- ed them one after the other, and so compleat was the rout, that there was not a single person who es- caped death or captivity. Thus in a short time was that army, on v/hich such flattering hopes had been founded, wholly dispersed. In consequence of these disasters, in 1608, the court of Spain issued orders, that hereafter there should constantly be maintained on the Araucanian frontier a body of two thousand regular troops, for whose support an ap- propriation of 292,279 dollars annually was made in the treasury of Peru. 227 After having been suppressed for thirty-four year^, the Court of Royal Audience was re-estaljlished on the 8th of September, 1609, in the city of St. Jago, to the great satisfaction of the inhabitants, since which period it has continued to exist with a high reputation for justice and integrity. Ramon, who, by this new regulation, to the titles of governor and captain-general, had added that of president, return- ed and crossed the Bio- bio at the head of an army of about two thousand men. Huenecura advanced to meet him in the defiles of the marshes of Lu- maco. The battle was obstinate and bloody, and the Spaniards were in great danger of beÍKg entirely defeated ; but the governor, placing himself in the front line, animateclMiis troops so far that they at length succeeded in breaking the enem}'. Shortly after this battle, on the 10th of August, lolO, he died in Conception, greatly regretted by the in- habitants, to whom he was much endeared by his excellent qualities and his long residence among them. He was also highly esteemed by the Aran- canians, whom he always treated, when prisoners, with particular attention, and a humanity that did him honour in that age. According to the royal decree establishing the Court of Audience, the govemnient now devolved upon the eldest of the auditors, Dun Louis Mcrio de la Fuente. About the same time either from disease, or in consequence of a woui)d that he received in the last battle, died the Toqui Huenecura. His successor was Aiilavilu the Second, whom Don Basilio dç 228 Roxas, a contemporary writer, represents as one of the greatest of the Araucanian generals, and that he fought many battles with Merlo, and his successor Don Juan Xaraquemada ; but he neither mentions the places where they were fought, nor any particu- lars respecting them. Among the missionaries at that time charged with the conversion of the Chilians, there was a Jesuit called Louis Valdivia, who, perceiving that it was impossible to preach to the Araucanians during the tumult of arms, went to Spain, and represented in the strongest terms to Philip the Third, who was then on th© throne, the great injury done to the cause of religion by the continuance of the war. That de- vout prince, who had more allheart the advance- ment of religion than the augmentation of his terri- tories, sent orders immediately to the government of Chili to discontinue the war, and settle a permanent peace with the Araucanians, by establishing the river Bio- bio as the line of division between the two na- tions. With a view to insure the more punctual ex- ecution of his orders, he also determined to exalt the zealous missionary to the episcopal dignity, and com- mit to him the charge of the government of Chili ; but Valdivia refused to accept of any thing except the privilege of nominating in his place a governor whose views were in conformity to his own. This was no other than Alonzo Rivera, who, as we have already observed, had been exiled to Tucuman. Satisfied with the prosperous issue of his voyage, Valdivia returned to Chili in 1612, with a letter from the king himself to the Araucanian congress, rcla^ 229 live to the establishment of peace and the promotion of religion. Immediately on his arrival he hastened to the frontiers, and communicated to the Arauca- nians by means of some prisoners whom he brought with him from Peru, the commission with which he was intrusted by the court. Aillavilu, who at that time held the chief command, paid little attention to this information, considering it as merely a story in- vented for the purpose of deceiving and surprising him ; but he soon after dying or resigning his office, his successor Ancanamon thought proper to inquire into the truth of the report. With this view he directed the Ulmen Carampangui to con- verse with Valdivia, and learn his proposals in an assembly of the Ulmenes. The missionary, on being invited by that officer, repaired under the protection of the Ulmen Lanca- milla to Nancu, the principal place in the province of Catiray, where, in the presence of fifty of those chiefs, he made known his business and the substance of his négociation, read the royal dispatches, and en- tered into a long explanation of the motives of his voyage, which concerned the general good of their souls. The assembly thanked him for his exertions, and promised to make a favourable report to the general. Carampangui insisted on accompanying Valdivia to Conception, where he met with the governor, who dispatched the letter of the king to Ancana- mon by Pedro Melendez, one of his ensigns, with a request that he would come to Paicavi, in or- der to confer with him upon the preliminaries of the 230 peace. The Toqui was not long in repairing to the pLTce appointed, with a small guard of forty soldiers and several Ulmenes. In his train were also a num- ber of Spanish prisoners of the fjrst families, to whom he had given their liberty. The governor, Valdivia, and the principal officers of the govern- ment came out to receive him, and conducted him to his lodgings under the discharge of artillery. They then proceeded to discuss the articles of peace, which were, that the river Bio-bio should serve as a barrier to both nations, so that neither should be permitted to pass it with an army ; that all deserters in future should be mutually returned, and that the- missionaries should be perniitted to preach the doc- trines of Christianity in the Araucanian territories. The Araucanian general required as a preliminary the evacuation of the forts of Paicavi and Arauco, which had been lately erected upon the sea- coast. The governor abandoned the first, and agreed im- mediately on the conclusion of peace to quit the other. As the consent of the chiefs of the four Uthalmapus was however requisite to ratify the treaty, Ancanamon proposed to go and seek them in person, and bring them to the Spanish camp. The négociation was in this state of forwardness, when an unexpected event rendered abortive all the mieasures that had been taken. Among the wives of Ancanamon was a Spanish lady, Avho, taking ad- vantage of Itis absence, fied for refuge to the go- vernor, with two small children, and four Avomcn, whom she had persuaded to become christians, two of whom uere the wives, and the others the daugh» 231 ters of her hiisband. The indignation of the Toqui on this occasion was extreme) though he was much less exasperated at the flight of his wives, than the kind reception which they had experienced from the Spaniards. As soon as he obtained information of it he rehnquished every thought of peace, and re- turned buck to demand them of the governor. His claim Mas taken into consideration ; but a majori- ty of the officers, mimy of v/hom were opposed to a peace from the advantage which they derived from the prisoners, refused to surrender the women to the Toqui, assigning as a reason their unwilling- ness to expose them to the danger of abandoning the faith which they had embraced. After many inef- fectual propositions, Ancanamon, notwithstanding his resentment, was reduced to solicit merely the restoration of his daughters, whom he tenderly loved. He was answered, that as tlie eldest had not yet been converted to the christian faith, his request, as respected her, would be complied with, but that they could not so readily grant it in the case of the second, who had already been baptised. While affairs were in this critical state, another character appeared upon the stage, who revived the almost extinguished hopes of the desired accom- modation. Utaflame, Arch-Ulmen of llicura, had ever been the most inveterate enemy of the Spanish name ; and in order to avoid all kind of commerce with the enemy, had constantly refused to ransom his sons or relations who were prisoners. He prided himself on having opposed with success all the go- vernors of Chili, from the elder Villagran to Rivera ; 232 nor had the Spaniards ever been able to obtain a foot- ing in his province, though it was situated in the neighbourhood of Imperial. Valdivia having at this time sent back one of his sons, who had been taken in the late war, he was so highly -gratified that he came in person to visit him at the fort of Arauco ; and in return for the civilities that he experienced from him and the governor, offered to receive the missionaries in his province, and to persuade Ancana- mon to make peace with the Spaniards. He observ- ed, however, that it would be necessary in the first pjace to return him his women, which could be done without exposing them to any danger, by first ob- taining from him a pass of safe conduct in their fa- vour : this was also the opinion of Valdivia. Uti- flame took upon himself the management of the bu- siness, and departed, taking with him three mission- aries, Horatio Vecchio, of Sienna, cousin to Pope Alexander VH. Martin Aranda, a native of Chili, and Diego Montalban, a Mexican, the friends and companions of his benefactor Valdivia. No sooner had the exasperated Toqui learned the arrival of the missionaries at Ilicura, than he hasten- ed thither with two hundred horse, and without deigning to listen to their arguments, slew them all, with their conductor Utiflame, who endeavoured to defend them. Thus were all the plans of pacifica- tion rendered abortive. Valdivia in vain attempted several times to revive the négociation. The officers and soldiers who were interested in the continuance of the war, disconcerted all his schemes, and loudly 233 demanded Vengeance for the blood of the priests who were slain. The governor, notwithstanding his pacific wishes, found himself compelled to yield to their demands, and the war, contrary to the pious intentions of the king, was recommenced with great- er fury than before. Ancanamon, on his part, eagerly desirous of revenging the aifront he had received, incessantly harrassed the Spanish provinces. His successor, Loncothegua^ continued hostilities with equal obstinacy. Ovalle, a contemporary writer, observes, that he fought several bloody battles with the governor and his subaltern officers, but has given only an imperfect account of them. In 1617 Rivera died in Conception, having appointed the eldest Auditor, Fernando Talaverano, as his succes- sor, who after a government of ten months was suc- ceeded by Lope de Ulloa. Vol. Tl. G s* 254 CHAPTER VIÎÎ. COMPRISES A PERIOD OF FOURTEEN YEARS, FROM 1618 TO 1632. Daring Enterprises of the Toquis Lientiir and Piifapichion. LONCOTHEGUA having; resigned, the chief command of the Araucanian armies was conferred upon Lientur. The military expeditions of this Toqui were always so rapid and unexpected, that the Spa- niards gave him the appellation of the wizard. He appointed Le vipillan his lieutenant-general, by whom he was perfectly seconded in the execution of all his designs. Notwithstanding the Bio-bio was lined with centinels and fortresses, he always contrived some means of passing and repassing it without ex- periencing any loss. His first enterprise was the cap- ture of four hundred horses intended to remount the Spanish cavalry. He next ravaged the province of Chilian, and the Corregidor having marched to meet him, he entirely defeated and slev/ him, together with two of his sons, and several of the magistrates of the city. Five days after this action he proceeded towards St. Philip of Austria, or Yumbel, with six hundred 235 infantry and four hundred horse, whom he sent out in several divisions to ravage the country in the vi cinity, leaving only two hundred to guard the nar- row pass of the Congrejeras. Rebolledo, the com- mander of the place, provoked at his temerity, dis- patched seventy horse to take possession of the above mentioned defile and cut ofl^ his retreat, but they were received with such braver}^ by the troops of Lientur, that they were compelled to retire for secu- rity to a hill, after having lost eighteen of their num- ber, with their captain. Rebolledo sent to their as- sistance three companies of infantry, and the re- mainder of the cavalry. Lientur, who by this time had arrived with all his army, immediately formed his troops in battle array, fell upon the Spaniards, notwithstanding the continual fire of their musketr}^ and at the first encounter put the cavalry to flight. The infantry, being thus left exposed, were almost all cut in pieces ; but thirty-six prisoners were ta- ken by the victors, who Mere distributed in the several provinces of the country. Had Lientur at that time invested the place, it must inevitably have fallen into his hands ; but, for some reason which does not appear, he deferred the siege until the following year, when his attempts to take it were rendered ineflectual by the valiant de- fence of Ximenes, the commander. This failure was, however, recompensed by the capture of Ne- culguenu, the garrison of which he put to the sword, and made prisoners of all the auxiliaries who dwelt in the neighbourhood. These successes were fol- lowed by many others equally favourable, whence, 236 according to contemporary writers, who arc satisfied with mentioning them in general terms, he was con- sidered as the darhng child of fortune. Ulloa, more a victim to the mortification and anx- iety caused by the successes of Lientur than to sickness, died on the 20th of November, 1620, and was, according to the established custom, suc- ceeded by the eldest of the auditors, Christopher de la Cerda, a native of Mexico. For the better de- fence of the shores of the Bio-bio, he built there the fort which still goes by his name ; he had also a number of encounters with Lientur, and during the short period of his government, which continued but a yeai-, was constantly occupied in protecting the Spanish settlements. His successor, Pedro Sores Ulloa, continued the war with similar fortune, until his death, which happened on the 11th of Septem- ber, 1624. He was succeeded by his brother-in-law, Francisco Alava, who retained the office only six months, Lientur at length advanced in years, and fatigued with his continual exertions, resigned, in 1625, the chief command to Putapichion, a young m.an, of a character for courage and conduct very similar to his own, who had passed the early part of his youth among the Spaniards, asa slave to one Diego Trux- illo. The Spaiîiards also possessed at the same time a commander of uncommon valour and military skill : this was Don Louis de Cordova, lord of Car- pió, and nephew to the viceroy of Peru, by whom he was abundantly supplied with warlike stores and soldiers, and ordered, in the name of the court, not Í237 to confine himself to defensive war, but to attack di- rectly the Araucanian territory in various quarters. His first care on his arrival at Conception v/as to introduce a reform of the military, and to pay the soldiers the arrearages that were due them. Those offices that were vacant he conferred on the Creoles, or descendants of the conquerors, wlio had been for the most part neglected ; and by this measure, not onl}'^ obtained their esteem, but that of all the inhabi- tants. After having established order in the govern- ment, he directed his cousin Alonzo Cordova, whom he had appointed quarter-master, to make an incur- sion with six hundred men into the provinces of Arauco and Tucapel. But he was not able to take more than a hundred and fifteen prisoners of both sexes, and a small number of cattle, the inhabitants having taken refuge with their families and efiects in the mountains. Eight only attempted to oppose his march, who paid with their lives for their temerity. In the mean time, Putapichion endeavoured to signalize the commencement of his command, by the capture of one of the strongest places belonging to the Spaniards on the Bio-bio. This was the fort of Nativity, situated on the top of a high and steep mountain, well furnished with soldiers and artillery^ and both from its natural and artificial strength con- sidered as impregnable. These considerations did not at all discourage the ardent temper of the young general. He came upon the fort unexpectedly ; in a moment scaled the diificult ascent, possessed him- self of the ditch, and set on fire with burning arrows the palisades and houses of its defenders. Buttljue 238 latter collecting themselves in the only bastion that the flames had spared, kept up from thence so se- vere a fire upon the enemy, that Putapichion, de- spairing after some time of being able to maintain himself in the fort, retreated, taking with him twelve prisoners and several horses. From ihence he crossed the Bio-bio, and attacked the post of Quine!, whichwas defended by a garrison of six hundred men ; but failing also in tliis at- tempt, he turned against the devoted province of Chilian, from whence he brought olT a great number of peasants and of cattle, notwithstanding the exer- tions of the sergeant-major to stop his rapid march. In the following year, 1628, the governor, eager for retaliation, determined to invade the Auraucanian provinces in three directions ; to the quarter-master he assigned the maritime country, and to the sergeant- major that of the Andes, reserving the intermediate for himself. In pursuance of this plan, at the head of twelve hundred regular troops, and a correspon- dent number of auxiliaries, he traversed the prov- inces of Encol and Puren, captured a great number of men and cattle, and having passed the river Canten, ravaged in a similar manner the rich district of Maquegua. Whilst he was returning, well pleased with the success of his expedition, Putapichion presented himself with three thousand men in order of battle. The first encounter was so violent that many of the Spaniards having fallen, the rest were complcatly broken ; but being at lengh rallied by the exertions of their \ allant officers, they maintained their ground, 239 so that the battle became more regular and the slaughter was equal on both sides. Putapichion, however, who had recovered the spoil and taken some prisoners, during the confusion that the Spa- niards were thrown into, thinking it not prudent to risk them on the event of a battle, ordered a retreat. On his return to Conception, the governor met with the Serjeant- major and the quarter- master. The first had not been able to effect any thing of importance, as the enemy had taken refuge in the mountains. The latter reported that having taken two hundred prisoners, and a booty of seven thou- sand horses and a thousand cattle, he had the mis- fortune to lose almost all of them, in consequence of a dreadful tempest that he met with on his return. In the mean time, there arrived in Chili a new governor, appointed by the court in place of Cor- dova. This was Don Francisco Laso, a native of St. Andero, an officer who had gained much repu- tation in the wars of Flanders, where he had passed the principal part of his life. He at first sought to come to an accommodation with the Araucanians, and for that purpose sent home all the prisoners that were in the garrisons, with particular instructions to that effect. But their minds were not yet disposed to peace, the glory of establishing it being reserved for his successor ; he, however, prepared the way for it by his victories, and by the ten years of un- intermitted war that he made upon the enemy, in consequence of the rejection of his proposals. 240 Laso was not, however, in the commencement of his military operations highly favoured by fortune. The quarter-master, Cordova, who was preparing by his orders to invade the maritime provinces at the head of thirteen hundred men, was completely routed in Piculguc, a small district not far from the fort of Arauco. Putapichion, having placed a part of his army in ambuscade, contrived, with much skill, to induce him to come to battle in an unfavourable position. The Spanish horse which formed the advanced guard, not able to sustain the shock of the Araucanian cavalry, which had at this time become very expert, gave way. The infantry, being in con- sequence left exposed and surrounded upon all sides, were wholly destroyed after a combat of more than five hours, during which they performed prodigies of valour in resisting the furious assaults of the ene- my. In this action the commander himself was slain, with five captains and several other officers of merit. As soon as the governor was informed of this de- feat, he set out in person with a considerable body of troops in search of Putapichion. In the mean time, the latter, mocking the vigilance of Rebolledo the serjeant-major, who had promised to prevent his crossing the Bio-bio, passed that river with two hundred men, and taking advantage of the absence of the Spanish army, laid waste the neighbouring provinces. On receiving this information Laso re- turned, and immediately occupied with his troops all the known passages of the river ; then taking with him a number of men equal to that of the ene- 241 my, he went in pursuit of them with all possible ex- pedition. Having arrived at a place called Rob- lería, upon the shore of the river Itata, he was at- tacked with such courage by the Araucanian gene- ral, that at the first encounter the Spaniards gave way, forty of them being slain, ^vith several of their officers. The rest owed their safety wholly to the valour of their commander, who, with that cool in- trepidity which marks a great character, not only rallied and restored them to order, but also enabled them to repulse the enemy with loss. Putapichion, satisfied with his success, and still more with having taken the scarlet cloak of the go- vernor, returned ancj passed the Bio-bio without being pursued. He was received by his army with ihe liveliest demonstrations of joy, and in order to gratify them, he resolved to revive the almost forgot- ten festival of the pruloncon. A Spanish soldier taken in the preceding battles was the victim select- ed for this barbarous spectacle, and after the usual ceremonies theUlmen Maulican, by order of the gen- eral, dispatched him with a blow of liis club. This cruel action, which some have sought to excuse on the principle of retaliation, has dishonoured all the laurels of Putapichion. The torture of an innocent prisoner, upon \vhatever motive, or under whatever pretext it is inflicted, is a crime of the deepest dye against humanity. This cruel amusement was not however pleasing to all the nation. Man/- of the spectators, as Don Francisco Bascugnan, an eye wit- ness, asserts, compassionated the fate of the unfor- tunate soldier, and Maulican, to whom the office of Vol. it. H b 242 dispatching him was assigned as a mark of honour, declared that he had consented to it with the utmost reluctance, ar.d only to avoid quarrclHng with his commander. The go\eniOr havir.g left to the quarter-master, Fernando St a, the charge of guarding the Bio-bio, with ti.irtecn Junidred Spaniards and six hundred •aaxHiaries, withdrew to Santiago, where he raised two companies of inumtry and one of cavahy. At the same time he received from Peru five hundred veteran soldiers. With these troops, and those M'hom lie found upon the frontier, having formed a sufficient army, he proceeded immediately to the fort of Arauco, which lie knew was menaced by Puta- picliion. That indefatigable general had indeed commenced his march for that place with seven thousand chosen troops whose valour he thought nothing was able to resist. But intimidated by some superstitious auguries of the Ex-Toqui Lientur, who had resolved to share with liim the glory of the enterprise, the greater part of them forsook him on the road. Not discouraged by this desertion, and observing that in war there could be no better omen than an eager desire to conquer, he continued his march w^ith thirty-two hundred of the most deter- mined who ^vere resolved to follow him, and en- camped at a short distance from the fort. Some of his officers advised him to attack it that same night, but he declined it, as well for the purpose of resting his troops, as not to give the enemy occasion to re- proach him with always taking advantage, like a robber, of dwrkness to favour his operations. 243 Having resolved to offer him battle the next day, the governor made his men prepare themselves i'oi' it in the best manner possible, and that nûght had a skirmish with an advanced party of the enemy, wiio had approaehed very near the wall, and l)urned the houses of the auxiliaries. At day break he took possession with his army of the important post of Alvarrada, which viv.s flanked by two deep torrents, placing the cavalry, commanded by the quarter-mas- ter Sea, on the riglit, and the infantry, under the or- ders of the sergeant-major Rebolledo, on the left. Putapichion having observed the movements of the Spaniards, presented himself with his arm}' in such excellent order, that the governor could not avoid openly expressing his admiration. The sol- diers, whose heads were adorned with beautiful fea- thers, appeared as much elated as if goingtoa banquet. The tv/o armies remained some time observing each other, till at length Quepuantu, the Vice Toqui, by order of the general, gave the signal of attack. The governor then ordered the cavalry to charge, but it was so severely handled by the enemy's horse, that it took to flight, and sheltered it-elf in the rear of the army. At the same time the Araucanian in- fantry broke the Spanish lines in such a miumer, that the governor gave up all for lost. Fortunately for him, at this critical moment Putapichion was slain. Availing himself of the confusion produced among the Araucanians by this circumstance, he rallied his troops, and charged the enemy anew, who were wholly intent on carrying off the body of their general. This they succeeded in effecting, but were 244 completely routed ; Quepuantu in vain endeavour- ing to stop, and bring tliem back to the charge, kill- ing several of them with liis own hand. Great was the slaughter of the fugitives who were pursued to the distance of six miles ; of the Spaniards many also were killed ; but from the diflferent accounts given by writers the number cannot be ascertained. CHAPTER VII. COMPRISI\G A PERIOD OF EIGHTT-SLVSX TEARS, rR:-3i 1633 to 1720. Continuation of the War; Xtru: Expedition of the Dutch against Chili ; Peace conchded with the Araucan'tans ; Its short Duration ; Exploits of the Toqui Clentaru ; Series of Spanish Governors to the Year 1720. FROM the death of Putapichion to the termi- nation of the government of Don Francisco Laso, the Toquis elected by the Araucanians continued the war with more rashness than good conduct. None of them, like Antiguenu or Paillamachu, pos- sessed that coolness requisite to repair their losses, 245 and counterbalance the power of the Spaniards. Quepuantu, who IVora tlie rank of a subaltern had been raised to the chief command, after the battle of Alvarrada, retired to a \-ailcy covered with thick woods, where he erected a house with four opposire doors, in order to escape in case of being attacked. The governor, having discovered the place of his retreat, sent the quarter-mai;ter Sea to surprise him with four hundred light armed troops. I'htse ar- riving unexpectedly, Quepuantu took refuge, as he had planned, in the wood, but ashamed of his flight, he returned with about fifty men, who had come to his assistance, and furiously attacked the assailants. He continued fighting desperately for half an hour, but having lost almost all his men, accepted a chal- lenge from Loncomallu, chief of the auxiliaries, by whom, after a long combat, he was slain. A similar fate, in 1634, bcfel his successor and re- lation Loncomilla, in fighting with a small number of troops against a strong division of the Spanish army. Guenucalquin, who succeeded him, after having made some fortunate incursions into the Spanish provinces, lost his life in an engagement with six hundred Spaniards, in the province of Ili- cura. Curanteo, who was created Toqui in the heat of the action, had the srlorv of terminatine; it bv the rout of the enemy, but was shortly after killed in another conflict. Curimilla, more daring than his predecessors, repeatedly ravaged the provinces to the north of the Bio-bio, and undertook the siege of Arauco, and of the other fortifications on the fron- tier, but was finally killed by Sea in Calcoimo. 246 During the government of this Toqui, the Dutcli attempted a second time to form an alliance with the Araucanians, in order to obtain possession of Chili ; but this expedition was not more fortunate than the fust. The squadron, which consisted of fojir ships, was dispersed b}' a stojun on its arrival on the coast in 1638. A boat, well manned and armed, being after- A\'ards dispatched to the island of Mocha, belonging to the Araucanians, the inhabitants, supposing that they came to attack them, fell upon the crew, put the whole to death, and took possession of the boat. Another experienced a similar misfortune in the lit- tle island of Talca, or Santa Maria. The Arauca- jiians, as has been already observed, were equally jealous, and not, as may be readily imagined, with- out reason, of all the European nations. Notwith- standing the ill success of the Dutch, Sir John Narborough, an English naval commander, under- took some years after a similar enterprise, by order of his sovereign Chailes the Second; but in passing the streights of Magellan, he lost his whole fleet, which was much better equipped than that of the Dutch. In the mean time the governor, taking advantage of the imprudence of the Araucanian commanders, continued constantly to la}^ waste their provinces. By a proclamation he had at first directed that every pri- soner taken in these incursions, capable of bearing arms, should be putto death; but afterwards, actuated by more humane sentiments, he ordered that they should be sent to Peru. This sentence was, howe- 247 ver, more bitter to them than death. Whenever tbicy came in sigl.t of hmd, which is very common (Uning that na\if^ation, they hesitated not to throw themselves overboard, in the hope of escaping by swimming and returiiing to their country. Many luid the good fortune to save themselves in this man- ner ; but those who were not al)le to elude the vi- gilance of the sailors, as soon as they were landed on the island, or at the port of Callao, exposed them- selves to every peril to eflcct their escape and return to their much loved country, coasting with incred- ible fatigue tlie immense space of ocean between that port and the ri\ er Bio-bio. Even their relations, more solicitous to deliver them from the miseries of exile than from death itself, when they were con- demned to that punishment, frequently sent embas- sies to the governor to negotiate their ransom, but he always refused to consent to it, until they had laid dow n their arms and submitted to his orders. Laso had greatly at heart the performance of the promise, which, like several of his predecessors, he had made the king, of putting an end to the war. lie of course put in operation, e^ery means possible of attaining that end. Indeed, no one \\as more ca- pable of succeeding ; but he had to contend with an invincible people. Nevertheless, he employed every measure that military science suggested to him, to effect their subjugation ; now endtT»vouring by his victories to humble their pride, now ravaging their country with fire and sword, and now restrain- ing them by the construction of fortresses in diffe- rent places in their territory. He also founded a city 2iS not far írum Üie ruins of Angol, to which he gave the name of St. Fi-ancis de la Vega. This settlement, which was protected by a garrison of four companies of horse and two of foot, was taken and destroyed by the Toqui Curimilhi the very year of its founda- tion. A war so obstinate must necessarily have caused the destruction of a great number of men. The Spa- nibh army had become more than one half diminish- ed, notwithstanding the numerous recruits with which it was annually supplied from Peru. On this account the goveriior sent Don Francisco Avendano to Spain to solicit new reinforcements, promising to bring the war to a termination in the course of two years. But the court judging from the past that there was little reason to expect so successful an issue, appointed him a successor in the person of Don Francisco Zuniga Marquis de Bay des, who had given unquestionable proofs of his political and military talents, both in Italy and Flanders, where he had sustained the oíFicc of quarter-master- general. On his arrival in Chili in 1740, this nobleman, either in consequence of private instructions from the minister, or of his own accord had a per- sonal conference with Lincopichion, to whom the Araucanians, upon the death of Curimiila, had con- fided the command of their armies. Fortunately, both the commanders were of the same disposition, and being equally averse to so destructive a war, readily agreed upon the most difficult articles of peace. The 6th* of January of the following year was the áiyy fixed for its ratification, and the place 249 of meeting, the village of Qviillin in the province of Purcn. At the time prefixed the Marquis appeared at the appointed place, with a retinue of about ten thou- sand persons, from all parts of the kingdom, who in- sisted on accompanying him. Lincopichion, who also came there at the head of the four hereditary Toquis, and a great number of Ulmenes and other natives, opened the conference with a very eloquent speech. He then, according to the Chilian custom, killed a camel, and, sprinkling some of the blood on a branch of cinnamon, presented it in token of peace to the governor. The articles of the treaty were next proposed and ratified ; they were sim- ilar to those which had been accepted by Ancana- mon, except that the Marquis required that the Araucanians should not permit the landing of any strangers upon their coast, or furnish supplies to any foreign nation whatever ; this being conformable to the political maxims of the nation, was readily granted. Thus was a period put to a war of ninety years, and this grand négociation was terminated by the sacrifice of twenty-eight camels, and an eloquent harangue from Antiguenu, chief of the district, upon the mutual advantages which both nations would derive from the peace. After this the two chiefs- cordially embraced, and congratulated each other on the happy termination of their exertions ; they then dined together, and made each other mutual pre- sents, and the three days succeeding were past by both nations in feasting and rejoi>«ing. Vol. II. \i ^50 In consequence of tliis treaty all the prisoners were released, and the Spaniards had the satisfaction of receiving, among others, forty-two of those who had been in captivity since the time of Paillamachu. Commerce, which is inseparable from the good un- derstanding of nations, was established between the two people ; the lands that had been deserted in con- sequence of hostile incursions were repopulated, and by their regular produce animated the industry of their undisturbed possessors ; the hopes of religion became also again revived, and the missionaries began freely to exercise their ministry. Notwithstanding these and other advantages which were to be expected from the peace, there were, amongboih the Araucanians and the Spaniards, some unquiet tempers, who endeavoured by specious rea- sons to prevent its ratification. The first said that it was only a scheme to deceive the Araucanians, in order at a future time to conquer them with more fa- cility, by rendering them unaccustomed to the use of arms. Those of the Spaniards, on the contrary, pretended tobe afraid that, if peace was established, the population of the enemy would be so much in- creased, that they would become sufficiently power- ful to destroy all the Spanish settlements in Chili. Of the latter some had even the boldness to cry " to arms," and endeavour to instigate the auxiliaries to commence hostilities at the very time of the confer- ence. Butthe Marquis, by justifyinghisintentions to the one, and reprimanding the other party, prevented the renewal of the war, and put the last hand to his glo- 251 rious undertaking, which was approved and ratiiied by the court. In 1643, two years after the peace, the importance of the article inserted by the governor in the treaty was rendered very apparent to the Spaniards, by a last attempt made by the Dutch to possess them- selves of Chili. Their measures were so well ta- ken, that had they been in the least seconded by the Araucanians, they must have infallibly succeeded. Having left Brasil, which they had conquered, with a nuaacrous fleet, well provided with men and cannon, tl]e^ftook possession of the harbour of Valdivia, which had been deserted for more than forty years, where they intended to form an establishment in or- der to conquer the rest of the kingdom. With this view they immediately began building three strong forts at the entrance of the river, in order to secure its possession. The Araucanians were invited, with the most flat- tering promises, to join them ; this they not only declined, but strictly adhering to the stipulations of the treaty, refused to furnish them with provisions, of which they were greatly in want. The Cunchcsc, to whom the territory which they had occupied be- longed, following the counsel of their allies, refused also to treat with them or supply them. In conse- quence of this refusal, the Dutch, pressed with hun- ger, and hearing that a combined army of Spaniards and Araucanians were on their march against them, were compelled to abandon the place in three montlis after their landing. The Marquis de Mancura, son to the viceroy of Peru, having soon after arrived 252 there in search of them with ten ships of war, for- tified the harbour, and particularly tlie island, which has since borne the titular name of his family. On the termination of the sixth year of Jiis pacific government, Baydes, was recalled by the court, and Don Martin Muxica appointed in his place. He succeeded in preserving the kinj^dom in that state of tranquillity in which he found it, no other com- motion occurrini^, during his government, but that produced by a violent earthquake, which on the 8th of May 1647, destroyed part of the city of Santiago. The fortune of his successor, Don Antonio Acugna, was very different. During his government the war was excited anew between the Spaniards and Araucanians, but contemporary WTiters have left us no account of the causes that produced it. Clentaru, the hereditary Toqui of Lauquemapu, being in 1655 unanimously ejected general, signa- lized his ftrst campaign by the total defeat of the Spanish ai my, commanded by the sergeant-major, who fell in the action, together with all his men. This victory was follo\ved by the capture of the for- tresses of Arauco, Colcura, St. Pedro, Talcama- vida, and St, Rosendo. The next year the Arau- canian general crossed the Bio- bio, compleatly de- feated Acugna, the governor, in the plains of Yumbel, destroyed the forts of St. Christopher, and of the Estancia del Rey, and burned the city of Chilian. I regret much the want of materials for this part of my work, as all the memoirs of which I have hi- therto availed myself terminate at this period ; eu'en the successes of Clentaru being only jnei> 253 tíoncd incidenially. AU that we know is, gene- rally, that this war was continued with great violence for a period of ten years, under the go- vernments of Don Pedro Portel Casanate, and Don Francisco Meneses. The last, who was a Por- tuguese by birth, had the glory of terminating it in 1665, by a peace more permanent than that made by Baydes. But, after freeing himself of the Arau- canians, he had the misfortune to engage in a contest of a different kind with the members of the Royal Audience, who opposed his marrying the daughter of the Marquis de la Pica, as being contrary to the royal decrees. The quarrel was carried to such length, that the court of Spain was obliged to send out to Chili the Marquis de Navamorquende, with full powers to determine their diftcrence. That minister, after due inquiry, sent Meneses to Peru, and took possession of his office. After him, to the end of the century, the government was administered in succession by Don Pvliguel Silva, Don Joseph Car- rera, and Don Thomas Marin de Proveda, all of whom appear to have maintained a good understand- ing with the Araucanians, though Garro had nearly broken with them, on occasion of removing the in- habitants of the island of Mocho in 1686, to the north shore of the Bio-bio, in order to cut off all communication with foreign enemies. The commencement of the present era was marked in Chili by the deposition of the governor Don Francisco Ibanez, the rebellion of the inhabi- tants of Chiloe, and the trade with the French* Ibanez, like Meneses, was banished to Peru, for hav- 254 îng, as is said, espoused the party in opposition to the house of Bourbon in the war of succession. His office until the year 1720 was filled by Don Juan Henriquez, Don Andrew Uztariz, and Don Martin Concha. The islanders of Chiloe were soon restor- ed to obedience, through the prudent conduct of the quarter-master-general of the kingdom, Don Pedro Molina, who was sent against them with a conside- rable body of troops, but who succeeded in redu- cing them rather by mild measures than by useless victories. The French, in consequence of the above men- tioned war of succession, possessed themselves fora time of all the external commerce of Chili. From 1707 to 1717 its ports were filled with their ships, and they carried from thence incredible sums in gold and silver. Many of them who became at- tached to the country settled themselves in it, and have left numerous descendants. It was at this pe- riod, that the learned father Feuille, who remained there three years, made his botanical researches and meteorological observations upon the coast. His amiable qualities obtained him the esteem of the inhabitants, who still cherish his memory with much affection. 255 CHAPTER X. A Brief Account of the fFar of the Toquis Vihi- milla and Curignancu ; Spanish Govemoj's to th& Year 1787. THE Araucanians had for some time been very much dissatified with the peace. They perceived that it gave the Spaniards an opportunity of forming new establishments in their country. They also endured very impatiently the insolence of those who were designated by the title of Captains of the Friends, and who having been introduced under pretence of guarding the missionaries, arrogated to them- selves a species of authority over the natives, who, stimulated by resentment for these grievances, deter- mined, in 1722, to create a Toqui, and have recourse to arms. The choice fell upon Vilumilla, a man of low rank, but one who had acquired a high, reputation for his judgment, courage and extensive views. His object was no less than the expulsion of the Spaniards from the whole of Chili. To succeed in this arduous en- terprise, it was necessary to obtain the support of all the Chilians, from the confines of Peru to the Bio- bio. Vast as was the plan, it appeared to him not to be difficult of execution. Having killed in a skir- mish three or four Spaniards, and among them one 256 of the pretended Captains of Friends, he dispatch- ed, according to custom, a messenger with one of their fingers, to the Chilians in the Spanish pro- vinces, inviting them to take arms at a signal to be given by kindling fires upon the tops of the highest mountains. On the 9th of March, 1723, the day appointed for the open declaration of hostilities, fires were accordingly kindled upon the mountains of Copiapo, Coquimbo, Quillota, Rancagua, Maule and Iiata. Owing to the smallness of their numbers, or their apprehension of the issue of the war, the natives, however, made no movement. Vilumilla was, however, by no means discou- raged on seeing his projects evaporate in smoke. As coon as he had declared war he set out immedi- ately at the head of his troops to attack the Spanish settlements. But before commencing his march, he was careful to give information to the missionaries, and request them to quit the country, in order to avoid being ill treated by his detached parties. The capture of the fort of Tucapel was the first fruit of this expedition. The garrison of Arauco, fearing the same fate, abandoned the place. Having destroy- ed these fortresses, he directed his march against that of Puren, which he expected to possess himself of without resistance. But Urrea, the commanding officer, opposed him so vigorously that he was com- pelled to besiege it. In a short time the garrison was reduced to great extremities from hunger and thirst, as the aqueduct which supplied them with water had been destroyed by the enemy, and the com- 257 mander, having made a sortie in order to procure supplies, was slain together with his soldiers. In this critical state of affairs, the governor, Don Gabriel Cano, who had succeeded Concha, arrived with an army of five thousand men. Vilumilla, ex- pecting immediately to come to action, posted him- self behind a torrent, and drew up his troops in or- der of battle : but Cano, tliough repeatedly provok- ed by the enemy, thought it more advisable to aban- don the place, and retire with the garrison. The war afterwards became reduced to skirmishes of but lit- tie importance, which were finally terminated by the celebrated peace of Ncgrete, a place situated at the confluence of the rivers Bio-bio and Lara^ where the treaty of Quillan was reconfirmed, and the odious title of Captain of Friends wholly abolished. Cano, after a mild and harmonious government of fifteen years, died in the city of St. Jago. He was succeeded by his nephew, Don Manuel Sala- manca, who was appointed by the viceroy of Peru, and whose whole conduct was conformable to the humane maxims of his uncle. Don Joseph Manso, who was sent from Spain as his successor, brought orders from the king to collect the numerous Spa- nish inhabitants dispersed over the country in com- pact societies. For this purpose, in i74á, he founded the cities of Copiapo, Aconcagua, Melipilla, Ranca- gua, St. Fernando, Curico, Talca, Tutuben and An- geles. In reward for this service he was promoted to the splendid dignity of viceroy of Peru. Hi» Vol. it. K k 258 ■successors continued to form new establishments, but these have never flourished like the first. In 1753, Santa Rosa, Guasco-alto, Casablanca, Bella- Isla, Florida, Coulemu and Quirigua were built by Don Domingo Rosas. He also sent inhabitants to settle the large island of Juan Fernandez, which till that time had remained desert to the great injury of commerce, as the pirates found therein a secure re- treat, from whence they could with facility attack the trading ships. Don Manuel Amat, who was af- terwards viceroy of Peru, in 1729 founded upon the Araucanian frontier the cities of St. Barbara, Tal- camavida and Gualqui. Don Antonio Guill Gonzaga attempted under his government to effect more than his predecessors. He undertook to compel the Araucanians to live in cities. This chimerical scheme was ridiculed by those who were best acquainted with the country, while others supposed it practicable. Many coun- sels were held to devise the most suitable means of carrying this scheme into execution, which the wishes of the governor made him consider as very easy. The Araucanians were informed of all these proceedings by their spies, and apprehensive of the danger to which such an innovation might expose their liberties, they met secretly to deliberate upon the measures they should take to elude the designs of their neighbours without having recourse to arms, when the following resolutions were adopted by the national council : In the first place, to delay as long as possible the business, by equivocal replies and delusive promises. Secondly. When pressed to 259 commence building, to require from the Spaniards tools and other necessary aid. Thirdly. To have recourse to arms whenever they found themselves obliged to begin the work, but to conduct in such a manner that only the provinces that were com- pelled to build should declare war, the others re- maining neutral in order to be able to mediate a peace. Fourthly. To come to a general rupture whenever they found that the mediation of the latter would not be accepted. Fifthly. To allow the mis* sionaries to depart without injury, as they had no- thing to accuse them with but of being Spaniards. Sixthly. To make choice immediately of a Toqui, who should have in charge to attend to the execution of the above mentioned regulations, and to have every thing in readiness to take the field as soon as circumstances should require it. In compliance with this last article they proceed- ed to the election that very day. The suffrages were unanimous in favour of Antivilu, Arch-Ulmen of the province of Maquegua, who possessed gicat influ- ence in the assembly ; but he having declined, on account of the neutrality which it had been agreed his province should maintain, the choice fell upon Curignancu, brother to the Ulmen of Encol, who combined all the qualities necessary at such a crisis. At the first conference the governor proposed his plan under every aspect that could render it agree- able. The Araucanians, agreeably to their previous agreement, objected, appeared to consent, equivo- cated, and ended by requesting the necessary assiü' 260 tance for beginninj^the work. Having pointed outthe situations which appeared the most eligible for the erection of the new cities, a great quantity of wrought iron was sent them by the governor, together with provisions and cattle for the transportation of the timber. The work, nevertheless, made no progress. In consequence of this, the quarter-master Cabrito repaired thither with sever¿il companies of soldiers, in order to stimulate the operations, and placed su- perintendants in every quarter. The sergeant-major Rivera was charged with the building of Nininco, and captain Burgoa with that of the other city, which was to be erected on the shore of the Bio-bio ; while the quarter-master directed the operations from his head-quarters at Angol. The Araucanians, however, instead of pickaxes seized their lances, slew the superintendants, and having united to the number of five hundred under the standard of their Toqiii, proceeded to beseige Cabrito in his camp. Burgoa, after having been very roughly treated, was set at liberty, in consequence of his being said to be an enemy of the quarter-mas- ter. The sergeant-major, escorted by a missionary, crossed the Bio-bio in sight of the enemy, who were in search of him to kill him, and afterwards returned at the head of four hundred men to relieve Cabrito. Another missionary, Don Pedro Sanchez, requested the Araucanian officer sent to escort him to forgive a Spaniard by whom he had been grievously ofíend- ed a short time before ; the Araucanian replied, that he bad nothing to fear while in his company ; hcsidesj that the present v/as no time to think of re- 261 venf^'mg private injuries. Such Avas the attention paid to the security of these characters that not a Spaniard was shiiu who was able to avail himself of their protection. In the mean time the o-overnor entered into an al- liance with the Pehuenchcs, in order to attack the Araucanians in several places at the same time. Cu- rignancu, being informed of their approach, fell upon them unexpectedly on their leaving the Andes, took prisoners their general, Coligura, with his son, whom he put to death, and completely routed them. This disgrace, which appeared calculated to embitter that nation forever towards the Araucanians, on the contrary reconciled them so completely, that they have ever since aided them in their expeditions, and have become the most implacable enemies of the Spaniards. Curignancu availed himself of the as- sistance of these mountaineers during the war to harass the provinces in the vicinity of the capital. Since that time they have made a practice of fre- quently attacking the Spanish caravans from Buenos Ayres to Chili, and every year furnishes some me- lancholy information of that kind. Gonzaga, whose sanguine expectations had led him to be too hasty in giving information to the court of the success of his grand project, could not endure the mortification of seeing it wholly des- troyed. A chronic complaint to which he was subject, was so much increased by this disappoint- ment that it deprived him of life in the second year of the war, to the great regret of the inhabitants to whom he was much endeared by his estimable quali- ties. Don Francisco Xavier de Morales, succeeded 262 him by the appointment of the viceroy of Peru. The neutral provinces, as had been concerted, had now declared in favour of the others, and the war was prosecuted with vigour. Curignancu on the one side, and his brave Vice Toqui Leviantu on the other, kept the Spanish troops which had been reinforced by several divisions from Spain, constantly in mo- tion. It is not in our power to notice particularly . the different actions ; among others a blood}^ battle was fought in the beginning of the year 177.3, men- tion of which was made in the European gazettes of that period, at which time the war had cost the royal treasury and individuals one million seven hundred thousand dollars. The same year an accommodation was agreed on. Curignancu, who was invested by his nation with full powers to settle the articles, required as a pre- liminary, that the conferences should be held in the city of St. Jago. Although this requisition was contrary to the established custom, it was neverthe- less granted by the Spaniards without much diffi- culty. When they afterwards came to treat of the terms of peace, the Araucanian plenipotentiary made another proposition, which appeared more ex- traordinary than the first. He required that his na- tion should be allowed to keep a minister resident in the city of St. Jago. The Spanish officers who were present strongly opposed this demand, but the go- vernor thought it advisable to grant it, as by this means he would have it in his power more readily to adjust any disputes that might arise. These two proposals, however, considering the disposition and 2C3 mode of living of the Araucanians, may furnish a copious field for conjecture. The other articles of the peace were not attended with the least difficulty; the treaties of Quillin and Negrete being by mu- tual consent revived. On the death of Gonzaga, the court of Spain sent Don Augustin Jauregui to govern Chili, who has since filled with universal approbation the im- portant office of viceroy of Peru. His successor, Don Ambrosio Benavides at present renders the country happy by his wise and beneficent adminis- tration. i^^^t CHAPTER XL Preseîït State of Chili.. FROM the brief relation that we have given of the occurrences in Chili since its discovery, it will be seen that its possession has cost Spain more blood and treasure than all the rest of her settle- ments in America. The Araucanians, occupying but a small extent of territory, have with far inferior arms, not only been able to counterbalance her pow- er till then reputed irresistible, but to endanger the loss of her best established possessions. Though 264 the greater part of her officers had been bred in that school of war, the low countries, and her sol- diers, armed with those destructive weapons before which the most extensive empires of that continent had fallen, were considered as the best in the world, yet have this people succeeded in resisting them. This will appear more wonderful when we call to mind, the decided superiority that the discipline of Europe has ever given its troops, in all parts of the world. The rapidity of the Spanish conquests ex- cited universal astonishment. A few Portuguese gained possession of an extensive territory in the East, with a facility almost incredible, notwithstand- ing the number and strength of the natives, who were accustomed to the use of fire-arms. Their general, Pacheco, with a hundred and sixty of his countrymen, several times defeated the powerful Zamorin, who commanded an army of fifty thousand soldiers, well supplied with artillery, without the loss of a single man. Brito, who was besieged in Cananor, was equally successful in defeating a si- milar army. Even in our days, Mons. de la Touche, with three hundred French, put to flight an army of eighty thousand Indians, who had invested him in Pondichcrry, and ivilled twelve hundred with the loss of only two of his men. Notwithstand- ino- the combined efforts of force and skill, the o Araucanians have constantly kept possession of their country. A free people, however inconsiderable in point of numbers, can perform wonders : The page of history teems with examples of this kind. 265 The Spaniards, since losing their settlements in Araiicania,have prudently confined their views to es- tablishing themselves firmly in that part of Chili, which lies between the southern confines of Peru and the river Bio-bio, and extends from the 24th to the 36th and a half degree of south latitude ; this, as has been already mentioned, they have divided into thir- teen provinces.* They also possess the fortress of Valdivia, in the country of the Cunchese, the Archi- pelago of Chiloe, and the island of Juan Fernandez. These provinces, as has been already mentioned, are governed by an officer, who has usually the rank of lieutenant-general, and combines the title of presi- dent, governor and captain-general of the kingdom of Chili. He resides in the city of St. Jago, and is solely dependant upon the king, except in case of war, when, in certain points, he receives his di- rections from the viceroy of Peru. In quality of captain-general he commands the army, and has under him not only the three principal officers of the kingdom, the quarter- master, the ser- geant-major and the commissary, but also the four governors of Chiloe, Valdivia, Valparaiso and Juan Fernandez. As president and governor he has the supreme administration of justice, and presides ove* * During the government of Jauregui, the province of Maule was divided into two, tlie river of that name, serving as the boun- dary for each : the part situated to the north of it retaining its former name, and that lying to the southward asauming that of Cauquenes its capital. Of late years a farther reduction gf th t province has taken place, by the sepai-ation from it on the north of three curacies, in order to form with son-^e of the lands of Cal- chagua the new provii^cc of Curico. Vol. II. LI 266 the superior tribunals of that capital, whose jurisdic- tion extends over all the Spanish provinces in those parts. The principal of these is the Tribunal of Audi- ence, or Royal Senate, whose decision is final in all causes of importance both civil and criminal, and is divided into two courts, the one for the trial of civil and the other for that of criminal causes. Both are composed of several respectable judges called audi- tors, of a regent, a fiscal or royal procurator, and a protector of the Indians. All these officers receive large salaries from the court. Their judgment is final, except in causes where the sum in litiga- tion exceeds ten thousand dollars, when an appeal may be had to the supreme council of the Indies. Justice, as has been already observed, is universally agreed to be administered by them with the utmost impartiality. The other supreme courts are that of Finance, of the Cruzada, of Vacant Lands, and the ConsuuUe or Tribunal of Commerce, which is wholly indépendant of any other of that kind. The provinces are governed by Prefects, formerly called Corregidors, but at present known by the name oï sub-delegates ; these, according to the forms of their institution, should be of royal nomination, but, owing to the dii>tance of the court, they are usually appointed by the captain-general, of whom they style themselves the lieutenants. They have jurisdiction both of civil and military affairs, and their emoluments of office depend entirely upon their fees, which are by no means regular. In each capi- tal of a province, there is, or at least should be, a municipal magistracy called the Cabildo, which is 267 composed, as in other parts of the Spanisli dom-în- ions, of several members called Regidores, who are appointed for life, of a standard bearer, a procu- rator, a forensic judge denominated the Provincial Alcalde, an Alguazil or high sheriff, and of two con- suls, or burgo-masters called Alcaldes. The latter are chosen annually from among the principal no- bility by the Cabildo itself, and have jurisdiction both in civil and criminal causes hi the first instance. The inhabitants are divided into regiments, which are obliged to march to the frontiers or the sea coast in case of war.* Besides this militia, the king main- * In the royal service, there are at present (179:) fifteen thou- sand eight hundred and fifty-six militia troops, enrolled in the two bishoprics of Santiago and Conception, ten thousand two hundred and eighteen in the first, and five thousand six hundred and thirty- eight in the latter. These military corps Avere first formed in 1777, during the government of Don Augustin de Jarcgui, and consist of the choicest men in the kingdom. They are called out only upon public occasions, and seldom perform the duty of sen- tinels or patroles, enjoying this privilege in consequence of always holding themselves ready for war, and continually exercisir.g themselves in arms. Besides this regular militia, there are a great many city niiiitias that are commanded by commissaries, who actas colonels. Tliey have under them several companies, the number of which is vari- ous and depends upon the extent of the district ; these in like manner have no fixed number, sometimes exceeding one hundred men, and frequently falling short. From these companies, tl«e recruits to supply the vacancies in the i-egular corps are drawn or selected. They serve as guards for the inisons, and for the es- cort of criminals, and perform such other duties as the poiice de- mands, without being exempted from military service when occa- sion requires, whence all persons capable of bearing arms are en- rolled in these companies, except such as are immediately neces- sary for cultivating the land and taking c;ire of tiie cattle ■Sjian. Trans. 268 tains there a sufficient force of regular troops for the defence of the country,* but as this establishment has been augmented of late, I cannot determine the number. In Conception, which is upon the Arau- canian frontier, there are two regiments, one of ca- valry and one of infantr3\ The cavalry is com- manded by the brigadier- general, Don Ambrosio Higgins, a native of Ireland, who by his enlightened mind and excellent disposition, has gained the love and esteem of all the inhabitants. He is likewise quarter-master and intendant of the department of Conception.! The infantry, as well as the artillery, is under the command of two lieutenant-colonels. The city of St. Jago also keeps in pay some com- panies of dragoons for its protection. The revenues and expenses of the government I am imable to as- certain, as they have been considerably increased within a few years. * All the veteran troops throughout Chili amount to one thou- sand nine hundred and seventy-six men, and consist of two com- panies of artillery, nine of horse, including the Queen's dragoons at Santiago, and the remainder infantry SjiuJi. 'I'raJis. t On the 21st of November, 1787, this gentleman was appointed by the king, president, governor and captain general of Chili, and on the 19th of September, l?i>9, field-marshal of the royal armies. At the present time, 1792, he discharges the duties of those offices with all that vigilance and attention which characterizes him, and which so important a trust requires. On his first accession to the governjnent, he visited in person the northern provinces, for the purpose of dispensing justice and enc(jui-agii;g agricultui-e, opening of the mines, commerce and fishery. He also establish-r çij public schools, repaired the roads and built several cities Ibid, 269 As respects the ecclesiastical government, Chili is divided into the two large dioceses of St. Jago and Conception, which cities are the resi- dence of the bishops, who are suffragans to the archbishop of Lima. The first diocese extends from the confines of Peru to the river Maule, com- prehending the province of Cujo upon the other side of the Andes. The second comprises all the rest of Chili with the islands, although the greater part of this extent is inhabited by pagans. The cathedrals are supplied with a proper number of canons, whose revenues depend upon the tythes, as do those of the bishops. The court of inquisition at Lima, has at St. Jago a commissioner with seve- ral subaltern officers. Pedro Valdivia, on his first entering Chili, brought with him the monks of the order of Mercy, and about the year 1553 introduced the Dominicans and strict Franciscans. The Augustins established themselves there in 1595, and the Hospitallers of St. John of God about the year 1615. These religious orders have all a number of convents, and the three first form distinct jurisdictions. The brothers of St. John of God have the charge of the hospitals, un- der a commissary, who is dependant upon the pro- vincial of Peru. These are the only religious fra- ternities now in Chili. The Jesuits, who came into Chili in 1593 with the nephew of their founder, Don Martin de Loyola, formed likewise a separate pro- vince. Others have several times attempted, but without success, to form establishments, the Chilians having always opposed the admission of new order» 270 among them. In St. Jago and Conception are seve- ral convents of nuns, but the-y are the only cities that contain them. The cities are built in the best situations in the country. Many of them, however, would have been better placed for the purposes of commerce upon the shores of the large rivers. This is particularly the case with those of more recent construction. The streets are straight, intersecting each other at right angles, and are thirty- six French feet in breadth. On account of earthquakes, the houses are generally of one story ; they are, however, very commodious, white-washed without, and generally painted within. Each is accommodated with a pleasant garden, irri- gated by an aqueduct that furnishes Avatcr for the use of the family. Those belonging to the wealthier clas- ses, particularly the nobility, are furnished with much splendor and taste. The inhabitants, perceiving that old buildings of two stories have resisted the most vio- lent shocks, have of late years ventured to reside in the upper rooms, and now begin to construct their houses in the ÍLuropean manner. In consequence of this tlie cities have a better appearance than for- merly, and the more so, as instead of forming their houses of clay hardened in the sun, which was sup- posed less liable to injury, they now employ brick and stone. Cellars, sewers and wells were formerly much more common than at present, a circum- stance which may have contributed to render the buildings more secure from earthquakes. The churches are generally more, remarkable for their ^vealth than their style of architecture. The ca- 271 thedral and the church of the Dominicans in the capital, which are built of stone, are, however, ex- ceptions. The first was constructed at the royal expense, under the direction of the present bishop, Don Manuel Alday, an excellent and learned prelate ; it is built in a masterly style, and is 384 French feet in front. The plan was drawn by two English ar- chitects, who superintended the work ; but when it was half finished they refused to go on, unless their wages were increased. In consequence of this the building was suspended, when two of the Indians, who had worked under the Englishmen, and had secretly found means of instructing themselves in every branch of the art, offered to complete it, which they did with as much skill and perfection as their masters themselves could have displayed. In the capital the following edifices are also worthy of re- mark : the barracks for the dragoons, the mint;, which has been lately built by a Roman architect, and the hospital for orphans, founded by Don Juan Nic- Aguirre, Marquis of Monte-pio, and endowed by his present majesty, who patronises with much libe- rality all establishments of public utility\ Spanish Chili, in consequence of the freedom granted to its maritime trade by the present govern- ment, is peopling with a rapidity proportioned to the salubrity of its climate and the fertility of its soiL Its population in general is composed of Europeans, Creoles, Indians, Negroes and Mustees. The Eu- ropeans, except a few French, English and Italians, are Spaniards, who for the most part are from the southern provinces of Spain. The Creoles, who 272 form the greater number, are the descendants of Europeans. Their character, with some slight dif- ference, proceeding from climate or government, is precisely similar to that of the other American Creoles of European origin. The same modes of thinking, and the same moral qualities are discernible in them all. This uniformity, which furnishes much subject for reflection, has never yet been considered by any philosopher in its full extent. Whatever intelligent and unprejudiced travellers have observed respect- ing the characters of the French and English Creoles, will perfectly apply to that of the Chilian.* * The Creoles are generally well made. Those deformities so common in other countries are very rarely to be found among them. Their coui'age has frequently signalised itself in war by a series of brilliant actions ; nor would there be any better soldiers in the world if they were less averse to discipline. Their history furnishes notraitsof tiiat cowardice, treachery and base conduct which dis- honours the annals of all nations, and scarcely can an instance be adduced of a Creole having committed a disgraceful act. Their minds are untainted with dissimulation, artifice or suspi- cion. Possessing great frankness and vivacity, and a high opinion of themselves, their intercourse is wholly free from that mystery and reserve which obscures aniiableness of character, depresses the social spirit, and chills sensibility. An ardent imagination, which admits of no restraint, renders ^em independent and inconstant in their inclinations. It impels them to the pursuit of pleasure v.itli an eagerness to which they sacrifice their fortunes and their very existence. A keen penetra- tion, a remarcable quickness in conceiving and in expressing their Ideas with force, the talent of combining added to that of observa- tion, and a happy mixture of all the qualities of mind and of cha- racter that render man capable of the greatest performances, prompts them to the boldest undertaking?, when stimulated by op- jíres-íion Jf.ayval''s Hj.iîorv of the Indies^ vol. v. lib. iL 273 They are generally possessed of good talents, and succeed in any of the arts to which they apply them^ selves. They would make as great progress in the useful sciences as they have done in metaphysics, if they had the same motives to stimulate them as are found in Europe. They do not readily imbibe pre- judices, and are not tenacious in retaining them. As scientific books and instruments, however, are very scarce, or sold at an exorbitant price, their talents are either never developed, or are wdiolly employed upon trifles. The expenses of printing are also so great, as to discourage literarv exertion, so that few aspire to the reputation of authors. The knowledge of the civil and canonical laws is held in Ec^eat esteem by them, so that many of the Chilian youth, after having completed their course of academical educa- tion in Chili, proceed to Lima, which is highly cele- brated for its schools of law, in order to be instruct- ed in that science. The fine arts are in a very low state in Chili, and even the mechanical are as yet very far from perfec- tion. We may except, however, those of carpentry, and the working of iron and the precious metals, which have made considerable progress, in conse- quence of the information obtained from some Ger- man artists, who were introduced into the country by that worthy ecclesiastic, Father Carlos, of Hain- hausen in Bavaria. The important change which the exertions of the present monarch have so materially contributed to produce throughout his dominions, in directing the Vol. II. M m 274 attention of his subjects to useful improvements, has extended itself to these parts. The arts and sciences, which before were either not known, or very im- perfectly, at present engage the attention of the in- habitants, so that there is reason to hope that in a short time the slate of the country will assume a very diíFerent appearance. The peasantry, though for much the greater part of Spanish origin, dress in the Araucanian manner. Disjiersed over that extensive country, and unen- cumbered by restraint, they possess perfect liberty, and lead a tranquil and Inppy life, amidst the enjoy- ments of that deliglitful climate.* They arc natu- rally gay and fond of all kinds of diversion. They have likewise a taste for music, and compose verses after their manner, which, although rude and inele- gant, possess a certain natural simplicity more interesting than the laboured com])ositions of cul- tivated poets. Extemporaneous rhymers, or im- provisatori, arc common among them, and are called in their language Palladores. Those known to pos- sess this talent are held in great estimation, and ap- ply themselves to no other occupation. In the countries dependent on the Spanish colonies, there is generally no other language than the Spanish spo- . *Tlie principal part of these healthy and robust men live dis- persed upon tlieir possessions, and culti\ate withtlieir own hands a greater or less extent of ground. They are incited to this laudable labour by a sky always clear and serene, and a climate the most at;rceai)ly temperate of any in the twohemispheres, but more espe- cially by a soil wlio^c fertility has excited tlie admiration of all tra- vcllers;....i'i«j/7za/, lib.viii. ; Chili. 275 ken ; but on the frontiers the peasants speak the Araucanian or Chilian as well as the former. The men dress in the French, and the women in the Peruvian fashion, except that the women of Chili wear their garments longer than those of Peru. In point of luxury, there is no difference between the inhabitants of the two countries ; Lima pre- scribes the fashions for Chili, as Paris does for the rest of Europe. Those who are wealthy make a splendid display in their dress, their servants, coaches or titles. Chili alone, of all the American provinces, has enjoyed the superior privilege of having two of its citizens exalted to the dignity of gi-andees of Spain ; these are, Don Fernando irrazabal. Marquis of Valparaiso, born in St. Jago, who was viceroy of Navarre and generalissimo of the Spanish army in the time of Philip the Fourth ; and Don Fermín Caravajal, Duke of St. Carlos, a native of Concep- tion, who resides at present at the court of Madrid. Don Juan Covarrubias, who was a native of St. Jago, in the beginning of the present centur}^ en- tered into the service of the king- of France, and was rewarded with the title of Marquis of Covarru- bias, the order of the Holy Ghost, and the rank of Marshal in the French army. The salubrity of the air and the constant exer- cise on horseback to which they accustom themselves from childhood, render them strong and active, and preserve them from many diseases. The small pox is not so common as in Europe, but it makes terrible ravages when it appears. This disease was, in the year 1766, for the ñrst time introduced into 276 the province of jMaúíe, where it became very fatal. A countryman who had recovered fjom it, conceiv- ed the idea of attempting to cure a number of un- happy wretches who had been abandoned by cow's milk, wlñclihe gave them to drink, or administered to them in clysters. With tliis simple remedy he cured all those wliom he attended, while the physi- cians with their complicated prescriptions saved buta very few. I have mentioned this anecdote, as it serves strongly to confirm the successful experi- ments of INI. Lassone, physician to the queen of France, in the cure of the small pox with cow's milk, published by himself in the medical transactions of Paris for the year 1779. The countryman, how- ever, employed milk alone, whereas M. de Lassone thought it advisable to mix it \vith a decoction of parsley roots. These instances would seem to prove that milk has the singular property of lessening the virulence of this disorder, and repressing its noxious or deadly^cjualities. The inhabitants of the country are generally very benevolent. Contented Mith a comfortable subsist- ence, they may be said scarcely to know w hat parsi- mony or avarice is, and are very rarely infected with that vice. Their houses are open to all travellers that come, whom they freely entertain without an idea of pay, and often on these occasions regret that they are not more wealthy, in order to exercise their hos- pitality to a greater extent. This virtue is also com- mon in the cities.* To this cause it is owing that * Throughout Chili they are extremely kind to strangers; the inh.ibitants ave unequalled in point of hospitiility, and I have my» 277 they have not hitherto been attentive U) tjic erection of inns and pubhc lodging houses, v/hieh u ill, how- ever, become necessary when the commerce of the interior is more increaEcd. Lord Anson, in his voyage, gives a particular de- scription of the dexterity of the South American peasants in managing the laqui, with which they take animals, either wild or domestic. In Chili, the inhabitants of the country constantly carry this laqui with them, fastened to their saddles, in order to have it ready upon occasion, and are very skilful in the use of it. It consists merely of a strip of lea- ther several fathoms in length, well twisted in the manner of a cord, and terminated by a strong noose of the same material. They make use of it both on foot and on horseback, and in the latter case with equal certainty whether amidst woods, mountains or steep declivities. On these occasions, one end of it is fastened under the horses belly, and the other held by the rider, who throws it over the flying ani- mal with a dexterity that scarcely ever misses its aim. Herodotus makes mention of a similar noose which was used in battle by the Sagartians.* The self e/:perienced such great and importiint favours, that I cannot find words to express my gratitude. The ill return that they have frequently met with from individuáis of our nation, has never been able to produce a diminuiion of their native hospitality..../^i'2«V/c', vol. ii. * Tlie Sagartii were originally of Persian descent, and use the Persian language ; they h.ive no offensive weapons either of iron or brass, except their dags^ers ; their principal dépendance in ac- tion is upon cords made of twisted leather, which they use in this manner : when they engage an enemy, tliey throw out these cord;-., 278 Chilians have also employed the Jaqui with success against the English pirates who have landed upon their coast. They are also skilful in the manage- ment oí" horses, and in the opinion of travellers, who have had an opportunity of witnessing their dexterity and courage in this exercise, they might soon be formed into the best body of cavalry in the world. Their attachment to horses renders them particu- larly fond of horse-racing, which they conduct in the English manner. The negroes, who have been introduced into Chili wholly by contraband means, are subject- ed to a state of servitude, which may be consi- dered as tolerable in comparison to that which they endure in many parts of America, where the interest of the planter stifles every sentiment of humanity. As the planting of sugar and other articles of West- Indian commerce has not been established in Chili, the slaves are employed in domestic services, where by attention and diligence they more readily acquire the favour of their masters. Those in most esteem, are either such as are born in the country of African parents, or the mulattoes, as they become more at- tached to the family to which they belong. The humanity of the government or the inhabi- tants has introduced in favoiu' of this unfortunate race a very proper regulation. Such of them as by their industry have obtained a sum of money suffi- cient for the purchase of a slave, can ransom them- having a nonse at the extremity ; if tlicy entangle in tlieni cither liorse or man, they without clifhculty put them to deiith.-.-Ci/ofA.' Jlerod'jíiis, v(il. iii. rolijJiniiu^\)\\^ti 205, 279 selves by paying it to their masters, who are ob- liged to receive it and set them at liberty, and num- bers who have in this manner obtained their free- dom, are to be met with throughout the coun- try. Those who are ill treated by their owners, can demand a letter of sale^ which is a written per- mission to them to seek a purchaser. In case of the master's refusal, they have the privilege of applying to the judge of the place, who examines their com- plaints, and if well founded, grants them the permis- sion required. Such instances are, however, very unusual, either because the master on account of his reputation, avoids reducing his slaves to this ex- tremity, or that the slaves themselves contract such an attachment to their masters, that the greatest punishment inflicted on them would be to sell them to others. From hence it often happens that those who, for their good conduct, have their liberties given them, do not wish to avail themselves of it, in order not to lose the protection of the house they belong to, where they are certain of always having a subsistence furnished them. Masters exercise the rights of fathers of families over their slaves, in cor- recting them for their faults ; the kind and degree of punishment is left with them when they have been guilty of any crime that is not capital. Al- though such a state of servitude appears repugnant to natural right, yet society derives great advantages from it. Families are not exposed to the instability of servants, who, considering themselves as strangers, never become attached to the house, and without hesitation communicate all its secrets. The internal commerce of Chili has been hitherto of very little importance, notwithstanding the ad- vantages that the country offers for its encourage- ment. Its principal source, industry, or more pro- perly speaking, necessity, is wanting. An exten- sive commerce is correlative with a great population, and in proportion as the latter increases the former will also be augmented.* A communication by * Hitherto it may be said, that of the two branches that in gene- ral give birth to commerce, agriculture and industry, the first is that alone which animates the internal commerce of Chili, and even that part of tlie external which is carried on with Peru. The working of mines also occupies the attention of many in the provin- ces of Copiapo, Coquimbo and Quillota. But the industry is so trifling that it does not deserve the name. Notwithstanding the a!)undanreof its fruits and materials of the first class, as f4;ix, wool, hemp, skins and metals, which might produce a flourishing com- merce, it is conducted but languidly. The inhabitants employ themselves only in making ponchos, stockings, socks, carpets, bhiikets, skin coats, riding saddles, hats and other small articles, cliicfly made use of by the common or poorer class of people, since those of the middle rank employ European manufactures. These, i>ut more particularly the sale of hides and tanned leather, which they have in great plenty, with that of grain and wine form thi; v/hole of the internal commerce of the kingdom. The external which is carried on with all the ports of Peru, particularly Callao, arises from t!ie exportation of fruits ; this aniounts to seven hundred thousand dollars, serving not oidy to counterbalance the importations from that country, but leaving a balance in favour of Chili of two hundred thousand dollars ainui- ally, according to the statements given in the periodical publica- tions of Lima. The commerce between Cuüi and B'lenos-Ayres is quite other- wise, since for the herb of Paraguay (tobacco) alone it is obliged to adv.uice throe hundred dollars annually, in cash. The other articles icceivcd iVom thence are probably paid for by those sent thither. 281 ivater, which greatly facilitates its progress, has been already commenced. In several of the ports barks are employed in the transportation of merchan- dise, wliich was before carried by land upon mules, with great trouble and expense to the merchant* This beneficial innovation will probably be followed by others of still greater importance. Several large ships have also been built in the harbour of Concep- tion and the mouth of the river Maule. The ex- In the trade with Spain, the fruits received from Chili go but a little way in payment of more than a million of dollars, which are received from thence annually in European goods, either di- rectly or by the way of Buenos- Ayres, and sometimes from Lima. Gold, silver and copper are the articles which form the whole of this commerce, since the hides and vicugna wool are in such small quantities as to render them of little importance. The gold which is coined in the capital, is regulated at five thousand two hundred marks annually, whence, by companng the amount shipped with that coined, as no overplus appears, it is concluded that there is no clandestine extraction, notwithstanding in bullion and in works of use or ora iment a very considerable quantity is expended. The silver obtained from the mines is calculated at thirty thou- sand marks. Of this amount twenty five thousand is coined yearly, and the residue employed in the ¡nanufacture of table plate, and for various other purposes. The difference in the quantity shipped from that coined arises from the receipts from Lima. The remittances of gold and silver to Spain are usually made from Buenos-Ayres ; the first, being less bulky, is carried by the monthly packets in sums of two or three thousand ounces ; as to the second, it is sent in two convoy- ships in the summer, by which conveyances gold is also remitted. In calculating the gold from the remittances, it amounts to six-hundred and fifty-six thou- sand dollars, and the silver to two-hundred and forty-four thou- sand. The copper which is extracted from the mines is estimated from eight to ten thousand quintals. From these data it will not be difficult to form a general estimate of all that Chili produces annually. Vol. il Nn 282 ternal eommerce is carried on with Peru and Spain, In the first twenty-three or twenty-four ships of five or six hundred tons each are employed, which are partly Chilian and partly Peruvian. These usually make three voyages in a year ; they carry from Chili wheat, wine, pulse, almonds, nuts, cocoa-nuts, con- serves, dried meat, tallow, lard, cheese, sole leather, timber for building, copper, and a variety of other articles, and bring back in return silver, sugar, rice and cotton. The Spanish ships receive in exchange for European merchandise gold, silver, copper, vi- cugna wool and hides. A trade with the East Indies would be more profitable to the Chilians than any other, as their most valuable articles have either be- come scarce, or are not produced in that wealthy part of Asia, and the passage, in consequence of the prevalence of the south winds in the Pacific, would be easy and expeditious. No money is coined or has currency in Chili except gold and silver, a cir- cumstance very embarrassing to the internal traffic. Their smallest silver coin is one sixteenth of a dol- lar, and their weights and measures are the same that are used in Madrid. END OF THE HISTORY. AN ESSAY ON THF, CIIILIAJV LAA'GUAGE. -»-♦♦- 1 HE or'Iginal language of Chili, generally called the Araucanian, is denominated by the natives Chili dngîi, the Chilian tongue. The alphabet contains the same letters as the Latin, except the x, which is in truth nothing more than a compound letter. The s, which has been by some grammarians very pro- perly called a hissing rather than a letter, is only to be found in about twenty of their words, and never occurs at the termination, which gives to their pro- nunciation a great degree of fulness. The z is still more seldom to be met with. Besides these com- mon letters, the Chilian has a mute e and a peculiar u, like the Greeks and the French : the former is designated by the acute, and the latter by the grave accent, to distinguish them from the common e and ?/. This u is also frequently changed into i in the manner of the modern Greeks. It has besides a nasal g and a th which is pronounced by pressing the tongue against the roof of the mouth ; the latter is frequently changed into c/i, as c/iegua for thegua {the dog). In the whole of the Chilian alphabet 286 there is not a single guttural letter or vocal aspirate, a very singular circumstance with an uncivilized people. It is proper to note, that in giving the Chi- lian words the Italian orthography has been adopted. All the words of the language terminate in the six vowels heretofore noticed, and in the consonants ¿, ^i/i g^ h ^¡h ") ^' and I.'. There are, of course, fif- teen distinct terminations, which, with their variety, render the language sweet and sonorous. The ac- cent is usually placed upon the penultimate vowel, sometimes on the last, but never on the antepenult. The radicals, as far as can be collected from the vo- cabularies, which have been hitherto very imperfect, amount to one thousand nine hundred and seventy- three, and are for the greater part either monosylla- bles or dissyllables. I have made use of the above term in a much more limited sense than many, who improperly call all those words radicals that in any mode produce others. Proceeding upon so false a principle, they make some languages contain thirty or forty thousand roots, which must be considered a grammatical paradox. The roots of a language are those simple primitive expressions, which, nei- ther directly or indirectly derived from any other, produce various words, that afterwards extend them- selves into a variety of diiferent forms. Kven in the most copious languages, as th'e Greek aud Latin, the number of these roots is very limited. As far as wc have been able to discover, the radical Chi- lian words have no analogy with those of any other known idiom, though the language contains a num- 287 ber of Greek and Latin words very little varied, as may be seen in the following table : Chilian. Greek. Aldùn Aide in to increase Ale Ele splendour Amun Amouôn to go Cai Kai and Ga Oh in truth Lamfiaicon Làmpein to shine Mùlan Mullen to pulverise Pele Pelos mud Reuma Reuma a stream Tù/îun Tupein to whip, &C. £cc Chilian. Latín. Aren Arderé to burn Cu/ia Cupere to desire Dafiin Dapinare to feast Ejun Ejulare to weep I.ev Levis active or swift Lumlùmén Lumen light Litv Lux brightness Man Manus the right hand Putun Potare to drink Valin Valere to be worth Valen Valere to be able Une Uniis one, Sec. he This, however, is probably only the result of an accidental combination, for the opinion that they have been derived from the Spanish is utterly destitute of foundation, the nation being for the most part unac- quainted with it, whereas these words are to be found in the earliest vocabularies of the Chilian language. The Chilian nouns are declined with a single de- clension, or, to speak with more precision, tliey are all undeclinable, except by the addition of various 288 articles or particles which mark the number and case. They resemble the Greek nouns in having three numbers, the singular, the dual and the plural, as ^vill appear in the following example : Singular. Nom. CarUf the. city. Accus. Cara. Gen. Cara-ni. Voc. a Cara. Dat. Cara-mcu. Abl. Cara-mo. Dual. Nom. Cara-fg-u, the two cities. Accus. Cara-egu. Gen. Cara-tgu-rà. Voc. a Cara-cgu. Dat. Cara-egu-meu Abl. Cara-egu-mo. Plural. Nom. pu- Cara., the cities. Accus. pu-Cara. Gen. pu-Cara-ni. Voc. a pu-Cara. Dat. pU'Cara-meu. Abl. pu-Cava-mc. Instead oï pu, the discriminative mark of the plu- ral, the particles ica or á-^í?/? may be used affixed to the noun, or que placed between the adjective and substantive when they come together. Thus Cara will make in the plural either Caraica, or Caraeghi, or Cumeque Cara., the good cities. From hence it will be seen that, contrary to the practice in the modern languages of Europe, the ar- ticle in the Chilian is affixed to the noun. This mode of declension sometimes occurs in the Greek and Latin languages, in which we meet with a few nouns declined in this manner, though more various- ly, as musa in Latin, and soma in Greek. The Chi- lian abounds with adjectives both primitive and de- 289 , rivative. The latter are formed from every part of speech by certain invariable rules, as from tue., earth, comes tuetii, terrestrial ; from quimen^ to know, quimchi., wise ; and these, by the interposition of the particle no, become negative, as tuenotu, not terres- trial ; quimnochi, ignorant. Although these adjec- tives have all different terminations, they are, never- theless, like the English adjectives, unsusceptible of number or of gender. The same is the case with the participles and the derivative pronouns, from whence it may be said that the Chilian possesses but one gender. Whether this defect is real or only ap- parent, it is we-11 compensated by the advantage which the language possesses of rendering any one secure against the commission of a grammatical er- ror, either in writing or in speaking, as whenever it becomes necessary to distinguish the sexes, the word alca is used to denote the mascuJine, and domo the feminine gender. The comparative is formed, as inmost of the living- languages, by prefixing to the positive the particle jod or dot, signifying more, and to the superlatives the adverbs cad or imi, as doichu, more limpid ; imi- liu, most limpid. The Chilian want the diminu- tives and augmentatives, but these, as in the French, are supplied by the adjective pichi, little, and ôiita, great. Diminutives are also formed by changing a letter of a harsh sound for one more harmonious, as votun, son ; vochiwt, little son. The primitive pro- nouns are, incke, I ; eimi, you ; tei/e, which, &c. The relatives are, iuet/y v/ho ; cheniy what ; ta or ga, Vol. II. o o 290 that, 8ic. The verbs terminate in the infinitive, as in the Greek and German, in ii, with this difference, that all the German verbs end in en, and the Greek in ¿//, except in those cases where they are contract- ed ; whereas the Chilian terminate in the syllables an, en, in, on, un and un. They are all, nevertheless, without exception, regulated by a single conjugation, and are of three kinds, active, passive and imper- sonal, with three numbers, the singular, the dual, and the plural. They have all the Latin moods and tenses, with three or four others, which may be de- nominated mixed. All the tenses of the indicative produce participles and gerunds both in active and passive verbs. The terminations of the present tense of each mood serve for the other tenses of the same mood, which are distinga islied from one another by certain charac- teristic particles, 2^^ que in the second present tense, bu in the perfect, uye in the perfect, and a in the first future. The compound and mixed tenses are formed by the union of the same particles. These characteristic particles are applicable to all the moods, as well of active as of passive and imper- sonal verbs. Verbs passive are formed by placing the auxiliary gen, to be, between the radical and the final;/ of the verb, and is conjugated with the same terminations as the active. The impersonal are formed by an- nexing the particle am to the radical word, or to the denotement of time. This simple method will ap- pear more clearly in the conjugation of the verb elun. 291 to give, which will serve as a model for all the others without exception. VERB ACTIVE. INDICATIVE MOOD. Present Tense. Sing. Rlun^ I give. Dual, EluyUy -we two give. Eliiimis thou givest. Eluimuj you two give. Elui, he gives. Eluiffu, they two give. Plural. Eluign, we give. £luime?i, ye give. Eluigen^ they give. Second Present. Sing. Eluchen, I give. Elucheimi,, th^ givest, fccc* Imperfect. Sing. Elubun, I did give. Elubuimi, thou didst give, &c. Perject. Sing. Eluuyen I gave. Eluuyeimi, thou gayest, Sec. Pluperfect. Sing. JS/M«j/eÔMn, I had given. Eluuyebuimi, thou hadst given, &c. ' First Future. Sing. Eluan^ I will give. Eluami, thou wilt give, Sec. Second Future. Sing. Eluuyean, I shall have Eluuyeaimi, thou shalt have given. given, 8cc. * The first present of all the verbs is regularly used as the com • pound preterite ; thus elun signifies I give and I have given. The second present is that which denotes simply the present moment. 292 First Mixed. Siug. Ehiabun, I had to give. Eluabuimi^ thou hadstto give. Second Mixed. Sing. £luuyeabun, I ought to Eluuyeabuimi, thou oughtest t» have had to give. have had to give, S;c. IMPERATIVE MOOD. Sing. Eluchiy let me give. Dual. Eluiju, let us two give. E/iiffc, give thou. Elu7)n¿, do you two give Elujie, let him give. Elugu, let those two give. Plural. Ehiign, let us give. Elumcn^ give ye. Elugen, let them give. SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. Present Tense. Sing. Eiuli, if I may give. Dual. .C/w/Zw, ifwetwomaygive. Elu [ ma, if thou mayest ELulmv, if you two may give. give. Eluli.^ if he may give. Elulgn^ if we two may give. Plural. Elulign^ if we may give. Elubnen^ if ye may give. ELulgen^ if we may give. Imperfect. Sing. Elubuli, if I might give. Elubulmiy if thou mightestgivc, Sec. Perfect. First Future. Sing. EluuycU^ if I may have Sing. Eluali^ if I shall give, given. Pluperfect. Second Future. Sing. Elumjebuli^ if I might Sing. Elumjeali, if I shall have have given. given. 293 First Mixed. Second Mixed. Sing. lUuaùuU, if I had to give. Sint;. £liiijcabu/i, if I should Lave toc-ive. OPTATIVE MOOD. The optative is formed of the subjunctive, or of the two mixed tenses of the indicative, with the de- siderative particles ve/em, vel or chi annexed, ai> eluli velem ! God grant that I may give ! cluahun chi ! Would to God that I had to give ! INFINITIVE MOOD. The affirmative infinitive is not distinguishable from the first persons singular of the tenses of the indicative, as is the case in most of the primitive languages, and likewise in the English. Thus all the nine tenses of the indicative have their peculiar infinitives, and whenever it becomes necessary to make a distinction between them, it is done by pre- fixing some determinative particle. ACTIVE PARTICIPLES. First Present. Perfect. ^lulu, he or that who gives. £luuye'u, he who gave. Second Prese?it. Pluperfect. Eluquelu, he who gives. Eluuyebulu., he who had given. Imperfect. First Future, £lubuhi, he T\'ho did give. Elualu, he who shall give. 294 Second Future. First Mixed. Eluuyealu^ he who shall have Eluabuluy he who shall have to given. give. Second Mixed. Eluuyeabulu^ he who should have given. GERUNDS. First Present. Second Present. Eluyurriy giving. Elual., for to give, &c. Imperfect. Eluyubmn, when giving, Sec. VERB PASSIVE. INDICATIVE MOOD. Present Tense. Sing. Elugen^ I am given. Dual. Elugeyuy we two are Elugeimi^ thou art given. given, &c. Elîigei, he is given. Imperfect. Elugebum^ I was given, &c. &;c. PARTICIPLES PASSIVE. First Present. Imperfect, Elugelu, given. Elugebulu, that was given, &cc. Second Present. Perfect. Ehiel^ given. Elubuel^ that was given. 295 IMPERSONAL VERB. INDICATIVE MOOD. First Present. JSlua?n, that is giving. Second Present, £luc/iea?n, that is giving. Imperfect. Elubuam^ that was giving. Perfect. JEluityeanif that was given. Pluperfect. Eluuyebuamj that had given. Pirst Future. Eluayam, that shall be given. Second Future. Eluuyeayam^ that should be given. First Mixed. Eluabuam^ that had to give. Second Mixed. Eluuyeabuam, that should have to give. IMPERATIVE MOOD. Elupeaniy let us give. SUBJUNCTIVE MOOD. Present. Imperfect. Eluleam^ that we may give. Eluhzdeam^ that we should give. Instead of the impersonal verb, the third person singular of the passive may be used impersonally, in the manner of the Latin. The above conjugation becomes negative by the admission of the particle la in the indicative, qui in the imperative, which then takes the termination of 29Ô the conjunctive, and no in the subjunctive and infini- tive moods, as in the following example : Indicative. Elulan^ I do not give. ETulaimiy thou dost not give, Ecc. Imperative. Eluquili^ let me not give, &:c. Subjunctive. iluncii, if I dg not give, Elwwbni, if thou dost not give, SiC Lifinitive. EhmoUy not to give, Sec. This negative conjugation is much used in all the verbs, but it should be observed that in using it whenever two a's or any other monotonous vow- els are brought together, a y is placed between them to avoid harshness as in the future negative elulayun^ not to give. This method gives rise to a number of very singular verbs ; as, pilan, I deny ; gelan^ I am not ; pelan, I do not see, &:c. From hence also comes Ian, to die, that is, to be nothing ; talan, I shall not die. From the above remarks, it will be seen that al- most the whole structure of the Chilian conjugation consists in the use of the participles, which may be called regulators of time, as either singly or com- bined they vary and modify the tenses. They also perfectly supply the place of the modern auxiliary verbs. Thus the pluperfect, participating of the imperfectand perfect, is composed of the particles of 297 both. The future perfc-ct is likewise fornied from the characteristic particle s of the perfect and the fu- ture, and combines the signification of both. The same may be observed with regard to the mixed, which adopt the particles or augmentative syllables of those tenses that approach nearest them in sig- nification, the first using those of the future and im- perfect, and the second those of the perfect, the fu- ture and the imperfect. The same system, though less obvious, occurs with little variation in the^Latin conjugations, the pluperfect amaveram being appa- rently composed of the perfect amavi and the imper- fect eram, and amavero of the same perfect and the future ero. Having given a succinct view of the first inflex- ions of the verb, I shall proceed to notice the second in which it is equally abundant. Nouns ending in OR,* are formed by changing the final n of the infi- nitive into voe or ve^ as eluvoe or eluve^ the giver. Those implying action terminate in iie, al^ om^ uuy and W772. The infinitive itself becomes a noun, as thecan^ signifies both to pass and a passage. Those called in the Latin nouns in eilis, are formed by the interposition of the particle val with a participle, as eluYAUu, donable, (or that which may be given), ayiiwhluj amiable, and become negatives by the farther interposition of the particle 7io, Abstract nouns are very frequent and generally terminate in gen^ as ayuvalgen, amiableness, butogen, greatness. The compound which in Latin end in etum_, and * The Spanish or Latin termination is here meant. Vol. II. P p 298 Italian in eto, as cagtagne to,* terminate in the Chilian in )itu ; rumcntu, a bed of flowers; curantii^ a place full of stones ; mïllantu^ a mine of gold. I'he simple structure only of the verb has hi- therto been noticed. To point out the several com- binations it admits would require a laboured treatise, admitting that each simple verb becomes, by its union with various particles, the fertile root of nu- nierous other verbs. Of these particles, there are some which by being prefixed perform the office of the Latin prepositions ; others are interwoven with the verb itself, and give force to, or gracefully vary its signification. The following examples of the latter, taken from the numerous derivatives of the verb elun,, will su (lice to explain this peculiar for- mation. Eluden^ to be giving ; ehigiien^ to give more ; eiuduamen^ to wish to give ; eliijecumen^ to come giving ; elullen^ to give in earnest ; eluyaun^ to go giving ; elumen^ to go to give ; eliimon^ to liave occasion to give ; elupan^ to come to give ; diipen^ to doubt to give ; elupran, to give to no pur- pose ; clupiin, to pass in giving ; elwquen, to appear to give ; eluremim, to give unexpectedly ; elulun^ to turn to give ; eliivalen^ to be able to give ; elumC' pran^ to go to give in vain, &c. Two, three or more of these particles, when com. bined, form verbs of such a length as to comprehend an entire sentence, as iduaîw/o/avin, I do not wish to eat with him ; pemcpravin^ I went to see him in vain. The first is composed of five distinct words, in, to eat ; duan, wish ; do, \\\Ú\ ; by not ; vi, him * A grove of rliC9r,ut trees. 299 or it, and is conjugated through all its parts like elun^ as idiianclolavimi, idiiamclolavi, &.C. This kind of elegant compound is very common in the Chilian. Verbs are also formed by a happy combination of others, as from ayen, to laugh, and thipan to go out, is derived ayethipcm, to go out laughing ; qiiin- flugun, to know how to talk ; pepimedan, to be able to present, &:c. Verbs neuter become active, and active relative by the use of the particles ca, ica^ /o to this council came, Well may 'st thou. Memory, preserve the name; Tho' rude and savage, yet of noble soul. Justly they claim their place on Glory's roll, Who robbing Spain of many a gallant son, In so confin'd a space such victories won ; Whose fame some living Spaniards yet may spread, Too well attested by our warlike dead. The Poet proceeds to mention the principal Chieftains, and the number of their respective vassals. Tucapel stands first ; renowned for the most inveterate enmity to the Christians, and leader of three thousand vassals : Angol, a valiant youth, attended by four thousand: Cayocupil, with three ; and Millarapue, an elder chief, with five thousand : Paycabi, with three thousand ; and Lemolemo, with six : Maregnano, Gualemo, andLebopia, with three thousand each : Elicura, distinguished by- strength of body and detestation of servitude, with six thousand ; and the ancient Colocólo, with a superior number : Ongolmo, with four thousand ; and Puren, with six : the fierce and gigantic Lincoya with a still larger train. Peteguelen, Lord of the valley of Arauco, prevented from personal attendance by the Christians, dispatches six thousand of his retainers to the asssembly ; the most distinguished of his party are Thome and Andalican. The Lord of the maritime province of Pilmayquen, the bold Caupolican, is also unable to appear at the opening of the council. The valley where they met for their consultations is thus de- scribed by Alonzo, who probably had seen it : In an umbrageous vale the seniors meet, Embosom'd deep in woods, a cool retreat, Where gentle Flora sheds her annual blooms, And with her fragrant scents the air perfumes. The sweet perfumes the Zepliyrs waft away, Deep whispering through the groves in wanton play ; And to the limpid stream that purls below The rising gales in solemn concert blow. Here, in a sylvan theatre, they find An ample space, where all their tribes combined Could meet at large to banquet, or debate In graver mood the business of the State. Th' assembling clans within this bowery scene Repose, where scarce a fiery shaft between From Phœbus can descend, so close above The hand of Summer weaves the solemn grove. As they begin their business in the style of the ancient Germans, with a plentiful banquet, they soon grow exasperated with liquor, and a violent quarrel ensues concerning the command of the forces for the projected war ; an honour which almost every Chieftain is arrogant enought to challenge for himself. In the midst of thh turbulent debate, the ancient Colocólo delivers the following harangue, which Voltaire prefers to the speech of Nestor, on a similar occasion, in the first Iliad : " Assembled Chiefs ! ye guardians of the land I Think not I mourn from thirst of lost command, To find your rival spirits thus pursue A post of honour which I deem my due. These marks of age, you see, such thoughts disown In me, departing for the world unknown ; But my warm love, which ye have long possest, _J^ow prompts that counsel which you'll find the best. Wliy should Ave now for marks of glory jar? Why wish to spread our martial name afar ? Crush'd as we are by Fortune's cruel stroke, And bent beneath an ignominious yoke, 111 can our minds such noble pride maintain. While the fierce Spaniard holds our galling chain. Your generous fury here ye vainly show ; Ah ! rather pour it on th' embattled foe ! What frenzy has your souls of sense bereav'd ? Ye rush to self-perdition, unperceiv'd. 'Gainst your own vitals would ye lift those hands, Whose vigour ought to burst oppression's bands? " If a desire of death this rage create, O die not yet in this disgraceful state ! Turn your keen arms, and this indignant flame, Against the breast of those who sink your fame. Who made the world a witness of your shame. } Haste ye to cast these hated bonds away, In this the vigour of your souls display ; Nor blindly lavish, from your country's veins, Blood that may yet redeem her from her chains. " E'en while I thus lament, I still admire The fervour of your souls ; they give me fire ^ But justly trembling at their fatal bent, I dread some dire calamitous event ; Lest in your rage Dissension's frantick hand Should cut the sinews of our native land. If such its doom, my thread t.f being burst, And let your old compeer expire the first! Shall this shrunk, frame, thus bow'd by age's weight, Live the weak witness of a nation's fate ? No: let some friendly sword, with kind relief, Forbid its shiking in that scene of grief. Happy whose eyes in timely darkness close, Sav'd from that worst of sights, his country's woes Î Yet, while I can, I inake your weal my care, And for the publick good my thoughts declare. " Equal ye are in courage and in worth j Heaven has assign 'd to all an equal birth : In wealth, in power, and majesty of soul. Each Chief seems worthy of the world's control. These gracious gifts, not gratefully beheld, To this dire strife your daring minds impell'd. " But on your generous valour T depend, That ail our country's woes will swiftly end. A Leader still our present state demands, To guide to vengeance our impatient bands ; Fit for this hardy task that Chief I deem. Who longest may sustain a massive beam : Your rank is equal, let your force be try'd And for the strongest let his strengih decide," The Chieftains acquiesce in this proposal. The beam is pro- duced, and of a size so enormous, that the Poet declai es himself afraid to specify its weight. The first Chieftains who engage in the trial support it en their shoulders five and six hours each ; Tucapel fourteen ; and Lincoya more than double that number ; when the assembly, considering his strength as almost supernatu- ral, is eager to bestow on him the title of General : but in the Vol. il b 10 moment he is exulting in this nev," honour, Caupolican arrives ■without attendants. Though from his birth one darken'd eye he drew, (Tha viewless orb was of the granite's hue) Nature, who partly robb'd him of his sight, Repaid this failure by redoubled might. Tliis noble youth was of the highest state ; His actions honour'd, and his words of weight : • Prompt and resolv'd in every generous cause, A friend to Justice anci her sternest laws : Fashion 'd for sudden feats, or toils of length, His limbs possess'd both suppleness and strengths Dauntless his mind, determin'd and adroit In every quick and hazardous exploit This accomplished Chieftain is received with great joy by the assembly ; and, having surpassed Lincoya by many degrees in the trial, is invested with the supreme command. He dispatches a small party to attack a neighbouring Spanish fort : they execute his orders, and make' a vigorous assault. After a sharp conflict they are repulsed ; but in the moment of their retreat Caupolican arrives with his army to their support. The Spaniards in despair evacuate the fort, and make their escape in the oight : the news is brought to Valdivia, the Spanish Commander in the city of Conception ; and with his resolution to punish the Bai'barians the canto concludes. CANTO m. O thirst of gold 1 disease without a cure ! What toils thy persevering slaves endure ! Thou common vice, whose long, tenacious spell, The noblest energies of mind can quell ! Thy deadly charms the human soul unbind From Heaven, and let her drive before the wind. Thou public foe ! insatiate as the tomb, A dropsy's rage distends thy craving womb ; From thee those countless ills derive their source, Thnt deluge ail the world with headlong course : 11 Dîsguis'd by thee, the pomp of state appear» A troubled journey thro' a vale of tears ; Thou bidst the peasant wail his luckless lot, And spurn the blessings of his pcAceful cot. Each morning from Potosi's sunless caves, Five toiling myriads of devoted slaves, Five golden marks for each incessant bore, To proud Valdivia, yet he long'd for more : Tho' wealthy, still in want, by sloth betray'd, And love of gold, he in his mines delay'd. Till from the potent grasp of mighty Spain, The land wasrescu'd with its num'rous train ; By him in evil hour, these vales were found So long conceal'd within the southern bound ; For him Bellona stretch'd her sway afar, Follow'd by dire Oppression, worse than War ; Till rous'd to rage, with unsuppressive might, The hardy Araucanians claim'd their light, And all the rigours of unlawful sway, Call'd forth those powers that held her rage at bay. How well in calm prosperity we know Due counsel on the wretched to bestow ! And much the fruitless theoiy we prize, Tho' for ourselves the practice we despise. How learn'd we seem beneath the tranquil shade, In every chance of warfare's deadly trade ! With what keen scorn the favourites of the sky Survey their brethren in adversity ; And as they stumble in the vale of Death, Censure attends them through the slippery path ; Still judging by th' event ; but Heaven alone. By whose just hand the lots of life are thrown. Can tell why some are wreck'd on Fortune's sleep, While others sail secure the smiling deep. Led on by fates adverse, Valdivia past In long disastrous march the lonely waste. Not with such headlong and ungovern'd speed, As late he us'd his haughty bands to lead, For sad presages of impending doom, O'er his sick fancy hung unusual gloona. 13 His bands he led in order thro' the shadç, As if he fear'd a springing ambuscade. Couriers he sent before, with timely speed. To try the passes, and the war to lead, Andnam'd a place to meet. The tangled dell They past, but ne'er return'd their doom to tell. Now at the rendezvous arriv'd, they stood To wait their spies returning from the wood. While, as the time drew on, in every breast Contending hope and doubt the soul o])prest Nor long the heroes stood in s.'ige debate, But allât length resolv'd to share their fate, Whether by Heaven's behest they scap'd the snare, Or fell the victims of insidious war ; And tho' a falt'ring pause the boldest felt, Yet no presage their high resolve could melt ; On their good falchions, oft in battle try'd, And strenuous arms the gallant bands rely'd. Scarce two short leagues along the glade they move, When, midst the dark funereal boughs above, Hung by their gory locks, aloft were seen, Their comrades' heads above the hostile green ; Or fix'd on pales within the deadly pass, Glar'd on their friends with formidable grace. Mute with surprise, but firm andunsubdu'd, In solemn gaze awhile the soldiers stood, But stood not long, for Fury soon began To rouse to deeds of blood the hardy clan. Storming with rage, and cursing dull delay» They call their Captains on to lead the way. Their Lord, who savii the future in the past, Stood silent for a space, and try'd at last. Calmly, with look sedate, and temper cool, The dangerous ardour of the train to rule. " Ye gallant Champions of the Ci-oss," he cry'd, " Be firm, be fearless, but let reason guide. You see our bold rebellious slaves display, Their hostile ensigns in the face of day, Triumphant over broken faith they rise, And spurn their oaths, recorded in the skies; We hear their deadly trumpet's angry sound. We spy the flames of Discord kindling round» 13 And know what lives ^vere lavislj'd to subdue. And bend beneath our laws the savage crew : When Fortune led us en, with conqu'iing arn.s, Thro' paths of deadly guile, and fierce ahirnis, This ground was often drunk with hostile gore, That bought our triumphs on this fatal bhoi c : But dangers new our sagest counsels claim, To guard the glories of the Spavii.sh name. Inveterate Hate, by habit nurst, you know. And scorn of life inspires the savage foe ; And, should we fail, their pride, despising bound, Would Hame defiance to the world around. This gives me pause, nor can my anxious ey The safer path in this dilemma spy." Fermenting courage in eachboscm flam'd Of those bold youths, by evil yet untam'd, And native valour beam'd in every eye : " Let us but see them once," aloud they cry ; " Let ten of us be nam'd to face the foe, W^e'll force the post, and lay their standard low. We know not fear, nor be it ever told That dastard dread our inborn worth controU'd ; Our taintless honour deprecates the thought, That, by retreat, a moment's life Avere bought. One faltering motion, one retiring pace, Would shade our long renown with deep disgrace. No, let us with undaunted march proceed. We dare to follow, if you choose to lead." Valdivia's burning cheek the pangs confest Of shame and honour, struggling in his breast. Ill-fated Chief! the dire effect ycu saw Of youthful rage that spurn'd at Reason's law ; The keen and venom'd shaft of causeless blame, You, like a Warrior, felt with honest shame ; False honour o'er your better sense prevail'd. The Soldier triumph'd, but the General fail'd: You rather wish'd to sink among the slain, Than soil your honour with the sliglitesi stain ! While thus revenge and war the soldier» vow'd, A friendly Indian, from the martial crowd Sprung forth, and to Valdivia thus exclaim'd: " O mighty Chief, in many a combat fam'd,. 14 Recaí the word, nor try that dang'rous way, Full twice ten thousand foes, in dread array, Cover the plains of Tucapel afar, Confederate all, impatient for the war ; All bound in solemn oaths to meet their doom, And purchase freedom, or a glorious tomb." At this report, a cold sensation ])ast O'er every bosom like a wintry blast ; The King of Terrors seem'd to stalk around, And every shuddering heart his presence found : The noble Chieftain, unappall'd alone. Beheld them blanch, and thus in angry tone : " What ! do ye falter ere you sec the foe ! Be constant, or the soldier's name forego !" Then with a look that spoke a wounded mind, He spurj*'d his courser on : the crowd behind The damp contagion from their souls expell'd, And dauntless follow'd o'er the dusty field. Soon Tucapel's retiring heights display The fatal champain to the face of day. The fortress first their wond'ring eyes survey'd, Late a proud pile, but now in ruin laid. " O noble friends I" aloud the General cry'd, " Those walls I thought the utmost force defy'd Of hostile rage, but see how low they lie, A spectacle of ruin to the sky ! Tlie deadly foe in arms we soon shall meet, No friendly castle here affords retreat ; On our good swords alone we now depend To purchase conquest, or a glorious end." While thus he strove their gallant hearts to warm, A distant rumour, like a gathering storm. Broke on th' unfinish'd word ; and soon were seen, Innumerous spears, thick glancing o'er the green, Brandish'd by hostile hands ; while all around Was heard this dire salute, with sullen sound : " Robbers ! advance, and with your blood repay The wrongs we bore beneath your deadly sway ; Your lands and lives you now must leave behind. Your deadly sentence Fate at last has sign'd.'' The General saw that now the hour was come, That nought but viilour could decide their doom, 15 Then bade a Chieftain with his troops invade A squadron of the foe, whose files disphiy'd A scantier depth : the noble Spaniard flew Like bolted fire against the hostile crew. From Mareande's hills the warriors came, Second to none in military fame ; To meet the shock before the hostile band The hardy pikemcn in close order stand. Soon, at the lightning of the lifted spear, The serried files divide from van to reai". And let the Spaniards pass ; then hemm'd behind The luckless foe, as in a net confin'd ; Who, buried in the hostile crowd afar, Soon disappear'd amid the mingling war. Thus the fell crocodile, in ambush laid. When finny shoals his secret haunt invade. While troubling the clear stream they sport along. With mighty jaws engulphs the heedless throng, Then closing his wide mouth with eager haste, Battens at leisure on the rich repast ; So our thin squadron soon to sight was lost Among the numbers of the savage host ; Nor one escap'd of that distinguish'd few Who first in arms assail'd the hostile crew. Now the loud trumpet gave the fatal sign, Slow mov'd the mighty Araucanian line ; And now they bend their shadowy wings to close In one gigantick sweep their gallant foes. Valdivia, yet, by no example wise, That instant to an hardy leader cries. With a bold voluntary band to face The foe, that now advanc'd with steady pace. Twice five were only found that dar'd to brave Their fate, and seek, by wounds, a glorious grave : They, spurring on their steeds, with Icosen'd reia Met with a mighty shock the pagan train. Nine spears at once were dy'd in hostile gore, One only left his steed, to rise no more. Pierc'd with barbarian shafts the soldier lay, And breath'd in mortal pangs his soul away. Tiiro' ranks of death the nine bold biethren rode, And drench'd the summer sands with hostile blocd; lô Rut after many a proof of matchless might, They fell successive in th' unfiiiish'd fight ; Mangled with wounds, the noble youths resign 'd Their souls, but vengeance v/as not left behind. For e'er they fell themselves, their deadly blades Sent their destroyers to the Stygian shades. But now the dreadful trump of Spain afar Pour d on the startled ear the blast of war ; With vizors clos'd, and every lance in rest, The hardy Spaniards to the combat prest. In four light squadrons form'd, the gallant van Springing in full career, the fight began ; Backward recoil'd the battle of the foe, And soon barbarian blood was seen to flow. Lopp'd arms, and mangled limbs, their triumphs told. And heads and headless trunks at random roll'd : Nor stood the foe agliast, but soon return'd In force, and o'er the field the battle burn'd. Nov/ van to van they meet with mortal blows. And Death alternate feasts on friends and foes ; Yet each disdains a thought of dastard flight, And on his single arm relies in fight : The meadows, late in cheerful green array'd, To the sad eyes a sanguine tint display'd ; Still the dii'e clang of arms incessant rung, And Death above his sable ensign hung ; Viewing v/ith horrid glee the shatter'd brain, Or the v/arm bowels gushing on the plain ; Or gory head, that, as it roU'd alongé Scem'd with convulsive glare to view the throng, Rolling in blood its ghastly eyes around, V'/hilc the fallen body sj>ura'd the sanguine ground. 'Í "!ic blood-stain'd sabres, glancing to and fro, füeam'd like red lightning o'er the field below ; And oft as vigour fail'd, by steadfast hate Inspired, they still prolong'd the stern debate. None situnn'd, nor wibh'dtoshmi, his deadly doom. Nor sought repose butin the yawning tomb; Even co-ñ:ards feit their fear to frenzy ch:mg'd. And only wislî'd to die, but die reveng'd. But fierce desire of blood, and scorn of pain, With tenfold rage cnfiam'd the .sons of Spain ; 17 Onward they rush'd, impetuous in their course, And scarce created might could stand their force. Slowly the Araucanians first retreat, But soon in squadrons turn, and trust their feet. " Triumph to Spain !" the conquering legions cry ; " Triumph to Spain !" the neighb'ring vales reply ; But dire mischance, or Fate's resistless sway, Gave a dread sequel to this signal day. An Indian Chieftain's son, in arms renown'd, To great Valdivia by allegiance bound, For many an instance of paternal care, Follow'd his patron to the field of war ; But when he saw his friends resign the field. Commotion strange his looks and words reveal'd ; And as they fled, pursued by wild alarms, He thus recali'd their broken bands to arms: " O blind to glory, wliither would ye run, Where do you think impending fate to shun ? And is it thus your ancient fame expires, The Sage's honour, and the Patriot's fires? Are all your laws and rights for ever lost. Your fathers' freedom, and your country's boast ? Once ye were independent, feai-'d, and bold, Kow, for degrading bonds your claims are sold. The vigour of your ancient stem decays. Each drooping bough a latent plague betrays ; That, deep within, its vernal sap consumes, And withering blights invade its tarnish'd blooms, Behold the wasted vigour of your foe ! See, bath'd in sweat and blood, their coursers blow ! Lose not your mental force, your martial fires, Our best inheritance from generous sires ; Sink not the noble Araucanian name From glory's summit to the depths of sliame ; Fly, fly the servitude your souls detest ! To the keen sword «ppose the dauntless breast. Why show ye frames endued with manly powci-. Yet shrink from danger in the trying liour ? Fix in your minds the friendly truth I speak ; ' Vain are your fears, your terror blind and weak : Now make your names immortal ; now restore Freedom's lost blessings to your native shure : Vol. II. c 18 Now turji, whiJe Fame and Victory inTite, While prüsp'i'ous Fortune calls you to the fight ; Or yet a moment cease, O cease to fiy, And for our country learn of me to die I" Exclaiming thus, among the crowd he prest, And aim'd hisjavelin at Valdivia's breast ; Profuse of life, to fire his kindred band By the atchievemcnts of a single hand, Bounding among the levell'd spears he flew, VVliile death around his steely circle drew ; As when, in summer's glow, a panting deer, Seeks the cool solace of the waters clear, And sports anud the waves in wanton play, So sped the warrior thro' the thick array. One he o'erturns ; another warrior's side Feels through his ribs the deadly weapon glide, Though long and large ; then lancing through the throug. He turns and winds at will, or darts along; Now springing to the blow, a soldier's thigh He pierc'd, as on his steed he past him by ; The shock, as o'er the field his courser flew, With headlong fury snaptthe beam in two; In his strong hand remain'd the shatter'd wood, Fixt in the lawn the pointed truncheon stood. Flinging the fragments of his spear away. An huge two-handed mace, with furious sway, Caught from the field, around the warrior swung, And fell'd the bravest of the fighting throng. Before the tempest of his arm afar At distance due retir'd the baffled war ; But rallying soon the martial tide returns, And round his dauntless head the battle burns. No more they pour upon the flying crew, But 'gainst a single youth the fight renew. With active bound he shuns the levell'd lance, Keen falchions round his helm innocuous glance, Through tilting spears, and many a random blow, He vaults, or springs aloof, or lurks below ; And like a Demon, in the shades of night. Eludes the touch, though visible to sight. What far-fam'd ages ever yetsupply'd A name like his, who left the victor's side, I 19 And with the vanquish 'd host, at Honoui-'s call, Resolv'd to wake their hopes, or share their fall ? What eye had ever seen beneath the sun, Since he began his daily race to run, A young bai'barian's solitary hand, Extort a trophy from the victor band ? Though Rome, exulting, give the Decian name With their sad offering to eternal fame ; Though Curtius past the gloomy gulf below, And Mutius' burning hand amaz'd the foe ; Though Codes longmaintain'd the ijloody post, And with his single arm repell'd an ho'^t ; Though in the ])ass Leónidas was seen, Tinging with Median gore the fatal green ; Since first the world was shook by war's alarms, His equal ne'er v/as known in deeds of arms. Let Furius, with Marcelhis, join his claim, Fulvius and Quintus with the Sergian name ; Say, of these famous Chiefs can one exceed Or match this young Barbarian's noble deed? Vict'ry for them, her purpose unexplor'd. Tempted by equal chance their happy sword : W^hat risk, what peril, did they boldly meet, Save where Ambition urg'd the splendid feat ; Or mightier Interest fir'd the daring mind, Which makes a Hero of the fearfvd Hind ? Many there are who with a brave disdain Face all the perils of the deathful plain, Who, fir'd by hopes of glory, nobly dare. Yet fail the stroke of adverse chance to bear ; With animated fire their spirit shines. Till the short splendour of their day declines ; But all their valour, all their strength expires, When fickle Fortune from their side retires. This youthful Hero, when the die was cast, War's dire decree against his country past, Made the stern Power the finish'd cause resume, And finally reverse the cruel doom : And, by his efforts in the dread debate, Foi'c'd the determin'd will of adverse Fate. Still I'ound his dauntless form the battle wheel'd, And arms and corses strew'd the sanguine field ; 20 When India's leader o'er the flying crew A glance of grief and rage indignant threw. .,\t his stern look and animating cry, The startled soldiers turn around, and spy Where to a single combatant oppos'd, Iberia's files the matchless foe enclos'd; As visionary phantoms take their ilight At the first dawning of the sacred light ; As the first error fills with wild alarms The man whom genuine love of honour warms ; As they who fly "when danger threatens near, While night redoubling every cause of fear Conceals their shame, but when Aurora springs, And on their burning brows detection flings, By indignation fir'd, and generous shame. Undaunted rally, and the combat claim. Thus Araucar.ia started from her trance. Thus the keen lightning of the lifted lance To the horizon gleam'd ; while all around The dusty fields their thund'ring march resound ; And, pealing to the skies, from wing to wing, Uimumber'd choirs the hymn of battle sing, While echo sends around, with mimic breath. The solemn vow of conquest, or of death. As with tremendous shock the battles join'd, And shouts of onset fill'd the passing wind, The mighty Oro's lance like thunder past Brave Paynaguala's breast, who breath 'd his last. Caupolican observ'd him as he stood, Proudly exulting o'er the scene of blood, And aim'd a downright blow, but sidelong swung His pond'rous mace, which laid the knight along ; His batter'd helm return'd a sullen sound, And blood and brains came gushing through the wound. A second foe unknown his truncheon sped, By many blows subdn'd among the dead, With dinted helm, and batter'd sides he lay, Breathing in mortal pangs his soul away. Mighty Ongolmo, with Ibei-ia's lord. Met in the mortal conflict, sword to sword ; His mutilated hand Ongolmo mourns : To find another foe Valdivia turns, 21 And saw where Leucoton maintain'd the ilght Against proud Lamas with Reynnso's knight. Nought could the Spaniard's double force prevail, And still the battle hung in even scale ; But when Valdivia to the combat drew Such fearful odds, the Araiicanians flew Their friend to aid ; again the battle rag'd, And Spanish Knights and Indian Chiefs cngag'd With equal might, vv'hile to the vaulted sky From plate and mail the steely sparkles fly. Thus veer'd the tide of fight, by fortune drivrn, While the rude sound of onset rose to Heaven. Here many a gasping Chief resign 'd his breath. Disdaining flight, and proud of glorious death ; While some with hostile arms embrace the foe, And speed with daggers keen, the mortal blow. 'Twas not enough that Gudiel ne'er had seen An equal wrestler on the sylvan green ; But kindling with ill-omen'd thirst of fame, He now resolv'd to try the dang'rous game. Strong Guaticol he challeng'd to the field, A youth, yet never known the palm toyield ; They meet ; they grapple long with fruitless toil, While drops of sweat bedew the dusty soil ; But to his brother's aid bold Puron flew, And with insidious hand a dagger drew ; Then ripp'd with cruel stroke the Spaniard's side And life came floating in a purple tide. Faint with the loss of blood, and deadly wan With staggering step brave Villaroel ran Among his foes a speedy fate to find ; With him the noble heir of Pennas join'd Oozing in gory drops his life away. And both at once provoke the mortal fray ; And not in vain : for soon, combin'd in death, They sink together, and resign their breath. Our ranks grew thin, and still the bravest fell, While still the hostile numbers seem'd to swell. Scarce sixty gallant combatants remain'd, Who with undaunted hearts the fight maintain'd : And Fortune, wav'ring in her fickle mood. The part she favour'd late, with rage pursu'd ; ^2 That cause, which Heaven appear'd before to love, Seem'd now abhorr'd by every power above. Two thousand bowmen bold, ally'd to Spain, But natives, kept at bay the savage train. With many a fatal shower of arrows keen, And strew'd, with copious death, the bloody green. But now, surrounded in the fatal field, These archers to their doom were forc'd to yield. But still, with dauntless hearts the Spaniards stood, And sold, with many a lii^, their streaming blood. What man could do, their gallant Chief essay'd, And timely succour here and there convey'd ; While his strong voice their fainting sovils could raise With sharp rebuke, or well deserved praise. While his unwearied arm the sv/ord could wield, Like Mars hemov'd along tl\e bloody field. Alas, in vain ! his friends with gradual fall Sink round, and on his name, expiring, call ; Those that were left, resolve in ai^ms to die, Nor means of reconcilement know, or try. In turn by twos, and threes, they press the plain, Twice seven alone of all the band remain ; Yet, resolute the last extreme to meet. Like soldiers, and like men, who scorn'd retreat, Nought but the force of steel could bend them down, Or make the gallant youths a victor own. At length the wretched Chief alone was left Of all his followers in a day bereft, Except his chaplain sage, a blameless Priest, Whom thus with hasty v/ords the Chief addrest : " Since we perceive it fruitless to contend. Another course we now must learn to bend ; If Heaven allows escape, our lives to save. And shun the horrors of tlie yawning grave." He spoke, they spurr'd their steeds, and fled amain, Pursu'd, insulted by the yelling train : Like two wild chafing boars, by hunters chas'd Along the mazes of the sylvan waste. With dogs of scent, that range the forest o'er, Or fleet Hibernian hounds, athirst for gore ; So in the track of death, with savage spite, The cruel Foe pursu'd the Chieftain's flight ; 23 While clouds of missile death, discharg'd behind, Fell on the ground, or sung upon the wind, As wintry gusts the dai-kened fields assail, And o'er the rallies sweep the sounding hail. A deep merass at length their flight withstood. On them the hunters flew athirst for blood : While those that lagg'd the hindmost in the chace Their shouting fellows mark'd with deep disgrace. The Chaplain soon was slain, the savage crew With contumelious blows Valdivia drew, Where met in dire divan the seniors sate With general sentence to pronounce his fate. Caupolican, who wish'd to see his foe, A living trophy of his overthrow, With lordly look and haughty threat beg^n To question and insult the ruin'd man. With abject mien, and supplication low, The captive try'd to melt the cruel foe ; Imploring life, and oft devoutly swore To Chili's tribes their freedom to restore ; Nor e'er, if mercy met his prayers again, With slavish bonds to gall the hardy train. *Tis said the General's heart began to melt, And all a transient glow of pity felt ; But one, to whom the doubtful Chief apply'd For prompt advice, with soul relentless cry'd: " Say, will you to a captive's prayer resign The noble fruits of many a bold design ? This arm will soon annul the deep disgrace :* Then lifting in both hands a ponderous mace, With sudden fury struck his kneeling foe, And sent his spirit to the shades below. As when a bull is seen for slaughter bound. Whose mournful lowings fill the region round, While crowding near, with unrelenting eyes, The cruel train admire his mighty size. The stern assassin lifts his murd'rous mace, And, marking with his eye the mortal place, His brain-pan smites, and lays him on the soil. Then from his members tears the recking spoil. The cruel Indian thus, tho' chill'd with age, Ou the defenceless victim spent his rage. 24 The Chief, with generous indignation warm. Against the ruthless deed began to storm ; And vow'd I'evenge; and to the host appeal'd ; The general vote his rising rage withheld: And all agree, that none of hostile name Sliould 'scape, the general danger to proclaim : The cruel senior thus from peril freed, Exulted in his unrelenting deed. Two friendly Indians, when their comrades fell, B}- fate were spar'd the deadly news to tell. Those lied the field of death, and gain'd a wood From which the direful scene of strife they view'd. TillPhœbus in the west, with setting ray, Clos'd the dire triumphs of that dreadful day ; And when clear Hesper led the train of night, The friendly hour conceal'd their homeward flight.* Now climbing up the vast Olympian steep. The car of night, involv'd in darkness deep, Pieach'd to the point of noon, and far display'd Over the face of things her peaceful shade. Not peaceful was the camp, where clamorous joy Broke thro' the gloom, and struck the vaulted sky. Kow fearless of alarm, and eas'd from toil, Their blood-stain'd arms around the Warriors pile ; The youths pi-epare to dance, the timbrels sound, And jocund measures beat the groaning ground ; The joyful tidings, ere the blush of morn. To all the Araucauian tribes were borne. In an assembly of the Araucanians a general confederacy of all the southern tribes is ¡proposed, in order to attack the Spaniards in every quarter at once, and extirpate the whole race. This pro- posal is overruled by Caupolican, the General, who recommends defensive war as the more cfíectual means of establishing their in- dependence. He thus ])roceeds : — '• Valdivia's doom, yon mighty castle's fall, A feebler foe than Spain would much appal ; * This accounts for the pai*ticulars of the battle being so distinctly known to the Spaniards, from whom Erc'iIIa hud probably learned them. 25 But, when our bold revolt is fully known, Revenge to deetls of blood will urge them on. Who then shall meet their desolating rage, Or in an equal field their powers engage ? No ! be it ours to leave a passage free, While they, secure of fancy'd victory, By woody wilds, and swamps encircled round. And cliffi embattled high, and lakes profound ; Incautious in the deadly snare shall fall, And one wide ruin overwhelm them all. Nor can their valour then their lives defend, If fortune still thejuster cause befriend ; In search of us in vain they long may roam, And find us, unexpected guests, at home," The General spoke, the crowd with joint acclaim Approve his counsel, and applaud his name. Those means, which wayward fancy spurn'd before, Seem'd now the best their safety to restore. Then to the youth he turn'd, whose daring hand Relum'd the courage of the flying band, From the proud Victor snatch'd his wreath away, And with unequall'd prowess turn'd the day ; And on his right the high-distinguish'd man, Placing with due respect, he thus began : "All hail, unequall'd youth, whose warlike name Exalts to Heaven the Araucanian fame ! To thee she owes that her capacious bound Takes in a large extent of hostile ground. To thee the safety of the State we owe ; To thee our cruel Tyrant's overthrow. Thine is th' atchievement sole, and thine the praise, To last, while yonder sun our world surveys." Then, turning to the Senate, thus he said, »' For such high merit in the field display'd. By great Lautaro (so the Chief was nam'd) Say, what reward, what honours can be claim'd ^ If your consent, with my design accord. His hand shall wield a delegated sword. And guide to fame, the second in command, The bold defenders of our native land. I send him r/ith a brave selected train, Where best his active valour may sustain Vol. II. o 26 T'lie hot incursion of our deadly foes, While I, at Elicura's pass dispose My powers, the hostile squadrons to engage, If haply there they mean to point their rage." All prais'd the generous boon, so well bestow 'd, The new made Chief with grateful ardour glow'd : Envy, the darkest demon of the mind, Was mute, if envy there a place could find. The Chief, as laws ordain'd in days of yore, Fi-om his redundant locks a ringlet shore ; This simple mark of delegated sway 'i'he tribes were long accustom'd to obey. This meed the youth obtain'd, his country's shield,, In counsel wise, and fearless in the field : Yet mild, and gentle in the peaceful shade, He only seem'd for social pleasure made ; But when his country's callinspir'd his soul. His fiery spirit flam'd above controul. Not large of limb, but with collected might. And lion nerve, he turn'd the tide of fight ; His swelling muscles, his capacious chest. And shoulders bx'oad, transcendent force confcst. The choice, and presence of this guest renown'd, Prolong'd the feast, while oft the sun went round. The rivals in the course, the wrestlers riag. The sinewy champion, who with active spring Out-leap'd his peers, employ'd the jocund day. But, when pale Cynthia shed her silver ray Along the solemn wood, the dance and song Varied the pleasures of the qiartial throng : Not equal feasts adorn'd, in days of yore, 'J'lic plains of Argos or Scamander's shore: When long-protracted joys, with honours due, Paid the long labours of tlie gallant crew. But o'er th' assembly soon a cloud was cast, When thro' the forest, breathless, pale, aghast, OV-rtoil'd, and smcar'd with dust, a Courier came, And thus was heard his tidings to proclaim : " To arms, great Chief! to arms, ye tribes renown'd, The deadly Foe hasforc'd the guarded bound. Your ambuscade is bi'oke, your chamj)ions slain, Xono but the troops that fled the field remain, 27 The relicks of the war. A scanty foe, Twice seven in number, caus'd our overthrow. All cas'd in mail, on fleetest coursers borne. Our shafts and pointed spears they held in scorn, As like autumnal storms they swept along Our scatter'd files, and thinn'd the feeble throng ; The boldest of our train in battle fell, The rest surviv'd the deadly news to tell." The Chief, who knew his anguish well to hide, Thus, with a well-dissembled scorn reply'd : " And is it thus our foes maintain the war ? This sudden onset only marks despair. A band so small can never hope retreat, Compell'd at every pass their doom to meet." Then to his delegate he gave command To take the vaward with a chosen band. To watch the foe, and recognize their force, While with his legions he pursued their course. Proud of his charge, the dauntless Indian drew A band of heroes from the martial crew ; And led them on with speed in quest of fame, With new atchievements to adorn his name. But the sonorous trump of Mars afar Recalls the Muse to other scenes of war ; To sing what these advent'rous Knights perform 'd. With what impetuous rage the camp they storm'd. CANTO IV. OF what high import is the love of right ! By her, what numerous ills are put to flight ! Thro' all the Araucanian vales afar Rebellion had not wav'd the flag of War, Nor Ruin roll'd her sweeping tide along Had castigation check'd the infant wrong. Thus wounds, when left to fester, in the close Bring on a sable train of cureless woes. Mercy is cruelty when ills invade. And timely cure is by neglect delay'd. If the deep gangrene calls the searching steel, The stroke is needful, th.o' the man may fee\ -, 28 E> en soft Compassion holds the saving knife That lops the member, to preserve the life. Forbid it, Heaven ! that every crime should draw The trenchant sword of unrelenting law, Except v/hen deadly guilt the wound requires, Pregnant with plagues, and lit witli Stygian fires ; The guilt was nmtual here ; the lust of gold Foster'd the fiend to license uncontroU'd : No strong corrective hand his rage represt, Till his dark venom boil'd in every breast. The strictest laws of Nemesis abjure That wanton cruelty that kills to cure, And wades thro' deluges of blood, to claim For deeds of ruthless stamp, a lasting name ; Or with a causeless and unbounded rage Which Mercy tries in vain to melt orsuage ; For solitary crimes with deadly wrath Consigns a guiltless hecatomb to death. The Muse might here indulge an amj)le view, And this important theme at large pursue ; But Modesty forbids the depths toscan, That sliew the duties, and the claims of man. Censure and Envy, with malignant eyes. In me a partial bias might surmise ; But this, at least, is clear, that careless swaj'^, And absence of a King, to num'rous ills betray. To trace the course of wrong no more the Muse Attempts, but now her former theme pursues, Nor longer now forsakes the path assign'd To sow the seeds of wisdom in the wind ; Gladly she turns to that advent'rous band, Whose gallant deeds a nobler flight demand ; Ambitious to consign to endless fame The glory of each far distinguish'd name ; But ah ! a nobler palm than she can give These youths demand to bid their memory live. Yet even this monument of rustic praise, That such an humble bard as I can raise. To times remote may send their glories down, And other ages hear their long renown ; Till unborn heroes, kindling at the view, Shall bid the fair example live anew. 29 Their names, before their deeds, O Muse ! record ; Cortez, Almagro's far-destroying sword, Cordova, with Nereda's heir combin'd, Moran, Gonzalo, v/ith Hernandez join'd ; With Maldonado, Penalosa came, Their place Vergara next, and Garcia claim, Herrera nigh with Castañeda rode. Like tlic twin offspring of th' Olympian God ; And noble Manrique, not the lowest name, Brought up the rear, and clos'd the lists of fame ; Those, when the fallen Valdivia sent for aid. With eager haste the martial call obey'd, ^ Andspurr'd along, unconscious of the doom That sent their General to th' untimely tomb. By Puren's shadowy cliffs the heroes past. And reach'd a sylvan theatre at last. Where marks of mighty rendezvous were seen. For countless feet had mark'd the trodden green ; By num'rous signs they soon discover'd clear, That wild Revolt had rais'dher standard here ; Vet neither stopp'd their course, nor turn'd aside, Till mild Aurora's crimson vest they spy'd, Above the dawning hills display'd afar. And gladly hail'd the morn's ascending car. FairElicura's opening vale they spy. When Sol o'erlooked the w^oods with lordly eye. Here in dread ambuscade the Indians lay. Hoping that, when their Foes pursu'd their way In careless march, a loose, disorder'd host, Thdr bands, conceal'd around the fatal post, Might hem them in amid the woodland gloom All unawares, and mark them for the tomb. Three steep descending glades the Warriors past, And to the central shades arriv'd at last ; Where stood their foes, deep rang'd in alleys green, Hidhig in sylvan mask their hideous mien ; Sudden, the Araucanian trump afar Was heard, and tambourines provoke the war ; Barbarian cymbals join their deadly sound, And doubling echoes from the vales rebound. While from their green retreats in dread array The Indians pour, and mtercept the way. 30 Not hunters, when the starting hare they sec Stretching, with tim'rüus speed, along the lea, More transport feel, than each Iberian breast, At the first prospect of the foe confcst. Instant, their thund'ring steeds they spurr'd along, Eager toplunge amid the hostile throng. Of flinty-headed pikes the Indians drew A line before to foil the Christian crew ; Yet, at their force, the Christians nought dismay'd, Dismist the boldest to the Stygian shade ; And spears and spearmen, helms andbatter'd shields, In various havock spread the fatal fields. With active hands, but hopeless hearts, they fought, For still fresh numbers hemm'd the fatal spot. Two squadrons, in a circle wide, surround The fatal wood ; the third maintains its ground Against their foes : their foes in close array Come on with levell'd spears, or break away. And now in deadly tournament they join. And with fierce inroad part the lengthen'd line. Again their rallying foes and legions meet, And force them back to find a safe retreat. Now back to back they fight : now side by side, And chace their wounded foes along the forest wide. Soon other foes, assembling in the rear, Laugh at the light'ning of the lifted spear. Thus twice with desperate rage to force their way, They strove, as oft the Indians firm array At every pass their furious course withstood Among the mazes of the faithless wood. Then facing to the long defile that led Where Casafucrte rais'd its awful head Of old, to right, to left the warriors Avheel'd, But still the thronging Indians fiU'd the field, And mingling boldly with the gallant band Provok'd th' unequal conflict hand to hand. At length from that sad vale a pass they found, By mining waters thro' the lofty mound Open'd of old, where now the sinking soil Proniis'd a seeming respite to their toil ; So narrow was the way, that as they past Along the path by shelving hills embrac'd, 31 As slowly on they fil'd a Knight behind, With single valour check'd their foes combin'd ; The ridge was skirted by a gloomy wood, Thro' this the Avarriors past by fate pursued, Full in the track behind. A friendly slave They met at last, who to Almagro gave A billet, which with better hopes before This trusty servant from Valdivia bore. To fix their rendezvous, but bore in vain ; And now, the triumphs of the barb'rous train Return'd, with all the marks of fear to tell. And how the great Valdivia fought and fell ; His people's fall, the castle's overthrow, He told, a sad variety of woe. The champions heard the news with thrilling pain, And, marching onward, found a narrow plain ; By east and west, and on the northern side High fenc'd, the south alone a pass supply'd. Hither they bent their course, retiring slow, Still on their rearward hang th' insulting foe. In lengthen'd files they haste, behind, before, And thro' the tangled wood their prey explore : And now they reach the plain, and full in sight Their destin'd victims view with stern delight ; While all the vailles ring with loud alarms, Calling afar the scatter'd bands to arms. Now in two squadrons form'd, the savage crew Come onward, and the deadly fight renew. Vain was the hope the champions saw to fly, To force the passage they resolv'd, or die. The bold Lincoya led the hostile band ; Whose formidable wings on either hand \'\'ere spread, while mixt with fifes, the savage yell Of thousands seem 'd the harmony of hell. Onward the Spaniards came, sedate and slow, Nor yet their buoyant hearts the hope forego To turn those notes of joy to wailing strains, And with barbarian slaughter heap the plains. Undaunted at the formidable view. Alike they reck'd the many, or the few ; As men long us'd to foil superior force With skill combin'd, on fam'd Europa's shoves. 32 Yet one degenerate son of Spain was found, (The muse disdains the recreant's name to sound) Who turning round to view the slender train, Thus feebly spoke his soul's degenerate strain ; " Would Heaven recruit our yet — unconquer'd band With eighty Knights, we then might hope to stand." The bold Gonsalo with disdain replied : " Rather let two be sever'd from our side, Kind Heaven ! that Memoi'y may our feats proclaim, And call our little troop, The Twelve of Fame !'' Then each with cautious heed his courser try'd, Nor found their wonted mettle yet subside ; And in their saddles firm, with loosen'drein, They sally forth to meet the hostile train ; Spurring with speed their coursers all abreast, With vizors clos'd, and each his lance in rest. While to the God of îlosts their ])rayers ascend His servants from perdition to defend. As on the barb'rous hordes the Knights advance, The savage tribes, with many a ported lance Prepai-e to stem their course : their thronging spears Seem'd, as, v/hen Boreas bends the loaded ears By Ceres fiU'd, o'er all the spacious plain Floats a redundant crop of bearded grain. But nought their numbers, nought their rage avail'd, By such impetuous tournament assail'd : O'er falling files the steeds resistless rode, And open'd thro' the line an ample road. After feats of almost incredible prowess, seven of the Spaniards are killed, being overpowered by the arrival of Lautaro with a re- inforcement ; the rest are saved by a sudden storm, which the Poet thus describes : As Maldonadobreath'd his soul away, Unusual darkness hid the face of day, O'er the sun's blotted orb it sail'd along, And o'er the bloody scene portentous hung ; And now the tempest lifts its angry voice With long collected rage, and sweeps the skies ; Strain'd by the powerful gust the forests groan. And distant vales return the sullen moan. 33 As every wind its liquid treasure brings, Large drops at first are shaken from its wings : Singly they fall, till roll'd upon the wind The clouds at once their wat'ry stores unbind, Ari^ pour them downward, in continuous flow, On the wide desolated plain below : Thus, when the beaten tambourines begin Before the onset their sonorous din. With the deliberate march, their solemn sound In unison its ardour seems to bound ; Till, as they close, discordant, long and loud. The martial music fires the fighting crowd. From the swoln clouds with like tempestuous wrath, The driving deluge swept the field of death ; While the deep thunder, from the Stygian womb Of darkness, roar'd, and thro' the parting gloom Fierce lightnings quick dispell'd the cloudy veil. By sweeping rain pursued, and sounding hail. With teri'or seiz'd the Araucanian crew Disperse, and all a different course pursue ; For still the loud aerial war increast, And struck cold terror in the boldest breast. The few Spaniards that escape take refuge in a neighbouring fort ; which they abandon the following day on liearing the fate of Valdivia. Lautaro returns, and receives new honours and new forces from his General, to march against a Spanish army, which departs from the city of Penco under the command of Villagran, an experienced officer, to revenge the death of Valdivia. The de- parture of the troops from Penco is described, and the distress of the women. Villagran mai'chcs with expedition towards the fron- tiers of Arauco. He arrives at a dangerous pass, and finds Lautaro, with his army of 10,100 Indians, advantageously posted on the heights, and waiting with great steadiness and discipline to give hini battle. CANTO V. LAUTARO with great difficulty restrains the eager Indians i« their post on the rock. He suffers a few to- lence. They return, but dare not appear in the presence of their ofîended Commander. He issues new restrictions ; and then sum- moning his soldiers together, addresses them in a spirited, yet calm and affectionate harangue, on the necessity of martial obedi- ence. While he is yet speaking, the Spaniards return to the at- tack, but are again repulsed with great loss. They retreat, and «ncamp at the foot of the mountain, unmolested by their enemies» CANTO XIL THE Spaniards renaaiu in their camp, while two of their ad- venturous soldiers engage to return once more to the fort, and ex- amine the state of it. On their approach, one of them is saluted by his name, and promised security, by a voice from within the w.iUï. Lautaro had formerly lived with him on terms of friend- ship, and now invites liim into the fort. The Indian Chief harangues on the resolution and the power of his countrymen to exterminate the Spaniards, unless they submit. He proposes, however, terms of accommodation to his old friend, and specifies the tribute he should expect. The Spaniard answers with disdain, that the only tribute the Indians would receive from his countrymen would be torture and death. Lautaro replies, with great temper, that arms, and the valour of the respective nations, must determine this point ; and proceeds to entertain his guest with a display of six Indians, vliom he had mounted and trained to exercise on Spanish horses. Tiie Spaniard challenges the whole party : Liutaro will not allow^ him to engage in any conflict, but dismisses him in peace. He re- c.illsliini, before he had proceeded far from tke fort, and, telling him that his soldiers were much distressed by the want of provision, entreats him to send a supply, affirming it to be true heroism tore- lievd an enemy from the necessities of famine. The Spaniard sub- scribes to tlie sentiment, and engages, if possible, to comply with tlie request. Returning to the camj), he acquaints his Commander \'illugran with all that had passed ; who, suspecting some danger- ous design frem Lautaro, decamps hastily in the night to regain the city. The Indian Chief is severely mortified by their departure, 43 as he had formed a project for cutting off their retreat, by letting large currents of water into the marshy ground on which the Spaniards were encamped. Despairing of being able to succeed against their city, now prepared to resist him, he returns towards Arauco, most sorely galled by his disappointment, and thus venting his anguish : What can redeem Lautaro's wounded name ? What plea preserve his failing arms from shame ? Did not my ardent soul this task demand. Which now upbraids my unperforming hand ? On me, on me alone can censure fall ; Myself th' adviser and the guide of all. While, at the head of this my glittering train, I weakly threaten Spanish walls in vain. Thrice has pale Cynthia, with replenish'd ray. Seen my ill-order'd troop in loose array ; And the rich chariot of the blazing sun Has from the Scorpion to Aquarius run. At last, as fugitives these paths we tread, And mourn twice fifty brave companions dead. Could Fate's kind hand this hateful stain efface. Could death redeem me from this worse disgrace, My useless spear should pierce this abject heart,. Which has so ill sustain'd a soldier's part. Unworthy thought ! the mean, ignoble blow Would only tempt the proud and vaunting foe To boast that I preferr'd, in feai-'s alarm, My own weak weapon to his stronger arm. By Hell I swear, which rules the sanguine strife, If Chance allow me yet a year of life I'll chase these foreign lords from Chili's strand, And Spanish blood shall saturate our land. No changing season, neither cold nor heat. Shall make the firmer step of War retreat ; Nor shall the earth, nor hell's expanding cave. From this avenging arm one Spaniard save. Now the brave Chief, withsolenui ardour, swore To his dear native home to turn no more ; From no fierce sun, no stormy winds to fly, But patiently abide the varying sky, And spurn all thoughts of pleasure and of ease, Till rescu'd fame his tortur'd soul appease ; 44 Till earlli confess ihc brave Lautaro'shand Has clos'd the glorious work his spirit plann'd. In these resolves the Hero found relief, And thus velax'd the o'erslrain'd cord of grief ; Whose pressure gall'dhim with such mental pain, That frenzy almost sciz'd his burning brain. T^autaro continues his march into an Indian district, from which he collects a small increase of force ; and, after addressing hi» soldiers concerning the expediencyof strict military discipline, and the cause of their late ill success, he turns again towards the city of St. Jago: hut, receiving intelligence on his road of its prepara- tions for defence, he again suspends his design, and fortifies a post, ■which he Chuses with the hope of collecting still greater numbers to assist him in his projected enterprize. The Spaniards at St. Jago are eager to sally in quest of Lautaro, l)ut their commander Villagran was absent on an expedition to the city of Imperial. In returning from thence he passes near the post of Lautaro. An Indian ally acquaints him with its situation, and, at theeai'nest re- quest of the Spanish officer, agrees to conduct him, by a short though difficult road, over a mountain, to attack the fort by sur- prize. The Poet suspends his narration of tins interesting event, to relate tlie arrival of the Marquis de Cañete as Viceroy in Peru, a¡)d the spirited manner in which he corrected the abuses of tJiat countrv. CANTO XIII. SPANISH deputies from the province of Chili implore assistance from the new Viceroy of Peru : he sends them a considerable suc- cour, under the conduct of Don Garcia, his son. The Poet is him- self of this band, and relates the splendid preparations for the en- terprize, and the embarcation of the troops in ten vessels, which sail from Lima towards the coast of Chili. Having described part of this voyage, he returns to the bold exploit of Villagran, and the adventures of Lautaro, the most interesting of all the Araucanian Heroes, whom he left securinghimsclf in his sequestered fort. A path where watchful centinels Avere spread, A single path, to this lune station led : 45 No other signs of human step were trac'd ; For the vcx'd land was desolate and waste. Ilchanc'd that night the noble Chieftain prest His anxious mistress to his gallant breast, The fair Guacolda, for whose charms he burn'd, And whose warm heart his faithful love leturn'd. That night beheld the warlike savage rest, Free from th' incumbrance of his martial vest : That night alone allow'd his eyes to close In the deceitful calm of short repose : Sleep prest uponhim like the weight of death : But soon he starts, alarm 'd, and gasps for breath. The fair Guacolda, with a trembling tongue. Anxious enquires from whence his anguish sprung. My lovely^ Fair ! the brave Lautaro cries, An hideous vision struck my scornful eyes : Methought that instant a fierce Chief of Spain Mock'd my vain spear with insolent disdain ; His forceful arm my failing powers o'ercame, And strength and motion seem'd to quit my frame. But still the vigour of my soul I keep, And its keen anger burst the bonds of sleep. With quick despair, the troubled Fair one said, Alas 1 thy dreams confirm the ills I dread. 'Tis come — the object of my boding fears ! Thy end, the source of my unceasing tears. Yet not so wretched is this mournful hour, Nor o'er me, Fortune, canst thou boast such pow'r, But that kind death may shorten all my woes, And give the agonizing scene to close. Let my stern fate its cruel rage employ. And hurl me from the throne of love and joy ; Whatever pangs its malice may devise. It cannot rend affection's stronger ties. Tho' horrible the blow my fears foresee, A second blow will set my spirit free ; For cold on earth thy frame shall ne'er be found. While mine with useless being loads the ground. The Chief, transported with her tender charms, Closely around her neck entwin'd his arms ; And, while fond tears her snowy breast bedew'd, Thus with redoubled love his speech pursu'd : 46 My g<'iicrnus Fair, thy gloomy thoughls dismiss j Nor let dark omens interrupt our bliss, And cloud these moments that with tranport shine, While my exulting heart thus feels thee mine. Thy troubled fancy prompts my mutual sigh ; Nor that I think the hour of danger nigh : But Love so melts me with his soft controul, Impossibilities alarm my soul. If thy kind wishes bid Lautaro live, Who to this frame the wound of death can give ? Tho' 'gainst me all the powers of earth combine, My life is subject to no hand but thine. Who has restor'd the Araucaniau name, And rais'd it, sinking in the depths of shame, When alien lords our nation's spirit broke, And bent its neck beneath a servile yoke ? I am the chief who burst our galling chain. And freed my country from oppressive Spain ; My name alone, without my sword's disjjlay, Humbles our foes, and fills them with dismay. These happy arms while thy dear beautiesfill, 1 feel no terroi-, I foresee no ill. Be uot by false and empty dreams deprest, Since truth has nothing to afflict thy breast. Oft have I 'scap'd, iiiur'd to every state, From many a darker precipice of fate; Oft in far mightier perils risk'd my life, And issued glorious from the doubtful strife. With less'niiig confidence, and deeper grief, Trembling she hung upon the soothing Chief, His lip with supplicating softness prest, And urg'd with many a tear this fond request : If the pure love, which, prodigal and free, \Vhen freedom most was mine, 1 gave to thee ; If truth, which Heaven will witness and defend, Weigh with my sovei'eign lord and gentle friend ; By these let me adjure thee ; by the pain Which at our parting pierc'd my every vein, And all the vows, if undisi>ers'd in air, Which then with many a tear I heard thee swear ; To this my only wish at least agree, If all thy wishes have been laws to me ; 47 Haste, I entreat thee, arm thy self with care, And bid thy soldiers for defence prcpai-e. The brave Barbarian quick reply 'd — 'Tis clear How low my powei'S are rated by thy fear. Canst thou so poorly of Lautaro deem ? And is this arm so sunk in thy esteem ? This arm, which, rescuing thy native earth, So prodigally prov'd its valiant worth 1 In my try'd courage how complete thy trust, Whose terror weeps thy living lord as dust ! In thee, she cries, with confidence most pure, My soul is satisfy'd, yet not secure. What will thy arm avail in danger's course, If my malignant fate has mightier force ? But let the rais'ry I forebode arise ; On this firm thought my constant love relies : The sword whose stroke our union may disjoin, Will teach my faithful soul to follow thine. Since my hard destiny, with rage severe. Thus threatens me with all that love can fear; Since I am doom'd the worst of ills to see, ' And lose all earthly good in losing thee ; O ! suífer me to pass, ere death appears. The little remnant of my life in tears i The heart that sinks not in distress like this, Could never feel, could never merit bliss. Here from her eyes such floods of sorrow flow, Compassion weeps in gaxing on her woe I The fond Lautaro, tho' of firmest power, Sheds, as she speaks, a sympathetick shower. But, to the tender scenes of love unus'd. My artless pen, embarrass'd and confus'd. From its sad task with diffidence withdraws, And in its labour asks a little pause. CANTO XIV. WHAT erring wretch, to Truth and Beauty blind. Shall dai"e to satirize the Female kind, Since pure afifection prompts their anxious care. Their lovely weakness, and their fond despair î 48 This fair Bai-barian, free from Christian ties, A noble proof of perfect love supplies, By kindest words, and floods of tears that roll From the clear source of her inipassion'd soul. The cheei-ing ardor of the dauntless Chief Fails to aflbrd her troubled mind relief; Nor can the ample trench and guarded wall Preserve her doubtful heart from fear's enthrall : Her terrors, rushing with love's mighty force, Level whatever would impede their course. She finds no shelter from her cruel doom. Save the dear refuge of Lautaro's tomb. Thus their two hearts, where equal passion I'eigii'd, A fond debate with tender strife maintain'd ; Their differing words alike their love display, Feed the sweet poison, and augment its sway. The sleepy soldiers now their stories close. And stretch'd around their sinking fires repose. The patli in front with centiacls was lin'd. And the high mountain was their guard behind ; But o'er that mountain, with advent'rous tread, Bold Villagran his silent forces led. His hasty march with painful toil he made ; Toil IS the price that must for fame be paid. Now near the fort, and halting in its sight, He wails the coming aid of clearer light. The stars yet shining, but their fires decay, And now the reddening East proclaims the day. Th' advancing troop no Indian eye alarms. For friendly darkness hover'd o'er their arms ; And on the quarter where the mountain rose, The careless guard despis'd the thought of foes. No panting horse their still approach betray'd ; Propitious Fortune lent the Spaniards aid; Fortune, who oft bids drowsy sloth beware. And lulls to sleep the watchful eye of Care. When Night's obscure dominion first declines, And glimmering light the dusky air refines. The weary guards, who round the wall were plac'd. Hail the new day, and from their station haste ; Secure of ill, no longer watch they keep. Quick to forgot their nightly toils in sleep : 49 Thro' all the fort there reign 'd a calm profcund ; In wine and slumber all its force was drown'd. The Spanish Chief, who saw the fav'ring hour, Led on by slow degrees his silent power. No Indian eye perceiv'd his near advance ; Fate seera'dto bind them in a cruel trance ; Each in sound slumber draws his easy breath, Nor feels his slumber will be clos'd by Death. So blind are mortals to that tyrant's sway, They deem him distant, while they sink his prey. Our eager soldiers now no longer halt. While kind occasion prompts the keen assault ; A shout they raise, terrifick, loud, and long, Swell'd by the voice of all the ardent throng ; Whose ranks, obedient to their Leader's call. Rush with light ardour o'er th' unguarded wall, And gain the fort, where Sleep's oppressive weight Exposed his wretched victims, blind to fate. As villians, conscious of their life impure, Find in their guilty course no spot secure ; (For vice is ever doom'd new fears to feel, And tremble at each turn of Fortune's wheel) At every noise, at each alarm that stirs. Death's penal horror to their mind occurs ; Quick to their arms they fly with wild dismay, And rush where hasty terror points the way : So quick the Indians to the tumult came. With sleep and valour struggling in their frame, Unaw'd by danger's unexpected sight. They rouse their fellows, and they rush to fight. Tho' their brave bosoms arc of armour bare, Tlieir manly hearts their martial rage declare. No furious odds their gallant souls appall, But resolute they fly to guard the wall. It was the season when, with tender care, Lautaro reason'd with his anxious Fair ; Carest, consol'd, and, in his anger kind, Mildly i-eprov'd her weak mistrusting mind. Spite of his cheering voice she trembles still ; Severer terrors now her bosoin fill : For sterner sounds their soft debate o'ercome, Drown'd in the rattle of th' alarming drum. Vol. II. G 50 But not so quick, on Apprehension's wings, The wretched miser from his pillow springs, Whose hoarded gold forbids his mind to rest, If doubtful noise the nightly thief suggest : Nor yet so hasty, tho' with terror wild, Flies the fond mother to her wounded child, Whose painful cry her shuddering soul alarms, As flew Lautaro at the sound of arms. His mantle rapidly around him roll'd. And, grasping a light sword with hasty hold, Too eager for his heavier arms to wait, 'I'he fierce Barbarian hurried to the gate. O faithless Fortune ! thou deceitful friend ! Of thy false favours how severe the end ! How quick, thou cancell'st, when thy frown appears, Th' accumulated gifts of long triumphant years ! To aid the Spaniards in their bold emprize, Four hundred Indians march'd, their firm allies, Who on the left their line of battle close. And haste to combat with their painted bows ; Launching adroitly, in their rapid course, IJnnumber'd arrows with unerring force. As brave Lautaro issued from his tent, A shaft to meet the sallying Chief was sent ; Thro' his left side (ye valiant, mourn his lot !) Flew the keen arrow, with such fury shot It pierc'd his heart, the bravest and the best That e'er was lodg'd within a human breast. Proud of the stroke that laid such valour low, Death ieem'd to glory in the im])ortant blow j And that no Mortal might his triumph claim. In darkness hid the doubtful Archer's name. Such force the keen resistless weapon found, Itstretch'd the mighty Chieftain on the ground, And gave large outlet to his ardent blood. That gush'd apace in a tumultuous flood. From his sunk cheek its native colour fled ; His sightless eyes roU'd in his ghastly head ; His soul, that felt its glorious hopes o'erthrown, Retir'd, indignant, to the worUl u^iknown. The noble savages, not dismayed by the death of their Leader, continue to defend the fort with great fury. 51 CANTO XV. THE Poet proceeds to describe the sharp contest which the un- daunted Indians still maintained in their fort : they refuse quarter, which is oiFered them by the Spanish Leader, and all resolutely perish with their brave and beloved Lautaro. The Poet then resumes his account of the naval expedition from Peru to Chili ; and concludes the canto with a spirited description of a storm, which attacked the vessels as they arrived in sight of the province to which they were steering. CANTO XVL THE storm abates. Tlie Spaniards land, and fortify them- selves on an island near the country of the Araucanians. The latter hold a council of war in the valley of Ongolmo. Caupolican, their General, proposes to attack, the Spaniards in their new post. The elder Chieftains dissuade him from the design. A quari-el ensues between Tucapel and the aged Peteguelen : they are appeased by a speech of the venerable Colocólo ; by whose advice a spirited and adroit young Indian, named Millalanco, is dispatched, as a peaceful ambassador, to learn the situation and designs of the Spaniards. He embarks in a large galley with oars, and soon ar- rives at the island. He surveys the Spanish implements of war with astonishment, and is conducted to the tent of the General, Don Garcia, " CANTO XVII & XVIII. THE Indian addresses the Spanish officers with a proposal of peace and amity. He is dismissed with presents. The Chieftains, on his return, pretend to relinquish hostilities ; but pi-epare secret- ly for war. The Spaniards remain unmolested on the island dur- ing the stormy season. They send a select party of an hundred and thirty, including our Poet, to raise a fort on the continent : these execute their commission with infinite dispatch, and all the Spanish troops remove to this new post. The Araucanians are alarmed. An intrepid Youth, named Gracolano, proposes to the Indian General Caupolican, to storm the fort. The Indians ad- vance near it, under shelter of the night. The Poet describes a 52 vision Cl dream cf his from which he is roused by the sound of an alarm. He snalchcs up his arms, ami hurries to his post : the morning dawns, and the Indians begin to attack the fort. CANTO XIX. THE Indians advance in three squadrons. The Youth Graco- lano o'erleaps the trench, supported on a lofty pike, by which he also passes the wall. He defends himself in the midst of the Spa- niards with great spirit; but, finding himself unsupported, he wrenches a lance from a Spanish soldier, and tries to leap once more over the trench ; but he is sti-uck by a stone while vaulting through the air, and falls, covered, as the Poet expressly declares, with two-and-thirty wounds. Some of his friends are shot near him ; but the Indians get possession of the Spanish lance with which he had sprung over the wall, and brandish it in triumph. The Spaniard, named Elvira, who had lost his weapon, piqued by the adventure, sallies from the fort, and returns, amid the shouts of his countrymen, with an Indian spear which he won in single combat from a Barbarian, whom he had perceived detached from his party. The Indians attempt to storm the fort on every side: many are destroyed by the Spanish fire arms. The head of the ancient Peteguelen is shot off; but Tucapel passes the wall, and rushes with great slaughter into the midst of the enemy. The Spaniards who were in the ships that anchored near the coast hasten on shore, and march to assist their countrymen in the fort, but are attacked by a party of Indians in their march. The conflict continues furious on the walls ; but the Indians at length retreat, leaving Tucapel still fighting within the fort. CANTO XX. TUCAPEL, though severely wounded, escapes with life, and rejoins the Indian army, which continues to retreat. The Spaniards sally from the foi-t, but soon return to it, from the apprehension of an ambuscade. They clear their trench, and strengthen the •weaker parts of their fortification. Night comes on. The Poet describes himself as stationed on a little eminence in the plain below the fort, which was seated on high and rocky ground : fatigued 53 with the toils of the day, and oppressed by the weight of his ar- mour, which he continues to wear : he is troubled witli a lethargick heaviness, which he counteracts by exci'cisc, declaring that his disposition to slumber in his post arose not from any intcmpci'ance either in diet or in wine, as mouldy biscuit and rain-water had been for some time his chief sustenance : and that he was accustomed to make the moist earth his bed, and to divide his time between his poetical and his military labours. He then relates the following nocturnal adventure, which may perhaps be considered as the most striking and pathetick incident in this singular poem : While thus I strove my nightly watch to keep, And struggled with th' oppressive weight of sleep, As my quick feet, with many a silent stride, Travers'd th' allotted ground from side to side, My eye perceiv'd one quarter of the plain White with the mingled bodies of the slain ; For our incessant fire that bloody day Had slaughter'd numbers in the stubborn fray. As oft I paus'd each distant noise to hear, Gazing around me with attentive ear, I heard frooi time to time a feeble sound Towards the breathless Indians on the ground, Still closing with a sigh of mournful length ; At every interval it gather'd strength ; And now it ceas'd, and now again begun, And still from corse to corse it seera'd to run. As night's encreasing shade my hope destroys. To view the source of this uncertain noise. Eager my mind's unquiet doubts to still, And more the duties of my post fulfil. With crouching steps I haste, and earnest eyes. To the low spot from whence the murmurs rise ; And see a dusky Form, that seems to ti-ead Slow, on four feet, among the gory dead. With terror, tJiat my heart will not deny, When this strange vision struck my doubtful eye, Towards it, with a prayer to Heav'n, I prest. Arms in my hand, my corselet on my breast ; But now the dusky Form, on which I sprung, Upright arose, and spoke with plaintive tongue : 54 Mercy ! tQ mercy hear my just pretence; I am a woman, guiltless of offence ! If my distress, and unexampled plight, No generous pity in thy breast excite ; If thy blood-thirsty rage, by tears uncheck'd, Would pass those limits which the brave respect ; Will such a deed encrease thy martial fame. When Heaven's just voice shall to the world proclaim That by thy ruthless sword a woman died, A widow, sunk in sorrow's deepest tide ? Yet I implore thee, if 'twas hap'ly thine. Or for thy curse, as now I feel it mine ; If e'er thy lot, in any state, to prove How firm the faithful ties of tender love, O let me bury one brave warrior slain, Whose corse lies blended with this breathless train ! Remember, he who thwarts the duteous will Becomes th' approver and the cause of ill. Thou wilt not hinder these my pious vows ; War, fiercest war, this just demand allows; The basest tyranny alone is driven To use the utmost power that chance has given. Let but my soul its dear companion find, Then sate thy fury, iftoblocd inclin'd; For in such gi-ief Idraw my lingering breath. Life is my dread, beyond the pangs of death. There is no ill that now can wound my breast, No good, but what I in my Love possest : Fly then, ye hours ! that keep me from the dead ; For he, the spirit of my life, is fled. If adverse Heaven my latest wish deny, Ou his dear corse to fix my closmg eye. My tortur'd soul, in cruel Fate's despight, Will soar, the faitliful partner of his flight. And now lier agony of heart implor'd An end of all her sorrows from my sword. Doubt and distrust my troubled mind assail. That fears deceit in her aíFectingtale ; Nor was I fully of her faith secure. Till oft her words the mournful truth insure ; Suspicion whisper'd, that an artful spy By this illusion might our state descry. 55 Howe'er inclin'd io doubt, yet soon I knew, Though night couceal'd her features from mj' view, That truth was stamp'd on every word she sí; id ; So full of grief, so free from guilty dread : And that bold love, to every danger blind, Had sent her forth her slaughter'd Lord to fnul, Who in the onset of our bloody strife, For brave distinction sacrifis'd his life. Fill'd with compassion, when I saw her bent To execute her chaste and fond intent, I led her weeping to the higher spot. To guard whose precincts was that night my lot ; Securely there I begg'd her to relate The perfect story of her various fate ; From first to last her touching woes imparl, And by the tale relieve her loaded heart. Ah ! she replied, relief I ne'er can know, Till Death's kind aid shall terminate my woe ¡ Earth for my ills no remedy supplies, Beyond all sufF'rancc my afflictions rise : i Yet, though the task will agonize my soul, Of my sad story I will tell the whole ; Grief, thus inforc'd, my life's weak thread may rend, And in the killing tale my pangs may end. The fair Indian then relates to Ercilla the particulars of her life, in a speech of considerable length : — she informs him, that her name is Tegualda ; — that she is the daughter of the Chieftain Brancol ; — that her father had often i)ressed her to marry, which she had for some time declined, though solicited by many of the noblest Youths in her country ; till, being appointed, in compli- ment to her beauty, to distribute the prizes, in a scene of public festivity, to those who excelled in the manly exercises, she was struck by the accomplishments of a gallant Youth, named Crcpino, as she bestowed on him the reward of his victories ; — that she declared her choice to her father, after perceiving the Youth in- spired with a mutual affection for her ; — that the old Chieftain was delighted by her chusing so noble a character, and their mar- riage had been publickly solemnized but a month from that day. On this conclusion of her story, she bursts into new agonies of grief, and intreats Ercilla to let her pay her last duties to her hus- band ; or rather, to unite them again iu a common grave, Ercilla 56 endeavours to console her, by repeated promises of all the assist • anee in his power. In the most passionate excess of sorrow, she still entreats him to end her miserable life. — In this distressing scene, our Author is relieved by the arrival of a brother officer, ■who had been also stationed on the plain, and now informs Ercilla that the time of their appointed watch is expii-ed. They join in comforting the unhappy Mourner, and conduct her into the fort ; where they consign her, for the remainder of the night, to t/ic decent care of married luoineny to use the chaste expression of the generous and compassionate Ercilla. CANTO XXI. IN pure aiïectirîn who has soar'd above The tender pious proof of faithful love. Which thus awak'd our sympathetick care For this unhappy, fond, barbarian Fair? 0 that just Fame my humble voice would raise To swell in loudest notes her lasting praise ! To spread her merits, in immortal rhyme. Through every language and through every clime ! With pitying females she the night remain'd, Where no rude step their privacy i)rofan'd ; Though wretched, thankful for their soothing aid, \\' ith hopes her duty would at length be paid. Soon as the welcome light of morning came, Tiiough soundest sleep had seiz'd my wearied frame, Though my tir'd limbs were still to rest inclin'd, Solicitude awak'd my anxious mind. Quick to my Indian Mourner I repair, And still in tears I find the restless Fair ; Tiie varj iiig hours afford her no relief, No transient momentary pause of grief. With truest pity I her pangs assuage ; To find her slaughter'd Lord my word engage ; Restore his corse, and, with a martial band, Escort her safely to her native land. With blended doubt and sorrow, weeping still, Mypromis'd word she pray'd me to fulfil. Assembling now a menial Indian train, 1 led her to explore the bloody plain : 57 Where heaps of mingled dead dcform'd the ground, Near to the fort the breathless Chief we found ; Clay-cold and stiff, the gory earth he prest, A fatal ball had pierc'd his manly breast. Wretched Tegualda, who before her view'd The pale disfigur'd ferni, in blood imbru'd, Sprung forward, and with instantaneous force Frantick she darted on the precious corse, And press'd his lips, where livid death appears, And bath'd his wounded bosom in her tears. And kiss'd the wound, and the wild hope pursues That her fond breath may yet new life infuse. Wretch that I am ! at length she madly cried. Why does my soul these agonies abide ? Why do I linger in this mortal strife. Nor pay to Love his just demand, my life ? Why, poor of spirit ! at a single blow Do I not close this bitter scene of woe ? Whence this delay ? will Heaven to me deny The wretch's choice and privilege, to die ? While, bent on death, in this despair she gasp'd, Her furious hands her snowy neck inclasp'd ; Failing her frantick wish, they do not spare Her mournful visage nor her flowing hair. Much as I strove to stop her mad intent. Her fatal purpose I could scarce prevent : So loath'd she life, and with such fierce controul The raging thirst of death inflam'd her soul. When by my pi-ayers, and soft persuasion's balm, Her pangs of sorrow grew a little calm. And her mild speech confirm'd my hope, at last. That her delirious agony was past, My ready Indian train, with duteous haste, On a firm bier the clay-cold body plac'd. And bore the Warrior, in whose fate we griey'd, To where her vassals the dear charge receiv'd. But, lest from ruthless War's outrageous sway The mourning Fair might suffer on her way, O'er the near mountains, to a safer land, I march'd to guard her with my warlike band ; Vol- II. H 58 , And tlicre secure, for the remaining road Was clear and open to her own abode, She gratefully declin'd my farther care, And tliank'd andbless'dme in u parting prayer. On Ercilla's return, the Spaniards continue to strengthen their fort. They receive intelligence from an Indian ally, that the Barba- rian army intend a fresh assault in the night. They are relieved from this alarm by the arrival of a large reinforcement from the Spa- nish cities in Chili: — on which event Colocólo prevails on the In- dians to suspend the attack. Caupolican, the Indian General, reviews all his forces ; and the. various Chieftains are well des- cribed. The Spanish Commander, Don Garcia, being now deter- mined to march into the hostile district of Arauco, addresses his soldiers in a spirited harangue, requesting them to remember the pious cause for which they fight, auvl to spare the life of every Indian who is disposed to submission. They remove from their post, and pass in boats over the broad river Biobio. CANTO XXII. THE Spaniards are attacked in their new quarters — a furious battle ensues. The Spaniards are forced to give ground, but at last prevail The Indian Chief, Rengo, signalizes himself in the action ; defends himself in a mar&h, and retreats in good order with his forces. The Spaniards, after the conflict, seize an un- hapjjy straggling Youth, named Galvaiino, whom they punish as il rebel in the most barbarous manner, by cutting off both his hands. The valiant Youth defies their cruelty in the midst of this horrid scene; and, brandishing his bloody stumps, departs from his oppressors with the most insulting menaces of revenge. CANTO XXllI Sc XXI\'. GALVARINO appears in the Assembly of the Indian Chieftains, and excites them, in a very animated speech, to revenge the bar- barity with which he had been treated. He faints from loss of blood, in the close of his harangue, but is recovered by the care of his friends, and restored to health. The Indians, exasperated 59 by the sight of his wounds, unanimously determine to prosecute the war. The Spaniards, advancing in Ai-auco, send forth scouts to discover the disposition of the neighbouring tribes, among whom are Ercilhi, who rehites a singular adventure that occurred to him, in consequence of which he is conducted to the cave of Fiton, an old Indian necromancer, by whom he is shewn, in a large lucid globe, of wonderful workmanship, a great variety of mar- vellous sights, among others the celebrated sea-fight of Lepanto ; after which, taking leave of the magician, he returns to the camp. The Spaniards continue to advance: on their pitching their camp in a new spot, towards evening, an Araucanian, fantastically drest in armour, enquires for the tent of Don Garcia, and is conducted to his presence. CANTO XXV. THE Araucanian delivers a defiance to Don Garcia, in the name of Caupolican, who challenges the Spanish General to end the war by a single combat. The messenger adds, that the whole Indian army will descend into the plain, on the next morning, to be spectators of the duel. Don Garcia dismisses him with an ac- ceptance of the challenge. At the dawn of day the Indian forces appear in three divisions. A party of Spanish horse precipitately attack their left wing, before which Caupolican ivas advancing. They are repulsed. A genei-al and obstinate engagement ensues. The mangled Galvarino appears at the head of an Indian squadron, and excites his countrymen to revenge his wrongs. Many Spaniards are named who distinguish themselves in the battle. Among the Indian Chiefs Tucapel and Rengo display the most splendid acts of valour; and, though personal enemies, they mutually defend e;\ch other. Caupolican also, at the head of the left squadron, obliges the Spaniards to retreat ; and the Araucanians are on the point of gaining a decisive victory, when the fortune of the day begins to turn. CANTO XX VI 8c XXVII. THE reserved guard of the Spaniards, in which Ercilla was stationed, advancing to the cliai-ge, recover the field, and oblige 60 the main body of the Indians to fly, Caupolican, though victorious in his quarter, sounds a retreat when he perceives this event. The Indians fly in great disorder. Rengo tor some time sustains an unequal conflict, and at last retreats sullenly into a wood, where lie collects several of the scattered fugitives. As Ercilla ad- vances towards this spot, a Spaniard, called Remon, exhorts him by name to attempt the dangerous but important exploit of forcing this Indian party from the wood. His honour being thus piqued, he i-ushes forward with a few followers, and, after an obstinate engagement, in Avhich many of the Indians arc cut to pieces, the Spaniards obtain the victory, and return to their camp with several prisoners. After this great defeat of the Indian army, the Spaniards, to deter their enemies from all future resistance, barbai-ously resolve to execute twelve Chieftains of distinction, whom they find among their captives, and to leave their bodies exposed «n the trees that surrounded the field of battle. The generous Ercilla, lamenting this inhuman sentence, intercedes particularly for the life of one, alledging that he had seen him united with the Spaniards. This person proves to be Galvarino ; who, on hearing the intercession for his life, produces liis mangled arms, which he had concealed in his bosom, and, giving vent to his detestation of the Spaniards, insists on dying with his countrymen. Ercilla persists in vain in his endeavour to save him. As no executioner could be found among the Spanish soldiers, a new mode of destruction, says our Poet, was invented ; and every Indian was ordered to terminate his own life by a cord which was given him. These brave men hastened to accomplish their fate Avith as much alacritj-, continues Ercilla, as the most spirited warrior marches to an attack. One alone of the twelve begins to hesitate, and pray for mercy ; declaring himself the lineal descendant of the iiiost ancient race, and sovereign of the country. He is interrupted by the reproaches of the impetuous Galvarino, and, repenting his timidity, atones for it by instant death. The Spaniards advance still farther in the country, and raise a fort where Valdivia had perished. Ercilla finds his old friend the Magician once more, who tells him that Heaven had thought proper to punish the pride of the Araucanians by their late defeat ; but that the Spaniards would soon pay dearly for their present triumph. After this pro])hecy he retires, and Avilh much reluctance is per- suaded by Ercilla to let him follow him into his cavern, where he again gratifies him with a sight of the miraculous globe, and points 61 out to him on it the various nations of the earth ; after which he conducts him to the road leading to the Spanish camp, where his soldiers were anxiously seeking him. The Spaniards in vain attempt to soothe and to terrify the Araucanians into peace ; and finding the importance of their present post, they determine to strengthen it. Ercilla proceeds with a party to the city of Im- perial, to provide necessai'ies for this purpose. On his return, as he is marching through the country of some pacifick Indians, he discovers, at tlie close of day, a distrest female, who attempts to fly, but is overtaken by Ercilla. CANTO XXVIII. THE fair fugitive, whom our Poet describes as singularly beau- tiful, relates her story. She tells him her name is Glaura, the daughter of an opulent Chieftain, with whom she lived most hap- pily, till a brother of her father's, who frequently resided with him, persecuted her with an unwarrantable passion ; — that she in vain represented to him the impious nature of his love ; — he persisted in his frantick attachment, and, on the appearance of a hostile party of Spaniards, rushed forth to die in her defence, intreating her to receive his departing spirit. He fell in the action ; her fa- ther shared the same fate : she herself escaped at a postern gate into the woods. Two negroes, laden with spoil, discovered, and seized her. Her cries brought a young Indian, named Cariolano, to her rescue : he shot an arrow into the heart of the first ruffian, and stabbed the second. Glaura expressed her gratitude by re- ceiving her young deliverer as her husband. Before they could I'egain a place of safety, they were alarmed by the approach of Spaniards. The generous Youth intreated Glaura to conceal her- self in a tree, while he ventured to meet the enemy. In her teri-or she submitted to this expedient, which, on recovery from her pa- nick, she bitterly repented ; for, when she issued from her retreat, she sought in vain for Cariolano, and supposed, from the clamour she had heard, that he must have perished. She continued to wander in this wretched state of mind, still unable to hear any tidings of her protector. While the fair Indian thus closes her narrative, Ercilla is alarmed by the approach of a large party of Barbarians. One of his faithful Indian attendants, whom he had nitely attached to him, intreats him to escape with the utmoit 62 haste ; adding, that he can save hun from pursuit by his know- ledge of the country; and that he will risque his own life most willingly, to preserve that of Ercilla. Glaura bursts into an agony of joy, in discovering her lost Cariolano in this faithful attendant* Ercilla exclaims, " Adieu, my friends ; I give you both your li- " berty, which is all I have at present to bestow," and rejoins his little troop. Before he enters on the account of what followed, he relates the circumstance by which he attached Cariolano te his service ; whom he had found alone, as he himself was marching with a small party, and a few prisoners that he had taken. The Youth at first defended himself, shot two Spaniards with his arrows, and continued to resist the numbers that pressed upon him with his mantle and his dagger, evading their blows by his extreme agility, and wounding several. Ercilla generously rushed into his rescue, and declared he deserved a reward for his uncommon bravery, instead of being destroyed so unfairly. The Youth, in consequence of this treatment, flung down his dagger, and became the affectionate attendant of Ercilla. Our Poet, after relating this incident, returns to the scene where his party was surprized in a hollow road, and severely galled by the enemy, who attacked them with showers of stones from the higher ground. Ercilla forces his way up the precipice, and after dispersingpart of the Indian force, effects his escape with a few followers; but all are wounded, and obliged to leave their baggage in the possession of their numerous enemies. CANTO XXIX. OPENS with an encomium on the love of our country, and tlie signal proofs of this virtue which the Araucanians displayed ; who, notwithstanding their loss of four great battles in the space of three months, still continue firm in their resolution of defending their liberty. Caupolican proposes, in a publick assembly, to set fire to their own habitations, and leave themselves no alternative, but that of killing or being killed. The Chieftains all agree in _ this desperate determination. Tucapel, before they proceed to action against the Spaniards, insists on terniinatiug his difference with Rengo, a rival Chieftain, by a single combat. A plain is ap- pointed for this purpose : all the people of Arauco assemble as spectators : the Chiefs appear in complete urmour, and engage in a most olisliiiate and bloody conflict. 63 CANTO XXX. AFTER many dreadful wounds on each sido, the two Chieftains, closing with each otlier, fall together, and, after a fruitless struggle for victory, remain speechless on the ground. Caupolican, who presided as judge of the combat, descends from his seat, and finding some signs of life in each, orders them to be carried to their respective tents. Tliey recover, and are reconciled. The Spaniards, leaving a garrison ia their new fort, under a captain named Reynoso, had jjroceeded to the city of Imperial. Caupoli- can endeavours to take advantage of this event. He employs an artful Indian, named Pran, to examine the state of the fort. Pran insinuates himself among the Indian servants belonging to the Spaniards. He views the fort, and endeavours to persuade a servile Indian, named Andresillo, to admit Caupolican and his forces while the Spaniards are sleeping. Andresillo promises to meet Caupolican in secret, and converse with him on this project. CANTO XXXI. OPENS with a spirited invective against treachery in war, and particularly those traitors who betray their country. Andrt sillo reveals all that had passed to his Spanish captain ; who promises him a great reward if he will assist in making the stratagem of the Indians an instrument of destruction to those who contrived it. They concert a plan for this purpose. Andresillo meets Caupoli- can in secret, and promises to introduce the Indian forces into the fort when the Spaniards are sleeping in the heat of the day. Pran is sent forward, to learn from Andresillo if ail things arc quiet, just before the hour appointed for the assault. He examines the state of the fort, and, finding the Spaniards apparently ur prepared for defence, hastens back to the Indian General, who advances by a quick and silent march. The Spaniards in the interim point all their guns, and prepare for the n:o t bloody resistance. CANTO XXXII. AFTER a panegyrick on clemency, and a ncb'c censure of those enormous cruelties, by which his countrymen sullied their military 64 fame, the Poet relates the dreadful carnage which ensued as the Indians approached the fort. The Spaniards, after destroying numbers by their artillery, send foi'th a party of horse, who cut the fugitives to pieces. They inhumanly murder thirteen of their most distinguished prisoners, by blowing them from the mouths of cannon : but none of the confederate Chieftains, whom the Poet has particularly celebrated, were included in this number ; for those high-sj)irited Barbarians had refused to attend Caupolican in this assault, as they considered it disgraceful to attack their enemies by surprize. The unfortunate Indian Leader, seeing his forces thus unexpectedly massacred, escapes with ten faithful fol- lowers, and wanders through the country in the most calamitous condition. The Spaniards endeavour, by all the means they can de- vise, to discover his retreat ; the faithful inhabitants of Arauco refuse to betray him. Ercilla, in searching the country with a small party, finds a young wounded female. She inforras^him, that marching with her husband, she had the misfortune of seeing him perish in the late slaughter ; that a friendly soldier, in pity to her extreme distress, had tried to end her miserable life in the midst of the confusion, but had failed in his generous design, by giving her an ineffectual wound :— that she had been removed from the field of battle to that sequestered spot, where she languished in the hourly hope of death, which she now implores from the hand of Ercilla. Our Poet consoles her; dresses her wound, and leaves one of his attendants to protect her. CANTO XXXIII. ONE of the prisoners, whom the Spaniards had taken in their search after Caupolican, is at last tempted by bribes to betray his General. He conducts the Spaniards to a spot near the sequester- ed retreat of this unfortunate Chief, and directs them how to dis- cover it ; but refuses to advance with them, overcome by his dread of the Hero whom he is tempted to betray. The Spaniards sur- round the house in which the Chieftain had taken refuge with his ten faitliful associates. Alarmed by acentinel, he prepares for de- fence ; but being soon wounded in the arm, surrenders, endeavour- ing to conceal his high character, and to make the Spaniards be- lieve him an ordinîiry soldier. 65 With their accustom'd shouts, and greedy toil, Our furious troops now riot in their spoil ; Through the lone village their quick rapine spread, Nor leave unpillag'd e'en a single shed : When, from a tent, that, plac'd on safer ground, The neighbouring hill's uncultur'd summit crown'd, A woman rush'd, who, in her hasty fiight. Ran through the roughest paths along the rocky height. A Negro of our train, who mark'dher way, Soon made the hapless fugitive his prey ; For thwarting crags her doubtful steps impede, And the fair form was ill prepar'd for speed ; For at her breast she bore her huddled son ; To fifteen months the infant's life had run : From our brave captive sprung the blooming boy, Of both his parents the chief pride and joy. • The Negro carelessly his victim brought. Nor knew th' important prize his haste had caught Our soldiers now, to catch the cooling tide, Had sallied to the murmuring river's side : When the unhappy Wife beheld het* Lord, His strong arms bound with a disgraceful cord, Striptofeach ensign of his past command. And led the pris'ner of our shouting band ; Her anguish burst not into vain complaint, No female terrors her firm soul attaint ; But, breathing fierce disdain, and anger wild. Thus she exclaim'd, advancing with her child : The stronger arm that in this shameful band Has tied thy weak effeminated hand, Had nobler pity to thy state exprest If it had bravely pierc'd that coward breast. Wert thou the Warrior whose heroick worth So swiftly flew around the spacious earth, Whose name alone, unaided by thy arm. Shook the remotest climes with fear's alarm ? Wert thou the Victor whose triumphant strain Promis'd with rapid sword to vanquish Spain ; To make new realms Arauco's power revere. And spread her empire o'er the Arctick sphere ? Wretch that I am ! how was my heart deceiv'd) In all the noble pride with which itheav'd, Vol. H I 65 When through the world my boasted title rah, Tresia, the wife of grciit Caupolican ! Now, plung'd in misery from the heights of fame, My glories end in this detested shame, To see thee captive in a lonely spot, When death and honour might have been thy lot ? What now avail thy scenes of happier strife, So dearly bought by many a nobler life^ The wond'rous feats, that valour scarce believ'd, By thee with hazard and with toil atchiev'd ? Where are the vaunted fruits of thy command, The laurels gather'd by this fetter'd hand ? All sunk ! all turn'd to this abhorr'tl disgrace, To live the slave of this ignoble race 1 Say, had thy soul no strength, thy hand no lance, To triumph o'er the fickle pow'r of chance ? Dost thou not knov/, that, to the Warrior's name, A gallant exit gives immortal fame ? Behold the burthen which my breast contains, Since of thy love no other pledge remains ! Had'st thou in glory's arms resign'dthy breathy We both had follow'd thee in joyous death : Take, take thy son ! he was a tie most dear, Which spotless love once made my heart revere ; Take him ! — by generous pain, and wounded pride, The currents of this fruitful breast are dried : Rear him thyself, for thy gigantic frame. To woman turn'd, a woman's charge may claim : A mother's title I no more desire. Or shameful children from a shameful sire ! As thus she spoke, with growing madness stung, The tender nursling from her arms she flung With savage fury, hast'ningfrom our sight, While anguish scem'd to aid her rapid flight. Vain were our efforts ; our indignant cries. Nor gentle prayers, nor angry threats, suffice To make her breast, where cruel frenzy burn'd, Receive the little innocent she spurn'd. The Spaniards, after providing a nurse for this unfortunate child, return with their prisoner Caupolican to their fort, which they enter in triumph. 67 The Indian Geneva!, perceiving that all attempts to conceal his fjuality are ineffectual, desires a conference with the Spanish Cup- tain Reynoso. CANTO XXXIV.. CAUPOLICAN entreats Reynoso to grant his life, !)ut without any signs of terror. He affirms it v/ill be the only meihod of ap- peasing the sanguinary hatred by which the contending nations are inflamed ; and he offers, from his great influence over his country, to introduce the Ciiristian worship, and to briug the Araucaniaiis to consider tliemselves as the subjects of the Spanish Monarch. His proposals are rejected, and he is sentenced to be impaled, and shot to death with arrows. He is unappall'd by this decree ; but first desires to be publickiy baptized : after which ceremony, he is in- humanly led in chains to a scaffold. He displays a calm contempt of death ; but, on seeing a wretched Negro appointed his execu- tioner, his indignation bui-sts forth, and he hurls the Negro from the scaffold, entreating to die by a more honourable hand. His horrid sentence is however executed. He supports the agonies of the stake with patient intrepidity, till a chosen band of archers put a period to his life. The brave Ercilla expresses his abhorrence of this atrocious scene ; and adds, that if he had been present, this cruel execution should not have taken place. The consequence of it was such as Caupolican Foretold : — the Araucanians determine to revenge his death, and assemble to elect a new General. The Poet makes an abrupt transition from their debate, to relate the adventures of Don Garcia, with whom he was himself marching to explore new regions. The inhabitants of the districts they invade, alarmed at the approach of the Spaniards, consult on the occasion. An Indian, named Tunconabala, who had served under the Araucanians, addresses the assembly, and recommends to them a mode of eluding the supposed avaricious designs of the Spaniards, by sending messengers to them, who should assume an appearance of extreme poverty, and represent their country as barren, and thus induce the invaders to turn their arms towards a different quarter. He oflTers to engage in this ser- vice himself. The Indians adopt the project he recommends, and remove their valuable effects to the interior parts of their country. 68 CANTO XXXV. DON GARCIA being arrived at the boundaries of Chili, which no Spaniard had passed, encourages his soldiers, in a spii'ited ha- rangue, to the acquisition of the new provinces which lay before them. They enter a rude and rocky country, in which they are exposed to many hazards by their deceitful guides. Tunconabala meets them, as he had projected, with the appearance of extreme poverty ; and, after many assurances of the sterility of that region, advises them to return, or to advance by a different path, which he represents to them as dangerous, but the only practicable road. On finding them resolved to press forward, he supplies them with a g\iidc. They advance, with great toif and danger. Their guide escapes from them. They continue their march, through various hardships, in a desolate region. They at length discover a fertile plain, and a large lake with many little inhabited islands. As they approach the lake, a large gondola, with twelve oars, advances to meet them : the party it contained leap ashoi'e, and salute the Spaniards with expressions of amity. CANTO XXXVI. THE young Chieftain of the gondola supplies the Spaniards with provisions, I'efusing to accept any reward : and our Poet celebrates all the inhabitants of this region, for their amiable simplicity of manners. He visits one of the principal islands, where he is kindly entertained. He discovers that the lake had a communica- tion with the sea, by a very rough and dangerous channel : this circumstance obliges the Spaniards, though reluctant, to return. They lament the necessity of passing again through the hardships of their former road. A young Indian undertakes to conduct them by an easier way. But our adventurous Ercilla, before the little army set forth on their return, engages ten chosen associates to embark with him in a small vessel, and pass the dangerous chan- nel. He lands on a wild and sandy spot, and, advencing half a mile up the countiy, engraves a stanza, to record this adventure, l- L L 007 712 842 9 U ^ 1 ¿y ov^ )i i 31 M C-» í^ .ific.AiirPi 0//^ * C i 1? ^v m: süiiiHi UN m ííionai i ihuahy i acii iiy ^ AA OUÜ 9^3 1 36 (. )i 'Oa ^íí )i è^ c~» k s A^^ '%^. 1 ^i 1^1 oó ^a "Mil iMíi ^WE•l)Nlvresy/v í^^